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 INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION SERIES 
 
 sttjde:^t life 
 and customs 
 
 BY 
 
 HEE'RY D. SHELDON, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OREGON 
 
 SS^ 2. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 
 O - 3 1901
 
 Copyright, 1901, 
 By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 
 
 
 Electrotyped and Printed 
 
 AT THE APPLETON PrESS, U. S. A*
 
 EDITOE'S PREFACE. 
 
 A BOOK on Student Life in Universities and Colleges 
 has to deal chiefly with the way and manner in which 
 students react against the regular work of the institu- 
 tion and its rules and regulations in order to preserve 
 their individuality. 
 
 The discipline of the institution, both as to the 
 learning which it teaches and as to the regulations it 
 imposes, tends to efface the independence of the student 
 and to make him in some sense a mere automaton. But, 
 on the other hand, the learning taught at the univer- 
 
 ^i/' sity, although it is remote from the present life of the 
 student, is of such a character as to give him confidence 
 in himself by enlarging his survey of the world in which 
 he lives. In this aspect the student finds his individu- 
 ality stimulated and developed. He feels that he is en- 
 lightened as compared with the prosaic ordinary citi- 
 zen, or as compared with his former self. 
 
 Goaded by the contradiction between his growing 
 individuality and his sense of the slight done to his 
 likes and preferences by the requirements of the school, 
 the student reacts against the established order in which 
 he finds himself, and endeavours to recover his inter- 
 
 X nal equilibrium by proving his personal ability to de- 
 
 ^ stroy the social might that manifests itself in his com- 
 munity, and more especially in the school of which he 
 
 \ is a member, 
 h Education involves two wills: an individual will 
 ] and an institutional will. The state and the family
 
 VI STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. ' 
 
 are institutions, and they may be so strict in their 
 regime as to crush out the individual will unless it 
 saves itself by reaction. 
 
 The earliest and most rudimental of national forms 
 are likest to the ' family. Simple, implicit obedience 
 to the will of the parent is the part of the child. The 
 symbol of the dragon which appears so frequently in 
 the art of China and Japan embodies this idea of un- 
 reasoning obedience to authority. Merely external 
 authority is a dragon. 
 
 Spontaneity and freedom are by all means desirable, 
 but they must conform to reason. Modern civilization 
 far more than ancient seeks to harmonize the will of 
 the individual with the will of the social whole. It 
 seeks to make obedience rational by giving to the stu- 
 dent an insight into the necessity of its rules of order 
 for public safety and prosperity. With this insight the 
 authority of the state and the family is not any longer 
 an external affair: it becomes the inward guiding prin- 
 ciple of the individual. 
 
 The opposition between the individual will and the 
 will of the social whole has produced what is called by 
 a recent writer the isolation of the school. The school 
 breaks the continuity of the home life of the pupil by 
 setting tasks of its own and by requiring of the child a 
 somewhat rigid conformity to the regulations that it 
 adopts. When pedagogical theory teaches that it is 
 wholly the fault of the school that it is isolated from 
 the home life of the child, it goes too far. 
 
 One could say that all education, whether in the 
 school, the family, the state, the church, or civil soci- 
 j' ety — that all education is an attempt to overcome the 
 ^' isolation of the undeveloped individual, the immature 
 specimen of the human race — i. e., the infant or th 
 savage, for the child or the savage is isolated from tht 
 rationality of his true being. His thought is feeble
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. vii 
 
 because he can not re-enforce it by the thought of the 
 race. His action is feeble because it is not re-enforced 
 by the action of all mankind. E ducatio n^_gt£iyefr"to 
 emancipate thejndmdual jchildirom his Jsolation. It 
 is the cETld, and not the school, that is self -estranged. 
 In the school the child recovers his true self. But self- 
 estrangement, as a principle, helps one understand many 
 things in education that are otherwise enigmatic: for 
 example, how that the culture of all races proceeds by a 
 mastery of a classic literature — ^the study of Confucius 
 and Mencius in Chinese educationi, the study of the code 
 of Manu, the Vedas, the Hitopadesa, among the East 
 Indians, the study of the Koran among the Moham- 
 medans, and the study of the Bible and of Greek and 
 Latin classics among modern Christian nations. It 
 is a sort of vicarious living over again of the far-off 
 world — far off from the present and offering an earlier 
 epoch of the nation's civilization. 
 
 The child cradled in his immediate present takes it 
 for all in all, and for an isolated, complete whole; but 
 his education teaches him that it is not isolated, but 
 that it is in causal relation with all its past, and in a 
 causal reaction with all that is distant from it in space. 
 Finding himself mistaken as to the completeness of his 
 present life in this isolation, the youth begins to take 
 his steps with increasing wonder and delight at finding 
 new worlds that were before invisible to him, but which, 
 when once seen, help explain to him what is here and 
 now. The intellectual nations of the world, take as 
 examples the Persian or East Indian, the Eg}^- 
 tian or the Greeks and Eomans, have studied not only 
 their own classics, but also such eVments as they pos- 
 sessed of abstract science like mathematics and astron- 
 omy, and have undertaken foreign travel as an element 
 of education. The school is wont to symbolize its 
 isolation, or 'ts difference from the every-day life of
 
 Viii STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the immediate present, by the adoption of certain for- 
 mal usages, the wearing of some special garb to distin- 
 guish the order from the rest of the community, the 
 adoption of some mode of life different from that of the 
 family of the average citizen. The student perhaps 
 has been aided in, rather than hindered from mastering 
 the strange and far-off phases of the life of his people 
 by these matters of peculiar garb and the community 
 life in the school or college. He takes some pride in thus 
 celebrating his arrival at a step removed from the com- 
 monplace life which he lived as an immature youth. 
 In the school where he is he expects to be enlarged in his 
 life by the addition of the will and intellect of the race. 
 He takes some pleasure in making this distinction of 
 his new life from his old life visible by a cap and gown, 
 and by a college life in a system of barracks (college 
 dormitories) rather than in the family life adopted by 
 his civilization. 
 
 All culture begins with this first estrangement of 
 the immature individual toward his immediate sur- 
 roundings, material and spiritual, and with the effort 
 to make himself at home in what is at first strange and 
 different, but which he will soon render familiar by 
 study and practice. 
 
 He will begin to see, step by step, his own ration- 
 ality as realized in civilization, and identify it with the 
 purpose of the life of his race. He will make over for 
 himself a second nature in these other stages t>f rational 
 life, isolated by time and space from him. 
 
 He will increase proportionally in his ability to think 
 and to do. He will not be surprised at the discovery 
 of a difference from the manners and customs of his 
 family or neighbourhood. He will not be astonished at 
 the habits of doing and thinking which he sees among 
 foreigners, but will explain them in the light which 
 he has obtained from the comparative study of manners
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. IX 
 
 and customs^ and modes of doing things; he will be able 
 to criticise his own manners and customs and methods 
 of doing, and will see how to reform them in such a 
 manner as to bring about a better conformity with what 
 is rational. 
 
 It is in connection with this process of self -estrange- 
 ment that the series of phenomena arises which takes 
 on the character of reaction against the ordinances of 
 the institutions of culture — phenomena of student life 
 treated in this book. It is marked in the entire history 
 of the race that the culture world, the world of self- 
 estrangement, as organized in the school, the church, 
 the state, and especially in the family, always assumes 
 the attitude of authority and demands implicit obedi- 
 ence on the part of the child or the individual citizen. 
 This obedience — more in ancient times than now — has 
 been insisted upon to such an extent as to threaten to 
 produce the effacement of the individual. It was 
 thought that the individual must be effaced before he 
 could become a participator in the intellect and will of 
 the social whole. 
 
 It sounds paradoxical to say that the pupil must be 
 effaced before he can be re-enforced. All the improve- 
 ments and reforms in pedagogy from the beginning 
 have made it a point of effort to correct this defect and 
 prevent the complete effacement of the pupil, for the 
 more one can save of the strength of the pupil in will 
 and intellect the better, provided it is turned in the di- 
 rection of conformity to the will and intellect of the 
 social whole. Insight, as I have before stated, eman- 
 cipates the person from aurhority. When insight is) 
 obtained there is no longer any blind authority; for th( 
 person -does his deed freely and intentionally through' 
 insight into its rationality. He does not do it to oblige 
 some other person merely, but because he sees that it is 
 in itself reasonable.
 
 V 
 
 X STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 During the entire history of the civilization of man 
 there have been special reactions against blind obedi- 
 ence to authority, and these we find to continue down 
 to the present. It appears that there were great riots 
 and mobs from the earliest times in universities. Stu- 
 dents were obliged to renounce the manners and cus- 
 toms that they brought with them from their homes and 
 neighbourhoods and put on other forms and customs 
 that were strange to them. In a certain sense they had 
 to lose their individuality. But they reacted against 
 this: they resorted to secret societies, in which they 
 mocked the forms and ceremonies of the venerable in- 
 stitution, and ridiculed one after another all of the 
 studies which they pursued with so much diligence in 
 their daily tasks. They went so far as to caricature 
 their teachers. 
 
 And especially they delighted in outraging the sense 
 of propriety of the people of the community in which 
 their school was situated. They had escaped from the 
 world of productive industry and daily duties and home 
 life into the university; now they wished to express 
 their sense of freedom by attacking the public order, 
 and outraging the citizens of the town in which they 
 lived, by assaults upon person and property. 
 
 Again, they sought to give objectivity to their new 
 feeling of individuality by forcing the members of lower 
 classes into absurd rites and ceremonies. The hazing 
 of students, the initiation of them into the societies of 
 upper classes — in such mad performances as these they 
 preserved in some sense their native spontaneity and 
 individuality. They protected themselves against the 
 all-effacing authority of the institution by insane pranks 
 and capricious action. They attacked rationality in the 
 name of irrationality, and in this way they preserved 
 their self-activitv and sense of personality. 
 
 There is an illustration of this in The Abbot, where
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. XI 
 
 Walter Scott describes a revelry as taking place at Mel- 
 rose Abbey. It was an annual mask, a species of insur- 
 rection conducted by an Abbot of Misrule, in which the 
 stately ceremonial of the abbey is mocked. The sur- 
 rounding community, year in and year out, obeyed the 
 stern and unyielding authority of the abbot of the mon- 
 astery, but on the occasion of some feast-day of the 
 church it recovered its sense of independence by mock- 
 ing the institutional forms. 
 
 In ancient times the Saturnalia was celebrated in 
 Rome, and on that day especially the slave might mas- 
 querade as his master, or any private citizen might mas- 
 querade as the king or emperor. The slave on that 
 festal day alone of all the year wore the pileus or badge 
 of freedom, and was indulged in license of speech. In 
 some cases the menials were allowed to partake of a 
 banquet, attired in the clothes of their masters, who 
 waited on them at the table. In modern times the car- 
 nival at Venice and other European towns, and its coun- 
 terparts in the Mardi Gras of New Orleans, the Veiled 
 Prophets of St. Louis, and similar revelries in other 
 cities of the United States founded by French or Span- 
 iards, belong to the same reaction by which the sense 
 of personality is retained in the midst of a general life 
 of conformity to use and wont. 
 
 The student in college loves nothing else so much 
 as to march in a torchlight procession disguised in a 
 mask. At Yale he used to celebrate the completion of 
 the study of geometry by burying with funeral cere- 
 monies a copy of Euclid, the text which he used. 
 
 It makes an interesting book to collect in one vol- 
 ume a history of student life at colleges and universities. 
 As before said, nearly all that has to be written in such 
 a book concerns in one way or another the reaction of 
 the student against the strict life imposed upon him by 
 authority and against his continuous occupation with
 
 Xll STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 « Greek and Eoman life and with abstract mathematics — 
 I a regime that threatens to efface his individuality and 
 make him into a puppet. 
 
 This theory of self-estrangement also explains why 
 
 secrecy has so much to do with the student's social life 
 
 in the college and the university. In his reaction 
 
 against the requirements of college, which are blazoned 
 
 ; before him and forced in upon his attention at every 
 
 : turn, he feels a heart-hunger which can be gratified 
 
 I only by the utmost self-abandon. He must ridicule all 
 
 that is sacred and rational, and assert himself in his 
 
 most irrational form of activity. For this he requires 
 
 the cloak of secrecy. Besides, secrecy gives him a sense 
 
 of personal dominion as opposed to pulTlic order. 
 
 The great obje ct of student life is to be able to over- 
 c ome the isolationof the i Tn-n^^f.nrp inrliVidnfll^ whether 
 child or savage. The uncultured individual who has 
 been living a life of use and wont is called by the stu- 
 dent a Philistine. Tbp stnrlpnt nr^qm>f,c| n gi^Qgi-gq^^gnrQ 
 app etite to ton Tipnf fViP i-r^ fliAnVlnnl mhn in oninior \if^ 
 with the life of tbp prPSPJ lt ^^ H" cVicnnw ii-nrnQrlig+A- 
 
 ne^gr^e hi msplf i s sacrificin g all this imTiierliateriess in 
 or der to acguirp IVip power to be at home \t\ fhf^ rPTnntP 
 p ast and in the life of people far distant in_ s pace. That 
 the PhilJRtinp f^b<^i^hl hft so contented arouses his*^ TreT 
 He-i:^Eesthe poor farmer's load of hay, left on the pub- 
 lic square, and during the latter part of the night trans- 
 fers it piece by piece and wisp by wisp to the top of 
 the college chapel. In the morning the farmer is 
 guided to his vanished load of hay by the gaze of the 
 populace at the unusual spectacle of a cart that has 
 been removed to the top of the chapel and its load re- 
 placed upon it. The university is a great power organ- 
 ized, if it is reasonable. It is also a great power when 
 organized in the name of unreason. 
 
 The st udent lays o-reat stress on whimsical secrets —
 
 EDITOR'S PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 le' ^ersin tV|p namp of his fraternit y ^^^rtc\ The coun- 
 tersign to be repeated by each student who attended 
 the burial of Euclid was some line from Homer's Iliad 
 with which he had been familiar in his recent class- 
 room studies. 
 
 Where t his reaction is not found in student life 
 tw o causes may be looked for: either the life of the 
 colle ge does not stimulate individuality enou ^o ;h bv it s 
 c ofJTse of study , a nd in this case the students are and re- 
 main Philistin es; or. in the other case, the daily lite'' of 
 the student af^rds its ho urs of respite from the insti- 
 tut ional life- — a s happens where tiiere are no commo ns 
 or large boarding-houses, and the students are scat tered 
 Cl^rprr^ large f'^^J ^^^ ^^^ rpgirlpnt in their o wn familie s 
 or in small boa rding-houses, where t hpy fo^^^ ^nniol 
 reMTonFwfEh the population o utside co llege. 
 
 It is interesting to investigate the educative effect 
 of the intense college life in the barracks system of 
 dormitories and commons^, as compared with the college 
 life which exists where the students are nearly all " day 
 pupils.^^ 
 
 W. T. Hakris. 
 
 Washington, D. C, September 10, 1901.
 
 AUTHOE'S PKEFACE. 
 
 This volume aims to be a general introduction to 
 the subject of student life, and as such presents only the 
 main outlines. The lack of an extensive monographic 
 literature treating critically of student societies in the 
 different colleges and universities, prevents, for the 
 present, any more pretentious and exhaustive work. If 
 the present study shall stimulate others to fill the seri- 
 ous gap which exists in the literature of the subject, it 
 will have accomplished one of its main purposes. It 
 is hoped that the facts herein collected will be of serv- 
 ice to that group of pedagogical thinkers, which since 
 the days of Froebel has made spontaneity the touch- 
 stone of educational progress. 
 
 The author wishes to express his sense of obligation 
 to all those who, either in private letter or by answer 
 to printed questionnaire, have in any way contributed 
 material. To Dr. G. Stanley Hall, of Clark University, 
 he is particularly indebted for criticism and stimulation. 
 Among numerous friends who have been of essential 
 service, special mention should be made of Drs. W. H. 
 Burnham and E. C. Sanford, of Clark University; Dr. 
 E. B. Huey, Prof. ^y. H. Chambers, of Moorhead Nor- 
 mal School; Dr. Frederic E. Bolton, of the University 
 of Iowa; Dr. H. C. Moreno, of the Leland Stanford Jr. 
 University; and Mr. Arthur M. Cathcart, of Colorado 
 Spi'ings. 
 
 Eugene, Oregon, Sepfemher 20, 1901.
 
 CONTEl^TS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 STUDENT LIFE IX EUKOPE. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Section 1. The Medieval Universities .... 1 
 Founding of the early universities, 1, 2; asceticism and student 
 life, 3 ; amusements, 3-5 ; initiation ceremonies, 6 ; the " nations" 
 at Bologna, 8 ; " nations " at Paris and Oxford, 8 ; self-governing 
 hospicia.or inns, 8, 9; the colleges, 9. 
 
 Section 2. German Universities 10 
 
 Nations and colleges in early German universities, 10 ; student . 
 habits in the lifteenth century, 11 ; new nations orLandsmann- 
 schaften of seventeenth century, 12, 13; pennalism described, 13- 
 16; Landsmannschaften in eighteenth century, 16, 17; the Kom- 
 ment, 17-21 ; secret, orders of the eighteenth century, 21, 22; 
 rise of the Burschenschaften, 22; Wartburg festival, 22, 23; 
 organization of general Burschenschaft, 23-25 ; factions in the 
 Burschenschaften, 25-27 ; murder of Kotzcbue, 27 ; suppression 
 and revival of Burschenschaften, 27-30 ; the corps and its activ- 
 ities, 30-33; description of modern German duel, 33, 34; the 
 Wingolf, 34; the Free Societies, 34, 35 ; general characterization 
 of German student life, 35, 36. 
 
 Section 3. English Universities 36 
 
 English universities in the sixteenth century, 37; position of the 
 college, 38 ; amusements of students in seventeenth century, 38, 
 39 ; student life in the eighteenth century, 39 ; student clubs in 
 the eighteenth century, 39-41 ; the social ideal in English uni- 
 versity education, 42, 43; atmosphere of the English university, 
 43 ; the English college as a social unit, 44-4G ; debating unions 
 and political clubs, 46-50 ; athletics in the English universities, 
 50-53 ; miscellaneous clubs, 53, 54. 
 
 . xvii
 
 xviii STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Section 4. English Public Schools ^^ 
 
 Definition of the term public school, 54, 55 ; traditional games 
 of the public schools, 55, 56 ; fagging, 56 ; discipline, 57 ; morals 
 and religious condition, 57, 58 ; experiment of Kowland Hdl, 58, 
 59 • Arnold as a school reformer, 59-61 ; modern house system, 
 61-64 • athletics in public schools, 64r-68 ; school societies, 68, 69 ; 
 school individuality and spirit, 69-71 ; estimate of social disci- 
 pline in public schools, 71, 72. 
 
 Section 5. Scottish Universities '*^ 
 
 Comparison of English and Scottish universities, 72, 73 ; poverty 
 and social position of students, 73, 74 ; lack of refinement m stu- 
 dent life, 74, 75; athletics in the early period, 75, 76; debatmg 
 societies, 76, 77; student journalism, 77, 78 ; change in Seottish 
 student life, 78 ; common life and representative councils 78, 7 J ; 
 development of debating society system, 79, 80 ; miscellaneous 
 societies, 81. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 STUDENT LIFE IN COLONIAL COLLEGES. 
 
 81 
 
 Student Life in Colonial Colleges 
 
 Colonial colleges in reference to the English university system, 
 81, 82; social life of colonial students, 82, 83; commencements, 
 83- the growth of the class as a social unit, 83, 84; factors in 
 developing the class, 84; freshmen laws, 85-87; conditions of 
 discipline, 87-89: tlic debating society, general considerations, 
 89-92; debating societies of Yale, Harvard, and Princeton, 92, 93 ; 
 literary exercises of the early societies, 93, 94. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 STUDENT LIFE DUKING THE KEVOLUTIONAKY PEEIOD, 
 
 1775-1840. 
 
 Section 1. Class System • • 
 
 Eolations between faculty and students, 95-97; nature of class 
 tie, 97; hazing custonas, 97-102; rushing, 102-105 ; function of 
 interclais disorders in student life of the period, 105, 106 ; con- 
 flicts with faculty, 106-112; town and gown rows, 112-114; 
 ceremonials of class life, 114-119; societies within the class 
 119-122; class functions after graduation, 122, 123; closeness of 
 th7 class tie, 123, 124; the class as a factor in social education, 
 124, 125. 
 
 95
 
 CONTENTS. XIX 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Section 2. Debating Society 125 
 
 Influence of the Kevolution, 125, 126 ; constitutions of the early 
 debating societies, 126, 127 ; intersociety rivalry, 127-129 ; literary 
 programmes and exercises, 129, 130; society libraries, 130, 131; 
 social functions of the debating societies, 131, 132 ; general char- 
 acterization of their work, 132, 133 ; causes of their decline in 
 influence, 133-135 ; objections of Whately to debating societies, 
 135, 136 ; criticism of C. A. Bristed, 136-138 ; opinion of Francis 
 A. Walker, 13S ; functions of the debating society during this 
 period, 139-142. 
 
 Section 3. Miscellaneous 143 
 
 Fraternity in the Kevolutionaiy period, 142-145 ; athletics, 145- 
 147 ; student self-government, 148-151 ; college journalism, 151- 
 156; religious societies, 156-162; political clubs, 162; military 
 organizations, 162, 163; musical societies, 163, 164; scientific 
 clubs, 165, 166. 
 
 CHAPTER lY. 
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES DUKING THE TEANSITION PERIOD, 
 
 1840-1870. 
 
 SECTION 1. The Fraternity 167 
 
 ^^be Harvard system, 167-171 ; Yale system, 172-178 ; anti-fra- 
 ternity controversy, 178, 179; student opposition, 179; official 
 opposition, 179-181 ; Kellogg's " college secret societies," 181- 
 185 ; Aiken's " secret society system," 185-187 ; Ba ird's defence 
 of the fraternity system,^87-189 ; vindication of fraternitie s by 
 An dre\v V. Wiiite, 189-19 1 : opinion of C. K. Adams. 191. 192. 
 
 Section 2. Athletics 192 
 
 General position, 192; boating, 192-194; baseball, 194; football, 
 194, 195. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD, 1870-1900. 
 
 Section 1. Class 190 
 
 New forces in college life, 196, 197 ; present organization of the 
 class, 197, 198 ; class functions, 198-200 ; general position, 200, 
 201. 
 
 Section 2. Debating Society 201 
 
 Present position of debating society in American colleges, 201- 
 203 ; new ideals of public speaking, 203 ; intercollegiate oratory.
 
 XX STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 203-206 ; intercollegiate debating, 206-211 ; college instruction 
 in forensics, 212-215. 
 
 SBgrioN 3. Fraternity 215 
 
 "Change in the character of the fraternity, 215, 216; the club 
 ideal, 216, 217 ; sectional and other diti'erences, 217, 218 ; exten- 
 sion of the fraternity idea, 219-221 ; recent anti-fraternity agita- 
 tion, 221-224 ; situation in a typical Western university, 225, 226 ; 
 membership and standing of the fraternities, 226, 227 ; pan- 
 Hellenic movement, 228 ; the fraternity motif, 228 ; the future 
 of the fraternity, 229. 
 
 Section 4. Athletics 230 
 
 Kecent importance of 'athletics, 230 ; development of boating, 
 230, 231; baseball as a college sport, 231, 232; intercollegiate 
 football, 232, 233 ; track and field sports, 233, 234 ; miscellaneous 
 athletic interests, 234 ; American athleticism, 234-236 ; excessive 
 competition, 236-238 ; over-training, 238, 239 ; physical dangers 
 of football, 239-241; general result of athleticism, 241, 242; 
 movement against athleticism, 243, 244 ; gradual disappearance 
 of athleticism, 244, 245 ; organization of athletics, 245-249 ; edu- 
 cational values in student athletics, 249-253; proportion of stu- 
 dents participating in athletics, 253, 254; athletic accommoda- 
 tions, 254, 255. 
 
 Section 5. Self-governing Associations .... 255 
 
 Former standard of student honour, 255, 256 ; self-government at 
 the University of Illinois, 257-259 ; experiment at the University 
 of Maine, 259 ; the Amherst plan, 260, 261 ; four types of student 
 self-governmen'", 261 ; honour system of college examinations, 
 262-265; advisory committees, 265; student councils, 265-268; 
 Btudent-body associations, 268-270 ; general results of student 
 self-government, 270, 271. 
 
 Section 6. Religious Organizations among Students . 271 
 Change in the modern period, 271 ; growth of college Y. M. C. A., 
 272; the organization of the general and local Y. M. C. A., 272, 
 273 ; membership and strength of the Y. M. C. A., 273-275 ; the 
 international students' movement, 275, 276 ; denominational 
 societies, 276 ; religious societies at Harvard, 276-278 ; religious 
 societies at Yale, 278-280; religious societies at tlie University 
 of Minnesota, 280-283 ; student volunteer missionary movement, 
 282-284; criticism, 284; results of the student volunteer move- 
 ment, 284-286.
 
 CONTENTS. xxi 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 
 
 ' PAGE 
 
 bTUDENT Societies in Secondary Schools .... 287 
 
 Bibliographical note, 2S7-2S9 ; range of variation in secondary 
 schools, 289 ; student life in large academies and fitting schools, 
 289, 290 ; conditions in city high schools, 290, 291 ; country high 
 schools and academies, 291, 292: social activities in normal 
 schools, 292, 293 ; class organization in secondary schools, 293- 
 295; the debating societies, 295-297; Greek-letter fraternities, 
 297-299: athletics, 299, 300; pupil government in secondary 
 schools, 300-304 ; miscellaneous societies, 304 ; opinion of prin- 
 cipals as to value of school societies, 304, 305 ; danger from 
 exaggeration of social activities, 305, 306. 
 
 APPENDIX-BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 I. Mediaeval Period 307 308 
 
 II. German Student Life 308-312 
 
 a. General, historical, and descriptive, 308, 309. 
 
 b. Special treatises, 309, 311. 
 
 c. Accounts by foreigners, 311, 312. 
 
 III. French Student Life 313 313 
 
 IV. English Universities 313-317 
 
 a. General, descriptive, and historical, 313-315. 
 
 b. Briefer articles, 315, 316. 
 
 c. Athletics, 316, 317. 
 
 d. Debating unions, 317. 
 
 V. English Secondary Schools .... 317-322 
 
 a. General, historical, and descriptive, 317-319. 
 
 b. Discussion of problems, 319-321, 
 
 c. Athleticism, 321, 322. 
 
 VI. Scottish Student Life 322-324 
 
 Vn. Student Life in American Colleges . . . 324r-348 
 
 a. General treatises, 324. 
 
 b. Histories and reminiscences of particular colleges, 324-329. 
 
 c. Class system, 329-332. 
 
 d. Debating societies, 332-335.
 
 ^Iku student life and customs. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 e. Fraternity system, 335-338. 
 /. Athletics, 338-342. 
 ff. Student self-government, 342-344. 
 h. Student press, 344-346. 
 i. Miscellaneous societies, 346-348. 
 
 VIII. Student Life in American Secondary Schools. 349-351 
 
 Index 353
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 studext life in eukope. 
 
 § 1. Student Life in the Medieval Univeesities. 
 
 FrOjM the fifth to the tenth centuries culture in 
 western Europe was on the defensive. The invasions 
 of the fierce northern barbarians, by destroying the 
 material basis of civilization, made the independent 
 pursuit of science and philosophy impossible. Learn- 
 ing was confined to the rudiments of knowledge neces- 
 sary for church services; education became a mere in- 
 strument of the ecclesiastical regiine. The monasteries 
 and cathedral schools were the chief centres of instruc- 
 tion. The so-called educational revivals of this period, 
 in England under the Northumbrian kings and Alfred, 
 and in Gaul under Charlemagne, are more properly con- 
 ceived as church reformations. There could be no real 
 (v^ student life, because no student class as separate from 
 the clergy existed, and because the spirit of freedom was 
 wholly absent from the scholastic centres. 
 
 By the beginning of the eleventh century the posi- 
 tive forces of society, government, law, order, gained 
 the ascendancy, and there followed a reawakening of 
 the European mind, which was as true a Eenaissance 
 as the more brilliant movement of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury. In northern Europe, the seat of theological in- 
 terest, the new spirit of speculation busied itself in 
 1 1
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 examining the foundations of current beliefs. Peter 
 Abelard originated the dialectical method of inquiry 
 and teaching which in the course of a century shifted 
 the basis of thought within the Church from mysticism 
 and authority to rationalism. In southern Europe, 
 particularly in the communes of northern Italy, the 
 traditions of the old empire still possessed the imagina- 
 tions of men. The awakened interest in consequence 
 took a secular rather than a rationalistic tendency, 
 civil law supplanted theology as the chief subject of 
 interest. 
 
 During the early stages of the awakenment fixed 
 curricula and standard institutions of learning were 
 equally lacking; scholars wandered from master to 
 mjaster and from subject to subject at will. They were 
 not bound to spend a fixed number of years on any one 
 branch of knowledge, or in any one city. By degrees, 
 however, the most famous teachers, like Abelard or 
 Irnerius, gathered their pupils about them in some cen- 
 tral location, which in time necessitated regulations 
 between master and scholar, student and townspeople. 
 The fame of the educational centre or " studium gen- 
 erale '' grew, its rules from mere regulations became 
 rigid laws, and eventually the recognition of Pope or 
 sovereign constituted the institution a university. 
 Thus the universities of the twelfth and thirteenth cen- 
 turies were the natural products of a popular thirst for 
 knowledge, and were democratic in their organization 
 and conception. Such were Bologna and its daughter 
 universities in Italy, Paris and Montpellier in France, 
 Oxford and Cambridge in England. In the later medias- 
 val period, the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, uni- 
 versities owed their foundation to authority, usually to 
 kings or bishops. Among the institutions of this class 
 may be enumerated the universities of Scotland, Spain 
 (chiefly), Scandinavia, Germany, and eastern Europe.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 3 
 
 While the medigeval universities were the outgrowth 
 of a free spirit of inquiry which tended to be either 
 secular or rationalistic, they were at the same time 
 Church institutions, and their students clerks or priests. 
 Placed in such intimate relations with the Church at a 
 time when the latter dominated the spiritual life of 
 man, the universities were greatly influenced by the 
 ideals of mediaeval Christianity. Nowhere is this influ- 
 ence more apparent than in their student life. Asceti- 
 cism was the professed rule of life of the priest and the 
 monk, so it was the prevailing theory in the discipline of 
 those they trained. Other-worldliness demanded the 
 subjection of the flesh, and so the mediaeval school 
 starved and flogged its students into submission. A cele- 
 brated college of the University of Paris, in the time of 
 Erasmus, deliberately aimed to crush the spirit of its 
 students by inflicting upon them almost impossible sani- 
 tary conditions. Not infrequently the iron discipline 
 provoked outbreaks which cost the teachers their lives. 
 The physical conditions of life were hard. The stu- 
 dent^s quarters were devoid of comfort and in winter 
 scarcely tenantable. There was no fireplace or stove in 
 his room, and the wind whistled through the loosely built 
 casement. Students were not permitted to go beyond 
 the walls of their colleges without official attendance, 
 and if convicted of an infringement of the rules they 
 were soundly birched. This description applies only to 
 the later, more organized period of university life (four- 
 teenth and fifteenth centuries). During earlier cen- 
 turies the students were left to themselves, with no at- 
 tempt at discipline, and the wildest license prevailed. 
 
 The strength of the ascetic ideal is seen in the ab- 
 sence of authorized or respectable amusements. Ath- 
 letic games were not only absent, but they were abso- 
 lutely prohibited, and violations of this rule were more 
 severely punished than actual crimes. Playing with the
 
 4 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 bat and ball, chess, the use of musical instruments, 
 dancing, the keeping of unclean birds and beasts, were 
 all forbidden by college statutes. Only at rare intervals 
 do we find an exception to the general practice, such as 
 the rule at the University of Cambridge, which required 
 each student to take a daily walk with a single com- 
 panion in imitation of the apostles. The sports and 
 pastimes of the small minority of the students who in- 
 dulged themselves were of a lawless character, and in 
 direct contravention of the statutes — such, for instance, 
 as cockfighting, the use of the crossbow, the keeping 
 of falcons, and fishing in streams belonging to other 
 corporations. The only source of legitimate enjoyment 
 was derived from wdiat Professor Eashdall has charac- 
 terized as " ecclesiastical dissipation " — that is, story- 
 telling and feasts on saints' days. 
 
 From the absence of the ordinary means of enjoy- 
 ment it must not be imagined that the mediaeval stu- 
 dents were a mild-mannered and law-abiding class. On 
 the contrary, the violence and lawlessness which charac- 
 terized mediEeval life in general reached its highest 
 expression in the university. Under the protection of 
 their clerical tonsure, the students of Paris attacked 
 and slew passers-by, carried off the women, ravished the 
 virgins, committed robberies, and broke into houses. 
 Over and over again at Oxford occurs the dismal record 
 that certain jurors swear that a monk or clerk killed A 
 or B, citizen or clerk, with a sword, poleaxe, or knife, 
 and has fled. Such violence was not confined to turbu- 
 lent freshmen and young aristocrats, but masters of arts, 
 monks, friars, beneficed clergymen, and heads of col- 
 leges were involved in street brawls and assaults. 
 
 Such turbulence culminated in systematic conflicts 
 between the students and the population among whom 
 they were situated, known as town and gown rows. The 
 dimensions and nature of these collisions may be seen
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 5 
 
 from the following typical cases: In the thirteenth cen- 
 tury a long-standing feud existed between the Parisian 
 scholars and the monastery of St. Germain concerning 
 the ownership of a piece of ground. On one occasion 
 the provost of the monastery, surrounded by his armed 
 retainers, set upon the unarmed and defenceless boys 
 and masters and belaboured them with clubs, swords, 
 and iron-tipped staves. Many of the students were 
 badly wounded, some mortally, but were nevertheless 
 dragged off to the horrible dungeons of the abbey. In 
 1345 a party of Oxford students, disliking the wine set 
 before them at an inn, hurled a pewter mug at the head 
 of the innkeeper, who thereupon appealed to his fellow- 
 townsmen for redress. The bells of the city are sounded, 
 both sides appear on the streets fully armed and fight 
 during the remainder of the day without seriously injur- 
 ing each other. The next day a horde of two thousand 
 rustics enter the city, overcome opposition, pillage the 
 halls of the students, killing and wounding the scholars, 
 tearing their books to pieces, and in some instances fir- 
 ing the buildings. The countrymen manifested their ha- 
 tred of the clergy by flaying off the crowns (all the skin 
 as far as the tonsure) of their victims and by mutilating 
 their bodies. The fugitives were beaten and wounded 
 clinging to the very altars of the churches. For its share 
 in this uprising the king deprived the city of Oxford 
 of the most important of its civic rights. Affairs of this 
 type were of frequent occurrence in the history of the 
 mediaeval university. At times the feeling of animosity 
 between town and gown reached such a pitch that the 
 students migrated to another locality. 
 
 The more jovial side of student life is seen in the 
 drinking customs and initiation ceremonies. No impor- 
 tant event could take place without being made the oc- 
 casion of a drinking bout. Nearly all the minor steps 
 of advance in the career of a university man were celc-
 
 6 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 brated by parties and feasts given by the successful and 
 elated candidates. During the longer disputations, the 
 need of refreshment was likely to be felt during its 
 progress as well as at the conclusion. 
 
 The custom of initiation has been one of the most 
 widespread and popular student usages in all ages. It 
 " gratified the bullying instinct, the social instinct, and 
 the desire to find at once the excuse and means of a 
 carousal " (Eashdall). During this period the loose 
 custom grew into a stereotyped form. In the quaint 
 allegory of the time, the freshman is a wild beast who 
 must be tamed before he is permitted to enter refined 
 circles. Dressed to represent a wild boar, the bejaunus 
 (yellow-bill), as the newcomer was nicknamed, meets 
 two students who are investigating the sources of cer- 
 tain abominable odours. They chaff the victim about 
 the wild glare of his eye, the length of his ear, and the 
 ferocious aspect of his tusks. Then comes the deposi- 
 tion (middle Latin depositio, or laying off, of the animal 
 attributes) or taming : the freshman's face is smeared 
 with soap, his ears are clipped, his beard cut, and his 
 tusks removed with a saw. Finally, he makes a mock 
 confession of sins, and receives absolution only on condi- 
 tion that he provides a magnificent banquet for his 
 tormentors. In southern France the initiation of the 
 bejauni took the form of a criminal trial, and was 
 marked by drunkenness and immorality. At first the 
 academic authorities endeavoured to suppress the ini- 
 tiation ceremonies, but later the custom gained their 
 sanction and support. 
 
 The student organizations of the middle ages differ 
 from those of the modern period in being to a very 
 slight extent the manifestation of the play instinct. 
 They grew out of the actual material needs of their con- 
 stituency. The typical organization of the first spon- 
 taneous, democratic period of student life is the "na-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 7 
 
 tion," which, in its essentials, may be conceived of as a 
 guild of students. The rise of the nation may be ac- 
 counted for in the following manner: Numbers of young 
 men of good position found themselves in a strange 
 city without political rights — a serious condition of 
 affairs in the twelfth century. The authority of the 
 empire was so uncertain that each city or district exer- 
 cised the powers of life and death over its inhabitants. 
 To be deprived of citizenship meant a serious menace 
 to life and property, so the students associated them- 
 selves together in order to create an artificial citizen- 
 ship to take the place of the natural citizenship which 
 they had relinquished in leaving their own cities. The 
 contemporary guild movement favoured the legal recog- 
 nition of such a claim, and the students' power of mi- 
 gration secured the consent of the locality. At Bologna 
 the students, owing to the narrow commercial policy 
 of the masters, gained the upper hand and exercised 
 great authority^ as they were able to subject disobedient 
 members to public infamy. The two great divisions of 
 Bologna were the cismontanes with seventeen nations 
 and the ultramontanes with sixteen nations; the po- 
 litical functions belonged to the two great divisions, 
 while the smaller national associations were clubs for 
 the mutual assistance and recreation of the members. 
 Each nation elected tw^o proctors, who tended the sick, 
 supported the needy, managed funerals, and settled all 
 quarrels which threatened to become serious. The 
 nation, in the institution of its origin and greatest 
 strength, may be described in modern terms as a trades 
 union of students. 
 
 The national organization was stronger in Italy 
 than elsewhere; in no other European country were the 
 students able to wield the same influence. At Paris the 
 nations originated 1219-21 a. d., but membership was 
 confined to the masters of arts. Here there were four
 
 8 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 chief divisions — the French, Normans, Picards, and 
 English (afterward called Germans). In the faculty 
 of arts all voting was by the natural units. The na- 
 tions of Oxford were much less important than those 
 of Paris. At a very early date Oxford may have had 
 a fourfold division in imitation of Paris; the archives, 
 however, record only two nations during the historic 
 period, the northerners and southerners, Boreales and 
 Australes. By 1274 the two divisions had become 
 amalgamated, and the two proctors of the University of 
 Oxford are the only reminder of their existence. The 
 nations remained in Scotland until the nineteenth cen- 
 tury (Aberdeen), and even to the present day exhibit 
 considerable vigour at the University of Helsingfors in 
 Finland. 
 
 Another instrumentality of student self-govern- 
 ment, particularly important at Oxford and Paris, were 
 the Jiospitia or inns. Early in the history of the uni- 
 versities it became necessary to set apart certain houses 
 or halls exclusively for student use. With large num- 
 bers of boys and youths, packed together in a very nar- 
 row space, the exigencies of the case imperatively de- 
 manded some sort of control. At first, the body of 
 scholars in the hospitia formed an independent demo- 
 cratic community, which elected a principal and in- 
 Tested him with certain limited powers. In the course 
 of time the university authorities stepped in and sup- 
 ported the authority of the principal. The government 
 of the hospitia from a republic became first a limited 
 and then an absolute monarchy. The interference of 
 the chancellor in the internal affairs of the hospitia 
 seems, however, to have been necessary to guarantee 
 their financial integrity. The early regulations respect 
 the independence of community life, and merely pro- 
 vide that each inn shall give security for rent in ad- 
 vance to the chancellor and empower that official to
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 9 
 
 choose between rival candidates for the principalship. 
 Gradually the chancellor assumed the authority of re- 
 moving offending principals and forbade the hospitia 
 to receive students under the ban of the university. 
 Finally, the principalship of the hospitium was restricted 
 to graduates. Under the name of halls, a few survivals 
 of the old hospitia survive at Oxford and Cambridge. 
 Since the civil war of the seventeenth century they have 
 been an unimportant element in the life of the English 
 universities. The facts relating to them during the 
 mediaeval period are so few that one is unable to esti- 
 mate their influence on the student life of the times. 
 
 The early colleges of Oxford and Paris were simply 
 endowed hospitia; their founders aimed to secure board 
 and lodging for poor students, who were unable to sup- 
 port themselves, and adopted the common life of the 
 hospitia as the best means of securing this end. The 
 dependence on the endowment deprived the collegian 
 of the freedom before exercised and made strict dis- 
 cipline possible. The college offered unusual peda- 
 gogical advantages to the student in the form of oppor- 
 tunities for Latin conversation and disputations, and in 
 equipping libraries for his use. Because of these ad- 
 vantages, it came to pass that by the fifteenth century 
 the colleges at the University of Paris and the English 
 universities gave most of the instruction. From their 
 inception, however, the English colleges were inde- 
 pendent, self-perpetuating corporations, while the col- 
 leges of Paris were subject to the inspection of univer- 
 sity authorities. The early Oxford colleges inherited 
 much of the free democratic spirit of the hospitia, the 
 students participating in the government to a consid- 
 erable degree.
 
 10 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 § 2. Student Societies at the German Universities. 
 
 The earliest German universities, Prague and Vi- 
 enna, were founded in the fourteenth century, and 
 reproduced many features of the University of Paris, 
 including the division of the students into four nations. 
 This national organization was the cause of an impor- 
 tant migration of students and professors from the Uni- 
 versity of Prague. In Bohemia, then as now, the Czech 
 and German were arrayed against each other. In three 
 nations the German element predominated and was able 
 to outvote the Bohemians on questions of university pol- 
 icy. Eestive under such a condition of inferiority in 
 their own seat of learning, the Bohemians in 1409, 
 under the leadership of John Huss and Jerome of 
 Prague, petitioned the king to so alter the constitution 
 of the university that in the future the position of the 
 two factions would be reversed, the Germans possessing 
 one vote, the Bohemians three. Fearing the royal de- 
 cision, five thousand German students deserted Prague 
 for Leipsic, where the division into four nations was 
 continued. From this time on, however, the national 
 organization was discouraged in the German universities 
 because of the factional quarrels and disturbances which 
 it provoked. 
 
 In the fifteenth century the college (or boarding 
 house for students) succeeded the nation as the chief 
 unit of student organization in the German universi- 
 ties. Inaugurated, as in England and France, to extend 
 aid to needy students, the German colleges or hursce 
 rapidly degenerated and came to be considered mere 
 hives of drones. The great power vested in the au- 
 thorities for disciplinary purposes degenerated to 
 tyranny, and was bitterly resented by the students. So 
 strong was this popular antagonism in Germany that 
 the first breath of humanism at the beginning of
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. H 
 
 the sixteenth century was sufficient to overthrow the 
 colleges. 
 
 During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the 
 habits of the German students w^ere — if we can judge 
 from the statutes — fully as bad as those of the Parisian 
 pupils. The early Vienna laws forbade the student 
 from spending more time in drinking, fighting, and 
 guitar-playing than in physics, logic, and the regular 
 lectures. All persons in the university convicted of 
 drunkenness, of following lew^d women, of insulting 
 citizens, or habitual gambling, were condemned to lose 
 their academic privileges. It was found necessary to 
 insert an express provision against ribaldry and inde- 
 cent gestures at the disputations. In the sixteenth cen- 
 tury laws almost identical with these were found neces- 
 sary. The statutes denounce the folly of youths who 
 imagine the university a " place of unbridled license, 
 and who by bad example ruin others; who destroy quiet 
 and studious industry, disobey the rector, do not attend 
 church; wander about by day and night, stirring up 
 disturbances, breaking into houses, robbing gardens, 
 committing thefts, and wantonly insulting and injuring 
 others.^^ The words of Melanchthon verify the testi- 
 mony of the laws: " Never w^ere youth so hostile to the 
 laws; they are resolved to live according to their own 
 decrees and not to regard the will of God "; they should 
 know " that universities were not intended to assemble 
 young men of leisure for the purpose of amusing them- 
 selves and gambling.'^ 
 
 Pennalism (pennal, German, from middle Latin 
 pennale, a box of pens carried at the belt of the fresh- 
 man student; a name for the newly entered students 
 and for the humiliating servitude (fagging) to which 
 they are subjected by the men of the upper classes), that 
 greatest of the perversions of German student life, 
 which systematized all the degrading elements in previ-
 
 12 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ous conditions, came in with the seventeenth century, 
 and flourished in the confusion and savagery of the 
 Tliirty Years' War. It grew out of the custom, inno- 
 cent in itself, of student initiation or " deposition " 
 which we have previously described in the section on 
 medigeval student life. In the sixteenth century the 
 deposition was not merely a piece of buffoonery in- 
 vented by the students, but was an officially author- 
 ized ceremony. A statute of the University of Erfurt 
 required the deposition for matriculation. The chief 
 Protestant reformers participated in the celebration of 
 the rite. Said Luther on one occasion, " This annoy- 
 ance accustoms children from their youth to endurance, 
 and he who can not endure and listen to anything will 
 not do for a preacher or a governor.'^ At another initia- 
 tion, " This deposition of ours is only a figure and a 
 picture of human life in all manner of ill fortune, 
 trouble, and discipline.'^ To the mind of Melanchthon 
 it was a reminder of the continuous necessity of pa- 
 tience; to another the aim of the ceremony was the 
 admonishment of conceited students in such a way that 
 they might realize " how trifling their learning is and 
 how much they have yet to learn.'' 
 
 The perversion of the " deposition " came from its 
 connection with the new nations, organizations which 
 had nothing in common with the medieval nations ex- 
 cept the name and the principle of membership by local- 
 ity. The mediaBval nations were openly established and 
 recognised corporations which elected officials and took 
 part in the government of the university. The seven- 
 teenth century nations were secret societies of irrespon- 
 sible students, formed in the teeth of the authorities. 
 The new system of secret societies was the common pos- 
 session of all the German universities; the nations in 
 tlie different academic centres were in league with each 
 other; a notorious member expelled from one university
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 13 
 
 was immediately welcomed by his brethren elsewhere. 
 The nations developed a peculiar code of honour which 
 considered all those dishonourable who revealed any 
 portion of their proceedings to the authorities, and 
 visited heavy punishment on all such offenders. Each 
 nation was regularly organized with its seniors, direct- 
 ors, fiscal department, and even beadles, who held 
 office some for a longer some for a shorter term. 
 Newcomers were cited to appear before the court of 
 the nation, and were fined for their offences in money 
 and entertainment. 
 
 Taking advantage of the apprenticeship which the 
 freshmen were supposed to serve before deposition, the 
 older students, or schorists (because they cut oft* the 
 hair of the freshmen), inveigled the unfortunate 
 strangers into their organizations, where they were re- 
 duced to a state that bordered on penal servitude. On 
 arriving at the university the freshmen were waited on 
 by reprcocntatives of the national brothers and asked: 
 " Will you come to the magnificus and promise to obey 
 him in all proper things? "\Ye advise you to arrange 
 matters so that you will thank us for your lives. Fol- 
 low our advice with cheerfulness, or 3'ou will have to 
 follow it in sorrow; join yourselves to the nation — a 
 year soon goes by — lest they treat you so that you will 
 have cause to curse them all your lives." If threats 
 fail to make the desired impression, the new students 
 are told of the love and friendship to which, after the 
 manner of the ancient Epicureans, the nations are de- 
 voted. The members speak of the vows of eternal obli- 
 gation which they have sworn to each other. Such was 
 the pressure brought to bear on newcomers that few 
 were able to escape this year of penal servitude. 
 
 Once a member, the unfortunate pennal, as the 
 freshman was called, soon had his visions of Epicurean 
 happiness rudely shattered. He was attached to some
 
 14 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 older student, whose behests he was compelled to obey. 
 The seniors forced the pennals to copy all sorts of writ- 
 ing, to wait on their master's guests, to go on errands 
 ten and twenty miles and even farther. If the master 
 became stupidly drunk, the novice must not flinch or 
 budge from him, but must remain close at hand and 
 serve him, helping him along the street if need be. 
 Should the senior be ill, the juniors wait on him by 
 turns, so that he need never be alone; should he desire 
 music, the junior must play all night long to please his 
 idle whim. The pennal must suffer blows and shameful 
 personal abuse Avithout protest, and " let the other work 
 his entire will upon him as if he were nothing but a 
 dog.'' The juniors must preserve silence, or they will 
 never be absolved and permitted to become students; 
 this prospect terrifies them into submission. At the 
 end of the pennal year an absolution feast was served 
 which often took the little hoard. which had been de- 
 signed by frugal care to carry the student through the 
 university. After one generation of older students had 
 established complete authority over the freshmen and 
 kept them for a year in servitude, the custom was diffi- 
 cult to break up, because the degradation was only en- 
 dured in the hope that after the pennal year was over 
 the sufferers might have their turn in tyrannizing over 
 the new freshmen. 
 
 The greatest evil of pennalism lay in the fact that 
 it made all sorts of excesses possible by uniting the stu- 
 dents in a close league against the authorities. A writer 
 of the time has left us a vivid description of the sad state 
 of affairs which resulted from student license : " Mean- 
 while I saw a great chamber, a common lodging room 
 or museum, or study, or beer-shop, or wine-shop, or ball- 
 room, or harlot's establishment. In truth, I can not say 
 what it was, for I saw all these things. It was swarming 
 full of students. The most eminent of them sat at a
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 15 
 
 table and drank to each other until their eyes turned in 
 their heads like those of a stuck calf. One drank to 
 another from a dish, out of a shoe; one ate glass, an- 
 other dirt, a third drank from a dish where there were 
 all sorts of food — enough to make one sick to see it. 
 One gave another his hand; they asked each other^s 
 names and promised to be friends and brothers forever, 
 with the addition of this clause, ' I will do what is 
 pleasant to you and avoid what is unpleasant.' So each 
 would tie a string off his leather breeches to the many- 
 colored doublet of the other. But those with whom 
 another refused to drink acted like a madman or a 
 devil, sprang up as high as they could for anger, tore 
 out their hair in their eagerness to avenge such an in- 
 sult, threw glasses in each other's faces, out with their 
 swords and at each other's heads, until here and there 
 one fell down and lay there; and such quarrels I saw 
 between close friends and blood relatives with devilish 
 rage and anger. Others drank to each other off seats 
 and benches, or off the table or the floor, under their 
 arms, under their legs, with the cup under them, over 
 them, behind them, or before them. Others lay on 
 the floor and let it be poured into them as into a fun- 
 nel." * Such disorders were not always confined to any 
 one such feast, but were continued for days together at 
 meals and lectures, publicly, privately, and even in the 
 public streets. Occasionally there were bolder out- 
 breaks with all sorts of outrageous howls, the breaking 
 into houses and windows and the like. 
 
 During the Thirty Years' War the prevailing con- 
 fusion prevented any effective legislation against pen- 
 nalism. The action of any one state simply resulted in 
 
 * From the pseudonymous Philander von Sittewald, quoted 
 by Karl von Raumer, and translated in Barnard's Journal, vol. 
 vi, pp. 44, 45.
 
 16 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 driving students from its universities into the neigh- 
 bouring territories. In 1660 all the Protestant king- 
 doms and duchies united in an effort to crush the prac- 
 tice. They succeeded in driving the evil below the sur- 
 face, and in putting a stop to any open manifestations 
 and to its most flagrant violations. The nations, al- 
 though forbidden by edicts, still existed under an 
 altered name, and with them many of the usages and 
 the code of honour engendered by pennalism. Through- 
 out the eighteenth century outcroppings of pennalistic 
 practices appeared from time to time. They were spe- 
 cifically forbidden at Gottingen in 1757, and Kiel in 
 1774. It was not until the great uprising of German 
 students which followed the War of Liberation that 
 pennalism was finally extinguished on German soil. 
 
 The important student organizations of Germany in 
 the eighteenth century were the Landsmannscliaften 
 (clubs of students from the same province), lineal suc- 
 cessors to the nations of the previous century and the 
 secret student orders which were fashioned on the rites 
 of freemasonry. As all such organizations of students 
 were strictly forbidden, it is impossible to trace their 
 development, although we have abundant evidence of 
 their subterranean existence at the different German 
 university centres. At intervals they come to light 
 through connection with some student prank or out- 
 rage, and are forthwith forbidden by law. Such re- 
 scripts against the Landsmannschaften appeared at 
 Leipsic in 1680, Halle 1717, Rostock 1730, Jena 1765, 
 Gottingen 1762, Kiel 1774, and Erlangen 1794, but were 
 absolutely without the results expected. In fact, the 
 Landsmannschaften flourished on prohibitions and offi- 
 cial opposition; decrees of abolition were probably one 
 of the great sources of their strength, because they gave 
 additional zest to the enterprise. On entering a Lands- 
 mannschaft, the candidate promised never to reveal
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 17 
 
 what at any time happened within the society, to be 
 always watchful against the renoncers (students belong- 
 ing to no society), and to conceal the existence of the 
 society. If questioned by the authorities, a society 
 man must lie stoutly and give up, if need be, his exist- 
 ence at the university for the sake of the society. 
 
 Without making a further attempt to trace the his- 
 tory of the separate organizations or of the societies at 
 particular universities, the writer will sketch the salient 
 features of the Landsmannschaften as they existed at the 
 end of the eighteenth century. At each university 
 there existed a group of societies bound together in a 
 loose sort of federation through participation in a com- 
 mon code of laws known as the Komment. This con- 
 stitution provided that no society could be organized 
 without the consent of those already existing, or could 
 a society be extinguished without the unanimous con- 
 sent of all the remaining Landsmannschaften. Turning 
 aside from the Komment for a moment, we will now 
 give our attention to the organization of the separate 
 societies. 
 
 Each Landsmannschaft took its name from one of 
 the principalities or subdivisions of Germany, such, for 
 example, as Thuringia, Swabia, Westphalia, etc., and 
 also selected for itself a colour or colours by which it 
 was known. The Landsmannschaften admitted two 
 classes of members — Burschen* or full members, who 
 formed the nucleus of the organization, and the Re- 
 noncen, or associate members, who attached themselves 
 to the society for the sake of its protection and influ- 
 ence. The foxes, or freshmen, were compelled to serve 
 
 * Latin bursa, purse, common purse (Judas bore the purse), 
 and hence a member of the club or class that had a common 
 purse ; in the fifteenth century it came to be applied to the mem- 
 bers of the higher classes at the German universities. 
 2
 
 18 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 a novitiate before they were admitted as full members. 
 During the period of apprenticeship they are expected 
 to obey orders implicitly, and are trained in fencing, 
 drinking, and the laws of the Landsmannschaft. Admis- 
 sion to full membership was attended with certain cere- 
 monies, frequently with a catechization on the Kom- 
 ment and the principles of the association, the attach- 
 ing of a ribbon, the communication of the cipher of the 
 association, and the kiss of brotherhood. The officers of 
 the Landsmannschaft were a senior, a consenior, a secre- 
 tary, and a number of special committeemen propor- 
 tioned to the members. These officials together consti- 
 tute the council which resolves absolutely on all matters 
 connected with the society, attends to its connections 
 abroad, and presides at regular festivals. To this senior 
 council the unconditional submission of every member 
 is due; to withstand its decisions is to incur the con- 
 demnation of infamy. This arrangement placed the 
 management of the society in the hands of its oldest 
 and most hardened members, and was responsible for 
 much of the recklessness and dissipation which charac- 
 terized the Landsmannschaften. 
 
 The Komment treats chiefly of honour — how it may 
 be preserved, attacked, and regained when lost. The 
 sword is the great talisman of honour. Much of the 
 Komment in consequence discusses the duel — how it 
 may be occasioned and fought. At its incej^tion the 
 Komment was probably modelled upon the ceremonial 
 of the later chivalry and court life as developed at the 
 court of Louis XIV. Most of the technical terms em- 
 ployed in the duel are evidently from this source. Such 
 words, in part distorted forms, are numerous, including 
 such terms as comment (suspendu), satisfaction, avan- 
 tage, touche, secundieren, renommieren, renonce, mal- 
 traitationen, and others. 
 
 The Komment separates students into classes: (1)
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 19 
 
 according to their place of residence, and (2) according 
 to the length of their residence at the university. A 
 pavement-beater (Pflastertreter or Quark) is one whose 
 parents live in the university town, and a cununin-Turk 
 (Kiimmelturk) is one whose parents live within four 
 miles of a university town. During the first half year 
 of a student's residence he is a fox; the second half year 
 makes him a brander fox. At the beginning of the sec- 
 ond year he becomes a young Bursch, six months later a 
 Bursch, and then at the beginning of his third year an 
 old Bursch. The end of the promotion process is not 
 reached until the second half of the third year, when 
 our hero — if he survives so long — is known as a mossy- 
 head. 
 
 The honour of the Bursch was a highly artificial 
 and intricate product. A man might be declared dis- 
 honourable on sixteen different counts, many of them 
 extremely frivolous from the standpoint of rational 
 ethics. For example, a man might become dishonour- 
 able by allowing himself to be called so by a member of 
 another society without resenting it or by returning 
 only a verbal insult when the other party was prepared 
 to fight. To give information to the authorities or to 
 declare one^s self free from the obligation of the Ivom- 
 ment was as great an offence as to break one's word of 
 honour or to steal. The code regulated duels and inter- 
 course between the societies with a nicety worthy of the 
 Chinese imperial court, but left a man free to lie, to 
 cheat at cards, or to recognise no obligation whatever to 
 a Philister or outsider. The most common verbal in- 
 sult was to call another " Dumme Junge " (stupid 
 youth). Under article D of the Komment of the so- 
 cieties of Altdorf the dishonoured one who has violated 
 the code has no claim to the satisfaction of a Bursch, 
 and any advantage may be taken of him. The stigma 
 " dishonourable " could be removed either by the ac-
 
 20 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 cused fighting witli a member from eacli of tlie societies, 
 or by the unanimous vote of tlie deputies of all the 
 societies. 
 
 The Landsmannschaften were a great stimulus to 
 quarrelling and duelling. No man could be a jolly rep- 
 utable Bursch unless he had already fought many duels 
 and was known as a keen and powerful swordsman. 
 Quarrelling, insults, a provoking conduct carried so far 
 as to be ridiculous, and innumerable duels, were the con- 
 sequence. To make up the full number of a hundred 
 duels was the ambition of many students. Learned 
 studies suffered under such conditions, and social life 
 was an unpleasant existence on a continued war footing 
 in which those unacquainted with weapons were wholly 
 defenceless. Societies were in a state of constant excite- 
 ment and irritation against each other. The privilege 
 of changing from one side to another availed nothing, 
 for a man who had insulted one was obliged before he 
 entered another to fight duels with all his former col- 
 leagues; nor could a new society establish itself on a 
 received footing except by fighting itself into recog- 
 nition. 
 
 National animosities, however, did not prevent the 
 Landsmannschaften from combining for riots and other 
 excesses. In Fichte's time at Jena (1793-1798) violent 
 riots were of common occurrence; houses were broken 
 into and robbed of their contents to supply the ma- 
 rauders with the means of sensual indulgence. The 
 arm of the law was powerless to restrain such outbreaks; 
 so bold had the students become that upon one occasion, 
 when the house of a professor at Jena had been at- 
 tacked, five hundred students openly demanded of the 
 duke amnesty for the offence. As the Landsmann- 
 schaften were responsible for these uprisings, the au- 
 thorities endeavoured at various times to suppress them, 
 but such attempts only caused the students to break out
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 21 
 
 anew and raise fresh disturbances. The philosopher 
 Fichte, however, by his personal influence, persuaded 
 two of the most reprehensible societies to disband 
 and turn over their documents to him for safe-keep- 
 ing. Owing to the jealousy of his colleagues, his praise- 
 worthy attempt was without permanent effect. The 
 Landsmannschaften of this period were instrumental 
 in demoralizing their members by inordinate drink- 
 ing and by making popular dangerous forms of 
 vice. 
 
 The secret orders which appeared in the German 
 universities about the middle of the eighteenth century 
 were bitter rivals of the Landsmannschaften, and in 
 their origin were offshoots of the contemporary Masonic 
 movement. They were prohibited at Gottingen in 1748, 
 at Erlangen in 1762, at Tubingen and Jena in 1765. 
 By the year 1816 they had completely disappeared from 
 the German universities. Some of the most famous 
 orders were the Order of the Cross, founded in 1762 
 with all the rites of freemasonry; the Order of the Coop- 
 ers, which exerted a destructive influence; and the Black 
 Order, or Order of Harmony, which arose in 1771 at 
 Erlangen. This last organization was not confined to 
 students, but possessed lodges among the citizens of 
 Nuremberg and Coburg. The orders differed from the 
 Landsmannschaften in admitting members without re- 
 gard to nationality and in adopting an elaborate ritual 
 after the manner of the Masons. The resemblance in 
 ritual was particularly close in the case of the Black 
 Knights with the Masons: they named Pythagoras as 
 the founder of their order. In their hall stood a basin 
 full of water, the symbolical meaning of which was ex- 
 plained to those initiated, together with a statue of Vir- 
 tue and one of Friendship, a cross of the order with the 
 sun, moon, and stars emblazoned upon it, a crucifix, 
 and several skulls. In the middle of the eighteenth
 
 22 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 century there were few students who did not belong to 
 one of these secret orders. 
 
 The heroic struggle of the north Germans against 
 Napoleon, terminating with the War of Liberation, cre- 
 ated a strong feeling in favour of German unity and 
 the constitutional forms of government. In the absence 
 of free political institutions, these sentiments found a 
 home in the universities. The thousands of students 
 who had enlisted at the summons of the king and fought 
 honourably in the great battles of the campaign, re- 
 turned home filled with a noble enthusiasm. To quote 
 words of a German writer: " The youth, enchanted, 
 as it were, previously by the chains of ignoble and even 
 vulgar academical habits, now felt themselves released 
 by the most lofty experiences. They were delivered 
 from the tyranny of false honour, and saw the Komment 
 in its true light. True honour and courage devoted to 
 the cause of country alone was substituted for that imp, 
 point of honour." While predominantly political, the 
 new movement had a religious side; there was a feeling 
 — strong, although indistinct and undeveloped — that 
 Germany without Christianity was hopeless and lost. 
 The Landsmannschaften or Corps, as representatives of 
 local divisions and at enmity among themselves, and 
 with strong tendencies to dissipation, could not meet 
 the needs of the new movement, and so a new type of 
 student organization, the Bursclienschaften, was formed. 
 
 The first society of the new order was organized at 
 Jena in 1816; others were founded soon afterward. The 
 Bursclienschaften first came prominently before the 
 public in connection with the so-called Wartburg festi- 
 val, held in October, 1817, the three hundredth anni- 
 versary of Luther's defiance of the Pope. Five hundred 
 students, representing all the students of Protestant 
 Germany, gathered together at Eisenach. The keynote 
 of the celebration was struck by the orator of the occa-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 23 
 
 sion, Eiemann, of Eatzeburg, Knight of the Iron Cross, 
 a distinction gained for bravery on the bloody day at 
 Belle Alliance. After showing that the young men 
 must hold fast to the good already obtained of German 
 freedom, with rising enthusiasm he invoked the shades 
 of Luther and all the noble heroes who had fallen in the 
 contest for freedom and right to be invisible witnesses 
 of the vow which he offered in the name of the assem- 
 bly: " That which we have acknowledged we will main- 
 tain as long as a drop of blood remains in our veins.. 
 The spirit which has brought us hither — the spirit of 
 truth and justice — shall lead us through our whole life; 
 that we, all brothers, sons of the one and same father- 
 land, shall form a brazen wall against every outer and 
 inner enemy of that fatherland; that the death of open 
 battle shall not terrify us from standing in the heat of 
 the battle when the invader threatens; that the splen- 
 dour of the monarch's throne shall not dazzle us from 
 speaking the strong free word when truth and right 
 demand it; and that we will never pause in the endeav- 
 our after every human and patriotic virtue." 
 
 The ceremonies of the day consisted of a grand pro- 
 cession in the morning, a vast banquet at midday with 
 gay songs and festive healths, and the celebration of the 
 sacrament of the Lord's Supper in the afternoon, all 
 of which was carried out without confusion or dis- 
 turbance. The crowning episode of the festival oc- 
 curred in the evening, when, without previous notice, 
 twenty-eight books noted for their un-German views 
 were burned in a huge bonfire. The works of the 
 Eussian court chancellor. Von Kotzebue, were on the 
 proscribed list. This affair created great excitement 
 throughout Germany. Opposition to the Burschen- 
 schaft began to show itself, compelling almost every one 
 to take sides. 
 
 The general German Burschenschaft was organized
 
 24 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 by representatives of the local societies in October, 
 1818, one year after the Wartburg festival. To borrow 
 the words of its preamble, it was " the free union of all 
 German youth engaged in learned studies at the uni- 
 versity, based upon the relations of the German youth 
 to the coming union of the German people." To hasten 
 and facilitate this union, the Burschenschaft declared 
 the unity, freedom, and equality of all Burschen among 
 each other, the equality of all rights and duties, and 
 the German, Christian education of every mental and 
 bodily faculty in the service of the fatherland. The 
 freedom and unity of the students were to present a pic- 
 ture of the unity of a prosperous nation; the orderly, 
 common life of the Burschenschaften was to prepare its 
 members for national life, " so that each of them may be 
 raised to such a grade of self-knowledge as in his own 
 pure individuality to display the brightness and glory 
 of the German national spirit." 
 
 The general or central Burschenschaft maintained 
 no continuous executive organization. Its only organ 
 was an assembly of delegates, three from each univer- 
 sity, which met yearly. Some one local society was 
 chosen to transact the necessary business for the re- 
 mainder of the year. The assembly of delegates decided 
 controversies, passed upon the constitution of the local 
 societies to insure that they contained the true prin- 
 ciples of the order, and recommended alterations in 
 the constitution, which required the ratification of the 
 local societies before taking effect. The central Bur- 
 schenschaft required the local chapters to settle internal 
 disputes, not by duel, but amicably by appeal to the 
 general assembly. Each society must likewise recognise 
 as just the penalties of the others. In their relations 
 with the Landsmannschaften, which were still a power 
 in the universities, the Burschenschaften should first at- 
 tempt to gain over their opponents by persuasion; th^s
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 25 
 
 feeling, they must resort to the most efficient means of 
 opposition which the situation permitted. So funda- 
 mentally different were the underlying principles of the 
 two orders that their reciprocal attitude was that of 
 bitter antagonism and hostility. ^ 
 
 The local Burschenschaften (or unions of mati-c^i- 
 lated students) promoted conimon life by two instru- 
 mentalities — systematic physical exercise, usually tak- 
 ing the form of fencing and gymnastics, and the 
 Burschenhaus. The founders of the order considered 
 the latter the most important means of promoting 
 closer union and social intercourse, and made it in- 
 cumbent upon the members to frequent it as much as 
 possible. Every one of the large number of festivals 
 provided for in the constitution were held in the Bur- 
 schenhaus. The constitution of the Jena Burschen- 
 schaft placed the administrative control in the hands of 
 a committee of nine managers and three candidates for 
 managership, all of whom were elected every half year. 
 This board wielded the entire executive, legislative, and 
 judicial authority of the society; it decided quarrels 
 and points of honour, and supervised external business, 
 such as fixing the time of meeting. As a check on the 
 board of managers, another committee of twenty was 
 appointed to see that the laws of the society were 
 obeyed. The constitution of the local society was long 
 and intricate, and showed the evidence of experienced 
 legal hands in the framing. 
 
 For two years the Burschenschaften held posses- x 
 sion of the universities, for, although they were unable 
 to exterminate the Corps or Landsmannschaften, they 
 so far overshadowed the latter in importance that all 
 eyes were focused upon them. While they met with 
 the greatest opposition from the political conservatives, 
 their most bitter enemies existed within their own 
 ranks. The great majority of the members held to the
 
 26 STUI)ENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 principles enunciated in the constitution, and believed 
 that the preparation of the German people for unity and 
 freedom should come through a lofty moral life. A 
 small faction, however, known as the Blacks, began to 
 sep^.rate themselves from the main body of the party; 
 these radicals were not content to abide the slow influ- 
 ence of education and time, but discarded constitu- 
 tional agitation in favour of an immediate armed move- 
 ment against existing authorities. 
 
 Karl Follen,* the leader of the Blacks, was a disciple 
 of Fichte, and carried the views of that philosopher in 
 regard to the supremacy of the moral ego to their logi- 
 cal conclusion, and applied them to the state. His 
 cardinal principle of action was the doctrine that all 
 which is recognised by the human reason as good, 
 beautiful, and true, should immediately be accom- 
 plished by means of the moral will. He asserted with 
 great boldness that his own life was such as reason re- 
 quired. " With an indescribable expression of con- 
 tempt in his features, he accused those of cowardice 
 and weakness who imagined that a knowledge of truth 
 and beauty, and especially of their highest ideals, could 
 be disjointed from living them out, practising them, 
 realizing them to their widest extent." His own char- 
 acter was one of boldness, austerity, and rectitude, and 
 his worst enemies could accuse him of nothing worse 
 than want of humility. 
 
 According to Follen's logic, the identity of reason 
 and action was carried into politics, and the state must 
 correspond to the reason of its constituent members. 
 Eeason demanded unconditionally the acceptance of 
 the republican form of government. His outline of a 
 future " constitution for the empire of Germany " was 
 
 * Karl Follen came as an exile to America in 1835, and w^s 
 professor in Harvard College till liis death in 1840.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX EUROPE. 27 
 
 the last of the paper constitutions of revolutionary 
 times. It embodies a complete disregard for every 
 existing right. Follen's intolerance is seen in the pro- 
 visions which confine the franchise to those who had 
 partaken of the sacrament, and forbade the Jewish form 
 of worship within the boundaries of the empire. Fol- 
 len himself admitted that such a constitution could 
 only be established by the shedding of blood. The 
 harshness with which Follen enforced his views drove 
 many of his friends into opposition. His personal sup- 
 porters were entirely out of sjmipathy with the Bur- 
 schenschaften, which, in their opinion " contained at 
 least twenty rascals to one good fellow." 
 
 One of the most devoted of Follen's followers at 
 Jena was a theological student, Karl Ludwig Sand. 
 Sand fell a victim to Follen's logic and resolved to 
 assassinate August von Kotzebue, a German of con- 
 servative tendencies, in the pay of Eussia, who opposed 
 the Burschenschaften. For months after this resolve 
 was made, Sand attended lectures regularly, as if pre- 
 paring himself for future years of usefulness. On 
 March 19, 1819, however, he called on Von Kotzebue, 
 stabbed him fatally, and then attempted unsuccessfully 
 to commit suicide. Xo exception could be taken to his 
 behaviour during imprisonment, wliich was sane and 
 praiseworthy; without troubling the keepers, he thank- 
 fully received all the services which were rendered for 
 the alleviation of his suffering. Sand undoubtedly 
 considered himself a martyr to the cause of freedom, 
 and accepted death with quiet heroism. A searching 
 investigation failed to discover any conspiracy, or to 
 implicate any one as Sand's accesso^3^ 
 
 Xotwithstanding this conclusion of the court, the 
 reactionary governments of the German states were so 
 alarmed at the murder, which they considered the legiti- 
 mate outcome of the liberal movement, that Metternich
 
 28 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 had no difficulty in securing their consent to resolu- 
 tions passed by the Bundestag (September 20, 1819), 
 which abolished the general German Burschenschaft, 
 provided government inspectors for each university, de- 
 creed the removal of dangerous professors, and declared 
 that no student expelled from one university should be 
 permitted to enter another. The members of the Bur- 
 schenschaften, as loyal citizens of their respective states, 
 obeyed the commands of their sovereign. The Jena 
 Burschenschaft at its last meeting presented an address 
 to the grand duke, which proudly stated that, owing to 
 the society a free and virtuous mode of life had grown 
 up; trustful publicity had taken the place of creeping 
 secrecy; and its members could, without shame, display 
 to the eyes of the world what they meditated in their 
 inmost hearts.* 
 
 Karl von Eaumer, who had watched the Burschen- 
 schaften from their origin, and had been on terms of 
 intimacy with their leaders, speaks in the following 
 strain of the reforms which they brought about: " They 
 
 * The feeling of the members upon the dissolution of the 
 Burschenschaften is expressed in a little poem by Benzer, of Jena, 
 the English translation of which runs as follows : 
 
 " A house we had builded, 
 So stately and fair ; 
 There trusting to be shielded, 
 In God, from storm and care. 
 
 ** We lived there so gaily, 
 So friendly, so free. 
 It grieved the wicked daily 
 Our true accord to see. 
 
 ** That fair house may perish 
 When greatest our need ; 
 Its spirit still we cherish, 
 
 But God's our strength indeed."
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 29 
 
 had produced a ^^rofound moral change and reformation 
 in a large part of the academic youth, and fought 
 against their demoralization. They banished gaming 
 tables from their precincts, and reduced duelling to 
 one twentieth of its former proportions. Chastity they 
 held in high esteem, deeming it a shame to resort to 
 licensed houses of ill-fame. Conscious of such an en- 
 deavour after inward reform, the Burschenschaft could 
 neither aim at secrecy nor be indifferent to the favour 
 of the authorities. The members sought by all means 
 to secure the approbation of the governments, both by 
 their conduct in the society and by attempts to secure 
 direct recognition, and they had no idea that they 
 would be considered dangerous to the state." 
 
 It could hardly have been anticipated that such a 
 multitude of enthusiastic youths would relinquish a 
 cherished plan at the first word from the monarchs, and 
 as a matter of fact the more radical members main- 
 tained the societies in secret after the decree went into 
 effect. The governments increased the evil by taking 
 no pains to discriminate between the innocent and the 
 guilty. The impression gained ground among the 
 students that, notwithstanding the propriety of their 
 conduct, no confidence was placed in them by the gov- 
 ernments. Such conditions favoured the malcontents 
 and led to the formation of the Tugendbund in 1822. 
 This organization was little more than a camp for the 
 discontented; great confusion and perplexity of ideas 
 existed among the members in regard to the real end of 
 the society; no one seemed to know just exactly what 
 he wanted. It accomplished nothing, and furnished 
 the central investigation commission at Mayence an 
 excuse for numerous banishments and imprisonments. 
 
 The relaxation of authority in the later twenties 
 opened the way to the formation of new Burschen- 
 schaften more closely modelled on the Corps than the
 
 30 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 earlier societies. In 1827 representatives from these 
 societies came together and formed the second German 
 Burschenschaft. As before, the students were divided 
 into two parties: the Moderates, known as Arminians, 
 who trusted to education and constitutional agitation; 
 and the Radicals or Germans, who favoured armed in- 
 surrection. By 1830 the gulf between the two factions 
 had grown so wide that they formally separated into 
 two distinct organizations. In December, 1832, the 
 Germans resolved upon a revolution to secure the lib- 
 erty and unity of the fatherland. April of the follow- 
 ing year witnessed their outbreak, which ended in 
 complete failure. The governments again adopted a 
 rigorous policy and suppressed the Burschenschaften in 
 all forms, including the Arminians, who had opi^osed 
 the outbreak. 
 
 The extinction of the first German Burschenschaft 
 in 1819 was indirectly the means of bringing about the 
 golden age of the Corps. Being aristocratic bodies of 
 conservative tendencies, and at deadly feud with the 
 Burschenschaften, they were encouraged by govern- 
 ments and court parties of the various states. Age had 
 mellowed their old barbarous customs, and much of the 
 grossness of the eighteenth century had worn away. 
 Foreigners were attracted by the air of adventure and 
 romance which belonged to the student life of this 
 period, in which the Corps played the central role. An 
 English writer thus describes it: " In the student life 
 of Germany which is enjoyed as a brief season of 
 youthful hilarity which in this world can come but 
 once, a season when knowledge is not only to be gath- 
 ered, but life to be enjoyed — friendships for life to be 
 knit — ^love perhaps to be kindled, and the spirit of 
 patriotism to be cherished to a degree which no after 
 chills and oppressions of ordinary life can ever be able 
 to extinguish — in this life there is a feeling and a
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 31 
 
 sentiment to which our [English] student life is a 
 stranger." * 
 
 The high social position of their members gave the 
 Corps the right to consider themselves the legitimate 
 representatives of the entire student body. At this 
 period they were still able to hurl the terrors of their 
 Bannstrahl, or excommunication against either students 
 or citizens who defied them. If an innkeeper or 
 merchant overcharged a student, a proscription would 
 be issued against the establishment for a certain speci- 
 fied period, during which no student was permitted 
 to patronize it. A student disregarding the rule, 
 found himself placed under the ban. Guards and spies 
 w^ere stationed on all sides to observe infractions of 
 the law. 
 
 The old spirit of riot and lawlessness, w^hile to a 
 certain extent curbed, w^as by no means extinct. The 
 students of Heidelberg were in the habit of celebrating 
 their Kommers, or drinking bouts, in some of the 
 neighbouring villages. They played practical jokes on 
 the peasants, who in return sometimes became enraged 
 and assailed their guests in troops with heavy cudgels, 
 and when aroused they oftentimes proved merciless an- 
 tagonists, treading on and even stamping on the faces 
 of the students who were throw^n down. It was a fa- 
 vourite pastime of the Jena students to pursue 
 the town watchman through the streets of the city. 
 Sometimes they tied him to a tree, with the signboard 
 of a neighbouring inn, representing an ox, bear, 
 or monkey, suspended above him; on other occa- 
 sions he was placed at the head of the party and 
 compelled to march through the town until the small 
 hours of the morning, blowing his horn, the signal of 
 danger. * 
 
 * Howitt, William. The Student Life of Germany, p. 9.
 
 32 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The drinking habits of the students were regulated 
 by the '' Bier-lvomment," an elaborate drinking ritual. 
 At the beginning of a Kommers the students sing a 
 drinking song, " The foxes under the ban have gone," 
 after which the crass foxes, bareheaded, must rise and 
 drink off half a Schoppen, while the brand foxes, sitting, 
 each drink an entire Schoppen. Any one violating the 
 Kommers, or interrupting the proceedings, may be sen- 
 tenced to drink not more than two Schoppens at one 
 time. If a member does not drink the quantity dictated 
 to him in five minutes the president has a right, without 
 further proceeding, to write him down on the beer tab- 
 let as a Bierschisser. Four additional Schoppens are 
 then added to the amount which the offender has yet to 
 drink. The quantity of beer consumed at these festivi- 
 ties would seem an impossibility to the students of any 
 other nation. 
 
 -^ Duelling remained, as in previous generations, the 
 pivot of student life. J. M. Hart, in his book, German 
 Universities, describes student duelling as it existed in 
 the early sixties at Gottingen. After explaining that 
 student duelling is no anomaly, but, on the contrary, 
 that the military conception of honour prevailing on 
 the Continent makes it the only dignified and gentle- 
 manly way of resenting an insult. Hart shows that to a 
 large extent in the universities it had ceased to be a 
 means of resenting insults and had become a mere pas- 
 time. ^^ The impartial observer," he says, " must ac- 
 cuse the student of fighting just because he likes to 
 fight. It is a notorious fact that nine tenths of the 
 duels are fought without any real provocation. One 
 student happens to bump against another in the 
 street, or one chaffs the other too sharply. The fault 
 of the German system is that it tolerates bloodshed, and 
 makes student honour to a large extent conventional." 
 With all its defects, however, he considers the Gerrr^an
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX EUROPE. 33 
 
 custom of duelling more manly than the hazing preva- 
 lent in American colleges at the same period. " The 
 German can not play Hector one day and the meek and 
 lowly minded the next. By insulting in any way his 
 fellow, he places himself before the inexorable alter- 
 native, apologize or fight." 
 
 The following account of a duel by an English- 
 man will give the reader some idea of the sport as it is 
 at present conducted in Germany, and will incidentally 
 throw a side light on the way which the two most 
 marked characteristics of German student life strike a 
 foreigner: 
 
 " Perhaps the closeness of the room, thick with the 
 confined tobacco of yesterday's festivities, or the ba- 
 thos of students eating sausages during the encounter, 
 or the businesslike indifference of the waiters pass- 
 ing in and out, or the fumes of cigars before break- 
 fast on a hot summer morning, or the grotesqueness 
 of the iron spectacles and padding, were conditions un- 
 favourable to the heroic. At any rate, insular or not, 
 I must confess that when the blood began to ooze and 
 spurt, every other feeling gave way to an invincible 
 nausea and disgust. I certainly had not realized that 
 there could be so much bloodshed with so little dam- 
 age. It is a pity that the disgusting element is so 
 strong, as it destroys the humour of the affair. Before 
 the unpleasantness began, I had great difficulty in pre- 
 serving an expression of face worthy of the gravity of 
 the affair. I could not get rid of the impression that 
 the combatants were not students, but a couple of 
 elderly gentlemen. 
 
