m 
 
 
 
 ^^i 
 
 ^i"«
 
 UNiv&«siiy OF 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 SAN DIEGO
 
 
 i
 
 KING STORK AND KING LOG 
 
 AT THE DAWN OF A 
 NEW REIGN 
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 BY 
 
 S. STEPNIAK 
 
 AUTHOR OF 
 'UNDERGROUND RUSSIA,' 'THE CAREER OF A NIHILIST,' ETC. 
 
 THIRD IMPRESSION 
 
 LONDON 
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS 
 
 1905
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 Introduction 
 
 I. — A Tame Despot .... 
 II.— The Tzar Mujik .... 
 III. — Hesitating on the Crossway — The 
 
 Liberal Period .... 
 IV.— A Tory Democratic Programme. 
 V. — The Upshot of Autocratic Demo 
 cratism — Count Dmitry Tolstoi 
 
 VI.— A Man with a System . 
 VII.— The Great Famine, and the Eco 
 nomic Conditions of the Russian 
 Peasants 
 
 VIII.— The Jewish Question in Russia . 
 IX. — The Poles and the Finns . 
 
 X,— The Stundists 
 
 XL— Administrative Exile and Imprison 
 
 ment 
 
 XI L— The Exile to the Arctic Zone . 
 XIII.— Siberian Horrors— The Yakutsk Mas 
 
 SACRES AND THE KARA TRAGEDY 
 
 XIV. — Nihilism 
 
 XV.— Modern Opposition 
 XVL— The New Reign .... 
 
 vu 
 
 I 
 
 i6 
 
 45 
 55 
 
 92 
 
 112 
 
 153 
 165 
 
 184 
 
 221 
 
 273 
 281 
 296
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 A CERTAIN interest in Russia is one of the 
 permanent elements of English intellectual life, 
 being the result of permanent causes which do 
 not depend upon the fluctuating tide of public 
 curiosity. Two great rival States cannot pos- 
 sibly ignore each other. This interest naturally 
 grows with the daily increase of the mass of 
 people actually and intelligently participating 
 in the political life of their country. Yet it is 
 far from being due to political considerations 
 only. If with every few years England becomes 
 more truly democratic, she also becomes less 
 insular. People take a greater interest in the 
 politics, literature, social evolution of the great 
 continental nations ; foreign art obtains a foot- 
 ing in England ; foreign ideas are assimilated 
 and adapted to English life more quickly. 
 England does not keep herself so entirely to 
 herself as she did only a generation ago. She 
 imports foreign intellectual goods to a vast 
 extent ; whilst formerly she was used only to 
 export her own.
 
 viii INTRODUCTION, 
 
 One important circumstance has given Russia 
 a much greater share of that broad attention 
 and study than the present state of her culture 
 would warrant. It is the growing sympathy 
 with the Russian people ; the spreading of the 
 consciousness that the Russian Government and 
 the Russian nation are two things widely apart, 
 and that whatever be the attitude of the English 
 toward the former, they have no reason to feel 
 anything but pure human sympathy for the 
 Russian people. The Society of Friends of 
 Russian Freedom, founded by Dr. Spence 
 Watson, is a body which represents most 
 thoroughly and consistently that newly awakened 
 generous public sentiment. During the five 
 years of its existence^ it has rendered sterling 
 services to both countries in creating better 
 feelings and better understanding between the 
 two nations, and its influence will surely extend 
 much beyond the present time. It is paving 
 the way for better mutual relations between 
 the two countries in the future, when the 
 Russian people will be masters of their own 
 destinies. But in every movement consistent 
 and thorough-going bodies form only a small 
 minority in the mass of people who are more 
 or less affected by certain ideas or tendencies.
 
 INTRODUCTION. ix 
 
 I need hardly say that the number of people 
 in both England and America who feel a 
 genuine interest in the Russian people is far 
 superior to that of the enthusiastic nucleus of 
 men and women who are devoting their energies 
 to winning over foreign public opinion to the 
 cause of Russian Freedom. This is proved to 
 demonstration by the existence of a whole 
 literature upon all sides of Russian life, which 
 could not be supported except by a large body 
 of readers. It has been created by a vast 
 demand, and it has had a corresponding result 
 in vastly increasing the amount of knowledge 
 of our country. But Russia is as yet too much 
 behind Europe in her politics and culture to 
 make the study of her life, history, and in- 
 stitutions a necessary part of a general educa- 
 tion, as is the case with France, Germany or 
 Italy. With the bulk of the educated English 
 people the interest in Russia does not go 
 beyond the desire to understand certain ques- 
 tions in connection with Russian life. 
 
 The Jewish persecution begins, driving out of 
 their native land a million of men, who come 
 to crowd the English labour market. The 
 English naturally want to know what is at the 
 bottom of these mediaeval barbarities. The
 
 X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 persecution of the Stundists draws their atten- 
 tion to the religious conditions of the Russian 
 people. The outbreak of a great famine, due 
 to a comparatively insignificant failure of crops, 
 puts before them the puzzle of Russian eco- 
 nomic problems. 
 
 Some complication arises in the far or in 
 the near East — in Japan or in Armenia — and 
 it turns out that Russian diplomacy reaps 
 where it did not sow, spoiling friends and foes 
 with equal impartiality. People become curious 
 to know why it is that Russia, which is so weak 
 within, should be so strong without, A fresh 
 move of the revolutionists revives the popular 
 curiosity about the so-called " Nihilists," who 
 are always the centre of attraction for lovers 
 of the sensational as well as for earnest 
 students. 
 
 And when the late Tzar died, all these 
 questions and many more came up together, 
 crowding upon one from all sides more quickly 
 than one could answer them. Is the new reign 
 likely to bring any change for Russia ? Will 
 the young Tzar start liberal reforms? Are 
 such reforms possible? Is Russia ripe for 
 political freedom ? Has the Tzar the power 
 to grant a constitution if he had a mind to ^
 
 INTRODUCTION. XI 
 
 These are, as far as I could gather, the chief 
 points which the EngUsh wish to have 
 explained. 
 
 The book which I have the honour of pre- 
 senting to the indulgence of English readers is 
 an attempt to give a reply to all these general 
 as well as special questions, which come to 
 public notice every now and then. I have put 
 in chapters on the Jews, on Nihilism, on the 
 Famine, on the Siberian exile system, some of 
 which have been published at different times, 
 and remoulded for the present book, others 
 being new. But my chief aim was to answer 
 one general question, which is still present 
 to the public mind : how the recent change 
 of rulers is likely to affect the destinies of 
 Russia ? 
 
 The time which elapsed since the idea of the 
 book first occurred to me brought in many 
 facts bearing upon this question. 
 
 The present reign is meant to be an exact 
 facsimile of the past. This is an absurdity. 
 History does not admit of such reiteration. 
 The new reign has begun differently ; it has 
 found a different country, and it will develop 
 differently. With a ruler like Nicholas II., 
 changes are more likely to take place than with
 
 xil INTRODUCTION. 
 
 any other ; because they may come not only 
 from below, but from above as well ; from the 
 fierce conflict and rivalry of the various factions 
 Vi^hich are struggling for ascendency and power. 
 Under this rule autocracy is a house divided 
 against itself. The reader knows how that 
 must end. 
 
 Yet, in view of such aspirations, the study of 
 the reign of Alexander III. is of more than 
 historic interest. I have done my best to point 
 out what an ugly skeleton was hidden under its 
 Tory-democratic glamour, in order to show in 
 what direction the blind power of reaction is 
 trying to push our country. 
 
 In the concluding chapter I have tried to 
 indicate the forces which are at work under- 
 mining the edifice of autocracy, and also the 
 present attitude of the opposition. 
 
 S. Stepniak. 
 
 London, Nov.^ 1895.
 
 AT THE DAWN OF A 
 NEW REIGN 
 
 I. 
 
 A TAME DESPOT. 
 
 There is one curious anomaly about the fate 
 of the late Russian Tzar. Men of some dis- 
 tinction, especially men in positions of power, 
 are usually misunderstood and misrepresented 
 in their lifetime, their death marking the line 
 after which the truth is first told about them. 
 With Alexander III. it was the very reverse. 
 
 As long as he was alive most thinking people 
 understood him quite correctly, and those 
 among them who were not compelled to silence 
 spoke of him truthfully. But immediately 
 after his death a deluge of nonsense about him 
 has come pouring upon the innocent, or rather, 
 perfectly indifferent public from the daily press. 
 And it was not the usual tribute of forgiving 
 tolerance paid to the solemnity of death. In 
 looking over the papers for the day following 
 the telegram from Livadia announcing that 
 Russia had changed rulers, we find that the 
 long acquired notions about Alexander III. 
 found their expression in most of the English 
 papers, regardless of their political colours. 
 
 "He was not a great statesman, wrote the 
 
 B
 
 2 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Times, '* and, unlike many autocrats, he had the 
 sense to know it. He made no pretensions to 
 originality. He had nothing of the versatility, the 
 brilliancy, or the evanescent enthusiasm of the 
 ' broad Slavonic nature.' But, if his views were 
 few and narrow, they were clear and strongly 
 held. Peace was the unspeakable blessing 
 Avhich it lay in his hands to bestow on millions 
 of his fellow-creatures. . . . Whether his policy 
 towards his own subjects was as beneficent as 
 his policy in foreign affairs^ we need not for the 
 moment inquire. 
 
 Through the veil of what may be called 
 obituary euphemism, one can see clearly what 
 the writer wants to convey. 
 
 Taking a paper of the opposite party, the 
 Daily Chronicle, we find in it on the same date a 
 notice which is more explicit as regards internal 
 politics, but which is almost identical as regards 
 the personality of Alexander HI. 
 
 The leading Radical paper does not scruple 
 to call his reign a tyranny comparable to that 
 of the Tudors, and likely to lead to a violent 
 revolution. Of him personally nothing higher 
 can be said than that he would have made a 
 highly respectable farmer or cattle drover, but 
 was quite out of place upon the throne of a 
 great nation, and that the unfortunate accident 
 of his birth was a source of endless misery for 
 himself, as well as for the Russian people. 
 
 A few days passed, and suddenly the Daily 
 Chronicle became " lyrical " in its praises of the 
 model Tzar Alexander HI., the other papers 
 vying with each other in extolling the greatness 
 and the wisdom (not to speak of the virtue) of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 3 
 
 a man of whom they had had such a poor 
 opinion a short time before. 
 
 Why such a sudden changfe ? Has anything^ 
 been revealed throwing new h'ght upon the 
 late Tzar ? No. It was the prospect of an 
 Anglo-Russian entente which created that flood 
 of benevolence. 
 
 The mood has passed away as quietly as the 
 lame political scheme which gave birth to it. 
 We need hardly speak of it except as an 
 historical curiosity. Yet, as time goes on, the 
 reign of Alexander III. acquires a peculiar 
 interest for us. Since the young Tzar has 
 declared his resolution to follow in his father's 
 footsteps, the picture of our recent past becomes 
 an image of our possible future. It is, therefore, 
 a good time to tell the full, unadorned truth 
 about a ruler who for thirteen years attracted 
 such an unusual amount of attention. 
 
 I do not feel in the least tempted to depreciate 
 Alexander III. as a man. The English, who 
 jealously keep their nominal rulers from any 
 interference in politics, like to indulge in a sort 
 of sickening monarchical cant in regard to 
 Russia. They assume everything depends upon 
 the personal qualities of the Tzar. When once 
 they have come to the conclusion that the Tzar 
 is not altogether a villain, their conscience is at 
 rest ; everything must be as good as it could 
 be, and only fools and fanatics could rebel. 
 
 We Russians feel upon this matter very 
 
 differently. Imagine an instrument of torture, 
 
 a rack, a wheel, or a Nuremberg doll, and 
 
 imagine somebody coming to the friends and 
 
 B 2
 
 4 KING STORK AND KING LOG t 
 
 relatives of the victims, or to the victims them- 
 selves who have escaped with their lives, and 
 calling on them to admire the good workman- 
 ship of that infamous machine, and the excellent 
 qualities of the wood and the iron, which have 
 been used for its construction. I do not think 
 they would be able to show much appreciation 
 of these unmistakably good qualities. The 
 same may be said about the good points in 
 the character of the man who is the main prop 
 of the huge instrument of torture called the 
 Russian autocracy. I do not want to deny 
 these good points. I am willing to recognize 
 them just to show how supremely and abso- 
 lutely irrelevant they are for us. 
 
 I do not know whether the reader will endorse 
 this standpoint. In any case, this attitude will 
 serve him as a guarantee of my perfect fairness. 
 
 I leave to Mr. Stead and Co. the task of 
 extolling the domestic virtues of Alexander III., 
 and will speak of him only as a ruler. 
 
 The future historian of our times will look 
 with a mingled feeling of pity and amazement 
 at the figure of this relentless despot who, 
 without any personal craving for distinction, 
 made himself a wretched prisoner for life, in 
 order to maintain a show of power which he did 
 not enjoy and could not use. 
 
 Alexander III. was a man of routine — one of 
 those who must walk in a beaten track. He 
 clung to autocracy with an obstinacy worthy a 
 better cause. But had he inherited a constitu- 
 tional crown, he would never have transgressed 
 the rights of his Parliament. He had not the 
 masterfulness of his grandfather, Nicholas I., a
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 5 
 
 typical despot, and, unlike his father, he had a 
 great respect for the laws passed by himself. 
 His reign was the most lawless we have had 
 since, perhaps, the time of the adventurers of 
 the eighteenth century, because Russia was 
 given over to a horde of lawless, irresponsible 
 officials. But this was the natural consequence 
 of the system. He himself did not take away 
 what he had once granted. He tried to live 
 up to the absurd fiction of the autocracy 
 which he learned by rote from his manual of 
 State law, as a form of government different 
 from despotism in so far that the autocrat, 
 being the absolute master of everybody, is 
 bound by himself to obey the laws made 
 by himself until it pleases him to alter 
 them. 
 
 I heard from a trustworthy source the 
 amusing story of the prohibition of the 
 intended performance, at the Court theatre, 
 of Count Tolstoi's " Dominion of Dark- 
 ness." On this occasion, the Tzar showed the 
 same helpless submissiveness to the whims of 
 the censorship as the most defenceless of his 
 subjects. He has read Tolstoi's play, and he 
 liked it very much. His daugher Xenia Alex- 
 androvna, who is the wit and literary critic of the 
 family, liked it still more, and she proposed that 
 the play should be performed privately in one 
 of the halls of the Anitchkov Palace. Actors 
 were engaged, and the rehearsals were begun, 
 when the news reached Feosktistov, the head of 
 the Press Department and of the censorship 
 generally, who had a strong dislike lor the 
 play, on the ground of its "immorality,"
 
 6 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 and prohibited its performance on the stage. 
 But not wishing the prestige of his 
 authority to suffer, he went to see Count 
 Dmitry Tolstoi, then Minister of the Interior, 
 who was of the same mind as regards the 
 play. They saw the director of the Imperial 
 Theatre, Potekhin, who had a direct authority 
 over the actors engaged for the Court perform- 
 ance of the "Dominion of Darkness," and the 
 upshot of it was that the rehearsals were 
 stopped and the announcement of the perform- 
 ance withdrawn, although the affair was started 
 with the Tzar's knowledge and consent. When 
 Xenia Alexandrovna mentioned the matter at 
 a family part}'', at which some IMinisters were 
 present, expressing her surprise, the Tzar 
 turned to his Ministers, and merely exclaimed, 
 with a meek astonishment one does not asso- 
 ciate witti the idea of an all-powerful despot: 
 " Predstavte, Zapretili!" which may be trans- 
 lated, " Yes, imagine, the play has been pro- 
 hibited!" 
 
 The affair did not go further and the play 
 was not performed until many years later, when 
 the censorship relented towards it. 
 
 One of the best biographers of Alexander III., 
 Samson von Himmelstierna, says that the in- 
 tellectual standard of the body of ministers was 
 very low during the reign of Alexander III., 
 because he always wanted to have around him 
 men inferior to himself intellectually, entertain- 
 ing a morbid dread of falling under some- 
 body's influence. 
 
 That Alexander III. very much resented 
 any appearance of outward influence is quite
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 7 
 
 true, and as time went on this feeling grew 
 upon him. But it was the result of his growing 
 diffidence and suspicion rather than of a 
 domineering spirit. Retiring as he was, and 
 painfully conscious of his own limitations, he 
 was instinctively afraid of clever people, whom 
 he did not know and could not completely trust. 
 But it does not seem that he tried to shun the 
 few clever people who for good or for ill, 
 succeeded in gaining his full confidence. 
 
 The late Count Dmitry Tolstoi was un- 
 doubtedly a clever man in his way, whatever 
 else he may have been, and so is Pobedonoszev. 
 Yet Alexander III. stuck to both of them to 
 the last, abiding by their advice and allowing 
 them sometimes to rebuke him. 
 
 In 1882, one of the "student disturbances," 
 rather common in Russia, took place in the 
 University of St. Petersburg. The well-known 
 Jewish magnate, Poliakov, one of the railway 
 kings and arrny contractors, who during the 
 Balkan war of 1877 made himself famous 
 through all Russia by wonderful feats of 
 swindling, resolved to ingratiate himself with 
 the Russian public and with Count Loris Me- 
 likov. He gave, in 1880, twenty thousand 
 pounds for the foundation of a " Students' 
 Home," i.e. for building and fitting up a house 
 where the undergraduate might obtain board 
 and lodging at reduced prices. 
 
 The gift was not quite disinterested, and 
 proved to be a good investment because it 
 procured for him a Government contract worth 
 several millions, which, unpopular as he was, 
 he could not have obtained otherwise. How-
 
 8 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 ever that may be, the students as a body were 
 not at all pleased with such a gift from a man 
 whom all Russia held responsible for such 
 crimes against Russian soldiers in time of war. 
 But when in 1882 the new students' home was 
 opened, the university officials got up, without 
 consulting the students, an address to Poliakov, 
 thanking him for his munificence, in the name 
 of the whole university. Having obtained a 
 number of signatures, they sent the address to 
 Poliakov through a small deputation which 
 assumed the part of representatives of the 
 whole body of students. 
 
 This provoked a storm. The students con- 
 vened an indignation meeting to protest against 
 the abuse of their names. The authorities 
 interfered, for meetings of the undergraduates 
 are prohibited. The whole " meeting" — four 
 hundred people — was arrested, and half of them 
 — two hundred people — were not released for 
 three weeks. But public opinion and a consider- 
 able number of the university authorities were on 
 the side of the students. The rector, Beketov, 
 succeeded in interesting a very influential man. 
 Admiral Renter, in the fate of the young people. 
 Renter, then president of the council of 
 ministers, promised to lay the matter before the 
 Tzar, and personally to intercede in favour of 
 the arrested students. He kept his word. At 
 his next interview with the Tzar he introduced 
 the topic of the day, which was the disturbance 
 at the university, and warmly pleaded the cause 
 of the students. He spoke of the generosity 
 of youth, which could not swallow such a slight 
 on the honour of their corporation as to have
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. Q 
 
 thrust upon them the bounty of such a man, 
 and a Jew. " If I were a student, I would have 
 protested myself," he concluded boldly. 
 
 The Tzar was strongly impressed, especially 
 by the appeal to his anti-Jewish feelings, and 
 said, — 
 
 " Yes ; I would have protested if I were a 
 student." 
 
 The affair seemed settled. But here Pobe- 
 donoszev, who was also present, jumped up 
 and began to speak most vehemently about the 
 pernicious effect of the "Imperial Liberalism," 
 which had already done the greatest possible 
 harm to the country, in undermining the very 
 foundations of law and order. He was alluding 
 to Alexander II. 
 
 The Tzar did not say a word, and looked as 
 sheepish as a schoolboy who is being scolded 
 by his tutor — as one of the witnesses of the 
 scene said to a friend of his. Reuter thought 
 it impossible to press the matter any further, 
 and the " ringleaders " of the disturbance were 
 punished in the usual way ; forty young men 
 were expelled from the university for ever and 
 exiled to the provinces ; forty others were ex- 
 pelled for one year. The Tzar, at Pobe- 
 donoszev's instance, gave an audience to 
 Poliakov, and vented his temper against him 
 by putting the rather poignant question, how 
 many millions he had made by his generosity. 
 
 Alexander III. was not alwa)S forbearing 
 with his ministers. When his temper was roused 
 he would abuse them and swear at them in the 
 coarsest manner. In the autumn of 1886, it 
 was rumoured in St. Petersburg, on good
 
 lO KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 authority, I believe, that he had once given the 
 Minister of War, General Vanovsky, a sound 
 box on the ear with his own rather heavy 
 imperial fist. LThe quarrel with Prince Alex- 
 ander of Battenberg was at its fiercest, and the 
 Tzar ordered the prince's name to be struck 
 out of the lists of the Russian army, in which 
 he stood as an honorary commander of some 
 battalion of guards. It was an unprecedented 
 act of gross incivilit}^, not to use a stronger 
 term. Officers are struck off the army list as 
 members are excluded from clubs only when 
 they have done something positively dishonour- 
 able. Alexander III. fully deserved the re- 
 taliation on the part of the prince. The latter 
 struck him too out of the list of his own small 
 army, where he was the honorary commander of 
 a regiment.~j The intended insult was thus con- 
 verted into an amusing joke, and the ridicule 
 was naturally turned against the aggressor. 
 The German, Kladeradatch^ embodied it in a 
 caricature representing the two Alexanders in 
 their night shirts, the Tzar shouting : " I have 
 undressed you," and the prince shouting in 
 return — " No, it was I who undressed you." 
 
 It was all Vanovsky's fault ; had he informed 
 his master that he was the honorary commander 
 of a Bulgarian regiment before striking out 
 the name of Prince Alexander, he would have 
 withdrawn his own as an additional sign of his 
 displeasure. 
 
 The position of the ministers of Alexander 
 III. was not a dignified one, exposed as they 
 were to similar treatment. But men who can 
 stand it are certainly not worthy of a better one.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. II 
 
 Otherwise they had no complaint to make 
 against their master. Their appointment was 
 a mere farce. Deprived as Alexander III. 
 was of the principal gift of a ruler (as well as of 
 too many accessory ones) — that of divining 
 characters, he was absolutely at the mercy of 
 court intrigues and favouritism. But he was 
 not guided by personal likes and dislikes, as 
 his two predecessors almost invariably were. 
 He had an insuperable aversion to Vyshne- 
 gradsky ; he profoundly despised as a man, 
 Val, the head of the St. Petersburg police, and 
 he cordially hated a minister, whom I will not 
 name, suspecting in him Liberal tendencies. 
 But he stood by them all when once ap- 
 pointed. At the beginning of his reign he sum- 
 moned his former teacher. Professor Bunge, to 
 the post of minister of finances. The professor 
 declined at first, saying that he was not used to 
 the court and had no faction to back him 
 against court intrigues. The Tzar stretched 
 out his hand to him and said : " I will be your 
 faction,'" And he kept his word for six years, 
 dismissing Bunge only in 1887, because the 
 state of finances demanded imperatively a 
 sharp trickster like Vyshnegradsky. 
 
 He rarely changed his ministers, most of 
 whom had a longer tenure of office than in many 
 constitutional countries. He tried personally to 
 revise as much of the overwhelming mass of 
 State affairs as was physically possible for one 
 man, but he was not meddlesome, and allowed 
 his ministers a good deal of latitude in their 
 respective departments. 
 
 Thus, to sum up ; his character, tastes, and
 
 12 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 habits of mind fitted him for the position of a 
 constitutional monarch. Certainly one does not 
 see in him any instinctive predisposition to 
 despotism. He undoubtedly was devoted to 
 his country. He was killing himself with the 
 drudgery of State affairs. 
 
 Yet no man, living or dead, has done Russia 
 so much harm as Alexander HI. ; no one has 
 inflicted upon her such deep yawning wounds, 
 from which she can hardly recover for years. 
 He inaugurated a reign of suspicion and terror, 
 making the life of the whole educated class a 
 humiliation. He demoralized it by imposing 
 upon it a degrading hypocrisy, from which there 
 was no outlet but in dreary apathy or cynical 
 epicurism. And what makes the riddle still 
 more puzzling for outsiders is that in order to do 
 this he made his own existence more wretched 
 than that of his humblest subjects. His was 
 a life of incessant terror without respite by day 
 or by night. Never for a moment could he 
 feel safe in the streets, or in the midst of his 
 army, or in the seclusion of his palace. 
 
 Death hovered over him. When he was 
 travelling, some innocent creature was almost 
 invariably killed for inadvertently approaching 
 the line when the Tzar's train was expected. 
 iln 1883, on the Tzar's journeytoMoscowforthe 
 ceremony of the coronation, a peasant was killed 
 under his very eyes, because he was swimming 
 on a raft down the river, and could not stop 
 when the Imperial train was crossing the bridge, 
 Another time, in Gatchina, taking his walk in 
 the garden of the palace, which was his prison, 
 the Tzar asked a question of one of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 3 
 
 gardeners, who was digging a flower-bed some 
 way off. The gardener threw his spade on the 
 sod and hastened to the Tzar, but before he 
 could approach him he was shot dead by the 
 sentinel, who from the post of observation on the 
 wall could not hear the Tzar's voice, but only 
 saw a man approaching him hurriedly, and sus- 
 pected a plot, 
 
 L A much grimmer story is circulated about 
 Baron Reutern, a relative of the minister of that 
 name, who it is asserted was shot by the Tzar 
 himself in a moment of suspicious terror. The 
 young man was smoking a cigarette, and when 
 the Tzar unexpectedly entered the guard-room, 
 he hastily put it behind his back. The Tzar, 
 haunted as he was by fear and suspicion, at 
 once concluded that he was about to throw a 
 bomb at him, and shot him dead.' 
 
 I Fear did not leave him even at the doors of 
 
 ^churches. 
 
 A friend of mine who happened to see him at 
 the Thanksgiving Mass in the Kazan Cathedral, 
 in 1888, told me the following incident. After 
 the service was over a crowd of students, especi- 
 ally selected for this purpose by Delianov, the 
 Minister of Public Education, moved toward 
 the Tzar, and surrounded him in a body, making 
 all sorts of demonstrations of servile reverence, 
 some of them trying to kiss his hands. But the 
 hero of this demonstration stood pale as death, 
 and for some time could not say a word. His 
 first thought was that it was a body of con- 
 spirators who surrounded him, and that his last 
 moment had come. It took him some time to 
 realize his mistake. When at last he recovered,
 
 14 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 he began in a broken, tremulous, utterly un- 
 kingly voice to thank the students, saying that 
 he would not forget it. In fact, Delianov, no 
 less successful than Count Dmitry Tolstoi, in 
 stifling the youth of Russia, though his dis- 
 missal was expected daily, was confirmed in his 
 post, and received in 1889 the title of count. 
 
 After the Borki catastrophe, the Tzar's 
 nerves gave way completely, and his life during 
 the last years of his reign, as shown by recent 
 revelations, must have been something almost 
 unendurable. In fact the constant nervous 
 tension went a long way towards ruining his 
 herculean constitution and towards hastening 
 his end. 
 
 He could never get over the nervous shock 
 the wrecking of the train at Borki gave him. 
 Every insignificant accident, an unusual noise 
 in the night, the appearance of a stranger, 
 upset him, calling forth all his terrors. Yet he 
 clung to the wretchedness of power, whilst 
 with one word he might have made himself as 
 safe as any king or queen in Europe. 
 """ How could such a thing be ? Is autocracy 
 such an absolute necessity for Russia that no 
 matter how badly it works out, no European 
 form of government can be thought of? And if 
 freedom is a possible remedy, why was he so 
 reluctant to try administering a small dose of it ? 
 
 It is a not uncommon opinion that it was 
 the terrible death of his father which forced 
 Alexander III. into the line of stolid, unflinch- 
 ing reaction. Was not it so in reality? 
 
 To the above questions and a number of 
 others connected with them, the answer will be 
 found later on. I will begin with the last ques-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 5 
 
 tion which comes first in historical order, and 
 can be dismissed very briefly. 
 
 No, the tragedy of March 13th, 1881, did not 
 determine Alexander III.'s internal policy, which 
 was fixed in his mind long before his accession 
 to the throne. On the contrary the fierce out- 
 burst of discontent, which culminated in the 
 murder of Alexander II., seemed to have thrown 
 Alexander III. off his balance and for some 
 time a change of policy seemed possible. But 
 that hesitation passed with the suppression 
 of the movement which created it. The old 
 ideas and the old influences took the upper 
 hand, and the internal policy of Alexander III. 
 took its definite shape, which it would have 
 assumed at once, had the revolutionary out- 
 burst never taken place. It was then and only 
 then that the Government was able to avail itself 
 of its victory and point to the past as an 
 excuse for the tyranny of the present. Every 
 war is a game of chance, and those who do not 
 win have to lose. The events of 1879-83 have 
 served as a lesson which will not be lost upon 
 the Russian opposition. They have proved that 
 extreme parties and extreme methods alone can- 
 not overthrow a government. The part of the 
 Nihilists was that which artillery plays in 
 modern battles. Thej^ shook the enemy's 
 ranks, they sowed consternation in its midst 
 and paved the way for a general attack. If it 
 did not follow and the enemy was allowed to 
 rally and strengthen its position once again, the 
 blame is to be laid upon those who did not take 
 advantage of the chance offered to them, and 
 not upon those who created that chance. But 
 let us return to Alexander III.
 
 II. 
 
 THE TZAR MUJIK. 
 
 Upon the late Tzar, as heir to the throne, we 
 have a very interesting and exhaustive study 
 from the pen of Turghenev himself, who knew 
 him personally, as did many of his intimate 
 friends, from whom he got very accurate infor- 
 mation as to his views and plans. With such 
 materials, and his wonderful insight into the 
 character of men, he was able, not only to 
 draw his portrait, but to trace out the whole of 
 his future policy. The surprising correctness 
 of Turghenev's forecasts as to the acts of 
 Alexander III., vouches for the correctness of 
 the whole picture. This character sketch ap- 
 peared anonymously in Madame Adam's "Revue 
 Politique et Litteraire,''' soon afier the acces- 
 sion of Alexander III. to the throne. Tur- 
 ghenev admitted freely to his friends the author- 
 ship of this article, but his name was not 
 mentioned in connection with its publication, 
 and it was not incorporated in his works. 
 
 Although very complimentary, the portrait 
 has its lights and shadows, and represents the 
 figure of a simple mortal, whilst a Russian is 
 allowed to portray the Tzar only in the old 
 symbolical Egyptian style — i.e. as the ancient 
 artists of the old Nile painted their Pharaohs :
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 17 
 
 huge figures, all lights, covering the whole field 
 of the picture, without the slightest regard to 
 perspective or reality. 
 
 The most interesting part of Turghenev's 
 study, which, as far as I know, has been over- 
 looked by all the numerous biographers of 
 Alexander III., is that which refers to his 
 political programme. Turghenevsays that this 
 programme of intended reforms was cherished 
 in his mind for many years, so that his infor- 
 mant was able to give him all its chief items. 
 These are : — 
 
 1. Considerable reduction of the land re- 
 demption money, paid by the peasants to the 
 State, which acted as intermediary between 
 them and their former masters. 
 
 2. A radical change in the system of taxation 
 which pressed too heavily upon the peasantry. 
 
 3. Abolition of the capitation tax, which 
 peasants alone (and petty artisans and burghers 
 of the towns) had to pay. 
 
 4. Measures for facilitating the migration 
 of peasants from the provinces, vv'here land 
 became scanty to those where it was plentiful 
 and free. 
 
 5. Reform of the passport system with a view 
 of giving the peasants greater facilities in 
 moving from place to place in search of em- 
 ployment. 
 
 6. The foundation of rural banks, which 
 would relieve the peasants from the scourge of 
 petty usurers, swarming in the rural districts, 
 and eating up, like locusts, the substance of the 
 peasantry. 
 
 Most of these reforms have been more or less 
 
 C
 
 1 8 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 realized, in a queer way sometimes, as we shall 
 presently see. But this was due to pressure of 
 outward circumstances, and not to the will of the 
 Tzar. All were discussed at his private council. 
 There is no doubt, therefore, that they were in 
 his mind when Turghenev wrote about him. 
 And these were the only points of his politics 
 upon which he has made up his mind. Every- 
 thing else, according to Turghenev, was vague, 
 and to be determined by circumstances. 
 
 Thus we have a full programme of reforms 
 for the exclusiv^e benefit of the peasants. 
 
 In discussing the future foreign policy of Alex- 
 ander III., Turghenev foretells that it will 
 be that of non-interference, rather of aloofness, 
 because he says the Tzar is really indifferent 
 to all that is not Russian. " He is, above 
 all things, a Russian, and nothing but a Rus- 
 sian, his whole heart being given to Russia 
 alone." 
 
 It is not exactly so. To Russia, as a whole, 
 i.e. as a nation embodying a certain culture of 
 its own, having certain aspirations and common 
 characteristics, moral and intellectual, he was 
 as indifferent as to Germany or to France. He 
 loved only the peasants, who represented for 
 him the whole of Russia. He wanted to be 
 the Tzar of the peasants, says Turghenev. The 
 name of Tzar Mujik, which was given to him 
 later on, and which he himself liked to use, is 
 not to be found in Turghenev's article, but the 
 idea is there. 
 
 Alexander III. was a mujik on the throne, 
 a title which is certainly a compliment in our 
 Democratic age. But it is an unmixed com-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 9 
 
 pliment only, if we are prepared to admit that a 
 mujik taken from the plough would make a 
 good minister of the interior, or of public edu- 
 cation ; or that the democracy of England 
 would benefit by a law prescribing that all 
 Members of Parliament should be elected from 
 the class of agricultural labourers. Alex- 
 ander III. was a mujik by his political creed, 
 as well as by his sympathies. 
 
 All heirs are naturally prone to take to the 
 opposition. As Alexander II. turned reactionary 
 in the second half of his reign, his son became a 
 liberal. But his liberalism did not outlive his 
 boyhood, Turghenev tells us that it was the 
 Parisian Commune of 1871 which cured him of 
 this aberration. " That is what these things 
 lead to," he would repeat on hearing of the 
 excesses committed in Paris. 
 
 Confounding the exceedingly modest claims 
 of the Russian Liberals with such acts as the 
 burning of public buildings and the massacre 
 of hostages, was rather ludicrous. But the 
 fact that he gave up his liberal dreams so 
 readily, shows that they suited him as little as 
 wings would suit an elephant. He was born a 
 Conservative, and he returned to his natural 
 element like a fish to the water, becoming the 
 friend and adherent of the Slavophils, who are 
 the philosophers of what may be called nation- 
 alist Conservatism. 
 
 The Slavophils have been so much talked 
 about in the English press during the reign of 
 Alexander III., and they came so much to 
 the front at its beginning, that it is worth our 
 while to stop for a moment to explain the real 
 r 2
 
 20 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 character of this party, which is quite unique of 
 its kind. 
 
 The English know it in connection with 
 foreign afifairs, as a party representing the 
 grasping tendencies of the Russian autocracy, 
 chiefly among the Slavonic populations of 
 Turkey and Austria, and having for its object 
 the unification of all Slavonic races in one huge 
 State, under the sceptre of the Tzar. Thus the 
 PaJislavists are confounded with the Slavophils^ 
 whilst the two parties are fundamentally dis- 
 tinct. The original Slavophils did not care for 
 invading the West, their chief object being to 
 purge Russia herself of the Western element 
 which has invaded her. Their doctrine can be 
 described as nationalism run mad. The Russian 
 people, the Russian institutions, the orthodox 
 church, and all that was genuinely Russian 
 seemed to them so much superior to everything 
 they saw among the Western nations, that, 
 according to them, any borrowing or adaptation 
 of Western ideas by Russians, could but spoil 
 their ideal perfection. Thus they stood in 
 opposition to the Government, which Peter the 
 Great had transformed into a bureaucracy on the 
 German pattern. 
 
 It is very interesting that this school of 
 Chinese exclusiveness and self-sufficiency was 
 founded by very gifted men of the highest 
 European culture of the epoch, such as 
 Homiakov, Samarin, the brothers Kireievsky, 
 and the brothers Aksakov, Konstantin, who was 
 the actual leader of the party in its palmy 
 days, and the famous Ivan, who gradually came 
 to terms with the Government.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 21 
 
 All these men had at their finger's end 
 the philosophy of Hegel, which was the 
 gospel of their time, and may be described as 
 followers of Fichte, whose ideas of the 
 Messiah-like mission of the German people they 
 were fully justified in twisting to suit their own 
 ends. 
 
 If Fichte was right in asserting that the 
 German race, being free from the influence of 
 the Greco-Roman culture, was destined to build 
 up a new civilization superior to that of the 
 Latin race, the Russians clearly had the same 
 advantage in a much higher degree. It was 
 only from the time of Peter the Great that 
 Russia had been spoiled by any culture at all, 
 and at the epoch when the Slavophils began 
 to preach, the disease, thank heaven, had not 
 advanced far. As to the masses of the Russian 
 people, the millions of peasants, they were as 
 yet perfectly untouched by it. Russia's chances 
 were not yet lost if only she would adopt the 
 programme of the Slavophils, which was very 
 simple : to turn for guidance in ethics, religion, 
 and family life to the peasants, who had 
 preserved in their primitive purity all the high, 
 truly national ideals of life. In politics, they 
 advocated return to the forms anterior to the 
 destructive work of Peter the Great, i.e. to the 
 Muscovite period of Russian history, which the 
 Slavophils idealized beyond all reason, with that 
 perfect disregard of documentary evidence 
 characteristic of fanatics. 
 
 Of the first half of this programme I will not 
 speak, because it is outside the immediate object 
 of my book. Count Tolstoi is the last incar-
 
 22 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 nation of this side of the old slavophilism, and 
 I can refer the reader to his latter-day pamphlets, 
 and stories, which explain what is meant by 
 that seeking for moral truth in the hearts of the 
 lowly. 
 
 But the political programme of the Slavo- 
 phils deserves a closer examination, for it bears 
 in many ways upon the question of modern 
 Russian history. 
 
 The Muscovite monarchy was a gloomy, semi- 
 theocratic, semi-patriarchal despotism, on the 
 high-road to becoming a sort of petrified bureau- 
 cracy. Fierce, implacable persecution of the 
 slightest independence of thought in religion, 
 politics, philosophy, or even manners, was one of 
 its chief characteristics. But the Slavophils over- 
 look that as an accident, representing the Mus- 
 covite times as a sort of patriarchal idyll of a 
 perfect harmony and mutual confidence between 
 the rulers and the ruled. And we will not 
 grudge them this little travesty of history, 
 because we owe to it all that was good in the 
 political programme of the Slavophils. Whilst 
 vehemently defending the autocratic form of 
 government as a national glory, the Slavophils 
 declared themselves against the censorship and 
 all restriction upon liberty of speech, which they 
 considered as a manifestation of diffidence and 
 suspicion alien to the spirit of a truly paternal 
 government. 
 
 We have a very interesting document from 
 the pen of Konstantin Aksakoff, the founder of 
 Slavophilism, which presents an excellent sum- 
 ming up of the political philosophy and prac- 
 tical demands of the Slavophils. It is Aksakoffs 
 " memorandum " which was presented through
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 23 
 
 Count Bludov to Alexander II. soon after his 
 accession to the throne in 1855. 
 
 The memorandum is divided into three parts. 
 In the first, the exordium, Konstantin Aksakoff 
 explains the reason why he found it necessary 
 to present his memorandum just then. 
 
 "Sire! Thou hast ascended the throne. 
 These first instants are precious and of import^ 
 not for thee only, but for thy subjects also. 
 Invested on a sudden with the dignity of sove- 
 reignty, thou hast not yet grown used to being 
 Tzar. Thy spiritual hearing has all its freshness 
 and delicacy, thy spiritual vision all its keen- 
 ness and far-sightedness; both hearing and 
 vision are more highly strained in these first 
 moments of sovereign rule than at any other 
 time. We trust that thou wilt ever strain all 
 the forces of thy spirit to learn the truth for 
 thy people's weal. But every period has a sig- 
 nificance and glory peculiarly its own ; and 
 this is that of these first instants of Imperial 
 power, the freshness and delicacy of which can 
 never come again. ^^ 
 
 Then follows the exposition of the general 
 views of the Slavophils, which are summed up 
 in the third part in fifteen paragraphs, which I 
 will give here, omitting some repetitions. 
 
 " I. The Russian people, containing no 
 political elements within itself, has divested itself 
 of supreme power, and has no desire to govern. 
 
 " II. Having no desire for rule, the Russian 
 people assigns to the Government unlimited 
 power. 
 
 "III. In return for this, the Russian people 
 reserves to itself moral liberty, liberty of life and 
 of conscience.
 
 24 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 " IV. Unlimited power without the partici- 
 pation of the people can but take the form of 
 absolute monarcliy. 
 
 " V, The Russian state organization rests on 
 the basis of the following principles : for the 
 Government (necessarily monarchical in form), 
 absolute governing political power ; for the 
 people, complete moral liberty — liberty of life 
 and conscience, of thought and of word. The 
 sole thing which the people, destitute of power, 
 can and ought of their own initiative to offer to 
 the all-powerful Government is opinion (conse- 
 quently a purely moral force), and this the 
 Government is free to accept or to refuse. 
 
 "VI. These essential principles may be 
 violated either on the one side or on the other. 
 
 "VII. Through the violation of these principles 
 on the part of the people, through the limitation 
 of the power of the Government, and so through 
 the participation of the people in governing, 
 the people resorts to external coercive force, 
 abandons its true path of inward spiritual 
 freedom and force, and inevitably deteriorates 
 morally. 
 
 "VIII. Through the violation of these prin- 
 ciples on the part of the Government, through 
 the restriction by Government of the moral 
 freedom — the freedom of life and of conscience 
 of the people, — absolute monarchy passes into 
 despotism, into an immoral government, stifling 
 all the moral energies, and corrupting the spirit 
 of the people. 
 
 " IX. The principles of the state have not been 
 violated (in Russia) on the part of the people, 
 inasmuch as they are its fundamental national
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 2$ 
 
 principles ; but they have been violated on the 
 part of the Government — that is, the Government 
 has interfered with the moral liberty of the people, 
 restricted the liberty of life and of conscience 
 (of thought and of word), and in so doing, has 
 passed into a degrading despotism, stifling the 
 spiritual existence and human dignity of the 
 people, and involving ultimately the decay of 
 the moral energies of Russia, and the corruption 
 of society. This despotism threatens in the 
 iuture either the total decline and fall of Russia, 
 to the rejoicing of her foes, or the obliteration 
 of Russian principles in the people itself, which, 
 deprived of moral liberty, will be taught at 
 last to desire political liberty^ to resort to revo- 
 lution, and to abandon its true path. Both of 
 these issues are alike fraught with horror, in- 
 asmuch as both alike lead to destruction — the 
 former one to material and moral destruction, 
 the latter to moral destruction only. 
 
 " X. And thus the violation by the Govern- 
 mentof the principles of Russian national life, the 
 spoliation from the people of its moral freedom, 
 — that is the source of evil of all kinds in Russia. 
 
 "XI. The improvement of things rests obvi- 
 ously with the Government. 
 
 "XII. The Government have laid an oppres- 
 sive yoke on the moral life of Russia ; it is 
 bound to remove that yoke. The Government 
 has deviated from the essential principles of 
 Russian nationalism; it is bound to return to 
 these principles. They are : — 
 
 "For the Government, unlimited Governing 
 power ; for the people, complete moral liberty — 
 liberty of life and conscience. For the Government,
 
 26 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 freedom of actioji, and so of legislation ; for the 
 people, freedom of opi^iion, and so of speech. 
 
 " XV. Not content with the mere existence 
 of freedom of speech^ and consequently of 
 pubh'c opinion, the Government at times feels 
 the need of calling forth this public opinion. In 
 what way can the Government call it forth ? 
 
 " Ancient Russia illustrates for us both the 
 thing itself and the means of obtaining it. Our 
 Tzars used to call forth, on weighty occasions, 
 the public opinion of all Russia, and for this 
 end, to invoke zemsky sohor, or national assem- 
 blies, to which were sent delegates from all 
 classes and all parts of Russia. Such a zemsky 
 sober was merely to obtain an expression of 
 opinion, which the sovereign may accept or 
 refuse. 
 
 " And so what is wanted is complete freedom 
 of speech, oral, written, and printed, always 
 and at all times ; and a zemsky sobor on those 
 occasions when the Government desires to 
 gauge the public opinion of the country. 
 
 " The inner social bonds of life have grown so 
 weak in Russia, classes have become so anta- 
 gonistic to one another, in consequence of the 
 despotic system of the Government during the 
 last 150 years, that a zemsky sobor at the present 
 moment could not be productive of its full 
 utility. I say, of its full value, for even imme- 
 diately, the zemsky sobor would be of indubitable 
 value both for the Government and the people, 
 and it is but needful for some time to elapse for 
 the Government to be able to profit by the wise
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 2/ 
 
 precedent of ancient Russia, calling in a zemsky 
 sobor. 
 
 "Public opinion unreservedly declared — that 
 is what might take the place of a zemsky sobor 
 for the Government at the present moment ; but 
 for this end freedom of speech is indispensable, 
 whereby the Government will be enabled to 
 call a zemsky sobor without loss of time, to the 
 unmixed benefit of itself and the people."
 
 III. 
 
 HESITATING ON THE CROSS WAY — THE 
 LIBERAL PERIOD. 
 
 In i88r, by permission of Count Loris Melikov, 
 Ivan Aksakov published his brother's memoran- 
 dum in his paper, " Russia/' evidently for the 
 edification of Alexander II., whom the Count 
 wanted to tranquillize as to the possible danger 
 of encroachments on the side of the partisans of 
 the Zemsky Sobor. But before the publication 
 of the long article was completed, the tragedy of 
 March 13th took place, and thus the post- 
 humous work of the prophet of Slavophilism 
 came to be a solemn appeal to Ivan Aksakov's 
 imperial pupil. Although a much weaker man 
 than his brother and rather a time-server, Ivan 
 Aksakov was honest enough not to conceal his 
 opinions, and we may assume that the doctrine 
 which he tried to impress upon the mind of the 
 future Tzar, Alexander III., was that which we 
 find in the memorandum of Konstantin. But 
 Turghenev says that Alexander III. endorsed 
 only a part of it. The metaphysical division 
 of the two functions in the State — the action 
 and the thought — was too subtle for him, and 
 he introduced into the Slavophil doctrine a 
 modification which a Russian mujik might, and
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 29 
 
 a Russian Tzar was sure to think of: he 
 dropped all which referred to the obligations of 
 tolerance, recommended to, if not imposed upon, 
 the Tzar by the idealism of the Slavophils. As 
 a practical man, he took the kernel of their 
 doctrine, which is the idea that autocracy is for 
 Russia the best possible form of government, 
 and any limitation of autocracy ought to be 
 resisted by the Tzar on national, as well as on 
 personal grounds. All the rest he rejected as 
 impractical, as, indeed, it was. In this form the 
 doctrine pleased him mightily. In an inte- 
 resting letter to his brother, the Grand Duke 
 Vladimir, accompanying the copy of the auto- 
 cratic manifesto, which marks the turning-point 
 of Alexander III.'s policy, the Tzar writes : " I 
 will never allow any limitation of autocratic 
 power, which I consider necessary and useful 
 for Russia." 
 
 The Russian Tzars and the autocrats of all 
 nationalities have always been prone to take a 
 very exalted view of their importance to the 
 world in general, and the countries blessed by 
 having them as rulers in particular. This is 
 only human. In our modest walks of life we are 
 all inclined to look upon ourselves and our work 
 in a magnifying glass. George Eliot says that 
 it is very happily ordained so, for we should not 
 perform even the little we do perform without 
 that spur of self-idealization. But if it is a good 
 thing, we have surely too much of it in men 
 born in the regal purple, with whom this natural 
 weakness of mankind has been inflated and 
 developed to monstrous proportions by their 
 artificial surroundings. There has hardly been
 
 30 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 a Tzar or an Emperor who has not considered 
 it his special mission to be a despot as com- 
 pletely and as long as he could. But when 
 to the flatteries of courtiers the influence of 
 some philosopher or religious fanatic has been 
 added, then we see the formation of the deeply 
 convinced, i.e. the v»^orst possible despots of the 
 type of Philip II. of Spain, or Nicholas I. of 
 Russia, in whom the best and the worst 
 elements of human nature combine to make 
 them the scourge of their land. 
 
 What Joseph de Maistre was for Nicholas I., 
 Ivan Aksakov was for Alexander III. He 
 made him a fanatic of autocracy. When, in 
 1879 and 1880, the revolutionary movement 
 assumed threatening proportions, he was in 
 favour of merciless reprisals. He would have 
 played the part of the Due d'Alba had his 
 father allowed him. 
 
 * I have been told of a little incident which 
 occurred in 1878, soon after the execution of 
 Martin Kovalsky, a revolutionist who was 
 accused of armed resistance in Odessa, tried 
 by court-martial, and shot in August, 1878. 
 General Heins, who was the chief of the police 
 and garrison of the city, and had to superintend 
 the execution, tendered his resignation, and 
 went to St. Petersburg to present it in person. 
 He was an honest man, and a true and devoted 
 servant of the Tzar — such as there are few among 
 the officials of our time. His object in coming to 
 St. Petersburg was to seek an interview with the 
 Tzar, and to render him the greatest service a 
 subject can render to his sovereign by boldly 
 telling him the truth upon the Russian situa-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA 3 1 
 
 tion. He did not succeed in obtaining an 
 audience with the Tzar, but he was able to see 
 the Tzarevitch, and to him he poured out his 
 loyal and patriotic remarks upon the impossi- 
 bility of suppressing by mere force a movement 
 which had the strength of an idea behind it, 
 and of the fatal consequences which the policy 
 of reprisals might have for the State and the 
 person of the Tzar. 
 
 • " When the judges who pass the sentence 
 of death, and the officer in command of the 
 soldiers who are to carry it out, and the soldiers 
 themselves are all pale as death, then it means 
 that there is something wrong in the system 
 which commands these executions." 
 
 • The Tzarevitch listened, not saying a word, 
 Math a sullen expression upon his heavy face. 
 
 -," Then you mean to say that the Tzar 
 ought to make concessions to his enemies ? " 
 he said. 
 
 J* Not to his enemies, but to the country, 
 which has no quarrel with him," answered the 
 General. 
 
 -Upon this the Tzarevitch rose from his seat, 
 put his hand — which, it is rumoured, could un- 
 bend a horse-shoe — upon Heins's shoulder, and 
 squeezed it violently, pushing his visitor out of 
 the room. That was all he got for his pains, 
 except the blue marks of the Tzarevitch's 
 fingers, which remained on his shoulder for 
 several days. 
 
 He showed them to his brother, telling him 
 that, on leaving the palace, he said to himself 
 that there was no hope of concessions — at least 
 till the third reign. General Heins is dead
 
 32 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 now, so that one can tell the story without 
 committing an indiscretion. 
 
 The words of General Heins proved prophetic 
 in both ways — as regards the immediate, as well 
 as the more distant future. The policy of 
 reprisals of Alexander II, led to the fatal result 
 which everybody knows ; and Alexander III. 
 as everybody knows, too, made no concessions 
 whatever. Yet his policy was not fixed all 
 at once. The terrible outburst of discontent, 
 which led to the tragedy of March 13th, i88r, 
 set even this man thinking and hesitating, little 
 as he was given to thought or hesitation. The 
 first year of his reign he was like a man standing 
 at crossroads, vacillating and uncertain as to 
 which way he would take. 
 
 The Princess Dolgoruki, who, after her mor- 
 ganatic marriage with Alexander II., received 
 the title of Princess Yurievsky, took her revenge 
 on the Nihilists who had deprived her of her 
 husband and of her position at the Court. Under 
 the pseudonym of " Laferte/' she published a 
 book, by which she set afloat the legend of the 
 Nihilists having killed the Tzar on the eve of 
 his granting to Russia political liberty. 
 
 If this were the fact, the blame would be at 
 the door of Loris Melikov, who publicly stated^ 
 in an interview with the editorsof the chief papers 
 of the capital, that no limitation of autocratic 
 power was in contemplation. But we know what 
 to think of it now that authentic documents 
 bearing upon the matter have seen the light. 
 
 When the late dictator died at Nice, an 
 official of the Russian Embassy arrived from 
 Paris and put seals on all his papers, which
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 33 
 
 were sent to St. Petersburg to be kept in the 
 archives of the State, until the triumph of the 
 Revolution. Foreseeing the fate awaiting his 
 manuscripts, Count Loris, who was keenly solici- 
 tous about his reputation, allowed a friend of his 
 to copy some of the most interesting of the docu- 
 ments and letters, with a view to their publica- 
 tion some time after his death. This manuscript 
 was delivered, in 1893, iri^o the hands of a small 
 company, founded in London for the publica- 
 tion of books prohibited by the Russian censor- 
 ship. As a member of that company I know 
 how and through whom the manuscript reached 
 our hands, and can vouch quite confidently 
 for its authenticity. Now, from this docu- 
 ment we learn : (i) that what Count Loris 
 Melikov proposed to Alexander IL was not a 
 constitution, but a plan of convocation of 
 notables from the Zemstvos, whom the Govern- 
 ment might consult upon points selected by it ; 
 and (2) that Alexander IL did not sign this 
 project a few hours before his death, as was 
 reported, to enhance the dramatic effect of the 
 situation. He merely ordered the project to be 
 brought before the Council of his ministers, for 
 discussion at the next sitting, which was to take 
 place on the 17th March. 
 
 Count Loris Melikov was a moderate Liberal, 
 who dreamed of a monarchical constitution 
 and of political freedom for Russia. 
 
 " Unfortunate country," he wrote later on to 
 d friend, " will ever the happy day come when 
 a Russian, like a citizen of any other country, 
 will be allowed openly and freely to express his 
 views, his convictions, his opinions upon men 
 
 D
 
 34 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 and things without running the risk of being 
 proclaimed a revolutionist and an enemy of 
 law and order ? " But he was not able to 
 bring Alexander II. round to accept his views. 
 The well-known leader of moderate Liberals, 
 Koshelev, in his posthumous memoirs, relates 
 that Count Loris Melikov told him confidentially 
 that " he had lost all hopes of obtaining from 
 tne Emperor his consent to a summoning of the 
 national assembly." His project was certainly 
 utterly unlike the convocation of such an as- 
 sembly. It is idle to speculate upon the 
 fate of a project which had not been finally 
 accepted by the changeful Alexander II., and 
 which was kept in absolute secrecy on purpose 
 to leave the Tzar full freedom of withdrawing it 
 if the fancy took him. 
 
 Anyhow, Alexander III., shattered by the 
 tragedy of March isth^ and by the general 
 fermentation of men^s minds, which infected 
 even the highest circles, began by doing what 
 his father had been about to do. 
 
 On the day of the catastrophe he ordered 
 Loris Melikov's project to be made public. He 
 withdrew this order a few hours later, but he 
 confirmed Loris Melikov, who tendered his 
 resignation, in his office, and he ordered his 
 project to be read at the Council of Ministers 
 convened for March 21st. The Grand Duke 
 Vladimir, Count Valuev, Nabokov, Solsky, 
 Milutin, Saburov, and Abaza pronounced them- 
 selves in favour of the project. Pobedonoszev, 
 Count Stroganov, Makov, Prince Liven, and 
 Possiet against it. Seven voices for, five 
 against. 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 35 
 
 The Tzar expressed his agreement with the 
 majority, and he seemed to have quite made up 
 his mind and to be much relieved. Spending 
 the second half of the day following the council 
 with the Grand Duke Vladimir, he exclaimed, 
 '* Thank God, I feel as if a burden has been 
 taken off my shoulders,'^ as the Grand Duke 
 told Loris Melikov later on. 
 
 The affair seemed finally settled. But it 
 seems that autocrats can be firm only in re- 
 action to which they naturally gravitate. When 
 undertaking anything in the opposite direction, 
 they are like bodies vvhosecentreof gravity is over 
 the point of support and whose unstable equili- 
 brium can be destroyed by the slightest touch. 
 
 K. P. Pobedonoszev, who was holding the 
 modest c.ilfice of procurator of the Holy Synod, 
 for the first time made his hand felt in the 
 affairs of State. A mediaeval bigot, whose figure 
 is too familiar to all the reading world to need 
 description, he stood at the Tzar's ear as the 
 representative and spokesman of uncompro- 
 mising reaction. Being, unfortunately we must 
 say, a man of unimpeachable personal honesty 
 and disinterested devotion to his crazy ideas, he 
 succeeded in obtaining over the Tzar, his former 
 pupil, such a strong and lasting influence as no 
 other man ever had. But, with his great erudi- 
 tion, he was absolutely deficient in originality, 
 and, beyond religious persecution, is not credited 
 with having initiated any reactionary measures. 
 He always played the secondary part, holding 
 the candle to some more inventive man. It 
 was Katkov in the beginning of the reign, and, 
 later on, Count Dmitry Tolstoi. 
 D 2
 
 36 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 Pobedonoszev was untiring in setting his 
 pupil against the whole of the educated class, 
 which he represented as conniving at and 
 approving of the murder of his father. When 
 it was proposed to start a subscription for the 
 building of the chapel at the spot where 
 Alexander II. was killed (which was never 
 completed because the money was stolen by 
 the managing committee under the presidency 
 of Grand Duke Vladimir), Pobedonoszev wrote 
 to the Tzar on March i6th : — 
 
 " Your Majesty, let the accursed educated 
 class (intelliguenzia) of St. Petersburg, with all 
 its insane trumpeters, howl around — here will be 
 a spot where a Russian's heart will find holy 
 peace." He frightened him with the fate of 
 Louis XVI. of P" ranee, if he followed the lead 
 of the I>iberals. Katkov, in his paper, insinuated 
 very clearly that treason was nestling in the 
 Tzar's own family, and that the Grand Duke 
 Constantin, the Tzar's uncle, was the actual 
 leader of all the liberals and an abetter and ally 
 of the terrorists, and was planning a Court re- 
 volution. And he used all the power of his 
 brilliant sophistry to prove that the resignation 
 of autocracy would be the end of Russian 
 greatness and a betrayal of the trust of the 
 millions of Russian people. 
 
 Katkov was a dishonest man, using his 
 enormous influence for making his private 
 fortune. This was proved on his death by the 
 fact that he left over a million roubles which 
 he could not possibly have made otherwise than 
 by foul means. But he was the strongest man 
 in the Reactionary party, and its actual creator
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 37 
 
 and inspirer. Pobedonoszev summoned him 
 from Moscow in the middle of March and ar- 
 ranged two meetings with the Tzar^ which lasted 
 for several hours. 
 
