I 16 ^'-Jo Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2007 witii funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation littp://www.arcliive.org/details/englislifactoryleOOplenricli THE EN&LISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. BY EKNST, EDLER VON PLENER, FIRST SECRETARY TO THE IMPERIAL AND ROYAL AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN EMBASSY IN LONDON. TRAl^SLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL GERMAN, WITH THE author's CONSENT, By FEEDEKICK L. WEINMANN. WITH AN INTRODUCTION By ANTHONY JOHN MUNDELLA, Esq., M.P. <^^ OF THE^ TJNI7EESITr; LONDON : CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY. 1873. All Rights Reserved. ^e''*" f.1^6 LONDON : BKADBURV, AGNEW, & CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS. ^ s-r&i^' TO THE RIGHT HONOUKABLE THE EAKL OF SHAFTESBUEY, E.G. To whose untiring efforts and powerful advocacy on the Platform and in the Senate millions of toilers in the Factories of Great Britain are indebted for those wise and beneficent laws which have been instrumental in protecting Infant life, securing the education of young persons and children, and promoting their material and moral well-being, the following translation is, with his Lordship's kind permission, Respectfully dedicated By his Lordship's Obedient, humble servant, FREDEEICK L. WEINMANN. LoxroN, February, 1873. INTEODUCTION. A FEW months ago Dr. Weinmann con- sulted me as to the desh'ability of publishing a translation of Herr von Plener's work, *' Die Englische Fabrikgesetzgebung." There ap- peared to me such abundant reason for beheving that its publication would be useful and ac- ceptable to the English public, and specially opportune at the present time, that I urged upon him to undertake it in the form in which it is now presented to the reader. So far as I am aware, Herr von Plener's work is the first attempt at a complete history of English Factory Legislation and the causes which gave rise to it. The reviews of it, both English and foreign, do justice to the great care and accuracy of the original, and I venture to think that in these respects it has not suffered in translation. Having myself had nearly thirty years' experience of the working of the Factory Acts, and having taken during vi IXTEODTJCTION. that period considerable interest in their growth and development, I feel that I can hardly speak too strongly in appreciation of the care and industry of Herr von Plener in the com- pilation of this history, and of his just per- ception of the causes which have led to such beneficent results. The many evils in which the Factory Acts had their origin have nearly passed away from the knowledge and recollection of the present generation of Enghshmen. There are even some amongst our ablest legislators and political economists who begin to question whether they were ever needed, or could fairly be regarded as within the functions of Govern- ment. To such questionings this history will furnish a sufficient answer. And if any further answer is needed, I would give it in the eloquent and forcible reasoning of the Duke of Argyll. Writing in 1867, he says :— - "The last report on the employment of children shows that evils as bad as ever existed before the passing of the Factory Acts prevail at this moment among large classes of our operative population, and demand again, as imperatively as before, an authoritative interference of Positive Institution with the freedom of the individual IXTRODITCTIOX. vii will. The fact of such legislation has indeed gained a sort of silent acquiescence, and some of the old opponents have admitted that their fear of the results in an economical point of view has proved erroneous. But there is no' clear and well-grounded intellectual perception of the deep foundations of principle.on which it rests. Nor is there among a large section of politicians any adequate appreciation of the powerful influence it has had in improving the physical condition of the people and securing their contentment with the laws under which they live. "When, however, we think for a moment of the frightful nature of the evils which this legislation has checked, and which to a large extent it has remedied — when we recollect the inevitable connection between suifering and poli- tical disaffection — when we consider the great moral laws which were being trodden under foot from mere thoughtlessness and greed — we shall be convinced that if, during the last fifty years, it has been given to this country) to make any progress in political science, that progress has been in nothing happier than in the factory legislation. viii INTRODUCTIOX. " No Government and no Minister has ever done a greater — ^perhaps, all things considered, none has ever done so great a service. It was altogether a new era in legislation — the adop- tion of a new principle — the establishment of a new idea." * An argument which is freely advanced against the interference of the State with the relations ot capital and labour is that it tends to undermine the independence and self-reliance of the class which it seeks to protect, and teaches them to look to the State rather than to their own exertions to remedy evils requiring redress. My answer to this is that the factory operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire have made greater advances in self-reliance and in- dependence during the past fifty years than any other class of English operatives. Building and Benefit Societies, Co-operative Associations, both for distribution and production, have taken their rise and flourish amongst them on a scale of magnitude unknown in any other part of the United Kingdom. But a special value and interest attaches to Herr von Plener's history at this moment from the fact that in almost all countries where manufac- * The Reign of Law, cap. VII., p. 402. INTRODUCTION. ix turing is conducted on an extensive scale, and where the social and educational condition of the people is an object of public solicitude, steps are being taken to adopt and extend the prin- ciples of English Factory Legislation. Although to our own country belongs the honour of their initiation, others have gone far beyond us in their application, more especially in securing physical and educational advantages for toiling children. By a law passed in the North German Par- liament in 1869, no child under the age of 12 years can be employed in any factory, and all children so employed above the age of 12 must attend school daily till the completion of their 14th, and in some States till the completion of their 16th year. The Social Science Association of Germany warmly advocates the restriction of the hours of labour of unmarried women, and the en- tire exclusion of married women from factory labour. In nearly all the cantons of Switzerland children are excluded from factories and work- shops till the completion of their 12th year, and are continued as half-timers till the 14th, 15th, and 16th year. X INTEODUCTIOX. France has been more culpable than any- other State in its neglect of suitable regula- tions for the women and children employed in its vast industries. The events of the late disastrous war have at length aroused her attention to some of the causes of her weakness and to the fearful consequences of her long in- difference and neglect. In May of the present year the National Assembly appointed a Com- mission of Inquiry on the motion of M. Joubert. Those who are curious to know the results and are unable to avail themselves of the full report of the commission should read an article which appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes of July 15th, 1872, entitled " Les Lois sur le Travail des Enfimts," by M. Eugene d'Eichthal. Although in depicting the horrors, moral and physical, w^hich have resulted from the un- restricted employment of women and children it falls short of the report of the Commission, it gives a faithful resume of the report and of the proposed changes in the law. The latter, I believe, have now received the sanction of the Legislature, and may be briefly summarised as follows : — No child may be employed in any factory or workshop until it has attained the age of 10 years. Until 13 years are reached INTRODUCTION. xi the child must attend school half-time. On attaining the age of 13 the child will be subjected to examination to ascertain if it has received a fair elementary education, and if unable to satisfy the inspector on this head must continue as a half-timer at school and work until the completion of the 15th year. Children may not be employed in mines or quarries before the age of 13, nor females at any age. Children under 16 and women are prohibited from working on Sundays and on fete-days recognised by the law. These, and many other conditions, are to be enforced by a strict system of inspection. Belgium has in preparation a new and com- plete industrial code, according to which the labour of children will be regulated from the 10th to the 18th year. Sweden has already completed hers ; and in the manufacturing States of the American Union great progress is making in improving the laws relating to labour and in the better enforcement of those which already exist.* There is abundant evidence that in our own country the laws regulating the employment of * See Report of the Bureau of Statistics of Labour. Boston. 1871. xii INTRODUCTION. children, young persons, and women will con- tinue for some time to come to receive the attention of the Legislature. During the last session of Parliament a bill was introduced by myself and others having for its object the re- duction of the hours of labour in factories of the above mentioned from 60 to 54 hours per week. As a Commission appointed by the Government is now engaged in investigating the conditions of factory labour and is expected to report thereon early in the next session, I refrain from further comment on the subject. It is sufficient for my purpose to state that the factory operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire, supported by many of the largest employers, are urging the reduction of hours on the atten- tion of Parliament ; and although the majority of the employers are opposed to any change in this direction, many of them are anxious that the minimum age of the children to be employed should be increased. In the last Report of the Inspectors of Factories, Mr. Redgrave expresses himself very decidedly in favour of this view. He says : — " I have long regarded the employment of children of 8 years of age in factories as a great social evil, an evil which is greatly increased INTRODXJCTIOX. xiii when parents endeavour to set them to work before that age. I thmk they ought not to be employed in factories until they are 10 years of age, and that no child under 13 should be employed at all in rooms in which processes are carried on which would affect the health of children of tender years, as the card-room in a cotton factory, or the heckling-room in a flax factory, or in running moulds in a pottery." * Mr. Baker's report dwells largely upon the injurious effects of factory labour on women — more especially upon married women — and the physical degeneracy and high rate of mortality it entails upon their offspring. This branch of the subject is pregnant with such important consequences to the nation that I specially commend his last report to the careful consider- ation of all who take any interest in social and sanitary science. The following extract from Mr. Baker's Ee- port will suf&ce to show the importance which he attaches to this branch of the subject : — " In whatever employment we find females engaged (for we see that textile occupations have now ceased to be legislated for specially), * Report of Inspectors of Factories, 1872, p. 22. xiv INTRODUCTION. the social value of this question must at once present itself to every considerate mind. In whatever light we may regard it, it is of the deepest interest to society, as. well as to indi- viduals. I approach it, therefore, with a strong sense of my inability to do justice to it. And yet I think the time has arrived when a sub- ject of so much importance to the welfare of the working classes may well put in a claim to some of that consideration which the progress of social and sanitary questions, generally, is eliciting." * I have endeavoured in the foregoing pages to enlist the interest of the reader in the whole question of Industrial Legislation rather than to enforce upon his attention any special views of my own. I do not conceal my agreement with the Duke of Argyll, that " progress in Political Science has been in nothing happier than in Factory Legislation." Public opinion of late has made marvellous advances in the direction of compulsory education, and this can only be accomplished by harmonising the laws which reguhxte education and Industrial em- ployment. If, however, we are content to set * Report of Inspectors of Factories, 1872, p. 81. IXTRODUCTIOX. xv -education aside, it is impossible to overlook the national consequences of physical degeneracy in a large and increasing portion of the popu- lation. Physical degeneracy implies mental and moral weakness, with their inevitable ac- companiments — intemperance and crime." I can hardly do better, in closing my re- marks, than by submitting to the reader the following suggestive statement on this subject, extracted from the Report of the French Commission, to w^hich I have previously re- ferred : — " It cannot be said that the apprehensions which have prevailed on this subject are ex- aggerated. The statistics of military recruit- ing show that out of 325,000 young men who have been presented to the conscription 109,000 have been rejected for defective height, ricketiness, infirmity, or feebleness of consti- tution. In this contingent of vice and malady, what is the proportion furnished by the rural districts and the centres of industry ? Against 10,000 conscripts from 10 agricultural depart- ments the proportion rejected is 4,029 ; against the same number of able conscripts from 10 industrial departments the number rejected is 9,930. In the departments of the Marne, the xvi INTRODUCTION". Seine-Inferieure, and the Eure, essentially manu- facturing departments, against 10,000 ad- judged fit for service the number rejected is 14,451." A. J. MUNDELLA. London, January, 1873. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. The author hopes the following history and expose of the English Factory Legislation may prove interesting to the German i)uhlic. As yet these higlily remarkable enactments, which now apply to every trade, have, strictly speaking, neither on the Continent nor even in England, been thoroughly ex- pounded. The numerous English pamphlets pub- lished during the period while the Ten Hours Bill was bemg agitated were mostly of an ephemeral cha- racter suited for the occasion, and, with the exception of a chapter in the works of Wing and Fielden, the history of the said legislation is nowhere treated in detail. Ure, in his " Philosophy of Manufactures," selected some of the results of the inquiry of 1833, in order to support his panegyrics on the factory and labour system connected therewith. Alfred's " History of the Factory Movement," which, in accordance with its design and extent, should contain a complete History of the Factory Legisla- b xviii AUTHOR'S PREFACE. tion, is diffuse and prolix, and only affords, so to say, a history of the agitation of the fourth and beginning of the fifth decade. He supplies many interesting details and reprints many of the speeches delivered at the meetings. But the parliamentary speeches are only quoted by him exceptionally, and, singularly enough, very little attention is paid to the reports submitted to Parlia- ment. In respect to statistical data they are al- together wanting.* Among foreign writers, L. Faucher was un- doubtedly the first to impart very interesting infor- mation in his " Etudes sur 1' Angle terre," and F. Engels, in his " Lage der arbeitenden Classe in England," although he sometimes strung together facts with a certain bias, has given a fair and clear account of the whole movement. His book, notwithstanding certain shortcomings, is still valu- able, affording as it does a source of information with regard to the condition of English workmen in 1840 and following years. Later on, Karl Marx, availing himself of the Eeports of the factory in- spectors, managed, in his work on " Das Capital," to give, in a comprehensive and so to say attractive form, a compendium of the English * Tupping, on ''The Factory Acts of 1855," simply reprints the text of the Acts. A German translation of the most important English Factory Acts was published in a convenient form by the Austrian Minister of Commerce in 1869. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. xix legislation in the matter of factories. Properly- speaking, he simply supplies an illustration of his theory of the " Absoluten Mehrwerth " (absolute higher value) eifected by an extension of the worldng day, but apart from this particular object the work in question is tolerably free from other views personal to the author. Karl Marx's is un- questionably among the best German exposes at present in print on the English factory legislation. The following pages, comprising as they do the whole history of the development and present work- ing of the factory legislation in England, result from a careful study of Parliamentary Reports and publications bearing upon the subject. The author has therefore mtentionally quoted the principal pro- visions of laws subsequently repealed, because this appeared to him the best way of presenting a faithful delineation of this arduous legislative labour. In quoting from the voluminous publica- tions of the Inquiry Commissions, he has confined himself within the narrowest limits, so as not to give to his work an extension out of proportion to a subject which, after all, is not one of the first mag- nitude. Therefore has he purposely refrained from following the plan usually availed of in works of the kind — viz., reproducing the statements and evidence of witnesses. The latter is entirely omitted, and he has endeavoured to set forth in the body of the XX AUTHOR'S PREFACE. work and accompanying notes that only which he deemed absolutely necessary and essential. On the other hand, he considered it a duty — taking into account the restraint voluntarily imposed upon him- self—to quote all authorities and sources of infor- mation, albeit some of them were not easily acces- sible on the Continent. The annexed statistical summaries afford incontestable proof of the practical significance and extent of the legislative enactments relative to the subject in hand, and they conclude with a concise summing-up of the general economic and social results produced thereby. These pages, which are simply preliminary to a larger work on the condition of the English working classes, are now published in this mo- nographic form, firstly on account of the special interest which the subject treated of therein possesses even in its present settled aspect, and which is still further enhanced as regards Austria by the impending new legislation in this respect, and, secondly, because the work recently published by L. Brentano on the English Trades' Unions describes another and still more important feature of English working men's affairs in so excel- lent a manner that, for some time to come, the treatment of the same subject by another writer would almost appear a superfluous undertaking. The author, therefore, begs favourable consideration AUTHOR'S PREFACF. xxi for this contribution as a temporary instalment towards tlie dissemination of a better knowledge of the condition of the working classes in England. May an exact knowledge of the English factory legislation remove the still prevalent disinclination existing on the Continent against legislative action with regard to working hours, and Governments and Legislatures understand that a well-meant and moderate interference by the State in favour of the working classes does not essentially contain the germ of Sociahsm, but that it is rather apt to lead them to feel an interest in the stability and preservation of the established social order, and thus remove the dangers of a social revolution. Contrary to continental custom in such matters, the English Government has done more for the improvement of the working classes than the Go- vernment of any other country, and perhaps for that very reason is it that, as a rule, the great struggles between Capital and Labour have re- mained in England confined to the questions imme- diately at issue ; whence, happily, the absence of that animosity between the higher classes and the workmen unfortunately so noticeable on the other side of the Channel. It is desirable, at the same time, that masters should not blind themselves to the fact that a reduction of the hours of labour — so highly commendable on general humanitarian xxii AUTHOR'S PREFACE. grounds — being in no way directly prejudicial to their interests, it would be far preferable that they graciously concede a claim, which the workmen will abandon under no consideration whatever, to having their consent wrenched from them in the midst of excited and violent popular commotions. E. PLENER. London, July, 1872. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction, by A. J. Mundella, Esq., M. P. . . . v Author s Preface xvii Moral and Health (Sir Robert Peel's) Act, 1802 ... 1 First Parliamentary Inquiry with regard to the condition of the Factory Population (1815) . . . . .4 Cotton Mills Act (1819) 4 Sir John Hobhouse's Act (1825) 5 Agitation for a Ten Hours* Bill . . . . . . . 6 Factory Act of \^Z1 6 Tom Sadler's Ten Hours' Bill 8 Lord Ashley's Ten Hours' Bill, and appointment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the condition of the Factory Labourers (1833) 10 Factory Act of IS3S 15 Further agitation for a Ten Hours' Bill 22 Commission of Inquiry of 1842, into the condition of Labour in Mines and small Industries . . . . . . 23 Mining Act of 18i2 24 Second Report of the Children Employment Commission of 1 843 25 Factory Act of 18U 27 Print Works Act of iS4:5 33 Ten Hours' Act of 18i7 36 Factory Legislation of 1850 ; — Establishment of a normal Work- ing-day 40 Act of 1853, regulating the Children's Working-day . . . 43 Table, showing the number and condition of the Persons em- ployed in the Textile Industry in the United Kingdom in 1868 45 Working-time in Bleaching and Dyeing Works . . . , 47 Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry of 1857 . . . .47 Bleachworks Act of 1860 48 Lace Manufactories Act of 1861 50 CONTENTS. PAGE Bakehouse Ad of 186S 51 Legislation on Iron and Coal Mines ..... 52 Commission of Inquiry of 1862—1866 56 Condition of the Fictile Industry . ..... 57 Legislative enactments of 1864 . . . . . . . 60 Chimney-sweepers' Boys . . . . . . .61 State of Labour in Potteries 62 Lace and Hosiery Manufactories 65 Millinery and Dressmaking Business 67 Shoemaking Industry ... . . . ... .70 Tailoring Business . . . . . . . . . 71 Hatters and Glovers . .71 Hardware Industry 72 Machine Manufactories . . . . . . . .72 Paper Manufacture . . . . . . . . . 75 Glassworks .......... 75' Factory Act Extension Act of 1867 . . . . . . 81 Workshops Regulation Act of 1867 83 Factory and Workshops Act of 1867 . . . . . . 91 Conclusion : — Effects of the Factory Legislation . . .92 Table of Production previous to and after the Factory Act . . 102 Influences of the Factory Legislation on the interests of the Working Classes . . . . . . . . . 103 Effects of the Factory Legislation on the general Culture of the People . 110 Government Inspection . . . . . , . ,115 The Saturday Review on Herr von Plener's " Englische Fabrik- gesetzgebung " 119 Appendix, containing Abstracts of the Continental Laws and Kegulations respecting the Employment and Education of Children and young Persons employed in Factories, Workshops, &c 121 y^^ OF THB THE ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. The first law enacted with the object of regu- JJ°^f\^",^^ 1 . 1 . -ir»ii • r> i • l^ Health Act latmg the period oi labour in lactones was the so- of 1802. called ''Moral and Health Act" of 1802 (42 Geo. (42 Geo. 3, 3, c. 73), usually known under the name of the ^' ^^'"^ Elder Sir Robert Peel's Act. The immediate cause of passing this Bill was the fearful spread, through- out the factory district of Manchester, of epidemic disease, which made terrible havoc among the youthful labouring population on account of their scanty mode of living and peculiar way of working. When towards the end of last century, manufac- turing industry, particularly with regard to textile fabrics, began to develop itself, numerous factories were established in Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, and Lancashire, abounding as they do in water- courses, and the number of these factories became so considerable that the supply of children from the respective neighbourhoods was soon found inade- quate to the demand. At the same time, general misery prevailed in the southern agricultural counties, and unprincipled Poor-law guardians, anxious to rid their parishes as speedily as possible of pauper ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. children, sliowed great eagerness to meet tlie re- quirements of large industrial establishments for cheap labour. Children were, therefore, transferred in large numbers to the North, where they were housed in pent-up buildings adjoining the factories, and kept to long hours of labour. The work was carried on da}^ and night without intermission, so that the beds were said never to have become cold, inasmuch as one batch of children rested while the other batch went to the looms, only half the re- quisite number of beds being provided for all.* As a natural consequence of such a state of things, the whole population became alarmed at the appearance of epidemic fevers, especially in Manchester, so notorious in those daj^s for its unhealthiness and filthy condition. A Board of Health was apj)ointed in 1796, who, in their first report,t plainly pointed to the crowding of workmen in factories as the direct and chief source of such epidemic fevers. Nothing, however, was done until 1802, when Sir Eobert Peel carried the above-mentioned Bill, by which it was for the first time attempted to deter- mine the hours of labour and afi'ord protection to factory children. But the said law simply dealt with the then existing evils originating from the unregulated employment of apprentices and, to a certain degree at least, showed a partiality for trade customs, as may be inferred from the provision which compelled the employer to clothe his appren- * Sir Robert Peel's Evidence. Comm. 1816, p. 139 ; Memoirs of Robert Blincoe, by Alfred, History of tlie Factory Movement, I. pp. 18—23, seq. t This Report is piiblisbed in the evidence of Sir Robert Peel (see note, ante I, and in Fielden's "Curse of the Factory System," London, 1836, p. 7. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. tices. The latter were not to work more, than twelve hours a day, and with the exception of some temporary regulations in respect to large factories, night- work was entirely prohibited. Every ap- prentice had to receive daily instruction during the first four j^ears of his time, school-attendance' to be reckoned as working-time. Religious instruction on Sundaj^s was distinctly regulated, and some useful sanitary clauses were inserted. Justices of the peace had to appoint two visitors whose duty it was to send in a report at the quarter sessions, and in cases of urgency to provide for all sanitary requirements. This well-digested law, which to this day has not been formally repealed,* has in a great measure proved inoperative tlirough want of the necessary provisions for carrying it into effect, and owing also to the still midetermined state of the new manufacturing system.?^ But even in such places where the law was acted upon, a new advance of the said system rendered its protection illusory. As before mentioned, the Act of 1802 referred only to the so-called parish apprentices, who supplied the first elements of labour- to the large- establishments then in course of » formation. The introduction of steam-power removed the necessity of erecting factories in water-abounding dictricts, and supplied a great desideratum in many respects, by allowing theu' estabhshment in populous towns w^hose needy inhabitants afforded a sufficient number of hands to satisfy the first requirements of manufacturers. Thus, those children whose parents resided in the neighbourhood of such factories were admitted * Report of Inspectors of Factories, May, 1848, p. 32 ; Children Employment Commission, 1862, Eep. I. §§ 559, 560. B 2 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. First Par- liamentary inquiiy with regard to the condition of the factory- population. Cotton Mills. (59 Geo. 3, c. 6Q.) into them without participating in the protection provided by the Apprentices Act.* Sir Eobert Peel, again demanding (in 1815) that legal protec- tion should likewise be granted to these children, obtained the appointment of a Commons' committee to consider the matter. This was the first inquiry instituted by Parlia- ment t with regard to the condition of the factory population. The evidence of the several witnesses afforded, for the first time, a circumstantial and eloquent description of the injurious action of factory labour on children, and of the grasping efforts of parents to derive profit and income from the children's wages, while pointing to the in- efficient working of the protective enactments hitherto in force. It was only in 1819, and after the Bill had been submitted to the consideration of a committee of the Upper House, that a new law (59 Geo. 3, c. 66) was enacted, but this Act applied exclusively to Cotton Mills, and not, like the former, to both cotton and wool factories. It limited, for the first time, the age at which children might be admitted into factories — viz., nine years, and restricted to twelve each day the hours of labour for children from nine to sixteen years of age. This being exclusive of meal-time — one hour and a half per day — the number of hours per week was fixed at seventy-two, night-work being once more pro- hibited. For the first time, also, rules were laid down to compensate by extra hours time lost ♦ Sir Robert Peel's Evidence, 1816, p. 133. t Report of the Minutes of Evidence taken before the Select Com- mittee on the State of Children employed in the Manufactories of the United Kingdom. 1816. Pari. Pap. III. 397. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 5 through accidental intermission in consequence of scarcity or excess in the supply of water-power, after the rate of an additional hour per day. Several supplementary statutes were afterwards added to (60 Geo. 3, this Act; first, 60 Geo. 3, c. 5, conceding to the ^- ^-^ owners of such cotton-mills as had been destroyed by fire, or damaged by some other casualty (pro- viding they were in possession of other factories in active operation at the time), the privilege of em- ploying in the latter, during night-work, the hands thrown out of the former in consequence of the accident, and of appointing the meal-time at any period of the day that might best suit their con- venience. Mr. Nath. Gould having again called the attention of Parliament to the condition of factory children, the famous radical member, Sir John Cam Hobhouse (subsequently Lord Brough- ton), carried in 1825 a more comprehensive Bill /g q^^ ^ (6 Geo. 4, c. 63), which, repeating as it did most of c. 63.) the former provisions, was the first to shorten the Saturday labour and to stipulate special and de- tailed penalties against the transgressors of the law, the carrjdng out of which was farther simpli- qq q^^ ^ fied and facilitated by the statute 10 Geo. 4, c. 51.* c. 51.) The farther development of factory industry, and especially the enormous increase noticeable at that time in wool- spinning, f subject then to no legal restrictions, were conducive towards bringing promptly and effectively to light the evils resulting from over-work, and public opinion, at that period * 10 Geo. 4, c. 63, validated only the preceding Act, in which a mistake in foim had occurred. Compare T, E. May, Pari. Practice, 6th ed. p. 499. + In 1820 there were imported 9,789,0201b. of foreign wool ; and in 1830, 35,546,104 lb. / ENGLISH FACTORY LECtISLATION. Cotton Industry. (1 & 2 Will. 4, c. 39.) excited by the impending electoral reform, turned its attention with unfeigned interest to the agitation which certain workmen, Radical-tories, and Philan- thropists were energetically and successfully carry- ing on in the wool-districts of Yorkshire for the purpose of introducing a Ten Hours Bill. At the head of this agitation stood paramount Richard Oastler (the renowned "Factory King"), who with indefatigable zeal and powerful eloquence success- fully organised large meetings of the working-men of Leeds, Bradford, Huddersfield, and other places. Co-operating with him was the Rev. Mr. Bull,* and the manufacturers, Mr. S. Wood and Mr. Walker, whilst in Lancashire short-time committees had been likewise formed for the same purpose. In immediate connection with this first stage of the movement. Sir J. Hobhouse had brought in a Bill, in 1831, to reduce the working-time of the whole textile industry to eleven hours and a half, but the energetic opposition of the wool manufacturers of Yorkshire made it fall through, and there was only a statute, although an important one, passed, limited in its application to the Cotton Industry (1 & 2 Will. 4, c. 39), which repealed the four pre- vious Acts, prohibited night-work to all persons between nine and twenty-one years of age, and fixed the time of labour {bv persons under eighteen at twelve hours per day, and nine hours on Satur- days {i.e., sixty-nine hours per week). The re- covery of lost time was facilitated and night-work permitted in this respect even to persons from six- * He published in Bradford a weekly agitation paper, " Tlie British Labourer's Protector and Factory Child's Friend." See Alfred, 1. c. I., p. 98, seg. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. teen to twenty-one years of age. All cotton mill- owners, as well as their parents, brothers, and sons, were disqualified from acting as justices of the peace in cases of infringement of the law. /This was virtually the first Factory Act which was, at least to some extent, carried out, and which gave rise to still farther agitation. Despite the law, most factories worked thirteen hours, and numerous cases of infringement were subsequently brought to light.* Out of several children of the legally determined age, one only was dismissed the factory after /twelve hours' work, the remainder having to do overtime.! In many cases the men were compelled to subscribe to a fund out of which the manufacturer paid the fines incurred by him for breaking the law,t which seems to have been better observed in Scotland than in England, § and in the latter kingdom more so in town than in country districts. In Manchester, for instance, an association of cotton-spinners was formed, who, in order to prevent competition on the part of the manu- facturers working overtime, proceeded on their own joint account against aU who infringed the law, thus securing uniformity in regard to working-time. ||' Meanwhile the agitation, rendered still more intense by the political movements of the reformers, went on increasing in Yorkshire. Next to philan- thropists and workmen, standing without the pale of political circles, the leaders of the ten hours '' Before the Parliamentary Committee of 1832. Rep. §§ 6630, 6639. t Ibid. §§ 7352, 9755. J Report of the Parliamentary Committee of 1832, § 7349. § Ibid. §§ 6238, 6239. i Report of tlie Parliamentary Committee of 1832, §§ 7351, 7360. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. movement belonged mostly to the Tory and Esta- blished Church parties, who were not on the populai side in respect to the Reform movement. Th( Tories gladly availed themselves of the factory agitation in order to outdo in popularity the liberaL party with regard to their demands relative to ^ extension of the franchise to the middle class, and the repeal of the corn-laws, both taking subjects with the public. A great impression was pro- I duced by a meeting held at York, at which thousands of working-men, with their wives and children, w^ere present in the Old Castle Yard in a pelting rain, in order to listen to the powerful exhortations of " King Richard" (Oastler) and adopt energetic reso- lutions.* Soon after this, Oastler and Tom Sadler made a triumphal entry into Manchester, whither they repaired for the purpose of exciting to action the men of Lancashire, who had stood aloof. In 1832, the new parliamentary leader of the agitation, Tom Sadler, brought in a Bill limiting to ten the hours of labour for persons under eighteen years of age and extending this legal protection to wool, flax^ and silk factories. When the Bill came on for ^cond reading, it was met by a storm of oppos^ion from the manufacturing members, who, under 'pretext of insufficient information, stopped its farther progress through the House. Sadler was compelled to yield. A Special Committee was appointed to examine witnesses and collect pro- fessional evidence on the Bill, but no formal report * Alfred, 1. c, gives several of Oastler's speeches in extenso. They are, like all agitation speeches held in meetings, passionate and full of repetitions, but must have been of great effect when listened to separately. In 1870 a statue was erected at Bradford in honour of Oastler. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. was drawn up.* However, the questions put by Sadler — in fact the whole manner in which he selected his witnesses and conducted their examiA. nation — fui-nished the most glaring proofs of the / injurious effects of the system upon the health and ) morals of the youthful factory population. The witnesses belonging to the working-classes were chiefly wool-spinners from Yorkshire, enjoying no legal protection whatever, and a very few only were from the cotton districts. The princij)al evidence as to the baneful influence of factory labour was elicited from numerous medical men, who absolutely declared that the youthful frame could not contend against more than twelve hom's' labour. And then a cry was raised throughout England and echoed all over the Continent at sight of the sufferings so graphically described of the poor little factory children, compelled to slave under a cruel treatment from thirteen to fourteen hours a day, of young girls more wild than civilised, and of the apathetic exhaustion of men gTown old at thirty. Meanwhile Parliament had been dissolved and fresh elections were ordered to take place in con- formity with the reformed electoral law. Sadler * Report from the Committee on the Bill to Regulate the Labour of Children in the Mills and Factories of the United Kingdom, with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix, and Index. Pari. Pap. 1831-32, XV. 706 and 682 pages. At the end of the evidence of the witnesses Sadler appended several mortality lists, in order to prove that in the factory districts, properly so called, ahout as many people died under the age of 20 as in other places before the age of 40 years. These lists were severely attacked by I. E. Drinkwater, one of the Factory Commissioners of 1833, and Sadler wrote in vindication ** Factory System : the Official Tables Appended to the Report of the Select Committee on the Ten Hours Factory Bill vindicated in a series of Letters addressed to J. E. Drinkwater," published in 1836, after Sadler's decease. 10 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. was not returned, and Lord Ashley (afterwards Lord Shaftesbury) once more brought in, without ^ delay, a Ten Hours Bill, which, if not expressl}^, yet by its tenour, restricted the hours of labour, even in the case of adults, to ten hours. On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Althorp, seconded by Mr. W. Patten, the House declared that it intended in no way regulating the working hours of adults, who, as such, were free subjects and at liberty to act as they thought fit, deciding that a Royal Commission should be appointed in order to institute a new comprehensive inquiry into the condition of factory labourers. The appointment of this commission had not only for its object the collection of fresh materials for the Legislature, but the commissioners were also "instructed" to present a more favourable report of the state of the factory population than did that of Sadler's committee the year before. The whole affair assumed at the time the character of a political party question, the Tories, for the greater part, still smarting under their defeat in the Reform question, and endeavouring with delight to bring to the surface everything likely to damage in the eyes of the public the industrial middle -classes, who had become more influential and attained a much higher position than heretofore in public esteem.* The labours of this commission f were proceeded with much more * A society had been formed in London, under Tory influence and the patronage of the Duke of Sussex, for the improvement of the con- dition of the factory children. f I. and II. Report of the Central Board of Her Majesty's Commis- sioners appointed to collect information in the manufacturing districts I as to the employment of children in factories, and as to the propriety and means of curtailing the hours of their labour, with Minutes of ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 11 systematically than were those of its predecessor, and the numerous and in many respects very valuable materials gathered together were prefliced by an elaborate report, in which it was principally maintained that the whole ten hours' agitation on the part of the men sprang less from a feeling of sj^mpathy with the unhappy children than from the hope that the new Act would contain a clause in favour of adults, permanently restricting their number of hours to ten likewise. The workmen were of opinion that the reduction of wages con- sequent upon the adoption of short time would only be temporary, and that owing to a falling off in the production, the demand and the prices would respec- tively rise in such ratio that more men would be wanted and employed at shorter hours at the same or even a higher rate of wages than hitherto paid for long time.* The commissioners did not take this view of tl^e case, but were of opinion that the deficiency in the production caused by the restricted number of working hours would not benefit home-labour, but, on the contrary, prove advantageous to foreign com- petitors ; they therefore, in accordance with the unanimous testimony of the masters, t looked upon the reduction of the working day to ten hours as a ruinous and impracticable measure, at the same Evidence and Reports by the District and Medical Commissioners. 2 vols. Pari. Pap. 1833, 450. Supplementary Report. 2 vols. Pari. Pap, 1834, together 1586 resp. 1617 pages folio. • I. Rep. p. 35, and D. 2, p. 108 (Tufnell). These are about the same arguments which are advanced at the present time by the Trades Unions for the restriction of the working hours, in order to distribute the same quantity of work among more hands. + H. Ashworth says, I. Rep. p. 42, that twelve hours' work daily was absolutely necessary to pay interest on the invested capital. The 12 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. time that it constituted a dangerous encroachment on the rights and liberties of adult workmen. On tlie other hand, however, they admitted something must be done for the children, whose sufferings were so forcibly described in the medical reports,* and for whom even ten hours' work was considered too great an exertion. The report therefore pro- posed to reduce the time of labour for children of from nine to thirteen years of age to eight hours. In order to obtain the requisite number of such hands during the whole of the working day, it was loss of two hours would increase the costs of production from five to seven per cent. , and the wages would, consequently, be lessened by more than the minus of the two hours. The reduction of the time of labour would render the speedy execution of great commands impossible. The factories worked by water power, which were very frequently subject to interruptions, would have the regular routine of their business dis- turbed, and the value of the water wells would likewise be considerably decreased in consequence. D. 2 (Tufnell), p. 222. * In their numerous and copious statements the medical men expressed themselves altogether in an adverse sense on the factory system. Many of their testimonies are quoted in extenso by Engels : " The Condition of the Working Class in England," pp. 17B — 203. Much material is also published in F. Gaskell's " The Manufacturing Population of Eng- land," 1833, pp. 173—213 ; also in W. Cooke Taylor's " Factories and the Factory System," 1844, pp. 20 — 33. Crooked growth of the spine, malformation of the bones in consequence of standing long in an up- right condition, scrofulous and pulmonary diseases caused by the long stay in the unhealthy factory rooms, were pointed out as the most prevalent forms of maladies. On the other hand, it was admitted by the medical witnesses that many industries which are not conducted exactly on the principles of factories, such as potteries, needle- manufactories, mines, &c. , were much more injurious to the health of the youthful labourers. The alleged cruel treatment of the children could not be imputed, according to the Report, to the manufacturers, as they did not come into personal contact with the factory children at all, who were, on the contrary, employed and controlled as auxiliary hands by the adult workmen. An epitomised collection of all the opinions and evidence favourable to the employers and the factory system was prepared with great ability and published in 1834 under the title "Analysis of the Evidence taken before the Factory Commissioners, as far as it relates to the Population of Manchester and the Vicinity, Read before the Statistical Society of Manchester," &c. Of a like tendency are the statements in Ure's "Philosophy of Manu- , factures," edit, of 1861, vol. iii. c. land 2. EIs^GLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. proposed, for the first time, to divide the labour in such way that the children who had worked their eight hours were to be relieved by fresh batches. This is the actual breach in the provisions of the Ten Hours Bill, whose chief object was the estabhshment of a working day of equal duration for all persons employed in factories. This almost entirely new idea was unpopular alike with the workmen and the manufacturers, although affording to the latter the means of rendering possible a con- tinuation of the longer hours — a possibility which was jeopardised by the Ten Hom^s Bill. Their chief objection to this ^proposition was the difficulty of obtaining a sufficient number of children for the double working-hours, combined with the appre- hension that, notwithstanding the shortening of the working-day, no corresponding reduction could be attempted with regard to the children's wages. In the interest of the children they likewise recom- mended the rejection of such a relay system, on the plea that their unemployed time would be spent in idleness and loitering, and that moreover it was to be apprehended that later on, when the children had grown into manhood, more hands would be seen in the market than could actually find employment. The opponents as well as the supporters of the Ten Hours Bill were therefore more favourable to the adoi^tion of a more advanced age for admission rather than to the introduction of the double working divisions for children of an early age. It is singular how this very relay system, at first condemned by all as impracticable and ruinous,* has become one of the principal features in * Before Sadler's Committee already the relay system was denounced 14 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. the development of the English factory legisla- tion, forming as it does, in connection with com- pulsory schooling, one of the chief advantages of the present system. If the commission were re- solved once for all not to restrict the hours of labour for grown-up people — i. e., not to reduce them to the same number as that adopted for protected hands — and at the same time not alto- gether to exclude children from the works, no other means remained but the introduction of the division of labom\ The report was therefore particularly in favour of the new sj^stem.* During the time when children would be excluded other children or adults would be taken on, and thus under every circumstance would the increase in wages be profit- able to the workers. Only those parents who derived an income from their children's wages would, properly speaking, have a direct interest in the con- tinuation of the hitherto prevailing long-hours system, since manufacturers would alone be affected by an increase in wages, and that only in an im- perceptible degree. The school regulations could only be practically observed by the adoption of the relay system, the attendance of the fired children at Sunday and evening classes having been hitherto productive of the most unsatisfactory results.! as cruel and impracticable by Oastler, because the infringement of the law was ratber facilitated by the employment of the relieved children in other factories during the other half of the day. Rep. § 9826. It would only have the eflect of burdening more work upon the adults. Whitehead, ibid. § 585. The employers maintained that the legal difficulties would force them to dismiss all children under thirteen years of age, whereby the supply of skilled hands trained in their youth would be cut off, to the great detriment of industrial under- takings. Suppl. Rep., 1834, p. 6. * Supplementary Report, pp. 10 — 13. t I. Report, p. 29 ; A. 2, p. 9* ; Fielden 1. c. p. 30. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 15 Dui'ing the session of 1833, Lord Ashley's Ten Hours Bill had already passed the second reading, but the introduction therein of a clause by which infractions of the law were made punishable by imprisonment, provoked a new attack in committee on the part of the manufacturers. Notwithstanding the persistence of Oastler, and that a mass-meeting was held in Yorkshire in favour of the retention of this penal clause. Lord Ashley sacrificed it to its opponents in Parliament and thereby brought his Bill to grief.* The Whig Government, who beheld with satisfaction the failure of the Tory Bill, now carried one of their own, in which most of the propositions of the Royal Commissions w^ere transformed into legal provisions. The new law of August 29, 1833 Lord Al- (3 & 4 Will. 4, c. 103, frequently quoted as Lord ^^^^^'^ Althorp's Act), prohibited night work (that is to sa}^, (3 & 4^^111 between the hours of 8.30 p.m., and 5.30 a.m.) to 4, c. 103.) all persons under eighteen employed in cotton, -^^^^^ ' wool, worsted, hemp, flax, tow, and linen spinneries and weaving-mills, and for the first time made a distinction between cliildi'en from nine to thu'teen years of age, and so-called " young persons," from tliirteen to eighteen", fixing tlie maximum number of hours at forty-eight per week, or nine per day for the former, and at sixty-nine per week, or twelve per day, with regard to the latter. In silk-factories, however, children mider thirteen years of age were allowed to work ten hours per day, also to be admitted before the age of nine. Daily attendance at school for at least two hours, as well as two entire and eight half-holidays in the year, were like- wise provided for. The certificates as to age were • Alfred, 1. c. n. c. 3. 16 ENGLISH FACTOHY LEGISLATION. no longer to be given, as hitherto, by the parents of factory children, but by a physician or surgeon, and for the carrying out of the law four factory in- spectors were appointed, to whom a penal jurisdic- tion was delegated concurring with that of the justices of the peace. This law has not been formally repealed, but most of its provisions, espe- cially those relating to penal proceedings and ad- ministrative action, have been modified by the Factory Act of 1844. As a sort of transitory ar- rangement, the law should come into operation only by degrees, in a manner corresponding with the gradation of age, so that the reduction of the work- ing-day to eight hours for children under thirteen years of age should not come into force until March 1, 1836 (§ viii.) * Notwithstanding this evident tendency of the Act to injure as little as possible the interests of the manufacturers, the inspectors during the first years reported numerous infractions which, how- ever, were not all punished, as their right to lay an information in such cases expired within fourteen days, and as, contrary to Sii' J. Hobhouse's Act, which was repealed by the new Factory Act, even manufacturers might now exercise the functions of justices of the peace whenever the law was infringed. The duties of their office were of course per- formed in a most partial manner, the offenders being in most cases let off scot free. The over- working of several children simultaneously by the same manufacturer was regarded as one contraven- tion of the law only, and punished accordingly, and * This Act was explained and amended in two unimportant points by i Will. 4, c. 1 (20 Feb. 1834). ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIOX. 17 the low scale of fines (in 1836, 21 5s. ; in 1837, 11. 10s. on an average for one transgression) ren- dered it more profitable to unprincipled employers to infringe than to obey the law. As the certificates with regard to age were only to be given on an estimate of the outward appearance of the indivi- dual, the greatest discrepancies and irregularities resulted as a matter of course, and these Inspector Horner thought to remove by substituting height as a standard for age : a child who did not reach three feet ten inches should not be taken as nine years old, and one who did not measure four feet three inches and a half should not pass for thirteen years, except in cases of an extraordinary muscular development at the age of twelve, when thirteen years might knowingly be certified.