 " The subject of student beer drinking is not an 
 inviting one. Xot that there is any great amount of 
 drunkenness, the beer is too weak for that. Quantity, 
 not quality, is the thing aimed at. But it is a coarse and 
 tedious proceeding. Its dulness is not even relieved by 
 3
 
 34: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the deviltry of a big Oxford wine. It is worse than sin- 
 ful, it is vulgar.'^ ''' 
 
 The first of a new order of societies, called Wingolf, 
 was instituted in 1850, at the University of Halle. 
 While belonging to the same general type of society as 
 the Corps and Burschenschaften, the Wingolf was com- 
 posed exclusively of theological students, and therefore 
 rejected duelling and other ruder customs. - The new 
 society spread rapidly, and was imitated in the Catholic 
 universities. Since 1870, numbers of new student or- 
 ganizations, known as the Free Societies, of a more in- 
 formal character than the old, have appeared in the 
 German universities. Some of them have a political 
 end in view, like the " Deutsche Studenten-Y erein " 
 which represented the anti-Semitic movement in the 
 universities; most of them, however, were for the fur- 
 therance of some particular form of culture like the Ge- 
 sangvereine, or for the promotion of certain studies. 
 The free societies must not be thought of as scientific 
 associations; their chief end is social; the common in- 
 terest forms an excuse for coming together, and insures 
 a certain amount of congeniality. The Free Societies 
 differ from the older or colour-bearing group, in having 
 a more specific purpose, and in making their fellowship) 
 less close and exclusive. 
 
 The Free Societies have by no means the prestige of 
 the Corps and Burschenschaften, which consider them- 
 selves the true representatives of the German student- 
 hood, notwithstanding the fact that they contain a 
 small percentage of the students; in some universities 
 hardly so many as one twentieth. Of the two chief 
 forms of colour-bearing societies, the Corps are the 
 most aristocratic. Their members pay great attention 
 
 * Baynes, A. H. German Student Life, in Fraser's Maga- 
 zine, vol. civ, pp. 638, 639 (1881).
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 35 
 
 to the externals of manners and expenditure, and hold 
 themselves aloof from the masses of the students. 
 Some of the Burschenschaften are simply imitations of 
 the Corps on a little lower plane, while others preserve 
 something of the spirit and ideals of the old Burschen- 
 schaften. All the colour-bearing societies aim at com- 
 plete community of life, but are fast ceasing to be the 
 representative student organizations of Germany. 
 
 Before attempting to characterize the German stu- 
 dent life, we must note its relation to the social system 
 of which it forms a part, and particularly its relation 
 to the lower schools. In the gymnasia the youth have 
 been watched for eight or ten years, drilled rigorously, 
 and held in strict subordination. All forms of organ- 
 ized school life are denied them, including (until re- 
 cently) athletic games; they are frequently overworked. 
 When the freshman enters the university, he is for the 
 first time completely his own master; a new life has 
 dawned upon him. He hardly knows which way to 
 turn his steps, every prospect seems so fair. It is no 
 wonder that, to the German, his student days seem in a 
 peculiar sense the springtime of life, and one is hardly 
 surprised to hear of excesses; they are the natural reac- 
 tion against his former confinement. In earlier years 
 this feeling was heightened by the prospect which 
 opened before the Bursch. After completing his 
 course, he went back to live in a police State, where the 
 government told him what to believe, and in many w^ays 
 limited his freedom. Under the old regime in Ger- 
 many the university was the one free institution in 
 society; studenthood was the one free and glorious 
 period of life when the man might defy the authorities 
 and laugh at conventionality. In consequence, German 
 student clubs have always possessed a more marked in- 
 dividuality than those of other nationalities; they rep- 
 resent to a greater extent the free play of youth.
 
 36 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The social life of the German student is apt to lack 
 that fine spirit of courtesy and respect for the conven- 
 tions of society which belong to the best circles of 
 Oxford or Harvard. We may quote the words of Pro- 
 fessor Boyesen, an unprejudiced observer, on this point: 
 " The tone among the [German] afcademicians in gen- 
 eral is rude and boisterous, their conversation is charac- 
 terized by much earnestness and a conspicuous lack of 
 refinement. Their jokes are ponderous and pointless, 
 their humour degenerates into mere grotesque drollery. 
 What has particularly impressed me is the absence of 
 that gentlemanly bearing which in an undergraduate of 
 Oxford or Cambridge is second nature. The German 
 student is noisy and aggressive; and since the war with 
 France his stupendous national self-assertion and su- 
 ,preme contempt for all non-Teutonic nations are apt to 
 make him a bore or a perpetual irritation." * 
 
 On the other hand, a warmer and more cordial tone 
 prevails among the Germans than is found in the stu- 
 dent societies of England or America; human relations 
 are beautified by it and rendered more enjoyable. The 
 German student understands to perfection the art of 
 cultivating simple pleasure, and of extracting the great- 
 est amount of enjoyment from the small things of life. 
 
 § 3. Student Life in English Universities. 
 
 Bibliography. — No general treatment nor bibliography of 
 English student life has yet appeared. The standard authori- 
 ties for the middle ages are Rashdall, Mullinger, and Lyte ; for 
 the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Mullinger and Masson's 
 Milton ; for the eighteenth century, Wordsworth and Huber. 
 There are no general works completely covering the nineteenth 
 century. Most useful to an American for the study of this 
 period are the vohimes by his countrymen, Bristed and Everett. 
 Wells's Oxford and Oxford Life gives the best description of 
 recent conditions. A suggestive book is Aspects of Modern 
 
 * Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen, in The Cosmopolitan, vol. x, p. 376.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 37 
 
 Oxford, by a Mere Don. Richard Harding Davis has written a 
 brilliant but superficial account of undergraduate life at Oxford. 
 The great public schools of England have given rise to an 
 extensive literature of student life. Selected bibliographies of 
 value have been published by J. J. Fmdlay and Karl Breul. 
 Lyte's History of Eton College should be consulted for earlier 
 centuries. The revolution in public-school life connected with 
 the name of Thomas Arnold can be followed in Stanley's Life of 
 Arnold, in the volumes of Fitch and Findlay, and in Hughes's 
 famous story Tom Brown's School Days. Edward Thring's 
 Education and School should be read in this connection. 
 Contemporary conditions are dealt with by Pascoe, Breul, and 
 John Corbin's Schoolboy Life in England, Ford's Public- 
 School Athletics, in Cookson's Essays on Secondary Education, 
 is a paper of exceptional value. Several thoughtful articles on 
 British athleticism have appeared in The Spectator (vols. Ixvii, 
 Ixix, Ixxii), in The Fortnightly Review (vol Ixvii), and in The 
 Nineteenth Century. Kipling's Stalky and Company may be 
 read as an antidote to Tom Brown, but is said not to present the 
 point of view of the average English boy. 
 
 The revival of learning and the Eeformation influ- 
 enced the English universities less than their Conti- 
 nental contemporaries. Notwithstanding the introduc- 
 tion of Greek and a few modern cosmological concep- 
 tions, Oxford and Cambridge continued strongly ecclesi- 
 astical and dialectical in their tendencies. The con- 
 servative character of the English Eeformation was to a 
 large extent responsible for this continuance of mediae- 
 val ideals in university culture. Another factor made 
 for the same result — viz., the strength of the college sys- 
 tem. The English college emerged from the middle 
 ages a powerful, almost independent, self-governing cor- 
 poration. Dependent directly on neither church nor 
 state for support, handing doTVTi traditions from one 
 generation to another, the college presented an effectual 
 barrier to any rapid assimilation of the intellectual 
 movements which agitated Europe.
 
 38 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Tlie college exerted the same conservative influence 
 on the student life of the times. While the asceticism 
 of earlier centuries became somewhat relaxed by 1600, 
 the common life within college walls enjoined by the 
 statutes prevented the excesses which marked student 
 life in contemporary Germany. The colleges were the 
 chief social centres in the university, as the halls were 
 declining in importance, and societies and clubs had 
 not yet appeared. The only rivals of the colleges in 
 influence were the inns of the university city. The lax- 
 ity of morals and of theological opinion which prevailed 
 at the universities was a cause of grave anxiety to the 
 Puritan majority in Parliament during the early years 
 of the seventeenth century. The university authorities, 
 to disarm criticism, endeavoured to enforce a series of 
 minute regulations, backed by numerous fines and other 
 punishments; the undergraduates were treated like 
 schoolboys. The students manifested their resentment 
 at this policy, neglecting the rules, annoying their in- 
 structors, and setting the authorities at defiance. They 
 frequently engaged in conflicts with the townsmen, and 
 were notorious for their rudeness to strangers. Instead 
 of adopting the modest costume enjoined by their su- 
 periors, they appeared on the streets " in hoses of un- 
 seemly greatness or disguised fashion, excessive rufls 
 and apparrell of velvet and silk." 
 
 The amusements of the period were rude and bois- 
 terous. Excessive eating and drinking and theological 
 discussions of a bitter personal kind were frequent. 
 The prevalent forms of sport were barbarous, and in- 
 cluded bull-baiting and bear-baiting. A letter from 
 James I forbade these diversions and games of chance 
 within five miles of a town or university. Latin and 
 English plays of a doubtful character formed the chief 
 source of intellectual diversion. These productions 
 abounded in grossness and personalities, and resulted in
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 39 
 
 much ill feeling. On one occasion the prominent citi- 
 zens of Cambridge were invited to a play given in their 
 special honour. To their amazement and disgust, the 
 drama .proved to be a series of caricatures, ridiculing the 
 prominent characters in the audience. The worst plays 
 were written in Latin and performed in the inns of 
 the city. 
 
 A new period in English student life begins with 
 the last decades of the seventeenth century. The old 
 severity of discipline and barbarism of manners disap- 
 peared; the social atmosphere of the coffee-house and 
 the club began to be felt within college bounds. Xew 
 social groups based on personal tastes arose, which were 
 the forerunners of the existing student societies. Dur- 
 ing the eighteenth century life in the universities be- 
 came more and more the imitation of high life in Lon- 
 don. In the most fashionable circles heavy drinking 
 was not the rule, although in some of the slow-going 
 colleges stories were told of debauchery in even the 
 common and combination rooms. The popular social 
 diversions took the form either of card parties with 
 heavy wagers, or of private theatricals. Students in- 
 dulged themselves with party quarrels and disorders in 
 the public inns. The out-of-door sports showed the 
 same aristocratic:^ tendency. Riding, fox-hunting, and 
 attendance at horse races were the popular diversions. 
 The competitive games of the present — boating, foot- 
 ball, and cricket — were known, but little practised, and 
 held in still less esteem by the leaders of college fash- 
 ion. The students devoted their vacations to long pe- 
 destrian excursions through Scotland, Switzerland, and 
 Germany. 
 
 The clubs, which formed so important an element 
 in the social life of London, soon made their appearance 
 in the universities. Of these, the political clubs were of 
 greatest importance. As the eighteenth century was
 
 40 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 pre-eminently the age of politics and party strife in 
 England, the universities in this mirrored the most 
 important activity of the period. One of the first clubs, 
 the record of which has come down to us, was the Con- 
 stitution Club (1703) of Oxford, which held meetings 
 in King's Head Tavern, on High Street. Its Whig 
 proclivities gave great offence to the Toryism of the 
 university. On one occasion, when the Constitution- 
 alists were about to celebrate some party victory with 
 a bonfire, a numerous mob seized the fagots and as- 
 saulted the room in which the club was sitting with 
 brickbats and stones. Older yet was the True Blue 
 Club of Cambridge, which took its colour in opposition 
 to the orange of King William III. Its members wore 
 a peculiar costume, and were noted throughout the uni- 
 versity as being hard drinkers. The Tory Club of 
 Oxford was known as the High Borlace, and gave an 
 annual ball. Debating societies existed during this 
 period, but, owing to their relative insignificance, the 
 record of their proceedings is difhcult to obtain. One 
 of the best known of these was called the Speculative, in 
 honour of the great society of Edinburgh. It met once 
 a week in term time, and numbered among its members 
 several men who afterward became famous. Another 
 organization of particular interest was called the Asso- 
 ciators, a society of university politicians, who asserted 
 the right of appeal from the vice-chancellor's court. 
 
 More akin to the true aim of university education 
 were the literary clubs, of which we catch glimpses from 
 time to time. At Cambridge records remain of three 
 such societies during the eighteenth century. One of 
 the most famous of these, " The Old Maids," to which 
 many celebrated savants belonged, met at a coffee-house 
 after evening chapel, for the benefit of literary conversa- 
 tion. The Zodiak Club, which arose in 1725, was com- 
 posed of twelve members, who took their names from
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 41 
 
 the twelve signs. Three years later, six planets were 
 added. The members of the club pledged themselves 
 to recommend and elect only fellow-clubmen to all 
 offices within their disposal. The Wranglers, of Cam- 
 bridge, established the Hyson Club in 1758, while Ox- 
 ford rejoiced in the possession of a Poetic Club. 
 
 Other clubs aimed simply to promote sociability. 
 Such were the Xonsense Club, the Jelly-bag Club, the 
 Banterers, and Free Cynics of the University of Oxford. 
 It was a custom of the Banterers to talk at a venture; if 
 they observed a man talking seriously, " they talked 
 florid nonsense back and cared not what he said, which 
 is like throwing a cushion at a man's head who pretends 
 to be grave and wise.'' The Free Cynics were a philo- 
 sophical club who had a series of symbolical words and 
 grimaces unintelligible to any but of their own society. 
 More truly representative of the age was a select social 
 club which existed in Cambridge in 1790. The twelve 
 members of the group appeared in coats of bright green, 
 lined and bound with buff silk, with buttons made ex- 
 pressly for them upon which "Sans Souci" was elegant- 
 ly engraved; the waistcoat curiously adorned Avith frogs 
 was of buff material; the knee-breeches were the same 
 colour. Once a week the members gathered in each 
 other's rooms to play for high stakes; each month they 
 dined together, the members bringing their friends. At 
 the end of the year a grand anniversary was celebrated. 
 
 None of these organizations were permanent nor 
 were they directed to the accomplishment of any impor- 
 tant aim; they were simply groups of congenial persons 
 who gathered together to enjoy each other's society, and 
 at times incidentally allied themselves to a political 
 party of some improvement scheme. They were one 
 of the sources of amusement of a generation which loved 
 leisure. Perhaps no other student organizations which 
 ever existed possessed so little of the academic flavour.
 
 42 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 This absence of the academic spirit and ideals was 
 due to the fact that during the eighteenth century the 
 English universities ceased to educate in any active 
 sense of the word. The students passed their pre- 
 scribed terms within college precincts, spending their 
 time for the most part as they saw fit. A few honour 
 men read for distinction, and all were to a certain ex- 
 tent influenced by literary associations and contact with 
 learning, but there was little systematic educational 
 training. With the nineteenth century came a greater 
 strenuousness and sense of responsibility; college fel- 
 lowships were thrown open, and the requirements for 
 graduation made more stringent. From 1800 to 1830 
 a widespread internal reform gradually crept from one 
 college to another. The ideal of university education 
 held up by the reformers was, however, largely the re- 
 sult of the social and aristocratic conditions of the 
 eighteenth century. Thus, during the present century, 
 the aim of English university education has been in 
 marked contrast to the German ideal prevalent on the 
 Continent. The glory of the German university has 
 been its thirst for truth and eager invasion of the unex- 
 plored fields of knowledge; it has aimed to produce 
 learned savants and competent state officials. The 
 English have divorced teaching from investigation; in- 
 stead of specialists, they have intended to send forth 
 " gentlemen." Says Cardinal Newman: " Liberal edu- 
 cation makes the gentleman, the individual of cultivated 
 intellect, delicate taste, of candid, equitable, dispassion- 
 ate mind, of noble and courteous bearing in the con- 
 duct of life. University training is the great and 
 ordinary means to great and ordinary ends; it aims at 
 raising the intellectual tone of society, at cultivating 
 the public mind, at purifying the national taste, at sup- 
 plying true principles to popular enthusiasm and fixed 
 aims to popular aspiration, at giving enlargement and
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 43 
 
 sobriety to the ideas of tlie age, at facilitating the exer- 
 cise of political power, and of refining the intercourse 
 of private life." Such a conception magnifies the so- 
 cial function of the university; liberal culture as thus 
 described is as much the creation of student associations 
 and intercourse as of the mastery of definite books or 
 sciences. The discussions of the common room and 
 the debating club, the contests on the river, the dra- 
 matics of the university theatre, are as essential por- 
 tions of training as the lectures or examinations. 
 
 The atmosphere of the two universities with their 
 ancient foundations, their splendid and venerable archi- 
 tecture and medieval traditions, has been favourable 
 to the growth and realization of such an ideal of liberal 
 culture. Matthew Arnold's characterization of Oxford 
 represents the feelings of many observers.* English- 
 men have felt that to reside in Oxford or Cambridge was 
 in itself a liberal education. The combination of old 
 and new, the perfection of the beauty of Nature and of 
 art, make these university cities unsurpassed among the 
 cities of the world. An American has described the 
 impression which residence at Oxford left on his mind 
 years afterward. " I have heard the Master of Balliol 
 preach on friendship and draw delightful dreamy pic- 
 tures with his perfect English and rich voice. I con- 
 fess that sometimes now, around Oxford and its towers, 
 there hangs in my mind the soft, dreamy haze w^hich 
 pervaded his pictures. Xowhere else has the spell of 
 the ages so thro^\^l the halo of romance around the 
 flying hours." 
 
 The common life of the college is the central fea- 
 ture of English academic society. It enables tutor and 
 student to come together on easy terms and facilitates 
 intercourse between groups of friends. The presence 
 
 * Discourses in America, article Emerson.
 
 44 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 of college fellows^ men standing for the highest type of 
 culture, gives conversation a more elevated tone than 
 when the undergraduates are left to themselves. An 
 American observer has said that nowhere has the art 
 of social intercourse been carried to such perfection as 
 in some of the Oxford colleges. 
 
 The college serves as a unit of university organiza- 
 tion; each college has its own set of clubs, athletic, de- 
 bating, literary, and social. Of these, the athletic is the 
 most important to the average undergraduate. Collegi- 
 ate good fellowship is to a considerable degree depend- 
 ent on the extent to which these institutions are sup- 
 ported. The college clubs serve as preparatory institu- 
 tions in training men for university distinctions. The 
 comparatively large number of colleges at Oxford and 
 Cambridge and the variety of the forms of training give 
 almost every man an opportunity to acquit himself with 
 some degree of credit. The college debating societies 
 likewise perform a valuable function in training men 
 who have neither ability nor courage to make them- 
 selves heard at the Union. Thus, a weary speech, 
 crowded with statistics, and delivered by a hard-working 
 scholar, will be listened to with a semblance of atten- 
 tion, or duly applauded at one of the college clubs; such 
 a one would never obtain a hearing in a larger or- 
 ganization. Whimsical nonsense is common and forms 
 an agreeable interlude to the more serious speeches. 
 These small clubs are great sticklers for the forms of 
 debate and make much of any slight infractions of its 
 rules. The president is vigilantly watched, and if he 
 inadvertently omits some technical formula is sure to 
 find a vote of censure upon him immediately. Such 
 skirmishes are always conducted with the utmost good 
 humour. 
 
 Literary and book clubs are common, but lack the 
 ability of the debating societies. They are also less oner-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 45 
 
 ous in the demands which they make on their mem- 
 bers. These clubs derive their name from some " great 
 one " whose personality kindles the enthusiasm of their 
 founders, but are sometimes simply known as the col- 
 lege essay society. A regular meeting is held at set in- 
 tervals, when each member in turn reads an essay on 
 some literary topic which is then discussed. Although 
 professing a literary object, they are from the necessi- 
 ties of the case social institutions as well. 
 
 Purely social in their aims are the wine clubs which 
 are now something of an anachronism at the Eng- 
 lish universities. In the day of their prosperity, forty 
 years since, they recruited their membership from the 
 best men of the college and formed an inner society, 
 which gave tone to the rest of the college. Now the 
 feeling in most colleges is against them, as out of keep- 
 ing with the more democratic character of modern stu- 
 dent life. Those s,till in existence are, in most cases, 
 of considerable antiquity and are fenced about with a 
 good deal of quaint custom and a fair share of formal- 
 ity. Their members adorn themselves in a distin- 
 guishing coat of a particular pattern. "While the novel 
 sensations of strangeness are pleasant to a newcomer, 
 the continued round of formalities and ill-assorted 
 character of the members make the meetings irksome. 
 Far different are the private " wines," which are essen- 
 tially social gatherings of men who know each other 
 well. In reality such a meeting is not a formal " wine," 
 but a mutual smoke and talk, or perhaps a regular 
 symposium with cards and music intermingled. In 
 either case it contains that which is the kerilel of 
 college life — the pleasure of being together and dis- 
 cussing with one's friends whatever is nearest one's 
 heart, whether athletics, literature, or social philos- 
 ophy. 
 
 The numbers and leisure of an English college fa-
 
 46 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 vour the growth of social sets or cliques, many of which 
 become institutionalized in the clubs which have been 
 described. The two most marked sets are the aesthetes 
 and the athletes, between which there is much bitter- 
 ness and contempt. On one occasion the athletes in- 
 vaded a room belonging to one of the aesthetic set who 
 had spoken disrespectfully of the college boat, and de- 
 stroyed the fancy china and knickknacks. The bump 
 supper, celebrating the success of the college boat, was 
 in a former generation, one of the distinctive social 
 events of the season. It was uproarious with speeches, 
 hurrahing, songs, and practical jokes. In the intoxica- 
 tion of the moment deeds of valour were attempted 
 which afterward removed the heroes from the scene of 
 their prowess. Such a celebration served as an outlet 
 for surplus energy, and resulted in much good fellow- 
 ship and kindling of enthusiasm, without doing much 
 permanent harm. Their popularity is on the wane, 
 and in a few years they will pass away. 
 
 Mention has been made of the sporadic debating and 
 political societies which appeared at the English uni- 
 versities during the eighteenth century. Early in the 
 nineteenth century these clubs were consolidated into 
 the Oxford and Cambridge Unions, the most famous of 
 student debating societies. By the side of the Union 
 strong political clubs have appeared, offering training 
 of the same character. "When these are added to the 
 regular debating clubs of the colleges, an idea is ob- 
 tained of the extent of the preparation afforded the 
 English youth for public life. 
 
 The Cambridge Union was formed, as its name im- 
 plies, by the consolidation of several small clubs in 1816; 
 the Oxford Union resulted from a similar move in 1823. 
 Although small, the Oxford Union included the social 
 and intellectual elite of the university among its mem- 
 bers. A few years after its birth the debates were of
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 47 
 
 sufficient importance to receive adverse criticism from 
 leading London newspapers. It early manifested great 
 seriousness of purpose; a full set of parliamentary de- 
 bates was purchased for the library, while all novels, 
 even those of Scott and Dickens, were excluded. In 
 1829 the heroic age of the Union began. In the suc- 
 ceeding five years, such men as Gladstone, Sidney Her- 
 bert, Lord Selborne, Eobert Lowe, and Dr. Tait, after- 
 ward Archbishop of Canterbur}', gained the L^nion a 
 position at Oxford which it has since maintained. In 
 183-1 a writer in the Oxford L^niversity Magazine spoke 
 of the U'nion in the highest terms as an instrumentality 
 which " brings together many of the most distinguished 
 young men of the university and exercises a great effect 
 on the general tone of society." In this early period 
 the U^nion oftentimes suffered from internal dissen- 
 sions. On one memorable occasion it barely escaped 
 dissolution; later the members were divided into two 
 hostile factions, one of which attempted to expel the 
 other. The debate resulted in an intense excitement, 
 which was immortalized in an excellent mock heroic. 
 The L^nion condemned the Eeform Bill by a vote of 
 eighty to fifty-four. 
 
 Charles Astor Bristed, of Yale, whose career at Cam- 
 bridge fell within the early forties, left an interesting 
 account of the Cambridge Union, of which he was a 
 member. Compared with the average American col- 
 lege of the same period, interest in public speaking was 
 weak at Cambridge. " Mere oratory is about as much 
 valued by the English as mere scholarship with us." 
 The debates were sometimes adjourned in half an hour 
 for lack of speeches; the offices frequently went a beg- 
 ging, and at a contested election not more than three 
 hundred and fifty votes were polled out of a possible 
 twelve hundred. The Union was subject to brief 
 periodic fits of excitement caused by the consideration
 
 48 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 of some burning popular issue. While these periods of 
 interest were on, the society evinced its vitality by a 
 series of rows which usually took the form of an elec- 
 tion contest between the reading men and the rowing 
 men. Owing to better organization, the reading men 
 or scholars most frequently won; their opponents con- 
 soled themselves by making disturbances and annoying 
 the assembly. The speakers of the Union were less 
 fluent than the ordinary American college graduate. 
 
 Personal controversies, involving bitter factional 
 fights within the society, and exciting election contests, 
 form the staple incidents recorded of the Oxford Union 
 during its middle period (1840-1860), the time of Lord 
 Robert Cecil (now Marquis of Salisbury) and Mr. 
 Knatchbull-Hugessen; the Conservatives were in the 
 ascendency and carried protection resolutions by a vote 
 of one hundred and two to thirty-one. Occasionally 
 literary and theological subjects found their way into 
 the Union debates. By a vote of forty-two to twenty- 
 one a resolution was defeated which declared " that Mr. 
 Thackeray's writings are not distinguished by any great 
 ability, and their tendency is not good." The admission 
 of religious papers to the library was carried by a vote 
 of twenty-nine to twenty-five. 
 
 At their inception the Unions were exclusively so- 
 cieties for intellectual training which met from time 
 to time in college rooms; their needs soon demanded a 
 library and reading room, and finally a separate build- 
 ing. By 1840 there was a large class of members who 
 joined the Union to obtain the privileges of the read- 
 ing room. At the present time the Unions are the 
 clubs for a majority of students. It is their recreation 
 ground for afternoon and evening, the place where 
 they can write and smoke, play chess and billiards, read 
 books, and occasionally indulge in their taste for pub- 
 lic speaking. A man pays rather more than three
 
 STUDEXT LIFE IN EUROPE. 49 
 
 pounds a year for three years, and during that time he 
 has all the letters written by him in the Union stamped 
 gratis, and the free use forever of all kinds of station- 
 ery, of about one hundred papers and periodicals and a 
 library of twenty thousand volumes. " It is in the 
 Union that there is to be found the true social life of 
 Oxford, the life which really determines Oxford char- 
 acter '' (Pemberton). 
 
 In the last sixty years the Unions have developed a 
 style of oratory calculated to please an assemblage of 
 young men who like to be amused, and have only a gen- 
 eral and not always very serious interest in the questions 
 they discuss. The audiences are the most impatient 
 and critical that can be found; a nervous or aifected 
 speaker stands no chance before them, sentiment and 
 rhetoric are rarely tolerated, and dulness never. The 
 ideal union speech bristles with brilliant antithesis 
 and epigram; the style tends to be flashy and superfi- 
 cial, and the matter frequently resembles newspaper 
 leaders. The subjects which attract the audiences are 
 those which contain dramatic possibilities, such as the 
 painting of social evils in eloquent terms or personal 
 issues between well-known leaders. Many of the mod- 
 ern debates are a mere tour de force between two or at 
 the most four party giants of opposing camps. After 
 their speeches the debate collapses from want of real 
 interest in the subject discussed. The most popular 
 occasions are those which give rise to personal dif- 
 ferences culminating in repartee and sarcasm. One 
 speaker may characterize his opponent's speech as non- 
 sense. Threatened with fine or apology by the presid- 
 ing officer, the incorrigible replies, " Sir, I beg the hon- 
 ourable member's pardon for insinuating that it re- 
 quired any ingenuity on his part to talk nonsense." 
 More than three hundred men roar for a time at this 
 sally; the speaker has made the hit of the evening. 
 4
 
 50 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The large political clubs, like the Palmerston and 
 Canning, Chatham and Enssell, at Oxford, are fre- 
 quented by the budding politicians, and form a valuable 
 supplement to the Unions. At their meetings excel- 
 lent papers are sometimes read on topics of general in- 
 terest, while their debates show a wide range of views 
 on the political and social questions of the day. From 
 their practice of meeting in the rooms of the different 
 members they contribute in no small degree to an in- 
 terchange of views and hospitalities between men of 
 different colleges. Their annual dinners bring them 
 into contact with the authorities and various political 
 celebrities of the outside world. 
 
 The debating and political societies are recognised 
 as important factors in the social and intellectual life 
 of the universities. They bring the mass of the under- 
 graduates together and give them a serious interest in 
 the great issues of the day. They accustom their mem- 
 bers to a wide diversity of views, and consequently make 
 against intolerance and arrogance. 
 
 The early years of the nineteenth century witnessed 
 a complete change in the attitude of the English stu- 
 dent toward athletics. It is no longer the occasional 
 student who rows or plays football or cricket when 
 fancy dictates; now almost every undergraduate as a 
 matter of course follows some sport. Athletics are not 
 only the most picturesque feature of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge life, but also form the chief ties Avhich bring men 
 together. Chronologically, boating was developed first, 
 followed by cricket, football, track and field athletics. 
 The athletic movement in the university has been 
 paralleled by an imprecedented growth in the popu- 
 larity of games among the English people. In the 
 widespread demand for strenuous exercise, the public 
 schools seem to have taken the initiative rather than 
 the universities: in truth, university athletics, with the
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 51 
 
 exception of boating, are the outgrowth of the public 
 schools. 
 
 Boating is by all odds the most engrossing pursuit 
 followed by the Oxford and Cambridge undergraduate. 
 The majority of the members in many colleges have 
 at some period been connected with the college boat, 
 rowing being compatible with more' serious pursuits. 
 " The river, its pleasures and duties, form a pivot 
 around which swing, in varying but increasing force, 
 torpids * and eights, training breakfasts and college 
 rags, each and all embodying in their own particular 
 way the life of the college ^' (J. S. G. Pemberton). It is 
 the meeting place of all types and conditions of univer- 
 sity people, including dons and college servants, all of 
 whom crowd around a stretch of water not more than a 
 mile long and five or six rods wide. Many a quiet 
 student likewise owns his shell or canoe, and obtains the 
 exercise necessary for health and work. On the annual 
 races, each college is represented by a crew, and so 
 keen is the competition that it has been said that the 
 position of a college on the river is, in the vast majority 
 of cases, a true index to its intellectual position in the 
 university. During commencement, the river becomes 
 a grand holiday scene for miles in each direction; water 
 parties from the different colleges occur frequently. 
 The river is instinct with the social side of Oxford life. 
 It provides a healthy rivalry between the colleges, 
 which does much to maintain the tone of successive gen- 
 erations of college men. 
 
 Cricket is second in importance to boating, both in 
 general popularity and in the extent to which it is 
 played. Cricket, however, can not be learned at the 
 university, and its charms are only for those under- 
 graduates who come from the public schools. Conse- 
 
 * The second-class racing boats at Oxford are called "torpids."
 
 52 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 quently, the cricket players form a specialized class; the 
 college, as a whole, has far less interest in its eleven 
 than in its eight. As an instrument of sociability 
 cricket is inferior to boating, because it does not bring 
 about that intimacy between leaders and the rank and 
 file which is to be found on the river. While boating 
 is a bond between the different sets and types of men in 
 a college, cricket tends to form and foster more or less 
 exclusive sets, who hold aloof from the rest of col- 
 lege life. 
 
 Football as a game for university men is a recent in- 
 novation. It was practically unknown at Oxford fifty 
 years ago; now it is a popular pursuit during the winter 
 months. It is a pre-eminently democratic game, afford- 
 ing amusement and exercise to many who have not the 
 time or inclination for boating. Football excites more 
 interest outside university precincts than any other 
 sport except boating. Like boating, it brings together 
 men who come from different schools and thus tends to 
 break down the lines of public-school caste, and enables 
 the men from different colleges to know each other. 
 Next to boating it is the pursuit most representative of 
 the modern social life of Oxford. 
 
 Field and track athletics and hunting are specialized 
 pursuits followed by the few. The leading lights in 
 these amusements are generally known long before they 
 arrive at the university, and when matriculated keep 
 themselves apart from their fellow-collegians, forming 
 a distinct athletic set. The interest of each college in 
 general athletics is confined to one or two days in the 
 year. These occasions are more remarkable for socia- 
 bility and good feeling than for the proficiency exhib- 
 ited by the majority in the sports of the day. Hunting 
 is, by reason of its expense, confined to the wealthy and 
 aristocratic portion of the undergraduates, and num- 
 bers few devotees. Walking is a mode of exercise par-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 53 
 
 ticularly popular at Cambridge among the reading men. 
 To cover fifteen miles in three hours is a common 
 achievement. 
 
 The existence of separate colleges within the imiver- 
 sity greatly simplifies the problem of organization. 
 Mention has already been made of the full set of ath- 
 letic clubs maintained by each college. The athletic 
 interests of the entire university are provided for by a 
 number of general clubs, one for each branch of sport. 
 The interference of academic authorities in the attempt 
 to check abuses is unheard of, chiefly because the ath- 
 letic traditions among the undergraduates is sufificiently 
 strong to preserve a healthy athletic spirit. The 
 greater maturity of the average English collegian is an- 
 other factor which makes for clean sport. 
 
 While the percentage of undergraduates actively 
 participating in athletics is much greater than in 
 America, the contests lack the fierceness of energy and 
 sense of tension which accompany similar trials of skill 
 across the Atlantic. The English seem to play more for 
 the love of sport and less from a desire to beat some- 
 body than their American cousins. Controversies over 
 details of matches and recriminations back and forth 
 seldom occur. The athletic class is more highly differ- 
 entiated from the mass of the students than in the 
 United States, but there is an absence of professional- 
 ism in the worst sense of the term — e. g., outsiders Sbre 
 not hired to attend college for the only purpose of par- 
 ticipating in athletics. 
 
 We have yet to speak of a number of miscellaneous 
 organizations of minor significance, the most notable 
 of which are the university social clubs, patterned after 
 the ordinary club of London. The clubs of Oxford are 
 the Bullingdon, Vincents, and Gridiron. Of these, the 
 Bullingdon is the most exclusive, and was formerly the 
 most popular, although in late years it has abdicated
 
 54 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the leadership in favour of Vincents. Membership in 
 Vincents is coveted by all the undergraduates who re- 
 gard social success as an important part of their aca- 
 demic career. Its membership is largely made up of 
 successful athletes^ although it usually secures the most 
 popular men from all the colleges regardless of muscle. 
 Still, in some quarters, Vincents is regarded as an ath- 
 letic clique. It plays an important part in the social 
 life of -Oxford, forming a centre where men from the 
 different colleges can meet and entertain their friends 
 with less formality than would be required in their 
 colleges. The Gridiron, comparatively a new club, is 
 a protest against the athleticism of Vincents. It has 
 been a moderate success, without threatening the posi- 
 tion held by its rival. 
 
 The more important public schools are represented 
 by clubs of graduates at the universities. The Eton 
 Club of Oxford is a typical organization of this class. 
 All the Etonians at Oxford belong to the club, although 
 there is little sociability or good fellowship in its rooms. 
 Starched sobriety is usually in order, but the latent so- 
 cial force occasionally breaks through the crust and a 
 revival of interest takes place. The Winchester Club is 
 much smaller, because only a portion of the Wykemists 
 join it. Its small membership, however, makes it a 
 social body of influence. 
 
 § 4. Student Life at the English Public Schools. 
 
 The term public school is applied to a small group of 
 expensive, aristocratic boarding schools of the second- 
 ary grade. These institutions are typical products of 
 the English national spirit; they are exclusive in char- 
 acter, and independent of each other and the state in 
 their administration. Unlike the chief secondary 
 schools of the Continent, each foundation possesses an
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 55 
 
 individuality of its own, and stands for a definite ideal 
 in education. The nearest approach to the English 
 public schools in constitution are the large academies 
 and preparatory schools of the United States, like 
 Phillips Andover, Lawrenceville, and Groton. These 
 schools, however, can not for a moment be compared 
 with their English contemporaries in influence or im- 
 portance, being overshadowed by an efficient system of 
 municipal high schools on one side and by the colleges 
 on the other. Next to the universities among the 
 educational institutions of England, the public schools 
 strike their roots deepest into the past. The oldest en- 
 dowment, that of Winchester, dates from 1387; Eton, 
 the most important, from 1441. The other historic 
 schools — Shrewsbury, Westminster, Rugby, Charter- 
 house, and Harrow — were the creations of the sixteenth 
 century. A number of schools of this grade have been 
 established in the present century, but their founders 
 have in every instance sought to approximate the old, 
 historic type. Thus the public school is in its essen- 
 tials an organic growth of English life rather than a 
 creation of legislators or educators. 
 
 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the 
 public schools were the seats of a hardy, independent 
 student life. Each school had its customs and school- 
 boy dialects, which were handed down from one genera- 
 tion to another, and possessed its own particular form 
 of football, handball (fives), or tennis, which in many 
 cases grew out of the peculiarities of the school build- 
 ings and grounds. AATien the rigour of Puritanism or 
 the indifi'erence of the eighteenth century threatened 
 the existence of the old English games, they found a 
 secure home in the public schools. The games were 
 not played by all the boys; a boy played or not, as he 
 chose. The masters of the time deemed it beneath 
 their dignity to devote any of their attention to such
 
 56 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 unimportant details as schoolboy sports. Thus, at the 
 beginning of the present century only a few of the 
 Eton boys played organized games, there existing at 
 that time but three cricket clubs and one football club 
 for the entire school. The many were dependent on 
 bathing and boating in summer, and on books appar- 
 ently for the rest of the year. 
 
 A rude form of self-government existed among the 
 boys. The younger were expected to fag — that is, to 
 render slight personal services, such as cooking and 
 blacking shoes for the upper boys. In most cases one 
 particular small boy was assigned to the service of one 
 particular large boy. The right of the sixth form or 
 highest class to discipline the smaller boys was recog- 
 nised, being in fact expressly enjoined by the statutes 
 of Winchester. Both of these customs produced grave 
 abuses; the fags were bullied and tortured by a portion 
 of the larger boys, until the public schools were the 
 terror of all children of a sensitive nature. One of the 
 forms of torture most commonly practised was known 
 as giving the boys a pair of tin gloves. This process 
 consisted in marking the fag's hands with red-hot coals, 
 so that he might be hardened to holding warm dishes. 
 Toasting the calves of the fag's legs was another much- 
 practised amusement. At Eton, neglect of duty on 
 the part of the fags was met with brutal punishment. 
 For a small offence, like failing to close a shutter tight, 
 or leaving the seam of a sheet uppermost, a fag was 
 beaten with a brush on both sides of the head. An ade- 
 quate idea of the atmosphere of terrorism and brutality 
 which was the result of such practices can only be ob- 
 tained from following the career of some sensitive in- 
 dividual, like Shelley, who was hunted through the 
 streets of Eton by the fag masters. 
 
 The discipline of the masters was well calculated to 
 maintain such practices among the boys. It may be
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 57 
 
 described as unintelligently brutal. The rod was the 
 universal remedy for breaches of discipline or slowness 
 of apprehension. On one occasion, at Winchester, with 
 one hundred and ninety-eight boys in residence, two 
 hundred and seventy-nine cases were reported for pun- 
 ishment at the end of a single day. At least two of the 
 head masters of Eton at the end of the eighteenth and 
 opening of the nineteenth century made terrorism their 
 avowed policy. In an emergency Dr. Keate flogged 
 more than eighty boys in one night. Rebellions of the 
 boys were not uncommon during this period. During 
 Keate's administration disorder was frequent, and there 
 is on record an insurrection during which the boys at- 
 tempted to rotten-egg the head master. At Harrow the 
 forces of disorder for a time gained the upper hand and 
 brought the school to the verge of destruction. 
 
 Such savage rigour was unfavourable to morality 
 as well as discipline. Drunkenness and other dissipa- 
 tion was rife among the sixth form or higher boys. 
 Such a clique at Harrow organized a " Eed Xight-Cap 
 Club," which took its name from a red cap emblazoned 
 with a pot of porter, standing on two crossed pipes all in 
 gold lace, with the exception of the froth, which was 
 admirably imitated in silver. The older boys of Win- 
 chester were taught to live like men of the world, which, 
 being interpreted, means that they played cards, fre- 
 quented taverns, indulged in fine clothes, gave enter- 
 tainments to the ladies, and indulged in dissipation gen- 
 erally. The younger Fox was said to have demoralized 
 Eton by the introduction of gaming and fashionable 
 Continental life. The sixth form at Eugby amused 
 themselves by following the hounds, and otherwise imi- 
 tating the sporting life of the surrounding gentry. 
 
 In the domain of religious training a sufficient 
 number of the old usages enjoined by the founder were 
 continued to irritate the boys without having any coun-
 
 58 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 terbalancing attempt at influence. Dr. Moberly, head 
 master of Winchester, writes of this period as follows: 
 " The tone of the young men at the universities, 
 whether they came from Winchester, Eton, Rugby, or 
 Harrow, or wherever else, was universally irreligious. 
 A religious undergraduate was very rare and much 
 laughed at when he appeared, and, I think I may confi- 
 dently say, hardly to be found among public-school 
 men, or, if this be too strongly said, hardly to be found 
 except in cases where private or domestic training or 
 good dispositions had prevailed over school habits and 
 tendencies." 
 
 The condition of affairs above described, which ex- 
 isted in 1820, represented rather the indifference of the 
 eighteenth century than the zeal and earnestness of the 
 nineteenth; or, in other words, the public schools were 
 fifty years behind the general movement of civilization. 
 Their deficiencies were widely known to the thinking 
 public and created a sentiment in favour of reform, 
 which resulted in a number of educational experiments. 
 The most interesting of these was the form of gov- 
 ernment inaugurated by Rowland Hill at Hazlewood 
 School. At the beginning of the venture the constitu- 
 tion consisted of a number of resolutions which were 
 afterward expanded into an elaborate and minutely de- 
 tailed set of laws of more than a hundred closely printed 
 pages. A judge, sheriff, and keeper of records were 
 chosen by the boys, the attorney and solicitor-general 
 by the head master. Cases were tried by jury, six 
 boys being selected by ballot. If proved guilty, the boys 
 were punished by being deprived of their holidays. 
 The student government was unusually successful, sav- 
 ing the masters much trouble. By the ingenious device 
 of compelling the boys to fight in secret, the custom was 
 almost entirely done away with. The scheme received 
 commendation from many high quarters, and was imi-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 69 
 
 tated in foreign countries. Its great defect lay in the 
 fact that it produced men prematurely; its graduates 
 were precocious imitations of maturity, or, in other 
 words, prigs. 
 
 The reform which came in the public schools owed 
 little to Eowland Hill, and is known through its con- 
 nection with the name of Thomas Arnold, head master 
 of Rugby from 1827 to 1843. The prevailing traits in 
 Arnold's character were moral earnestness and vigour of 
 mind. Himself a graduate of Winchester and Oxford, 
 he possessed a first-hand knowledge of public-school life, 
 and entered upon his head mastership with the definite 
 purpose in mind of reforming the public-school system 
 of England. \Miile Arnold owes his fame as much to 
 his intrinsic force of character and theological liberal- 
 ism as to his educational achievements, it can not be 
 denied that in essential particulars the public schools 
 of England have developed along the lines which he 
 was the first to inaugurate. In the field of school life 
 his work was adaptive rather than creative; he reorgan- 
 ized and systematized the institutions which had existed 
 previously in a loose way at the older public schools. 
 Admiration for Arnold should not blind us to the fact 
 that the movement he began was the next step in the 
 march of events, and that other head masters arrived at 
 the same conclusions independently. Nevertheless, the 
 actual reform in the schools was the result of Arnold's 
 work carried out by men whom he had trained, and in- 
 terpreted by such books as Stanley's Life of Arnold 
 (1814) and Hughes's Tom Brown's School Days (1856). 
 
 In brief, what were the adaptations which Arnold 
 made in the student life of the public schools? His 
 first move at Rugby was to reorganize the house system, 
 which had been allowed to fall into desuetude, owing to 
 the absence of the masters, who officiated as clergymen 
 in neighbouring parishes. He held that each boy
 
 60 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 should have a school home and be under the direct per- 
 sonal supervision of one of the masters. In many of 
 the public schools this system had prevailed for the 
 foundation scholars (those living on the bounty of the 
 founder), but not for the mass of students. The next 
 step was to increase the power of the sixth form (highest 
 class), and to make them the governing authority of 
 the school. Here Arnold laboured to increase their 
 sense of responsibility. He legalized the rule of the 
 larger boys because he felt that the strongest and oldest 
 would have their way in any event. By recognising 
 their sway and holding them responsible, he hoped to 
 change the character of their rule from a crude despo- 
 tism with occasional spells of anarchy, to a settled con- 
 stitutional government. The sixth form were in a posi- 
 tion to be influenced by the head master; the smaller 
 boys could only be reached through their school-fel- 
 lows. As a third and final factor, Arnold was the first 
 English educator to realize the value of athletic sports 
 as a safety valve for the animal spirits of the boys. 
 There is an old tradition to the effect that Arnold was 
 the first head master in England to witness a game of 
 football. 
 
 Such an outline gives little of the spirit of the 
 Arnoldian reform. The changes in school government 
 were but one step toward that self-reliance and manli- 
 ness which Arnold made the keynote of school life. 
 It does not fall within the scope of this sketch to speak 
 of the sermons from Rugby Chapel which so powerfully 
 affected the better element among the boys, or that 
 strong interest in each boy's personal welfare which 
 spared neither money nor time when there was service 
 to be rendered. Yet the sermons and personal appeals 
 were the forces which insured the favourable outcome 
 of the other reforms. To ignore them would be to give 
 a false and inadequate idea of the movement.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 61 
 
 The reforms at Eugby were made at an opportune 
 moment, the older schools were becommg unwieldy 
 through size, and a new series of foundations was 
 about to be begun. In a generation the face of public- 
 school life was changed. The renovated system of gov- 
 ernment made away with bullying for the most part, the 
 extraordinary growth of athletics checked the vices and 
 dissipation of school life and turned out men of unusual 
 physical vigour, the public schools became the seats of 
 a deep religious life, earnestness and zeal succeeded the 
 old indifference, and a new spirit reigned. Without 
 describing in detail this change, the writer will pass 
 on to an account of the present conditions of public- 
 school life in England. 
 
 The house in the English public school, like the 
 college in the English university, is the unit of organi- 
 zation. The number and influence of the houses vary 
 in the different foundations. At Winchester there are 
 nine houses, each containing about thirty-five boys. 
 Since the house system has been introduced the in- 
 struction and the care of the boys have been more inti- 
 mate and personal, and therefore much better than 
 before. The presence of the wives and daughters of 
 the masters among the boys is said to exert an elevating 
 and refining influence, putting the gawky boys at ease 
 in society and helping to reform the bad ones. The 
 houses are also of advantage in giving a new boy a 
 steady circle of acquaintances. The boys are kept 
 much together by their meals and early hour " lock- 
 up," while a series of roll calls prevents them from 
 spending much time away from schools. In conse- 
 quence the fellows in each house stick very close to- 
 gether, which leads to intense athletic rivalry between 
 the different houses. Each house has its debating so- 
 ciety, its football and cricket teams, and at Eton its 
 house " four " on the river. The colleges at Eton and
 
 62 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Winchester contain intellectually the pick of the school, 
 and are placed apart in a house by themselves. Rugby 
 and Harrow, on the other hand, scatter the best schol- 
 ars among the houses. 
 
 Closely connected with the house system is the gov- 
 ernment of the boys by the sixth form or highest class. 
 At Winchester this power is lodged in the hands of 
 eighteen prefects. Five of these have special titles, 
 such as prefect of the hall, prefect of the chapel, and are 
 usually chosen from the best scholars. The prefect of 
 the hall is, as it were, prime minister of the boys; he 
 not only has his own duties, but likewise supervision 
 over the other prefects. He quells disturbances and 
 acts as spokesman of the boys with the masters. The 
 prefect is empowered to inflict bodily punishment, 
 known as " funding," on the lower forms in certain 
 cases, the right of appeal to the masters always existing. 
 The captain of the house at Eton possesses similar 
 power, and when he is a boy of character, and has either 
 moral or physical power, he may be said to almost con- 
 trol the house. Wlien there is too much hubbub going 
 on in the passages, or any breach of manners or lesser 
 morals is committed, he is to a great extent considered 
 responsible. Such matters of discipline are usually 
 considered safe in his hands. The exercise of author- 
 ity by the sixth form is generally considered a success; 
 their commands are less resented than those of the mas- 
 ters, and do not provoke the instant opposition which 
 the latter sometimes evoke. The boys themselves value 
 their privileges very highly and resist any effort to cur- 
 tail what they are pleased to consider their rights. The 
 gain in self-respect, tact, and common sense which the 
 sixth form gains from the exercise of these powers is 
 by no means to be despised. Abuses of power some- 
 times occur, and so august an authority as the public- 
 schools commission report that the system should be
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 63 
 
 carefully watched to prevent abuses. The words of the 
 commission are worth quoting: " It is evident that any 
 system of this kind is exposed to some risks and open to 
 some objections. There are objections to any delega- 
 tion, express or tacit, to schoolboys, of the authority to 
 inflict punishment on their fellows. There is a risk 
 lest it be abused from a defect of temper or judgment; 
 lest it make those intrusted with it imperious or tyran- 
 nical, or priggish and self-sufficient; lest boys whose 
 character makes them illy qualified to govern others 
 should be oppressed and discouraged by a responsibility 
 to which they consider themselves unequal; and lest if 
 it fall into unfit hands it should be an instrument of 
 positive evil. There is some danger that the masters 
 should, more than is just or right, leave the discipline of 
 the school to take care of itself and the irregularities, 
 the correction of which forms a part of their own duty, 
 to be checked — perhaps ineffectually and perhaps not 
 checked at all by the senior boys. To guard against 
 these dangers effectually requires, we have no doubt, 
 much judgment on the part of the head msater and no 
 little care. . . . We are bound, at the same time, to 
 express our belief that cases of abuse have been excep- 
 tional, and by proper precautions they may be prevented 
 from interfering seriously with the beneficial working 
 01 the system.^' * 
 
 The same conservative tone pervades the report of 
 the commission on the closely allied subject of fagging. 
 They conclude that, " On the whole and with some ex- 
 ceptions, fagging, mitigated by the altered habits and 
 manners of the present time, is not degrading to the 
 juniors, makes no exorbitant demands on their time, 
 and has no injurious effect on the character of the sen- 
 iors. The relation between master and fag is generally 
 
 * Public School Commission Report, vol. i, pp. 42, 43 (1864).
 
 64: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 friendly, and to a certain extent one of patronage and 
 protection, and it sometimes gives rise to lasting in- 
 timacies." * Dr. Arnold and Edward Thring have botli 
 defended fagging on the ground that it protected the 
 small boy from the miscellaneous tyranny of a crowd of 
 elders. To quote from the latter: " A school with no 
 legal form of fagging is reduced to the level of a savage 
 tribe, and no boy can consider himself safe as long as 
 there is a stronger arm than his own. But a legal sys- 
 tem of fagging at once dethrones these clumsy tyrants, 
 makes them servants instead of masters, carefully 
 guards against promiscuous slavery, and removes the 
 bitterness of injustice of such power as remains." f 
 
 The present tendency is to make fagging duties 
 lighter from year to year. At Eton, three forms of 
 fagging are in vogue — mess fagging, attention to fag 
 master's room, and running errands. Mess fagging 
 consists in making tea and coffee, toast, and occasion- 
 ally boiling eggs or cooking, all of which seldom occu- 
 pies more than three quarters of an hour. The fag 
 caring for his master's room calls the occupant in the 
 morning, brings him warm water, fills his bath over- 
 night, and puts the room straight for bed. " Come- 
 here " fags are bound to run to any member of the sixth 
 form on hearing these words. The last one to arrive is 
 customarily despatched on the errand. J A few simple 
 duties like running errands, cooking, and washing bot- 
 tles, cover the entire functions of the fag at "Winches- 
 ter.* In other schools the practice has almost be- 
 come a thing of the past. 
 
 * Public School Commission Report, vol. i, p. 44 (1864). 
 
 f Thring, Edward. Education on School, p. 266. Arnold, 
 Thomas. On the Discipline of Public Schools, reprinted in J. J. 
 Findlay's Arnold of Rugby, p. 233. 
 
 X Pascoe. Everyday Life in the English Public Schools, p. 23. 
 
 =** Corbin, John. Schoolboy Life in England, p. 38.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 65 
 
 To the English schoolboy athletics forms the most 
 important element of the public-school organization, 
 for in England the games have a recognised status with 
 the masters. Many of the assistant masters are chosen 
 for their prowess in athletics. A large portion of the 
 school expenditure goes to games, and participation in 
 them is compulsory to all those not physically disquali- 
 fied. In the reminiscences of " old boys ^' cricket scores 
 and close games of football seem to overtop all other 
 sides of school life. One writer expresses the attitude 
 of nine tenths of the public-school men when he says: 
 " K'o thinking man will blame us for idolizing the ath- 
 lete. The cricketer in his flannels was our hero and 
 not the student immersed in his books. The fortune 
 of our ancient school will stand as long as we can pro- 
 duce not only scholars but cricketers." * 
 
 Cricket, football, fives, and boating are the favour- 
 ite forms of contest, although boating is now prac- 
 tically confined to Eton. Eugby and Shrewsbury are 
 noted for their football, Harrow and Charterhouse for 
 their cricket. Without attempting to present the de- 
 tails relating to the management of the games, or the 
 struggles for supremacy between the different houses 
 and schools, we will turn to the educational aspects of 
 public-school athletics. What has the universal par- 
 ticipation in games done for the English boy of the 
 upper classes? Primarily, it has equipped him with a 
 strong physique and excellent health. Most foreign- 
 ers visiting English schools of this grade are struck 
 with the vigorous and manly appearance of the 
 students. This result is so obvious and generally ad- 
 mitted that discussion would be superfluous, although, 
 for the benefit of the American reader, it may be 
 said in passing that athletic contests in England are 
 
 * Minchin, J. G. C. Old Harrow Days, p. 150. 
 5
 
 ee STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 less fierce and the training much less severe than in 
 America.* 
 
 The spread of athletics and the better organization 
 of games have enlisted the sympathies of the boys on 
 the side of law. To quote from Thring again: " The 
 internal order and discipline of every great school ought 
 to revolve around the central principle of the perfect 
 lawfulness of every out-of-door sport or amusement." f 
 To give the boys something to lose, that is the starting 
 point in any system of student self-government. The 
 organization of games puts a powerful weapon of con- 
 trol in the hands of the authorities. In another way 
 athletics make for order by sweeping along all kinds of 
 different temperaments and personal peculiarities on 
 one tide of social interest. 
 
 Another valuable function of athletics in a board- 
 ing school is to fill the mind of the boy to the exclu- 
 sion of more dangerous subjects. " Athletics supply 
 an object of thought and conversation that is perfectly 
 legitimate, perfectly wholesome, and within limits not 
 unprofitable. Boys at school pass through a period of 
 life during which bodies and minds are rapidly growing, 
 interests are being developed, and prospects of new 
 pleasures and activities are opening out. And it is 
 much that during such a period, when dangers and per- 
 versions of energy are nigh at hand, there should be 
 one master interest, healthy and absorbing, to dominate 
 speech and thought.'^ X Games promote good feeling 
 between masters and boys by giving them a common 
 topic of conversation of a neutral nature, unconnected 
 
 * For a discussion of hygienic results of public-school games, 
 the reader is referred to C, C. Cotterill's Suggested Reforms in 
 the Public Schools, chaps, ii and viii. 
 
 f Thring, E. Education and School, p. 258. 
 
 X Lionel Ford. Public School Athletics, in Cookson's Essays 
 on Secondary Education, p. 286.
 
 S^rUDJ^-^T LIFE IX EU 
 
 T\'itli school studie^ ^^ discipline. I 
 are themselves O- . athletes, the two 
 and fraternize on the playing fields. 
 
 To a certain e>:tent athletics mak 
 work for one's te;am rather than on 
 step in social education. The habitit 
 the hard discipline of training are 
 the development of such qualities o 
 temper and self-irepression. The s( 
 ity which comes j.Tom captaining a t( 
 one's house or school is in itself an 
 a man a sense of- his own real value 
 and makes him capable of dealing 
 either timidity on the one hand or p 
 other. While i his value of athletic 
 sometimes oven^stimated, it should be 
 looked.* 
 
 The Engii&h public have fullr . 
 which out-of-c^oor games have piay- 
 public-school 'Uan. Xow the greate.^ 
 come from th(; other side, from exces , 
 unreasonable devotion to athletics, 
 the heavy in^^estments of capital in . 
 of the time f^iven to sports far beyor 
 hygiene, the greatest obstacle to the ■ 
 the public s-chools has been the grc 
 athleticism. The boys leave schoo' 
 knowledge than at any previous pei 
 cases thev study perfunctorily; they " 
 est in f ngs intellectual, whether in 
 studies or outside hobbies. To eve 
 seventeen or eighteen years of age, tl 
 a public scho9j^' >,_^: play games; the 
 
 * For a full discussion of this factor 
 Psychological, Pedagogical, and Religio:) 
 Games, Pedagogical Seminary, March, 189(
 
 ^T LIFE AND P^rgTO^IS. 
 
 batting, averages? ^nd the literaturo 
 rare mental gifts, or strong charac- 
 il in with the athlc^tic mania, are dis- 
 ipanions and isohited, which reacts 
 . them. In short., athletics, instead 
 )ordinate but important place in the 
 has usurped the pc)sition of first im- 
 i intellectual intercests into the back- 
 
 g its supremacy, athletics has by 
 
 >oly of attention. Societies and or- 
 
 ,ny purposes are foi^ind in the public 
 
 )table of which are debating societies, 
 
 societies, natural history societies, 
 
 al societies, and religious organiza- 
 
 tie political instincts of their race, 
 
 ishmen concentrate their strongest 
 
 g affairs of state. Bes:;des the '* Pop," 
 
 !ral school society, eac^^h house has a 
 
 :s own, which is describ ed as a curious 
 
 tution. " It usually consists of about 
 
 'not, as a rule, elected for any sup- 
 
 .ratory), of whom ten are Conserva- 
 
 erals. Many varieties of opinion are 
 
 Jingo and the Radical, the scornful 
 
 of statistics. On the whole, these 
 
 are excellent institutions, awakening 
 
 iterest in public matters and public 
 
 ': not productive of vjloquerce. The 
 
 erally regarded with great interest. 
 
 he debating society, each house has a 
 
 it Eton these societies are conducted 
 
 ivithout intei'ference on the part of 
 
 eryday Life in the English Public Schools,
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 69 
 
 the masters, while at Winchester the head master is 
 always president of the Natural History and Shake- 
 speare Societies. 
 
 The influence and character of these kinds of clubs 
 vary in different schools. For instance, the debating 
 clubs are more prominent at Eton than at Harrow. 
 They play a more important part in school life than sim- 
 ilar organizations in America, with the possible excep- 
 tions of preparatory-school fraternities and debating 
 societies in some of the Western and Southern acad- 
 emies. In England these clubs have a particular value 
 in keeping alive a variety of interests amid the flood 
 of athleticism.* A description of the English public 
 schools which failed to take account of their individual- 
 ity and traditions would be inadequate. In this respect 
 the public schools may be compared with American col- 
 leges. As one speaks of the Harvard, Yale, or Prince- 
 ton type, so English writers refer to Etonian, Har- 
 rowian, or Eugbian character. A recent writer has 
 characterized the output of the above schools in a man- 
 ner so admirable that it seems worthy to be quoted here : 
 '' An Etonian is readily distinguished by the polish of 
 his manner from which the crudities of boyhood have 
 prematurely disappeared. His opinions show culture, 
 but are apt to be narrow, and are seldom based on very 
 solid ground. The Harrowian is more bluff and vigor- 
 ous, perhaps more brutal than the Etonian. His man- 
 ners lack grace, but his views are broader and his mind 
 more virile. The Eugbian is a very distinct and not 
 very agreeable type. He is Tom Brown pushed to a 
 
 * Worthy of more than a passing notice are the missions 
 established by the public schools in the poorer parts of London 
 and other destitute localities. Eighteen of the public schools 
 are now thus represented. Masters say that the tone of their 
 schools has improved since the boys have by this means been 
 taught to sympathize with the sufferings of the poor.
 
 YO STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 morbid excess, and is marked by an arrogant contempt 
 for the feelings and opinions of others, an unpleasant 
 roughness of manner, and a habit of contradiction that 
 borders on the insolent." * 
 
 The great estimation in which the public schools 
 are held, their long traditions and list of famous gradu- 
 ates, appeal to the imagination and tend to fasten a 
 pride and esprit du corps which has no small agency in 
 making self-government a success. The preachers of 
 school sermons — men like Arnold and Farrar — fre- 
 quently employ this motif with great effect. The follow- 
 ing quotation from a sermon by Canon Farrar will give 
 some idea of the strength of this feeling. It also testi- 
 fies to the manly and independent character of the men 
 whom public-school life produces: " This school has 
 sent forth poets of undying memory, great divines, 
 learned scholars, governors who ruled millions of new 
 subjects in distant provinces, eloquent orators who have 
 held listening senates breathless at their voice, states- 
 men who have been the foremost to guide the destiny 
 of civilized nations, mighty warriors who have rolled 
 the tempestuous thunders of victory over land and sea. 
 It is a power in English education forever. What shall 
 be the fate of Harrow, my brothers, rests in your hands; 
 a single generation may decide it. Our own hold on 
 the school may be short; the average time of a boy's 
 stay here is less than five years, but the good or harm 
 he may do in those few years is simply incalculable. . . . 
 Harrow boys of this generation, answer me — for I an- 
 swer not the question for you either way — has the hon- 
 our of Harrow risen or fallen in your hands? What has 
 your work been? Have you strengthened a good tradi- 
 tion or added virulence to an evil? Supposing any one 
 
 * Norman Pearson, in Lippincott's Magazine, vol. xxxiii, 
 p. 611.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 71 
 
 of you were the last scion of an ancient and noble house, 
 what would your feelings be if you brought on that hon- 
 ourable lineage a lasting, an irreparable disgrace? Yet 
 the blot on the white scutcheon, on an illustrious line, 
 is as nothing to any shame or disgrace brought through 
 your weakness or wickedness upon the reputation of a 
 noble school — a school the name of which, if you but 
 do your duty, must and will shed more honour on the 
 majority of you than you will ever shed on it. A pride 
 in Harrow, if it be a manly pride, is not only pardon- 
 able but right, not only excusable but desirable. This 
 school and not another claims your loyal allegiance; to 
 this school and not another is your chivalrous devotion 
 due. The public schools are among our worthiest in- 
 stitutions." * 
 
 In estimating the worth of student life in the public 
 schools, one can justly say with Eomanes that, if the 
 Germans have thus far excelled in perfecting the educa- 
 tion of work, the English have been equally pre-emi- 
 nent in developing the education of play. English su- 
 periority in this field has been acknowledged by recent 
 French and German writers of repute, and athletic 
 movements inaugurated in both countries, based largely 
 on English precedent. The secondary schools of 
 America have a student life of their own which is large- 
 ly an imitation of college ways and clubs. ISTo wide- 
 spread influence of English societies and games has 
 taken place, although some few institutions, like Law- 
 renceville, Groton, and St. Paul's, have adopted some 
 one feature of the English system. American observ- 
 ers, like President Sharpless, have spoken in high terms 
 of the training afforded by the public schools. One 
 American writer, Mr. John Corbin, has published a 
 
 * Frederic W. Farrar, in the Fall of Man and other Sermons, 
 p. 128.
 
 "12 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 book in which the public schools are held up as models 
 to his countrymen. He recognises that many of their 
 most striking features, like fagging and the monitorial 
 system, would not be tolerated in the great majority of 
 American schools. The house system and compulsory 
 athletics remain. These are both along the line of ad- 
 vance in American boarding schools, and, but for finan- 
 cial obstacles, would have been established. The great 
 lesson which American education has to learn from 
 England does not consist in the imitation of this or 
 that particular institution, but in the realization that, 
 in the hands of capable teachers, the schools may be- 
 come an important element in character building and 
 social education. English experience has provided us 
 with a standard by which American student life can be 
 measured. This is no small service. 
 
 § 5. Student Life in Scotch Universities. 
 
 Bibliography. — The Appendix to Volume II of Alexander 
 Grant's The Story of the University of Edinburgh contains an 
 account of student organizations there. Student Life at Edin- 
 burgh University, by Norman Eraser, describes the academic 
 career of a student of pietistic tendencies. Kait's Aberdeen is 
 useful for occasional notices. Two articles by John Nichol (Fort- 
 nightly Review, vol. xl, p. 639) and J. Leys (National Review, 
 vol. viii, 533) discuss the general tone of Scotch student life and 
 its relation to education. Chambers's Journal (vol. Ixxi, p. 593) 
 sums up the recent movements among Scottish students. David 
 Masson, the biographer of Milton, has written an interesting 
 reminiscent article in Macmillan's Magazine, vol. ii, p. 123. For 
 additional references, see Bibliography. 
 
 In 1850 the Scotch universities presented contrasts 
 to Oxford and Cambridge in their constitution, their 
 studies, in the constituency to which they appealed, and 
 in the spirit which animated them. The English uni- 
 versities were the most conservative in Europe; the cul-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 73 
 
 ture of a gentleman rather than professional efficiency 
 was their aim. They were the exclusive possession of 
 the upper classes, attracting to their halls a smaller 
 proportion of the population than the universities of 
 any other European country. The four universities of 
 Scotland, on the other hand, were relatively the most 
 popular institutions of higher learning in Europe; their 
 strongest departments were professional, and their 
 methods represented the strongest utilitarian tend- 
 encies. They were called the great public schools for a 
 majority of the middle classes of the country, and it was 
 said that nine tenths of the most successful Scotchmen 
 who worked in any degree with their heads had passed 
 at least a session or two at one or other of the universi- 
 ties. From their poverty, and the lack of regular prepa- 
 ration on the part of their students, they were not able 
 to compete with Germany in specialty and thorough- 
 ness, or with Oxford and Cambridge in regard to the 
 scholarly finish of the work done. 
 
 Poverty has always been the lot of the great major- 
 ity of Scottish students. Legends float do^vTi from by- 
 gone generations of students who walked from a distant 
 region of the country barefoot in order to save their 
 only pair of shoes, and with all their wardrobe contained 
 in a small knapsack which they carried on their backs. 
 In term time they existed on hard cheese, which they 
 had brought from home, and a little oatmeal. At the 
 University of Edinburgh there were men who worked 
 at bookbinding or printing, made pills and potions in 
 druggists' shops, acted as copying clerks in lawyers' 
 offices, or even engaged actively in the carpenter trade 
 while carrying on studies at the university. In fact, 
 the greater part of the student body were recruited from 
 the labouring and lower and middle classes. Such 
 men could not but be noted for the strenuousness of 
 their labours, the eagerness of their efforts, and the
 
 74: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 keenness of competition, which, together with the unhy- 
 gienic conditions of their work, often resulted in trage- 
 dies. Some necessarily fell back disheartened, and 
 perhaps soured with disappointment; a large number 
 are permanently weakened in health, and many never 
 emerge from the conflict. To quote the eloquent words 
 of a Scottish writer, " There is not a churchyard on 
 Scottish soil which is not the resting place of some 
 bright-eyed youth who paid for his ambition with his 
 life, who has been vanquished in the fight, and crept 
 wearily home to die.^^ (J. Leys, in National Eeview.) 
 Such an atmosphere of struggle and intensity was 
 unfavourable to the development of healthy student life. 
 There could be none of that exuberance of spirit which 
 accompanies all the manifestations of the play instinct. 
 The lack of collegiate life, except at St. Andrew^s, ac- 
 centuated the evil. The Scotch students were not a 
 body of young men associated together for any object, 
 but a number of isolated youths, each living his own 
 life in his own way, scattered up and down a great 
 city, and brought together two or three hours a day for 
 the purpose of instruction. Two or three youths of 
 similar tastes might form a group which resulted in 
 lifelong friendships; but the fact that the students had 
 nothing in common but their studies prevented any 
 fellowship on a large scale. The Puritanical distrust 
 of the world, fostered by Scotch theology, tended to 
 degrade student life in the public estimation, or, to be 
 more accurate, prevented the need of a student life from 
 being felt. There was nothing in the life of a majority 
 of Scottish students to answer to the influences which 
 at Eton and Oxford moulded the character and manners 
 of an Englishman, and in many quarters there was op- 
 position to the introduction of any such instrumen- 
 talities. Competent judges estimated that there was 
 less student life in the Scottish universities than in the
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 75 
 
 higher institutions of either England, Germany, or 
 America. 
 
 Critics of Scottish education realized the need and 
 pointed out the fact that the national character was 
 weak in the very points which an active student life 
 would tend to remedy. The Scotch type abounds in 
 fire and strength, has almost an infinite capacity to 
 work, and an almost superhuman desire to succeed and 
 command. The Scotchman's hunger to push and get 
 the better are often liable to culminate in displays of 
 envy, hatred, and uncharitableness. The master de- 
 fects of his mind are a want of grace, flexibility, and 
 repose, and the magnanimous qualities which make the 
 gentleman at ease. It was a matter of regret to many 
 that the university system encouraged mere activity and 
 emulation, and did so little to refine, moderate, and hu- 
 manize those who came under its influences. 
 
 In the northern universities of this period muscular 
 training was neglected. Cricket and boating clubs did 
 not exist, curling and golf were confined to a com- 
 paratively small portion of the country. Walking for 
 walking's sake led to nothing, and obviously served 
 no practical purposes. The picturesque country in 
 the neighbourhood of the universities, abounding 
 in romantic associations, had no charms for the hard- 
 working students. Football had been left behind at 
 the grammar school with marbles and other childish 
 things. 
 
 The only physical recreation which the students per- 
 mitted themselves were town and gown rows and rec- 
 torial elections. The snow riots in Edinburgh between 
 the students and the lower class of the citizens first 
 began to be noteworthy in 1831, the date of the great 
 riot, when the police, instead of maintaining order, 
 joined the rabble against the undergraduates. Formi- 
 dable snow riots took place again in 1848 and 1854:,
 
 T6 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 while the last affair of importance occurred as recently 
 as 1861. The rectorial election takes place every three 
 years, and at one time was the excuse for a carnival of 
 misrule. The contest was fought out along purely 
 party lines, and in the campaign, speeches were not 
 the only weapons employed. For a week before the 
 election the quadrangle was turned into a battle ground 
 by the opposing parties, who were armed with flour of 
 various colours, pea-shooters, dried flatfish, and similar 
 weapons. Both town and gown rows and rectorial elec- 
 tions, valuable as they were in generating bonds of 
 union between the students, were too occasional in 
 character to materially alter the state of isolation before 
 described. 
 
 The important social institution for the minority of 
 the students were the debating societies. At Edinburgh 
 the first of these organizations to be founded was the 
 famous Speculative Society in 1764, which soon as- 
 sumed and steadily maintained a brilliant reputation as 
 a school of debate for future lawyers, divines, and states- 
 men. This society possessed its own hall and library. 
 In the most brilliant period of its existence it num- 
 bered among its members Walter Scott, Lord Jeffreys, 
 and Henry Brougham. The Theological Society was 
 founded in 1776, the Royal Medical Society in 1778, 
 and the Dialectic Society in 1787. Later additions to 
 the group were the Scots Law Society in 1815, the 
 Diagnostic Society in 1816, and the Philomathic So- 
 ciety in 1858. The circle of questions discussed in 
 these societies was much wider than in English and 
 American debating clubs. Political issues have not 
 assumed such importance, and more attention has been 
 given to ethical and psychological problems. Earnest- 
 ness and fire, often to the extent of bitter personalities, 
 marked the discussions of the debating society during 
 this period. The debate often became a fierce give-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. Y7 
 
 and-take fight, in which the president's office was no 
 sinecure. 
 
 Scotch writers have rated high the social influence 
 of these early debating clubs. Says Professor Masson 
 (Macmillan's Magazine, vol. xi): Nowhere in the 
 university was the crossing of influences from the differ- 
 ent faculties and professors, and the importations at the 
 same time of independent influences, more observable 
 than in the debating societies. The very great impor- 
 tance of debating societies as the nonofficial part of the 
 apparatus of the university deserves to be noted. . . . 
 To this day I have known nothing of the sort better on 
 the whole, and it remains a question to me whether the 
 excitement and mutual invigoration afforded by them 
 were not that agency in the university life of Edinburgh 
 which gave zest and unity to the rest." 
 
 Student journalism at the University of Edinburgh 
 began in 1823. The University Journal and Critical 
 Review, instituted at this time, was a solid little pro- 
 duction, full of justly critical remarks on the various 
 deficiencies of the constitution. It continued through 
 twelve monthly numbers. Another magazine of the 
 same scope was published in 1831. Of greater interest 
 to the historian are the humorous sheets which enliv- 
 ened university circles at various intervals. In 182-1 
 appeared the Lapsus Linguae or College Tatler, a bi- 
 weekly brochure of four pages, which contained much 
 ephemeral cleverness and aired many university griev- 
 ances. Its personalities were so pointed and its carica- 
 tures so coarse that it was threatened with actions for 
 libel. In the year 1832 no less than three of these 
 comic journals — the Nimmo or Almas Tawse, the Anti- 
 N'immo, and the University John the Giant Killer — ^be- 
 gan publication. The most famous of these light pub- 
 lications was the Magna (1834), a weekly sheet. Twelve 
 numbers appeared. The editorial board formed the
 
 78 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Magna Club, which afterward gave itself the formidable 
 name Oineromathic. It is worth noting that this club 
 developed many of the characteristics of an Ameri- 
 can fraternity. The members wore a red ribbon across 
 the breast, terminating in a silver triangle which bore 
 the Greek words OINO^ EPOS MAOH^U. Many men 
 who afterward became famous joined the order. The 
 club aimed to promote truth, philanthropy, and good 
 fellowship. It was afterward called the Universal 
 Brotherhood of the Friends of Truth. 
 
 During the last fifty years (1850-1900) forces have 
 been at work which have essentially modified the char- 
 acter of Scottish student life. The general athletic 
 movement of Great Britain and the influence of the 
 English universities have been two powerful factors in 
 producing the change. To-day athletics play a large 
 and influential part in the life of the Scottish student, 
 although as a rule less time and money are spent on 
 amusements than is the case with their brethren of the 
 south. The universities take part in all the games of 
 the country and maintain a keen rivalry among them- 
 selves. Their contests, however, are by no means as 
 famous as those between Oxford and Cambridge. An 
 athlete of parts is sure to win for himself a favourable 
 share of attention at any Scottish university. The 
 students of the University of Edinburgh maintain the 
 Eifle Company's Shooting Club, a boat club, a golf club, 
 and a general athletic club for gymnastics, football, ten- 
 nis, and cycling. 
 
 More direct efforts to promote sociability have taken 
 two forms. In 1876 the Students' Club was founded 
 at Edinburgh for the purpose of creating a common life 
 which was lacking under the system of separate lodg- 
 ings. This club rents a building of its own, and is a 
 club in the usual sense of the term. It is conducted on 
 a simple and frugal plan, merely supplying a place for
 
 'STUDENT LIFE IN EUROPE. 79 
 
 common meals and for reading newspapers and periodi- 
 cals. University Hall, established largely through the 
 energy of Patrick Geddes, aims to create the common 
 life of an English college, and is conducted on co- 
 operative principles. The Hall consists of five or six 
 boarding houses, clustered in the most historic and pic- 
 turesque portion of the old town. The idea of common 
 life takes root slowly among the Scotch, and University 
 Hall even now contains less than one hundred students. 
 
 A new departure of great interest to an American 
 observer is the Eepresentative Councils which have 
 been created in the Scotch universities within the last 
 few years. The Representative Council is selected by 
 the whole body of the students annually, and is intended 
 as a means of communication between its constituency 
 and the governing body of the university. The mem- 
 bers are afforded an opportunity to exercise themselves 
 in debate and to play at the work which they may be 
 called upon to do later. The Representative Councils 
 have not effected that change in academic life which 
 was at first hoped from them. 
 
 English influence has been nowhere stronger than 
 in the remodelling of the debating societies which now 
 tend to combine the role of the club with their former 
 functions. All the old societies of Edinburgh still exist, 
 and are graded in order of importance by age. The 
 Speculative has an entrance fee of five guineas, which 
 limits its membership to young advocates; the Dialec- 
 tic and Diagnostic are the general debating societies 
 for senior students, and the Philomathic is given over 
 to freshmen. The literary and debating societies asso- 
 ciate themselves together in the form of a federation. 
 The office of president of the associated societies is 
 an honorary one and held by some distinguished man, 
 who usually delivers an address. One of the happi- 
 est speeches of the Earl of Rosebery was delivered in
 
 80 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 this capacity. The Union or associated debates are 
 open to all members of the university, and are justly 
 popular affairs; even a professor in evening dress occa- 
 sionally condescends to defend the constitution of the 
 country against the young lions of radicalism. 
 
 The tendency to multiply organizations, so notice- 
 able in England and America, is not absent from Scot- 
 land. In addition to the societies we have described, 
 the Scottish universities contain professional, musical, 
 and philanthropic organizations. The list of profes- 
 sional societies at Edinburgh is much briefer than a 
 similar list at Harvard or Pennsylvania. To the Medi- 
 cal, Scots Law, and Philosophical Societies, dating from 
 an earlier period, Edinburgh has more recently added 
 an Agricultural Discussion Society, a Chemical Society, 
 and a Natural History Society. The marked ethical 
 character of Scottish culture is reflected in the strength 
 of the moral and religious associations. There are two 
 Christian Associations in Edinburgh, a Missionary As- 
 sociation, and a Total Abstinence Society. 
 
 Many of the recent tendencies in Scotch student life 
 seem to parallel those in the United States; the late 
 growth of athletics, the general interest in debating, the 
 attention to student self-government — all these point to 
 a similarity of problems. As far as can be ascertained, 
 the growth of these problems in each country has been 
 quite independent of the other. It is to be hoped, how- 
 ever, that the results of Scotch student experience will 
 before long be placed before the American reader much 
 more in detail.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 AMEEICAX STUDEXT LIFE IX COLOXIAL COLLEGES. 
 
 Previous to the American Eevoliition, nine colleges 
 of high learning were founded in the English colo- 
 nies of North America. Of these, only three — Harvard, 
 William and Mary, and Yale — dated their existence 
 from a period previous to the middle of the eighteenth 
 century; the six late foundations — Dartmouth, Brown, 
 Kings (now Columbia), Eutgers, Pennsylvania, and 
 Princeton — with the exception of the last of the series, 
 had no opportunity to develop an independent student 
 life. Our study must in consequence be limited to the 
 records of three or four colleges, which records have 
 been by no means thoroughly explored and exploited by 
 the special students of the subject. 
 
 The colonial colleges were established by graduates 
 of the English universities who intended to reproduce 
 the conditions of Oxford and Cambridge. To a consid- 
 erable extent they succeeded. From their English mod- 
 els. Harvard and Yale inherited a strong ecclesiastical 
 bias, a curriculum tinged with scholasticism and a sys- 
 tem of almost monastic common life and discipline. 
 But the conditions of life in a new country made any 
 duplication of or even approach to the English univer- 
 sity system an impossibility. The Oxford or Cambridge 
 college was a unit in a larger whole, the university; Har- 
 vard, Yale, and William and Mary were isolated institu- 
 tions. The English college was the product of cen- 
 6 81
 
 82 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 turies of growth; it was largely governed by tradition, 
 and frequently possessed great wealth. The colonial 
 colleges were poor and in close dependence on the com- 
 mnnity; the Church controlled them and the State sup- 
 ported them. Their intellectual environment possessed 
 few of the resources of an older country and limited the 
 range of their activity. The colonists were involved 
 in a hand-to-hand contest with Nature which absorbed 
 their energies. Europe was far away, and communica- 
 tion with the other colonial centres dangerous and un- 
 certain; men were self-centred, their horizon was nar- 
 row; fighting Indians and planning settlements left no 
 leisure for the free play of speculation. But for the 
 dominant theological interests there would have been 
 no colleges until the middle of the eighteenth century. 
 Under existing conditions practical interests neces- 
 sarily predominated; the colleges were little more 
 than schools for training clergymen. The disinterested 
 love of learning, the atmosphere of criticism and dis- 
 cussion which were not wholly absent from Oxford and 
 Cambridge in the most degenerate decades of the eight- 
 eenth century, could not be found at Harvard or Yale 
 until nearly the end of the period. 
 