 But the man who proved of still greater use 
 as a tool of the reaction was Ivan Aksakov. 
 He was very intimate with Alexander III. as 
 Tzarevitch, who had a great respect and affection 
 for him. Now Aksakov, with all his naive 
 dreams of liberty of the press and of speech, 
 and his hostility to bureaucracy, was dead against 
 the idea of a " constitution," as a thing borrowed 
 from the " rotten " West. When driven into a 
 corner, he confessed that he did not know 
 himself how practically to realize his plans of 
 preserving autocracy whilst abolishing the 
 bureaucratic despotism and the tyranny of cen- 
 sorship. Yet he preached vehemently against 
 the Liberals, who offered a practical solution of 
 the problem. His own incapacity for doing so 
 he hid in a cloud of high-flown empty phrases 
 about the necessity of " putting oneself face to 
 face with Russia," " bending the ear to the 
 pulsation of her heart," and the dangers of 
 " being unfaithful to one's own nature," pro- 
 mising that in some mysterious way Russia will 
 evolve in the future a political arrangement, 
 absolutely unlike anything we see in the West, 
 and as perfect as it will be original. (See 
 Aksakov's " Russia.") 
 
 Out of this silly rigmarole, Alexander III. 
 
 could not make head or tail. But one thing 
 
 was clear and precise : the advice not to yield 
 
 to the " sedition " both revolutionary and liberal. 
 
 A perfect chaos reigned in the government
 
 38 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 and in the head of the Tzar too. The fear of 
 new attempts was the dominant feeling with 
 all. ' The police having proved inefficient in 
 defending the head of the State from the 
 attacks of his enemies, it was decided to form 
 for the protection of the Tzar a secret society 
 of volunteers, organized avowedly on the same 
 plan as the revolutionary Executive Committee. 
 The Grand Duke Vladimir was at its head, and 
 it was backed by the enormous wealth of Prince 
 Demidov San Donato, besides many other 
 wealthy aristocrats who joined the Society. 
 Patronized by the Tzar's brother, the Holy 
 League was quite above the reach of the or- 
 dinary police or the minister of the interior. 
 It was a State within the State. It held its 
 secret meetings like the Nihilists' Committee, 
 and it is fully proved that in imitation of the 
 Nihilists, it passed sentence of death upon some 
 of the most prominent Nihilists, which, however, 
 were never carried out for lack of courage in 
 the Executive. Though it did nothing par- 
 ticular in any other direction, it spread never- 
 theless with such rapidity as to alarm the Tzar 
 whom they meant to protect. With adherents 
 among the high officials of the army and the 
 civil service and with its enormous wealth the 
 Society might easily have become one day a 
 danger to the State, especially as it was in the 
 hands of the ambitious Grand Duke Vladimir^ 
 who was considered something of a rival to the 
 Tzar. 3 
 
 But the Government was so completely dis- 
 organized that it could not venture to hurt 
 his own adherents by denying them the right of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 39 
 
 putting themselves outside and above the laws. 
 To protect the Tzar against his protectors, no 
 better expedient was devised by his intimate 
 friends than to found another society more 
 prudent, but secret nevertheless. It was called 
 the Voluntary Defence^ and, being patronized 
 by the Tzar himself, it spread very rapidly, 
 absorbing most varied elements. Its avowed 
 object was to protect the Tzar's coronation, not 
 trusting in the capacity of the police to achieve 
 that end. With this object the Society ap- 
 proached the Revolutionists living abroad, offer- 
 ing them a price for a promise to allow the 
 Tzar to put on his head the crown of his fore- 
 fathers. It made overtures to the terrorists 
 who were kept in prison as hostages. 
 
 At the same time the Society entered into 
 a formal agreement with the Raskolriks — a 
 body of Ritualist Dissenters numbering many 
 millions and very well organized — to obtain 
 from them some thousands of trusted men who 
 would serve as a sort of escort to the Tzar 
 and represent the " people " during the corona- 
 tion. 
 
 The Government, undermined by revolu- 
 tionary and liberal agitation, was further dis- 
 credited by the machinations of these two rival 
 societies. The Tzar was a prisoner in his own 
 palace, being inaccessible to anybody, even 
 to his own ministers ; the wire-pullers, like 
 Pobedonoszev,and Katkov, either from cowardice 
 or diplomacy, kept in the background, putting 
 nonentities into the positions of power and 
 responsibility. 
 * It was at this moment that a bold plan
 
 40 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 for a palace revolution was, it is said, 
 formed by General Skobeleff, the hero ci 
 the Turkish war, and the idol of the Russian 
 army. I have the story throuc^h a man to 
 whom it was told by General Loris Melikov, 
 during his last illness in Nice. I have no reason 
 to disbelieve its truthfulness. General Skobeleff 
 was a daring and powerful man. During his 
 stay at Smolensk he had tried to approach 
 the Revolutionary party. Besides, he had the 
 courage openly to express his disapprobation of 
 the policy of the Government by refusing to 
 share with his colleagues the doubtful honour of 
 the dictatorship over Russian provinces, which 
 was instituted in 1879. ^^ would not join, in 
 1 88 1, the " Okhrana " or Voluntary Defence of 
 Prince Veronzov Dashkov. He was certainly 
 a man capable of conceiving a plan of a palace 
 revolution. However, as my information on the 
 subject is second-hand, I leave it to stand on 
 its own merits. The story is that Skobeleff pro- 
 posed to move to the palace at the head of one 
 of his regiments, upon whose absolute devotion 
 he could count, to arrest the Tzar Alexander 
 III., to establish a provisory Government, and 
 to proclaim a Constitution. He was ill- 
 advised enough to confide his intention to 
 Count Ignatiev, whose co-operation he con- 
 sidered necessary. The feather-headed Count 
 did not want much persuasion. He consented 
 enthusiastically, and the two allies went to see 
 Count Loris Melikov, to whom Skobeleff told 
 their joint project. Loris Melikov, on seeing 
 Skobeleff's companion, refused to have any- 
 thing to do with the intended revolution.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 4I 
 
 * It is doubtful whether he would have 
 accepted the proposal had Skobeleff been 
 alone, or with a more trustworthy companion. 
 Count Loris had nothing of the dash and fiery 
 ambition of the hero of Shipka. 
 
 'i When the Bulgarians were on the look-out for 
 a prince, he was approached on the subject of 
 standing as a candidate. But he declined, 
 although he had good chances of election. 
 When a friend asked him why he had shown 
 such inopportune modesty, and lost such a 
 unique chance, he replied that it was not 
 modesty, but prudence. '' You know the Gov- 
 ernment was not favourable to my candidature, 
 and might have deprived me of ray pension." 
 
 ^ A man who will resign a crown for fear of 
 losing a pension, has not the stuff of which Crom- 
 wells are made. Anyhow, he refused point 
 blank to be a party to the conspiracy, and the 
 same evening, Jgnatiev, to make the best of a 
 bad job, denounced both his would-be colleagues 
 in the provisory Government. A few days 
 later Count Ignatiev was at the head of the 
 ministry, and Loris Melikov was making him- 
 self ready for a trip abroad, which was a sort of 
 informal exile. The reactionary party had 
 played him out very skilfully. Whilst the 
 astute Count was wasting his time in trying to 
 influence the Tzar, by every possible means, 
 except the only one that would tell, the display 
 of the force of the Liberal party, the reac- 
 tionists prepared in secret a manifesto, which 
 pledged the Tzar to the autocratic policy. We 
 have a very interesting letter of Alexander IIL, 
 
 which throws some light upon the machinations
 
 42 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 of the reactionists, and also the simplicity of 
 their master. 
 
 On April 27 (May 9th) the Tzar was writing 
 to his brother : — 
 
 " I send you, dear Vladimir, the project of a 
 manifesto approved by me. I want it to appear 
 on the 29th of April (May nth). I have been 
 thinking of it a long while. The ministers are 
 for ever promising to take measures that would 
 render the manifesto unnecessary, but as I can 
 never get any decisive step out of them, and 
 the people's minds are still in a ferment, and 
 many expect something extraordinary, I 
 resolved to apply to K. P. Pobedonoszev, 
 and asked him to draw up a manifesto to state 
 clearly what direction I want to give to affairs, 
 and that I will never consent to the limitation 
 of autocratic power, which I think necessary and 
 useful for Russia. The manifesto seems to me 
 to be written very well. It was fully approved 
 by Count Stroganov, who also agrees with me 
 upon the timeliness of such a step. To-day I 
 have read the manifesto personally to A. V. 
 Adlerberg, who fully approved of it. Thus, 
 with God's help, forward ! " 
 
 We have rarely a chance of seeing the private 
 correspondence of a Tzar who is our contem- 
 porary, and few documents convey a better 
 idea of the darkness prevailing in our highest 
 spheres. 
 
 The Tzar has no suspicion of the intrigue 
 of which he was the object. He believes him- 
 self the initiator of the whole affair, and he is 
 so innocent of all political notions as to apply 
 to Pobedonoszev when he is dissatisfied with the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 43 
 
 procrastinations of Loris Melikov. And this is 
 done only a few days after he has inscribed, 
 with his own Imperial hand, on the margins of 
 Loris Melikov's project, the words, " It is very 
 well written." This means, if it means anything, 
 that Alexander III. repudiated at the end of 
 April what he had approved in the middle of the 
 same month, or that he did not understand at 
 all what the project meant, and might lead to. 
 He had inscribed the enigmatical '' It is very 
 well written," quite perfunctorily, simply to say 
 something, as though he would thoughtfully 
 remark that " the Count's handwriting is good." 
 In both cases we can well endorse the old 
 Oxenstiern saying that little wisdom rules the 
 world. 
 
 Being much smarter than their opponents, 
 the reactionaries took care not to let the cat 
 out of the bag, out of fear that their enemies 
 might oust them, as they had been ousted a short 
 time ago. The preparation, and even the 
 printing of the reactionary manifesto remained a 
 secret to the seven ministers supporting Loris 
 Melikov, and probably to many of the reac- 
 tionary ones. When it appeared in the Official 
 Gazette on April 29, it was like a thunderbolt 
 from a clear sky. 
 
 " It is a treason, a reactionary coup-d' etat" 
 exclaimed Loris Melikov. He and two of his 
 colleagues, Milutin and Abaza, tendered their 
 resignation. The Tzar was surprised. He had 
 not expected his manifesto to prove unpalatable 
 to the Count and his friends, which might lead 
 some disrespectful persons to the general con- 
 clusion that the Tzar was not very quick in
 
 44 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 grasping the meaning of official documents. 
 But the resignation of the Liberal ministers was 
 accepted, though not very gracefully. Alex- 
 ander III. could never forgive any of the three 
 statesmen for such an unprecedented demon- 
 stration. In fact a resignation of a minister, 
 not to speak of a resignation of three of them at 
 once, on the ground of principle, was something 
 unheard of in Russia. The Tzars are used to 
 consider all public offices as a service to them 
 personally. Loris Melikov and his colleagues 
 were the first to introduce the question of their 
 political views. 
 
 Thus the Liberal period of Alexander III.'s 
 reign came to a close, and the "peasantist," of 
 Slavophil period began.
 
 IV. 
 
 A TORY DEMOCRATIC PROGRAMME. 
 
 Count Ignatiev, the pet of the Slavonic com- 
 mittee, and of its president^ Ivan Aksakov, was 
 not a person agreeable to Pobedonoszev or 
 Katkov. But they did not stand in the way of 
 his nomination, biding their time. Some con- 
 cession had to be made to the leader of the 
 Slavophils, who had been so useful to them in 
 detaching Alexander III. from Loris Melikov. 
 Besides, too abrupt a turn of the rudder was 
 dangerous upon a rough sea. Count Ignatiev 
 was just the man to weary out the public agita- 
 tion, and gain time without the slightest chance 
 of ever doing anything serious, because nobody, 
 except Mr. Stead, could take him seriously. 
 
 The Count gained his spurs in the East, as 
 the Russian minister in Constantinople. It is 
 said that he had a special gift of making friends 
 with the Turks, then taking advantage of them, 
 and then making friends again. Orientals 
 do not mind deceit and treachery, if it is clothed 
 in amiable, winning form. 
 
 But his appearance as leading minister is one 
 of the strangest events of that strange time. 
 With his many and varied gifts the Count com- 
 bined a fancy so vivid and unruly as to entirely
 
 46 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 deprive him of the capacity of distinguishing 
 truth from fiction. No end of anecdotes are 
 circulating about him in Russia. 
 
 It is said that being invited once to step into 
 the carriage of Prince Beloselsky, who was 
 going the same way, he forgot that carriage and 
 team were not his own, and began to improvise 
 a wonderful story about the merits and gene- 
 alogy of the horses, which were presented to him, 
 he assured the prince, by the Sultan himself. 
 
 " But excuse me. Count," said Prince Belo- 
 selsky, " you forget that the horses are mine." 
 
 " Oh ! " exclaimed the Count, " I beg your 
 pardon. But it makes no difference ; they 
 might have been mine." 
 
 For him, what has been and what might have 
 been — reality and fancy — were the same. 
 
 He is a born actor, and he enters heart and 
 soul into the part he fancies on the spur of the 
 moment. The well-informed St. Petersburg 
 correspondent of F^^ee Speech tells us that when 
 he was minister he amused himself and his 
 clerks with the following farces : — 
 
 A petitioner would come from some distant 
 town to inquire about some business of his own. 
 The Count would receive him with the most 
 winning courtesy. 
 
 With a tremulous voice the petitioner would 
 ask about his affairs. 
 
 " Oh, things are going on capitally," the 
 Count would reply, encouragingly. " Be seated, 
 please." 
 
 " Mr. So-and-so," he would call one of the 
 clerks, "what is the position of this gentle- 
 man's case ? Is your report ready ? "
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 47 
 
 " Yes, your Excellency," the clerk would 
 reply without flinching, " it is ready, and will be 
 included in your next report to the Emperor." 
 
 The petitioner withdraws in exultation ; and 
 when the door is shut behind him they all burst 
 into a laughter. His case had not been even read. 
 
 This was not done out of malice, but from 
 the desire to please. Count Ignatiev wants to 
 please everybody, and he is remarkably versatile. 
 He can be jocular or serious ; he can assume 
 the most varied parts, giving everyone what he 
 supposes he would like best. With Ivan Aksa- 
 kov and the Slavonic committee he is an ardent 
 Slavophil. With the Tzar he was a hot 
 monarchist with democratic leanings. 
 
 An old refugee, who had made himself a good 
 social position in the south of France, told me 
 that once Count Ignatiev, in a confidential talk, 
 recommended with the greatest friendliness 
 some improvements in the organization of the 
 Nihilist party. 
 
 " An Executive Committee ! It is a mere 
 shadow ! " he said. " They ought to have at 
 their head one energetic man, well connected, 
 with a good position in society and well known 
 to the country, and with a Russian name." 
 
 The Tzar wanted to make his reign a golden 
 era for the peasants, and he had some pricks of 
 conscience for having very nearly put aside 
 what was the last will of his father — the convo- 
 cation of notables proposed by Loris Melikov, 
 
 The Russian public, like the sea after a 
 storm, was still agitated by the waves of recent 
 commotions. It wanted something to occupy 
 its mind and feed its hopes.
 
 48 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Count Ignatiev tried to satisfy both the Tzar 
 and the Russian public by starting what has 
 been called — very improperly — a national do- 
 mestic policy. 
 
 With much beating of drums and blowing of 
 trumpets, the Government, through its papers, 
 declared its resolution to carry out a series of 
 important reforms for which the democratic 
 party had been clamouring for ten years past. 
 The Liberals, the Radicals, and the Revolu- 
 tionists were urging, in fact the whole opposition 
 was urging, that the misery of the masses of the 
 peasantry was the supreme justification for the 
 demand for reform on the part of one section 
 and the rebellion on the part of the other. 
 And all agreed in admitting that its chief cause 
 lay in the exorbitant taxes on the one hand and 
 the insufficiency of land allotted to the peasants 
 on the other. 
 
 Now Count Ignatiev announced that the 
 Tzar would use all his power to bring about a 
 series of reforms in precisely that direction. 
 These were : reduction of redemption money, 
 which was the chief item in the payments of the 
 peasants ; obligatory settlement of the redemp- 
 tion, which many landlords had been putting 
 off for twenty years ; abolition of the capita- 
 tion tax ; facilities for peasants renting crown 
 lands ; facilities for migration from over-popu- 
 lated provinces to the outskirts^ where land was 
 plentiful ; foundation of a peasants' bank to 
 advance them money for facilitating the purchase 
 of land from the nobility ; finally, measures for 
 the suppression of drunkenness, which was the 
 source of ruin for so many peasant households.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 49 
 
 Nothing worth speaking of was actually done, 
 and the peasants were left by Alexander III. 
 much worse off than he found them. 
 
 Nicholas II. had to acknowledge that in his 
 manifesto, which begins by the statement that 
 the condition of the masses of the peasantry is 
 unsatisfactory. The story of the reign of 
 Alexander III. and of the great famine of 
 1891-92 is there to prove that it is so. But the 
 programme of reform was certainly a very 
 briUiant one. It was sufficient not only to make 
 the Tzar believe that his dream was being 
 realized, but to turn the heads of a number of 
 so-called Russian " peasantists," or short-sighted 
 democrats who consider political freedom some- 
 what aristocratic or bourgeois, and think that 
 economical reforms for the benefit of the 
 peasants, even started by an autocratic Govern- 
 ment, are much more valuable for the nation 
 than general freedom. The official press was 
 not wholly unsuccessful in advocating the theory 
 that the educated or upper classes could put off 
 their dreams of a constitution for a time and let 
 the Government do something for the peasants 
 first. 
 
 But the bulk of the Russian public could not 
 be taken in by such a transparent snare. After 
 twenty-five years' experience of the reign of 
 Alexander II., most people knew very well how 
 much autocratic reforms come to. Somethincf 
 had to be done to divert the general diffidence, 
 and here Count Ignatiev's genius for political 
 humbug showed itself in all its possibilities. He 
 pretended that the Government meant to carry 
 out the projected reforms, not in the usual 
 
 E
 
 50 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 bureaucratic way, but on an entirely new plan ; 
 i.e. with the co-operation of the press and of the 
 representatives of the nation. For a whole 
 year the internal politics of Russia were like a 
 scene out of a comic opera. 
 
 Afraid to confront any genuine representa- 
 tion of the people, the Government summoned 
 to St. Petersburg a number of notables, " well- 
 informed men," as they were called, or experts, 
 who were appointed ad hoc by the governors of 
 different provinces, who were to judge of their 
 fitness unaided. 
 
 The assemblies of these notables had no 
 right of initiative ; no right to step out of the 
 strict limits of the question which was sub- 
 mitted to them by the Government, and their 
 resolutions could be taken into consideration 
 by the Government or not, as it chose. This 
 was in strict conformity with the plan proposed 
 in Count Loris Melikov'sproject,but itwasapoor 
 substitute for the national representation which 
 the Opposition demanded, and the Russian 
 public made no mistake possible on this point. 
 
 Count Ignatiev's view upon the co-operation 
 of the press was, to say the least, a curious one. 
 He upheld the opinion that union is strength, 
 and mercilessly crushed all the papers which 
 refused to sing his praises. At no time was the 
 Liberal press persecuted so relentlessly. In 
 the years 1881 and 1882 thirteen periodical 
 publications (daily papers and magazines) were 
 suppressed, and twenty-eight periodicals suffered 
 administrative penalties of various kinds. Some 
 Liberal papers did not bring out one-half of 
 their number in the year.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 5 1 
 
 The official and semi-official press clamoured 
 only the louder, being left almost in exclusive 
 possession of the right of speech. It went into 
 ecstasies over the projected reforms, the comedy 
 of the commission of experts, and the silly mas- 
 querade of the reintroduction of ancient Russian 
 dress and customs. The Tzar let his beard 
 grow — a thing which had never been seen since 
 Peter the Great shaved himself — and compelled 
 his reluctant boyars to do the same. A uni- 
 form resembling the peasants' costume was 
 proposed for the army, and at Court balls the 
 ladies appeared in the dresses of the Muscovite 
 period. 
 
 All this was hailed byAksakov as a return to 
 the good old times, when Russia was proud of her 
 nationality, and did not ape the heretical West. 
 
 Of course, all men of any sense laughed at 
 these mummeries. 
 
 The Liberal Party showed in this trying time 
 greater energy than at any other period. The 
 Zemstvos besieged the Government with re- 
 monstrances. That of Novgorod passed a 
 resolution prohibiting their members from 
 taking part in the commission of experts, unless 
 they should be appointed to this office by the 
 Zemstvos. Twelve other Zemstvos made state- 
 ments to the same effect, expressing the hope 
 that the members of these commissions would 
 be elected by the Zemstvos, and not nominated 
 by the Government. The Zemstvos of Novgo- 
 rod, Tver, Kirilov, Tchernigov, and Kharkov 
 asked in plain terms for the participation of 
 representatives of the nation in legislation. 
 
 The Government silenced the voices of these 
 
 E 2
 
 52 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 true patriots. The governors of the provinces 
 received stringent orders not to allow the 
 Zemstvos to discuss any such questions. Some 
 of the members of the Zemstvos were visited 
 with administrative punishment. 
 
 Thus a whole year passed, and the popular 
 excitement subsided, tired out by its own inten- 
 sity. The Liberals did not succeed in spread- 
 ing it farther and deeper. They had not the 
 courage to override the order of the Minister, 
 and to compel the Government either to yield, 
 or to persecute them in the same relentless 
 fashion as it persecuted the Nihilists ; and the 
 Nihilists could not fill the double function of 
 conspirators, and leaders and organizers of 
 the public. 
 
 The want of union and mutual under- 
 standing between the two branches of our 
 opposition told grievously in this most decisive 
 moment of our political life. The forces which 
 in other revolutions, have worked together, 
 mutually assisting and completing each other, 
 with us have been divided. The reckless au- 
 dacity, the enthusiasm, which measures neither 
 danger nor sacrifice, was on one side ; whilst 
 it was utterly without the social influence 
 and representative character of the other 
 section. 
 
 Neither could succeed alone. The terrorist 
 method became impossible with the accession to 
 the throne of a new Tzar, who had not shown 
 his hand, and the extreme party showed much 
 political sense and self control in entirely 
 abstaining from them under very severe pro- 
 vocation. Attempts were made to organize a
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 53 
 
 military insurrection — we shall record them later 
 on ; here we will merely say that they did not 
 ripen into actual outbreak, and the revolu- 
 tionary agitation in the country subsided, so 
 that the Government considered its position as 
 safe once again. 
 
 Count Ignatiev had played out his part ; he 
 was no longer necessary. For one moment he 
 thought of regaining the ground he had lost by 
 raising the outcry against the Jews, which 
 would secure him the good-will of the Tzar and 
 Pobedonoszev, and rally around him the jingo- 
 istic elements of Russian society. But the time 
 was not yet ripe for that ; and Count Ignatiev, 
 by his greed and double-dealing in this matter, 
 only hastened his ruin. 
 
 It is rumoured that, at the last moment, seeing 
 the ground sinking under his feet, he surprised 
 everyone by an unexpected change of front, and 
 advised the Tzar to summon a Zemsky Sobor, 
 or national assembly. The proposal was rather 
 out of date. Yet, apprehending some unex- 
 pected move on the part of his master, Pobedo- 
 noszev went to see Count Dmitry Tolstoi, who 
 expressed himself in these remarkable words : 
 " VVhy disturb the usual course of affairs by the 
 convocation of a National Assembly, when the 
 opinion of the country can be obtained in a 
 much simpler way ,-* Write a circular letter to 
 the governors of all the provinces, asking them 
 to report upon the public feeling in their respec- 
 tive provinces. You can read their replies, and 
 you will know the opinion of the country." 
 
 This extraordinary view of representative 
 institutions appeared a stroke of genius to Pobe-
 
 54 
 
 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 donoszev, who reported it immediately to the 
 Tzar, who was profoundly impressed by the 
 wisdom of the advice. A few days after, Russia 
 learned through the Official Gazette that her 
 destinies had been entrusted to the most un- 
 popular and inapt of Russian statesmen.
 
 V. 
 
 THE UPSHOT OF AUTOCRATIC DEMOCRATISM — 
 COUNT DMITRY TOLSTOI. 
 
 Count Dmitry Tolstoi began his career as 
 
 Minister in the office to which Pobedonoszev 
 has since given so wide a renown ; the office 
 that is, of procurator of the Holy Synod, or 
 chief administrator of the Church, corresponding 
 to the French Ministre des Cultes. This does 
 not in the least imply that he had any turn 
 for theology, or that he was of a specially 
 devout character. Unlike his renowned suc- 
 cessor, Pobedonoszev, Count Dmitry Tolstoi's 
 bent of mind was decidedly secular. He, 
 never troubled himself about religion, ex- 
 cept from the police standpoint ; and his 
 knowledge of the Scriptures was so vague 
 that on one occasion, in full Synod, after 
 quoting, " No man is a prophet in his own 
 country," he added, " as a French proverb has 
 it." He had got it himself from a French 
 proverb, and did not suspect that there was any- 
 thing more behind it. For the Russian clergy, 
 whom he ruled, he had the contempt of a 
 Russian grand seigneur, accustomed to regard 
 them as an inferior caste, dependent on the
 
 $6 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 bounty of the manor house, and only one degree 
 superior to the menials. His ten years of office 
 as the head of the Church administration, to 
 whom the seamy side of the life of the clergy 
 was inevitably revealed, did not tend to increase 
 his respect for the representatives of the national 
 Church. His after-dinner pastime was to amuse 
 his guests by telling anecdotes of the gross mis- 
 conduct of bishops, who, being monks in the 
 orthodox church, are credited with all the sins 
 which popular suspicion attributes to monastic 
 orders. 
 
 But in one respect Count Dmitry Tolstoi 
 was utterly unlike the grand seigneurs of our 
 country, and, in fact, the whole of our upper 
 classes. That was in his attitude to the 
 peasants, and in general to those plain sons of 
 Adam, who have all undoubtedly long pedigrees, 
 but do not remember them.. The broad and 
 generous democratic spirit of which Count Leo 
 Tolstoi, the distant relative of the P^inister, is 
 such a splendid exponent, may be considered 
 a common characteristic of our upper classes, 
 without distinction of parties. Sometimes a deep 
 and powerful stimulant of action, sometimes 
 not going beyond a superficial benevolence, this 
 feeling is always sincere and spontaneous, 
 being the organic outcome of the whole of our 
 history, as well as of our social condition. But 
 there are exceptions to every rule, and Count 
 Dmitry Tolstoi, through all his long career, has 
 shown such a steady aversion and contempt for 
 the masses of our people, that he, the descend- 
 ant of a house of noblemen of three hundred 
 years' standing, might be taken for one of those
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 57 
 
 foreign adventurers, who never fail to attribute 
 their success to their own merit alone, and pay 
 their debt of gratitude in haughty contempt for 
 the nation to whom they owe their elevation. 
 Yet the "liberal" Alexander II., and his 
 " peasantist " successor kept this man in office 
 between them for twenty-one years — from 1866 
 till his death in 1889, during which period he 
 was in disfavour only for twenty-four months. 
 Alexander II, was not, however, entirely in 
 sympathy with him. He made use of him as a 
 bloodhound to track out and root up the seeds 
 of sedition in the high schools, which, in 1866, 
 culminated in Karakosov's attempt. 
 
 The appointment of Count Dmitry Tolstoi to 
 the post of Minister of public education was a 
 punishment inflicted upon Russia for the par- 
 ticipation of a certain number of students of the 
 Universities of St. Petersburg and Moscow in the 
 conspiracy which resulted in that unsuccessful 
 pistol-shot of April 4, 1866, 
 
 If the whole of the ink-stained youth of 
 Russia had been privy to the offence, their 
 punishment could hardly have been more 
 severe. It lasted fully twenty years, and 
 might fairly be described as spiritual penal 
 servitude. 
 
 Count Tolstoi went to the root of the evil. The 
 turbulent Universities received their contingent 
 from the colleges — gymnasiums. He resolved to 
 apply the screw to the tender brains of boys just 
 out of the nursery. With the assistance of the 
 pedagoguesof the J/c^fcJef Gazette, Count Tolstoi 
 elaborated a programme which was a master- 
 piece of stultifying sterility and difficulty. The
 
 58 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 boys' brains were stretched on it as on a rack, and 
 very few could stand the strain without breaking 
 down. Statistics have shown that out of about 
 sixty thousand pupils entering the gymasiums 
 during the seven years' course, only six-and- 
 a-half thousand, or one-ninth, completed their 
 studies, obtaining a diploma, which opened to 
 them the doors of the universities. The 
 remainder broke down in the race, and were 
 turned adrift without any chance of utilizing 
 the years they had wasted in insipid drudgery. 
 And no scope for private initiative in education, 
 no high school except those of tJie Government 
 existed. No possibility for parents to screen 
 their children from the effects of a system, 
 which was a veritable massacre of the innocents. 
 Russia was like Rachel crying over her chil- 
 dren. But the Tzar remained deaf to the voice 
 of expostulations : Count Tolstoi had promised 
 him to purge the schools from the revolutionary 
 infection, if he were allowed to have his way. 
 
 The outbreak of rebellion in its fiercest form 
 at the end of the seventies, after Tolstois 
 system had fourteen years of trial, showed that 
 he and his remedy were a fraud. Count Loris' 
 Melikov succeeded in obtaining from Alexander 
 II. the dismissal of the noted "minister of 
 public benightedness," as he was appropriately 
 called, and there was universal jubilation all 
 over the country, as at a deliverance from a 
 foreign invasion. Parents ordered thanksgiving 
 services to be sung in churches. The press was 
 full of such eulogies of the Tzar, and such frank 
 and outspoken abuse of the retiring minister, 
 that the censorship department took alarm. The
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 59 
 
 exultation of the present was a grievous asper- 
 sion upon the past. But pubhc feeUng was 
 too strong to brook restraint. The Govern- 
 ment could not for one moment doubt that 
 none of its representatives was so cordially 
 and universally hated as Count Dmitry Tolstoi. 
 He seemed dead and buried. 
 
 In Russia, a minister who has been dismissed 
 is hardly ever called back ; this would mean an 
 implicit recognition of the previous error, and an 
 autocratic ruler will think twice before forfeiting 
 his claims to infallibility. 
 
 But Alexander III. disregarded this tacit rule, 
 which his autocratic fanaticism should, one 
 would have thought, have m.ade more stringent 
 for him than for any other Tzar. Two years 
 after his dismissal, Count Dmitry Tolstoi was 
 summoned to a still higher post than he had 
 filled before : that of the Minister of the 
 Interior. 
 
 How, of all men, could Tolstoi deserve to 
 be made an exception .-' Why should the 
 " peasantist," Alexander III., of all Tzars, 
 make an exception of such a man ? 
 
 On being summoned to the Gatchino palace he 
 said to the Tzar, Alexander III., " I am at your 
 Majesty's service, but I am not aware if my 
 views have the honour of meeting with your 
 Majesty's approval. I do not/' he explained, 
 " understand the peasantry of Russia at all. To 
 my mind the strength of Russia lies in the cul- 
 tured classes," by which he meant the nobles. 
 
 Now, as the Tzar professed to understand the 
 peasants only, and certainly did not understand 
 the cultured classes, one would have thought
 
 6q king stork and king log : 
 
 that the two men should have parted company at 
 once. They could not help making " a mess of 
 it/' in ruling the country on two opposite 
 plans. 
 
 They did, in fact, make a mess of it, but they 
 never parted company until death severed their 
 connection, because there was one essential 
 point which they both understood excellently : 
 autocracy. 
 
 Alexander III. understood it as a fiction 
 in the style of the Slavophils. Count Dmitry 
 Tolstoi understood and accepted autocracy, 
 such as it is, has always been, and will remain 
 as long as it exists, i.e. as a bureaucratic 
 despotism, which he wished to strengthen by 
 making it aristocratic. 
 
 Pobedonoszev was right in telling the Tzar 
 that with such a minister autocracy was safe 
 from any underhand attacks, and, for Alex- 
 ander III., this was the essential point. Thus 
 they got on together, the Tzar sacrificing his 
 democratic aspirations for the sake of the 
 maintenance of his power, the Count humouring 
 his master by throwing to the humble peasants 
 some crumbs from the table of their betters. 
 
 Alexander III. had a few ideas which he held 
 firmly. The strongest was that of the necessity 
 and usefulness of his power to Russia. How 
 far his policy was a compromise with the 
 exigencies of life, and how far a treason to the 
 masses of the Russian people whom he professed 
 to love, the balance of the good and of the evil 
 which he has actually done to them, will show. 
 
 From the time that Count Dmitry Tolstoi 
 came into power, the domestic policy of Alex-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 6l 
 
 ander III. was irrevocably fixed, so that the 
 history of his reign becomes identical with that 
 of Count Dmitry Tolstoi's administration. The 
 continuity was not interrupted by the bodily 
 disappearance of the powerful minister. 
 
 Before starting on his vast experiment, Count 
 Dmitry Tolstoi gave himself a little recreation 
 in hunting down the press. The farewell con- 
 cert of execration it gave him in 1880, was, as 
 we have said, something unique in its kind, and 
 not easily to be forgotten by a man of forgiving 
 temper. And Count Dmitry Tolstoi was 
 viciously vindictive, in which again he is 
 marked off as a deviation from the Russian type. 
 
 As the Tzar did not understand the press, 
 and his confidential advisers understood it too 
 well, there was no one to stand between the 
 irritated Count and his prey. In no time the 
 Liberal press was annihilated. The largest 
 papers, such as the Golos and Poriadok dis- 
 appeared, and the famous magazine the 
 " Annals of the Country," was suppressed. The 
 minor periodicals followed suit. 
 
 The ground being cleared, the indefatigable 
 champion of reaction set himself to work in 
 earnest. He began methodically and deliber- 
 ately, as one who feels his hands free, and knows 
 that he can bide his time. The task he had 
 planned for himself required time and delibera- 
 tion, for it was nothing less than upsetting the 
 very foundations of our democratic country, 
 transforming it into an aristocratic one. The 
 plan was certainly more destructive and "vision- 
 ary " than the boldest schemes of the Nihilists. 
 In fact, the Nihilists wanted to change the
 
 62 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Government, so as to adapt it to the require- 
 ments of the democratic country ; whilst Count 
 Dmitry Tolstoi wanted to upset the democratic 
 structure of the country in order to suit it to the 
 needs of the Government. 
 
 What made the efforts of Count Dmitry 
 Tolstoi quite hopeless, and even a little 
 ludicrous, is the fact that the nobility, on 
 whose behalf he was exerting himself, by no 
 means shared the ambitious dreams he cherished 
 for it. The bulk of the nobility does not care to 
 play any political part : they are too indolent, 
 too fond of the lighter pleasures of life to 
 nourish class ambitions. It is rare for them 
 to have the energy and public spirit to take any 
 share or active interest in public life at all. 
 And the public-spirited minority is antagonistic 
 to these schemes of class dominion, which 
 wound its democratic sentiments, and are 
 opposed to its historical traditions. 
 
 There is no creating aristocratic tendencies 
 where there is no room for aristocracy. The 
 Russian nobility has been a class of privileged 
 servants of the State : trained warriors to whom, 
 instead of salary, the State gave certain portions 
 of land, transferring, at the same time, certain 
 rights over the peasants who were occupying it 
 at the time. Originally the peasants, as free 
 men, had the right of moving from one place to 
 another, changing their landlords as freely as a 
 modern English farmer. As time went on, the 
 State expanding, and the difficulties of national 
 defence increasing, the right of peasants to 
 leave the land of the nobles was gradually re- 
 stricted, until it was abolished altogether.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 63 
 
 Serfdom was nothing but the gradual restric- 
 tion of this right of free movement, and the 
 fixing of tenure of State lands, first upon the 
 nobles individually, then upon their descendants 
 as well. This double reform was introduced 
 gradually in the course of a century and a half, 
 entirely in the interests of national defence. 
 The nobles had to serve the country in the army 
 or civil service from early youth till the age of 
 sixty-five. As a compensation, the State im- 
 posed upon the peasants the obligation of giving 
 them their unpaid labour. With the liberation 
 of the nobility from obligatory service to the 
 State by Peter III., serfdom lost its raisoncTetre 
 and became a monstrous injustice. It was 
 maintained, however, by Catherine II. and her 
 successors, as a means for securing the adhesion 
 of the nobility, which thus became a privileged 
 class in the worst sense of the word. But the 
 privilege treacherously bestowed by the Tzar 
 proved to be a poisonous gift to the nobility. 
 
 From a hard-working, energetic, and useful 
 class in the community, the nobility was trans- 
 formed into a body of idle drones, enervated 
 and demoralized by the absolute power put into 
 their hands, and the easy, slovenly life they were 
 enabled to live ; and certainly the nobility have 
 not gained in political influence what they have 
 lost in personal qualities. There is no love lost 
 between masters and slaves, and the Russian 
 nobility never had any trace of the most 
 essential attribute of aristocracy — moral in- 
 fluence over the masses of the people. The 
 peasants obeyed their masters out of deference 
 to the supreme power upholding them. But
 
 64 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 there was no human tie between them. The 
 resident nobles were perfect strangers to their 
 peasants, by whom they were generally hated, 
 in some exceptional cases loved, but never re- 
 spected. Up to the present the word, " barin," 
 or "a noble," means, in the peasant language, 
 a fellow who is unfit for any serious work or 
 business of life, whatever else he may be. 
 
 After the emancipation — for which the best 
 part of the nobility had been agitating for two 
 generations — the democratic principles forming 
 the basis of our social life were allowed free 
 scope, and the nobility, as a class, never showed 
 any attempt to put obstacles in their way. 
 The most numerous and poorer section of the 
 class, the lower or smaller nobility — which the 
 Government had purposely excluded from par- 
 ticipation in local self-government — being the 
 best educated class of the community, is the most 
 democratic. But even the richer section of the 
 nobility, which alone is admitted to representa- 
 tion in the Zemstvos, is remarkably free from the 
 domineering spirit characterizing nobilities of 
 feudal origin. The nobility protested repeatedly 
 against the attempt to constitute it into a 
 dominant class. Whilst, in his coronation 
 speech to the peasants, Alexander III. made 
 himself the mouthpiece of Count Dmitry 
 Tolstoi's aberrations — advising the peasants to 
 obey the local Marshals of Nobility — we find 
 in the addresses of the authoritative spokesmen 
 of the nobility an emphatic repudiation of all 
 desire to rule over the other classes of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 The feelings which the nobility expressed
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 65 
 
 on these exceptional occasions were confirmed 
 in practice during thirty years of provincial 
 self-government. Although numerically in the 
 ascendant, out of the thirty-eight provincial and 
 about two hundred district Zemstvos, one can 
 point to only a few cases where these assemblies 
 tried to further any class interests. When, in 
 1 87 1, the question was put to them as to the 
 reform of taxation^ they were unanimous in 
 advising a graduated income-tax. But the 
 paternal Government would never adopt theii 
 advice in that matter, well aware that only the 
 peasants would pay, asking no question ; but 
 the middle and upper classes, after paying their 
 money, would ask to have a voice in thei/ ex- 
 penditure. 
 
 The abolition of the tax upon salt, which 
 bears so heavily upon the peasants, and hardly 
 affects the upper classes, was due mainly to the 
 efforts of the Zemstvos. And when, in 1 893, the 
 Government, being short of cash, wanted to re- 
 introduce it, the Zemstvos and the upper classes 
 in general prevented this backsliding in the 
 interests of the masses. 
 
 With a class imbued with such plebeian 
 sympathies Count Tolstoi's aristocratic dreams 
 could not find favour. So much so, that when 
 Count Dmitry Tolstoi, being, in 1881, out of 
 office, offered himself as a candidate for the 
 Zemstvo of his province (Riazan), the nobility 
 blackballed the ardent champion of their rights. 
 
 Of course such opposition on the part of the 
 best elements, we may safely say, of the bulk of 
 the nobility, would have disheartened any man 
 of ordinary common sense. If forcing people 
 
 F
 
 66 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 into something repugnant is difficult, forcing 
 them into accepting a favour is simply absurd. 
 But Count Dmitry Tolstoi was a man with a 
 system, and he would not allow any such trifling 
 consideration to stand in his way. If he could 
 not reckon upon the support of the best part of 
 the nobility, he was prepared to make use of 
 the worst, provided the system should triumph.' 
 As a man with a system he proceeded system- 
 atically. 
 
 The Russian nobility was ruined by the 
 emancipation, owing to its utter inability to 
 adapt itself to the new conditions of life. Before 
 elevating this class to the high functions which 
 Count Tolstoi conceived for it, he resolved to re- 
 establish its former economical predominance. 
 The idea was a very good, even a brilliant one, 
 and quite in keeping with modern scientific 
 theories. 
 
 Our age has been so deeply impressed by 
 the economic philosophy of which Karl Marx is 
 the founder, that even men who hold his name 
 in abhorrence, and certainly have never read any 
 of his works, will sometimes show an amusing 
 deference to his views. Count Tolstoi was one 
 of their number. He was advanced enough 
 in modern social science to understand that 
 unless he succeeded in improving the economic 
 position of the nobility, all attempts to make it 
 the leading class in politics would fail hopelessly. 
 Had he advanced a little further in economics, 
 he would have discovered that he was flogging 
 a dead horse. Classes change their function on 
 the historic stage so organically, that to bring 
 to life one that has succumbed in the struggle
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 6/ 
 
 for existence, is as impossible as to repopulate 
 the earth with antediluvian animals. But Count 
 Dmitry Tolstoi was a statesman of the old 
 stock, who believed that the State can do any- 
 thing. 
 
 The nobility was losing ground, and rapidly 
 dwindling away as a territorial power, owing to 
 its impecuniosity. He therefore jumped to the 
 conclusion that the State had only to lend them 
 money ungrudgingly, and the process would be 
 stopped, and the nobility would flourish once 
 again. 
 
 The foundation of a special bank for this 
 object in 1886, opened what has been called in 
 Russia the era of the nobility. 
 
 F 2
 
 VI. 
 
 A MAN WITH A SYSTEM. 
 
 This is the fitting place to mention that about 
 two years before that time a peasants' bank had 
 been opened. The object of the Peasants' Land 
 Bank was to assist the peasants in acquiring on 
 easy terms some land, of which they were in 
 such great need. It was the outcome of the 
 honeymoon of the Tzar's peasantism, its plan 
 having been elaborated and accepted under the 
 ministry of Count Ignatiev, who " understood 
 the peasants." But its operation began under 
 Count Tolstoi, who could not decently suppress 
 it, and probably did not care to, for it was 
 evident that this democratic mushroom would 
 not stand in the way of its aristocratic rival. It 
 is interesting to make a parallel study of both 
 these financial concerns. 
 
 The Peasants' Land Bank was started on a 
 very modest scale. The State Exchequer, 
 which was so prodigal to its rival, the Nobility 
 Land Bank, would not come to its assistance, 
 unless we count as such the eventual credit of 
 half-a-million roubles (about 50,000/.) Its re- 
 sources depend upon the 5^ per cent, bonds 
 issued by the Bank, with the State guarantee to 
 the extent of five million roubles a vear.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 6g 
 
 With such limited resources the Peasants' 
 Land Bank could satisfy only a very small 
 fraction of the very keen demand on the part of 
 the landless peasantry. 
 
 Still, it did a good work, especially in the be- 
 ginning, in assisting some of the peasants in 
 purchasing the disposable land of other classes. 
 
 On the whole, the Peasants' Land Bank may 
 be called the most successful of the measures 
 representing the democratic tendencies of the 
 Tzar Alexander IIL, though its success, as we 
 shall presently see, was a very modest one. 
 
 In 1884, which was the first year of the 
 regular activity of the Peasants' Land Bank, it 
 had advanced nine and a half million roubles 
 to peasants of various denominations, helping 
 them in acquiring 210,000 deseatines. The 
 full value of this land was a little over eleven 
 millions. Thus the peasants had advanced one 
 and a half millions of their own. 
 
 The operations of the next year were still 
 more successful ; the purchased area of land in- 
 creased to 318,000 deseatineS; its total value to 
 sixteen and a half million roubles, out of which 
 the Peasants' Land Bank advanced fourteen 
 millions. 
 
 But the third year of the activity of the Bank 
 shows a slight falling off from this absolute 
 maximum : the area to 295,000 deseatines ; 
 the value to thirteen and a half millions, and 
 the advance to eleven millions ; and the farther 
 we go the worse it grows. 
 
 The area of land which the Bank helped the 
 peasants to purchase is decreasing gradually 
 and regularly with every year that passes. The
 
 70 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 falling off in the total value of the purchased 
 land is also regularly decreasing, but more 
 rapidly than its total area, whilst the advance 
 of the Bank diminishes in a still more rapid 
 proportion than the general operations. The 
 Bank has become stingier in proportion as it 
 restricts its activity. 
 
 In 1886, which followed the year of the 
 greatest prosperity of the Peasants' Land Bank, 
 the area of purchased land is 22,000 descatines 
 below the earlier figures, namely 295,0005 then 
 it sinks to 219,000, 190,000, 156,000, 172,000, 
 161,000, which is about one-half of the year 
 1885. The value of the purchase gradually 
 sinks from sixteen-and-a half millions to five 
 and five and a half millions, or to one-third of 
 the earlier sum ; whilst the Bank, which in the 
 beginning advanced fourteen million roubles, 
 stops now at three and a half millions, or less 
 than one-fourth of the earlier sum. 
 
 It is evident that the Peasants' Land Bank is 
 not doing well, and that there is some organic 
 defect in the mechanism. It is easy to find out 
 what it is. The Bank has forgotten its original de- 
 mocratic aim. The political inspiration to which 
 it owes its origin did not outlive three years ; the 
 Bank became rusty. During the first years it 
 advanced money chiefly to the peasants who had 
 very little land of their own — under one and a 
 half deseat. per soul (taxable unit). Very often 
 it advanced the full sum of the purchase-money 
 to people who had no other guarantee to offer 
 but their willingness to work. 
 
 The administration of the Bank in its 
 earliest official reports, says, that such invest-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 71 
 
 ments were among the safest, because in such 
 cases the peasants had not to borrow from 
 usurers, and at very high interest (thirty-five per 
 cent, is the average, sometimes a hundred per 
 cent, and more), the supplementary money, and 
 thus were better able to fulfil their obligations 
 toward the Bank, their sole creditor. 
 
 But there are peasants and peasants, and there 
 is land and land. Such transactions required a 
 certain amount of attention and carefulness to 
 be uniformly successful, and the Peasants' Land 
 Bank, entrusted as it was to the care of a lazy 
 and apathetic bureaucracy, preferred very soon 
 to drift into the usual routine of money-lenders, 
 which secures the safety of an investment with- 
 out the slightest trouble. It is not improbable 
 that the ill-will of the leading ministers had its 
 share of influence in hastening this natural 
 result. Anyhow, in 1887 the Peasants' Land 
 Bank was not the same as in 1884-5. 
 
 The regulations permitted the Bank to ask 
 from the peasants, by way of security, that they 
 should pay a fraction (up to 25 per cent.) of the 
 purchase-money. 
 
 During the first three years of its activity 
 these supplementary payments were about 
 12 percent, on the average, as the Bank did not 
 use its privilege beyond the limits strictly 
 necessary. But then the supplementary sums 
 reach 16 per cent., then 18 per cent., 21 per 
 cent., and, in 1888, 25 per cent, at which figure 
 they keep. But this not seeming sufficient, the 
 Bank having been allowed by the regulation 
 to put certain conditions to its mediation, the 
 administration introduced, as a general practice,
 
 72 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 that the Bank should make its assistance con- 
 ditional on a lowering of the price of the pur- 
 chaseable land. 
 
 This meant, of course, merely a supplemen- 
 tary payment by peasants to be got from the 
 same source as the former, i.e. from usurers. 
 The seller would not abate the price agreed 
 upon simply to meet the wishes of the Bank. 
 
 Thus the Peasants' Land Bank was virtually 
 adv^ancing only about one-half of the purchase- 
 money, at the comparatively moderate interest of 
 5^ per cent, (with different out-goings 6^ per 
 cent.), leaving the peasants to find as best they 
 could the other half. The Peasants' Land Bank 
 became an ordinary loan office, which could only 
 contribute to the economical disintegration of 
 the village communities. 
 
 N. Kvalson, who since the death of Professor 
 Yanson is the best authority on the economics 
 of our rural classes, thus sums up his detailed 
 study of the Peasants' Bank: — 
 
 "Judging from all the materials supplied by 
 the official reports of the Bank, and from other 
 sources, we can confidently affirm that the 
 Peasants' Land Bank, in lowering the purchase 
 prices, and in raising the supplementary pay- 
 ments, in the best cases supports those who 
 might very well have managed by themselves, 
 but usually works into the hands of rural 
 usurers." 
 
 The Peasants' Land Bank, even at its best, 
 was a small affair, though much big talk has 
 been made out of it. With the seventy millions 
 of rural population, increasing at the rate of 
 I per cent, a year, no less than two millions of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 73 
 
 deseati'nes ought to be added every year to the 
 peasants' property out of unreclaimed land, 
 merely to meet the demand of these new-comers. 
 And there are, at least, twenty-five times as 
 many more among the men of the generation 
 which witnessed the emancipation who have 
 been turned into landless proletarians. 
 
 Only an agrarian revolution — peaceful if pos- 
 sible, violent if not — will satisfy the just claims 
 of the Russian peasants. As to the Peasants' 
 Land Bank, in the ten years of its existence it 
 assisted in the purchase of only i| millions of 
 deseatines, out of which not more than three- 
 quarters of a million went into the hands of those 
 who were destitute of land. 
 
 But if all the land had been turned to the 
 same good use, it would not, in all the years of 
 its activity, have filled the want which the mere 
 increase of population creates in one year. 
 
 The Peasants' Land Bank does not deserve 
 much notice on its own account, but its history 
 is interesting as illustrating in a minute sphere the 
 generic peculiarity of bureaucracy, which proved 
 so fatal in all the greater reforms of Alexander 
 IL, and in all the measures which benevolent 
 despotism has started in Russia within the last 
 forty years. 
 
 If we pass to the story of the Nobility Land 
 Bank, we shall find it quite as suggestive, though 
 in an entirely different line. Its object, as its 
 name indicates, was similar to that of the 
 Peasants' Land Bank. But what a difference 
 in the methods ! No trace of suspiciousness or 
 stinginess ; not even common prudence in sub- 
 sidizing a class which gives no guarantee what-
 
 74 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 soever of its solvency. The owners are allowed 
 to give their own estimates of their estates, 
 which the administration almost invariably 
 accepted, making but a slight reduction. All 
 facilities having been offered for the borrowers, 
 there was a rush of impecunious noblemen for 
 loans from the new bank. 
 
 In the first year of its activity, 1 886; the Bank 
 gave away sixty-eight and a half millions of 
 roubles, or seven millions more than the 
 Peasants' Land Bank disbursed during the ten 
 years of its existence. But next year, when the 
 time for paying the interest came, almost the 
 whole body of the borrowers proved defaulters. 
 
 The fact is unique, and it is difficult to find 
 a more conclusive and damning proof of the 
 utter hopelessness of the aristocratic dreams of 
 Count Tolstoi and Co. But this egregious check 
 produced no impression upon them. The next 
 year a still larger sum — seventy-one millions 
 of roubles — was swallowed up in the same 
 insatiable abyss, which again returned nothing, 
 and gaped for more. In 1888, after three years' 
 operation, the total amount of arrears was 
 ten and a half millions of roubles, out of twelve 
 millions of roubles which had to be paid. 
 
 After an experience of this kind, the wisest 
 thing to do would have been to close the 
 Nobility Bank altogether, and to sell up the 
 defaulting debtors. But a much milder course 
 was adopted. The Bank waited for three years 
 without receiving a penny from most of its 
 crediiors, and then the Government, by an ukase 
 of October 12th, 1889, virtually cancelled ten 
 and a half millions of arrears of interest, which
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 75 
 
 were added to the original debt, partly with a. 
 nominal interest, partly without any interest at 
 all. 
 
 The nobility remained in possession of its 
 land, which ought in justice to have become the 
 property of the State, and the Nobility Land 
 Bank remained to subsidize them. Up to 
 January, 1892, the Bank advanced to the 
 nobility the total sum of three hundred and 
 forty millions, at the rate of about fifty millions 
 of roubles a year. To show the grandmotherly 
 nature of this institution, suffice it to mention 
 that out of these fifty millions yearly subsidy 
 full sixty or seventy per cent, is retained for the 
 payment of ancient debts. Yet the Bank goes 
 on subsidizing such insolvent clients over and 
 over again. 
 
 The Russian nobility has shown its full worth, 
 or rather, its full worthlessness as a political 
 factor, by the use it has made of the assistance 
 received. A class of luxurious paupers, kept at 
 the expense of the tax-payers, cannot have 
 political influence. Instead of raising the pres- 
 tige of the nobility, Count Tolstoi only suc- 
 ceeded in lowering the prestige of the Tzar 
 with the masses of peasants by showing his 
 partiality for their former masters. 
 
 But whether from fanaticism or hypocrisy, 
 Count Tolstoi remained absolutely impervious 
 to the most palpable evidence of the absurdity 
 of his political plans. He pretended that the 
 INobility Land Bank had improved the eco- 
 nomic position of the nobility quite sufficiently 
 to proceed to the restoration of its political in- 
 fluence. His project of the abolition of the
 
 76 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 peasants' communal autonomy, and of their 
 subjection to the authority of a special adminis- 
 tration, composed of members of local nobility^ 
 this project of his, which he considered the 
 crowning work of his life, was actively elabo- 
 rated in the Ministry. 
 
 Meanwhile, another law, inspired by the 
 same narrow-class prejudice, but easier in execu- 
 tion, was promulgated in 1887. Its purport 
 was to exclude from the privilege of secondary 
 and higher education all except the nobles, and 
 the richer section of the middle-class. By a 
 decree of the minister, the directors of gymna- 
 siums (colleges), were enjoined to refuse the 
 children of shopkeepers, artisans, and trades- 
 men admittance to the schools, even though 
 their parents might be quite willing and able to 
 pay their fees. It was an act of monstrous 
 injustice and tyranny. By a stroke of his silly 
 pen the minister deprived thousands of young 
 Russians of their inalienable right to self- 
 improvement and knowledge, and made dis- 
 tinctions which are unknown to the code 
 of laws. But the stupidity of this decree is 
 as surprising as its coarse arbitrariness. 
 
 The suppression of education altogether 
 might be of great use to the autocracy — 
 ignorance being the best safeguard of loyalty. 
 The system has been tried on the lower classes, 
 but it was impossible to extend it higher with- 
 out giving up Russia's claims to be a first-rate 
 European power. The State could not stand, 
 and be administered and defended against 
 external enemies, without a vast body of edu- 
 cated people to act as its ofhcials. And once
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 'JJ 
 
 admitting education at all, it was perfectly use- 
 less to restrict it to one class rather than to 
 another. Parents cannot be a guarantee for 
 their children, and the educated youth belonging 
 by birth to the nobility, acquire higher interests, 
 which they will not sell for a governmental 
 subsidy. They cast in their lot with the peo- 
 ple, swelling the ranks of the revolutionists, the 
 majority of whom belong to this class, simply 
 because, up to the present, it is the best edu- 
 cated in the community. If this advantage 
 were increased artificially at the expense of 
 other classes, this percentage would increase, 
 and the Government would have gained 
 nothing. 
 
 This educational restriction, unprecedented 
 even in Russia, greatly exasperated the middle 
 class, which had already become a power in the 
 country, and to no purpose irritated the whole 
 of the Russian public. The pressure of public 
 opinion compelled the Government to put the 
 absurd decree into abeyance. Still, Count 
 Tolstoi probably congratulated himself on 
 having put another stone to the foundation of 
 his favourite scheme by investing the nobility 
 with the double power of wealth — through the 
 Nobility Land Bank, and knowledge — through 
 the decree of 1887. 
 
 The times were ripe for striking the great 
 blow and turning the tide of the democratic age, 
 to convert Russia into an aristocratic country. 
 The project of the new law was finished and re- 
 vised by Count D. Tolstoi, but here his career 
 ended. He died, accompanied to his grave, as 
 the wicked magnate in Nekrasov's poem, " by
 
 ^S KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the secret curses of the country, and loud 
 praises," in which the Tzar's voice rang the 
 loudest. 
 
 It is rumoured that on his death-bed he ob- 
 tained from the Tzar a solemn promise that his 
 favourite " reform " should not be forgotten. 
 In fact, it was carried out, notwithstanding the 
 universal outcry of disapprobation, and the 
 almost unanimous vote against it of the State 
 Council, including several members of the Im- 
 perial family. 
 
 Count Dmitry Tolstoi struck the note of 
 autocratic reaction so well, and his anti-popular 
 policy so completely suited the tastes of the 
 Tzar mujik, that his death made no change 
 whatever, and we may say that his ghost con- 
 tinued to sit at the head of the Ministry of 
 the Interior. 
 
 The new law was introduced first by way of 
 experiment in six provinces. It was an attack 
 upon the personal liberty of millions of peasants, 
 and the Government wanted to see first how 
 they would stand it. They did stand it, though 
 not quite patiently, and the Government made 
 bold to extend it gradually to the whole of 
 European Russia. 
 
 The ukases of August 3rd, 1889, and of 
 January 6th, 1890, create ''in the interests ot 
 the peasants," special officials called District 
 Commanders, who will be the " guardians" of 
 the peasants' autonomy — guardians of a strange 
 sort, as we shall presently see. 
 
 The District Commanders are nominated by 
 the minister out of a number of candidates pre- 
 ented by the provincial administration. They
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 79 
 
 must be hereditary nobles. All other qualifica- 
 tions for this important post, education, and 
 even property, may be dispensed with. But 
 hereditary nobles they must be, if possible, local 
 ones, and here lies the political meaning of this 
 reform. 
 
 The District Commander has no power over 
 the nobles or the middle-class people settled in 
 his district. He is the chief of the peasants, 
 uniting in his person the functions of both ad- 
 ministrator and judge. He receives beforehand 
 from the village elders a list of resolutions to be 
 proposed at the meetings of the forthcoming 
 season. He may add new proposals, if he 
 thinks fit, and strike out those which seem to 
 him objectionable. No subject can be legally 
 brought before a village Mir (communal meet- 
 ing) without his consent, and he has the right 
 of vetoing any of the MIT's resolutions. The 
 law gives him no right of substituting his own 
 resolutions for those of the Mir, but he can 
 impose them by vetoing all the others. 
 
 The District Commander's means of directly 
 influencing the village Mirs are very great. He 
 can fine and imprison any of the peasants of 
 his districts (the elected officials included), by his 
 own authority, " without formal proceedings," 
 and suspend both elders and clerks from their 
 functions. 
 
 Moreover, he is the rural magistrate, judging 
 all civil and criminal matters, excepting those 
 which belong to the jurisdiction of the principal 
 tribunals. Finally, he is the " guardian," which 
 means absolute master of the peasants' tribunal. 
 