* This esti- mation of the age by the height of the child very naturally led to the creation of spurious certificates. Besides, the measure test was fixed at a very low standard, so that children under nine years of age might easily measure three feet eleven inches in height and be admitted to factory work by the medical officer, whereas other measure- ments gave diff'erent results : Fielden, for instance, three feet eleven inches, and Cowell, four feet for children nine years old. Fielden and Cowell likewise ascertained the average height of a child of twelve years of age to be four feet five inches and a half, * Lord Shaftesbury's Speeches upon Subjects relating to the Labour- ing Class, 1868, pp. 6—9, 12. The registers of births and deaths, which were very negligently kept at the beginning of the present century, aiforded no reliable information regarding the age of factory children. It was in the year 1822 that registers of baptisms were first introduced ; but the Dissenters did not have their children entered, and only since the creation of the Registrar- General's office, in 1837, have regular lists of births been kept. c 18 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. and four feet five and one -third inches respectively, so that in virtue of that Act, children of twelve years of age, whose time of labour the law limited to eight hours a day, could be worked twelve hours. On the other hand, parents who derived an income from their children's wages, did their utmost to qualify their either too young or too diminutive children for admission into the factory. Very often they fraudulently brought before the medical officer older children instead of their brothers or sisters intended for admission, or they stuffed cotton into the stockings of the children so as to make them appear taller.* Manufacturers were still of opinion that the coming into full force of the law would compel them to dismiss the greater number of their young hands, or to cease carrying on their manufacture in presence of foreign competition, and they agitated to such efiect that they succeeded partly in intimidating, partly in per- suading the factory inspectors to this extent at least that the latter were induced to propose to Government, in August, 1835, or six months before the restriction of the working hours to eight per day in favour of children between twelve and thirteen years of age was to come into operation, that a supplementary Bill might be introduced allowing * C. Wing, "The Evils of the Factory System," p. 30. The un- certainty of tins test with regard to age, which, however, was a/bolished again in 1837, is stated in detail in E. Saunders's "The Teeth a Test of . Age, Considered with Reference to Factory Children," 1837, the ahthoj?'^ ■ proving that at a greater height of body the most important organs are often backward in their normal development, and proposing the examina- tion of the teeth as the best test for determining the age, on account of their relatively independent development in the human oiganism. Of the second growth of teeth twelve would be a criterion for an age of nine years, and twenty-eight for an age of thirteen years. Efs^GLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. children of eleven years of age and more to work twelve hoiu's a day, or sixty-nine hours per week. The President of the Board of Trade, Mr. Poulett Thompson, thereupon brought in a Bill, in 1836, proposing to amend the 8th clause of the Factory Act of 1833, and thereby despoil 35,000 children between the ages of twelve and thkteen of the pro- tection they were legally entitled to.* This Bill was adopted 1)y the small majority of two votes only, and Government was compelled, by the thi'eatening attitude of fresh agitators for a Ten Hours Bill, to withdraw the former, and to let the Factory Act formally take its course, although aware that its practical enforcement would not produce the desired results.! * At the instance of Oastler, S. Hindley brought in a Bill, in the same session, proposing to reduce the time of labour and restrict the working of the machinery to ten hours, in order to make the short working day general, and at the same time to guarantee its observance more effectively. But the Bill did not even come on for a second read- ing. Alfred, 1. c. II., pp. 91—105. t Respecting the working of the Factory Act, a Parliamentary Com- mittee conducted a comprehensive inquiry, under the presidency of Lord Ashley. Rep. I. — VI. from the Commission on the Act for the Regulation of Mills and Factories, etc., Pari. Pap. 1840, X., together 914 pages. These six Reports contain only the evidence of witnesses, and a well -arranged register. The actual Report, which was published in 1841 (Pari. Pap. Ib41, IX., 557), testifies the undoubted im- provement in the condition of the young factory workers since the last inquiry, and advances, with reference to the frequent infringements of the law, several propositions for a more effective execution of the same, many of which propositions were adopted in the Factory Act of 1844. The age to be exempt from nightwork was to be raised from eighteen to twenty-one years, and the working day reduced from fifteen to fourteen hours {i.e. from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m.), since its long duration, as compared with the legally determined working time of the protected persons, encouraged and facilitated infringements of the law. The overtime for recovering lost time was to be placed under a stricter control, and not to be allowed in factories which were worked by steam and water power at the same time, because of the easy mode of balancing any loss of time in these establishments. Fixed hours were to be set apart within the working day for meals, in order that a break should really take place in the work. The time of labour for children was to be reduced C 2 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. After the law had expressly restricted the young labourers to a fixed time of working, which the employers considered too short for their interests, they tried to make arrangements to keep their machines going longer within the legal working- day (from 5^ o'clock a.m. till 8|- p.m.) than the twelve hours guaranteed to the protected persons, and this they could only achieve by establishing re- lays which commenced work at different times of the day, so that formally the legal working time of those individually under protection was not exceeded. As these different working turns did not, contrary to the two relaj^s of the children, relieve one another at the same machines, but took their turn at different machines at different times of the day, and as the whole machinery was at work all the time so long as one set of labourers were employed, the work of the group which were taking rest had to be performed at the same time, during the relief and meal-times, by the other set of hands, together with their own work.* It is plain that in these complicated combinations of the different hours into which the several periods of labour were divided, the excess of work done by protected persons who had to stay in the factory during the whole working-day, in order to be ready to take from eight to seven hours, and the employment of the same child before and after dinner jDrohibited. Certificates as to age were to be issued only by officially appointed medical officers. Every illegal employment of each protected individual person was to be considered a special oifence, and punished accordingly. Silk factories and lace manufac- tories were to be subjected to the regulations of the Factory Act, but a longer time of labour might yet be allowed in silk throwing-mills, which require a large number of children's hands for doing the easy work. * Inspector Howell, 7 May and 6 July, 1838. Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1848, p. 7. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. their turn, was very difficult to prove without their own testiruony, and the factory inspectors therefore unanimously declared that so long as the employers had the power to work relays, to fix irregular meal- hours, and to continually alter at pleasure the working- time of every individual, no legal restriction of the time of labour could be enforced against their will. As many manufacturers attempted to change the meal-time, by having it either before or after the regular working time, and allowed only half an hour's interval in the midst of the latter, the inspector obtained a legal opinion from the Law Officers of the Crown, according to which no part of the legally allowed meal-time was permitted to be taken, either before the commencement or after the termination of the regular work ; but the Home Secretary suifered nevertheless the contrary practice to prevail, by which the legal time allowed for takmg meals became perfectly illusory as a real break in the work. While the manufacturers had endeavoured to arrange the work of the young people in such a way that the reduction of their working time should impede, as little as possible, the manufacturing process, they could not do the same to an equal degree in respect to children, for whom the law had provided two separate working periods, with a strict obligation to attend school. Before the passing of the law, they had urged as one of the chief obstacles, the difficulty of obtaining the larger number of children required, in conse- quence of the double set of hands to be employed ; but when the law, with its strict regulations regarding schooling — considered so onerous by the manufacturers — came into force, they obviated this 22 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. inconvenience by the wholesale dismissal of the "^ children and the employment of " young persons " 'v / /or machines in their stead.* -^r^ The agitation for a Ten Hours Bill was conse- quently kept up ; in Manchester and Glasgow short-time committees were again organised who made the uncurtailed application of the Factory Act and the further gradual reduction of the time of labour their special aim. The agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws, which had meanwhile increased, added a new element to the fermentation prevailing in the manufacturing districts, already excited by the Chartist movement, while the oppo- nents of the Anti-Corn Law League supported with all their might the aims of the working-men against their Free Trade employers, though they were equally in dread of the democratic and communistic tenden- cies of the Chartists, t In 1840, Government having withdrawn the draft of a fresh supple- mentary law to the Factory Act, Lord Ashley | exposed before Parliament the condition of the young people employed in mines and other indus- tries not under legal regulation, and obtained the appointment of a Royal Commission for the purpose of inquiring into the condition of the operatives * In 1835 (before the Factory Act had come into full force) there were in 3164 factories, 56,455 children ; in 1838 (under the reign of the Factory Act) only 29,283 children were employed in 4217 facto- ries ; consequently, despite the increase of the number of factories and the introduction of double working groups, the number of children decreased by about one half. This decrease in the number of children after the introduction of the double working groups was still more conspicuous in the silk-factories of Derbyshire ; as in 1845, when the half-time system was introduced there, the number of children fell from 431 to 128 ; and in 1850 there were only 12. Reports of In- spectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1856, p. 19 ; April 30, 1857, p. 79. + Alfred II. cap. 9. X Shaftesbury, 1. c. p. 16. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIOX. 23 engaged in these (so-called) " free " industries. The Report of this Commission, which constitutes at present the most extensively known of all Blue Books of the kind, obtaining even on the Continent a more than ordinary attention, disclosed the most revolting abuses, and unfolded one of the darkest pictm-es of the material and moral misery and de- pravity of this class of the labouring population. The first part of the Report* treated of the condition of the workers in mines, and drew par- ticular attention to the very early age at which children were put to fatiguing mining work. The age of admission varied from between four to seven years of age, and a very large number of the labourers employed were under thirteen, since children, on account of their diminutive size, were best fitted to draw the loads through the low galleries. Girls and adult females performed the same work as the men, but were especially employed in drawing coal-waggons. Very often children of both sexes worked together in a half-naked state. The working-time was usually from eleven to twelve hours, extending frequently to sixteen hours, and when there was a great demand for coals, night-work was had recourse to. There was no fixed time for meals, and accidents were of frequent occurrence owing to the deficient inspection and fencing in * Children Employment Commission, I. Rep. Mines. Pari. Pap., 1842, XV., 281 Images. The Reports of the Sub-Commissioners are contained in the Pari. Pap. of 1842, XVI., 886 pages, and XVII., 937 pages. All very comprehensive and exhaustive. As the most important results of this inquiry have been very practically epitomised and arranged by Engels, 1. c. , pp. 289—300, and the principal abuses of women and children's labour remedied by the Mining Act of 1842, only the concluding remarks of the principal Report have been quoted in the text. 24 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIO:?^. of the machinery and to defective ventilation. The wages were not, save in a few exceptional instances, particularly low, nor the provisions exactly bad, but the extensively practised truck system left the workmen no chance of bettering their condition. The work was mostly conducted by sub-contractors, who themselves kept the truck-shops and bound parish-orphans by apprenticeship indentures till they were twenty-one years of age without paying them any wages except in the shape of board and clothing. The workmen were in most cases crippled and simultaneously subject to an abnormal develop- ment of certain muscles and to numerous diseases, especially of the respiratory organs, known as melanosis. Immorality and ignorance prevailed to a most frightful extent. Although the Commis- sioners did not propose any distinct legislative measure in the shape of a Bill, Lord Ashley,* on the basis of their Eeport, introduced one, with the object of excluding women altogether and boys under thirteen years of age from underground work in mines, and of cancelling all apprenticeship indentures ; but he failed in securing legal sanction . for these propositions. The Mining Act, 5 & Q (sTe Vict ^^^*- ^- ^^ (August 10th, 1842), though it pro- c. 99) Aug. hibited underground work by women in general, and 10, 1842. Y)j boys under ten years of age, left the existing indentures in force till the apprentices had reached s, the age of eighteen, and permitted in future con- tracts to be entered into for a term of eight years for new apprentices ten years old. The pay- ment of wages in public houses was prohibited, and * Shaftesbury, 1. c. pp. 31, 47, seq. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. ' wages so paid could be claimed over again by the workmen. The Government was empowered to appoint mine inspectors who were to report on the observance of the law, but they were not invested with such extensive authority as the factory inspec- tors. The Act contained no clause restricting the time of labour or prohibiting night-work, no du'ections for school attendance and certificates of age, and was therefore beneficial to the mining population only by the prohibition of female and children's work, although the immediate exclusion of the numerous class of female workers in mines produced much temporary distress, especially in the eastern parts of Scotland.* In the following year the Children Emplojnnent Commission published their second Report on the condition of young labourers in those branches of industry not as yet under the operation of the Factory Act, and brought to light t a terrible state * I. Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into tlie opera- tion of 5 & 6 Vic. c. 99, 1843, the results of which are succinctly put together^ by L. Faucher, in his "Etudes sur 1' Angleterre, " II., 363 — 396. Another very instructive inquiry on the mining woi'kers of a single district was published in 1843. Report of the Midland Mining Commission (South Staffordshire). Pari. Pap. 1843, XIII. 306 pages. The inquiry was caused by a strike on a large scale of the workmen against the sub-contractors ( ' ' butties") who, from foremen of the original gang formed for working a mine, had become the most cruel of masters. Truck and long intervals for paying wages, neglect of all pi-ecautions for security, long terms of apprenticeship for parish orphans, had also in this district produced misery and degradation. + Children Employment Commission. II. Report, Trades and Manu- factures. Pari. Pap. 1843, XIII., 245 pages; the Valumes XIV. and XV. (889 and 886 pages) embody the Reports of the Sub-Commis- sioners and the evidence of the witnesses. Vol. XLII. of the Pari. Pap. of 1845 contains the Alphabetical Register. The chief results of this inquiry may be gathei'ed from Engels' and from Faucher's accounts, partly also from Ledru Rollin's ** Decadence de I'Angleterre," and other more or less partial descriptions. Only the concluding remarks, there- fore, in page 195, are given here : In many trades children commence work at four, five, six, and seven years of age. Parents send their children 26 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. of things and abuses in these " free " industries ; but since no powers to do so had been delegated to them, they proposed no reforms, and the sufferings of these people remained consequently without legal remedy until 1864, when the first Factory Exten- sion Act was passed. The difficulties mentioned above of carrying out the Factory Act of 1833 induced Sir Eobert Peel's Cabinet, in 1844, to bring in a new and consolidating Bill respecting the Industries subject to that Act, and Sir James Graham proposed, on the 5th of Februar}", that it should not be allowed to work children from eight to thirteen years of age longer than six hours and a half a day, that the gene- ral working- day for children and young persons should be from 5.30 a.m. to 7 p.m. (6.30 a.m. till 8 p.m. in winter), and that the recovery of lost time should only be allowable in mills worked by water-power. Lord Ashley, in a powerful speech, explained in committee* the disadvantages and the to work as early as possible, and frequently repay by the latter's labour money debts owing to the master. Long running indentures till the twenty-first year with board and lodging, but without wages. No legal protection for the apprentices against unmerciful masters, but numerous convictions of apprentices for breach of contract. The magistrates were adverse to give their decision in favour of the cancelling of a contract, in order that the apprentices might not again become a burden to the parish. Bad treatment of the children, especially by grown-up work- men, particularly in the locksmiths' trade at Wolverhampton. Time of labour on an average from ten to twelve hours. Considerable moral depravity and ignorance. Sunday schools quite insufficient. Evening schools ineffective, because of the fatigue of the children. Great poverty and bad food, particularly in the nail-making, needle, lace, hosiery, tobacco manufactories, potteries, and calico-printing works. These so-called "free" industries exhibited a much more melancholy picture than the large organised manufacturing industry, and the unregulated long children's work in them acted like a premium for pai'ents greedy of gain who preferred employing their children at the earliest age in these indiistries and sending them to the large factories afterwards. * Shaftesbury, 1. c. p. 91. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 27 injurious effects of factory work, and recommended that the night hours during which protected persons were prohibited from working, should commence as early as 6 p.m. The Ministry and the manu- facturers opposed, but Lord Ashley's amendment was carried. In the discussion which followed the House rejected, in a contradictory- manner, both limits of twelve and of ten hours as the period of labour. There remained to the Government, therefore, no alternative but to bring in a new Bill, omitting the clause respecting the hours of labour, and when this came on for discussion in the House, Lord Ashley again proposed* to restrict the working-hours for young persons to ten, to commence in October, 1847. Sir Eobert Peel opposed this clause with the whole weight of his authority, pointing to the injurious ejffect that would accrue to home pro- duction by reducing the period of labour, and to the working-men by the decrease of their wages, with the possibility of the small trades — which were sub- ject to no legal restrictions and rapidly declining — reviving with all the injurious effects of their un- controlled long working-hours ; and threatening, moreover, to tender his resignation, he succeeded in obtaining the rejection of Lord Ashley's amend- ment by a majority of 297 against 159. t The Factory Act of 6th June, 1844 (7 Vict. c. Factory 15) reduced the working time for children of eight ^. (no longer nine) to thirteen years of age employed 15) JuneG, in the textile industry t to six hours and a half per ■'^^^^• Textile * Shaftesbury, 1. c. p. 116. Industry. + Annual Eer/ister, 1844, p. 107 seq. On the motives of the different divisions, see L. Faucher, 1. c. I. p. 483. + In silk throwing mills children of eleven years of age were allowed to work ten hours daily, and were not compelled to attend school. 28 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. day (the working- day running from 5.30 a.m. to 8.30 P.M.), and no child that had been occupied in the morning was allowed to work in any factory on the same day after 1 o'clock p.m. As a conces- sion, those factories where the labour of young persons was restricted to ten hours a day were also allowed to employ children for ten hours, but only on three alternate days of the week. While, on the one hand, the age of admission for children had been reduced by one year, all adult females were, on the other hand, placed under the same legal protection as the young persons. For the purpose of establishing, if possible, a uniform time of labour, it was enacted that the legal hours for children or young persons should be reckoned from the time when either of them had first begun work in the morning. One hour and a half was to be allowed for meal-time, between 7.30 a.m. and 7.30 P.M. A break of at least half an hour was to be made in the five hours' work before 1 p.m., for dinner, and all protected persons were to take their meals at the same time in the day, and outside the factory building, and they were not to be permitted, under any pretext whatsoever, to work after 4.30 p.m. on Saturdays. If time happened to be lost through an accident to the machinery, or want or excess of water in factories worked by that power, protected persons, after a previous notification to the factory inspector within six months after the stoppage, could be employed one hour per day extra (with the exception of Saturdays) in order to make up for the loss sustained. If the stoppage occurred through an unforeseen accident during the day, the time lost thereby could be recovered by night-work, ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 29 by young persons, but not by children. No ces- sation from work should be deemed one of the eight legal half-holidays, except notice to the con- trary had been previously given. Parents or per- sons having any direct benefit from the wages of the children had to send each of them to school for at least three hours daily during the first five days of the week. In winter two hours and a half in the afternoon w^ere considered sufiicient.* Those chil- dren who worked ten hours on 'alternate days were to attend school for five hours on each non-working day.f Certificates for school attendance had to be given weekly, and were to be filed by the manufac- tm-er for inspection by the factory inspector. The school fees, which were to amount to no more than twopence per week, were allowed to be deducted from the children's wages by the employer, but at no higher a rate than the twelfth part of the weekly wages. The surgical certificates of age, w^hich still testified the corresponding age from the outward appearance of physical development only, were, as a rule, to be exclusively issued b}^ the physicians (or surgeons) appointed by the factory inspectors ; if * The Factory Act of 1833 provided only twelve hours' school attend- ance weekly. f This system of the alternate ten hour days applied originally to the country districts in which the factory children usually lived at a dis- tance from the factory, in order to afford them more opportunity of attend- ing school. But the object of better instruction was seldom attained thereby, since the children attending school on alternate days received their instniction either in separate schools, consequently without coming in contact with their companions of the same age, or they lost their places in the common schools because they unavoidably remained behind the other children who attended school daily. S. Report of Inspectors of Factories, December 31, 1866, p. 100. This alternate system remained in its application far behind the half-time system. In some cases, as in the dyed wool factories, it proved advantageous, as the children had not to change their dress for going to school. S. Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1850, p. 40. 