 Our first glimpses into the social life of the students 
 discover a dreary round of fast days, early chapels, se- 
 vere punishments, and bad board; the students seem to 
 be mere boys and are treated as such. As the eight- 
 eenth century advances the signs of restlessness begin 
 to make their appearance, and gradually a change in 
 morals and manners takes place. Profane cursing and 
 swearing, the frequenting of taverns and alehouses, the 
 custom of keeping wine, beer, and distilled liquors in 
 college rooms, all increased, to the sorrow of the gov- 
 erning authorities. Tutors were insulted and unlawful 
 combinations against the college government were fre- 
 quent. Laws were made, penalties inflicted, and re-
 
 STUDEXT LIFE IX COLOXIAL COLLEGES. S3 
 
 monstrances repeated without eradicating these evils or 
 even materially diminishing them.* 
 
 Student excesses culminated during Commencement 
 -^-eek. In 1693 the Harvard authorities warned the 
 students against the dangers of an oversupply of plum 
 cake. Xearly thirty years later (1722) a law was 
 passed to the effect that no plum cake, roasted, boiled, 
 or baked meats or pies should be made by any " com- 
 mencer." Distilled liquors were likewise forbidden. 
 During the eighteenth century Commencement became 
 more and more a public occasion; it was flocked to by 
 graduates and visitors from every section of the colony. 
 A procession of official worthies from Boston, headed by 
 the royal governor of the province, lent pomp and dig- 
 nity to the affair. At no other time was such an assem- 
 blage of wealth, dignity, and beauty brought together. 
 There was great difficulty in maintaining order, and dis- 
 graceful scenes sometimes occurred on the Common. f 
 
 The first form of student association to come into 
 being was the class which was for many years the ac- 
 cepted unit of college life before it possessed any formal 
 organization. Being for many years an almost uncon- 
 scious product of surrounding influences, few records 
 of its early history remain. The early laws of Harvard 
 (1647) recognise the class, not as a social organization, 
 but as a scholastic division for teaching purposes. J; 
 
 * Quincy, J. History of Harvard University, vol. ii, p. 90. 
 
 f Accounts of Commencement will be found in the following 
 monographs : Xorthrop, Cyrus. Commencement (at Yale), Yale 
 Book, vol. i, p. 366. Quincy, Edmund. Commencement Day (at 
 Harvard), Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 147. Todd, Henry Alfred. 
 Commencement Day (at Princeton), Princeton Book, p. 169. 
 
 X For those unfamiliar with American college usage it may 
 be well to state that the class consists of all those students who, 
 in the natural course of events, will graduate in a given year. 
 The class is known by the year of its graduation, as, for instance.
 
 84 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The employment of the word in these two diverse signi- 
 fications has led to much confusion. It is evident that 
 the social organization was an outgrowth of the scholas- 
 tic division, but even the approximate date of its ap- 
 pearance can not be given. We know that by 1725 at 
 Harvard, and 1745 at Yale, the members of classes were 
 ranked according to the social position of their fathers, 
 a usage which points to the existence of the class as a 
 recognised student institution.* Class day was not in- 
 cluded in the programme of Commencement week at 
 Harvard until 1760. Previous to this date the seniors 
 met informally and chose one of the members to 
 bid farewell to the college and facult}^ in a valedictory 
 address. The early class-day programmes consisted of a 
 " Latin oration sandwiched in between two prayers.^^ f 
 The list of class orators did not begin until 1776, the 
 poets not until 1786. It is probable that the class as 
 a social unit existed as early as the beginning of the 
 eighteenth century. 
 
 The distinction between men of different years was 
 made at the English universities; X the terms freshman 
 and sophister (sophomore) were in use there, but the 
 tutorial system of instruction, and the existence of a 
 large number of colleges which served as social units, 
 prevented these distinctions from assuming importance. 
 The class association was the product of the conditions 
 
 the class of 1895 which would enter college in 1891. Each year 
 of the college course has its name, the first being known as the 
 Freshman, the second as the Sophomore, the third as the Junior, 
 and the fourth as the Senior. For many years during the early 
 period every student necessarily belonged to some class. 
 
 * F. B. Dexter. On Some Social Distinctions at Harvard and 
 Yale before the Eevolution, in the Proceedings of the American 
 Antiquarian Society, Worcester, 1894. 
 
 f James Russell Lowell. Class Day, Harvard Book, vol. ii. 
 
 X Masson, David. Life of Milton, vol. i.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX COLONIAL COLLEGES. 85 
 
 of early colonial life. The most important factors in 
 its development in the order of their importance were 
 (1) the recitation method of instruction, (2) the fresh- 
 man laws^ (3) the system of common life, and (4) the 
 gulf between professor and student. 
 
 It was evidently the design of the founders of Har- 
 vard to reproduce the form of instruction of a Cam- 
 bridge college. In many respects such a duplication 
 was impossible. The poverty of the colonists reacted 
 on the methods employed in teaching. The resources 
 for the establishment of fellowships and tutorships of 
 the English type were wanting; the names persisted, 
 but the institutions perished. Instead of personal tu- 
 tors and university lectureships, economy dictated the 
 formation of a uniform course of study which in turn 
 led to the adoption of the recitation method of instruc- 
 tion, which was the prime factor in developing the class 
 as a social institution. The men of the same year re- 
 cited together during their entire residence of four 
 years, which naturally gave rise to a strong tie of asso- 
 ciation. 
 
 The so-called " Freshman Laws " were another 
 strong force in producing class feeling. By this unique 
 code the first-year students were consigned to a form 
 of servitude similar to the fagging of the English 
 public schools. The sophomores tutored the freshmen 
 and instructed them in the manners of the college. 
 The freshmen were to run errands for all the upper 
 classes, and, in some instances, particular freshmen 
 were assigned to college dignitaries. "We find refer- 
 ences to president's freshmen and tutor's freshmen. 
 In connection with their employment, a curious hier- 
 archy of privilege developed itself. A tutor could take 
 a freshman from a fellow, a fellow's rights were su- 
 perior to those of a senior sophister, a senior sophis- 
 ter's to a junior sophister's, and a junior sophister's to
 
 86 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 a sophomore's. The freshmen had collective duties, 
 one of which was to supply the upper classes with balls 
 and bats on the playing field.* 
 
 A rigid ceremonial of the Spanish-Bourbon type 
 was instituted. The freshmen must take off their hats 
 on the approach of an instructor or upper classman; 
 they must also pause on the approach of one of their 
 superiors. The laws interdicted all impertinence on 
 the part of the novice. He was not allowed to rap on 
 the doors of the upper classmen or to play with them. 
 He belonged to a separate and inferior caste. 
 
 The Freshman Laws were in force in a number of 
 colleges until the opening years of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. While Princeton led the way in their abolition 
 by a resolution of the faculty in 1767,1 they remained 
 fixed at Dartmouth X until 1797, and at Yale and Mid- 
 dlebury until 1804. Harvard* abolished the code 
 previous to the Eevolution, but so strong was the out- 
 cry against this curtailment of privilege that the laws 
 were again established. 1 1 Their significance in the evo- 
 
 * The Freshman Laws of Harvard are published in an appen- 
 dix to Josiah Quincy's History of Harvard University, vol. ii, p. 
 541, and in B. H. Hall's A Collection of College Words and Cus- 
 toms, pp. 213, 223. An excellent abridgment is found in B. C. 
 Steiner's History of Higher Education in Connecticut, p. 111. 
 
 f McClean, J. History of the College of New Jersey, vol. i, 
 p. 298. 
 
 t Hall, B. H.' A Collection of College "Words and Customs, 
 p. 225. 
 
 * Quincy, J. The History of Harvard University, vol. ii. 
 
 I Anomalous as these rules, sanctioned by the highest govern- 
 ing body, appear to us, they were entirely in accord with the 
 educational traditions of that age. Indeed, we find similar 
 codes in the institutions of continental Europe, dating in their 
 origin from the middle ages. As we have already seen (Chapter 
 I), the worst excesses of pennalism in the G-erman universities were 
 occasioned by regulations almost identical in theory with those
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN COLONIAL COLLEGES. 87 
 
 ^ hition of the class system was twofold. As we have 
 already indicated, they fostered a strong class feeling 
 by segregating the freshmen at the outset of their ca- 
 reer. Scarcely less important was the degeneration of 
 the tutoring and instructing of freshmen into rough 
 horseplay, and finalW into the hazing and rushing of 
 • the modern period. The Freshman Laws contained in 
 germ all the abuse to which first-year men have since 
 been subjected. 
 
 A third influence were the common meals and dor- 
 mitory life which belonged to all the colleges of the 
 eighteenth century. The common life was jointly the 
 product of English precedent and the necessities of a 
 new settlement where dwelling houses were at a premi- 
 um. Just what part this factor played in the forma- 
 tion of the class is now difficult to determine. It made 
 some strong form of association inevitable, without 
 determining to any considerable extent what that form 
 should be.* 
 
 The conditions of discipline, particularly the rela- 
 tion between professor and student, likewise made for 
 some strong form of association. Indeed, it is with 
 considerable difficulty that the college graduate of to- 
 day comprehends the relations between the two ele- 
 ments in the eighteenth-century college. Like its 
 English prototype, the colonial college was pervaded 
 with a strong ecclesiastical flavour. ]Many of its regu- 
 lations were those of a theological seminary. Prayers 
 M'ere read twice each day, usually at unreasonable hours. 
 
 we have just described. Relics of similar custorns have survived 
 in the English colleges until the last generation. The ateliers of 
 Paris have to-day their rough ordeal for the newcomer, although 
 it apparently rests on a recent tradition. 
 
 * For an account of the part played by the Commons, see 
 Butler, Daniel. Commons (at Yale), Yale Book. vol. i, p. 297. 
 Hall, B. H. Common? (at Harvard), Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 75.
 
 88 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 As a literary exercise, the students were compelled to 
 summarize the previous Sunday's sermon. Much of 
 the time during the senior year was expended on large 
 quartos treating of divinity. Blasphemy and the dif- 
 fusion of irreligion were the most heinous of crimes. 
 The professors' chairs were usually filled by clergymen, 
 and the presidents were uniformly ecclesiastics. The 
 factional contests over the management of the colleges 
 were nearly always founded on theological differences. 
 New colleges were established for the same reason. 
 Yale was a protest against the doctrinal laxity of Har- 
 vard, Dartmouth an embodiment of evangelical distrust 
 of Yale formalism, Brown represented the Baptists, 
 Kings (Columbia) the Episcopalians, Princeton the 
 Presbyterians. 
 
 As a result of this predominant ecclesiastical bias 
 one would expect a certain austerity and rigour of dis- 
 cipline. The long list of regulations and penalties 
 which one discovers far surpasses expectation in this 
 respect. Eules dealing with every possible variation 
 of conduct were drawn up, with lists of fines attached. 
 The Harvard laws enumerated eighty-three separate 
 offences.* Most amusements were forbidden. The 
 students could not hunt or go sailing without permis- 
 sion, at New Haven. Theatrical performances, bil- 
 liards, cards, and dice were on the black list. A stu- 
 dent might not lie down on his own bed in daytime nor 
 spend his own money without first securing the con- 
 sent of the authorities. He was strictly prohibited 
 from leaving his own room except at certain specified 
 hours, and was never permitted to attend elections or 
 mingle with the citizens. The teaching force of the 
 
 * Josiah Qiiincy. History of Hansard University, vol. i, p. 515 ; 
 the appendix contains a reprint of the Harvard laws. A digest 
 of the Yale code is given in B. C, Steiner's History of Education 
 in Connecticut.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN COLONIAL COLLEGES. 89 
 
 college did police and detective service in discovering 
 and punishing all violations of this code. 
 
 During the later colonial period the class bond was 
 a close one. Class activity showed itself in annual foot- 
 ball games and wrestling matches, and occasionally in 
 rebellions against the college government. There was 
 as yet no thought of formal organization, although the 
 institution of class-day orators opened the w^ay for the 
 election of temporary officials. 
 
 The debating society,* both within and without aca- 
 demic precincts, was largely an outgrowth of that great 
 enlightening movement of the eighteenth century, 
 known in Germany as the Aufkldrung. The marked 
 characteristics of the Aufklarung was its tendency to 
 submit all problems to the test of reason. The world 
 and its inhabitants were to be judged from the stand- 
 point of pure intellect. Knowledge and discussion were 
 exalted above the will and the feelings, f Such a creed 
 could not but stimulate popular discussion, for it was 
 directed not to select groups of specialists, but to the 
 drawing-rooms and average common sense. In its home 
 the Aufklarung led to the formation of numerous acad- 
 
 * Unlike the class association, which is national in its origin, 
 the debating society has a racial basis. If a distinction is made 
 between the debating society and clubs, having in view some 
 definite policy of revolutionary propaganda, we find that the 
 former class is largely confined to peoples of an Anglo-Saxon 
 origin. They are a testimonial to the strength of representative 
 government and parliamentary discussion, and indicate the domi- 
 nant interest in politics which has characterized the English race 
 for the last three centuries. The debating society also indicates 
 the nature of the Anglo-Saxon political interest, which has been 
 concentrated less on international complications and military 
 achievement and more on the adjustment of the relations between 
 the individual and society. 
 
 f For a characterization of the Aufldaruns:, see H. A. Taine, 
 Ancient Regime, Book III ; John Morlev, Voltaire.
 
 90 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 emies which discussed all subjects, from scientific agri- 
 culture to the existence of a God. In England it 
 strengthened the various royal societies, re-enforced the 
 club movement, and later originated different schemes 
 for diffusing knowledge among the masses. The soil of 
 America was prepared for the new stimulus. The con- 
 ditions of frontier life favouring versatility and individ- 
 ual initiative and capacity and the strength of local in- 
 stitutions, both political and ecclesiastical, all aided the 
 rapid growth of free discussion. During the latter half 
 of the Puritan period we find self-improvement soci- 
 eties * which soon expanded along general culture lines. 
 These organizations, however, were local and scattered, 
 of necessity, because of the physical conditions of set- 
 tlement. It remained for the first half of the nine- 
 teenth century to organize these isolated attempts in the 
 Lyceum movement. 
 
 The universities could not long escape the con- 
 tagion of the new ideas. At Oxford and Cambridge, 
 debating clubs, the forerunners of the modern unions, 
 were being slowly evolved from associations purely so- 
 cial in character.! The Speculative Society of the Uni- 
 versity of Edinburgh, renowned for its great names, 
 dates from 1764, while the Historical Society of Dublin 
 was an earlier growth. | Thus far no evidence has 
 come to light bearing on the relations between these 
 societies and the early organizations of Yale, Princeton, 
 and Harvard. They are simply mentioned here as one 
 of the phenomena of the eighteenth century. 
 
 In addition to the general movement of the Aufklii- 
 rung, which in itself was probably sufficient to account 
 
 * Thorpe, F. N. Benjamin Franklin and the University of 
 Pennsylvania, p. 20, 
 
 f See Chapter I for an account of these societies. 
 
 X Stubbs, J. W. History of the University of Dublin from 
 its Foundation to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century. ,
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN COLONIAL COLLEGES. 91 
 
 # 
 for the existence of the American debating societies, 
 there are other conditions which strengthened the 
 initial impulse and to a certain extent determined the 
 direction which it should take. 
 
 The first and most important factor in the environ- 
 ment was the political activity of the colonists. To- 
 gether with religion, politics formed the chief culture 
 interest of the people. The debates in the assemblies, 
 the contests with the royal governors, the large degree 
 of authority accorded the localities, all these tended to 
 foster a lively interest in public affairs — an interest 
 not confined to a capital or to a single class in society, 
 but equally diffused throughout the community. The 
 churches, both established and dissenting, were an addi- 
 tional source of culture to the people. The meagreness 
 of the press, the cost of books, the absence of theatres 
 and other facilities for amusement, gave the platform 
 and pulpit a culture significance which they have since 
 lost with the increasing complexity of civilization. 
 
 The dominance of the speech and the sermon was 
 recognised by the educational institutions. Syllogistic 
 disputes, one of the common modes of instruction dur- 
 ing the middle ages, still survived in the colleges of the 
 eighteenth century. The curricula and Commencement 
 programmes of that period present a strange and 
 almost grotesque jumble of the mediaeval and modern, 
 of Puritan theology and French rationalism. At the 
 same Commencement disputes of the old type, as " Ma- 
 tcria cogitare non potest/' are found side by side with 
 debates on the " Expediency of the Americans in their 
 Present State becoming an Independent State," and ora- 
 tions " Concerning oratorical Art and Benevolence." * 
 
 * From a newspaper account of a Commencement, transcribed 
 in Tolman, W. H., History of Higher Education in Rhode 
 Island, p. 102.
 
 92 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Systematic instruction in both syllogistic and fo- 
 rensic disputation was offered in the colleges. By the 
 Yale curriculum of 1755 syllogistic disputations fell to 
 all. Seven years later it is recorded that the two upper 
 classes disputed syllogistically Mondays, and on Tues- 
 days spoke forensically upon the issue involved in the 
 problem " Whether Adam knew that eternal damnation 
 would be his doom if he did eat the forbidden fruit." * 
 
 At Princeton, the authorities arranged a systematic 
 course. Preparatory instruction was given to the three 
 lower classes, who practised declamations of their own 
 composing. The seniors, who received the largest 
 share of attention, appeared in a series of disputations 
 on natural and revealed religion which were delivered 
 on Sunday " before a promiscuous assembly." This 
 practice was intended to habituate them to face an audi- 
 ence, and was also found conducive to religious ends. 
 Secular oratory was represented by a monthly oration of 
 their own composing, which was critically examined by 
 a member of the faculty in regard to spelling, punctua- 
 tion, and the use of figures of speech, f 
 
 With such an interest in public speaking, debating 
 societies could not be long appearing. The date of the 
 formation of the first society, and even the names of the 
 early clubs can not be given because of the disappear- 
 ance of the records. This omission is not a matter of 
 high importance because we possess full accounts of their 
 proceedings shortly after they became prominent. A 
 much more serious gap in our knowledge, as we have 
 already indicated, is the inability to ascertain their re- 
 lations to similar organizations in Great Britain. 
 
 The earliest society, the record of which has been 
 
 * Steiner, B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, 
 p. 112. 
 
 f McClean, J. History of the College of New Jersey, vol. i, 
 p. 267.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX COLONIAL COLLEGES. 93 
 
 preserved, was the Crotonian Society of Yale, which had 
 a brief existence and made way for Linonia, the oldest 
 permanent society, and the Brothers in Unity (1768).* 
 Contemporaneous with Crotonia and Linonia at Yale, 
 were the Plain-Dealing and Well-Meaning Clubs of 
 Princeton. A fierce rivalry, involving the interchange 
 of scurrilous pamphlets, led to their suppression by the 
 faculty. A year after this action, were founded, the 
 American Whig and Cliosophic Societies, the most 
 venerable and powerful of college debating clubs in 
 America, and the only organizations of this early period 
 which still survive in their original capacity, f 
 
 During the middle decades of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury the Harvard faculty took particular pains to im- 
 prove the public speaking of the students, a move which 
 led to the foundation of speaking clubs. The Cala- 
 bogus Club was organized as early as 1758; the White- 
 field Club in 1759. We are left to conjecture the pro- 
 grammes of these early societies. The Institute, of 
 1770, the most famous of the debating clubs of Harvard, 
 was founded by John Phillips, John Warren, and other 
 members of the class of 1771. In 1773 the Mercurian, 
 another important speaking club, united with the Insti- 
 tute, and gave it a position of primacy. Among the sub- 
 jects for orations during the pre-Revolutionary period 
 we note " The Odiousness of Envy " and " The Perni- 
 cious Habit of drinking Tea." I 
 
 * Coes, E. B. The Literary Societies (of Yale), Yale Book, 
 vol. i, p. 307. 
 
 f Cameron, H. C. The American Whig Society, Princeton 
 Book, p. 184, Jacobus, M. W. The Cliosophic Society, Prince- 
 ton Book, p. 201. These two sketches are condensed and popu- 
 larized by G. U. Wallace in his Princeton Sketches, p. 54. 
 
 X Thayer, W. R. History of Harvard University, p. 77, in 
 Hurd's History of Middlesex County, vol. i. Peabody, F. G. 
 The Institute of 1770, in Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 341.
 
 94 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The literary exercises of these early societies covered 
 a wide range of territory, and lacked the dominant po- 
 litical bias of the post-Revolutionary period. Theologi- 
 cal issues, mathematical problems, and even acrostics 
 and puzzles found a place. Some of the typical ques- 
 tions for discussion were the following: To extract the 
 square root of ^. — Why is the weather coldest when 
 the sun is nearest us? — Can finite -Nature commit in- 
 finite sin? — Is God the author of sin? — Does the soul 
 always think? — Was the flood universal? Ought the 
 slave trade to be abolished? — Is a tax on hogs politic? * 
 
 No small portion of energy was expended on dra- 
 matic entertainments, which often incurred the suspi- 
 cion of the faculty. These plays were usually light in 
 character and along the lines of the modern farce. The 
 exhibitions were popular and the prominent college 
 characters took part in them. Nathan Hale, of Revolu- 
 tionary fame, and James Hillhouse, played in a per- 
 formance called " The Beaux' Stratagems.'^ On an- 
 other occasion a musical dialogue was sung by two 
 prominent members of the college in the parts of Da- 
 mon and Clara, t 
 
 * Goes, E. B. The Literary Societies of Yale, Yale Book, vol. 
 i, p. 311. 
 
 t Idem., p. 313.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 studext life in america dueixg the revolu- 
 tionary period, 1775-1840. 
 
 § 1. The Class in the Eevolutionary Period. 
 
 Owing to the lack of authorities, no attempt was 
 made in the preceding chapter to describe in detail the 
 activities of the class during the colonial period. It is 
 probable that much which we are about to describe con- 
 cerning its activities during the Eevolutionary period 
 applies to the earlier conditions as well. 
 
 As we have before indicated, the old theory of dis- 
 cipline, by which the college faculty was entitled to 
 exercise a parental supervision over the students, had a 
 determining effect on the direction which the activity 
 of that organization took in its after-career. The pro- 
 fessors and tutors were not only instructors, but also 
 policemen and night watchmen. They were in duty 
 bound to capture and punish all rebels against the se- 
 vere college discipline of the time. This led to most 
 unfortunate results. 
 
 One writer testifies that no small proportion of the 
 breaches of the peace had for their sole object the 
 drawing out of this somewhat grotesque posse, whose 
 manoeuvres around a bonfire were wont to elicit shouts 
 of laughter and applause of the authors, whom they 
 strove in vain to discover.* The college buildings of 
 
 * A. P. Peabody, in Harvard Register, February, 1880. 
 
 95
 
 9.6 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 that period, unlike the quadrangles of the English uni- 
 versities, were not designed with a view to discipline, 
 and their open and isolated position made the detection 
 of disorder difficult.* The immediate control of the 
 dormitories was in the hands of the tutors, who were 
 oftentimes overcome with the dignity of their station 
 but inexperienced in dealing with men.f Ineffectual 
 as this supervision was from a disciplinary standpoint, 
 it promoted friction between teacher and student, and 
 prevented the professors from exercising the influence 
 due their station.;]: 
 
 As a result of the system outlined above, the stu- 
 dents considered the faculty their natural enemies. 
 There existed between the two parties little kindly in- 
 tercourse, and that little was in secret. If a student 
 went unsummoned to a teacher's room, it was nearly 
 always by night. A class looked with contempt on any 
 of its members who should enter a recitation room be- 
 fore the ringing of the bell, or remain after the close 
 of a recitation to ask a question.* So strong was this 
 feeling of antagonism to the faculty, that the students 
 who obeyed the regulations and attempted to be on 
 friendly terms with their instructors were given oppro- 
 brious nicknames, the most common of which were Blues, 
 Blue Skins, and Blue Lights. || At Harvard they were 
 known as Fishers and Piscatorians. A man was accused 
 of " fishing " often on the slightest pretext. Any stu- 
 
 * Wayland, F. Thoughts on the Present Collegiate System. 
 
 f Keminiseences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale, Class of 1821, p. 133. 
 
 X Qiiincy, J. P. Coercion in the Later Stages of Education, 
 Old and New, vol. viii, p. 47. 
 
 * Peabody, A. P. , in Harvard Register, February, 1880, 
 quoted in Bush, p. 190. 
 
 II Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, pp. 30, 31. 
 Cutting, George A. Student Life at Amherst, p. 132.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 97 
 
 cleiit who showed lively interest in his studies, or was 
 unusually courteous to his instructors, or who refused to 
 join in some general disorder, was open to suspicion. 
 To furnish the faculty with information concerning any 
 prank or violation of the statutes was the most heinous 
 crime a collegian could commit, and the bare suspicion 
 of it subjected a man to social ostracism.* A member 
 of the faculty who attempted to be on friendly terms 
 with the students was likely to discover that his kindly 
 efforts were misconstrued, and that he was being re- 
 garded with special fear as a spy.f 
 
 The factors which we have enumerated — viz., the 
 recitation method of instruction, the Freshman Laws, 
 the college dormitory, and the antagonism between 
 faculty and students — produced a vigorous common life 
 and esprit du corps early in academic history. By the 
 beginning of the eighteenth century the class was recog- 
 nised as a fully developed social institution. It was 
 without formal constitution, and its only officials, with 
 one or two exceptions, were the officers chosen just be- 
 fore graduation to officiate at the class exercises. The 
 place and functions of the class in student life re- 
 mained approximately the same during the purely col- 
 lege period of American superior instruction — that is, 
 from the eighteenth century to 1870, when the univer- 
 sity idea began to be influential. Without further 
 introduction of a historical nature, we shall attempt 
 to describe the different activities in which it played 
 a part. 
 
 First in importance come the relations of the classes 
 with each other. From the middle ages to the modern 
 art school it has been customary to subject the new 
 student to some form of initiation. The tendency was 
 
 * Peabody, A. P. Harvard Reminiscences, p. 188. 
 flbid., p. 137. 
 
 7
 
 98 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 embodied in the old Freshman Laws, and their disuse 
 opened the way for numerous perversions. We shall 
 describe these perversions under the general term of 
 '^ hazing/' making our usage of the term clear as we pro- 
 ceed. Hazing may be defined as the process of persecu- 
 tion to which the freshmen are subjected by the sopho- 
 mores. Hazing shades off by slight degrees to the mere 
 practical joke. During the first month at college the 
 freshman found himself the victim of numerous annoy- 
 ing customs. He was jeered at as he went by on his 
 way to recitations, and returned to find his lamp wicks 
 removed, and his bed and belongings piled in the centre 
 of the campus.* His property was at the mercy of the 
 upper classmen. The more valuable possessions were 
 usually surreptitiously returned after a season, but his 
 catalogue and umbrella, his pipes and tobacco, neckties 
 and towels, remained in other hands, f His room was 
 liable to invasion at all hours, and his person and be- 
 longings formed the means of amusing his tormentors. 
 Such annoyances as these formed the prelude of 
 more elaborate customs, one of the most common of 
 which was known as " smoking out." A band of sopho- 
 mores seizing a room, Avould close the windows, cover up 
 the keyhole, and endeavour to sicken their victim by 
 the density of the tobacco smoke. While waiting for the 
 process to be effectual, the freshman would be com- 
 pelled to scan Euclid or a Greek grammar, make 
 speeches, sing songs, dance, recite the alphabet back- 
 ward, or perform any other nonsensical action that the 
 ingenuity of his persecutors could suggest. | If he 
 proved obstinate or unwilling, the sophomores would 
 throw a blanket over his head and blow tobacco smoke 
 
 * Cutting, G. A. Student Life at Amherst, p. 123. 
 f Bagg, L. H. Four Years at Yale, by a Graduate of '69, 
 p. 252. 
 
 tlhld., p. 250.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN R7j:V0LUTI0XAIIY PERIOD. ^^ 
 
 up under it until he was either stifled or sick. At the 
 University of Vermont a pumpkin was taken, a portion 
 of the top cut away, and the interior filled with fine-cut 
 tobacco. It was then placed on the freshman^s table 
 and fire blown into it. After the fire died away and the 
 room was filled with smoke, the sophomores put the 
 freshman to bed, with the pumpkin for a nightcap.* 
 
 Another custom, essentially different, was observed 
 at the University of Virginia, and known as " initia- 
 tion.'^ The freshmen were prepared for societies which 
 had no existence by a peculiar process. The newcomers 
 were com^pelled to give a written list, tested under oath 
 of the entire number of their shirts and other necessary 
 articles of wardrobe. This list they were to commit 
 to memory and pass an examination upon, which was 
 usually accomplished with due satisfaction. Then the 
 freshmen are remanded to their rooms, where they are 
 kept awake by a hideous discord of horns, tin pans, and 
 horse fiddles, made under their windows. About two 
 hours before da^Ti they are taken out one by one. Each 
 freshman is taken in tow by a group of upper classmen, 
 led around through the dark, and finally left in a 
 lecture room, where he is told to ring for whatever he 
 wants, either hot biscuits or coffee, but forbidden to 
 leave the room without an express order from the faculty. 
 His stay is proportioned to his knowledge of the world, f 
 
 " Tutoring freshmen " at Yale, a somewhat similar 
 performance, had for its basis a burlesque on the old 
 custom of " instructing freshmen." Great pomp and so- 
 lemnity were observed on this occasion. The sophomore 
 who acted as chairman wore a powdered wig of venerable 
 aspect, and his desk rested on a pile of huge Hebrew 
 folios. After the freshmen have been duly impressed by 
 
 * Hall, B. IT. College Words and Customs, p. 435. 
 + Ibid., p. 265.
 
 % STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the affected seriousness of the scene, the chairman in 
 eloquent and pathetic language describes the tempta- 
 tions of a great city and the thorns and dangers to 
 which a novice is exposed, and the vortex of ruin into 
 which, if he walks unwarily, the newcomer will be 
 plunged. Then, reversing the picture, the orator fires 
 the youthful ambition with glowing descriptions of the 
 honours which await the successful, and opens to eager 
 view the dazzling prospect of college fame.* 
 
 " Salting the freshmen,^^ at Dartmouth, consisted 
 in placing salt and water on their seats in chapel. 
 These elements were symbolical of cleanliness, preser- 
 vation, and health. Custom at Bowdoin substituted 
 molasses for the salt and water, f 
 
 While the tricks and customs enumerated above were 
 commonly spoken of in a loose way as hazing, they must 
 not be confounded with hazing proper, which was a 
 much more serious and cold-blooded affair. Some indi- 
 vidual among the freshmen, odious to the sophomores, 
 either from conceit, strength, or obstinacy, was singled 
 out by a self-appointed committee, waited upon, gagged, 
 blindfolded, and rendered helpless. He was then hur- 
 ried away to some desolate locality, where various indig- 
 nities were practised upon him. His hair was commonly 
 cut off and his body branded with indelible ink or 
 smeared with paint. At Harvard he was sometimes 
 placed in a barrel in the river Charles. In colleges not 
 so conveniently situated to streams, the vicitim was put 
 under a pump for a considerable period. In cases of 
 extreme hazing unmentionable indignities were perpe- 
 trated. J From the necessities of the case such deeds 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 468. 
 t Ibid., p. 399. 
 
 X McCosh. Discipline in American Colleges, North American 
 Review, vol. cxxvi, p. 439.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 101 
 
 were performed at night. When the process was com- 
 pleted, the freshman was left half clothed with a gag in 
 his mouth, and his hands bound behind him, or else 
 would be dropped in a cemetery where he would be com- 
 pelled to wait until morning, when the gates opened. 
 
 To the credit of American studenthood be it said 
 that on an average not more than two or three such 
 affairs occurred each year in a tj^pical college, and in 
 these cases the students who suffered brought the 
 punishment on themselves in a majority of cases by 
 some foolhardy boast or deed. On the other side, the 
 number of sophomores who engaged in hazing of the 
 type described above was never very large — probably 
 not more than a dozen in a class of seventy-five or 
 eighty. The majority, however, made only a passive 
 opposition to the practice. The evil doers did not suffer 
 in the estimation of their classmates, but on the other 
 hand were often elected to the highest offices. The 
 hazing was not always done by a self-constituted com- 
 mittee. Occasionally a secret tribunal, descending 
 from class to class, added the terrors of mystery to 
 those of violence. Yale possessed such an institution, 
 which was known as the Court of the Areopagus. It 
 published a list of officers abounding in strange names 
 and titles. The decrees of the court were executed by 
 two judices, three accusators, four lictors, and four car- 
 nifices. They assumed names formed by odd-looking 
 combinations of letters, like N'chokotsa, Mochoasele, 
 Kantankruss, or Phreshietaugh. The list was printed 
 in heavy black t3^pe, and surrounded by mourning 
 rules.* 
 
 The governing boards of the various colleges tried 
 to extirpate hazing, but without success. Public senti- 
 
 * Bagg, L. H. Four Years at Yale, by a Graduate of '69, pp. 
 308, 309.
 
 102 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ment among the students condemned the man who 
 gave information to the faculty, and there was no other 
 means of obtaining information. The students de- 
 fended hazing on the ground that it was the only avail- 
 able method of disciplining conceited freshmen. The 
 real reason for its maintenance lay rather in the con- 
 servatism and reverence for tradition which marks the 
 earliest period of youth. That freshmen had always 
 been hazed seemed sufficient cause why hazing should 
 be continued. The desire to have smart stories to tell 
 to classmates and in public had a marked influence in 
 perpetuating the custom.* 
 
 The " rush " differed from " hazing " in being a free 
 and open fight, in which the two sides were almost 
 equally matched. It took place on leaving prayers at 
 chapel where the freshmen came out first and the higher 
 classes in the rear crowded them, pushing and " rush- 
 ing " them until a fight arose. Sometimes it also oc- 
 curred in other places. From this primitive free fight 
 was developed in time an organized formal conflict or 
 match game, taking place on an open field under fixed 
 conditions, and resulting from a challenge sent from 
 one side to the other, f The rush had been preceded 
 by the wrestling matches which occurred between 
 college classes during the eighteenth century. At 
 Harvard it was the sophomores who challenged the 
 freshmen. If the second-year men were defeated, the 
 juniors threw down the gauntlet, and, in case of their 
 failure, the seniors. The class of 1796 at Harvard abol- 
 ished this custom. J: The football game, annually 
 played between the freshmen and sophomores, resem- 
 
 * Edward Hitchcock. Reminiscences of Amherst College, 
 p. 335. 
 
 f Jordan, D. S. College Discipline, North American Review, 
 vol. clxv, p. 403. 
 
 t Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 498.
 
 STUDEXT LIFE IN REVOLCTIOXAFvY PERIOD. 103 
 
 bled a rush much more than the modern game of that 
 name. 
 
 The majority of the rushes of the period belonged 
 to the casual rough-and-tumble category. An excellent 
 description of one of these encounters is contained in 
 Cutting's Student Life at Amherst,* the main features 
 of which will be here given. This rush was caused by 
 a misunderstanding concerning the ownership of a 
 squirt gun which the class of 1861 proposed to bury. 
 The burial itself was intended to symbolize amity and 
 friendship, as the class in question had decided to dis- 
 continue hazing. The juniors, from whom the sopho- 
 mores had stolen the squirt gun, tried to recover it 
 while the sophomores were at dinner. The juniors 
 broke in the panels of the door and cut through the 
 plastering of the room which contained the prize, but 
 were held at bay by a few guards with pistols. The 
 sophomores, hearing the noise, attempted to rescue their 
 imperilled guards by ascending the stairs. The juniors 
 forthwith chopped away the stairs and armed them- 
 selves with the timbers. A series of hot hand-to-hand 
 encounters ensued, in which the sophomores were vic- 
 torious. They steadily fought their way up the stairs, 
 wrested the clubs away from their antagonists, and 
 dragged them by their legs downstairs. At the moment 
 of success the president of the college interfered. 
 Many sore heads and bruised limbs resulted from this 
 fray. In the annals of every American college there are 
 to be found records of numerous fights, very similar in 
 general features to the foregoing. 
 
 The regularly organized rush was not without its 
 representatives during this period, particularly in the 
 larger colleges. In the freshman-sophomore rush at 
 Yale each party formed a solid mass with its heaviest 
 
 * Cutting, G. A. Student Life at Amherst College, p. 131.
 
 104 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 men in front. When the formation was completed the 
 mass rushed toward its opponents and endeavoured to 
 push them out of the building, or sweep them from 
 the walks and street, to go through them, break up 
 their ranks and disorganize them generally. The rush 
 itself presents a scene of a seething, struggling mass 
 of men, shoving, crushing, trampling one another, 
 snatching caps, tearing clothes, and fighting for dear 
 life to work their way through the opposing mass 
 with some show of unbroken ranks. After the first 
 onset the parties draw off and go through the pro- 
 cess again. The contest usually results in a draw. The 
 " banger rush,^^ at the same institution, was a more satis- 
 factory affair. The freshmen provide themselves with 
 three or four strong canes known as bangers, which they 
 place in the hands of their strongest members; the en- 
 tire class surrounds the champions in a close, compact 
 mass, which the sophomores must penetrate and wrest 
 the clubs away.* 
 
 The University of Pennsylvania developed a unique 
 form of rushing, known as the ^^ bowl fight.'' The 
 sophomores are given a certain number of minutes 
 to place in a great wooden bowl, which they have pre- 
 pared for the occasion, the low^est honour-man in the 
 freshman class. Should the freshmen succeed in 
 holding their bowlman from the hands of the sopho- 
 mores until time is called, they then struggle to break 
 the bowl. The bowl fight took place in the public 
 street, and the police and " muckers," as the residents 
 of West Philadelphia were called, participated in the 
 fray. The conflict is described as a wild scene. f 
 
 * Bagg, L. H. Four Years at Yale, by a Graduate of '69, pp. 
 256, 257. 
 
 f Levin, J. S. Undergraduate Life in Thorpe's Benjamin 
 Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania, p. 408.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 105 
 
 The students of Princeton have likewise shown con- 
 siderable originality in devising modes of rivalry. At 
 the beginning of a term it is customary for the lower 
 classes to placard the town with posters taunting their 
 rivals and challenging them to fight. Some of these 
 proclamations are large enough to be seen at a distance 
 of five miles. The opposition must tear the posters 
 down, and numerous rushes result. The men are some- 
 times impelled against each other with such force that 
 the front ranks are actually lifted in the air by the 
 shock. The " cane spree " is another Princeton insti- 
 tution. The freshmen appear in front of the post office 
 with canes, which the sophomores "grab." A series 
 of contests are then arranged for, the juniors acting as 
 seconds for the freshmen, and the seniors acting in the 
 came capacity for the sophomores. The seconds ar- 
 range conflicts between men of equal strength and 
 weight. The men are sometimes coached for weeks. 
 On the first moonlight night in September or early Oc- 
 tober the groups come together for a series of encoun- 
 ters. Statistics of the canes captured are collated. If 
 the freshmen win, they are allowed to carry canes.* 
 
 As to the general utility and results of hazing and 
 rushing, the opinion of the outside public and the stu- 
 dent public differed materially. To the student the dan- 
 ger attendant upon interclass rivalry only added spice 
 and zest to college life. It was the common hardships 
 and persecutions of the freshman year which knit the 
 members together in the common bond of fellowship, 
 and gave that air of adventure and risk which made the 
 college something more sacred than merely an institu- 
 tion for instruction. In the memoirs and reminiscences 
 of college life no element is more emphasized than the 
 
 * Alexander. Undergraduate Life at Princeton, Scribner's 
 Magazine, vol. xxi, p. 663.
 
 106 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 charm which this rough apprenticeship lent to under- 
 graduate life. The ordinary citizen saw the problem in 
 an altogether different light. Usages so rough that 
 they would not for a moment be tolerated elsewhere 
 continued to flourish in institutions which were ex- 
 pected to send forth the intellectual leaders of the 
 next generation. It w^as claimed that hazing and rush- 
 ing brutalized the students. Dark stories of wrecked 
 careers and ruined constitutions found their way into 
 print. While there was undoubtedly much of exaggera- 
 tion in this view, there were certainly many facts which 
 supported it. Hazing undoubtedly terrorized and made 
 miserable the lives of the more timid freshmen. It is 
 difficult now from the evidence at hand to estimate just 
 how much physical injury was wrought by these cus- 
 toms, because it was to the interest of all parties con- 
 cerned in such affairs to keep the evidence below the 
 surface. If we take the stories of undergraduate life 
 which have come down to us as the criterion, the damage 
 must have been considerable. The writer, however, has 
 been able to collect only a few authentic cases of serious 
 injury. Hitchcock * and Peabody,f in their reminis- 
 cences, both refer to cases of fatal illness occasioned by 
 hazing.* 
 
 By no means all the surplus combative energy of 
 the undergraduate was devoted to internal contests. 
 The governing boards of the colleges were often a target 
 for student opposition. The rigid discipline of the 
 period and the antagonism between faculty and students 
 have been previously referred to, but the active reaction 
 of the students has yet to be treated of. In the follow- 
 
 * Hitchcock, Edward. Reminiscences of Amherst College, 
 p. 334. 
 
 f Peabody, A. P. Harvard Reminiscences, p. 33. 
 
 :}: For record of a tragic case, see Powell, L. P., History of 
 Education in Delaware, p. 118.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 107 
 
 ing paragraphs an endeavour will be made to present 
 the most important conditions. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that the national manners 
 of a half century ago were essentially those of a fron- 
 tier people — rude, boisterous, and over-assertive; yet we 
 hardly expect to find that, at Harvard, outrages involv- 
 ing not only a large destruction of property, but even 
 peril to life — as, for instance, the blowing up of public 
 buildings with inhabited rooms — occurred every year.* 
 The undergraduates of Yale celebrated Christmas by 
 smashing the windows of the college buildings and 
 barring the doors so fast that the professors were com- 
 pelled to smash them in with an axe. Incidentally the 
 lamps were filled with water, the president's house 
 painted red, white, and blue, and a cow placed on the top 
 floor of the dormitory, f Whether at home or among 
 the Northern colleges, the Southern students possessed 
 the greatest aptitude for violence and the most daring 
 in carrying their plans into execution. The chief staple 
 of college annals in the Southern colleges was furnished 
 by the incidents of innumerable petty outrages on the 
 part of the students which the faculty attempted (usu- 
 ally without result) to punish. The historian of Dela- 
 ware College records numerous expulsions for such of- 
 fences as overturning stoves, breaking windows, thiev- 
 ery, drunkenness, and personal assault on members of 
 the faculty, t The students of South Carolina College 
 seem to have indulged in violence more systematically 
 th^n their contemporaries. At night it was a com- 
 mon occurrence for the students to disguise themselves, 
 paint their faces black, and ride across the college yard 
 
 * Peabody, A. P. Harvard Reminiscences, p. 45. 
 f Steiner, B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, pp. 
 163, 164. 
 
 X Powell, L. P. History of Education in Delaware, pp. 96, 97.
 
 108 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 shouting and sounding horns. To get drunk and dis- 
 tribute free whisky at the well on the college campus 
 and go roaming around breaking windows and stoning 
 professors' houses seem to have been quite common oc- 
 currences. The professors were sometimes called liars 
 to their faces.* 
 
 It is not with this general violence that we are 
 mainly concerned at the present juncture, but with the 
 rebellions which occurred from time to time against the 
 regulations of the faculty. These rebellions were not 
 usually accompanied by acts of violence, but took more 
 the form of strikes or boycotts. One of the most com- 
 mon grievances on the part of the students was in the 
 quality and quantity of food served in the college com- 
 mons. We have reliable authority that the rations were 
 unusually bad. One graduate considered the board fur- 
 nished at Yale as absolutely destructive of health. The 
 ordinary breakfast consisted of a dish known as " slum," 
 which was composed of the remains of yesterday's boiled 
 salt beef and potatoes, hashed up and fried in a frying 
 pan.f 
 
 Another frequent cause of dissension was in the dis- 
 tribution of Commencement honours. It is difficult for 
 a modern student to realize the value attached to a part 
 fifty years ago. In many ways it was considered the 
 test of a man's success in his college career. It was 
 no pleasant occasion when the disappointed student saw 
 flowers showered upon his successful rival, while he was 
 compelled to take his diploma in silence. Since the ap- 
 pointments depended on the individual judgment of the 
 professors, the cry of injustice could always be raised. 
 The spirit of rebellion is therefore rife in college about 
 
 * Meriwether, Colyer. History of Education in South 
 Carolina. 
 
 f Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale, Class of 1831, p. 117.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 109 
 
 Commencement time, so that if any event should turn 
 up they could form a nucleus of opposition, rebellious 
 feeling could easily crystallize about it.* 
 
 Any sudden change in the curriculum or methods 
 of instruction might be the occasion of a revolt. The 
 students were obstinately opposed to an innovation 
 which might signify increased study. In 1790 a pub- 
 lic examination was instituted at Harvard. The stu- 
 dents evinced great discontent, because it was not with 
 this understanding that they entered college. They 
 considered the new regulations as an ex post facto law. 
 By various moves they endeavoured to prevent the ex- 
 amination, even to the extent of actual violence. It was 
 seven years before the difficulty was satisfactorily dis- 
 posed of.f 
 
 We have the notices of rebellions in the different 
 colonial colleges, going as far back as 1750. Harvard 
 was early subject to these disturbances. The reJDellion 
 of 1766 was of such dimensions that it interrupted the 
 regular work of the college for more than a month. It 
 arose because of dissatisfaction with the commons. An- 
 other outbreak took place in 1768, and led to the expul- 
 sion of numerous students. J; The most famous upris- 
 ing of the Harvard undergraduates occurred in 1807. 
 The exercises of the college were brought to a stand- 
 still. As in most controversies of the sort, the students 
 were nominally beaten, and their leaders rusticated. 
 Often, however, the revolts were indirectly effectual in 
 procuring the desired result. No less a person than Dr. 
 Channing, the great leader of American Unitarianism, 
 was expelled from college for participation in this re- 
 volt. The rebellion of 1807 gave rise to an extensive 
 
 * Hitchcock, E. Reminiscences of Amherst College, p. 331. 
 
 t Hall, p. H. College Words and Customs, p. 181. 
 
 X Bush, H. G. Higher Education in Massachusetts, p. 59.
 
 110 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 literature of a humorous character. One of the most 
 famous products was a mock-heroic entitled The Ee- 
 belliad or Rebellion Poem,* an epic written in five can- 
 tos, by Samuel Alden and Charles Stetson, which 
 throws valuable light on some of the customs of the 
 times. Another prolonged rebellion at Harvard took 
 place in 1834, during which property was destroyed, f 
 
 The freshmen and sophomores of Yale rebelled in 
 1819 because of the quality of the commons, and in 
 1838 there was a more extensive uprising, known as 
 "The Bread and Butter Eebellion.'' The students 
 struck, and were consequently expelled, but readmitted 
 to college upon apologizing. The year 1830 marks the 
 outbreak of Yale's most formidable insurrection. This 
 was the Conic Section's Rebellion, and was caused by a 
 change in the method of teaching mathematics. The 
 students refused to demonstrate 'theorems from the 
 blackboard, preferring their text-books instead. The 
 faculty declined to accede to their petition for change, 
 and a large portion of the class refused to recite. Oth- 
 ers signed a paper indorsing the position of the malcon- 
 tents, and prayed the faculty to punish all equally. This 
 suggestion the faculty promptly acted on, expelling 
 forty-one students by a single resolution. The rebels 
 were refused admission elsewhere and were compelled 
 to come to terms. The outcome of this controversy put 
 an end to rebellions at Yale.]; 
 
 In the colleges of the Middle and Southern States 
 the rebellions were more riotous and violent in charac- 
 
 * Copy in Boston Public Library. Another interesting- pub- 
 lication of an anonymous nature was published under the title 
 Don Quixote at College, or the History of the Valiant Adven- 
 tures lately achieved by the Students of Harvard University, 
 Boston, 1807. 
 
 f Peabody, A. P. Harvard Reminiscences, p. 84., 
 
 X Steiner, B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, p. 163.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD, m 
 
 ter. At Princeton there were six formidable disturb- 
 ances during the first three decades of the present cen- 
 tury. In 1806 half the students were expelled, and the 
 college dealt a blow which impaired its usefulness for 
 years. On one occasion the rioters gained full pos- 
 session of the college buildings and defied the authori- 
 ties.* At South Carolina College the conomons were a 
 source of endless boycotts and rebellions by the stu- 
 dents. At one time all the students but twenty-eight 
 were suspended for refusing to inform on one of their 
 number. Again, sixty were suspended; while, at one 
 session, seventy-seven refused to return because the 
 petition on their favourite grievance, eating, had not 
 been granted. f The University of Alabama presents 
 much the same record. In 1837 the entire senior class 
 was dismissed. Eight years later, all the students were 
 expelled because they refused to swear to their inno- 
 cence in a certain affair and thereby implicate the guilty 
 parties. Another attempt was made to enforce this ex- 
 culpation law in 1847. Faculty action was met with an 
 organized rebellion, which left but one senior and two 
 freshmen in attendance at recitations. J 
 
 WHiile, in some instances, the entire student body 
 participated in the rebellion, the decision was made 
 separately by each class in its own meeting. Many of 
 the revolts were confined to one or two classes. It was 
 the class spirit of cohesion which made organized strikes 
 and boycotts possible. The faculty realized that the 
 class organization furnished the support to outbreaks, 
 and its attitude toward the class was bitterly hostile. 
 
 * Maclean, J. History of the College of New Jersey, vol, ii, 
 pps. 72, 154, 167, 168, 253, 268. 
 
 f Meriwether, Colyer. History of Education in South Caro- 
 lina, p. 157. 
 
 X Clark, W. G. History of Education in Alabama, pp. 43, 
 59. 65.
 
 112 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The laws of Harvard prohibited class meetings unless 
 the call was signed by three responsible students and 
 countersigned by the president. The three students 
 were held responsible for all violations of the college 
 statutes. Union College considered all class meetings 
 held without license as unlawful combinations, and 
 punished them as such.* Similar rules existed in the 
 other American colleges; at Yale any form of class or- 
 ganization was absolutely prohibited. 
 
 To the college president a class meeting seemed 
 capable of infinite folly. It was, to a certain extent, a 
 mock caucus controlled by the fermenting element of 
 the class. The more judicious members stayed away 
 and attended to their private affairs. f "Under class 
 pressure or class vote, students will sign a petition or 
 incur an expense they do not believe in, or cut a recita- 
 tion they desire to attend, and be forced into relations 
 and conditions they condemn. The boldness of the ill- 
 disposed and reckless is not met with an equal counter- 
 courage and decision of the good." I If the notion 
 comes to prevail that the class can have any influence 
 whatever in shaping faculty action, bad results are 
 almost certain to follow. These utterances of contem- 
 porary college presidents express in a modified form the 
 ideas which dominated faculty action in the last gen- 
 eration. 
 
 Town and gown rows deserve attention in the dis- 
 cussion of the sphere of the class in student life. Such 
 conflicts between the students and the outside public 
 were by no means as important or numerous in Ameri- 
 can seats of learning as in the mediaeval or modern Eng- 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 78. 
 t C. K. Adams. Discipline in American Colleges, North 
 American Review, vol. cxlix, p. 17. 
 
 X Bartlett, S. C. College Disturbances, Forum, vol. iv, p. 428.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 113 
 
 lisli universities. The antagonism has always existed, 
 and left evidences of its presence in various small cus- 
 toms. It is rather in the old-time academies that we 
 must look for the town and gown spirit in its most 
 marked manifestations. Most American colleges were 
 situated in towns too small to threaten the supremacy of 
 the students. Serious and well-developed contests of 
 this character are found only where a strong alien ele- 
 ment existed in the town itself. Thus, the Yager fights 
 at Bowdoin were almost entirely with the lumbermen 
 in the spring of the year.* At New Haven the sailors 
 were commonly the aggressive element. Here the con- 
 flicts between the townsmen and students were unusu- 
 ally frequent and severe, which led to the growth of a 
 peculiar institution, " The Bully Club." In the early 
 fights with the sailors a huge club was captured. Each 
 year this club was bestowed on the strongest man in the 
 senior class, who henceforth acted as class president, 
 and led the students in conflicts with the town. In ad- 
 dition to the major bully, or president, there was also a 
 minor bully, usually a small man, who acted as vice- 
 president. This curious institution came to an end 
 in a fight at a Commencement procession in 1840, 
 caused by the appearance of two leaders, one claiming 
 the old name of bully, the other rejoicing in the more 
 refined title ^f marshal, f During the existence of the 
 Bully Club, at least one pitched fight a year took place 
 between the classmen and the " townies." For the most 
 threatening exhibition, we must pass to a later period. 
 In the great riot of the townsmen in 1854 the students 
 were compelled to force their way through a hostile 
 mob. A student stabbed one of the rioters, which so 
 angered the to^Tismen that they tried to batter down 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 504. 
 f B&gg, Lyman H. The Bully Club, Yale Book, vol. ii, p. 460. 
 8
 
 114: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the college buildings with an old cannon. The police 
 succeeded in spiking this and in dispersing the mob 
 before any serious damage was done.* 
 
 Another evidence of the dominancy of the class as 
 a social unit is seen in the number of customs and cere- 
 monials which clustered about it. While chiefly hu- 
 morous in character, these customs were not without 
 their effect in giving undergraduate life a certain 
 unique charm and individuality. Many of them dealt 
 with the relationship between the classes. For in- 
 stance, freshmen were everywhere debarred from carry- 
 ing canes and wearing beaver hats. A curious tradition 
 at Yale prevented them from sitting on the college 
 fence with the upper classmen until after they had 
 beaten the Harvard freshmen at baseball. f The sen- 
 iors alone might relax themselves by spinning tops, 
 playing marbles, rolling hoops, or indulging in an ex- 
 citing game of " nigger-baby." 
 
 In a number of institutions the close of the fresh- 
 man year of apprenticeship was celebrated in an appro- 
 priate manner. The chapel bell was rung from mid- 
 night until the rope was worn out. This signified that 
 the freshmen had lost their rust. The upper classes 
 were diverted by a display of fireworks and enlivened by 
 a serenade of discordant sounds made to issue from tin 
 kettledrums, horse fiddles, trumpets, and horns. At the 
 beginning of their college career at Hamilton the 
 freshmen were invested with the insignia of their re- 
 sponsibility. The sophomores present a heavy cudgel, 
 six feet long, of black walnut, and bound with brass; 
 inscribed on a silver plate are the words ^^ Freshman 
 Club." The club becomes the property of the one who 
 can hold it out at arm's length the longest time, who 
 
 * Steiner, B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, p. 201. 
 flbid.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 115 
 
 henceforth acts as a leader. The freshmen form a pro- 
 cession and try the virtues of the club on the chapel 
 door.* 
 
 The personal peculiarities of the members were 
 made the occasion of curious class customs. At Har- 
 vard the laziest man in the class received a leather 
 medal from his classmates, while the ugliest man was 
 consoled with a jackknife. At the University of In- 
 diana it was the greatest liar who received the jack- 
 knife, f Another Harvard custom gave the best mathe- 
 matician in a class a large slate, which on leaving col- 
 lege was presented to the best mathematician in the 
 class below, who in his turn passed it on to the next 
 class. The class of 1848 at Amherst presented one of 
 its members who had been newly married with a crib, a 
 family Bible, and a copy of Mrs. Ellis's Treatise on 
 Domestic Economy. x\nother ilmherst class gave its 
 smallest member a new beaver hat and arranged all 
 elaborate presentation ceremony. J It was quite a com- 
 mon custom for the senior class to set aside a cer- 
 tain sum of money for the first legitimate child born 
 to any member after graduation. The money was ex- 
 pended for a silver cup, which was presented to the child 
 at one of the annual class dinners. In one instance a 
 baby jumper was voted to the second member of the 
 class thus favoured."^ 
 
 A strong tendency toward burlesque is observable 
 in niany student customs. One of the most widespread 
 forms has been that of mock programmes known as 
 rakes and bogies. The bogie was usually a caricature of 
 some programme of an entertainment by another class. 
 They were always satirical, touching upon the personal 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 399. 
 f Ibid., p. 267. 
 
 X Cutting, George A. Student Life at Amherst, p. 121. 
 » Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 68.
 
 116 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 foibles of the opposition; usually they were scurrilous 
 and abusive, and often vulgar and obscene. The col- 
 lege authorities universally forbade the publication of 
 bogies, and so they were distributed and printed in 
 secret. The detective efficiency of a college faculty was 
 always measured by its skill in discovering the authors. 
 When detected, the guilty parties were at once ex- 
 pelled.* 
 
 A more healthful form of amusement was found in 
 burlesque entertainments, which the lower classes or- 
 ganized in derision of the solemn ceremonial of junior 
 exhibitions and Commencement week. Like the mock 
 programmes, the mock entertainments dealt exclusively 
 in satire of a personal character. The humour was usu- 
 ally broad, with an inclination to coarseness. A med- 
 dlesome person would be assigned an oration on " The 
 Busybody "; a poor punster would speak on " Diseased 
 Eazors." Two persons not noted for personal cleanli- 
 ness would discuss the differences between original and 
 alluvial soils. A dabbler in natural history would read 
 an essay on " The Humbug." Three persons, one very 
 tall, one very broad, and the third very fat, would hold 
 a conference on length, breadth, and thickness, f The 
 presentation of the Wooden Spoon at Yale was the most 
 celebrated of the mock ceremonials. A wooden spoon 
 was given the man who took lowest place on the regular 
 junior programme. The exhibition at one time was 
 given in secret, and students disguised as Indians ex- 
 cluded the faculty and general public. The poorest 
 scholar in the class was chosen master of ceremonies. 
 The witty and clever members burlesque the usual ora- 
 
 * Alexander, Undergraduate Life at Princeton, Scribner's 
 Magazine, vol. xxi, p. 678 ; Start, A. B., History of Tufts Col- 
 lege, p. 45 ; Cutting, G. A., Student Life at Amherst, p. 131. 
 
 t Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 325.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 117 
 
 tions, dissertations, and disputes, and keep the audience 
 in a perpetual roar of laughter. The presentation of an 
 expensive and elaborately carved wooden spoon to the 
 hero of the occasion, forms the culminating point in the 
 entertainment.* 
 
 The Navy Club at Harvard deserves the credit of be- 
 ing the most original invention of this description yet 
 recorded. It was designed to furnish consolation to 
 those who had received no Commencement parts, and 
 the men most in disfavour with the faculty received 
 the highest appointments. The student who had been 
 expelled from college the greatest number of times be- 
 came Lord High Admiral. The rear admiral was the 
 laziest man in the class. The most profane member was 
 chosen chaplain, and the most obscene, boatswain. The 
 club commonly procured a large schooner, which was 
 anchored in the Charles Eiver. The Lord High Admiral 
 occupied the quarter-deck and ruled with despotic au- 
 thority. He could commonly be seen reclining on a 
 couch attended by two subordinates, who made his slum- 
 bers pleasant by guarding his sacred person from the 
 mosquitoes. The operations of the i^avy Club closed 
 with an excursion down Boston Harbour. The vessel 
 was well stocked with certain kinds of provisions, which, 
 when afforded assistance from the stores of Old Ocean, 
 formed the requisites of a grand clambake on the shores 
 of Cape Cod. The return to Cambridge was marked by 
 no, little noise, disorder, and dissipation.! 
 
 The burning of a text-book at the close of the term's 
 study w^as another widespread ceremony. The usual 
 mock programme of sermons, poems, and orations 
 opened the celebration. Then a large coffin was placed 
 before the altar, within which lay the veritable Euclid, 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 495. 
 flbid., p. 331.
 
 118 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 arranged in a becoming winding sheet, the body being 
 composed of combustibles, and thoroughly saturated 
 with turpentine. After midnight, the company leave 
 the hall, form an orderly array, bearing the coffin in 
 their midst. Those who composed the procession were 
 arrayed in disguises to avoid detection, and bore a full 
 complement of brilliant torches. The skeleton himself, 
 bearing a torch, might be seen dancing in the midst, to 
 the great amusement of the spectators. The concluding 
 exercises were a mile away. These consisted in walking 
 over the coffin, thus surmounting the difficulties of the 
 author, boring a hole through the copy of Euclid with 
 a hot iron, so that the class might see through it, and 
 finally burning it upon a funeral pyre to throw light 
 upon it. At Trinity College, Conic Sections was sub- 
 stituted; at Hamilton College, Convivium; and at the 
 University of the City of New York, Zumpt's Latin 
 Grammar.* 
 
 It must not be thought that all the class ceremonials 
 and occasions were of this burlesque character. Not to 
 speak of junior exhibitions, the Commencement itself 
 partook largely of the nature of a class celebration. The 
 old-time Commencement Day was a great public holi- 
 day. In colonial days the governors and legislators at- 
 tended with a great retinue from a distance. In popu- 
 larity it equalled the county fair and Western camp 
 meeting. At Cambridge the Common was covered with 
 drinking - stands, dancing - booths, and mountebank 
 shows during Commencement week. To the senior 
 class the occasion seemed an important crisis in their 
 careers. It was Commencement Day that determined 
 the success or failure of a college career. In the col- 
 lege stories of the time the hard-working hero, who 
 has shunned the temptations of college life, delivers 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 44.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 119 
 
 the valedictory, honoured by the world and envied by 
 his companions. He receives showers of bouquets from 
 the galleries, and eventually wins the heroine; while 
 his rival, the villain, curses his own laziness and neg- 
 lect. The importance of Commencement was so great 
 because it was the single social event of the college year. 
 
 Commencement week always began with the bacca- 
 laureate sermon delivered in the college chapel, where 
 sage words of advice were heard by the class, sobered by 
 the thought of going to battle with the world. With 
 the exercises of Commencement Day the class as an or- 
 ganization had little to do, their energy finding free play 
 in class day. After the formal programme, with its odes 
 and speeches of a somewhat stereotyped order was com- 
 pleted, and the class history, abounding in sly allusions 
 and good-natured characterizations, had been read, the 
 class was free to indulge in the original features of the 
 day. There was a great variety of these. A common 
 form of memorial consisted in planting a class tree. At 
 Yale long clay pipes were smoked, which were after- 
 ward presented to their lady friends.* At Amherst the 
 class made the round of recitation rooms, stopping in 
 each to caricature the peculiarities of its owner. After- 
 ward the faculty were serenaded. The class held its 
 last meeting in the banquet hall at midnight. At this 
 time were divulged the tender secrets of the heart until 
 then unkno\\Ti, and here, too, past estrangements were 
 forgotten, and the members pledged each other to eter- 
 nal friendship.! 
 
 Before completing our picture of the class at this 
 period mention must be made of the numerous societies 
 
 * Steiner. B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, p. 198. 
 
 t CuttinsT, George A. Student Life at Amherst. Also Levin, 
 J S. University Undergraduate Life in F. N. Thorpe's Benja- 
 min Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania, pp. 408, 409.
 
 120 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 founded on the class as a basis : at first, merely an in- 
 formal group of friends of the same year; after a time, a 
 society would be organized, having for its principle some 
 whim or fantastical notion. Such clubs would natu- 
 rally cease to exist after the graduation of the class. In- 
 formation concerning organizations of this class is 
 somewhat scanty, but we have been able to collect no- 
 tices of a number of typical societies. Such, for in- 
 stance, were the Philopogonia and Mu Kappa Sigma of 
 Amherst. Philopogonia * was formed by an agreement 
 of the class of 1852 to abstain from shaving for an entire 
 term. The razors of the members were sealed up, de- 
 posited under lock and key, and a committee of vigi- 
 lance appointed to see that no one broke the rule. At 
 the end of the term a grand supper was held. The 
 member having the longest beard delivered an oration, 
 and the man having the next longest a poem.f 
 
 The Mu Kappa Sigma Society appeared in 1857. 
 Its meetings came on Saturady night, after which some 
 act of rowdyism was perpetrated. The notice of meet- 
 ings was adorned with a woodcut from a comic almanac 
 or illustrated newspaper, representing scenes of dissipa- 
 tion and violence. The notice likewise contained two 
 or three lines of cipher indicating to the initiated the 
 special object of the meeting. The students at large 
 taxed their ingenuity with fruitless endeavours to de- 
 cipher these cabalistic signs. It was later discovered 
 that the entire affair was simply a burlesque on secret 
 societies; the signs were meaningless. The plan origi- 
 nated in a meeting of a few friends every Saturday 
 night, held to make molasses candy. It was known as 
 the Molasses Candy Society. 
 
 Another group of friends fitted up an underground 
 
 * Philo-pogon, or love-beard. 
 
 f Cutting, G. A. Student Life at Amherst, p. 125.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 121 
 
 apartment with culinary features which were said to be 
 quite complete. The entrance was concealed by a trap- 
 door, and so secret were its proceedings that for years 
 their midnight banquets escaped the notice of vigilant 
 officials. The room was at last discovered as a conse- 
 quence of the trapdoor being accidentally left open. 
 The wine kegs, chicken bones, and bottles found among 
 the debris told wonderful tales. The society was called, 
 by its initials, the H. E. 0. T. T., which being inter- 
 preted would read, " Ho, Every One That Thirsteth." * 
 An organization of a more serious purport was the 
 Tt Kpi, inaugurated in 1834, by the members of the class 
 of 1837. It aimed at social, literary, and religious 
 improvement, but was secret in all its proceedings. 
 Some one of the members must be absent from each 
 meeting. The members present were then compelled to 
 state every fault of the absent member, social, literary, 
 and moral. These criticisms were soon afterward pre- 
 sented in writing to the absent member, who at the next 
 meeting must make his defence, if he had any, to the 
 charges — then he might join in the benevolent attempt 
 to criticise his now absent successor, f 
 
 It must be confessed that predatory clubs outnum- 
 bered the more innocent forms of association. The 
 " Eanters " of Bethany College, Virginia, were a typical 
 predatory band. They committed all sorts of rascality 
 and mischievousness, both on their fellow-students and 
 on the neighbouring inhabitants. The company was 
 commanded by one selected from the party called Grand 
 Ranter, whose orders must be obeyed, under the penalty 
 of expulsion of the person offending. Among the tricks 
 commonly indulged in were those of robbing hen and 
 turkey roosts, and feasting on the fruits of their labour; 
 
 * Cutting, G. A. Student Life at Amherst, p. 124. 
 t Ibid., p. 65.
 
 122 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 of stealing from the neighbours their horses to enjoy 
 the pleasure of midnight rides. If detected, or betrayed 
 to the faculty, they revenge themselves by shaving the 
 manes and tails of the favourite horse belonging to 
 the person informing.* Similar bands were known as 
 " Moonlight Eangers " at Jefferson College, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and as " Annarugians " at Centre Callege, Ken- 
 tucky, f 
 
 The Pandowdy Band of Bowdoin was a company of 
 students who devoted themselves to serenading unpopu- 
 lar members of the faculty. " It had no regular time 
 and place of meeting, and the number of performers 
 varied from half a dozen or less to fifty. The instru- 
 ments are commonly horns, drums, tin kettles, tongs, 
 shovels, triangles, pumpkin vines, etc. It is regarded 
 on all hands as an unequivocal expression of the feelings 
 of the students. It corresponds to Calliathump of 
 Yale, and horn-blowing at Princeton." J 
 
 The activity of the class did not cease with gradua- 
 tions ; reunions were held at yearly intervals. Most 
 important were the triennial and decennial celebra- 
 tions. These meetings were a much more vital bond 
 of union with the college than the Alumni Association, 
 or local College Club. There is no more pathetic and 
 yet inspiring sight in American college life than the 
 return of a few bent men to their Alma Mater on the 
 fiftieth anniversary of their graduation. The class sec- 
 retary kept a record of the doings of the members, and 
 from time to time issued a volume containing an ac- 
 count of the latest reunion, with songs and speeches. 
 The most useful portion of the work is the biographical 
 record of the different members, stating their profes- 
 sions, publications, degrees and offices, the time and 
 
 * Hall, B. H. College Words and Customs, p. 385. 
 t Ibid., pp. 10, 326. t Ibid., p. 342.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 123 
 
 place of their marriage, and the names of their chil- 
 dren.* Some of the older colleges have hundreds of 
 volumes of these records — a striking testimonial to the 
 hold which the old class organization maintained of its 
 members. 
 
 From a pedagogical standpoint no discussion of the 
 class can be adequate which fails to emphasize the close- 
 ness of the bond which knit the members together. 
 When young men are perforce treading side by side the 
 same paths, working out together the same difficulties, 
 playing the same games in the same hours, there in- 
 evitably grows up an intimac}^ not readily possible under 
 other circumstances. The conditions favoured the cre- 
 ation of an esprit du corps seldom equalled. The ap- 
 plause won by the leading members was regarded by 
 peculiar complacency by each member as belonging to 
 the common fund of class credit. After graduation, the 
 glory won by the great men of the class gave a certain 
 jjrestige to the class itself. Men speak with pride of 
 belonging to the class of 1837 at Yale, or the class of 
 1877 at Harvard. f Each class had its individuality, 
 and was thought by its members to be the one class in 
 college. This collective pride and feeling of achieve- 
 ment was in itself a good. 
 
 But the class esprit du corps performed another 
 service; it furnished an energetic unit for the forma- 
 tion and diffusion of public opinion. We have the word 
 of President Porter, of Yale, that the class system was 
 essential to an efficient college life. " I indeed do not 
 see how an American college without fixed classes could 
 have an efficient common life. In the American col- 
 
 * Bagg, L. H. Four Years at Yale, by a Graduate of '69, 
 p 540. 
 
 f Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of 1821, p. 194.
 
 124 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 lege the class is the charmed circle, within which the 
 individual contracts most of his friendships and finds 
 his fondest and most cherished association. The senti- 
 ment of his class is that which influences him most 
 efficiently, and is to him often the only atmosphere 
 of his social life." * There was a general impression 
 that a strong class feeling produced a strong college 
 feeling, and created a habit of loyalty which stuck to 
 a man.f 
 
 The enforced intimacy of the four years' class asso- 
 ciation resulted in the cultivation of a certain practical 
 judgment of men. In the old days about three fifths 
 of the talk of the undergraduates was about one an- 
 other. It began when the sub-freshmen met to be ex- 
 amined for admission, and continued until graduation. 
 The amount of attention which men paid to one another, 
 and the time devoted to estimating one another's social, 
 moral, and intellectual qualities, and discussing details 
 of conduct, were extraordinary. It can not be said that 
 every man in the class knew every other man, but the 
 apparatu-s for bringing men of the same class together 
 was efficient, and it usually did happen that by the end 
 of the freshman year nearly every man believed he 
 knewj or knew about, every man in his class whose ac- 
 quaintance it seemed likely to be worth his while to 
 make. Men were misjudged, misunderstood, overesti- 
 mated, and underestimated, but acquaintance was very 
 general and constantly ripening, and estimates were in a 
 constant state of revision and reconstruction.;}; 
 
 Such relations were favourable to the formation of 
 warm friendships. As the colleges have grown larger, 
 
 * Porter, N. The American College and the American Pub- 
 lic, pp. 191, 192. 
 
 t Wallace, G. R. Princeton Sketches, p. 187. 
 
 t Martin, E. S. Undergraduate Life at Harvard, Scribner's 
 Magazine, vol. xxi, p. 535.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 125 
 
 and the pursuits of the students more various, the op- 
 portunities have become rarer for that close intercourse 
 in which are formed those intimate personal ties for 
 which maturer life affords no equivalent.* 
 
 The four years of the old college life produced a 
 striking and unusually happy effect on the students 
 themselves. At the end of four years they have been 
 a good deal modified, externally and internally, and for 
 the better, by contact with each other. The rads have 
 become more gentle, the effeminate more manly, the 
 timid more free and unembarrassed, and the conceited 
 more modest. And this effect is greater and happier in 
 proportion as a class is more numerous and gathered 
 from a wider range of country. 
 
 § 2. The Debating Society in the Revolutionary 
 Period. 
 
 It was the wave of political interest produced by the 
 Revolution which made the debating society for fifty 
 years the strongest force in American student life. Few 
 periods in history show such an exclusive absorption in 
 politics and such a high level of political intelligence. 
 Politics was the chief culture interest of the people, and 
 absorbed nearly all the ability of the country. This 
 political fervour, combined with an exuberant American- 
 ism, had its absurd side in the excessive sensibility to 
 foreign criticism, and in the prevalence of high-sound- 
 ing phrases and bombast; f but below the surface there 
 existed a firm faith in democracy as a social force, and 
 in the world-mission of America wdiich has since passed 
 away. 
 
 * Story, Moorfiekl. Harvard in the Sixties, p. 8. 
 f See the volumes of Captain Basil Hall and Mrs. Trollope 
 for a description of this side of American life.
 
 126 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 An ideal of such universality and definiteness was 
 not slow in affecting the youth of the country; and 
 with the coming of peace and the establishment of new 
 colleges, one notes in all sections of the country the rise 
 of strong debating clubs. Such were the Athena3an 
 and Pincinian Societies of Bowdoin; the Social Friends 
 and United Fraternity of Dartmouth; the Athenian and 
 Alexandrian Societies at Amherst; the Philogian and 
 Philotechnian Societies at Williams; the United Broth- 
 ers and Philermenians at Brown; the Philorhetoreans 
 and Peithologians of Wesleyan; the Philolexian and 
 Peithologian of Columbia; the Zelosophic and Philoma- 
 thean of Pennsylvania; the Washington and Jefferson 
 of the University of Virginia; and the Dialectic and 
 Philanthropic of the University of North Carolina. To 
 these must be added the three (formerly two) socie- 
 ties of Yale, the one at Harvard, and the two Halls of 
 Princeton, which were mentioned in an earlier chap- 
 ter. It is worthy of note that with two exceptions 
 (Yale and Harvard) just two prominent societies were 
 found in each college, which is a strong testimonial to 
 the strength of the competitive principle. 
 
 The mere annals of any of these organizations are 
 devoid of general interest or significance, and consist of 
 the records of election contests, petty rivalry, and the 
 monotonous succession of useful but commonplace exer- 
 cises. Consequently, in the following pages we shall 
 aim only to present the salient features during the 
 period of greatest prosperity, which is, roughly speak- 
 ing, from 1790 to 1840. The different phases of society 
 activity will be treated in the following order: internal 
 management, literary exercises, general influence, de- 
 cline, and value as a means of culture. 
 
 The structure of the clubs was simple and needs 
 little explanation. There always existed a written con- 
 stitution or fundamental law. The constitutions of dif-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 127 
 
 ferent societies scattered throughout the country were 
 similar. The officers provided for Avere those common 
 to the average voluntary society: president, vice-presi- 
 dent, treasurer, secretary, and vice-secretary, besides li- 
 brarian, scribe, senior critic, and junior critic. At Yale 
 provision was made for professors, chosen from the 
 members who were to deliver one lecture a term on such 
 subjects as history, composition, oratory, natural phi- 
 losophy, mathematics, and geography. In regard to the 
 division of labour, the debating society was a wor- 
 thy rival of the early town meeting. At one election 
 of Linonia (Yale), forty-seven different officials were 
 chosen.'*' 
 
 The majority of the positions were sinecures, mere 
 harmless attempts to satisfy the officeholding instinct. 
 The society presidency, however, was an important col- 
 lege honour and eagerly competed for. At Amherst the 
 elections were as hotly contested as those of the State 
 and national governments. All the arts of the politician 
 were brought into play,f including, on some occasions, 
 wine and brandy. J; According to Bristed,* the elec- 
 tions gave rise to an intriguing factious spirit unwor- 
 thy of the generous instincts of youth. Such elections 
 were considered an admirable preparation for practical 
 politics. 
 
 Another important element was the rivalry between 
 the two societies which divided student interest. They 
 competed in the selection of members, in the size of 
 their libraries, and in the distribution of college hon- 
 ours. The feeling was usually one of bitter antagonism 
 
 * Yale Book, vol. ii, p. 317. 
 
 f Hitchcock, Edward. Reminiscences of Amherst College, 
 p. 326. 
 
 X Durfee, C. A. History of Williams College, p. 167. 
 
 * Bristed, C. A. Five Years at an English University, last 
 chapter.
 
 128 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 and jealousy. Attempts made at Amherst and else- 
 where to combine the work of the two societies into a 
 harmonious whole uniformly failed. When only one 
 society had been formed, it invariably split into two 
 rival factions as soon as numbers permitted. 
 
 The bitterest hostility occurred at the beginning of 
 the year in the struggle for new men. At Yale a sys- 
 tematic campaign was undertaken. Eunners were sent 
 to the preparatory schools to pledge the sub-freshmen; 
 committees of students haunted the trains, the ISTew 
 Haven depot, and the hotels, in search of new students. 
 The campaign culminated in the " statement of facts," 
 a public meeting in which the orators from each society 
 extolled the virtues and eulogized the departed heroes 
 of their own organization while pouring contempt and 
 ridicule on their opponents.* At Amherst, on such 
 occasions, the whole college became the scene of exas- 
 perated strife. Study was encroached upon and per- 
 sonal hostilities excited which did not die away with the 
 occasion.! The historians of Williams, Dartmouth, it 
 and Bowdoin give similar testimony. In some colleges 
 the faculty interfered and apportioned new men to the 
 societies by some impartial method of allotment. Even 
 this could not put a stop to intrigue and faction fights. 
 To fully appreciate the bitterness and prejudice to 
 
 * Bagg, L. H, Four Years at Yale, by a Graduate of '69, 
 p. 194. 
 
 f Hitchcock, Edward. Reminiscences of Amherst College, 
 p. 326. 
 
 I "The records of the societies contain accounts of con- 
 spiracies and attempts to destroy the societies, accompanied by 
 reports of committees treating the subject with the dignity of a 
 danger to the State. One of these conspiracies terminated in the 
 destruction of nearly all the records of the Social Friends, and 
 almost caused the dissolution of that society." Smith, H. P. 
 History of Dartmouth College, p. 86,
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 129 
 
 which the system of rival debating societies gives rise, 
 one must visit the small denominational colleges of 
 the far West, where the system survives in much of its 
 original strength.* 
 
 The regular programme consisted of prepared ora- 
 tions, debates, declamations, and critical papers treating 
 of literature and science. Extemporaneous speaking 
 was the most common, but the literary dissertations or 
 essays received most attention, and were often spoken of 
 as being of unusual merit. To check carelessness, com- 
 mittees were appointed to judge of the quality of the 
 declamations offered. Loose work was rejected, while 
 unusual finish of speech was rewarded with honourable 
 mention, f The proceedings were conducted with de- 
 corum, and points of order settled with rigid regard to 
 precedent. At the regular sessions of the clubs the 
 speeches were elevated in tone and marked by a dignity 
 of manner. 
 
 The societies felt themselves in nowise bound by 
 the limitations of their constitutional programmes. Ex- 
 tras of various sorts relieved the tedium of political dis- 
 cussion; this was particularly true of the period of de- 
 cline, when for the first time a conscious effort was 
 made to attract the public. A common amusement 
 took the form of an anonymous box containing jokes, 
 gibes, criticism, sallies of wit, and caricatures. The 
 farce still remained an occasional resource. At times 
 the members impeached the president with much cere- 
 mony and mock dignity, or resolved the society into 
 a senate, a congress of the nations, or a court for the 
 trial of a breach of promise suit. J; In addition to these, 
 various expedients existed in the form of vacation 
 diaries, soliloquies, odes, panegyrics, hj'perboles, and se- 
 
 * Cutting, George A. Student Life at Amherst College, p. 24. 
 t Ibid., p. 18. t Iliid., pp. 23, 28, 48. 
 
 9
 
 130 STUDENT XIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 lect anecdotes and pithy sayings of literary characters. 
 In the best days of the literary societies these varia- 
 tions were of rare occurrence and minor consequence; 
 their importance belongs to the period of struggling 
 decline. 
 
 Occasionally the anonymous box or pithy sayings of 
 literary characters appeared in journalistic form. In 
 many cases college papers trace their origin to this 
 source. So strong were the societies that they some- 
 times took upon themselves the responsibilities of 
 publication. At Columbia, the Peithologian Society 
 issued the " Eecreations " ; its rival, the Philolex- 
 ian, the " Observer." * The societies of Wesleyan and 
 the University of North Carolina likewise issued 
 papers. 
 
 Another form of society activity was the society 
 libraries, which were frequently valuable supplements 
 of the regular college library, which was likely to be 
 weighed down with theological and Latin tomes, the 
 modern shelves being but scantily filled. This deficiency 
 was supplied by the society library which furnished 
 the students with their current reading matter. Into 
 the building up of libraries, the principle of rivalry 
 largely entered; notwithstanding the poverty of the 
 times, subscriptions of fifty, twenty, and ten dollars 
 were not uncommon. The poorer students solicited 
 books among their friends. Public sentiment was such 
 that students often contributed beyond their means. 
 The books chosen were usually of a miscellaneous char- 
 acter, although, with the exception of Yale, there is 
 little evidence that any large proportion of the funds 
 was expended on fiction. By the end of the period 
 under discussion the two Bowdoin societies had each 
 
 * Bradley. W. A. Underjjraduate Publications at Columbia, 
 Columbia University Quarterly, vol. i, p. 358.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 131 
 
 collected from five to six tliousand volumes; the socie- 
 ties of Williams had collectively ten thousand volumes; 
 those of Brown, three thousand volimies each; and the 
 Columbia societies a thousand volumes of recent litera- 
 ture which the college library did not contain. Owing 
 to the change in values, the increase of wealth, and the 
 decreased cost of producing books, these figures should 
 be multiplied by five to indicate the real significance of 
 the effort in modern terms.* 
 
 Such was the college debating society of the first 
 decades of the century, vigorous in its expressions and 
 antagonisms, covering a wide circle of interests, suffi- 
 ciently powerful to assume the responsibility of college 
 enterprises and to supplement the resources of the cur- 
 riculum; it filled a much larger place in student life 
 than its successor of to-day. To complete the sketch 
 there remains to be added an account of its social side 
 and of its position in the college world of which it 
 formed a part. 
 
 The debating society was intimately connected with 
 the ceremonial events of the college year. The society 
 anniversaries at Commencement brought the alumni 
 back to the old halls and the scenes of their, early tri- 
 umphs. Distinguished clergymen and statesmen de- 
 livered charges to the undergraduates in the elevated 
 but pompous diction of the period. The society mem- 
 bers who belonged to the graduating class were attired 
 
 * For accounts of the various society libraries, see Cleaveland 
 and Packard, History of Bowdoin College, p. 28 ; Diirfee, C. A., 
 History of Williams College, p. 81 : Cutting, G. R., Student 
 Life at Amherst, p. 20; Tolman, W. H., History of Higher 
 Education in Rhode Island, p. 198 ; Smith, B. P., History of 
 Dartmouth College, p. 141 ; Reminiscences of Scenes and Char- 
 acters in College, by a Graduate of Yale, Class of 1821, p. Ill : 
 Brodt, p. E., Debating Societies at Columbia, Columbia Uni- 
 versity Quarterly, vol, i, p. 50.
 