 The last attribute is particularly important,
 
 8o KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 because the peasants' tribunals hold in Russia 
 an altogether exceptional position. They are 
 not bound by any written law, but judge ac- 
 cording to the traditional law, which gives them 
 an almost unlimited power over the peasants, who 
 alone are subjected to their jurisdiction. Bon- 
 dage, compulsory work without remuneration, 
 disappeared from the Russian code with the abo- 
 lition of serfdom. But the peasants' tribunals 
 have the right of inflicting compulsory labour. 
 Corporal punishment is also cancelled from 
 the common code ; but the peasants' tribunal 
 can inflict it upon any member of its com- 
 munity. 
 
 Now the power of the District Commanders 
 over the peasants' tribunals is practically un- 
 limited. Besides acting as a higher authority, 
 the District Commander is the immediate chief 
 of the peasant judges. He nominates them, to 
 begin with. Formerly, they were elected by 
 the peasants. Now the peasants will only elect 
 two, three, or more candidates for every post of 
 judge, and the District Commander will choose 
 from among them his four judges. They are 
 his subordinates, whom he can suspend, re- 
 ferring the matter to the Assembly of District 
 Commanders. As the judges receive a good 
 salary, they are bound to the District Com- 
 mander by interest as well as by fear. 
 
 With such powers the District Commander 
 can do in the villages just what he chooses. 
 He can plunder the Communal treasury, all the 
 money being put under his control ; he can ex- 
 tort bribes, compel the peasants to work gratui- 
 tously upon his estates, and flog them as freely
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 8l 
 
 as the ancient serf-owners. The common 
 peasants are quite defenceless against him. In 
 graver cases they have the right of appealing to 
 the Assembly of District Commanders of the 
 province. But who will venture to incur the 
 vengeance of the all-powerful master for the 
 very problematic chance of redress from such 
 an assembly ? 
 
 It is impossible to regard such a measure as 
 anything but the re-establishment of serfdom. 
 And that is what it was meant to be. The 
 District Commanders were absolute masters in 
 their domain, and they used their power in a 
 way that forcibly reminds one of the good old 
 time, the dream of Count Dmitry Tolstoi and his 
 school, when the millions of peasants were slaves 
 to a handful of nobles. Corporal punishment has 
 remained in the "traditional code'' by which 
 the peasants' tribunals were ruled. But, as time 
 went on, and the peasants grew alive to the 
 sentiment of their human dignity, this degrad- 
 ing punishment had gone out of use. In many 
 places sentences of flogging were passed, but 
 never carried out. Thus, thousands of such 
 unexecuted sentences went on accumulating in 
 the registry books of various Communal offices. 
 
 One of the first things the District Com- 
 manders did was to unearth these antiquated 
 sentences and to have them carried out. The 
 Governors of many provinces had to interfere. 
 Those of Nijni Novgorod and Tula issued 
 special "instructions," explaining to the newly- 
 appointed officials that they had better mode- 
 rate their zeal. In other places the peasants 
 took the matter into their own hands and 
 
 G
 
 82 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 settled it in a somewhat illegal, but very effec- 
 tive way. In the province of Riazan the pea- 
 sants laid hands upon their District Com- 
 mander, Mordvinov, who was too great a lover 
 of the rod, and flogged him in their turn. In 
 the district of Medin (province of Kalouga) 
 they set fire to the house of the District Com- 
 mander whilst he was asleep. In the district of 
 Shouia (province of Vladimir) they beat him 
 black and blue. In a fourth case they destroyed 
 his property. 
 
 The offences against the District Com- 
 manders became very frequent, but unfortu- 
 nately quite out of proportion to the offences 
 of these latter against humanity and the rights 
 of the people. I will not harrow the reader 
 with the details of revolting brutalities on 
 one hand, and hardly less revolting endurance 
 on the other. But I must quote here one 
 example of the working of the new institution. 
 
 In March, 1891, a number of peasants of the 
 village Doljik (in the province of Kharkov), 
 were tried by the Kharkov tribunal for riot and 
 resistance to their District Commander, Proto- 
 popov. The judicial inquiry brought to light 
 facts proving that the peasants had acted under 
 great and constant provocation on the part of 
 the Commander. To say nothing of floggings for 
 which he could not be held legally responsible, 
 because he inflicted it through the subservient 
 peasants' tribunal, Protopopov was in the 
 habit of personally chastising the peasants, for 
 which he had no legal pretext. It was his 
 practice to make a free use of his fists and his 
 stick, to say nothing of bad language, threats,
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 83 
 
 and arbitrary imprisonment. At Doljik the 
 peasants could not stand this treatment. When 
 at the meeting of the Mir, Protopopov gave the 
 peasant Starchenko, who disagreed with his 
 opinions, a blow on the head with his stick, the 
 crowd became excited. " Why do you strike 
 the man.-"' they shouted. "You should ex- 
 plain and not use your stick." " He is beating 
 us," others shouted, '' let us pay him back ! " 
 
 Upon this the crowd rushed on Protopopov 
 and hustled him so severely, that the elder 
 Dolgopolov and the rural constable Pribytkov 
 had great difficulty in rescuing him. Proto- 
 popov shut himself up in the communal house 
 while the crowd shouted and abused him out- 
 side. 
 
 This outburst of popular indignation was 
 declared to be a riot. Troops were sent to 
 Doljik, a number of peasants were flogged or 
 otherwise punished by administrative order, 
 whilst others, declared to be ringleaders, were 
 taken to prison and tried for rebellion before 
 the Kharkov Tribunal. Fourteen of them were 
 found guilty and sentenced to severe punish- 
 ments, including penal s-rvitude in Siberian 
 mines, long terms of imprisonment, and hard 
 labour in fortresses. 
 
 The District Commanders, as a body, enjoy 
 the particular protection of the administration 
 and of the censorship which does not allow any 
 unfavourable reports of their doings to appear 
 in the press. 
 
 Only in exceptional cases, as the present one, 
 when the tribunals had to interfere, the whole 
 truth comes to light. After the heavy charges 
 G 2,
 
 84 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 which the trial of the delinquent peasants 
 brought against Protopopov it would have been 
 a public scandal not to prosecute him. The 
 Minister of the Interior ordered him to be put 
 on his trial, which, after much procrastination, 
 took place in November, 1892. 
 
 A number of cases of gross abuse of power 
 were proved apainst Protopopov. A peasant, 
 Vorvul, had been beaten by him because he had 
 not recognized him, and did not take off his hat 
 quickly enough. Another peasant, Michael 
 Sery, was beaten by him so cruelly that his own 
 hand was swollen and he could not take off his 
 glove. The peasants assembled in communal 
 meeting at Folochev were told by him that he 
 would " smash their ugly mugs " if they made an 
 uproar, and he added that those who should 
 complain or petition against him should have 
 *' their complaints printed on their mugs, and 
 their petitions on their backsides." A number 
 of other offences of similar nature were laid to 
 the charge of Protopopov, who was found 
 guilty, but was sentenced only \.o expulsion from 
 the service. 
 
 The mildness of the punishment is a conclusive 
 proof that in Protopopov's offence there vv^as 
 nothing very extraordinary. The use of the 
 fist is an integral element of the patriarchal 
 principle. Protopopov had merely exaggerated 
 and pushed to extremes the element of " per- 
 sonal " authority which all the District Com- 
 manders take for their guidance. It is very 
 significant that his counsel advanced as an 
 extenuating circumstance, the influence of the 
 reactionary press, which, in advocating and de- 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 85 
 
 fending' the institution of District Commanders 
 on the ground of its being a strong, prompt, 
 vigorous, patriarchal authority, had turned 
 the head of Protopopov, who wanted to put 
 these admonitions into practice. 
 
 One could fill many pages with examples 
 showing that Protopopov was not quite the 
 black sheep of the flock. "A number of Dis- 
 trict Commanders acted in the same way as 
 Protopopov, though they do not go so far, 
 and they remain unpunished, or practically so," 
 says the moderate and perfectly reliable Vestnik 
 Evropy. 
 
 In Kursk a peasant had quarrelled with the 
 coachman of a District Commander. Although 
 the affair took place within the boundaries of 
 the city, and therefore clearly fell under the 
 jurisdiction of the local judge, the District Com- 
 mander ordered the peasant to be brought 
 before the village tribunal. Here the peasant 
 was found guilty of disorderly conduct and 
 sentenced to corporal punishment, which was 
 executed on the spot, notwithstanding the pro- 
 test of the Elder of the village. 
 
 The council of the province on receiving the 
 complaint was satisfied with reprimanding the 
 District Commander, although he had been 
 guilty of flagrant breach of law and abuse of power. 
 
 An interesting illustration of the views of 
 the District Commanders upon the character of 
 their authority is furnished by the following 
 story. The Zemstvo of Yukhnov (in the pro- 
 vince of Smolensk) had founded in 1891 an 
 Agricultural Council for the improvement of 
 the economical condition of the whole district.
 
 86 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 With this object the council acquired a store of 
 seeds, chemical manure and improved agricul- 
 tural implements, and offered to intervene for 
 the purchase of improved breeds of cattle. The 
 enterprise met with great success from the 
 very beginning. In the first year various 
 peasants' communes bought all the stock of 
 agricultural implements and seeds and phos- 
 phates which were offered by the council, and 
 orders for new purchases were received from all 
 sides, greatly in excess of the council's stock. 
 But suddenly an unexpected obstacle appeared. 
 Whilst the Agricultural Council was discussing 
 the letter of the commune Sidorova ordering 
 400 pounds of improved seeds and the same 
 quantity of phosphate flour, the following decla- 
 ration was received from the local District Com- 
 mander Titov : " Not recognizing the useful- 
 ness of the peasants^ intention to have improved 
 seeds and phosphates and other similar fancies, 
 I, as a District Commander, will prohibit the 
 peasants under my authority from making such 
 unprofitable outlay.'^ — Vestnik Evropy, Dec, 
 1892. 
 
 The district commander Sukhotin (Chern, 
 prov. of Tula) advised the neighbouring land- 
 lords that he can lend them at any time as 
 bond slaves " his defaulting taxpayers," whom 
 he undertakes to keep in " strict order." — Vest. 
 Evropy, 1895, A: 3. 
 
 The establishment of District Commanders is 
 one of the sorest grievances of rural Russia. 
 The emancipation of the serfs was not a great 
 success. Even the partisans of the Government 
 admit that now. It did not improve the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 87 
 
 material condition of the masses. But the 
 former serfs became citizens ; they recovered 
 their personal independence and immunity from 
 interference in their private affairs. This was a 
 very great moral benefit. Now, without any 
 offence or provocation on their part, out of 
 absurd doctrinairism this benefit has been 
 gradually reduced to a shadow. 
 
 At the same time it must be noted that this 
 obnoxious measure, condemned in its infancy 
 alike by public opinion and the assembly of the 
 highest officials of the State (the State Council), 
 has been a total failure from the point of view of 
 the aristocratic doctrine which inspired itscreation. 
 
 Count Dmitry Tolstoi and Katkov and the 
 gang of the Moscow Gazette favoured it as a 
 means of re-establishing the patriarchal prin- 
 ciple of local authority, which was destroyed by 
 the emancipation. The original idea of the 
 law was that District Commanders should be 
 elected from among the resident nobility. But 
 this plan had to be given up at the very outset. 
 " A respectable gentleman would not accept tlie 
 post of a District Commander," the Moscozv 
 Gazette quotes the words of some peasants 
 — protesting against it as a matter of 
 course. 
 
 There are respectable people among the 
 District Commanders. But the better men 
 among the nobility shun as a body this office as 
 much as those in the police. The governors were 
 not able to appoint to the posts of District Com- 
 manders many of the resident nobility, because 
 the latter rarely would accept it. So the 
 ministry allowed them to nominate members of
 
 88 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 the nobility of the province^ who with our great 
 distances were perfect strangers to the peasants 
 whom they had to command. But even these 
 failed to answer to the appeal. Out of the 
 600 vacancies for District Commanders, about 
 one-third could not be filled by the governors 
 in any way, and had to be appointed out of 
 the rabble of officialdom coming from the four 
 winds of heaven. And it cannot be said that 
 the authorities were very exacting in the choice 
 of these new masters of our rural population ; 
 40 per cent, of the District Commanders are 
 men who have got their education at primary 
 schools only. 
 
 Yet, as usual, the Government pretended to 
 believe in the success of the " reform," and a 
 few months after the institution of District 
 Commanders the next and last step was made 
 for the aristocratization of the country. 
 
 On June 12th, 1890, a new law changing the 
 constitution of our Zemstvos, or provincial 
 councils, was promulgated. 
 
 Until then, as the reader may know, thirty- 
 eight out of the seventy-four Russian provinces 
 had provincial councils for the management of 
 a few local matters, as roads, hospitals, supply 
 of funds for primary schools. These councils, 
 called Zemstvos, were composed of members 
 elected by three different bodies : the land- 
 owners (without distinction of origin), the class 
 holding town property, and the peasantry. Now 
 the peasants alone continue to vote as a class as 
 they did before ; but it matters little how they 
 vote, for they are practically deprived of any 
 share in the provincial autonomy.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 89 
 
 According to the new regulation, they will 
 merely elect two or three candidates for every 
 vacancy, out of whom the governor, advised by 
 the assembly of District Commanders, will 
 choose the man who suits them best. These 
 same District Commanders are empowered to 
 convene and preside over the meeting that 
 elects these candidates. This puts the elections 
 entirely into their hands. There is no secret 
 ballot, nor ballot of any kind, at peasants' 
 meetings. The votes are given openly, viva 
 voce, mostly in a lump, and they will certainly 
 be given to those whom the District Com- 
 mander recommends. A special clause pro- 
 hibits the election of the District Commanders 
 in their own districts. But the law puts no 
 obstacle to their electing each other in a 
 neighbourly way. 
 
 Thus the peasants, these supposed Benjamins 
 of autocracy, are excluded from everywhere. 
 Their noble chiefs, the District Commanders, 
 rule at their Mir, judge at their tribunal, and 
 sit for them at the provincial assemblies. The 
 peasants have to pay and obey, leaving all the 
 rest to their betters. 
 
 The old regulation (of 1864) gave the nobility 
 an influence in provincial self-government which 
 was quite out of proportion to its numbers. 
 The nobility nominated about one-half of the 
 members of all the thirty-eight Zemstvos. 
 
 The *' reform " of Count Dmitry Tolstoi goes 
 beyond that. The marshals of the provincial 
 nobility, numbering ten or fifteen in each 
 province, are added to the representatives of 
 the nobility, thus giving the nobility absolute
 
 90 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 majority. The Government nominates besides 
 one-fifth of the members in addition to those 
 elected by the different classes of citizens, and 
 two special officials of the administration sit at 
 the provincial Zemstvos to further strengthen 
 the hand of the Government. 
 
 Thus the Government did all in its power 
 to transform the Zemstvos into so many 
 bureaucratic commissions obedient to a sign 
 from the minister. The nobility was the only 
 force that counted in the new Zemstvos, and 
 it was expected that the exclusive and un- 
 warrantable privileges granted to this class by 
 the new law would act as a bribe to lure it over 
 to the side of the Government. As to the 
 millions of peasants forming the nine tenths of 
 the population, paying three-fourths of the 
 budget and furnishing nine-tenths of the army, 
 they are nowhere on the new provincial 
 councils. The position of the peasant deputies 
 in the new Zemstvos is more than subservient — 
 it is degrading, since their immediate chiefs, 
 the District Commanders, having almost dis- 
 cretionary powers over them, are also there. 
 
 The Liberal Zemstvos and the Liberal 
 press have often protested against the ad- 
 mission of District Commanders to provincial 
 councils. 
 
 " The presence of District Commanders in 
 the provincial councils,'^ says the Saratov 
 Gazette, " has one serious inconvenience. The 
 deputies of the peasants, as people who are 
 their immediate subordinates, are afraid to 
 express their opinions freely. With the sus- 
 piciousness characteristic of our peasants, their
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 9I 
 
 deputies think that any disagreement with the 
 opinions of their District Commander may be 
 unpleasant to the latter. That is why no one 
 who has been at the district councils, where 
 sometimes a considerable proportion of the 
 deputies are peasants, can fail to notice the 
 passive submissiveness of the peasants to the 
 opinions of the District Commander of their 
 locality. Such a state of things is hardly 
 desirable in the general interests of provincial 
 self-government." 
 
 The reader will not be deceived by the 
 cautious, subdued tone of the paper, which is 
 published under the censorship. The " serious 
 inconvenience" means a monstrosity. Imagine 
 a council of any kind in which one member 
 can have other members flogged. The " in- 
 convenience '■* of such a mutual relation would 
 render the very right of sending deputies a 
 cruel mockery. 
 
 The peasants have been virtually excluded 
 under the Tzar Mujik from participation in 
 local self-government^ even as they have been 
 deprived of many other civil rights. 
 
 So much for their political rights. Now let 
 us say a few words upon the economic con- 
 ditions of the masses under Alexander III.
 
 VII. 
 
 THE GREAT FAMINE AND THE ECONOMIC 
 CONDITIONS OF THE RUSSIAN PEASANTS. 
 
 In 1 89 1 the attention of the whole world was 
 attracted to the condition of the Russian 
 peasantry, owing to the breaking out of a vast 
 mediaeval famine in the whole of the Volga 
 region. The harvest having failed, thirty-four 
 millions of people, according to other calcula- 
 tions, thirty-seven or thirty-nine, were left 
 without any means of subsistence, to face 
 hunger and cold during the eight winter 
 months. The situation was very grave. In 
 the autumn, six weeks after the gathering of 
 the scanty harvest in the provinces of Kazan, 
 Samara and others, people were feeding on 
 acorns, grass and bark bread. And in a few 
 months over thirty millions of people were 
 reduced to the same extremity. Taking the 
 low estimate of il. as necessary to keep a man 
 over the winter months, the total sum required 
 to prevent wholesale starvation was about 400 
 millions of roubles. Such a sum could not 
 possibly be forthcoming, and a vast and acute 
 famine was anticipated, with all its terrible con- 
 sequences. And the Government, by its silly
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 93 
 
 efforts to hush up the whole thing, seemed bent 
 upon bringing people to the verge of despair. 
 
 As early as July, 1890, when the results of 
 the harvest became known, the Zemstvos of 
 Saratov, Samara, Nijni Novgorod, and Kazan 
 sent to the Minister of the Interior detailed 
 reports upon the situation, asking for large 
 advances of money to save the population from 
 the worst consequences of the distress. In 
 reply, the Government sent to the Volga Pro- 
 vinces a special commissioner, whose mission 
 was to hush up the matter, and to protect the 
 Government from the demand of the Zemstvos. 
 Of course. General Vishniakov fulfilled his 
 easy task to perfect satisfaction, reporting that 
 there was no famine in the Volga Provinces, 
 and consequently no need of subsidies. This 
 is the system usually adopted for hushing up 
 unpleasant affairs, and it was in a fair way of 
 being hushed up ; the official gazette published 
 a reassuring report of the conditions of the 
 province supposed to be in a state of distress. 
 The Moscoiv Gazette declared the " famine " to 
 be a " Liberal intrigue," a fiction set afloat to 
 discredit the Government. The editors of the 
 papers received stringent orders not to publish, 
 under the fear of suppression, and other adminis- 
 trative penalties, any news about the famine 
 likely to "disturb the public mind." 
 
 A calamity of such an extent as the famine 
 of 1 89 1 could not be hushed up any more than 
 a conflagration. It was bound to assert itself, 
 if the Government persisted long enough in the 
 silly efforts to prevent its being brought to 
 public notice through the ordinary medium
 
 94 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 of the press. But it was quite in the power of 
 the Government to allow the distress to come 
 to so advanced a stage that no efforts could 
 prevent very terrible consequences. We owe it 
 to Count Lev Tolstoi that the measures against 
 the calamity, although taken late, were not put 
 off until the case was past cure. He is the 
 only man in Russia whose voice could not be 
 silenced and against whom the Government 
 dared not lift its hand, and it was he who com- 
 pelled the Government to give up the policy 
 of the ostrich. 
 
 He published in a Russian paper an article 
 entitled " The Terrible Question," in which 
 he pictured the danger of the situation ; the 
 scarcity of corn, and the absence of any 
 reserve fund in the impoverished population, 
 which had been living from hand to mouth, and 
 could have no alternative but to starve or steal 
 if bread were not forthcoming. He called upon 
 the Government not to keep the country in 
 suspense, and to state plainly whether there 
 was enough corn in the country to keep the 
 Russian people until the next harvest or not, 
 and if there were not, to take immediate steps for 
 getting a sufficient quantity of corn from abroad. 
 
 The conspiracy for enforcing silence was 
 broken. Since one man spoke so loudly, it was 
 useless to shut the mouths of others. The 
 whole press quoted and endorsed Count 
 Tolstoi's letter, and Vyshnegradsky found it 
 necessary to give it a reply, stating that the 
 quantity of corn possessed by the country was 
 amply sufficient to keep the population until the 
 following harvest.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 95 
 
 This was reassuring to some extent. The 
 export of grain had been stopped by an im- 
 perial ukase of September, 1890. 
 
 The corn possessed by the country could not 
 disappear, and it was consoh'ng to think that it 
 was within reach. Rut this fact did not in the 
 least solve the question whether the millions of 
 Russian peasants would starve or not. The 
 vast quantity of corn mentioned by Vyshne- 
 gradsky was not in the hands of those who 
 needed it most, and to transfer it from the hands 
 of corn-dealers into those of the famishing 
 peasants, an equivalent of full 400 millions of 
 roubles were needed. Without this sum the 
 needy peasants could get no more profit from 
 the corn stored up in the country than if it had 
 been exported abroad, or were hoarded on the 
 moon, unless they took it by force. But this 
 was an expedient strongly objected to by the 
 well-to-do classes. 
 
 The peasants themselves, with their tradi- 
 tional endurance and submissiveness, showed a 
 decided aversion for this course of action, not in 
 all cases, perliaps, insuperable. Those most 
 concerned, at least, did not expect it to be so. 
 
 A. Potapenko, the well-known Russian 
 author, in his sketches of the famine-stricken 
 districts, tells a suggestive story. There was 
 among the members of the Zemstvo he visited, 
 an old man, known formerly as one of the most 
 cruel serf-owners, who enjoyed torturing his 
 peasants, and actually killed several of them. 
 This was a criminal offence, and he was exiled 
 for several years to Siberia. On returning, after 
 the emancipation, he showed himself the
 
 g6 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 bitterest enemy of the people, and at the first 
 sitting of the Zemstvo, convened on purpose to 
 discuss the measures for relieving the distress, 
 he made a fiery speech against giving any re- 
 lief to " these drunkards, robbers, and scoun- 
 drels," as he designated the peasants. 
 
 " At the sitting at which I was present," 
 says Potapenko, " as his huge, ungainly figure 
 rose upon the platform, people expected to hear 
 a similar outburst of inveterate hatred ; but, to 
 the general surprise, he began to speak in 
 favour of prompt and generous relief." 
 
 " What does it mean ? " asked Potapenko of a 
 friend of his, whose estate was near that of the 
 speaker's. 
 
 " It means this," the friend said, "a month 
 ago the peasants came to ask him for a loan of 
 corn. Of course he refused, and bad words 
 passed between him and the applicants. And 
 the famine in these parts is very severe. There 
 are houses where there is literally nothing and 
 no prospect of anything. Now, about a week 
 after the squabble, his granary took fire and 
 was saved almost by a miracle. Of course, he 
 must have understood what that meant. Then, 
 again, he sent his manager one day with a load 
 of corn to the railway station, but on the way 
 the cart was waylaid, all the corn was stolen, 
 and the police could discover no trace either of 
 the stolen goods or of the delinquents. These 
 were indications of a kind not likely to 
 conduce to equanimity. He took fright ; there 
 might be worse in store. He understood that 
 it was better to protect himself with the help of 
 public money."
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 97 
 
 Korolenko's book, " The Year of Famine," 
 contains a significant portrait of a well-to-do 
 peasant^ a local kulak or usurer, whose feelings 
 towards his destitute fellow-villagers are the 
 very reverse of friendly. 
 
 On the absurd system of collective responsi- 
 bility, the loan of corn advanced for the support 
 of the destitute was to be repaid by the village 
 commune in a body. If the poor have nothing 
 to repay it with, the rich have to pay it for 
 them. 
 
 Korolenko's hero, Potap Ivanovich, wanted 
 therefore to repudiate all assistance (oroiiTLCfl 
 OTL nocoGifi). But he changed his mind, owing, 
 as he confessed, to "miracles,'^ which occur 
 now and then in the village. " A barn not 
 visited by anyone Vvould take fire by itself in 
 the dead of the night, or a hay-stack." 
 
 " Bad times," he explained ; " people look so 
 fierce. A man who has never been a thief will 
 try his luck in that line, and worse may 
 happen.'^ 
 
 The bread riots which took place in Vitebsk, 
 Pskov, Astrakhan and Saratov proved later on 
 that these apprehensions were not without 
 foundation. 
 
 In higher spheres the disquieting reports of 
 the governors of the famine-stricken provinces, 
 and the eloquent figures of criminal statistics, 
 shook up the apathy of the central Government, 
 and induced it to take steps to prevent the 
 worst consequences of popular despair and 
 misery. 
 
 Thirty-four millions of people absolutely 
 destitute, with death staring them in the face, 
 
 H
 
 98 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 and nothing to lose, were a danger which no 
 government could overlook. 
 
 The sum of twelve millions, which was men- 
 tioned as the maximum which the State could 
 advance from the Imperial Relief Fund, was 
 gradually increased tenfold. But this was only 
 about one-third of the sum required for the re- 
 lief of the famishing provinces. In other terms, 
 the State undertook to feed one hungry 
 man out of three. Where was food to be 
 found for the remaining two ,'* Public benefi- 
 cence was the only resource that could be 
 looked to. This was self-evident as soon as the 
 papers were allowed to open subscriptions for 
 the relief fund. But the secret wish and hope 
 of the Government was that the money should 
 be entrusted to its own agents and officials, 
 under the control and direction of a special 
 committee, composed of Cabinet Ministers, high 
 dignitaries of the State, and presided over by the 
 Tzarevitch himself — now the Tzar Nicholas II. 
 
 It was expected that such a committee would 
 inspire confidence as to the proper management 
 of the funds entrusted to it. So it would in 
 other countries. But in Russia, the deep-rooted 
 distrust in official honesty is quite proof against 
 the fascination of big names. I have it on very 
 good authority that when the representatives of 
 the English Society of Friends came to Russia 
 with the money subscribed in England, ladies of 
 the Court privately advised them not to entrust 
 that money to the Tzarevitch's committee. 
 Only three millions were subscribed to its funds 
 all over Russia during the nine months of its 
 existence.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 99 
 
 The Red Cross Society, by way of conces- 
 sion, was allowed to distribute its funds through 
 special agents. The Society enjoys a good 
 reputation, acquired during the Turkish cam 
 paign ; but its staff was insufficient for the work 
 of relieving the distress over one-third of the 
 Empire, so that it had to depend upon the wurk 
 either of local officials or men who were not 
 known and could not be controlled. The Red 
 Cross got less than four millions ; yet, as it was 
 soon proved by facts, thousands of wealthy 
 people were ready to come to the assistance of 
 their suffering countrymen — they only wanted 
 the certainty that their money would reach its 
 destination, and they had no confidence in 
 organizations connected in any way with 
 officialdom. The guarantee that would satisfy 
 them, and for which they asked, was the right of 
 managing the relief funds independently, without 
 the interference of the Government. Nothing 
 seems more reasonable or harmless. But for 
 twenty-five years the policy of the Government 
 had been, by fair means or foul, to keep the 
 masses of the Russian peasantry apart from the 
 democratic elements of society. To allow, under 
 pretext of relief, free access to the people, to 
 men and women whose loyalty was more than 
 doubtful, seemed particularly dangerous at such 
 a critical time. Now as Russian society showed 
 clearly that it would not move in the matter 
 unless its hands were free, the dilemma which 
 stood before the Government was either to come 
 to terms with society or to have no assistance 
 on their part worth speaking of As one may 
 well have expected, judging by antecedents, the 
 H 2
 
 100 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 Government prcfeiTcd to let the people starve, 
 rather than run the risk of having a few of them 
 "infected with ideas of liberty." 
 
 Whenever put to the test, the Tzars, tribunes 
 of the people, never hesitated in the choice 
 between the interests of the people and those 
 of their own sacred person. The Minister of 
 Finance, Vyshnegradsky, expressed this policy 
 in all its frank cynicism at the interview which 
 he gave to the deputation from the Moscow 
 Relief Society, backed by millions of roubles. 
 The Minister not merely refused peremptorily 
 to allow the society to distribute relief inde- 
 pendently, but had the impudence to threaten 
 to have any persons arrested who should be 
 found engaged in this work in the country. 
 
 To arrest men as criminals for going with 
 open hands and hearts to the assistance of their 
 famine-stricken brethren was the extreme point 
 to which crazy red-tapeism could go, but it could 
 not be maintained at that point for long. It 
 was impossible to outrage the public conscience 
 to such a degree with impunity. At a moment 
 when the whole of the educated class was 
 burning with pity for the ill-fated peasants, it 
 was not only cruel but dangerous to repulse 
 the hands that brought bread to the starving 
 peasants, their children, and old people. The 
 Government had declared that it was unable to 
 feed all. After such an avowal, to stand in the 
 way of those who offered to do it was a mon- 
 strous crime, provoking both the peasants and 
 their friends of the upper classes to revolt. 
 
 The latter did, in fact, rebel at once by dis- 
 regarding all obstacles and starting the work of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA: lOI 
 
 relief at their own risk and responsibility all 
 over the famine-stricken region. One may say 
 that our educated classes put all their unem- 
 ployed forces at the service of the peasantry 
 during the terrible winter of 1890-91. Ladies 
 who had spent their lives at Court balls and 
 parties, and the "Radical" young students of 
 both sexes; authors of world-wide fame and 
 obscure village priests ; aristocrats, merchants, 
 burghers — all rushed to the villages, regardless 
 of discomfort, privation, and exposure, to dis- 
 tribute the relief funds, which in most cases were 
 entrusted to them by a number of friends. 
 They defied the prohibitions of the administra- 
 tion, and the Government was bound to give 
 way. For three months the red-tapeism asserted 
 itself by trammelling in all possible ways the 
 activity of these generous men and women. 
 But on December 12th, 1890, a circular was 
 issued at last, enjoining upon the administration 
 " not to put any obstacles in the way of private 
 initiative in the work of relief" — a preposterous 
 order, which appears superfluous to the point of 
 absurdity to an Englishman, and stands as a 
 condemnation of the whole system which made 
 it necessary. 
 
 Three months had brought about the 
 transition from the speeJi of Vyshne- 
 gradsky to the decree of December 12th. 
 Besides the moral impossibility of fighting the 
 whole of Russian society upon such delicate 
 ground, there was a special reason why the 
 Government thought it advisable to reconsider 
 its decision. Advanced and democratic Russia, 
 which was the most eager and irrepressible in
 
 102 KING STORK AND KING : 
 
 its desire to get at the people, did not make any 
 attempt to take advantage of the famine for 
 fomenting disorders and riots. The fears of the 
 Government upon the point proved to be quite 
 groundless. In the face of the horrors of the 
 famine, it was impossible for men with genuine 
 pity and love for the people not to devote 
 themselves entirely to the relief of immediate 
 suffering. Educated Russia devoted to the 
 peasants the assistance which was demanded 
 by them, and in the form in which it was 
 demanded. The gloomy year did not create 
 a new step in the revolutionary movement, 
 but it established a moral bond between the 
 intellectual classes and the masses of the people, 
 who for the first time saw their elder brothers 
 in the capacity of true and devoted friends. 
 
 On the other hand, the year passed in the 
 midst of the people left incalculable traces upon 
 the minds and hearts of the leading sections ot 
 the upper classes. The great famine marks an 
 epoch in the growth of the opposition. Two 
 things became clear as day to Russians and 
 foreigners alike whose attention was fixed by 
 the famine upon our agrarian conditions. The 
 first was that the calamity was due only in 
 small degree to the accident of inclement 
 weather, its real cause being the total ruin and 
 disablement of the peasantry ; and, secondly, 
 that no effective remedy was possible as long as 
 the present po'it cal system prevails. 
 
 To begin with, it was proved that the famine 
 which brought so much suffering upon the 
 whole of Russia was due to the falling-off of 
 the harvest, amounting to one-fifth only of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 103 
 
 the normal one. Quite a similar falHng-ofif 
 occurred in France in 1888, as proved by the 
 official statistics, and the failure was not even 
 noticed by the world at larg.i, for it did not 
 disturb even the surface of the national life. 
 With us it has upset everything. If such a 
 failure, which is within the daily chances of 
 every agricultural country, throws thirty- four 
 millions of people upon public charity, it is 
 a proof of the total ruin of the whole agricul- 
 tural class, which lives on the verge of starva- 
 tion, and has nothing whatever to fall back 
 upon. This is a fact which has been admitted 
 and recognized in 1891 in Russia by the press, 
 by men of science, and even by the Government. 
 The official report, published in No. 1S8 of the 
 Volga Messenger, says that it has been ascer- 
 tained that the crisis through which the Volga 
 regions is passing began virtually two }ears 
 ago, as it was from that time that a considerable 
 diminution was noticed in all the revenues from 
 direct taxes upon the rural population. This 
 decrease was the greatest in the provinces 
 which later on were most severely affected by 
 the failure of crops, and which require the most 
 energetic measures for the relief of the distressed 
 population. Thus, in the province of Samara, 
 in 1 8^9, there was a deficit of one million 
 roubles in the direct taxes paid by the peasants. 
 In 1890 the deficit increased to two millions. 
 In the province of Kazan, in 1889 (owing to 
 exceptional energy on the part of the adminis- 
 tration), the peasants paid an extra b 5,000 
 roubles to cover the enormous arrears of former 
 years. By next year there was a deficit of over
 
 104 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 two millions. In the province of Nijni Nov- 
 gorod there was, in 1889, a deficit of 340,000 
 roubles, and in 1890 a deficit of 869,000. In 
 the province of Simbirsk the respective deficit 
 of the two years was 253,000 and 653,000. In 
 the province of Saratov the deficit was of 22,000 
 and 377,000 roubles respectively, and so on. 
 
 The increase in the arrears of 1890, as com- 
 pared with that of 1889, fully corresponds with 
 the gradual falling-off of the crops. In the 
 province of Samara the return of crops in 1889 
 was 48I million puds ; in 1890 it fell to 42 ; 
 in Kazan, from 37 millions it fell to 27 ; in that 
 of Simbirsk from 38 to 29 ; in that of Nijni 
 Novgorod from 21 to 15 millions, and so on. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the crisis began, not two 
 years ago, but at least eleven, because the year 
 1880 marks the epoch in which the results of 
 the exhaustion of both land and people began 
 to show quite clearly. 
 
 The Imperial Commission of 1871 established 
 by its extensive investigations the astounding 
 fact that the Russian peasants pay to the State 
 in taxes about 45 per cent, of their total income 
 derived from all sources, agricultural and manu- 
 facturing. Though nominally imposed upon 
 property, this is no longer a property tax. It 
 is a tax upon labour, differing from serfdom 
 only in form. Out of his six days' work the 
 peasant was bound to give to the State about 
 three days. This was more than any taxpayer 
 could stand. With the insecurity of industrial 
 work and the fluctuations of the harvest, the 
 peasants could not possibly make both ends 
 meet. They contracted debts which absorbed
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. IO5 
 
 more than the greater effectiveness of free labour 
 could give. According to the lowest estimates, the 
 modern peasant has to work now for the State 
 and the money-lenders no less than four days a 
 week (Slonimsky). Thus the amount of gra- 
 tuitous labour has increased from 45 to 66 per 
 cent., and only 33 per cent, of his nominal time 
 is left to the peasant for his own maintenance. 
 The peasants were defeated in the hard struggle 
 for existence. There are many and frightful 
 proofs of their gradual impoverishment. Such 
 are the diminution in the consumption of bread, 
 the terrible mortality in the rural districts, which 
 in thirteen provinces is higher than that of the 
 towns, and in 1880 reached 62 per thousand. 
 
 The provinces which are now numbered as 
 those where the distress is most severe, occupy 
 a rather conspicuous place in the table of mor- 
 tality. The highest is observable in that of Orel, 
 where the average mortality reaches the frightful 
 figure of 46,7 per thousand, which is far more 
 than double the average mortality of London. 
 The province of Nijni Novgorod follows, show- 
 ing a mortality of 46.5 ; Samara, 44.6 ; Perm 
 Simbirsk, Orenburg, Viatka, showing a death- 
 rate between 43 and 46 —all exceeding the 
 average mortality for the Empire by 6 or 9 per 
 thousand. Holy Russia, with her excellent 
 climate and soil, has the highest death-rate in 
 Europe, 37.3. 
 
 In Russia, the whole burden of the State 
 weighs upon the agricultural population, the 
 peasants. Those of them who depend exclu- 
 sively upon agriculture were the first to be 
 ruined, although their land was the best in the
 
 I06 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 country, and, indeed, in Eiurope. Now with us 
 there is one unmistakable test of the degree 
 of destitution of every district or village ; it 
 is the amount of arrears in taxes, for they are 
 collected rod in hand with relentless severity. 
 We need not be surprised to find that the 
 provinces heading the list are precisely those 
 which have become the centres of the famine ; 
 Samara, with arrears of iij million, Kazan y^^ 
 million, Nijni Novgorod, Saratov, having each 
 about 2^ million. Simbirsk, Voronej, Tambov, 
 all have millions of arrears, which represent 
 hundreds of thousands of blows of the rod 
 given to the destitute in the vain hope of 
 extorting the payment of their debt. 
 
 A destitute peasantry means poor husbandry, 
 and with bad husbandry there is no getting 
 good returns. The average productiveness of 
 Russian agriculture is very low ; seed excluded, 
 it is 2.9 upon one grain sown, which is about 
 the limit beyond which agriculture is impossible. 
 Now our agriculture has sunk below this limit. 
 The "bad harvests" which are below that 
 average are becoming distressingly frequent 
 within the last decade. Very often they lead 
 to actual famines. The Volga basin has been 
 most often visited by this scourge. The much- 
 tried middle Volga region, with the province 
 of Samara for its centre, passed in 1873 through 
 a terrible famine, from which it never could 
 completely recover. Then, after seven years of 
 fluctuating harvests, it was stricken with another 
 famine — that of 1880 — which brought it a iew 
 degrees lower still. In the eleven years that 
 followed there were seven bad harvests to four
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. IO7 
 
 good ones, and of the seven bad years there 
 were two actual famines. 
 
 The story of other agricultural regions is 
 pretty much the same. Thus the famine 
 of 1 89 1 was but the last link in a long series. 
 Russian agriculture and agriculturists began to 
 slide downhill long ago. The general famine of 
 1880 gave them a blow which accelerated the 
 sliding process. The famine of 1891 was the 
 coup de grace which hurled them down into the 
 abyss. 
 
 The most serious and lasting effect of the 
 famine was the destruction of cattle, the chief 
 and only riches of our agricultural population. 
 When the cattle are gone, a peasant has to give 
 up his plot of land, and is turned a prole- 
 tarian, "a batrak,^'' whose position is hardly 
 better than that of an ancient serf. Now mil- 
 lions of horses perished in 1890- 1 from want of 
 fodder, or were sold in haste by their owners for 
 ridiculously small sums. In the provinces of 
 Kazan^ Tamboff, Samara, the markets were 
 flooded with horses at six or eight shillings a 
 head. N. Sharapov writes : " Simultaneously, 
 all over the distressed provinces, the conviction 
 spread like wildfire that further struggle was 
 impossible. The selling of horses and cattle 
 became a sort of epidemic." It is calculated 
 that in most of the famine-stricken provinces 
 there is only left one horse for every ten 
 families. 
 
 The next year there was a falling-off of the 
 crops in the south-western and southern regions 
 • — in the provinces of Kamenetz-Podolsk, Kher- 
 son, the southern districts of the province of Pol-
 
 I08 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 tava, as well as In a number of provinces which 
 have suffered from the famine of the former year 
 — Tula, Orel, Kazan, where, accordin^r to testi- 
 monies of Count Boriatinsky and LevTolstoi, the 
 distress, though less extensive, was much more 
 severe than before. But much less has been 
 allowed to come out as regards the new calamity, 
 which certainly did not contribute to lessen its 
 effect. With the very low standard of our agri- 
 culture, yielding the absolute minimum (three 
 grains per one sown) below which agriculture 
 becomes impossible, and with the complete 
 destitution of the peasantry, partial famines 
 must recur every year. The Empire is so huge 
 the that climatic conditions cannot possibly be 
 uniformly favourable through all its vast area. 
 And when they are not favourable famine 
 follows fatally and unavoidably. The Russians 
 themselves will not call it by such an ominous 
 name. They are used to seeing people eating 
 for bread horrible stuff resembling dry manure, 
 composed chiefly of husk or bark or pounded 
 straw. In most of the provinces the peasants 
 have recourse to such famine food regularly 
 every year for a few spring months, when the 
 old bread runs scanty and the new one is not 
 yet gathered. A peasant who is able to eat 
 pure bread all the year round is considered, 
 and considers himself, a wealthy man. At 
 the slightest falling-off in the harvest, the 
 " wealthy " pass into the ranks of the poor, and 
 the poor ones fall into a state of utter destitu- 
 tion and wholesale ruin. What the year 
 1890-91 has shown us on a gigantic scale is 
 repeated every year on a smaller scale. Every
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I09 
 
 year scores of thousands of peasants — some- 
 times hundreds of thousands — have their homes 
 ruined, their famih'es broken, each member 
 having to go a different way for a chance of 
 getting a precarious HveHhood — the father to 
 some wealthy neighbour as farm labourer, the 
 wife and daughters to town to seek work in 
 factories, and worse, the young boys being sold 
 as " apprentices " to some artisan or publican. 
 
 No peasant is safe against such a fate ; and 
 with taxes amounting to one-half of his net 
 income, it does not require a failure of crops to 
 ruin a peasant. Quite independently of the 
 fluctuations of the harvest and the pressure of 
 general economic conditions, an ever-increasing 
 section of Russian peasantry is disabled and 
 thrown into the ranks of landless agricultural 
 proletarians, which for them is the ruin of 
 everything and the utmost degradation. 
 
 Alexander III., with all his professed love 
 for the peasants, did nothing to improve 
 their position, and a good deal to make it 
 worse. 
 
 His Peasant Land Bank, which was to save 
 the rural population from the hands of the 
 usurers, proved a fraud, for it only increased 
 the power of the usurers. 
 
 His intended reform of the taxes was 
 a mockery ; the abolition of capitation money 
 and of the tax on salt was replaced by new 
 taxes upon the very same peasantry. Some- 
 times it was made simultaneously, so as to 
 make the irony of it even more evident. This 
 was the case with the abolition of the tax upon 
 salt, which was immediately followed by the
 
 no KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 increase to eight millions of the redemption 
 money paid by the State peasants. The high 
 protective tariff enriched the middle class at the 
 expense of the peasants, who had to pay double 
 for manufactured articles of first necessity — 
 cottons, candles, soap — and treble for agricul- 
 tural machines and simple tools, like scythes. 
 The reckless expenditure of money for the 
 support of the nobility was also an additional 
 burden laid on the peasants. Other despots have 
 been clever enough to compensate the people 
 for the loss of freedom by material comfort; 
 Alexander III. enslaved his beloved peasants 
 to the nobility, and made them pay the cost. 
 
 What, then, remains of the motto of Alex- 
 ander III., " Russia for the Russians".? That 
 the educated classes are excluded wholesale 
 from the privilege of being considered " Rus- 
 sians" goes without saying. The Russia of 
 Alexander III. had no room for them — that is 
 well known to everybody. But on a som.ewhat 
 closer examination, it becomes clear that the 
 millions of peasants were not Russians either ; 
 they certainly were treated as if they were not. 
 Who, then, according to Alexander III., were 
 •' Russians " for whom their country was not a 
 harsh stepmother ? They are represented by a 
 handful of people, whom the Tzar took under 
 his protection. The grandiloquent motto of 
 Alexander III. ought to be amended; it was 
 not Russia for the Russians, but Russia for a 
 gang of self-seekers trying to fish in troubled 
 waters, impecunious nobles, the rabble of official- 
 dom — or, to sum it up in one word, Russia for 
 the Tzar.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. Ill 
 
 Only in one way Alexander III. was never 
 slow in showinqr his active love for the Russian 
 people, namely, in persecuting relentlessly all 
 those of his subjects who differed from the bulk 
 of the population either in race or religion. 
 His was a reign of persecution all round.
 
 VIII. 
 
 THE JEWISH QUESTION IN RUSSIA. 
 
 It has been said by many people not Nihilists at 
 all, that the name of the Persecutor would suit 
 Alexander III. much better than that of the 
 Peacemaker. Because the maintenance of peace 
 was more of a happy accident of which any man 
 in his senses would have taken advantage, whilst 
 the persecution was a spontaneous activity, which 
 is most characteristic of Alexander III., both 
 as a man and as a Tzar. 
 
 Who was not persecuted during his reign ? 
 The Poles, the Fins, the Germans, had all 
 their doleful tale to relate ; the Raskolniks, 
 although they were promised freedom for their 
 decorative service during the coronation, and 
 the Stundists, although they were the most 
 obedient and peaceable of his subjects. But 
 the crusade against the Jews is certainly the 
 widest, most far-reaching, and most important 
 of the exploits of this kind, which give its 
 gloomy colour to the reign. At the same 
 time, to foreigners, it is the least comprehen- 
 sible. 
 
 Making allowance for the short-sightedness 
 and tyrannical habits of our Government, we 
 can account for the persecution of the Stundists.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. II3 
 
 A body of Nonconformists, not recognizing the 
 supremacy of the Tzar in spiritual matters, may, 
 and we hope will, come some day to question 
 the legitimacy of his secular power. Spreading 
 like wildfire, they are a real danger to the present 
 Russian Government, which, not being much 
 versed in history, may well entertain the wild 
 hope of putting them down by brute force. 
 
 One can easily account for barbarity, however 
 shocking, in dealing with political prisoners and 
 exiles. Despotic governments, when frightened, 
 can go to any length of cruelty. But here we 
 have a whole race, millions of souls, who, after 
 all, have never offended the Government, who 
 do not question its authority, who have obeyed 
 the laws and paid taxes, bribes, and all their 
 dues. Why, then, are they so persecuted ? Are 
 they really so bad as the Russian Government 
 represents them ? Is the motive religious 
 fanaticism, or blind racial hatred .-' Is the 
 Government really responsible for these perse- 
 cutions, or has it been forced to them by the 
 anti-Jewish feeling of the nation? All these 
 questions are interesting enough to be treated 
 on their own merits in a thoroughly objective 
 and scientific spirit, which an opponent of the 
 Russian Government can adopt easily enough. 
 When the actual offences are so numerous and 
 aggravating,one is not tempted toinvent offences. 
 
 The Russian Government is certainly not 
 responsible — the present Government at least — 
 for the existence in the south and south-west of 
 Russia of very abnormal relations between the 
 Jews and the Russian population, which create in 
 those parts the so-called Jewish question. This 
 
 I
 
 114 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 question bears relation to the whole of our his- 
 tory, and is one of the burning national, even 
 international, problems with which every country 
 has, or has had to deal. In Russia it is only 
 more difficult and complicated because of the 
 greater mass of Jewish population, and the 
 general backwardness of the country. 
 
 j/There are 4,coo,ooo of Jews in Russia proper, 
 not counting 1,000,000 of Polish Jews. Of this 
 number, three-quarters of a million are scattered 
 all over the empire, but the remaining three and 
 a quarter millions are huddled together in the 
 south-western corner of European Russia, in a 
 vd.si ghetto called the Pale of Settlement. They 
 form there a race within a race, living apart 
 from the rest, and there is a marked hostility 
 toward th.m on the part of the masses of Rus- 
 sian people. This hostility has undoubtedly a 
 religious basis, or at least originated in religion!^ 
 But it seems to me an error to represent, as 
 most people do, the anti-Jewish movement in 
 Russia as a manifestation of religious intolerance. 
 Among the uneducated masses religious hostility 
 toward the Jews undoubtedly exists in a latent 
 state, and is stirred up purposely by those whose 
 interest it is to work upon it. But the classes 
 which are at the head of the Russian anti- 
 Jewish movement have long ago outlived the 
 period of religious fanaticism. With them the 
 hostility toward the" Jews is purely racial. 
 With the masses the racial antipathy is also a 
 much stronger ingredient in the anti-Jewish 
 feeling than religion. Thus we may fairly 
 describe the anti-Jewish movement as racial. 
 
 1 I hardly need say that the Jews, as a race, are
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. II5 
 
 not a bit worse than other people. Whenever 
 I hear the idle, wholesale characterization of 
 Jews as a race of usurers, tricksters, and the 
 like, I always remember Mr. David Phillipson 
 of Cincinnati, author of "The Jews in English 
 Fiction," who observed that the process by 
 which the Gentiles form their notions of Jews is 
 invariably thus : The vices, crimes, and short- 
 comings of individual Jews, no matter ho^v 
 restricted as to number, are fastened upon the 
 whole race, while the manifestations of all 
 opposite qualities, no matter how striking or 
 frequent, are viewed as individual exceptions, 
 and therefore are not taken into account^ I 
 beg to add that it seems to me that the same 
 process is adopted by all races in their mutual 
 estimates. There is no love lost between 
 different races and tribes anywhere, each 
 considering itself the only good and lovable 
 one. In countries where various nationali- 
 ties are mingled, and have many opportuni- 
 ties of hurting each other by their racial 
 dilferences. their antagonism becomes so intense 
 and so out of all proportion to the real differences 
 between them, as to become positively amazing 
 to an outsider. Among the Balkan Slavs or 
 the motley population of south-eastern Austria 
 one may study this queer manifestation of 
 narrow-mindedness. 
 
 The Russian Jews have lived for centuries a 
 life of complete isolation from the bulk of the 
 populati<jn, remaining a nation within a nation. 
 It is only within the last thirty or forty years 
 that they began to read Russian books, go to 
 Russian schools, and take interest in art, the 
 
 I 2
 
 Il6 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 sciences, and politics. Nevertheless, they have 
 already produced a number of men whose names 
 are the pride of Russia. In music, in which this 
 gifted race stands so high, we have quite a 
 number of eminent artists, of whom I will 
 mention those who are better known abroad. 
 The two brothers Rubenstein, Anton and 
 Nicholas ; Vladimir de Pachman, and that 
 wonderful boy pianist, the rising star of Russian 
 music, and the heir elect of all its glory, the 
 young Mark Hamburg, who produced such a 
 sensation in London four years ago, and is sure 
 to produce it once again before long. Anto- 
 kolsky, the greatest sculptor of the age, the 
 man about whom Turghenev used to say that 
 if he ever met a genius, he was one, is also a born 
 Jew. The Jewish race has produced no Russian 
 Heine or Borne ; but the present literary gene- 
 ration, which is the first or at the utmost the 
 second generation of the Russian Jews that has 
 been educated at all, has already given to Russia 
 a number of eminent literary men, some of 
 them prominent in their profession, like 
 Semen A. Venguerofif; some standing fore- 
 most among their contemporaries, like Minsky, 
 the best among our living poets.^'; 
 
 (Another, to me, far more striking fact, which 
 speaks volumes for the high moral qualities of 
 the Jewish race, is the participation of the 
 Russian Jews in the struggle for Russian free- 
 dom. For more than fifteen years in the gloomy 
 empire of the Tzar a fierce struggle has been 
 raging, in which only the ardent enthusiasm and 
 absolute self-denial of the few enable them to 
 cope with the enormous forces arrayed against
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. II7 
 
 them. There are thousands of educated Jews 
 who have cast in their lot with our patriotic 
 movement. This fact has greatly hurt the 
 feelings of our Anti-Semitic ruler, and an edict 
 was issued in 1885 making, contrary to all 
 principles of justice, political offenders of the 
 Jewish race punishable with far greater severity 
 than Christians. But I never heard that this 
 edict had produced any impression upon the 
 Jews, and there are as many of them as before 
 willing to give up their all for the freedom and 
 better future of the country which is a step- 
 mother to them. This is a fact that does not 
 agree with the general conception of the Jewish 
 character. Yet it was the outcome of the short 
 experience of 1860-80, during which a genera- 
 tion of Jews passing through our schools grew 
 up in friendly surroundings, mixing freely with 
 Russians, feeling themselves men and citizens, 
 and not a race of outcasts. Some of the best 
 and most influential members of our party were 
 born Jews. And when I remember their kind- 
 liness of heart, their pure ideality, coupled 
 so often with a mind so subtle, flexible, and 
 comprehensive, I cannot help thinking that 
 Spinoza was not altogether a miraculous ap- 
 parition, but a representative of the best type 
 of the race. I venture also to surmise that 
 in better circumstances the Jewish people 
 would probably produce more Spinozas than 
 Shylocks. 
 
 The common, uneducated Jew is neither 
 better nor worse than men in his position and 
 circumstances generally are. A Jewish usurer 
 is exactly the same sort of person as a Christian
 
 Il8 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 usurer. A common Jewish merchant is as tricky 
 as a common Russian merchant. A Jewish 
 artisan is like the Russian artisan in all re- 
 spects, except that his face bears strong marks 
 of his Semitic origin ; that his nose turns 
 down, while that of his Russian confrere is 
 merrily turned up ; that he is generally dark, 
 instead of being fair ; that his gesticulation is 
 queer, and that he speaks Russian with a 
 peculiarly unpleasant accent." 
 
 The hostility toward the Jews has its origin in 
 the surprising tenacity of their race, which has 
 preserved its purity through all its historical 
 vicissitudes, and is quite the same nowadays as 
 it was a thousand years ago. 
 
 The exceptional business capacity of the Jews, 
 developed in the course of centuries by their 
 exclusion from all other pursuits, has created 
 everywhere a natural channel for the manifesta- 
 tion of that racial hostility. A Jewish middle- 
 man, whatever his special calling — trade, usury, 
 banking — fulfils his functions as well as a 
 middleman of another race. If anything, rather 
 better. Being on the average cleverer, he can 
 offer his services at a lower rate than his rivals. 
 That is indeed the only reason why he beats 
 them ; but he beats them invariably, and that is 
 the cause of his historical troubles. Everywhere 
 the Jews almost monopolize the most lucrative 
 calling ill the community — that of middlemen. 
 They come to constitute a class apart as well as 
 a race apart, and racial hostility comes to 
 embitter the struggle between the classes. The 
 racial struggle is substituted for the economical 
 struggle, and the worsted and invidious rivals of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. IIQ 
 
 the Jews, who only wait for this opportunity 
 are accepted by the mob for its leaders. 
 
 In the Pale of Settlement the Jews, although 
 forming but one-seventh of the population, have 
 concentrated in their hands one-half of the 
 wholesale trade of the region, and have almost 
 monopolized the retail trade. Russians, Ger- 
 mans, Poles, Greeks, all have been beaten by 
 them, and as a matter of course they do not 
 feel very gratified by it. The lower middle- 
 class, the Greeks in particular, have played a 
 very conspicuous part in the anti-Jewish riots. 
 
 The Russian peasants are very peaceable and 
 inoffensive creatures, too much so, indeed, for 
 the interests of independence and good govern- 
 ment. If left to themselves they wou d rarely, 
 if ever, give vent to their latent ill feelings 
 against the Jews in open rioting, but the middle 
 class are there to egg them on. In the two 
 most notorious riots, those of 1871 and 1881, 
 in Odessa, both of which began in the vicinity of 
 the Greek Church, the Greek merchants incited 
 and headed the mob. The Russian merchants 
 are the chief allies of the Government in Jew- 
 baiting nowadays. 
 
 Since 1881 the anti-Jewish movement in 
 Russia has entered upon a new phase, because 
 the Government itself takes the lead in that 
 war against one chiss of its own subjects. 
 
 Anti-Semitism is not a Russian invention. It 
 originated in Germany, where it was elaborated 
 by a certain class of scholars and philosophers 
 into a social theory. Its real author is un- 
 doubtedly Prince Bismarck. It was he that 
 inaugurated a reign of brute force such as
 
 120 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 Europe has not known at any other epoch, even 
 in the time of the first Napoleon. Force means 
 right ; the dominant race, simply because the 
 strongest, has a right to get rid of a weaker 
 race, if the latter happens to annoy it in some 
 way. The wholesale eviction by Bismarck of Poles 
 from Posen is a direct parallel of the wholesale 
 eviction of Jews in Russia. The persecution of 
 the Finnish nationality, started by the present 
 Government in Russia, is just as unprovoked, 
 foolish, and harmful to the general interests of 
 the State as the persecution of the Jews. The 
 one prepares us to see the other without much 
 surprise. It is the same deliberate appeal to 
 the selfishness of the dominant race with a view 
 of transforming it into a sort of dominant caste, 
 whose interests are identified with the interests 
 of the State, while those of others are trampled 
 down. Such a policy is immorality erected into 
 a system. In the long run it is sure to bring 
 ruin and dissolution to the State. But it is 
 the last trump of a tottering despotism. 
 
 Alexander III. deliberately put barriers to the 
 fusion of the two races. Education, to which 
 access was at one time given to Jews, worked in 
 Russia remarkably well for the removal of racial 
 prejudices on both sides. It gave the best 
 promise for the future, because of the great zeal 
 of the Jews for education. There was a rush to 
 colleges and universities on the part of Jewish 
 youths. In some southern colleges the Jews 
 numbered fifty, sixty, sometimes seventy per 
 cent, of the pupils. In the universities of 
 Odessa and Kharkov they formed, on the 
 average, fifteen to twenty per cent, of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 121 
 
 students, and they were strongly represented in 
 all other high schools. 
 
 Now Alexander III. has deliberately rejected 
 this natural means of reconciling the two races. 
 From some schools, formerly open to them, the 
 Jews were excluded completely. In others they 
 were admitted as a necessary evil, but only up 
 to a certain low percentage, three, five, and in 
 some instances ten per cent, of the total 
 number of Christian pupils. If Christians lag 
 behind, the Jews have to pay the penalty. In 
 the town of Biely a Jewish apothecary wanted 
 to send his boy to the local college. But the 
 director informed him that there was for a 
 Jewish boy only four-fifths of a vacancy, which 
 meant that the last Christian ten was not com- 
 plete, being two boys short. The father 
 petitioned the Minister of Public Education, 
 Count Delianoff, asking that the four-fifths of 
 the boy might carry to school the other one- 
 fifth of the boy, instead of letting the un- 
 authorized one-fifth keep the entire boy outside. 
 But Count Delianoff was strict ; admittance was 
 refused, and the father was compelled to send 
 to the college two Christian boys at his own 
 expense to make room for his son. But few 
 parents can afford such outlay, and there are 
 many towns within the Pale where Jews con- 
 stitute from sixty to eighty per cent, of the 
 population. Thus the new law means com- 
 pulsory ignorance. I need not speak of the 
 discouraging restrictions depriving the Jews who 
 have received their degrees from practising in 
 the professions for which they have been 
 qualified.
 