30 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION^. given by other medical men, they had to be counter- signed by a justice of the peace. The examining medical officer had to be paid by the manufacturer ; but he was entitled to deduct as much as threepence from the wages of the persons examined. The factory inspector was empowered to annul every certificate in case the age therein mentioned ap- peared to him to be stated too low, or in the event I of the child, after medical examination, proving too weak to stand the factory work. In case of a certificate of age being refused by the surgeon or annulled by the inspector, the latter was fur- ther empowered to direct, for the purpose of ascer- taining the real age, a requisition to the regis- trar of births and deaths, or to the clergjTnan, to produce a copy of the entry of the birth or baptism. But even a certificate of the real age did not render the employment of a protected person permissible in a factory if the original surgical certificate was refused or annulled in consequence of bodily infirmity. For the purpose of carrying out the law the factory inspectors and sub-inspectors were invested, under the administrative control of the Home Secretar}^, with extensive powers. They had a right to enter a factory and all the rooms therein at any time, to inspect the certificates and registers, to examine each person on the spot, and to require them to make a formal declaration of the truth of their depositions ; to dispense with school attendance, to require, with the authority of a justice of the peace, the services of constables, and to summons witnesses and accused persons. The manufacturers were obliged to apprise them of the opening of a factory, and of the extension of the ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 31 working-hours for the purpose of recovering lost time, and likewise of the ten hours' work on alternate days. In like manner the certifying surgeon had to report to them every accident that occurred. Those who transgressed against the law were subjected to a summary process before a justice of the peace,* before whom the complaint could be laid by the factory inspector (in Scotland, by the procurator-fiscal). The right of filing an information expu'ed after two (in some cases after three) months from the date of the offence. For greater facility in establishing the evidence, cer- tain legal presumptions were laid down, namely : — For the purpose of determining the time of com- mencement of work the tabular divisions of time exhibited in the factory were to be taken as a rule of guidance until proof to the contrar}^ had been tendered, and the admission of a person into the factory (except for the purpose of bringing pro- visions) presupposed that person's employment therein. In the same manner the surgical certifi- cate of age was to be proof of the supposed age until the contrary was established by counter- evidence; but it did not exonerate those employers who, aware of the incorrectness of the certificate, * Section 71 of the Act disqualified only those manufacturers who were owners, or brother, father, or son of the owner of the factory in which the offence had taken place, whilst, as mentioned above (jjage 7), the law of 1831 had excluded all manufacturers from the office of magistrate in such cases. The inspectors who were invested by the Factory Act of 1833 with a jurisdiction concurring with that of the justices of the peace, lost it in 1844, and they are now only administra- tive functionaries who appear before the justices of the peace as public prosecutors. In this sense must the respective passages in § 76 of (intisVs "Englisches Verwaltungs-Recht," and §46 " Communalver- fassung" (The English Administration and Municipal Constitution) be rectified. g2 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. employed persons tinder the legal age. Masters were, in the first instance, responsible for all infringements of the law, and next to them their managers and foremen. The fines for employing a protected person contrary to the provisions of the statute, and a child without a certificate of school attendance, were from 1/. to SI, for each protected person, and from 2L to 51. when the illegal employ- ment had taken place during the night. Every repetition of such an illegal employment was to be considered in the light of a fresh offence. Parents were liable to a fine of from five to twenty shillings, for giving their consent to the illegal work of their children, as well as for neglect in sending them to school. Non-observance of the sanitary regulations was punished by a fine of from 3Z. to 101. ; omission of the arrangements for protection against the dangers of accidents from the machines, by 51. to 201. ; the neglect of fencing the dangerous parts of the machinery, after having been cautioned by the inspector, and if a bodily injury to anyone should actually have occurred, by 101. to lOOZ. ; obstruction of the official functions of the inspector, by SI. to 501. } forgery and use of forged certificates and regis- ters, by 51. to 201., or imprisonment in the House of Correction for a period not exceeding six months. The fines would be remitted either entirely or partly by the Home Secretary ; as a rule, they were to be devoted to school purposes. There was no appeal allowed from penal sentences, except in cases where the fine exceeded the amount of SI., or the offence was punishable by imprisonment. The appeal lay to the Quarter Sessions. Among the industries whose condition was ex- ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 33 amined into by the Children's Employment Com- mission, the calico print-works had been especially designated as among the most injurious to children. Long work, often lasting till very late in the night, in hot unhealthy rooms, a total want of instruction, and low wages, made the lot of young calico-printers one of the most miserable of the whole industrial population. Lord Ashley,* therefore, brought in a Bill the following year for their protection, by prohibiting women and all young children from performing any night-work whatever, by restrict- ing the work of children under the age of tliir- teen to eight hours, and by subjecting them at the same time to the same school attendance as the factory children. The law adopted in consequence, 8 & 9 Vict. 0. 29 (Print-works Act, June 30, 1845), ^ct!*"""'^' contained provisions closely akin to those of the (8&9Vict. Factory Act of the previous year, and similar ^- 29) June clauses in regard to the inspection, proceedings, fines, and certificates of age. It prohibited night- work (by " night," in this Act, was meant the time comprised between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m.) by women and children, but not by male young persons, the legal definition of whom reached only — contrary to the law of 1844 — to the sixteenth year of age ; and it contained no sanitary directions, nor any regulations as to the duration of labour and meal- time ; so that children of eight and under thirteen years of age and women could be made to work from 6 A.M. until 10 p.m., and boys above thirteen years of age for twenty-four hours without inter- ruption. Just as defective were the school-regula- tions, which on account of the irregular system of * Lord Shaftesbury's Speeches, p. 152. 34 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. working in this line of industry (making, as it was maintained, a regular attendance at school during the working period impossible), provided only for a minimum of thirty days' schooling, with 150 real school-hours during the last six months pre- ceding the admission into the factory,* and during the subsequent six months of further employment. The schooling of these print-works children was, by reason of its irregularity, totally ineffective, and all reports of school and factory inspectors con- firmed from year to year the unexampled ignorance of thes.e children, who went to school at arbitrarily irregular intervals, merely in order to complete the legally prescribed 150 hours, but without learning anything thereby. The carrying out of the Factory Act of 1844 succeeded, on the whole, much better than its oppo- nents had predicted. The chief difficulty consisted in procuring the larger number of children required by the introduction of the half-time system, for where formerly three children worked for eight hours four children had to be employed to perform six hours' work.t But in course of time, manufacturers not * Tlie Act fixed these six months from the first of January till the last day of June, and from the first of July till the thirty-first of December, whereby many children who had visited no school during these very peiiods were altogether excluded from admission into the printing works. In order to remedy this evil (Report of Inspectors of Factories, October 31, 1846, pp. 8 & 9) an Amending Act, 10 & 11 Vict. c. 70 (July 22, 1847), abolished this calendary restriction. t In some districts, though, an increase in the number of children did take place at the rate of more than one-third. In Inspector L. Horner's district, out of 7526 children employed there in 1843, even then 2488 only worked half time, and 5038 for eight hours. Instead of the latter being increased by 1680, the law (alone ?) increased their number by 4902, that is, by 65 per cent., so that in 1845 the total number amounted to 12,428. Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1845, p. 14. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 35 only gave themselves no trouble to procure a greater supply of children, but rather reduced their number as far as possible on account of the onerous school and register regulations. In 1835, there were employed in the textile industry 27,715 boys and 28,378 girls under thirteen years of age ; but in 1850, the numbers employed were only 21,137 boys, and 19,638 guis, thus showing a decrease in the num- ber of factor}^ children (of the legal age) of 15,318.* The discharged children were replaced by machinery and adult females, who performed the work of several children. Although the results of the Factory Act, in so far as they were relatively advantageous to children, satisfied tlie promoters of this protective legislation to a certain degree, the old adherents of a Ten Hours Bill did not give up their agitation in favour of a reduction of the time of labour for young persons and women,t and after Lord Ashley had lost his seat in Parliament, his coadjutor in the agitation of 1830 and the following years, Mr. J. Fielden, who had already unsuccessfully proposed a Ten Hours Bill the year previous, again brought in a Bill I in 1847, which limited the time of labour for all young persons and women to eleven hours a day, or sixty-three hours weekly, at once, * Report of Inspectors of Factories, October 31, 1850, pp. 15, 49. t Oa-s-tler wrote from the Debtors' Prison bis "Fleet Papers," and Ph. Grant published a journal under the title^ *'The Ten Hours' Advo- cate," in which particularly the legal restriction of the working power of machinery was advocated for the purpose of securing the observance of the reduced time of labour. Alfred, 1. c. II. 210, 246. At this time also we find a short Act, 9 & 10 Vict. c. 40 (August 3, 1846), exempting all cord and rope factories not attached to flax-sj)inning mills from the operation of the Factoiy Act. (Ropeworks Exemption Act.) t Annual Register, 1847, pp. 110—123. D 2 36 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. and from May 1st, 1848, to ten hours and fifty- eight hours respectively. After a short but sharp opposition in the House of Commons by Sir Kobert Peel, supported by the " manufacturing interest " in the House, the Bill, which Government had only reluctantly countenanced, was carried, and having • v^ received the Royal assent, its first provisions came Ten Hours ^^^^ force on the 1st of July, as 10 Vict. c. 29 Act. (June 8, 1847).* 2Q*?T^^* s' With this law the object of a nearly twenty years' 1847. ' agitation appeared to be accomplished, and as — 1 according to the returns of 1847 — out of 544,876 ; workmen (the total number employed in the j textile industry) 363,796 had to be classed under (the designation of young persons and women, its importance was much greater than that of the previous Factory Acts, which referred chiefly to the , curtailment of children's labour. The commence- ment of the operation of the new law coincided with ^J a great commercial crisis, which compelled nume- rous manufactories to stop working, or to work only half-time, so that the legal reduction of the working time corresponded to an analogous necessity of the trade to follow a similar direction. The reduction of the wages in the year 1847 is there- fore to be ascribed not so much to the new law as to the general stagnation of trade. With the re\dval of production which took place simul- taneously with the adoption of the ten hours' working day, there arose a tendency among the manufacturers to keep their establishments longer * All other provisions of the Factory Acts of 1833 and 1844 remained in force. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 37 at work during the legal working day (that is, from 5.30 a.m. to 8.30 p.m.), than the number of hom's fixed as working time for the protected persons, without, however, keeping any of these protected persons longer employed than the legal maximum ; and this they endeavoured to accom- phsh by the reintroduction of the so-called relays of young persons who, sunilarly to the working divi- sions mentioned in page 20, commenced and left off work at different hours ; a system which had been put an end to by the provision of the Factory Act of 1844 (sect. 26), which states that the working time of all i)ersons employed in a factory shall be < reckoned from the moment any of the protected persons had, generally speaking, commenced work. These working divisions, falsely called "relays,"* did not represent two complete separate groups of hands relieving each other at the same kind of work, but a greatly complicated combination of hands and hours which, as a rule, required the presence of the workmen in the factory during the whole working day (from half-past five in the morn- ing until half-past eight in the evening), thus com- pletely eluding the very object of the Ten Hours * This expression has been derived from the postal terminology. "By the term relay it is not meant that you should put each horse of your team in a diiferent place at the end of every mile, diversifying the rota- tion by the temporary substitution of a spare horse (which for this pur- pose accompanies you througli the journey, being tied behind when not in collar) to take the place first of one and then of another of the original team, each of which resumes its own place or takes that of some other after a brief respite."/ Inspector Howell's Report, Oct. 31, 1848, p. 95. The working divisions. A. andB., for example, worked from 6 till 9 o'clock (three hours), the divisions A. and C. from 94 till 2 o'clock (lour hours and a half), and the divisions B. and C. from 3 o'clock till 74 (four hours and a half), so that the class B. worked in fact less than the legal maximum time, but their work was distributed over thirteen hours and a half. 38 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. Bill; namely, the reduction of the actual working time and respective^ the prolongation of the free leisure hours of the workmen, and facilitating their employment during the same day in different facto- ries, whereby free scope was given to an infringe- ment of the law. The inspectors, therefore, backed by the opinion of the crown -lawyers,* and acting in conformity with the above-mentioned section 26 — the evident meaning of w^hich prescribed also equal closing time for the protected workpeople — laid nu- merous complaints against the manufacturers' work- ing '' rela3^s." The latter, who had somewhat easily reconciled themselves to the provisions of the Factory Act of 1844, respecting the equal w^orking hours, so long as the w^orking time of the protected persons amounted to twelve hours, declared, after the intro- duction of the ten hours system, that the said clause was impracticable, if thereby was implied definite equal closing time for all protected persons ; and they showed that it was particularly desired by weak and elderly women to be allowed to work half- time in the afternoon and up to a later hour than the rest of the workmen. The justices of the peace, mostly belonging to the manufacturing class, acquiesced in this view and, as a rule, acquitted the employers.! The application, therefore, of this * Pari. Papers, 1847—1848, LI. p. 243. The law officers were of opinion that the working time for protected persons, must be reckoned to begin from the hour posted up in the factory as that for commencing work. + This struggle of the manufacturers against the Ten Hours Bill is very vividly described by Marx, " Capital, " pp. 259—268, from the Reports of the Factory Inspectors. A few small errors, however, have crept into the work of the otherwise very careful author. In page 262, the opinion of the Crown lawyers on the meal times dates from since 1847, whilst it was given in 1837. See Eeport of Inspectors ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. law was constantly set aside, the more so as the factory inspector for Scotland joined issue with the manufacturers, and the Home-Secretary ordered that no summons for infringement of the letter of the law by the employment of " relays " of protected persons should be granted if there was not suffi- cient ground to presume that they had been reall}" emj^loyed longer than the legal working time. In order to put an end to this deplorable state of things, which was continued, despite the repeated half-j^early protests of the factory inspectors, and in order to obtain a generally valid decision on the interpretation of the Act, the inspectors, in a case where a woman had worked ten hours, but had terminated these ten hours at a later time in the day than ten hours after the time at which another protected person had commenced work in the same factory, brought an action before a supe- rior tribunal, the Court of Exchequer, which, on the 8th of February, 1850, decided that, although the Factory Acts prescribed that work should com- mence and meals be taken at one and the same hour, they, however, contamed no further restric- tions, and that therefore the protected persons were at liberty to engage themselves for a shorter time than the legal number of working hours, and to finish their work at any time they pleased within the legal working day (from 5.30 a.m. till 8.30 p.m).* of Factories, April 30th, 1848, p. 8. In note 159 Hobhouse's Act is men- tioned as still in force in 1847, whereas it had been expressly repealed already by section 48 of the Factory Act of 1833. In page 270 it is stated that only in 1850 the long working time of children above eleven years was restricted to silk-winding and silk-thi'owing mills ; but this was done by section 72 of the Factory Act of 1844. * Ryder v. Mills, Pari. Pap. 1850, XLII. p. 479, and 3 Ex. Eep. 853. 40 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. By this decision the practice of the alternate relays (shifting system) was declared legally admis- sible, and manufacturers who had up to that time refrained from working long time with the aid of these relays now speedily followed in the wake of their competitors. It was to be feared that this wrongly designated "relay system" would extend itself to all industrial districts,* notwithstanding the great dislike of the workmen, if, on the repre- sentations of the factory inspectors, the Legislature had not interfered in order to secure and further develop the principle of the factory legislation by the establishment of a uniform working-day which should afford the protected persons a rea- sonable leisure time after leaving off work. (13 & 14 This was accomplished by 13 & 14 Vict. c. 54 Vict. c. 54) (August 5, 1850), which reduced the legal worldng 1850. ' day for all young persons and women to the time comprised between six in the morning and six in the evening, and fixed the legal hour and a half for meal-time within these twelve hours, so that the real working time during the first five days in the week was increased to ten and a half hours a day. On Saturdays no protected person was allowed to work after 2 o'clock, p.m. Extra work for the recovery of lost time was only allowed in case of interruptions of some magnitude ^ until 7 P.M., and additional work for less important interruptions occurring during the day was equally prohibited from occupying more than ten hours and a half during the night immediately following. * In Lancashire the relay system was, with a few local exceptions, still in the minority. Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1850, pp. 4,25. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 41 With regard to the winter months, the manufac- turers were permitted, with the consent of the inspectors, to run the working day. from 7 a.m. to 7 P.M. Children above eleven years of age em- ployed in silk-throwing and silk-winding mills, to whom up to that time ten hours' work had already been permitted without being liable to school- attendance, were in every respect placed on an equal footing with young persons. Every pro- tected person found working or simply staying in the factory during the hours affixed in the factory for meal-time was considered to be illegally em- ployed. The former infringements of the law and diffi- culties in its observance were caused by the difference in time between the legal working day (that is to say, the time dm-ing which protected persons were allowed to work at all) and the legal working time {i.e., the number of the said persons' working hours per day). The new Hmitation of the working day now made it fully consistent with the legal working time (including the time for meals), and in this sense there exists now, but only since the year 1850, an actual normal tuorking day, with equal ^ hours for commencing and leaving off work, and pauses for rest. The law, by its clear and distinct provisions, put a speedy and lasting end to the uncertainties and agitation that existed in the manu- facturing districts, and met with less resistance and ill-will than had been expected. The employers (especially those who had introduced no relay system) gained two hours per week (now sixty in- stead of fifty-eight hours) and the operatives willingly acquiesced in the additional half-hour 42 ENGLISH FxVCTORY LEGISLATION. during the first five days of the week, inasmuch as an increase in wages was at the same time implied thereby ; more particularly, however, was the gain of nearly the whole Saturday afternoon most bene- ficial in its results to all working men, since the adult male labourers employed in the textile industry who, although otherwise unfettered, were always dependent for assistance in their work on protected persons, also fully participated in the boon. The Act of 1850, which up to the present day still regulates the working time of the majority of the factory labourers, applied only — as it had been passed for a special reason arising out of the diffi- culties of carrying the Ten Hours Act into effect — to the persons protected by it, and left the work performed by children from eight to thirteen years of age still under the operation of the Factory Act of 1844. Consequentl}^ a great discrepancy became apparent between the new working time (from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m) and the ,old worldng day (from 5.30 a.m. to 8.30 p.m), which permitted the employment of children as auxiliary hands to adult male labourers before and after the working hours of young persons and women, and so admitted of the machinery being kept going for a longer time than the new working day allowed.* Another incon- venience resulting from the new law was the inter- ruption of children's work for ten hours on alternate days. The manufacturers, after the' introduction of the Ten Hours Bill, frequently availed them- selves of the permission given by the Factory Act of 1844 to employ children for ten hours each on * This was of frequent occurrence. See Report of Inspectors of Fac- tories, Oct, 31, 1850, p. 7. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 43 alternate days ; the children going to school both in the morning and in the afternoon on non-working days ; and through the working days being altered every week, each child received five entire days' schooling in a fortnight, and the total working time was according to this system even less than under that of employing double working divisions daily.* As these children were employed as auxiUary hands to young persons and w^omen whose working time was now confined to ten hours and a half, the continuation of this work was no longer legal by reason of the additional half-hour, and the inspec- tors, though convinced of the beneficial working of the system, which ensured better attendance at school and neater outward appearance in clothing on non-working daj's, were obliged to susj)end it everywhere. The Legislature soon took another step in advance in order to adapt the children's worldng day to that of the yoimg persons and women, and prohibited, by 16 & 17 Vict. c. 104 (August 20, 1853), the (I6&17 emplo3'ment of children before six o'clock in the 1q^}\ ^ morning, and after six in the evening, main- 20, 1853. taining, however, the proviso contained in the previous Act in reference to altering this time in the winter months to seven instead of six o'clock, respectively, and extending the hours for extra work to 7 P.M. in factories worked by water-power. , With this law the series of legal restrictions of the working time for the great textile industry, properly so called, terminates, and although there was no disposition to consent to the restriction of the working power of the machinery, repeatedly * Beport of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1850, p. 8. 44 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION moved on previous occasions, the same object — namely, the establishment of a uniform day of labour for all working men — was nevertheless carried cle facto by the time of labour of adults being imj)licitly reduced also.* Manufacturers, as a whole, submitted to the new order of things, and the factory inspectors reported the following year a pretty general observance of the law, and only complained seriously of the want of precaution and of the danger arising from the insufficiently fenced-in and pro- tected parts of the machinery, particularly the hori- zontal transmission cjdinders and wheels, which in n9&20 spite of a special supplementar}^ statute, 19 & 20 Jimeso,^^^ Vict. c. 38 (June 30, 1856), was not removed.! 1856. Another very frequent infringement of the law,, difficult to be noticed by the inspectors, consisted in the practice followed by many manufacturers of working their machines each time at the respective commencing and closing hours during the da}^ for some minutes longer, thereby prolonging the usual * A return submitted to Parliament in the year 1870 (Pari. Pap. Sess. No. 453) of the number and condition of persons employed in the textile industry throughout the United Kingdom in 1868 will be seen tabulated on the opposite page. f As only those parts of the mill gearing were to be fenced with which the protected persons came in contact during their * ' ordinary occupation," all those persons who were put to any other work by the foreman, besides their usual occupation, in the performance of which they might have come iuto contact with any of the non-protected parts of the machinery, were deprived of the legal protection and claims for damages respectively in case of injuries sustained. The arbitrators appointed under the Factory Act of 1844 for examining dangerous machines were engineers who certainly had a knowledge of their construction, but did not understand the dangers arising from the work done, and the manipulations going on in the work-rooms ; and they were not, like other experts, authorised to examine witnesses. For this reason the inspectors declared themselves in general against these arbitrators' opinions, which, as a rule, prejudiced the claim for damages in an action to that effect. Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1856, p. 3, seq., and also in later reports. ENGLISH FACTORS LEGISLATIOX. 45 fc -*^t-^c0C5«Oi— lOi—ioiOuriJ^ «D COOCOi^CMt^i— l^-CNi-HOOOOO 1^ s OOi— IOOOJt— li-Hi— ICO Ot^Oi «o g T-Too'oo'i-rtxr c^Tr-T'* oo" i«r«o"o' 22" t3 O rH CO l-H I— 1 -* -* ^ ^ ^ >-1 7-1 I-l CO 1— 1 Ed T-l(NCO(M05.-l7-|-^Olr-|iX>0'* Oi hJ «oo;o>— li^coooooorHOccr^ K K H CO S -"? • CO(M'*,-IOXOOCO(MOO'*OSCO J>. g 0)i— iCOOiO'^COi—ICO t-^i— (1— 1 -* ill- ■ <© OO O i-( t^ ^ Oi O T-H rH ■» «0 CO I— 1 <£r-*"(?fi>r«o"i-r cf ^ Q C5 tN. O Oi T— 1 Ot) CO H >* -5J 1 . rH 05 CO C!J :-, go '■3 '^ OO O QO CO : rH lO CO n 5^ fe cTc^r '^cn" * co" r-\ T-H co" o H o 5 5 ^OOO-^OOOt-^lOtN : rH O »0 '^ ■^ >> •§ -^O-^COrHrHrHCS • '■^ t^ Oi CO o -^^co c3 1^ (M ?0 rH lO CO CO • CO G.rH»O'^C0<©rH (N 'V* '^vOOOOCr^rH-^-* OJOOOS 32 o lO «0 rH t^ -* »-H »0 ^ H "S cCrH^ co" w ^ H g : 03 • T* ^ ■rS O §^' : !