 132 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 in a special paraphernalia and decked out in colours and 
 medals for the occasion.* 
 
 In other ways the debating society performed impor- 
 tant social functions. It appealed to many of the same 
 interests which the fraternity afterward utilized. While 
 secrecy of meetings was a recognised principle with all 
 the early literary societies, this feature was a distinctly 
 minor one. The same may be said of initiation ceremo- 
 nies; they were merely incidental and without special 
 significance. Many of the societies adopted badges, col- 
 ours, and mottoes. At Amherst the badge of the Alex- 
 andrian Society was a section of blue ribbon on which 
 was stamped an engraving of rolls of parchment, as 
 seen in ancient Alexandria, underneath which was 
 placed an appropriate inscription.! The rival Athe- 
 nian Society adopted white ribbons with different sym- 
 bols and inscriptions. The motto of the Dialectics of 
 North Carolina was, "Love of virtue and science"; that 
 of the Philanthropies, " Virtue, liberty, and science." % 
 Great care was lavished on the society halls; expensive 
 furnishings were purchased, and the walls covered with 
 the portraits of distinguished alumni. Each succeeding 
 class as it graduated added to the resources of the so- 
 ciety. The comfortable, almost luxurious, appearance 
 of the debating halls presented a marked contrast to 
 the bare and bleak class rooms by which they were sur- 
 rounded. 
 
 The early debating society was one of the great in- 
 terests of the student world; its meetings were eagerly 
 anticipated, and its exercises considered to be of much 
 
 * Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 99. 
 
 t Cutting, G. K., Student Life at Amherst, p. 41; Schelling, 
 Felix E., Organizations within the University, in F. N. Thorpe's 
 Benjamin Franklin and the University of Pennsylvania, p. 414. 
 
 X Smith, C. L. History of Education in North Carolina, pp. 
 92, 93, 108.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. I33 
 
 greater importance than the regular recitations * of the 
 college, a belief strengthened by the sympathetic atti- 
 tude of the faculty. We have the testimony of a hostile 
 critic that the champions of the debating hall were 
 held in greater esteem by their fellow-students than 
 the men who gained the traditional college honours for 
 proficiency in their studies, f The athlete had not yet 
 arisen as a college hero, so the orator and writer repre- 
 sented the ideals of the academic youth. The debating 
 society was strong in the affections of its alumni; dis- 
 tinguished statesmen affirmed its value (W. M. Evarts, 
 George William Curtis), and urged its adoption on the 
 students of a new generation. 
 
 Such a condition of affairs was not destined to en- 
 dure; a new organization, appealing more directly to 
 the interests and sentiments of youth, entered the field, 
 and the debating society lost ground before it. The 
 fraternity struck the older association at its weakest 
 point. i\.bout 1830, the debating societies, through in- 
 crease of numbers, began to be unwieldy, and in conse- 
 quence a victim to factional contests. In some colleges 
 cliques for controlling elections in the literary societies 
 had crystallized into formal clubs before the appearance 
 of the fraternities.^; The fraternity greatly hastened 
 this tendency to dissolution; the debating society be- 
 came the arena in which rival fraternities or secret and 
 non-secret societies fought for the supremacy. The lit- 
 erary exercises were neglected, while rival factions 
 struggled for the offices, as college honours; the new or- 
 ganizations became the centre of interest, while the 
 
 * Cutting, G. R., Student Life at Amherst, p. 23: Cleaveland 
 and Packard, History of Bowdoin College, p. 98; Smith, C. L., 
 History of Education in North Carolina, p. 92. 
 
 f Bristed, C. A, Five Years at an English University, p. 463. 
 
 X Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs, 
 p. 454.
 
 134 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 old traditional societies slowly died. The process did 
 not take place in all the colleges at the same time; 
 indeed, as we shall see later, there are portions of the 
 country in which the antagonism never became so fierce. 
 The conflict in the Eastern colleges began as early as 
 1840, and by 1870 the old societies had become merely 
 a tradition. Such is the cause assigned by the standard 
 Eastern historians for the downfall of the debating so- 
 ciety. Yale, Bowdoin, Trinity, Amherst, Dartmouth, 
 and Tufts all tell the same story; occasional testimony 
 from the South and West confirms it.*'' 
 
 But such an explanation fails to account for all the 
 phenomena. How did it come about that in the col- 
 leges of the middle West the fraternity and debating 
 society exist side by side in the same institution?-' To 
 answer this question we must penetrate beneath the 
 mere surface events, and describe the new social move- 
 ment of which the fraternity was merely representative. 
 Its rise marks a new turn in American life. The free 
 democracy of frontier gives way to complexity, social 
 classes, and divisions. A leisured class is evolved, indif- 
 ferent to politics, but sensitive to higher refinement. 
 This difl^erentiation extends to the colleges. Men no 
 longer have all tastes in common'! One man devotes 
 himself to music, ^another to boating, and a third to 
 German novels. 'Me content of instruction becomes 
 richer with each decade. The student body in time be- 
 comes too large for the old institutions, the class and 
 
 * Cleaveland and Packard, History of Bowdoin College, p. 28 ; 
 Steiner, B. C, History of Higher Education in Connecticut, p. 
 243; Smith, B. P., History of Dartmouth College, p. 182; Cut- 
 ting, G. R., Student Life at Amherst, p. 29; Tyler, W. S., His- 
 tory of Amherst College, p. 316; Start, A. B.. History of Tufts 
 College, p. 68; Merriam, L. S., History of Higher Education in 
 Tennessee, p. 169; Parker, L. F., Higher Education in Iowa, 
 p. 152.
 
 STUDEXT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 135 
 
 the debating society, which are based on a free common 
 lif^. Most important of all these factors, the athlete 
 arises in the land. The student hero is no longer the 
 writer of adolescent verse, or the president of the de- 
 bating societ}^, but the captain of the team — a man of 
 much muscle, and perhaps little intellectual achieve- 
 ment.* 
 
 This change occurred only in the older and wealth- 
 ier sections of the country, particularly in the section 
 dominated by large manufacturing and commercial in- 
 terests — in other words, in Xew England and the cen- 
 tral States. In this territory we find the old debating 
 society virtually extinct; the forms of voluntary foren- 
 sic training which exist are embodied in organizations 
 of a new type, w^hich recognise debating as a specialty 
 rather than as a general interest. But in the Missis- 
 sippi Valley, which is predominantly agricultural and 
 the home of a thrifty, ambitious middle class which 
 determines the type of culture, the differentiation has 
 not proceeded so far as in the East. The colleges are 
 smaller, more limited in their curriculum, more local in 
 their horizon. In consequence, we still find the old de- 
 bating society existing in the "West, sometimes as power- 
 ful now as in the early days of the century, more often 
 as a strong although not a predominant factor in stu- 
 dent life. Xot infrequently it exists side by side with 
 the fraternity without hostility. ^ATien an institution 
 expands from a local college to a national seat of learn- 
 ing, the debating interests are usually weakened by 
 the change. 
 
 In estimating the value of the training offered by the 
 debating society, we will first sum up some of the critical 
 
 * This standpoint is also taken by Mr. P. E. Brodt in his De- 
 bating Societies at Columbia, Columbia University Quarterly, vol. 
 i, p. 50.
 
 136 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 discussions which appeared in this period. Archbishop 
 Whately,* in an address before the students of Dulflin 
 University, attacked the debating societies because they 
 encouraged precocity, loose thinking, and conceit among 
 their members. Some of his objections are sound, from 
 a logical rather than a pedagogical standpoint; for in- 
 stance, he argues that young men are too immature to 
 discuss problems which perplex the ablest statesmen, 
 forgetful of the fact that young men must some time 
 begin to discuss public affairs if the line of able states- 
 men is to continue. His second point — ^that debating 
 encourages miscellaneous reading at the cost of orderly 
 mental development — has lost some of its force in these 
 days when the doctrine of interest plays such a part in 
 education. Whately also claimed (1) that a debating 
 society gave a man a careless faculty of pouring forth 
 illy digested thoughts in well-turned phrases, or, in 
 other words, that it produced lazy thinkers; and (2) that 
 it caused premature readiness of speech rather than a 
 well-balanced mind. 
 
 Our next critic, Charles Astor Bristed, devotes the 
 closing chapter of his book (Five Years in an English 
 University) to a criticism of the methods of forensic 
 training current in his day at Yale. He first notices 
 the lack of adequate criticism in the operations of the 
 literary societies. " There are gathered together from 
 thirty to one hundred young fellows whose capacity to 
 criticise is not equal to their disposition, and wliose dis- 
 position is modified by their interest." f They are in 
 such a position that one can not utter his opinion with- 
 out incurring the suspicion of jealousy. The conse- 
 quence is, that the loudest and most showy efforts are 
 
 * Dang'crs of Debating Societies to Young Men. Bentley's 
 Miscellany, vol. xix, p. 615. 
 
 f Five Years in an English University, p. 467.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 137 
 
 most applauded. Bristed has here hit upon the most 
 fundamental weakness of the debating society and the 
 one most emphasized by modern teachers of forensics. 
 
 The predominant interest in oratory at an early age 
 defeats its owti end. The ambitious student begins 
 at the wrong end; he acquires manner before matter, 
 and a style in advance of his thought. " Even here he 
 does not study the best models and confine himself to 
 them, and swallows a great deal of second- and third- 
 hand matter. He acquires a childish fondness for 
 metaphors more or less mixed, and for all sorts of fig- 
 ures, as if they were the sole test and standard of excel- 
 lence in composition. In short, he aims at line writing, 
 and sits down not to express his ideas on a subject, but 
 to write a piece. His untimely doctrines do not fructify. 
 His graces and ornaments of trope and metaphor, like 
 the flowers which a child sticks in the ground to make a 
 garden, grow faded and lose vitality for the want of nu- 
 triment and root. He wrote fluently at eighteen. At 
 twenty-six he writes a trifle more fluently but in no re- 
 spect better." * 
 
 But the effects of this fundamental superficiality do 
 not end with style; they extend to thought as well. 
 " When a youth acquires the talking facility and propen- 
 sity without a proper training and knowledge to sup- 
 port it, when most of his authorities are third or fourth 
 hand, hearsay, or the last newspaper article or the con- 
 fused recollection of what was first imperfectly read, it 
 follows inevitably that he must make many mistakes 
 which his verbal dexterity will be brought into requisi- 
 tion to protect. And from this combination of inac- 
 curacy of detail with facility of expression results one 
 of our greatest national faults — a tendency to defend 
 rather than prevent mistakes, f Frequent debating en- 
 
 * Five Years in an English University, p. 468. f Ibid., p. 471.
 
 138 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 courages a sophistic habit most dangerous for a young 
 man to acquire, since it puts him in an unfortunate 
 frame of mind, for the reception of knowledge and truth 
 — victory, not truth, to effect a presumption rather than 
 to secure the acquisition of knowledge — is the end of de- 
 bate. The benefit proposed, sometimes without an at- 
 tempt to disguise it to the pupil, was that he should be 
 able to humbug the people and get on in the world (that 
 is the plain Saxon of it), which he was to accomplish by 
 always being ready to talk about anything, and never be 
 at a loss for a plausible argument.'' This practice leads 
 to a great waste of time in Congress and other public 
 bodies. 
 
 Bristed is not alone in his severe judgment of the 
 American debating society during this early period. 
 Francis A. Walker speaks in more sweeping and less 
 specific language. He refers to the desire for grandilo- 
 quent, oratorical display as the curse not only of the 
 college but of the public life of the times.* A Yale 
 graduate of 1821, in a book of college reminiscences, 
 supplies a number of sketches and anecdotes which sus- 
 tain and supplement the statements of Bristed and 
 Walker, t 
 
 * " But, however the type of college hero might vary, speech- 
 making, debating, and fine writing were the be-all and end-all 
 of college training, as in the world outside college, speech-mak- 
 ing, debating, or fine writing were the sole recognised signs of 
 greatness. Statesmanship itself was perverted to seek occasions 
 for oratorical displays. Men of business, men of affairs, men of 
 prudence, moderation, and reliability were crowded out of our 
 legislative halls by shrill-voiced declaimers who could catch the 
 ear of a nation given over to the lust of words." Walker consid- 
 ered the decline of the debating society a healthy sign in Ameri- 
 can life. Francis A. Walker, College Athletics, Harvard Gradu- 
 ate Magazine, vol. ii, p. 3. 
 
 f Reminiscences of Scenes and Cliaracters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale, Class of 1821, p. 111.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 139 
 
 It must be taken into consideration, however, that 
 the weakness of the instructing force and the limited 
 character of the course of study left the students to 
 their own resources. And if their standards of excel- 
 lence were low, it was chiefly because their life reflected 
 all too faithfully the ideals of the outside world. The 
 dialectical and rhetorical excesses of this period have 
 their distinct warning: they emphasize the old and trite 
 truth that matter is more than form, and facts are 
 more important than style. However, this truth is not 
 likely to be forgotten by the present generation of stu- 
 dents. The manifold and highly specialized courses of 
 instruction with a scientific literature in the social sci- 
 ences leave little room for the loose thinking of sixty 
 years since. 
 
 The first and most obvious function of the debating 
 society, and the function most universally recognised, 
 w^as that of furnishing an opportunity to master the 
 mechanics of speech.* There is a certain readiness and 
 fluency, the capacity to put a point on short notice which 
 most men only acquire with continuous practice; to 
 learn to speak well one must speak often. The debat- 
 ing society also gives the student his first rough intro- 
 duction to parliamentary law. While both these oppor- 
 tunities may perhaps be supplied by a course in fo- 
 rensics, the sense of freedom and individual initiative 
 is absent to such an extent that the training on these 
 points is greatly inferior. The debating society pos- 
 sesses another advantage in the comparative ease with 
 which it reaches large numbers of men. In many cases 
 
 * For a study of the peda,c:ogy of the debating society see arti- 
 cles on Discussion Classes in Chambers's Edinburgh Journal, vol. ix, 
 p. 107 ; and ]McElligott, James N., Debating Societies as a Means 
 of Intellectual Discipline, Barnard's American Journal of Educa- 
 tion, vol. i.
 
 140 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 it is not so well calculated to produce a few brilliant 
 speakers or parliamentarians as to send forth a large 
 number of men who have attained to a fair standard of 
 excellence. It need not be argued that in a democracy- 
 such a consideration is of great weight. 
 
 However, to the mind of the writer, it would seem 
 that the chief function of these societies is not so much 
 to master the mechanical conditions of public speech 
 as to create and strengthen a permanent interest in pub- 
 lic affairs. If we agree with the recent utterances of a 
 prominent professor of pedagogy and say that the object 
 of education is the creation of permanent interests, then 
 the debating society is one of the most important of our 
 educational institutions. The discussions usually do 
 not furnish new and accurate data for judgments, but 
 they produce personal reactions in other men; they 
 stimulate their members to think on a wide circle of in- 
 terests which otherwise would hardly receive serious at- 
 tention. A foundation is laid which gradually collects 
 around itself the accretions of miscellaneous reading 
 and chance discussion, until a broad intelligence finally 
 results. IN'ot only is such an interest on the part of a 
 large portion of the citizens essential to the creation of 
 that public opinion, which in America, at least, is essen- 
 tial to the proper management of public affairs, but it 
 has an individual function as well. A man who daily 
 follows the turns of European diplomacy, the careers of 
 statesmen, or the advance of Western civilization in the 
 Orient, has a culture resource which elevates and ex- 
 pands his personality and raises him above the narrow- 
 ing influences of neighbourhood and vocation. 
 
 An admirable expression of this idea is contained 
 in a quotation from the London Spectator, which we 
 give in full: " There is a stimulation which comes from 
 the discussion of great questions. There is an intellec- 
 tual vivifying, and broadening, and clearing which
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 141 
 
 comes from the influence of mind over mind which few 
 things effect as well as a good discussion. Debating so- 
 cieties for young men are not, properly speaking, schools 
 for loquacity at all. There is an age — the university age 
 — when adequate speech on the various ends and mo- 
 tives of life become something altogether beyond mere 
 speech, the natural work, the appropriate action, the 
 characteristic tendency of the mind, and when there is 
 every reason for aiding the expressive crj^stallization of 
 thought and feeling; an age when theoretical discus- 
 sions ought to be, if they are not, the very means of life 
 and growth, when it is as silly to call such discussions 
 mere talk as it is later to call a cabinet council such. 
 This is not talk; it is the preparation for action, it is the 
 springing up and organization of the intellectual en- 
 erg}^, it is intellectual volition. Without the mere talk 
 of young men^s theoretical discussions, the collision of 
 taste with taste, of intellect with intellect, of conscience 
 with conscience, of spirit with spirit, the characters of 
 the best men of the nation would hardly come to birth 
 at all/' ''■' 
 
 On a lower plane the debating society furnishes a 
 field for the study of the individual in relation to group 
 action. It reproduces to a certain extent the tenden- 
 cies and reactions of Congress or Parliament. From 
 participation in these play activities the student learns 
 the turns, tricks, artifices, and humours of public bodies. 
 
 In the old literary societies there was a certain 
 breadth and esprit de corps which made them a strong 
 bond between the student and the college, besides fur- 
 nishing an opportunity for the student to develop in 
 many directions, which is not possible to-day. The 
 close contact of man with man which characterized 
 
 * Taken as quoted bv E. E. Aikens, The Secret-Society System, 
 p. 44. Reference not verified.
 
 142 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 them gave rise to those close friendships which are 
 justly prized as one of the best products of American 
 college life. Indeed, the question may be fairly put: 
 Whether the old open organizations, like the class and 
 debating society, were not better calculated to develop 
 enduripg feelings of comradeship than the modern sys- 
 tem of fraternities and special clubs? * 
 
 To sum up briefly the pedagogy of the debating so- 
 ciety. We may conclude that its chief function is to 
 prepare students for public life. This aim it accom- 
 plishes by giving them mechanical dexterity of speech, 
 by deepening their interest in social and political prob- 
 lems, and by anticipating the rules and conditions of 
 parliamentary bodies. While we have noticed that ex- 
 cessive devotion to debating without proper standards 
 leads to certain grave evils, it is likewise evident that 
 the character of the instruction given in our larger 
 colleges is at the present time a sufficient safeguard 
 against these abuses. 
 
 § 3. Miscellaneous Societies in the Eevolution- 
 ARY Period. 
 
 a. Fraternities. — The Phi Beta Kappa, the first 
 Greek-letter society in America, was organized Decem- 
 
 * Mr. Philip E. Brodt, of Columbia, speaks of their many-sided- 
 ness in the following words : " As one traces this development of 
 the all-inclusive society into the club which trains men in speak- 
 ing alone, he recognises how many organizations now provide the 
 facilities which a single organization used to give, he must feel 
 how much we have lost by this minute division of interests. It 
 was a wholesome, democratic life when a single society had in it 
 enough to bring together men of every taste and class ; and there 
 was in such a life a breadth of opportunity for a student to de- 
 velop in more directions than one, which is hardly possible to- 
 day." Debating Societies at Columbia, in Columbia University 
 Quarterly, vol. i, p. 52.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 143 
 
 ber 5, 1776, at the College of William and Mary, by five 
 students. The choice of a Greek name seems to have 
 been purely accidental. The meetings of the society 
 seem to have possessed the same general character which 
 belongs to the fraternity meetings of to-day. The aim 
 of the organization was social with some incidental lit- 
 erary training; non-collegians were occasionally ad- 
 mitted to membership. Charters were granted to a 
 number of local lodges in Virginia, but they were never 
 heard of afterward. Because of the exigencies of war- 
 fare, the parent society ceased to exist in January, 
 1781.='^ 
 
 Mr. Elisha Parmele, a graduate of Harvard, and 
 formerly a student of Yale, received grants of two char- 
 ters for the N"orthern extension of the order in 1779. In 
 1780 the Alpha of Connecticut was formed, and in 1782 
 the Alpha of Massachusetts. In the various Northern 
 colleges the fraternity took upon itself different forms 
 of activity. The society at Yale made efforts to keep up 
 a literary communication with Harvard, but failed. 
 Its real life was confined to the local membership. At- 
 tempts were made to found a periodical and establish 
 a fund for indigent students; these efforts were also 
 doomed to failure. The Yale chapter was in reality a 
 select debating society with initiation suppers where 
 " the juice of Bacchus flowed.'^ Regarded with great 
 jealousy by outsiders, its records were twice stolen dur- 
 ing its early history. The annals of the Phi Beta 
 Kappa are famous for a long series of orations and 
 poems. The anti-^Iasonic excitement in 1830 caused 
 the abandonment of the secret features of the order at 
 both Yale and Harvard, f 
 
 * Baird, W. R. American College Fraternities, third edition, 
 pp. 275, 276. 
 
 t Yale Book, vol. i, pp. 325-327.
 
 14:tl: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS/ 
 
 At Bowdoin the Phi Beta Kappa (1824) became a 
 form of learned academy, no undergraduates being ad- 
 mitted. Papers and subjects for investigation were as- 
 signed to members of the college and other learned men. 
 This scheme in time fell into disuse and an address and 
 a poem were substituted.* Since 1830 the membership 
 in the Phi Beta Kappa has been almost exclusively an 
 honorary distinction granted to the best scholars of the 
 senior class. At Amherst, for instance, all those who 
 at the end of the junior year had an average of more 
 than eighty-five were at first chosen. Afterward the 
 faculty nominated that fifth of the junior class whose 
 standing was the highest, f The first imitation of 
 the Phi Beta Kappa was a senior society at Yale, 
 the Chi Delta Theta, founded in 1821. If we can 
 judge from the branch at Amherst, it was a select liter- 
 ary society. The exercises consisted of translations in 
 prose and verse from the classical authors, disserta- 
 tions on literary subjects, and criticisms of ancient 
 and modern books of note. At the conclusion of the 
 programme the college Professor of Literature criticised 
 the proceedings. At one time several successive meet- 
 ings were devoted to the study of Shakespeare. X 
 
 The Phi Beta Kappa and Chi Delta Theta must 
 be considered preparatory to the modern fraternity 
 movement which may be said to date its origin from the 
 organization of the Kappa Alpha Society at Union Col- 
 lege in 1825. It was in its external features an imita- 
 tion of the Phi Beta Kappa, but the tie between its 
 members was a much closer one. 
 
 The leading Greek-letter societies were formed as 
 follows: The Delta Phi Sigma at Union (1827), the 
 
 * Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 29. 
 f Cutting, G. A. Student Life at Amherst College, p. 53. 
 X Ibid., p. 50.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX REVOLL TIOXARY PERIOD. I45 
 
 Alpha Delta Phi at Hamilton ( 832), the Psi Upsilon at 
 Union (1833), Chi Psi at Un? m (1841), Delta Kappa 
 Epsilon at Yale (1844), Zeta I 'si at New York Univer- 
 sity (1844).* The same period witnessed the rise of a 
 large number of local societies at different institutions, 
 particularly at Trinity College and Wesleyan University. 
 The latter boasts three prominent societies during this 
 period: the TuD Philosophers, aftenvard knowTi as the 
 Thecanians; the Mystical Seven (1837); and the Phi 
 ISTu Theta, kno\\Ti as the Eclectic. f 
 
 &. Athletics. — During the Revolutionary era some at- 
 tention was given to athletic sports and gymnastics from 
 time to time in spurts, but no formal organization was 
 provided for. Athletics was regarded as a waste of time 
 by the faculty, and the athlete was not respected by the 
 student. Occasionally the students of Harvard and Yale 
 kicked a football about on the Common or in the street, 
 and a yearly game took place between the sophomores 
 and freshmen, which partook largely of the nature of 
 a modern rush. J 
 
 Dr. Pollen was the first to introduce systematic gym- 
 nastics. He equipped an old room in one of the build- 
 ings at Harvard with masts, parallel bars, and the usual 
 variety of apparatus for athletic training. Under his 
 direction, the students were taught to run with a mini- 
 mum of fatigue, their bodies thrown slightly forward, 
 arms akimbo, and breathing through the nose. He led 
 the entire body of students from the Delta to the top of 
 a hill in the neighbouring to^^m of Somerville.* In 
 September, 1826, the Yale corporation appropriated 
 
 * Baird, W. R. American College Fraternities, third edition, 
 p. 6. 
 
 f Steiner, B. C. History of Education in Connecticut, p. 270. 
 X Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs, 
 p. 207. 
 
 * Peabody. A. P. Harvard Reminiscences, p. 120. 
 
 io
 
 14:6 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 three hundred dollars fc r the cleaning and preparation 
 of the grounds for a g} nnasium and " the erection of 
 apparatus for gymnastic exercises with a view to the 
 promotion of the health of the students." This gymna- 
 sium was not under cover.* From Bristed we learn 
 that athletics was greatly neglected at Yale during this 
 period, and that the exercise was too slight and irregular 
 to be of service to the students, f 
 
 Among the Princeton students shinny, which was 
 known as hawkey and hurley, was as great a favourite 
 with the students as football in the other colleges. The 
 players were equipped with a stick five feet long, two 
 and a half inches in diameter, and curved at one 
 end. A grand contest took place annually between the 
 juniors and sophomores in this game. J; The under- 
 graduates of Amherst devoted considerable attention to 
 football in the early days, but, as the century advanced, 
 baseball, cricket, wicket, pitching of loggerheads and 
 quoits and round-ball gained in popularity. In 1826 a 
 gymnastic society was formed, the chief object of which 
 was the erection and support of apparatus for gymnastic 
 exercise in a certain grove. The faculty forbade the 
 establishment of bowling alleys because they would 
 be noisy, and, although innocent, might be perverted. 
 Occasional addresses were given before the society on 
 physical culture.* At Bowdoin football and baseball 
 in their simpler forms were occasionally indulged in, but 
 boating was unknown. Tramping down the river to a 
 certain consecrated rock, and swimming, were the most 
 popular amusements. 1 1 
 
 * Yale Book, vol. 11, p. 458. 
 
 f Bristed, C. A. Five Years at an English University. 
 
 X Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs, p. 423. 
 
 * Cutting, George R. Student Life at Amherst College, pp. 
 Ill, 112. 
 
 II Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 96.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOiD. 149 
 
 The attitude of the governing power toward studeiJe 
 athletics is well expressed in a resolution passed by the 
 Princeton faculty on November 26, 1787: "It appear- 
 ing that a play at present much practised by the small 
 boys among the students, and by the grammar scholars, 
 with balls and sticks " (shinny), " in the back campus 
 of the college, is in itself low and unbecoming gentle- 
 men and scholars, and is attended with great danger to 
 the health by sudden and alternate heats and colds: 
 
 " As it tends, by accidents almost unavoidable in 
 that play, to disfiguring and maiming those who had en- 
 gaged in it, for whose health and safety as Vv'ell as im- 
 provement in study as far as depends upon our exertion 
 we are accountable to their parents and likely to be se- 
 verely blamed by them, and inasmuch as there are many 
 amusements both more honourable and more useful in 
 w^hich they are indulged — therefore the faculty think it 
 incumbent upon them to prohibit students and grammar 
 scholars from using the game aforesaid." * 
 
 Francis A. Walker has described the attitude of the 
 students of the time toward athletics: "There was 
 more than indifference, there was contempt for phys- 
 ical prowess. A man kno^vTi to be especially gifted in 
 this way was thereby disparaged in public estimation; 
 if he was known to make much of it, he was more likely 
 to be despised. It was taken for granted that he could 
 not be good for much else. Brains and brawn were 
 supposed to be developed in inverse ratio; strength was 
 closely akin to brutality." f With the exception of the 
 two gymnastic clubs already alluded to, there were no 
 athletic organizations during this period, unless the 
 famous Bully Club be placed in this category. 
 
 * Quoted by G. R. Wallace. Princeton Sketches, p. 77. 
 f See article College Athletics, in Harvard Graduate Magazine, 
 vol. ii, p. 3.
 
 146 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 +'' c. Self-governing Institutions. — The application of 
 the principles of the Declaration of Independence to 
 the government and discipline of students was an idea 
 which could not but occur to a generation so thor- 
 oughly saturated with the formulas of democracy as 
 the Americans of the period from 1780 to 1840. A 
 limited scheme of self-government was among the prin- 
 ciples which Jefferson laid dow^n for the University 
 of Virginia. A board of six censors was named by 
 the faculty from among the most discreet students, 
 ^^ whose duty it shall be, sitting as a court of inquiry, to 
 examine the facts of offences, propose minor punish- 
 ments which they think proportioned to the offence, 
 and make a report to the professors, who may commute 
 the offence/^ After one year's trial the scheme was not 
 re-enacted. To the average educator of the times such 
 a plan seemed fanciful and impracticable.* However, 
 the University of Virginia did away with the usual sys- 
 tem of espionage and recognised the student's responsi- 
 bility as a man. There were no exasperating rules; a 
 student must respect the rights of others; in every re- 
 spect he possessed all the liberty which he would have 
 had in New York city.f 
 
 At Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut, a mock 
 court known as the Grand Tribunal was established; it 
 consisted of the junior and senior classes, and had for 
 its special object the regulation and discipline of sopho- 
 mores. The Grand High Chancellor presided at all 
 business meetings, assisted by judges, advocates, sheriffs, 
 and aids. N"o sophomore could be tried who had three 
 votes in his favour, which made trials somewhat infre- 
 
 * A Hostile Account of the Virginia Plan is found in an article 
 entitled College Instruction and Discipline, American Quarterly 
 Review, vol. ix, p. 294. 
 
 f Stevens, W. L. Self-Government in Colleges, Popular Science 
 Monthly, vol. xix, p. 697.
 
 STUDEXT LIFE IN REVOLUTIOXAKY PERIOD. 149 
 
 quent. Earely more than one took place in a year, while 
 sometimes two years elapsed without a session of the 
 court. When the selection of the offending sophomore 
 had been made, he was arrested some time during the 
 day of the evening on which his trial took place. The 
 court provided him with one advocate, while he had the 
 privilege of choosing another. These trials were often 
 scenes of considerable wit and eloquence. The faculty 
 of the college acted as police to keep out sophomores 
 who would be likely to create a disturbance.* 
 
 At Amherst a similar institution was known as the 
 House of Students. One of its objects was to enact 
 such laws in addition to the statutes of the college as 
 the good of the community would seem to require. 
 Closely associated with the House of Students was a 
 Court of Justice which the students instituted, and 
 which met after the rhetorical exercises. Duly organ- 
 ized with judge and officers, it tried petty cases in the 
 college, and its decisions were much respected by both 
 faculty and students. It is said that Professor Jacob 
 Abbott had something to do with the establishment of 
 the court. Before it were brought cases of alleged in- 
 juries to college buildings, instances of discourtesy and 
 indecorum, outrages, encroachments on the rights of the 
 students, etc. Sometimes petty cases of college disci- 
 pline were yielded to the court by the faculty. Fines 
 were imposed on those found guilty. The judicial 
 branch was much more successful than the legislative, 
 and continued in operation for a longer period. The 
 proceedings in both were conducted according to the 
 forms of law, with judge, associate judges, jury, counsel, 
 witnesses, etc. The shrewd cross-questioning of the 
 witnesses and the charges of the judge were not soon 
 
 * Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs, 
 p. 239.
 
 150 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 forgotten by the participants in the trials. Their influ- 
 ence was salutary, and much amusement was afforded to 
 spectators of the proceedings. 
 
 The burlesque element enters largely into some of 
 the student courts established during this period, as, for 
 instance, that at Union College, New York. In this in- 
 stitution buildings were divided into sections, a section 
 comprising about fifteen rooms. Within each section 
 was established a court composed of a judge, an advo- 
 cate, and a secretary, who were chosen by the students 
 resident therein, and held their offices during one college 
 term. Each section court claimed the power to summon 
 for trial any inhabitant within the bounds of its juris- 
 diction who might be charged with improper conduct. 
 The accused might either defend himself or select some 
 person to plead for him. Such residents of the section 
 as cared to do so acted as jurors. The prisoner, if 
 found guilty, was sentenced at the discretion of the 
 court, generally to treat the company to some specified 
 drink or dainty. These courts often afforded occasions 
 for much fun, and sometimes called out real wit and elo- 
 quence.* 
 
 Early in the century rowdyism became such a nui- 
 sance at Yale that certain individuals belonging to the 
 freshman and sophomore classes constituted themselves 
 a vigilance committee or voluntary police force, which' 
 patrolled the college in the dark and reported such as 
 they detected or suspected. The innocent were as likely 
 to be laid hold of as others. The majority of the 
 classes were opposed to this club law and haphazard 
 mode of dealing with offences in the dark, and it soon 
 passed away.f 
 
 * Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs, 
 p. 407. 
 
 + Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale, Class of 1831, pp. 131, 132.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 151 
 
 None of the experiments in self-government which 
 we have enumerated and described influenced the col- 
 lege discipline permanently or played an important part 
 in the student life. Where their origin can be traced 
 we find that they were the result of the influence of some 
 one individual indoctrinated with democratic ideas. 
 The relations between faculty and students were such 
 that there was neither trust on one side nor confidence 
 on the other. The ages of the students, varying from 
 fourteen to thirty, and the iii loco parentis theory of dis- 
 cipline, cut the ground from under any self-governing 
 experiment. 
 
 d. Journalism. — To the historian of student life col- 
 lege journalism has a peculiar value; the spirit of youth, 
 elsewhere limited and checked by the actual environ- 
 ment, finds here its fullest and freest expression. The 
 sentimentality, the contentiousness and fickleness, the 
 yearning for the vague and unknowable, a strong sense 
 of humour as well as a marked tendency to imitation, are 
 all exhibited in their bare simplicity in student publica- 
 tions, especially those of the earlier period, before the 
 modern critical spirit was abroad; they are a rich store- 
 house of material for the student of the adolescent mind. 
 These publications are perhaps not less valuable to the 
 student of literature, for in its enthusiastic admiration 
 youth catches the dominant note of the age more clearly 
 than the mature mind of critic or writer, and conse- 
 quently reflects more faithfully the attitude of the gen- 
 eral reading public. In this section, however, we are 
 interested in college Journalism more from the stand- 
 point of pedagogy. The question we shall endeavour 
 to answer is, " What part has college journalism played 
 in the education of the American student? '' 
 
 The earliest student papers were either the product of 
 a few private individuals working usually in secret, or 
 were published in the interests of a debating society.
 
 152 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 One of the regular numbers of the old debating society 
 programme consisted of the reading of a journalistic 
 production, largely humorous and partly critical in char- 
 acter; a custom still continued in many high schools. 
 When the first of these written papers was published it 
 is impossible to say, although we have definite record of 
 such publication in the first decade of the present cen- 
 tury. The Literary Tablet of Dartmouth appeared in 
 1803, the Literary Cabinet of Yale in 1806; neither of 
 these journals nor their successors * for more than 
 twenty years lasted beyond their first few numbers. In 
 a majority of cases both financial support and perma- 
 nent organization were lacking. At Yale there were 
 seven unsuccessful experiments before the foundation of 
 the first permanent venture, The Yale Literary Maga- 
 zine, in 1837. A brief resume of conditions at Amherst 
 will give the reader some idea of the character of college 
 journalism during this period. 
 
 The Sprite, a magazine of thirty-two pages, made its 
 appearance in 1831; it was edited by a number of indi- 
 viduals who styled themselves the Elves of Gunnistan. 
 The contents of this periodical presented little variety, 
 and consisted of tales of a romantic and fanciful 
 nature, together with essays, poems, and humorous 
 sketches. The publication of The Sprite ceased with six 
 monthly numbers, owing to the lack of financial support 
 and the want of harmony among the editors. The next 
 year produced a similar periodical. The Shrine, issued by 
 one member of the junior class. The personal enthu- 
 siasm of its contributors made this venture a success, 
 and it attained to the long life of two years. The 
 Guest appeared in 1833, published by a secret literary 
 club, but soon expired. The first publication on a per- 
 
 * Smith, B. P. History of Dartmouth College, p. 163 ; College 
 Journalism, Yale Book, vol. i., p. 338.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 15^> 
 
 manent bias. The Hor^e Collegianse, issued by the senior 
 class, came out in 1837, and lived for three years. It 
 was said to be the best representative of magazine litera- 
 ture which the college ever had. Eight years after its 
 demise The Indicator (1848) entered the field. It like- 
 wise had an existence of three years, and owed its death 
 to the profundity of its articles which were unsuited to 
 a student periodical. It was succeeded by The Experi- 
 ment, which was written, edited, and printed by one stu- 
 dent, who hoped thereby to pay the expenses of his edu- 
 cation. This ambitious youth died on the appearance 
 of the fifth number of The Experiment. Finally, in 
 1858, a permanent magazine, The Amherst Collegiate, 
 was established.* 
 
 Of the two types of college journal, the light ephem- 
 eral paper and the heavy literary magazine, the for- 
 mer is by all odds the most interesting as a portrayal of 
 student life. One of the most interesting of these pro- 
 ductions was the Students' Companion of Yale, edited 
 by the Knights of the Eound Table, the membership of 
 which consisted of Arthur Fitzeddyn, the narrator; Eo- 
 land Hopeden, the novelist; Launcelot Grammont, the 
 reflector; Jeffrey McGrawler Blackwood, the critic; 
 Francis Haller, the philosopher; Thomas Blondel, the 
 troubadour; Raphael AVerner, the delineator; Sir Tris- 
 tam Trapp, the politician; and Harry Tudor, the re- 
 corder. While these mythical personages were all cari- 
 catures of actual individuals, the paper was written by 
 one man, David Francis Bacon, of the class of 1831. f 
 The sale of this periodical was good because of its mys- 
 terious origin. Many of these publications were abu- 
 sive and scurrilous, like The Little Gentleman and Grid- 
 
 * Cutting, George R. Student Life at Amherst College, pp. 
 66-70. 
 
 f Yale Book, vol. i, p. 347.
 
 1154 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 iron of Yale; others more kindly humorous, like The 
 Mummy Monster and The Boule Dogue of the Univer- 
 sity of Pennsylvania.* 
 
 The monthly literary magazine, on the other hand, 
 is conspicuous for its dignity and heaviness of manner. 
 " It must be strictly literary in character; propriety and 
 taste forbid that it should intermingle with the facts 
 and feelings of the world at large. Discarding politics, 
 business, and polemics, it must be sustained as a thing of 
 letters and taste." f Its prose articles were written in 
 a ponderous style of the Johnsonese order, which 
 tended toward bombast, personified the virtues, and 
 feared to call a spade a spade. The subjects for the 
 leading articles were general and elevating to a degree 
 rather amusing to a modern reader. Imagine a modern 
 junior trying his hand on " Classical Learning," " Na- 
 tional Defence," " The Possibility of the Eeturn of the 
 Dark Ages," " Mathematical Learning," and " Sociabil- 
 ity and Ceremony." In the treatment of these topics 
 the standpoint is that of the orator and statesman rather 
 than the man of letters or the scientist. The ideas of the 
 author were merely the common-sense reaction of a man 
 of ordinary intelligence clothed in vague and high- 
 sounding language. Most of these productions were 
 also remarkable for their exuberant patriotism. Be- 
 sides the leading articles, these magazines published 
 philosophic sketches and verse. The philosophic 
 sketches are much after the manner of Easselas and dis- 
 course of the vanities of life under such titles as, " On 
 Emily," " Money," " Environment," " Love, Courtship, 
 
 * Schelling, Felix E. Organizations within the University, in 
 F. N. Thorpe's Benjamin Franklin and the University of Penn- 
 sylvania, p. 415. 
 
 f Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale, Class of 1831, p. 81.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 155 
 
 and Marriage." The verse is bad, consisting of heavy 
 Latin odes and clumsy translations of Horace. Occa- 
 sionally, on the last page, there appear a few items 
 concerning the college world, but a modern reader can 
 not but be struck with, the total lack of the picturesque 
 and the local. Most of the articles might have been 
 written at Calcutta for anything that the reader per- 
 ceives to the contrary. The general impression which 
 perusal leaves on the mind is that of a compromise be- 
 tween Johnson^s Tatler and the early numbers of the 
 Edinburgh Eeview. 
 
 The first periodical of this type which has come 
 down to us is The Harvard Lyceum (1810-'ll). The 
 editors announced that the subject of American litera- 
 ture would receive particular attention both in regard 
 to its comparative and its absolute state, and the causes 
 which placed it in its present condition. To this end 
 forensic discussions, the solutions of curious and in- 
 teresting mathematical problems, studies in natural his- 
 tory and the classics, and essays of moral and religious 
 import are all solicited. The editors throw incidental 
 light on their political views by remarking that science 
 and literature seem to be all that is old-fashioned and 
 good that we have left : " They have flourished even 
 from the manure of the French guillotine." A mock 
 heroic in ten books, describing a journey along the 
 coast of the Northern States, was the special feature of 
 The Lyceum, which was otherwise marked by a general 
 spirit of heaviness. 
 
 The romantic note predominates in the first num- 
 ber of The Yale Literary Magazine, published in 1837; 
 the influence of Scott and Byron is seen on every page. 
 The titles of some of the leading stories run as follows: 
 "Love's Difficulty," a dramatic^sketch; "The Trial of 
 Love," " A Fragment of an Unfinished Tragedy," " The 
 Skeleton of Tooloola," and " The Fatal Oath, a Frag-
 
 156 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ment of an Unpublished Drama." The general articles 
 are represented by such subjects as " Destiny/' " The 
 Pleasures of the Imagination/' " Ancient and Modern 
 Eepublics." The political articles are more to the 
 point than in The Lyceum, and references to student 
 life are more numerous, although even here they form a 
 small part of the magazine. The early volumes of The 
 Yale Literary Magazine are fair imitations of the period- 
 ical literature of the times. 
 
 To edit or contribute to the college magazine was 
 one of the common avenues to college fame or notoriety. 
 The writer stood on a pedestal just a step lower down in 
 the scale than the orator. A literary editorship was one 
 of the coveted class honours at Yale. Some of the more 
 conservative critics like Bristed and the graduate of 
 1821 might question the value of so much practice in 
 fine writing, or carp at the waste of time, but to the un- 
 dergraduate world such editorial experience, together 
 with oratory, seemed the most useful feature of educa- 
 tion. Not the lack of enthusiasm but the small size of 
 the colleges and the poverty of many students were re- 
 sponsible for the failure of so many journalistic enter- 
 prises. The list of college editors during this and the 
 following period (1800-'70) includes the names of 
 Edward Everett, William M. Evarts, Andrew D. White, 
 D. C. Gilman, and Phillips Brooks. 
 
 Previous to this section we have treated of the im- 
 portant and typical associations, those which are in a 
 peculiar sense characteristic of student life. In ad- 
 dition to these there has been a number of student clubs 
 of minor importance and connected by closer bonds 
 to the outside world. Such are the religious, philan- 
 thropic, political, musical, professional, and industrial 
 associations. While they are of minor importance, their 
 frequency and persistence forbid their total exclusion. 
 
 e. Religious Societies. — The most important societies
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 157 
 
 of this class are the religious circles which were formed 
 in American colleges in the first decades of the nine- 
 teenth century. Previously the atmosphere of the col- 
 lege had been so predominantly ecclesiastical and theo- 
 logical that there was no room for voluntary associa- 
 tions. Their rise was due to the spread of what may be 
 called the emotional type of religious experience which 
 resulted from the evangelical movement of Whitefield 
 and Wesley. The formal legalistic conceptions of the 
 early Puritans found expression in long and frequent 
 public services rather than in private gatherings for the 
 comparison of emotional experiences. In a majority of 
 instances '^ the societies of inquiry or praying circles " 
 were the direct results of revivals. Another operating 
 cause was the prevalence of sceptical views among the 
 students, due largely to French Eevolutionary influence. 
 The governing body of the college was, with the 
 exception of one or two institutions like South Carolina 
 College, distinctively Christian and denominational, but 
 the students frequently went to the other extreme. 
 Princeton is now the stronghold of orthodoxy, but of 
 the Princeton students of that period we are told by Mr. 
 Wallace that " French scepticism was carefully cher- 
 ished by the young men as the badge of polite learning 
 and freedom. The gay and reckless spirit which accom- 
 panied this philosophy of life was not wanting. It was 
 necessary to ride hard, drink deep, and fear nothing. 
 At one time there were only twelve students at Prince- 
 ton wdio acknowledged their adherence to the old faith, 
 and even so late as 1841 the little band of Christians 
 were dubbed religiosi/' * At Washington College, 
 Pennsylvania, students of a religious character were 
 called monkeys and lapears.f The tendency was by 
 
 * Wallace, G. R. Princeton Sketches, p. 78. 
 
 t Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words and Customs.
 
 158 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 no means confined to these two colleges, and was strong- 
 est in those institutions where the Southern element was 
 particularly numerous. At no time in American his- 
 tory has the line been so closely drawn between the 
 Church and the world. 
 
 On December 11, 1802, the Saturday Evening Ee- 
 ligious Society in Harvard College was organized for 
 the express purpose of promoting the growth of practi- 
 cal and experimental religion. It was founded largely 
 through the efforts of Eliphalet Pearson, Professor of 
 Hebrew and Oriental Languages at Harvard, and after- 
 ward one of the founders of Andover Seminary and a 
 leader of the Evangelical and Orthodox wing of Con- 
 gregationalism. The society was formed for the ex- 
 press purpose of arresting " the decay of religion with- 
 in our walls.'' In 1819 a second association was formed, 
 known as the Wednesday Evening Society. In 1821 
 the two united under the name of The Society of Chris- 
 tian Brethren in Harvard University. Only those were 
 admitted who believed in the doctrines of deprav- 
 ity and regeneration, in the existence of three persons, 
 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the atonement, and the 
 mediation of Christ; and could also furnish to themselves 
 and others satisfactory evidence of a saving change of 
 heart. Each member signed this confession. One im- 
 portant element in the work of the Christian Brethren 
 was a valuable library.* 
 
 Eeligion was at a very low ebb in Princeton circles 
 at the opening of the second war with England (1813). 
 In this year four students began a prayer meeting, and 
 succeeded in inaugurating a revival in college in which 
 forty or fifty students were converted. The Philadel- 
 phian Society, the direct outcome of this movement, was 
 
 * Cooke, Joseph Pratt. The Christian Brethren, in Harvard 
 Book, vol. ii.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. I59 
 
 formed in 18,25. Confined to professors of religion, tlie 
 society exerted influence abroad by tlie distribution of 
 tracts on the first Sabbath of each month. The subject 
 of missions was also to be brought before the society 
 monthly, followed by a collection. Among the early 
 rules of the society was the following: " The me^ibers 
 shall hold themselves bound in honour to make no un- 
 necessary disclosures of any rules or transactions of the 
 fraternity." For some time the society met with con- 
 siderable opposition, even from religious students, on 
 the ground that it was a secret organization. In 1826 se- 
 crecy was somewhat relaxed, and prayer meetings were 
 held on Sunday morning, open to all the students. A 
 Thursday evening lecture was instituted, which was ad- 
 dressed by members of the faculty and by the resident 
 clergymen. In 1855 a valuable library was destroyed.* 
 
 The Theological Society of Amherst was formally 
 organized in 1831; its name was afterrN^ard changed to 
 the Society of Inquiry. The members met informally 
 on Sabbath evenings, in a quiet way consulted with each 
 other, compared data which they had acquired, com- 
 municated intelligence, and spent a few moments in 
 prayer. Members were few, and the influence exerted 
 by the society was chiefly felt by its own members and 
 was never great. Its object has been to form a bond 
 of union and sympathy between Christian men in col- 
 lege, and in this it succeeded. The society corre- 
 sponded with similar organizations in other colleges and 
 with missionaries in the field. Its museum of curiosi- 
 ties in time grew to be quite extensive, consisting of 
 idols, implements of various kinds, costumes, and a 
 multiplicity of other things illustrating the religious 
 beliefs, and the arts and customs of foreign lands. The 
 
 * Dnffield, John Thomas. The Philadelphian Society, Prince- 
 ton Book.
 
 160 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 society possessed a theological library of two hundred 
 and fifty volumes, and its tables were covered with a lib- 
 eral supply of religious papers.* 
 
 At Williams the Theological Society dated from the 
 first year of the century. By its side existed a mission- 
 ary organization, the Mills Society of Inquiry (1820), 
 the members of which were considered pledged for mis- 
 sionary work. Both these societies were the results of 
 revivals. The Missionary Lyceum of Wesleyan was not 
 organized until 1834. The Theological Society of Bow- 
 doin was in existence in 1812; its object was more 
 moral than theological. It owned a valuable library, 
 which was lost in the great conflagration of 1821. By 
 its side existed The Praying Circle, a distinctly reli- 
 gious organization. The great revival of 1821 of Brown 
 University resulted in the formation of the religious 
 society which held meetings in the college chapel. Six 
 years later the Society for Missionary Inquiry appeared 
 in the field, w^hich aimed to supply its members with 
 information respecting the moral and religious condi- 
 tion of the world. A Moral Society which existed at 
 Yale in the twenties was a rather lifeless affair, although 
 its debates were said to be interesting, and access to its 
 library a privilege, f 
 
 Closely allied to the Missionary Society in aim 
 was an occasional organization intended for some be- 
 nevolent or philanthropic purpose. In 1815 there was 
 instituted at Bowdoin a benevolent society made up of 
 undergraduates, graduates, and friends of the college, 
 
 * Cutting, George R. Student Life at Amherst, p. 60. 
 
 \ Durfee, C, History of Williams College, p. 117; Steiner, B. 
 C, History of Education in Connecticut, p. 279 ; Cleaveland and 
 Packard, History of Bowdoin College, p. 29 ; Tolman, W. H„ His- 
 tory of Higher Education in Rhode Island, p. 197; Reminiscences 
 of Scenes and Characters in College, by a Graduate of Yale, Class 
 of 1821, p. 107.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 161 
 
 which aimed to loan money to needy students. On the 
 evening before Commencement a public address was de- 
 livered before the society in church, after which a con- 
 tribution was taken for its benefit. " The liberally 
 minded made it an object to be present for the advan- 
 tage of this contribution." It aided a number of stu- 
 dents, and perished after a useful existence of twelve 
 years.* 
 
 During the same period an amusing experiment in 
 the way of a Plain Dress or Lycurgan Society was tried 
 at Yale. At the outset the society simply aimed to en- 
 courage plainness of apparel and simplicity of life and 
 manners in opposition to luxury and effeminacy. The 
 members interested in the cause were to exert an influ- 
 ence by setting a good example. In time the society 
 was induced to adopt a distinctive dress, a sort of rus- 
 tic cousin to the ordinary garb of the Quakers. The 
 costume was so unbecoming to men of large and 
 awkward frames that it caused the downfall of the 
 entire enterprise. The Lycurgan Society checked 
 extravagance for a time and was imitated in other col- 
 leges, f 
 
 The Anti-Yenenean Society of Amherst found a 
 common bond of unity for its members in the forswear- 
 ing of ardent spirits, wine, opium, and tobacco, as 
 articles of luxury and diet. This organization was first 
 formed in 1830, and included one hundred and eight- 
 een out of the two hundred and eight students in col- 
 lege at the time of its foundation, and for a number of 
 years afterward included about three fourths of the 
 membership of each class. The society was something 
 of the nature of a pious fiction, as no meetings were ever 
 
 * Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 29. 
 f Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in College, by a 
 Graduate of Yale in 1821, p. 127. 
 11
 
 162 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 held, although the members were awarded elegant 
 diplomas at the end of their college course.* 
 
 /. Political Cluhs. — The political parties of this pe- 
 riod had not yet developed that complex network of 
 machinery for carrying elections which is now one of the 
 marked features of contemporary campaigns, so no at- 
 tempt was made by the politician to organize the stu- 
 dents. The latter were so representative of the com- 
 munity at large that their political opinions coincided 
 with those of the parties from which they came. The 
 few societies of a political character which existed at 
 this period were half philanthropic in their aims and 
 exercised almost no influence. At Amherst, where the 
 most complete inventory and history of student organi- 
 zations have been made, we find records of a Coloniza- 
 tion Society (1828), which aimed to support a colony of 
 negroes in Liberia; an x\ntislavery Society, which ex- 
 isted for three years (1832-35), until it was suppressed 
 by the faculty, and a Peace Society (1838), before which 
 addresses Avere occasionally delivered. Colonization so- 
 cieties, and occasionally an antislavery society, which in- 
 evitably caused trouble, existed elsewhere, f In general 
 it may be worth noting that, as in other English -speak- 
 ing lands, the students, instead of being a revolutionary 
 and disturbing element, like those in Continental Eu- 
 rope, were inclined to be more conservative politically 
 than the average citizen. 
 
 g. Military Organizations. — The first military or- 
 ganization at Harvard was the Martimercurian Band, 
 which existed in 1793, but how long before and after 
 this date I have not been able to discover. The Har- 
 vard Washington Corps was the outcome of the mili- 
 tary enthusiasm enkindled by the approach of the War 
 
 * Cutting, George H. Student Life at Amherst, p. 55. 
 f WM.. p. 94.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 163 
 
 of 181.2, and lasted twenty-two years. Membership 
 was confined to the senior and junior classes, the 
 juniors serving as privates and the seniors as officers. 
 At first its organization was that of an ordinary militia 
 company, but it afterward became a battalion. In 
 accuracy and variety of military movements the corps 
 excelled every militia company in the neighborhood of 
 Boston, and received the commendation of trained 
 soldiers. The company was allowed two grand pa- 
 rades a year; after some experience, visits to Boston 
 were prohibited. The chief offices were much sought 
 for by the leading members of the class, the cap- 
 taincy being the chief honour of the year. The military 
 office brought with it a strong sense of dignity, and the 
 men committed no offences when trusted in their mili- 
 tary capacities. Still, it was thought by the college au- 
 thorities to be favourable to dissipation, which, together 
 with lack of interest, led to its death in 1833.* A 
 similar organization existed at Trinity College, Hart- 
 ford. 
 
 h. Musical Societies. — The first musical organization 
 concerning which we have a record was The Singing 
 Club of Harvard College, which was formed in 1786 and 
 continued to 1803. Its programme was largely devoted 
 to psalmody, with some slight attention to instrumental 
 music. The Pierian Sodality, which still continues, was 
 founded in 1808; its social features were more strongly 
 marked than the musical. The Sodality was divided into 
 two parts; one section specialized on light sentimental 
 music for serenades, and the other part prepared for col- 
 lege exhibition. A preparatory club, known as the Ari- 
 onic, was instituted for novices, from which promotions 
 were made to the Sodality. Low as was the standard of 
 
 * Lothrop, S. K. Harvard "Washington Corps, in Harvard Book, 
 vol. ii.
 
 164: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the Sodality, it was often on the point of perishing for 
 lack of members; at one time only six in a class of sev- 
 enty played sufficiently well to secure membership. The 
 Harvard Musical Association grew out of the Pierian 
 Sodality, but afterward confined itself to graduates.* 
 
 At Yale a musical society existed in the year 1812, 
 but the particulars of its activity at that early period 
 have not come down to us. Some time after its forma- 
 tion it assumed the name Beethoven, and furnished 
 music at prayers and Sunday exercises. It was fre- 
 quently known as the College Choir. The orchestral 
 portion consisted of flutes, tenor violins, violoncello and 
 double bass, " a most sonorous ophicleide," a big drum, 
 with numerous guitars and Brazilian mandolins. The 
 Beethoven Society likewise indulged in numerous sere- 
 nades.! The Pasan Band of Amherst, organized in 1824, 
 was a regularly constituted society with by-laws and offi- 
 cers. The instruments were furnished by contributions 
 from the students and faculty, in return for which the 
 band furnished music gratuitously on Commencement 
 Day and on other state occasions. The graduating class 
 supplied a jug of port wine for the refreshment of the 
 weary musicians on Commencement. Contemporary 
 with the band there existed the Lutheran Society 
 (1822), the special function of which was to provide 
 sacred music for Commencement. The Beethoven So- 
 ciety of Amherst employed outside musical teachers 
 and endeavoured to cultivate the musical talent of the 
 students.]: Similar societies existed at Bowdoin * and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 * Dwight, J. S. The Pierian Sodality, Harvard Book, vol. ii, 
 p. 368. 
 
 f Stoeekel, G. J. Music and Musical Societies, Yale Book, vol. 
 ii, p. 482. 
 
 t Cuttino:, G. n. Student Life at Amherst, pp. 89-91. 
 
 * Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 30.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 165 
 
 i. Scientific Clubs. — The Harvard Natural History- 
 Society came into existence May 4, 1837; all members of 
 the junior and senior classes who were interested in 
 natural history belonged to it. The scientific interest of 
 the members centred in the collection and mounting of 
 specimens, ornithology, entomology, and botany were the 
 favourite branches. Cambridge was at this period an ex- 
 cellent collecting ground, altiiough members were by no 
 means dependent on their own collections. The society 
 met in the members' rooms every other week to listen to 
 lectures delivered on some subject of interest. These 
 lectures were simple talks which made the centre of dis- 
 cussion, although the chief interest lay in comparing 
 notes on collections.* 
 
 A club of like purpose, organized at Amherst in 1822, 
 was known as the Linnaean Society. Botany, geology, 
 and mineralogy were the favourite subjects. Papers 
 bearing on various scientific topics were presented at 
 the meetings. Much time was also spent at these gath- 
 erings in analyzing specimens which the members had 
 found in the Connecticut Valley. On one occasion the 
 club offered a prize of scientific books to that member 
 who should collect the finest herbarium. Interest 
 waned and the society died out, only to be resurrected in 
 1831, as the Society'^ of Natural History. The new as- 
 sociation was a select body, open only to eight members 
 from each of the three higher classes; the qualifications 
 were "a good moral character, a respectable standing 
 in one's class, and a distinguished reputation as a natu- 
 ralist." Afterward a law went into force that one sixth 
 of each class should be elected to membership. The 
 society adopted a splendid badge in the form of a gold 
 kev of hexahedral form, with " N. L. D., 1831," on one 
 
 * Hale. Edward Everett. The Harvard Natural History So- 
 ciety, Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 387.
 
 166 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 side, and a small scroll containing an engraving of the 
 word " Nature " and the owner's name on the other. 
 The proceedings of the society were secret, and con- 
 sisted, as before, of dissertations, analyses, and general 
 information on natural history. A library and cabinet 
 were established, the scientific periodicals of the day were 
 subscribed for, and correspondence maintained with mis- 
 sionaries in foreign countries and with distinguished 
 naturalists. Upon graduation it was customary for 
 each member of the society to add a book to the library. 
 Among the famous members of the society was Henry 
 Ward Beecher, who made phrenology the centre of his 
 interest. The club lived not quite twenty years, and died 
 in 1848 because of the increased facilities for scientific 
 instruction in the college.* The Society of Natural 
 History at Williams College sent out a scientific expe- 
 dition which made large collections in Nova Scotia, f 
 At Bowdoin two short-lived scientific organizations. The 
 Caluvian and Alpha Phi, collected cabinets of minerals 
 and a few paintings, which on their demise were turned 
 over to the college. J 
 
 Another form of professional activity was found in 
 the medical colleges where clubs arose for the purpose 
 of supplementing the regular courses and of preparing 
 the students for examination by quizzes. The Medical 
 Institute of the University of Pennsylvania was char- 
 tered in 1817, and has had a continuous existence 
 
 * Cutting, George R. Student Life at Amherst, pp. 57, 58. 
 t Durfee. C. History of Williams College, p. 218. 
 
 X Cleaveland and Packard. History of Bowdoin College, p. 28. 
 
 * Schelling, Felix E. Organizations within the University, in 
 F. N. Thorpe's Benjamin Franklin and the University of Penn- 
 sylvania, p. 412.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES DURIXG THE TRANSITION PERIOD, 
 
 1840-1870. 
 
 §§1 AND 2. The Fraternity and Athletic Club 
 
 DURING THE TRANSITION PeRIOD. 
 
 The fraternity was the representative growth of the 
 transition period from 1840 to 1870. We have de- 
 scribed in preceding sections the origin and growth 
 of the secret-society idea. In this chapter we will pass 
 over rapidly the detailed history of the separate so- 
 cieties, which is of no particular interest to the gen- 
 eral reader, and which Baird has already described in 
 a manner that leaves nothing to be desired, but will lay 
 chief stress on the controversial aspects of the new order 
 of societies, in addition to describing the peculiar sys- 
 tems of secret societies which grew up at Harvard and 
 Yale. 
 
 Harvard has developed a society system of its own, 
 making sociability and congeniality the basis of mem- 
 bership, founded largely though not exclusively on a 
 class basis; these organizations have been of slow 
 growth. Of these clubs there are three classes: the 
 sophomore societies, the senior societies, and general 
 societies. 
 
 The Institute of 1770, the older sophomore society, 
 was originally a debating club of the seniors, organized 
 by the class of 1771. In 1825 two rivals of the same 
 
 167
 
 1G8 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 aims coalesced, making it the only society in the field 
 for many years. At first a senior society, it became a 
 junior, then a sophomore organization. While its so- 
 cial duties encroached on its original functions, still, at 
 the end of the period under discussion it preserved to a 
 certain extent its character as a debating society; be- 
 cause of this fact it can hardly be considered a typical 
 Harvard organization. In the late sixties its programme 
 was described as follows: " The entertainment was of 
 a literary character, consisting of debates not always 
 too eloquent or brilliant; a lecture, usually a fair sopho- 
 more production; and a paper made up of original con- 
 tributions which perhaps compared favourably with sim- 
 ilar efforts at young ladies' seminaries. It was not so 
 much the entertainment that was enjoyed by the young 
 fellows as the meeting together and getting acquainted, 
 the freedom of the hour, and the sense of proprietor- 
 ship." Its meetings were the only opportunity afforded 
 the class to form an estimate of the talents of the dif- 
 ferent men until the senior societies were reached.* 
 
 A rival organization with similar ends was organized 
 in 1886, known as the Everett Athenaum, which piade 
 a specialty of music and theatricals. 
 
 The senior societies are much more noteworthy. 
 The oldest of these is The Famous Hasty Pudding 
 Club, founded in 1795, "to cherish the feelings of 
 friendship and patriotism." The name of the club Fas 
 derived from that clause in the constitution which pro- 
 vides that " two members in alphabetical order shall 
 provide a pot of hasty pudding for every meeting." 
 After a brief and unsuccessful experience as a debating 
 society, the custom of mock trials was introduced, which 
 lasted until 1847-^48; Next in order came the pres- 
 entation of regular plays, which began with Bombastes 
 
 * Tripp. Student Life at Harvard, p. 288.
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 169 
 
 Furioso, in 1845. Since that date the production of 
 two or three lighter plays each year has represented the 
 literary side of the club's activity. In 1834 the club 
 became a secret organization in reality, and an elaborate 
 and amusing initiation ceremony was arranged. Each 
 year's membership chose their successors.* 
 
 The 0. K. Society arose from an opposition to the 
 Greek fraternity system at Harvard in the year 1858. 
 The membership was confined to sixteen men of the 
 senior class. The society has never, with one excep- 
 tional period, occupied rooms of its own, but has met 
 at the rooms of its different members in rotation. Dec- 
 lamation and the reading of original papers formed the 
 staple programme of the early exercises, great attention 
 being given to elocution and oratory. For a number of 
 3'ears theatricals played an ever-increasing part in the 
 exercises until 18 TO, when they were entirely excluded 
 by a new constitution. 
 
 At one time the 0. K. endeavoured to play a part 
 in class politics, to the great detriment of the order, 
 which finally decided not to interfere in the elections. 
 At this period, the late sixties, there Avas an intense 
 rivalry between the 0. K. and the Hasty Pudding. The 
 initiation ceremonies of this organization, which we 
 include below, are an interesting specimen of under- 
 graduate rhetoric, t 
 
 * See Introduction to the Eleventh Catalo^e of the Officers and 
 Members of the Hasty Pudding Chib in Harvard College, pp. 5, 6. 
 
 f On the entrance of the neophyte the President inquires, 
 " Whence and what are ye, execrable shape ? 
 
 Verily I bring unto thee the elect, the chosen one, arrayed in 
 clean garments, to await thy bidding. 
 
 President. — Has he performed his duty ? 
 
 Messenger. — Since set of sun, his labour knew no pause nor 
 intermission. 
 
 President. — 'Tis well. Let him be seated. Time will tell.
 
 170 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Pi Eta, founded in 1866, was not permanently sanc- 
 tioned by the faculty until 1869. Its success was due 
 to the increasing size of the class, which made a second 
 society a necessity. It early secured permanent quar- 
 ters which were elaborately fitted up. The Signet, the 
 last prominent senior society, was founded in 1870, at 
 the very end of the period. It was small in size and de- 
 voted to literary work of a high character. Theatrical 
 performances were excluded.* 
 
 The Porcellian Club, the first distinctly Harvard 
 
 But first our Grand Astrologer must read the meaning mystic of 
 the starry hosts. Strangers attend. 
 
 Grand Astrologer. — Brothers, since the red sun dipped in the 
 glowing west his fiery disk, spangling the azure vault in quick 
 succession as darkness spread her veil, I've watched revolving 
 planets, fixed stars, and blushing Luna spring forth to life and 
 light. 
 
 Impending evil then methought, to my prophetic eye, glared 
 down from out the starry constellations ; Mars glowed with fiery 
 rage, and Sirius went barking through the sky with angry blood- 
 shot eye that told of torrid equatorial heat. E'en Venus's smile 
 was sickly, and great Jupiter looked glum and ominous of dangers 
 dire and pestilence and woes unutterable. 
 
 A comet, too, there was dragging behind infinity of tail, which 
 swept in hyperbolic curve along, swifter than forked lightning, as 
 though it would annihilate the sun in greedy ruin. The air is 
 heavy with a coming woe. The laboring stars are pregnant with 
 a meaning, strange, mystic, weird, that puzzles e'en a prophetic 
 eye to pierce. 
 
 President. — Some dire calamity, methinks, impends above the 
 neophytic heads. But hark ! The High Pontiff draws nigh." 
 
 The High Pontiff proceeds, in even more direful language in- 
 duced by his inspection of the unlucky omens contained in the 
 entrails of a dorbug, till the trembling neophyte is reduced to a 
 proper frame of mind ; when he is subjected to a searching inter- 
 rogation and allowed to read his initiation work. Harvard Book, 
 vol. ii, p. 400. 
 
 * See Signet Society, in Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 414.
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 171 
 
 society to include members of all classes, was formed in 
 1791. x\t that time a number of intimate friends were 
 in the habit of meeting in each other's rooms on alter- 
 nate Friday nights for social intercourse; the exercises 
 terminated with a supper. The association was known 
 as The Argonauts; but one evening a young pig was 
 roasted whole, and so successful was the occasion that 
 the club was afterward known as The Pig Club. It early 
 aspired to an exclusive social position and assumed the 
 title of Gentlemen's Club, which it soon altered to 
 Porcellian. The club consisted of sixteen members. 
 Its founders aimed to establish the society " on some 
 of the strongest principles of our nature; upon sociabil- 
 ity, brotherly affection, and generosity; and upon those 
 qualities of liberality and courtesy and that spirit of a 
 true gentleman which are best expressed in the Greek 
 motto of the society." The business affairs of the club 
 are managed by three trustees, all of them graduates, 
 who hold in trust all the property of the club, includ- 
 ing library, pictures, and furniture. Small as the 
 membership has been, the roll of graduates shows many 
 of the most famous of the sons of Harvard, including 
 "Wendell Phillips, Channing, Stor}^, Everett, Prescott, 
 Adams, Palfrey, Charles Sumner, Oliver Wendell 
 Holmes, James Eussell Lowell, and John Lothrop 
 Motley. 
 
 The A. D., another purely social institution, was 
 organized in 1826 as an honorary chapter of the Alpha 
 Delta Phi; as its active organization was prohibited by 
 the Harvard faculty, it became in 1838 the honorary 
 Yale chapter. Eight years later it received official 
 recognition from the college authorities because of the 
 excellence of its literary work. The anti-fraternity 
 movement of 1859 resulted in a gradual change. It 
 ceased to be a chapter of a secret fraternity and became 
 a club of the usual Harvard type. ,
 
 1Y2 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The Yale system of secret societies is much more 
 strongly organized and much more extensive in its 
 operation than that of Harvard. During this period 
 a rigid class basis was maintained throughout, each year 
 of the course having its distinctive societies. Without 
 detailing the growth of the system, which discovers a 
 mere tissue of petty jealousies, we will endeavour to de- 
 scribe the Yale system as it existed at the end of the 
 period (1870). 
 
 The freshman societies at this time were the Kappa 
 Sigma Epsilon, representing careless literary excel- 
 lence; the Delta Kappa, standing for good fellowship 
 and sociability; and the Gamma Nu, an open society 
 of hard-working scholarship. Practically all the mem- 
 bers of the freshman class belong to these clubs. A 
 systematic campaign was waged for months in advance 
 at all the important fitting schools. Many men are 
 pledged long before they reach New Haven, and a keen 
 struggle ensues for the possession of the men from a 
 distance. The trains are infested with representatives 
 of the various societies, who jump upon the platform of 
 the moving cars, fight the brakemen, incommode the 
 travellers, and defy the police, in the desire to offer the 
 advantage of the best freshman society to the incoming 
 student. 
 
 A week after the opening of the term, when all the 
 men are pledged, comes the initiation. Each freshman 
 is taken in hand by a particular sophomore, who at the 
 appropriate moment guides him to a building from 
 which the sounds of pandemonium are issuing. " A 
 red devil in the passageway, assisted by a living skele- 
 ton redolent of phosphorus, quickly blindfolds him, and 
 he is hurried upward. When he has reached an eleva- 
 tion apparently of several hundred feet, a new element 
 in the continual din assures him that at last he is in 
 the inquisitorial hall. But just as he begins to reply to
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 173 
 
 the last nonsensical question put by an attendant fiend, 
 some one jostles against him^ and down, down, down he 
 falls, until he strikes a blanket held in readiness for 
 him. Then he flies up into the air again amid admiring 
 shouts of ' Go it, Freshie ! ' ' Well done. Sub ! ^ ' Shake 
 him up! ' until a new candidate demands the attention 
 of the tossers. Then he is officiously told to rest him- 
 self in a chair, the seat of which lets him down into a 
 pail of water, though a large sponge probably saves him 
 from actual wetting; his head and hands are thrust 
 through a pillory, and he is reviled in that awkward 
 position; he is rolled in an exaggerated squirrel wheel, 
 a noose is thrown around his neck, and he is dragged 
 beneath the guillotine, when the bandage is pulled from 
 his eyes and he glares upon the glittering knife of block- 
 tin which falls within a foot of his throat and can not 
 possibly go farther. Being thus executed, he is thrust 
 into a coffin, which is hammered upon with such energy 
 that he is at length recalled to life, pulled out again, 
 and made to wear his coat with the inside outward. 
 This is a sign that the initiation is over." * 
 
 The exercises of these societies were of a literary 
 character, consisting of debates, declarations, and ora- 
 tions. Select reading, essays, and society papers which 
 were the miscellaneous productions of regularly chosen 
 editors, were sometimes read. In conclusion, a criti- 
 cism of the proceedings is offered. Occasionally a prize 
 debate varies the regular order of proceedings. Each 
 freshman society likewise possesses its song book, which 
 it pretends to conceal. At times the success of mem- 
 bers of the society in some collegiate contest is cele- 
 brated by a " peanut bum." A sack containing a bushel 
 or two of peanuts is emptied upon the floor and 
 an indiscriminate scramble is made for them by. the 
 
 * Bagg. Four Years at Yale, p. 64.
 
 1Y4 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 upper-class guests and their entertainers; cigars are dis- 
 tributed, and in some cases lemonade; nothing stronger 
 is found in the freshman halls. At first a freshman 
 prides himself on his society and its secrets, but gradu- 
 ally his interest lessens, and by the third term the 
 society work is badly demoralized by the upper-class 
 elections. 
 
 The sophomore societies, two in number. Phi Theta 
 Psi and Delta Beta Xi, were much more select in char- 
 acter, containing less than half of an average class. The 
 members of these societies, turning their backs on the 
 heavy literary performances of their freshman days, go 
 to the other extreme and do little in the way of work 
 or improvement. 
 
 The halls of the societies are club rooms where 
 the sophomores drop in on Friday nights to play 
 cards, smoke clay pipes, and sip ale with one another. 
 During this year the loud-mouthed sporting element is 
 likely to be in the ascendency while the substantial men 
 remain in the background. 
 
 While these societies do not actually encourage dis- 
 sipation, they can fairly be charged with being frivo- 
 lous and purposeless in character. The members of a 
 sophomore society look back on their connection with 
 it as a joke, and to solicit money from them for it would 
 be a hopeless task. 
 
 Through the three junior societies — ^the Psi Upsilon, 
 Alpha Delta Phi, and Delta Kappa Epsilon — ^Yale is 
 connected with the regular fraternity system of the 
 country. Owing to the fact that the Yale societies are 
 for the junior year only, the tie between their members 
 is looser than in other colleges. The Yale chapters are 
 also less careful in preserving the secrets of the orders. 
 The literary exercises of the junior society are more 
 varied than those of previous years, and combine fea- 
 tures from each of them. The regular programme is
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 175 
 
 less formal than that of the freshman society, and there 
 is less prominence to the social features than in the 
 sophomore societies. There are music and dancing as 
 well as singing, and of course smoking and card-play- 
 ing and occasional suppers. Much care was given to 
 the composition of society songs, which were frequently 
 sung in public. The senior societies were closely con- 
 nected with college politics, most of the important hon- 
 our positions being filled in the junior year. These or- 
 ganizations inspire more affection in their members than 
 the clubs of the two previous years; their members fre- 
 quently give large sums of money for the erection of 
 costly halls. This feeling extends still more strongly 
 to the graduates. 
 
 The senior societies of Yale — the Skull and Bones, 
 and Scroll and Keys — were perhaps the most unique stu- 
 dent institutions in the country. They were absolutely 
 secret, their members never mentioning the society 
 names in the presence of outsiders, nor do they in any 
 way refer to rival societies. Pledges and electioneering 
 are avoided. In theory the membership is made up of 
 the best men of the year, fifteen in each society, who 
 must be noted either for scholarship, literary ability, 
 athletic prowess, good fellowship, or great wealth. The 
 mystic symbols, badges, and numbers are particularly 
 prominent, and are carried into the most ordinary de- 
 tails of society life. For instance, the official notes of 
 the Skull and Bones are written to old members upon 
 " black-bordered paper of the catalogue size, with or 
 without the society head at the top. Society communi- 
 cations sent through the mails are often inclosed in 
 black-edged envelopes, bearing at the end a printed re- 
 quest to the postmaster to return them to the society 
 post-office box if not delivered within a certain time. 
 They are sealed with a skull and bones, and the letters S. 
 C. B. impressed upon black wax."
 
 176 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Each senior society possesses a hall of peculiar 
 structure. The Skull and Bones Chapter House has 
 been described as a " grim-looking, windowless, tomb- 
 like structure of brown sandstone, rectangular in shape, 
 showing a front of about thirty-five and a length of 
 forty-four feet, and it is at a guess thirty-five feet high. 
 The entrance in front is guarded by a pair of massive 
 iron doors a dozen feet high, finished oft' in panels and 
 of a dark-green colour, while heavy clasps of brass close 
 over the keyholes and are secured by padlocks, beneath 
 one of which a bell pull is concealed. The roof is 
 nearly flat and is covered with half -inch plates of iron, 
 which in 1867 took the place of the tin before employed. 
 There is a skylight similarly protected, and the chim- 
 neys and ventilators are arranged along the edges of the 
 roof. Behind are a pair of small windows barred with 
 iron, and close to the ground are two or three scuttle 
 holes communicating with the cellar." This building 
 is valued at thirty thousand dollars; the new and more 
 elaborate structure of the Scroll and Keys is worth fifty 
 thousand. 
 
 " The attempt to make an outsider realize the over- 
 whelming fascination which a senior society exerts upon 
 the mind of the average Yale undergraduate would be 
 probably useless. An election thereto is valued more 
 highly than any other college prize or honour, and in 
 fact these honours derive a good part of their attractive- 
 ness from their supposed efficacy in helping to pro- 
 cure the coveted election. There is nothing in the 
 wide world which seems half so desirable." Member- 
 ship in Bones or Keys is really valuable because it in- 
 troduces a man to the best graduates of Yale wherever 
 he may be, and secures him entertainment by the ablest 
 undergraduates when he visits New Haven. Both the 
 societies have developed in their men great pride and 
 generosity which is expressed in a somewhat different
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 177 
 
 way by the two organizations. The members of Skull 
 and Bones avoided displays of their feelings, while 
 Keys men rather ostentatiously exhibited the same. 
 This attitude toward the public is typical of the two 
 societies, Bones gathering in the real ability, leaving 
 Keys the men of brilliant social qualities. Bones, being 
 the older, has always stood highest in the opinion of the 
 Yale world. ■ 
 
 The attitude of the neutrals or the non-society men 
 toward these two organizations was that of bitter hos- 
 tility. The neutrals form a rabble on the night of elec- 
 tion, which ranges about the college yard, barring up 
 entry doors, raising false alarms, and otherwise dis- 
 porting itself. A bogus society, called, in mockery of 
 the Bones, the Bowl and Stones, amused itself ridiculing 
 the usages and symbols of the senior societies by sing- 
 ing comic songs, printing and posting derisive hand- 
 bills, and offering bogus elections to simple-minded 
 classmatps. At one time the neutrals went so far as 
 to smash bottles of ink upon the front of Bones Hall, 
 and tore the chains from their staples. They fre- 
 quently steal the ice cream prepared for inaugural ban- 
 quets. 
 
 Efforts have been made in other institutions, nota- 
 bly Columbia (Axe and Coffin), Michigan (Owl and 
 Padlock), and Wesleyan (Skull and Serpent, and Owl 
 and Wand), to imitate the senior society system of Yale. 
 Xone of these imitations has been of any particular im- 
 portance, for while the copying of the outer signs and 
 names of the Yale system is eas}^, to gain their peculiar 
 position and prestige is quite another matter. At Yale 
 the existence of the lower-class societies facilitates the 
 sifting of men so that the ablest students are well- 
 marked characters by the end of the junior year. Har- 
 vard is the only other institution in the country where 
 such societies would have been possible, and Harvard, 
 12
 
 178 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 as we have seen^ developed social clubs on the basis of 
 congeniality rather than any society system properly 
 so called. 
 
 No discussion of the fraternity system would be 
 complete which failed to take account of the violent 
 controversy which the introduction of this form of stu- 
 dent organization has produced in American colleges. 
 Students and professors have both been divided in their 
 attitude upon the issue involved. Men of equally high 
 standing and large experience are found who take a 
 pronounced position on each side of the controversy; 
 while the conflict of opinion is not now as sharp 
 and bitter as in the formative period, yet the antag- 
 onism persists in perhaps three fourths of the Ameri- 
 can colleges. In a number of the smaller denomi- 
 national institutions the fraternity is still excluded 
 by a faculty enactment, while in others lodges are 
 tolerated because it is believed that their exclusion is 
 impossible. In the larger universities, particularly 
 the State universities of the West, the fraternities 
 and neutrals struggle for the supremacy in college 
 politics. 
 
 The writer has known two men of the same ante- 
 cedents and intelligence, graduates of the same college, 
 at practically the same period, whose ideas on the fra- 
 ternity question were as wide apart as the poles. One, 
 after carefully reviewing his college career, gave it a s 
 hi s^deliberate^ pinion t hgt ^his fraterni ty exp erience was 
 the most valuable .4iQ3::^ion of his college trai ningj ji^ 
 considered the system almost vvilliM t defects ! ToThe 
 other, the fraternity system was the chief cause of dis- 
 sipation, rowdyism, and neglect of studies. A feeling 
 of partisanship almost as deep as this pervades the liter- 
 ature of the subject; most of the articles in books are 
 either attacks or vindications, eulogies, or disparage- 
 ments. In the present section we shall merely aim to
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 179 
 
 present the question historically, reviewing the chief 
 items in the controversy. 
 
 As we have seen in the section relating to the 
 debating societies, the introduction of fraternities 
 tended to dissolve the old associations. The more con- 
 servative college men attached to the debating society 
 found themselves at a disadvantage in college politics 
 and so proceeded to organize open societies of their own, 
 which professed to be the legitimate successors of the 
 debating clubs. The struggle between the secret and 
 anti-secret societies for the possession of promising 
 men waxed fierce during the forties and fifties. At 
 times this conflict seemed to overshadow all other stu- 
 dent interests.* The same disadvantage which forced 
 the open society men to combine in each college made 
 co-operation between this element in the different col- 
 leges advisable. In 1847 the social fraternity of Wil- 
 liams united with the equitable fraternities of Union, 
 Amherst, and Hamilton to form the Anti-Secret Con- 
 federation. Eleven years later the name was altered to 
 that of Delta Upsilon, which has since been retained. 
 Since 1860 the anti-fraternity feature of the Delta Up- 
 silon has for all practical purposes disappeared and its 
 methods and practices are identical with those of the 
 other fraternity, except for the fact that its constitu- 
 tion is open to the public. For many years it was re- 
 garded with contempt by the secret fraternities, but of 
 late this feeling has largely disappeared, f 
 
 The general attitude of the college authorities of 
 the period may be followed from a number of letters by 
 American college presidents, which Edward Hitchcock 
 
 * Hitchcock, Edward. Reminiscences of Amherst College, 
 p. 321. 
 
 f Baird, W. R. American College Fraternities, first edition, 
 pp. 67, 68.
 