 122 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 The Government does not want the Jews to 
 be Russianized. On the contrary, it wants every 
 Jewish boy to feel keenly and never be able to 
 forget that he is an outcast. There is a special 
 edict prohibiting the Jewish boys from giving 
 lessons to Christian children. In Minsk a 
 Jewish boy of fourteen was expelled from the 
 college because he was found guilty of teaching 
 a peasant boy merely for love of the child. In 
 the same town there lived in 1891 a certain 
 Doctor Medem, a Jew by birth. He had two 
 boys, the youngest of whom was christened, the 
 eldest was not. Now the authorities prohibited 
 the elder boy from preparing his younger 
 brother for examinations, because the latter was 
 baptized. 
 
 Nor did the late Tzar want the Jews to 
 become Christians. In former times the con- 
 version of a Jew to Christianity cancelled all his 
 disabilities. But by a new edict of 1890 the 
 rights granted to converts have been restricted 
 to a qualified freedom of settlement, complete 
 citizenship being granted only to the grand- 
 children, the second generation of Christians. 
 The war against the Jews is not a war of con- 
 quest, but a war of extermination.. 
 
 Anti-Jewish riots have always occurred at long 
 intervals in our southern cities, with their mixed, 
 excitable populations. But they were unim- 
 portant and rare. They were ordinary scuffles, 
 which take place between alien tribes every- 
 where. The one which preceded the outbreaks 
 of 1882-3 occurred in Odessa in 1870, and did 
 not provoke imitation anywhere else. During
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 23 
 
 the Passion Week, after the Mass, the Greek 
 sailors and merchants attacked the Jews in the 
 neighbourhood of the Greek Church. Being 
 few, they got the worst of it. They appealed for 
 help to the crowd of Russians, who joined hands 
 with them. The riot extended. The troops 
 were few ; the police lost their heads. For two 
 days the rioters could satisfy their lust for destruc- 
 tion to their hearts' content. At the news of the 
 approach of the troops the crowd dispersed and 
 vanished, leaving the authorities to wreak their 
 brutal, stupid vengeance upon innocent men 
 seized at random and flogged in the streets. 
 The matter ended there. The isolated Odessa 
 riot had no echo in any other place. 
 
 But what is most remarkable about the riots 
 of 1882-3, which open the era of Jewish per- 
 secutions, is that they seemed to be contagious 
 to a degree which no former disturbance of 
 the kind had ever shown. There were riots 
 in Elisavetgr;^d, Kieff, Balta, Ekaterinoslav, 
 Smiela, Bieia Zerkov, Uman, Skviza, etc., etc. 
 
 The whole of Southern Russia was embraced 
 by them. They went even beyond its limits ; 
 one of the fiercest riots occurred in Kunavino, 
 near Nijni Novgorod. 
 
 Was this a manifestation of religious fana- 
 ticism, such as is recorded in the annals of the 
 Middle Ages, or was there some other hidden 
 force underlying this wild outburst ? One fact 
 seemed to point clearly to the latter explana- 
 tion. Everywhere, according to the testimony of 
 numerous and unimpeachable eye-witnesses, the 
 rioters set to their destructive work with the con- 
 viction that they were fulfilling some secret and
 
 124 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 imperative order. At times this belief gave rise 
 to very curious incidents. Near Skviry, a small 
 town in the province of Kiefif, there lived a Jew, 
 Abraham Jultik. He owned a small flour-mill, 
 and was on the very best terms with the sur- 
 rounding peasantry. He was an excellent man, 
 without any trace of that greed for money 
 which people consider inherent in the Jewish 
 blood. Being rather well off, and depending 
 upon the work of his own hands, he often lent 
 money to needy peasants, " for God's sake," 
 without taking any interest ; he advised them 
 on points of law, and befriended them in every 
 way. The Russian peasants are not blind 
 pedants — the common people never are. They 
 have their prejudices against Jews as aliens, as 
 well as against officials, nobles, and the priests. 
 But after a time these prejudices are overcome 
 by every individual whose conduct inspires confi- 
 dence. Abraham was the most popular man in 
 the district, a general adviser and arbiter in many 
 family disputes. The peasants never gave him 
 any reason for complaint. Great was therefore 
 his surprise when, soon after the Anti-Jewish riots 
 in Kieff, a crowd of peasants came to his mill 
 and told him that their object was to break his 
 mill to pieces and loot his house. Abraham pro- 
 tested, expostulated, reminded them of his many 
 services and of their friendly relations for many 
 years past. The peasants admitted all that, and 
 said that they were very sorry, but were bound 
 to do it, because such were the orders of the 
 Tzar. Abraham was educated enough to 
 understand that such a notion was perfectly 
 absurd. But his arguments were of no avail.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 25 
 
 At last he hit upon a good idea. He proposed 
 to go with a deputation of persons to the 
 Stanovoi, the chief of police of the district, who, 
 as an official of the Tzar, must know if such an 
 order was given. To this the peasants agreed, 
 and Abraham, with the elder and the sotsky of 
 the village, hurried to the stanovoi, the crowd 
 waiting from midday till late in the night for 
 their return, smoking their pipes, talking with 
 his family, and doing no harm. Of course 
 the stanovoi assured the deputation that they 
 were talking nonsense, and that there was no 
 order for the destruction of Jewish property. 
 When this was communicated to the crowd 
 at the mill, the peasants declared themselves 
 very much pleased, and returned peacefully to 
 their homes. 
 
 The story is perfectly authentic. I got it from 
 a friend of mine, a student, who spent his holi- 
 days in the district. 
 
 Another friend of mine, a Jewess by birth, 
 who was assistant to a doctor, told me of 
 her experiences in a village near Ekaterinoslav. 
 By her indefatigable zeal in the service of her 
 patients and disinterestedness, she not merely 
 won their contidence, but even their sincere 
 affection. She had many devoted friends in 
 the village, especially among the women folk. 
 They proved their devotion by coming one 
 day to warn her that she had better leave the 
 place where she was no longer safe, because an 
 order had come for despoiling the Jews. The 
 neighbouring towns had already done their duty, 
 and the people of the place were saying that 
 they must not lag behind. Deeply grieved, the
 
 126 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 lady asked whether it was really possible that 
 the peasants should do any harm to her, 
 whom they have always called their friend. 
 " Oh," the women replied, " everybody in the 
 village loves you and will pity you. 13ut what 
 can they do ? The orders are not to spare any 
 one ; and they must obey, whether they like it 
 or not." The women offered to hide in their 
 houses the pieces of valuable property she had, 
 in order that she should not suffer real damage 
 in case of the attack, which they considered 
 unavoidable. Many similar instances may be 
 quoted. 
 
 There can be no doubt that in 1882-3 the 
 bulk of the Southern peasantry were under the 
 sway of a superstitious belief in the existence of 
 orders for attacking the Jews, just as in 1880 
 and 1 88 1 they believed in the nearness of a 
 millennium, when the whole land would be taken 
 by the Tzar from the nobles and distributed 
 among the peasantry. 
 
 So common was this belief that even the 
 soldiers, as peasants by origin, shared in it. An 
 eye-witness tells, that seeing the looting of 
 Jewish shops in Uman, while a detachment of 
 soldiers was watching the disorders without 
 making any attempt to stay them, he asked one 
 of them, why they were in the place at all. 
 
 " Dlya poryadku " — to preserve order — the 
 soldier replied stolidly. "That the people who 
 loot the Jewish shops should not break those of 
 the Christians." 
 
 Whence could this absurd belief have origin- 
 ated? What can have been at the bottom of it? 
 
 Count Ignatiev, the future author of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 127 
 
 shameful May edicts, was then Minister of the 
 Interior. I do not think one can call him a 
 Jew-hater. That title may very well be bestowed 
 upon the Tzar, Alexander III., who, vA^hen in- 
 specting troops at Moscow, would order all the 
 privates of Jewish extraction (a Jew can never 
 rise in the army above the grade of private) to 
 be consigned to the barracks, and even on his 
 death-bed in Livadia could not bear the thought 
 that some Jews in as bad a plight as himself 
 were trying to restore their health in the benig- 
 nant climate of the place, and ordered them to 
 move out of the neighbourhood. 
 
 But Count Ignatiev ? Could a man such as 
 he was really have any genuine disinterested 
 feeling of hatred ? I doubt it very much. Yet 
 he assumed the part of a Jew-hater to humour 
 the antipathies of his master ; and he has shown 
 it in many ways. Besides, it became very soon 
 known that he had a personal grudge against the 
 Jews of St. Petersburg for having refused him 
 an enormous bribe which he wanted to extort 
 from them. 
 
 He was credited with a fierce desire to wreak 
 vengeance upon the whole race, and one need 
 not be surprised that by the Jews and some 
 foreign writers he was held to have been the 
 secret instigator of these disorders. 
 
 Mr. Harold Frederic speaks of bands of young 
 men from St. Petersburg roaming about the 
 country, and invariably appearing in a town a 
 day or two before the outbreak of a riot, and 
 doing their work of agents provocateurs so impu- 
 dently that they could be easily detected. 
 
 I venture to think that it is all pure fancy. I
 
 128 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 do not deny the possibility of provocation and 
 incitements. On the contrary, in many cases 
 there were undoubtedly both incitements and 
 provocation, but local ones, proceeding from 
 people who had some interest to gain or some 
 grudge to gratify. But one cannot for one 
 moment admit the possibility of an organized 
 provocation, still less of one, proceeding from 
 anyone like Ignatiev, as Mr. Harold Frederic 
 seems to think. He was not a man to conceive 
 and carry out a plan of such a diabolical ven- 
 geance, and it could not have been carried out 
 by anyone without exposure. 
 
 The first outbreaks were spontaneous ; they 
 were the manifestation of a deep discontent 
 within the masses of the people, who did not 
 understand any of the real causes of their suffer- 
 ings, and wanted some sort of outlet for their 
 hidden fury. The Jews became the expiatory 
 victims, pointed out by their racial prejudices. 
 
 The provocation of which Count Ignatiev was 
 truly guilty was an indirect one ; it was to his 
 influence that was due the strange attitude of 
 the Government in the places where the first 
 riots broke out. No steps were taken to put 
 down the violence of the crowd in its incipient 
 stages, though it might have been done easily 
 without bloodshed. The troops which were 
 sent to the place of disorder simply surrounded 
 the rioters and seemed to protect them, instead 
 of protecting the Jews whom they attacked. 
 
 For such negligence, amounting to con- 
 nivance, Count Ignatiev, as Minister of the 
 Interior, is certainly responsible ; and, if any- 
 thing, it was bound to create within the ma.'sses
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I2g 
 
 the impression that it was permissible to ill-use 
 the Jews. And from this to the legend of the 
 existence of a Tzar's "order,'^ there is but a 
 step. 
 
 People who are quite trustworthy, and do not 
 mean it as a joke, assure us that the germs of the 
 future riot were thrown into the masses a year 
 before the outbreak took place, and this, 
 curiously enough, had been done, quite inadver- 
 tently of course, by the Tzar's manifesto de- 
 nouncing the Nihilists, and calling upon all his 
 faithful subjects to assist the police in exter- 
 minating them. The official name for the 
 Nihilists is krauiolniki, which means in Russian, 
 rebels. State criminals. Now, in the south of 
 Russia the pedlars and retail traders, who are 
 all Jews, are popularly called kraviorniki. For 
 illiterate peasants, who only heard the manifesto 
 and could not understand fully the meaning of 
 its long-winded pompous phraseology, it was 
 easy to confound the two words and to come to 
 the conclusion that the kramorniki, or Jews, 
 were at the bottom of the mischief, and had to 
 be exterminated. 
 
 The psychology of crowds is a very queer one. 
 A suspicion, a suggestion thrown into it will 
 assume sometimes wild proportions, get a life ot 
 its own, and become no longer governable or 
 manageable. Yet I will not vouch for the 
 explanation, and merely repeat what we find in 
 the Russian press. To me the indirect provoca- 
 tion of the apparent connivance of the authorities 
 in the riots seems quite sufficient to account 
 for the wild rumours. 
 
 Then came Ignatiev's May edicts, which 
 
 K
 
 I30 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 virtually threw the blame of these riots upon 
 the misconduct of the Jews, and, in the circum- 
 stances, could not but confirm the conviction of 
 the masses that the Government was on the side 
 of the rioters. 
 
 The iniquitous law was suspended a few 
 months after its promulgation, owing, I believe, 
 to the influence of foreign public opinion, which 
 the Tzar, new as yet to power, did not at that 
 time dare to disregard. 
 
 A contrary view is expressed by Mr. Harold 
 Frederic, who maintains that the suspension of 
 the May Laws and the fall of Count Ignatiev was 
 due to the Tzar having got convincing proofs 
 of the bad faith of his minister, and his gross 
 abuse of power. The fact of his having offered 
 immunity from the May Laws to the Jews of the 
 capital for an enormous bribe of one million 
 roubles is perfectly authentic. It was negoti- 
 ated between him and the representatives of the 
 Synagogue in the form of the purchase of one 
 of his estates for a fancy price, exceeding its 
 real value by one million roubles. I have the 
 fact from a man who knew the whole story first- 
 hand. Mr. Harold Frederic informs us that to 
 him it was told by men who had been entrusted 
 with the negotiations. He mentions the three 
 reasons which caused the affair to collapse, of 
 which the concluding one is the most character- 
 istic ; there was no possibility of trusting Count 
 Ignatiev's word. He might have pocketed the 
 bribe and not have fulfilled his promise. 
 
 The May Laws appeared before the stupefied 
 world in their entirety, prohibiting hundreds of 
 thousands of Jews from living in certain cities, as
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 13I 
 
 well as from remaining in the country, on the 
 plea that their presence was injurious to the 
 native population. But Count Ignatiev took 
 care to exempt his own estates from the effects of 
 his own edicts by surreptitiously renewing the 
 leases of all his Jewish farmers. 
 
 The Count's successful trick and the story of 
 his unsuccessful extortion having been brought 
 to the Tzar, the minister got into disgrace, 
 and his edicts, without being repealed, were put 
 into abeyance. Whether this was due to the 
 latter cause or to the former, or both, it matters 
 little. The Tzar's policy became more tolerant 
 once again, but only for a time. His hostility 
 towards the Jews was not altered. Now the 
 ball comes to the player. Rulers easily get 
 advice they are looking for. Eight years later 
 Alexander III. lent his ear to Pobedonoszev, a 
 man of incorruptible bigotry, against whom no 
 damaging fact could be revealed, and he followed 
 his advice unflinchingly. 
 
 The May edicts of Count Ignatiev forbid the 
 Jews (i) to settle in village^, and (2) to acquire 
 or rent real estates within the Pale of settlement. 
 In 1890 they were revived under the following 
 most aggravating conditions : The eight years' 
 suspension was ignored, and the edict declared 
 to have been in force since May, 18S2. This 
 actually was giving it a retrospective force for the 
 full eight years. All the scores of thousands 
 who settled in villages in full confidence during 
 this period were therefore to be evicted. 
 
 But the evident intention of the Government 
 was to expel from the open country in the 
 shortest possible time all the Jews who were 
 K 2
 
 132 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 settled there. This was manifested by a series 
 of additional edicts, which rendered life utterly 
 unbearable to those who wished to remain. 
 
 An early ukase of the Senate, November, 
 1887, explained that the right of residence 
 granted to old settlers was strictly localized. A 
 Jew living in the village A has no right to 
 move his residence to the village B, half a mile 
 distant. The right was also made strictly indi- 
 vidual. Children cannot receive their aged 
 mother or father coming from town or another 
 village. The right did not extend even to the 
 wife, although by the Russian common law all 
 the rights and privileges of husbands belong to 
 their wives. There are dozens of cases within 
 my knowledge of Jews residing in villages 
 who married in towns, and had been ordered 
 by the police either to leave the villages 
 or to send their wives away, for as town 
 women they had no right to be in open 
 country. Family ties, recognized as being the 
 most sacred in the community, are broken daily 
 in Russia where Jews are concerned. I will 
 quote from the Voskhod (January 21st, 1891) a 
 case of this nature in Kieff, where ten Jewish 
 families were thus broken up. Ten women, 
 wives of Jewish artisans, whose names are given 
 in full, were expelled from the town, because 
 it was discovered that one of them had one cow 
 and sold to her neighbours a few jugs of milk, 
 and the others tried to add to the modest earn- 
 ings of their husbands by baking bread, sewing 
 shirts, and the like, which they carried on 
 market days to the market and sold. They 
 were set down on this score as merchants,
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I33 
 
 and expelled from town in twenty-four hours, 
 because only Jewish artisans are allowed to 
 breathe the air of Kieff. And the husbands? 
 The children of these ten families ? Well, they 
 could remain behind, of course. They were 
 only Jews ! 
 
 In the law depriving the Jews of the right of 
 settlement in the open country there is a special 
 clause, of little moment, but very characteristic 
 of the spirit animating the late Government. 
 I mean the clause which expressly says that 
 Jewish patients are no exception, and that a 
 Jew cannot go to the country, even temporarily, 
 for health ! People able to meditate upon and 
 draw such clauses cannot be expected to care 
 about breaking up Jewish families. 
 
 But let us return to the general measures 
 against the rural Jews. One of the most im- 
 portant, and at the same time most vexatious, 
 is the restriction of their right of movement. 
 They must remain as prisoners within the 
 boundaries of the district, if they do not want 
 to forfeit their right of settlement. If they go 
 to town and spend there only a few nights, they 
 are liable to be considered on their return as 
 new settlers and evicted on that score. Near 
 Gomel there are many villages where there is 
 no synagogue. In 1888 a number of Jewish 
 families went to celebrate in the synagogue of 
 the town. On their return they were evicted 
 by the ispravnik, Elensky. This is the com- 
 monest trick, practised all over the Pale, and 
 the Jews living at some distance from towns 
 have either to give up religious observances or 
 their privilege of residence. Young Jews who
 
 134 K^NG STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 have to go to serve in the army are regularly 
 expelled as new settlers on returning to their 
 families. The Jewish artisans, who have, 
 according to law, the privilege of free settle- 
 ment in all the towns and villages outside the 
 Pale, are evicted wholesale under the pretext 
 that it is not specified whether the general 
 franchise includes the right of settlement within 
 the Pale. 
 
 According to Russian law, no new building 
 and no repairs can be made without the 
 authorization of the administration. Now the 
 administration refuses systematically all such 
 authorizations to Jews living in rural districts, 
 in order that the buildings may fall into decay. 
 They must move to towns or live in houses 
 falling to pieces. If the house is consumed by 
 fire, they are never allowed to rebuild. 
 
 Arable lands and pastures, which means 
 farms, cannot be taken in Russia on long 
 leases. Twelve years is the maximum allowed 
 by the law, although it may be stipulated that 
 at the expiration of this term the tenant has a 
 right to renew the agreement ; but the land 
 agents are expressly prohibited from registering 
 such renewals when the farmers are Jews. As 
 the May edicts extend eight years back, it is 
 evident that in the current year (iJ^'95), all the 
 regular Jewish farmers will be evicted from the 
 Pale, because the new Tzar has not altered any 
 of the anti- Jewish laws of his father. There 
 is a considerable class of special farmers of 
 Jewish extraction, known as CliinsJi men, 
 whose tenure and rentals are permanent, 
 being based upon customary law. The Chinsh
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 35 
 
 people are virtual owners, the nominal land- 
 lord having no right either to increase their 
 rentals or to evict them as long as they pay 
 their rent. These rights are recognized in the 
 case of Christians, but never in the case of Jews. 
 There are, according to official statistics, 36.429 
 Jewish families holding small pieces of land by 
 virtue of the CJiinsh right. They are all now 
 absolutely at the mercy of the cupidity or the 
 caprice of their nominal landlords. The tri- 
 bunals always decide these Ciiinsh disputes 
 against the Jews, and the members of our 
 highest class are not ashamed to take advantage 
 of their helplessness. Prince Abimelek evicted 
 a whole village, Pavlovka, district of Tiraspol, 
 peopled for over thirty years by CJiinsk Jews. 
 The Princes Gorchakoff, Michael, and Kon- 
 stantin, sons of the Chancellor, did the same 
 with their Brailov Jews, who had been in undis- 
 turbed possession of the land for forty or fifty 
 years. 
 
 Sometimes the outrages against the rights of 
 property are accompanied by shocking outrages 
 of moral feelings. A certain Mr. Demy, a land- 
 lord in Bessarabia, has been at law for ten years 
 with the Jewish Chinsk people of Kopreshty 
 about the piece of land upon which their houses 
 and synagogue are built. The matter of the 
 synagogue, the onl}^ one in the neighbourhood, 
 and built over forty years ago, caused the Jews 
 to exert themselves most strenuously. The 
 affair dragged on, passing from one tribunal to 
 another. The synagogue, pending the decision, 
 was, as a matter of course, in the possession of 
 the defendants. But in the summer of 1890, on
 
 136 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the eve of the approaching Jewish holidays, 
 Mr. Demy persuaded the Police Inspector, 
 Luchinsky, to take possession in his name of 
 the Jewish house of prayer, and Luchinsky, 
 knowing well that with Jews anything can be 
 done with impunity, proceeded to carry out his 
 friend's request. He arrived at Kopreshty, 
 entered the synagogue, took possession of all 
 the sacred rolls, and sent them in a cart to the 
 police-station. Mr. Demy was then installed in 
 possession of the Jewish house of prayer, and 
 he immediately drove into it a herd of pigs, 
 which remained there all day and the following 
 night. The ispravtiik, Luchinsky's superior 
 officer, ordered the animals to be taken away, 
 and restored the sacred books to the Jews. But 
 the authors of this practical joke went scot-free. 
 {Voskhod, February, 1891.) 
 
 These are facts the authenticity of which 
 cannot possibly be doubted, for I have taken 
 them from a paper published in Russia under 
 the vigilant eye of the censorship. It is a very 
 bold thing to publish such facts at all. It would 
 be disastrous to invent or exaggerate. 
 
 At various times there have been attempts to 
 form Jewish agricultural colonies. The plan 
 seems to me to be somewhat artificial, and not 
 likely to succeed upon a large scale in Russia — 
 at least, where it depends entirely upon the 
 manual skill of the husbandman, which requires 
 a long training. The Jews do not shun manual 
 labour. There are 300,000 Jewish artisans within 
 the Pale, and 200,000 outside of it. Nine-tenths 
 of the rest are pedlars, shop-boys, and the like, 
 whose physical work is certainly no lighter than 
 
 i
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 37 
 
 that of artisans and mechanics. But it is very 
 difficult for such workers to return to agricul- 
 ture, and why should they ? Yet these projects 
 were always warmly received by the Jews, and, 
 notwithstanding the most unfavourable condi- 
 tions created for these colonies by the stupidity, 
 suspiciousness, and meddlesome spirit of the 
 bureaucracy, some of these agricultural colonies 
 continue to thrive. There are about 50^00 
 Jewish farmers in Russia, but they do not find 
 much grace with the Russian Government. 
 They do not fall under the action of May edicts, 
 but whenever the administration finds a pretext, 
 the Jewish husbandmen are evicted as ruthlessly 
 as other Jews. The agricultural colony of 
 Sytna, which has existed for fifty-three years, 
 near Minsk ; Orany, another colony of forty 
 years' standing, near Vilna ; half-a-dozen colo- 
 nies in Bessarabia and in the province of 
 Kamencz Podolsk, have been evicted and dis- 
 persed. Thus a score of thousands of pros- 
 perous farmers, gardeners, tobacco planters, 
 who worked the land with their own hands, 
 and were an example of sobriety and diligence, 
 were turned out downright paupers, the pretext 
 being now that the land was rented — sometimes 
 for over half a century — not owned ; now that 
 the village stood too near the frontier. 
 
 These facts are interesting to us from one 
 particular point of view. The Russian Govern- 
 ment and its defenders profess that Jewish 
 persecutions have exclusively for an object the 
 protection of the peasants against Jewish 
 usurers. The claim is preposterous. In the 
 Pale the Jews are the chief money-lenders, to
 
 138 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 whom the masses of the peasantry are inex- 
 tricably indebted. But outside the Pale there 
 are no Jews in villages. Yet the masses of 
 the peasants are indebted to local money- 
 lenders and usurers of Christian faith as 
 much as they are indebted to Jews within the 
 Pale. Usury is a terrible scourge of agricul- 
 tural Russia ; but it springs from the general 
 economical conditions of the country — exorbi- 
 tant taxes, combined with insufficiency of land 
 — which compel peasants to borrow money any- 
 where on any terms. The expulsion of Jews 
 will result to the advantage of Christian usurers, 
 who will be left without competitors. That is 
 the only possible effect of the expulsion of Jews 
 from villages. 
 
 The May edicts, whose working we have 
 described, form but a part of a general plan of 
 campaign. There are about three-quarters of a 
 million of privileged Jews living outside the 
 Pale — artisans, merchants of the first guild, 
 members of the learned professions, and their 
 families, to whom these franchises are given by 
 the laws of 1865 and 1867. The next move after 
 the revival of the May edicts was to drive the 
 Jews out of the country at large, and the energy 
 shown by the administration promises that 
 very shortly most of these 750,000 will go to 
 swell the Jewish paupers in the towns and 
 hamlets of the Pale. 
 
 The richest Jews, the merchants of the first 
 guild, are alone left comparatively unmolested, 
 while the poor artisans gaining their bread by 
 the sweat of their brow are the chief sufferers. 
 There are no end of tricks resorted to in order to
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I39 
 
 deprive them of the franchises granted to them 
 by the law. In one place certain handicrafts 
 are declared to be excluded from the list of 
 callings which the franchises cover. In Moscow 
 the compositors were declared to be artists, and 
 not mechanics, and therefore the Jews following 
 this trade were expelled from the capital. In 
 Smolensk the glaziers, vinegar makers, bakers, 
 and butchers have been also declared not to be 
 artisans, but something else — and the adminis- 
 tration did not say what. In Simbirsk the 
 Council of the Guilds passed a resolution not to 
 give to Jewish artisans any licences unless they 
 passed a special examination in their respective 
 crafts. This was illegal and absurd, the skill 
 of the artisans being proved by their certificates, 
 and still better by their good work. But this 
 was exactly what the Simbirsk guild-masters 
 would not tolerate. Their special commissioners 
 declared the Jews almost to a man not proficient 
 in their trade, and the administration immedi- 
 ately expelled them and their families from the 
 town. In Uffa the same result was obtained 
 by the opposite means. Here it was the 
 administration that took the initiative and 
 declared all local certificates inefficient and void 
 — for the Jews alone, of course. The Jewish 
 artisans were requested to present certificates 
 from the towns of their origin, which means 
 from the Pale, which some of them had left 
 twenty years before, and upon their being unable 
 to comply with this fooli-ih demand, they were 
 expelled in a body. In other places the poHce 
 pounce on Jewish artisans on Saturday, and, 
 finding them and their families at rest, issue an
 
 140 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 order of expulsion against them, on the pretext 
 that they are not artisans, as they do not work 
 with their hands. 
 
 An old law of Nicolas I. has served the 
 administration a good turn for wholesale expul- 
 sions. This law is directed against a small 
 religious sect — the so-called Sabbatarians, who 
 keep Saturday as the day of prayer. These 
 have always shown a great leaning toward the 
 old Mosaic and Rabbinical law, and willingly 
 accepted Jewish Rabbis as their pastors. It 
 was therefore enacted, by way of precaution, 
 that the Jews should not be allowed to settle in 
 the localities where these sects existed. Now 
 the administration has inverted the law. The 
 discovery or the arrival of one Sabbatarian in a 
 town is considered a sufficient reason for ex- 
 pelling all the Jews from the place. 
 
 This expedient was used for the first time 
 last year in Samara. A Sabbatarian, M., was 
 exiled to this tow^n by administrative order. 
 The day after his arrival all the Jews were 
 ordered to close up their business and to be off 
 to the Pale. The same trick was resorted to 
 afterwards in Orel. Such devices are always 
 tried elsewhere, if they seem worth while. 
 Some day we may hear that the Government 
 has used the Sabbatarians as a sort of Jew- 
 killing instrument, scattering a few hundreds of 
 them broadcast in all the towns of the Empire 
 to render it impossible for Jews to remain any- 
 where. But it is just as likely that they will do 
 without any such trick; when they have no pretext 
 they will do the same without a pretext. The 
 Governors vie with each other in the exhibition
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I4I 
 
 of anti-Jewish zeal to win the good graces of 
 the Minister, The Jews are expelled from 
 Siberia, which ought surely to be considered a 
 bad enough place for even Jews to be allowed to 
 live in. They are expelled from the Caucasus, 
 although the official statistics collected in the 
 course of four years (1886- 1890) testify that 
 fully 60 per cent, of them are artisans and 
 10 per cent, manufacturers and members of 
 learned professions. They are expelled from 
 the newly-acquired provinces of Central Asia, 
 where their help might do so much toward 
 developing the local industries, and where they 
 are undoubtedly a Russianizing element. 
 
 The mode of carrying out these evictions and 
 expulsions is barbarous in the extreme, the 
 underlings in their turn trying to distinguish 
 themselves in the eyes of their superiors. In 
 Kieff, in February, 1891, 1000 shop assistants 
 and shopkeepers of Jewish extraction, with their 
 families, were arrested and expelled in a little 
 more than twenty-four hours, without being 
 allowed to prepare themselves for the journey. 
 At eight o'clock in the morning the police broke 
 into their houses, awakening many of them from 
 sleep, and they were immediately taken to the 
 police-station. The shopkeepers were fined 
 1300 roubles each, the shop assistants 600 
 roubles each, and the next day at noon they 
 were all packed into railway carriages and sent 
 off to the Pale. These people were all respect- 
 able tradesmen, with legal licences, for which 
 they had all paid in December, 1890. They 
 had their shops in the best streets of the town, 
 and were not accused of any wrong-doing. But
 
 142 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 there is a new order prohibiting Jews from 
 keeping shops in Kieff, and these people did 
 not hasten to clear the ground on their own 
 account without a special notice. For this 
 offence all their stock was confiscated. 
 
 The chase after the Jews and their spoils is 
 extended to the Baltic Provinces. Jews are 
 expelled from Mitava, Libau, Jacobstadt, and 
 Riga, sometimes after forty years of undisturbed 
 residence. In Riga a rich merchant, Blumen- 
 thalj owner of three mills and of two large shops, 
 had all his stock confiscated, and was ordered 
 to leave within twenty-four hours. In Libau 
 the value of the goods confiscated amounts to 
 200,000 roubles. In Dinaburg the administra- 
 tion, confiscating the stocks of the Jewish 
 merchants, took possession also of 70,000 
 roubles of the " box-money," destined, accord- 
 ing to a Jewish custom, for schools^, and devoted 
 the proceeds to the building of an orthodox 
 church. In St, Petersburg the Prefect of the 
 town. General Gresser, robbed the Jews in 
 another way, by ordering them (March 15th, 
 1 891) to change the store firm names they had 
 acquired from Russians, putting instead their 
 own names, "in order," the edict runs, "that 
 the public should see at once that the shop is a 
 Jewish one." In Moscow, on the nights of 
 April nth, 1 2th, and 13th, the police broke in 
 upon 167 families, who were all carefully searched 
 and sent to the police-stations under escort as 
 criminals — mothers, children, old men — to be 
 afterwards conveyed to the Pale. From a town 
 in the Pale a perfectly trustworthy eye-witness 
 writes: "Every day crowds of our people are
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I43 
 
 brought here, chained like criminals, ragcjed, 
 hungry. The time allowed them for settling 
 their affairs was so short that they could not 
 dispose of their property. In Moscow suites of 
 Vienna chairs, worth 4/., were sold for one 
 shilling. Complete furniture for a room was 
 sold for six shillinp^s. The families were cast 
 out of their houses into the streets, their furni- 
 ture was thrown out, and they were left without 
 shelter. It is just as bad as at the riots." 
 
 These are facts taken from private letters of 
 friends and relatives, never intended for print. 
 
 I will not dwell upon the third measure 
 against the Jews, although it is, perhaps, still 
 more sweeping than the two former. I mean 
 the wholesale expulsion of Jews from the fifty 
 versts (thirty-three miles) strip of border-land 
 along the western frontier. The same scenes, 
 the same brutalities, the same misery accom- 
 pany them. The ostensible reason of this 
 measure is the prevention of smuggling. That 
 there is much smuggling along this frontier is 
 quite true. It is also true that the smuggling, 
 like so many other trades, is chiefly in the 
 hands of Jews. But there are 250,000 Jews 
 settled upon that strip of land, and a quarter of 
 a million people cannot possibly live there by 
 smu^^gling. Tiicre is smuggling upon all 
 frontiers. What would people think of a pro- 
 posal to make it a desert by expelling the whole 
 of the border population as a preventive of 
 smuggling? And yet this is just what the 
 Government is doing with regard to Jews. All 
 are to be expelled, without exception. Even 
 members of learned professions — lawyers, pro-
 
 144 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 fessors, physicians, rabbis — are not allowed to 
 settle near the frontier, the administration pre- 
 tending to see smugglers in all of them. The 
 total number of human beings affected by the 
 persecution is therefore overwhelming. 
 
 English readers know very well from not 
 very distant Irish history what human miseries 
 are represented by the word "eviction." But in 
 Russia we have not a handful of tenants sur- 
 rounded by a friendly population, but over a 
 million of men, women, and children, evicted or 
 in the way of being evicted, helpless, destitute — 
 a picture of suffering which defies comparison. 
 We must recall to our memory the expulsion 
 and starving out of the 800,000 of Mauresques 
 from Spain to have an idea of what has been 
 inflicted nowadays upon the Jews. 
 
 The 1,500,000 Jews cooped in the towns and 
 hamlets of the Pale were never very prosperous. 
 The greater number of them lived in extreme 
 and sometimes degrading poverty, because of the 
 fierce competition. The terrible, harrowing pages 
 of the accounts of a commission of professors, 
 published in the SL Petersburg Economical 
 Magazine in 1882, are there to testify to it. We 
 read there of thousands of men, women, and 
 children living in hovels not fit for dogs ; of 
 families of ten and more huddled together in a 
 room having sufficient air for only one person ; 
 of squalid misery, slow starvation, dirty promis- 
 cuity which makes one sick only to think of it. 
 Now another million at least of people were 
 thrown in, expelled from all parts of Russia — 
 people entirely destitute, who come as com- 
 petitors for public charity and for work. The
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 145 
 
 state of things brought about in these towns is 
 easier to imagine than to describe. It is a 
 starving out — one of those miseries seldom seen 
 except in besieged towns, when pestilence 
 breaks out and men return to the state of 
 savage nature. 
 
 But material sufferings are not the only 
 scourge of this unfortunate people. There is 
 the paternal Government to goad them into 
 utter despair by petty tyranny, extortion, 
 abuse, insult, humiliation of all kinds. They 
 are at the mercy of everyone vile enough to 
 lift his hand against a defenceless people. In 
 Odessa the Jews are threatened with exile if they 
 have the impudence to try to get good places 
 in the tramways and railway carriages. In 
 Rostislavl they are told that they will be flogged 
 upon the market-place if the Jewish children 
 make a noise in the streets. In Kieff their 
 hospital has been closed because it happens to 
 stand within a hundred yards of a Christian 
 church ; a benevolent institution, simply because 
 it is Jewish, being thus likened to a low tavern 
 or a house of ill-fame. In the same town the 
 Governor, a particularly pious gentleman, pro- 
 hibited the Jews from passing through certain 
 streets where there are many churches. When 
 a small anti-Jewish disturbance occurred in the 
 town, a handful of drunken roughs breaking 
 into some Jewish houses, destroying property, 
 and insulting the inmates, a deputation of Jews 
 waited upon the Governor, who refused to take 
 action, and replied in these words : " I am very 
 sorry that disturbances occurred in my province, 
 but I cannot prevent them ; for the people 
 
 L
 
 146 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 must once for all get rid of the Jews, who defile 
 our holy town." 
 
 In such circumstances it is natural that the 
 Jews should live in constant dread of riots. 
 All the time rumours of new and drastic 
 measures keep the Jews in a state of constant 
 terror and suspense. The St. Petersburg press 
 has announced such news as the contemplation 
 by the Jewish committee of a plan for the 
 gradual restriction of the Pale of Settlement ; of 
 the expulsion of Jews from certain streets, and 
 of the creation of real mediaeval ghettoes ; of 
 further restriction of the education of Jewish 
 children ; of closing various professions to Jews ; 
 of even a special compulsory dress, which would 
 single them out among other people. 
 
 In a private letter from Vilna, we read : 
 *' It is rumoured that even the merchants 
 of the first guild will be expelled from 
 Russian towns, and prohibited from return- 
 ing under penalty of flogging by the police 
 without any preliminary trial. It is even 
 rumoured that this brutal order has been carried 
 out in some places. You will understand what 
 is our position and what we have to expect in 
 the future. We are all of us here as men who 
 have lost their mind from grief, with eyes swollen 
 with tears, looking with despair upon each other's 
 faces. Our hearts are torn to pieces on hearing 
 on all sides news about the suffering of our un- 
 fortunate people. Pen cannot describe all the 
 depth of our misery. But you will understand 
 it, I hope, yourself." 
 
 Foreign wars are an expedient often tried by 
 despots to blunt the liberal aspirations and
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I47 
 
 deaden the internal disconteni: of nations. But 
 war is a dangerous game, which may turn either 
 way. The Russian Government has hit upon 
 something better. In starting a sort of civil 
 war against an enemy which cannot fight, it has 
 avoided all the risks of a foreign war, while 
 securing its advantages. But not with all the 
 Russians. The truly patriotic, humane, en- 
 lightened Russian, without distinction of parties, 
 social position, or creed, is indignant at the 
 barbarous persecution of Jews, which disgraces 
 our country and demoralizes our people. Even 
 at the Court, among the highest dignitaries of 
 the State, there are men who have had the 
 courage and wisdom to oppose the present anti- 
 Semitic policy. The Commission for settling 
 the Jewish question, appointed in 1881 under 
 the presidency of Count Pahlen, favoured the 
 abolition of the Pale of Settlement and the 
 enfranchisement of the Jew as the means of 
 settling the Jewish problem in Russia. But the 
 Emperor agreed with the minority, which was 
 for a further increase of restrictions. The Bishop 
 of Kherson and Odessa, Nicanor, delivered a 
 sermon against the persecution of Jews as con- 
 trary to the spirit of Christian charity. He was 
 reprimanded by the Holy Synod. The Rev. 
 Mr. Nemiroff, of Moscow, who committed a 
 similar offence, was dismissed. Count Lev 
 Tolstoi's petition, in favour of tolerance and 
 humanity towards the Jews, has been with- 
 drawn from circulation by order of the police. 
 The papers that dare defend the Jews are visited 
 with administrative punishment. A circular 
 note of the Minister of the Interior has been 
 
 L 2
 
 148 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 sent to all the newspapers, forbidding them to 
 publish anything against anti-Semitism. This 
 is a fact which I have from perfectly authentic 
 sources. One of our largest morning papers, 
 the Novosti (News), of St. Petersburg, which was 
 the most prominent in defending the cause of 
 tolerance, for some time past has published no 
 news whatever about the Jews in Russia. Thus 
 the Government has well cleared the ground by 
 silencing all who could say one sensible, humane 
 word in opposition to the anti-Jewish outcry. 
 The coarse^ scurrilous papers trading upon the 
 ignorance, racial prejudices, and superstitions of 
 the crowd are, on the contrary, allowed free 
 scope in vilifying and abusing the Jews, against 
 whom all the evils of Russia are charged, the 
 deterioration of the Russian climate and the 
 shallowing of Russian rivers included. 
 
 Racial hostility is a feeling easily excited. In 
 connection with the Jews there is, moreover, 
 the question of economical and professional 
 rivalry. The heads of our industries, in justice 
 it must be acknowledged, have shown sufficient 
 insight into the real interests of the country. 
 In the well-known petition to the Governor of 
 Moscow, drawn in connection with the expul- 
 sion of Jews from Moscow, the representatives 
 of all the leading firms of that town asked for 
 the granting to Jews of the right of settling in 
 the capital, in the interests of Russian commerce, 
 which the Jews have contributed so much to- 
 ward extending. But how many there are who 
 will be glad to have the dangerous rivals re- 
 moved ; how many who will seize the oppor- 
 tunity of trampling upon somebody for the mere
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I49 
 
 pleasure of feeling that they are something 
 superior ! No wonder that, after a while, the 
 Government found itself not alone in waging its 
 inglorious war upon the Jews. If in highly 
 cultured Germany the Jew-baiting started by 
 Prince Bismarck found supporters among literary 
 people, politicians, and scholars, it is nothing 
 surprising that the same thing was repeated in 
 Russia. 
 
 The Russian Government has achieved a 
 masterly stroke of domestic policy in starting 
 the Jewish persecutions. It has but one incon- 
 venience, the risk of provoking too strong a dis- 
 approbation abroad, both among the powerful 
 Jewish element and all educated people of the 
 civilized world. Hence the attempts on the 
 part of the Russian Government to hush up, to 
 make light of, or to completely deny the fact 
 of the Jewish persecutions in Russia. Hence 
 the constant repetition of alleged protests of 
 Russian Jews against all foreign interfer- 
 ence, their alleged rejection of all assistance 
 except that of the Tzar himself, whom they are 
 represented as trusting implicitly — a strange 
 loyalty, which, if it were true, would give the lie 
 direct to the accepted idea that the Jews, what- 
 ever else they be, are certainly a clever race. 
 But it is not true, and I could bring many 
 proofs to refute it. As to the Government, it 
 seems to me that the fact that it is particularly 
 anxious to have foreign agitation hushed up is a 
 sign that it is precisely the weapon that can be 
 effectively used against it. 
 
 The Jewish question is, above all, an inter- 
 national question, because it affects all nations.
 
 150 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 For economical, political, and moral reasons it 
 is the right and the duty of foreign countries to 
 interfere. We representatives of the Russian 
 opposition never wished for, or expected or 
 advocated, foreign interference in Russia's 
 domestic affairs. The Russians are fighting 
 their own national Government, and no inter- 
 ference, except that of public opinion, can be 
 suffered in that internal feud. But the Jews 
 are not oppressed by a national Government 
 of their own. Their position is strictly the same 
 as that of the Bulgarians or Armenians under the 
 Turkish dominion. If the diplomacy of the 
 civilized world thought interference incumbent 
 upon it, why should it keep aloof on the Jewish 
 question ? The only difference is that the Sultan 
 is weak and the Tzar is strong. Will that con- 
 sideration prevent the statesmen of the civilized 
 nations from entering up a solemn protest? 
 
 As to foreign Jews, it seems to me that the 
 present condition of affairs in Russia imposes 
 upon them special obligations. They are bound 
 to help their brothers in their extremity. No- 
 body denies that. One can only regret that the 
 traditional timidity and diffidence of their race 
 has caused them to avoid up to the present any 
 energetic action in the matter. Let me recall 
 a precedent. About forty years ago the first 
 Russian political refugee, Alexander Herzen, 
 settled in London and founded the first Russian 
 free press and paper, called the Bell. He was 
 a wealthy man, and before starting for his volun- 
 tary exile he converted all his landed property 
 into bonds of the State. On coming to England 
 he wanted to realize on these bonds ; but it
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 151 
 
 somehow happened that the Government knew 
 the numbers of Herzen's bonds, and the Tzar, 
 Nicolas I., thought he could ruin his enemy by 
 ordering the bank of the State to refuse his 
 bonds as worthless. The bank obeyed, as a 
 matter of course, although it was contrary to 
 law. But Herzen found a strong man to take 
 care of his interest, Mr. Rothschild the elder, 
 who sent to the Tzar's Government a note 
 intimating that since the bonds in question were 
 in all respects as good as other Russian bonds, 
 he would consider their rejection as an evidence 
 of insolvency and would declare the Tzar of all 
 the Russias a bankrupt upon all the Stock Ex- 
 changes of Europe. The Tzar Nicolas put his 
 pride into his pocket and ordered the bank to 
 accept Herzen's bonds. This story is perfectly 
 authentic, and Herzen relates in his Bell, very 
 wittily and in all details, how " King Rothschild 
 sent his orders to Emperor Nicolas and the 
 Emperor obeyed." 
 
 The piesent Russian Government cannot 
 stand without being subsidized from without. 
 It is a pity citizens of free nations subsidize it 
 at all, for in so doing they uphold the tyrants 
 against the people. But for Jews to support the 
 present Tzar is the same as it would have been 
 for the French capitalists to have subsidized the 
 Prussian army marching upon Paris. The Jews 
 control the money market of the world. By 
 combining they might have cut off the Russian 
 Tzars "with a shilling," and obtained what 
 they will never get by supplication, solicitations, 
 and entreaties, made sometimes at the expense 
 of their dignity. There is no impressing Russian
 
 152 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 Tzars by obsequiousness ; they have been too 
 much stuffed with it at home. The Jews should 
 have shown fight, and they would have won the 
 battle. But they did not show fight. An 
 influential member of the Jewish community in 
 London, to whom I talked once of this plan, 
 said that it was not realizable because the Jews 
 did not control the money market to such an 
 extent as is generally supposed. Upon this I 
 cannot judge. Anyhow, the Tzar Alexander 
 III. met with no opposition, and had all his own 
 way. He carried on his expulsion scheme, and 
 no less than one million unfortunate men, 
 women, and children had their homes ruined, 
 and had to tread the painful, thorny pathway of 
 exile. 
 
 The immense mass of suffering of the Russian 
 Jews must be set entirely at the door of Alex- 
 ander III. He was the cause of it, and it is 
 childish to throw the blame of it upon such or 
 such of his advisers.
 
 IX. 
 
 THE POLES AND THE FINNS. 
 
 The persecution of the Poles went on unin- 
 terruptedly as a matter of course without 
 exciting much comment or even attention. 
 People would have been surprised if under a 
 Tzar like Alexander III., a nation embodying 
 the idea of Revolution had been left unmolested. 
 Every now and then the English and German 
 press published brief bits of news about fresh 
 severities in Poland, just enough to satisfy the 
 reader that the prearranged order of things 
 existed undisturbed, and that he need not de- 
 vote more attention to the subject. 
 
 True : the fact that thirty years after the 
 insurrection Poland was still kept under martial 
 law was in itself a flagrant violation of the pre- 
 arranged order of things. But on foreign 
 subjects public attention must be caught at once 
 by something striking and sudden, or it will 
 never be caught at all. 
 
 The civilized world has contemplated unmoved 
 the brutal efforts of the Russian Government to 
 murder a whole nation by forcing the Poles to 
 become what they abhorred becoming. 
 
 Alexander III. did more than persecute the 
 Catholic religion and impose civil disabilities
 
 154 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 upon its followers. His object was a thorough 
 Russification of Poland, and his main efforts 
 were directed towards the destruction of what 
 constitutes the distinction, the pride, and the 
 intellectual wealth of the nation — its language. 
 For a nation which has lost its language is cut 
 adrift from its past, and ceases to be a nation. 
 
 The means taken to stamp out the Polish 
 language showed an unheard-of stupidity and 
 disregard for the most sacred rights of man. It 
 was made a crime for Poles to speak Polish in 
 public places, streets, and meetings, or to teach 
 in that language in any school, the primary ones 
 included, although the children of peasants and 
 working men did not know Russian. In 
 Warsaw there is a home for the deaf and dumb, in 
 which these unfortunate persons are given some 
 instruction to mitigate their frightful isolation 
 from the rest of their fellow-men. In 1893 the 
 head of the educational department, Apukhtin, 
 ordered that the institute should not be an 
 exception, and that the teaching should be in 
 Russian. The inmates had to be taught to 
 spell with their fingers the Russian alphabet and 
 compose with it Russian words. So that these 
 unfortunate creatures, who were for the most part 
 peasants, on returning to their native villages, 
 could not make the slightest use of the training 
 given to them at the institute, and were plunged 
 again into that awful isolation from which their 
 kind-hearted friends had tried to rescue them. 
 
 This is certainly a unique example of cruel 
 and stupid official pedantry. But equally cruel 
 and stupid was the general policy of the central 
 government, for was not the partial suppression
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 155 
 
 of the sole language spoken by the enormous 
 majority of the people equivalent to partially 
 depriving them of all speech ? 
 
 The Russian Government has committed 
 many acts of cruelty and tyranny, but it is 
 difficult to point out anything so cynically 
 despotic as this forcing men into the condition 
 of dumb creatures. 
 
 During thirty years this policy of oppression 
 went on in Poland. But it seemed as though 
 Europe grudged that unhappy country the 
 absorbing interest of which it had been the 
 centre in the first half of this century. 
 
 Even such acts as the massacre of Roman 
 Catholics at Krozy, where Cossacks killed and 
 wounded over thirty unarmed men and women, 
 plundered a church, breaking to pieces all that 
 could not be taken away — even such acts of 
 mediaeval barbarity and vandalism only momen- 
 tarily disturbed the world's indolent apathy. 
 No cry of Vive la Pologne was flung into the 
 face of the Russian Tzars whilst travelling abroad. 
 The Poles were left to defend their nationality 
 and religion as best they could. And the}^ were 
 not found wanting. The policy of Russification 
 failed completely. 
 
 A country of a higher culture cannot possibly 
 be denationalized by a country of an inferior 
 culture, no matter how great the disparity in 
 their size. Colonization on a vast scale is the 
 only means of permanently altering the ethnical 
 physiognomy of any given locality. Now, 
 Russian peasants with their primitive agricultural 
 implements and primitive manner of life would 
 be beaten in no time in competition with the
 
 156 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Poles, and finally starved out. With the skilled 
 workmen of the towns, the artisans, the difference 
 is not so great, but they cannot be tied down to 
 any place, as the Government is unable to secure 
 them any privilege to compensate for their 
 natural disadvantages. The predominance in 
 material strength is of no avail in this struggle. 
 It is like oil and water in the same glass which 
 are superposed by their natural gravity, no 
 matter what effort you make to mix them. 
 
 As to the efforts to convert the Poles them- 
 selves into Russians by making them speak 
 Russian, it was childish on the face of it, and 
 only served to keep alive in all its intensity the 
 hatred of Russian dominion in this often con- 
 quered but never subjugated country. 
 
 National feeling and desire for independence 
 is as strong in Poland nowadays as ever, and the 
 enforced familiarity with the Russian language 
 has only helped the Polish middle class to take 
 advantage of their industrial superiority over 
 Russia, accumulating forces, which at the first 
 opportunity will be turned against the Russian 
 Government. 
 
 While in Poland the Russian Government 
 only fostered and augmented a hostile feeling 
 created by the past, in Finland it has created 
 such a feeling where it never existed before. 
 
 The persecution of the Finnish nationality, 
 being something quite new and unexpected, 
 has attracted a good deal of attention in this 
 country, and has been constantly pointed to in 
 the English and German press as one of the 
 most foolish and shocking among the many
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 57 
 
 tyrannical acts of Alexander III. It was mean 
 on the part of the Tzar of all the Russias to 
 attack a small principality which was absolutely 
 at his mercy. It was foolish wantonly to 
 transform loyal friends into bitter enemies. 
 
 Finland is at the gates of the Russian capital, 
 and the Finns are an entirely alien race. 
 In fact the Poles have much more in common 
 with the Russians than the Finns. To create 
 another Poland at half an hour's distance from 
 St. Petersburg is an easy affair, but hardly 
 advisable from a strategical point of view. 
 Nothing but good government can bind Finland 
 to Russia, and it is prescribed by considerations 
 of elementary political prudence. 
 
 When, in 1809, Finland was definitely an- 
 nexed to Russia, Speransky, then minister and 
 adviser of Alexander I., fully understood the 
 position, and persuaded the Tzar to conciliate 
 the Finns by fair dealing and respect for their 
 national institutions. In 1810 Alexander I. 
 solemnly swore for himself and his successors to 
 preserve the ancient constitution of the country. 
 He did not exactly break his oath, though it 
 cannot be said that he kept it. The convoca- 
 tion of the Finnish Seym, or Parliament, for a 
 short sitting to pass new laws and listen to the 
 report of the Executive, was an essential part 
 of the Finnish constitution. Whilst Finland 
 was a vassal state to Sweden, it was customary 
 to convene the Seym every four or five years. 
 But the statute fixed no definite period for 
 its convocation, leaving it to the discretion of 
 the Grand Duke. On the strength of this, 
 Alexander I., whose Liberalism was of a short
 
 158 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 duration, did not choose to convene the Finnish 
 Parliament for the remaining' fifteen years of 
 his reign. The example was followed by his 
 successors up to 1863, so that the Parliamentary 
 recess lasted in Finland for full fifty-three 
 years. 
 
 That this practical violation of so important 
 a provision of the constitution led to no abuse 
 of power on the part of the Finnish officials is 
 a proof of the high standard of public morality 
 in Finland. The Senate, which in Finland acts 
 as both High Court of Justice and Executive, 
 administered justice fairly, spent the public 
 funds honestly and prudently, and, guided by 
 the free press, passed many new laws under the 
 form of administrative orders to meet the 
 exigencies of the time. There was no inter- 
 ference on the part of the Russian Government 
 in the organic life of the country, and the Finns 
 put up with the despotic caprices of their 
 Grand Dukes. In the great trial of the Crimean 
 war they proved most loyal to the Tzars. In 
 1863 Alexander II. summoned at last the 
 Finnish Seym, which, in a long sitting of eight 
 months, made a thorough revision and codifica- 
 tion of the Finnish laws. 
 
 This was done in the early liberal years of 
 that unhappy and misguided Tzar. But whilst 
 in Russian affairs he completely changed his 
 policy, and, repudiating his early liberalism, 
 became a thorough reactionist, his policy towards 
 the Finns remained the same through all his 
 reign, and he never had any grounds for repent- 
 ing of it. He had no more loyal subjects than 
 the Finns. Whilst the Tzar's capital and all the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I5g 
 
 big towns of Russia swarmed with conspirators, 
 Finland remained perfectly quiet. Among 
 the many thousands who joined the Russian 
 revolutionary movement, we do not know one 
 Finn, except those who were educated in Russia 
 and thoroughly Russianized. When the revo- 
 lutionary propaganda in the army was initiated, 
 it was enough for those conducting it to hear 
 that a certain officer was a born Finn to give up 
 as hopeless the task of converting him into a 
 revolutionist. The Finns were thankful to 
 their Grand Duke, and did not mind what he 
 was as the Tzar of all the Russias. It was 
 selfishness on their part, but to some extent 
 every one has a right to he selfish. 
 
 With the accession to the throne of Alex- 
 ander III. the position remained unchanged — 
 no abuse of their privileges on the part of the 
 Finns, nothing to serve as a pretext for retalia- 
 tion. It cannot be even alleged that the exist- 
 ence of a constitution in Finland caused any 
 dangerous fermentation of feeling among the 
 less favoured Russians. Finland is so far a 
 foreign country that her anomalous position was 
 considered as a matter of course, and did not 
 impress the Russians any more than the exist- 
 ence of a free constitution in Sweden. The 
 granting of a constitution to kindred Bulgaria 
 in 1S77 caused unquestionably more fermenta- 
 tion and unfavourable comments than its exist- 
 ence in Finland. 
 
 The encroachment upon the Finnish autonomy 
 is but a part of the aggressive policy of cen- 
 tralized bureaucratism, which fancies it can 
 transform the whole empire into a dead auto-
 
 l6o KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 maton, obeying the will of the St. Petersburg 
 wire-pullers. I have tried to show what havoc 
 this despotic craze has made in Russia proper. 
 In the so-called border provinces it does the 
 same work under the banner — one would say, 
 on the pretext— of their Russification. 
 
 Why one should wish to have the Poles, 
 Finns, Germans, and Latyshes transformed into 
 Russians, one fails to see. Their common 
 country, supposing they should continue to be 
 for ever united, would gain more by giving all 
 nationalities free scope to develop their national 
 genius than by bringing all to one dead level. 
 But this is not the question we have to deal 
 with. The fact is that Finland can as little, and 
 even less than, Poland be assimilated to Russia. 
 Russia can do it in the East, where her culture 
 is superior to that of the natives ; but not on 
 her western outskirts. 
 
 The only way for Russia to increase her 
 influence in these regions is to develop her own 
 resources and culture, so as to bring it to a level 
 with theirs. The present effort to bring about 
 Russification by violent methods spreads the 
 dominion of the St. Petersburg bureaucracy, and 
 not the Russian influence. It can create nothing 
 but hatred of the Russian name, it hampers 
 the material and intellectual progress of many 
 promising nationalities, and destroys the good 
 which they have already achieved. 
 
 The Finnish autonomy has proved, in all 
 respects, superior to the Russian centralization. 
 According to her constitution, Finland has her 
 own finances, coins her own money, negotiates 
 loans, and spends her own revenues. Whilst
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. l6l 
 
 the Russian rouble is worth about 60 per cent, 
 of its nominal value, the Finnish paper money- 
 stays at par. Finland can borrow money at 4^ 
 per cent., whilst Russia cannot get it at less than 
 6 percent. The Finnish national debt is purely- 
 nominal. It has been contracted for building 
 railways, and spent with so much prudence 
 that, whilst the Russian people pay over 
 40,000,000 roubles of guarantee money to rail- 
 way shareholders, the Finnish railways, which 
 are state property, pay their own debts, and 
 leave a surplus, which is spent upon public 
 schools. It has been calculated that each mile 
 of Finnish railways, though built in a rocky- 
 country, with many tunnels and bridges, has 
 cost, on the average, only one-third of what has 
 been squandered upon Russian railways. 
 
 The economy and carefulness of public inte- 
 rests proper to a truly national government is 
 shown in all branches of administration. Though 
 burdened by the will of the Tzar with a heavy 
 military budget, Finland spends 1 1 per cent, of 
 her revenue upon schools, which is about 
 six times more than Russia. Her system of 
 popular education can be compared to that 
 of the United States ; it is obligatory and free 
 in primary schools, which have their own trained 
 teachers, male and female. Ample provision is 
 made for higher education, which is rendered 
 accessible to the bulk of the people. There are 
 in Finland a university, a military and a naval 
 school, a seminary, a number of colleges, 
 women's schools, and three first-class technical 
 schools, where the education is almost free. 
 The fees do not exceed i/. a year for all theo- 
 
 M
 
 l62 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 retical and practical studies ; but even these 
 are remitted to all who apply for it on the 
 ground of indigency, no matter how great 
 their total number. Peculiar facilities are 
 offered to those who wish to improve in some 
 speciality. 
 
 No wonder that, with such a system of educa- 
 tion, a country so ill-favoured by nature could 
 hold her own and gain upon her hu ^e neighbour. 
 In 1854, the aggregate product of Finnish manu- 
 facturing industry was estimated at 5,000,000 
 roubles. In the twenty-five years that followed 
 it increased tenfold, reaching the imposing 
 figure of 49,000,000. The Finnish manufac- 
 tories beat the Russian in paper, glass wares, 
 and several other industries, causing protective 
 customs to be created against her. 
 