^ o o r-1 m 1 II c 1 c > 1 1 •1 if -■§ .s • 2 o So +j HH t-5 ri^ ^ > C 46 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. period of labour.* In order to rectify this irregu- larit}^, the legal supposition of the Factory Act of 1844, that unless the contrary be proved the presence of a person in the factory was to be con- sidered as employment in the same, was not suffi- cient; for the employer alwaj^s had the advantage of bringing forward counter evidence, that is to say, to prove the non-occupation of the person or persons in question, by either locking the door and quickly removing the workmen from the workroom, or instantly stopping the machines, whereas it was extremely difficult for the inspector, who was usually admitted too late into the workrooms, to prove the actual employment of a certain person. In con- sequence of a petition from working men's delegates respecting the infringement of the clauses relating to the limitation of the working hours, Inspector ^ Horner drew up a memoir, with propositions for a reform of the law. Presence in the factory should establish employment in the same, notwithstanding all evidence to the contrary. The locking of the factory gate, the refusal to give the name of a pro- tected person, the leaving the workrooms at the first appearance of the inspector in the factory, should constitute a punishable obstruction of the inspector in the exercise o^ his official duties. The working time should be regulated by the nearest railway clock; no meal-time should last less than thirty * The *' fraudulent " manufacturer, for instance, commenced a quarter of. an hour before 6 a.m. and closed at a quarter past 6 p.m., filching from the half hour allowed for breakfast five minutes at the commencement and five minutes at the end, and likewise ten minutes at the beginning and the end respectively of the nominal dinner-hour, with a quarter -of an hour prolonged work after 2 o'clock p.m. on Saturdays, thus realising a gain in time amounting to 340 minutes per week, cr 27 working days during the year. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 47 minutes, and the prohibition of staying in the work- rooms during meal-times should also be extended to ) children. The manufacturer should be made per- sonally responsible for all over-work, and the fines increased so as to equal at the very least the profits to be derived from the infraction of the law.* The next curtailment of the working time applied Bleaching to the bleaching and dyeing works, where long and dyeing hours of labour in hot rooms (from 30 to 50 degrees centigrade) required particular regulation. Not- withstanding the irregular manner in which the work m this industry was earned on, the manufac- turers never working • for stock, but only executing short orders, the Royal Commissioner, who, in con- sequence of a Bill proposed by Lord Shaftesbury, investigated, in 1855, the condition of the workmen employed in these works, advocated the extension of the factory legislation to these industries.! His report remained without result, and in 1857 a Com- mittee of tlie House of Commons was appointed to take new evidence. After a prolonged inquiry, this Committee recommended not to subject bleaching works to factory legislation, since the continual interruption of this class of work admitted of no uniform working time, and the work m bleaching establishments was not, after all, so very injurious to health. X Only in 1860 did the Legislature take • Pari. Pap., 1859 (Sess. 2) XXVIL p. 365. + Report of the Commissioner appointed to inquire how far it may be advisable to extend the provisions of the Factory Act to Bleaching Works. With Evidence and Appendix. Pari. Pap. 1855, XVIIL 148 pages. X Report of the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the circumstances connected with [among others] Bleaching and Dyeing Establishments, &c. Pari. Pap. 1857 (Sess. 2), XV. 532 pages Evidence. The Report is to be found in the Pari. Pap. of 1857 — 1358, XI. p. 685. 48 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. steps for regulating this industry, and the statute, ^23^&24 23 & 24 Vict. c. 78 (August 6, 1860), subjected all Aug. 6, bleaching and dyeing ivorks for cotton, silk, wool, I860. and flax (with the exception of those carried on in the open air) to the factory laws, but with the essential modification that over-work was permitted to the extent of two hours a day for the purpose of recovering lost time, not only in cases of mechanical interruptions of the work, but also w^hen occurring in consequence of "fluctuations in trade, the nature of the process, or any other cause."* The practical efi'ect of this Act w^as an almost uninterrupted course of w^ork till 8 o'clock p.m., under pretext of recovering lost time, creating thereby a new deviation from the uniform working da}", which was especially felt in such factories as, b}^ reason of their importance, were subject to the general Factory Acts, as also to the Printworks Act and the new statute, so that one set of hands left off work at 6, another at 10, and a third at 8 (25 Vict. o'clock P.M.! By 25 Vict. c. 8 (April 11, 1862) it ii^\^62^ was forbidden to employ children, young persons, and women at night — i.e., from 8 p.m. till 6 a.m. — except for recovering time lost during the day, without, however, placing them under the provisions of the Factory Act relating to working hours, meal- * The Act contained no pi-ovisions respecting meal-times, the fencing- in of machinery, &c., and was, moreover, one of the worst framed English statutes. In 1861 there were employed in England and Ireland in 253 of such manufactories 7677 adult male workmen, 3055 adult females, 1603 male and 847 female "young persons," and 378 male, and 141 female, children. Total number of protected persons, 6024. In the West of Scotland there were in 33 bleaching works 1074 adult men, and 4094 protected persons. t Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1861, p. 21 ; April 30, 1864, p. 40, and other reports. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 49 time, school attendance, inspection, &c.* Subse- quently those factories in which, by the use of mechanical power, the bleached and dyed materials were calendered, dressed, and finished,t were by the statute 26 & 27 Vict. c. 38 (June 29, 1863), sub- {^^/^%^^ jected to the provisions of the BleacliAvorks Act of June 29, 1860. As this process of finishing is frequently ^^^'^• carried on in workrooms connected neither with the business department nor under the same roof as the bleaching establishments worked by machinery, and as the same evils resulting from long hours in badly ventilated workrooms were also matters of complaint, the Act 27 & 28 Yict. c. 98 (July (27 & 28 29, 1864) likewise extended the provisions of the juw 29 Act of 1860 to those workrooms in which the work 1864. was exclusively performed by manual labour, with this restriction, however, that all those workshops in which only male persons above fourteen years of age were emplo3^ed should not be subject to the operations of the above Act. This last law, as regards the subject with which it deals, touched upon the boundary line of work performed in great manufactories and handicraft work, and its enforce- ment was fraught with great difficulties so long as the latter was entirely free from legal restrictions ; because with the workrooms in which the goods * In 1863 there were, besides 4.557 adult men, 2162 women, and 871 boys and girls employed in open bleaching works. Report of In- spectors of Factories, April 30, 1863, p. 10. f There has ever existed a divergence of opinion as to the meaning of the term "finishing." Some manufacturers, and with them the Court of Common Pleas (Howarth r. Coles, 12 C. B. N. P. 189) refus- ing to admit the propriety of its application to any kind of business carried on like a separate trade without immediate connection with the bleaching business. Hence the natural conse|uence of constant disputes with the inspectors, and great uncertainty in the application of the law. 50 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. were made ready for delivery were very frequently connected cutting and sewing rooms, wliich, as such, were free from any legal restrictions as to the hours of labour, and were therefore kept open during longer hours than the proper workrooms, a dis- crepancy which disturbed and upset the whole management.* At about the time when bleach- ing works were placed under the operation of the factory legislation, it was likewise sought to extend the application of the latter to lace manufactories, whose condition had already occupied the attention of the Royal Commissions of 1833 and 1842. These, however, being greatly outnumbered by the shops where work was done by hand, could not then, in justice, be exclusively subjected to the legal restrictions. Lace When working by hand became less prevalent, manufac- h^q question of bringing Lace Manufactories under the operation of the factory laws was revived, and in 1861 a new inquiry was instituted. The estab- lishments in which lace was made, but not finished, and which, as such, were in a great minority as * The new law, which was passed in pursuance of the Report of the Children Employment Commission of 1^62, to be mentioned hereafter, further allowed the masters, according to the requirements of the season, to arrange the commencement and termination of their working days ad libitum, from either 6 o'clock a. m. till 6 o'clock p.m. , or from 7 A. m. to 7 p. m. , or from 8 A. m. till 8 p.m., and extended this privilege also to children, in open violation of the Factory Acts, which, even in cases of recovering, did not allow children to work after 7 o'clock, P.M., and even of the Bleach work Act of 1860, which excluded children altogether from overwork. The inspectors, therefore, seriously complained of this Act, which made an inroad into the uniform work- ing day, and re-established the late closing hours, with all the attend- ant evils and injuriousjconsequences. Report of Inspectors of Factories, Jan. bl, 1865, pp. 134—138 ; Oct. 31, 1865, pp. 83—88. The number of newly subjected persons was estimated at 2300. Children Employment Commission, 1862, Rep. I. § 531. tones. / ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 51 compared with the latter, had adopted a "relay system " similar to that practised in the textile industry as previously described under the designa- tion of so-called " false relays." This explains itself by the nature of the work necessitating frequent interruptions until the bobbins were returned from the lace carriages for the purpose of re-spooHng. If the Legislature refused l^o take this circumstance into consideration, double the quantity of bobbins would have had to be used in order to carry on the work uninterruptedly during the legal hours.* Parliament, however, was not disposed to impose such a considerable outlay upon this ever much favoured branch of industry, and allowed, on the occasion of the extension of the factory legislatioi to the lace manufactories worked by either steam or' water power, the exceptional employment of boys above sixteen years of age between the hours of 4 o'clock A.M. and 10 o'clock p.m., limiting, however, the actual working hours within this time to nine per diem (24 & 25 Vict. c. 117, August 6, 1861). "\2o & 26 In connection with these supplementary Acts, c. ii7) the statute 26 & 27 Vict. c. 40 (Juiy 13, 1_863)^ fg^|-^^' must be mentioned as prohibiting the injurious Bake- night ^yrtrk \xiBrikphmi.siP.si to persons under eighteen ^o^ses. years of age, between tlie hours of 9 o'clock p.m. y^q^^^\q) July 13, * Report addressed to Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for 1863. the Home Department, upon the expediency of subjecting the lace manufacture to the regulations of the Factory Act. Pari. Pap. 1861, XXII. pp. 461 — 591. The principal recommendations of the Com- missioner were adopted in the Act, except the proposed extension of the legal restrictions to workrooms in which, besides the actual manu- facturing business, the spooling of the bobbins is carried on. The Report estimated the number of protected persons engaged in this industry at from 2UU0 to 3000 in Nottinghamshire and 900 in Devon- sliire. e2 52 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. and 5 o'clock a.m., without, however, fixing the hours of labour within the regular working time, or extending the factory legislation to the journejanen bakers. The few hygienic regulations of this law were based upon the sanitary Acts, especially the Nuisances Eemoval Act, and their application was left to the respective local authorities and their public health officers, and was excluded from central control by Government inspectors.* Mines. Mines had been subjected to general regulations so far back as 1842, and in the course of 1850 and following years two supplementary laws were passed f chiefly providing, by increasing the number of inspectors to twelve, for a better supervision of the precautionary measures in coal mines. It was Coal and ^^ly in 1860 that a new comprehensive law (23 & 24 IrouMines. "^ / , . ^ . (•>3&24 ^ict. c. lol) was passed lor coal and iron mines, Vict.c.iol) which, considering the danger to human life arising from the pecuhar mode of working them, referred to measures of safety, sufficient ventilation, shaft timbering, &c. The owners were bound, independ- ently of the observance of the general legal enact- ments, to draw up and present special regulations for each separate mine, and these, providing the}' were not objected to hy the Home Secretary within fort}^ days, were to come into force with statutory authority. Whenever they were considered in- sufficient to ensure the greatest possible security, * The excessive long working hours in tlie unhealthy bakeries had already before the year 1848 led to Parliamentary debates, but with- out result. Compare ''The Case of the Journeymen Bakers" by Dr. W. Guy, 3rd edit. 1865. + 13 k 14 Vict. c. 100 (August 14, 1850) ; and 18 k 19 Vict. c. 108 (xiugust 14, 1855). 18G0. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 53 the Home Secretary was empowered to propose alterations to the owners of the mines, and these, on their side, when they had cause to raise objec- tions, could insist on the case being submitted to arbitration by experts for the definite settlement of such bye-laws. It was the dut}^ of the inspectors, Avhenever any working arrangements perilous to life came under their notice, to demand of the owners that they be put a stop to, and to report the circumstance to the Home Secretary. But the owner in. such a case was at liberty to take excep- tion lilvewise, and demand the opuiion of experts. In case he neglected to propose the appointment of arbitrators or to act up to their decision, he rendered himself liable to a fine. The real object of the factory legislation — to protect young persons against the injurious influences of too long working hours — was only looked upon as of secondary import- ance, and did not entail heavy penalties. Indeed, the law prohibited as a rule the employment of boys under twelve years of age in underground- work, but nevertheless allowed boys of even ten to twelve years of age to work in the mines, provided they produced a school certificate of their ability to read and write at the time of their admission, and of their attendance at school for at least three hours each time on two days of the week during the term of their employment. This rule had also the effect of causing a pretty considerable dismissal of the class . of boys liable to school attendance, on account of the aversion of the owners of mines, and their foremen and managers, to be hampered with the production of school attend- ance certificates, and because of the difficulty of 54 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. fixing a proper time in the day for the said attend- ance. In those places were the bo3^s were not dis- missed, there were either no proper schools for them to go to, or the parents, disregarding the law, did not send their children to them, and the owners of the works did not trouble themselves about the school certificates, so that the provisions of the Mining Act as regarded school attendance, according to the unanimous reports of the in- spectors and with a very few exceptions, remained a dead letter. The precautionary measures, on the other hand, which subsequently were still rendered (25 & 26 ^^ore stringent (25 & 26 Vict. c. 79, August 7, Vict. c. 79) 1862), by the clause relating to double shafts in 18^2 ^^^^ mines, were attended with pretty satisfactory results, combined as they were with mechanical improveiiients and more careful attention on the part of some of the larger works. Whilst, for instance, from 1850 to 1860, one fatal accident occurred on an average for every 67,000 tons of coals raised, the proportion in the years 1864 to 1868 was one for 93,000, and in 1868 one only for 103,494 tons. But, the absolute number of deaths was, nevertheless, very large, namety, one thousand per annum on an average,* Most of the serious accidents by explosions occur through the neglect of the general legal regulations, or the special rules by either managers or the miners * In 1865, 984 miners met with their deaths in colleries ; in 1866, the number was 1484 ; and in 1868, 1190. The number of deaths in iron mines was 69 in 1865 ; in 1866, 8 ; and 70 in 1868. In 1865 there were employed in 3256 colleries, 290,000 miners, of whom 90,000 were under twenty years of age. The number of miners employed in iron mines was 32,600, of whom 7600 were under twenty years of age; and in other metalliferous mines there were 70,800, of whom 18,400 were under twenty years of age. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 55 themselves, and so long as those most directly- interested are wanting in zeal and precaution, the best system of Government inspection will always fall short of its object. The functions of the in- spectors cannot be extended so far as to include a permanent control and supervision of the mines and the work carried on therein, which, in the first instance, would prove impossible through the in- sufficient number of officers ; and secondly, because it would be shifting the responsibility from the persons most directly concerned in the matter. The arrangements for ventilation, for instance, require an almost hourly examination which cannot possibly be attended to by any other than the overseer. In mining districts, inspectors are the official representatives of Government, to whom questions in dispute are submitted for decision, and who only then proceed to an actual inspection of the works in order to enforce the law, when they have been apprised of an impending danger, or when an accident has really occurred.* * A Parliamentary Committee having considered, in 1866 and 1867, the question of reforming the mining legislation, and drafts of a new law having been submitted to the House of Commons in 1869, 1870, and 1871, Government, at the beginning of the last session (1872), brought in a new compi-ehensive Bill for coal mining, by which it was intended partly to amend, partly to consolidate, the former Acts. The work of boys of ten to thirteen years is restricted to six hours a day if employed more than thi-ee days in any one week, and not more than ten hours in any one day. Twenty hours school attendance per week. Young male persons between thirteen and sixteen are permitted to work fifty-six houi-s a week in mines, but at intervals of at least twelve hours' duration. The safety regulations were made more stringent than those hitherto in force ; only in case of accident it devolved upon the owner or manager of the mine to prove that the accident was not caused by neglect. Managers will be made more responsible for acci- dents, and required to have a certificate of competency. The maximum fine for owners and managers was fixed at 201., and at 21. for workmen. Infractions of the law entailing the occurrence of serious 56 EXGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATIOX. Second great Com- mission of inquiry, 1862— 1866. The beneficial results of the factor}^ legislation to the operatives employed in the textile industry rendered an extension of its protective provisions to other branches of industry more and more de- sirable. Lord Shaftesbury, with whose name nearly all philanthropic legislative work is closely identi- fied, moved in 1861 the appointment of a new Eoyal Commission for inquiring into the condition of the young labourers in those branches of industry not as yet under the control of the factory legisla- tion, and for proposing suitable legislative enact- ments. This second great Commission, whose mem- bers laboured from 1862 till 1866 with extraordinary diligence and to an almost complete exhaustion of the subject,* found a much easier field than did their predecessors in 1840 and following j^ears. The decided improvement in the condition of the textile labourers in moral and material respects, and the continuous increase in the production, notwith- standing the reduction in the hours of labour, had gradually convinced the manufacturers and the public at large, that their originally violent opposi- tion to the legal reduction of labour was falla- cious and groundless, and that its furtlier extension to other branches of industry would not be fraught with such ruinous consequences as had been gene- rally supposed and predicted in 1843, the exag- gerated description of which was the principal reason why no practical course was given to the accidents were to be punislied with imprisonment not exceeding three months. The Metalliferous Mines Bill, brought in at the same time, contains the same provisions respecting hours of work, school attend- ance, &c. ; but does not require that each mine shall be placed under a certified manager. * The results of their labour are published in five volumes. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 57 recommendation of the first Children Emplo^^ment___ Gxiuimission^xcept in the case of mines. ^ The Commission which first inquired into the coiir Fictile dition of the Fictile Industry (earthenware, porcehiin, ^""^ ^^^ ^^^ &c.,) was most encouragmgly welcomed m amemon* drawn up by the greatest pottery manufacturers of Staffordshire, who themselves urgently advocated the reduction of w^orking hours for children. The v increasing philanthropy, the better appreciation of the value of all measures tending to elevate the material and moral condition of the working classes, and a certain pride in a working-class population not pauperised, had already induced many great and wealth}^ manufacturers to establish factory schools on their own account, to reduce children's labour, to introduce rational sanitary regulations, and to adopt other beneficial measures which, however, could only remain without injurious consequences to their business so long as their competitors were ^ deprived of the possibility of securing to them- selves a cheaper mode of production by the inordi- nate emj)loyment of children and young persons, and an utter disregard of expensive sanitary pre^^^. cautions. On the other side, the increasing admi-\ nistrative activity of the modern State had consider- \ ably removed the earlier apprehensions about the \ intervention of the State in economic affairs, so \ that fortunately, numerous circumstances concurred to open a favourable prospect to a general legisla- tive regulation of trades and industries, and the compulsory reduction of working houi's for young people. In the j^ottery districts of Staffordshu'e, the Com- mission found the workmen in a very unfavoui'able 58 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. s anitary c ondit ion, in_conseguence_ofthe long hours of labour m hot and badly — o r not-a^-all ^— venti lated drying -rooms, ^nd the inha l ing of flint-d ust^ used _for enamelling , as well asof t he vapours o i the metallic solutions employed for the same purpose. '^s a riile, the jHrnf? of^ labour w as not excessively long, except in the case of children employed as wheel-turners ; but it was very frequently ve ry irre^i , ular, as many workmen abstained from working on the first two days of the week, and then endeavoured to earn the whole amount of their weekly wages by increased labour on the other four days, and for that reason exerted the children employed as auxiliary hands beyond their powers. The Com- missioners, thoroughly convinced of the necessity and beneficial efi'ect of the introduction of the fac- tory legislation in this industry, were only unde- cided as to whether or not the so-called half-time divisions of the children would disturb the regular routine of the work, since it was difficult to obtain the larger number of children required for that pui-pose, and the workmen strongly objected to a change of the auxiliary hands on the same day, and whether the introduction of that system would not in the end be attended by certain material losses to the children, the more so, as most of the manu- facturers recommended the exclusion of all children, and the reduction of the age of "young persons " (not liable to school-attendance) to ten or twelve years in place of the half-time divisions. This proposition, which it is well known had monopolised in 1833 and 1844 the sympathies of the supporters of the Ten Hours Bill and those of the manufacturers, could no longer stand the test in presence of the undeniable ad- r ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 59 vantages which the half-time system had effected for the education of the children. The daily attendance at school, combined with the daily labour, had, notwith- standing the notoriously bad condition of the earlier English primary school system, nevertheless pro- duced pretty satisfactory results, and the compulsory regular school attendance had frequently produced among the factory children a better class of pupils than the so-called whole-day pupils had turned out to be. As, on the other hand, the economic appre- hensions that the reduction of the time of labour would lessen the wages of the children and at the same time impose upon the masters — on account of the larger number of children required — a greater expenditure in wages had proved groundless, for the simple reason that in many factories machines or young persons were employed in j^lace of the children, the Commission at length recommended the extension of the factory legislation with all its i^rovisions to the pottery industry as well as to the matches and percussion-cap manufactories, in which a still worse sanitary state prevailed. In the paper-hanging manufactories, into the condition of which an inquiry was instituted at the same time, the masters objected to the introduction of the factory laws on the ground of the serious losses in paper, colours, and even time, which they would have to incur by a repeated interruption of the work arising from fixed meal hours during the day, as it would requu'e at least half an hour to damp the felt- rollers again.