 180 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 prints in his Reminiscences of Amherst College.* Ob- 
 serving that a fraternity man expelled from one college 
 found a ready welcome among his brethren in an- 
 other, Hitchcock issued a circular letter to Northern 
 college presidents, asking opinions as to the advisability 
 of joint action in an effort to crush the entire fraternity 
 system. Nine replies are printed, without giving the 
 names. No president says a good word for the fra- 
 ternity, although one correspondent apologetically re- 
 marks that the society which exists in his college is sup- 
 posed to be harmless. While they all agree as to the 
 danger, the majority doubt the expediency of compul- 
 sory measures, testifying from experience that such ac- 
 tion would probably intensify the evil. Some of the 
 chiel^ objections urgerla f^ninst thft frntprnitv were, ,£Sat 
 it ij iyidecl the college mto factions, thereby promoting 
 env¥_ ^(l ; |e alousy, and tnai t ney were unfavourab le 
 tcL.-religiom 'i'lie unfortllhate eriieci of the dissen- 
 sions provoked by the fraternity on the old literary 
 societies was mentioned by some of the writers. This 
 discussion led to no action, and is valuable chiefly 
 as showing the general attitude of college administra- 
 tors. 
 
 However, many of the colleges attempted to uproot 
 the fraternity system. In 1851 the faculty of the Uni- 
 versity of Michigan made the effort to crush all student 
 secret societies, expelling the fraternity members from 
 college, f This action aroused the Masonic order and 
 other secret societies throughout the State and led to the 
 downfall of the anti-fraternity administration. Prince- 
 ton abolished fraternities in 1855, and remains the only 
 
 * Hitchcock, Edward. Reminiscences of Amherst College, pp. 
 321-325. 
 
 f McLaughhn, Andrew C. History of Higher Education i^ 
 Michigan, p. 44.
 
 ^OUiETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 181 
 
 institution of the first rank to persist in this policy. 
 By the early seventies the fraternities which had been 
 surreptitiously organized attempted to gain control of 
 the Princeton halls, and it was only the strong influence 
 of President McCosh which finally destroyed them. 
 Princeton men have claimed an immunity from factions 
 and petty jealousies because of this action.* It is said, 
 however, that secret fraternity chapters have existed at 
 Princeton during man}^ periods of its recent history. 
 In the late fifties Harvard also declared against frater- 
 nities. Many small colleges and State fraternities in 
 the South and West followed the lead of Harvard and 
 Princeton, and it was not until the late seventies that 
 the opposition was relaxed. On the other hand, Penn- 
 sylvania, Columbia, Cornell, and to a certain extent 
 Yale, have uniformly regarded the fraternities with 
 favour, f The majority of small colleges in the East 
 have taken the same attitude. 
 
 While chronologically the further discussion of this 
 problem belongs to the next period, the fierce decade of 
 controversy from 1870 to 1880 is so intimately con- 
 nected with the storm and stress period that it may be 
 considered in this connection. A digest of the chief 
 controversial articles of importance will be followed by 
 an account of the struggle between the opposing forces 
 in two or three typical institutions of importance. In 
 the conflict the fraternities have generally stood on the 
 defensive. 
 
 The most comprehensive attack on the fraternity 
 system ever made was published in 1874 with the title 
 College Secret Societies; their Customs, Character, and 
 
 * Wallace. G. R. Princeton Sketches, p. 195. 
 
 f Schelling, Felix E. Organizations within the Universitv. in 
 '\ N. Thorpe's Benjamin Franklin and the University of Penn- 
 -ylvania, p. 418.
 
 182 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Efforts for their Suppression. This work, of which 
 H. L. Kellogg was editor, emanated from a commit- 
 tee appointed by the National Christian Association 
 in 1873. The committee issued two questionnaires to 
 the colleges of the country; the first solicited their 
 opinion concerning the relation which " Freemasonary 
 and kindred orders sustained to the moral and political 
 welfare of our country." The colleges replied that such 
 orders were enemies to political purity and social moral- 
 ity. A second circular, with which we are more im- 
 mediately concerned, related to secret societies in 
 colleges. Forty-eight institutions situated in twenty 
 States replied. Three of these favoured fraternities; 
 the remainder show a "general and deep-seated convic- 
 tion that their nature and tendency are wholly evil." 
 The editor, therefore, states in his preface that the 
 book is designed to lead parents and guardians to a 
 hearty co-operation with college boards for the extinc- 
 tion of fraternities. 
 
 The first chapter of the book treats of the origin and 
 history of the fraternity system, and is both unsatisfac- 
 tory and unreliable. In the second chapter the frater- 
 nity system is described, accounts of initiation and 
 copies of by-laws previously printed in the newspapers 
 are inserted, together with a stinging arraignment of 
 secret societies. The author, Mr. Kellogg, describes an 
 attempt on the part of the Greek-letter champions to 
 break up an anti-fraternity meeting. He next outlines 
 the attempts to check and destroy the fraternities previ- 
 ous to the Cornell tragedy of 1873, which episode fills 
 the entire fourth chapter. The story of this affair is soon 
 told. A young man of good family while waiting blind- 
 folded for an opportunity to be initiated into the Kappa 
 Alpha fraternity, accidentally walked off the edge of a 
 cliff and was killed. The fraternity unwisely endeav- 
 oured to suppress all accounts of the affair, with the
 
 44h 
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 183 
 
 natural result of arousing the suspicions of the public* 
 It led to a bitter attack on the fraternities. Chapter V 
 is the most valuable part of the book, as it contains 
 testimony from professors and students in regard to 
 fraternal secrecy. The answers strike an impartial 
 reader as unrepresentative and prejudiced, as may be 
 supposed from the parties and the character of the work; 
 the conclusions in the last chapter are worthless. 
 
 The work contains considerable valuable testimony 
 however, and gives an insight into the reasons for 
 opposition to the fraternity. ^^The two elements of an- 
 tagonism which seem to have predominated were the re- 
 ligious distrust of the supposed immoralities and waste 
 of time consequent upon fraternity life, and democratic 
 hatred of anything with pretensions to aristocracy or 
 selectness. /Two papers of value previously published, 
 one by Dr. Howard Crosby, in The Congregationalist for 
 1869," and the other by Prof. J. R. Jacques, of the Illi- 
 nois Wesleyan University, read before the Central Col- 
 lege Association in 1868, were reprinted in this pub- 
 lication. 
 
 Dr. Crosby wrote from a student connection with 
 the Delta Phi fraternity. From personal experience, 
 "^ objects to college secret societies because they en- 
 c irage immorality and destroy confidence between 
 parent and child. " They are a pretence, and thus at 
 war with true candour and manliness. However harm- 
 less in their active operations or undertakings, however 
 well composed in membership, the habit of secrecy is in- 
 sidiously weakening to the foundations of frank truth- 
 fulness in the youthful mind. Sham is not only a mean 
 thing, but it blocks the way to truth. A lazy soul finds 
 a quasi success in sham and gives up the pursuit of the 
 true. A lad who receives honour among his comrades 
 
 * Kellogg, n. L. The Secret Society System, pp. 51, 52.
 
 184 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 because he wears a mystic skull and bones upon his 
 breast will proportionately lose so much of his zeal for 
 scholarship or all else that constitutes true worth.'^ * 
 He also urges against the fraternities that they exa lt 
 /fj the social above the intellectual, tend to^tkuse insur- 
 rections against college authoritie^ ^ftestroy the regular 
 literary societieeX/'and increase the expense of college 
 education. ^ 
 
 Professor Jacques makes nearly the same charges 
 against the system, emphasizing the difficulties in 
 college government created by the presence of the fra- 
 ternities. In his experience they embolden students 
 against the faculty and tend to a laxer standard, warp- 
 ing and blindly influencing the president and profess- 
 ors with a vague fear of rebellion against wholesome 
 discipline. With the other anti-fraternity writers of 
 this period he makes the moral objection paramount. 
 " They tend to breed that secretive disposition which 
 v^ is the very opposite of truly candid, generous, magnani- 
 ' Y^ous character, besides affording opportunities for 
 \ stealthy planning and plotting to accomplish the pro- 
 posed ends; they divert attention and confidence from 
 honest work, manly measures, eternal right, trium- 
 phant truth, to the tricks of a temporizing and com- 
 promising policy which need the secret conclave and 
 sleepless cunning." f 
 
 Much of this criticism is of a condition of affairs 
 which has long since passed away except in a few 
 . frontier colleges. The fraternities were in most, cases 
 newly established, with no reputation to lose. Each 
 chapter was virtually independent, a condition favour- 
 able to recklessness. Many of the colleges were small 
 and weak, pervaded with an intense evangelical fervour, 
 
 * Quoted by H. L. Kellogg. College Secret Societies, p. 32. 
 f Ibid., p. 36.
 
 SOCIETIES DUE 
 
 and maintaining an a] 
 antagonism in which 
 appeared to advantag 
 E. E. Aiken's Se 
 more mature standpo. 
 tions are relegated to 
 makes his case rest 
 fraternity life npon f 
 clusiveness and \vh 
 the fraternity, ar 
 nity men. To 
 thing terrible 
 as death and 
 are left out 
 powers of ' 
 serves th*" 
 state of 
 large r 
 culi"- 
 of 1 
 of 
 ve 
 Vhe) 
 evei 
 
 socia 
 Portei 
 made > 
 quoted 
 son: "I. 
 
 * E. B. A 
 
 The book is m 
 at Yale, althouj. 
 his Alma Mater, 
 apply to fraternit 
 t Ibid., p. 64.
 
 CUSTOMS. 
 
 ', practice of the low 
 
 ms and bargains are 
 
 ' defeat of candidates 
 
 tt the end of the col- 
 
 - with the disingenu- 
 
 The fact that mem- 
 
 to fraternities excites 
 
 ">ften regard them as 
 
 Tanization. 
 
 '^en, " is not the 
 
 s; the spiritual 
 
 dship are nn- 
 
 ' ends. In a 
 
 ee/to make 
 
 a difficulty 
 
 by them 
 
 an ele- 
 
 moral- 
 
 " the 
 
 Ili- 
 
 ire 
 
 ke 
 
 jwh 
 
 Lto 
 
 nse- 
 
 as of 
 
 I up in 
 
 , which 
 
 th when 
 
 ction and 
 
 .rough life. 
 
 i and manly 
 
 .n these secret 
 
 lanagement, to 
 
 )rities, and in-
 
 SOCIETIES DURIXG TRANSITION PERIOD. 187 
 
 fluence ejections to college honours. The}^ often tempt 
 young men to drink and dissipation. Xearly every pro- 
 lessor acknowledges them to be an evil, but is afraid 
 of them.'' * 
 
 The two ablest justifications of the fraternity have 
 been written by Mr. W. E. Baird, in his American Col- 
 lege Fraternities, and by ex-President Andrew D. 
 White of Cornell. Of the two, Baird represents the 
 polemic attitude, as he answers point for point the 
 arguments advanced by the opponents of the system; 
 President "White the affirmative side, stating the benefits 
 to be derived from fraternity life. 
 
 Baird begins his chapter on College Fraternities — 
 Have they a Eight to live? — by a review of some of 
 the anti-fraternity literature, including the books of 
 Kellogg and Aiken. His representation of these works, 
 while not incorrect, is misleading, because he empha- 
 sizes certain details in his opponents' arguments to the 
 exclusion of more important issues. While more skil- 
 ful than his opponents, B.ai^d is equally lacking in can- 
 (ibur, and betrays an ignorance of other student organi- 
 zations, particularly of the debating society. His chap- 
 ter is in truth a special plea for the fraternity. He de- 
 fends fr aternities under the following heads: secrecy, 
 poMii^a L relations, moral rp1?i t ion }^, fj'^-f-p-r-nifipg"'m-|r[^ti-i>- 
 nH-jpa, a Tlti -fr aternity Inws, nnd PYp p-nsivpupss. 
 
 In discussing secrecy, Baird declares that it is a 
 ^vTfiinor factor in fraternity life; that in most respects 
 the fraternity, instead of being a secret, is in many re- 
 spects a distinctively public organization because of the 
 display of badges and the publicity of their banquets 
 and conventions. Their secrecy consists of but two 
 elements: the members hold meetings with closed 
 
 * McCosh, James. Discipline in American Colleges, North 
 American Review, v )1. cxxvi, p. 440.
 
 188 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 doors, and do not tell the meaning of the Greek letters 
 by which they are known. The. fraternities are merely 
 called secret, and differ fundamentally from other secret 
 organizations. 
 
 As to the relations of the fraternities with the col- 
 
 \lege faculties, Baird claims that where opposition ex- 
 ists it is due wholly to the fact that the faculty refuses 
 to recognise the fraternity as a useful social party exist- 
 ing within the college. When the authorities conclude 
 to recognise the fraternities, they find the chapters 
 only too glad to -assist in maintaining order. The 
 fraternities tend to mitigate class hostility and to ban- 
 ish hazing, and in numerous other ways to benefit the 
 college. If, however, the faculty passes anti-fraternity 
 legislation, they create the very evil they seek to coun- 
 teract by driving the students to form secret lodges 
 which have no reputation to lose and do much damage. 
 The only charge against the fraternities which has 
 / the slightest foundation in fact is that of expensive- 
 ^'•. ness. Most of the money, however, is spent by a class of 
 students who would get rid of it in any event, perhaps 
 in some less legitimate way. ^'^ We can say from p er- 
 sonal rTpp-nrnro, nnrl nftor rnrpfii Tinquiry that the tfa- 
 terhity expenses in anv _ one chapter rarely exceed 
 twenty dollars per annum in a city college with a com- 
 parati?g ^ small oocicty rw ^^^tj any increa se m the size of 
 the chapter reduces the expense proportionately. In^ 
 
 nonntr y no]1po ;pp, irhf^r^^ liTnnrn in ntioapp-r tli e_ _totaTjx ^ 
 
 poT isps wi11 r n rely n m ^nnt t^ m^r^ tbnn hn1f fhnt s um . 
 y In return for t his outl a y the mpjuhers repeive Iflsfinrr.. 
 benefitsjn tlie way of b usiness j^nd social trai ning. JThev^^ 
 have the help of the u p^ex. r.las«m' m and the use of a^ 
 co"sfIy lib rary, perhapsTand usually the privileges of a 
 ehapter^house.* " " 
 
 * Baird, W. R. American College Fra-ernities, p. 349.
 
 V th 
 
 Vr, 
 
 SOCIETIES DURI^JG TRANSITION PERIOD. 189 
 
 In college politics the fraternities have not caused ^^ 
 the formation of cliques as such, for they existed years , i 
 before the system was developed, and depend for their 
 formation upon the inherent conditions of human na- 
 ture. The single fraternity is too small to act as a 
 cliq ue, and the only method of p rocedure^ would be 
 to form c ombinations. Tiie societies themselves strong- 
 Iv disap prove of suc licombinatio^7~dnd niauv tif LhtTrn 
 have Ipgislfltpfl flgnrnsF the p ractice; the general senti-vjt, 
 ment prevailing among fraternity men is that inter- ■** 
 ference in politics is a mistake. fTh e^ f raternitie^ i ave 
 intro duced neither cliques nor politics into college life: 
 the^^- JQund them there and have left them.'j i JjLlt^ater- 
 jA\fj r>TPTi arft pjppt pd to offices it is because thev gener - 
 allj_j£QiQp rise the most pro minent and deserving stu- 
 deiits^___JThe author, however, weakens the force of his 
 vindication by remarking, further on : *^ The esprit de 
 corps engendered by membership in the fraternities, and 1' 
 which we deem a most valuable feature in their organi- / 
 zation, may at times degenerate into political allegi-/ 
 ance, but it is not the first or only time that a go^\ 
 thing has been put to a bad purpose." . ^'^^j^i^'^^^ 
 
 To the charges of immorality sometimes levelleo^ 
 against the fraternity, Baird replies that fifteen per 
 cent of the membership of the fraternity is composed of 
 clergymen, including bishops of the Methodist and Epis- 
 copal churches, and more prominent divines in other de- 
 nominations. These men are identified wi|b thA-«<^f^- 
 tiesvafl^r^^raduation and advisetheir sons to -j oin them^ 
 whreh-^yojo E be li nrHi y r.hp pngpvLiJ»^>-TliiiplMi's! wai:^ fhe 
 fieatsof dissipation. 
 
 ■^ To ex-i^resideni White there are great advantages 
 in the permanency and public character of the frater- 
 nity. Unlike a merely temporarv club, it has a reputa- 
 tion to make and maintain. The badge which each 
 member wears fixes his responsibility; if he is less than
 
 190 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 a gentleman he disgraces his fraternity. I n time ea ch 
 chapter com^g-^hrhave a bodr-o^-sn adnates who naturatt y 
 fipan plpffpljr fliPir hTftthrpTT^n collcge, and ar e the first to 
 
 pnnrlpmrt ^j]y nnnrlnpf wlri(^ WOUld be ili^eiV tO inj UTC 
 
 the fratern ity. No chapter can afford th^ approval of 
 its graduates because of its dependence on them for 
 incoming members and financial support. The frater- 
 nity pride can be appealed to in case of discipline. 
 Whe n a man is fail ing and in danger of suspension the 
 uni versity authorifies ca n call m the s eni or member STTf 
 lh£T^(^vTi\iJ^^wP^^J^T\ tjip injvrr y that the man is cTo iHg- 
 the- ^der, and in s ist that they either reform h im or 
 remove him. Thj n ri urr o^ rl n v i dif^n n11 "o tli^LJII^^^^]]^''^^ 
 haSHaHSL Fraternity pride also prevents socIaT^c- 
 \ cas ions from degen erat mg into carousals. The- frater- 
 jiit ies throw healthtui restraints aroun d their members 
 ifch prevent degeneration. ' ' 
 
 C The chapter ; h mi sp ih an exnelle nt substitut e for the 
 )me^ Its possession brings to the under graduate a 
 he althy sense of responsibility . lie no longer indulges 
 in car£l£s snogg, u y iuai, and d e »te iatijQ:Q ^ which characte r- 
 ize dormitory l ife. All properly constituted chapters 
 no-ntflrn^s tea rly parn nnt mnn \d -io exercise a th oiigjitf ul 
 care o ver the y ^n-ngop ri1^mbp.r° SocxLal ly tho frat ernity 
 is likewise advantageous to its member s. " Simple re- 
 ceptions and entertainments show a growing away from 
 one of the main objections to the association, the 
 growth of a petty, narrow, contemptible clique spirit." * 
 While the frat ernities take part in r c> ]] nfr(^ poti-%»cs 
 and bear the same relation to student life which the 
 guilds held in the mediaeval municipality, such a con- 
 dition of affairs is inevitable in the p rpspnt aa5a^^5»na 
 of ^^Sierican lifefVhere a doze n studen ts_r^ri n ^t be . 
 
 * White, Andrew D. College Fraternities, The Forum, vol. ill, 
 p. 247.
 
 ^. 
 
 SOCIE-^IES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 191 
 
 broiight togetlier without developing party politics. 
 The real dangers from which the fraternities should" 
 guard themselves are the growth of a narrow clique 
 spirit and extravagance. These should be fought 
 against at every step, although so far as they exist with- 
 in the fraternity they are simply bubbles on the great 
 stream of American life. 
 
 Dr. White saves his strongest language for colleges 
 which endeavour to suppress the fraternity. Such 
 efforts he says must always be futile. When it has been 
 attempted, badges were worn for years beneath the stu- 
 dents' coats, meetings were held by stealth, and a sys- 
 tem of casuistry adopted by the members when ques- 
 tioned, which was injurious to the students from a 
 moral point of view. Such secret chapters are cut off 
 from all connection with their graduate members and 
 gradually degenerate. Moreover, a general repressive 
 policy defeats its own purposes and deprives the col- 
 lege authorities of the power to rid themselves of any 
 particular fraternity which is really evil; for when an 
 attempt is made to drive out all fraternities, they will 
 stand by each other to the last. " They will simply 
 conceal their badges and band themselves as a wretched, 
 occult, demoralizing power. On the other hand, if each 
 fraternity is allowed to exist on its own merits, any one 
 thought injurious by the college faculty can easily be 
 driven out. It is one of the easiest things imaginable. 
 I myself have driven out an old and widespread frater- 
 nity which was doing evil to its members, by a simple 
 public statement why members should keep out of it." * 
 
 Charles Kendall Adams, likewise President of Cor- 
 nell, expresses more moderate ideas. He sums up his 
 experience by saying that good societies are beneficial, 
 
 * White, Andrew D. College Fraternities, The Forum, vol. iii, 
 p. 348.
 
 192 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMr.. 
 
 bad societies injurious. According to him, three or 
 four of the Cornell chapters have a ^eneficial eifectj^n 
 their members; two or three others are at least doubtful 
 In their IMuence. The fraternities usually keep the 
 black sheep among their own members from excesses, 
 but not always. They give their members a certain pol- 
 ish, but on the other hand they interfere with the high- 
 est scholarly progress of the very best fellows* 
 
 The second characteristic of the period under dis- 
 cussion was the increasing interest taken in athletics. 
 Not only were athletic games more frequent, but the 
 interest manifested itself in the creation of formal ath- 
 letic organizations and in the inauguration of intercol- 
 legiate contests. The years from 1840 to 1870 were 
 the formative period in American student athletics. 
 
 It was some time after the wave of athletic interests 
 struck the colleges before the typical athletic sports — 
 boating, football, baseball, and track athletics — emerged 
 from a number of competing games. At Prince- 
 ton, in the period from 1840 to 1865, handball and 
 cricket were in vogue. The first regular athletic organ- 
 ization at that college was a cricket club, formed in 
 1857. By 1870 it had disappeared from the field. The 
 first regularly organized and equipped gymnasiums at 
 Yale, Princeton, and Amherst were put in operation 
 during this period. f 
 
 Boating was the first organized sport to gain a per- 
 manent foothold. As early as 1843 the first racing boat 
 was purchased by a Yale undergraduate, and the first 
 club formed. From that time on there has never been 
 
 * The Academy, Syracuse, vol. ii, p. 373. This article con- 
 tains opinions by Presidents McCosh, of Princeton ; Seelye. of 
 Amherst ; Adams, of Cornell ; Prof. T. C. Burgess, of the State 
 Normal School, Fredonia, N. Y. ; and Prof. Oren Root, of Ham- 
 ilton. 
 
 f Princeton Book, p. 443.
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRANSITION PERIOD. 193 
 
 less than three student boat clubs at JSTew Haven. In 
 1852 the so-called Yale Navy was formed, which elected 
 a commodore or admiral of the fleet, who had charge 
 of all boating arrangements. So great was the inter- 
 est at this period that in 1859 the entire college was 
 divided into twelve clubs of twenty men each. This 
 elaborate organization, which was taken from the Eng- 
 lish, proved much too cumbersome; class crews were 
 found to be greatly superior to the boat clubs, and in 
 1868 the entire scheme was dissolved. The Yale Uni- 
 versity Boat Club was substituted. The boating inter- 
 est at Harvard came later, and it was not until 1852 
 that the first intercollegiate boat race between the two 
 colleges took place on Lake Winnepesaukee. Six mis- 
 cellaneous contests on three different courses and with 
 varjdng conditions occurred between 1852 and 1860. 
 In 186-4 racing under standard conditions was begun 
 between Harvard and Yale on Lake Quinsigamond near 
 Worcester. In a great majority of the earlier races vic- 
 tory inclined to Harvard. Elated by five successive 
 victories over Yale, Harvard in 1869 sent a crew to 
 England, which was beaten by the University of Oxford. 
 The conditions w^ere unfavourable to the visiting crew, 
 as the race was rowed over a difficult course.* 
 
 The intense spirit of athletic rivalry which has 
 played such an important part in developing college 
 sport in America seems to have been in evidence for the 
 first time at these contests on Lake Quinsigamond. 
 Here for the first time we note the hard training, the 
 great popular excitement, the special trains, the cheers 
 and colours of contending colleges, the recriminations 
 and charges of unfairness, the newspaper sensational- 
 ism, and the fierce exultation and abandon of victory 
 with which the modern student is so familiar. As local 
 
 * See Harvard Book. 
 13
 
 194: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 opinion favoured Harvard, Yale objected to the eontin- 
 "uation of these races, which led to the inauguration of 
 the Rowing Association of American Colleges, which 
 belongs to the next period.* 
 
 The formal organization of baseball came a decade 
 later than boating. The first regular nine was formed 
 at Princeton in 1858, at Amherst in 1859, and at Yale 
 in 1865. Princeton was the first college to advance the 
 new sport vigorously. In 1862 the Nassaus, as the 
 Princeton nine was called, became the champions of 
 New Jersey, and defeated non-academic athletic clubs. 
 Two years later interclass rivalry in baseball was insti- 
 tuted at the same institution, and from there made its 
 way to other colleges. The first of the regular series 
 of the Harvard- Yale baseball games was played in 
 1868. The primitive conditions of the game may be 
 imagined when we learn that Princeton beat Columbia 
 by a score of fifty-nine to thirteen, and that the figures 
 of the second Harvard- Yale game were forty-one and 
 twenty-four. Instead of being supported by a general 
 athletic association, the baseball players constituted 
 themselves a society, with the regulation president, 
 vice-president, secretary, treasurer, and three directors. 
 
 A rough form of football was one of the traditional 
 amusements of college men as far back as pre-Revolu- 
 tionary times. The old custom of a freshman-sopho- 
 more game was continued at Yale until 1858, when it 
 was prohibited by a municipal ordinance of the city of 
 New Haven, because such contests invariably took place 
 either on the Common or in the streets of the city. A 
 football club was organized at Princeton as early as 
 1857, but soon died. In 186-4 the sport was revived 
 
 * Good descriptions of these early contests are found in G. H. 
 Tripp's Student Life at Harvard, and Hammersmith's Harvard 
 Days.
 
 SOCIETIES DURING TRAXSITIOX PERIOD. 195 
 
 and was said to be the most popular of all athletic 
 games; 1868 saw the first university club, which was 
 beaten by Rutgers in the following year. It was not 
 until three years later that the rules of the game were 
 written down, oral tradition serving until this time. 
 The early Princeton game differed in many points from 
 the present form of the sport. Football was revived at 
 Yale in 1870, by D. S. Scharf, an old Eugbyan, and in 
 1872 a football association was formed. During this 
 period there was no uniformity in the game, each sec- 
 tion in the country having its own rules. Harmony 
 was not secured until 1876, when the Eugby rules Avere 
 formally adopted by a convention of American colleges 
 which met in New York. 
 
 By the end of the period, in 1870, athletics had won 
 a recognised place in college life. Boating was effi- 
 ciently organized in the two chief Xew England colleges 
 and sporadically cultivated elsewhere; baseball was 
 found in all the colleges of first rank in the East; foot- 
 ball was exciting considerable local student interest, but 
 was in a more backward state of development; track 
 and field sports received little recognition. In boating, 
 competition was fierce, and discussion of the advisability 
 of mitigating some of the severity of the contest ap- 
 peared in the newspapers and elsewhere. The other 
 sports were too new and undeveloped to have given rise 
 to serious criticism.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN THE MODERN PERIOD, 
 1870-1900. 
 
 § 1. Class during the Modern Period. 
 
 Soon after 1870 new influences began to be felt 
 in the superior education of the country. Most promi- 
 nent among these forces has- been the elective system 
 which has tended to destroy that community of interest 
 upon which the class depended for its vitality. >/rhe 
 rapid increase of students resulted in sinking tile indi- 
 vidual in the mass and in limiting the circle of collegiate 
 acquaintance. A student could no longer take a personal 
 interest in all his classmates, for they were so numerous 
 that he could scarcely know them all by sigh t/^ Then 
 the very multiplicity of interests and organi-^tions in 
 many modern colleges militates against that closeness 
 of association which made the class so powerful. These 
 influences have been strongest in the larger colleges and 
 universities, particularly those situated in large cities 
 where the esprit de corps has always been weakest. Be- 
 cause of its size and the free extension of the elective 
 system, Harvard affords an excellent opportunity of ob- 
 serving the result of these new tendencies. By 1880 
 the Harvard class ceased to be the preponderating social 
 unit, and ten years later it was said that even for ad- 
 ministrative purposes class lines were tending to disap- 
 pear. Two students might enter HarVard from the same 
 196
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. I97 
 
 school and by the same examinations, and never meet 
 again in any academic work during their entire course. 
 One might graduate in three years, the other in four, so 
 they would be placed in the catalogue of graduates as 
 belonging to different classes.* At Yale conditions 
 have by no means changed so rapidly. The men study 
 for two years together before there is any appreciable 
 break along elective lines. The students gather by 
 classes in the chapel; their voluntary prayer-meetings 
 are class gatherings. They row and play football by 
 classes. Even the college journals, secret societies, and 
 debating clubs are conducted on class lines, f Yale, how- 
 ever, is exceptionally conservative here as in many other 
 respects. The conditions in the great universities of the 
 We^ much more nearly approximate Harvard. 
 / In all the colleges and universities the class exists as 
 an organization. Tn the larger institutions it has ceased 
 to l3e a social 4)ower and is chiefly remembered by the 
 old customs and traditions which are connected with it. 
 These are carried through in a half-hearted way, which 
 contrasts in a marked manner with their former vigour. 
 In the smaller colleges which train three fifths of the 
 youth, the class remains with much of its old-time 
 power and vigour. The changes in form and spirit 
 which have taken place in the last thirty years can be 
 most satisfactorily indrcated by outlining the conditions 
 at the present \at^. The class of to-day is strongly in- 
 stitutionalized^ It possesses a written constitution, stat- 
 ing its aims; defining its powers, and providing for a 
 full corps of officers. These are the usual officers of all 
 voluntary associations: the president, vice-president, 
 secretary, and treasurer, with the addition of -athletic 
 
 * Thayer, W. R., in HarA-ard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii. p. 468. 
 f Welch, L. S., and Camp, W. C. Yale : her Campus, Class- 
 rooms, and Athletics, p. 37.
 
 198 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 officers, the managers of the various teams, and a num- 
 ber of ornamental officials, such as historian, orator, 
 poet, jester, whose duties are nominal. The orna- 
 mental officers vary greatly among the different institu- 
 tions. The students of Adelbert College elect a magis- 
 ter equorum; the position is usually filled by the most 
 unpopular man in the class. The " toughest man " in 
 the class is often chosen chaplain, and the most eccen- 
 tric individual either jester or sergeant-at-arms. The 
 term of the offices is six months in the Western colleges 
 and one year in the Eastern institutions. Class meetings 
 occur at intervals of a month or more, except in the first 
 and last years of the course, when class functions are 
 most prominent. 
 
 The value attached to class offices as college hon- 
 ours varies in the different colleges. The presidency is 
 nearly always sought after, and is particularly prized 
 during the freshman and senior years. To be president 
 of one's class, however, carries with it more prestige 
 among the outside public than within college walls. 
 Whenever the offices are considered highly desirable, 
 political canvasses are organized to gain possession of 
 them. The issue is generally either between the fra- 
 ternity and the non-fraternity element, or between dif- 
 ferent combinations among the fraternities. In a body 
 as small as the average college class the personal popu- 
 larity of the candidate is an element that must always 
 be reckoned with, regardless of social affiliations. 
 There is usually but little competition for the minor 
 offices, although a good treasurer is quite as essential 
 to the prosperity of the organization as a good presi- 
 dent, and is much more difficult to discover. 
 
 When we turn to the functional activity of the class 
 we discover that a great change has taken place in the 
 last thirty years in the manners of the undergraduates. 
 Hazing and rushing are gradually disappearing. Testi-
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 199 
 
 mony from such institutions as Tufts,* Harvard, and 
 Yale in New England, Adelbert and Pennsylvania in ■ 
 the central group of States, Wisconsin, Xebraska, Be- 
 loit, and Leland Stanford in the West, all point in the 
 same direction. It is evident that the old customs are^^ 
 largely perpetuated from a sense of duty to the tradi- 
 tions of the past. An excellent example of this is seen 
 in the sophomore-freshman rush at Harvard known as 
 Bloody Monday. Occasionally there are relapses to vio- 
 lence with serious results, like the accidents at Cornell 
 and the Ohio Wesleyan, but they form the exception. 
 The gradual disappearance of violence has been com- 
 monly credited to athletics. It may be questioned, how- 
 ever, whether other factors, such as the greater age of 
 students upon entering college, and the general mild- 
 ness of manners characteristic of our time, have not 
 been equally potent in producing the result. 
 
 The class has certainly come to have a recognised 
 place in athletic organization. Each class is repre- 
 sented by its nine, eleven, and track team, and various 
 interclass contests are scheduled. A special effort is 
 directed to developing freshmen teams in order to dis- 
 cover athletic capacity among the newcomers. Con- 
 tests with freshmen teams of other institutions are en- 
 couraged for the same reason. It rarely happens that 
 there is any very live interest in athletic games between 
 the classes, although the attempt is frequently made to 
 generate some artificial enthusiasm. Public attention 
 is so focused on the college team that few students care 
 what becomes of interclass cups and championships. 
 
 The role of the class in the social world is becoming 
 more important. To class day and the junior exhibi- 
 tion have been added junior proms (or promenades), 
 
 * Start, A. B. History of Tufts College, p. 65, contains an 
 interesting account of the abolition of hazing in that institution.
 
 200 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 senior hops (balls or dances), freshman banquets, and 
 sophomore cotillions. These are the great public so- 
 cial events of the college year, but in many institu- 
 tions they have long since ceased to belong exclusively 
 to the class which gives them. In a few institutions, 
 like Beloit College, such social occasions are prohibited 
 by the faculty; in a few others, fraternities and cliques 
 control them. In some of the larger institutions the 
 class occasions have ceased to be representative, as the 
 wealthy element predominates. The expense of the last 
 junior " prom ^' at Yale was so heavy that a large por- 
 tion of the class were prevented from attending. 
 
 In the great majority of American colleges the class 
 publishes the annual or year book. Positions on the 
 editorial board of this publication are eagerly competed 
 for. The class in its official capacity occasionally pre- 
 sents farces and even more serious dramatic efforts. In 
 some colleges it is customary for each class to produce a 
 farce caricaturing the faculty or certain of its un- 
 popular members. 
 
 In general, the influence of the class has declined. 
 Instead of the strong, spontaneous, all-powerful asso- 
 ciation of forme^ days, the modern class is simply one 
 among the many organizations of college life. Yet the 
 picturesque side of class activity seems appreciated as 
 never before. That somewhat mysterious sentiment 
 known as " class feeling " does not appear to be on the 
 decline. At the University of Nebraska it is reported 
 as being on the increase, in spite of the elective system. 
 Correspondents from Yanderbilt, Leland Stanford, La- 
 fayette, Beloit, and Bates testify to its growth. There is 
 undoubtedly a strong feeling among the colleges of the 
 country to the effect that the peculiar flavour of college 
 life should be preserved. This tendency is seen in the 
 movement for the maintenance of a distinct academic 
 costume — the cap and gown; in the revival of old cus-
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 201 
 
 toms,* and in the invention of new ceremonials, f Such 
 a movement has a significance to a student of democracy, 
 but that it will succeed in re-establishing the conditions 
 which made the old common life of the class so effective 
 seems impossible. 
 
 § 2. Debatixg Societies ix the Modern Period. 
 
 There exists a class of institutions, small in num- 
 ber but respectable from their academic standing, in 
 which there are found no student organizations aim- 
 ing directly at practice and public speaking. Such 
 practice in these colleges is gained either from courses 
 in forensics from oratorical and declamatory contests for 
 medals and other prizes, or else it is not obtained at all. 
 Most of these colleges are located in the extreme East, 
 although occasionally one may be discovered in the 
 South and West. Typical institutions of this class are 
 Brown, Trinity, and AYesleyan, and in the West the 
 University of California. 
 
 In the second class are placed those u.niversities 
 which have recently organized special debating clubs 
 on a new plan and chiefly as auxiliaries for intercollegi- 
 ate debating. Practice for beginners and the mass of 
 students is obtained in a series of class debating clubs 
 which serve as supports for a university debating club 
 or debating union, which is reserved for picked men 
 and advanced students. Such organizations are solely 
 for the purpose of obtaining practice in debate, and are 
 entirely lacking in esprit de corps and social features. 
 Harvard and Yale are the best representatives of this 
 class of institutions, although some of the smaller col- 
 leges have attempted to imitate them. At Harvard the 
 system was adopted after considerable experimentation, 
 
 * Columbia University Quarterly, vol. i, p. 389. 
 f Start, A. B. History of Tufts College, p. 71.
 
 202 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 which began in 1879, with an attempt to reproduce the 
 Oxford Union. The name remained until 1897, but the 
 society was something entirely different. 
 
 A great majority of American colleges belong to a 
 third class, which retains the old debating society, but 
 with essential modifications. Discussions here are likely 
 to be on j^olitical and social topics, and extemporaneous 
 discussions are most popular. The social features have 
 dwindled to a tithe of their former greatness. The 
 collective membership of the societies never includes 
 half of the students, and frequently not more than seven 
 or eight per cent. In many colleges these societies serve 
 as a rallying point for the non-fraternity element, al- 
 though membership is never exclusively confined to it. 
 In such institutions the societies usually furnish a ma- 
 jority of candidates for the intercollegiate debating and 
 oratorical teams, and their membership is from the more 
 substantial element among the students. This general 
 characterization applies to Wisconsin, Cornell, Ne- 
 braska, Minnesota, and Leland Stanford among the 
 larger institutions, and Lafayette and Western Eeserve 
 among the well-equipped colleges. 
 
 In the fourth and last class of colleges the debating 
 society still remains one of the potent factors of student 
 life. It maintains its position as a social centre. So- 
 ciety rivalry waxes keen and society anniversaries are 
 numbered among the important events of the academic 
 year. Princeton alone, of imiversities of the first rank, 
 adheres to this system, largely by reason of its conserva- 
 tive conditions and hostility to fraternities. However, 
 it is commonly reported that, notwithstanding their 
 magnificent halls and official recognition, the Princeton 
 societies are losing their hold from year to year. The 
 remaining institutions of this class are local in charac- 
 ter — small colleges, and colleges existing in peculiar en- 
 vironments, where for various reasons the fraternity has
 
 STUDEXT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 203 
 
 not yet entered in sufficient strength to be a disturbing 
 factor. The institutions of this class are usually de- 
 nominational colleges. 
 
 To understand public speaking in American col- 
 leges during the last quarter of a century it is necessary 
 first to survey a number of parallel movements. First- 
 ly, there has been an important change in the ideals of 
 public speaking. Oratory as a fine art is on the decline. 
 Public speaking is coming to be considered merely as a 
 means to an end; form is being subordinated to sub- 
 stance. Clearness and accuracy are valued above ora- 
 torical fervour and redundancy of expression. In many 
 quarters high sentiments and passionate declamation 
 are likely to produce amusement. To characterize a 
 public man as a great orator savours of irony. This 
 revolution has been brought about by the increased at- 
 tention to science in modern education, and by the gen- 
 eral improvement of public taste. The movement is 
 confined to the critical portion of the professional 
 classes, and has scarcely touched the vast mass of the 
 population who are as susceptible to oratorical appeals 
 now as in the past. 
 
 The smaller colleges of the West — which, as we have 
 before indicated, remain in close touch with the ideals 
 of the middle class — specialize in the line of popular 
 oratory. Besides inter-society contests, State and inter- 
 state leagues are formed as an additional stimulus. 
 Ten States and one hundred colleges were represented 
 in an oratorical lea^ie which existed in the ^lississippi 
 Valley in 1895. This league by no means represented 
 the complete strength of the movement, because many 
 State and local lea.srues were unrepresented for geo- 
 graphical reasons. There has been a discernible tend- 
 ency for r " ^'ations, particularly the Prohi- 
 bition part he intercollegiate oratorical as- 
 sociation a : propaganda. One representa-
 
 204 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 tive from each college is chosen for the State contest. 
 The intercollegiate contest takes place between the can- 
 didates who have been successful in the local compe- 
 tition. Women often take a high rank in these ex- 
 hibitions.* 
 
 The limitations of these contest orations are obvi- 
 ous. Confined to two thousand words or ten minutes, 
 the youthful orator must immediately plunge into in- 
 vective paradox, antithesis, and solemn warning, which 
 might well become experienced statesmen at the end 
 of a three hours' speech in the Senate, but which sounds 
 absurd when delivered by a sophomore who has never 
 voted or studied the elements of economics. Most of 
 these orations are high-keyed and artificial. The temp- 
 tation to phrase-making, to spectacular displays of rhet- 
 oric, proves too much for the majority of competitors 
 in these contests. They usually pay but meagre atten- 
 tion to the accuracy of the facts on which their pleas 
 are based, and their presentation lacks all that strength 
 which comes from reserve and moderation, while to 
 an outsider who for the first time' listens to one of these 
 displays the effect is somewhat startling. After a time 
 one detects the scanty fund of commonplaces, and tires 
 of the reiterated appeals to do something, to stand 
 alone, accompanied with references to Thermopylae 
 and Brutus, Luther and Calvin, Washington, Lincoln, 
 and Grant. While space will not permit us to include 
 quotations from these addresses, some idea of their aims 
 may be obtained from their titles. Among the ora- 
 tions delivered at the interstate contest in 1895 were 
 the following: "American Literary Genius,'' "The 
 Better Personality," "The Statecraft of Napoleon," 
 " The Province of Law," " The Hero of Compromise," 
 
 * For an account of these contests see article by Albert Shaw, 
 College Oratory in the West, Review of Reviews, vol. xi, p. 665.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 205 
 
 " Fidelity to an Ideal," " Our Xation's Safeguard," " A 
 Plea for Shylock," and " Social Progress." 
 
 A competent critic is likely to condemn the entire 
 practice as mischievous and worthless. He is wearied 
 by the hazy thinking and disgusted by the platitudes. 
 With the editor of The Nation, he knows that one may 
 talk for hours and say nothing on any subject similar to 
 those enumerated above, and that the perfection of the 
 type would result in nothing better than a half-poetic 
 rhapsody worthy of Ossian.* And it is not to be 
 denied that an excessive indulgence in this t3^pe of pub- 
 lic speaking destroys a man's capacity for accurate 
 thinking, and tempts him to premature expressions of 
 opinion on subjects of which he is ignorant; views 
 which he afterward feels himself bound to defend. 
 More serious yet, excessive rhetorical display causes a 
 young man to mistake high-sounding combinations of 
 words vague and meaningless for real concepts. 
 
 Admitting that such perversions are common and 
 should be guarded against, is there not, after all, some- 
 thing to be said for the oration? Is not youth a period 
 of large ambitions, of high aspirations and dreams; and 
 can it be complete if all opportunities for the expression 
 of these sentiments are eliminated? To the writer it 
 would appear that the oration has a legitimate function 
 in the preparation of youth in the higher schools. In- 
 dulgence in the rhetorical impulse is necessary if in the 
 future the public man is to rise above mere technic 
 and detail to a higher plane. High sentiments and he- 
 
 * Godkin, E. L. Collegiate Oratory, The Nation, vol. xxvi, p. 38. 
 The speeches consisted mostly of commonplaces and platitudes 
 taken in a loose way from the most accessible books and poorly 
 put together. Not one bore the evidence of careful preparation 
 as regards facts and logic. All the speeches kept pretty clear of 
 fact and avoided anything like an argument ; none contained any 
 sign ot wide, accurate reading.
 
 206 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 roic points of view are as legitimate and influential 
 expressions of the human spirit as accurate generaliza- 
 tions. A certain modern tendency to depreciate every- 
 thing but mere organized facts is born of a shallow 
 rationalism and a mechanical commercialism; such a 
 tendency is based on a mistaken conception of the needs 
 of active life. However, to be of value from a peda- 
 gogical standpoint, the oration should be based on fact, 
 and should represent the real opinions of the speakers; 
 otherwise it degenerates into the cant and affectation of 
 sentiment. 
 
 Intercollegiate debating on a large scale is the re- 
 sult of the last decade.* Contests between high schools 
 and academies have taken place for many years, and it 
 was from these that the idea of intercollegiate debating 
 originated. The present movement began in 1889, 
 when Harvard sent the first challenge to Yale. Despite 
 considerable ridicule, the proposition was accepted, and 
 into the association thus formed Princeton was after- 
 ward admitted. Other important leagues are the Penn- 
 sylvania-Cornell combination in the central States, the 
 union of Michigan, Wisconsin, Chicago, and North- 
 western in the West, and the California-Stanford alli- 
 ance on the Pacific coast. 
 
 In 1893 f a scheme' was proposed by which all the 
 colleges of the country were to be united in one alliance. 
 Each month a question for debate was proposed by the 
 alliance, which was to be discussed by the individual in- 
 stitutions. The advantages ascribed to this plan by the 
 promoters were numerous; it was thought that such a 
 demand for knowledge on certain subjects would be 
 created that the popular magazines could be induced to 
 
 * E.in,2:walt, R. C. Intercollegiate Debating, The Forum, vol. 
 xxii, p. 633. Sketches of the history of intercollegiate debating. 
 f See Carl Vrooman, The Arena, vol. x, pp. 677-683.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 207 
 
 print a large number of articles dealing with the ques- 
 tions. The plan aimed chiefly at arousing a more gen- 
 eral student interest in debating matters. Questions of 
 great interest, dealt with monthly by the ablest men 
 in the institution, would gather larger audiences and 
 thereby stimulate interest. The men were to choose 
 sides according to their convictions, instead of being 
 assigned questions at random. This change would put 
 an end to simulated sentiments and unreal passion, and 
 place the entire debate on a substantial basis. A record 
 of the votes taken on the different questions was to be 
 preserved as an index of student opinion. The plan 
 came to nothing, but contains some just criticism on the 
 methods then in vogue. 
 
 The constitution of an intercollegiate debating 
 league is simple and elastic; a committee from each col- 
 lege arranges the details, the colleges alternately pro- 
 pose the questions for debate, the second institution 
 having the choice of sides, thus insuring the acceptance 
 of a proposition with two well-balanced aspects. ISTo 
 graduate of either college may serve on the board of 
 judges, and no judge may be chosen except by the unani- 
 mous consent of both committees. Within the univer- 
 sity itself the different debating societies choose rep- 
 resentatives, who compete before a committee of the 
 faculty which selects four men. In some colleges men 
 outside of the colleges compete, while under the system 
 which prevailed at Harvard for a number of years, any 
 member of the university might compete in a five-min- 
 utes speech. This plan was found ineffective, because it 
 afforded the committee no adequate data from which to 
 make their judgment. 
 
 The debaters chosen, a serious course of training is 
 at once undertaken: either the debaters or their special 
 advisers in the faculty issue a bibliography of all the 
 books and articles bearing on the subject for dis-
 
 208 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 cussion. The debaters then cover the field in a thor- 
 ough course of general reading. When this is com- 
 pleted they meet, compare notes, and divide the field, 
 each man being apportioned some particular line of 
 argument and investigation. The preparatory process 
 being completed, they prepare a logical outline or skele- 
 ton of their line of argument, which is given to the 
 coach for criticism. From this time on the coaching 
 forms the principal element in the training.* The 
 chief coach is usually a professor in the department of 
 history or English, and supervises the entire process, 
 and is assisted by instructors in elocution and others. 
 Under this expert direction the contestants write down 
 and commit a set speech, although at times this is not 
 intended to fill the entire time at their disposal. Dur- 
 ing the period of preparation the training is severe and 
 rigorous; the debater is criticised and exercised on all 
 points of doubtful strength; he is daily forced to meet 
 in impromptu argunient the ablest men of the college, 
 whether professors or old debaters. The influence of 
 modern athletic training is evident here; in some cases 
 the influence has been direct. 
 
 In the debate each speaker has either fifteen or 
 twenty minutes for an opening speech, and in some cases 
 is allowed five minutes in which to refute the arguments 
 of his opponents. In other debates the third speaker 
 only hazards the risk of reply. Instances have been 
 known in which one side attempted no extemporaneous 
 speaking whatever, and yet won the contest. The ques- 
 tions chosen usually involve some public issue, but so 
 worded and limited as to confine the discussion to the 
 
 * See Ringwalt, R. C, Intercollegiate Debating, Forum, vol. 
 xxii, and Albert Bushnell Hart's Introduction in Brooking's and 
 Ringwalt's Briefs for Debates, for an account on the different 
 steps in the training of debaters.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 209 
 
 expediency aspect of the problem. The speeches are 
 fluent, logical, well-arranged expositions. They are 
 usually framed too closely in a common plan to sustain 
 interest; their collective effect is likely to be monoto- 
 nous. Xotwithstanding the modejate tone of the speak- 
 ers, the debate is often the occasion for great enthusiasm. 
 Delegations of students make noisy demonstrations, and 
 the winning team receives " tremendous ovations.'-* 
 Considerable local fame in the line of newspaper biog- 
 raphies falls to the lot of the intercollegiate debater. 
 He sometimes receives a more substantial reward in 
 money prizes which are d>v'ided among the successful 
 contestants. The existence of such inducements illus- 
 trates the essential artificial character of intercollegiate 
 debating. Its popularity is confined to a small portion 
 of the students. The faculty and the outside public 
 foster debating, but it is not a native interest of the 
 majority of students. 
 
 • Intercollegiate debating, with its careful training 
 and statement of facts, forms a valuable antidote to the 
 tendencies of American stump-speaking. A distin- 
 guished critic has referred to our national style as turgid 
 and inflated, as marked by rhetoric, which is Rhodian 
 rather than Attic, overloaded with tropes and figures, 
 and aiming to conceal poverty or triteness in the 
 thought by profusion of ornament, and appeals to senti- 
 ment too lofty for the subject or occasion.* It is when 
 contrasted with such a style that we are able fully to ap- 
 preciate the training which the college course in foren- 
 sics and the intercollegiate debate are offering to the 
 youth of to-day. The careful preparation, the absence 
 of display, the analysis of argument, lay the foundations 
 for a new style of public speaking. It is when con- 
 
 * Bryce. James. The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chap. 
 cxi. American Oratorv. 
 
 14
 
 210 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 trasted with the speeches delivered in legislative bodies 
 and printed in the Congressional Eecord that the merits 
 of the new mode of training become apparent. A com- 
 petent observer has said that the average intercollegiate 
 debater speaks with more clearness and accuracy than 
 the ordinary member of Congress. 
 
 But the new movement has not been without its 
 critics. The complaint most commonly heard is that 
 the coaching is overdone; the debates are gradually be- 
 coming contests between rival college faculties.* It 
 can not be denied that the coaching is the most impor- 
 tant factor in determining victories, and that success in 
 intercollegiate contests is no test of the vitality of the 
 debating interest in the different colleges. Eecognising 
 the danger. Harvard proposed to the Eastern League 
 that action be taken to check this tendency. Failing in 
 this endeavour, the Harvard debaters attempted a re- 
 form within their own boundaries. The faculty were no 
 longer to arrange the lines of argument for the debaters, 
 to criticise their speeches, or even to debate with them. 
 General directions as to reading, and suggestions from 
 the teaching body as to elocution, were still to continue. 
 The experiment is comparatively recent, and the results 
 of the two systems have not been thoroughly tested, f 
 
 Connected with the preceding criticism is the ob- 
 jection that the present system discourages original- 
 ity of thought and spontaneity of expression. The 
 speeches are cast in one mould; there is a dead level 
 of mediocrity. An English visitor has recorded his 
 impressions to this effect: He found an intercollegiate 
 
 * For admissions of and protests against this fact see Harvard 
 Graduate Magazine, vol. v, pp. 398, 545 ; Brodt, P. E., Debatingr 
 Societies at Columbia, Columbia University Quarterly, vol. i, p. 52. 
 
 f Since this paragraph was written, recent changes in the East- 
 ern League have reduced faculty coaching to a minimum.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIO.,^ 
 
 debate serious to the point of dulness, lacking in ti i . 
 humorous and satirical thrusts which were found in,*; 
 the best speeches of the Oxford and Cambridge unions.* 
 Ethical objections have been raised to the plan of as- 
 signing men positions on debates regardless of personal 
 opinions. Except as a preparation for the bar, it is 
 urged that the ability to maintain any given thesis is of 
 doubtful expediency, particularly in youth, when there 
 is a natural tendency toward sophistry. If the ques- 
 tions dealt with were primarily ethical in character and 
 affected the foundations either of morals or of social 
 theory, such an objection might have some force. How- 
 ever, as most of the debates deal only with the questions 
 of detail and political expediency, this criticism loses 
 much of its cogency. 
 
 In conclusion, we may summarize the weaknesses of 
 the intercollegiate debate by saying that it completes 
 the training on too low a level. It gives admirable 
 preparation for public speaking up to a certain point, 
 but the inherent artificiality of the system prevents it 
 from approximating the actual conditions of public 
 speaking, and consequently it is by no means conducive 
 to developing the higher reaches of oratory. Then, 
 again, its resources are concentrated on a few men, to the 
 neglect of the majority. With the present apathy of 
 the collegiate public toward debating, it was probably 
 the only method which would have met with even a 
 moderate degree of success. By enlisting intercol- 
 legiate rivalry on its behalf, it has attracted public at- 
 tention and thus prepared the way for future progress. 
 
 * Percy Gardiner, in The Nineteenth Century. Impressions of 
 American Universities, January, 1899, p. 110. " The youthful ora- 
 tor seemed to me to equal or surpass our English undergraduate 
 debaters in fluency and ease, but I was not greatly impressed with 
 their debating force. They seemed rather to repeat a prepared 
 theme than to demolish one another, or really grip the subject."
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 210 
 
 The ideals of intercollegiate debating have been 
 trastiosely interwoven with the courses of collegiate instruc- 
 ar tion in the department of forensics. The colleges had 
 given considerable attention to public speaking from the 
 pre-Eevolutionary period on; but, until recently, such 
 attention was confined to rhetoric, opportunities for dis- 
 play at Commencement, and other exhibitions, and 
 coaching of a somewhat desultory character. The in- 
 struction was weak along theoretical lines, and the criti- 
 cism devoted mainly to the accessories of style and elo- 
 cution. Contemporaneous with the intercollegiate de- 
 bating movement an effort has been made to place such 
 instruction on a scientific basis. The specialists in thi^ 
 department have produced a number of valuable hand- 
 books. Rhetorical teaching has departed from its old 
 structural definition standpoint and taken up with the 
 new point of view of function. The struggle for a 
 higher standard in English composition and the rapid 
 growth of scientific treatment of institutional history 
 have aided in the reconstruction of the debating ideal. 
 As the university courses of instruction illustrate 
 the current tendencies in public speaking, it has been 
 thought worth while to devote considerable space to 
 their consideration. In order to arrive at some tenta- 
 tive conclusions, a statistical study was made of the 
 courses in oratory, forensics, and elocution in seven- 
 teen representative colleges. The larger universities 
 and colleges were selected because of their probable 
 more immediate response to modern conditions. The 
 smaller colleges tend more frequently to represent the 
 conditions of the past. Of the seventeen colleges, six — 
 Harvard, Brown, Columbia, Cornell, Pennsylvania, and 
 Princeton — were selected as typical of the East. For the 
 West, not only the leading universities — Michigan, Wis- 
 consin, Minnesota, Northwestern, and Chicago — were 
 chosen, but likewise two large Western colleges, Oberlin
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 213 
 
 and the Ohio Wesleyan. The South is represented by 
 Johns Hopkins, Virginia, and Vanderbilt; the Pacific 
 slope by Leland Stanford and the University of Califor- 
 nia. In all cases the data were collated from the regis- 
 ters of the year 1898-'99. 
 
 Omitting duplications in the professional schools, 
 the seventeen institutions offered one hundred and four 
 courses of instruction in preparation for the different 
 forms of public speaking. By a rough estimate, the 
 average college offered six distinct courses of instruction. 
 Among the different colleges there was a great variation 
 in the amount of work ofiered, Chicago and Minnesota 
 leading with twelve and ten courses respectively, Vir- 
 ginia giving only one. An equally great contrast was 
 apparent in the emphasis on the subjects of instruc- 
 tion. Chicago seemed to specialize on elocutionary 
 training, Cornell in furnishing immediate opportunities 
 for speakng. Harvard in the theory of argumentation. 
 In many colleges the courses in f orensics and oratory are 
 so intermingled with the instruction in English that it 
 was impossible to estimate the actual amount of time 
 given each. Probably the amoimt of teaching done in 
 an average institution of this class would need approxi- 
 mately the entire services of two instructors. 
 
 The classification of these courses, without first-hand 
 acquaintance with their contents, is an undertaking in- 
 volving considerable risk. The announcements are not 
 always definite in their outline of the courses which are 
 sometimes composite in character; and it is scarcely 
 necessary to add that such statements usually represent 
 what the instructors hope to accomplish rather than the 
 territory usually covered in the class-room work. In 
 consequence, the following conclusions are of service 
 only in the most general way: The entire one hundred 
 and four courses fall into four main divisions — (1) gen- 
 eral introductory, (2) elocution and voice culture, (3)
 
 214 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 forensics, and (4) oratory. Under the heading, general 
 introductory, have been included only those courses 
 which distinctly announce their relation to the work in 
 public speaking; ordinary courses in English have been 
 omitted. Only ten general introductory courses are 
 offered. The next main division, elocution and voice 
 culture, leads with fifty-five courses^ sixteen of which 
 are special and given over to the reading and interpre- 
 tation of Shakespeare, the Bible, lyrical poetry, and 
 hymns. Forensics, argumentative composition, and 
 debating come next in importance with twenty-four 
 courses, six of which consist of actual practice in de- 
 bating. Most diversified are the courses falling under 
 the general description of oratory. Out of the fifteen 
 courses, six are devoted to general practice and im- 
 promptu speaking, five to the survey of the oratorical 
 field, and four lay special stress on the history of ora- 
 tory and public speaking. 
 
 Three or four conclusions may be drawn from this 
 study: Firstly, it seems probable that, in so far as the 
 extent of territory covered is concerned, the instruction 
 is adequate. Some of the universities tend to sub- 
 divide the field unduly, while others go to the contrary 
 extreme and advertise more lines of study than can 
 possibly be followed efficiently in one course. Second- 
 ly, the predominance of elocutionary training and ana- 
 lytic argumentation is strikingly in evidence, they com- 
 prising seventy-three out of one hundred and four 
 courses. On the other hand, the history of public 
 speaking, including its relations to political and social 
 life, is scantily treated. The most common methods are 
 either to dissect two or three speeches, usually those of 
 Burke or Webster, or hastily to survey the history of 
 oratory from Demosthenes to Gladstone, which survey 
 largely consists of striking anecdotes of doubtful origin. 
 Neither of these methods seems to meet the student's
 
 toiUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD/ 215 
 
 need. The most valuable training appears to come from 
 that intangible growth which is the result of close con- 
 tact with the works of masters. In oratory such an 
 understanding will rarely come from the analysis of 
 lines of argument, or the minute study of one or two 
 speeches. 
 
 The relations between the debating society and the 
 college department of forensics are usually cordial, 
 each supplementing the other. In order to determine 
 these relations more accurately, however, a circular note 
 was despatched to the chief instructors in the seven- 
 teen institutions before mentioned. Fourteen replies 
 were received; of these, twelve considered the debating 
 society a valuable adjunct of their work, w^hile two con- 
 ditionally opposed it. At ISTorthwestern and Minne- 
 sota the departments have been the means of establish- 
 ing new discussion clubs. The instructors favour the de- 
 bating society because it gives the men practice, teaches 
 them tolerance, and offers them a chance to apply 
 knowledge. They criticise the debating society for the 
 lack of critical standards, and for the vague thinking 
 and pompous diction which it is said to foster. 
 
 § 3. The Fraterxity ix the Moderx Period. 
 
 During the last thirty years the fraternities have 
 entered upon a new stage of their development; with 
 the storm and stress period of their history behind them, 
 they have been free to perfect the details of their system 
 and to expand. As early as 1871 a movement toward 
 the centralization of the various societies was inaugu- 
 rated. The old system of control by central or parent 
 chapters when the convention was not in session gave 
 way to central governing boards, usually known as ex- 
 ecutive councils, composed of alumni, which performed 
 functions similar to those delegated to the boards of
 
 216 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 trustees in American colleges. In this body is vested 
 the ownership of the fraternity property. The deter- 
 mination of fraternity policy remained to conventions 
 of delegates consisting largely of undergraduates. Many 
 of the fraternities have divided the college territory of 
 the country into provinces^, and shown great insight and 
 judgment in the location *'of chapters. It has been 
 claimed that the action of the larger societies in issuing 
 and withdrawing charters may be taken as an almost 
 sure index of the future of the college.* 
 
 In recent years the influence of the alumni has in- 
 creased greatly, and many of the societies have endeav- 
 oured to still further augment this influence by estab- 
 lishing alumni chapters and fraternity clubs. . In a few 
 instances the alumni chapters are regularly organized, 
 hold sessions, and send delegates to conventions, but in 
 a majority of cases they are chapters only in name. 
 Fraternity clubs are a more natural expression of in- 
 terest. Several fraternity clubs have been founded in 
 New York, San Francisco, and elsewhere. Two or 
 three societies have established sunnner camps in the 
 woods for the recreation of their members, f 
 
 The chapters at the stronger fraternity centres are 
 coming to partake more and more of the character of 
 social clubs. The progress of the club idea may be 
 traced in the architecture of the fraternity houses. 
 The earlier structures were built as lodge rooms or 
 temples for general meeting places only, while the more 
 recent buildings are complete club houses, containing 
 public rooms, lodge rooms, and sleeping apartments. 
 Many of the modern fraternity houses are ornate and ex- 
 pensive structures, of which their members are justly 
 
 * See The Independent, August 3, 1899, an article by W. A. 
 Curtis, The Decline of the Denominational College. 
 
 f W. R, Baird. American College Fraternities, fourth edition, 
 p. 23.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 217 
 
 proud. The club idea finds its freest expression at Har- 
 vard, where the typical societies are local and uncon- 
 nected, and therefore in a position to respond quickly to 
 the movement of the age. A recent writer speaks of 
 Harvard club life in the following strain: " The small 
 clubs are not conducive to sustained effort in the public 
 service on the part of their members, but, after all, their 
 seductions are not necessarily irresistible. . . . For su- 
 perior men who are too active to be pocketed, the clubs 
 are pleasant without being unprofitable. There are 
 usually such leaders among the Harvard clubmen, but 
 they are leaders because it is in them, and rather in spite 
 of the clubs than because of them." * 
 
 It may be remarked in this connection, however, 
 that in adopting club life the students of our wealthier 
 colleges have only followed the lead of the society of 
 which they form a part. Of the merits and demerits of 
 club life in general it is not our purpose to discuss here, 
 although it may be added that this tendency does not 
 seem to have attracted the attention of educators to 
 an extent proportioned to its importance, f 
 
 Among the geographical types of fraternities, the so- 
 cieties of the Southern group, founded soon after the 
 conclusion of the civil war, have spread rapidly in the 
 last thirty years. Sectional lines are rapidly becoming 
 
 * Edward S. Martin. Undergraduate Life at Harvard, Scrib- 
 ner's Magazine, vol. xxi, p. 543. Mr. Martin also adds : " The clubs 
 have their uses, but probably the most satisfactory talk that goes 
 on between undergraduates is not the talk of the clubs, but the 
 seasoned communication born of affinity which passes from man 
 to man by gaslight in the college rooms." 
 
 f W. R. Thayer traces the rise of the club idea at Harvard 
 in an article, Shall we have a University Club? in the Harvard 
 Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, pp. 474, 475. Some aspects of club 
 life at Harvard are described by C. M. Flandrau in his Harvard 
 Episodes — Wolcott the Magnificent.
 
 218 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 obliterated, especially between the West and South; the 
 Eastern group have been much more conservative than 
 the other two in expanding, although their chapters are 
 found side by side with the other two types at such 
 recent foundations as Chicago and Leland Stanford. 
 While sectional lines are tending to disappear and all 
 the general fraternities are becoming national, each so- 
 ciety is coming more and more to stand forji,.jxzedjLdfial_ 
 of culture. For instance. Fraternity A makes wealth 
 the criterion of membership. Fraternity B literary ca- 
 pacity. Fraternity C sporting tastes. Fraternity D all- 
 round good fellowship or social qualities, and so on 
 throughout the list. In the older colleges of the East 
 these characteristics are more firmly fixed than else- 
 where, and the same society usually has the same ideal 
 in different colleges, while in the West the same frater- 
 nity may stand for different ideals in different institu- 
 tions. In the smaller and more newly founded colleges 
 there are usually certain fraternities which stand for 
 nothing in particular, and admit almost any one they 
 can secure to membership.* 
 
 * In order to make our meaning clearer, we will include ex- 
 tracts from the reports of correspondents in different colleges: 
 
 Adelhert College, Cleveland. — " The best fraternities have a dis- 
 tinct social ideal. The better the chapter here, the more unique 
 and distinct is its characteristics. The poorer chapters seem to be 
 mere collections of rag ends and left-overs. One fraternity stands 
 for social prestige, one for athletic prestige and the character of 
 its men ; a third may be said to stand for scholarship." 
 
 Beloit College, Wisconsin. — " The fraternities do not represent 
 distinct social ideals." , 
 
 University of Nebraska, Lincoln. — " The fraternities do stand 
 for different ideals. Some aim for social prestige, some for ath- 
 letic superiority, some for scholarship, and one or two at a combi- 
 nation of these — that is, at a representation of the entire life of the 
 university. 
 
 Vanderhilt University. — ''The fraternities stand for difi'erent
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 219 
 
 In addition to the general college fraternities (men's), 
 twenty-nine in number, which we have described, the 
 vitality of the idea is seen in the rise of women's frater- 
 nities, sometimes known as sororities, professional fra- 
 ternities, honorary fraternities, and secondary school 
 fraternities. There are also a large number of local so- 
 cieties of this type, of which Baird enumerates twenty- 
 eight for men and fourteen for women.* The most 
 noteworthy of these, such as the I. K. A. Society at 
 Trinity College, the Alpha Sigma Phi at Xorwich Uni- 
 versity, and the Phi Xu Theta at Wesleyan, have long 
 histories and were the creations of the same movement 
 which produced the general fraternities. Some of the 
 others are disgruntled chapters of general fraternities 
 which have either seceded or been expelled; a third 
 class consists of chapters which have been recently 
 formed for the purpose of securing admission to some 
 general fraternity. If they fail in their object, they 
 almost invariably disappear, as the conditions of mod- 
 ern college life make the formation of new societies 
 increasingly difficult. As a group the local fraterni- 
 ties are comparatively unimportant, numbering in 1898 
 5,389 members, to the 142,688 of the general frater- 
 nities. 
 
 ideals to a certain extent, several fraternities emphasize social 
 prestige, others college honours, including places on the college L 
 team or musical clubs. Scholarship alone could secure entrance ^ 
 to no fraternity, although some chapters would be more influenced 
 by it than others." 
 
 At a prominent Western university a story is told which illus- 
 trates the difference between fraternity standards. One of the 
 fraternities having expelled a member for drunkenness, another ^ 
 Greek-letter man observed that his society would expel a man who 
 was not drunk periodically. 
 
 * Baird. W. R. American College Fraternities, fifth edition, 
 pp. 280, 298.
 
 lY 
 
 220 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Women's fraternities are almost entirely the product 
 of the present period, for, although the Pi Beta Phi was 
 organized in 1867, it was not a purely academic society 
 for some time afterward. Kappa Alpha Theta and 
 Kappa Kappa Gamma were founded in 1870, and Delta 
 Gamma in 1872. ^Women's fraternities originated in 
 the coeducational colleges of the West and South, and 
 have never gained a strong foothold in the women's 
 colleges of the East, which usually prefer some form of 
 literary or scientific society. In colleges where wom- 
 en's fraternities exist, they enroll a smaller proportion of 
 their constituency than do similar societies among men. 
 They are close copies of men's fraternities, and are said 
 to differ only in being much more exclusive. In many 
 coeducational colleges there is a tacit social understand- 
 ing between certain of the women's societies and some 
 few of the men's fraternities. 
 
 Professional fraternities have been founded for stu- 
 dents in law, medicine, music, scientific agriculture, en- 
 gineering, commerce, and the Spanish language. The 
 majority of these societies are small and unimportant, 
 being confined to four or five colleges, although one or 
 two are the regular fraternities for engineering and agri- 
 cultural schools of a high grade. The one exception to 
 the generalization regarding size is the Phi Delta Phi, 
 a legal fraternity founded in the law school of the Uni- 
 versity of Michigan in 1869. It lacks many of the 
 common characteristics of a fraternity; its chapters are 
 named for great lawyers, and the use of the ritual is not 
 mandatory. Its motto, grip, and passw^ord are not 
 communicated to outsiders; otherwise the organization 
 is open. The Phi Delta Phi avoids antagonism with all 
 existing literary societies and general fraternities, draw- 
 ing its members impartially from all of them. The 
 chapters are expected to- draw up a schedule of work, 
 supplementing the regular lectures of the law school.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 221 
 
 After graduation the members make use of their con- 
 nection with the order to obtain an interchange of busi- 
 ness and information. Its members are said to be 
 linown by their high legal accomplishments. 
 
 The honorary fraternities, six in number — the Phi 
 Beta Kappa, the Pi Beta Xu, Sigma Xi, Lambda Sig- 
 ma eta, Tau Beta Pi, and Alpha Theta Phi — aim only to 
 designate a certain aristocracy of talent. The oldest 
 and most important of the group, the Phi Beta Kappa, 
 did not become purely honorary until the antimasonic 
 movement in the thirties.* For many years after this 
 the chapters met but once a year, to listen to an oration 
 and poem, and to elect members for the ensuing year. 
 The Phi Beta Kappa key became and has remained the 
 symbol of high scholarship in the colleges where the 
 society exists. In 1881 the Harvard chapter initiated a 
 movement for the reconstruction of the order, which re- 
 sulted in the adoption of a new constitution in 1882. 
 The order is now organized on a modern basis. In 
 1898 the Phi Beta Kappa numbered forty chapters, with 
 a membership of 19,334. The five remaining honorary 
 societies follow closely the Phi Beta Kappa in their 
 usages, and have only a local importance and small 
 membership. 
 
 The academic or secondary school fraternities are 
 treated in Chapter A^II, which deals with student organi- 
 zations of the secondary school and may be passed by in 
 this connection. 
 
 In a previous chapter we have discussed the strug- 
 gles which ensued from the early foundation of the fra- 
 ternities to the beginning of the modern period. The 
 task remains of bringing the discussion down to date. 
 In general, it may be said that, while the antagonism 
 between the fraternities and their opponents still ex- 
 
 * See Chapter III for early history of the Phi Beta Kappa.
 
 222 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ists, much of the bitterness and clamour has disap- 
 peared in the last twenty years. Of late, college au- 
 thorities have been more cautious in antagonizing the 
 societies; the firmly established position of the frater- 
 nities has cooled the ardour of .their adversaries. A lew- 
 struggles of importance between faculties and banded 
 alliances of Greek-letter men remain to be noticed. 
 
 One of the most interesting tests of strength took* 
 place in 1881 at Purdue University, an industrial college 
 founded by the State of Indiana. The faculty for a 
 time permitted the organization of fraternities, but, 
 having satisfied themselves that the societies were en- 
 deavouring to change the course of the college, they 
 attempted to crush the chapters by compelling fresh- 
 men to sign an anti-fraternity clause. The guardian of 
 a student who was refused admission on this 'ground 
 carried the case to the Supreme Court of the State and 
 obtained a judgment against the college administf-ation. 
 The anti-fraternity president of the college resigned and 
 was succeeded by an enthusiastic supporter of the 
 Greek-letter cause. , 
 
 A similar conflict between the professors and fra- 
 ternities of the University of California, two years 
 earlier, resulted in a defeat of the faculty, although they 
 were strongly supported by a majority of the students. 
 For several years an intense hatred separated the two 
 factions^-g^ong the students. Fraternity members on 
 two occasions endeavoured to assault non-fraternity 
 men who had atiyacked their characters in the college 
 papers. The non-fraternity men published a pamphlet 
 tracing the history of each one of the societies then in 
 existence at the university, and charging. Ihe fraternity 
 element with dissipation, -negligence of university work, 
 cheating in examinations, and the publication of ob- 
 scene literature. From an examination of the college 
 records the editors of the pamphlet claimed to prove
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD.'^ 
 
 that during ten years 42.28 per cent of the entire mem- 
 bership of the fraternities had been expelled^ against 
 18 per cent of the non-fraternity men.* The decisions 
 in the California and Purdue cases made the position 
 of the fraternities secure in State institutions, but the 
 power of the faculty remained unchecked in private 
 colleges." 
 
 * At Vanderbilt University the faculty endeavoured 
 to protect the literary societies from what it considered 
 the inroads of the fraternities. At first, secret societies 
 were absolutely forbidden, but they came and remained 
 in spite of prohibition. In 1879 indirect recognition 
 was extended to the fraternities by a rule which de- 
 barred their members from competing for the honours 
 of the university, including the medals in oratory, the 
 candidates for which were chosen by the literary so- 
 cieties. Under this regime the literary societies be- 
 came the arena for fraternity cliques. and combinations. 
 Four years later the faculty /changed its tactics and 
 passed a rule to the effect that the literary societies • 
 should certify that the speakers elected to the contests 
 were eligible. The attempt to saddle the societies with 
 the enforcement of the law failed miserably. One so- 
 ciety flatly refused, and the other dodged the issue. 
 Finally, elections for honours were transferred to the 
 faculty and fraternities permitted to exist, f 
 
 * The charges, were not vague and general', but given with cir- 
 cumstantial detail. This pamphlet is one cii the most interesting 
 documents in American student literature. It is bv no means a 
 mere hysterical protest, \^t is written with considerable force and 
 cleverness. The title runs as follows : '" An Account of the Greek- 
 Letter Fraternities of the University of California, republished, 
 corrected, and brought down to date from the Files of the Occi- 
 dent Newspaper for the Year ending June 1, 1883. Berkeley, 
 1883." 
 
 t Merriam, L. S. Higher Education in Tennessee, p. 167.
 
 222 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Numerous colleges still prohibit tlie organization of 
 fraternities, but, with the exception of Princeton, they 
 are small denominational institutions and are not re- 
 garded by the fraternities as suitable locations for chap- 
 ters. Notwithstanding the fact that none of the best 
 fraternities care to gain a foothold in such places, the 
 majority of the students are often frequently leagued to- 
 gether in secret orders, usually quite temporary, for no 
 better reason apparently than to be in opposition to the 
 college authorities. In colleges of this class the liter- 
 ary societies are still strong and possess an esprit de 
 corps which reminds one in many ways of the fraternity. 
 With the increasing wealth of the students, fraternities 
 will in time find their way into the majority of these 
 institutions. -. 
 
 The antagonism betweeiis^ie Greeks and barbarians, 
 or non-fraternity student*, has>antinued a much more 
 constant factor in the legal opposition of college facul- 
 ties. The strength of the two parties varies widely 
 with different sections of the country and different 
 classes of institutions. In general, the fraternities 
 dominate the smaller colleges, particularly those of New 
 England and the Middle States, although an occasional 
 revolt on the part of the non-fraternity men sometimes 
 occurs.* The " barbarians " are strongest at the large 
 colleges, particularly the State universities of the West, 
 which have always been the seat of a strong anti-frater- 
 nity feeling. The issue occasionally comes to the surface 
 in the Harvard class-day elections.! In the senior elec- 
 tions at Yale, class of 1899, the entire non-society ticket 
 was elected. 
 
 * Start, A. B. History of Tufts College, p. 68, describes such 
 a revolt. 
 
 •)• Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii. p. 209 ; also Thayer, W. 
 R. Shall we have a University Club? Harvard Graduate Maga- 
 zine, vol. iii, p. 471.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. ^ 
 
 In one of the large AYestern universities, where the 
 writer happened to be acquainted with the conditions 
 of college life, both parties were organized in a manner 
 very similar to that of outside politics. The fraterni- 
 ties formed an alliance, and divided the offices in pro- 
 portion to their strength and influence. The non-fra- 
 ternity men were still more systematically arrayed. 
 Their forces were divided and subdivided for campaign 
 purposes; each leader had a territory assigned him, 
 v/here he was held accountable for the vote. In class 
 and general elections (for student-body officials) there 
 were no speeches or outward signs of agitation, but both 
 sides instituted a thorough canvass, and brought their 
 entire voting strength to the polls. In general elec- 
 tions, the greater numbers of the non-fraternity men 
 usually carried the day; in smaller elections their 
 forces were less manageable, they were frequently be- 
 trayed by their leaders, and were in consequence at a 
 great disadvantage in diplomacy and in the control of 
 small boards or committees. Eealizing this fact, they 
 abolished all such bodies and threw all the important 
 offices open to direct popular election. To prevent chi- 
 caner}^, they endeavoured to secure as much publicity 
 as possible in the management of public affairs. The - 
 great lack of the non-fraternity party was competent 
 leaders; the fraternities always endeavoured to pick off 
 their best men. The division of the students into two 
 great parties, while provocative of much wrangling and 
 some narrowness, insures a more competent administra- 
 tion than could otherwise be secured, because it means a 
 certain measure of responsibility. Student politics in 
 such an institution is a faithful copy of outside condi- 
 tions, in many ways neither better nor worse. A certain 
 po of undergraduates will employ machine methods 
 ff ballot boxes as freely as the most veteran poli- 
 another type of men work for a clean and hon- 
 15
 
 22j>(j STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 est administration; the great majority are indifferent, 
 except in cases of closely contested elections.* 
 
 The continuous existence of organized parties al- 
 most equally strong and pitted against each other iij 
 each successive election, as described in the last para- 
 graph, is a somewhat exceptional phenomenon which 
 exists only in large Western universities like Michigan, 
 Wisconsin, Indiana, and Leland Stanford. In most col- 
 leges an anti-fraternity movement is a somewhat spas- 
 modic affair, intense and unreasonable while it lasts, but 
 soon over, after which the college. settles down to its 
 normal condition. Strange to relate, these movements 
 frequently result in the formation of new fraternities 
 by the most vigorous protesters. 
 
 The American f fraternity system has attained to 
 a strength and stability which have rarely characterized 
 student associations. The general fraternities alone 
 (men's) have a membership of one hundred and thirty 
 thousand members. No statistics have been gathered 
 in regard to their property, but a rough estimate places 
 its valuation in the neighbourhood of five million 
 dollars. The prominent fraternities issue an entire 
 series of publications, including extensive catalogues 
 
 * The participation of fraternities in college politics is some- 
 times denied. We append the following representative testimony 
 from our correspondents : 
 
 Beloit. — " Fraternities control elections for athletic positions." 
 
 Lafayette. — " Fraternities enter politics and control class elec- 
 tions to a limited extent by first combining among themselves." 
 
 Nebraska. — " Sometimes the fraternities enter politics, at other 
 times they unite with the literary societies." 
 
 Vanderhilt. — " Fraternities as such do not enter college politics, 
 although they sometimes influence votes in the literary societies." 
 
 f The terra American here must not be limited to the United 
 States, as important- chapters have been organized in the Canadian 
 lUiiversities.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIJ>. 229 
 
 and expensive quarterly 'magazines, and hold conv\ a 
 tions, with hundreds of delegates from all sections of the 
 Union. 
 
 In a majority of the colleges of the country the fra- 
 ^fe^nities aim to select the ablest, most socially gifted, 
 and wealthiest men. Of their social pre-eminence 
 there can be no question; in all the colleges from which 
 we have received returns the fraternity members are 
 the society leaders. " From the list of alumni published,/^ 
 it would seem that a majority of the graduates of Ameri- 
 can colleges in the last forty years who have become 
 famous were in their student days members of fra- 
 ternities. 
 
 We have no means of accurately determining the 
 •percentage of undergraduates who belong to fraterni- 
 ties in the different colleges of the country. The fol- 
 lowing estimates made by recent graduates of the col- 
 leges in question will give some idea of the proportion. 
 From Adelbert College it is reported that 40 per cent 
 of the men belong to fraternities, Beloit SSj per cent, 
 Lafayette 50 per cent, Yanderbilt 50 per cent, Leland 
 Stanford 25 per cent, and Nebraska 20 per cent; in 
 a few of the New England colleges considerably more 
 than one half of the undergraduates. From the char- 
 acter of the fraternity principle, all the students of a 
 <;ollege .could not be included under its operation. To 
 state the difficulty in Baird's language: "Experience 
 has shown that if the bulk of the students in any college v 
 ' belong to the fraternities, fraternity life in that college i, 
 is apt to be dull and the chapters weak; and in conse- 
 quence an election to a fraternity is taken as a matter 
 of course and a little-prized honour.^^ * 
 
 The general scheme of organization and manage- 
 
 * Baird, W. R. American College Fraternities, fourth edi- 
 tion, p. 16.
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ^iit as well as the type of symbolism are common to all 
 Aie fraternities, and yet each preserved its separate and 
 independent character, all alliances having been thus 
 far of a local and temporary character. In 1883 an at- 
 tempt was made to bring about a loose form of federa- 
 tion under the name of a Pan-Hellenic Council. A 
 college fraternities congress was held by representatives 
 from several fraternities in Chicago during the World's 
 Fair (1893). A similar meeting took place at Atlanta 
 some time afterward. Thus far the agitation for fed- 
 eration has only resulted in a yearly meeting known as 
 the Pan-Hellenic Banquet, where topics of common in- 
 terest to all fraternity men have been discussed. Pan- 
 Hellenic clubs composed of fraternity graduates have 
 been formed in a number of large cities.* 
 
 * We have treated the causes underlying the success of the 
 fraternity idea only in the most general way. Below we append 
 quotations from two correspondents, one a Greek and the other a 
 non -fraternity man, bearing on this important point : 
 
 Fraternity Opinion. — " The chief fascination seems to me to be 
 due to the well-known adolescent curiosity and unrest. Fraterni- 
 ties are to college men types of adult societies, such as Masons, 
 Odd-Fellows, etc., and they look upon them as stepping stones from 
 youthful to adult organizations. Anything with an element of 
 secrecy appeals to adolescents. To many, no doubt, the desire for 
 the support of a crowd of influential fellows in political and social 
 affairs is the chief motive which impels them to fraternity mem- 
 bership. To others the desire to be in it with the popular 'set,' 
 and to avoid being referred to as ' non-frat.' appeals most strongly. 
 Again, the means for furnishing pleasant pastimes, such as bil- 
 liard and pool tables, cards, etc., which fraternity rooms afford, 
 together with the convenience of a pleasant loafing place, are 
 strong allurements." 
 