 Whilst in Russia the peasants, who are the 
 poorest class, bear all the burden of the taxes, 
 paying to the State about one-half of their 
 income, in Finland the families having less than 
 250 roubles yearly, v/hich is about the average 
 income of a Russian peasant family, are ex- 
 empted from taxation, and those who have 
 more pay from one-half per cent, to 2 per cent, 
 of their income, according to its total amount. 
 Thus Finland was among the first countries to 
 introduce a graduated income tax. 
 
 No greater contrast can be imagined within 
 the boundaries of the same empire. 
 
 In 1891 the St. Petersburg bureaucrats de- 
 cided that there should be no contrast. They 
 began their work of levelling at the right place. 
 The first blow was struck at the most precious 
 inheritance of the Finns — the freedom of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 163 
 
 press, which was the guardian and guarantee of 
 all their franchises. 
 
 By an Imperial ukase, the Finnish press was 
 subjected to the St. Petersburg officials, and 
 the censorship introduced, with all its cavils, 
 stupidity, and arbitrariness. 
 
 The public has been deprived of news, espe- 
 cially of the most interesting. Thus the fact 
 that the F'innish Post Office has been amalga- 
 mated with the Russian was not allowed to 
 appear until four days after it had been officially 
 announced in St. Petersburg. The newspapers 
 were stopped every day, whole editions being 
 destroyed by order of the censors. Official 
 " warnings," which, if thrice incurred, led to the 
 suppression of the paper, and other punish- 
 ments are raining upon the Finnish periodicals, 
 the censors giving, as usual, no reasons or ex- 
 planations of their proceedings. The editor of 
 the Hufvitdstadiblatt has been fined for not 
 having been in town when the censor's mes- 
 senger called on him. The editor of the Nya 
 Pressen, one of the principal newspapers, got 
 into trouble for having handed in a French 
 translation of one of his articles upon Finnish 
 prisons to the Prisons Congress, assembled at 
 the time in St. Petersburg. 
 
 The subjection of the Finnish Post Depart- 
 ment to Russian officials means the violation of 
 the secrecy of private correspondence, which had 
 hitherto been respected in Finland, but never in 
 Russia. 
 
 Several bureaucratic commissions were ap- 
 pointed, to prepare plans for the fusion of 
 the Finnish Customs Administration with the 
 
 M 2
 
 l64 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 Russian; for the abolition of the Finnish 
 coinage ; for the introduction of the Russian 
 language in schools ; for the establishment of 
 the hierarchical supremacy of the orthodox 
 Church, etc. 
 
 The two first innovations were introduced in 
 Alexander III.'s lifetime. The others were in 
 preparation when his death interrupted the 
 reactionary crusade in Finland, and allowed hei 
 to breathe freely.
 
 X. 
 
 THE STUNDISTS. 
 
 It is known that in the south of Russia there 
 exists an important and very promisino-reh'gious 
 sect, called by the colloquial name of Stundists, 
 Being entirely a popular movement, it is one of 
 the most remarkable signs of the intellectual 
 awakening of the Russian masses. 
 
 The translation of the Gospel into the spoken 
 language of the people, completed in the second 
 quarter of this century, owing chiefly to the 
 efforts of the English Bible Society, produced 
 in Russia a spiritual movement very much akin 
 to that which resulted from the same cause in 
 Germany, England, and Scotland in the times 
 of Martin Luther and John Knox. Religion, 
 which formerly was the business of a small class 
 of professional priests, became all at once a 
 subject upon which the thoughts of all the most 
 earnest and gifted men and women among the 
 people were centred. In Russia, moreover, the 
 spiritual awakening, that resulted from easy 
 access to the Gospel, coincided with a great 
 reform — the abolition of serfdom, which opened 
 a new era in the life of the masses of the 
 Russian people. Whilst raising them from the 
 condition of slaves to that of citizens, and giving
 
 l66 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 them many facilities for widening their intelH- 
 gence, the emancipation rapidly destroyed the 
 groundwork of the ancient patriarchal order of 
 things. It divided the formerly homogeneous 
 peasantry into two classes, the rich and the 
 poor, with all the complexity of relations and 
 the evil feelings which great inequality of wealth 
 creates in the community. For an earnest, 
 public-spirited man — and they are not few among 
 our peasants — there was much to ponder upon, 
 much to blame^ much to deplore in the life ot 
 the new village. He would apply to the facts he 
 observed every day the test of religion, which 
 for him embodied the whole of moral and social 
 philosophy, and of course he would find that 
 the life of the people was in flagrant contradic- 
 tion with the creed they professed to adhere to. 
 The orthodox clergy proved almost invariably 
 incapable of understanding, still less of guiding 
 these sorrowing souls yearning after truth and 
 purity. 
 
 The peasants seeking for spiritual advice 
 invariably try to find assistance from their vil- 
 lage priests, and are invariably disappointed, 
 often repelled with gross abuse, and must turn 
 for their only guidance to the book which is 
 admittedly the corner stone of their religion. 
 The greater the discrepancy between its teach- 
 ing and the doctrine of the Orthodox Church 
 the more imperative the impulse to secede from 
 it. Since the great schism of the middle of the 
 seventeenth century, which was caused by the 
 narrow, purely ritualistic differences, hardly 
 a year has passed without a new sect spring- 
 ing up somewhere in the forests and marshes,
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 16/ 
 
 to which the persecuted Old Beh'evers repaired. 
 But these sects were the meagre product of 
 narrow ritualistic scholasticism and had no future 
 before them. One must always keep in mind 
 the dense ignorance of these people to account 
 for their taking seriously matters so trivial as 
 the mode of spelling the name of Christ or their 
 way of crossing themselves. 
 
 Ihe new sectarianism is entirely different. 
 It evidently springs from the direct influence of 
 the Gospel, and it is remarkable for its uni- 
 formity. It is the return to the simple creed of 
 the early Christians, for which the Stundists are 
 striving, so that one can say that this religious 
 sect represents the type of the religious aspira- 
 tions of modern reformers. The religious doc- 
 trine of the Stundists is much akin to that of 
 the Baptists or Anabaptists of the time of the 
 Reformation. They baptize only grown-up 
 people, re-baptizing those to whom this sacra- 
 ment was administered in babyhood. Instead 
 of the communion they have simply " the break- 
 ing of bread,''' accompanied with singing of 
 hymns. The wedding ceremony exists, but is 
 a very plain one. Both communion and bap- 
 tism are viewed by the Stundists, not as sacra- 
 ments, but as "rites performed in commemoration 
 of Christ, and for a closer union with Him," 
 They consider the Ikons as no better than pic- 
 tures, and do not keep them in their houses. 
 They recognize only the Lord's Prayer. At 
 their meetings they sing hymns of their own 
 composition and psalms. As to prayers, they 
 are left to the personal inspiration of the 
 believers.
 
 1 68 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 As regards their moral code, suffice it to say 
 that it is prohibited among them to ill-use even 
 dumb creatures. An observer says that once 
 he saw a girl of eight, a Stundist, who rushed 
 into the house, saying, with an appear- 
 ance of great distress, that she could not 
 restrain her little brother — a boy three years 
 old — from throwing stones at a dog. The 
 Stundists, like all Ruthenians or Southern 
 Russians, hold land as private property, not in 
 common, like the great Russians. Among the 
 Stundists there is no conscious leaning towards 
 collective ownership of land. But according to 
 their religion, all earthly goods are not given, 
 but, so to say, lent by God to men, who will be 
 held responsible before Him for the use they 
 have made of their worldly possessions. To 
 prove faithful debtors men are bound to come 
 to the assistance of their neighbours when they 
 are in need, sickness, or affliction. It is well 
 known that with the Stundists this doctrine is 
 in no contradiction with their life, but on the 
 contrary their lives are a confirmation and illus- 
 tration of their doctrine. 
 
 One of the peculiarities of the Stundists is the 
 perfect absence of national and religious intoler- 
 ance. During the anti-Jewish riots the Stundists 
 used all their influence to restrain the Orthodox 
 from committing any outrage. There were no 
 anti-Jewish riots in the villages where the Stun- 
 dists formed even one-third of the population. 
 Riabashapka, a common peasant, one of the 
 founders of the sect, delivered several sermons 
 upon the subject. In one of them (recorded 
 verbatim by a lady who was present), Riabas- 
 
 k
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 169 
 
 hapka said to his congregation : " The Jews 
 have received from God a law for their guidance. 
 When they transgressed It He punished them. 
 Perhaps they are suffering now for their own 
 sins. You have heard how they are beaten, 
 ruined, plundered. But God preserve you, 
 brothers and sisters, from participating, even in 
 thought, in such deeds. The Jews are the eldest 
 sons of God. He punishes them more severely 
 than the others. But woe to the man who will 
 take upon himself to be the instrument of God's 
 wrath ! God preserve you from wishing it, and 
 still more from taking part in these violences." 
 
 With regard to politics, the views of the pre- 
 sent Stundists are easily formulated ; they think 
 that one must obey the authorities in every- 
 thing, except in matters pertaining to religion. 
 To show how peaceful is their disposition, it is 
 enough to mention that at the close of their 
 meetings they always pray for the Tzar. How- 
 ever one may dislike it, this is a fact which must 
 be acknowledged by every impartial and honest 
 investigator who has personally been with these 
 sectarians. 
 
 It is evident that the Stundists are a perfectly 
 harmless body, which does not threaten existing 
 institutions, and even may be said to help in 
 the preservation of public order by dissuading 
 people from anti-Jewish outrages, by preaching 
 against all sorts of bloodshed, rebellion, and 
 resistance by violence. Besides, this sect is one 
 of the most powerful instruments of a peaceful 
 Russification of the heterogeneous population of 
 our border provinces. The Stundists make con- 
 verts not only among the Russians, but among
 
 I/O KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the Moldavians, Gypsies,Tartars, Jews, and even 
 Poles, and every new Stundist congregation falls 
 necessarily under the influence of Russian cul- 
 ture. The Ruthenians understand easily the 
 Russian language, and the Stundists read almost 
 exclusively Russian books (Ruthenian ones are 
 very rare). The Gospel is invariably read in 
 the Russian version, as published by the Synod. 
 Even the hymns of their own composition are 
 written in the Russian language, with a few 
 provincialisms. In any case, all Stundists, both 
 men and women, are invariably taught to read 
 and write, and they all read Russian. 
 
 Now let us see how the Russian Government 
 has behaved towards this most sympathetic, 
 promising, aud genuinely popular movement. 
 
 During the reign of the " liberal " Alex- 
 ander II. they were persecuted unremittingly. 
 The regular tribunals, whenever called upon to 
 judge the Stundists, invariably acquitted them. 
 But it did not prevent the administration from 
 arresting them again and again, keeping them 
 in prison, imposing ruinous fines, and exiling 
 them to Siberia. 
 
 At the beginning of the present reign the 
 position of all sectarians, the Stundists included, 
 improved. The service rendered by the 
 Old Believers at the coronation could not be 
 immediately forgotten, and the Stundists, with 
 the other dissenters, benefited by that compara- 
 tive tolerance. But the rapid spread of the 
 sect, which was winning over hundreds of thou- 
 sands of adherents from official orthodoxy, 
 excited the jealousy of the clergy and alarmed 
 the Government. It is rumoured that with
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 17I 
 
 Pobedonoszeff personal motives came to add to 
 the irritation of a zealous upholder of orthodoxy. 
 
 To account for the latter we must throw a 
 glance behind the scenes. It is known that in 
 1887 Mr, Pobedonoszeff was on tiie point of 
 falling into disgrace. This was due to two 
 circumstances. We will not dwell upon the 
 first, as it is strictly private. Suffice it to say 
 that, thanks to a court intrigue we had better 
 not mention, the Tzar was shown an authentic 
 letter of Pobedonoszeff, in which the latter 
 boasted that he could make his Master sign 
 anything he wished. At the same time the Tzar 
 was much incensed against Pobedonoszeff for 
 his being worsted in polemics by the Evangelical 
 Society. 
 
 The persecution of the Lutherans in the 
 Baltic provinces caused the Evangelical Society 
 to write an address to the Russian Holy Synod. 
 Pobedonoszeff replied, but so poorly, that he 
 exposed himself to a crushing rejoinder from 
 the Evangelical Divine. 
 
 It was rumoured at this time that Pobedonos- 
 zeff would be dismissed altogether. He got a 
 two months' furlough instead, to compose at 
 his leisure a reply to the Evangelical pamphlet. 
 He made no reply, but he got out of the diffi- 
 culty by resorting to a trick very often practised 
 in Russian official circles. Everything is for- 
 given there, and condoned for some zeal in the 
 cause of autocracy. Pobedonoszeff contrived to 
 make a show of this zeal at the expense of the 
 Stundists. With the assistance of a South 
 Russian Bishop, Nicanor, and a couple of paid 
 scribes, he concocted against these inoffensive
 
 1/2 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 people the accusation of being traitors to the 
 Russian Tzars, and emissaries of Prince Bis- 
 marck and the German Lutheranism. Such 
 was the purport of the famous " Letter from 
 Simferopol," published in the Moscow Gazette, 
 which, after Katkoffs death, became the organ 
 of Pobedonoszeff. 
 
 The grounds for these sweeping accusations 
 were as follows: — (i) This sect was founded by 
 German Lutherans residing in Southern Russia ; 
 (2) the Stundists have in their houses the por- 
 traits of the Emperor William and of Prince 
 Bismarck instead of the Tzar's ; (3) they are 
 wont to shave their beards in order to look like 
 Germans. 
 
 It must be observed that all the Ruthenians 
 are wont to shave their beards, the orthodox as 
 well as sectarians. As to the obnoxious por- 
 traits, being comparatively educated people, who 
 read the newspapers, they might well have por- 
 traits of men of prominence in European politics. 
 As to the influence of the German Protestants 
 (Baptists and not Lutherans), it was quite for- 
 tuitous, and disappeared after the first itw^ years, 
 the sect becoming thoroughly national. 
 
 The Stundists held a general council, and 
 sent to the Synod a petition expressing their 
 wish to join officially the German sect of Bap- 
 tists, which is fully tolerated in Russia. In fact, 
 there is a great similitude in the rites of the two 
 sects. As to the Stundist catechism, it was 
 simply a translation of the catechism of the 
 Tiflis Baptists. 
 
 As might have been expected, it was Pobe- 
 donoszeff who replied instead of the Synod.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 73 
 
 His reply was rough and peremptory. He 
 begins by declaring that there is nothing in 
 common between the Stundists and the Baptists, 
 thus showing his complete ignorance of the 
 tenets of both sects, and he finishes by order- 
 ing the Stundists not to trouble their superiors 
 in the future. 
 
 Persecutions were resolved upon, and they 
 broke out everywhere. The " missionaries " 
 were personated by policemen, who broke 
 into the houses of the brethren, dispers- 
 ing their assemblies, arresting the peaceful 
 Stundists, who were thrown into prisons, exiled 
 to Siberia without trial, and treated Hke the 
 worst criminals. 
 
 A Russian exile, whose name cannot be re- 
 vealed, in his recollections published by the 
 Friends of Russian Freedom, tells the following 
 incident : — 
 
 " On the way to Kiev, two men in chains and 
 with shaven heads were placed in our railway 
 carriage ; their wives accompanied them, one 
 with four children, the other with three ; the 
 eldest boy was twelve years old. The appear- 
 ance of these prisoners instantly attracted our 
 attention ; both of them had fine faces, and 
 there was a quiet, straightforward look about 
 them, which impressed us pleasantly, 
 
 " On seeing us, they at once asked us what we 
 were, and when we answered, ' Socialists,' their 
 faces brightened and they held out their hands 
 to us, calling us brothers. They were members 
 of the religious sect of Stundists or Evangelicals, 
 and had been tried several years ago in the dis- 
 trict of Chigirin, as being among the first pro-
 
 174 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 meters of heresy. Their sentence was : trans- 
 port to the Caucasus and forfeiture of all civil 
 rights (which accounted for their being shaven 
 and chained). When the priest of their parish 
 accused them of heresy, they were dragged, with 
 blows and insults, through their village, and 
 brought before the authorities. In prison they 
 were treated with a barbarity worthy of the 
 middle ages ; the priest who had denounced 
 them, struck them in the face, demanding the 
 names of their co-religionists. While waiting 
 for trial, they were deprived of their one conso- 
 lation, the Gospel, though by law every prisoner 
 may possess it. On arriving at Kiev we 
 bought a New Testament, and gave it to them 
 with the consent of the official in charge. Their 
 delight on receiving our present, and the passion 
 with which they at once began their propaganda, 
 was something to remember." 
 
 This statement is very valuable as a testimony 
 of an eye-witness that Stundists are put in 
 chains and have their heads shaven like the 
 convicts in the mines. As to the lact that thou- 
 sands of Stundists are exiled to Siberia and 
 the Caucasus by mere administrative order, it 
 needs no confirmation by an eye-witness, as it is 
 admitted officially. 
 
 Not satisfied with direct persecutions, the 
 police and the clergy are not ashamed to let 
 loose upon the unfortunate Stundists the ortho- 
 dox mob, which is encouraged and incited to 
 commit the grossest outrages upon them. At 
 the instigation and in the presence of priests, 
 Stundists have been flogged over and over 
 again by the orthodox peasants, to compel them
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 175 
 
 to cross themselves, or drink brandy or smoke 
 tobacco, or commit anything contrary to their 
 creed or rules of life. 
 
 Au English missionary whose name I cannot 
 mention, as he has returned to Russia, told me 
 cases where Stundists of the province of Kherson 
 have been frozen to death by the orthodox, who 
 in the heart of the winter poured water upon 
 them by way of mock baptism. 
 
 George Lazarev has told in " Free Russia " the 
 touching story of Elisey Sukhach, a Stundist, 
 whom he knew intimately, and whose story he 
 heard from his own lips. Before being converted 
 to the Stunda, Elisey was a fervid orthodox 
 believer, much devoted to the interests of the 
 Church and those of the village priest. His 
 desertion irritated the latter exceedingly, and 
 transformed his former good-will towards Elisey 
 into violent hatred. Ihe priest preached un- 
 tiringly against him, denouncing him as an 
 enemy of God whom it is sinful to leave un- 
 molested. One of the most vehement of such 
 sermons was delivered at the ceremony ol 
 the Benediction of Waters, which takes place on 
 January 6th, when the frost is at its bitterest 
 in Russia. The crowd got so excited that it 
 rushed to the houses of the two Stundists, 
 Elisey and another peasant, demolished their 
 cottages, breaking to pieces every bit of furni- 
 ture, and then dragged the two Stundists to the 
 river, where the priest was awaiting them. He 
 began by ask.ng them whether they abjured 
 their heresy. On their making an open pro- 
 fession of their faith, he ordered them to be 
 plunged into the ice-cold water through a
 
 176 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 hole made in the thick ice, repeating it three 
 times, as is done at the baptism, and asking 
 them each time whether they would abjure their 
 heresy. 
 
 In the province of Kiev, the efforts on the 
 part of the authorities, both civil and ecclesias- 
 tical, to arouse the wild beast in men brought 
 forth fruit. The outrages committed there 
 upon the innocent Stundist men and women 
 defy description, and must be told in the victims' 
 own words. At times they are so horrible that 
 they cannot be told at all. 
 
 In September, 1892, the Stundists of one of 
 the districts in the province of Kiev, sent to the 
 Pennsylvanian Friends, and to several other 
 bodies, whose addresses they obtained, a series 
 of letters which are one wail of distress. 
 
 Having no one to defend them, they appeal to 
 the public opinion of the distant world. 
 
 " We implore you,beloved brothers,with tears," 
 begins the first letter, "take this account of 
 ours or give it to somebody who can cry out 
 loudly, and perhaps people will hear us in our 
 terrible distress. Because we are, as it were, 
 stifled and cannot cry out ourselves, and awful 
 and unspeakable is our distress." 
 
 This appeal bears the signature of all the 
 members of the Stundists' community. Then 
 come individual letters of those who have been 
 especially victimized. 
 
 Elias Lisovoi writes as follows : " I declare to 
 you, beloved brothers, what is done with us 
 here. The elder of the village, the village con- 
 stable (uriadnik), and other drunkards torment 
 us pitilessly. Every day they send us to public
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 177 
 
 works in Babenzy and in our village. And we, 
 men, are sent out every night as watchmen. 
 And these cruel drunkards — the village autho- 
 rities — come to our houses whilst we are not in 
 and frighten our children, and do evil things to 
 our women. Late in the night, from September 
 nth to I2th, they came to my wife Xenia, and 
 tormented her as they chose, as it is told in the 
 Bible about Susan. Only they did worse. Pro- 
 tect us, O Lord ! It is terrible even to speak of 
 it. They threw her on the floor and then they 
 outraged her. The drunken companions of the 
 elder did it first and then the elder himself. 
 Then they compelled her to make the sign of 
 the cross, threatening in case of refusal to out- 
 rage her again. They outraged the poor 
 woman, and she was with child. They dis- 
 located her hands, wounded her body, and left 
 her almost dead. They broke all the plates and 
 kitchen things and all the windows. Up to the 
 present our houses are without windows. 
 
 " We beg you, brothers, with tears, help us. 
 Do it as soon as you can. Do not make any 
 delay. They are tormenting us so. We 
 implore you with tears to take our cause to 
 heart Perhaps our Heavenly Father will help 
 us and protect us in His mercy." 
 The signature follows. 
 
 This case is but a sample of the outrages 
 endured by the Stundists during several months. 
 We have upon this a statement from the 
 leaders and representatives of the Stundist 
 Church, giving a detailed account of the bar- 
 barities committed, with names and details 
 showing that the guilt cannot be laid to the 
 
 N
 
 178 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 charge of ignorant subordinate officials and their 
 besotted assistants only. 
 
 The persecutions of the brethren in the village 
 Kapustnizy began on August l/ih, 1892, when 
 the village authorities sent them in a body to 
 forced labour on the public works, partly in 
 their own village, partly in Babenzy and 
 Borshchagovka. They had to repair public 
 buildings. The men did the wood-work, the 
 women and children — some only ten and 
 twelve years old — plastered the walls, worked 
 the clay, etc. Many of the women had 
 their babies with them, so that they had to 
 carry on one arm the child, on the other a 
 bundle of wood, and the overseers sometimes 
 struck the poor women to make them work 
 faster. 
 
 It was impossible to leave the little ones at 
 home, as there is no one to look after them, and 
 the people were sent to work at a distance of 
 four or five miles from their houses. 
 
 In the evening all the men had to go as 
 night watches for the whole night ; and to 
 every two of the brethren an orthodox overseer 
 was told off to see that they never sat down to 
 rest, but walked all the night through. 
 
 " On September 2nd, the ispravnik (chief of 
 the police) of the Skviri district, the stanovoi, 
 the uriadnik,^ and the elder of the district, 
 Pantelei Skribuk, came to our place, and the 
 village priest exhorted us in their presence to 
 renounce our creed. As we refused, the is- 
 pravnik gave orders that we should be sent for 
 as night watches every night and two days in 
 ' Different officials.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 179 
 
 the week for public work. But we were sent 
 to public work every day. Up to the i6th of 
 September we were employed for 106 days and 
 11 6 nights. 
 
 " On the 6th of September the priest came to 
 the village school, and, having summoned us, 
 began to persuade us once again to repent and 
 baptize our children — to go to the orthodox 
 church. But we did not consent. 
 
 The same evening the village elder, Emelian 
 Ocheretnuk, the sotsky, Avila Shlapan, with a 
 batch of about eight men, all drunk, came to 
 the house of Kerik Zubko. where they behaved 
 most disgracefully, abusing his wife, shouting, 
 making great noise, and filling the room with 
 tobacco smoke. Then they went to the other 
 Stundists, Elias and Dolman Lisovoi, Paras- 
 kovia Panchenko, and others, and were guilty 
 of similar improprieties everywhere. 
 
 On the 7th the local uriadnik, the elder, and 
 the sotsky, with a crowd of drunken peasants, 
 came late in the night to the house of the 
 brother Zubko, the uriadnik shouting, " Open 
 the door, or I will break the window." And 
 although his wife hurried to light a lamp and 
 open the door, a window was broken before she 
 could let them in. On entering the room they 
 began to smoke, make an uproar, and sing 
 indecent songs. The uriadnik abused Zubko's 
 wife, threatening to cut her to pieces if she 
 refused to be converted. He called her abusive 
 names, undid her hair, and knocked her down. 
 
 In the same way they made the round of all 
 the houses of the Stundists, ill-treating the 
 women, who were alone in the houses, their 
 N 2
 
 l80 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 husbands being in the other villages as watch- 
 men. 
 
 On the nth of September, late in the night, 
 the same drunken crowd, with the elder and 
 the sotsky at their head, broke into the house 
 of Kerik Zubko, who was absent on night 
 watch, and the elder shouted to Zubko's wife 
 to make a sign of the cross like an orthodox. 
 As she kept silent he pulled her by the hair, 
 and covered her with blows till she lost her 
 senses. Then they went to the house of Elias 
 Lisovoi, living with his brother Nicholas, who, 
 is an orthodox. Elias was out as a nightwatch 
 and his brother Nicholas was in the prairie." 
 
 Having ascertained that there were no men 
 in the house, the elder and the drunken rabble 
 with him lost all restraint, and committed upon 
 the defenceless women the worst outrages, 
 aggravated with such insults as cannot be 
 described in any civilized language. 
 
 The account we have mentioned gives the 
 names of the seven men who either took part 
 in these abominations or witnessed them, and 
 also the name of those who have heard the 
 priest of the village encouraging the elder and 
 his gang to " make it hot " for the Stundists, 
 and promising to pay for their tobacco and 
 vodka to make the game more exciting. And 
 these incitements, appealing to the brutal in- 
 stincts of the mob, came not from the village 
 priests alone. Upon this important point we 
 have the unimpeachable testimony of one of 
 the disciples of Count Tolstoi, Prince Khilkov, 
 whose exile to the Caucasus was reported some 
 time ago in the English papers.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. l8l 
 
 Prince Khtlkov belongs to the high aristocracy 
 of Russia, his family descending in direct line 
 from the house of Rurik, which reigned over 
 Muscovy up to the end of the sixteenth century. 
 Having completed his studies at the military 
 academy of St. Petersburg, the young prince 
 rapidly advanced in his career, owing to his 
 great connections, wealth, and abilities. He 
 was the youngest general in the army, having 
 outstripped all his comrades, and a brilliant 
 career was opening before him, when he was 
 converted to Tolstoi's ideas, and abandoned the 
 military service as contrary to the Christian 
 religion. He did more. On coming to his 
 estate in the province of Kharkov, he made a 
 present to the peasants of his lands, forests, 
 and meadows, and began to earn his bread by 
 the sweat of his brow like a common peasant. 
 To all who were curious to know what was the 
 meaning of these extraordinary proceedings, he 
 was quite willing to explain his new creed, 
 which was that of the author of " Christ's 
 Christianity." The Government — which has 
 not the courage to persecute Count Tolstoi him- 
 self — meanly attacks his disciples. Prince 
 Khilkov was exiled by administrative order to 
 the Caucasus, where he now is. Copies of the 
 Stundists' letters to the American Friends were 
 sent to him there, and caused him to write to 
 the Governor of the province of Kiev, in which 
 these disgraceful outrages took place, and to 
 the Archbishop of Kharkov, Ambrosius, who 
 made himself conspicuous in the general cam- 
 paign against the Stundists. 
 
 I will quote a passage only from the second
 
 l82 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 of these letters, which bears upon the attitude 
 of the clergy high and low : — 
 
 " Your reverence, every public man is 
 pleased to see the fruits of his activity," the 
 letter begins. "Now your reverence can 
 see full well what fruits your activity has 
 borne. The reiterated appeals of your rever- 
 ence, and of other 'shepherds' like yourself, 
 whose characteristics are given in the tenth 
 chapter of St. John, has found an echo in the 
 hearts of the rural police in the province of 
 Kiev. You may rejoice! The proclamations 
 affixed by your order to the walls of the 
 churches, inciting one section of the population 
 to hate the other ; pamphlets like 'That accursed 
 Stundist ' {^Proklyatei Stundisi), which is so 
 zealously distributed by your reverence ; the 
 sermons, appealing to hatred and intolerance, 
 preached by yourself and your followers — all 
 this has at last done what it was meant to do. 
 Houses have been destroyed; people have been 
 tormented in every possible v/ay. The new 
 champions of orthodoxy have devised a novel 
 means for compelling the women to make the 
 sign of the cross ! Shame and abomination ! 
 At the judicial inquiry the inferior agents alone 
 will probably be found guilty. But who was it 
 incited these inferior agents .'' 
 
 " In the village Pavlovky (district of Sumy), 
 the stanovoi, together with the dean and two 
 priests, were reproaching the peasants at the 
 meeting of the Mir for their tolerating the 
 Stundists in their midst. ' In other places in 
 Russia they are torn to pieces,^ said these 
 worthies, alluding probably to the province of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 183 
 
 Kiev, and evidently wishing that the example 
 of Babenzy should be followed in their district. 
 Is not this a direct incitement — 'to tear them 
 to pieces ' ? Fortunately, the peasants of Pav- 
 lovky, thanks to the newly-awakened faith in 
 Christ, are no longer capable of heeding such 
 incitements.'^ 
 
 By the newly-awakened faith in Christ, Prince 
 Khilkov evidently means the adhesion to his 
 own creed. The village of Pavlovky is close to 
 his own estate. His information is first-hand, 
 and cannot be doubted any more than his state- 
 ments as regards the activity of the archbishop 
 of his province. 
 
 But does the responsibility stop at men like 
 Ambrosius and Nicanor — who are most con- 
 spicuous in hunting down the Stundists ? Cer- 
 tainly not. The bishops take their cue from 
 the central Government, and their immediate 
 chief, Pobedonoszeff, the confidential adviser of 
 the Tzar. These two men have to share between 
 them the disgrace of these abominations.
 
 XI. 
 
 ^ADMINISTRATIVE EXILE AND IMPRISONMENT. 
 
 The opposition in Russia has always been 
 chiefly stimulated by sympathy for the down- 
 trodden masses. If autocracy could make the 
 peasants prosperous and contented, this would 
 be an infallible means for preventing revolution. 
 The feeling of personal independence is weak 
 in Russia, compared with that engrossing pity 
 and love for the masses into which all our 
 social instincts seem absorbed. 
 
 But the bureaucratic despotism cannot benefit 
 the masses. Despotism implies suppression of 
 individual initiative, educational restrictions, 
 obstacles to any concerted action, and general 
 lawlessness, which must all prove most baleful 
 to the class that has no means of self-defence. 
 The peasants have fared very badly under 
 Alexander III., as we have just seen ; and the 
 worse their position, the more favourable the 
 soil for revolutionary agitation. 
 
 Judging by the evidence of facts, we must 
 admit that the Government was conscious of 
 this close relation between its sins against the 
 masses and the danger of retribution.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 185 
 
 * Although there were no terrorist attempts to 
 provoke reprisals, we notice through all the 
 reign of Alexander III. a constant increase of 
 precaution against his enemies. The system of 
 administrative punishments, directed, as it is 
 well known, against those who are merely sus- 
 pected of being likely some day to become 
 political offenders — this iniquitous system 
 received a new development. Until then, exile 
 to distant provinces, including the inhabitable 
 part of Siberia, had been considered sufficient 
 to protect the throne from the attacks of young 
 people — students of both sexes who were only 
 just legally of age. Alexander III. did not feel 
 secure on these terms. An important aggra- 
 vation was introduced in the form of vuprison- 
 ntcnt by administrative order, i.e. without any 
 form of trial, without any proper examination 
 of the accused, who often do not know either 
 the names of their accusers, nor the exact nature 
 of the charges which have been brought against 
 them. 
 
 > In the Wyborg district of St. Petersburg 
 there is a prison, which is called colloquially 
 " The Cross," on account of its shape. But it 
 is not by the shape alone that it deserves to be 
 named after the emblem of suffering. There is 
 no worse prison in the Empire. The isolation 
 is complete, the confinement strictly solitary, 
 with hard labour, and prohibition of books, 
 except those which the Government lends the 
 prisoners. There is no communication with 
 the outer world. 
 
 In the autumn of 1887 "The Cross" began 
 to be populated with administrative prisoners.
 
 1 86 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 In the beginning' of 1888 "The Cross" had 
 already twenty- five inmates ; soon it vied with 
 the House of Preventative Detention, of 
 Shpalerny Street, the number of administrative 
 prisoners immured there being already over a 
 hundred, and now the prison is filled to its full 
 capacity. 
 
 This is an altogether new departure in the 
 efforts of the Government to stamp out opposi- 
 tion. The terms of imprisonment which may 
 be thus inflicted arbitrarily are fixed at three 
 years, a very long term, for Russians in par- 
 ticular, who, with their nervous organization, can- 
 not support, as General Galkin Vrassky admits, 
 more than six months of solitary confinement. 
 
 The experiment is new, and at first the 
 terms of imprisonment inflicted by the ad- 
 ministration were in most cases short — vary- 
 ing from six months to sixteen. It was rarely 
 over two years. But I'appetit vietiten inangeani 1 
 In less than five years this first hesitation has 
 been got over, and the term of imprisonment 
 by administrative order has been increased to 
 ten years. 
 
 In the meantime, let me tell the reader the 
 story of one of its first inmates, a girl con- 
 demned to what was then the longest term — 
 two and a half years — whose case will serve 
 as a sample for the rest, and will throw some 
 light upon certain practices of the Russian 
 police. 
 
 In 1888, a certain Bychkov, a Siberian exile, 
 escaped from his place of banishment and 
 arrived at Moscow in the autumn of the same 
 year. He had little money, no passport, and 
 
 1
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 187 
 
 no acquaintances in the town. In this ex- 
 tremity he went into a small coffee-room near 
 the University, and, after having observed for 
 some time the people who were there, he fixed 
 upon a girl, a perfect stranger to him, whom 
 he followed in the street when she left the 
 coffee-room. Here he approached her, and 
 told her who he was and what was his position. 
 The girl proved to be Alexandra Kopylova, a 
 student of liberal views. She believed Bychkov's 
 story, and promised to do what she could for 
 him. But she could not do much. In October 
 Bychkov was re-arrested by the police, who 
 made a domiciliary visit at the rooms of 
 Kopylova as well. Nothing compromising was 
 discovered, except one copy of a Geneva 
 revolutionary (Radical) paper, called Self- 
 Govej'Hinent. She was, as a matter of course, 
 imprisoned. But the police had nothing par- 
 ticular to be proud of. Bychkov himself was 
 not a very great prize, for he was a simple 
 exile, who had nothing more important against 
 him than a slight connection with peaceful 
 propaganda among the St. Petersburg work- 
 men. The police resolved to utilize him in 
 another way. After a long interrogation, 
 Bychkov was taken to the district prison {cJiast); 
 but here it somehow occurred that all the cells 
 were full, and there was no room for the new 
 inmate. The officer of gendarmerie declared 
 himself much displeased, but agreed to the 
 director's proposal to lock up the prisoner for 
 the night in a room in the fire tower. It thus 
 happened that Bychkov was confined in an 
 ordinary room with a window looking upon the
 
 1 88 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 street. It was rather high, but it was near the 
 water-pipe running along the wall outside, and 
 there was a slanting roof of the lower storey 
 which could be utilized for the descent. The 
 prisoner could not lose such an opportunity, 
 and in the dead of the night, when he thought 
 the house plunged in sleep, he opened the 
 window and descended into the street, con- 
 gratulating himself upon a happy escape. 
 
 But his position was still a very precarious 
 one, for he had to find a hiding-place at once, 
 and that was not easy at such a time. Pie 
 thought of a man of good position, a Liberal, a 
 Professor of the Moscow University, whom he 
 had met once at Kopylova's room, and he 
 went to knock at his door. He was recognized, 
 told his story, and was admitted into the house. 
 
 This is precisely what the police expected, 
 for the whole affair was arranged on purpose, 
 and Bychkov was followed from the prison to 
 the house where he found refuge. But he could 
 not stay for long at the same house, and changed 
 his hiding-place several times during the few 
 days the police allowed him to roam about the 
 town. 
 
 Of course all his movements were closely 
 watched. When he was arrested, all those who 
 had given him a temporary refuge were arrested 
 likewise. Golzev, Nikolaev, and Sokolov were 
 of their number — all men of good social posi- 
 tion, professors, editors of influential papers, 
 members of the Moscow Town Council. All 
 were put in prison — Sokolov together with his 
 wife. To the latter, unprepared as she was for 
 this rather uncommon experience, the shock was
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 1 89 
 
 SO great that she lost her reason after two 
 months of solitary confinement. The others 
 were released after a few months detention. 
 As to Miss Alexandra Kopylova, who was the 
 " principal " offender in the great crime of 
 harbouring an administrative exile escaping 
 from his place of banishment, she had to undergo 
 a year and a half of preliminary detention, and 
 then was condemned, without trial, by adminis- 
 trative order, to two and a half years of 
 imprisonment in "The Cross." 
 
 " The Cross " is not the only place where 
 administrative prisoners are immured. 
 
 In 1 88 1 the " House of Terror," the Kharkov 
 central prison, where the early propagandists 
 were being slowly killed, was abolished in order 
 to appease Russian public opinion, which was 
 roused by the tales of the horrors which went on 
 there. Its inmates were transferred in a body 
 to the Kara prison. 
 
 Now the Kharkov central prison is once again 
 reopened, this time for administrative prisoners. 
 
 The husband of the unfortunate Nadejda 
 Sihida, flogged to death at Kara in November, 
 1889, died there in 1889. Among those who 
 are pining there are Petrovsky, Alexandroff, 
 and Chernov under the charge of "connection 
 with the manufacturing of bombs," though the 
 •' connection " is very distant ; in fact, they are 
 merely guiltj^' of not having turned informers at 
 the first favourable opportunity. One of them 
 saiv where Orjikh was hiding three dynamite 
 bombs. Anotlicr, Chernov, a man of position, 
 and not a revolutionist at all, is imprisoned 
 because a revolutionist, who expected to be
 
 igo KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 arrested in the street, left two bombs in his 
 house without Chernov's knowledge. When he 
 discovered what the dangerous parcel contained, 
 he threw the bombs in the pond instead of going 
 with them to the police. 
 
 As to administrative exile proper — that 
 scourge of modern Russia — it has been terribly- 
 aggravated under Alexander III. 
 
 According to former rules the maximum of 
 banishment which could be inflicted without 
 trial, by a simple order of the administration, 
 was five years. It is a long term, considering 
 that the administration has full option of pro- 
 longing it, in case of "bad behaviour" and 
 ** impenitence," 
 
 But it seemed not enough, and the maximum 
 has been extended to ten years, which means 
 practically to a lifetime. Few will be able to 
 outlive such long terms ; so that the administra- 
 tion will be saved the trouble of repeating blow 
 after blow upon its chosen victims : now they 
 may be killed with one single blow. 
 
 This new measure has not passed through the 
 stages which every new law passes in Russia. 
 We have not even seen it promulgated by a 
 ministerial circular, which, in Russia, has the 
 force of law. It was enacted quietly, and 
 revealed its existence by its practical application 
 to several persons in 1887. Among the first to 
 whom it was applied in full were Brajnikov and 
 Sterenberg. Their crime was that both of them 
 were on very good terms zvith Boris Orjikh, one 
 of the noblest and most daring leaders of 
 Russian revolution of these later days. Orjikh 
 was the organiser of several conspiracies, the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 191 
 
 founder of a secret printing office and of a dyna- 
 mite manufactory. He was tried, with twenty- 
 nine of his accomplices, on November, 1888, and 
 condemned to death. The sentence was not 
 executed on account of mere material obstacles: 
 the two years of preliminary detention brought 
 Orjikh to the verge of the grave, so that he had 
 to be carried upon a litter to the court. At 
 that time the Government had not yet discovered 
 that a man can be hung from his bed, as was 
 done with Bernstein, in Yakutsk. So Orjikh 
 was sent to Schiusselbourg, where he died a few 
 months later. As to Brajnikoff and Sterenberg, 
 they were not tried, for the very simple reason 
 that there was no proof whatever of their guilt. 
 There was only suspicion that they must have 
 knoxvn something about Orjikh's doings, and 
 must have been in sympathy with his views, 
 since they were his intimate friends — a very 
 common charge in Russia, for which formerly 
 people were punished at the utmost by five 
 years of exile. The prolongation of the maxi- 
 mum means simply a general aggravation of 
 penalties inflicted by administrative order. 
 Those who formerly were visited with five years 
 of banishment will now have ten, and those who 
 had two and a half will have five. The exami- 
 nation of other cases of the infliction of the 
 maximum terms of exile leave no room foi 
 doubt of this. 
 
 The Government seems to grudge the old 
 exiles the shortness of the penalties, inflicted 
 under former regulations, and has introduced 
 some new methods of remedying the evil. As 
 we have mentioned above, it was always in
 
 192 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 the power of the administration to prolong the 
 term of exile for ** bad conduct," which means 
 for some attempt on the part of the exile to 
 protect himself a^^ainst the coarse and brutal 
 administration. But since 1883 we come across 
 a number of cases where the exile has in no 
 way provoked the displeasure of the local 
 autocrats, and yet had had his penalty aggra- 
 vated in consequence o( the re-exa;m'naUon (some- 
 times many years after) 0/ old documents, upon 
 which the administration has already given a 
 decision. 
 
 This is a new proceeding, and however trifling, 
 as compared with the total mass of wrongs done 
 by administrative exile, it is worth mention- 
 ing, as a proof of the utter disrespect of the 
 Russian Government for human suffering and 
 the most elementary principles of justice — we 
 may say, of public morality. 
 
 But why, the reader will ask, should the 
 gendarmes burden themselves with ransacking 
 the archives of the State police, when they have 
 so many fresh cases upon their hands? 
 
 We are told that it is done as a good exercise 
 for the young officers of this respectable body. 
 When a young gendarme is admitted into the 
 political branch of the service, they do not trust 
 him with new cases, but give him an old one for 
 re-examination to test his ability. He has then 
 to give an opinion upon it, and if he discovers 
 something which tells against the exile, and has 
 been over-looked, a few years more are added 
 to the latter's original term of banishment. 
 
 We do not vouch for the accuracy of the 
 explanation. It may be that the old cases are
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 193 
 
 re-examined on some other grounds. Tlie fact 
 is that they are re-examined, and new penalties 
 are inflicted upon the victims for no other reason. 
 The unexpectedness of such new blows appears 
 probably to the gendarmes in the light of a 
 good practical joke, though for those concerned 
 it is rarely a matter for joking, and sometimes a 
 cause of bitter tears. 
 
 In November, 1880, Antimas Gomcralidze, an 
 Armenian by birth, condemned in 1877 by the 
 St. Petersburg tribunal to exile in Siberia, 
 returned to his country after the expiration of 
 his term. His crime was not particularly grave. 
 In 1875-6 the police discovered in Moscow a 
 "secret society," composed of about a dozen 
 young men and girls, the oldest of whom was 
 twenty-five, the youngest nineteen. Their 
 object was the propaganda of Socialist ideas 
 among workmen. They were all condemned 
 to various punishments, Gomcralidze among the 
 rest. Since that time for full sixteen years 
 he had been dragged from one prison to 
 another, from one wretched Siberian hamlet 
 to another. His health was ruined, his 
 strength broken. From a blooming youth of 
 twenty-two, as he was at the time of the 
 trial, he became a grey-haired, decrepit old 
 man. 
 
 But he was in his country once again. The 
 long years of trial were forgotten. He began to 
 feel his strength renewed in his home. But he 
 had not much time to enjoy his freedom. Before 
 five months elapsed, in April, 1889, a large body 
 of police came, and the officer told him that he 
 was to be once again sent to Siberia. He was 
 
 o
 
 194 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 arrested, and without any explanation taken to 
 the Kutais prison. 
 
 The neiglibours, for the most part small 
 farmers and peasants, whom he had befriended 
 as a physician, collected a sum of money, and 
 sent a man to Kutais to make inquiries, and 
 intercede if possible with the governor in favour 
 of Gomcralidze. The man went, and succeeded 
 in interesting in the fate of his client several 
 persons of good position in the town. They 
 spoke to the governor of the province, and to 
 the local gendarme officer, who all seemed 
 disposed in favour of the hapless man. Indeed, 
 Gomcralidze could not possibly be of any 
 danger to the "throne and the existing institu- 
 tions " in the out-of-the-way corner where he 
 had settled. The village where he lived was 
 ninety miles away from Kutais, and sixty miles 
 from the postal highway, so that he was as 
 much isolated there as he would be in the 
 Narym marshes, whither he was to be re-exiled. 
 The only difference was that of a better climate, 
 which was so necessary to his broken health. 
 But the local authorities could do nothing for 
 him. The order for re-arresting and exiling 
 him came from St. Petersburg, and the reason 
 was as follows : — 
 
 Three years before, whilst Gomcralidze was 
 living in Tomsk, the pupils of the gymnasium 
 (grammar school) had founded a small library 
 of their own for their personal edification. It 
 consisted only of books authorized by the 
 Russian censorship. Not a single revolutionary 
 pamphlet had been found there, or seen circu- 
 lated among the pupils. Still, the small library
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 195 
 
 contained works like Thomas Buckle's " History 
 of Civilization in England," and some of Herbert 
 Spencer's. This showed that the boys were of 
 a serious and rather progressive turn of mind. 
 Still, the affair would have been probably hushed 
 up if the discovery of the library had not 
 coincided with the attempt upon the Tzar, Alex- 
 ander HI., which occurred in St. Petersburg on 
 the 13th of March, 1887. 
 
 Panic-stricken, the superintendents of the 
 Tomsk grammar school looked upon the harm- 
 less affair as a sort of political crime. A number 
 of boys were thrown into prison on the charge 
 of conspiracy and secret propaganda, and 
 ordered, under the threat of heavy punishment, 
 to confess everything, which meant to betray 
 those who gave them books or money to buy 
 them; or encouraged them in any other way. 
 Gomcralidze knew nothing about this library. 
 But in his quality of surgeon's assistant he paid 
 occasional visits to the house of one of the boys 
 who contributed a certain number of books to 
 the common library. Being arrested, the boy 
 named Gomcralidze as the person who gave 
 him these books, on the childish consideration 
 that since he was already a political offender 
 and an exile, it would not matter for him. 
 
 The charge was not supported by facts, and 
 the boy himself retracted it afterwards. Gom- 
 cralidze was summoned to the police office, but 
 his explanations satisfied the local authorities, 
 so that he was not molested, and when his 
 term of banishment ended he was allowed, as 
 we have seen, to return to his native country. 
 
 But in this interval the famous General 
 o 2
 
 196 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Rusinov — the man who is mentioned by Mr. 
 George Kennan in the Century in connection 
 with the obliteration of the inscriptions upon 
 the exiles' tombstones, and the would-be dis- 
 covery of a secret printing" press in Yakutsk — 
 this General Rusinov visited Tomsk on the 
 pretext of inquiring into the condition of the 
 exiles — in reality in order to report upon their 
 conduct. 
 
 Together with other materials, he brought 
 with him to St. Petersburg the documents refer- 
 ring to Gomcralidze's offence. Here it was 
 given for revision to a young pushing ofificer 
 of gendarmerie, who discovered, as he thought, 
 some hints throwing doubts upon the correctness 
 of Gomcralidze's former acquittal by the Tomsk 
 gendarmes; and without any verification, without 
 examination of the accused, an order for his 
 re-exile for another three years was despatched 
 to Kutais. 
 
 In 1S93 Gomcralidze was allowed to return 
 to his native place, on the expiration of his new 
 term. But his health was ruined past recovery, 
 and he died a few montb-3 after his return to 
 Kutais. 
 
 The case is not unique. In 1878 a St. Peters- 
 burg student, Tutcheff, was arrested, and con- 
 demned, without trial, by administrative order, to 
 five years' banishment in the Yakutsk region. 
 His term expired in 1883, and his family ex- 
 pected him home. But he did not come, and 
 in his stead a letter arrived informing the parents 
 that his term of banishment was prolonged. 
 
 Then his father, a general in the Tzar s army, 
 went to the officer of the State police to inquire
 
 A STIDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. I97 
 
 what new offence his son had committed to have 
 merited a new punishment. In consideration of 
 his official position he was received, and an ex- 
 planation vouchsafed to him by the gendarmerie, 
 and it was this: his son had committed no new 
 offence^ but they had re-examined the old docu- 
 ment referring to his case, and, finding that the 
 original punishment was inadecjuate, had added 
 on for young Tutcheff another two years of 
 banishment. 
 
 We will mention, as a further illustration of 
 this curious practice, the case of Sineff, a private 
 of one of the regiments of guards, exiled to 
 Urjum in 1886, the police having discovered that 
 he paid occasional visits to the former school- 
 master of his village, who proved to be implicated 
 in some conspiracies. Sineff's term of banish- 
 ment" exf)ired in November, 18S8, but, instead of 
 being allowed to return to his home, he was 
 ordered to remain at his place of punishment in- 
 definitely, "pending the re-examination of his 
 case." 
 
 In 1887, an exile named Peshekherov, after 
 having completed his three years' term of 
 banishment in Ust Kamenogorsk (Scmipala- 
 tinsk region), was returning with his wife and 
 children to European Russia by permission of 
 the local author'ties, and had already reached 
 Tomsk, which stands about 600 miles from Ust 
 Kamenogorsk, when suddenly a telegram came 
 from St. Petersburg inflicting upon him another 
 two years of exile. 
 
 The Siberian authorities were as much sur- 
 prised at this order as Peshekherov himself, as 
 there was never any conflict between him and
 
 198 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the administration during the three years of his 
 involuntary residence at Ust Kamenogorsk. 
 
 In 1884 a student, Raspopin, accused of 
 " militarism," which means holding the opinion 
 that the Revolutionists ought, for the good of 
 their cause, to get as many commissions as 
 possible in the army, was exiled for two years to 
 Beresov, one of the most awful of Siberian 
 penitentiary towns, situated in the marshes of 
 the Arctic zone. Still, the term of his punish- 
 ment was a short one. But at its expiration in 
 1886 two more years were added to it after re- 
 examination of his case. But it seems that the 
 documents concerning Raspopin were either 
 written in very good handwriting or put in a 
 very conspicuous place, or offered some peculiar 
 attraction, as certain problems in chess. The 
 fact is that, after the expiration of his additional 
 term in 1888, his case was re-examined once 
 again, and another year was added to his term. 
 This was a small addition, a mere trifle, accord- 
 ing to the gendarmes' views ; but Raspopin seems 
 not to have duly appreciated their leniency, for 
 he died in Beresov a few months later from 
 scurvy, which he had contracted there. 
 
 Bogorodzky, the son of the commander of the 
 fortress of SS. Peter and Paul, who was exiled 
 in 1883 to Tunka for his revolutionary sym- 
 pathies ; Martynov, a well-known physician ; 
 Ivanchin Pisarev, a journalist, and a score of 
 others, have been made the victims of this exer- 
 cise of the gendarmes' wits — receiving unex- 
 pectedly and unwarrantably, some one, two, 
 some others three or more additional years of 
 punishment, just when they were packing their
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 199 
 
 things for the journey home. A cruel joke, 
 telling not only upon its victims, but upon the 
 whole mass of exiles ; adding to that sense of 
 the absolute insecurity of the future, which is 
 one of the most grievous aspects of the life of 
 exiles.
 
 XII. 
 
 THE EXILE TO THE ARCTIC ZONE. 
 
 In the regulations referring to the exile system 
 there is no restriction as to the place to which 
 the administration can send a man, woman, or 
 child whom they consider a danger to the 
 security of the Tzar. But it was originally taken 
 for granted that the place of exile should be 
 more or less habitable for civilized beings. 
 Taking into account the circumstances under 
 which this penalty was inflicted, it cannot be 
 said that such a restriction erred on the side of 
 leniency. But under Alexander III. it was 
 entirely thrown aside, and the practice of exiling 
 people to places utterly unfit for human habita- 
 tion was introduced on a large scale. This has 
 made exile sometimes a heavier penalty than 
 penal servitude in the Siberian mines. 
 
 Siberia is a vast country, with many climates, 
 many gaols, many towns, which are all places 
 of punishment. 
 
 The climate of Southern Siberia is as good as 
 that of Central Russia, even better sometimes. 
 The towns of Irkutsk, Tobolsk, Krasnoyarsk, 
 and several others^ resemble in all respects 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 201 
 
 ordinary provincial towns of European Russia. 
 The Siberian people are a clever, industrious 
 race, who never have known serfdom, and are 
 now rapidly growing in education and prosperity. 
 The thirst for knowledge is pervading all the 
 well-to-do classes ; and such is the scarcity of 
 people who have received a good education 
 that a professional man of any kind is sure 
 to find a permanent and remunerative employ- 
 ment. 
 
 The exiles are mostly well educated men and 
 women, often professional people. They could 
 easily make a living in the larger towns, and 
 protect themselves from want even in the smaller 
 ones, numbering only a few thousand inhabitants. 
 But here we stumble against the monstrous 
 ministerial regulation of INIarch, 1881, forbidding 
 the political exiles to give lessons, to practise 
 as doctors, advocates, lawyers, photographers, 
 printers, librarians, booksellers, &c., — indeed, to 
 do anything which is likely to bring them in 
 contact witli the surrounding population. 
 
 But this regulation is not always rigorously 
 enforced. The earnings of wives who have 
 voluntarily followed their exiled husbands, and 
 are not subjected to these restrictions ; the 
 money received by some of the well-to-do exiles 
 from their relatives at home ; and, above all, the 
 spirit of fellowship prevailing among the exiles, 
 who live generally in small communes of three, 
 five, or more persons, rich and poor together, 
 sharing all in a truly fraternal way — all this 
 accounts for the fact that in the larger towns the 
 exiles suffer no very great material want. Here 
 they have to bear moral sufterings due to their
 
 202 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 absolute dependence upon the caprice of a brutal, 
 ignorant administration, which intercepts their 
 private letters, seizes books^ makes domiciliary- 
 searches at any time of day and night, deprives 
 them whenever it chooses of their means of 
 livelihood, and re-exiles them to worse places at 
 will. The collisions between the exiles and the 
 administration, of which we hear now and then, 
 are all due to these causes. 
 
 The system of administrative exile is one of 
 the heaviest charges against our Government. 
 The incalculable harm done to Russia by its 
 practice on so vast a scale, consists in the intel- 
 lectual stultification of thousands of really well- 
 intentioned, honest, and patriotic men and 
 women, whose services would be invaluable to 
 the country. 
 
 George Kennan has described to the indignant 
 world our exile system as a whole. I will not 
 retrace his steps in speaking of that national 
 calamity of ours. My object is to say a few 
 words about the exile into the Far North not 
 visited by Kennan, where the exiles have to 
 undergo not merely complete intellectual isola- 
 tion, but a series of most cruel physical and 
 material sufferings, which make that form of 
 arbitrary punishment just as heavy as, if not 
 heavier than, the hard labour in the mines. 
 
 Let me tell the reader the story of one of the 
 early settlers in that inhospitable region, a 
 certain Zalessky, a land surveyor in the province 
 of Kursk. In 1877 he was arrested on the 
 charge of having distributed a few Socialist 
 pamphlets, and exiled without trial to Verko- 
 yansk, a village at a latitude of 67° 34', number-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 203 
 
 ing 290 inhabitants, wretchedly poor, and com- 
 pletely savage. In that awful place, where he 
 was at that time the only educated man, 
 Zalessky remained for full eight years, without a 
 book, without a newspaper, without a letter, suf- 
 fering from the terrible Arctic cold, from hunger, 
 and want. It was not the cruelty of the gen- 
 darmes which inflicted so dire a punishment for 
 so trifling an offence, it was their carelessness, 
 Zalessky was iix^'^Xy forgotten by them. When, 
 by mere accident, his existence was discovered, 
 an order was sent to Siberia to bring him back 
 to his native country. As he had no money to 
 make the journey at his own ex[)ense, he had to 
 travel right across Siberia on foot, under escort, 
 with a batch of vagabonds sent to their native 
 villages in European Russia. It took him a 
 year to come to the Moscow central prison, 
 which he reached in 1886 : there he was met by 
 a number of political exiles on their way to 
 Siberia. One of them, who escaped afterwards, 
 told me that the appearance of Zalessky was 
 that of a man who had spent twenty years in a 
 gloomy dungeon. Though under forty, he looked 
 like an old decrepit man, with bent and shattered 
 body, blinking, almost sightless eyes, toothless 
 mouth. 
 
 It is not only the climate which works such 
 havoc with a man's frame, but the life of utter 
 misery and isolation. Whenever an exile is 
 sent to a new place, where he is quite alone, his 
 fate is always extremely hard. Here is another 
 example of more recent date. In 1884 Jordan, 
 a student of the Kharkov Veterinary Schools, 
 was arrested for having taken part in the print-
 
 204 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 ing of the pamphlets of the peaceful Socialists — 
 those who were against political terrorism. 
 After a year of imprisonment, namely in 1885, 
 he was exiled without trial to Verkolensk (not 
 Verkhoyansk), a town in Southern Siberia. On 
 reaching this place he wrote to his friends at 
 Kharkov asking them to send him at his own 
 address all the new things issued by the secret 
 press, saying that the local police superintendent 
 was a good man, who did not open the letters 
 of the exiles. This letter was intercepted by 
 the Kharkov police, and Jordan was sent off to 
 the Arctic zone to Vilusk, lat. 6-^ 45', where 
 he had to live quite alone among the savage 
 Yakuts. The sufferings and privations he had 
 to undergo were such that he died there in 1888. 
 
 The case of Miss Lidia Ananyn, a young 
 delicate girl of sixteen, who had nothing to do 
 with revolutions, is also a very hard one, though 
 it did not end so tragically. Her story shows 
 the proceedings of the Russian police when the 
 "highest of all," which means the Tzar, is per- 
 sonally concerned. 
 
 In March, 1887, there was an unsuccessful 
 attempt against the life of the present Tzar, 
 which was not exactly an attempt, because the 
 conspirators were arrested beforehand. One of 
 them, Novorussky, executed afterwards, lodged 
 in the house of Mrs. Ananyn, a widow of forty- 
 two, with two children — a girl, Lidia, and a boy, 
 Nicolas, to whom Novorussky gave lessons. 
 It was proved that Novorussky made bombs in 
 his room with a fellow-conspirator ; but there 
 was no evidence whatever that his landlady 
 knew or suspected anything about it. Indeed,
 
 .A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 20S 
 
 she did not, having her business as mid- 
 wife of the Municipal Hospital to attend to. 
 Yet she was sentenced by the military tribunal 
 to hard labour and sent to Kara. Her son, a 
 boy of thirteen, because he was a pupil of so 
 dangerous a man as Novorussky, was exiled to 
 the Caucasus. The daughter, Lidia, simply be- 
 cause she was three years older, met with a 
 heavier punishment. She was exiled to the 
 village Kandinsky, near Beresov, a horrible 
 place, lat. 6^^^ where she was thrown quite alone 
 among the savages. She petitioned to be sent 
 to Kara, to be near her mother ; but this was 
 refused. She petitioned that her brother exiled 
 to the Caucasus should be allowed to join her. 
 But this was refused too. She was quite alone, 
 suffering from cold, hunger, and all kinds of 
 privations, which, in a little more than a year, 
 brought her to the verge of death. She would 
 have certainly died if by chance another exile, 
 an energetic man with a large family, had not 
 been sent to join her. 
 