* But the Commissioners would not give * Mr. Potter, a manufacturer, framed the draft of a Bill which closely tallied with the Factory Act, but rejected the fixed hours for meals. Children Employment Commission, 18(52, Rep. I. § 394. 60 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. v^^y further than to grant exemption — during the im- mediate transition time — from the provision relative to the simultaneous meal hours for all protected per- sons, and recommended at the same time the extension of the entire factory legislation, without exception, to fustian manufactories, in which children were employed in cutting the woof in a sloping position in badly ventilated rooms, and continually inhaling the fine dusty particles of the texture, and they added the stringent proviso that no child under eleven years of age should be admitted therein. Pottery These, the first propositions of the Commission, percussion- were the next session at once embodied in the Tnd'c7^'^ statute, 27 & 28 Vict. c. 48 (July 25, 1864), which tridge subjected all manufactories of earthenware, percus- inamifac- . 7 • /• .7 i . • 7 toi-ies; siou-caps, lucifer matches and cartridges, paper- paper- staining smd fustian cutting,* to the general factory antrfuSian legislation, with the relaxing transitory provision, cutting. that during the first six months, children of the age v'^t^ ^48^ ^^ eleven years, and during the next two years and Jiiiy 25, a half after the passing of the Act, children of twelve years of age, were allowed to be employed as young persons. A new provision was added, to the effect that every workshop, under pain of a penalty of from 3L to 101., should be well ventilated and kept clean, and that masters should be entitled to issue special regulations which, when approved of by Government, were made comj)ulsor3^ for the work- * The Commissioners estimated the number of the persons protected by the new law as follows :— In pottery factories, 11,000 ; in percussion- cap factories, 1 50 ; in mamifactories of matches, 1613; in paper-hang- ing factories, 1150 ; in cotton velvet mills, 1563 children and young persons (Children Employment Commission, I. § 639) ; and respectively 6322 and 1326 adult females in potteries and cotton velvet mills. Ibid. p. 159. 18G4. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 61 men, under penalty of a fine, as far as sanitaiy pre- cautions were concerned. The Commissioners, moreover, occupied them- CLimney selves with the chimney sweepers' hoys, who, not- ^oy^^'^^'* withstanding repeated protective legislation,* were employed in a barbarous manner as brooms for sooty chimneys. Thoughtless prejudices of the hoilseholders, added to the proverbial rudeness of the master chimney sweej^ers, prolonged, in open defiance of the legislative enactments, a custom productive of shocking physical and moral misery among the poor boys. The proposition of the Commissioners to adopt stricter legislative measures (especially the compulsory introduction of soot- holes), and to ensure their observance by more stringent supervision by the police, w^ere not adopted altogether in the new Act, 27 & 28 Vict. c. 37 (27 & 28 (June 30, 1864), which again reduced the age for J^'^^ 30^''^ the admission of apprentices to ten years, and ia64. forbade persons under sixteen to climb chimneys as w^ell as to aiford any assistance to chimney climbers, * The oldest law that took the parish orphans employed as chimney sweepers under its protection is that of 1788. The statute 4 & 5 Will. 4, c. 35 (July 25, 18^4), prohibited the engagement of apprentices under ten years of age, and prescribed building regulations respecting the obtusion and rounding off of the chimneys. In 1840 a Committee of the House of Lords sat to consider on the treatment of these boys, and the statute 3 & 4 Vict. c. 85 (August 7, 1840) was passed, which forbade all persons under twenty-one years of age to climb up a chimney, pro- hibited the engagement of apprentices under sixteen years of age, and added some more stringent provisions to be observed in the construction of buildings. The Children Employment Commission, in their Report, I. §§ 599— 638, and pp. 295 — 321, gave a description in detail of the su^erings in general, as well as of the specific disease to which the chimney boys were subject, and of the non-observance of the law through the magistrates refusing to convict the transgressoi's. In several places vohmtarj' societies were formed for the proseciition of the masters. The Report advanced the opinion that all chimneys can be swept with an elastic sweeping machine. 62 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. without, however, in other respects extending the protective provisions of the Factory Act to the boys.* Potteries. The first introduction of the new extending legis- lation met, especially in the pottery districts of Staffordshire, with the same difficulties and objections as those experienced in 1833 and 1844. The masters above all dwelt upon the impossibilit;)^ of carrying on the fictile industry to the same extent in the ordinary manner, because, first of all, the greater number of children required by the half- time system could not be obtained, and then, because the short orders peculiar to their trade urgently required an unrestricted command over the time of labour. Besides, there were certain diffi- culties inherent to the organised mode of working in their trade, impeding as it did the application of the Act, which, in this case, extended for the first time in a more comprehensive manner the provisions originally framed only for the great textile industry to a trade which had not yet adopted the mode of production belonging to the great manufactory system. The workman in the potteries was not the employer's workman only, but he undertook to supply within a certain time to the manufacturer who furnished the material and the work-room a certain quantity of pottery-ware, and withm this * The new law of 1864 is likewise disregarded on account of the want of authoritative supervision. According to the statements of the secre- tary of a protection society for chimney-sweeping boys, at least 2000 between the ages of five to ten years are employed as climbing boys. Parents sell their children to unscrupulous masters, who club together for the purpose of paying their fines. Only in Edinburgh and Glasgow where the whole trade was placed under a very strict licensing system and police inspection, were the evils previously prevailing removed. — Children Employment Commission, Rep. V. §§ 134 — 1^9 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 63 term for delivery he was completely master of his own time as well as of that of the assistants em- ployed and paid b}^ him. The irregular habits in their mode of living and their tendency to drink had, as previously mentioned, induced them almost as a rule not to work at all, or but very little, on the first two davs in the week, and to work overtime on all the others. Under these circumstances the young hands engaged in wedging and beating the clay, in turning the driving-wheels, in carrying the moulds to and from the oven, &c., were kept to long hours of w^ork, thereby injuring their health. An end, therefore, had to be put to this practice, detrimental alike in a sanitary and moral point of view, by the compulsory introduction of a uniform working day for adult workmen also, since they, in consequence of the peculiar nature of their trade, were never able to work without assistants, especially so long as the driving-wheels were not turned by machinery ; and here again was proved to what extent the EngHsh factory legislation, though pro- fessedly and formally confining itself to women, young persons, and children, regulates, in fact, the working-time of male adults also. Many masters and workmen alike met at this junctm^e the school regulations in respect to half-time children by the plan of dismissing them, and endeavouring to replace them partly by young persons and partly by the employment of machinery ; but when towards the end of the year 1865 the stagnation of the trade, caused by the American war, was succeeded by a greater activity, the children who in the mean time had found employment in collieries or non-regu- lated trades, flocked back to the potteries, and 64 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. before long the gratifying results of school atten- dance on the part of the children and the more regular habits of living observed by the adults became manifest, the increase in wages, consequent on the revival of trade, rendering the transition to the new system more easy.* And when the price of the different wares rose by about fifteen per cent., and numerous new potteries were established, many masters who had originally offered strenuous resistance to the factory legislation, and predicted the ruin of the entire industr}^, declared that, not- withstanding the reduction of the hours of labour, the same quantity of goods was produced as before, on account of the regularit}^ with which the daily work was performed, and that the salutary effects upon the health and morality of the formerly so decried pottery districts could not be too highly estimated. The applying of the Factory Act to Fustian fustian cvtting was just as auspiciously attended by an improvement in this trade, so that the rise of wages, although produced by other causes, refuted the very apprehensions of a reduction of the amount of wages in the ratio of the reduction of the working time ; but the exclusion of all children under eleven years of age will most likely be productive of a lasting effect also in this instance, since the wages which had declined for adults, in consequence of the extensive amount of children's work, to the rate * Of 2913 children under eleven years of age employed in potteries in 1864, 1850 were dismissed or withdrawn from the works by their parents. The remaining number of 1063 had towards the end of 1865 increased again to 1663. Report of Inspectors of Factories, October 31, 1865, p. 94. The reports of subsequent years describe the beneficial effects of the school regulations of the Factory Act in Staffordshire, so greatly deficient in other respects. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 65 almost of children's wages, have, since the removal of the children, risen again to a scale at least relatively commensurate with the work performed by adult labourers.* The Children Employment Commission went on to examine other trades, which were still more behind the great manufacturing system than those regulated by the Act of 1864. These were the Lace ^^:^^^'^ and Hosiery Manufactories, especially those of Not- Manufac- tinghamshii-e. Here the state of labour, although ^^^^^' it had somewhat improved since the inquiry of 1844, was still bad enough, since little children, mostly under six and seven years of age, had to work uninterruptedly at the lace and net work in badly ventilated and over- crowded rooms for a few pence per week. In this case it was likewise proved that the establishments which had adopted the mode of more extensive production had made some sanitary provisions, and did not insist upon that exhausting method of working to which the so- called mistresses in " lace schools," and even parents themselves, trained the unfortunate children. Most of the great manufacturers were quite willing to submit to a legal reduction of the time of labour, but insisted that the small workshops which com- peted with them by means of low wages and long work should be subjected to similar restrictions. * "Wages in fustian cutting had declined till 1864 to almost one-half and respectively one -third of the former amount since the introduction of children's labour in 1825, without the work having been otherwise simplified by either machinery or other contrivances. Since the ter- mination of the American war, and the introduction of the Factory Act (1865), they soon rose considerably by about 75 to 100 per cent. Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, lb64, p. 20 ; of Oct. 31, 1865, pp. 23 — 29. Compare also, for the past, Engel's "Condition of the Labouring Classes" (Lage der arbeitenden Classen), p. 238. 66 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. The Commission recommended the exte^ision of the whole factory legislation to all those houses in which children worked for wages, and the application of the provisions respecting the age of admission and the hours of labour to the children employed by their parents in their private houses, but did not attempt the further step of also subjecting the latter to the provisions of the Factory Act as regards school attendance — an inconsistency which can only be explained by the still prevailing aversion of public opinion in England to general compulsory education.* * According to the estimate of the Commission, there were employed in the lace manufactories, — deducting such lace manufactories, projierly so called, as are worked by machinery, and which came under the operation of the Factory Acts as early as 1861 — nearly 150,000 persons, the greater number of whom were women, girls, and childi'en. In the "dressing rooms" the lace produced by machinery is dipped into a sort of starch, stiffened, rolled, and stretched, frequently also by the application of steam power, and in these rooms there may be employed some thousands of young females. The " finishing " operation com- prises numerous little processes, such as widening or stretching the loops, removal of superfluous threads, touching up the designs, &c., which are usually pei-formed with scissors and needles, and mostly by very young girls, either in the warehouses of the manufacturers, in so- called ' ' lace schools " of small middlemen, or in the houses of the parents. The Commission estimated the number of female hands em- ployed in warehouses at about 20,000, among whom were 5000 children, so that the remaining number worked in private houses. The fast- declining system of manufacturing lace by hand is carried on either in pillow-lace schools or in the parents' houses, and mostly in country districts. In addition to the excessive work in hot, narrow rooms, there exists a generally prevailing truck system, by means of which the already very small earnings are still further reduced. Children Employ- ment Commission, Rep. II. §§ 67—72 ; Rep. I. pp. 182—186. Mr. Felkin, a very competent person in Nottingham, estimated the number of hosiery oi^eratives at 120,000, of whom 100,000 were employed on rather more than 40,000 hand-looms. Of these 100,000, half the number, that is, all assistant hands, were women and children, but many hand-looms were also worked by women themselves. The increase of female labour in this industry is shown by the following numbers from the Nottingham district : — In 1851, in a population of 95,178 souls, the females were in excess by 6044 ; in 1861, in a popu- lation of 118,429, their number in excess was 9885; consequently ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 67 If protection against too long and unregulated employment, and the introduction of certain sanitary- measures for reducing the injurious effects of labour in common work-rooms to the smallest possible compass, are the chief aims of the legislation, the Commissioners found in the dress-making busi- Millinery ness a state of things which urgently called for making reform ; and here, on account of the almost exclu- business. sive employment of females, the condition of the workwomen is at the same time the condition of the whole industrial class belonging to this trade. As a general rule only girls above thirteen are engaged by milliners and dressmakers, and the work is usually done on their own premises, the work-girls being commonly boarded and lodged by their employers. The apprentices who live in the house pay during the first two or three years, besides the work they have to do, from 201. to 50L annually for board and apprenticeship, and receive, when out of their time, yearly wages from SI. to 161. besides board ; first hands get from 30Z. to 70Z., but during the season they are called upon to work most unendurable overtime without extra pay, whilst the out-door workers, whose usual weekl} pay amounts to from 8 to 12 shillings, are paid extra for overtime. Many employers, from conceivable reasons, are therefore in favour of this labour system, recalling the forms of husbandry, and assert that the control and discipline observed by increase of tlie female' surplus 3841 in ten years. Mr. Felkin, in "Children Employment Commission Report," I. p. 238. In straw- plaiting factories a similar state was shown to exist as in the two pre- vious trades. The census of 1861 gives the following figures : — 41,228 female workers, 3815 men, of whom 1838 under twenty years of age. Rep. II. § 299. F 2 68 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. living together under the same roof were the only safeguards for the girls against the dangers of pro- stitution, which those who lived apart so easily fell a prey to; and this circumstance, as well as the more respectable treatment and the assumption of a more secure Hving for some time, combined with the pre-conceived notion of the *' gentility " of the millinery and dress-making business as compared with other employments, especially domestic service, fully explained why girls constantly devoted them- selves to a work which often kept them twenty hours together at the sewing-table, in an atmo- sphere poisoned by gas and the common process of respiration. The long hours of labour, which in cases of pressing orders are as a rule extended through the whole night, and the unhealthy con- dition of the defectively or not- at- all ventilated and over-crowded work and sleeping rooms produce lung, heart, and eye diseases to a disproportionate extent and in particularly dangerous forms. Better conditions can only be established by legal com- pulsion, for so long as a competitor is at liberty to accept inconsiderate orders to be executed in the shortest possible time, better disposed people cannot possibly be expected to send away customers.* Other needlewomen, who attend to the coarser work of seaming and sewing shirts, collars, &c., and to the cheap tailoring work and stitching of hats, shoes, and gloves, were, and still are, in an equally bad position. Especially is the state of health of * The census of 1861 gave for the United Kingdom 370,218 milli- ners and dressmakers. Of the 286,298 dwelling in England and Wales, 62,7S8 were under twenty years of age, and 5759 under thirteen years. Rep. II. §§ 315—402 ; and the Special Reports in the Appendix. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 69 the poor tailoresses in the east end of London, who work for the large ready-made clothes shops and outfitters, most deplorable; their wages are very- low, and a portion of the small sum is usually deducted by middlemen, through whose agency the work is " given out." * Altogether, the periodically excessive extension of the working time occurs but seldom in these cases, inasmuch as it is not imme- diate delivery, but rather the execution of large commercial orders w^hich is the object of this kind of business. For that very reason, however, needle- women have all the year through to work very long hours, mostly in badly ventilated rooms, in which a great many children of very tender age are also employed. A great portion of the work is done in the country at the needlewomen's or jobbers' own houses, or the pieces are cut and seamed in so-called factories, that is, in workshops with a larger or smaller number of sewing-machines, and then given to out-door workers to finish at home. In some districts (especially in the Irish shirt-cutting estab- lishments) sewing-machines tend to concentrate work in a factory-like manner, and in some estab- lishments sewing machines are even worked by steam power; whereas, hat and shoe stitching sewing-machines belonging to, and worked at home by the workwomen, have again increased the amount of home work. Everywhere, however, the sewing- machine has produced rather favourable effects than otherwise on the health of those employed at them, and especially on their wages; for wliilst the * Rep. II. C. §§ 146, 147. In 1855 a Committee of tlie Lords sat on a proposition for the restriction of the working time for needle- women, but without resTilt. 70 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. weekly pay of the children varies between ninepence and two shillings, and that of the female hand- workers between two shillings and sixpence and six shillings — only in particularly favourable cases reaching as high as eighteen shillings — the machine hands earn as much as from four to five shillings in the case of children, and from nine to eighteen shillings in that of adults ; so that it may almost be taken as a rule that the sewing-machine, in conse- quence of the increase of the piecework system, has raised the weekly pay by about one third.* Young male needleworkers are almost as numerous as young needlewomen, and their work is frequently the same. The sewing-machine has effected in the Shoe- large Shoe-making Industry a separation of the sexes, making gince nearly all boots for women and children are industry. . -^ . stitched exclusively by female hands with the sewing- machine. During the last few years this branch of industry has largely extended, and gives employ- ment to more than half the number of all the work- men of this class, under what may almost be called a factory system, especially in Leicestershire, North- amptonshire, and the east end of London. With the exception of some large newly- constructed establish- ments the condition of the workshops is injurious * According to tlie census of 1861 there were in England and Wales 287,082, in Ireland 61,771, and in Scotland 18,345— together 367,198 needlewomen of this kind. In England they are dis- tributed according to occupation and age as follows : Shoemakers — 119,007 of all ages; among this number there are 10,892 under twenty and 2,646 under fifteen years of age. Seamstresses — 76,015 of all ages; among that number, 10,791 under twenty and 2014 under fifteen years of age. Tailoresses — 27, 386 of all ages ; among that number 5759 under twenty and 863 under fifteen years of age. Glovers — 23,605 of all ages ; among them 6832 under twenty and 2661 under fifteen years of age. Rep. II. § § 403 — 456, and Special Reports in Appendix. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 71 to health, and in this respect children are worse off still, since, as assistants to their parents, they are obliged to work the same length of time as the latter in their small unhealthy lodgings. In the Tailoring Tailoring Business, properly so called, the sewing-machine has ^^smess. likewise replaced male by female hands, and the nmnber of formally indentured apprentices is con- stantly decreasing. The state of the place where the work is carried on is generally bad, even in what are known as first-class West-end houses in London ; that of the middlemen is worse still, and in the lodgings of the small tailors in the East-end it attains a degree of indescribable insalubrity, often alluded to in official reports, but to no effect. The same evils in regard to ventilation and the preser- vation of health are met with in the small workshops of Hatters and Glovers, and her€, as everywhere, the Hattersand fact recurs that in large establishments approaching ^ ^^^^' the factory system the workrooms are in a much better sanitary condition, and the hours of labour shorter and more regular, than is the case with the scanty accommodation afforded by the small masters.* ♦ Eep. IV. N. §§ 11, 31, 49, 57, 58. The census of 1861 gives the following figures for England and Wales : — England and Wales. Under 15 years of age. From 15 to 20 years of age. Above 20 years of age. Shoemakers Tailors 9,442 3,536 254 288 50,756 23,475 1,696 805 175,536 94,212 9,515 2,461 Hatters 13,520 76,732 281,724 The figures for London axe : — 72 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. Metal (hardware) Industry. Machine Manufac- tories. The Metal (Hardware) Industry of England em- braces the great manufacturing system as well as the small handicraft. The blasting-furnaces, ironworks, rolling mills, &c., employ comparatively but a small number of young workmen, scarcely any children, and women only in exceptional cases. The work of the young hands consists generally in supplying the furnaces with ore, opening and closing the puddling- fumaces, assisting at hammering, &c. They are usually engaged and paid by the workman himself, and receive relatively good wages (from six to twelve shillings per week) ; but they have also to do night- work, and are frequently exposed to injuries from the red-hot iron. However, the hard work they have to undergo, in mostly open workshops, imparts to these lads a much healthier appearance than any other occupation would do. The same may be said of the large Machine Manufactories, which have to a great extent adopted the working hours of the textile industry, and London. Under 15 years of age. From 15 to 20 years of age. Above 20 years of age. Shoemakers 1,004 375 61 3 7,594 4,151 524 87 28,891 20,292 2,497 313 Hatters Glovers « ..•••>•• 1,443 12,356 51,993 Grand Total 14,963 89,088 5,717 In Scotland there are 6016, in Ireland, 9000 -workmen under eighteen years of age employed in these trades. The recommendations of the Commission were, for the clothing trades, similarly to those for lace and woven goods — extension of the Factory Act to the large and middle- class establishments, and subjection of the small private workshops under the provisions of the Factory Laws respecting age and working hours. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 73 whose well-paid men constitute one of the finest specimens of the English working-classes. But in the hardware industry of Birmingham, embracing the production of almost all possible goods in cop- per, iron, gold, silver, steel, electro-plate, tin, bronze, &c., as well as in the locksmiths' and nailmakers' workshops of the Wolverhampton dis- trict and in the cutlery manufactories of Sheffield, the small-trade system is still practised to a large extent, thus, by the employment of children and long working hours, competing with the larger manufactories; so that small workshops and im- perfect machinery naturally resulted in an irregular division of time and a longer day's work. Fatal lung diseases, caused by the inhalation of metal dust in non-ventilated workshops, moral depravity, and total ignorance of the generally underpaid youthful operatives, are the melancholy characteris- tics noticeable in these districts.