 Non-fraternity Opinion. — "The chief motives [in joining fra- 
 ternities] seem to be two — the social impulse toward good fellow- 
 ship and the desire 'to have a time' and 'be out with the boys'; 
 and secondly, the instinct to be a power, which leads men to join
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN xMODERN PERIOD. 229 
 
 Some observers have predicted for the fraternity a 
 future similar to the English college, and have advo- 
 cated the location of permanent graduate tutors in the 
 chapter houses. One fraternity is said to have even 
 made a move in this direction. The surface objec- 
 tions to a widespread adoption of such a plan are nu- 
 merous. Many chapters could not bear the expense; to 
 others it would seem like the invasion of " shop " on 
 the privileged field of kisure. Such a plan does not 
 make for specialization, which is now the watchword of 
 superior education in this country. This scheme is 
 largely bound up with the future of the small college, 
 because it is only in the small college that such a supple- 
 ment to the curriculum is needed, and nowhere else are 
 the fraternities sufficiently strong to inaugurate such 
 an undertaking. Present tendencies point to the ex- 
 pansion of one class of colleges into universities, and 
 the absorption of the weaker by the secondary schools. 
 If such a revolution comes to pass in superior education, 
 it will necessarily cut the ground from under the fra- 
 ternity tutor plan. 
 
 because they hope to gain a ' poHtical pull,' and want 'to have a 
 gang that will be your gang.' " 
 
 A third correspondent puts the case in a somewhat different 
 form : 
 
 " The source of the fascination which the fraternity idea exer- 
 cises is found in the desire for mutual companionship on the part 
 of young men having similar ideals. Young men of the college 
 age are apt to group themselves together, according to their likes, 
 dislikes, ambitions, and customs. They feel a longing for an in- 
 fluence like that of the home which they have left. They recog- 
 nise that there is a certain strength in organization, and a mutual 
 aid and benefit in close companionship with twenty of their fel- 
 lows."
 
 230 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 § 4. Athletic Organizations in the Modern Period. 
 
 Athletic sports with their numerous organizations 
 and contests have been the most prominent feature in 
 American student life during the past twenty-five years. 
 The greater portion of the public know a college almost 
 exclusively through its athletic records, for three fourths 
 of the news items concerning student life deal with 
 sport. In the comic journals the typical college man 
 is the football player with his long hair and limp. 
 While within academic precincts athletics is only one 
 of numerous interests, and many students have only the 
 most superficial connection with the games, still, of all 
 undergraduate concerns, intercollegiate contests play 
 by far the largest part in the daily life and talk. The 
 successful captain of the eleven or the crew usually 
 stands forth the most popular and influential man of 
 his class and the ideal of the younger students. In 
 writing the history of the modern athletic movement 
 we shall first indicate the relative position and popular- 
 ity of the various games, and then pass on to a discus- 
 sion of the problems arising from athleticism. 
 
 In 1870 boating was the only sport which had 
 gained for itself a well-recognised status. In that year 
 the last of the first series of intercollegiate contests be- 
 tween Yale and Harvard had been won by the latter, 
 which opened the way a year later to the formation of 
 the Eowing Association of American Colleges, which 
 included all the colleges of importance in New England, 
 with two or three outside institutions in New Jersey and 
 New York. Six races took place under the auspices of 
 the association, the first three on the Connecticut 
 Eiver at Springfield, the remaining three at Saratoga 
 Lake, New York. Membership in the association shifted 
 from year to year; one year seventeen colleges were 
 represented by crews, the next there were only seven
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 231 
 
 contestants. The old antagonism between Harvard 
 and Yale dominated the association, the minor colleges 
 taking sides with either one or the other. This rivalry, 
 together with the difficulty of managing and judging 
 so many crews on the same course, led to much doubtful 
 diplomacy and frequent controversies. Many of the 
 smaller colleges maintained crews with great difficulty 
 and expense, and, as soon as the novelty wore away, neg- 
 lected to send representatives. The final stroke to the 
 association was given in 1876, when Harvard and Yale 
 withdrew.* Since 1876 no attempt has been made to 
 revive boating on a large scale. Most of the colleges of 
 the country are unfavourably located for participation 
 in the sport, while the expense and difficulty of prepara- 
 tion place it beyond the reach of many of the small 
 colleges. The Harvard- Yale races have continued from 
 1876 to the present, and are considered athletic events 
 of the first magnitude, second only in interest to the 
 great football games in the autumn. Cornell, Pennsyl- 
 vania, the national Xaval Academy at Annapolis, and 
 more recently Wisconsin, have cultivated boating with 
 great care and considerable success. Of all the forms 
 of intercollegiate athletic competition it is the least ex- 
 tended and is practically confined to six or seven insti- 
 tutions of the first rank in the Eastern States, and is 
 without a following in the West and South. 
 
 Baseball, the next sport to be extensively developed, 
 is the most vddespread form of athletic competition; in 
 small and obscure colleges it is the only game played. 
 Its universal diffusion among all classes of people, and 
 
 * The following colleges won in the years designated : Massa- 
 chusetts Agricultural, 1871 ; Amherst, 1872 ; Yale, 1873 ; Colum- 
 bia, 1874; Cornell, 1875; Cornell, 1876. An effort was made to 
 continue the association by Brown, Dartmouth, Bowdoin, and 
 Trinity, bat without success. For a full account of the entire 
 episode see Yale Book.
 
 232 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the ease with which match games can be prepared for, 
 are responsible for its popularity among college stu- 
 dents. From the standpoint of the spectators it is 
 greatly inferior to football, lacking the mass movements 
 and general attitude of conflict which give zest to the 
 latter. The fact that professional baseball in the cities 
 has become a business has worked injury to the game as 
 an amateur sport. Nearly every college in the country 
 has its nine, the achievements of which are watched 
 with considerable interest in the spring of the year, but 
 in most cases without that extreme absorption which 
 characterizes football enthusiasm. It is worthy of note 
 that some of the small colleges, particularly Catholic 
 colleges with an Irish clientele^ are able to compete in 
 this sport on terms of equality with larger institutions. 
 Football is now the college sport par excellence of 
 the country. Its popularity as an organized game in 
 the colleges dates only from 1880, and for a number of 
 years its votaries were largely confined to the Eastern 
 States. Since 1890 the colleges of all sections of the 
 country have adopted it, and it has also been diffused 
 downward to the academies and high schools; even in 
 many sections to the elementary schools. The small 
 boys on the streets, who fifteen years ago played only 
 baseball, now devote much more time to its rival, al- 
 though football is not so well adapted to their physique 
 and playing grounds. The colleges of each State and 
 section of country have their local contests, which are 
 considered of momentous importance. The games be- 
 tween certain larger institutions of the first rank are 
 regarded as of national importance, and their details are 
 telegraphed from one end of the country to the other. 
 The most important group of institutions is composed 
 of the five great universities of the East — Harvard, 
 Yale, Princeton, Pennsylvania, and Cornell. In the 
 middle West, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, North-
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 233 
 
 western, and Chicago form a second group of inferior 
 importance. The games between Virginia and Yander- 
 bilt in the South, Missouri and Kansas in the far West, 
 California and Leland Stanford on the Pacific coast, 
 stand midway in importance between the contests of 
 widespread interests and those of simple local impor- 
 tance. 
 
 Football owes its popularity to the element of phys- 
 ical combat which plays so important a part in the 
 game. In this it appeals to one of the strongest human 
 instincts, an instinct which under different conditions 
 has insured the success of gladiatorial combats, bull- 
 fighting, and prize fighting. Walter Camp has drawn 
 an interesting comparison between football and war,* 
 pointing out that the problems in strategy and training 
 which confront the football coach are practically iden- 
 tical with those which a general has to overcome. More 
 than any other form of athletics, football is confined to 
 the schools; it has not yet become a business, like bicy- 
 cling and baseball. The fact that the games are hona 
 fide exhibitions of skill is not without effect in establish- 
 ing it in the good will of the public. 
 
 Track and field sports were the last branches of ath- 
 letics to receive serious attention. As early as 1872 we 
 have records of organized field days.f Until recently 
 this department of athletics excited less interest than 
 football, baseball, and boating. Xow in many colleges 
 
 * See Camp and Deland, Football, chap. v. In this book the 
 practical and technical details of the game are discussed with 
 force and brevity by the best-qualified man in the country. The 
 growth of the American game and a comparison of it with the 
 English and Canadian games is the theme of a chapter of unusual 
 interest. 
 
 + See Yale Book, vol. ii. p. 451; Princeton Book. Felix E. 
 Schelling, Oiganizations within the University, in F. N. Thorpe's 
 Benjamin Fr, iklin and the University of Pennsylvania, pp. 4, 7.
 
 234 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 it ranks above baseball, and is looked upon with favour 
 by the authorities because it enlists a much larger num- 
 ber of men in its pursuit than any other sport. In 
 international contests, American athletes have distin- 
 guished themselves in this line, whereas they have uni- 
 formly failed in boating, the only other form of ath- 
 letics in which international competition is possible. 
 
 These four great departments of athletics form an 
 up23er hierarchy of college sports; the relative rank of a 
 college is determined by its success here. The public 
 athletic organization of the college provides for train- 
 ing only in the four branches. They do not by any 
 means exhaust the list of athletic interests, most of 
 which are represented by clubs of a more private char- 
 acter. In many colleges lawn tennis numbers more 
 devotees than any of the official sports.* In the larger 
 colleges clubs are formed for walking, gunning, bicy- 
 cling, polo, golf, cricket, and new and unusual forms of 
 sport, f The prosperity of these organizations fluctuates 
 from year to year, and depends much on the position 
 which the game in question holds in the estimation of 
 the outside public. In nearly every case they are to be 
 commended because they afford healthful exercise with- 
 out those adventitious rewards and excitements which 
 unduly intensify the better recognised departments of 
 sport. 
 
 An enumeration and description of the various 
 sports, and an account of their organization, are by no 
 means a history of college athletics. Such a history 
 must include the relations of athletic sports to the cul- 
 
 * While usually tlie tenuis club has no official recognition, this 
 is by no means always the case ; in some colleges it is recognised 
 as a sport of the first rank, and success in it highly valued. 
 
 f Welch and Camp. Yale— Athletics, chap. vi. '' Outside ac- 
 tivities " treats of miscellaneous athletic clubs at Yak'.
 
 STUDEXT SOCIETIES IX MODERX PERIOD. 235 
 
 ture and characteristics of the people, and is a more dif- 
 ficult task. The space at our command will not permit 
 the detailed consideration of the movement from year 
 to year; so, without any attempt to write annals, we 
 shall endeavour to describe the condition of athletic 
 sports, particularly football, which existed in 1890. The 
 unhealthy features of competitive contests which ap- 
 peared as early as the sixties in boat-racing reached a 
 climax in football at this period. The ideal of college 
 sport prevalent among undergraduates and trainers was 
 to win at any cost, and in consequence unworthy strata- 
 gem and diplomacy were resorted to; overtraining was 
 common, extravagance and the employment of profes- 
 sionals by no means uncommon. 
 
 When we come to consider athleticism more in de- 
 tail we see that the outside public through its represent- 
 ative, the press, was in a large degree responsible for 
 these extravagances. To quote from an able article 
 by Professor Taussig, of Harvard: " During the autumn 
 a veritable craze seizes the community on the subject 
 of football, and for weeks the most important question 
 before the public seems to be whether eleven youths 
 dressed in red, or black and yellow, will prove them- 
 selves more expert in rushing a football than eleven 
 other youths dressed in blue." * The public flock by 
 thousands to the matches and give substantial proof of 
 the keenness of their interest by paying extravagant 
 prices for seats. 
 
 The newspapers of the time exploited college ath- 
 letics to a degree previously unheard of and out of all 
 proportion to the importance of the sports in question. 
 For weeks before every important game, the names and 
 faces of all the players appear in every newspaper, with 
 
 * Taussig, F. W. A Professor's View of Athletics, Harvard 
 Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, pp. 308, 309.
 
 236 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 a detailed account of their skill, and " after a period 
 of training during which the boys are led to believe 
 that their doings are of real importance to the civilized 
 world, they come to the game far more overwrought 
 mentally by the nervous strain than overworked phys- 
 ically." * The writer has before him a three-page news- 
 paper account of a great football game in the West. It 
 contains twenty columns of printed matter and seven 
 columns of illustrations, including cartoons and pic- 
 tures of the captains and coaches of the two opposing 
 teams. The article consists of two long accounts of 
 the game — one popular for the general reader, the sec- 
 ond technical for the football enthusiast. Besides 
 these main features, there are biographies of all the 
 players, the opinions of the captains, coaches, and the 
 presidents of the two universities on the outcome of 
 the struggle. In a personal note the emotions of the 
 gray-haired father of one of the players are described 
 in detail. Such a cheap notoriety tends to place the 
 football player on a level with the prize-fighting and 
 bicycle-riding profession.! 
 
 The result of the notoriety and fever of expectation 
 are seen (1) in the recruiting of men, (2) the extravagant 
 outlays of money, (3) the overtraining of teams, and (4) 
 the fierceness and intensity of the contests. The prob- 
 
 * Hemenway, Augustus. Important Suggestions in Athletics, 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. vi, p. 192. 
 
 f Emmons, in the Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, pp. 318, 
 219, has described the effect of newspaper notoriety on the rising 
 athletes of the secondary school : " A schoolboy finds his photo- 
 graph and a sketch of his life put before the public, and he is 
 described as a future star. The consequence is that the first few 
 weeks, which ought to be spent developing him into a player, are 
 spent in reducing, what is the natural result of his publicity, 'a 
 swelled head.' " This remark applies with equal force to college 
 athletes who are successful in the early years of their course.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 237 
 
 lem Avhicli first confronted the captain long before the 
 season began was the task of securing as many promis- 
 ing athletes from the secondary schools as possible. 
 While the college preferences of many men were fixed 
 either by family tradition or academic considerations, 
 a considerable number of the best players remained 
 without pronounced ties, some of them too poor to bear 
 the expense of a college education in the natural course 
 of events. The most successful captain or manager 
 was he who by any means succeeded in attracting this 
 floating class of athletes to his college. At times the 
 captain visited the different preparatory schools, and by 
 flattery and the promise of social favour secured some, 
 while more substantial considerations were offered 
 others. Usually a direct money proposition was not 
 made directly, but positions with nominal duties and 
 high salaries were thrown in the way of the promising 
 full-back or tackle. Eecruiting was not confined to the 
 fitting schools, but extended to the small colleges which 
 found their best men drawn away by the inducements 
 of the larger universities. Men of brawn, with no par- 
 ticular scholarly interest, were registered as specials in 
 some one subject; this permitted them to play on the 
 team. Athletes of value received instructorships from 
 the faculty which enabled them to play for an indefinite 
 number of years. 
 
 The managers of the large teams could afford to be 
 extravagant in their outlays for players as well as for 
 the legitimate expenses, because the public interest in 
 games made it easy to collect large sums of money, 
 sometimes exceeding one hundred thousand dollars in 
 a single season. So strong was the athletic feeling 
 among the undergraduates that any manager against 
 whom the charge of parsimony could be brought was 
 looked upon as little better than a traitor. The regular 
 expenses of outfitting, training, table, and coaches, were
 
 238 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 swollen by additions of every device or indulgence 
 which could be thought of. Probably little of the 
 money was directly embezzled, but much of it was in- 
 effectively spent and invested in schemes of a very 
 doubtful character. The appropriation of large sums 
 for needless indulgences for the team prevented the 
 proper expansion of athletic interest among the body of 
 the undergraduates by cutting off the possibility of 
 improved athletic facilities.* 
 
 Excessive physical training of the players during 
 the period previous to the great games also character- 
 ized college athletics at this period. Four or five hours 
 of the hardest physical exercise, taken under conditions 
 of great excitement and stimulation, unfitted the ath- 
 letes for any more than nominal participation in the 
 intellectual life of the college. To quote President 
 Eliot again: f "In the three sports above mentioned 
 [boating, baseball, and football], the training and prac- 
 tice occupy too large a portion of the college year and 
 too many hours a day. No student can keep up his 
 studies and also play his full part in these sports as 
 presently conducted. The faithful member of the team 
 
 * For a strong presentation of this point see article by Walter 
 Camp. 
 
 f Likewise this quotation from one of President Eliot's annual 
 reports : " There is something exquisitely inappropriate in the ex- 
 travagant expenditure on athletic sports at such institutions as 
 Harvard and Yale, institutions which have been painfully built 
 up by the self-denial, frugality, and public spirit of generations 
 that certainly did not lack physical and moral courage, endurance, 
 and toughness, yet always put the things of the spirit above the 
 things of sense. At these universities there must be constant econ- 
 omy and inadequacy in expenditure for intellectual and spiritual 
 objects; how repulsive, then, must be foolish and pernicious ex- 
 penditures on sports ! " Annual Report of President and Treas- 
 urer of Harvard College, 1892-'93, p. I4.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 239 
 
 or crew may manage to attend his lectures or other col- 
 lege exercises, but has rarely any mind to give to his 
 studies. His nervous energy is exhausted either by 
 severe bodily exercise or by the excitement of frequent 
 contests. This evil, which is comparatively new, has 
 rapidly increased within recent years.^^ * It is now ad- 
 mitted that such training overshot its own mark, and 
 placed a team in the field at Thanksgiving which was 
 already stale. On the mental side, too, the process was 
 carried too far, for frequently a team entered the de- 
 cisive game of the year in an over^vrought, almost 
 morbid state, from which a return to normal life was 
 difficult. 
 
 The same intensity, involving an eager desire to 
 win at any price, which we have observed in the pre- 
 paratory steps, characterized the contests. Football, 
 a game so rough as to be dangerous for all except the 
 strongest and best-formed players, presented many 
 openings for unfairness and brutality. It was no un- 
 common event for a team to enter a game with the 
 set purpose of disabling a skilful player of the opposi- 
 tion sufficiently early in the contest to deprive their 
 opponents of the advantage of his capacity. Viola- 
 tions of the rules when undetected, tricks, strata- 
 gems, like clothing a team in well-oiled leather suits, 
 were all considered legitimate methods of winning a 
 victory. 
 
 Hitherto we have not entered into a discussion of 
 the physical injuries consequent upon football when 
 played by fair and honourable methods; but as this issue 
 has played an important part in the controversy, it can 
 not be ignored here. Walter Camp would have us be- 
 lieve that serious injuries are few — a fact which, when 
 
 * Report of the President and Treasurer of Harvard, 1892-'93, 
 pp. 13, 14.
 
 240 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 we come to consider the violence of the exercise and 
 the number of opportunities for accidents, is an evi- 
 dence of the strong physique which the game bestows 
 upon the player. The degree of risk is much overesti- 
 mated by the newspapers, and is not greater than in 
 most sports and pastimes. The most serious accidents 
 are due to the extreme youth of the players and to the 
 lack of competent coaching.* Camp quotes Mr. W. C. 
 Church, in The Century, who, having made a study of 
 reports from sixty-seven different colleges in thirty- 
 seven States, claims that serious accidents are of rare oc- 
 currence. Francis A. Walker supported this view. His 
 words are: " There is much exaggeration in the public 
 mind regarding this matter [physical injury], and in- 
 stances of permanent injury from athletics are fewer 
 than popular rumour or maternal anxiety would make 
 them out to be. The experience of football players of 
 the last fifteen years . . . proves that this form of ath- 
 letic contest works little enduring injury among thor- 
 oughly trained competitors." f 
 
 Against these statements may be placed the testi- 
 mony of President Eliot, who says: " In most manly 
 sports danger is reduced to a minimum, but in football 
 the recent development of the game has made it more 
 and more dangerous without making it more skilful or 
 interesting. The danger to life in this country is not 
 yet great, but the exposure to a class of injuries which 
 decrease the serviceableness of the body throughout 
 life is decidedly increased. Such injuries are sprains, 
 wrenches, congestions of the brain, breaking of bones, 
 loss of teeth, and the enlargement and stiffening of the 
 joints. The objection to football is not that it in- 
 
 * Deland and Camp. Football, pp. 42, 43. 
 f Walker, F. A. College Athletics, Harvard Graduate Maga- 
 zine, vol. ii, p. 11.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 25. 
 
 volves some risk, but that the risks are inordinate and 
 excessive." * 
 
 If the writer may be permitted to intrude his opin- 
 ion among those of experts, his judgment would be that 
 while men of a certain heavy build are able to play foot- 
 ball with impunity as regards accidents of a serious 
 nature, there are many men now actually playing the 
 -ame in American colleges who are taking large risks 
 
 injury because of their light frames, the softness 
 
 their bones, and other physical deficiencies. It has 
 Deen the writer's observation that physical mishaps of 
 the kind specified by President Eliot are much more 
 common among football players than any other class 
 of athletes. The written testimony of football players 
 or officials to the contrary should be largely discounted, 
 because, in many cases, from an affection for the game, 
 they minimize or conceal their hurts in order that it 
 may stand well with the public. The entire subject is 
 one that should be thoroughly investigated through a 
 series of years by a committee of scientific men, prefer- 
 ably by the directors of physical training in the colleges. 
 Until some such inquiry is undertaken, we must be con- 
 tent with general impressions like the above. 
 
 The evils of athleticism extended further than the 
 specific disadvantages here described. There can be 
 little question but that the exaltation of physical prow- 
 ess tended to the disparagement of intellectual disci- 
 pline and acquirements among a large number of col- 
 lege men Avho were by no means confined to the strictly 
 athletic class. In the larger colleges there was little 
 in undergraduate life to make able and earnest students 
 feel that intellectual work was really an important part 
 of life. The predominance of athletic ideals strength- 
 
 * Annual Reports of the President and Treasurer of Harvard 
 College, 1892-'n3, p. 15. 
 16
 
 /I2 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 ened the impression already strong among the lower 
 classes that " colleges were, after all, institutions where 
 the children of the well-to-do pass three, four, or some- 
 times five years of agreeable leisure, rescued from utt^ 
 boredom by some slight enforcement of attentioi?-! 
 books, but not involving serious exertion, or yi 
 any valuable training for the duties of latei- 
 The fact that a small number of this class ' 
 exist in every college gave enough colour to this view 
 to make it a dangerous half truth, and to present a mis- 
 taken impression of the part which the college plays in 
 the education of citizens, f 
 
 * Taussig, F. W. A Professor's View of Athletics, Harvard 
 Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 310. 
 
 f President Eliot's view of the evils connected with football 
 may be compared with the account just given : " The disadvan- 
 tages of college athletics are the result of wanton exaggeration, 
 and not necessarily inherent in the sports themselves. When thus 
 exaggerated they interfere with instead of clarifying and main- 
 taining mental activity ; they convert the student into a powerful 
 animal, and dull for the time being his intellectual parts ; they 
 present the colleges to the public, educated and uneducated, as 
 places of mere physical sport, and not of intellectual training; 
 they make familiar to the student a coarse publicity which 
 destroys his rightful privacy while in training for intellectual 
 service, and subject him to insolent and vulgar comments on his 
 personal qualities ; they induce in masses of spectators at inter- 
 esting games an hysterical excitement which too many Americans 
 enjoy, but which is evidence not of physical strength and depth 
 of passion, but of feebleness and shallowness ; they tend to dwarf 
 mental and moral qualities permanently, and to unduly magnify 
 physical prowess." Annual Report of the President and Treas- 
 urer of Harvard College, 1892-'93. p. 20. 
 
 Another view of the situation by the historian of athletics, Dr. 
 E. M. Hartwell, is here inserted for the purposes of comparison : 
 "The best interests of rational and effectual physical training 
 have suffered much in this country, and suffer still from the 
 disproportionate influence exercised by athletic ideals upon the
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 243 
 
 The excesses of athleticism provoked an unreason- 
 ing reaction on the part of the press and the public; 
 the opposition seemed anxious to rival the athletes 
 themselves in exaggeration and extremes. Football 
 was denounced as brutal and barbarous; it was com- 
 pared with bullfighting and prize fighting, and in some 
 instances the Legislatures were invoked to stop the 
 game. A bill to this effect actually passed the Georgia 
 Legislature, but was vetoed by the Governor. In Cali- 
 fornia and other States similar attempts were made. 
 The religious papers were particularly strong in their 
 denunciations, which was more than could be said of 
 
 scholastic and collegiate youth ; and from the undue prominence 
 accorded athletic contests and contestants by an uncritical public 
 and an injudicious press. It is natural for youth on the tiireshold 
 of manhood, segregated from their elders under conditions pecul- 
 iar to school and college life, to be headstrong and self-sufficient. 
 They are eager to distinguish themselves in the eyes of their fel- 
 low-tribesmen by the display of individual prowess, and for the 
 time being are apt to be animated by narrow and distorted views, 
 or to be insensitive or averse to enlightened or even civilized 
 opinion. They are strongly swayed and frequently overmastered 
 by the spirit of rivalry, which is largely inseparable from athletic 
 sports, so that at times doubtful and discredited methods seem 
 admissible if not admirable, and foul means fair. ... So sudden 
 and rapid has been the rise and spread of athleticism, that the 
 generation of men who have recently left the stage on which our 
 athletic youth now figure so prominently and grotesquely number 
 but few who are qualified by insight and experience to serve as the 
 exemplars and advisers of their juniors. . . . Hence our athletes 
 have been left in the main to their own crude and boyish devices, 
 which tend, when unchecked, toward extravagance and profession- 
 alism. The powerlessness of our educational leaders to originate, 
 and their failure to adopt effectual measures for evolving order 
 out of the athletic and gymnastic chaos over which they nominally 
 preside, constitutes one of the marvels of our time." On Physical 
 Education, in the Report of the United States Commissioner of 
 Education, vol. i, 1897-'98, pp. 558, 559.
 
 244 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the dailies, which by their sensationalism had largely- 
 created the evil. The New York Nation led the attack, 
 assailing intercollegiate contests in a keen and indis- 
 criminating manner, and exhibiting all the bad aspects 
 of games from overtraining in preparatory schools, to 
 the employment of graduate coaches. (See bibliography, 
 nnder " Godkin.") Many of the points made by the Na- 
 tion and the religious press were legitimate, but so strong 
 was the animus of the writers, and so wholesale their 
 denunciation, that they excited only the contempt and 
 derision of the athletic faction. The direct result of 
 this reaction and criticism was nil; indirectly it accom- 
 plished much in stimulating the college authorities to 
 decided action and in encouraging the more conserva- 
 tive element among the undergraduates. 
 
 The reform in college athletics has been worked out 
 from within, and is due to the efforts of a few public- 
 spirited college presidents, professors, and graduates. 
 In most colleges the amateur standing of the athletes 
 is maintained by one or two vigilant, well-informed 
 men, usually members of the faculty. Without such 
 men, abuses creep in and steady degeneration ensues. 
 There has always existed a large number of under- 
 graduates, perhaps a majority, in favour of clean sport, 
 but their zeal has been so negative and halting that they 
 were easily overridden by an enthusiastic, unscrupulous 
 minority who were out to win. The neighbourhood of 
 1890 has been suggested as the period when matters 
 reached a climax, and from which an improvement may 
 be traced. This generalization is only true of a certain 
 group of large colleges on the Atlantic seaboard, and 
 only true there in a qualified sense, as progress has not 
 been either rapid or uniform. The reform wave struck 
 the colleges of the West and South somewhat later. 
 The returns to a circular letter (hereafter to be de- 
 scribed) showed that in some colleges the struggle with
 
 STUDEXT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 245 
 
 professionalism is now being fought out for the first 
 time. The writer does not mean to convey the im- 
 pression that a thoroughgoing reform in athletic 
 methods has taken place since 1890 in the Eastern col- 
 leges; such language applied to many of them would 
 seem absurd. All that he means to say is, that before 
 1890 college athletics were deteriorating; since that 
 date there has been a slow return to more healthful 
 ideals.* How this return was brought about it is now 
 our purpose to describe. 
 
 During the period of the worst excesses of athleti- 
 cism the machinery of administrative control was great- 
 ly lacking in centralization and continuity. On the side 
 of the students there was an athletic association, nomi- 
 nally consisting of all the students, but in reality domi- 
 nated by the athletic element. The officers of the associ- 
 ation were those common to all free associations — presi- 
 dent, vice-president, secretar}', and treasurer — and were 
 elected by the members. The athletic managers, however, 
 who possessed the substance of authority, were common- 
 ly selected by either the athletic teams or captains. 
 
 The most important function of the association was 
 to provide financial support; otherwise the teams prac- 
 
 * It is a difficult matter to estimate the amount of profession- 
 alism in American college athletics at the present time. Of thirty 
 colleges replying to a circular letter through their physical direc- 
 tors, only two admitted that it was a serious issue. Eleven re- 
 ported slight traces of it, and thirteen declared themselves entirely 
 free from illicit practices ; four of the replies were so general as to 
 be useless. Such evidence is not entirely valueless, but the replies 
 have such a strong tendency to err on virtue's side, that little reli- 
 ance can be placed upon them. In two or three of the colleges 
 reporting themselves as free from the taint, the writer has personal 
 knowledge of flagrant violations. In a majority of the larger col- 
 leges the letter of the law as described later is lived up to, but 
 public sentiment usually justifies liberties with the spirit which 
 are by no means conducive to clean sport.
 
 246 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 tically managed themselves. The athletic committee 
 of the college faculty formed the only check to their 
 proceedings. These committees must be credited with 
 good intentions, but suffered from lack of knowledge, be- 
 cause their members had usually completed the college 
 course in the pre-athletic period. At best their authority 
 could only be exercised in a negative, veto manner; they 
 might check and regulate, but had, no power of initiating 
 measures, or of securing accountability in the details of 
 administration. A more powerful, stable, and repre- 
 sentative body was called for by the needs of the time. 
 The want was met by the creation of a permanent 
 committee of composite membership, consisting of rep- 
 resentatives in equal proportions from the faculty, the 
 alumni, and the undergraduates. The undergraduate 
 members were usually either the managers or captains 
 of athletic teams. In this body the supervision and ul- 
 timate control of athletics was rested. The committee 
 selected a graduate treasurer, who supervised and au- 
 dited the accounts of all organizations, using the uni- 
 versity grounds or buildings. The committee itself 
 made disposition of the athletic funds as it saw fit. In 
 addition to its close financial control, the committee de- 
 termined the eligibility rules of players, the regulations 
 to be followed in intercollegiate contests, and the mode 
 of electing captains and managers. By this centralizing 
 authorit}^ and establishing an executive body which was 
 empowered to bind all members of the university for a 
 series of years, a definite policy was for the first time 
 made possible. Harvard initiated the central committee 
 plan, and by this instrumentality was able to exert a 
 strong leverage on the athletics of the country.* 
 
 * See article by Augustus Hemenway, Important Suggestions 
 in Athletics, Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. vi, for a history of 
 the Harvard committee on athletic sports.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 24T 
 
 At the present time (1901) an eligibility code has 
 been generally agreed upon by all universities of good 
 athletic standing in the country; any departure from it 
 subjects an institution to immediate suspicion. From 
 the point of view of the university, the code declares 
 that only hona fide students in good standing, who give 
 notice of their intention to remain throughout the 
 academic year, shall be permitted to play on the univer- 
 sity athletic teams. Such students must take a re- 
 quired minimum course (usually ten hours a week), and 
 any failure in scholarship shall deprive them of the 
 privilege of participation, l^o student entering from 
 another college shall be permitted to play until he has 
 been at least one year in residence. The rules are 
 ironclad in their opposition to professionalism: a stu- 
 dent who in any way, either individually or as a mem- 
 ber of a team, has accepted remuneration for playing, 
 or for training athletes, is excluded from represent- 
 ing the college. Every student must also pass a phys- 
 ical examination, and receive a certificate entitling 
 him to take part in some particular sport. Students 
 may not play on university teams for more than 
 four years. It is not necessary to add that rules 
 do not enforce themselves, and that the athletic 
 standing of a college is in no way determined by its 
 rules.* 
 
 A reasonable degree of uniformity has been reached 
 in the regulation of sport; it is far otherwise in regard 
 to organization. A circular letter on the present con- 
 
 * All these provisions are found in the rules regulating ath- 
 letic sports at Harvard, Columbia, and Pennsylvania. See Com- 
 mittee on Regulation of Athletic Sports, Regulations on Athletics, 
 Harvard University. Rules governing students participating in 
 athletics in Columbia University, 1898. University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, Constitution and Functions of the University Athletic 
 Committee, Eligibility Code, 1898.
 
 248 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 dition of athletics, sent out by the writer and answered 
 by the directors of physical training in thirty colleges, 
 showed the greatest diversity in the methods of man- 
 agement. Three types of government were discernible: 
 the highly centralized, of which Harvard is the best 
 example; the dual plan of student athletic association 
 and faculty committee; and exclusive student control, 
 tempered by graduate advice. The class of institutions 
 with the centralized organization is strongest in the 
 East, where it is represented by Amherst, Bowdoin, 
 Bates, University of Maine, and Wesleyan, all of which 
 have the graduate, undergraduate, and faculty elements 
 represented on their board of control. Tulane Univer- 
 sity, Louisiana, is the only college away from the Atlan- 
 tic seaboard which reported the existence of a board of 
 this type. Dual management prevails throughout the 
 West and South, and is much the most common form of 
 organization. A few colleges noted for the strength of 
 their student traditions, like Princeton, Yale, and Vir- 
 ginia, almost eliminate faculty interference, although 
 the graduate element is sometimes present in great 
 force. 
 
 The difference between the first and third types may 
 be seen by comparing Harvard and Yale. At Harvard 
 the committee on the regulation of athletic sports su- 
 pervises the election of captain, in whom it invests all 
 delegated authority. The captain is elected by the 
 players who have taken part in the important contests 
 of the preceding year, but the committee may at any 
 time annul such an election. The manager and coach 
 are appointed by the captain, subject again to the ap- 
 proval of the committee on the regulation of athletic 
 sports. The captains and managers of the various 
 teams are held responsible for the observance of the 
 rules communicated to them by the committee; the cap- 
 tain is particularly responsible for the enforcement of
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 219 
 
 the regulation in regard to physical examinations. 
 The members of the team must be passed upon by the 
 committee before the first game of the season. No 
 team may be taken away for a long journey without a 
 written authorization from the committee, which must 
 also be consulted by the manager before arranging 
 schedules.* 
 
 At Yale the entire control falls to the managers and 
 captains of the four university teams. The captains 
 are elected, as at Harvard and elsewhere, by the mem- 
 bers of the previous year's team, but the managers are 
 chosen b}^ the university at an annual mass meeting. 
 " The four managers, together with a graduate treasurer, 
 compose the financial union, and all funds are received 
 and disbursed through this agency which acts as com- 
 mon pool. Each manager, however, prides himself on 
 the showing of his association, for all the moneys are 
 credited to the individual organization which turns 
 them in, and the expenditures of each are kept in 
 separate accounts, and an annual report of these is 
 published in the columns of the Yale News. There 
 have been graduate advisory committees, both gen- 
 eral and for separate organizations; but their func- 
 tions have not been onerous, and in fact the general 
 advisory committee has not acted for many years, al- 
 though in the early eighties it was called upon several 
 times for advice, which it rendered satisfactorily. Each 
 manager is practically omnipotent in his special branch. 
 He is his own master, and responsible only to the uni- 
 versit}^" \ 
 
 As the noise and dust which resulted from the con- 
 flict between the athletes and their critics gradually 
 disappear, the gain to the student community from the 
 
 * Harvard Regulations on Athletics, article iv, pp. 5, 6. 
 t Welch and Camp. Yale, p. 453.
 
 250 STUDENT LIP^E AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 movement becomes more evident. One of its great 
 services has been the stimulation of many students to 
 participation in some form of physical activity. The 
 great match games have been a widespread advertise- 
 ment of the existence of physical culture in the land. 
 The evils which result from the exaggeration of college 
 sport affect only the few men who train for the con- 
 tests; the benefits are felt by hundreds who have never 
 seen the track or oval. Professor Taussig, in an in- 
 genious paragraph, argues that intercollegiate games 
 do not increase the interest in physical training, but, on 
 the contrary, " it is the intercollegiate contest that 
 springs from the spirit of exercise, not the spirit of ex- 
 ercise from the contest." * While this clause states 
 what ideally should be the correct order, as a matter of 
 fact it seems that athletics have flourished in propor- 
 tion as the competitive feature has been emphasized. 
 In many colleges the chief motive power is not an in- 
 terest in physical training, but a craving for distinc- 
 tion, an ambition to beat some one. Among nations 
 of Anglo-Saxon descent the desire for exercise is 
 chiefly the result, not the cause, of competitive con- 
 tests. 
 
 The physical ideal which athletics exalt is calcu- 
 lated to counteract some of the most dangerous tend- 
 encies in modern life which tends to produce neurotic 
 and luxury-loving individuals. The great co-operative 
 games call not only for swiftness and strength, " but 
 make for courage, coolness, steadiness of nerve, quick- 
 ness of apprehension, resourcefulness, self-knowledge 
 
 * Taussig, F. W. A Professor's View of Athletics, Harvard 
 Graduate Magazine, vol. iii. p. 307. For the opposite view, see 
 Annual Report of the President and Treasurer of Harvard Col- 
 lege, 1893-'93, p. 17, and Walker, F. A., College Athletics, Har- 
 vard Graduate Magazine, vol. ii, p. 13.
 
 STUDEXT SOCIETIES IX MODERX PERIOD. 251 
 
 and self-reliance, qualities useful in any profession." * 
 The great public contests not only develop these quali- 
 ties, but afford as well impressive examples to the minds 
 of the spectators. These games have diffused a greater 
 desire for bodily excellence, and a greater admiration 
 for such manly qualities as courage and fortitude among 
 the schoolboys of the country. In an age when indus- 
 try and polities — the two great interests of American 
 life — are becoming more mechanical, it is no small thing 
 to have an admiration for the physical virtues spread 
 abroad among all classes of the population. 
 
 The social training which comes from college ath- 
 letics has been often spoken of in the highest terms, and 
 elaborated in great detail. It is pointed out that in 
 the competitive struggle between colleges, something 
 akin to patriotism is developed; that men sacrifice op- 
 portunities of individual distinction for the good of 
 the team, that the few are trained to command, the 
 many to intelligent subordination. That under proper 
 conditions these games might be made important 
 means of social control has been fully established by 
 English experience, as described in a preceding chap- 
 ter. However, it may be doubted whether these results 
 are actually obtained in man}^ American colleges at the 
 present time. The students are not habituated to the 
 athletic tradition sufficiently early in life, and the at- 
 mosphere of trickery, sharp diplomacy, and even strong 
 personal animosity among members of the same teams, 
 is unfavourable to the cultivation of the social virtues. 
 
 From the standpoint of the public, college athletics 
 may be said to have made a great contribution to popu- 
 lar amusement. In the growing monotony and inten- 
 
 * College Athletics. Francis A. Walker, Harvard Graduate 
 Magazine, vol. ii, p. 13. See also in this connection an article by 
 Luther Gulick, Pedagogical Seminary, March, 1899.
 
 252 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 sity of American life, an ont-of-door attraction which, 
 arouses a deep and healthy enthusiasm in the commu- 
 nity at large is a genuine contribution to civilization. 
 The rapid spread of football in the West and South was 
 probably to a great extent due to the feeling that it 
 supplied a long-felt want. Among the students also, 
 competitive sports give an added charm and interest to 
 college life. Without athletics there would hardly be 
 those strong emotional reactions, the passionate love 
 for certain colleges and colours, and equally strong de- 
 testation for certain others, which now form such a 
 strong and attractive element in undergraduate life.* 
 
 The two problems which confront college athletics 
 to-day are, (1) the realization of a higher ideal of sport 
 which involves the relegation of the now all-important 
 factor of intercollegiate competition to a secondary po- 
 sition, and the substitution therefor of an adequate 
 conception of physical culture, and (2) the extension of 
 the benefits of organized games to a much larger num- 
 ber of undergraduates. 
 
 The growth of a healthier ideal must of necessity be 
 a work of time, and is dependent on the rise of more 
 rational views among the graduates, the faculties, and 
 the intelligent public. The attempts to limit athletic 
 contests to college grounds, and to multiply games with- 
 in the college, are steps in the right direction. The dif- 
 fusion of an active athletic interest among all the un- 
 dergraduates would be a most important move toward 
 the goal. A great responsibility here rests upon the 
 
 * It is sometimes urged in behalf of athletics that they fill a 
 man's time to the exclusion of vice and dissipation. During 
 training there is necessarily an improvement, but in general it 
 may be said that the reaction against the severe rules of training 
 is likely to carry men into dissipation who had hitherto avoided 
 it. This only applies to members of the team and others who 
 specialize in athletics.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 253 
 
 secondary schools which mould the student^s tastes dur- 
 ing his most impressionable period, when his instincts 
 lead him to games and physical activity. All the bur- 
 den can not be shifted from the colleges, which might 
 do much more than they are attempting at present to 
 make athletics general. 
 
 At present, probably twenty per cent of the under- 
 graduates, or one student in five, participates sufficiently 
 in athletic games to be appreciably influenced thereby. 
 At Harvard a careful study made in 189? showed that 
 twenty-one per cent of the undergraduates passed the 
 examinations entitling them to take part. It is hardly 
 reasonable to suppose that all these men trained regu- 
 larly.* On the other hand, many men played hand- 
 ball and tennis without securing permits. If we make 
 these two classes balance each other, our general esti- 
 mate would hold true of Harvard. A circular letter f 
 
 * Report of President and Treasurer of Harvard College, 1897. 
 f The circular letter asked the following questions : 
 
 1. What proportion of the students can be accommodated on 
 the athletic grounds ? 
 
 2. What proportion of the students train in the various ac- 
 tivities during the different seasons-? 
 
 3. What organizations control athletics? 
 
 4. Have you had any difficulty with professionalism ? 
 
 The letter was sent to forty colleges in all sections of the coun- 
 try. Twenty of the largest and most influential institutions were 
 chosen to represent one class, and twenty small colleges in New 
 England and the West stood for another class. The following 
 thirty institutions responded: Of the larger colleges— California, 
 Columbia, Cornell, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, Leland Stanford, 
 Minnesota, Nebraska, New York. North Carolina, Pennsylvania, 
 Princeton, Tulane, Vanderbilt, Virginia, Wisconsin, and Yal^; 
 from the group of smaller colleges — Amherst, Bates, Bowdoin, 
 Cornell College, Des Moines, Hillsdale, Iowa College, Grinnell, 
 Maine, Parsons, Tabor, Wesleyan, and Whitman. Comparing the 
 two groups, there appeared to be no generic difference in regard
 
 254 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 sent to the directors of physical training in Ameri- 
 can colleges produced the following results: Out of 
 twenty-eight institutions replying, seven reported less 
 than twenty per cent of students taking part in ath- 
 letics, twelve reported that from twenty to twenty-five 
 per cent participated, six placed the estimate between 
 twenty-five and fifty per cent, with three above the 
 fifty-per-cent line. New York University led with 
 eighty per cent, while the University of Nebraska stood 
 at the foot of the column, with only seven per cent. 
 When allowance is made for the tendency on the part of 
 the physical directors to have their institution stand 
 well and consequently to give themselves the benefit of 
 all doubts, it will be seen that twenty per cent is prob- 
 ably a fair average. 
 
 The replies to question 1 of the circular, in refer- 
 ence to athletic accommodations, were somewhat sur- 
 prising. Fifteen colleges could furnish athletic privi- 
 leges to all their students, five could accommodate from 
 fifty per cent upward, and only nine could care for less 
 than fifty per cent. In a number of instances it was 
 evident, from the tenor of the response, that the college 
 possessed sufficient bare ground for athletic purposes, 
 
 to interest in athletics, the variations between colleges being 
 equally prominent in both groups. The small colleges seemed to 
 be better equipped in regard to athletic grounds, but even here 
 the difference was not marked. 
 
 Some of the percentages for the different colleges may prove 
 of interest : Amherst about one fourth, Bowdoin fully fifty per 
 cent, Cornell College from ten to fifteen per cent, Wesleyan at 
 least twenty-five per cent, California twenty per cent, Columbia 
 twenty-five per cent, Pennsylvania from one third to one fourth, 
 Vanderbilt thirty per cent. 
 
 The answers to questions 1 and 2 have been previously noted. 
 It should be remembered that these are but estimates at best, and 
 that they do not include private athletics or gymnasium work, 
 which in some institutions is compulsory.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 255 
 
 but nothing would warrant the statement that it was 
 sufficiently improved for games. 
 
 Concise replies to this question would at any rate be 
 difficult, because the serviceability of the playing fields 
 depends to a certain extent on the arrangement of in- 
 struction. Grounds sufficient for a student body, if 
 they could be used all the time, would be insufficient 
 if the students could only utilize them between the 
 hours of four and six in the afternoon. Taking all 
 these facts into consideration, we are justified in con- 
 cluding that few American colleges could meet the de- 
 mands of the undergraduates for out-of-door activity if 
 all the students desired to join in the games. 
 
 The first step in the creation of an active athletic 
 interest among the students is therefore a sufficient im- 
 provement of facilities to make their participation pos- 
 sible. The next move would probably be, as we have 
 before suggested, the multiplication of internal con- 
 tests and organizations, which would in time lead to 
 an increase in their importance. Such a change is by 
 no means easy when all the interest is concentrated 
 on intercollegiate contests. Progress here, as elsewhere, 
 must necessarily be slow. In fact, the two lines of im- 
 provement which we have suggested — the clarifying of 
 the athletic ideal and the diffusion of athletic inter- 
 est — are interdependent; neither is possible without the 
 other. 
 
 § 5. Self-go VERxixG Associatioxs ix the 
 MoDERx Period. 
 
 On a previous page we noted the antagonism be- 
 tween faculty and students, and the double standard of 
 honour engendered thereby — a standard which justified 
 a student in lying to the authorities, in cheating at 
 examinations, and in indulging in disorders and ex-
 
 256 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 cesses of various kinds. " The professors are employed 
 to catch us; it is our business to escape by any means 
 in our power," was the instinctive thought of the 
 American undergraduate, although not more than ten 
 or fifteen per cent of the students customarily took ad- 
 vantage of the double standard to cause trouble. About 
 1870, experiments in student self-government were in- 
 augurated, which aimed to enlist the eighty-five or 
 ninety per cent of law-abiding students in the active 
 maintenance of order. President Warfield, of Lafay- 
 ette, in a recent article has expressed the standpoint of 
 the innovators: " Give the seventy-five or more per 
 cent of orderly students a voice in the determination of 
 college conduct, teach them how to use that voice, en- 
 courage them to think that their reputation and the 
 reputation of the college are at stake, and by an ener- 
 getic public opinion they will more effectively sup- 
 press the disorderly element than any law that can be 
 applied will ever do." * 
 
 Before passing on to the history of the self-govern- 
 ing idea in different colleges, it may be observed that 
 the more recent experiments are not continuous with 
 the schemes in operation during the Revolutionary 
 period. The houses of students, students' courts, and 
 juries passed away without leaving any appreciable im- 
 pression on college tradition. The only exception to 
 this generalization is the honour system of the Univer- 
 sity of Virginia, which has not only survived in its 
 parent institution but has also influenced student life 
 in many other colleges, f 
 
 Probably the most comprehensive scheme of student 
 
 * Student Co-operation in College Government, Educational 
 Review, vol. viii, p. 450. The same position is taken by James C. 
 Mackenzie, Honor in Student Life, School Review, vol. vii, p. 72. 
 
 f Adams, H. B. Thomas Jefferson and the University of Vir- 
 ginia, p. 156.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 257 
 
 self-government ever attempted in the United States 
 was that inaugurated at the University of Illinois in 
 1868. At the opening of the college, the president laid 
 the question of discipline before the students in a short 
 address, pointing out the need of better relations be- 
 tween faculty and students than those which existed in 
 adjacent colleges, and emphasizing the civic bearings 
 of the problem. The students considered the proposi- 
 tion for some days and then declared it their unani- 
 mous desire to proceed with the scheme of organization. 
 A committee was appointed, and soon reported a consti- 
 tution which divided all the functions of government 
 into the executive, legislative, and judicial of the Fed- 
 eral Constitution. The entire body of students were to 
 represent the legislative branch; a president, vice-presi- 
 dent, secretary, treasurer, and marshal served as the 
 executive branch; and a court of three judges tried 
 all offences. Laws for preserving order, regulations 
 against gambling and drinking intoxicants, against vio- 
 lations of sundry rights of students and trespassing on 
 college property, were passed, and fines, ranging from a 
 few cents to five dollars, were levied for violations of the 
 code. The new government went into operation with 
 great seriousness; students of a mature age, conspicu- 
 ous for scholarship and ability, were chosen officers; 
 good order was established and maintained with little 
 difficulty, notwithstanding the efforts of a few turbu- 
 lent students to discredit the entire plan. 
 
 In a few years the number of students increased to 
 such an extent that the general assembly of students 
 became too unwieldy a body for ordinary business, and 
 a senate of twenty-one members was substituted. In 
 the development of the scheme two defects became evi- 
 dent: (1) abrupt changes in policy between administra- 
 tions which brought about a perpetual state of flux in 
 discipline, and (2) much self-conceit among the student 
 17
 
 258 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 officials. When the novelty of the experiment wore 
 away, the serious task of governing became irksome 
 to the officials, and the execution of the law lax, until 
 the rapid increase of offences aroused the slumbering 
 rulers. These conditions in time produced factions. 
 The laws would be executed vigorously by the strong 
 .men of the college for a time; then the law breakers and 
 their sympathizers would defeat the law-and-order 
 party in the elections and an entire change of policy 
 would take place, only in turn to produce another re- 
 action in favour of severity. The possession of so 
 much power seemed to intoxicate the young and weak; 
 the student officials had such an exalted conception of 
 their own wisdom that they refused to accept counsel 
 from older heads. On the slightest appearance of in- 
 terference they threatened rebellion, and serious out- 
 breaks were avoided only with the greatest difficulty. 
 Notwithstanding these two serious defects, the experi- 
 ment was considered a success for some years, because 
 it secured good order without the intervention of the 
 faculty.* 
 
 The defects became more pronounced with advan- 
 cing years; the students objected to the espionage of 
 their fellows, and the need of some method of balancing 
 their authority became increasingly evident. At the 
 same time the legality of the plan began to be ques- 
 tioned. The Attorney-General of Illinois decided that 
 the student government possessed no legal right to as- 
 sess and collect fines. This decision made the co-opera- 
 tion of the faculty necessary to the continuation of the 
 plan. Student rule existed for a few years longer 
 under the protection of the authorities, but was finally 
 abolished in 1883 by a vote of the students themselves. 
 
 * Gregory, John M. An Experiment in College Government, 
 International Review, vol. x, p. 517.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 259 
 
 Out of three hundred aud fifty students only seventy- 
 six voted for its continuance.* 
 
 In 1873 more limited powers were vested in the stu- 
 dents of the University of Maine, then known as the 
 Maine State College. The framework of government 
 was much simpler than that in the University of Illi- 
 nois. The members of a student council were elected 
 by the different classes, subject to the approval of the 
 faculty, which might veto objectionable candidates. The 
 general place of the council was to serve as an inter- 
 mediary body between faculty and students. Its more 
 specific duties were to secure the maintenance of order 
 on the different floors, neatness of halls, and the observ- 
 ance of public regulations within and without the pub- 
 lic buildings. In the operation of the plan each new 
 council has found its work easy if it managed success- 
 fully the first one or two cases of disorder which came 
 before it. If the council thus demonstrated, in the 
 language of the street, that " it meant business," there 
 was no further trouble. The historian of the council 
 claims that it has contributed to a better understand- 
 ing and more harmonious relations between faculty 
 and students than could have otherwise existed, that it 
 has rendered discipline easier and more effective, and 
 has had a tendency to prevent misdemeanours. ¥/hen 
 violations have occurred the council has disposed of the 
 minor cases satisfactorily without the intervention of 
 the faculty, and thus saved ,the professors time and 
 temper. Among the students the plan has developed 
 the habits and principles of self-government, so impor- 
 tant in all the periods and relations of life.f 
 
 * Peabody, Selim H. An Educational Experiment, Proceed- 
 ings of the National Educational Association, 1889, p. 543. 
 
 f Fernald, M. C. Co-operative Government, in Proceedings of 
 the National Educational Association. 1890. p. 686. This writer 
 enumerates the requisites of a successful self-governing plan :
 
 260 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 In 1866 the University of South Carolina altered 
 its discipline to fit into a self-government plan, and in 
 1870 Indiana University followed its example, meeting 
 with considerable success for a few years. The move- 
 ment reached the lower schools. The New York Even- 
 ing Post for December, 1880, published a series of 
 articles by a successful city teacher, describing the ex- 
 periments in student government which he had been 
 cautiously conducting for a number of years.* 
 
 More celebrated than these early experiments was 
 the Amherst senate, inaugurated in 1883. For the old 
 in loco parentis theory of college discipline it substi- 
 tuted a voluntary contract between faculty and student. 
 It was based on the assumption that a student's rela- 
 tions to his fellows was a very important one, and that 
 in this relation the undergraduates have a far better 
 opportunity than the faculty for judging of a man's con- 
 duct. The senate consisted of ten members — four from 
 the senior, three from the junior, two from the sopho- 
 more, and one from the freshman class. A veto on 
 the proceedings of the senate was vested in the presi- 
 dent of the college, but he did not belong to it or 
 attend its sessions. The senate supervised class suppers, 
 student publications, and for a time athletics, which 
 was later placed under a separate board. Often, when 
 
 (1) His earnest and hearty acceptance by both students and 
 faculty. 
 
 (2) The insistence that onlf the best men, who are reliable and 
 have the courage of their convictions, shall hold places in the 
 council, so that the membership of this body shall be regarded as 
 an honour as well as a responsibility. 
 
 (3) The cordial and hearty support of the council by the fac- 
 ulty, so it shall be known that all reasonable actions, rulings, and 
 assignments of penalties on the part of the council will be sus- 
 tained. 
 
 * Stevens, W. L. Self-Governraent in Colleges, Popular Sci- 
 ence Monthly, vol. xix, p. 697.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX .MODERN PERIOD. 261 
 
 a veto was threatened, the students became excited and 
 supported the senate to a man. Differences of opinion 
 between the president and senate were usually com- 
 promised, only one veto occurring in eight years. The 
 senate was abolished in 1894 by a new college adminis- 
 tration which was out of sympathy with the self-govern- 
 ment idea. The general influence of the Amherst sys- 
 tem was toward a more wholesome manliness.* 
 
 In order to ascertain the extent of student self- 
 government in American colleges, the writer issued a 
 circular letter to forty institutions — twenty small col- 
 leges in N"ew England and the West and the twenty 
 largest American universities. Out of the thirty-two 
 colleges replying, eighteen had experimented with some 
 form of student control. Three of the attempts had 
 been marked failures and at the time of the report had 
 been discontinued. The small colleges seemed to dis- 
 play a somewhat greater interest in the problem than 
 the universities. ISTo geographical difference between 
 the East and the South and West could be discovered. 
 Five distinct classes of self-governing schemes were dis- 
 cernible, viz., (1) student courts for those caught cheat- 
 ing in examinations, (2) advisory committees to the fac- 
 ulty, (3) committees having more or less general disci- 
 plinary power, (4) committees for the maintenance of 
 order in some one dormitory, and (5) student body asso- 
 ciations differing from the four preceding forms in hav- 
 ing no connection with discipline.! 
 
 * Bigham, John. An Instructive Experiment in College Gov- 
 ernment, Educational Review, vol. iii, p. 162. 
 
 f The circular letter was issued February 7, 1899, stating in full 
 the purpose of the investigation. The colleges replying were, from 
 the group of small colleges, Amherst, Bowdoin, Bates, Coe, Grin- 
 nell, Maine, Middlebury, Parsons, Tabor, Trinity, Vermont, Wes- 
 leyan, and Williams ; from the universities, Brown, California, 
 Chicago, Cornell, Harvard, Leland Stanford, Michigan, Minnesota,
 
 262 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The honour system of conducting examinations is 
 said to enforce itself in the Southern colleges. The 
 professor takes no precaution against dishonesty, and 
 in some cases goes so far as to leave the room while 
 the papers are being prepared by the students. Any 
 student detected in cheating is taken severely in hand 
 by his fellows, who sometimes compel him to leave the 
 college.* The sentiment of honour in the Southern 
 sense hardly exists in the Northern colleges; Southern 
 students in the North are often considered quixotic be- 
 cause of their tendency to take offence quickly, f The 
 average Northern undergraduate, however scrupulous 
 he may be personally, is likely to think that his responsi- 
 bility ends there, and that other men are quite capable 
 of managing their own concerns. Consequently, in the 
 
 Nebraska, New York, North Carolina, Northwestern, Pennsyl- 
 vania, Princeton, Texas, Tulane, Vanderbilt, Virginia, Yale. 
 
 * That the system sometimes fails in its operation even in its 
 home, the South, is seen by the following quotation : 
 
 " But there is no doubt a certain amount of cheating on exam- 
 inations. In every assemblage of men there are a few of the baser 
 sort who are insensible of appeals made to their higher nature, 
 but these are seldom hardy enough to brave the strong public opin- 
 ion that exists on the subject by open and flagrant cheating. A 
 number of years ago one of the Greek-letter fraternities expelled 
 two members on the charge of cheating. More recently some stu- 
 dents in one of the professional departments on the campus were 
 accused of crookedness in examination. One or two of them were 
 indicted, tried before a student jury, and acquitted." — L. S. Mer- 
 riam, Higher Education in Tennessee, pp. 165, 166. 
 
 f The writer does not mean to convey the impression that 
 Northern students are more unscrupulous and untrustworthy than 
 their Southern contemporaries. There are certainly no data which 
 would lead to this conclusion. The sentiment of honour is an aris- 
 tocratic product fostered in the South by family pride ; it is the 
 result of ante-bellum conditions. The North has always been 
 essentially democratic.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 263 
 
 application of the honour system to Xorthern condi- 
 tions it has been necessary to emphasize the formal side 
 with its tribunals for detecting and punishing guilty 
 parties. The attempt has been made to put the control 
 of examinations on a more constitutional basis. It is 
 made the duty of each student, who sees another crib- 
 bing or cheating, to report the fact to a student jury. 
 At Cornell the jury, or court, consisted of ten under- 
 graduates, elected in the ratio of four seniors, three 
 juniors, two sophomores, one freshman, and the presi- 
 dent of the university. The rules adopted at the Uni- 
 versity of Vermont grant the accused the right of being 
 confronted with the witnesses against him, and make a 
 unanimous vote of the jury necessary to convict. All 
 fraternity brothers are excluded from service while a 
 member of their society is on trial. If adjudged guilty, 
 the name of the person is published in the college 
 paper and posted on the university bulletin board, and 
 he is deprived of the right to vote in class or public 
 meetings, and to hold any office within the gift of the 
 class or student body.* 
 
 The replies to the circular letter showed that sev- 
 enteen colleges out of the thirty-two reporting had 
 adopted the honour system, including Grinnell, Maine, 
 Middlebury, Tabor, Vermont, Williams, Cornell and 
 Princeton, California and Leland Stanford, after a 
 short trial, abandoned the method. As to the success 
 of the plan in the North, reports are conflicting. At 
 Princeton and Cornell we have the word of the highest 
 authorities that the honour system has wrought a great 
 moral change in student life.f The introduction of 
 
 * See Broadside Student Honour System, University of Ver- 
 mont, February 28, 1898. 
 
 f Mackenzie, J. C. Honour in Student Life, School Review, 
 vol. vii, p. 74.
 
 264 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 student control of examinations at Cornell was the 
 means of establishing a self-governing committee, which 
 has jurisdiction over all cases of college discipline.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the notable utterances in favour of 
 the honour system in Northern colleges, one may well 
 doubt whether its introduction has ever accomplished 
 more than a healthy agitation of the subject in the 
 student community. A temporary improvement often 
 follows its adoption because of the agitation, but the 
 moral strenuousness originated is usually short-lived, 
 and cheating soon resumes its normal proportions. A 
 graduate of a prominent New England college (Wil- 
 liams) is responsible for the statement that there was 
 neither more nor less cheating after the adoption of the 
 honour system than before. At Leland Stanford Uni- 
 versity the system was adopted by a sweeping majority 
 and with much enthusiasm; mature and representative 
 students were selected for the committee, but the entire 
 matter disappeared completely from view because no 
 
 * From a report of the working of the new system by the four 
 senior members of the class of 1894 we take the following : " It 
 was scarcely to be expected that all dishonesty in examinations 
 would disappear the moment the new system went into effect. 
 Such was not the case, though there was a considerable improve- 
 ment both in the amount of cribbing and the general attitude of 
 the students toward it. During the first year the committee was 
 obliged to investigate eleven cases of cheating in examinations, 
 and the guilty parties were suspended from the university for two 
 or three terms each." — A New Feature of College Life at Cornell : 
 The Student Self-Government Council, p. 2 (pamphlet). 
 
 The following note from President Schurman, dated April 4, 
 1900, explains itself: "I should add that upon the subsequent re- 
 organization of our faculties the system fell into abeyance so far 
 as the organization is concerned, in consequence of a failure on 
 the part of the students to express a desire for its continuance. 
 The spirit of the system still prevails, nevertheless, at Cornell Uni- 
 versity."
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 265 
 
 one reported cases of dishonesty. There was nothing 
 for the committee to do, and it soon disappeared. Pub- 
 lic sentiment held it dishonourable and belittling for 
 a man to report on his fellows, and before this feeling 
 the honour system was powerless. In brief, the strong 
 sense of personal honour is the peculiar product of 
 Southern life and conditions and can not be developed 
 in a different environment by copying the forms 
 through . which it works. Before deploring this fact 
 too deeply it is well to remember that the value of the 
 honour system may be easily overestimated. In at least 
 one Southern college (University of Georgia), while it is 
 highly dishonourable for a student to cheat in exami- 
 nations, public sentiment permits him to crib in a daily 
 recitation. 
 
 The second and slightest form of student control 
 is through an advisory committee to which the faculty 
 turn for consultation in the crises of college discipline. 
 The supporters of this plan, usually college presidents, 
 felt that there should be some method of ascertaining 
 student sentiment in such a way as to prevent those 
 misunderstandings which always result from a cleav- 
 age between two separate standpoints. Advisory com- 
 mittees are found at Bates, Vermont, Wesleyan, and 
 Pennsylvania, and are reported satisfactory by both 
 the parties concerned. These bodies are usually known 
 as conference committees, and are elected by the mem- 
 bers of the different college classes in the ratio before 
 noted in the Amherst senate — four seniors, three jun- 
 iors, two sophomores, and one freshman. 
 
 In four colleges which have reported — Bowdoin, 
 Maine, Tulane, and Cornell — certain definite powers are 
 lodged with the student councils, the composition of 
 which is similar to that of the preceding class. The 
 Bowdoin plan vests the greatest authority in its stu- 
 dent jury, which has " absolute and final jurisdiction
 
 266 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 over all cases of public disorder and all offences com- 
 mitted by the students against each other." * The 
 president of the college is in no sense a member of the 
 jury, his relation to it being for the most part like that 
 of a judge to a civil jury. He may present to them 
 any matter of business, may assist them in any way 
 they may desire in the discharge of their duties, may 
 point out to them omissions or errors in their ascer- 
 tainment or appreciation of facts, or remonstrate with 
 them for the undue levity or severity of their decisions. 
 But he can not control their legitimate action as jury- 
 men, except as provided in the articles of agreement, 
 and he can not call upon them to perform any duty as 
 jurymen not plainly committed to them in these articles. 
 The institution of student juries f has relieved the ten- 
 sion between faculty and undergraduates on the subject 
 of hazing which in 1883, when the departure was in- 
 troduced, threatened the prosperity of the college. In 
 other respects the new system has secured fair results. 
 " The members of the jury, as was expected, have not 
 been far in advance of their constituents, and have 
 quietly ignored things they could not control. But the 
 system has slowly done great good in moulding public 
 sentiment among the students, and in teaching the 
 much-needed lesson that they themselves are largely 
 responsible for the good government of the college.''^; 
 The preservation of order in Tulane University is 
 
 * Article VII of the Articles of Agreement between the Faculty 
 and Students of Bowdoin College for the Administration of Jus- 
 tice, adopted June 1, 1894. 
 
 f See Article VI of the Agreement. The Bowdoin jury con- 
 sists of one member from each undergraduate class, one member 
 from each chartered fraternity of three years' standing, and one 
 member from the non-fraternity students. 
 
 X Smith. C. H. Modern Bowdoin, in The Congregationalist, 
 June 21, 1894.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 267 
 
 handed over to the officers of the four college classes. 
 The time and place of the election of class officers are 
 specified by the faculty, and in case the class refuses to 
 elect, the president of the college may appoint. The 
 entire body of class officers constitute an academic 
 board with the senior president as ex-ofpcio president, 
 the junior president as ex-officio vice-president, and the 
 sophomore president as ex-officio secretary. The aca- 
 demic board has recognisance of all cases brought before 
 them by class officers and matters touching the general 
 discipline and welfare of the students. They report 
 their findings to the faculty with necessary recom- 
 mendations. A long list of prohibitions dealing with a 
 great variety of offences, such as smoking on the 
 campus, and entering drinking saloons, follow in the 
 handbook.* 
 
 Chicago, Pennsylvania, and Vanderbilt have forms 
 of student self-government, the operation of which is 
 confined to certain dormitories. The students in each 
 house of the dormitories at Pennsylvania elect one 
 of their number as representative; these representa- 
 tives form a board which meets regularly and acts with 
 the parietal committee of the faculty in matters con- 
 cerning the order and comfort of those in the houses. 
 Every group of six or more students living together as 
 an organization at the University of Chicago is organ- 
 ized as a house with a set of officers. Each house has 
 a head, appointed by the president of the university; a 
 chancellor, chosen from the faculty by the students in 
 the house; and a house committee, elected by the resi- 
 
 * Student's Handbook, Tulane University of Louisiana, p. 2. 
 The handbook contains this somewhat naive statement from the 
 faculty : " The classes should select representatives who enjoy the 
 confidence of their comrades, and whose influence on them would, 
 on any occasion of anticipated excitement, be strong enough to 
 allay feeling and prevent disturbance."
 
 268 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 dent students. Each house is governed by a body of 
 rules adopted by a two-thirds vote of the members of 
 the house and approved by the university council. In 
 1898 there were twenty houses, eight of which were 
 fraternity chapters, the remaining twelve being dormi- 
 tories on a small scale. 
 
 The four different forms of student self-govern- 
 ment which we have described were all intended to deal 
 primarily with discipline and only incidentally with 
 general student activities. The student-body organiza- 
 tion which has recently become popular in the West, 
 aims, on the other hand, to unify and make representa- 
 tive all student interests. No organization bearing the 
 college name shall be a close corporation or possess an 
 exclusive membership; all college societies must be 
 equally open to the various elements of their univer- 
 sity constituency who have the requisite qualifications 
 for membership. The scheme of centralization and 
 control which such a theory necessitates has been 
 worked out with great detail and thoroughness at the 
 Leland Stanford University. The outlines of this 
 scheme we now present. 
 
 Each year the students elect by ballot a president 
 and other executive officers, and seven members of an 
 executive committee; the two corresponding to the 
 mayor and council of an American municipality. The 
 president of the student body is ex-officio chairman of the 
 executive committee which exercises control of the gen- 
 eral policy of all student concerns, but supervises most 
 closely the athletic organizations, and the musical and 
 debating clubs. Perhaps the most important officer of 
 the administration is the salaried treasurer, who must 
 be a graduate, and has the financial management of 
 every game or exhibition given by an undergraduate 
 organization of the university. In fact, centralization 
 has been in direct ratio to the money interests involved ;
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 269 
 
 the operations of the athletic teams and musical clubs 
 with their large outlays are closely watched and eon- 
 trolled by the central authorities. Other organizations 
 practically manage their own affairs and are never in- 
 terfered with.* 
 
 Technical athletic questions are left to an athletic 
 committee of seven, which has only power to recom- 
 mend, and makes no appropriations. The athletic ele- 
 ment has at times fought for a separate athletic associa- 
 tion and predicted dire results from student-body con- 
 trol. The athletic management seems to be neither 
 better nor worse than in other colleges where the under- 
 graduate element predominates. (Leland Stanford Uni- 
 versity is a recent foundation, and as yet has had no con- 
 siderable body of graduates.) The financial manage- 
 ment has greatly improved under centralized control. 
 Here, as elsewhere in the administration of the system, 
 the student-body officials must exercise due caution, be- 
 cause at any time it is possible for a member to appeal 
 from the president and executive committee to a mass 
 meeting of the students, who may overrule the action of 
 their representatives.! 
 
 * The organizations over which the president and executive 
 committee exercise control, in addition to the regular athletic 
 teams, are the following : The Palo Alto (college daily). Sequoia 
 (college weekly), Students' Guild (charity dispensary), Glee, Man- 
 dolin, and Banjo Clubs, Orchestra, Women's Athletic Association, 
 Tennis, Gymnasium, and Fencing Clubs, Sword and Sandals (dra- 
 matic club), and the Debating League. The constitutions of these 
 societies, as well as of the associated students, were published by 
 the executive committee in 1896. 
 
 f The present constitution of the associated students is a slow 
 growth. As first organized in 1891, the student body gave little 
 power to its chief officials, and the real authority was lodged in 
 numerous boards which were elected from the different classes 
 and responsible to no body in particular. Owing to newness of 
 the university and consequent lack of traditions, the special boards
 
 270 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 While the experience with this highly centralized 
 form of student control has been brief, yet on the 
 whole it has been satisfactory. Not only has imme- 
 diate efficiency been gained, but a wider and more zeal- 
 ous interest in their own affairs has arisen among the 
 students. Critics of the scheme have called attention 
 to the fact that much time is spent in voting and elec- 
 tioneering, and that doubtful methods of political ma- 
 nipulation are not uncommon. These evils are undoubt- 
 edly visible ; and as society is at present constituted they 
 are likely to be found in any plan which gives real 
 power to the students. As a counterpoise of these, we 
 must recognise the existence of public sentiment which 
 prevents excesses and favours a sane spirit of com- 
 promise. 
 
 We may fairly conclude that the majority of the 
 self-governing plans have been moderate successes; 
 they have not revolutionized discipline, nor changed 
 the character of the American youth, but they intro- 
 duced a certain sense of responsibility among the under- 
 graduates; they have promoted harmony between stu- 
 dent and professor, helping the one to attain a greater 
 measure of self-discipline, and relieving the other of 
 
 fell into the hands of cliques, and in some cases unfit men were 
 chosen for responsible positions like managership of teams. The 
 officials who had athletics in their charge were in many cases 
 prodigal of money and careless in business methods. The first 
 important move in the direction of efficiency was made in 1895, 
 and provided for the election of a salaried graduate treasurer. 
 The separate boards were abolished, and their functions added to 
 those of the central executive committee. To insure publicity 
 the constitutions and accounts of all college organizations were 
 published. A year later the central financial control was ex- 
 tended to the musical clubs. For details, see History of the Stu- 
 dent Body, by the writer, in the Stanford Sequoia, April 22, 1898, 
 vol. vii. ■^
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 271 
 
 burdensome duties. The success of these experiments 
 has been by no means uniform. In some colleges they 
 have fallen dead (Xorthwestern) ; in others (Harvard), 
 finding no cases coming under their jurisdiction, the 
 student legislators have endeavoured to manufacture 
 them and have become promoters of discord rather than 
 harmony. Their success has usually been proportioned 
 to the tact and wisdom of the authorities with whom 
 they have dealt. These student self-governing bodies 
 must be regarded as incidental rather than essential 
 creations of the American student spirit. Many of the 
 most representative colleges have been without them. 
 They do not belong to the class of great representative 
 student institutions with the class organization, the de- 
 bating society, the fraternity, and the athletic club. 
 
 § 6. Eeligious and Political Organizations op 
 Students in the Modern Period. 
 
 The modern period has witnessed a complete 
 change in the methods and organization of the student 
 religious societies. The earlier praying circles and so- 
 cieties of inquiry were intended as aids to the devotion 
 of their members; they were simply prayer-meeting as- 
 sociations. The societies in one college had no rela- 
 tions, formal or otherwise, with those elsewhere. The 
 organization which in the present generation has taken 
 their place — the Students' Young Men's Christian As- 
 sociation — is characterized by advanced methods and 
 highly organized machinery. It also gives much atten- 
 tion to the social side of college life. The old type of 
 religious society still persists in the denominational or- 
 ganizations, like the St. Paul's Society of Harvard and 
 Princeton (Protestant Episcopal), the Catholic Club of 
 Harvard, and the Oxford Club of Yale (Methodist Epis- 
 copal).
 
 272 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 In the year 1858 the first two college Young Men's 
 Christian Associations were organized at the University 
 of Michigan and the University of Virginia. During 
 the two following decades some twenty-five associa- 
 tions were formed in the colleges of the United States 
 and Canada. Many of these societies sprang up spon- 
 taneously and were not connected with the general as- 
 sociation, in some cases hardly knew of each other's 
 existence. This state of affairs continued until 1877, 
 when the representatives of twenty-one colleges met in 
 convention at Louisville, Kentucky, and organized the 
 students' division of the general Young Men's Christian 
 Association. A college secretary was appointed and or- 
 ganized propaganda work undertaken for the first time. 
 The growth of the student division has been rapid. 
 From twenty-six associations, with thirteen hundred 
 members in 1877, the collegiate branch had come to 
 number in 1895 four hundred and seventy-five societies 
 with thirty thousand members.* 
 
 The leadership and supervision of the college Young 
 Men's Christian Association fall to five general secre- 
 taries, who spend the greater portion of their time in 
 travelling about from one college to another, establish- 
 ing new associations, delivering addresses, conferring 
 Vi^ith the local leaders in regard to the best methods of 
 work, and holding conferences for the training of young 
 men in the service of the church. Some of these con- 
 ferences are local, bringing together delegations from 
 colleges of a certain restricted section; others aim at 
 training particular officials, like the presidential confer- 
 ences held in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Missouri; a third 
 class take the form of student summer conferences 
 
 * The Intercollegiate Movement, a pamphlet, p. 6. The Young 
 Men's Christian Association has not in all cases located its col- 
 lege branches in institutions of a distinctly superior grade. Many 
 normal schools and secondary schools have regular branches.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 273 
 
 which prepare men for the different departments of the 
 association, sucli as Bible study and foreign missions.* 
 Tlie Young Men^s Christian Association publishes a 
 large number of pamphlets and one magazine devoted to 
 Christian activity in colleges. The college department 
 of the Young Women's Christian Association is mod- 
 elled on the college Young Men's Christian Association, 
 and its branches are much more strongly supported than 
 those of the Young Men's Christian Association. 
 
 The local college association meets weekly for de- 
 votional exercises; in some institutions this meeting 
 takes the form of a public gathering in the chapel; in 
 others the men gather together in a comrade's room for 
 an hour or so some evening in the week. At times, 
 speakers from a distance, usually clergymen, or Young 
 Men's Christian Association secretaries, are introduced. 
 In addition to these devotional meetings, the modern 
 association exercises numerous other functions; it is- 
 sues a handbook of instructions to freshmen, cares for 
 students in illness or distress, finds positions for the 
 poor, and offers courses in Bible study to all who care 
 to take them. In many colleges the Yoimg Men's 
 Christian Association gives a yearly reception to fresh- 
 men at the beginning of the first term. 
 
 The proportion of students belonging to the Young 
 Men's Christian Association and participating in its 
 work varies greatly with the different colleges. In a 
 small denominational college in a country town or 
 small city, like Bates College, Maine, two thirds of the 
 students may belong, and half of them take part; where- 
 as in a large university located in a metropolis not more 
 than ten per cent of the students sometimes connect 
 themselves with the college religious society. Of course, 
 
 * For an account of the work of the secretaries and conferences, 
 see Year Book of the Young Men's Christian Association of North 
 America, 1897, pp. 24-26. 
 18
 
 274 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 in such an institution the membership of the Young 
 Men^s Christian Association by no means represents the 
 strength of the active Christian element, as many stu- 
 dents prefer to work in the churches. The Young 
 Men's Christian Association handbook reports a mem- 
 bership of 25,284 students in 415 colleges which con- 
 tained 105,051 male students, making the approximate 
 ratio one in four.* The same colleges report 40,081 
 students who are members of Protestant evangelical 
 churches. 
 
 During the last fifteen years many of the strongest 
 local branches have erected college association build- 
 ings. By 1895 twenty-one such buildings, costing 
 more than four hundred thousand dollars, had been 
 constructed. The associations of Yale, Cornell, and 
 Princeton led in this movement. The existence of a 
 building set apart for this purpose is said to render the 
 work of the local society more permanent, and to give 
 the association a much higher standing in the student 
 community. In colleges without facilities for physical 
 training a portion of the structure is utilized for 
 gymnasium purposes. " Everywhere the possession of 
 a building prepares the way for stronger organization 
 and more efficient methods.''! The emphasis placed 
 upon this material agency indicates a tendency to place 
 a large and ever-increasing reliance on physical and 
 mechanical agencies. The machinery of organization 
 is everywhere brought to the front by the Young Men's 
 
 * Fifty branches sent no statistics. The reader need hardly 
 be reminded again that the classification of normal schools and 
 secondary schools as colleges to a certain extent destroys the va- 
 lidity of these figures. 
 
 f See pamphlet by John R. Mott, College Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Association Buildings (New York, 1895), for a description of 
 the buildings erected up to that time, and for a consensus of opin- 
 ion from college officials as to their usefulness.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 275 
 
 Christian Association, and in some colleges it would 
 seem that a disproportionate amount of time and energy 
 is expended in making the machinery go. 
 
 In the last ten years, American ideals and methods 
 of organization in this field have been transplanted to 
 Europe. The \Yorld^s Student Christian Federation, 
 consisting of eleven different religious organizations, has 
 been formed largely through the efforts of the American 
 association. Delegates from these national societies 
 have met in convention at Vadstena, Sweden, in 1895, 
 and Eisenach, Germany, in 1898.* Next to the United 
 States and Canada, Great Britain and the Scandinavian 
 lands support the new movement with greatest energy. 
 The Federation hopes to keep the various higher in- 
 stitutions of the world in communication with each 
 other and to increase the practical efficiency of Chris- 
 tian propaganda in quarters where it had been per- 
 mitted to languish. Both in Europe and America the 
 new movement has sought to promote Bible study and 
 interest in social problems in addition to its own field 
 of devotional activity. " Comparing the student Chris- 
 tian movement in Europe with that in America, we find 
 
 * The members of the Federation, with the date of their ad- 
 mission, are as follows : 
 
 American and Canadian Y. M. C. A 1895 
 
 Australasian Student Christian Union 1896 
 
 British College Christian Union 1895 
 
 College Y. M. C. A. of China 1896 
 
 Student Christian Movement of France, the Nether- 
 lands, and Switzerland 1898 
 
 German Christian Students' Alliance 1895 
 
 Intercollegiate Y. M. C. A. of India and Ceylon 1896 
 
 Students' Y. M. C. A. of Japan 1897 
 
 Scandinavian University Christian Movement 1895 
 
 Students' Christian Association of South Africa. . . 1896 
 
 Students' Christian Movement in Mission Lands. . . 1895
 
 276 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 in Europe stronger thought, in America greater prac- 
 tical efficiency."* 
 
 We have previously referred to the denominational 
 societies which supplement the Young Men's Christian 
 Association in some of the large Eastern colleges, Yale 
 possesses a Berkeley Association (Episcopalian), an Ox- 
 ford Club (Methodist), and a Catholic Club. At Har- 
 vard the Unitarians are represented in addition to the 
 three denominations having organizations at Yale. 
 The five religious associations of Harvard are known 
 as the United Eeligious Societies, and at times issue a 
 call for public meetings under their joint auspices. f 
 Denominational clubs and societies, however, are the 
 rare exception; there are probably not more than 
 thirty of them in the country. The student members 
 of the Protestant Episcopal Church most frequently 
 organize separate associations. The Catholic youth are 
 largely educated in church colleges, where they are 
 formed into sodalities by the priest in charge. 
 