 When the number of exiles increases, they 
 mutually help each other morally and mate- 
 rially, so as to make the life more tolerable 
 even in places so cursed by nature as 
 Verkhoyansk, Sredne Kolymsk, and Vilusk. 
 Still the sufferings and privations to which they 
 are permanently subjected are extremely severe. 
 These are uninhabitable places, lor Europeans 
 at all events. Nova Zemla, which is visited by 
 men only during the summer months, has a much 
 milder climate than the Arctic region of Siberia. 
 In the former the average temperature for a 
 year is 13° F., with 7° below zero for tiie three
 
 206 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 winter months, whilst in Verkhoyansk the average 
 both for the winter and autumn months is 31° 
 F. below zero, the average temperature for the 
 three months of eternal night, December, 
 January and February, sinking to 53° F. below 
 zero, which is full 13° below the freezing point 
 of mercury. As to the average temperature for 
 the year, it is only 1° F. above zero, the lowest 
 temperature that has been observed at any 
 point of the northern hemiisphere. During the 
 short summer the temperature rises, rapidly 
 reaching 56° F. But with the warm season 
 come the mosquitoes, which are a plague of 
 these regions more difficult to endure than cold. 
 **' I never would have believed," says the corre- 
 spondent of the Russky Vedomosty (Moscow), 
 who has been exiled to these parts, ''that the 
 insects could appear in such swarms. They 
 literally darken the light, filling the air with an 
 incessant noise, covering, as with a dark mantle, 
 our horses, whose flanks were soon bleeding all 
 over. Maddened with pain, the horses kicked 
 and reared, but seeing that all was unavailing, 
 they drooped their heads and submitted to the 
 inevitable. In vain we tried to protect our- 
 selves with veils, travelling, notwithstanding the 
 hot weather, in winter gloves and overcoats. 
 The mosquitoes penetrated through the sleeves 
 under the shirts, stinging the breast and the 
 body, which ached as if burned with fire. The 
 more we struggled to get rid of our tormentors, 
 the more we opened the way to new thousands 
 of them. On arriving at the huts of the Yakuts 
 we kindled a great fire, which made such a 
 smoke that it pricked the eyes and choked the 
 
 1 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 207 
 
 breath, though we lay stretched on the earthen 
 floor. The mosquitoes disappeared, but as soon 
 as the smoke dispersed a little, new swarms 
 penetrated into the hut, covering all of us 
 thickly." Such is nature in these regions. 
 Now, what are the inhabitants, and their means 
 of protecting themselves from its rigour ,-' 
 
 We will quote from the same authority a few 
 lines describing the largest of these northern 
 settlements, Sredne Kolymsk, a " town " num- 
 bering fully 560 inhabitants. Most of them 
 are of Russian extraction ; but being for many 
 generations isolated from all the world, and 
 feeding exclusively on fish, they have lost the 
 energy, industry, and versatility of Russian 
 peasants. They are apathetic, lazy, and dull. 
 It is considered a great sign of cleverness in a 
 boy if he succeeds in learning to read and write 
 in the course of eight to nine years. They 
 know no trade, no industry, except fishing and 
 occasionally hunting. The houses they live in 
 can hardly be called houses, for they are badly- 
 fitting wooden sheds zat//i no chimneys, because 
 the inhabitants do not know the use of bricks. 
 The hou-^es are warmed with a fire lit in the 
 middle upon the earthen floor, the smoke 
 passing out through a big hole in the pointed 
 roof. It is not surprising that such houses 
 during the winter are " infernally cold," to use 
 the expression of our author. 
 
 Nothing grows, nothing can be got in these 
 regions. Everything is imported from enor- 
 mous distances, and is, therefore, exceedingly 
 dear. Bread is sold at famine prices. Candles, 
 soap, cotton wares, matches, are fabulously dear.
 
 208 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 " In such conditions of the market," philosophi- 
 cally observes our author, " one has naturally 
 to give up bread, sugar, and the many other 
 commodities we are accustomed to consider as 
 indispensable to a civilized man. But fish, 
 reindeer meat, fat, and wood for burning can 
 be obtained." 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that there is 
 nothing in a place like that to satisfy the intel- 
 lectual cravings of a civilized man, which have 
 also to be " given up " as a matter of course. 
 Suffice it to mention that the letters from Russia 
 take six montJis to come to Sredne Kolymsk. 
 Thus the news received, and the papers — sup- 
 posing the exiles have money to spare for 
 subscribing to any — are always six months old, 
 and the post comes only three times a year. 
 
 There is little difference between the three 
 Arctic towns to which exiles are sent. If any- 
 thing, Sredne Kolymsk is the best of them, 
 numbering a population equal to that of the 
 two others put together, and comparatively 
 better off. Of Vilusk we read that its inhabi- 
 tants are so poor that they gave up keeping 
 dogs, being unable to feed them. 
 V Now let us see for what crimes scores of young, 
 intelligent, well-educated people are exiled to 
 these horrible places. First of all, it must be 
 remembered that — with a few exceptions we will 
 mention later on — they are all administrative 
 exiles, people who have never been tried at all, 
 and never convicted of any ofTence. They have 
 been exiled by order of the police, on suspicion 
 that they held dangerous opinions, and are 
 likely some day to commit some offence. What
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 309 
 
 grounds for a siuiilar suspicion are considered 
 sufficient by the Russian Government for exiling 
 people to strth awful places we shall see best 
 by a few examples. We take them all from 
 one place, Sredne Kolymsk, in order to be 
 nearer the avcraf^e. 
 
 Let us begin with Isaac Sklovsky, a journalist 
 of Jewist extraction. He was a man of position — 
 the editor of the Elisavergrad Leaflet, a popular 
 provincial paper. The charge agiinst him is 
 this : having made the acquaintance of an 
 Odessa revolutionist named Dudin, who after- 
 wards turned informer, he purchased from him 
 two pamphlets, issued by the secret printing 
 office, for the sum of thirty kopecks, which 
 makes about %d. in English coin. When a 
 domiciliary search was made at Sklovsky's 
 house, the pamphlets were not found. But he 
 did not deny having purchased them, and re- 
 fused to disclose what he had done with them. 
 For this offence he was kept in prison about a 
 year, and then released on bail at the be- 
 ginning of 1885, pending the resolution upon 
 his case. In the summer of 1886 the resolution 
 came, and he was arrested again and marched 
 off straight to Eastern Siberia for five years. 
 Because a Jew he was sent to Sredne Kolymsk. 
 
 The case of another young Jew, Liadoff, of 
 Riga, is still more remarkable. The reader 
 may remember that some time ago some notice 
 was taken by the English press of the arrest at 
 Riga of a German sailor who brought upon an 
 English ship a parcel of revolutionary prints. 
 It was this fact that brought poor Liadoff 
 into trouble. He had a prospcious business 
 
 P
 
 210 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 in Riga, and never thought of politics or 
 revolution, when, one fine morning, he received 
 from an unknown gentleman (the German 
 sailor) a note requesting him to come on board 
 a certain ship then in Riga harbour. Prompted 
 by curiosity, Liadoff came and asked for the 
 sailor. When they were alone the latter told 
 him that he was in great difficulty : he had a 
 parcel of revolutionary pamphlets entrusted to 
 him by a Geneva friend, but could not find the 
 person to whom they had to be delivered at 
 Riga. Not knowing what to do with his 
 dangerous parcel, he wanted to know whether 
 Liadoff would not be good enough to take care 
 of it. Naturally, Liadoff declined, energetically 
 saying that he had nothing to do with re- 
 volution, and expressed his amazement how the 
 idea of applying to him could have entered 
 the sailor's head. The latter apologized, and 
 explained that he got Liadoff's name from his 
 Geneva friend, who happened to have been 
 Liadoffs schoolfellow, and thought he might be 
 tried if he was still in Riga. The affair did not 
 go farther. Liadoff went home without having 
 taken one copy of the pamphlets. But when 
 the sailor was arrested, Liadotl's visit on board 
 the ship was discovered by the detectives, and 
 he had to answer for it to the police. He 
 explained candidly how the thing passed, and 
 was released. This took place in October, 
 1884. Soon after he married, and was enjoying 
 his honeymoon, when, in January, 1887, whilst 
 he was at dinner with his young wife, a 
 messenger came from the colonel of gendarmerie, 
 asking him to come immediately to his office.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 211 
 
 Liadoff was on good terms with the colonel. 
 The office was in the same street, a few blocks 
 off. Nothing suspecting, he left the table 
 immediately — "just between the second course 
 and the pudding," as he said afterwards to his 
 companions — and went to the colonel. Here he 
 was told that, according to a telegram from St. 
 Petersburg, he was to be sent off to Oriental 
 Siberia by the next train, which meant in two 
 hours' time. It is easy to imagine the poor 
 man's consternation. To his vehement protests 
 and inquiries the colonel answered that he was 
 himself exceedingly surprised atsuch an order,for 
 which he was quite unable to find any plausible 
 explanation. Liadoff begged for a respite, 
 suggesting that there must be some error or 
 misunderstanding. The colonel said that the 
 order was a peremptory one, but he would grant 
 a respite if the governor of the province 
 authorized it. The governor, who also knew 
 Liadoff, was applied to, and fully entered into 
 his position. He telegraphed to St. Petersburg, 
 vouching for Liadoff 's innocence, and asking 
 whether it was not somebody else who had to 
 be sent to Oriental Siberia. The result was an 
 angry telegram from St. Petersburg saying that 
 they " do not make mistakes," and reprimanding 
 the governor for having delayed the execution 
 of the order. Thus, alter a respite of two days 
 only, Liadoff was marched off to Oriental 
 Siberia. As a Jew he was also sent to Sredne 
 Kolymsk. 
 
 The case of two bo\'s sent to the same 
 dreadful place, Landa and Gornstein, also Jews 
 — who, when arrested, were the first fifteen, 
 p 2
 
 212 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the second sixteen years of age — is more 
 shocking still. They were both studying in 
 the Odessa gymnasium, when, in the begin- 
 ning of August, 1885, a certain Fedorsher 
 arrived in the town from Geneva. He had been 
 slightly compromised in some early propaganda 
 business before he left Russia, so that on re- 
 turning he had to be careful to keep out of the 
 reach of the police. As the latter got wind of 
 his arrival in Odessa he had to hide himself for 
 some time in the houses of his friends, as is often 
 the case with "illegal" people. One of these 
 friends, being not sure that his own house was 
 not watched by the police, had the unfortunate 
 idea of taking Fedorsher one night to the 
 lodgings of the two boys, who were his 
 relatives, as the safest refuge. Of course the 
 boys asked no questions, and were satisfied 
 with the explanation that their guest wanted 
 simply a lodging for a night or two to avoid the 
 expense of an hotel. Nobody thought of the 
 possibility of the police coming to seek 
 Fedorsher in the house of these children. But 
 the police came on account of the boys them- 
 selves. It was rumoured that in their gym- 
 nasium some sort of propaganda was afloat, 
 and in one night 120 domiciliary visits were 
 made to the houses of different pupils in order 
 to discover some material proof of it. One of 
 these visits fell to the lot of Landa and 
 Gornstein. When the police arrived, the inmates 
 were not yet in bed, and Fedorsher, on being 
 asked who he was, explained that he was their 
 neighbour, living a few blocks off. They 
 believed him, and he played the part he
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 213 
 
 assumed so well that the police let him go. 
 But when his little portmanteau, which he had 
 to leave behind, was opened, a parcel of re- 
 volutionary publications was discovered in it. 
 This was sufficient for the arrest of the two 
 boys, though it was clearly proved that they 
 knew nothing about it. They were kept in the 
 Odessa prison, one of the worst in the empire, 
 in solitary confinement, for about a year and 
 a half, and then the police, without any trial, 
 pronounced upon them the verdict of five years' 
 exile to Oriental Siberia, as people dangerous 
 to the existing order and implicated in re- 
 volutionary agitation. When the monstrous 
 sentence was read to them the younger of the 
 boys, Landa, exclaimed: "How? Am I also 
 a revolutionist, a man dangerous to the 
 authorities ? " 
 
 At this the gendarme smiled, and answered 
 in these very words : *' No, certainly you are 
 not. But you may become so some day." 
 
 I must not leave the reader under the im- 
 pression that Jews alone are honoured in Russia 
 with this dreadful form of punishment. There 
 are several born Russians among the exiles of 
 Sredne Koiymsk, but they have all somewhat 
 heavier charges against them. One of them, 
 Belousoff, was tried by an exceptional tribunal, 
 it is true, but still tried, and condemned to exile 
 for life in these gloomy regions for a distant 
 connection with a dynamite manufacturing 
 business ; another, Victor Daniloff, though never 
 tried, was involved in active revolutionary 
 propaganda among the dissenting sects ; the 
 third had escaped once from Southern Siberia ;
 
 214 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the fourth was for several years the special 
 correspondent and representative of a revo- 
 lutionary paper. All these are small offences 
 as compared with the punishment, but they are 
 actual crimes when compared with the ridicu- 
 lous charges against the Jews v/ho share the 
 same fate. 
 
 The anti-Semitic agitation we have seen in 
 Germany and Austria is as absurd and ridi- 
 culous as would be the revival of some exploded 
 superstition. I;ut in Russia we see something 
 worse. Here, in consequence of the personal 
 bias of the Tzar, Alexander III., who was a fierce 
 Jew hater, a special measure was passed in 
 1886, making one section of citizens liable to 
 heavier punishments than others for the same 
 offences, simply because they are of a certain 
 race and creed. Is it not a crying injustice, a 
 flagrant and cynical violation of the fundamental 
 laws of all modern States, Russia included, 
 where the equality of all the citizens before the 
 Tzar or his representatives stands in the written 
 code ? We need not multiply our illustrations. 
 The cases of Belousoff, Daniloff, and Miss 
 Shmidova, a young girl of Jewish extraction, 
 whose only offence is that she was the sweet- 
 heart of Ulianoff, the would-be Tzaricide, pre- 
 sent the maximum of guilt ; the cases of Liadoff 
 and the two boys we have just spoken of, the 
 minimum. All the rest of the thirty exiles in 
 Sredne Kolymsk stand between. 
 
 The exiles of Verkho Yansk are in the same 
 position as those of Sredne Kolymsk — the same 
 offences, or rather absence of offences, the same 
 conditions of life. We v.ill record here only
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 215 
 
 two men, who have suffered there for many- 
 years, and will probably find there their icy 
 graves, PorfiryVoinaralsky and Ser^ius Kovalik. 
 They are now both about forty-five, and must 
 be by this time utterly broken, decrepit old men. 
 Both were justices before being arrested: Voi- 
 naralsky in the province of Penza ; Kovalik in 
 Orel. In 1873, at the epoch of the enthu- 
 siastic crusade of educated people " among the 
 peasants," they abandoned their magisterial 
 chairs, and as sim[ile manual labourers went 
 among the people to preach Socialism. They 
 were arrested very soon — in July, 1874. Since 
 that time, lor sixteen years, the Government has 
 been tormenting these two men with a mean 
 and implacable cruelty, simply because they 
 have shown more devotion to the cause, more 
 energ}', and have won a greater popularity than 
 the rest. They were dragged from prison to 
 prison ; from the fortress of Peter and Paul to 
 the house of horrors, the Kharkoff central prison ; 
 then to Kara, where they were arbitrarily kept 
 after the term of their legal punishment had 
 elapsed. And when they ought to have been 
 set free to settle in some Siberian town, like 
 many of their companions, they were exiled to 
 Verkho Yansk, where, up to 1885, they remained 
 alone with Zalessky, mentioned above, suffering 
 the same horrible privations which have broken 
 the latter. And all this life of martyrdom for a 
 few words about Socialism 1 
 
 The Government of Alexander III. showed, 
 after 1886, a decided inclination to multiply and 
 extend the practice of administrative exile to 
 the Arctic zone. The towns of Srcdne Kolymsk
 
 2l6 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 and Verkho Yansk have been populated, as we 
 have said, within the last three j-ears. In Vilusk, 
 a town at the same latitude, a special prison has 
 been constructed for the unfortunate survivors 
 of the Yakutsk massacres of 1889 — a fact which 
 is unique in the history of penitentiary institu- 
 tions. It is reported that a project is afloat of 
 instituting a new penal colony at Bykoff pro- 
 montory, which is still farther advanced in the 
 region of eternal ice. Thus the Russian Govern- 
 ment has created for its political suspects a sort 
 of combination of Dante's antenora, described in 
 Canto XXXII. of the Inferno, -whevo. the sinners 
 are tormented by being immersed in solid ice, 
 with the first girone described in Canto III., 
 where the damned are tormented by mosquitoes 
 and wasps. 
 
 Every government pretending to be a civi- 
 lized one is morally bound to respect certain 
 general principles of justice and equity ; just as 
 a man admitted into respectable society is bound 
 to conform to certain rules of common decency. 
 
 The Russian Government has grossly out- 
 raged them. I need not dwell upon the 
 difference in the treatment of Jews and Chris- 
 tians, which is a monstrosity. I will only ask 
 whether the foundation of penitentiary colonies 
 of any kind in the Arctic zone is not a mon- 
 strosity as well. Imprisonments are intended 
 as deprivation of freedom and nothing more. 
 Exile is intended as a limitation of the freedom 
 of movement. To aggravate these punishments 
 purposely by physical sufferings so intense as 
 those caused by the Arctic climate is to reintro- 
 duce torture under another form.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 217 
 
 1 cannot leave this painful subject without 
 drawing the attention of all humanitarian people 
 to another shocking trait of the Siberian exile 
 system : the treatment of men who are un- 
 doubtedly insane. Insanity is not rare among 
 political prisoners, thanks to the whole system 
 of our solitary confinement. Sometimes the 
 insane are sent to the asylums, or consigned to 
 the care of their relatives ; but sometimes they 
 are not ; and we know positively of several men, 
 undoubtedly insane, who arc kept in the worst 
 places of exile, marched with the parties of other 
 prisoners by etapes^ and treated as if they were 
 as responsible as people who are right in their 
 minds. 
 
 A certain Edelson was exiled in 1887 to 
 Verkho \'ansk, although he was undoubtedly 
 insane. He was arrested at the close of 1885 
 in Minsk on the charge of participation in an 
 unsuccessful attempt to found a secret printing 
 office. At the preliminary interrogation, at 
 which in Russia a prisoner is bound to answer, 
 and which in case of political offences is con- 
 ducted in the truly Jesuiiic and inquisitorial 
 manner, Edelson had the misfortune of falling 
 into one of the traps laid for him by the 
 gendarmes. He committed some indiscretion, 
 making statements to the prejudice of his com- 
 panions. The pain he felt at the discovery of 
 his error was so keen that he lost his reason a 
 few months after his imprisonment. This did 
 not prevent the police from exiling him to the 
 Arctic zone. He was marched in company with 
 twenty other political prisoners and four hun- 
 dred common convicts across Siberia, causing
 
 2l8 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 his companions endless trouble and worry. 
 His fixed idea was that they were conspiring to 
 kill him, thous^h they treated him very kindly, 
 and have forgiven him long ago his involuntary 
 offence so heavily expiated. Every now and 
 then in the dead of the night he would terrify 
 them all with wild howlings and cries, asking 
 for the officer of the escort or the director of the 
 prison, imploring them to protect him and 
 separate him from his companions. So they 
 reached Irkutsk. Here the political exiles peti- 
 tioned that Edelson should be tranferred to the 
 Irkutsk lunatic asylum. The local authorities 
 supported that petition, telegraphing to St. 
 Petersburg that Edelson was really insane. 
 But no reply came, and Edelson was marched 
 off to Verkho Yansk. Hovv^ the other exiles 
 managed with him there, God alone knows. 
 
 This is no exception. Almost in every batch 
 of exiles marching to Siberia there are men in a 
 similar condition. With the party that left 
 Moscow central prison in May, 18S7, there were 
 two men undoubtedly insane. OnewasTikhon 
 Lebedeff, the scion of a wealthy family, and a 
 well-educated man. After having completed 
 his studies in the gymnasium, instead of going 
 to the university, he became a common work- 
 man, and took an active part in organizing the 
 " Workmen's League" of Southern Russia. In 
 1881 he was arrested at Kieff on suspicion, and 
 confined in Nijni Novgorod. He escaped very 
 soon, and resumed his favourite propagandist 
 work among the workmen in Odessa, Kieff, and 
 St. Petersburg. He was arrested in the latter 
 town in the summer of 1884, and imprisoned in
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 2ig 
 
 the fortress of Peter and Paul. Here he becarrie 
 raving mad, and was transferred to the Kazan 
 lunatic asylum, where there is a special ward 
 provided for politicals. He recovered his reason, 
 and was again immured in the fortress of Peter 
 and Paul. After five months' imprisonment he 
 was a madman again, and was the second time 
 transferred to the Kazan asylum. In May, 
 1887, in a period of comparative lucidity, he was 
 joined to the batch of exiles on their march to 
 Siberia. But before they reached Krasnoyarsk 
 Lebedeff again became insane, and in such a 
 state, notwithstanding the remonstrances of his 
 companions and the certificates of the physi- 
 cians, was marched to Tunka. 
 
 Another insane man in the same party was 
 Mavrogan, a well-known author of books on 
 education, and formerly tutor in the Richelieu 
 Gymnasium in Odessa. He was arrested for 
 the first time in 1879, during General Todleben's 
 furious reign, and without any trial, without 
 interrogation, without explanation of the mo- 
 tives of his arrest, was exiled to Oriental Siberia 
 for five years. After the expiration of this term 
 he returned to Odessa, and a few months later 
 he was arrested again. The charge against him 
 was this : The spies had discovert;d that he had 
 met one day in the public garden a noted revo- 
 lutionist, and had a talk with him. The spies 
 could not overhear what they were talking 
 about, for they had to watch them at a distance ; 
 but this was deemed sufficient for arresting 
 Mavrogan and keeping him in solitary confine- 
 ment tor more than a year until he lost his 
 reason. In 1SS6 he was transferred to the
 
 220 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 Odessa lunatic asylum for examination. Here 
 the well-known specialist for mental diseases, 
 Dr. Chazky, and all his assistants, testified to 
 his insanity. This did not prevent the police 
 from sentencing him to four years' exile in 
 Oriental Siberia, which order was read to Mav- 
 rogan in the lunatic asylum in July, 1886, by a 
 police officer. Notwithstanding the efforts of 
 his mother and sister, and of the medical staff of 
 the asylum, the order was carried out. Mav- 
 rogan was transferred to the Moscow central 
 prison, and in May, 1887, marched off to his 
 destination. 
 
 Another similar case we will mention is that 
 of Dobroselsky, a Pole by birth. He was 
 arrested in Warsaw in connection with Socialist 
 propaganda and secret printing. He lost his 
 reason a few months after his arrest, but was, 
 nevertheless, exiled in 1887 to Kurgan, in 
 Western Siberia. The remarkable fact about 
 him is that whilst sending him to his destination 
 the authorities addressed a special request to the 
 other exiles of Kurgan asking them to take care 
 of their new companion because he was insane.
 
 XIII. 
 
 SIBERIAN HORRORS — THE YAKUTSK MAS- 
 SACRES AND THE KARA TRAGEDY. 
 
 One of the most terrible tragedies of the last 
 two reigns — the massacre of Yakutsk — took 
 place in connection with the practice of exiling 
 people to the regions of Polar night. This 
 terrible affair did not pass unnoticed and un- 
 known, like most of the dark deeds of the 
 Russian autocracy. Thanks to the London 
 Thnes, it made the round of the world, marking 
 an epoch in the story of the gradual winning 
 over of the public opinion of England to the 
 cause of Russian freedom. 
 
 Since that time we have received many 
 authentic documents, explaining much that was 
 dark and incomprehensible in the whole affair, 
 and showing the butchery in a somewhat new 
 light. I leave to the reader to decide whether 
 it is a better one or worse. 
 
 At the beginning of April, 1889, thirty 
 political exiles were waiting at Yakutsk to be 
 transported to some locality in the extreme east 
 of Siberia, where they were ordered to reside. 
 These prisoners, it must be noted, were exiled 
 by " administrative order " — that is to say, they
 
 222 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 had not been tried and convicted by any 
 tribunal ; no conclusive evidence had been 
 adduced against them. Legally speaking, they 
 were citizens who retained all their rights, and 
 against whom no conviction or penalty had been 
 inflicted. The Government — not the law, but 
 the Government — or purely administrative rea- 
 sons, had ordered these persons to live in exile. 
 This is the way suspects against whom no 
 evidence is forthcoming are often treated. The 
 thirty prisoners, to reach Yakutsk, had already 
 performed a painful and exhausting journey, 
 lasting a whole year, and made mostly on foot 
 by e tapes. But to reach the further stations, 
 such as Verkhoyansk and Kolymsk, greater 
 hardships are in store. Some i6o miles from 
 Yakutsk, at Aldan, the last vestiges of civiliza- 
 tion disappear. The road crosses an absolutely 
 desert locality, where at best a few nomad tribes 
 may be met, though these for the most part 
 have been decimated by smallpox. 
 
 A political prisoner who had travelled from 
 Yakutsk to Kolymsk related that on reaching a 
 '' jurta" or resting-hut, he had only found a man 
 dead from smallpox, another d3'ing, and no sort 
 of provision whatever for travellers. The other 
 members of the family living in the hut had all 
 fled away. Yet these huts are the only habita- 
 tions to be met with on the road. They are 
 occupied by a sort of postmaster, whose mission 
 it is to keep open the means of communication, 
 and who has become the only existing connexion 
 between the Government and the natives, the 
 latter being for the most part semi-savages. 
 These postmasters lead a Avretched life, together
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 223 
 
 with their famiHes and their cattle. The best 
 that a " jurta " can offer to the traveller is a little 
 shelter and a little warmth. As for food, that 
 is altogether out of the question, and the 
 traveller must carry his own provisions with 
 him, or he will die of hunger. It is only on 
 reaching Verkhoiansk that articles of primary 
 necessity can be bought, and then at fabulous 
 prices. But to understand better what was 
 about to occur, it is necessary to explain further 
 that the post-stations are at very great distances 
 from each other. There is nothing between 
 them but the wastes of the Polar deserts. Such 
 distances cannot be accomplished on foot ; 
 horses drawing carriages would die of hunger, 
 and deer alone can stand the journey. As the 
 distance from posthouse to posthouse varies 
 from 150 to 200 miles, there are intermediary 
 halting-places, called " povarny," where the 
 deer can take breath and eat their rations of 
 moss. But for men there is no accommodation, 
 no warmth, no shelter ; no possibility of getting 
 food anywhere. The number of deer the post- 
 masters are by their contracts obliged to keep 
 is calculated with a view to carrying the post 
 once every three months, and conveying an 
 occasional traveller. It is, therefore, quite in- 
 sufficient for somewhat numerous parties ; and 
 when the deer are gone, the traveller must stop 
 at the station or at the " povarny " and wait, 
 sometimes for weeks, until the exhausted 
 animals come back and are ready for use. The 
 journey from Yakutsk to Sredne Kolymsk takes 
 about three months, and the travellers, besides 
 warm clothes, must have provisions for all this
 
 224 ^ING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 time, like a crew sailing for a three months' 
 journey in the Arctic seas. 
 
 Up to the spring of 1889 the authorities at 
 Yakutsk thought it was only right to show some 
 leniency to the exiles under " administrative 
 order," who were told off to the Arctic zone. 
 They argued, and justly, that, as these latter 
 had not been condemned to death, it was 
 necessary to take some measures to prevent 
 their dying of starvation on the road; therefore, 
 to prevent the overcrowding of the post-stations, 
 only small batches of prisoners were despatched 
 at a time, and these at intervals often to fifteen 
 days from each other. Further, to enable the 
 prisoners to procure food for the journey, 
 and the indispensable articles of clothing, the 
 allowance made for the journey was paid to 
 them ten days in advance. But as the pri- 
 soners have also to feed the Cossacks of their 
 escort, their own allowance was not sufficient, 
 and an advance was made to them from their 
 monthly pay, about 10/. in all. These were 
 not very great concessions, and did not prevent 
 the occasional death from cold of several 
 children. Cases of illness among the adults 
 were very frequent, and some of them never 
 recovered from the effects of the terrible journey. 
 But all this is quite within the ordinary pro- 
 gramme of a Russian exile's life, and they 
 accepted all these sufferings quietly as a matter 
 of course. Something especially ferocious and 
 unusual must occur before protests are raised. 
 This is precisely what happened in Yakutsk in 
 the spring of 1^589. 
 
 General Svetlizky, who, like a sensible man,
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 225 
 
 had established the above-mentioned rules for 
 the transport of the exiles to the Polar regions, 
 sent in his resignation of the governorship. In 
 March of 1889 Colonel Ostashkin was appointed 
 to fill the vacant post ad interim. Imme- 
 diately on assuming the office of governor 
 he thought fit to alter all the rules or customs 
 relating to the transport of exiles under " ad- 
 ministrative order." He decided that four 
 instead of two prisoners should start at once, 
 which, with the escort, made eight persons, and 
 this at short intervals of only seven days. The 
 money allowance for the journey was to be paid 
 only the day before the departure, and the 
 advance of money on the exiles' pay suppressed 
 altogether. Further, the exiles were all to 
 surrender themselves at the prison the day 
 before starting, so that it would be absolutely 
 impossible for them to make the purchases 
 indispensable for such a journey. Finally, they 
 were forbidden to take with them more than 
 2CX3 pounds of luggage and provisions per head. 
 What induced Ostashkin to take such a step } 
 In one of the letters from the exiles, these 
 wanton cruelties are attributed to the fact that 
 his sister was compromised in some revolu- 
 tionary affair and was an exile in Siberia. 
 Ostashkin wanted to make amends, and show 
 his loyalty, by a particular severity towards the 
 political exiles. In other letters from the same 
 source, a more lenient view is taken of Ostash- 
 kin, who is represented as a typical, narrow- 
 minded, ignorant bureaucrat, having an implicit 
 faith in stamped paper, and sticising to the 
 letter of the regulations, being unable to under- 
 
 Q
 
 226 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 stand or believe that they are not the perfection 
 of human wisdom, and must be sometimes 
 adapted to circumstances. It was prescribed, as 
 a general rule, for exiles settled in towns, that 
 their different allowances should be given to 
 them at the end of the month, which could not 
 cause serious inconvenience even to the poorest 
 among- exiles, as they could find credit ior one 
 month. The regulation prescribed, moreover, 
 that the exiles travelling by etapes should not 
 carry with them more than 200 pounds ot 
 luggage?. It was not much, but there was no 
 reason to complain, as the ordinary exiles had 
 not to take with them any article of food, ex- 
 cept some tea and sugar and the like. It was 
 sheer madness to enforce such rules upon the 
 exiles who had to embark upon a three months' 
 journey across the icy deserts of northern 
 Siberia. For himself and the Cossack escorting 
 him, each exile had to take at least 480 pounds 
 of bread alone. But men cannot stand the 
 Arctic cold and the fatigue of such a journey on 
 bread only. The exiles had to take with them 
 about 200 pounds of meat, 50 pounds of butter, 
 20 pounds of salt— to say nothing of tobacco, 
 tea, sugar, biscuits, etc. Besides articles of 
 food, the exiles had 200 pounds of personal 
 luggage : wearing apparel, linen, books, etc., 
 which the regulations allowed them to bring 
 with them from European Russia. How could 
 they possibly reduce their luggage to the 
 regulation 200 pounds ? Besides, special fur 
 coats able to stand the awful frost of 70 degrees 
 below zero (Fahr.), are as imperatively necessary 
 as food. In the warmest fur coat that is worn 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 22/ 
 
 in European Russia a man would get frozen the 
 first day of his journey. 
 
 Now Ostashkin's rules meant that the exiles 
 should be exposed wholly unprotected both to 
 hunger and cold. 
 
 Of course, Ostashkin did not really want to 
 have them all frozen and starved. It was mere 
 bureaucratic stupidity and ignorance ; but this 
 did not make the situation less dangerous. 
 Obstinacy, official pride, which does not allow 
 the admission of an error, and considers any 
 expostulation as an act of insubordination, 
 almost a personal offence — these are qualities 
 as characteristic of our bureaucracy as ignorance 
 and stupidity. Governor Ostashkin proved 
 that he had the arrogance and susceptibility 
 of all petty bureaucratic despots. To these he 
 added cowardice all his own, which alone 
 accounts for his mean and treacherous conduct 
 in the later stagt.s of this dreadful affair. 
 
 The thirty Yakutsk exiles had every reason 
 for being alarmed at what they called the 
 March edicts, and for taking some steps to 
 protect themselves, their wives, sisters, and 
 children. 1 hey received unexpected assistance 
 on the part of the ispravnik (chief) of the 
 district of Kolymsk, who reported to the 
 governor that a severe epidemic of smallpox 
 was ravaging the district through which the 
 exiles had to travel, that many of the Yakuts 
 holding the post stations had fallen victims to 
 it, and that at some of them one could not put 
 up without danger of infection. 
 
 On ttie i6th of March one of the exiles, Goz, 
 went to see the governor, explaining to him 
 Q 2
 
 228 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 that the exiles did not mean to be disrespectful 
 or insubordinate, but that the new regulations 
 could not be carried out without most deplor- 
 able consequences, and that they hoped that he 
 would reconsider his decision. Ostashkin seemed 
 impressed and even moved. " I am also a man," 
 he said, and he promised to give his full atten- 
 tion to the matter. In fact, he did so. On the 
 next day, the 1 7th of March, Governor Ostashkin 
 issued several orders to the ispravnik of the 
 district, enjoining upon him that all objects likely 
 to cause contagion should be removed from the 
 post stations, and that a sufficient number of 
 relay horses and reindeers should be kept there 
 to allow the exiles to travel without danger to 
 their health or delay. To his bureaucratic mind 
 to issue such an order meant to remove all 
 difficulties. He might as well have ordered the 
 ispravnik to have the whole road macadamised 
 in the course of a fortnight, and bridges thrown 
 over all the rivers, and viaducts over the ravines. 
 These orders could have been executed by the 
 ispravnik if he had had a magic wand to com- 
 mand the services of spirits. Otherwise both 
 were equally impracticable. 
 
 The exiles knew it very well, and the orders 
 of March 17th produced upon them the most 
 depressing effect : nothing would be done for 
 them, and the governor was evidently resolved 
 to stick to his regulation. The first batch of four 
 exiles received an order to surrender themselves 
 to the prison authorities on the 22nd, before 
 starting for their journey to Sredne Kolymsk, 
 which under the circumstances was likely 
 to be their last in this world. Exasperated at 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 229 
 
 such senseless, unaccountable cruelty, the exiles 
 assembled in the house of Notkin to discuss 
 what was to be done in their desperate situation. 
 Here some of the most resolute among the 
 exiles proposed that rather than go submissively 
 to a certain death, they would refuse to start at 
 all, and would defend themselves arms in hand, 
 and be killed on the spot. 
 
 We have the letter of Sophia Gurevich, 
 written to their friends after the catastrophe, to 
 prove that such a suggestion was made by some 
 of the exiles. There is also an allusion to it in 
 a letter of the widow of Hausmann. The sug- 
 gestion was not accepted — a formal petition to 
 the governor on the part of all the exiles was 
 agreed upon. On March 21st all the thirty 
 exiles lodged in proper quarters their petitions, 
 couched in perfectly respectful terms. 
 
 Had tlie suggestions of despair been accepted 
 and carried out the exiles would have been justi- 
 fied in offering resistance to a flagrant abuse of 
 power. Only soldiers are bound to obey the 
 onlers of their superiors, even when disastrous. 
 But if a warder or a director of a prison were to 
 order a prisoner to do something which would 
 infallibly lead to a fatal result, the prisoner 
 would be justified in disobeying the order, and 
 in resisting it, if compelled to, by force. And 
 the exiles were not prisoners, but citizens who 
 had not been deprived of their rights. I do not 
 think that any English or American tribunal 
 would hesitate in pronouncing upon their case. 
 
 But in Russia it is different; citizens have 
 not that right of resisting the illegal actions of 
 the administration, which is the foundation of all
 
 230 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 free constitutions. Two courses were therefore 
 open to Governor Ostashkin, when he got wind 
 of the suggestions made by the exiles. If he 
 regarded them seriously, he might at once arrest 
 the people who had supported them, and 
 those who had heard them, and institute 
 an inquiry. Or he might let events take 
 their natural course, and wait until it was clear 
 whether the exiles really meant to defend them- 
 selves or not. A handful of young men and 
 girls could not imperil the peace of a town, with 
 several battalions of soldiers and Cossacks. 
 But either from cowardice or from mean calcu- 
 lation. Governor Ostashkin adopted a course of 
 treachery and deceit worthy of some black chief 
 in Africa. He deliberately laid a trap for the 
 exiles, tranquillizing them in order to have 
 them unprepared, and then sent armed soldiers 
 to butcher them. 
 
 In the documents which are in our hands 
 there is a letter from the commander of the 
 Yakutsk Garrison, Colonel Vajev, to an intimate 
 friend of his, in which he says that on March 
 2 1 St he was summoned to the governor, who 
 ordered him to keep his soldiers in readiness to 
 support the police on the next day. So the 
 use of force against the exiles was already 
 resolved upon by Ostashkin on the 2ist. Yet 
 on this very day the chief of the Yakutsk police, 
 Sukhachev, went to the exiles as a messenger 
 of peace. He saw them in the morning, soon 
 after the petitions were delivered, and then 
 again in the evening by appointment, and he 
 told them that the Governor revoked, pro tem., 
 the new regulations, and would consider the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 23I 
 
 matter carefully, and give his final resolution 
 to-morrow morning. The chief of the police 
 mentioned that Governor Ostashkin was very 
 much vexed to hear that the exiles had been in 
 a body to the offices of the police to present 
 their petitions. This was considered too much 
 like a political demonstration ; and to prevent 
 the recurrence of any such manifestation the 
 exiles were told to assemble again the following 
 day in the house of Notkin, where they would 
 receive a definite answer. The explanation 
 was plausible and quite in keeping with the 
 habits of Russian officialdom. The exiles were 
 taken in. The military ruse of Governor 
 Ostashkin was successful; his enemies were 
 lulled into false security, and fell into his trap 
 with light hearts. They came to Notkin's 
 lodgings quite unprepart i either for an armed 
 atta.„k or for any hosiility on the part of the 
 administration. 
 
 It must be mentioned that in these regions, 
 infested by herds of wolves, the exiles, like all 
 other citizens, are allowed to wear fire-arms. 
 So they might have been well-equipped for the 
 fight, if it had been intended. But, as a matter 
 of fact, out of the thirty-five people as- 
 sembled only five happened to have their 
 revolvers in their pockets, one of which was not 
 loaded. The revolver of Notkin, the master of 
 the house, was found in the lumber room. Two 
 of the exiles, Bramson and Hausmann, who were 
 declared to be the ringleaders, had left their 
 revolvers at their lodgings. The exiles were 
 quite unarmed, which is the best proof, if proof 
 were needed, that the assembly was a peaceable
 
 232 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 one, and that nobody meditated offering "armed 
 resistance." There were five visitors who, sus- 
 pecting nothing, came to see their friends 
 assembled in Notkin's house before the soldiers 
 appeared. 
 
 And now the fatal hour arrived. 
 
 At ten o'clock in the morning, whilst the 
 exiles were waiting for the governor's reply, a 
 subaltern officer of the police, Olessov, came 
 with an order to go in a body to the police, " to 
 hear the governor's reply." 
 
 The exiles had no reason on earth to object 
 to going once again to a place where they had 
 been the day before. But they were naturally 
 puzzled at the contradiction by the new order ot 
 that given to them yesterday by the chief of the 
 police himself. They ob-erved to Olessov that 
 they had been especially advised by Colonel 
 Sukhachev not to go in a body to the police 
 office. But in reply to their observation Olessov 
 thought it sufficient to merely repeat, " Then 
 you are not going .^" and without waiting for a 
 reply he hastily withdrew, as one who has done 
 all that was expected of him. 
 
 The exiles tried in vain to make him under- 
 stand that they only wanted some explanation. 
 At this juncture the troops arrived. It is an 
 important point, upon which the account given 
 both by the exiles and the officials are agreed, 
 that the troops followed at the heels of the 
 governor's messenger, and arrived a few minutes 
 after him. This means that they were sent 
 simultaneously with the messenger, before the 
 reply of the exiles to his summons could be 
 heard, It is therefore quite evident that there
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 233 
 
 was premeditation on the part of Governor 
 Ostashkin, who wanted to use the troops. 
 
 This conclusion is fully corroborated by the 
 documentary evidence of the above-quoted letter 
 of Colonel Vajev, who says that : " Un March 
 22nd, at tcji o'clock in the morning, I went with 
 my soldiers to the house of Monastyrev 
 (occupied by "^oikin), broke down the gates and 
 the door, and entered the room where the exiles 
 were assembled." 
 
 Upon what followed, we have several letters 
 from the survivors of the massacres. Oneof them, 
 a man whom we know, but whose name I cannot 
 reveal, for he is still in Siberia, writes as follows: — 
 
 " When the house was surrounded by the 
 troops, Karamzine (the officer in command) 
 entered the house with a platoon of soldiers, 
 and told us that he came to escort us to the 
 police office. We answered that the appearance 
 of the troops appeared to us very strange, that 
 we assembled here by the order of the governor 
 to wait for his reply, and did not know whom to 
 obey. The officer answered that all this did not 
 concern him, that he was obeying orders, and 
 that the chief of the police who was present 
 knew everything. Here Olessov (the chief of 
 the police) exclaimed : ' Why do you waste time 
 in talking ? Do what you were ordered ! ' 
 These words acted as a signal. The soldiers 
 and officers became strangely excited, and 
 Karamzine, without listening to us any longer, 
 repeated three times: 'Will you go ?' and pay- 
 ing no attention to the cries : ' Yes, yes, we will 
 go ! Give us time to dress ! ' (it was winter), he 
 shouted to the soldiers : ' Take them ! '
 
 234 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 " Instantly the soldiers rushed upon us with 
 butt ends of their guns and bayonets. Awful 
 cries and groans filled the room. Our first row 
 was knocked to the ground, and the next 
 moment shots were fired on both sides. What 
 followed immediately after I cannot say, because 
 with the first discharge I was wounded and fell 
 senseless to the ground. How long I lay I do 
 not know : from what others told me after- 
 wards, I gather that it must have been about 
 three or four minutes. When I recovered my 
 senses I heard no firing, and I saw that the 
 room was empty. The platoon of soldiers had 
 joined the troops outside, and our people 
 rushed towards the back entrance. But it was 
 guarded by the soldiers. The first who opened 
 it, our dear and beloved comrade, Mukhanov, was 
 received with a volley of balls and killed on the 
 spot. All this happened before I recovered. 
 When I came to my senses I felt at first no pain, 
 but was on the contrary strangely excited, as if 
 I were drunk. From the back room I heard 
 the cries of distress from my companions and the 
 groans of the wounded. I ran in that direction. 
 But before I had gone many paces I saw the 
 corpse of Sergius Pik, awfully mutilated, lying 
 in a corner. He was hit by a ball in the fore- 
 head, but as if that were not enough, his lower 
 jaw had been smashed with butt ends of guns. 
 Horror-stricken at this sight, I rushed to another 
 room and threw myself upon a sofa I found 
 there. I was wounded myself. On the floor 
 near the chimney was stretched Michael Gotz, 
 who was severely wounded. In the corner lay 
 Fundaminsky, wounded too, groaning pitiably
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 235 
 
 and writhing with pain. The other rooms were 
 also filled with wounded. Their groans, the sight 
 of pools of blood everywhere, the cries of anger 
 and terror of those who were not yet hurt, all this 
 threw my mind into a state of prostration and 
 misery such as no words can describe. Gradu- 
 ally we began to come to our senses — those who 
 were unhurt trying to do what they could for our 
 wounded. But all this changed in one moment. 
 On a sudden we heard a frightful noise of a 
 volley, and then of another, and again another. 
 The balls were pouring upon us from all sides. 
 The soldiers fired at the doors, windows, and 
 walls, which were too thin to protect us against 
 their rifles. Our people were falling one by one 
 on all sides. The desperate cries : * We 
 surrender ! We surrender ! ' resounded through 
 the house, but the infuriated soldiers went on 
 firing, and it was long before the commander 
 stopped them." 
 
 There is another letter upon the same sub- 
 ject, whose author can be named, because he is 
 now out of the reach of the Russian Government. 
 It is from Zotoff, one of the three men executed 
 on the 7th of August, 1889 : — 
 
 " The beginning of the affray, as far as I can 
 remember the details, was as follows : I 
 clearly recollect that, before commanding 
 'take them!' Karamzine approached his 
 platoon standing at the door, and said something 
 to them in a low vo ce. I suppose it was some 
 instruction, because I did not hear him say any 
 other words but ' take them ! ' Yet at these 
 words the soldiers divided in two equal parts, 
 and made two rapid flank movements, crushing
 
 236 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 US on both sides so that we could not move. In 
 the front row cries were heard, caused, I 
 suppose, by the blows of the butt ends of the 
 guns, whilst at the back some of my neighbours 
 shouted : ' Withdraw the soldiers ! we will go 
 with the escort ! give us time to put on our 
 cloaks ! ' Karamzine, who was at that moment 
 near the table, took no notice, and shouted once 
 again to his soldiers: 'Take them!' Here 
 something horrible occurred. The room was 
 filled with awful heartrending cries, and 
 several of our people fell to the ground, pierced 
 with bayonets. I drew my revolver from my 
 pocket, and shouted to the soldiers as loudly as 
 I could to stop the butchery. But they did not 
 think of heeding me. Severalof them only pointed 
 their rifles at me, and Karamzine pulled out his 
 revolver, looking at me fixedly all the time. 
 
 " In a state of indescribable excitement I 
 jumped upon the sofa, and levelled my revolver 
 at Karamzine. I do not know whether he or I 
 fired first. I cannot tell whether anyone had 
 fired before me. I remember only that I fired 
 and that there was firing on both sides ; but it 
 seems to me that all this happened simul- 
 taneously. Soon I was wounded and lost 
 consciousness. 
 
 " When I came back to my senses, I found 
 myself lying on the floor. I rose with difficulty, 
 and saw that the soldiers had left the room. In 
 a corner I perceived Pik, whose body rested 
 against the wall, his head on his chest, a pool of 
 blood by his side. On the floor, close by, there 
 was a revolver. I thought he was wounded, 
 and hastened to the next room to get some
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 237 
 
 water ; but, altering my mind, returned to lay 
 him down first on the sofa. When, however, I 
 raised his head, I perceived he was dead. He 
 had, above the left eye, a ghastly hole from 
 which blood and brains oozed and fell on his 
 chest. Profoundly upset by this horrible 
 spectacle, I hurried to the next room. There, 
 on all sides, on the ground and on the beds, I 
 saw the wounded, who were groaningand pray- 
 ing for water. Some of our friends had 
 gathered round and tried to help them. Some 
 one having said that there was no water in the 
 house, but some ice in the yard, I ran out to 
 fetch some. In crossing the third room, I saw 
 lying on the bed Sophia Gurcvitch, who had 
 been ripped open by the bayonets. One of our 
 comrades was placing pieces of ice on the side 
 of the enormous wound. Her face was deadly 
 pale, and she could hardly speak. ' Zotoff,' 
 she murmured, * good-bye, I am dying. I am 
 suffering horribly. In mercy give me some 
 poison ! ' I felt as if I were going mad.' 
 
 The shots stopped, and the massacre seemed 
 to be over. Ihere was a lull for a while. 
 Several of the exiles came out of the house asking 
 for medical help for their wounded companions. 
 
 In the meanwhile the whole of the small 
 town, attracted by the noise, was assembled at 
 the gates of the besieged house. Governor 
 Ostashkin came also. The wife of A. Hausmann 
 tells in her letter that she came too, attracted 
 by the sound of detonations : — 
 
 " My husband ran to me and told me that he 
 was not hurt, but that Mukhanov was killed, 
 and many were wounded ; and he turned to the
 
 238 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 governor saying that it was disgraceful to kill 
 people for a dispute about such a trifle as the 
 escort. The governor replied something like 
 ' calm yourself.' But at this moment a shot 
 was fired at the governor by one of the exiles 
 who had left the house." 
 
 It was Zotoff, who came to fetch a doctor, and, 
 seeing the governor, who was the real author of 
 all these horrors, drew out his revolver and fired 
 two shots. 
 
 If Ostashkin had been a man with an average 
 share of courage and self-control, he would have 
 ordered his men to apprehend his assailant, and 
 the matter would have stopped there. But he 
 behaved like a coward that he was : after the 
 first shot he turned his back and fled through 
 the open gate. Zotoff" was able to reach the 
 house almost unhurt, although he was cribbled 
 with balls. Thesolcliers were left to do whatever 
 they chose. Not a single shot was fired from 
 the besieged house. But for about twenty 
 minutes the soldiers kept it under concentrated 
 fire, the balls of their rifles piercing the door, 
 the wooden walls, the windows — hitting the 
 exiles in every corner. Over five hundred shots 
 were fired by the soldiers, as was proved by the 
 judicial inquiry. Out of the thirty-five people 
 assembled m the house, six were killed on the 
 spot, nine were dangerously wounded, and 
 thirteen disabled. 
 
 Was it what Governor Ostashkin wanted > 
 Probably it was more than he wanted. The 
 wild beast once let loose does not stop at the 
 mark. Anyhow, the authors of the massacre 
 got frightened at the work of their hands.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 239 
 
 Colonel Vajcv, after quoting the number of 
 killed and wounded, exclaims, " Whose is the 
 fault, it is not for me to say. God will judge ! " 
 
 Ostashkin sent to the Governor-General of 
 Eastern Siberia, Count Ignatiev (brother of the 
 diplomatist), a report ot the massacre, which he 
 falsified as outrageously and as clumsily as 
 only a man in a fit of unreasoning fear can do. 
 For example, he conceals in his report not only 
 the fact that about one-half of the exiles were 
 wounded^ but even that six of them were killed. 
 That is why, in the official indictment, all the 
 dead figure among the accused. The exiles were 
 charged with having killed a policeman, 
 Klebnikov, though by his own statement at his 
 death-bed to another policeman, and by the 
 examination of the wound, it was proved that 
 he had been killed by mistake by the soldiers 
 with a rifle bullet. The wounding of a number 
 of soldiers was mentioned, though only one of 
 them was touched with a ball, and so slightly 
 that he did not even go to the hospital. 
 
 All this was done to make more plausible his 
 version of the massacre of the 22nd of March, 
 which was represented as a premeditated attack 
 on the part of the exiles upon the soldiers sent 
 to escort them. But Ostashkin's lies were quite 
 gratuitous. The governor-general and the 
 central government resolved to make a salutary 
 example, and terrorize the whole body of 
 Siberian exiles. And although the falsehood 
 of Ostashkin's report was made clear in the 
 course of a few days, the government endorsed 
 the crime of Ostashkin, and punished the sur- 
 vivors of the butchery with a cruelty more
 
 240 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 shocking than that shown on the 22nd of March 
 by the infuriated soldiers, because it was cold- 
 blooded. 
 
 To punish the survivors for armed resistance 
 was impossible. They had in all only four 
 loaded revolvers. Only four persons could 
 possibly have fired, and some of them were 
 presumably among the six killed. The charge 
 of premeditation and moral complicity could 
 not be supported, because it was evident that 
 the affray occurred unexpectedly — for the exiles 
 at least. So that the majority of the thirty 
 could not possibly be accused of anything worse 
 than sending identical petitions, going in a body 
 to the police office one day, and refusing to go 
 thither under escort the day after — all venial 
 offences, if offences at all, for which, according 
 to the code of laws under which they lived, they 
 were amenable to disciplinary punishment. 
 This was not sufficient, and therefore the cen- 
 tral government ordered them to be tried 
 according to another code which makes such 
 offences capital crimes : it is the military code 
 for war time. When an army is face to face 
 with the enemy a stringent discipline must be 
 preserved. The soldiers have to obey orders, 
 and cannot be allowed to send collective peti- 
 tions or interfere in any other way with the 
 orders of their chiefs. It is very natural that 
 all such acts should be assimilated to open 
 rebellion. Once we admit war we must admit 
 its logical consequences. But what is logical 
 for soldiers in time of war, becomes a mon- 
 strosity when ap[)lied to common citizens in 
 time of peace, as has been done by the goveriv
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 24I 
 
 ment with regard to the survivorsof the Yakutsk 
 massacre. 
 
 We have before us the verdict of the 
 miHtary tribunal instituted to judge them. 
 Here we tread upon absolutely safe ground, for 
 every paragraph of this ferocious document is 
 as authentic as the three gallows and the many 
 wrecked lives which were its consequences. 
 
 In the preamble of this verdict we are in- 
 formed that, according to military code in time 
 of war, ''every open manifestation of opinion 
 made by eight persons or more with the object 
 of thwarting the orders of superiors, and ob- 
 taining their revocation, is an open rebellion 
 against the authorities" (Art. 263 mil. penal 
 code, and Art. no in Book XX. of the military 
 code.) In virtue of this law we read further: 
 " The acts of the accused, who have presented 
 in concert thirty identical petitions, asking for 
 the repeal of the orders concerning the mode of 
 their journey to the far north, as well as their 
 refusal to come to the police office to hear the 
 reply of the governor to the said petitions — ■ 
 constitute acts of open rebellion intended to 
 thwart the orders of t lie superiors." 
 
 We have translated literally, slightly con- 
 densing. 
 
 Thus the thirty exiles, by a monstrous fic- 
 tion, were compared to soldiers in face of the 
 enemy ; their journey to Sredne Kolymsk, to 
 some kind of military movement, which they 
 refused to execute on account of its danger — a 
 judicial joke, which would be amusing, were it 
 not so ghastly. 
 
 The use of firearms was an aggravating cir- 
 
 R
 
 242 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 cumstance, which told upon the fate of the three 
 "ringleaders," Bernstein, Hausmann,and Zotoff. 
 
 With regard to the remaining twenty-seven, 
 the participation in the " armed resistance " is 
 not even mentioned. The five men condemned 
 to penal servitude for life — Goz, Shender, 
 Gurevich, Minor, and Orloff — were accused of 
 being the most obstinate in refusing to go to the 
 police station under escort, and the " most pro- 
 minent " in presenting the collective petition. 
 The rest, condemned to penal servitude for 
 eight, fifteen, and twenty years, were pronounced 
 guilty of the same offences, with extenuating 
 circumstances, such as youth, sex, influence of 
 others. 
 
 Two girls. Rose Frank and Anastasia 
 Shechter, " have shown," runs tlieir sentence, 
 " good dispositions, and not merely consented to 
 go under escort, but tried to persuade their 
 companions to do the same, ajid are therefore 
 condemned to the deprivation of all civil rights 
 and four years of penal servitude." 
 
 It sounds like a slip of the pen, but it is only 
 strict consistency ; the two girls had atoned 
 somewhat for their crime, still, having also sent 
 petitions, they were " rebels," and were to be 
 punished as such. The case of Magat makes 
 this point still clearer ; he was not present at 
 Notkin's house on the 22nd March. Still, he 
 was condemned to deprivation of all civil rights 
 and to exile for life to the remotest parts of 
 Siberia, because he sent a rebellious petition in- 
 tending to thwart Ostashkin's orders. 
 
 Out of the thirty-five persons assembled in 
 Notkin's house, thirty were exiles awaiting the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 243 
 
 governor's reply to their petitions, but five were 
 mere guests, who came by chance and had 
 nothing to do with the affair. Two of them 
 were killed in the affray. As to the remaining 
 three, the verdict runs thus : — " As to Kap- 
 ger, Zoroastrova (a lady), and Heiman, who 
 have sent no petitions intended to thwart the 
 order of the governor, and arrived at Yakutsk 
 from the country unarmed, Kapger on the eve, 
 and the two others at 1 1 o'clock on the morning 
 of March 22nd, and knowing nothing of the 
 crimes of their companions, went to Notkin's 
 house to see some of them, and came a few 
 minutes before the arrival of the troops . . . they 
 are condemned : Kapger and Zoroastrova to 
 deprivation of all privileges (as of noble birth) 
 and civil rights, and to exile for life to the re- 
 motest parts of Siberia ; Heiman (being of 
 common extraction) to three years of imprison- 
 ment with the hardest labour that can be found 
 for him." All this because they did not in- 
 stantly obey the order of going to the police 
 office under escort ! 
 
 They had nothing to do with the affair — the 
 order to go to the police office did not refer to 
 them. But it was given to all the crowd, of which 
 they happened to form a part, and they were 
 bound to obey it instantly — always on the 
 strength of the fiction that they were soldiers in 
 face of the enemy and the officer Karamzine 
 their chief. This judicial joke could certainly 
 not be pushed farther. 
 
 The verdict of the Yakutsk military tribunal 
 has been analyzed by us in its final form, as 
 communicated by a telegram from St. Peters- 
 R 2
 
 244 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 burg of July 2ist, 1889, to the governor of 
 Oriental Siberia, Count Ignatiev. It is a note- 
 worthy fact that the central government has 
 shown itself more cruel than the Yakutsk 
 authorities. The Yakutsk military auditor, who 
 had to revise the sentence of the tribunal, 
 advised a milder punishment for many of the 
 condemned than the one finally resolved upon 
 by central government. Whilst in no case the 
 prerogative of mercy has been exercised by the 
 Tzar, the sentences of the eight women and the 
 two boys under age have been aggravated by 
 two or three years of penal servitude for each. 
 Thus the central government more than 
 approved that monstrous sentence, and, indeed, 
 is alone responsible for it. 
 
 It is perfectly idle to inveigh against the 
 irregularity of the judicial proceedings, the 
 absence of counsel, and all guarantees for the 
 accused at the Yakutsk trial. Neither counsel 
 nor guarantee could be of any avail to the 
 prisoners, since their acts, however innocent in 
 themselves, came under articles which declared 
 them capital crimes. The tribunal goes for 
 nothing in all this story. In arbitrarily choosing 
 the code of laws according to which the accused 
 had to be tried, the administration chose the 
 penalties likewise. So that we are strictly 
 correct in saying that in the hanging of Bern- 
 stein, Hausmann, and Zotoff we have a case of 
 capital pimishvient inflicted by administrative 
 order, and that the rest were condemned to various 
 terms of hard labour also by administrative ordtr. 
 