* * Since the inquiry of 1842, there has indeed been some improvement, especially in the Wolverhampton district ; but the replies to the ques- tions of the Special Commissioners of 1863-1864 disclosed such total ignorance on the part of the children as can scarcely be imagined. Children of ten and upwards knew absolutely nothing of God, Jesus Christ, Queen, England, London, &c. , or gave the most nonsensical an- swers. Hep. III. §§ 108, 109 ; Rep. IV. § 74. The knife-grinders in Sheffield in particular are suffering from the fine dust which, from the blade and the grinding-stone, enters the respiratory organs, and the mortality of these men amounts to thirteen in one thousand, which is more than double the average rate of mortality in general. Rep. IV. § 1 4. The employment of a ventilation-fan, which carries away the dust from the grinding-stone into a box, whence it is removed by the air, appears to be urgently required. Rep. IV. § 42. The wages of the young auxiliary hands in the hardware industry vary considerably, viz., from six to ten shillings per week. The adult mechanics are, as a rule, well paid, especially in Sheffield, where they enjoy a certain independence of their employers, inasmuch as they hire the motive power and the grinding troughs, and then set to work as they think proper. Rep. IV. A. ^ 36. See Table, verso. /7^^ OF THB '^'^ /mwTTTTRi^.qTT'tnl 74 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. Metal (Hardware) Industry in England and Wales (Census 1861). Of all iges. Under twenty years of age. TweYity years and upwards. Males. Females. Males. Females. Males. Females. Iron — Manufac- ture and foun- dries , 123,430 2,341 30,810 1,252 92,620 1,089 Bronze — Manu- facture and foundries .... 15,985 299 4,941 108 11,044 191 Coj>j>er — Manu- facture 3,827 3,961 795 2,451 3,032 1,510 Miscellaneouslron Trades 181,999 15,921 14,012 5,806 56,839 8,639 Sundry Bronze Trades 30,712 3,711 9,744 1,547 10,904 2,040 Tin and Sheet- metal — Manu- facture Total 10,544 4,268 3,127 2,571 7,417 1,697 366,497 30,501 63,429 13,735 181,856 15,166 Male and female workers under 20 years "I of age. J Females of 20 years of age and more .... 77,164 15,166 92,330 If one-tenth of the number be deducted for young male operatives between eighteen and twenty years of age, aboiit 83,000 persons would come under the legal protection of the Factory Act. Rep. III. § 219. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 75 The Paper Manufacture is conducted entirely on paper the factory system, and the injurious effects of the manufac- work on the young assistant hands in this branch result from night-work, which is almost general, and the long hours of labour in very hot work-rooms.* The condition of the apprentices and assistants in the Glass Works is much worse,! the require- Glass- ments here being that the once prepared mass of ^°^ ^' glass should go through the melting and working process without interruption till it is finished. For this reason night-work is indispensable, and the establishment of a uniform working day imprac- ticable. The boys have to perform heavy and fatiguing work in a very high temperature, and are often obhged to remain longer than the men, in order to prepare fresh work, or remove the work done. Moreover, the nature of the work performed by the helpers, who must be constantly on the move, and very often make from sixteen to twenty miles in six hours, excludes the employment of adults in * The census gives no particulars of the working-class statistics of this branch of industry. The Commission estimated the total number of workers at 100,000, among whom were 50,000 females, including about 2000 under thirteen years of age, and 10, 000 between thirteen and eighteen years of age ; then 500 boys under thirteen, and about 10,000 between the age of thirteen and eighteen years. Rep. IV. § § 246 — 249. f According to the census of 1861, there were 13,809 males, and 1237 female workers employed in the glass manufacture in England and Wales, among which number there were 3934 children and young persons. Rep. IV. § 291 ; App. Q. § 32. X Rep. IV. App. Q. §§ 88, 101, 116, 69. The week's work is' habitually divided into a certain amount to be performed during the regular working hours, and a half to be done by overtime, for the latter of which a little more wages are paid ; of this the boys gene- rally receive a few pence for themselves, whence a great desire for such overtime. Q. § § 104, 109. The boys are often ill-treated by the workmen, and many leave the trade after the space of a few years. Q. §§ 131, 156. Much drunkenness prevails among the adults, and even among the boys. Q. § § 147, 178. Want of Instruction. Q. § 165, sec[. 76 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. The Commission did not hesitate to recommend the extension of the factory legislation to the whole of the Metal (Hardivare), Paper, and Glass Industries, with a few modifications rendered indispensable by the parti- cular nature of these trades, and likewise to the other smaller trades inquired into by them, in all of which long and irregular working hours in mostly unhealthy workshops, and want of education of the young labourers, were the prevalent features.* The condi- tion of the young labourers since the last twenty- * In the Artificial Flowers Manufacture, according to the census of 1861, females were almost exclusively employed. Of these 5851 were under twenty, and 4946 above that age. Rep. IV. § 169. In the Cigar and Tobacco Manufacture there were 3968 male persons employed, about 800 of whom were under eighteen years of age, and 872 females, in England and Wales ; in Scotland about 1200, and in Ireland about 1000 male persons under eighteen years of age. Rep. IV. § § 120, 121. In the Gutta-percha Factories there were employed 937 male persons, 152 of whom were under twenty years of age, and 343 females. Rep. IV. App. L. §. 5. Spindle Workers, 2174, of whom 672 were under eighteen. Rep. IV. App. K. § 8, The number of Turners was 7628, 1785 of whom under twenty years of age. Rep. IV. App. K. § 27. The Final Report (Rep. IV. § 146) estimated the number of the workmen belonging to the class of persons protected by the Factory Act, employed in the Umbrella Factories, at 1000, and those employed on Carpet hand-looms also at 1000. These numbers, however, are too high, and in the same manner do the numbers quoted from the more correct special report relating to the other trades men- tioned in this note differ from those given in the summary estimate in the final report. Of Printers there were 34,571 males, of whom 8266 under eighteen years of age, and 489 females. Rep. V. § 6. Female work has not been introduced to such an extent in this trade as is usually supposed, and is confined mostly to less important subsidiary work. Rep. V. App. A. § 7. Night-work is general in Newspaper Printing Offices, and in establishments doing work for lawyers, rail- ways, &c., on account of the pressing necessity of speedy delivery, and the great printers raised very great objections against the introduction of the Factory Act into their trade. Rep. V. App. A. § § 151 — 154. Bookbinders, 6556 male, and 5364 female workers (Census 1861). According to the estimate of the Special Commissioner, there were employed in the bookbinding trade in London 1545 persons, of whom three-fifths were females. A conspicuously bad state of affairs was found in the Brickfields. Early age for admission, and the working together of young people of both sexes in deficient garments, produce shocking rudeness and depravity. Drunkenness is general. The ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIOX. 77 five years having thus been once more the object of inquiry, it was found that, although it had undoubt- edly imjDroved since the year 1840, still a similar result was obseiTable — viz., that in respect to sanitary measures and length of working time the children employed in the so-called small trades were much worse off than those engaged in the great indus- tries organised after certain rational principles, and that unfortunately it was their very parents against whom the children required to be mostly pro- tected,* since they put them at the earliest age either to their own trade, as assistants, or bound them as apprentices to some other business, thus straming their youthful powers to the utmost, regard- less of their physical capabilities, in order to derive income from their earnings. Now, if through want of education and an absence of moral sense, coupled with the poverty of the parents, this absolutely unre- stricted right of freely disposing of the labour of their own children as a source of income necessarily leads to a general degeneracy of the youthful labouring population, and if in the present state and mode of production, and at the present rate of wages, the work of children has become a social necessity, the State, which possesses a factory legislation, should seek to reduce this evil to its very simplest expression, female labourers are brutalised, and "ruder than sailors." Tbeir work is hard, and their working hours are long. Rep. V. App. K. § § 11, 70 ; L. § 5. Rep. V. § § 88, 89. As the chief work in the brick-kiln is done during the hot summer months, the statistical figures are uncertain. The Commission estimated — according to the census — of the total number of 37,768 hands employed, about 10,000 to be under eighteen years of age, and 1852 females ; and in South -Staiford- shire alone the Special Commissioner calculated 1500 girls and children of eight to seventeen years of age, in 2000 workpeople. Rep. V. App. L. 2. comp. Jno. N. Peake, "Brickyard Children," London, 1872 ; also Geo. Smith, " The Tileries, " Tunstall, 1872. * Childi-en Employment Commission, Rep. V. § 162. 78 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. which can only be accomplished by the extension of the protective legislative enactments to all trades, without exception. For when the State in regard to the textile industry — which, although employing youthful labourers in remarkably large numbers, was the first to adopt the factory system on an extensive scale — fixed a certain age for admission into the factories, determined the length of the working day, prescribed school attendance, and set down other conditions for the work of children and young persons in factories, the principle of State protection of the young labourer against the injurious effects of wage- work had then been established, and the interest of the nation in the condition of its rising industrious population (as the future generation of the majority of the people) had been formally recognised. And the extension of the protective legislation to other industries could only experience a momentary check through the op- position of apprehensive manufacturers, or through the difficulty of its administrative execution ; but it could be opposed in future neither on principle, nor on the plea of the so-called liberty of industry or that of paternal authority for both these latter had been put under restraint by the first law — however limited it may have been in its application — and subordi- nated to the general considerations for the welfare of the children and the young labourers. Paternal authority and family right were no longer admis- sible as objections to the extension of the law to other trades, inasmuch as the State intended by factory legislation not only to protect the child against its employer, but also against its parents, who sent it to the factory for the sole purpose of deriving income from its wages ; and now that master ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 79 and father are so often united in one and the same individual, with the dangerous temptation of wielding absolute authority, should the State sud- denly show respect for the rights of the father, who often proves himself the severest task-master? If, therefore, the general duties of the State and tlie interests .of society demand an extension of the protective provisions of the factory legislation to all trades, economical and technical reasons require still more imperatively that all children earning wages be treated alike so soon as the legis- lation goes beyond its original sphere — the textile industry — where manufacture on a large scale is the rule, and where the protective clauses of the legisla- tion really benefit all persons employed therein. For so soon as the provisions of the legislation — ori- ginally enacted for the textile manufactories only — are extended to all " factories " in general, a discrepancy is apparent from the fact of the co- existence of great and small manufactures in most industries (as proved by all Continental imitations of the English Factory Act), which, provided the law be observed in the large factories, places, to tlie detriment of these " manufacturers," a premium upon children's labour in those workshops where the same business is carried on, although not so extensively as to bring them under the designation of ' ' manufactories." Poor and unscrupulous parents will send their children to those places whence they bring home the greatest amount of wages, and greedy masters engaged in any of the so-called "free" trades will strain to the utmost the w^orking power of the youths placed at their unrestricted disposal as cheap agents of production in their competition with 80 ENGLISH FACTOEY LEGISLATION. the great manufacturer, who has to conform to the legal working time. When, therefore, the struggle between the great and small industries — the final issue of which cannot be in the least doubtful — is protracted by an arbitrary prescription, the dis- crepancy becomes more glaring still, by the fact that it having been found impossible to give an accurate definition of the term "factory," and the definition being therefore wanting,* it has been sought to supply the deficiency by taking the number of workmen employed in an establishment as the stan- dard.! In the entire hardware industry, for in- stance, it is impossible to strike a distinct line between factories and workshops, and the mere numerical distinction gives rise to this serious injus- tice that the dismissal of one or two workmen often sufiices to set aside the obnoxious regulation. If the extension of the protective legislative enact- ments to all children, young persons, and women proved a just and necessary demand, complying with it was nevertheless attended in England by many serious difiiculties, through the Factory Act having been closely adapted in many points to the customs prevail- ing in the textile industry, and its provisions respect- ing the normal working-day from 6 o'clock a.m. till 6 P.M., and the fixed hours for meals, not absolutely applying to industries whose manufacturing process required night-work, nor to the variable and subor- dinate small trades. The English Government, which in 1867 attempted to codify the recommen- dations of the Commission, considered therefore * As in tlie North-German Law on Trades and Industries of June 21, 1869, and tlie Bavarian Statute of January 15, 1840. t Twenty in Art. I. of the French Law of March 24, 1841, and § 82 of the Austrian Law relating to Trades and Industries of May 1, 1860. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 81 the absolute extension of the minutiae of the provisions of the Factory Acts to all branches of industry as impracticable, and saw no other way than, first, to distinguish between manufactories and workshops, and afterwards to pass separate Acts for them, subjecting the former, with certain modifi- cations, to the existing legislation, and extending to the latter only its broad general provisions, such as the duration of the time of labour, obligatory school attendance, &c. The first of these laws, the statute 30 & 31 Vict. Factory Act c. 103 (Factory Act Extension Act, Aug. 15, 1867),* ^J*"'''^"'' applies to all furnaces, iron and copper 2vorks, (so & 31 machine manufactories worked by machinery, metal ^}^^\^' (hardtvare), and gutta percha factories, all paper Aug.' 15, mills, glass works and tobacco many factories, printing ^^^^• offices, and bookbinders' shops ; and lastly, to all iron and' those establishments in which, in the course of a Copper year, ffty and more persons are employed together at Machine one and the same time for a period of one hundred manufac- 1 • 1 T tones, days at least. As the new law stipulated numerous Metal modifications which were not to be applied to the (liardware) manufactories hitherto under the rule of the factory percha legislation, no uniform factory code was drawn up, factories ; despite the purported general extension of the ex- ^\\\^^ istmg legislative enactments to the industries newly s^a^s- to be regulated ; but the process of the special legis- tobacco lation was further developed, while the abortive ma^ufac- special Act relating to print tvorks, lace mamfactories, printing and bleaching and dyeing works was left untouched, ^^JJj^^;^. * This law, as well as the subsequent one, though it had been re- ^^^ ' ferred to a special committee, passed both Houses without opposition, and without any essential alteration (except that the number of work- men constituting a factory was reduced from 100 to 50). The most important provisions of the new Act are contained in the Schedule. G 82 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. by the new Act. Boys under twelve years of age and females are not to be employed in glass works, like- wise no children under eleven in 7netal grinding ; in the latter trade, ventilation-fans for carrjdng away the injurious metal dust are to be introduced by direction of the factory inspectors. Deviations from the original factory legislation refer to the recogni- tion of certain trade customs which do not " agree " with the normal working day of the textile industry, and are either determined once for all, or must be conceded by the Home Secretary by a special ad- ministrative order. Special The following modifications have special reference modifica- -^q the first class : boys above sixteen j^ears of age are allowed to be employed in printing offices on alternate days for fifteen hours, and in alternate weeks during the night. In bookbinders shops young persons above fourteen and women may be kept at work for fourteen hours, and in paper mills and glass ivorks young persons for the custo- mary number of hours, provided they do not exceed sixty hours per week. In blast furnaces, iron mills, paper mills, large printing estabhshments, and works driven by water-power, night-work is permitted to young male persons for the same hours, and with the same pauses as in daytime, provided they are not employed on the preceding or following day, and that they shall not be employed, in the case of blast furnaces, more than six, and in the case of paper mills more than seven, nights in one fortnight. On the other hand, extensive discretionary powers are given the Home Secretary, such, for instance, as to allow occasionally, with regard to the " customs and exii^encies " of certain trades, fifteen hours' work ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 83 by young male persons of sixteen and upwards (but not on more than twelve days in four weeks, and not more than seventy-two days in one year) ; to consent to the alteration of the general working hours from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., and from 8 a.m. to 8 P.M. (instead of the statutory working day from 6 A.M. to 6 P.M.) and to the working on Saturdaj^s till tliree o'clock, and respectively four o'clock in such factories where that alteration has been granted ; to allow night-work, under the restrictions mentioned above in this matter, to young male persons in those trades whose requirements may render such night- work necessary ; to dispense from the observance of the regulations which require that meals shall be taken at the same hours outside the workrooms ; to grant the transferring or contracting of the four entire or eight statutory half holidays ; and, lastly, to sanction that males sixteen years old be subject, with regard to employment, to the same regulations as adults. With the second Act (30 & 31 Vict. c. 146, Workshops Workshops Regulation Act, August 21, 1867), the ^^f^^ Legislature entered on the more troublesome ground (30 & 31 of the small trades and handicrafts, properly so c/i46) called, to which it had been found impossible to Aug. 21, extend the stringent regulations of the normal working-day and fixed meal times. In this juncture, the question to be considered could only be that of uniformly extending to the young workmen and women the statutory protection against overwork, but even this general protection was not vouchsafed at the same rate to the persons employed in the same trade. The general working day for children is fixed from 6 a.m. to 8 p.m., and for young per- G 2 84 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. sons and women from 5 a.m. to 9 p.m., within which time they shall each work the number of hours respectively set down for them by the factory legislation. The Saturday half-holiday from 2 p.m. is equally to be applied here, but may, with the consent of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, be made to begin only at tln-ee or four o'clock respectively, in case the day work — which must be proved — should not commence before either 7 or 8 A.M. The same minister may also, in this instance, allow certain trades to have day or night- work done for fifteen hours by young male persons of sixteen years of age or more, under the condi- tions specified in the Act aforesaid. Surgical certi- ficates of age are not required, and the obligation of the children to go to school has been fixed at a ten hours' attendance per week (in the Factory Act the hours are fifteen, and twelve and a half respect- ively), without, however, naming certain days for that purpose, the parents and employers being made responsible, under penalty of a fine, for the chil- dren's attendance, and the payment of the school- fees being deducted from the wages of the children. in metal grijuling trades ventilation-fans are made compulsory by order of the authorities. The pe- nalties for the infringement of this Act are in general the same as set down in the Factory Act. At the suggestion of the Children Employ- ment Commission *— who, should considerations of retrenchment unfortunately not permit the State inspection of all trades, had in imitation of the Bakehouses Act proposed the local ofiicers as executive agents — the said inspection and surveil- * Rep. IL §§ 198—209 ; Rep. III. §§ 147—156. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 85 lance of workshops is to be entrusted to municipal officers of health, with the restriction, however, that they shall not be entitled to enter a workshop, where they suspect the law is being transgressed, otherwise than by authority of the local magistrate, before whom they must previousl}^ have laid a com- plaint. Factory inspectors, by-the-way, are simply authorised to visit workshops during working hours, but are not armed, in respect to these, with powers similar to those exercised by them in the matter of factories. This extension of the protective provisions of this same Factory Act — which were originally passed only as a kind of exceptional legislation for a distinct branch of industry — to the whole mass of great and small industries, marked an extraordinary progress ^ in modern legislation. For the first time it was thereby declared — for the whole extent of the United Kingdom — that all work done for wages by young persons and women * shall be placed under supervision, and subject to distinct regulations. And here we may notice a stage in that process which characterises the struggle between State and Society, where all but the mere economic elements react against the rapid victory of the modern industrial society, and create an order of things which, though not deduced from the old authority principle and the moral sphere of the State, yet promote general utility, " the happiness of the greatest number," and tend to results similar to those aimed at by a different order of philanthropists. * The Children Employment Commission estimated the number of persons to be protected by the new legislation at 1,400,000. Rep. V. §146. 86 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. The carrying out of the Factory Act Extension Act, for which purpose the number of the sub- inspectors was increased from twenty-five to thirty- nine, did not exactly meet with the same difficulties M as the Factory Acts of 1833 and 1844, because the numerous new industries which came under the new Act, being spread over various local centres, failed to offer such a unanimous opposition to the new restrictions as the textile industry by its compact action had been able to do ; however, it was cer- tainly not natural to suppose that the numerous trades which since 1868 had been restricted by legislative enactments would simultaneously cease, to resist, and that there would at once ensue such a general and absolute application of the law as is now observed in Lancashire and Yorkshire. Thus, during the first years of this new order of things, the law was very differently obeyed, and this difference became all the more remarkable through the dissi- milarity in the modus operandi of the two inspectors. First, the hook and newspaper printers, and with them most of the town trades, raised objections to the hitherto unheard-of hours from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., ^ and the Administration, availing itself of its legal power, did indeed allow paper mills, glass ivorks, Sheffield hardware works, printing offices, and such other trades as are in immediate relation with retail tradesmen, or in which a higher class of workmen than common factory operatives are generally em- ployed, the privilege of continuing the previous working hours from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., and from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m.* Most of the ladies' wearing apparel * Pari. Pap. 1S68— 69, LI. pp. 127, 143. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 87 establishments urged that they could not adopt the uniform working day, and petitioned to be allowed the privilege, at least during four months in the year, of working seventy hours a week.* Many trades did not, as a rule, work more than the legal hours — ten and a half — a day, and consequently were on the right side of the law in this respect ; but the second and most important regulation respecting the application of the so-called half-time system (with parallel school attendance) for children, which had stood the test of twenty years' experience in the textile industry, was at first scarcely acted upon at all by these trades.! Children under thirteen years of age were either simply dismissed — as was the case in the large iron factories, which indeed never emploj^ed many such young assistants, and which on account of a general stagnation in the trade could then easily reduce the number of hands — or they were replaced by machines,! or the school regulations were simply disregarded in the small trades, especially in the poor districts of London, where the destitution of parents and the wretched condition of the workshops precluded aU possibility of bringing the educational and sanitary measures into operation. § Matters, however, as- sumed a better aspect at the commencement of the following year, 1869, and the stringent manner in * Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, p. 13. + In the whole district of one inspector, which embraces the east of England, London, Yorkshire, half Lancashire, and Scotland, there were in 1869 only 733 half-time pupils in the sense of the new law. Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1869, p. 34. t Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 186S, p. 182 ; April 30, 1869, p. 79. The latter was chiefly the case in the small industries of Birmingham. § Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, p. 14. V 88 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. which the law was enforced, combined with the general feeling of the impossibility of an alteration ' in the law, was remarkably quick in convincing a large number of employers that the adoption of a regular working day, with uniform working hours, would further the interests of the producer and con- duce at the same time to the general improvement of the working classes. The number of applications for an alteration in the working hours did not at all increase, as it had been predicted they would,* and the inspectors were able, at the close of this and the next year, to point with satisfaction to the increasing observance and approval of the Factory Act Ex- tension Act.f It proved, however, much more difficult to enforce the observance of the second Act of 1867 — the Workshops Kegulation Act, the carrying out of which, as mentioned before, was left to Ihe local authorities. In this respect, an opinion — by no means justified by the wording of the Act — had speedily gained ground that the local authorities were left at liberty to decide whether the law should be enforced or not in their respective districts, and indeed many town councils, when called upon by the inspectors to carry out the law, expressed their determination **not to meddle with trade matters in their parishes." More numerous by far were * Petitions in favour of modification amounted in one half of the United Kingdom, which contains more than 12,000 factories, to not more than 577, and of this number 384 emanated from printing offices. Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1869, p. 151. + Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1869, p. 160; April 30, 1870, p. 43. The prosecutions for infringements of the law amounted in the six months from May till October, 1868, to 257 ; in the next six months, Nov. 1868, till April, 1869, to 430 ; from May till Oct. 1869, to 182 ; and from Nov. 1869, till April, 1870, to 397. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIOX. 89 those corporations who, -without answering thus peremptorily, contented themselves with simply- ignoring the law altogether ; and the reports of the Inspectors of 1868 and 1869 stated that the Work- shops Regulation Act was a dead letter throughout nearly the whole country.* But even in the few parishes which did not entirely reject the law, its clumsy and ambiguous provisions were a great obstacle to its application, since the local officer of health, entrusted with the surveillance of the work- shops, had fii-st to file a formal information before the justice of the peace or magistrate, in order to be authorised to enter the workrooms in which he suspected an illegal employment of protected persons. On the other hand, a great many large towns were altogether without a sanitary officer, presumed by the law to be an executive agent,! while in •others the existing officers of health were somewhat reluctant, beyond seeing to the condition of the Avorkrooms in a sanitary point *of view, to interfere with the working time, school attendance, &c.| This widespread non-observance of the * Reports of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, pp. 251, 260, 270, 293, 302 ; April 30, 1S69, pp. 81, 101 ; Oct. 31, lb69, pp. 74— 79, 87, 99—106, 160, 227, 232, &c. Birmingham and Sheffield, which contain a large number of the smaller trades, refused absolutely the application of the law, Oct. 31, 1869, pp. 82, 233. Compare also, Economist, Commercial History of 1868, p. 24. t For such, as well as for other refractory parishes. Inspector Red- grave proposed the inspection of the workshops by the Factory Sub- Inspectors, at the expense of the respective parishes. Report of Inspector of Factories, Oct. 31, 1869, p. 104. J So in several districts of London. Report of Inspector of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, p. 52. But that, even with the bad framing of the Act, its application was not altogether impossible, several districts in Staffordshire and Leicestershire proved, where the indefatigable activity of the municipal officers obtained the best results as regards the at- tendance at school, as well as the general improvement of the young 90 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. Workshops Regulation Act, together with the in- creasing effective operation of the other law of 1867 (on factories), brought a large number of children and young persons from the great manufactories into the small workshops, where the children's wages underwent no reduction, and more especially into those trades where both systems of manufacture clashed with one another, and where the legal restrictions found a limit to their operation in the number of persons (fifty) employed in an under- taking. (33 & 34 The totally insufficient provisions of the Acts Au!' 9 ^^^ relating to cotton print, bleaching, and dyeing 1870. works could not possibly remain in force after the extension of the factory legislation to all great industries, and after the regulation even of the workshops, and by the statute 33 & 34 Vict. c. 62 (August 9, 1870) the principal provisions of the Factory Act of 1867 were extend^ also to these industries. The modifications were of a similar nature to those of 1867, in consequence of a per- mission of the Home Secretary (in regard to the customs and requirements of the trade), namely : fifteen hours' work by young male labourers above sixteen years of age ; thirty minutes' overtime by children and young persons, in order to finish the work in hand; ten and a half hours' work by children on alternate days. For open bleach works extension of the working day was allowed beyond the hours of 6 A.M. to 6 P.M., during which young persons and females might be employed the statutor}^ working time of ten hours and a half, &c. The preparation labourers. Reports of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, pp. 319 — 322 ; April 30, 1870, p. 52. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 91 of dried fruit and fish was likewise placed under the operation of the factory legislation, with the restric- tion that females were also permitted to be employed at the most for fifteen hours, but only during ninety- five days in the year. All previous Acts relating to print and dyeing works were repealed.* The above-mentioned difficulties arising through Factory the local authorities in the carrying out of the ^^ ^^' Workshops Regulation Act and the pressure of the 1871. urgent recommendations of the factory inspectors in- 'i?.*.*" ^^ duced Parliament to pass, inthe session of 1871, afinal io4.) Act (34 & 35 Vict. c. 104, 21 August, 1871), which " completely transferred the duty of enforcing the | provisions of that Act from the local bodies to the i inspectors and sub -inspectors of factories, who t were to embrace in their reports workshops as well as factories. Simultaneously the existing provision of reporting all accidents preventing an injured person returning to work by nine o'clock on the morning following the accident was restricted only to fatal accidents and accidents caused by machinery or escape of gas, by which the injured person is prevented returning to his work for forty-eight hours after the accident. The same Act expressly subjects all Government establishments to the Factory Acts, forbids the employment of females mider the age of sixteen years and of children under the age of ten in brick works and brick fields, and orders all payment of penalties to be made into the Exchequer. The Home Secretary received further powers to permit to trades depending by the nature of their business on the weather or on the seasons of the year the employment of young * See ante, pp. 33, 47—49. 92 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. persons of fourteen years and upwards and of women for fourteen hours in any one day, with an additional half-hour for meals, provided that the protected working hours shall never extend beyond 10 P.M., and not be continued for more than ninety- six days in a year, or for more than five consecutive days in a week. An analogous extension of the working hom^s may be granted in the matter of brickworks during the summer.* The conclusion of the history of the English factory legislation may afford an appropriate occasion for an examination into the effects of State inter- vention on a purely economical ground. Although the factory legislation restricted only the work performed by young persons and women to certain regulations, and formally left unshackled the work done by male adults, jet, as through the industrial organisation, and particularly of the tex- tile industry which originally was first '' regulated," the work of adult workmen is dependent upon the assistance of boys and women, the statutory hmita- tion of the working time of the latter was, on the whole, tantamount to a reduction of the hours of labour in general. This curtailment of the working time appeared, in the first instance — supposing similar conditions * 34 Vict, c. 19 (25 May, 1871) exempts masters from penalties in respect to Sunday work by Jewish workpeople, provided the work- shop closed on Saturday until sunset, and be not opened for business on Sunday, and that the whole amount of weekly working hours do not exceed the legal maximum prescribed by the Workshops' Regulation Act of 1867. During last session (1872) a Bill was brought in by Mr. Mundella and other Members of Parliament for a further curtailment of the working hours of the protected persons : all Saturday work ought to cease after 1 o'clock p.m. ; a protected person should not, except for recovering lost time, be employed for more than nine and a half hours on any day, nor for more than fifty-four hours per week. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATIOX. 93 of production to exist — as a diminution of the quantity of goods hitherto manufactured equal to the quantity produced in the hom's now cut off. As the profits of the manufacturer originate in every single portion of the product, the amount hitherto accruing as such ceased — notwithstanding the decrease in the cost of the raw material, of work- ing expenses, and of wages paid for the quantity produced in the last two hom's — simultaneously with the fact of the non-production of this quantity, that is to say, there resulted in reality a decrease in the manufacturer's income. Only this quantitative decrease of the whole bulk of produce explains the decrease in the amount of profit, but by no means the circumstance alleged by Senior in his well- known letter, viz., that the profits were gained only in the last two or three hours,* while the preceding hours simply replace the cost of raw material, the working expenses, and the amount of wages. This view arose from a particular habit of reckoning on the part of the manufacturers, but is by no means based upon the nature of the process of production, which creates all the elements of value in the com- modity at each individual part of the produce. The next injurious effect of the factory legislation to the manufacturers was the depreciation in the value of the fixed capital consequent upon the reduction of the working day. The co-operation of this element in the process of production finds its expression and reproduction in fixed parts of the aggregate value of the produce. It matters Kttle, therefore, in this regard, whether it be assumed, according to the usual modes of calculation, that * Senior, Letters, p. 12. Marx, ** Capital," p. 192, and note. 94 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. the yearly- to-be-replaced expenses of the productive employment of the fixed capital consist in yearly " use " (interest), maintenance, wear and tear,* or whether certain component parts of its value are transferred to the product by the process of realisa- tion ; t it will always remain a question of a certain per-centage of the standing capital, which must be reproduced at the individual parts of commodities, and it is evident that this reproduction will be effected all the sooner that the quantity of commodi- ties manufactured in a given time will be greater. The shortening of the working day furthermore dis- tributes all ordinary working expenses for inspec- tion, insurance, repairs of buildings, rates and taxes, &c., just as takes place with regard to the annual per-centage to be set apart for wear and tear of machinery, over a smaller quantity of goods pro- duced, and figures therefore as an increase of the cost of production. Frequently also will the oftener occurring interruptions during the manufacturing process of a certain quantity of goods which result from the shorter working day cause even a rela- tively larger consumption of raw material.! A further difficulty in the application of the Factory Acts arose, for the manufacturers, from the mode * Hermann, *'Staatswirthscliaftliclie Untersuchungen, " 2nd edit, p. 343. t Marx, 1. c. pp. 171, 374. J "By accelerating the process of production a corresponding de- crease of the expenditure of ' use ' (interest), and often also of material and labour, is frequently the result. " Hermann,!, c. p. 347. "L'^co- nomie du temps a beaucoup d'analogie avec celle des capitaux." J. B. Say, "Cours d'J&couomie Politique," edit. 1845, I. p. 294. In calico printworks, likewise, a part of the material is lost each time in the process of feeding the rollers. The expenses of the weekly dressing of the puddling furnaces remain the same, no matter how great or little the quantity of iron produced during the week. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 95 of working peculiar to the diirerent industries. The owners of spinning and weaving mills driven by water had at the very outset shown resistance to the system of fixed hours on account of the irregular supply of their motive power ; the uniform working day, therefore, which originally introduced as a regula- tion for the textile industry only had naturally been strictly made to answer the requirements of business carried out on a scale almost unknown to any other industry, could not but act still more disturbingly in those industries in which not only the supply of the driving power is irregular, but where the whole manufacturing process is subject to interruptions, especially, for instance, in all iron works, potteries, glass works, paper mills, &c., and in general in all trades in which night work is customary.* Foi here the Legislature did not, as in the former case, seem bent upon merely removing the evils growing out of the exaggeration of the factory system — whose already existing uniform working day had only to be shortened and not to be introduced afresh — but to compel all industries, however fluctuating the nature of their operations, to adopt a new uniform system of manufacture. And not only in technical, but also in commercial respects, did manufacturers suffer notable impediments through the establishment of a uniform working day. AU those who did not work for stock, but for short orders coming in in quick succession, and consequently necessitating frequent recourse to overtime, found themselves impeded in their business transactions, and in this mstance the nomial work- * Hence the numerous exceptional provisions of the Acts of 1864 and 1867. 96 ENGLISH FACTOHr LEGISLATION. "ing da}^,. which is a creation of the great manufac- turing system, seemed really to place serious difficulties in the way of continuing the course of trade hitherto pursued. Lastly, the higher wages required by both the young and adult operatives to be engaged instead of children and young persons respectively, the cost for fencing-in the machinery, for the registers, surgical certificates, &c., repre- sented just so many extra items added to the manufacturing expenses.* The manufacturers, therefore, as is well known, offered a most vigorous resistance to the factory legislation, which appeared to tln^eaten them with serious loss, both through a diminution in the amount of goods manufactured and an increase of expenditure. They first sought to either set the law at defiance altogether — in which attempt, how- ever, they were unsuccessful on account of the strict supervision of the inspectors — or to evade it, as described in the statements relating to the so-called false relay system ; and a new and more stringent legislation was called for (1847-50), in order to put a stop to these illegal proceedings.! "When, how- * Mr. H. Ashworth calculated as follows before the Parliamentary Committee of 1840 the expenses which the country would have to bear through the factory legislation : — In a spinning-mill with 650 hands, the school fees amounted to 40^. ; for the keeping of the registers and surgical certificates, 601. ; and the increase of the general expenses of production caused by the reduction of the working hours, 501. — together, 150Z. ; giving for 394,000 operatives (the number employed at that time), 90,000Z, ; added to this amount 9000^. salaries for the inspectors and lOOOZ. for fines, the grand total would be 100,000^. t Some spinning-mills and other manufactories attempted, indeed, at first to work with adults alone without observing the fixed meal-times, and continuing the work during the night. Children Employment Commission, 1862, I. § 429 ; Report of Inspectors of Factories, April 30, 1848, p. 15. Relays of adults. Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1>>47, p. 24. But this extension of the working-day of adults ENGLISH FACTOUY LEGISLATION. 97 ever, the masters had learned to bow before unavoid- able necessity, they endeavoured to regain on the ground of the new law what they were in danger of losing by its being acted upon. In order to produce in the shorter working day the same quantity of goods as hitherto, the system of working had to be made more productive of quicker results. This could be done in two ways : first, by an in- creased amount of work done by the operatives, and next, by the introduction of better and faster machinery. It soon became evident, that the mere extension of a man's working time was not equiva- lent to a corresponding increase of his productive powers ; * the workmen, particularly the young hands, who were no longer wearied by excessive physical exertion, turned out in the shorter time the same and often even a greater quantity of work, in doing which they had a special interest on ac- count of the almost general adoption of piece-work, and the manufacturers themselves were gradually brought to admit that the two last hours, formerly considered indispensable, usually produced much inferior work than that done in the preceding work- ing time,t and that the uninterrupted regular work of the new working da}^ was more profitable to the undertaking — in consequence of the greater pains- taking on the part of the workmen, who no longer spent the first few hours unoccupied — than the did not become general on account of the difference in the amount of wages. * "There is a certain amount of work in a man, and when that's out it's all he can do." Report of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1865, p. 99. t Children Employment Commission, 1862, Rep. L § 198; IL § 369; Appendix C. § 91 ; III. §§ 64, 206 ; Appendix C. § ITZ ; IV. §^ 64, 165 ; V. § 34. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. hitherto customary long working day with alternate overwork and idleness. Far more important, however, for the retention and increase of the quantity of goods hitherto manu- factured was the effect produced by the new great machinery employed, and this constitutes the point of junction between the consequences of the factory legislation and the general tendency of modern in- dustry to production on a large scale. This latter process was undoubtedly accelerated and greatly extended by the restrictive legislative enactments. Children's labour, rendered so inconvenient by the school regulations, was, wherever it could be done, supplanted by machinery, and all the sooner in those manufactories where the fly-wheels used to be turned by children.* In the same manner the difficulty which frequently arose, immediately upon the intro- duction of the factory legislation, of procm^ing the requisite number of children for the double working sets, led to the employment of machiner}^ as a sub- stitute. The reduction of the working day could only be balanced by an increase of productiveness through the machines, and though the astonishing progress of machinery in the first half of the present century (in the shape, especiall}^, of the self-acting spinning and weaving machines), was to a great extent caused by the general conditions of produc- tion, it is an indisputable fact that it was factory legislation which gave the direct impulse to the intro- duction of many of the time-saving machines.! But the apphcation of such fast producing machines, * Eeport of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1868, p. 174. t Reports of Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, 1865, pp. 13, 39 ; Oct. 31, 18G8, p. 10. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 99 which was to press more work into the shorter working day, formed a considerable addition to the standing capital, and acted, in consequence of the demand for a still quicker reproduction of the increased value of the machinery, as an additional stimulus to still more intensive labour.* When, then, great machinery obtained more rapid admission into factories in consequence of the new legislation, to this same legislation, on the other hand, was it due that smaller industries became more rapidly influenced by the forms of the factory s^^stem. It appeared to be onty a fair demand that the restrictions of production — as the regulations respecting the normal working day, &c., were con- sidered by the great manufacturers — should be ex- tended to all other competitors, in order to estab- lish, as it was stated, " equal conditions of produc- tion." Therefore such manufactm-ers as had com- plied with the law earnestly demanded, above all things, not only the strict observance of its pro- visions by their competitors,! but likewise an immediate extension of the legal restrictions to all other so-called " free " trades, which, in virtue of theii' privilege of employing children and young persons without any restraint, were capable of * Senior estimated, in 1837, the proportion between fixed and circulating capital in spinning-mills as 4 to 1 ; but there prevailed a tendency to a further rise of 6, 7, and even of 10 to 1. Letters on the Factory Acts, p. 14. t Children Employment Commission, 1862, Rep. V. § 165 F. and Marx, 1. c. y. 484. The great pottery-wai-e manufacturers formed, after the introduction of the law, an association for the general observ- ance of the Factory Act. The manufacturers using old machinery were, in the textile industiy, the most vehement opponents of the Bill, while, per contra, it was supported by the greater number of those who were provided with the latest improvements, in the expectation that it would render the rivalry of the former impossible. Factory Com- mission, 1833, Ai^pendix ; Preface to Tables, D. 1, p. 119 o. H 2 100 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. affording tliem higher wages, thus diminishing the supply of the very class of workmen needed by great manufacturers. But the smaller manufac- turer could only compete with his greater neighbour by means of longer and more irregular working hours. No sooner had he become subjected to the observance of the shorter uniform working time, than the only advantageous element of produc- tion left to him was lost, and he now found himself engaged in an unequal struggle against the ** other expenses of plant " (Hermann) of the great industry, with all the unfavourable conditions of the small trade.* If he could not escape the effect of the legal restrictions by evasion, he frequently saw himself compelled either to give up his business, to work at a loss, or to embark in the great factory Hne. This coincidence of the factory legislation with the increased working powers of the factory system explains why the above-mentioned effects of the legal restrictions upon production did not occur, at least in a general way, and why the predictions and appre- hensions of the masters as to the decrease in pro- duce, increase of cost, and rise in prices did not sim- ply prove fallacious, but why also, in the second and third quarters of the present century, the develop- ment of industry had progressed in a measure far beyond the most sanguine expectations of the manu- facturers. In the cotton industry, of which the re- motest and most comprehensive statistics exist, to a greater amount of attention and of diligence on the part of the workmen during the first years of the operation of the Factory Act is simply due the fact * Children Employment Commission, 1862, Rep. II. § 36 j Report cf Inspectors of Factories, Oct. 31, lc>07, p. 11. ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. 101 that while the working day was reduced from twelve to ten houi's, the diminution of produce amounted only to one-twelfth instead of one-sixth.* The extra- ordinary progress of machinery in the textile in- dustry and the more extended commercial relations increased and cheapened f the production in an un- foreseen degree in the years immediately following the introduction of the factory legislation, as is shown by the table on page 102. J The creation of a greater quantity of goods by more productive machinery succeeded better at a time when the first and greatest progi'ess had to be, and was, made in the construction of machines, be- cause the difference was then greater as compared with the former mode of manufacture. When, how- ever, in a certain branch of industry the machinery employed has already attained a very high degree of perfection, or when the introduction of time-saving, self-acting machines is not practicable in such under- takings, or when the new machines camiot be at once introduced for general business reasons, the shortening of the working houi's is indeed attended * Lord Shaftesbury's Speeches, p 118, t Mr. Senior had stated already in 1837 that 1 lb. yam costs, at a production of 10,000,000 lb., forty shillings ; and at a production of 280,000,000 lb. only two shillings. Letters on the Factory Acts, p. 16. i The figures of the above table have been extracted from Ure'a "Philosophy of Manufactures," 3rd edit. 1861, pp. 573, 574, and the same author's '* Cotton Manufacture," edit, of 1861, II. 313, 504. From Porter's "Progress of the Nation," 1851, pp. 170, 174, 226, 228. From "Miscellaneous Statistics of the United Kingdom," VII. 1869, § 319. A very insufficient compilation of the progres.s of the textile industry since the introduction of the Factory Act is contained in the *' Rapport du Congres International de Bienfaisance de Londres," 1862, Bruxelles, 1863, IL pp. 49 — 53. Respecting the increase of the profits of the manufacturers in the textile industry there are no general and reliable statistical data to be obtained, but the increasing establishment of new manufactories and the increase of the income-tax under Schedule D prove an augmentation of the profits. 102 ENGLISH FACTORY LEGISLATION. m zn 1 r:i r:i ►.Is fi : i| le^ I.J s _ . r- CO 1— 1 CO 1> j.t. -• - « G 2 CO ^+1 05 CC "a r s?'«?^ ^li "i "^ ' . a - — Oi t>. I— CtTxo r- ^ .-1 (M (M t^ CO CD t- 0" -+i (N lO CO t- T-t CO T-< lO 02 X 1 -D^ 'Sja 'H ,l!i & :^ : : ^ =fi^ o ^ ^ ^ '^'^ oi '11^ "5103 nwj>. s a ^ ' . -g . . : : : 'a : : : : ^;o^ S o'~ 5^ i-H CD