 In the larger universities the Christian spirit finds 
 many different ways of expressing itself. The forms of 
 activity vary with the college, each institution impress- 
 ing something of its own individuality on the religious 
 societies. To give the reader a sense of this va- 
 riety it will be necessary to sketch the main features of 
 religious work at a few typical centres of learning. We 
 have chosen, as representative institutions of the differ- 
 ent classes. Harvard, Yale, and the University of Min- 
 nesota. 
 
 The Christian association of Harvard is the centre 
 
 * From James B. Reynolds. Facts and Forces in the Religious 
 Life of the Universities of Europe, p. 25, in a pamphlet entitled 
 The Christian Movement in the Universities of America, Europe, 
 and Asia. 
 
 f See Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iv, p. 416, for notice of 
 such a meeting on the Armenian question.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX 3I0DERN PERIOD. 277 
 
 in the university for men of religious feeling and posi- 
 tive belief. " It is inclined to be broad in its interpre- 
 tation of positive belief," and the spirit of critical in- 
 quiry, which marks Harvard thinking in all fields, is by 
 no means absent here. The association invites all to 
 fellowship with it, " even those who may at times feel 
 that they have little more in common with us than their 
 doubts.*^ * Two meetings are held each week — one on 
 Sunday evening, which is largely of a devotional charac- 
 ter; and another on Thursday evening, which provides 
 time for more critical biblical discussion, and is ad- 
 dressed by professors, university preachers, or leaders in 
 Christian activity. Further critical study is carried on 
 in Bible classes. Monthly socials with entertainment 
 by the college musical societies afford social diversion to 
 a certain class of students. 
 
 Apart from devotions and study, the chief inter- 
 est of the Harvard religious organizations lies in par- 
 ticipation in outside philanthropy and charitable work. 
 Eealizing the need of wise charity administrators, the 
 five religious societies of the university provided a 
 clearing house for philanthropy and benevolence which 
 receives applications for charity and endeavours to fit 
 men to the work. A charity expert was hired who 
 handled the cases directly. " The effort is made to ap- 
 preciate the whole make-up of the man. His age, his 
 tastes, his home, his college standing, his future plans — 
 all these help to determine the kind of work best suited 
 to his ability. A teacher is sent to lecture to working- 
 men; a AYesterner was given a knowledge of the organi- 
 zation of the Boston charities; medical students are 
 sent to children's hospitals." f 
 
 * Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. i, pp. 608, 609. 
 f Calkins, Raymond. Volunteer Charity Work, Harvard Grad- 
 uate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 327.
 
 278 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Another unique charity managed by Harvard stu- 
 dents is the Prospect Union at Cambridgeport, which 
 serves as a university extension centre. Early in the 
 nineties it had a membership of two hundred working- 
 men and clerks, who were instructed by a score or more 
 of students. Besides the regular course of instruction, 
 the Union provided a public lecture every Wednesday 
 evening, which lectures were delivered chiefly by the 
 members of the Harvard faculty. By means of these 
 instrumentalities the Union endeavoured to bring col- 
 lege men and wage earners into mutual sympathy; and 
 in consequence the organization was consistently demo- 
 cratic in its principles and methods. Its expenses were 
 provided for by light fees and by concerts given by the 
 Harvard musical societies.* 
 
 The Young Men's Christian Association of Yale is 
 distinctly more aggressive and evangelical than its con- 
 temporary at Harvard. Its object is forceful action 
 rather than clear, critical thinking. This aggressiveness 
 is seen in the methods used to reach the incoming fresh- 
 man class each year. The Association aims to place be- 
 fore the newcomers " an attractive form of Christianity 
 and to render them every possible service which will 
 render the new life less strange and place the possibility 
 
 * For full account of the Prospect Union, see Harvard Grad- 
 uate Magazine, vol. i, p. 462. The Prospect Union is thus de- 
 scribed by one of the characters in C. M. Flandrau's Harvard 
 Episodes: "The Prospect Union," explained Haydock, in the de- 
 liberate way that was often taken seriously, " is a most admirable 
 educational institution carried on in Cambridgeport by the Har- 
 vard undergraduates. It is elaborately designed to make the 
 lower classes — the laboring man — dissatisfied with his station in 
 life. I am proud to say that I once went there every Friday 
 night for six months to teach two bricklayers, three dry-goods 
 clerks, and a nigger how to appreciate the beautiful works of the 
 late Mr. Keats. I spoiled their lives, and they all love me."
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 279 
 
 of remaining in college within the reach of those in 
 financial straits." * Dwight Hall, the Young Men's 
 Christian Association headquarters, is thrown open a 
 week before the opening of the college session, and 
 every assistance is afforded the freshman in the way of 
 finding suitable boarding places, and in securing em- 
 ployment for those who have their own way to make. 
 A committee of fifteen, chosen from those who have 
 been identified with religious work in the preparatory 
 schools, is made responsible for their comrades, who are 
 divided into squads of twenty-five or thirty for this pur- 
 pose. The importance of the devotional study of the 
 Bible is emphasized by a series of meetings, and men 
 are encouraged to engage actively in some form of 
 Christian effort. 
 
 The religious services of the week are two in num- 
 ber, as at Harvard, but differently arranged. A general 
 gathering of all the students takes place on Sunday 
 evening — a meeting formerly addressed by such men as 
 Drummond, Moody, Gordon, and McKenzie. On Sun- 
 day noon the religiously disposed members of each class 
 gather together for a class prayer meeting. Each of 
 the three upper classes elects four deacons, to whom is 
 delegated the entire management of the religious inter- 
 ests of the class. The ablest and most prominent mem- 
 bers of the class are said to be frequently elected to this 
 office. t The deacons from all classes form a board of 
 governors for the Young Men's Christian Association. 
 The Yale association provides workers for the missions, 
 speakers for out-of-door and jail meetings, conducts a 
 boys' club, and manages a special mission of its own in 
 
 * From Work for the Enterins: Class at Yale, by Henry B. 
 Wright, general secretary of the Yale Young Men's Christian As- 
 sociation, in The Intercollegian, vol. xxi, n. 1, p. 18 (October, 1898), 
 
 \ Welch and Camp. Yale, p. 60.
 
 280 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 one of the tenement-house districts. Yale has sup- 
 ported Moody in his Northfield work more strongly 
 than any other college in the country^ and trains many 
 men for the foreign mission field. 
 
 The somewhat ostentatious aggressiveness and 
 strength of the religious element in the university led 
 to a reaction in the early nineties. The disaffected 
 accused the Young Men's Christian Association, or 
 Dwight Hall element, of endeavouring to control class 
 politics. One entire class was divided into two well- 
 marked factions, known respectively as Dwight Hall and 
 Holy Poker. This antagonism has since passed away.* 
 
 The control of the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion of the University of Minnesota is vested in a board 
 of directors consisting of four members of the faculty, 
 three business men, two alumni, and two undergradu- 
 ates. Such an arrangement secures more stability than 
 is possible in a purely undergraduate association. The 
 board of directors employ a general secretary, who 
 spends his entire time in the work of the society. The 
 student association works through sixteen committees, 
 the enumeration of which will give some idea of the 
 scope of their activities. They are the committees on 
 religious meetings, reception, membership, Bible study, 
 missions, invitation, finance, music, educational depart- 
 ment, employment bureau, loan library, reading room, 
 buildings and attractions, intercollegiate relations, care 
 of the sick, and handbook, f 
 
 In a State university the entire province of religious 
 instruction is avoided in order to prevent the possibility 
 of sectarian entanglements. The Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Association endeavours to meet this need by offer- 
 
 * Welch and Camp. Yale, p. 61. 
 
 f The Student's Handbook of the University of Minnesota, p. 
 14, Minneapolis, 1898.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IX MODERN PERIOD. 28 1 
 
 ing courses in the study of the Bible. A course on the 
 Life of Christ, based on Sharmon's Studies in the 
 Life of Christ and Burton's Harmony of the Gospels, 
 is offered to freshmen. The sophomores study the life 
 of Paul and the apostolic Church, and the seniors Old 
 Testament history, while there are more special classes 
 in the study of missions and in training for evangel- 
 istic work. The young women's association affords 
 similar opportunities to the women of the university. 
 
 The association conducts an employment bureau for 
 needy students. Statistics during the year 1897-'98 
 showed that about fifty students were assisted to perma- 
 nent positions, and many more furnished with odd jobs. 
 A loan fund was established, made up of contributions 
 from students and friends of the Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Association, upon which the association paid three 
 per cent interest. Needy students may borrow small 
 amounts from the loan fund at reasonable rates. Free 
 classes in the preparatory subjects are also maintained 
 by the association; these courses enable the freshmen 
 to make up their entrance conditions, and to review 
 such subjects as beginning Greek, Greek grammar, Yir- 
 gil, and algebra. 
 
 Students from the local association join those from 
 other colleges of the State in making evangelistic tours 
 among the small towns in bands of five, under the di- 
 rection of the State Young Men's Christian Association. 
 The expenses of such students are paid, enabling them 
 to devote all their time to active service. In the winter 
 of 1898 eighty men went out on such tours from the 
 colleges of the State, twenty-three of these from the 
 State university; three hundred and ninety-eight con- 
 versions were reported. Before attempting such serv- 
 ices, men are trained in preparatory Bible classes.* 
 
 * Student's Handbook, University of Minnesota, p. 20
 
 282 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The student volunteer movement for foreign mis- 
 sions has been closely connected with the college re- 
 ligious societies and has been largely instrumental in 
 arousing them to more aggressive action. Interest in 
 missions before the rise of this movement had been 
 somewhat sporadic in colleges. Early in the century 
 Williams College and Andover Theological Seminary 
 were the seats of an intense missionary ferment on the 
 part. of a few students. In 1883 a revival at Princeton 
 led to the formation of a foreign missionary society 
 there.* 
 
 In the early eighties the missionary boards experi- 
 enced considerable difficulty in securing well-trained 
 candidates for the foreign stations. It was a transition 
 period; the heroic age of missionary endeavour seemed 
 to have come to an end; the lofty exaltation which came 
 from the prospect of martyrdom and meeting unknown 
 dangers could no longer be depended upon to draw men 
 into the service; the old Puritanic motif of saving the 
 souls of the heathen from damnation was losing its 
 force, while the newer desire to elevate the condition of 
 primitive peoples had not come to the front. D. L. 
 Moody saw the needs of the situation, and invited dele- 
 gates from the Christian associations of the colleges to 
 meet at Northfield for a summer conference in 1886. 
 The enthusiasm of the convention accomplished the de- 
 sired result; out of two hundred and fifty-one delegates 
 at the conference, an even hundred volunteered for the 
 foreign service. The principles of the movement and 
 the form of organization were evolved in the next two 
 or three years. » 
 
 The student volunteer movement aims to agitate, to 
 
 * Beach, Harlan P. Historical Sketch of the Student Volun- 
 teer Movement, in The Student Volunteer, vol. vi, No. 3, p. 37 
 (December, 1897).
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 283 
 
 stimulate, to inform, rather than to act as a missionary 
 board. " It has never sent out a missionary and never 
 expects to "; it is simply a recruiting agency and works 
 in entire accord with the missionary societies of the 
 churches, and has received the indorsement of the lead- 
 ing denominations. Its function has been to arouse 
 an interest in missions and to enrol a sufficient number 
 of well-trained candidates to meet the successive de- 
 mands of the various mission boards of Xorth America. 
 The management of the movement includes all colleges, 
 normal schools, and professional schools within the 
 scope of its operations; but no members are enrolled 
 from schools of a secondary grade. 
 
 The control of the movement is invested in an ex- 
 ecutive committee composed of the official representa- 
 tives of the four great student organizations of Xorth 
 America: the Intercollegiate Young Men's Christian 
 Association, the Intercollegiate Young Women's Chris- 
 tian Association, the American Inter-Seminary Mission- 
 ary Alliance, and the Canadian Intercollegiate Mission- 
 ary Alliance. Five travelling secretaries are employed 
 who spend their time in visits from college to college. 
 In the summer institutes held by the Young Men's 
 Christian Association, the volunteer movement con- 
 ducts a missionary institute which trains leaders for 
 volunteer bands, mission-study classes, and other mis- 
 sionary activities. Every four years, or once in each 
 student generation, the movement holds a large conven- 
 tion which brings together thousands of delegates from 
 all the colleges of the country. The executive commit- 
 tee publish a monthly periodical — The Student Volun- 
 teer — and a large number of pamphlets, a list of which 
 will be found in the Bibliography. 
 
 The management of the movement hope eventually 
 to have a volunteer band in every American college and 
 professional school. The local band is composed only
 
 284 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 of those students who have voluntarily pledged them- 
 selves to the foreign mission cause. The volunteer 
 band prepare themselves by a course of study for active 
 service and also endeavour to interest the students of 
 the college in missionary effort. Experience has shown 
 that an organization of this kind for mutual encourage- 
 ment is necessary. " In institutions where the volun- 
 teers have remained separate and unorganized, their 
 own interest has usually waned, the missionary spirit 
 of the students as a whole has usually decreased, the 
 volunteers have become the object of much criticism, 
 and practically no recruits have been enlisted." * The 
 bands spend more energy in practical propaganda, such 
 as bringing in recruits, circulating missionary litera- 
 ture, and visiting churches in the interests of the cause, 
 than to study, t 
 
 A perusal of their literature gives one an impression 
 that they have no very exact comprehension of the peda- 
 gogical and anthropological problems involved in re- 
 ligious endeavours among primitive and alien peoples. 
 It may be said of the entire movement that it abounds 
 in devotion and enthusiasm rather than knowledge. 
 Not that there is anything fantastic or visionary in the 
 volunteer methods; the common-sense, business princi- 
 ples which Mr. Moody introduced into all his enter- 
 prises are found here also; but there seems to be no 
 adequate realization of the fact that the evangelization 
 of alien races is a task of almost infinite complexity and 
 difficulty. 
 
 The most tangible result of the student volunteer 
 movement is found in the large number of candidates 
 offering themselves to mission boards; there were five 
 
 * Lyon, D. Willard. The Volunteer Band, p. 11. 
 f See Lyon, The Volunteer Band. pp. 26-52, for a description 
 of this work as it should be conducted.
 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES IN MODERN PERIOD. 285 
 
 in 1898 to every one ten years earlier. By the 1st of 
 January, 1898, eleven hundred and seventy-three vol- 
 unteers had gone to the mission fields and four thousand 
 students had pledged themselves to similar action when 
 their preparation was completed.* Of this number, 
 one third are women. The resources of the church 
 missionary societies have been strained to the utter- 
 most in the attempt to accommodate those who desired 
 to go, and in the last two or three years have declined 
 many eligible candidates. The student volunteer agi- 
 tation has performed another signal service in promot- 
 ing the systematic study of missions. In 1894, when 
 the volunteers for the first time turned their attention 
 to mission-study classes, there were only thirty such 
 organizations in the country. In three years the num- 
 ber increased to two hundred and seventeen classes, 
 with twenty-three hundred and sixty-one students, a 
 half of whom were enrolled volunteers, f The classes 
 brought about the accumulation of missionary litera- 
 ture in the different college libraries. 
 
 The intangible results of the movement are much 
 more difficult to follow. In many colleges, particularly 
 certain State universities, there has undoubtedly been 
 an entire change of attitude on the subject of missions. 
 The idea so prevalent in the eighties among under- 
 graduates that all forms of aggressive religious endeav- 
 our were superannuated survivals of media^valism, out 
 of place in the present enlightened age, is fast giving 
 
 * Report of the Executive Committee of the Student Volunteer 
 Movement, p. 7, 1898. 
 
 f Ibid, p. 6. The reader will note that this activity does not 
 meet the criticism expressed on the previous page. The reading 
 of the lives of missionaries and hortatory addresses is by no means 
 a study of the scientific problems involved in mission work, al- 
 though it is of course fruitful in adding to the stock of intelligence 
 of the worker.
 
 286 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 way either to appreciation or to acute dislike. The 
 movement has stinmlated the churches, aroused the re- 
 ligious societies of the colleges to their responsibility, 
 and has extended its influence to foreign countries. Its 
 success in the present age in reviving the ideals of mili- 
 tant Christianity in the same institutions that by sub- 
 jective criticisms were undermining the foundations of 
 religious belief, is one of the striking signs of the 
 complexity of modern social forces.
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 STUDEXT ORGAXIZATIOXS IX AilEEICAX SECOXDARY 
 SCHOOLS. 
 
 Bibliographical Note. — Xo adequate or comprehensive treat- 
 ment of the social activities of secondary schools exists ; the litera- 
 ture is fragmentary and very recent ; however, some important 
 articles have appeared on high-school self-government in the 
 School Review. W. A. McAndrew describes the experiment at 
 Pratt High School, Brooklyn (School Review, vol. v, p. 456) ; 
 C. W. French, that of the Hyde Park High School, Chicago 
 (School Review, vol. vi, p. 35) ; and C. H. Thurber the condition 
 of affairs at Warren, Pa. The constitutions of the respective self- 
 government corporations are given in full in these articles. For 
 the purpose of comparison, the account of self-government by the 
 pupils of the John Creerar Grammar School, Chicago, is of value. 
 It is published as Appendix H of the Report of the Educational 
 Commission of the City of Chicago. Henry W. Thurston, of Chi- 
 cago, issued a syllabus on Training for Citizenship in the Public 
 Schools, one section of which dealt with civic training through 
 student societies. The results of this investigation, which are of 
 importance, are presented in the School Review, vol. vi, p. 577. 
 Isaac Sharpless (School Review, vol. vi, p. 145) and Endicott Pea- 
 body (School Review, vol. iii, p. 502) discuss the pros and cons of 
 secondary school athletics. Florence Milner's School Manage- 
 ment from the Side of Social Life (School Review, vol. vii, p. 215) 
 treats of the relation of the school to social functions. 
 
 The greater portion of the information contained in the fol- 
 lowing chapter was obtained from a topical questionnaire on Stu- 
 dent Life in Secondary Schools, issued in November, 1898, which 
 reads as follows : 
 
 1. To what extent are the following lines of student activity 
 represented in your institution ? (a) Class system, ih) literary and 
 
 287
 
 288 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 debating society, (c) preparatory school fraternities, (d) athletics, 
 (e) student body organizations, (/) press, (g) miscellaneous. 
 
 2. Name any activities or institutions peculiar to students of 
 a secondary grade. 
 
 3. To what extent is the student life in your institution in- 
 fluenced by college ideals ? 
 
 4. What difference have you noticed between the same insti- 
 tutions in colleges and preparatory schools? 
 
 5. In what way is student activity supervised or aided by the 
 teachers or governing autliority I 
 
 6. What is your estimate as to the value of these institutions 
 in secondary schools ? 
 
 Answers were obtained from forty-one institutions of a sec- 
 ondary grade. In most cases the replies came from the principals, 
 in. a few instances from either secretaries or teachers. Of the 
 forty-one schools, sixteen were academies, ten high schools, and 
 fifteen normal schools. The great majority of the normal schools 
 from which returns were received are in reality secondary schools, 
 paralleling the courses in high schools and academies and prepar- 
 ing students for college. If the normal schools were given over 
 largely or exclusively to professional training, their inclusion in 
 the list would be indefensible. The schools reporting represent 
 every grade of instruction and all sections of the country, al- 
 though the large schools outnumber the smaller ones, a fact of 
 which account must be made in evaluating the results. The list 
 of schools reads as follows: Academies— (1) Phillips Andover, (2) 
 Phillips Exeter, (3) Friends' Academy, New Bedford, (4) Groton 
 School, (5) Sawin Academy, Sherborne, Mass., (6) Wesleyan Acad- 
 emy, Wilbraham, (7) Adelphi Academy, Brooklyn, (8) Lawrence- 
 ville School, New Jersey, (9) William Penn Charter School, Phila- 
 delphia, (10) George School, Newton, Pa., (11) Harry Hillman 
 Academy, Wilkesbarre, Pa., (12) Jacob Tome Institute, Port De- 
 posit, Md., (13) Abingdon Male Academy, Virginia, (14) Winchell 
 Academy, Evanston 111., (15) Belmont School, California, (16) St. 
 Matthew's School, San Mateo, Cal. Tlie high schools were— (17) 
 Springfield, Mass., (18) Lowell Mass., (19) Gloucester, Mass., (20) 
 Cambridge English High School, Massachusetts, (21) Albany, 
 N. Y., (22) Jamestown, N. Y., (23) Indianapolis, Ind., (24) Ash- 
 more, 111., (25) Davenport, la., (26) Iowa City, (27) Sioux City, la. 
 Normal schools were— (28) Fitchburg, Mass., (29) Westfield, Mass.,
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX SECOXDAHY SCHOOLS. 289 
 
 (.'50) Worcester, Mass., (31) Indiana, Pa., (32) California, Pa., (33) 
 Carbondale, III, (34) Cedar Falls, la., (35) Mankato, Minn., (36) 
 Winona, Minn., (37) Peru, Neb., (38) Albion, Idaho, (39) Cheney, 
 Washington, (40) Chico, Cal., (41) San Jose, Cal. 
 
 Returns showed great differences between the different types 
 of secondary schools. Two academies and one high school re- 
 ported the total absence of student organizations of any type, 
 while a number of large public academies almost duplicated the 
 organizations of a vigorous college. The great majority of Ameri- 
 can secondary schools occupy a middle position, having the typi- 
 cal organizations of the college — the class, the debating society, 
 fraternity and athletic association. These societies are usually 
 less vigorous than those of the college, and include in their scope 
 only a minority of students. 
 
 For the purpose of studying their student associa- 
 tions, we may divide the secondary schools of the coun- 
 try into four classes: first, large academics and fitting 
 schools; second, large city high schools; third, small 
 country high schools and academies; and fourth, nor- 
 mal schools. 
 
 Student life is much the more important element in 
 schools of the first class. The reasons for this superior- 
 ity are clearly seen; they are boarding schools, family 
 life is eliminated; the entire social activities of the 
 pupils centre in the school. The teachers are more 
 likely to be college men and consequently more in sym- 
 pathy with student societies, and frequently they live 
 in the school in charge of their pupils, which facilitates 
 intercourse. The head master being in many cases 
 vested with large discretionary power and sure of his 
 position, is more likely to take a liberal view of his 
 functions than the principal of a high school, who is 
 often hampered by the public sentiment of the com- 
 munity, the whims of schoolboys, and the insecurity of 
 his oifice. The evidence which we have collected shows 
 that the head masters of these schools value student so- 
 cieties much more highly than high-school ofiicials, and 
 19
 
 290 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 view them as a legitimate factor in training, and not a 
 nuisance to be managed and abated. For these reasons 
 the best class of academy and fitting schools have de- 
 veloped a stronger esprit de corps than the high schools, 
 and possess a much more vigorous community life; a 
 much larger percentage of the boys take part in the so- 
 cial activities than elsewhere. As might be anticipated 
 from their close connection to the colleges, the associa- 
 tions in the academies and fitting schools closely ap- 
 proximate those of the superior institutions. The list 
 of societies at Phillips Exeter or Phillips Andover al- 
 most duplicates that of Harvard or Yale. Athletics 
 are likely to predominate in these schools, although 
 class spirit and organization are relatively much 
 stronger than elsewhere. The debating societies are 
 usually weaker than in high schools and normal schools. 
 In the city high schools the students are largely 
 left to their own devices. The principal supervises 
 them sufficiently to prevent the debating societies from 
 becoming elements of disorder, and the athletics from 
 being involved in scandals which would find their way 
 to the newspapers. In a few exceptional cases the de- 
 bating societies are turned into something which nearly 
 approaches class-room exercises. Teachers are likely to 
 think that they are paid for teaching so many hours a 
 week, and to resent any change which looks like an ad- 
 ditional demand on their time. So, in general, the in- 
 itiative rests with the students. A small percentage of 
 the boys and girls interested in public affairs gather to- 
 gether for weekly discussions; another small percentage 
 of the physical elite form the teams and athletic associa- 
 tions. The majority of the students have only the 
 training which comes from two or three class banquets, 
 a sense of proprietorship in a school paper which usu- 
 ally excites more interest here than in colleges, and 
 rccasionally a students' association.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 291 
 
 Both the athletic and debating societies stand in 
 need of a vigorous public sentiment. The temptation 
 involved in handling large sums of money is often too 
 much for the athletic manager, who is frequently a 
 bright boy from a fami''y where a low sense of honour 
 prevails. The amount of financial crookedness which 
 goes on in connection with the athletics of an average 
 American high school would surprise the general public 
 if known. There is naturally no way of ascertaining 
 the exact facts of the case, as the interest of the school 
 and the parties implicated demand their suppression. 
 These defalcations are due to the absence of any feeling 
 of accountability or responsibility, rather than to in- 
 nate depravity. In the contests, the spirit of competi- 
 tion rages stronger than in the colleges, and more liber- 
 ties are taken with the proper standards. The debat- 
 ing society, if all the members are immature and no 
 outside influence is felt, oftentimes degenerates in its 
 proceedings to mere v^rangle and chicaner}^, and is 
 more productive of conceit and wire-pulling than of 
 any more desirable products. 
 
 It is difficult to generalize respecting the small rural 
 academies and high schools; the data at our command 
 are too slight and the variation too wide. Still, it is the 
 personal impression of the writer that, so far as formal 
 organizations are concerned, their position is in a ma- 
 jority of cases lower than that of the large city high 
 schools. The principals and teachers are overbur- 
 dened in the attempt to teach a large number of subjects, 
 sometimes as many as seven or eight in one day; the la- 
 bour of discipline is also relatively greater than in 
 larger schools. The number of pupils to whom either 
 debating or athletics spontaneously attracts is often too 
 small for any efficient organization. Here again the 
 teachers sometimes turn the debating into a class-room 
 exercise. In small schools the formal organization side
 
 292 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 is less essential than elsewhere. The entire high school 
 may be, and usually is, in the country, one large society; 
 play arises without formal games. Nowhere is the in- 
 fluence of the principal so powerful to mould the 
 opinion and practice of the school. 
 
 Normal schools have their own peculiar tendencies; 
 they are conditioned by the character of their students, 
 who are more mature, earnest, and hard-working than 
 those attending other types of secondary schools; the 
 majority come from homes of the lower middle class 
 and are ambitious to make their way in the world. In 
 many parts of the West and South the ideals of the nor- 
 mal schools are determined by a class of men and wom- 
 en of the college age, who have already spent some time 
 in the active service of teaching. For these same rea- 
 sons normal students are extremely practical; they de- 
 mand some substantial return for every moment of 
 time expended. In consequence of this, debating so- 
 cieties and Christian associations are their strongest 
 organizations, although recently many of them have 
 put athletic teams in the field. These teams are usually 
 weak and poorly supported, and by no means arouse 
 the enthusiasm which similar teams command else^ 
 where. Class feeling is also weak before graduation, 
 although in many normals annual reunions bring the 
 alumni together frequently. 
 
 Normal school authorities differ widely in their 
 attitude toward student organizations. A recent com- 
 mittee, consisting of prominent normal teachers ap- 
 pointed by the National Educational Association, in- 
 dorses student societies strongly. " Under proper man- 
 agement and care the literary life of the institution can 
 be much elevated and encouraged by the students 
 through self-help and self-dependence, as exhibited 
 through literary societies. . . . Teachers should be 
 trained to write and to speak. They should be at home
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 293 
 
 on the page of the periodical and on the platform. . . . 
 These literary societies should control their own inter- 
 nal affairs ; they should do more to develop their mem- 
 bers than to entertain audiences, and they should have 
 great encouragement from the faculties and boards of 
 trustees, as after-years will demonstrate the fact that 
 no work at the school gave a student better command 
 of himself than active membership in the literary so- 
 ciety/' The Christian associations are indorsed in the 
 following language : " Wherever the student organiza- 
 tions known as the Young Men's Christian Association 
 and Young Women's Christian Association are encour- 
 aged and authorized to exist, there great benefit has 
 always come to the moral and religious life of the 
 general student body." * Of the fifteen normal school 
 teachers and principals replying to the questionnaire, 
 two expressed themselves as strongly opposed to student 
 societies. One writer argues as follows: Students in 
 secondary schools are forming habits of study, and 
 therefore should devote as little time as possible to out- 
 side interests. These two correspondents represent the 
 driving element which sometimes comes to the front in 
 normal schools; the other principals speak of the or- 
 ganizations in terms of the highest praise. 
 
 Leaving now the different classes of schools, we will 
 discuss the different forms of activity more in detail. 
 The class organization was formed in thirty-eight out 
 of the forty-one schools reporting. Usually the class 
 organizes upon entering, and continues organized 
 through the four years of the secondary school course. 
 In other cases the class does not organize until the sec- 
 ond year, as associations of first-year students are 
 
 * Report of the Committee on Normal Schools. Z. X. Snyder, 
 Chairman (Section IV), The Inner Life of the Normal School. 
 Proceedings of the National Educational Association, 1899, pp. 
 861, 862.
 
 294 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 frowned upon by the authorities. One principal states 
 that in his high school the lighter elements of the class 
 always rise to the top during the first year of organiza- 
 tion; the management falls into undesirable hands, and 
 a waste of time and money ensues. Three first presi- 
 dents of classes were successively expelled from the 
 school. During the remaining years the class is well 
 managed. In a third class of schools the class remains 
 unorganized until the term before graduation, when 
 the prospect of parting draws the members together. 
 Many principals report an increase of interest in the 
 class as the senior year is approached. 
 
 Class interest manifests itself in the form of rivalry, 
 athletic contests, and social events. The amount of 
 rivalry differs greatly; sometimes it is almost entirely 
 absent, then again it extends to pins, colours, and yells, 
 and at times even takes a more violent form and re- 
 sults in rushes, and occasionally in schemes for rebellion 
 in case of extreme discipline. Class rivalry in ath- 
 letics exists to some extent wherever a large number of 
 students take part in the sports, but it is always second- 
 ary and subordinate to interscholastic contests. 
 
 The chief function of the class, particularly in the 
 high school, is to promote social intercourse by dramat- 
 ics, hiformal dances, and more formal receptions. In 
 many schools the juniors give an annual reception to 
 the seniors. In towns and smaller cities the school is 
 the natural centre of social life, and meetings between 
 the different classes and teachers often produce good 
 feeling and give the students a needed experience of 
 social conventions. In a larger city conditions are dif- 
 ferent; society is stratified, and many of the students 
 would not meet each other elsewhere or ever enter 
 the inside of each other's homes.* Here social af- 
 
 * " Pupils in city high schools have too much social life as it is. 
 I am unwilling to take the responsibility when I must work in the
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 295 
 
 fairs in connection with the school are of doubtful ex- 
 pediency. Such affairs, unless closely watched by the 
 teachers, tend to become more and more expensive, and 
 consequently involve an undue drain on the finances of 
 many pupils. 
 
 In a majority of the schools the class organization 
 is accepted as a matter of course, but no attempt is 
 made, except in a few institutions, to utilize the higher 
 class as an instrumentality for elevating the standard 
 of the lower, as in the English public schools since 
 Arnold^s day. At Phillips Exeter class lines are im- 
 portant and somewhat rigid; for a student to be trans- 
 ferred from one class to another is no ordinary dis- 
 grace. He feels that he has lost his proper status. 
 Class feeling is -in every way strengthened and encour- 
 aged by the authorities, and is considered the basis of 
 a proper school spirit. The head master of the Bel- 
 mont school, California, is endeavouring to make use 
 of the position of the senior class to stimulate its mem- 
 bers to set the proper standard of morals and manners. 
 The Groton school has transplanted the sixth form 
 rule from England; it is said to succeed admirably. 
 
 The tie of class in many normal and high schools is 
 likely to be stronger after graduation than before. The 
 more restricted social life of the graduates of these 
 schools enables them to keep alive a keen interest in 
 the doings of their classmates. Class banquets and 
 reunions are of common occurrence. However, like all 
 such organizations in secondary schools, they have not 
 the stability and sustained interest which characterize 
 college associations of the same t}^e. 
 
 Out of the forty-one secondary schools which re- 
 dark and not know what elements I am bringing together. I am 
 unwilling to thus risk tangling the threads of Fate." — Florence 
 Milner, in School Review, vol. vii, p. 216.
 
 296 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 plied to the questionnaire, thirty-one reported debat- 
 ing societies in active operation. The principals and 
 teachers, with one exception, regarded these organi- 
 zations with favour; the one exception thought that 
 the pupils were already overburdened with the work 
 of the curriculum.* In the fitting schools, from one 
 fourth to one half the boys belong, on the average; in 
 some few schools, all the boys. A much smaller per- 
 centage of high-school pupils were members, usually 
 from five to twenty per cent, although the writer has 
 known of exceptional schools where fully eighty per 
 cent belonged. The evidence shows that debating 
 clubs are most numerous and highly prized in normal 
 schools, where their membership often includes prac- 
 tically the entire student body. They are also strong 
 in the preparatory departments of Western denomina- 
 tional colleges. 
 
 To give the reader an idea of the working of these 
 societies, we include two quotations, one from the head 
 master of an academy, and the other from the principal 
 of a leading high school, describing the operation of 
 these societies in their respective schools. The ac- 
 count from the co-educational academy runs as fol- 
 lows: "Four literary and debating societies flourish in 
 the school. The two of them for the boys are more 
 than fifty years old, and do very good work. They elect 
 their own officers, prepare their own programmes, fur- 
 
 * This testimony corresponds with the result of a questionnaire 
 investigation made by Prof. Henry W. Thurston, and reported in 
 the School Review (vol. vi, p. 577, 1898) under the title, Training 
 for Citizenship in the Public Schools. Of the seven correspond- 
 ents who specifically mention debating societies in his report, six 
 favour and one condemns them. The one criticism runs as fol- 
 lows : " Such societies are a source of disorder in a building and 
 often conflict with authority, and children of that age [secondary- 
 school age] are not fit to exercise authority."
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDAEY SCHOOLS. 297 
 
 nish their own halls, and succeed in developing con- 
 siderable forensic ability. Each of these societies num- 
 bers among its members public speakers of prominence. 
 There is never an occasion of anxiety to the manage- 
 ment of the school except rarely, when interest in them 
 flags on the part of the members because of outside 
 sports, as football or baseball. One evening each week 
 is given up exclusively to this work. The girls in their 
 organizations have more time for music and essays; de- 
 bate with them is incidental. Society feeling is not 
 so strong among them." 
 
 One high-school principal * writes: " Our pupils 
 have a flourishing debating society which is well at- 
 tended once a fortnight, and well managed, considering 
 the age of the pupils. I am always present as a visitor, 
 and am frequently invited to serve them in a variety of 
 w^ays. Some marked power is developed each year in 
 a number of individuals. The majority take little 
 part, being younger pupils. The burden of work is 
 done by a few older boys who attend. The results are 
 good. The kind of debate preferred is the ' drash de- 
 bate/ in which the audience is requested to send in slips 
 bearing a subject and the name of a proposed debater. 
 These are arranged in order by a presiding offlcer and 
 the proposed debaters called out, one after another. 
 This cultivates readiness, but places ' smart speeches ' of 
 short duration in prominence. The prepared debates 
 are sometimes excellent, particularly if some rivalry 
 enters in, as in class debates, when one class is pitted 
 against another, or prize debates with other schools." 
 
 The first Greek-letter society for schools of a sec- 
 ondary grade was the Alpha Phi, a h"f crary society which 
 was merged into a fraternity in 1876, and established 
 
 * Prof. Ray Greene Ruling, of the Cambridge English High 
 School.
 
 298 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 chapters in a limited number of schools in eastern New 
 York, New Jersey, and Delaware. Baird enumerates 
 nine other societies of this class, all of them confined to 
 some small section of the country, and some of them 
 limited to a single chapter. Among the most promi- 
 nent are Alpha Zeta, among the high schools of eastern 
 New York; the Gamma Eta Kappa, in central Califor- 
 nia; and the Omicron Kappa Pi, in Chicago. No statis- 
 tics have been published of the membership of these 
 societies.* Local societies modelled on those of Yale 
 are found in some of the most prominent preparatory 
 schools of New England, particularly Phillips Exeter 
 and Andover. 
 
 The opinions of the head masters and principals of 
 high schools, as far as we have collected them, condemn 
 secondary school fraternities. Nine of our correspond- 
 ents objected to them and none defended them, al- 
 though they were permitted to exist in six schools. Al- 
 most all the private secondary schools prohibit them, 
 and the high schools discourage their formation. 
 Where they are permitted, as at Exeter and Andover, 
 one member of the faculty must be chosen a member, 
 and have access to all the meetings of the society, which 
 he closely watches. A correspondent from one school, 
 where four such societies exist, writes as follows: "I 
 regard all [student] institutions of value except the 
 Greek-letter fraternities. I should be very glad to see 
 them all die. They are not, however, an unmixed evil, 
 and undoubtedly do a good deal toward rubbing off the 
 corners and making the immature student more manly, 
 provided the influence exerted is judicious; but there is 
 such a very large opportunity for injudicious influence 
 in the fraternity organization that I am disposed to 
 
 * For a detailed account, see Baird, W. R., College Fraternities, 
 fifth edition, pp. 362-365.
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 299 
 
 believe that the defects of the system are greater than 
 its virtues/' A prominent \Yestern head master writes: 
 " I distinctly discourage school fraternities, and none 
 therefore exist in the schools. There was one for a 
 time, but it stirred up such ill feeling that it split the 
 school into two strong factions.^' 
 
 Of all the activities mentioned in the questionnaire ^ 
 athletics seems to be the most highly valued by the teach- 
 ers, and to excite the greatest enthusiasm among the 
 boys. In the language of one head master, " athletics 
 serves as the most valuable outlet for animal spirits 
 which would find an outlet in objectionable ways; and 
 then to the amount of training necessary to build up a 
 good football team calls for hygienic attention and re- 
 straints that are of great value, I think; and then, too, 
 they are promoters of school spirit which I think is well 
 worth the while." The uses of athletics have been en- 
 larged upon in the section treating of athletics in Eng- 
 lish secondary schools, and it is only necessary here to 
 state that the best American head masters and principals 
 follow in the path which English precedent has estab- 
 lished. Of the forty-one schools on our list, thirty-two 
 reported full, well-organized athletic teams. The dif- 
 ferent athletic games are mentioned in the following 
 order of frequency: football (19), baseball (18), tennis 
 (7), track (6), and boating (2). 
 
 Athletic organization is a close imitation of college 
 models. Thus the athletics of the Cambridge high 
 schools is managed by a committee composed, like that 
 of Harvard, of equal representation of students, gradu- 
 ates, and professors. In the majority of schools the 
 scheme or organization is more simple; one member of 
 the school-teaching force, usually either the head master 
 or professor of physical training, makes it his business 
 to superintend the school games, coaching the teams, 
 accompanying them on trips, and acting as treasurer of
 
 300 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 the student athletic association. The efficiency of the 
 student management depends on the manager and cap- 
 tain. " If either of these men is a leader, even though 
 he may not have very much technical ability in the par- 
 ticular game, the season is an assured success." Inter- 
 scholastic associations with rigid rules barring out illicit 
 practices are found among those schools situated near 
 the large centres of population. They closely follow 
 college models. 
 
 The abuses which have been frequent in secondary 
 school athletics have been due (1) to inadequate super- 
 vision and control on the part of the authorities, and (2) 
 to the desire of the school to advertise itself. The high 
 schools have laid themselves more open to the first 
 charge, the private secondary school to the second. 
 The dangers besetting all forms of amateur athletics in 
 America are doubly great in case of the secondary 
 schools, owing to the immaturity of their students. In 
 many high schools the initiative in and entire manage- 
 ment of competitive contests has been left to boys of 
 sixteen or seventeen years, which has naturally resulted 
 oftentimes in sharp practice and embezzlement of funds. 
 The second evil is by no means as serious, although here 
 and there a head master may be found who will wink at 
 sharp practices until the season is over. As the athletic 
 prestige of a school has a tangible cash value, it speaks 
 well "for the morals of the teaching profession that this 
 form of perversion is not more common. In many 
 schools the only students to compete are those who have 
 hopes of gaining distinction thereby. In only one 
 school was participation in athletics compulsory. On 
 the average, perhaps fifty per cent of the students in 
 the best academies take part in games, while in most 
 high schools such activities hardly reach more than ten 
 per cent of the student body. 
 
 Five schools out of the forty-one reported the exist-
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 301 
 
 ence of some form of student self-government. AYith 
 one exception, M'here English precedent was followed, 
 these constitutional governments seem to be recent 
 foundations and the result of the movement which has 
 swept over the country in the last five years, and includes 
 schools containing at least fifty thousand students in its 
 scope.* The movement originated in the interest pro- 
 duced by the George Junior Republic, a unique institu- 
 tion in central Xew York. Mr. George, the founder, 
 took a number of boys from the lower classes of Xew 
 York city into the country for a vacation colony, and 
 there established a complete imitation of a municipal 
 government, with president, judges, legislature, and po- 
 lice. The Eepublic was by no means a mere play insti- 
 tution, as the citizens were subject to fines and imprison- 
 ment. The Eepublic issued a special currency which 
 was redeemable in hard cash, so that the community pos- 
 sessed a firm industrial as well as political backing. The 
 plan was heralded abroad as a striking success, and some 
 of the large Xew York and Chicago dailies began to 
 establish similar colonies, f 
 
 The schools were not slow to recognise the value 
 of the suggestion, and many of them adopted constitu- 
 tions providing for the maintenance of discipline by the 
 pupils. A number of these constitutions have been 
 published in the School Eeview, with a brief account of 
 the experiments. From these, we choose an account of 
 the scheme at the Hyde Park High School, Chicago, as 
 typical. X 
 
 * The estimate is made by Albert Shaw, in an article, The 
 School City, Review of Reviews, December, 1899. 
 
 f For best account of the experiment, see Commons, J. R.. The 
 Junior Republic, American Journal of Sociolo,c:y, vol. iii, p. 281. 
 
 X French, C. W. School Government, School Review, vol. vi, 
 p. 35.
 
 302 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 The theory of the new experiment demands the ex- 
 tension of democratic principles to the schoolroom, and 
 this in the interests of good training for citizenship. 
 The antithesis between democracy in the management 
 of local community affairs and autocracy in the school- 
 room is dwelt upon at length. We are told that the 
 school is a distinct community by itself, with the inter- 
 ests and possibilities, if not with all the functions, of the 
 larger community outside. The political incompetency 
 evident in many communities is held by the thinkers 
 of this school to be the legitimate result of the abuse 
 of authority in the schoolroom. 
 
 In the Hyde Park High School " each room elects 
 in regular form a representative to a body which is part- 
 ly legislative and partly executive in its function, and is 
 called a senate. This body elects a president and secre- 
 tary, appoints the necessary committees, and assumes 
 the control of order in the halls and the care of furni- 
 ture and buildings; it formulates a code of laws and ap- 
 points a corps of tribunes to execute them. The laws 
 are read to the students in each room and carefully ex- 
 plained, so that the reasons for their adoption and the 
 methods of their enforcement are clearly understood, 
 and then they are posted in conspicuous places. When- 
 ever classes are passing through the halls, the tribunes 
 are stationed at strategic points throughout the build- 
 ing to see that the rules are enforced." 
 
 The senate appoints a court of three judges to 
 whom all cases of lawbreaking are reported, and before 
 whom the serious ones are tried with the customary pro- 
 cedure of prosecution and defence. The judges very 
 v/isely make their administration reformatory rather 
 than punitive in its purposes, and seldom find it neces- 
 sary to inflict a penalty. 
 
 We are told that the whole body of students, with 
 few exceptions, are intensely loyal to the idea. They
 
 STUDENT LIFE IX SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 303 
 
 take pride in the recognition of their rights and feel 
 that they are individually responsible for the welfare 
 and good name of the school. '^ The old spirit of forced 
 submission to authority is passing away, and in its place 
 is coming a voluntary submission to the general rules 
 of good behaviour as embodied in the laws which they 
 themselves have made. Excellent order is maintained 
 by the student tribunes, and in no case has the student 
 citizen refused to give his testimony in any case where 
 the integrity of his institution was at stake. In general, 
 such evidence has been given in a manly and womanly 
 way, and no stigma has been attached to the witness." 
 
 In the Pratt High School, Brooklyn, the students 
 distinctly objected to being put in a position of spying 
 on one another, or of punishing their fellow-students. 
 The constitution is somewhat more complex than that 
 of Hyde Park. It was framed on the model of the Fed- 
 eral Constitution, and delegates authority to an execu- 
 tive (principal of the school), a senate (teachers), an as- 
 sembly (seniors), and the Judiciary (equal members of 
 teachers and seniors). " The plan has worked beauti- 
 fully. It has a beneficent effect on both teachers and 
 students. Every student knows he is free to appeal to 
 the school court when he regards the requirement of 
 teachers and principal as unjust. Every teacher and the 
 principal feels that any whimsical or unduly severe ex- 
 action is subject to review by the instructors and three 
 students; and as a result there has not been one appeal 
 since the plan was instituted." * 
 
 The published testimony in general agrees with the 
 examples here given, although there are some excep- 
 tions which will be referred to later. However, it may 
 be said that the experiments are too recent to justify any 
 
 * McAndrew, W. A. High School Self-Government, School 
 ■Review, vol. v, p. 458, 1897.
 
 304 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 authoritative conclusions. The various schemes have 
 been in the hands of sympathetic friends who, by their 
 own example and inspiration, probably contributed 
 largely to the results achieved. Then the published 
 accounts are special pleas; they " put the best foot fore- 
 most." Conversation with unsympathetic teachers or 
 assistants brings out many counterbalancing facts 
 which are overlooked in the printed accounts. How- 
 ever, the experiments do show that the strong play im- 
 pulse in children, which frequently takes the form of 
 imitating adult activities, may be appealed to by a sym- 
 pathetic principal and made the means of arousing a 
 strong interest in the problems of government. 
 
 In addition to the important forms of activity which 
 we have discussed, there are numerous miscellaneous 
 clubs of minor importance among students in second- 
 ary schools. Our questionnaire reveals the existence, in 
 the forty-one institutions studied, of twenty school 
 papers, eleven religious associations (confined to board- 
 ing schools), eleven musical clubs, seven reading circles, 
 six camera clubs, four chess and whist clubs, and two 
 dramatic associations. These societies have a distinct 
 value in affording opportunities for social diversion to 
 students of peculiar tastes who would otherwise be ex- 
 cluded from the circle of school interests. Like similar 
 organizations in colleges, these clubs are much more 
 temporary in character than the more vital activities. 
 
 As to the value of student organizations as an educa- 
 tional agency, three distinct attitudes were taken by our 
 correspondents. A small number — only two out of the 
 thirty replying to the questionnaire — consider these so- 
 cieties as entirely alien to the work of the school, and 
 doubt the advisability of their existence in institutions 
 of the secondary grade. Fourteen consider them as le- 
 gitimate but as quite subordinate, and seem to consider 
 the present condition of affairs quite satisfactory. The
 
 STUDENT LIFE IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. 305 
 
 remaining fourteen consider them as an essential ele- 
 ment in school life^ and endeavour by various means to 
 strengthen such associations and render them more effi- 
 cient. 
 
 Mr. Thurston's results should be compared with 
 those just presented. Out of twenty-two definite replies 
 from high schools on the value of school activities, fif- 
 teen were favourable in general and seven unfavourable. 
 As we have already noted, debating societies were 
 strongly favoured, while sentiment was equally divided 
 on the subject of athletics. Mr. Thurston concludes 
 that opinions are very diverse respecting the ability of 
 secondary students to run their own clubs, athletic asso- 
 ciations, etc., and that there is now comparatively little 
 emphasis put on the value of these voluntary associations 
 in training for democratic citizenship.* 
 
 There is also a great preponderance of testimony in 
 favour of a close interest in, and supervision of second- 
 ary school societies on the part of the school authorities. 
 By supervision is not meant direct interference, but the 
 control of standards through suggestion, and a close 
 watchfulness against degeneration. Many of the most 
 experienced schoolmen favour such societies only when 
 they are supervised. Out of the twenty-five correspond- 
 ents replying to this question, twenty-one favour sys- 
 tematic watchfulness and supervision, while four be- 
 lieve that the societies should be left entirely to student 
 initiation and control, and that tliey are only valuable 
 when spontaneous. 
 
 In the encouragement of social activities there is 
 one caution which should be continually in mind, and 
 which has been well put by President Sharpless, of 
 Haverf ord : " It is true that a school without physical 
 
 * Thurston. Henry W. Training for Citizenship in the Pubhc 
 Schools, School Review, vol. vi, p. 577, 1898. 
 20
 
 306 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 and other outside organizations is not nsually a desirable 
 school, and moreover, in this country of the all-powerful 
 boy, might not be a popular or profitable school. But I 
 would like to do something to exalt the really ambitious 
 and promising student from the herd of athletes and 
 musicians in which he is now lost. I would like to make 
 it felt that the real hero is the intellectual rather than 
 the physical leader, and that the much maligned ' grind ' 
 is in many cases the boy with the future. Will not this 
 be in the long run to the great advantage of the ath- 
 letic interests with which I am in great sympathy? . . . 
 It is lamentable to see the difference with which many 
 excellent and well-prepared students regard their intel- 
 lectual opportunities. After passing through the sec- 
 ondary school they are to have their reward in the social 
 and athletic activities of college life." * 
 
 * Sharpless, Isaac, in School Review, vol. vi, p. 150, 1898.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 A SELECT CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY ON 
 STUDENT SOCIETIES. 
 
 I. Studext Life during the Medieval Period 
 IN- Europe. 
 
 1. CoMPATRE, Gabriel. Abelard and the Origin 
 and Early History of the LTniversities. Pp. xiii + 315. 
 New York, 1897. 
 
 The nations are described in Part II, Chapter II, 
 student life Part lY, Chapters I and II; best popular 
 account. 
 
 2. Laurie, S. S. Lectures on the Eise and Early 
 Constitution of the Universities, with a Survey of Me- 
 diaeval Education. Pp. ix + 293. London, 1886. 
 
 Chapter IX contains a readable sketch of mediaeval 
 student life. 
 
 3. Eashdall, Hastings. The Universities of Eu- 
 rope in the Middle Ages. Three volumes. London, 
 1895. 
 
 Eashdall's fourteenth chapter contains the most 
 scholarly and reliable treatment of the subject in Eng- 
 lish. Elsewhere he discusses the nations and colleges. 
 
 4. MuLLiNGER, James Bass. The University of 
 Cambridge to the Accession of Charles I. Two vol- 
 umes.. Cambridge, 1873, 1884. 
 
 307
 
 308 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Volume I, Chapter IV, is devoted to student life; 
 accurate but less full than Rashdall. 
 
 5. Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. A History of the Uni- 
 versity of Oxford from the Earliest Times to the Year 
 1530. Pp. xii + 504. London, 1886. 
 
 Material scattered and treatment inferior to Mul- 
 linger and Eashdall. 
 
 (See under German student life for additional no- 
 tices of the mediaeval period.) 
 
 II. Student Life among German-speaking 
 Nations. 
 
 A. General, Historical, and Descriptive. 
 
 6. Barnstein, Adolf Pernwerth. Beitrage zur 
 Geschichte und Literatur des deutschen Studenten- 
 thums von der Griindung der altesten deutschen Uni- 
 versitaten bis auf die unmittelbare Gegenwart, mit be- 
 sonderer Beriicksichtigung des XIX. Jahrhunderts. 
 Pp. vii + 88 + 156. Wlirzburg, 1882. 
 
 Contains the most complete historical sketch ; which, 
 however, is very brief, and a valuable bibliography of 
 three hundred and sixty titles, dealing with all phases 
 of German student life. 
 
 7. DoLCH, OsKAR. Geschichte des deutschen Stu- 
 dententhums von der Griindung der deutschen Universi- 
 taten bis zu den deutschen Freiheitskriegen. Pp. viii 
 H- 300. Leipzig, 1858. 
 
 The standard German authority. The introduction 
 treats of student life in other European countries. 
 
 8. Paulsen, Friedrick. The German Universi- 
 ties; their Character and Historical Development. 
 Authorized translation by Edward Delavan Perry, and
 
 APPENDIX. 309 
 
 introduction by Nicholas Murray Butler. Pp. xxxi +' 
 246. Xew York, 1895. 
 
 In Chapter V Professor Paulsen discusses the pres- 
 ent forms of German student clubs and their social 
 value. Another translation found in Annual Eeport of 
 "^ Bureau of Education, 1891-'92. 
 
 9. Raumer, Kael vox. Geschichte der Padagogik. 
 ■^ Two volumes. Vierter Theil. Die deutschen Universi- 
 
 taten. Pp. x + 332. Jiitersloh, 1882. 
 
 Translated in Barnard's American Journal of Edu- 
 cation, Volumes Yl and VII. It contains a complete 
 history of student life to the nineteenth century. From 
 1800 on, the author relates his experience with the 
 Corps and Burschenschaften. 
 
 10. ZiEGLER, Theobald. Der deutsche Student am 
 Ende des 19 Jahrhunderts. Pp. 240. Leipzig, 1896. 
 
 The seventh lecture treats of the duel, the eighth of 
 student clubs; these problems are taken up from a 
 modern pedagogical standpoint. 
 
 B. Special Treatises. 
 
 11. Bayer, Edmund. Die Entstehung der deut- 
 schen Burschenschaft in Sammlung gemeinverstand- 
 licher wissenschaftlicher Vortrage. Berlin, 1883. 
 
 12. Carove, Friedrich Wilhelm. Entwurf einer 
 . Burschenschafts-Ordnung. Pp. 286. Eisenach, 1818. 
 
 A manual of the Burschenschaften, containing an 
 elaborate justification of them. 
 
 13. Diesterweg, F. a. W. Ueber das Verderben 
 auf den deutschen Universitaten. Pp. 76. Essen, 1836. 
 
 An attack on the German university system. 
 
 14. Keil Richard und Robert. Geschichte des 
 Jenaischen Studentenlebens von der Grlindung der Uni-
 
 310 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 versitat bis zur Gegenwart (1548-1858). Pp. xiv -p 
 662. Leipzig, 1858. 
 
 A classic in this field; the most important treatise 
 which has yet appeared on any aspect of German student 
 life. 
 
 15. Meyek, F. H. Leben und Sitten deutscher Stu- 
 denten. (Containing Die Studenten, ein Lnstspiel von 
 Christoph Stymmel.) Pp. 100. Leipzig, 1857. 
 
 A play describing conditions in 1545. 
 
 16. MuTHER, D. Theodor. Aus dem Universitats- 
 nnd Gelehrtenleben im Zeitalter der Reformation. Pp. 
 499. Erlangen, 1866. 
 
 Contains valuable account of pre-Eeformation con- 
 ditions, with a scholarly analysis of the sources. 
 
 17. ScHEiDLER, Karl Hermann. Ueber das 
 deutsche Studentenleben und die Nothwendigkeit einer 
 innern, von den Studirenden selbst ausgehenden Ee- 
 form desselben. Pp. 96. Jena, 1842. 
 
 18. ScHEiDLER, Karl Hermann. Deutscher Stu- 
 dentenspiegel als Beitrag zu einer Eeform des deut- 
 schen Studentenlebens im Geist unserer Zeit und un- 
 seres Volkthums. Pp. 327. Jena, 1844. 
 
 19. Schmidt, Erich. Komodien von Studenten- 
 leben aus dem sechzehnten und siebenzehnten Jahr- 
 hundert. Pp. 35. Leipzig, 1880. 
 
 20. Seifart, Karl. Altdeutsches Studentenle- 
 ben. Pp. 71. Bremen, 1856. 
 
 21. Wrege, Eeinhold. Die Hochquart. Eine Stu- 
 denten Oepopoe. Essen, 1882. 
 
 A burlesque. 
 
 22. Wrege, Eeinhold. Das Bilder-Buch eines ar- 
 men Studenten. Pp. 98. Berlin, 1868. 
 
 A collection of sentimental stories.
 
 APPENDIX. 311 
 
 23. Wrege, Eeixhold. Xaturgeschichte des deut- 
 schen Studenten von Plinius dem Jiingsten. Pp. 208. 
 Leipzig. 
 
 C. Descriptions hy Foreigners. 
 
 24. Baynes, a. H. German Student Life. Fra- 
 ser's Magazine, vol. civ, p. 630. 
 
 A clever, well-written account by an Englishman 
 from an English standpoint. 
 
 25. BoYESEN, Hjalmar Hjorth. German Stu- 
 dent Life. Cosmopolitan Magazine, vol. x, p. 368. 
 
 An excellent description of recent developments. 
 Compares German and English student life. 
 
 26. Hart, James Morgan. German Universities. 
 A Narrative of Personal Adventure. New York, 1874. 
 
 Describes student life in the sixties, compares Ger- 
 man and American customs. Best discussion of duel- 
 ling by a foreigner. 
 
 27. HowiTT, William. The Student Life of Ger- 
 many. London, 1841. 
 
 Consists of a translation of a treatise by Dr. Cor- 
 nelius, of Heidelberg ; a general encyclopaedia of infor- 
 mation on the subject, but somewhat diffuse. 
 
 28. Russell, James E. German Higher Schools. 
 The History, Organization, and Methods of Secondary 
 Education in Germany. Pp. viii + 455. New York, 
 1899. 
 
 Chapter X describes student life in the German sec- 
 ondary schools. 
 
 29. Warrex, F. M. Student Life in Germany. 
 Chautauquan, vol. ix, p. 582. 
 
 Brief but thoughtful; contains some general hints 
 of value. 
 
 30. Warren, F. M. The Corps Fuchs and the Ree-
 
 312 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 reations of a Corps Bursch. Saturday Eeview, vol. Ivii, 
 pp. 42, 241. 
 
 A brief, bright sketch of the recent changes in stu- 
 dent customs. 
 
 III. Student Life among French-speaking 
 Peoples. 
 
 31. Kimball, Eichard B. Eomance of Student 
 Life Abroad. Leipsic, 1854. 
 
 Deals with student life in Paris during the for- 
 ties. 
 
 32. Leuba, James H. National Destruction and 
 Construction in France as seen in Modern Literature 
 and the Neo-Christian Movement. American Journal 
 of Psychology, vol. v, p. 496. 
 
 Describes the recent student associations founded 
 through the instrumentality of Lavisse. 
 
 33. Peterson, Alice Fessenden. The American 
 Art Student in Paris. New England Magazine, N. S., 
 vol. ii, p. 669. 
 
 Contains material bearing on co-operation among 
 art students. 
 
 34. Stanton, Theodore. French University Stu- 
 dents. Open court, vol, vii, pp. 38-39. 
 
 A brief but excellent general characterization of 
 French student life. 
 
 35. Symonds, John Addington. Swiss Athletic 
 Sports. Fortnightly Eeview, vol. Ivi, p. 408. 
 
 An account of a Swiss athletic festival. 
 
 36. Tolman, William H. International Students' 
 Associations. Educational Eeview (American), vol. v, 
 p. 363. 
 
 Describes organization in Scotland and France.
 
 APPENDIX. 313 
 
 37. Warren, F. M. Student Life in Paris. Chau- 
 tanquan, vol. ix, p. 406. 
 
 Another good characterization, very brief. 
 
 38. Whiteing, Eichard. The American Student 
 at the Beaux-Arts. Century Magazine, voL i, p. 259. 
 
 Describes student customs in the art schools. 
 
 39. Fluchtiger Blick in das Pariser Studentleben in 
 the Grenzboten, Xo. 38, September, 1851, X Jahrgang. 
 
 Deals largely with the grisette phase of student life. 
 
 40. Student Life in Paris. Household Words, vol. 
 iii, p. 286. 
 
 A brief and flippant description of French student 
 life. 
 
 41. Athletics in France. The ^N'ation, vol. Ixvii, 
 p. 245. 
 
 A brief outline of the rise of an athletic type in 
 France. 
 
 42. French Athletic Sports. Saturday Eeview, vol. 
 Ixix, p. 694. 
 
 A discussion of athleticism among the French lycees. 
 
 IV. Studext Life in the English Universities. 
 A. General, Descriptive, and Historical. 
 
 43. Bristed, Charles Astor. Five Years in an 
 English L^niversity (Cambridge). Third edition. Pp. 
 572. Xew York, 1873. 
 
 Written by an American and contains many inter- 
 esting comparisons of student life in the two countries. 
 Describes conditions in the forties. 
 
 44. Everett, Willia]m. On the Cam. Lectures on 
 the University of Cambridge in England. Pp. 390. 
 Cambridge, 1865.
 
 314: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Another American book, inferior to Bristed for de- 
 tails, but aims to be more comprehensive. 
 
 45. HuBER, V. A. The English Universities. (An 
 abridged translation from the German, edited by Fran- 
 cis W. Newman.) Three volumes. London, 1843. 
 
 Chapter XI, third division, contains some suggestive 
 observations on social life in the English universities. 
 
 46. Masson, David. The Life of John Milton nar- 
 rated in Connection with the Political, Ecclesiastical, 
 and Literary History of his Time. Six volumes. Lon- 
 don. 
 
 Chapter IV, Volume I, presents a picture of college 
 life at Cambridge in 1625. 
 
 47. MuLLiNGER^ James Bass. [The History of the] 
 University of Cambridge to the Accession of Charles I. 
 Two volumes. Cambridge, 1873, 1884. 
 
 Volume II, Chapter V, treats of student life at the 
 close of the sixteenth century. 
 
 48. Newman, John Henry. The Idea of a Uni- 
 versity Defined and Illustrated. Seventh edition. Pp. 
 xxii + 239. London, 1887. 
 
 Lays great stress on the social function of the uni- 
 versity. 
 
 49. Pycroft, James. Oxford Memories : A Eetro- 
 spect after Fifty Years. Two volumes. Pp. 303 + 304. 
 London, 1886. 
 
 Diffuse, but contains valuable material on social and 
 athletic affairs. 
 
 50. Wells, J. (editor). Oxford and Oxford Life. 
 Chapters on the Intellectual Life; the Social Life. 
 Pp. 190. London, 1892. 
 
 Most comprehensive account of recent conditions. 
 Written with proper perspective.
 
 APPENDIX. 315 
 
 51. Wordsworth, Christopher. Some account of 
 the studies at the English Universities in the Eighteenth 
 Century. Cambridge, 1877. 
 
 The standard authority on the eighteenth century; 
 merely an undigested collection of facts, with no at- 
 tempt at narrative. 
 
 B. Briefer Articles on Social Life in General. 
 
 52. Davis, Eichard Harding. Our English Cous- 
 ins. Chapter III. Undergraduate Life at Oxford. Pp. 
 228. New York, 1894. 
 
 A clever, popular account. 
 
 53. Lehmann, E. C. In Cambridge Courts. Stud- 
 ies of University Life in Prose and Verse. Pp. 240. 
 London. 
 
 A collection of sketches, dialogues, and verses of a 
 humorous nature, giving the flavour of university life. 
 
 54. Mellen, Chase. Undergraduate Life at Ox- 
 ford. Outing, vol. xvii, p. 344. 
 
 Contains an excellent account of athletic organiza- 
 tions. 
 
 55. Parker, Charles Pomeroy. Eeminiscences of 
 Oxford. Harvard Monthly, vol. ii, p. 127. 
 
 Describes social life at Balliol in Jowett's time. 
 
 56. Pearson, Norman. Undergraduate Life at Ox- 
 ford. Lippincott's Magazine, vol. Ixxxiii, p. QQ. 
 
 Calls attention to the social and moral discipline of 
 English university life. 
 
 57. Perry, Walter C. German Views of Oxford 
 and Cambridge. Macmillan's Magazine, vol. xxxvii, p. 
 406. 
 
 A review of Helmholtz's address on the English uni- 
 versity system.
 
 316 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 58. Aspects of Modern Oxford by a Mere Don. Pp. 
 135. London, 1894. 
 
 A light, sketchy description of recent tendencies in 
 English university life ; contains an account of Oxford 
 journalism. 
 
 59. College Life at Cambridge. Westminster Ee- 
 view, vol. xxxiv, p. 456. 
 
 An attack on student customs, containing a satirical 
 account of a wine party. 
 
 60. Gown and Town Eows at Oxford and their His- 
 torical Significance. Dublin University Magazine, vol. 
 Ixxi, p. 361. 
 
 C. Articles on Athletics in the English Universities. 
 
 61. Grenfell, W. H. Rowing at Oxford. Eng- 
 lish Illustrated Magazine, vol. iv, p. 498. 
 
 A fair, general account. 
 
 62. Laing, J. W., and Bolton, W. W. Faculty 
 Control of Athletics at the English Universities. Out- 
 ing, vol. xxvii, p. 490. 
 
 63. Lehmann, E. C. Eowing at Cambridge. Eng- 
 lish Illustrated Magazine, vol. iv, p. 507. 
 
 64. Shearman, Montague, and Turner, E. W. 
 Athletic Sports at Oxford and Cambridge Universities. 
 English Illustrated Magazine, vol. ix, p. 441. 
 
 Describes organization and training for track ath- 
 letics. 
 
 65. WiNBOLT, S. E. Eowing at Oxford. Atlantic 
 Monthly, vol. Ixvii, p. 788. 
 
 An excellent brief account of the system of control 
 and training. 
 
 66. Boating Life at Oxford. London Society (Maga- 
 zine), vol. xi, pp. 289, 425, 541.
 
 APPENDIX. 317 
 
 Contains realistic accounts of social events con- 
 nected with Oxford athletics. 
 
 D. Articles on Debating Unions. 
 
 67. Everett, William. The Cambridge Union, 
 Old and New. Vol. iv, p. 40. 
 
 An excellent description by an American ; contains a 
 brief historical resume. 
 
 68. Knatchbull-Hugessen, E. H. The Oxford 
 Union. Time, vol. ii, p. 146. 
 
 Eeminiscences of the Union in 1850; presents an 
 excellent view of its inner workings at that time, with 
 criticism of debating clubs. 
 
 69. Nicholson, Edward B. The Oxford Union, a 
 History. Macmillan's Magazine, vol. xxviii, p. 567. 
 
 Contains valuable material on the early history of 
 the society. 
 
 70. Nicholson, Edward B. A Night in the Ox- 
 ford Union. London Society (Magazine), vol. xxii, 
 p. 449. 
 
 A realistic sketch of the Union at work. 
 
 Y. Student Life in the English Secondary 
 Schools. 
 
 A. General, Historical, and Descriptive. 
 
 71. Breul, Karl. Die Einrichtung und Verwalt- 
 ung des hoheren Schulwesens in England in Baumeis- 
 ter's Handbuch, vol. i, Munich, 1897. 
 
 Contains a chapter on student life and a selected 
 critical bibliography of secondary education. 
 
 72. CoRBiN, John. Schoolboy Life in England : an 
 American View. Pp. viii + 226. New York, 1898.
 
 318 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Written from a pedagogical standpoint ; contains in 
 the last chapter a comparison between English and 
 American schools. Describes life at Eton, Winchester, 
 and Rugby. The author has a slight English bias, which 
 does not vitiate his conclusions. 
 
 73. Lubbock, Alfred. Memories of Eton and Eto- 
 nians. London, 1899. 
 
 Devoted chiefly to athletics. 
 
 74. Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. A History of Eton Col- 
 lege (1440-1875). Pp. 527. London, 1875. 
 
 The standard authority; contains many references 
 to rebellions and brutality of manners. 
 
 75. Mansfield, R. B. (editor). Great Public 
 Schools, by Various Authors. Pp. 344. London. 
 
 Contains a history of each public school, with an ac- 
 companying chapter on its games. 
 
 76. Minqphin, J. G. Cotton. Old Harrow Days. 
 London, 1898. Contains excellent sketches of head- 
 masters and of school heroes and games. 
 
 77. Pascoe, Charles Eyre (editor). Everyday 
 Life at Eton, Harrow, Rugby, and other Great Public 
 Schools. Sketched by the Head Scholars. Pp. 324. 
 New York and London. 
 
 The most valuable single book on life in the sec- 
 ondary schools of England. 
 
 78. Prickard, a. 0. Life in " Commoners '' in 
 AYinchester College (1393-1893) by old Wykehamists. 
 Pp. 187. London, 1893. 
 
 A number of disconnected sketches. 
 
 79. Salmon, Edward. Juvenile Literature as it is. 
 Pp. 240. London, 1888. 
 
 Chapter IV treats of school stories, characterizing 
 the books o;f Mr. Hughes, Archdeacon Farrar, Rev. T.
 
 APPENDIX. 319 
 
 S. Millington, Mr. Ascott E. Hope, Rev. H. C. Adams, 
 and Mr. Talbot Baines Eeed. 
 
 80. Shaepless, Isaac. English Education in the 
 Elementary and Secondary Schools. Xew York, 1892. 
 
 Chapter V contains an excellent description of the 
 great public schools. 
 
 81. WiLMOT, E. P. Eaedley, and Streatfield, E. 
 C. Charter House, Old and New. Pp. 295. London, 
 1895. 
 
 Describes many traditional customs and games. 
 
 82. Recollections of Eton by an Etonian. Pp. 362. 
 London, 1870. 
 
 The story of a typical Eton career, with useful notes 
 on fagging and athletics. 
 
 83. Great Public Schools — Eton, Harrow, Charter- 
 house, Cheltenham, Rugby, Clifton, Westminster, Marl- 
 borough, Haileybury, Winchester — by Various Authors. 
 Pp. vi -j- 34:4:. London. 
 
 Contains chapters on games in the different public 
 schools. Another edition of No. 74. 
 
 84. School Life at Winchester College, or Reminis- 
 cences of a Winchester Junior. Pp. 243. London, 1866. 
 
 An easy, popular sketch for boys, but contains data 
 on fagging and other traditional customs. 
 
 B. Discussion of Problems. 
 
 85. CooKSON^, Christopher (editor). Essays on 
 .Secondary Education. Public School Athletics, the last 
 essay in the volume by Rev. Lionel Ford. Oxford, 1898. 
 
 This essay is a sane, level-headed protest against the 
 extravagances of athleticism. 
 
 86. CoTTERiLL, C. C. Suggested Reforms in Pub- 
 lic Schools. Edinburgh and London, 1885.
 
 320 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Chapter II, outdoor exercise, is a description of ex- 
 isting conditions of games in secondary schools. 
 
 87. Faeear, Feedeeic W. The Fall of Man and 
 other Sermons. (Sermon VIII, The History and Hopes 
 of a Public School, preached before Harrow School on 
 Founder's Day, 1859.) London, 1882. 
 
 Gives an excellent idea of the public-school spirit. 
 
 88. FiNDLAY, J. J. Arnold of Rugby: his School 
 Life and Contributions to Education. Cambridge, 1897. 
 
 Contains school life at Rugby ( Chapter III in Stan- 
 ley's Life of Arnold), selected sermons preached chiefly 
 in Rugby Chapel, essays on educational topics, and a 
 well-selected critical bibliography. 
 
 89. FiNDLAY, J. J. Corporate Life and Games in 
 Secondary Schools. Educational Times, vol. lii, p. 28 
 (January 1, 1899). 
 
 Presents the results of a questionnaire, with discus- 
 sion. Relates chiefly to public day schools. 
 
 90. Fitch, Joshua. Thomas and Matthew Arnold 
 and their Influence on English Education. New York, 
 1897. 
 
 Best brief account of Arnold's work at Rugby. 
 
 91. Lav^rence, p. (Miss). Games and Athletics in 
 Secondary Schools for Girls. 
 
 Special Reports on Educational Subjects, (English) 
 Education Department, vol. ii, p. 145, 
 Resumes recent progress. 
 
 92. Sharpless, George. The Organization of 
 Games out of School for the Children attending Pub- 
 lic Elementary Schools in the Large Industrial Centres 
 as Voluntarily Undertaken by the Teachers. 
 
 Special Reports on Educational Subjects, (English) 
 Education Department, vol. ii, p. 159.
 
 APPENDIX. 321 
 
 93. Stanley, Arthur P. The Life and Corre- 
 spondence of Thomas Arnold, D. D. American edition. 
 New York, 1845. 
 
 Contains the best account of Arnold's internal re- 
 forms at Rugby. 
 
 94. Thring, Edward. Education and School. 
 London and Cambridge, 1867. 
 
 Chapter XVI treats of internal self-government, 
 prepositors, and fagging. Should be compared with 
 Arnold's essays. 
 
 95. TooDHOUSE, Mrs. Physical Education in the 
 Sheffield High School for Girls. 
 
 Special Eeports on Educational Subjects, (English) 
 Education Department, vol. ii, p. 133. 
 
 96. Die Missionsvereine der offentlichen Schulen in 
 England. Deutsche Zeitschrift fiir Auslandisches Un- 
 terrichtswesen. Vol. iv, p. 275. 
 
 C. Articles on British Athleticism. 
 
 97. Bradley, A. Granville. The Prominence of 
 Athleticism in England. Atlantic Monthly, vol. xlix, 
 p. 92. 
 
 A violent attack upon British athleticism. 
 
 98. Edwardes, Charles. The N'ew Football Mania. 
 Nineteenth Century, vol. xxxii, p. 622. 
 
 A somewhat lurid article, dealing with the profes- 
 sional aspects of football. 
 
 99. Jeyes, S. H. Our Gentlemanly Failures. Fort- 
 nightly Review, vol. Ixvii, p. 386. 
 
 Claims that the present athletic regime in English 
 schools produces business incapacity. 
 
 100. Richardson, Benjamin W. Athleticism in 
 the Scale. Saturday Review, vol. Ixxx, p. 167. 
 
 21
 
 322 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS 
 
 x\ clear and sane protest against athleticism. 
 
 101. The Mind and the Body. The Spectator, vol. 
 Ixxvi, p. 767. 
 
 Points out that athletic interest has increased, while 
 purely intellectual interests have decreased, at the Eng- 
 lish universities. 
 
 102. Professional Football. All the Year Eound, 
 vol. Ixxiii, p. 558. 
 
 A favourable but moderate view of professional foot- 
 ball. 
 
 103. A Counter-Blast to Exercise. The Spectator, 
 vol. Ixix, p. 492. 
 
 A mild protest against the prevailing forms of Brit- 
 ish athleticism. 
 
 VI. Student Life at the Scottish Universities. 
 
 104. Eraser, Norman. Student Life at Edinburgh 
 University. Paisley, 1884. 
 
 Eelates the university career of a student of Pie- 
 tistic tendencies. 
 
 105. Grant, Alexandee. The Story of the Uni- 
 versity of Edinburgh during its First Three Hundred 
 Years. Two volumes. London, 1884. 
 
 Appendix S of the second volume contains an ac- 
 count of the student organizations of the university. 
 
 106. Leys, J. Life at the Scottish Universities. 
 National Eeview, vol. viii, p. 533. 
 
 Written from an English standpoint. 
 
 107. Masson, David. Eeminiscences of Edinburgh 
 University — Professors and Debating Societies. Mac- 
 millan's Magazine, vol. xi, p. 123. 
 
 A valuable estimate of the value of debating soci- 
 eties in the university.
 
 APPENDIX. 323 
 
 108. N"iCHOL, John. Scotch Universities, their 
 Friends and Foes. Fortnightly Eeview, vol. xl, p. 639. 
 
 A useful discussion of the relation of the Scotch 
 universities to national life. 
 
 109. Kait, Egbert Sangster. The Universities of 
 Aberdeen : a History. Pp. xii + 382. iVberdeen, 1895. 
 
 Contains incidental references to Scottish student 
 life. 
 
 110. The Scottish Universities. Xorth British Ee- 
 view, vol. xiii, p. 285. 
 
 A general view of Scottish education, with a general 
 comparison of the university systems of Germany, Eng- 
 land, and Scotland. 
 
 111. Life at the English and Scotch Universities: a 
 Contrast. The Nation, vol. xxi, p. 322. 
 
 Contains useful statistics of Scotch student life. 
 
 112. North Country Students. Cornhill Magazine, 
 vol. xxxvii, p. 452. 
 
 Diffuse. 
 
 113. Scottish University Students. All the Year 
 Eound, vol. xliv, p. 80. 
 
 A hostile view, written with an Oxford bias. 
 
 114. Student Life in Scotland. Cornhill Magazine, 
 vol. i, p. 366. 
 
 An excellent article ; describes debating societies and 
 social life in the universities. 
 
 115. Student Life in Scotland. Blackwood's Maga- 
 zine (American edition), vol. xxxix, pp. 135, 422. 
 
 116. College Life at Glasgow. Eraser's Magazine, 
 vol. liii, p. 505. 
 
 Good account of Scottish student life in the thirties. 
 
 117. Scottish Student Life. Chambers's Journal, 
 vol. Ixxi, p. 593.
 
 324 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Gives the history of all the recent movements and 
 changes in Scottish student life. 
 
 YII. General Treatises bearing on American 
 
 Student Life. 
 
 A. Worhs covering the Entire Field. 
 
 118. Hall, B. H. A Collection of College Words 
 and Customs. Pp. 508. Cambridge, 1856. 
 
 A storehouse of material, treating of the early peri- 
 ods of American student life. 
 
 119. Porter, Noah. The American Colleges and the 
 American Public. Pp. vi + 285. New Haven, 1870. 
 
 An able defence of existing conditions in American 
 colleges, including the class system. 
 
 120. Thwing, Charles F. American Colleges; 
 their Students and Work. New York, 1883. 
 
 Chapter V treats of societies. Chapter VII of jour- 
 nalism. Well written, but not full. 
 
 B. Histories and Reminiscences of Particular Institu- 
 tions. 
 
 121. Bagg, L. H. Four Years at Yale. By a Grad- 
 uate of '69. Pp. 713. New Haven, 1871. 
 
 A full account of student customs, usages, and soci- 
 eties, well written. One of the most instructive books 
 on American student life. 
 
 122. Baldwin, Ebenezer. Annals of Yale College. 
 Pp. 324. New Haven, 1831. 
 
 123. Bush, George Gary. The History of Higher 
 Education in Massachusetts. Pp. 445. Washington, 
 1891. 
 
 Contains many useful references to modern student 
 life at Harvard.
 
 APPENDIX. 325 
 
 124. Clark, Willis G. The History of Education 
 in Alabama (1702-1889). Pp.281. Washington, 1889. 
 
 Describes student life in the South in ante-bellum 
 days. 
 
 125. Cleavelaxd, Nehemiah, and Packard, Al- 
 PHEUS Spring. History of Bowdoin College, with Bio- 
 graphical Sketches of its Graduates (1806-1879). Pp. 
 905. Boston, 1882. 
 
 The standard history of Bowdoin ; contains excellent 
 accounts of debating and religious societies. 
 
 126. Cutting, George E. Student Life at Amherst 
 College: its Organizations, their Membership and His- 
 tory. Pp. 204. Amherst, 1871. 
 
 A complete account of all forms of student activity 
 for the period covered. The only book of the kind thus 
 far published in the United States. Probably the most 
 valuable single work for American student life. 
 
 127. Gushing, Thomas. Undergraduate Life Sixty 
 Years Ago. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. i, p. 547. 
 
 128. DuRFEE, Calvin. A History of Williams Col- 
 lege. Pp. 432. Boston, 1860. 
 
 A standard work, with incidental accounts of stu- 
 dent life. 
 
 129. Hitchcock, Edward. Eeminiscences of Am- 
 herst College, Historical, Scientific, Biographical, and 
 Autobiographical. Pp. 412. Northampton, 1863. 
 
 Important for the study of the debating society and 
 rise of the fraternity. 
 
 130. Lippincott Series on Social Life in American 
 Colleges, in Lippincott's Magazine, vols, xxxix and xl 
 (1887-^88). 
 
 Slight and superficial with two or three exceptions; 
 the series runs as follows :
 
 326 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Wendell, Barret. Social Life at Harvard, vol. 
 xxxix, p. 152. 
 
 Hopkins, E. M. Social Life at Princeton, vol. 
 xxxix, p. 677. 
 
 Spencer, E. Social Life at Cornell, vol. xxxix, 
 p. 999. 
 
 Minor, J. B., Jr. Social Life at the University of 
 Virginia, vol. xl, p. 98. 
 
 Jenks, a. E. Social Life at Yale, vol. xl, p. 390. 
 
 McDonald, J. R. Social Life at Williams College, 
 vol. xl, p. 572. 
 
 EouNDS, R. S. Social Life at Amherst College, vol. 
 xl, p. 737. 
 
 131. MacLean, John. History of the College of 
 !N'ew Jersey from its Origin in 1746 to the Commence- 
 ment of 1854. Two volumes. Pp. 414 + 450. Phila- 
 delphia, 1877. 
 
 Contains many data on student habits and morals at 
 the beginning of the century. 
 
 132. McLaughlin, Andrew C. History of Higher 
 Education in Michigan. Pp. 179. Washington, 1891. 
 
 133. Meriavether, Colyer. History of Higher 
 Education in South Carolina. Pp. 247. AYashington, 
 1889. 
 
 Contains an interesting description of early South- 
 ern student life. 
 
 134. Merriam, Lucius Salisbury. Higher Educa- 
 tion in Tennessee. Pp. 287. Washignton, 1893. 
 
 Describes modern conditions at Vanderbilt Univer- 
 sity. 
 
 135. Parker, Leonard E. Higher Education in 
 Iowa. Pp. 190. Washington, 1893. 
 
 Some incidental references of value.
 
 APPENDIX. 327 
 
 13G. Peabody, Andrew P. Harvard Eeminis- 
 cences. Pp. 216. Boston, 1888. 
 
 An interesting description of the old-time relations 
 between faculty and students. 
 