 As a climax, the execution of Bernstein was 
 positively ghastly. Being severely wounded
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 245 
 
 and unable to walk, he was taken to the gallows 
 on his bed. The hangman fixed the rope round 
 his neck, and then the b^d was taken away and 
 he was left to hang. 
 
 It is a relief to turn from these examples of 
 men's cruelty, which are a dishonour to our 
 common nature, to personal records of the three 
 condemned men, whose last days are described 
 to us by their comrades with religious faithful- 
 ness. They died as it is given to die only to 
 men whose souls were filled with one great love, 
 which purified them from all selfish and petty 
 thoughts, and proved "stronger than death and 
 the fear of death." There are their last letters 
 to comrades and relatives which paint them 
 better than any words of ours could do. By 
 the noble courage, simplicity, and boundless 
 devotion to their country, revealed in them, 
 these letters can be placed by the side of Sophia 
 Perovskaia's farewell to her mother. Yet they 
 come from men who were rank and file people, 
 whom we happened to hear of by mere chance — 
 men who are true samples of the bulk of those 
 who are persecuted in Russia, and sent to perish 
 in the Siberian wilderness. It shows what 
 moral strength is hidden in the hearts of young 
 Russia, and at what a price the present bureau- 
 cratic despotism is maintained. 
 
 Forgetful of himself, and fully absorbed by 
 the thought of his friends, his Country, and his 
 cause, Bernstein writes : — 
 
 " My dear, my good friends and comrades,— 
 I do not know whether I shall be allowed to 
 wish you good-bye. I can hardly hope to do so. 
 But in my thoughts I have said good-bye to
 
 246 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 you one and all, and I have been deeply im- 
 pressed during all this time by the friendship 
 you bore me. Let us, then, say good-bye 
 mentally, dear comrades and friends, and let 
 our last farewell be illuminated by the hope of 
 a better future for our unfortunate country, 
 which we love so well. 
 
 " Not an atom of force is lost in this world. 
 Therefore the life of a man cannot be lost. We 
 must never regret such a life. Let the dead 
 bury the dead You are united by a moral 
 link of the highest order with your unhappy 
 country. Do not say that your life is spent 
 in vain because it is spent in the midst of 
 suffering, in exile, and in prison. To suffer the 
 suffering of one's country, to constitute a 
 living reproach to the progenitors of evil 
 and of darkness, surely this is a great cause, 
 a noble work. If this should prove your last 
 mission, you need not complain. You have 
 brought your mite to the altar of the struggle 
 for the freedom of our people. And, who 
 knows, perhaps you will enjoy better days. 
 Perhaps you will live to see the happy moment 
 when the country, enfranchised, shall open her 
 arms to her faithful children, who love her and 
 whom she loves, so as to celebrate with them 
 the feast of freedom. Then, friends, you will 
 remember us, and this will be our great reward 
 for all our trials. Never let this hope leave 
 you any more than it will abandon me, even at 
 the foot of the gallows. 
 
 " I embrace you warmly, with all my heart 
 and all my soul. 
 
 " Yours ever, 
 
 " Bernstein."
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 247 
 
 Hau<5mann left only a few lines : — 
 " I am not in a mood to write long," he says. 
 " The thread of my thoughts is interrupted 
 every now and then by recollections and images 
 from the past. Let me send you from the 
 depths of my heart a farewell and a God-speed 
 to you and to all my companions in the 
 struggle. If you live to rejoice at the day ot 
 common deliverance, I shall be with you in 
 spirit, if I may use this expression. I die with 
 unshaken faith in the triumph of justice. 
 " Farewell for ever, brothers, 
 
 "Yours, A. HausMANN." 
 
 The third of the condemned, N. Zotoff, wrote 
 to his parents and to his comrades a few hours 
 before the execution. His letter to his parents 
 concludes with the following touching words : — 
 
 " . . . . Jenny (his betrothed) has just come 
 to pay me her visit — the last one ! She has 
 witnessed the last hours of my life, and will tell 
 you all about it. As to myself I am unable to 
 do it. I will only tell you that I feel very calm 
 and even elated. But I am much tired as well, 
 both physically and mentally : the strain upon 
 the nerves during the last two days was so 
 great. My dear ones, my own ! Let me press 
 you for the last time to my heart. Do not 
 grieve about mc : I die with a light heart, con- 
 scious of the justice of my cause, with a sense 
 of strength in my breast. The only thing which 
 saddens me is tiie thought of those dear ones 
 whom I leave behind. V\ hat are my sufferings 
 as compared with theirs? For me all will be 
 over in a few hours. But they ! — What a 
 moral strength they must have to bear it all to
 
 248 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the last. ... I can hardly think of anything 
 else when I cast a glance upon Jenny. . . . 
 The guards have just entered. They brought 
 me the clothes I must put on for the execution. 
 I have already donned them, and sit in the shirt 
 and trousers of the condemned, shivering with 
 cold. Do not think my hand trembles from 
 fear. But farewell, my dear ones, farewell for 
 ever! 
 
 " Yours to the grave, 
 
 " Nicholas." 
 
 One would think the Yakutsk butchery must 
 be the worst case of cruelty, brutality, and 
 cynical lawlessness. J3ut it is not so. Worse 
 things have happened under Alexander III. 
 An infamous measure was devised to terrify 
 into submission the growing discontent. This 
 is the so-called abolition of the distinction 
 between political and common law prisoners. 
 In reality it has another meaning. The position 
 of the political prisoners has always been, and 
 remains different from, and, except in one point, 
 worse than that of the other offenders. They 
 undergo the full term of their penalties in actual 
 imprisonment, often in solitary confinement, 
 which is never the case with felons. They are 
 never sure of being set free after the expiration 
 of their term, and they are more isolated and 
 more worried with interference. 
 
 All this remains unchanged. The assimila- 
 tion of political offenders to felons means, there- 
 fore, only this: that they maybe flogged by 
 order of the gaolers and administration, whereas 
 formerly that could not be. I do not know
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 249 
 
 whether the Engh'sh will fully realize the terrible 
 aggravation of the lot of our political prisoners 
 caused by such a change. English people feel 
 differently from Russians about corporal punish- 
 ment. For us it is a mortal insult — worse than 
 the switching across the face with a horse-whip. 
 We speak, of course, of the educated classes. 
 When, in 1887, General Trepoff ordered the 
 flogging of a political prisoner, Vera Zassulitch 
 shot him, inflicting upon him a severe wound, 
 which was within a hairbreadth of being mortal. 
 But the jury, which chanced to be composed of 
 petty state officials, acquitted her, considering 
 the flogging of an educated man an insult so 
 unspeakable as to justify her act. Few of us 
 are so cowardly as not to prefer twenty deaths 
 to the degradation of such a punishment. That 
 feeling is not a secret in high quarters. They 
 knew perfectly at St. Petersburg what they were 
 doing when they passed this measure. It was 
 resolved upon in 1886, but it was finally decreed 
 on March 8th, 1888, by an order signed by 
 Galkin Vrassky, the head of the central prison 
 department. This order states categorically 
 that " no difference shall be admitted " in favour 
 of political prisoners in respect of punishment, 
 and that " flogging with the rod and with the 
 whip shall be admitted." 
 
 This order was addressed to the commander 
 of the Island of Sakhalien, and a few months 
 later, September 23, 1888, three political exiles 
 were flogged there. 
 
 On July 6, 1888, one of the exiles, Vasily 
 Volnov, had been struck in the face by a certain 
 Kamenshikov, superintendent of the central
 
 250 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 provision stores, and answered by striking his 
 assailant in return. His twenty companions 
 took up his case, and went in a body to their 
 superiors to intercede in his favour. The affair 
 was declared a rebellion, and all the twenty 
 exiles were punished with various terms ot' 
 imprisonment. As to Volnov, who was the 
 offending party, and was under lock and key 
 when the demonstration took place, and two 
 other exiles, Tomashevsky and Maisner, who 
 were the spokesmen of their companions, they 
 were condemned by the Sakhalien administration 
 to be flogged. 
 
 This infamous sentence was executed on the 
 23rd of September. 
 
 In Kara, which is the chief penal settlement 
 in Siberia, the application of the brutal punish- 
 ment has resulted in one of the most frightful 
 tragedies on record. We have received no less 
 than seven communications upon it from various 
 places, one of which emanates from a friend 
 having connections in official quarters. Besides, 
 the fact has been officially confirmed {Times, 
 March 14, 1890). So that there can be no 
 doubt as to the main facts of this horrible 
 story. Here are some details which are as 
 authentic. 
 
 The tragedy of November, 1889, had its 
 origin in events which occurred a long time ago. 
 In August, 1888, the Governor-General, Baron 
 Korf, while on a visit to the women's prison, 
 entered the ward where lay Mme. Solnzeff 
 Kovalsky, in the last stage of consumption. 
 At the appearance of Baron Korf she did not 
 rise from her bed, and being reminded rather
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 2$! 
 
 roughly of her duty, she answered that it was 
 utterly indifferent to her, whether she was in the 
 presence of the Governor-General or a common 
 gaoler, for she could not rise to anyone. For 
 this want of deference the Governor ordered 
 her to be sent to the prison of Verchny-Udinsk, 
 and locked up in a solitary cell. A few days 
 afterwards a police officer, Bobrovsky, who was 
 not employed at the prison, and even did not 
 live at Kara, but acted as a volunteer by per- 
 mission of Massukov, the director of the prison, 
 broke, with several guards, into the cell of Mme. 
 Solnzeff Kovalsky early in the morning, while 
 she was still in bed. Without giving her time 
 to dress herself, they dragged her in her night- 
 dress to the office, where she was stripped 
 amidst the coarsest jokes, and a convict's dress 
 put upon her. 
 
 When this fact became known to the other 
 women, they sent a complaint, asking for the 
 removal or punishment of the director Massu- 
 kov, to the Governor-General. But as it had 
 no effect, they resolved to have recourse to 
 the only means of self protection the prisoners 
 have at their disposal — the so-called hunger 
 strike. 
 
 The Siberian administration, though not 
 scrupling to commit any villany which can be 
 concealed, is much afraid of cases ending in 
 death, which get known, stir up public opinion, 
 and attract general attention to their actions. 
 
 Three times the women of the Kara prison 
 resorted to this terrible weapon, but they were 
 baffled in their efforts. The first hunger strike 
 ended because the director Massukov informed
 
 252 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 the women that he had tendered his resignation. 
 The fact was true, but the Governor-General 
 refused to accept it. The women began their 
 second hunger strike, which ended upon the 
 false news that Massukov was removed by a 
 telegram from the Governor to another prison. 
 When the deception practised upon them was 
 discovered, the women " went on strike " for the 
 third time. It was in August, 1889. This 
 third hunger strike lasted, according to one 
 correspondent, seventeen days ; according to 
 another, twenty-two. It was certainly very 
 long, for one of the women showed symptoms 
 of raving madness in consequence of starvation. 
 Most of the women could not move. The 
 prison authorities threatened that they should 
 be fed artificially if they persisted in refusing 
 to take food. 
 
 It was at this point that Mme. Nadejda 
 Sihida resolved to sacrifice herself in order to 
 put an end to this intolerable condition. She 
 had been brought to the Kara prison only a few 
 months before, having been arrested in 1886, in 
 connection with the printing of the Narodnaia 
 Volia. Formerly she had been a superior 
 teacher in St. Petersburg, supporting by her 
 work her mother and a younger sister. Their 
 family was of Greek extraction, though entirely 
 Russianized. She was the eldest daughter, and 
 was twenty-nine at the time of her death. 
 
 Without telling anybody of her intentions, 
 she asked, through a guard, to see the director 
 Massukov upon important business. On being 
 admitted to his ofifice she struck him in the face. 
 Her idea was that, whatever might be her own
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 253 
 
 fate, it would be impossible for Massukov, after 
 such an insult, to keep his post. (In fact he 
 was removed.) 
 
 Sihida was immediately transferred to the 
 common law ward, where she was soon joined 
 by three of her companions — Mary Kovalevsky, 
 wife of Professor Kovalevsky, of Kiev, Miss 
 Kolujny, and Miss Svetlizky. A report of her 
 act was sent to the Governor-General. 
 
 She expected to be hanged ; but a more 
 terrible fate was in store for her. On the 24th 
 of October the Kara prisoners, men and women, 
 were assembled in their respective prisons to 
 listen to the new decree of the Governor-General, 
 making the political prisoners liable to corporal 
 punishment in case of open breach of discipline. 
 The resolution as to Sihida's case was not yet 
 known at that time to the prisoners, but they 
 could already guess it. 
 
 In this extremity, hunger strikes were no 
 longer of any avail, and the prisoners resolved 
 to resort to another kind of strike, which we 
 may call the strike of death ! 
 
 The men, thirty in number, after hearing the 
 nev.' decree, declared to their director that being 
 unable to protect themselves from such an 
 outrage, they would destroy themselves in a 
 body if corporal punishment should be inflicted 
 upon any of them. They asked him to send to 
 St. Petersburg a telegram soliciting the sus- 
 pension of the new decree. But the director of 
 the men's prison refused to risk such a step. 
 Then the men held a consultation, at which it 
 was proposed that, rather than live under the 
 threat of such an ignominy, they should poison
 
 254 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 themselves in a body, in order, by such a terrible 
 protest, to rouse public opinion, and render 
 impossible the perpetration of the intended 
 insult. And such was their feeling- that the 
 majority was in favour of this resolution. But 
 a strong minority was against it, and it was 
 resolved to wait. 
 
 They had not to wait long. On the 27th of 
 October, three days after the promulgation of 
 the new decree, the following order arrived from 
 the Governor General, Baron Korf: — "Inflict 
 corporal punishment, according to regulation, 
 upon Nadejda Sihida for insulting the director 
 of the prison." 
 
 The words " according to regulation " meant 
 that the prison surgeon had to examine the 
 state of health of the condemned person, and 
 testify to fitness to endure the punishment. 
 
 Being informed of the telegram, the prison 
 surgeon, Gurvich, went to see Gomulezky, the 
 superintendent of the common law ward, where 
 Sihida was detained, and informed him that 
 Sihida was in weak health, and was under his 
 treatment for heart disease. Upon this 
 Gomulezky telegraphed to Shamilin, the chief 
 of the common law prisons in Oriental Siberia, 
 that the surgeon refused to be present at the 
 execution of the sentence. In reply to this 
 Shamilin telegraphed: "Execute the sentence 
 without the surgeon.^' But Gomulezky lingered 
 still. 
 
 Then, on the 6th of November, there arrived 
 at Ust Kara, the village where the prison 
 stands, Bobrovsky, the same officer who had 
 distinguished himself in the affair of Mme. 
 
 i
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 255 
 
 Solnzefif Kovalsky. He went forthwith to the 
 prison. Half an hour later the preparations 
 for the flog-ging were made. 
 
 Sihida received one hundred blows on 
 November 6th, and on November 8th she died 
 from the effects of the floggingr. 
 
 As soon as the news of this outrage reached 
 the men's prison, they assembled, and all the 
 thirty (one correspondent says seventeen) took 
 poison. Then they went to their cells. But 
 as the quantity of poison they could smuggle 
 into the prison was not sufficient for all, its 
 action was slow. Two men died in the course 
 of a few hours — Ivan Kalujny and Bobokhov. 
 The convulsions of the dying men, and the 
 dead silence in all the cells, aroused the guards' 
 attention. The surgeon was summoned, and 
 with the help of the guards, administered, 
 emetics. No further deaths occurred. 
 
 The three women who were in the same 
 waid with Nadejda Sihida — Mary Kovalevsky, 
 Kolujny, and Svetlizky — poisoned themselves, 
 and died on the day of her death. 
 
 The whole civilized world was horrified at 
 their ghastly story, and the Russian Govern- 
 ment was bound to do something in order not 
 to be considered altogether barbarous. In 1890 
 corporal punishment for women was abolished. 
 But it is still maintained for men. 
 
 Thus people of refinement and education 
 have to live under the permanent threat of this 
 infamous outrage, which every brutal official can 
 inflict upon them. 
 
 The question whether the torture is applied to 
 political offenders in Russia has been often
 
 256 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 asked and discussed in the foreign press. I do 
 not believe that mediaeval torture, as such, exists 
 in Russian prisons, and I have never supported 
 this charge. 
 
 But is the breaking of bones and flaying alive 
 the only form of suffering which can be called 
 torture ? 
 
 We read that the Inquisition often tortured 
 its victims by putting them in such a position 
 that they believed every moment to be their 
 last. Is not the constant threat of a punish- 
 ment which a certain class of people are known 
 to consider infinitely worse than death — is not 
 this torture in the fullest sense of the word ?
 
 XIV. 
 
 NIHILISM. 
 
 The peculiar character of the Russian revolu- 
 tionary movement, known under the name of 
 " Nihilism," has been determined by the special 
 nature of the latter-day despotism of the 
 Romanoffs, vvliich is unendurably oppressive for 
 the masses, and galling in the extreme for the 
 individual. 
 
 Neither the one nor the other of these incen- 
 tives to rebellion, taken separately, could bring 
 men to such a pitch of indignation as leads to 
 the acts associated with the name of Nihilism. 
 And the reader will surely admit that during 
 the reign of Alexander III. both the stimulants 
 were provided in very strong doses. 
 
 What have been the fortunes of Nihilism since 
 it appeared in the fire and thunder of explosion 
 thirteen years ago ? 
 
 But what is Nihilism ? A score of books have 
 been written upon this subject — hundreds of 
 magazine articles, without counting the news- 
 papers' accounts. But up to the present the 
 majority of the English have a very vague idea 
 of the party which has been so much talked 
 about. It is rather a humiliating confession for 
 
 s
 
 258 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 those who have been engaged for years in the pro- 
 duction of this literature. But it is no use denying 
 facts. The majority of generally well-informed 
 men have very strange ideas about the so-called 
 Nihilists. Struck by their methods and the 
 misleading name given to them, very many 
 people still consider them to be " Anarchists," 
 deniers of everything, striving after destruction 
 for destruction's sake. But, on the other hand, 
 there are some people who have come to the 
 conclusion that the "Nihilists" are not 
 Socialists, but simply Radicals, striving for 
 political freedom and constitutional forms of 
 government. The late Charles Bradlaugh ex- 
 pressed such views in several of his magazine 
 articles upon the Continental revolutionary 
 movements, which he had studied very care- 
 fully. 
 
 Finally, there is a third set of people, and 
 they are not few, who try to bring their sympathy 
 with the Nihilists into accordance with their 
 abhorrence of violent methods, by maintaining 
 that only a small and extremefraction of Nihilists 
 are bomb-throwers and dynamiters, and that the 
 " genuine article " consists of decent people, who 
 are in favour of obtaining political freedom for 
 their country by peaceful, even " constitutional " 
 methods, overlooking the small detail, that the 
 possibility of " constitutional " methods implies 
 the existence of a constitution, which is precisely 
 what Russia so sorely lacks. 
 
 Besides the bad name which we, Russian 
 revolutionists, must needs use, under protest, if 
 we want people to understand what we are 
 speaking about — besides this name, the vague-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 259 
 
 ness and contradictoriness in the general under- 
 standing of our movement is due to two causes 
 — its complicated character on one hand, and on 
 the other the rapid changes which it has under- 
 gone in a very short time. 
 
 Thus Charles Bradlaugh suggests that " it is 
 probable that in the great towns a sort of anar- 
 chist socialism is popular with the more educated 
 speakers and writers." This is quite a mistake. 
 Anarchism does not exist in the Russia of 
 to-day, at all events, it is so feebly represented 
 as to give not the slightest sign of its existence. 
 Within the last seventeen years there has been 
 not a single paper or pamphlet published in the 
 Russian language, in Russia or abroad, in the 
 interests of anarchism — not a single profession 
 of faith at any of the numberless trials, not a 
 single public manifestation of any kind. Rus- 
 sian socialism of the last decade is entirely social 
 democratic. But only fifteen or seventeen years 
 ago the whole of socialist Russia was anarchical ; 
 although this anarchism, as the reader will 
 presently see, had nothing whatever to do with 
 the dynamite Anarchists of modern times. 
 
 This is not the only transformation which has 
 taken place in our movement. It was propa- 
 gandist in 1873-7, terrorist in 1878-9 ; in 1880-2 
 it was chiefly military, and not unlike the 
 Spanish patriotic movement ; and it has become 
 to a large extent civil and popular once again 
 within the last eight years. It is on the eve of 
 a new transformation nowadays, and there is no 
 saying whether it will become military, civil, or 
 terroristic, or all the three combined. 
 
 The primitive and genuine Nihilists, those 
 
 S 2
 
 ;6o KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 V, ho actual!)' hcrt thai name in Russia, and to 
 some extent deserved it, were a, philosophical 
 and ethical school, long ago extinct in Russia, 
 which has been immortalized by Turgueneff in 
 his novel, " Fathers and Children." 
 
 The intellectual movement, of which Bazarofif 
 is a living impersonation, sprang up in our coun- 
 try in the epoch following the Crimean defeat, 
 which marks a general breaking down of the 
 despotic regime of Nicholas. 
 
 Serfdom, recognized as the source of Russia's 
 poverty, weakness, and of the low standard ol 
 public morality, was abolished in 1861 — and 
 the country turned over a new leaf. The enfran- 
 chisement of the millions of peasantry was a 
 measure that revolutionized the entire moral, 
 economic, and social life of our country. Not 
 peasants alone were slaves in Russia in the old 
 times. The absolute uncontrolled power of the 
 serf-owners, who formed the bulk of the cultured 
 and governing class, produced certain habits of 
 despotism which extended to all the spheres of 
 national life. The children were slaves to their 
 parents, the wives to their husbands, the petty 
 officials to their superiors, the employed to the 
 employer. A good education was no guarantee 
 against the vitiating influences of this immoral 
 institution. It was at this time that the French, 
 who had to deal with the most cultured part of 
 Russian society, said that one only needs to 
 scratch a Russian to find a Tartar. Tartars 
 our fathers were, the varnish of civilization not- 
 withstanding, and their families knew it better 
 than anyone else. 
 
 The abolition of serfdom^ the worst form of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 26l 
 
 dependency of men upon men, was the signal 
 for a general rising of all the oppressed part of 
 the community. There was throughout all 
 Russia a universal outburst of rebellion against 
 all sorts of dependency, all authority imposed 
 upon men's freedom in t'le domain of personal 
 conduct as well as in the domain of thought. 
 The individual, tired of oppression, rose in all 
 his pride and power, breaking the chains of 
 ancient traditions, and recognizing no other 
 guidance but his individual mind. 
 
 Such were the true Nihilists, the destroyers, 
 who did not trouble themselves about what was 
 to be built after them. 
 
 They did not exactly deny everything, for 
 they believed firmly, fanatically, in science and 
 in the power of the individual mind. But they 
 thought nothing else worth the slightest respect, 
 and they attacked and ran down family, religion, 
 art, and social institutions, with all the more 
 vehemence the higher they were held in the 
 opinion of their fellow-countrymen. 
 
 Something similar took place in Germany in 
 the so-called " Sturm und Drang" period, and 
 for similar reasons. But the Germans of the 
 first quarter of this century had not so much to 
 destroy, and they had not the same lust for 
 destruction : there was much in their past they 
 had reasons to love and respect. Besides, in 
 those days, European science and philosophy 
 had not at their command such lethal weapons 
 of destruction as were put at the service of the 
 Russian Nihilists in the second half of this 
 century. 
 
 Thus, Nihilism proper, ths Nihilism embodied
 
 262 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 in Bazaroff, was a genuine Russian apparition. 
 It was an impassioned protest against the former 
 annihilation of the individual. With all its 
 exaggerations and mistakes it was a grand 
 movement, for its basis was sound, and its effect 
 most beneficial in a country like ours. 
 
 Nihilism of Bazaroff's type was dead and 
 buried about ten years before the starting of 
 the present revolutionary movement. No one 
 denies art and poetry nowadays, no one wears 
 ugly dresses on principle, no one protests against 
 the idea of men's duties towards the community. 
 No one preaches against the obligations imposed 
 upon people by family life. But there is no 
 country where the relations between parents and 
 children and men and women are based to such 
 an extent upon the principle of equality, and 
 there is no society so broad-minded and tolerant 
 as the Russian. Much of this is due to the 
 gallant struggle of the early Nihilists, who were 
 the first to engraft upon Russia the proud 
 Western conception of individuality which 
 struck root, and will spread with every genera- 
 tion. 
 
 It is impossible not to see a close relationship 
 between the early Nihilism and the present 
 militant one, in which the old spirit of personal 
 independence is revived, coupled this time with 
 social feeling, urging the individual to sacrifice 
 himself for the many who feel and suffer like 
 himself. But in its state of absolute purity, 
 unalloyed with any social feeling, stern and fierce 
 as expounded by Bazaroff, Nihilism could not 
 stand for long. The Russians are the least in- 
 dividualistic of all people in Europe, the feeling
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA 263 
 
 of organic union with their countrymen being 
 with them the strongest feehng. The striving 
 for individual happiness, howe-ver refined, could 
 not suit their sympathetic gregarious nature, 
 craving for works of devotion to others. Even 
 in the palmy days of Nihilism of Bazaroft's 
 school, there was in the movement an under- 
 current making for another direction. It may 
 be called social Nihilism, as opposed to the 
 individualistic, and was represented in i860 by 
 Nicolas Tchcrnyshevsky, the publicist, JDur- 
 nalist, economist, and novelist, whose name is 
 familiar to all those who have studied the 
 Russian question. 
 
 Tchernyshevsky was a socialist, and the 
 father of the Russian revolutionary movement. 
 He preached the absolute devotion of the indi- 
 vidual to the cause of regeneration of his 
 country. Only he gave the idea of self-sacrifice 
 an individualistic interpretation. " All men's 
 actions," he said, "are stimulated by egotism, 
 and have no other scope except individual 
 happiness. But one person whose intellectual 
 and moral standard is low finds his pleasure 
 and happiness in making money or in drinking 
 or over-eating himself, whilst another is happy 
 in doing good to his fellow men, in dying, if 
 necessary, for their sake." And Tcherny- 
 shevsky went on scoffing at and ridiculing self- 
 sacrifice as a logical absurdity, while preaching 
 it passionately in practice. The theory of 
 moralized egotism and egotistical self-abnega- 
 tion was developed by Tchernyshevsky and his 
 followers with admirable skill and dialectical 
 subtlety, and served as a transition to the doc-
 
 264 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 trine of absolute devotion to the good of the 
 community, which the next generation trans- 
 formed into a sort of religion. 
 
 As time went on the influence of Tcherny- 
 shevsky gained ground upon that of the genuine 
 Nihilism, represented by Pisareff, a young highly 
 gifted journalist, and the writers grouped 
 around him. The generation of 1870 was 
 entirely educated by Tchernyshevsky, but it 
 took from him only the kernel of his ethics, 
 dropping as useless and cumbersome his 
 theory of all-pervading individualism. 
 
 A new conception made its way at this epoch 
 into social science, in opposition to the former 
 individualistic theory of social contract for 
 securing mutual individual happiness : that of the 
 integrality of the body politic, in which indivi- 
 duals are but transitory parts. Its source is to 
 be traced to Auguste Comtc, the father of 
 Positivism, whose philosophical theories (not 
 religion) found a ready acceptance in Russia. 
 But its chief propagator in Russia was un- 
 doubtedly Herbert Spencer, whose works have 
 all been translated into Russian, and exercised 
 a great influence upon the mind of our gene- 
 ration. 
 
 The idea of duty towards the community 
 threw into the background that of the duty of 
 the individual towards himself. 
 
 A little volume, which appeared at this epoch, 
 embodied this new tendency very forcibly and 
 consistently. It was from the pen of Peter 
 Lavroff, the present refugee in Paris, then pro- 
 fessor of mathematics in one of the St. Peters- 
 burg military academies, and bears the modest
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA, 265 
 
 title of " Historical Letters." Its leading idea 
 is that of the enormous indebtedness of the cul- 
 tured minority to the masses, who in the course 
 of centuries have toiled and suffered, undergoing 
 indescribable privations in order that a small 
 minority might be able to cultivate their minds, 
 and transmit to their children the accumulated 
 inheritance of knowledge and moral and intel- 
 lectual refinement. 
 
 To work for the good of the people ceases to 
 be a pleasure in which a man can indulge or 
 not, as he chooses. It becomes a stringent duty 
 he is bound to fulfil, and for which he cannot 
 claim much credit to himself. It is the simple 
 repayment of the debt he has contracted in 
 accepting the inheritance so heavily paid for by 
 the mass of the people. 
 
 Another writer, Schapov, whose name is little 
 known abroad, must be mentioned here, be- 
 cause his influence in shaping the views of our 
 generation can be compared only to that of 
 Tchernyshevsky, Schapov is the historian of 
 the Russian peasantry. He was professor of 
 history in the Kazan University up to 1862, 
 when he was arrested, and exiled to Siberia, for 
 a speech made at a great street demonstration 
 organized to protest against the slaughter of 
 peasants in the Bezdna district. 
 
 This great demonstration brought Schapov's 
 name for the first time into public notice. His 
 works appeared afterwards, forming a brilliant 
 sequel to such a beginning. 
 
 Schapov's philosophy can be best described 
 as the modern incarnation of Slavophilism, 
 purged of monarchical superstition and orthodox
 
 266 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 bigotry. He is national without being a 
 partisan either of Tzardom or of the orthodox 
 church. All his erudite works are devoted to 
 the study of the past history of the Russian 
 people. His object is to bring to light the con- 
 structive principles of political and social life, 
 adhered to by the masses of the peasantry as 
 opposed to those which the Muscovite, and 
 afterwards the St. Petersburg monarchy forced 
 upon them. These principles are self-govern- 
 ment and local autonomy in political and 
 ecclesiastical matters, as opposed to the ad- 
 ministrative and ecclesiastic centralization of the 
 State. In the economical domain, it was com- 
 munistic ownership of land, meadows, forests, 
 fisheries, and all natural riches, as opposed to 
 the private property inculcated by the State. 
 In the chaotic popular movements of the past 
 he has discovered system and harmony, showing 
 the masses of the Russian peasantry to be an 
 excellent plastic material for the building up 
 of a State, very different from the one which 
 temporary historical necessity has actually 
 constituted. 
 
 But this historical necessity has become a 
 thing of the past, whilst the peasants have re- 
 mained unchanged. The conclusion from this 
 might be easily drawn. 
 
 Schapov's voluminous and rather heavy 
 works (written in an atrocious style) have been 
 studied with avidity by the entire advanced 
 youth of our generation. Except Tcherny- 
 shevsky, no writer has had such a deep and 
 lasting influence upon our intellectual move- 
 ment. He gave a solid, scientific basis to the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 267 
 
 whole literature upon the modern peasants, so 
 extensive and varied, numbt-ring among its 
 writers the most gifted men of our literary- 
 generation. They all belong to Schapov's 
 school, confirming with regard to modern 
 peasantry what Schapov discovered with re- 
 gard to their ancestors. 
 
 Educated Russia has always been democratic, 
 we may ^^y^peasantist, in her feelings, and not 
 without cause. The peasant class is not merely 
 the most numerous, but the soundest, bravest, 
 and most thoroughly original of our classes. 
 To prove that this is not a dream of democratic 
 enthusiasts, we have only to refer to our famous 
 novelists, who in their quality of great artists are 
 above suspicion of exaggeration or misrepresen- 
 tation. Their collective work is a revelation of 
 Russia, as a whole, in which the peasants have 
 a conspicuous place of their own. Now Tur- 
 gueneff s sketches, collected in the " Sportsman's 
 Sketches," Dostoevsky's "Buried Alive," and 
 Tolstoi's numerous scenes and stories from 
 peasant life, show us a series of living types 
 which command respect, sometimes admiration, 
 and testify to the great gifts and the vast 
 amount of moral energy hidden in the masses 
 of our common people. 
 
 The writers of the past generation have pre- 
 pared the ground for the young ones, creating 
 that powerful, peculiarly Russian, democratic 
 feeling, which is the mainspring of our revolu- 
 tionary movement. The idea of duty towards 
 the people, and of the historical debt of the edu- 
 cated minority towards the masses, was readily 
 accepted by our sensitive, impressionable youth,
 
 268 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 as a new basis for their ethics. Still, it was an 
 abstraction, a dry reasoned-out conception, 
 which could not stir men's hearts. But thanks 
 to the above-mentioned writers, the idea of 
 the people assumed a concrete palpable form, 
 appealing alike to reason, enthusiasm, and pity. 
 
 With our emotional, sympathetic people, it 
 became a momentous impulsive power, urging 
 them to gladly give up wealth, personal prefer- 
 ment, even life, provided they could give some 
 relief to the people whom they thought so great, 
 and knew to be so unfortunate. 
 
 And now the socialists of the West came to 
 tell the young enthusiast that there is a way to 
 solve the social question and remove for ever 
 the causes of popular sufferings. These theories 
 appeared as the last word of social philosophy, 
 sanctioned by the authority of the greatest 
 names in economical science, and by the adhe- 
 sion of many hundred thousand workmen of 
 the international socialism, standing at the 
 head of the world's democracy. 
 
 The Russians jumped at it as at a new reve- 
 lation. The new apostles found their gospel, 
 for which henceforward they would live and die. 
 
 From 1870, the Russian Revolution ceases to 
 be something apart, and becomes a branch of 
 international socialism, which, at that epoch, 
 descended from the clouds, and became for 
 the first time the embodiment of the working 
 men's aspirations. Still, the peculiar conditions 
 of our country gave to the Russian socialist 
 movement a somewhat different shape and 
 history.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. '26f) 
 
 At tliat time, as nowdcays, international 
 socialism was divided into two unequal sections, 
 the social democrats and the anarchists. The 
 former advocated the abolition of private 
 property in the instruments of labour and their 
 collective ownership by the workmen. But 
 they wanted to preserve the present political 
 organizations, which should be made an instru- 
 ment for the economical rebuilding of the State. 
 Thus, for the social democrats the practical 
 object was to take possession of political power. 
 Peaceful electoral agitation was their chief 
 weapon, the element of physical revolution 
 being admitted only incidentally, if at all. 
 
 The anarchists, headed then by our country- 
 man, Michael Bakunin, were in favour of a total 
 remoulding both of economical and of political 
 organization, advocating the total abolition of 
 the State, and the substitution for it of a series 
 of small, absolutely independent and freely 
 constituted communes. Parliamentary institu- 
 tions were for them of no possible use, and they 
 relied for the realization of their ideals entirely 
 upon the spontaneous action of the masses 
 risen in rebellion. 
 
 Of these two doctrines, the last had by far 
 the greater fascination for the Russian socialists 
 of 1870. It promised more, for to abolish at 
 one stroke men's economical and political 
 bondage, was like killing two birds with one 
 stone. Then it made of no account the political 
 backwardness of Russia, which appeared rather 
 more favoured than other countries. The 
 antiquated autocracy was easier to overthrow 
 than a constitutional monarchy based upon the
 
 270 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 popular vote. According to Bakunin the 
 village "Mir" had only to be freed from the 
 oppressive tutorship of the State to become 
 an ideal form of anarchical government by all 
 with the consent of all. 
 
 The Russians are very subject to spiritual 
 contagion, and often accept or drop a theory in 
 a body. In 1870 the whole of advanced Russia 
 was anarchist. The autocracy was opposed 
 simply because it was a government, no sub- 
 stantial difference being admitted to exist 
 between Russian autocracy and, let us say, the 
 English parliamentary regime. Accordingly, 
 nothing was expected, and nothing was asked, 
 from the educated classes and the liberal 
 opposition, which was in favour of a constitu- 
 tional government for Russia. The socialists of 
 this epoch based all their hopes upon the 
 peasants. Thousands of young people of both 
 sexes went upon a crusade amongst the peasants ; 
 the more exalted with the object of calling them 
 to open rebellion, the more moderate with the 
 intention of preparing the ground for the future 
 revolution by peaceful socialist propaganda. 
 This was one of the most touching and charac- 
 teristic episodes of the young movement, when 
 the motto "all for the people and nothing for 
 ourselves " was the order of the day. 
 
 Most of the young enthusiasts — for they were 
 all young — belonged to the upper classes. The 
 peasants, for whose awakening they proposed to 
 give their all, had been the serfs of their fathers. 
 The feeling of suspicion towards their former 
 masters was so strong as to render utterly hope- 
 less any attempt on the part of the "gentlemen"
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 27 1 
 
 to obtain any influence among the common 
 people. The propagandists therefore renounced 
 all their privileges, and became themselves 
 common manual labourers, workmen and work- 
 women in the fields, at the factories, at the 
 wharves and railways, in all places where 
 common workpeople assembled. They sup- 
 ported cheerfully all hardships and privations, 
 and considered themselves amply repaid for all 
 their trouble if they succeeded in winning here 
 and there some adherents to their cause. 
 
 This socialist crusade was a complete failure. 
 The peasants only opened their eyes with 
 wonder at the summons to rebellion, on the 
 part of strangers, who came nobody knew from 
 whence, and wished nobody knew what. They 
 lent, it is true, a very willing ear to the propa- 
 ganda of socialism. But there was no way of 
 getting adherents without attracting the atten- 
 tion of the police, in a country v/here everything 
 is watched. In the course of 1873-4, fifteen 
 hundred propagandists and agitators, or their 
 friends and supposed accomplices, were arrested 
 in the thirty-seven provinces of the Empire, and 
 thrown into prison. One-half of them were 
 released after a few months' detention ; the rest 
 were kept in preliminary confinement for from 
 two to four years, during which seventy-three 
 of them either died or lost their reason. In 
 1877 a part of them (193) were tried and 
 condemned to various punishments, from simple 
 exile to ten years of hard labour in the Siberian 
 mines. 
 
 This was a death blow to anarchism. What- 
 ever may be one's views upon the best form of
 
 ?.y2 KING STOP.T-T AFD KING LOG : 
 
 society ill \\\Q future, it was evident tiiat in the 
 present the political question was not so 
 irrelevant to the cause of the workers them- 
 selves as the early socialists tried to believe. 
 Thousands of lives were wrecked for saying in 
 private things which are proclaimed from the 
 house-tops in all free countries. The propa- 
 gandists who were ready to devote their lifetime 
 to the work of enlightening the people, were 
 not allowed to devote to it more than a few 
 days, sometimes a few hours. Political freedom 
 was evidently something worth having, be it only 
 for the sake of enabling the people's friends to 
 be of some use to them. 
 
 But theories, once adopted, do not disap- 
 pear so easily. The passions spoke first ; and 
 men began to act in the right direction before 
 they had reasoned out their action. The wanton 
 cruelty with which political prisoners were 
 treated, the horrors of preliminary detention, 
 the barbarous punishment inflicted for offences 
 so trifling, all this proved unendurable even to 
 the mild, patient Russians. The spirit of 
 revenge was kindled, giving birth to the first 
 attacks upon the government, known by the 
 name of terrorism. It began by an act of 
 individual retaliation which, under the circum- 
 stances, had all the dignity of a solemn act of 
 public justice. A girl. Vera ZassuHtch, shot 
 General Trepoff, who ordered the flogging of a 
 political prisoner. On March 31, 1878, she 
 was acquitted by the jury, though she never 
 denied her act. In 1878, terrorism was accepted 
 as a system of warfare by the most influential 
 and energetic section of Russian revolutionists
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 273 
 
 grouped around the paper Zcnilia and Volia 
 (Land and Liberty). But at first this practical 
 struggle with political despotism was carried on 
 under the banner of political non-interference. 
 " The question of constitution does not interest 
 us," said the terrorists of this epoch in their 
 pamphlet and in their paper, Land and Liberty, 
 " the essential part of our activity is the propa- 
 ganda amongst the people. In striking the worst 
 amongst the officials we merely want to protect 
 our companions from the worst treatment by 
 the government and its agents. The terrorists 
 must be looked upon as a small detachment 
 protecting the bulk of an army at some 
 dangerous passage." 
 
 This attempt to find a way out of the contra- 
 diction between theory and practice could not 
 hold its position for long, because it was illogical 
 on the face of it. Since it was recognized that 
 the socialist propaganda, to be effective, needed 
 protection against wilful interruption, the natural 
 course to follow was to obtain such changes in 
 the political constitution as would give it the per- 
 manent and real protection of the laws. As to 
 terrorism, whatever its ultimate effect upon the 
 government, its immediate consequences could 
 not be other than the aggravation of severities 
 and the increase of the obstacles to peaceful 
 socialist propaganda. In fact, the attempt to 
 reconcile the irreconcilable was soon abandoned, 
 and a few months later, in 1S79, there came a 
 split in the revolutionary party. A small 
 fraction stuck to the old banner, and declared 
 against both political action and terrorism, and 
 for the continuation of simple propaganda, not- 
 
 T
 
 274 ^^^"^ STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 withstanding the overwhelming odds against it. 
 It grouped itself around a paper called Tcherny 
 Perediel. This party had but a small following, 
 and did nothing of importance. The paper 
 also had but a short life, being detected in 
 January, i88o, a fortnight after the publication 
 of its only number. In 1888 it was resuscitated 
 abroad, where it is published up to the present 
 time in the form of a magazine, now bearing 
 the title of Social Deviocrat, with the most 
 orthodox social democratic programme. Of 
 this new departure we will speak later 
 on. 
 
 Now we will follow the fortunes of the 
 majority which made a step forward, having 
 written plainly upon their banner the political 
 emancipation of their country as the immediate 
 object of the revolutionary party. They 
 founded the paper Narodnaia Volia, and con, 
 stituted the party of the same name, which may 
 be considered the embodiment of " Nihilism," 
 as understood abroad. It was that body, with 
 the famous Executive Committee at its head, 
 which was at the bottom of all the Nihilists' 
 attempts and conspiracies. 
 
 In proclaiming political revolution its im- 
 mediate aim, the Narodnaia Volia party did 
 not renounce socialism. But it certainly had 
 to renounce the last traces of anarchism it may 
 have retained. When once the necessity of 
 fighting for political freedom was recognized, 
 it was natural to consider how to take the best 
 possible advantage of representative institutions 
 in the future. This means to utilize them as 
 an instrument of reforms, as well as a protec-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 275 
 
 tion of the propaganda preliminary to those 
 reforms. Thus the Russian anarchists, by the 
 very logic of their position, were converted 
 into social democrats. The programme of the 
 Narodnaia Volia issued in 1880, the year after 
 the split, shows the rapidity and thoroughness 
 of this change. It is above all a programme of 
 political reform, its requisites being : — 
 
 1. A permanent representative assembly, 
 having the supreme control and direction in 
 all general State affairs. 
 
 2. Provincial self-government secured by the 
 election of all public functionaries. 
 
 3. Independence of the village commune 
 ("Mir") as an economical and administrative 
 unit. 
 
 4. Complete liberty of conscience, speech, 
 press, meetings, association, and electoral agita- 
 tion. 
 
 5. Manhood suffrage. 
 
 6. Substitution of a territorial militia for the 
 standing army. 
 
 This was their political programme. The 
 economical programme is summed up in two 
 paragraphs : — 
 
 7. Nationalization of land. 
 
 8. Series of measures tending to transfer the 
 possession of factories to workmen. 
 
 These paragraphs make the programme a 
 socialistic one, but it is strictly social democratic. 
 The element of pliysical force plays a part only 
 in the political revolution. The re-moulding of 
 the country's economical organization is under- 
 stood to be carried on exclusively by legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 T 2,
 
 276 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 This programme differs from that of the 
 social democrats of other countries in the 
 greater stress laid upon agrarian reform. Its 
 authors do not think Russia sufficiently de- 
 veloped industrially to advocate the immediate 
 introduction of collective ownership by the 
 workmen of factories and industrial concerns — 
 and we think they are right in this. They 
 undoubtedly are right on the other hand in 
 considering the Russian peasantry fully com- 
 petent to carry out any land nationalization 
 scheme. Thus it may be said that so far as 
 economics is concerned Nihilism is social demo- 
 cracy proposing to begin its work from the 
 other end. This party is called in Russia 
 National Socialists {Sozialisty Narodniki) by 
 way of distinction from the social democrats 
 proper, who have recently appeared in Russia. 
 
 The true distinction of the Russian Nihilists 
 as a body lies, however, not in their methods 
 of carrying out social reforms, but in the fact 
 that for the time being they had to put off the 
 idea of social reforms and devote their energies 
 to a political struggle. The Russian Nihilists 
 may be described as a branch of International 
 Social Democracy, which took the lead in the 
 struggle for political freedom in Russia. 
 
 The peasants, owing to their ignorance and 
 the vastness of the areas over which they live 
 scattered, cannot be effectively appealed to in 
 the present phase of our revolutionary struggle. 
 The Russian revolution is a town revolution, 
 and has to find its support in the townspeople, 
 who understand and desire political freedom. 
 These are the educated Russians of all classes,
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 277 
 
 including the workmen of big towns as well as 
 representatives of the privileged classes. The 
 Nihilist efforts to achieve that great national 
 end have been of a double nature — partly- 
 destructive, partly constructive. The first need 
 not be dwelt upon long, for it had an echo all 
 over the world. It consisted in a series of 
 attempts against the Tzar, which profoundly 
 stirred the whole of educated Russia, brought 
 forward the political question to the exclusion 
 of everything else, and divided Russia into two 
 hostile camps, between whom at one moment 
 victory seemed vacillating. 
 
 The constructive work of the Nihilists is 
 represented by their efforts to take advantage 
 of a time of public excitement to organize a 
 body of conspirators strong enough to attempt 
 an open military revolution. This part of the 
 Nihilists' activity is less known and little appre- 
 ciated, because they did not succeed in carrying 
 it to a practical result ; yet it is certainly very 
 remarkable what difficulties were overcome. The 
 years 1881-82 mark the nearest approach of the 
 Russian revolution to an actual insurrection 
 similar to that of the Decembrists in 1825. 
 From 1880 the revolutionary ideas began to 
 make rapid progress in the army, especially in 
 the St. Petersburg garrison and Kronstadt 
 navy. An important secret organization was 
 founded, headed by some patriotic officers, such 
 as Lieutenant Sukhanov and Baron Stromberg 
 in Kronstadt, and Captain Pokhitonov and 
 Rogatchev in St. Petersburg. Scores of officers 
 of all arms and different grades joined the con- 
 spiracy, which very soon extended its ramifica-
 
 278 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 tions all over the empire. It included men of 
 the highest reputation and brilliant military 
 antecedents, such as Colonel Michael Ashen- 
 brenner, the above-mentioned Captains Pokhi- 
 tonov, Stromberg, and many others, some of 
 them commanders of independent corps. The 
 soldiers were at the same time approached by 
 socialist workmen, who made propaganda in 
 their midst. In one important body of troops 
 I will not particularize, but one which was in 
 possession of guns, it occurred that the two 
 rival revolutionary organizations, the Narodnaia 
 Volia and the TcJierny Peredicl, happened to 
 have worked simultaneously without knowing 
 it, the first among the officers, the latter among 
 the privates. Both were so successful that after 
 a time the two streams met. One morning one 
 of the officers coming unexpectedly to the 
 barracks, noticed that the soldiers were reading 
 some newspaper, which they hastily concealed 
 under the table at his appearance. He was 
 curious to know what it was, and ordered the 
 paper to be handed over to him. It was a fresh 
 number of the Tcherny Perediel. He said 
 nothing, and took the copy with him to show 
 his companions his discovery. The soldiers 
 considered themselves irretrievably lost. Great 
 was their delight when a few days later they 
 learned from their friends in the Tcherny 
 Perediel, with whom the Narodnaia Volia 
 communicated, that they had nothing to fear, 
 because their officers were their brethren in the 
 cause. The result was a deputation on the part 
 of the privates, which respectfully informed their 
 commanders that they were quite willing at any 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 279 
 
 gWen moment to appear before the Palace with 
 their guns and make it a heap of ruins in a 
 quarter of an hour. 
 
 In several other independent bodies of 
 troops the revolution was so strongly repre- 
 sented as to render almost certain the adhe- 
 sion of the whole body at the decisive 
 moment. The military organization had its 
 own central committee, independent in all its 
 interior affairs, but all the military conspirators 
 were pledged by a solemn oath to rise in arms 
 at the bidding of the Executive Committee, and 
 come to the place assi:^ned to them with as 
 many of their men as they should be able to 
 bring with them. 
 
 One word would have sufficed to effect an 
 actual military rising. But this word was not 
 uttered, and no action took place. 
 
 The spread of revolutionary feeling was so 
 rapid in the army that the Central Committee 
 hoped to be able to strike a great blow and 
 make the insurrection a successful one. The 
 rising was deferred from week to week, and 
 from month to month, until the Government 
 got wind of what was brooding, and arrested 
 the leaders of the military conspiracy in St. 
 Petersburg, and then laid hands on many of 
 their affiliated circles in the province, thus ren- 
 dering any action impossible. 
 
 No one is to blame for these fatal procrasti- 
 nations. It is such a tremendous responsibility 
 to decide upon a premature insurrection, likely 
 to serve as a good example, but doomed before- 
 hand to failure and bloody sui)pression, when a 
 short delay gives fair promise of a success.
 
 280 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 Conspiracies are like games of chance, in which 
 the keenest foresight is of no avail against the 
 caprice of fortune. 
 
 The years 1882-3 present a series of attempts 
 at readjusting the broken threads of conspira- 
 cies. But disasters, once begun, followed in 
 rapid succession. About 250-300 officers of all 
 arms were arrested all over the empire, one- 
 third of them belonging to the garrison of St. 
 Petersburg and Kronstadt. Most were young 
 officers of the first three grades. But there were 
 in their midst two colonels, two majors, and a 
 score of captains and lieutenant-captains. 
 
 The military organization was broken, and 
 the committee was not able to muster sufficient 
 forces, even for a serious demonstration. 
 
 The year 1884, and the following ones, are 
 those in which militant Nihilism passes through 
 the most critical period of its existence. Con- 
 spiracies go on uninterruptedly, but they are 
 so weak that they rarely ripen into actual 
 attempts. Only on one occasion, namely, in 
 March, 1887, the conspirators were able to come 
 down into the streets with their bombs. The 
 revolution has practically entered into a new 
 phase. 
 
 I
 
 XV. 
 
 MODERN OPPOSITION. 
 
 Is Russia ripe for political freedom ? Do the 
 Russian people want a representative Govern- 
 ment, and are they enlightened enough to use 
 parliamentary institutions properly if they get 
 them ? These are the fundamental questions 
 which every thinking man, whether Russian or 
 foreign, must decide for himself before he takes 
 up any position or line of conduct in Russian 
 politics. 
 
 It is evident that if Russia is not ripe for 
 political freedom, it is sheer madness to attack 
 autocracy, and idle sentimentalism to inveigh 
 against the evils of a political system which is 
 the only one possible for the country. 
 
 I expect the reader will not be surprised if I 
 say that for thinking men in Russia the point 
 is no longer open to question. But that it is so 
 with foreigners, we have quite recently had in- 
 numerable proofs. 
 
 Alexander III.'s death made Russian internal 
 affairs the topic of the day, and gave us the rare 
 opportunity of hearing the opinions of hundreds 
 of eminent men in this country. Now these 
 intellectual statistics, thus gathered, have given 
 us abundant proofs that with the majority of
 
 282 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 English people the obstacle to their frank 
 sympathy with the cause of Russian freedom 
 lies precisely in the idea that Russia is not yet 
 fit for a constitutional government. 
 
 The reasoning we find at the basis of this 
 easy resignation is invariably this : — Autocracy 
 exists in Russia, consequently it must suit her 
 people, otherwise they would have changed it. 
 
 Yes, undoubtedly ; in the long run, a country 
 gets the government wanted by her people. 
 But we must not forget that the process of 
 readjustment is not everywhere equally easy 
 and speedy. Where there are representative 
 institutions, this readjustment is as effective as 
 it is prompt, operating regularly and peacefully 
 through the ballot-box. But the readjustment 
 is slow and painful in countries where people 
 have to send their votes by volleys of in- 
 surgents, by attacks of crowds of rebels, or by 
 the bombs of conspirators. 
 
 It takes long to obtain such a vote, and to get 
 it properly registered, and, what is worse, as 
 time advances, the difficulties of the method 
 increase, as well as the terrible expenditure of 
 blood and human suffering necessary for this 
 sort of electoral agitation. 
 
 It was comparatively easy for the English to 
 wrest their freedom from their weak kings. The 
 French had a harder struggle, but they were 
 able to overcome them completely atone stroke, 
 the forces of Louis XVI. being inferior to 
 those of one single regiment of to-day, armed 
 with modern weapons. 
 
 Neither the Austrians nor the Germans suc- 
 ceeded in 1848 in getting anything like the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 283 
 
 French share of freedom, their struggle for 
 political rights going on until now. 
 
 Needless to say how much more arduous is, 
 in this respect, the position of Russia, which 
 is the last comer in the struggle for the right of 
 man. 
 
 Russian autocracy can make a much stronger 
 resistance than any previous tyranny. This 
 means that the Russian people must outgrow 
 her Government much more completely than 
 either Germany or France, before they can force 
 it into harmony with their new wants and new 
 aspirations. 
 
 The fact that autocracy exists is an obvious 
 and unmistakable proof that the forces of the 
 opposition are not yet strong enough to over- 
 come it. If that is what is meant by those who 
 speak of Russia not being "ripe" for freedom, 
 they are certainly quite right. But we do not 
 get much light upon the present condition of 
 Russia or her future prospects by the restate- 
 ment of such obvious and self-evident truths. 
 
 It seems to me that what the English want 
 to know what stage autocracy is in, how far 
 the organic growth of the country has prepared 
 her for national self-government, independently 
 of the unforeseeable chances of success. 
 
 Nobody will maintain that autocracy is in its 
 heyday in Russia : the signs of bitter, fierce 
 dissatisfaction are too many for that. But still 
 there are people who suppose that it has taken 
 deep root in the country, because the masses 
 of the peasantry are supposed to be deeply 
 monarchical and too ignorant to be able to 
 appreciate and use free institutions.
 
 284 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 There is a great eagerness for education 
 among the Russian peasantry, which the Rus- 
 sian Government does its best to check. But 
 there is as yet little book-lore among them. 
 
 Only one man out of ten can read, and 
 only one boy out of fourteen can get admission 
 to any school. But the unimpeachable evi- 
 dence of statistics shows that in Austria, in 1863, 
 fifteen years after the advent of constitutional 
 regime, the percentage of illiterate people was 
 exactly the same as in Russia of to-day. 
 
 The French peasants in 1789 were un- 
 doubtedly worse educated than those of modern 
 Russia. So were the Italians in i860. And it 
 may be doubted whether the mass of the Eng- 
 lish were ahead of us in this respect in the time 
 of the Commonwealth. One must not exag- 
 gerate the importance of book-lore. Deficiency 
 in that does not mean stupidity or bar- 
 barism. Certain precepts and rules of life, 
 evolved in a nation in the course of genera- 
 tions and transmitted from father to children, 
 are much more important for the building up 
 of a state than the power of reading a news- 
 paper or cheap book or of writing a letter. Now, 
 in this respect, the Russian peasants have been 
 more favoured than the rural classes in many 
 more advanced nations. They have had from 
 time immemorial some experience of self- 
 government, on a small scale, in their village 
 communes, where all common affairs are 
 managed by assemblies of all the house- 
 holders. 
 
 In 1864, three years after the emancipation, 
 being called to take part in self-government of
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 285 
 
 a higher order, the peasants gave proofs of 
 their quahfications as citizens, which were as 
 striking as the moderation and democratic 
 tolerance exhibited on the same occasion by 
 our upper classes. 
 
 Imagine the Virginian and Georgian slaves 
 summoned to sit in some council side by side 
 with their former masters, discussing and voting 
 as their equals. What conflicts would it not 
 lead to ? In Russia they worked in perfect 
 harmony, no disorder being ever recorded, 
 the peasant deputies, after a very short time, 
 fully entering into the spirit of their new 
 functions. 
 
 Provinces like Viatka and Perm, where there 
 was hardly any landed nobility, and where, 
 consequently, the peasant delegates formed the 
 majority, were among those where the zemstvos 
 worked best. 
 
 These are conclusive facts. It would be absurd 
 to pretend that our peasants have reached the 
 high level of the Swiss, Norwegian, or American 
 agricultural classes, or of the mass of English 
 workmen. But it would be no exaggeration to 
 say that, such as they are now, they are better 
 prepared for a proper use of political freedom 
 than the masses were in any of the great Euro- 
 pean countries at the time when their free 
 institutions were started. 
 
 And what of their much talked of loyalty ? 
 What of their devotion to the Tzar ? 
 
 The peasants have never been asked to ex- 
 press themselves on this delicate point. Count 
 Tolstoi assures us that it is all twaddle. The 
 peasants, he says, care for their cabbages more
 
 286 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 than for their Tzar, and would prefer good land, 
 with the Sultan to rule over them, to bad land 
 with the White Tzar. 
 
 Leaving alone the Sultan, it is quite certain 
 that the land and cabbages are at the bottom 
 of this loyalty to the Tzar. Regardless of all 
 proofs to the contrary, the peasant is firmly 
 persuaded that the Tzar means to give him, 
 some day, plenty of land and cabbages, and the 
 best of everything, and that his land is held 
 back from him only by the wicked officials. 
 
 Now this sort of monarchism is the political 
 creed of the masses in all lands, not only before 
 but long after the establishment of free govern- 
 ments. 
 
 The masses drop this creed when they cease 
 to be the masses, by which I mean when there 
 is no longer any distinction between the towns- 
 people and country people. 
 
 People who are like children in their sim- 
 plicity of mind and the vividness and freshness 
 of their imaginations, must be children in their 
 political conceptions as well. Peasants cannot 
 understand, and nowhere do they understand, 
 the complicated machinery of parliamentary 
 governments, with its balance of power and 
 their mutual checks. But the figure of a king, 
 tzar, or emperor appeals to their fancy, to their 
 minds, and to their hearts as well. The pic- 
 turesque idea of personal power it conveys 
 is invariably associated with that of bene- 
 volence. They cannot realize that a man 
 having all power should not wish to do his 
 people every good. These are the elements 
 out of which the universal monarchical legend
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 287 
 
 is built up. It lingers in the rural districts of 
 the constitutional monarchies of the Continent, 
 such as Italy and Austria. The people there 
 have been sending, for a generation or two, 
 their deputies to parliament, yet still consider 
 the King or Kaiser as their true friend, and 
 look ui)on their representatives as a body of 
 gentlemen of whom nobody knows exactly 
 what they have in mind. 
 
 This legendary monarchism has not, in these 
 cases, interfered with the working of parlia- 
 mentary institutions, nor has it prevented the 
 success of revolutions. The masses of the 
 French people were deeply monarchical at the 
 end of the last century, whilst monarchy was 
 being demolished in their capital. Hardly 
 different was the condition of England in the 
 time of the Commonwealth. 
 