 137. Pierce, Bexjamix. A History of Harvard 
 University from its Foundation in the Year 1636 to 
 the Period of the American Eevolution; Pp. 316. Ap- 
 pendix, pp. 153. Cambridge, 1833. 
 
 138. Porter, Johx A. (editor). Sketches of Yale 
 Life : Being Sketches, Humorous and Descriptive, from 
 College Magazines and Xewspapers. Pp. 288. Wash- 
 ington, 1886. 
 
 139. Powell, Lymax P. The History of Educa- 
 tion in Delaware. Pp. 186. Washington, 1893. 
 
 Describes student life in a small college. 
 
 140. QuixcY, JosiAH. The History of Harvard Uni- 
 versity. Two volumes. Pp. 612 + 726. Boston, 1860. 
 
 Valuable for colonial student life. Appendix con- 
 tains documents showing the habits and customs of the 
 students. 
 
 141. Scribner Series on Undergraduate Life in 
 American L^niversities. Volumes xxi, xxii (1897), 
 Scribner's Magazine. 
 
 An able succession of articles, much superior to the 
 Lippincott series. The descriptions of Princeton and 
 Harvard life are particularly good. The titles run as 
 follows : 
 
 Marttx, Edw^ird S. Undergraduate Life at Har- 
 vard, vol. xxi, p. 531. 
 
 Alexaxder, jA:\rES W. Undergraduate Life at 
 Princeton, vol. xxi, p. 663. 
 
 HoAVLAXD, Hexry E. Undergraduate Life at Yale, 
 vol. xxii, p. 1.
 
 328 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 142. Smith, Baxter Perry. A History of Dart- 
 mouth College. Pp. 474. Boston, 1878. 
 
 Another standard authority, with incidental treat- 
 ment of student life. 
 
 143. Smith, Charles Lee. The History of Educa- 
 tion in North Carolina. Pp. 179. Washington, 1888. 
 
 Describes debating societies. 
 
 144. Start, Alaric Bertrand (editor in chief). 
 History of Tufts College, published by the Class of 
 1897. Pp. 382. Tufts College, 1896. 
 
 Treats of student life much in detail. Valuable 
 because it describes many recent experiments with stu- 
 dent institutions. 
 
 145. Steiner, Bernard C. The History of Educa- 
 tion in Connecticut. Pp. 300. Washington, 1893. 
 
 The sections on student life in the history of Yale 
 are excellent epitomes of much longer chapters in the 
 Yale Book. 
 
 146. Storey, Moorfield. Harvard in the Sixties. 
 An address before the Har^^tard^ Memorial Society. Pp. 
 24. Boston, 1869. 
 
 One of the best descriptions of the old college 
 life. 
 
 147. Thayer, W. R. An Historical Sketch of Har- 
 vard University from its Foundation to May, 1890. Pp. 
 6G. Cambridge, 1890. 
 
 A brief, comprehensive sketch of unusual merit. 
 
 148. Thorpe, Francis Newton. Benjamin Frank- 
 lin and the University of Pennsylavnia. Pp. 450. Wash- 
 ington, 1893. 
 
 Includes a separate chapter on the history of stu- 
 dent organizations within the university. 
 
 149. ToLMAN^ William Howe. The History of
 
 APPENDIX. 329 
 
 Higher Education in Ehode Island. Pp. 210. Wash- 
 ington, 1894. 
 
 Sketches student life at Brown Universit3^ 
 
 150. Tyler, W. S. History of Amherst College 
 during its First Half Century (1821-1871). Pp. 671. 
 Springfield, 1873. 
 
 Emphasizes the religious life and organizations of 
 the college. 
 
 151. Wallace, George R. Princeton Sketches. 
 The History of Nassau Hall. Pp. 200. N"ew York, 1893. 
 
 Deals with the fraternity problem at Princeton. 
 
 152. Welch, Lewis Sheldon, and Camp, Walter. 
 Yale, her Campus, Class-rooms, and Athletics. Pp. 628 
 Boston, 1899. 
 
 An extended account of all forms of student activ- 
 ity; one of the most valuable recent books. 
 
 153. Reminiscences of Scenes and Characters in Col- 
 lege by a Graduate of Yale of the Class of 1821. Pp. 
 229. New Haven, 1847. 
 
 154. Sketches of Yale College, with Numerous An- 
 ecdotes, by a Member of the Institution. Pp. 192. New 
 York, 1843. 
 
 YIII. Literature of the Class System. 
 A. College Discipline. 
 
 155. Bartlett, S. C. College Disturbances. The 
 Forum, vol. iv, p. 424 (1888). 
 
 The author holds public opinion largely responsible 
 for student outbreaks. 
 
 156. GoDKiN", E. L. College Discipline. The Na- 
 tion, vol. xlviii, p. 154 (1889). 
 
 Shows relation between college discipline and the 
 low estimate of college professors by graduates.
 
 330 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 157. Jordan, David Starr. College Discipline. 
 North American Eeview, vol. clxv, p. 403 (1897). 
 
 Author claims that discipline should be reduced to 
 a minimum, that undesirable students should be 
 sent home; the article also treats of hazing and rush- 
 ing. 
 
 158. McCosH, James. Discipline in American Col- 
 leges. North American Eeview, vol. cxxvi, p. 428 
 (1878). 
 
 Defends the conservative position; holds that stu- 
 dents should be closely watched ; touches on hazing and 
 college disturbances. 
 
 159. QuiNCY, J. P. Coercion in the Later Stages of 
 Education. Old and New, vol. viii, p. 44 (1873). 
 
 A plea for a more liberal view of discipline ; objects 
 to the recitation marking system and to police duties of 
 professors. 
 
 160. Shaler, N. S. The Problem of Discipline in 
 Higher Education. Atlantic Monthly, vol. Ixiv, p. 24 
 (1889). 
 
 Treats of the genesis and development of college dis- 
 cipline at Harvard ; important. 
 
 161. College Instruction and Discipline. American 
 Quarterly Eeview, vol. ix, p. 283 (1831). 
 
 A general discussion; the writer takes a conserva- 
 tive standpoint and opposes all forms of student co- 
 operation. 
 
 162. College Discipline. The Critic, vol. i, p. 204 
 (1881). 
 
 Shows the impossibility of a great scholar serving 
 as policeman; the standpoint of the writer radical.
 
 APPENDIX. 331 
 
 B. Descriptive of Class Life and Customs. 
 
 163. Alden, Samuel, and Stetson, Charles. The 
 Eebelliard or Eebellion Poem : an Heroic Poem in Five 
 Cantos. Pp. 36. Amherst, 1869. 
 
 A burlesque on the students participating in the 
 great rebellion of Harvard. 
 
 164. Bagg, Lyman H. The Bully Club (of Yale). 
 Yale Book, vol. ii, p. 460. 
 
 An excellent description of one of the most unique 
 of American student institutions. 
 
 165. Butler, Daniel. Commons (at Yale). Yale 
 Book, vol. i, p. 297. 
 
 Throws light on the causes of class rebellions. 
 
 166. CusHiNG, T., and Allen, T. P. Town and 
 Gown in Old Times. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. 
 viii, p. 15. 
 
 A brief account of two early difficulties at Harvard. 
 
 167. Hall, Benjamin Homer. Commons (Har- 
 vard). Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 75. 
 
 168. Lowell, James Eussell. Class Day. Har- 
 vard Book, vol. ii, p. 157. 
 
 Important for early history of the class. 
 
 169. Northrop, Cyrus. Commencement (Yale). 
 Yale Book, vol. i, p. 306. 
 
 170. QuiNCY, Edmund. Commencement Day (Har- 
 vard). Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 147. 
 
 171. Todd, Henry Alfred. Commencement Day 
 (Princeton). Princeton Book, p. 179. 
 
 172. Webber, Samuel. A Narrative of the Pro- 
 ceedings of the Corporation of Harvard College relative 
 to the Late Disorders in that Seminary. Pp. 19. Cam- 
 bridge, 1807.
 
 332 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Presents the official side in the great rebellion. 
 
 173. Don Quixotes at College, or a History of the 
 Gallant Adventures lately achieved by the Combined 
 Students of Harvard University, interspersed by Some 
 Facetious Keasonings — by a Senior. Pp. 20. Bos- 
 ton, 1807. 
 
 Another burlesque on the rebellious students of Har- 
 vard. 
 
 174. Circular (of Students in reference to the 
 Eebellion of 1834). Pp. 12 (1834). 
 
 Official presentation of the case for the students. 
 
 IX. Literature of the Debating Society. 
 A. Descriptive. 
 
 175. Baker, George P. Debating at Harvard. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. vii, p. 363 (1899). 
 
 An account of the present method of training inter- 
 collegiate debaters at Harvard. 
 
 176. Brodt, p. E. Debating Societies at Columbia. 
 Columbia University Quarterly, vol. i, p. 47. 
 
 An account of early debating societies at Columbia. 
 The article contains instructive criticism. 
 
 177. Cameron, Henry C. The American Whig 
 Society. Princeton Book, p. 184. 
 
 A brief sketch of one of the Princeton societies. 
 
 178. Chamberlain, D. H. Debating and Parlia- 
 mentary Practice at Yale; a Speech before the Yale 
 Alumni Association. New York, 1896. 
 
 A criticism of the methods of teaching English and 
 coaching debaters then in force at Yale. 
 
 179. Coe, Edward B. The Literary Societies (of 
 Yale). Yale Book, vol. i, p. 307.
 
 APPENDIX. 333 
 
 Best existing account of the pre-Revolutionary de- 
 bating societies. 
 
 180. Cornell Era, March 30, 1898. Pennsylvania- 
 Cornell debate, 1898. Subject: Reading as a Qualifi- 
 cation for Immigrants. Ithaca, 1898. 
 
 A verbatim account of an important intercollegiate 
 debate. 
 
 181. Gardxer, Percy. Impressions of American 
 Universities. Nineteenth Century, vol. xlv, p. 102 (Jan- 
 uary, 1899). 
 
 Contains severe criticism of intercollegiate debating 
 from an English standpoint. 
 
 182. HoTCHKiss, Thomas W., Jr. The Secret So- 
 cieties of Princeton University. Magazine of American 
 History, vol. xxvii, p. 17 (1891). 
 
 A fair account of the Princeton societies. 
 
 183. Jacobus, Melaxcthox W. The Cliosophic 
 Society. Princeton Book, p. 201. 
 
 A brief sketch of the second Princeton society. 
 18-4. JoHXSTOX, W. C. The Literary Societies of 
 Yale College. University Quarterly, vol. i, p. 115 (1860). 
 An excellent account of society rivalry. 
 
 185. Miller, Mariox Mills. Debate in American 
 Colleges. Bachelor of Arts, vol. ii, p. 208. 
 
 A brief article of slight importance. 
 
 186. Peabody, Fraxcis Greexwood. The Insti- 
 tute of 1770. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 341. 
 
 An exceedingly brief account of the society which 
 was for many years the chief debating club of Harvard. 
 
 187. RiXGWALT, Ralph Curtis. Intercollegiate 
 Debating. The Forum, vol. xxii, p. 633 (1897). 
 
 A history of modern intercollegiate debating, with 
 an exposition of present methods.
 
 334 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 188. Vrooman, Carl. College Debating. The 
 Arena, vol. x, p. 677. 
 
 An exposition of the purposes of the Intercollegiate 
 Debating Union. 
 
 189. College Oratory in the West. Review of Re- 
 views, vol. xi, p. 665. 
 
 An account of the Western State oratorical con- 
 tests, with a characterization of the speeches, and copi- 
 ous extracts. 
 
 B. Principles and Pedagogy of Debating. 
 
 190. Baker^ George Pierce. The Principles of 
 Argumentation. Boston and New York, 1895. 
 
 A standard manual. 
 
 191. Brookings, W. D., and Ringwalt, R. C. 
 Briefs for Debate, with an Introduction by Alfred Bush- 
 nell Hart. New York, 1896. 
 
 The introduction contains an exposition of the prin- 
 ciples of modern intercollegiate debating. 
 
 192. Chamberlain, D. H. The Value of College 
 Literary Societies. University Quarterly, vol. iii, p. 348 
 (1861). 
 
 Somewhat vague. 
 
 193. GoDKiN, E. L. Collegiate Oratory. The Na- 
 tion, vol. xxvi, p. 38. 
 
 A severe criticism of the rhetorical school of ora- 
 tory; favours incisive debating instead. 
 
 194. HiGGiNSON, Thomas Wentv^orth. Hints on 
 Writing and Speech-making. New York. 
 
 195. Holyoake, George Jacob. Public Speaking 
 and Debate. A Manual for Advocates and Agitators. 
 Second edition. Boston, 1896. 
 
 196. McElligott, James N. The American De-
 
 APPENDIX. 335 
 
 bater: Being a Plain Exposition of the Principles and 
 Practice of Public Debate. New York, 1877. 
 
 An old and influential manual ; now out of date. 
 
 197. McElligott, James N. Debating a Means of 
 Educational Discipline. American Journal of Educa- 
 tion (Barnard^s), vol. i, p. 495. 
 
 A diffuse article representing the old standpoint, 
 but not witlK)ut suggestions of value. 
 
 198. Robinson, William Callahan. Forensic 
 Oratory; a Manual for Advocates. Boston, 1893. 
 
 199. RowTON, Feedeeic. How to Conduct a De- 
 bate. New York. 
 
 200. Wpiately, Richaed. Danger of Debating So- 
 cieties to Young Men. Bentley's Miscellany, vol. xix, 
 p. 615. 
 
 A strong protest, almost a philippic against the de- 
 bating society. 
 
 201. Discussion Classes. Chambers's Edinburgh 
 Journal, vol. x, p. 107. 
 
 An excellent resume of the advantages of debating 
 societies. 
 
 X. Liteeatuee of the Fraternity System. 
 A. Descriptive. 
 
 202. Baied, William Raimond. American College 
 Fraternities. 
 
 A descriptive analysis of the fraternity system in 
 the colleges of the United States. Fifth edition. Pp. 
 438. New York, 1898. 
 
 The one great authority on this subject. It includes 
 a general sketch of the fraternity system, the history of 
 each society, statistical tables, and a vindication of the 
 fraternity principle.
 
 336 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 203. Cook, F. G. The Delta Upsilon at Har- 
 vard. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. viii, p. 321 
 (1899). 
 
 204. Hasty Pudding Club. Eleventh Catalogue of 
 the Officers and Members — containing a Brief Sketch 
 of the Club and an Index of Names. Pp. 301. Cam- 
 bridge, 1891. 
 
 205. Harvard Book. (History of the Typical Har- 
 vard societies by the following authors) : 
 
 BuswELL, Henry Foster. Pi Eta Society, vol. ii, 
 p. 409. 
 
 Clark, Lester Williams. The Alpha Delta Phi, 
 vol. ii, p. 389. 
 
 Dana, Eichard Henry. The Phi Beta Kappa So- 
 ciety, vol. ii, p. 343. 
 
 Deming, Horace Edward. The Everett Athenae- 
 um, vol. ii, p. 412. 
 
 Grant, Egbert. The A. D. Club, vol. ii, p. 392. 
 
 Kidder, Camillus George. The Signet Society, 
 vol. ii, p. 414. 
 
 Longfellow, Samuel. The Hasty Pudding Club, 
 vol. ii, p. 353. 
 
 Perkins, Augustus Thorndike. The Porcellian 
 Club, vol. ii, p. 348. 
 
 Warren, Samuel Dennis. The 0. K. Society, vol. 
 ii, p. 396. 
 
 These sketches carry the history of the organiza- 
 tions as far as the late seventies. 
 
 206. Packard, Lewis E. The Phi Beta Kappa So- 
 ciety (of Yale). Yale Book, vol. i, p. 324. 
 
 207. Piper, P. F. College Fraternities. The Cos- 
 mopolitan, vol. xxii, p. 641 (1897). 
 
 A general sketch of the fraternity movement.
 
 APPENDIX. 337 
 
 208. Porter, Johx Addisox. College Fraternities. 
 Century Magazine, vol. xiv, p. 749 (1888). 
 
 An account of the different forms of college fra- 
 ternities. 
 
 209. Eaxdolpii, Eugexe H. L. Greek-Letter Soci- 
 eties in American Colleges. Xew England Magazine, 
 vol. xxiii, p. 70 (1897). 
 
 Best general sketch of the fraternities, written from 
 a sympathetic standpoint. 
 
 210. Thayer, Willia:^! R. Shall we have a Uni- 
 versity Club? Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, 
 p. 468. 
 
 Contains an excellent account of the Harvard soci- 
 eties both under the old and the new regimes. 
 
 211. AYHiT:\rAX, Edward A. The Pi Eta Society. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 486. 
 
 B. Controversial. 
 
 212. AiKEX, E. E. The Secret Society System. 
 New Haven, 1882. 
 
 An attack on fraternities in general, and Yale fra- 
 ternities in particular; intensely partisan. 
 
 213. Jacobs, A. B. The Greek-Letter Societies. 
 Detroit, 1879. 
 
 214. Kellogg, H. L. College Secret Societies. Pp. 
 88. Chicago, 1874. 
 
 Another bitter attack; contains considerable data of 
 value. 
 
 215. Lathrop, W. W. College Secret Societies. 
 University Quarterly, vol. iii, p. 273 (1861). 
 
 A strong argument against the secret-society prin- 
 ciple. 
 
 216. McCosH, J., Seelye, J., Adams, H. C, and 
 
 22
 
 338 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 others. Interchange (on college fraternities). The 
 Academy, vol. ii, p. 372 (October, 1887). 
 
 Contains statements of views pro and con by a num- 
 ber of prominent American educators. 
 
 317. Occident Publishing Company. An Account of 
 the Greek-Letter Fraternities in the University of Cali- 
 fornia, republished from the Files of the Occident 
 newspaper. Berkeley, 1883. 
 
 An onslaught on the fraternities. 
 
 218. Porter, John Addison. The Society System 
 of Yale College. The New-Englander, vol. xliii, p. 377 
 (1884). 
 
 A strong defence of the society system at Yale. 
 
 219. Sanborn, Alvan F. The Advantages of Col- 
 lege Fraternities. The Academy, vol. v, p. 386 
 (1890). 
 
 A one-sided plea for the fraternity. 
 
 220. White, Andrev^ D. College Fraternities. 
 The Forum, vol. iii, p. 243. 
 
 A valuable article; favours the fraternity. 
 
 221. White, E. E. Eeport to the Board of Trus- 
 tees of Purdue University. 
 
 A violent attack on the fraternities. 
 
 222. Secret Societies in College. The Critic, vol. iv, 
 pp. 109, 137 (1884). 
 
 A well-written article, dealing largely with condi- 
 tions at Yale. 
 
 XL The Literature of College Athletics. 
 A. Descriptive. 
 
 223. Camp, Walter, and Deland, Lorin F. Foot- 
 ball. Boston and New York, 1896. 
 
 Discusses the game from every possible standpoint.
 
 APPENDIX. 339 
 
 but with most attention on the technique of training 
 and strategy. 
 
 22i. Harvard Book. (History of the different 
 branches of athletics by the following authors) : 
 
 Ckowxixshield, Benjamin William. Boating, 
 vol. ii, p. 191. 
 
 HiGGiNsox, Thomas Wextworth. The Gymna- 
 sium, vol. ii, p. 186. 
 
 Saxborx, AYilliam Delaxo. Baseball, vol. ii, p. 
 268. 
 
 225. Princeton Book. (History of the different 
 branches of athletics by the following authors) : 
 
 Smith, Wiltox M. Baseball, p. 417. 
 Stewart, David. Football, p. 432. 
 
 226. Thayer, Frederick W. Harvard's Loss of 
 Athletic Prestige. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. 
 i,p. 31. 
 
 Describes methods of athletic organization at Har- 
 vard. 
 
 227. Yale Book. (History of the different branches 
 of athletics by the following authors) : 
 
 Bagg, Lymax H. Boating, vol. ii. 
 Browx, Fayette W. Athletic Sports (track), 
 vol. ii. 
 
 BusHXELL, Samuel C. Baseball, vol. ii. 
 Peters, Johx P. Football, vol. ii. 
 
 B. Controversial and Pedagogical. 
 
 228. BoYKix, James C. Physical Training. Ee- 
 port of the United States Commissioner of Education, 
 1891-^92, vol. i, p. 451. 
 
 An historical sketch of physical education. 
 
 229. Camp, Walter. Athletic Extravagance in
 
 340 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Training, in Playing, and in Describing. Outing, vol. 
 xxvi, p. 81. 
 
 A plea for moderation. 
 
 230. Darling, E. A. The Effects of Training. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. viii, p. 21. 
 
 A careful study of the physiological effects of 
 training. 
 
 231. Davis, Andrew M. F. College Athletics. At- 
 lantic Monthly, vol. li, p. 677. 
 
 Contains some suggestions of merit. 
 
 232. Emmons, Egbert W., 2d. Needed Football 
 Eeforms. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 318. 
 
 A clear statement of the main issues raised by ath- 
 leticism. 
 
 233. Gardiner, A. P. The Graduate Athletic As- 
 sociation. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. vi, p. 344. 
 
 Treats of the organization of coaching. 
 
 234. Ggdkin, E. L. Glorification in Athletics. The 
 Nation, vol. Iv, p. 406. 
 
 Calls attention to the bad results of athletic no- 
 toriety. 
 
 235. Ggdkin, E. L. The Athletic Craze. The Na- 
 tion, vol. Ivii, p. 422. 
 
 A pungent criticism of the prevailing methods of 
 athletic training and management. 
 
 236. Ggdkin, E. L. Athletics and Health. The 
 Nation, vol. lix, p. 457. 
 
 A sharp attack on athleticism; claims that watch- 
 ing football games is a poor substitute for moderate 
 exercise. 
 
 237. Hart, Albert Bushnell. The Status of Ath- 
 letics in American Colleges. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 
 Ixvi, p. 63.
 
 APPENDIX, 341 
 
 A history of the problems of athletic organization. 
 
 238. Hartwell, Edward Mussey. Physical Train- 
 ing. Eeport of the United States Commissioner of 
 Education, 1897-'98, vol. i, p. 487. 
 
 A general history of physical training; criticises 
 American college athletics from the standpoint of sci- 
 entific physical training. 
 
 239. Hemenway, Augustus, and others. Impor- 
 tant Suggestions in Athletics, being the Eeport of the 
 Committee on Physical Training, Athletic Sports, and 
 Sanitary Condition of Buildings. Harvard Graduate 
 Magazine, vol. vi, p. 191. 
 
 Outlines the athletic policy of Harvard. 
 
 240. Jones, Oliver S. Morality in College Ath- 
 letics. North American Eeview, vol. clx, p. 638. 
 
 Contains some suggestive criticism; objects to loaf- 
 ing in connection with athletics and to professionalism. 
 
 241. EiCHARDS, Eugexe L. Intercollegiate Ath- 
 letics and Faculty Control. Outing, vol. xxvi^ p. 325. 
 
 Written from the athlete's standpoint ; advises that 
 faculty control be limited to smallest possible extent. 
 
 242. EiCHARDS, Eugene L. College Athletics. 
 Popular Science Monthly, vol. xxiv, pp. 446-587. 
 
 A thoughtful and suggestive article, with a strong 
 athletic bias. 
 
 243. Taussig, F. W. A Professor's View of Athlet- 
 ics. Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 305. 
 
 An article remarkable for its moderation and in- 
 sight. 
 
 244. Thayer, W. E. Class Honours and Athletics. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. viii, p. 194. 
 
 Shows a close relation between the two. The author 
 exhibits tables of honour men.
 
 342 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 245. Walker, Francis A. College Athletics. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. ii, p. 1. 
 
 A strong vindication of athletics ; this article is re- 
 published in the author's educational essays. 
 
 246. White, John Williams. The Constitution, 
 Authority, and Policy of the Committee on the Kegula- 
 tion of Athletic Sports (at Harvard). Harvard Grad- 
 uate Magazine, vol. i, p. 209. 
 
 An account of one of the most interesting recent 
 experiments in athletic organization. 
 
 247. Whitney, Caspar (Department of Amateur 
 Sport, in Harper's Weekly). 
 
 Contains much intelligent ciriticism of current ath- 
 letic methods. 
 
 248. Young, C. A. College Athletic Sports. The 
 Forum, vol. ii, p. 142. 
 
 The author advocates a moderate control of ath- 
 letics. 
 
 249. The Outreachings of Athletics. The Nation, 
 vol. Ix, p. 235. 
 
 An anonymous correspondent deals with the de- 
 moralizing results of college athletics on preparatory 
 schools — ^noting phases of professionalism. 
 
 250. Should Professionals be employed in College 
 Athletics? Bachelor of Arts, vol. i, p. 559. 
 
 A strong negative given by a Harvard man, the 
 affirmative position taken by a Cornell graduate. 
 
 XII. Literature of Student Self-government. 
 
 251. BiGHAM, John. An Instructive Experiment in 
 College Government. Educational Eeview,vol. iii,p. 162. 
 
 A brief and sympathetic account of the Amherst ex- 
 periment.
 
 APPENDIX. 343 
 
 252. Bowdoin College. Articles of Agreement be- 
 tween the Faculty and Students of Bowdoin College for 
 the Administration of Justice in the College (1894). 
 
 253. ScHURMAX, Jacob Gould. Eeport of the 
 President of Cornell University, 1894-'95. 
 
 Supports the honour system strongly. 
 
 254. Ferxald, M. C. Co-operative Government. 
 Proceedings of the National Educational Association, 
 1890, p. Q8o. 
 
 An account of the plan of self-government at the 
 University of Maine. 
 
 255. Gregory, John M. An Experiment in Col- 
 lege Government. International^ Eeview, vol. x, p. 510 
 (1881). 
 
 An excellent sketch of the experiment at the Univer- 
 sity of Illinois. 
 
 256. McKexzie, James C. Honour in Student 
 Life. School Review, vol. vii, p. 69 (1899). 
 
 A discussion of the honour system in college ex- 
 aminations. 
 
 257. Peabody, Selim H. An Educational Experi- 
 ment. Proceedings of the National Educational Asso- 
 ciation, 1889, p. 539. 
 
 An account of the decline and fall of student self- 
 governm.ent at the University of Illinois ; author's atti- 
 tude that of hostility to the experiment. 
 
 258. Smith, C. H. Modern Bowdoin. The Congre- 
 gationalist, June 21, 1894. 
 
 Contains a brief sketch of the Bowdoin scheme of 
 self-government. 
 
 259. Stanford University. Constitutions of the As- 
 sociated Students of the Leland Stanford Junior Uni- 
 versity. Palto Alto, 1896.
 
 344: STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Contains the constitution of the student body and 
 all subordinate organizations. 
 
 260. Stevens, W. Le Conte. Self-Government in 
 Colleges. Popular Science Monthly, vol. xix, p. 697 
 (1881). 
 
 A letter to the editor of the Popular Science Month- 
 ly, giving the history of some early experiments in stu- 
 dent self-government. 
 
 261. Tulane University of Louisiana. Student 
 Handbook (containing the Constitution of the Aca- 
 demic Corps). Revised, 1898. 
 
 XIII. Literature of Student Press. 
 
 262. Amherst. The Amherst Student. Odd vol- 
 umes from 1879. to 1896. Amherst. 
 
 263. Anderson, G. W. College Journalism. Wil- 
 liams's Literary Monthly, vol. i, p. 311 (1886). 
 
 An excellent article, indicating the functions of col- 
 lege journalism. 
 
 264. Bradley, W. A. Undergraduate Publications 
 (at Columbia). Columbia University Quarterly, vol. i, 
 p. 358; vol. ii, p. 27 (1899). 
 
 An account of the early student publications at Co- 
 lumbia ; an excellent sketch. 
 
 265. Carter, Franklin. College Magazine (at 
 Yale). Yale Book, vol. i, p. 338. 
 
 A sketch of Yale journalism. 
 
 266. Columbia University Quarterly. Two volumes. 
 New York, 1898-1900. 
 
 A graduate magazine, publishing notes and articles 
 of importance on student life. 
 
 267. Harvard Graduate Magazine. Eight volumes. 
 Boston, 1892-1900.
 
 APPENDIX. 345 
 
 A graduate quarterly, publishing important articles 
 on student life, besides an intelligent and compre- 
 hensive chronicle of student organizations from year to 
 year. 
 
 268. Harvard Magazine. Ten volumes. Cam- 
 bridge, 1854--*64. 
 
 A high-class literary and critical magazine pub- 
 lished by the students of Harvard. 
 
 269. Harvard Monthly. Volumes I to XXVII. 
 Cambridge, 1885-1900. 
 
 The present literary magazine of the Harvard un- 
 dergraduates, representative of the best type of Ameri- 
 can college journalism. 
 
 270. Harvard Lyceum. One volume. Cambridge, 
 1811. 
 
 The oldest college literary magazine which has come 
 down to us. 
 
 271. James, Hexry, Jr. The (Harvard) Crimson. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. viii, p. 181. 
 
 Describes the management, make-up, and influence 
 of the modern college daily. 
 
 272. OsBORX, Hexry F. The Princeton Journals. 
 Princeton Book, p. 400. 
 
 An historical sketch of Princeton journalism. 
 
 273. Perry, Thomas Sergeaxt. The College 
 Journals (of Harvard). Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 173. 
 
 An historical account of Harvard journalism. 
 
 274. Wesleyan. The College Argus. Volumes V to 
 X. Middletown, 1871-'77. 
 
 275. Williams. Williams Literary Monthly. Two 
 volumes. WilliamstowTi, 1885-87. 
 
 276. Williams. Williams Literary Quarterly. Five 
 volumes. Williamstown, 1854-'59.
 
 346 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 277. Yale. The Yale Literary Magazine. Sixty- 
 four volumes. New Haven, 1837-^99. 
 
 The most famous of college literary monthlies. 
 
 278. Yale. Yale Courant. Odd volumes from YII 
 to XXXIII. New Haven, 1870-95. 
 
 XIV. Literature of Miscellaneous Student Clubs. 
 A. Religious. 
 
 279. Cooke, Joseph Platt. The Christian Breth- 
 ren. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 360. 
 
 An account of one of the oldest Christian societies. 
 
 280. DoGGETT, L. L. History of the Young Men's 
 Christian Association, vol. i, 1844-'55. New York, 
 1896. 
 
 Does not deal directly with college associations. 
 
 281. DuFFiELD, John T. The Philadelphian Soci- 
 ety. Princeton Book, p. 212. 
 
 Corresponded to the societies of inquiry elsewhere. 
 
 282. MoTT, John E. The Students of the World 
 united. Some Achievements of the Year 1897-'98 
 (1899). 
 
 Describes the international students' movement of 
 Europe, with account of author's tour and visits to con- 
 ventions. 
 
 283. MoTT, John E. College Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Association Buildings. New York, 1895. 
 
 Describes the buildings already erected, and shows 
 the importance of such in the religious life of colleges. 
 
 284. MoTT, John E., Eeynolds, J. B., Wishard, 
 L. D. The Christian Movement in the Universities of 
 America, Europe, and Asia. Chicago, 1893. . 
 
 Comparatively obsolete. 
 
 285. MoTT, John E., Stevenson, J. E., Eoot, P.
 
 APPENDIX. 347 
 
 Eeport of the Executive Committee of the Student Vol- 
 unteer Movement for Foreign Missions. Presented, 
 February 23-27, 1898. 
 
 Outlines the policy of the movement and summa- 
 rizes its achievements. 
 
 286. EiCHMOND, Willia:^!. The St. Paul's Soci- 
 ety. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 402. 
 
 A brief account of an Episcopalian society. 
 
 287. Sheldox, George. The Xassau Bible Society. 
 Princeton Book, p. 227. 
 
 A unique Princeton organization. 
 
 288. Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Mis- 
 sions. Official pamphlets by — 
 
 Eddy, Sherwood. The Supreme Decision of the 
 Christian Student, or the Choice of a Life Work. Xew 
 York, 1895. 
 
 Gates, Merrill Edwards. Christian Missions and 
 the Highest Use of Wealth. 
 
 Lyox, Willard D. The Volunteer Band for For- 
 eign Missions. Chicago, 1895. 
 
 Describes the organization and workings of the in- 
 dividual band. 
 
 Lyox, Willard D. The Volunteer Declaration, 
 1895. 
 
 White, J. Campbell. The Self-Perpetuation of 
 the Volunteer Band. 
 
 289. Texure, Arthur B. The St. Paul's Society. 
 Princeton Book, p. 231. 
 
 290. Young Men's Christian Association. Year- 
 book of the Young Men's Christian Association of 
 North America, 1897. New York, 1897.
 
 348 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 B. Professional and Industrial. 
 
 291. Federation of Graduate Clubs. Graduate 
 Handbook. Seven volumes (1892-'99). 
 
 Introduction to each volume contains an account of 
 graduate clubs. Volume VII much more important 
 than other numbers of the series. 
 
 392. Stone, Milton Jerome, Jr. The Co-opera- 
 tive Society (of Harvard). Harvard Graduate Maga- 
 zine, vol. i, p. 560. 
 
 293. Stone, Milton Jerome, Jr. History of Co- 
 operation in the United States. Johns Hopkins Uni- 
 versity Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 
 vi. Baltimore, 1888. 
 
 Chapters I to II, Co-operation in New England, by 
 Edward W. Bemis, contains accounts of the co-opera- 
 tive stores at Harvard, Yale, and Massachusetts Insti- 
 tute of Technology. 
 
 294. California, University of. Proposed JSTew 
 Constitution of the Student Co-operative Society of the 
 University of California. Berkeley, 1894. 
 
 C. Philatitliropic. 
 
 295. Calkins, Eaymond. Volunteer Charity Work. 
 Harvard Graduate Magazine, vol. iii, p. 323. 
 
 An account of the philanthropic activities of the 
 Harvard religious associations. 
 
 296. Minnesota, University of. Actual Experi- 
 ence in making a Living, related by Men who have made 
 their Own Way through the University. Four Essays. 
 1898.
 
 APPENDIX. 349 
 
 D. Musical and Dramatic. 
 
 297. Dennis, Alfred L., Jr. Glee and Instru- 
 mental Clubs (of Princeton). Princeton Book, p. 412. 
 
 298. DwiGHT, John Sullivan. The Pierian So- 
 dality. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 363. 
 
 299. FooTE, Arthur William. The Harvard Glee 
 Club. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 394. 
 
 300. Stoeckel, Gustave J. Music and Musical So- 
 cieties (at Yale). Yale Book, vol. ii, p. 479. 
 
 E. General Miscellaneous. 
 
 301. Hale, Edward Everett. The Xatural His- 
 tory Society. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 385. 
 
 302. LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. The Harvard 
 Washington Corps. Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 375. 
 
 303. Merwin, Henry Childs. Miscellaneous Or- 
 ganizations (at Harvard). Harvard Book, vol. ii, p. 
 417. 
 
 XV. Literature of Women^s Student Societies. 
 
 304. Hill, Mary Brigham, and Eager, Helen 
 Gertrude. Wellesley. The College Beautiful. Bos- 
 ton, 1894. 
 
 Describes organizations and fetes at Wellesley. 
 
 305. Richardson, Sophia Foster. Tendencies in 
 Athletics for Women in Colleges and Universities. 
 Popular Science Monthty, vol. 1, p. 517. 
 
 A carefully prepared paper, dealing with the results 
 of Kraepelin. 
 
 306. Smith, L. R. Social Life at Vassar. Lippin- 
 cott's Magazine, vol. xxxix, p. 841 (1887). 
 
 307. Stow, Sarah D. (Locke). History of Mount
 
 350 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Holyoke Seminary, South Hadley, Mass., during the 
 Pirst Half Century (1837-1887), 1887. 
 
 XVI. Literature of Student Societies in Second- 
 ary Schools. 
 
 308. Commons, John E. The -Junior Eepublic. 
 American Journal of Sociology, vol. iii, p. 281 
 (1898). 
 
 Best sketch of the Freeville experience. 
 
 309. French, C. W. School Government. School 
 Review, vol. vi, p. 35 (1898). 
 
 A plea for student self-government, with the consti- 
 tution of the student association of the Hyde Park High 
 School. 
 
 310. McAndrew, W. a. High-School Self-Govern- 
 ment. School Review, vol. v, p. 456 (1897). 
 
 An account of an experiment at Pratt Institute, 
 Brooklyn, with constitution. 
 
 311. MiLNER, Florence. School Management 
 from the Side of Social Life. School Review, vol. vii, 
 p. 215. 
 
 Discusses the social functions of the class. 
 
 312. Peabody, Endicott. School Patriotism. 
 School Review, vol. ii, p. 502 (1895). 
 
 Shows the relation between athletics and the growth 
 of a school spirit. 
 
 313. Shaw, Albert. The School City. A Method 
 of Pupil Self-Government. (American) Review of Re- 
 views, voL XX, p. 693 (1899). 
 
 An account of the recent schemes for pupil self-gov- 
 ernment in American schools and high schools. 
 
 314. Sharpless, Isaac. What is the Present Con- 
 sensus of Opinion as to the Most Important Problems
 
 APPENDIX. 351 
 
 in Preparatory and Collegiate Education? School Ee- 
 view, vol. vi, p. 145 (1898). 
 
 Contains a plea for intellectual leadership and pro- 
 tests against excessive athleticism and social activities. 
 
 315. Snyder, Z. X., and others. Eeport on Xormal 
 Schools — The Inner Life of the Normal School. Pro- 
 ceedings of the National Educational Association, 1899, 
 p. 861. 
 
 Eecognises the value of student societies. 
 
 316. Thurber, C. H. High-School Self-Govern- 
 ment. School Eeview, vol. v, p. 32 (1897). 
 
 Gives the constitution of the Warren (Pennsyl- 
 vania) High-School Association, with Comments. 
 
 317. Thurston, Henry W. An Inquiry relating to 
 Training for Citizenship in the Public Schools. School 
 Eeview, vol. vi, p. 577 (1898). 
 
 Presents the results of questionnaire. Section G 
 treats of social education through student societies. 
 
 318. Self-Government by Pupils. Appendix H of 
 the Eeport of the Educational Commission of the City 
 of Chicago. Chicago, 1899. 
 
 An account of the system of pupil self-government 
 in the John Crerar Grammar School.
 
 IIS^DEX. 
 
 Abbott, Jacob, 148. 
 
 Abelard, Peter, 2. 
 
 Academies, student societies in. 
 See Secondary Schools. 
 
 Accommodations for athletics, 
 254, 255. 
 
 Adams, Charles K., on frater- 
 nities, quoted, 291, 292. 
 
 Adelbert College, class officers, 
 198. 
 rushing, 199. 
 fraternity strength, 227. 
 
 Agricultural Discussion Society, 
 Edinburgh, 80. 
 
 Aiken, E. E., Secret Society 
 System, 185, 186. 
 
 Alabama, University of, rebel- 
 lions, 111. 
 "^STcTen, S., and Stetson, C, The 
 Rebelliad, 110. 
 
 Alexandrian Debating Society, 
 Amherst, 12G, 132. 
 
 Alpha Delta Phi Fraternity, 145, 
 174. 
 
 Alpha Phi Fraternity, 297. 
 
 Alpha Sigma Phi Fraternity, 
 219. 
 
 Alpha Theta Phi Fraternity, 
 221. 
 
 Alpha Zeta Fraternity, 298. 
 
 Altdorf, University of, Komment 
 of, 19. 
 
 American College Fraternities, 
 by "W. R. Baird, summary, 
 187-189. 
 
 American Whig Debating Soci- 
 ety, Princeton, 93. 
 23 
 
 Amherst College, rushing, 
 103. 
 class custom, 115. 
 miscellaneous societies, 119- 
 
 121. 
 debating societies, 126-128, 
 
 134. 
 Chi Delta Theta Fraternity, 
 
 144. 
 athletics, 146, 192-194, 248. 
 student self-government, 149, 
 
 260. 
 religious societies, 159, 161. 
 political societies, 162. 
 musical clubs, 164. 
 scientific clubs, 165. 
 Amherst Collegiate, 153. 
 Andover Theological Seminary, 
 early missionary revival, 
 282. 
 Annapolis Naval Academy, boat- 
 ing, 231. 
 Annarugians, Centre College, 
 
 122. 
 Anti-Ximmo, Edinburgh Univer- 
 sity, 77. 
 Antislavery Society, Amherst, 
 
 162. 
 Anti-Venenean Society, Am- 
 herst, 161. 
 Arnold, Matthew, 43. 
 Arnold, Thomas, reforms at Rug- 
 by, 59, 60. 
 favors fagging, 64. 
 Asceticism in mediaeval univer- 
 sities, 3. 
 Associators, Cambridge, 40. 
 
 353
 
 354 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Athenoean Debating Society, 
 
 Bowdoin, 126. 
 Attienian Debating Society, Am- 
 
 lierst, 126, 131. 
 Athenicum Debating Society, 
 
 Columbia, 126. 
 Atliletics in mediaeval univer- 
 sities, 3, 4. 
 in English universities, 39, 50- 
 
 53. 
 in English public schools, 55, 
 
 60, 65-68. 
 in Scottish universities, 75, 
 
 78. 
 early wrestling and football, 
 
 102. 
 In Revolutionary period, 145- 
 
 147. 
 in transition period, 193-195. 
 in modern period, 230-255. 
 boating, 230, 231. 
 baseball, 231, 232. 
 football, 232, 233. 
 track athletics, 233, 234. 
 miscellaneous sports, 234. 
 athleticism, 234-245. 
 administration of athletics, 
 
 245-249. 
 values in athletics, 249-252. 
 students participating, 253, 
 
 254. 
 athletic accommodations, 
 254, 255. 
 in secondary schools, 291, 299, 
 300. 
 Aufklarung, 89, 90. 
 Axe and Coffin, Columbia, 177. 
 
 Bacon, David Francis, 153. 
 Baird, W. R., American College 
 
 Fraternities, summary, 
 
 187-189, 219. 
 exclusiveness of fraternities, 
 
 quoted, 227. 
 Balliol, Master of (Jowett, B.), 
 
 43. 
 Banterers' Club. Oxford, 41. 
 Barbarians (non - fraternity 
 
 men), 224-226. 
 
 Bartlett, S. C, quoted on class 
 
 meetings, 112. 
 Baseball in colleges, 194, 231, 
 
 232. 
 Bates College, class feeling, 200. 
 athletic administration, 248. 
 student self-government, 265. 
 strength of Christian associa- 
 tions, 273. 
 Baynes, A. H., quoted, 33, 34.' 
 Beecher, Henry Ward, 166. 
 Beethoven Society, Yale, 164. 
 Belmont School, 295. 
 Beloit College, hazing, 199. 
 social functions, 200. 
 class feeling, 200. 
 fraternity strength, 227. 
 Benevolent Society, Bowdoin, 
 
 160. 
 Benzer, of Jena, 28. 
 Berkeley Association, 276. 
 Bethany College Ranters, 121. 
 Bicycle clubs, 234. 
 Black Order of Harmony, 21. 
 Blacks, 26. 
 " Bloody Monday," Harvard, 
 
 199. 
 Blue Skins, 96. 
 
 Boating, in eighteenth century, 
 39. 
 in modern Oxford, 51. 
 at Eton, 55. 
 Edinburgh, 78. 
 
 in American colleges, 192-194, 
 230, 231. 
 Bogies, 115. 
 Bologna, University of, 2. 
 
 nations at, 7. 
 Book clubs in English colleges, 
 
 44. 
 Boule Dogue, Pennsylvania, 154. 
 Bowdoin College, salting fresh- 
 men, 100. 
 Yager fights. 11,3. 
 Pandowdy Band, 122. 
 debating societies, 126, 128, 
 
 134. 
 debating societies' libraries, 
 130.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 355 
 
 Bowdoin College, Chi Beta Kap- 
 pa Fraternity, 144, 
 
 athletics, 146, 248. 
 
 religious societies, 160. 
 
 scientific societies, 166. 
 
 student self-government, 265, 
 266. 
 Bowl and Stones, Yale, 177. 
 Boyesen, Hjalmar Hjorth, 36. 
 Bristed, Charles Astor, 47, 48. 
 
 criticism of debating societies, 
 127, 1.36-138. 
 
 athletics at Yale, 146. 
 
 on college journalism, 156. 
 Brodt, Philip E., value of debat- 
 ing societies, note, 142. 
 Brooks, Phillips, 156. 
 Brougham, Henry, 76. 
 Brown University, 81, 88. 
 
 debating societies, 126, 201. 
 
 debating society libraries, 131. 
 
 religious societies, 160. 
 
 forensic training, 212. 
 
 bull-baiting and bear-baiting, 
 38. 
 Bullingdon Club, Oxford, 53. 
 Bully Club, Yale, 113, 114, 147. 
 Bump suppers, 46. 
 Burning of text-books, 117, 118. 
 Burschenschaften, 22-30. 35. 
 Burton's Harmony of the Gos- 
 pels, 281. 
 
 Calabogus Debating Society, 
 
 Harvard, 93. 
 California, anti-football legisla- 
 tion, 243. 
 California, University of, debat- 
 ing societies, 201. 
 forensic training, 213. 
 fraternity controversy, 222, 
 
 223. 
 football, 233. 
 honour system. 263. 
 Calliathump, Yale, 122. 
 Caluvian Society, Bowdoin, 166. 
 Cambridge English High School, 
 
 299. 
 Cambridge, University of, 2. 
 
 Cambridge, University of, in sev- 
 enteenth century, 37, 38. 
 
 clubs in eighteenth century, 
 40, 41. 
 
 education in eighteenth cen- 
 tury, 42. 
 
 social life of colleges, 44-^6, 
 
 debating union, 46--i9. 
 
 political societies, 49, 50. 
 
 athletics, 51-53. 
 Camp, Walter, football and war, 
 
 injuries from football, 239, 
 240. 
 Canning Club, Oxford, 50. 
 Catholic clubs, 271, 276. 
 Cecil, Robert (Lord Salisbury), 
 
 48. 
 Centre College, Kentucky, An- 
 
 narugian Band, 122. 
 Channing, Dr., 109. 
 Charter House School, 55, 65. 
 Chatham Club, Oxford, 50. 
 Chemical Society, Edinburgh, 80. 
 Chicago, University of, forensic 
 training, 212, 213. 
 fraternities, 218. 
 football, 233. 
 
 student self-government, 267. 
 Chi Delta Theta Fraternity, 144. 
 Chi Psi Fraternity, 145. 
 Christian Association, Edin- 
 burgh, 80. 
 Church, W. C, on injuries from 
 
 football, 240. 
 Class organization, as scholastic 
 division, 83. 
 at Harvard, 84. 
 in Revolutionary period, 95- 
 
 125. 
 customs, 114-119. 
 in modern period, 196-201. 
 in secondary schools, 293, 295. 
 Cliosophic Debating Society, 
 
 Princeton, 93. 
 Clubs, miscellaneous English, in- 
 fluence on English student 
 societies, 39. 
 wine, 45.
 
 356 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Clubs, social, at Oxford, 53, 
 
 54. 
 Colleges of mediaeval period, 9, 
 10. 
 English, in seventeenth cen- 
 tury, 37, 38. 
 modern English social life, 43. 
 
 clubs, 44. 
 English colonial, 81, 82. 
 College Secret Societies, by H. 
 L. Kellogg, summary, 181- 
 185. 
 Colonization Society, Amherst, 
 
 1G2. 
 Colour-bearing societies, 34, 35. 
 Columbia University, 81, 88. 
 debating societies, 126, 130. 
 debating society libraries, 131. 
 baseball, 194. 
 forensic training, 212. 
 Commencement Day at early 
 Harvard, 83, 118. 
 scholastic disputes, 91. 
 dissatisfaction over honours, 
 
 108. 
 description of customs, 118. 
 Constitution Club, Oxford, 40. 
 Corbin, John, 70, 71. 
 Cornell University, initiation 
 tragedy, 182. 
 hazing, 199. 
 debating societies, 202, 
 forensic training, 212, 213. 
 boating, 231. 
 football, 233. 
 honour system, 263, 264. 
 student self-government, 265. 
 Young Men's Christian Asso- 
 ciation, 274. , 
 Corps, 30-34. 
 
 Court of Areopagus, Yale, 101. 
 Cricket, in eighteenth century, 
 39. 
 in modern Oxford, 51, 52. 
 in public schools, 55. 
 at Princeton, 192, 195. 
 Cricket clubs, 234. 
 Crosby, Howard, on fraternities, 
 183, 184. 
 
 Crotoniau Debating Society, 
 
 Yale, 93. 
 Curling, 75. 
 Curtis, G. W., 133. 
 Cutting, George A., Student Life 
 
 at Amherst, quoted, 103. 
 
 Dartmouth College, 81, 88. 
 freshmen laws, 86. 
 salting freshmen, 100. 
 debating societies, 126, 128, 
 134. 
 Debating societies, England, 
 eighteenth century, 40. 
 in English colleges, 44. 
 unions, Oxford, Cambridge, 46- 
 
 49. 
 English public schools, 68. 
 Scottish universities, 76, 77, 
 
 79, 80. 
 in colonial colleges, 89-94. 
 in Revolutionary period, 125- 
 
 142. 
 internal management, 126-129. 
 literary exercises, 129-131. 
 general influence, 131-133. 
 decline, 133-135. 
 value of, 135-142. 
 in modern period, 201-215. 
 oratory, 203-206. 
 intercollegiate, 206-211. 
 in secondary schools, 295- 
 297. 
 Delaware College, violence, 107. 
 Delta Beta Xi Fraternity, Yale, 
 
 174. 
 Delta Gamma Fraternity, Yale, 
 
 172. 
 Delta Kappa Fraternity, Yale, 
 
 172. 
 Delta Kappa Epsilon Fraternity, 
 
 145, 174. 
 Delta Phi Sigma Fraternity, 144, 
 
 183. 
 Delta Upsilon Fraternity, 179. 
 Deposition, 12. 
 
 Deutsche Studenten Verein, 34. 
 Diagnostic Society, Edinburgh, 
 76, 79.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 357 
 
 Dialectic Debating Society, Uni- 
 versity of North Carolina, 
 126, 132. 
 
 Dialectic Society, Edinburgh, 76, 
 79. 
 
 Dickens, Charles, 47. 
 
 Discipline of students in colonial 
 colleges, 87-89. 
 Revolutionary period, 95-97. 
 
 Drinking in English colleges, 39. 
 
 Duelling among German stu- 
 dents, 32-35. 
 
 Edinburgh University, poverty 
 of students, 73, 74. 
 athletics, 78. 
 social organizations, 79. 
 debating societies, 76, 77, 79. 
 Eligibility code in athletics, 247. 
 Eliot, C. W., overtraining in 
 athletics, quoted, 238. 
 injuries from football, quoted, 
 
 240. 
 dangers of athleticism, 
 quoted, in note, 242. 
 Ellis, Mrs., Treatise on Domes- 
 tic Economy, 115. 
 Emerson, R. W., on friendship, 
 
 quoted, 186. 
 English university education, 42. 
 Equitable Fraternity of Union, 
 Amherst and Hamilton, 179. 
 Erfurt, University of, 12. 
 Erlangen, University of, Lands- 
 mannschaften, 16. 
 secret orders, 21. 
 Eton Club, Oxford, 54. 
 Eton school, 55. 
 athletics, 56. 
 fagging, 56, 64. 
 discipline, 57. 
 house system, 61. 
 rule of sixth form, 62. 
 Pop and other societies, 68. 
 Etonian typical, 69. 
 Evarts, W. M., 133, 156. 
 Everett, Edward, 1.56. 
 Everett Athenaeum, 168. 
 Experiment, Amherst, 153. 
 
 Fagging, in early times, 56. 
 modern fagging, 64. 
 Public School Commission, 
 quoted, 63, 64. 
 Farrar, F. W., quoted, 70, 71. 
 Fichte, J. G., at Jena, 20. 
 
 influence, 26. 
 Field and track athletics in Eng- 
 lish universities, 52. 
 in American colleges, 233, 234. 
 Fives in public schools, 55. 
 Follen, Karl, 26, 27, 145. 
 Football, in eighteenth century. 
 39. 
 at modern Oxford, 52. 
 at public schools, 65. 
 at Scottish universities, 75, 78. 
 at early Harvard, 145. 
 in transition period, 194, 195. 
 in modern period, 232, 233. 
 Ford, Lionel, quoted on athlet- 
 ics, 66. 
 Fox, C. J., 57. 
 Fox-hunting, 39, 52. 
 Fraternity, Greek letter, influ- 
 ence on debating society, 
 133. 
 during Revolutionary period, 
 
 142-145. 
 in transition period, 167-192. 
 at Harvard, 167-171. 
 at Yale, 171-178. 
 controversies, 178-192. 
 in modern period, 215-229. 
 general tendencies, 215-218. 
 local and miscellaneous fra- 
 ternities, 219-221. 
 controversies, 221-226. 
 influence and future, 226-229. 
 in secondary schools, 297-299. 
 Free Cynics, Oxford, 41. 
 Free societies, 34. 
 Freshman Laws, 85-87. 
 
 Gamma Eta Kappa Fraternity, 
 
 298. 
 Gamma Nu Fraternity, Yale, 
 
 172. 
 Geddes, Patrick, 79.
 
 358 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 George Junior Republic, 301. 
 
 Georgia, University of, honour 
 system, 265. 
 
 Georgia Legislature, anti-foot- 
 ball legislation, 243. 
 
 Gilman, Daniel Coit, 156. 
 
 Gladstone, W. E., 47. 
 
 Godkin, E. L., denounces ath- 
 leticism, 244. 
 
 Golf, 75, 78. 
 
 Golf clubs, 234. 
 
 Gottingen, University of, 
 Landsmannschaften, 16. 
 secret orders, 21. 
 
 Greeks (fraternity men), 224- 
 226. 
 
 Gridiron, Yale, 153. 
 
 Grinnell College honour system, 
 263. 
 
 Groton School, 295. 
 
 Guest, Amherst, 152. 
 
 Gunning clubs, 234. 
 
 Gymnastics at early Harvard, 
 145. 
 in transition period, 192. 
 
 Hale, Nathan, 94. 
 Halle, University of, Lands- 
 mannschaften, 16. 
 Wiugolf, 34. 
 Hamilton College, freshman cele- 
 bration, 114. 
 burning of Convivium, 186. 
 Handball at Princeton, 192. 
 Harrow School, 55, 65. 
 discipline and dissipation, 57. 
 house system, 62. 
 Hart, J. M., quoted, 32, 33. 
 Hartwell, E. M., dangers of ath- 
 leticism, quoted, 242, 243. 
 Harvard Lyceum, 155. 
 Harvard Musical Association, 
 
 164. 
 Harvard Natural History Soci- 
 ety, 165. 
 Harvard University, 81. 
 early appearance of class, 84. 
 freshman laws, 86. 
 discipline in colonial period, 88. 
 
 Harvard University, fishing, 96. 
 hazing, 100, 199. 
 early wrestling and football, 
 
 102. 
 destruction of property, 107. 
 rebellions, 109, 110. 
 prohibits class meetings, 112. 
 class customs, 114, 115, 196. 
 Navy Club, 117. 
 commencement, 118. 
 Phi Beta Kappa, 143. 
 gymnastics, 145. 
 religious conditions, 158. 
 musical societies, 163. 
 scientific societies, 165. 
 fraternities, 167-171, 181, 217. 
 athletics, 193, 194, 224, 230- 
 
 232, 246, 248, 253. 
 debating societies, 201. 
 intercollegiate debating, 207. 
 forensics, 212, 213. 
 student self-government, 271. 
 religious societies, 276-278. 
 Harvard "Washington Corps, 162. 
 Hasty Pudding Club, Harvard, 
 
 168. 
 Hazing, 97-102, 198. 
 Hazlewood School, 58, 59. 
 Heidelberg, University of, drink- 
 ing bouts, 31. 
 H. E. O. T. T. Society, Amherst, 
 
 121. 
 Helsingfors, University of, na- 
 tions of, 8. 
 Hemenway, A., athletic notori- 
 ety, 236. 
 High Borlaco Club, Oxford, 40. 
 High schools, student societies 
 in. See Secondary Schools. 
 Hill, Rowland, 58. 
 Hillhouse, James, 94. 
 Historical Society of Dublin, 90. 
 Hitchcock, Edward, results of 
 hazing, 106. 
 evil results of fraternity, 179. 
 Honorary fraternities, 221. 
 Honour system of examina- 
 tions, 262-265. 
 Horse Collegianse, Amherst, 153.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 359 
 
 Hospitia or inns, mediaeval, 8, 9. 
 House system in English public 
 
 schools, 59-61. 
 Howitt, William, quoted, 30, 31. 
 Hughes, Tom Brown's School 
 
 Days, 59. 
 Huling, Ray Greene, high-school 
 
 debating, quoted, 297. 
 Huss, John, 10. 
 
 Hyde Park High School, 301, 302. 
 Hyson Club, Cambridge, 41. 
 
 I. K. A. Fraternity, 219. 
 
 Illinois, University of, student 
 self-government, 256-259. 
 
 Indiana, University of, presenta- 
 tion ceremony, 115. 
 fraternity controversy, 226. 
 
 Indicator, Amherst, 153. 
 
 Initiation ceremonies, mediaeval 
 period, 6. 
 German universities, 12. 
 
 Initiation of freshmen (Vir- 
 ginia), 99. 
 
 Institute, of 1770, debating so- 
 ciety. Harvard, 93, 167. 
 
 Intercollegiate debating, 206- 
 '211. 
 
 Jacques, J. R., on fraternities, 
 quoted. 184, 185. 
 
 Jefferson College, Moonlight 
 Rangers, 122. 
 
 Jefferson Debating Society, Uni- 
 versity of Virginia, 126. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, scheme of 
 student self - government, 
 148. 
 
 Jeffreys. Lord, 76. 
 
 Jelly-bag Club, Oxford, 41. 
 
 Jena, University of, Lands- 
 mannschaften, 16, 20. 
 secret orders, 21. 
 Burschenschaften. 22, 25. 
 student pranks, 31. 
 
 Johns Hopkins University, fo- 
 rensic training, 213. 
 
 Journals, college, beginnings in 
 debating societies, 1.30. 
 
 Journals, early college, 151-156. 
 
 Kansas, University of, football, 
 
 233. 
 Kappa Alpha Fraternity, 144. 
 
 at Cornell, 182. 
 Kappa Alpha Theta Fraternity, 
 
 220. 
 Kappa Kappa Gamma Frater- 
 nity, 220. 
 Kappa Sigma Epsilon Frater- 
 nity, Yale, 172. 
 Keate, Dr., of Eton, discipline 
 
 of, 57. 
 Kellogg, H. L., Secret Society 
 
 System, 182-185. 
 Kiel, University of, nations, 16. 
 Landsmannschaften, 16. 
 I King's College, New York. See 
 j Columbia. 
 
 [ Knatchbull-Hugessen, 48. 
 ■ Komment, 18-20, 32. 
 
 Kotzebue, August von, books 
 I burned, 23. 
 
 j death, 27. 
 
 Lafayette College, class feeling, 
 I 200. 
 
 debating societies, 202. 
 1 fraternity strength, 227. 
 I Lambda Sigma Eta Fraternity, 
 ! 221. 
 
 j Lapsus Linguae, Edinburgh, 77. 
 Latin plays in English univer- 
 sities, 38. 
 Leipsic, University of, 10. 
 Landsmannschaften, 16. 
 Leland Stanford Junior Univer- 
 sity, hazing, 199. 
 class feeling, 200. 
 forensics, 213. 
 fraternities, 218, 226, 227. 
 football, 233. 
 honour system, 263, 264. 
 student self-government, 268- 
 270. 
 Leys, J., quoted, 74, 
 Libraries of debating societies, 
 130.
 
 360 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Linngean Society, Amherst, 165. 
 
 Linonia Debating Society, Yale, 
 93. 
 
 Literary Cabinet, Yale, 152. 
 
 Literary clubs in eighteenth cen- 
 tury, 40, 41. 
 in English colleges, 44, 45. 
 in English public schools, 68. 
 
 Literary Tablet, Dartmouth, 152. 
 
 Little Gentleman, Yale, 153. 
 
 Local fraternities, 219. 
 
 Lowe, Robert, 47. 
 
 Luther, Martin, quoted, 12. 
 
 Lutheran Society, Amherst, 164. 
 
 Lyceum movement, 90. 
 
 Lycurgan Society, Yale, 161. 
 
 Lyon, Willard D., organization 
 of mission bands, quoted, 
 284. 
 
 McAndrew, W. A., high-school 
 self-government, quoted, 
 303. 
 
 McCosh, James, on fraternities, 
 quoted, 181, 186. 
 
 Magna, Edinburgh, 77, 78. 
 
 Maine, University of, athletic 
 administration, 248. 
 self-government of students, 
 
 259, 265. 
 honour system, 263. 
 
 Masson, David, quoted, 77. 
 
 Medical Institute, Pennsylvania, 
 166. 
 
 Melanchthon, Philip, quoted, 11, 
 12. 
 
 Mercurian Debating Society, 
 Harvard, 93. 
 
 Metternich, Prince, 27. 
 
 Michigan, University of, anti- 
 fraternity movement, 226. 
 forensic training, 212. 
 football, 232. 
 
 Middlebury College, freshman 
 laves, 86. 
 honour system, 263. 
 
 Military organizations, 162, 163. 
 
 Mills Society of Inquiry, Wil- 
 liams, 160. 
 
 Milner, Florence, class functions 
 in high schools, quoted, 
 294, 295. 
 
 Minchin, J. G. C, quoted, 65. 
 
 Minnesota, University of, debat- 
 ing societies, 202, 215. 
 forensics, 212, 213. 
 football, 232. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Soci- 
 ety, 280, 281. 
 
 Missionary Lyceum, Wesleyan, 
 160. 
 
 Missionary Society, Edinburgh, 
 80. 
 
 Missions, public school, 69. 
 
 Missouri, University of, football, 
 233. 
 
 Moberly, of Winchester, quoted, 
 58. 
 
 Montpellier, 2. 
 
 Moody, D. L., student mission- 
 ary enterprise, 282, 284. 
 
 Moonlight Rangers, Jefferson 
 College, 122. 
 
 Moral Society, Yale, 160. 
 
 Mu Kappa Sigma Society, Am- 
 herst, 120. 
 
 Mummy Monster, Pennsylvania, 
 154. 
 
 Musical societies, English public 
 schools, 68. 
 American colleges, 163, 164. 
 
 Mystical Seven, (fraternity), 145. 
 
 National Christian Association, 
 committee on fraternity 
 problem, 182. 
 
 Nations of mediaeval univer- 
 sities, 7, 8. 
 of German universities, seven- 
 teenth century, 12, 13. 
 
 Natural history societies, Eng- 
 lish public schools, 68. 
 Winchester, 69. 
 
 Natural History Society, Edin- 
 burgh, 80. 
 
 Navy Club (Harvard), 117. 
 
 Nebraska, University of, hazing, 
 199.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 361 
 
 Nebraska, University of, class 
 feeling, 200. 
 debating societies, 202. 
 fraternity strengtti, 227. 
 students participating in ath- 
 letics, 254. 
 Newman, J. H., quoted, 42, 43. 
 New York, University of City of, 
 burning of Zumpt's Latin 
 Grammar, 118. 
 students participating in ath- 
 letics, 254. 
 Nimmo or Almas Tawse, Edin- 
 burgh, 77. 
 Nonsense Club, Oxford, 41. 
 Normal schools, student soci- 
 eties in. See Secondary 
 Schools. 
 North Carolina, University of, 
 debating societies, 126, 130, 
 132. 
 Northwestern University, foren- 
 sic training, 212, 215. 
 football, 232. 
 student self-government, 271. 
 
 Oberlin College, forensic train- 
 ing, 212. 
 Ohio Wesleyan University, haz- 
 ing, 199. 
 forensics, 213. 
 O. K. Society, Harvard, 169. 
 Old Maid Club, Cambridge, 40. 
 Omicron Kappa Pi Fratei-nity, 
 
 298. 
 Oratorical leagues and contests, 
 
 203, 204. 
 Order of the Cross, 21. 
 Owl and Padlock Fraternity, 
 
 Michigan, 177. 
 Owl and Wand Fraternity, 
 
 Wesleyan, 177. 
 Oxford, 2. 
 violent outbreaks of students 
 
 in mediaeval period, 45. 
 nations at, 8. 
 hospitia of, 9. 
 
 colleges of mediae vol period. 9. 
 in seventeenth century, 37, 38. 
 
 Oxford clubs in eighteenth cen- 
 tury, 40, 41. 
 
 education in eighteenth cen- 
 tury, 42. 
 
 beauty of, 43. 
 
 social life of colleges, 44^6. 
 
 debating union, 46-^9, 202. 
 
 political societies, 50. 
 
 athletics, 51-53. 
 Oxford Club, Yale, 271, 276. 
 
 Paean Band, Amherst, 164. 
 Palmerston Club, Oxford, 50. 
 Pandowdy Band, Bowdoin, 122. 
 Pan-Hellenic Movement, 228. 
 Paris, University of, 2, 3. 
 violence in mediaeval period, 
 
 4, 5. 
 nations at, 7. 
 hospitia of, 8. 
 colleges of, 9. 
 Parmele, Elisha, extends Phi 
 
 Beta Kappa, 143. 
 Parthenon Debating Society, Co- 
 lumbia, 126. 
 Peabody, A. P., result of hazing, 
 
 106. 
 Peace Society, Amherst, 162. 
 Pearson, Eliphalet, 158. 
 Peithologian Debating Society, 
 
 Wesleyan, 126. 
 Pemberton, J. S. G., quoted, 49, 
 
 51. 
 Pennalism, 11-16. 
 Pennsylvania, University of, 81. 
 the bowl fight, 104. 
 debating societies, 126. 
 scientific societies, 166. 
 rushing, 199. 
 forensics, 212. 
 boating, 231. 
 football, 232. 
 
 student self-government, 265, 
 267. 
 Phi Beta Kappa Fraternity, 
 origin and early history, 
 142. 
 recent growth, 221. 
 Phi Delta Phi Fraternity, 220. 
 
 J
 
 362 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Philadelphia Society, Princeton, 
 158. 
 
 Philanthropic Debating Society, 
 University of North Caro- 
 lina, 126, 132. 
 
 Philermenian Debating Society, 
 Brown, 126. 
 
 Phillips Andover Academy, 290, 
 298. 
 
 Phillips Exeter Academy, 290, 
 295, 298. 
 
 Philogian Debating Society, Wil- 
 liams, 126. 
 
 Philomathean Debating Society, 
 University of Pennsylvania, 
 126. 
 
 Philomathic Society, Edin- 
 burgh, 76, 79. 
 
 Philopogonia Society, Amherst, 
 120. 
 
 Philorhetorean Debating Soci- 
 ety, Wesleyan, 126. 
 
 Philosophical Society, Edin- 
 burgh, 80. 
 
 Philotechnian Debating Society, 
 Williams, 126. 
 
 Phi Nu Theta Fraternity, 145, 
 219. 
 
 Phi Theta Psi Fraternity, Yale, 
 174. 
 
 Pi Beta Nu Fraternity, 221. 
 
 Pi Beta Phi Fraternity, 220. 
 
 Pi Eta Society, Harvard, 170. 
 
 Pierian Sodality. Harvard, 163. 
 
 Pincinian Del)ating Society, 
 Bowdoin, 126. 
 
 Piscatorians, 96. 
 
 Plain-Dealing literary society, 
 Princeton, 93. 
 
 Poetic Club, Oxford, 41. 
 
 Political clubs, German, 22-30. 
 in eighteenth century, 39, 40. 
 modern English, 50. 
 in American colleges, 162. 
 
 Polo clubs, 234. 
 
 Porcellian Society, Harvard, 170. 
 
 Porter, Noah, quoted on class 
 system, 123. 
 on fraternities, 185. 
 
 Prague, University of, 10. 
 Pratt High School, 303. 
 Praying Circle, Bowdoin, 160. 
 Princeton University, 81, 88. 
 freshman laws, 86. 
 public speaking in, 92. 
 debating societies, 93, 202. 
 cane spree and rushing, 105. 
 rebellions. 111. 
 athletics, 146, 147, 192-195, 
 
 248. 
 religious conditions, 157, 158. 
 attitude toward fraternities, 
 
 181, 224. 
 forensics, 212. 
 football, 232. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Asso- 
 ciation, 274. 
 missionary movement, 282. 
 Professionalism in athletics, 245. 
 Prospect Union, Harvard, 278. 
 Psi Upsilon Fraternity, 145, 174. 
 Public School Commission Re- 
 port (1864), quoted, 63, 64. 
 Public schools of England, char- 
 acterization of, 54, 55. 
 student societies in, 55-72. 
 Purdue University, fraternity 
 controversy, 222. 
 
 Ranters, Bethany College, 121. 
 
 Rashdall, H., quoted, 4, 36. 
 
 Raumer, Karl von, quoted, 28.-^ 
 
 Rebellions of students, 108-112.'"'^ 
 
 Rectorial elections, 76. 
 
 Red Night-Cap Club of Harrow, 
 57. 
 
 Reformation in England, 37. 
 
 Religious conditions in public 
 schools, before Arnold, 57, 
 58. 
 
 Religious societies for studeuts 
 in England, 68. 
 in early period, 156-162. 
 in modern period. 271-286. 
 See Young Men's Chris- 
 tian Association. 
 
 Representative Councils, Scot- 
 tish universities, 79.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 3()3 
 
 Reynolds, James B., student re- 
 ligious societies in Europe 
 and America compared, 
 276. 
 
 Riemann, of Ratzeburg, speech 
 quoted, 23. 
 
 Rifle Company's Shooting Club, 
 Edinburgh, 78. 
 
 Rifle Corps, English public 
 school, 68. 
 
 Robinson of Brown on fraterni- 
 ties, quoted, 185, 186. 
 
 Romanes, G. J., 71. 
 
 Rosebery, Earl of, 79. 
 
 Rostock, University of, Lands- 
 mannschaften, 16. 
 
 Rowing Association of American 
 Colleges, 194, 231, 232. 
 
 Royal Medical Society, Edin- 
 burgh, 76, 80. 
 
 Rugbian, typical, 69. 
 
 Rugby rules (football), 195. 
 
 Rugby School, 55, 65. 
 sporting tendencies, 57. 
 Arnold's reforms, 59-61. 
 house system, 62. 
 
 Rushing, 102-106, 198. 
 
 Russell Club, Oxford, 50. 
 
 Rutgers College, 81. 
 baseball, 195. 
 
 Salisbury, Marquis of. 48. 
 
 Sand, Karl Ludwig, 27. 
 
 Saturday Evening Religious So- 
 ciety, 158. 
 
 Scharf, D. S., 105. 
 
 Schurman, J. G., honour system 
 at Cornell, note quoted, 
 264. 
 
 Scientific clubs, 165, 166. 
 
 Scots Law Society, Edinburgh, 
 76. 
 
 Scott, Walter. 47, 76. 
 
 Scroll and Keys Fraternity, 
 Yale, 175-177. 
 
 Secondary schools, student soci- 
 eties in. 289-306. 
 academies, 289, 290. 
 city high schools, 290, 291. 
 
 Secondary schools, rural high 
 schools, 291, 292. 
 normal schools, 292, 293. 
 class organization, 293-295. 
 debating societies, 295-297. 
 fraternities, 297-299. 
 athletics, 299, 300. 
 student government associa- 
 tions, 300-304. 
 miscellaneous, 304. 
 value of, 304-306. 
 Secret orders in German univer- 
 sities, 21, 22. 
 Secret Society System, by E. E. 
 Aiken, summary, 185, 186. 
 Selborne, Lord, 47. 
 Self-governing associations. See 
 
 Student Self-government. 
 Self-improvement societies, 90. 
 Shakespeare Society, Winches- 
 ter, 69. 
 Sharmon's Studies in the Life of 
 
 Christ, 281. 
 Sharpless, Isaac, 71. 
 school societies vs. culture, 
 quoted, 300. 
 Shelley, P. B., at Eton, 56. 
 Shrewsbury School, 55, 65. 
 Shrine, Amherst, 152. 
 Sigma Xi Fraternity, 221. 
 Singing Club, Harvard, 163. 
 Sixth form, rule of, 60. 62, 63. 
 report of Public School Com- 
 mission, quoted, 63. 
 Skull and Bones Fraternity, ■ 
 
 Yale, 175-177. 
 Skull and Serpent Fraternity, 
 
 Wesleyan, 177. 
 Smith, C. H., student self-gov- 
 ernment at Bowdoin, 
 quoted, 266. 
 Smoking out, 98, 99. 
 Snow riots, 75. 
 
 Snyder, Z. X., value of school 
 
 societies in normal schools, 
 
 quoted, 293. 
 
 Social Fraternity, Williams, 179. 
 
 Social Friends Debating Society, 
 
 Dartmouth, 126.
 
 364 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Society for Missionary Inquiry, 
 
 Brown, IGO. 
 Society of Ctiristian Bretliren in 
 
 Harvard University, 158. 
 Society of Natural History, Am- 
 herst, 165. 
 Society of Natural History, Wil- 
 liams, 1G6. 
 Sororities, 219, 220. 
 South Carolina College, violence, 
 107. 
 rebellions. 111. 
 religious condition, 157. 
 self-government of students, 
 260. 
 Spectator, of London, value of 
 
 debating societies, 141. 
 Speculative Society, Cambridge, 
 
 40. 
 Speculative Society, Edinburgh, 
 
 76, 79, 90. 
 Sprite, Amherst, 152. 
 St. Andrew's University, 74. 
 St. Paul's Society, Harvard, 271. 
 Stanley, A. P., Life of Arnold, 
 
 59. 
 Student self-government in 
 early period, 148-151. 
 in modern period, 255-271. 
 University of Illinois, 256. 
 University of Maine, 259. 
 University of South Cnrolina, 
 
 260. 
 Amherst senate, 260. 
 honour system, 262-265. 
 advisory committee, 265. 
 student councils, 265-267. 
 dormitory committees, 267, 
 
 268. 
 student-body organizations, 
 
 268-270. 
 summary, 270. 271. 
 in secondary schools, 300-304. 
 Student volunteer movement, 
 Northfield conference, 282. 
 aim, 283. 
 
 management, 283, 284. 
 literature, 284. 
 results, 284-286. 
 
 Students' Club, Edinburgh, 78. 
 Students' Companion, Yale, 153. 
 
 Tabor College honour system, 
 263. 
 
 Tait, Archbishop, 47. 
 
 Tau Beta Pi Fraternity, 221. 
 
 Taussig, F. W., sensationalism 
 in athletics, quoted, 235. 
 dangers of athleticism, quoted, 
 
 242. 
 relations between games and 
 physical training, quoted, 
 250. 
 
 Tennis clubs, 234. 
 
 Tennis in public schools, 55. 
 
 Thecanians (fraternity), 145. 
 
 Theological Society, Amherst, 
 159. 
 
 Theological Society, Bowdoin, 
 160. 
 
 Theological Society, Edinburgh, 
 76, 80. 
 
 Theological Society, Bowdoin, 
 160. 
 
 Thring, Edward, quoted, 64. 
 on athletics, 66. 
 
 Thurston, Henry W., value of 
 school societies, 305. 
 
 Tin gloves at Winchester, 56. 
 
 Total Abstinence Society, Edin- 
 burgh, 80. 
 
 Town and gown rows, 112-114. 
 
 Trinity College, Hartford, burn- 
 ing of conic sections, 118. 
 decline of debating clubs, 134, 
 
 201. 
 scheme of student self-govern- 
 ment, 148. 
 military club, 163. 
 
 True Blue Club, Cambridge, 40. 
 
 Tubingen, University of, secret 
 orders, 21. 
 
 Tufts College, decline of debat- 
 ing club, 134. 
 rushing, 199. 
 
 Tugendbund, 29. 
 
 Tulane University, athletic ad- 
 ministration, 248.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 365 
 
 Tulane University, student self- 
 government, 265, 267. 
 Tutoring freshmen (Yale), 99. 
 
 Union College, prohibits class 
 meetings, 112. 
 early fraternities at, 144. 
 student self-government, 150. 
 Union, Debating, Cambridge, 
 foundation, 46. 
 in middle period, 47. 
 club features, 48. 
 oratory, 49, 211. 
 Union, Debating, Edinburgh, 79. 
 Union, Debating, Oxford, foun- 
 dation, 46. 
 early history, 47. 
 in middle period, 48. 
 club features, 48. 
 oratory, 49, 211. 
 United Brothers' Debating So- 
 ciety, Brown, 126. 
 United Fraternity Debating So- 
 ciety, Dartmouth, 126. 
 United Religious Societies, Har- 
 vard, 276. 
 University Hall, Edinburgh, 
 
 79. 
 University John the Giant 
 
 Killer, Edinburgh, 77. 
 
 University Journal and Critical 
 
 Revievr, Edinburgh, 77. 
 
 Vanderbilt University, class 
 feeling, 200. 
 forensics, 213. 
 fraternity controversy, 223, 
 
 227. 
 football, 233. 
 
 student self-government, 267, 
 Vermont, University of, smok- 
 ing out, 99. 
 honour system, 263. 
 student self-government, 265. 
 Vienna, University of, 10, 11. 
 Vincents Club, Oxford, 54. 
 Virginia, University of, initia- 
 tion of freshmen, 99. 
 ^bating societies, 126. 
 
 Virginia, University of, student 
 self-government, 148, 256. 
 forensics, 213. 
 football, 233. 
 athletic administration, 248. 
 
 Walker, Francis A., dangers of 
 
 debating societies, 138. 
 
 condition of early athletics, 
 
 147. 
 injuries from football, 240. 
 value of athletics, quoted, 251. 
 
 Walking as recreation in Eng- 
 lish universities, 39, 53. 
 
 Walking clubs, 234. 
 
 Wallace, G. R., infidelity at 
 Princeton, quoted, 157. 
 
 Warfield, of Lafayette, value of 
 student self-government, 
 quoted, 256. 
 
 Wartburg Festival, 22, 23. 
 
 Washington College, Pennsyl- 
 vania, ridicule of religious 
 students, 157. 
 
 Washington Debating Society, 
 University of Virginia, 126. 
 
 Wednesday Evening Religious 
 Society, 158. 
 
 Well-Meaning debating society, 
 Princeton, 93. 
 
 Wesley, John, 157. 
 
 Wesleyan University debating 
 societies, 126, 130, 201. 
 religious societies, 160. 
 student self-government, 265. 
 
 Western Reserve University de- 
 bating societies, 202. 
 
 Westminster School, 55. 
 
 Whately, Richard, dangers of 
 debating societies, 136. 
 
 White, Andrew Dickson, 1.56. 
 on college fraternities, 189- 
 191. 
 
 Whitefield Debating Society, 
 Harvard, 93. 
 
 Whitefield, George, 157. 
 
 William III, 40. 
 
 William and Mary College, 81. 
 Phi Beta Kappa, 142.
 
 3G6 
 
 STUDENT LIFE AND CUSTOMS. 
 
 Williams College debating so- 
 cieties, 126, 128. 
 
 debating society libraries, 131. 
 
 religious societies, 160. 
 
 scientific society, 16G. 
 
 honour system, 264. 
 
 early missionary interest, 282. 
 Winchester Club, Oxford, 54. 
 Winchester School, 55. 
 
 fagging at, 56, 64. 
 
 rule of sixth form, 62. 
 
 house system, 62. 
 
 societies, 69. 
 Wine clubs, 45. 
 Wingolf, 34. 
 
 Wisconsin, University of, haz- 
 ing, 199. 
 
 debating societies, 202. 
 
 fraternity controversy, 22G. 
 
 boating, 231. 
 
 football, 232. 
 Wooden Spoon exhibition, 
 
 Yale, 116. 
 World's Student Christian Fed- 
 eration, 275. 
 
 Yale Literary Magazine, 152, 
 
 155. 
 Yale News, 249. 
 Yale University, 81, 88. 
 early class, 84. 
 freshman laws, 86. 
 public speaking in colonial 
 
 days, 92. * 
 
 debating societies, 93, 127, 128, 
 
 134, 201. 
 tutoring freshmen, 99. 
 hazing, 101. 
 rushing, 103, 104, 199. 
 violence to college buildings, 
 107. 
 
 Yale University, board at com- 
 mons, 108. 
 
 rebellions, 110. 
 
 prohibits class meetings, 112. 
 
 town and gown rows, 113. 
 
 class customs, 114. 
 
 Wooden Spoon exhibition, 116, 
 117. 
 
 Calliathump, 122. 
 
 debating society libraries, 
 130. 
 
 Phi Beta Kappa, 143. 
 
 athletics, 145, 192-194, 230- 
 232, 248, 249. 
 
 student self-government, 150. 
 
 religious and moral societies, 
 160, 161. 
 
 musical societies, 164. 
 
 society system, 172-178, 224. 
 
 modern class organization, 
 197. 
 
 junior promenade, 200. 
 
 Young Men's Christian Asso- 
 ciation, 274, 278-280. 
 Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion for colleges, 271-286. 
 
 history, 272. 
 
 organization, 272, 273. 
 
 membership. 273. 
 
 buildings, 274. 
 
 international relations, 275. 
 
 typical associations, 276-282. 
 
 student volunteer movement, 
 282-286. 
 
 in normal schools, 293. 
 
 Zelosophie Debating Society, 
 University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, 126. 
 
 Zeta Psi Fraternity, 145. 
 
 Zodiak Club, Cambridge, 40. 
 
 THE END.
 
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