 Free political institutions have been through 
 all the world the result of the work of the edu- 
 cated minorities. The people know very well 
 the difference between a good and a bad 
 government, because they feel it on their skins. 
 But it has been for the educated minorities to 
 devise and carry out a more satisfactory political 
 system, as it is for the physician to offer a 
 remedy for his patient's disease. 
 
 Thus the question whether Russia is ripe for 
 political freedom is reduced to this : Whether 
 her educated class, as a body, understands and 
 cares for freedom, and whether they are able 
 and willing to carry on a free government for 
 the general good of the nation ? 
 
 To put this question is to solve it. The 
 educated class in Russia is counted nowadays
 
 288 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 by millions, and, as far as knowledge and talent 
 go, can hold its own by the side of the corre- 
 sponding class of any other nation. In fact, 
 this class makes Russia a European country. 
 Our science, literature, periodical press, and our 
 schools are European. 
 
 In the number of books published yearly, 
 Russia stands third in the list of great European 
 nations, being inferior, in this respect, only to 
 France (11,000) and Germany (10,000), whilst 
 surpassing Austria and Great Britain. 
 
 There are more solid works in Russia than 
 in most other countries. Fiction and theology 
 make a comparatively small item in our pub- 
 lishers' lists. As to Russian monthlies, num- 
 bering their readers by scores of thousands, 
 they are true cyclopaedias of varied knowledge. 
 The proportion of people of a university edu- 
 cation in our professional and literary class is 
 greater than in any continental country except 
 Germany. 
 
 There is an over-production of higher edu- 
 cated people, to use the expression of the 
 reactionary press, which clamours for further 
 restrictions of the right of admission to the 
 universities on the ground that men of high 
 culture, unable to find employment, naturally 
 become disaffected. 
 
 Indeed, with the present misery of the people, 
 hundreds of scientific agriculturists and techno- 
 logists cannot find a use for their capacities, 
 whilst agriculture is at the same stage as it was 
 in the sixteenth century, and out of a hundred 
 people who die, only four have medical attend- 
 ance of any kind. But this fact speaks against
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 289 
 
 the system, and not against the Russian 
 educated class. 
 
 Bureaucratic despotism has created an elabo- 
 rate system of checks and barriers with the 
 object of hindering the access of the educated 
 class to the people as completely as possible, 
 and even of excluding from them altogether that 
 section which is likely to be most devoted to 
 the people, and presumably more useful on 
 account of its enthusiasm for democratic ideas. 
 The privilege of serving the people is restricted 
 to those whom property qualifications or igno- 
 rance have made selfish and narrow-minded. 
 Only the richer section of the nobility are 
 allowed to take part in the Zemstvos, or provin- 
 cial councils ; the poorer and more democratic, 
 which is as a rule the better educated section of 
 the nobility, is excluded. In municipal self- 
 government a professor of a university has no 
 voice in the elections, no matter how long he 
 may have been a resident in the town, whilst every 
 ignorant shop assistant is supposed to become a 
 fully qualified voter the day after he takes his 
 stand behind the counter. A well-educated man 
 can never get a post as village schoolmaster or 
 communal clerk, but it will be readily given to 
 a retired soldier who can hardly spell. 
 
 Thus, leaving alone the question of the terrible 
 havoc" caused by the political persecutions 
 among the best and ablest and most devoted 
 friends of the people, we find that the laws are 
 so framed as to utilize but a small part of the 
 intellectual power and civic devotion of our 
 educated class. 
 
 Yet if we take the work which this class has 
 
 U
 
 290 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 been allowed to do in such unfavourable condi- 
 tions in the Zemstvos^ municipalities, statistical 
 boards, relief committees, and societies of every 
 description, and compare it with the work done 
 by the bureaucracy, we shall find the idea of the 
 usefulness of official tutorship simply preposter- 
 ous. And besides, what is the bureaucracy, whose 
 wisdom and spirit are to move the body of the 
 nation ? Is it not just one fraction of the educated 
 class, and nowadays precisely the very worst frac- 
 tion ? There are, of course, many brilliant excep- 
 tions, but the average officials are proverbial for 
 their inefficiency, gross ignorance, and corruption. 
 Thus to choose between autocracy and constitu- 
 tional government is to choose between entrust- 
 ing the affairs of the country to the worst section 
 of the educated class uncontrolled, or entrusting 
 them to the picked men under the permanent 
 control of the press, public opinion, the whole 
 body of citizens. 
 
 It is hardly possible, even for a foreigner, to 
 hesitate as to which side to take. But for a 
 Russian, who knows what the difference really 
 is, the very idea that such a dilemma may be 
 seriously considered is an absurdity. 
 
 As long as serfdom was preserved, it might be 
 urged that, whether made up from the best or 
 worst elements, autocracy was the only form 
 of government that was possible in Russia. 
 Only an iron military despotism could keep law 
 and order in a community composed of a hand- 
 ful of masters and millions of slaves, who were 
 ready to fly at their throats at the first oppor- 
 tunity. The Decembrists, who attacked au o- 
 cracy, arms in hand, in 1825, were right in plan-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 29I 
 
 ning a simultaneous liberation of the people from 
 their masters, and of the country from the Tzars. 
 
 With the abolition of serfdom in 1861, the 
 autocracy lost its raison dctre. Russia became 
 a European country in her internal structure. 
 She could be governed by European methods, 
 and by this time the intellectual forces outside 
 the official world were incomparably superior to 
 those represented by bureaucracy. Alexander 
 II. was successful in his reforms only because, 
 and in so far as, he was willing to utilize 
 forces outside the official world. 
 
 The country had outgrown the bureaucratic 
 phase of progress, and would have walked much 
 better on its own legs than on the straps held 
 by the Government. 
 
 But its legs were fettered and it had to 
 break the chains first. The attempt to do 
 it by bombs and dynamite was made, as 
 we have seen, at the close of the reign 
 of Alexander II., when the exceedingly rapid 
 internal progress in every direction made the 
 deadly stagnancy of the political forms unendu- 
 rable. The attempt failed, and autocracy under 
 Alexander III. became more stringent than be- 
 fore. The internal culture, and with it the capa- 
 city and the desire for freedom, grew uninter- 
 ruptedly and as rapidly as in the previous period. 
 It was natural that under such conditions the 
 form of the struggle should be changed. After 
 the failure of the efforts resulting from the acute- 
 ness of the discontent, people began to thiuk of 
 utilizing the widespread disaffection. 
 
 The later phase of the revolutionary move- 
 ment is characterized by its great moderation. 
 U 2
 
 292 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 No single party has been formed that could 
 speak for the whole body of revolutionists as the 
 Narodnaia Volia did in 1879-83. 
 
 But all the more suggestive is the fact that all 
 sections, large and small, into which the party 
 divided, came to exactly the same conclusions 
 and repeated the same demands almost word for 
 word. 
 
 The secret printing offices never stopped their 
 work in Russia. Over a score of them were dis- 
 covered in the course of 1883-90, the whole staff 
 being sent to the mines or to the Arctic region. 
 But this dismemberment never prevented their 
 being reconstructed over and over again. At 
 any given moment two or three printing offices 
 were at work in some corner of the capital or in 
 some big provincial town. In 1883-4 there 
 were six such printing offices, two in the capital 
 and four in the provinces. Each of these printing 
 presses was the centre of some independent 
 organization, sometimes local, sometimes general, 
 and its publications give a v^ery clear idea of the 
 prevailing tendencies of the revolutionary party. 
 
 Now if we look in their different publications 
 we find that the dominant note in them is the 
 desire to broaden the basis of the movement, 
 and that they appeal to the whole of discon- 
 tented educated Russia. Thus the St. Peters- 
 burg printing press, which was discovered by 
 the police in 1883, published the speech of the 
 well-known barrister, Plevako, suppressed by 
 the Government on account of its constitutional 
 demands, but which contained no revolutionary 
 matter. In the December of the same year a 
 body of Moderate Liberals drew up a statement
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 293 
 
 of their views and demands, which did not go 
 beyond a chamber of deputies, with advisory- 
 powers only. The printing press of the re- 
 volutionists took the risk of publishing this 
 piece of milk and water liberalism, and in the 
 next issue of the Narodnaia Volia, the editors, 
 although expressing their disagreement with 
 the proclamation, spoke of it sympathetically 
 as an important sign of the times. 
 
 In 1884 another printing office, founded by 
 Sophia Sladkova, published the manifesto of 
 the '' League of Youth," which^ although social- 
 istic in its ultimate objects, declares itself in 
 favour of constitutional reform and educational 
 work as the means by which the object will be 
 obtained. Similar is the tone of the pamphlet 
 issued by the Kharkov Printing Office, founded 
 by the agrarian Socialists (the Land Partition 
 party). It was discovered, owing to the 
 treason of a certain Shkriaba, who was in con- 
 sequence promptly killed by the revolution- 
 ists. But the idea of a peaceful Socialist 
 propaganda was taken up by the Moscow Print- 
 ing Press, which issued an organ called TJie 
 Ufiicn, and a number of socialist pamphlets. 
 The printing offices founded by the remnant of 
 the Narodtiaia Volia party at the two extremi- 
 ties of the Empire — in Dorpat and in Rostov, 
 upon the Don, emphasize still more this turning 
 point in the policy of the revolutionary party. 
 The following year, 1885, the movement became 
 more accentuated, as the Labour Gazette shows, 
 issued by the new secret printing office of St. 
 Petersburg, and the Narodnaia Volia, which had 
 to found a new printing press in Taganrog.
 
 294 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 One more illustration to prove the generality 
 of their current of ideas. In 1887 the Russian 
 revolutionists resolved to have a paper edited in 
 St. Petersburg, but published in Switzerland, in 
 order to avoid the danger of detection. The 
 scheme could not be successful, as no paper 
 could stand such a long distance between 
 the editorial and the printing department. 
 Two numbers only of this paper, bearing the 
 characteristic name o( Se/f-^overnmen^, appeared 
 in Geneva ; the first contained the programme of 
 the paper and a number of letters from political 
 refugees, representing almost all sections and 
 divisions of this rather disunited body. There 
 is in this paper a letter from Debagory 
 Mokrievich, one of the most active and gifted 
 among Southern revolutionists. There are also 
 letters from Dobrovolsky, a former medical 
 officer of the Zemstvos, who sacrificed his situa- 
 tion and a good career for the sake of Socialist 
 propaganda, and who had after his acquittal to 
 escape abroad to avoid exile to Siberia ; the 
 famous Vera Zassulich, Axelrod, and the brilliant 
 and erudite Plekhanov, who stand for the Russian 
 social democracy ; Professor Dragomanov, the 
 leader of the Southern Russian Nationalist and 
 Socialist movement, and many others, including 
 the author of this book. A motley crowd it may 
 seem, but not to one who peruses the statement 
 of their views, because they are all agreed and 
 united upon the point of a moderate political 
 reform as the immediate step to be taken to 
 give the Russian people the means of develop- 
 ing peacefully and organically in the direction 
 best suited to them.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 295 
 
 But under this broad and general movement 
 we notice an undercurrent of extreme ten- 
 dencies, which remind us of the epoch of the 
 terrorist struggle. The dynamite manufac- 
 turers are not so numerous as the printing 
 offices, but they are there nevertheless to repeat 
 their meineiito mori to the tyranny above. 
 
 As early as the autumn of 1884 a dynamite 
 workshop was discovered in the province of 
 the Cossacks of the Don (Lugansky). In 1886 
 another dynamite factory was at work in the 
 same region. In 1887 an attempt was made to 
 blow up the Tzar with dynamite bombs on the 
 anniversary of the death ot Alexander II., when 
 the Tzar goes invariably to a funeral mass at 
 the Cathedral of SS. Peter and Paul. Though 
 ably conceived, the bombs being made in the 
 shape of books, which the conspirators held 
 under their armpits, the attempt failed. The 
 missiles were so badly manufactured that they 
 did not explode. But very soon a marked 
 improvement was made in that direction. In 
 Zurich a company of revolutionists brought 
 the manufacture of bombs almost to perfection, 
 reducing them to the size of a watch without 
 any decrease in their deadly effect. By an un- 
 expected explosion the chief inventor and 
 maker, Brinstein (Demba), was killed and his 
 colleague wounded. Arrests followed, and the 
 factory was moved to Paris. From there a girl, 
 Sophia Gunsburg, was sent over to Russia to 
 introduce the perfected weapon. But she was 
 arrested, and the plan had to be abandoned 
 because the French police arrested the conspira- 
 tors before anything could be done. A new
 
 296 KING STORK AND KING LOG. 
 
 dynamite factory was founded in 1891 by 
 Manzevich, who was arrested and locked up for 
 life in Schlusselbourg by " administrative orders." 
 But the seeds of dynamite seems to have taken 
 root in the soil, for its deadly fruit reappears 
 on the surface over and over again. Dynamite 
 factories can no longer be extirpated, and 
 every now and then the police discover 
 proofs of fresh attempts to make practical use 
 of the stuff manufactured by them. The 
 attempt to blow up the Tzar at the Smolensk 
 military manoeuvre in 1893 seems to have been 
 much more serious than that of March 13th, 
 1887. The new number of Narodnaia Volia, 
 which appeared in 1893, gave expression to this 
 newly awakened spirit of revenge and retalia- 
 tion ; the spectre of terrorism reappears in it 
 once again.
 
 XVI. 
 
 THE NEW REIGN. 
 
 One often hears worthy persons with sym- 
 pathetic pity say, that of the hundred and ten 
 milHons of inhabitants of Russia, the Tzar is 
 the one whose life is perhaps the least enviable. 
 There is something in that, undoubtedly. The 
 sort of existence which Alexander II. prepared 
 for himself durin>^ the last years of his reign, 
 and Alexander III. throughout the whole of his, 
 was by no means to be envied. This one must 
 admit. But there is no denying that fortune 
 was particularly propitious to the young heir of 
 their greatness, in creating for him an altogether 
 exceptional position, which any ruler might 
 envy. Together with uncontested power, he 
 received the opportunity of accomplishing great 
 things for the benefit of his country, with very 
 little trouble to himself, and without the 
 slightest damage to what is called the imperial 
 prestige, or, to speak more correctly, the petty 
 conceit and vanity of royalty. The unfortunate 
 Alexander II., whostarted with the great idea of 
 reform, had notthe courage tocarry out his mission 
 to its logical end. He stopped short after a few 
 years and began to undo his own work. When, 
 after fifteen years of relentless reaction, the Rus- 
 sian people lost all patience and all confidence in
 
 298 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 him, and the terrorist outbreaks occurred, to have 
 recognized his error and to have granted a con- 
 stitution then would have been to yield to reason 
 supported by force. His pride rebelled against 
 such a course, and he tried to put down the 
 opposition, violent and peaceful alike, with the 
 result that everybody knows. Alexander III. 
 had a terrible legacy of blood and revenge left 
 to him ; and for him to abandon the path of 
 reaction, and brave the suspicion that he was 
 influenced by fear, would have required an 
 unusual amount of moral courage, even suppos- 
 ing he had had sufficient independence and 
 energy of mind to strike out a way for himself. 
 
 The position of the present Tzar is altogether 
 different. He has no old account to settle, no 
 obligation to exhibit fortitude. His hands are 
 free, and will remain so for some time. No one 
 could suspect that any concessions on his part 
 were due to anything but his own spontaneous 
 impulse to do good to his country. And at the 
 time of his accession to the throne he was the 
 object of that general feeling of goodwill and 
 conciliatory forbearance, which facilitates the 
 most difficult measures in practical politics, and 
 goes half-way to ensure their success. 
 
 Before his accession to the throne, Nicholas 
 II. attracted remarkably little attention. He 
 was so young. The Tzar, Alexander III., 
 seemed to be in excellent health, and the 
 question of succession seemed so remote. 
 People hardly distinguished the Tzarevich from 
 the host of shadowy grand dukes. No opinions, 
 no leanings to one party or another were 
 attributed to him. The circle in which he
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 299 
 
 moved was quite colourless. Of the little body 
 of young aristocrats who surrounded him in the 
 quality of friends, not a single one was men- 
 tioned as a man of ability. In fact, they 
 effaced themselves later on, leaving the young 
 Tzar in the hands of his father's old advisers. 
 And the Tzarevich himself did not strike anyone 
 as a man in any way brilliant. His former 
 teachers were not over enthusiastic about his 
 natural gifts. Those who had the opportunity 
 of meeting him at his first public appearance, 
 i.e. during his journey round the globe, through 
 Egypt, India, Japan, and Siberia, and at differ- 
 ent courts of Europe, were similarly impressed 
 by him. A very haughty, rough demeanour 
 to inferiors and those who ministered to his 
 comforts distinguished him unfavourably from 
 the members of other reigning houses, with 
 whom personal courtesy is a common charac- 
 teristic. Love of pleasure, and an amazing 
 ignorance, may be added as another trait in this 
 vague sketch. On seeing the distillation of sea- 
 water on a steamer, he asked what was the 
 object of the operation, and wanted to know 
 whether the sea-salt would not evaporate, and 
 pass into the refrigerator with the steam. 
 
 As chairman of the famine relief committee, 
 in 1891, he did nothing deserving of any atten- 
 tion, and showed a marked aversion to public 
 business, i.e. to the reading and signing of 
 reports and other official documents — a trait 
 which was rather promising than otherwise in 
 the son of his father. But it is impossible to 
 make any forecast about a ruler from what he has 
 been as a ruler in spe^ especially in Russia,
 
 300 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 where it is not only improper, but even a little 
 risky for the heir to the throne to make himself 
 conspicuous, and assert his individuality in any 
 way. It is well known that to dispel the 
 suspicions of his father, Alexander II., as heir 
 apparent, had to assume up to the age of thirty- 
 six a mask of conservative apathy and indiffer- 
 ence to public affairs which he was far from 
 feeling at that time. When later on, his own heir, 
 the future Alexander III., showed in private his 
 leaning toward Slavophilism, his purely personal 
 relations with Aksakov were interpreted as 
 political conspiracies. He was put under police 
 surveillance^ and his private correspondence was 
 opened like that of a suspected Nihilist. 
 
 We may assume that for the present Tzar this 
 policy of self-effacement could not have cost no 
 great effort : at his age few men of his station 
 had much individuality to show, either in views 
 or character. But the Russian public was, so far, 
 unaware of the fact, or, if aware of it, indifferent 
 on the subject. He was young, and the faith 
 which men have in the generosity, unselfishness, 
 and purity of youth, went to swell that wave of 
 hope and warm confidence which greeted his 
 accession to the throne. In one night Russia 
 seemed to have grown young again. 
 
 The pent-up rancour and spirit of revenge 
 which had been accumulated by the horrors of 
 the past reign, the fierce and gloomy despair 
 which was ready to break out in new deeds of 
 blood, were suddenly transformed into joyful, 
 confident hope— as a gathering storm is some- 
 times dissolved into a warm, beneficent summer 
 rain. The extreme, or, to be more accurate.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 3OI 
 
 the more consistent and logical section of the 
 opposition, upon whom the experience of the 
 past was not lost, knew very well that it was 
 childish to expect any concession without corre- 
 sponding pressure. Yet even they looked 
 hopefully into the future, expecting that the 
 new government of so young a man being 
 weaker than the preceding one, the amount of 
 pressure necessary to produce the desired effect 
 might be smaller and less violent. But with 
 the bulk of society this flood of hopefulness 
 came from a rush of sudden faith in the person- 
 ality of the young Tzar, in his good intentions, 
 his true, genuine love for his country. It is 
 interesting that it was the Novoe Vremya — the 
 most cynically reactionary and wide-awake of 
 all Russian papers — that expressed most forcibly 
 the dominant feeling of the moment. 
 
 '• Russia looks hopefully upon her new sove- 
 reign. He is young — but youth is not a defect. 
 Youth is generous, and so little is needed to give 
 happiness to our long-suffering country." 
 
 In fact, very little would have pacified Russia. 
 The more far-sighted section of the opposition 
 put forward the demand for a constitution, such 
 as we see in the rest of Europe. But the bulk 
 of the Liberal party did not ask even that little. 
 From the utterances of the Liberal press, and 
 from the statements of the representative bodies 
 which had the courage to express their opinions, 
 and from other information and indications, we 
 may gather that the bulk of the Liberal opposi- 
 tion has been, and is willing to compromise 
 upon a Chamber of Deputies, with powers of 
 advising only.
 
 302 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 To show how exceedingly (one may say how 
 excessively) moderate such a demand is, it 
 is enough to mention that there is, and has 
 been for half a century, a body which had such 
 a counselling and deliberative voice in legisla- 
 tion — the so-called Council of State (Gos- 
 sudarstvenny Sovet), which transacts all the 
 legislative work. The Ministers smuggle in 
 some laws of their own making, by means of 
 circulars having the force of law, or by their 
 obligatory "comments" on laws which some- 
 times are in flagrant contradiction to the law 
 commented upon. But as a rule, every pro- 
 ject of new law, after being drawn up in the 
 corresponding ministerial department, is laid 
 before the Council of the State, which discusses it, 
 proposes amendments, and passes a resolution 
 for or against the project, the Tzar having the 
 option of sanctioning the view of the majority 
 or the minority, after which the project becomes 
 law. 
 
 The crazy Paul I. alone wrote his silly laws 
 himself, without consulting anyone. All the 
 other Tzars had the good sense never to make full 
 use of their discretionary power of legislating. 
 The Tzars do sometimes initiate new laws by 
 giving an order to the corresponding Minister, 
 but before being promulgated, they invariably 
 pass through some deliberative body — the 
 Council of the State — Gossudarstvenny Sovet — ■ 
 as a general rule, or the Council of Ministers 
 in exceptional cases. 
 
 An assembly of representatives of the people, 
 with powers of advising, would simply mean a 
 change in the personnel of the State Council.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 303 
 
 Instead of being nominated by the Tzar, these 
 experts in legislative matters would be sent in 
 by the nation. It is obvious that such a reform 
 would not be sufficient to guarantee to the 
 nation the management of her own affairs. But 
 it was not for the autocrat to resent such an 
 insufficiency ; and the smaller the demands, the 
 less reason there was to anticipate resistance. 
 It is so pleasant to dream of easy, heaven-sent 
 gifts — and for two months Russian public 
 revelled in rosy dreams. 
 
 Every act of the new Tzar was watched with 
 breathless attention, and the most favourable 
 interpretation was put on it. There was a tacit 
 conspiracy of praise and encouragement. The 
 Russian people condoned the young Tzar's first 
 manifesto, announcing his accession to the throne 
 of his forefathers, and declaring that Russia's 
 greatness depended upon implicit devotion and 
 obedience to him. This was rather pre- 
 sumptuous on the part of a young man of 
 twenty-six, but the sponge was passed over it, 
 people accepting such utterances as a tribute to 
 routine, and waiting with the same hopeful, 
 benevolent indulgence for some sign to come. 
 
 Two insignificant concessions made in the 
 first days of the new reign, served to keep alive 
 hopes which were the sickly offspring of lazy 
 optimism. In the controversy between the 
 Poles and the Governor-General, the coarse 
 cavalry sergeant Gurko, the young Tzar sided 
 with the former. He condescended to permit 
 his Polish subjects to take their oath of alle- 
 giance in their own language, and not in the 
 official Russian, which they did not understand.
 
 304 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 The offended general sent in his resignation, 
 which was accepted. For this little concession 
 the Poles received Gurko's successor, General 
 Orzevsky, with something' like an ovation, and on 
 December 6th, the Tzar's name day, Warsaw 
 was brilliantly illuminated by the Poles without 
 any compulsion on the part of the police. No 
 Tzar had ever been so honoured by the citizens 
 of the proud Polish capital. Certainly Nicholas 
 II. could not complain of lack of sympathetic 
 encouragement. 
 
 The Finnish controversy was somewhat more 
 serious, and the young Tzar appears in it in a 
 favourable light, showing a capacity for listen- 
 ing to reason and admitting his errors, which is 
 very uncommon in kings and emperors. 
 
 In the first manifesto of the Tzar, announcing 
 his assumption of the crown of the Russian 
 Empire and of the grand Duchy of Finland, the 
 latter was mentioned as " indissolubly united " 
 to Russia, whilst the Finns consider their 
 country to be quite apart from the rest of the 
 Empire, the two crowns only being united on 
 the same head. Besides, as constitutional 
 sovereigns of Finland, the Tzars, at their acces- 
 sion to the throne, were expected to sign the 
 promise to adhere to the constitution of the 
 Grand Duchy, after which the Finns took their 
 oath of allegiance. Nicholas II. omitted to 
 comply with this rule, which greatly alarmed 
 the Finns. In view of the attacks upon their 
 constitution, which had marked the last year of 
 the preceding reign, they very rightly con- 
 sidered the conduct of the young Tzar as a very 
 bad omen, and resolved to make a stand for
 
 A STUDV OF MODERN RUSSIA. 305 
 
 their ancient liberties. By common agreement 
 they put off taking the oath of allegiance, 
 sending their official representative, the Secre- 
 tary of State, General Denn, to Livadia to re- 
 monstrate with the new Tzar, and to obtain his 
 signature to the Promissory Act. For seven 
 days Finland was in a state of great suspense, 
 until a telegram was received from General Denn, 
 announcing that the young Tzar had signed the 
 Promissory Act, and ordered the error of his 
 first manifesto to be set right, after which the 
 oath of allegiance was taken all over the country. 
 
 As a set-off against these two facts, the 
 dismissal of General Gurko and the acceptance 
 of Finnish remonstrances, which were to the 
 young Tzar's credit, there were a number of 
 other facts which told in the opposite direction. 
 Stringent decrees against the Stundists and the 
 Jews were issued a few days after the manifesto 
 by which Nicholas II. announced his accession 
 to the throne. The censorship was as relentless 
 as before, and police raids, with their in- 
 variable sequel — arrests, imprisonment, exile 
 — were more fierce and indiscriminating than 
 ever. The balance between debit and credit 
 was much against the prospects of the new 
 reign. But the public would not make any 
 such balance. All that was bad was put down 
 to officials, whilst all that showed a shadow of 
 progressive tendencies was hailed as a ray of 
 sunshine on a gloomy day. 
 
 The grounds for such enthusiasm were so 
 exceedingly poor that one cannot help suspect- 
 ing that it was not altogether genuine. Worthy 
 persons hoped that the young Tzar could be 
 
 X
 
 306 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 carried away by dint of praises. The taste for 
 popularity grows, and he might wish to gain 
 more of the praise which had been so profusely 
 lavished upon him on credit, and might come 
 to believe himself to be what men assured him 
 that he was. Nurses sometimes use this trick 
 with naughty children, telling them they are 
 good boys, till they get them to behave as such. 
 
 But this simple-minded device did not prove 
 successful in its new application. The young 
 Tzar either took the praises literally as his 
 desert, or was naturally destitute of those 
 imaginative qualities which would have allowed 
 him to develop the taste for popularity. 
 
 On his return from Livadia he seemed to be 
 under good control, never committing any act 
 that might "cause a dangerous excitement of 
 public opinion," to use the favourite expression 
 of the censorship. The old gang gained com 
 plete possession of him, and the internal policy 
 seemed gradually to slide into the old groov^e. 
 All ministers of the former reign were kept in 
 office except Krivoshein, who lost his post 
 through his clumsiness in the embezzlement of 
 public money. Durnavo, the minister of the 
 interior, got so far reassured that, at a private 
 interview with the editors of the chief papers of 
 the capital, he was bold enough to affirm that 
 no change whatever was to be expected, and that 
 everything would remain exactly as before. So 
 it seemed in fact. But the young Tzar did not 
 show his hand, and people waited and hoped 
 for a sign. 
 
 The marriage of the young Tzar with Princess 
 Alix had to take place within a few weeks.
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 307 
 
 People waited anxiously for this event, because 
 it was bound to draw the Tzar from his reserve. 
 The manifestoes which are invariably issued on 
 such occasions, though essentially non-political, 
 always show the political tendency prevailing 
 in high quarters. The golden document, the 
 cornucopia of graces, came in due time. The 
 foreign press, through inertia following the earlier 
 impulse, greeted it as an act of supreme cle- 
 mency such as Russia had not seen for half a 
 century. But the Russians themselves knew 
 better. With the best wishes they could not 
 keep up any illusion as to the nature of this 
 manifesto. The peasants got their usual con- 
 donation of arrears, that could not be collected, 
 and old debts to the state, which could not be 
 recovered. Otherwise the manifesto was the 
 stingiest and meanest thing of the kind that 
 had been issued for a long time. Thieves, 
 burglars, depredators of public funds were the 
 only people for whom the young sovereign kept 
 a corner in his heart. As to offences committed 
 as a protest against the prevailing oppression or 
 intolerance, they were either overlooked and 
 ignored or dealt with in such a spirit of petty 
 rancour and spitefulness as fully to confirm the 
 opinion of some English papers, that this docu- 
 ment was something altogether exceptional. Not 
 a ray of hope for the many hundreds of men who 
 were suffering for their relii^ious opinions. Not 
 a word as to offenders against the press regula- 
 tions, who are everywhere the first to benefit by 
 any amnesty. 
 
 The Poles, the traditional victims of Russian 
 Tzars, were remembered indeed, but only to be 
 X 2
 
 308 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 made the object of a practical joke. Those who 
 had taken part in the insurrection of thirty-two 
 years ago, who still remained in Siberia, were 
 allowed to return and settle everywhere, except 
 in those places where the Minister of the Interior 
 should consider their presence dangerous to 
 public order. This meant, of course, Poland. 
 Thus it was with the Minister of the Interior 
 that the decision as to the amnesty granted to 
 Poles finally rested. 
 
 As regards political offenders in general, only 
 one category of"criminals " received areal amnesty, 
 — those who fell under the Article 447 of the Penal 
 Code. But if we look up this Article, we find 
 that it refers to offences which it is a shame to 
 consider offences at all, namely, the " offences 
 against the portraits, statues, or busts of the 
 Tzar or members of his family," i.e. damaging 
 or destroying the sacred images ; and also to 
 "disrespectful and offensive words" about the 
 Emperor or his family, " pronounced without 
 any intention to excite disrespect to the sacred 
 person of the Emperor," i.e. in a state of drunken- 
 ness or in a moment of excitement, when some 
 people will find relief in senseless swearing. 
 
 The real political offenders are dealt with in a 
 manner which is both insulting and cowardly. 
 Nothing is given without some mean subterfuge 
 allowing the Administration to take it away. 
 The lightening of the penalties of prisoners or 
 Siberian exiles is made conditional upon their 
 good behaviour, which means that they are put 
 entirely at the mercy of the Minister and the 
 Administration. With reference to political 
 offenders, bad behaviour means faithfulness to
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 309 
 
 the principles for which they are suffering — often 
 simply a dignified attitude of reserve. 
 
 This mean-spirited cautiousness is still more 
 apparent in the paragraph referring to political 
 refugees. They are graciously allowed to peti- 
 tion the Minister of the Interior for permission 
 to return to their country, on condition of their 
 being willing " to atone for their past crimes by 
 sincere repentance and fidelity to the throne." 
 This does not exactly sound like clemency or 
 grace. The right of recanting has never been 
 denied to political oftenders, and the renegades 
 have at all times been received with open arms 
 by the Government. 
 
 I have only to mention the case of Lev 
 Tikhomirov, who, having repudiated his 
 former creed, received free pardon from 
 Alexander III., although he was a mem- 
 ber of the committee which condemned 
 Alexander II. to death. Several men of less 
 prominence, who have followed Tikhomirov's 
 example, have been all pardoned and allowed 
 to return. And here again we see, in the 
 manifesto of Nicholas II., a clause which 
 elevates the bureaucracy to a higher place than 
 it held before. With regard to refugees as 
 with regard to the Poles, the Minister of the 
 Interior is made the dispenser and controller of 
 the Tzar's privilege of mercy, which was never 
 officially relinquished by any of Nicholas II. 's 
 predecessors. 
 
 According to the strict terms of the manifesto, 
 the Minister of the Interior has the option of 
 submitting to the Tzar or not the petitions of 
 the repentant refugees ; he is " permitted " to
 
 3IO KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 accept such petitions, and pass them on in due 
 course. Now what is "permitted," is, ipso facto, 
 optional. 
 
 Of course, we do not mean in the least to 
 blame the young Tzar for any obstacle he puts 
 in the way of renegades. We mention this 
 point only as another indication of the greater 
 ascendancy of bureaucracy, to which the new 
 Tzar shows himself so yielding. 
 
 One more curious detail. The Minister of 
 the Interior has not full discretion in the matter ; 
 the manifesto puts one restriction on him : he 
 is prohibited from forwarding to the Tzar the 
 petitions of refugees whose offences fall under 
 Section 249 of the Penal Code. 
 
 One would think that these must be the 
 tzaricides, and worse. But if we look into the 
 Article in question, we find that it practically 
 covers the whole ground of political offences. 
 
 Here is the famous Article, which has been 
 referred to constantly for the last fifteen years. 
 " For rebellion against the supreme authority, 
 i.e. for an open insurrection and conspiracy 
 against the Tzar and the State, as well as for 
 the intention to overthrow the Government in 
 the whole Empire, or a part thereof, or to 
 change the systc?n of government .... all the 
 promoters, inciters, associates, and abettors, are 
 subjected to the penalty of death ; those who 
 knew of the criminal preparations, and having 
 the possibility of informing the authorities of 
 them, have not done so, being liable to the same 
 penalty." 
 
 It is clear that any participation in revolu- 
 tionary conspiracy is covered by this paragraph ;
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 3II 
 
 and in fact, since 1879, i.e. since the Revolution- 
 ary Party included in its programme the over- 
 throw of autocracy, all revolutionists have been 
 indicted on the strength of this terrible 249th 
 paragraph. All were declared by the Imperial 
 Prosecutor worthy of death, and any mitigation 
 of their penalties was represented as a peculiar 
 act of mercy. 
 
 The mention of this paragraph in the mani- 
 festo makes it a piece of buffoonery, and we 
 are led to conclude that either the young Tzar 
 has been fooling the simple public, or that he has 
 been fooled, and has put his name to the first 
 great document of his reign without taking the 
 trouble to understand clearly what was behind 
 its clumsy paragraphs. 
 
 If the section referring to political offenders 
 is interesting as throwing a sidelight on the 
 Tzar's bend of mind, the section dealing with 
 the exile system has a wider bearing, because 
 it foreshadows a whole system of policy. 
 
 No interior peace, no justice, no civil guaran- 
 tees, no abatement of bureaucratic tyranny is to 
 be thought of as long as the system of exile by 
 administrative order is maintained. 
 
 Now there is no doubt possible as to that. 
 Administrative exile is mentioned throughout 
 the manifesto as something unquestionable, 
 forming an integral part of the system of 
 government. 
 
 The victims of administrative tyranny have 
 fared even worse than the victims of judicial 
 subserviency. Political offenders who have been 
 tried and sentenced, have had their penalties 
 commuted, except in cases where the adminis-
 
 312 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 tration chose to interfere. Administrative exiles 
 had no alleviation of their suffering, except in 
 the cases where the Administration was pleased 
 to pronounce in their favour. 
 
 After the publication of the manifesto of 
 January 26th, any unprejudiced man could see 
 clearly that there was no hope of voluntary con- 
 cessions from the new reign. But the Russian 
 public has, to an unusual degree, the capacity of 
 hoping against hope, and the great solemnities 
 of the Court, such as marriai^es, coronations, and 
 the like, afford an opportunity for exhibiting 
 this amiable characteristic. 
 
 Disappointed by the marriage manifesto, they 
 would have fixed their hopes upon the corona- 
 tion ; but here something unexpected occurred ; 
 the young Tzar stepped himself from the clouds 
 of the bureaucratic Olympus, and made a state- 
 ment so plain and unequivocal as to render any 
 further illusion impossible. 
 
 Our great satirist, Shtchedrin, makes one of 
 his heroes regret that he is not a dumb animal, 
 an ox for example, because no man can feel safe 
 in Russia, no matter what one says ; any speech 
 may be misinterpreted by spies, and lead the 
 speaker into trouble. Whilst if one were merely 
 bellowing, what could the cleverest spies make 
 out of it .'* 
 
 For the Tzar, too, it would be much 
 pleasanter if his subjects could only bellow. 
 As they have the gift of speech without the 
 right to use it — or as Mme. Novikov puts it, as 
 they enjoy perfect freedom of opinion without 
 the right of giving it utterance — very untoward 
 incidents will sometimes happen. They are
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 313 
 
 expected to speak, and must speak on certain 
 great occasions, because a solemn ceremony in 
 dumb show would be too monotonous. Natu- 
 rally enough, objectionable opinions will find 
 articulate expression every now and then. That 
 is just what the young Tzar learnt to his 
 cost. 
 
 In reply to the first manifesto of the Tzar, 
 the one announcing his accession to the throne 
 and his future marriage, the different provinces 
 of the Emj^ire sent in deputations to the capital 
 to congratulate him on these two events. 
 Several Zem.stvos took this opportunity to 
 express to the young sovereign the true feelings 
 and wishes of the country. These were the 
 Zemstvos of Tver, Tchernigov, etc. To show 
 the nature of these extremely moderate 
 demands, it will suffice to quote the address of 
 the Zemstvo of Tver, which was the most 
 outspoken and dignified. Here it is, in a 
 slightly condensed form : — 
 
 " Your Majesty, — In the solemn days of 
 the beginning of your service to the Russian 
 people, the Zemstvo of Tver greets you with 
 the greeting of faithful subjects. . . . To- 
 gether with the whole of Russia we have 
 listened to the significant words by which 
 your Majesty has announced your accession 
 to the Russian throne. We are filled with 
 gratitude for your resolution to devote your- 
 self to the happiness of your people, and we 
 hope for the success of the great task you 
 have put before yourself. We trust that the 
 voice of the people's needs will be always 
 heard on the height of the throne. We trust
 
 314 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 that our prosperity will grow together with the 
 unflinching obedience to law both on the part of 
 the people and of the Administration ; because 
 the law, expressing in Russia the will of the 
 monarch, must stand above the changeful views 
 of the individual agents of that supreme autho- 
 rity. We earnestly hope that the rights of 
 individual citizens as well as of the corporations 
 will be protected. We expect, Sire, that public 
 bodies and corporations will have the possibility 
 and the right of expressing their opinions upon 
 questions concerning them, in order that the 
 monarch may be able to hear the views and the 
 desires not only of the Administration, but of 
 the Russian people as well. We believe that 
 in a closer intercourse with the representatives 
 of all classes of the Russian people, who are 
 equally devoted to the throne and the country, 
 the authority of your Majesty will find a new 
 source of strength and a pledge of success for 
 your generous intentions." 
 
 The address of the Zemstvo of Tula is, we 
 will not say more moderate, because it is dififi- 
 cult to be more moderate than the repre- 
 sentatives of Tver, but it is couched in terms 
 so obsequious that only the sensitive ear of a 
 Russian can detect in it the spark of opposition. 
 After reiterated expressions of devotion and 
 loyalty, the Zemstvo of Tula is bold enough to 
 say : — 
 
 "As men standing very close to the people, 
 we have a strong belief that local needs can 
 be satisfied only through representatives of 
 local interests, and we beg our Tzar to have 
 confidence in us, which is a necessary condition
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 315 
 
 for fruitful service to the country. We beg for 
 a free access for the voices of the Zemstvos to 
 the throne." 
 
 These quotations are fair samples from the 
 bulk. Certainly no despot has been approached 
 by his dissatisfied subjects in so conciliatory a 
 spirit. 
 
 Before submitting these addresses to the 
 Emperor, all the deputations had to hand them 
 over to the IMinister of the Interior, v/ho had to 
 decide whether they were fit to be presented to 
 the Tzar, The addresses of the liberal Zemstvos 
 were declared unfit for presentation, and the de- 
 puties of the Zemstvo of Tver were deprived by 
 the Minister of the " happiness " of appearing 
 before the Tzar. Of course the Tzar was in- 
 formed of the transgression of the liberal Zemst- 
 vos, and had time to think it over and prepare 
 his reply, which we are therefore bound to con- 
 sider as the deliberate statement of his views. 
 This reply is well known to the whole of the 
 English public, upon whom it fell like a bucket 
 of cold water. Here is this important speech, 
 which I translate in full. Whatever else it 
 may lack, it has certainly the merit of 
 brevity : — 
 
 " I rejoice to see gathered here representa- 
 tives of all estates of the realm, who have come 
 to give expression to their sentiments of loyal 
 allegiance. I believe in the sincerity of these 
 feelings, which have been those of every Russian 
 from time immemorial. But it has come to 
 my knowledge that latterly, in some meetings 
 of the Zemstvos, voices have made themselves 
 heard from people who have allowed themselves
 
 ^,l6 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 o 
 
 to be carried away by foolish fancies about the 
 participation of representatives of the Zemstvos 
 in the general administration of the internal 
 affairs of the State. Let all know that I devote 
 all my strength to the good of my people, but 
 that I shall uphold the principle of autocracy 
 as firmly and unflinchingly as did my ever- 
 lamented father." 
 
 The official papers reported that the speech 
 was received with enthusiastic cheers. But it 
 was not so. An eye-witness tells us that there 
 was much cheering at the opening of the speech, 
 but its concluding words were received in dead 
 silence. On the next day at the thanksgiving 
 Mass, which had been arranged beforehand, out 
 of 600 delegates only 30 were present. Those 
 of the correspondents of the foreign press, 
 German and English, who write from the spot, 
 have all reported that the Tzar's speech caused 
 great dissatisfaction. Even the Russian papers, 
 gagged as they are by the censorship, bear 
 unmistakable signs of a revulsion of public 
 opinion in Russia. It could not be otherwise; 
 for, apart from its substance, the form alone of 
 the Tzar's speech was bound to produce the 
 worst possible impression. Politeness is the 
 supreme law among educated people, no matter 
 what their station, and people could not help 
 being hurt by the rudeness of a man, who, 
 whatever else he may be, is a mere stripling of 
 no experience compared with the elderly people, 
 marshals of nobility, ancient judges, and pre- 
 sidents of the Zemstvos, whom he chose to 
 treat as if they were schoolboys. 
 
 Politically, the speech of January 17th marks 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 317 
 
 an epoch In the history of our opposition 
 movement. Hitherto the Government had pre- 
 tended that only outlaws, madcaps of revolu- 
 tionists, socialists, and other disreputable persons 
 were clamouring for the reform of our political 
 system. Nicholas II. was the first to say 
 publicly that the country, through its accredited 
 representatives, was asking him for constitutional 
 reform, and he, the Tzar, was refusing to 
 accede to its demands, and meant to refuse 
 as long as he could. 
 
 The internal policy of the new reign, which 
 had been up to then a blank, was defined by 
 the Tzar's speech to the Zcmstvos : it would 
 be preposterous to say once for all, but certainly 
 for some time to come. The honeymoon of the 
 new reign ended on January 17th. The Tzar 
 and the country stand face to face as enemies. 
 The nation has made to Nicholas II. a proposal 
 of peace, and he would not have it, choosing war. 
 
 But what is the reason of this reckless 
 stubbornness .-' the English reader will ask. In 
 our sceptical age men are suspicious of ever}'- 
 thing that may be called transcendental: 
 transcendental virtue or vice, transcendental 
 wisdom or foolishness. It seems incredible that 
 a man in his senses should deliberately sit upon 
 the safety-valve, knowing full well that an ex- 
 plosion must follow sooner or later, whilst he 
 has in his hand a key to turn the tap and let off 
 the dangerous steam. 
 
 Such dense self-destructive stupidity seems 
 inconceivable. Hence the conclusion that for 
 some reason or other the Tzar cannot re-mould
 
 3l8 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 the political organization of which he is the 
 official head ; for he would have certainly 
 re-moulded it if he could. 
 
 The reasoning is perfectly correct in a sense. 
 There must be something insuperable which 
 stands in the way of the Tzar becoming the 
 reformer of the political system of Russia. 
 The question which Englishmen are asking is, 
 What is it ? 
 
 Fancy is the quickest and the most obliging 
 of our faculties, being always ready to fill 
 in irritating gaps in our understanding ; and 
 fancy makes naturally for the sensational 
 and striking. 
 
 Resting for a while its wondering gaze on the 
 mightiest potentate of the world, who at the 
 same time seems to be the most helpless of 
 human beings, fancy very simply solves the 
 riddle of the combination of power and weakness 
 which it sees in him. 
 
 The Nihilists are urging the Tzar by their 
 drastic arguments to liberal reforms, which seem 
 desirable and likely to be beneficial all round. 
 There must be in Russia at the Tzar's elbow 
 another party as violent and extreme as the 
 Nihilists, which pushes him in the opposite 
 direction, and is, if pushed to the wall, ready 
 to use the same means of intimidation as the 
 Nihilists. Between the two fires the Tzar is 
 unable to make his choice, and has no alterna- 
 tive but to tremble and maintain the status 
 quo. 
 
 One constantly hears such surmises, in public 
 meetings and in private, whenever Russiau 
 affairs are being discussed. These mysterious
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 319 
 
 champions of reaction are called sometimes the 
 Aristocratic Party, sometimes the Old Slavo- 
 phils; but oftener, to enhance the mystery, they 
 are left without any name. This is certainly 
 the best plan. But we may do more ; we may 
 dismiss these bugbears altogether, for they do 
 not exist at all. Every Russian of any educa- 
 tion will say the same. 
 
 There is no Aristocratic Party in Russia, for 
 the simple reason that in our country there is 
 no aristocracy, in the scientific, historical sense 
 of the word, the handful of people calling them- 
 selves aristocrats being only a class who have 
 for several generations enjoyed certain privi- 
 leges granted to them by the Crown at the 
 expense of the people. 
 
 Of the Slavophils it is impossible to speak 
 seriously. One smaller section of them, which 
 is hardly represented nowadays, is a body of 
 scholars and philosophers, who have not even 
 that power which masterly word and thought 
 give to men over their contemporaries. The 
 other, bigger, section is entirely merged in 
 the bureaucracy, representing in it certain 
 ambitious and grasping tendencies of au- 
 tocracy. 
 
 The only body of people in Russia that 
 count in internal politics is the bureaucracy, the 
 legions of officials who, although dependent 
 individually and collectively upon the will of 
 the Tzar, yet, owing to their number, and the 
 impossibility of effective control, can thwart 
 and nullify every order of their master, if they 
 are so minded. But there is no cohesion, no 
 feeling of solidarity among them. They will
 
 320 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 never openly rebel, never go on strike, or so 
 much as show displeasure at any order given to 
 them. Their resistance is passive, silent, sub- 
 missive, but insuperable, because organic, as 
 the result of certain constitutional qualities, 
 traditions, and habits, which have become its 
 second nature. 
 
 A Tzar trying to re-mould the state through 
 bureaucracy is in the position of a man trying 
 to lift up the stool upon which he is sitting. 
 But there is nothing to prevent him from 
 stepping upon the firm ground and finding a 
 new point of support. The story of the 
 greatest reform initiated by autocracy — the 
 emancipation of the serfs — may serve as proof 
 and illustration. 
 
 Nicholas I. was a sincere abolitionist, and 
 as early as 1826 he made up his mind to 
 emancipate the serfs. But being a blind ad- 
 herent of the bureaucratic system, he en- 
 trusted the elaboration of an emancipation law 
 to a commission of officials, who, as serf- 
 owners, were naturally hostile to the measure. 
 Whilst affecting complete obedience to the 
 orders of the Tzar, they succeeded, by simple 
 procrastination, in completely frustrating his 
 intentions. For twenty whole years the com- 
 mission was sitting, collecting materials, accu- 
 mulating volumes in the archives, and not 
 advancing one step ; so that at the death of 
 Nicholas I. the question was precisely at the 
 same point as at his accession to the throne. 
 
 When Alexander II. resolved to carry out 
 the same reform, the bureaucracy, as a body, 
 was as hostile to it as the planters of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 32 1 
 
 Southern States to the abolitionist plans of 
 President Lincoln, and for the same reasons. 
 But they never thought of disobeying the Tzar's 
 orders, and they were not able to strangle the 
 project in red tape, because this time the Tzar 
 departed from the bureaucratic routine, and in- 
 vited the co-operation of the vital forces of the 
 country, the press, and public opinion, which 
 rendered the carrying out of the reform possible, 
 and would have improved it, and changed the 
 face of the country, if he had not very soon after 
 relapsed into his father's ways. 
 
 Suppose the Tzar had made up his mind to 
 give Russia a constitution, there would have 
 been no power to compel him to deviate from 
 his resolution. The reactionary party at the 
 Court, and the ministers who had thrown in 
 their lot indissolubly with reaction, would have 
 moved heaven and earth to bring all sorts of 
 underhand pressure to bear upon him ; they 
 would have tried to frighten him with all sorts 
 of imaginary dangers. But it would never 
 occur to them to take any step actually forcing 
 the Tzar's hand, or to so much as assume an 
 attitude of open hostility or opposition. 
 
 The Shah of Persia and the Sultan of Turkey 
 are more likely to meet with open opposition 
 at their Court than the Tzar of Russia. Re- 
 ligious fanaticism can push people to rash steps, 
 but courtiers' calculations cannot. Besides, as 
 regards constitutional reform, the Court and 
 the higher bureaucracy will be a house divided 
 in itself. The light of culture has done its 
 work, even in these benighted spheres, and 
 there are nowadays many partisans of consti- 
 
 Y
 
 322 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 tutional reform, even among the ministerial 
 staff. 
 
 The Tzar, being only the head of a huge 
 administrative machine, can do but little him- 
 self. But he could easily find willing assistants 
 among the best men of the official class, as 
 Alexander II. found for his early reforms. 
 
 There is no material obstacle to prevent the 
 Tzar from starting constitutional reform, not a 
 shadow of hidden force able to keep him in the 
 vi^ays of reaction. There can be no divided 
 opinion upon this point among those who know 
 anything about the Russian official world. 
 The reader can accept this statement with 
 perfect confidence. But we may as confidently 
 affirm that if these material obstacles and 
 imaginary dangers stood in the way, there 
 would be more chance for the spontaneous 
 resignation of autocratic power than there is now. 
 
 Bureaucracy has obtained a moral holdover the 
 Tzar much more powerful than all the supposed 
 intimidations on the part of the dark powers 
 of reaction could ever have. He cannot escape 
 from that bondage, because it is within himself 
 As the head of the bureaucracy, he has become 
 imbued with the spirit, the habit of thought, and 
 the views permeating that body. From an 
 instrument at the service of the State, bureau- 
 cracy has become the embodiment of the State 
 itself. The huge automaton has, in the course 
 of generations, acquired a sort of fictitious 
 vitality, and has cowed the mechanician, who 
 dares not touch it for fear that the world will 
 crumble into ruin with it. 
 
 The bigger and the more complicated the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA, 323 
 
 machinery of the State becomes, the less chance 
 there is that any Tzar will touch it, and the 
 greater, on the contrary, the temptation to keep 
 at the head of the gigantic machine, in the vain 
 hope of being able to direct its working. 
 
 The evil instincts and passions developed from 
 very childhood in those whom men have been 
 stupid enough to make the arbiters of the destinies 
 of nations: pride, conceit, intolerance of criticism, 
 and the enjoyment of their unapproachable, in- 
 accessible superiority over all men living ; all 
 these instincts and passions are in themselves 
 sufficiently strong obstacles to a despot's 
 voluntarily relinquishing a part of his power. 
 A man who has been always surrounded by 
 flattery, who has been taught to consider him- 
 self as a superior being, destined by God, and 
 the supposed blind devotion of the millions, 
 to be the master, cannot be expected to 
 become the champion of the rights of the 
 people. 
 
 But, unfortunately, the intoxication of power 
 is not due to evil instincts only. It is fed by 
 good intentions. And if the progress of the 
 humanitarian ideas of our age has so far in- 
 fluenced Russian autocracy as to make the 
 absolutely selfish, epicurean despotism of the 
 Roman Cffisars or the Oriental Khans and 
 Shahs impossible, it would mean that pro- 
 gress has only further diminished our chances 
 of a constitutional reform from above. 
 
 The more a man is conscious of his sincere 
 desire to do good, the more he will stick to the 
 power which he believes will give him the 
 possibility of doing so. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 As autocracy has undoubtedly rendered 
 great services to the country in the past, it 
 is very easy, for one so disposed, to persuade 
 himself, by a slight effort of imagination, that 
 it will do so in the present. 
 
 In one point, namely, in the aggrandizement 
 of the State, autocracy really has the advantage 
 over all other forms of government. A free 
 Russia will be stronger in the interior. But no 
 constitutional state can be so successful as 
 autocracy in the work of conquest and annexa- 
 tion, because the vital forces and resources of 
 the nation will be devoted to interior develop- 
 ment. Foreign politics recede into the 
 background with the growth of civil and 
 political freedom, whilst it is the main prop of 
 autocracies. 
 
 The official apologists for autocracy have 
 advanced the plea that it is necessary for the pre- 
 servation of the unity of the Empire. This is sheer 
 nonsense, because the Russia of the Russians 
 is a homogeneous organically united country, 
 which cannot fall to pieces any more than the 
 United States of America. Poland and Finland 
 are not Russia. If, which is not likely, they 
 prefer a separate existence as petty States to 
 the advantage of a free political and economic 
 union with a country like Russia, and secede, 
 Russia will not be the loser by it. But for the 
 further extension of the State in all directions, 
 the maintenance of autocracy is undoubtedly 
 necessary. And when will that process stop ? 
 Jingoism is insatiable. 
 
 The recent Japanese war has revealed tlie 
 ambition of the Russian Government for su-
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 325 
 
 premacy in the far East, which had hitherto 
 been concealed. It wants Manjuria and Corca, 
 Port Arthur and what not for itself; to secure 
 that end autocracy would not allow the Japanese 
 to snatch the prey from her. 
 
 The Armenian scare has brought proof as 
 evident of the covetousness of the Tzar's Russia 
 in another direction. The Russian diplomatists 
 would on no account consent to Armenian 
 autonomy, because an independent Armenia, 
 like the independent Bulgaria, would be a 
 barrier to Russian extension ; whilst an 
 enslaved Armenia is sure to seek refuge from 
 the horrors of Turkish rule under the sceptre 
 of the White Tzar, and will, like the golden 
 apple, fall sooner or later into his lap. This 
 would give him the strategical key to domi- 
 nion over the two seas, and transform both 
 Asia Minor and Persia into Russian depen- 
 dencies. And when the Russian frontier is 
 "rounded" in those directions, will the 
 "nationalist" ambition be satisfied,? Will it 
 not be too tempting to stretch the Russian 
 frontier, and to extend the Russian markets to 
 the strip of land now ruled by the Ameers, 
 and then to leap over into the huge country 
 of untold riches, defended only by seventy 
 thousand soldiers ? It will seem a defenceless 
 prey to a commander of an army of four million 
 men, which by that time will have grown to seven 
 or eight. 
 
 iLurope will never become Cossack, as 
 Napoleon prophesied, the superiority of 
 European culture being an insuperable 
 obstacle to it. But the advantage is entirely
 
 326 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 on Russia's side in Asia, and there is no limit 
 to her expansion in that direction. The late 
 Count Von Moltke said that Russia may- 
 conquer, some day, the whole of Asia, except 
 India. But his book was written some fifty 
 years ago, when the enormous military advan- 
 tages of countries which have introduced 
 universal conscription could not be foreseen. 
 Would he maintain the same exception now ? 
 Or, what is more to the point, would Russian 
 " Jingoes " necessarily endorse it .-* 
 
 Now there is so much of the brutal instinc's 
 of savages left in the common herd of men, that 
 thousands of them will sell their birthright of 
 freedom for the sake of the purely platonic 
 enjoyment of the idea that their country is 
 trampling on other nations, and crushing them 
 to dust. That is why autocrats seek to 
 surround themselves with the glamour of 
 military glory. 
 
 One can well realize that those who stand at 
 the head of the State, and are themselves the 
 chief actors in this Jingoistic epopee^ may have 
 their heads turned by its gorgeous vistas, and 
 consider it not only permissible, but praise- 
 worthy, to deny the people their freedom for 
 the sake of such a ''grand '' future. 
 
 And that is not all there is to sustain auto- 
 cratic obstinacy. There is the fiction of the all- 
 powerful ruler, standing as a tribune of the 
 people, above class interests and class jealousies, 
 and able to be the benefactor and protector of 
 the masses. This fiction has been exploded 
 scores of times, and never so thoroughly as dur- 
 ing the past reign. Yet it recurs over and over
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 327 
 
 again in the highest quarters^ as with the lowest 
 stratas of the rural population, because the 
 ignorance of the realities of our political life 
 prevailing at the Imperial Court is as dense and 
 impenetrable as that which obtains in the most 
 benighted sections of our peasantry. There is 
 the narrow and one-sided criticism of parlia- 
 mentary institutions, the exaggerations of their 
 small drawbacks, and the overlooking of their 
 great advantages ; a criticism to which those 
 systems are particularly open now in the epoch 
 of social struggle, the most advanced countries 
 being on the eve of the creation of new social 
 and political life. The entanglement of the 
 PVench parliamentary system, the Panama 
 scandals, as well as the senseless dynamite 
 outrages, are all fuel to the autocratic fire. 
 
 If a Mr. Stead is ready to sum up his defence 
 of autocracy in Russia by telling us that the 
 constitutional regime is after all as bad as 
 autocracy, why should we expect a Nicholas II. 
 to be more sensible ? 
 
 And the broader, the more enlightened, and 
 truly democratic conceptions of the sovereign's 
 duties and of people's rights — where are they 
 to come from ? 
 
 In the palmy days of autocracy, when it 
 had an absolute unshakable confidence in its 
 own stability, new ideas had a freer access to 
 the court. The Empress Catherine II. en- 
 trusted the education of the future Alexander I. 
 to the republican La Harpe ; Nicholas I. 
 called to the same office the humanitarian poet, 
 Joukovsky, who was one of the leading men of 
 his time. But such things are not possible
 
 328 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 nowadays. Autocracy has been cowed, and 
 become suspicious and cautious. Men holding 
 the same positions among their contemporaries 
 as La Harpe and Joukovsky will not be allowed 
 to come within gunshot of the court. 
 
 All that penetrates into the secret precincts 
 of the Imperial Court — men, books, newspapers 
 alike — are carefully tested, and the Tzar, grand 
 dukes and duchesses, up to the most distant 
 branches, are kept under a supervision much 
 more strict than the most " dangerous " class of 
 citizens. 
 
 Acting systematically and uninterruptedly 
 for at least two score of years, that sort of 
 ** natural selection " has debased the intellectual 
 standard of our highest circles to a degree that 
 is inconceivable to ordinary mortals. 
 
 There is little chance of another Peter the 
 Great coming upon the Russian throne, to make 
 up for the lost time, and once again bring 
 Russian political institutions into harmony with 
 those of the European West. 
 
 Nature has wonderful caprices, and a happy 
 accident may belie all these forecasts. But it 
 is most unlikely that such a happy exception 
 should be ever presented by the legitimate heir 
 to the throne, who naturally has the least 
 chance of becoming such an exception. And 
 if among the other members of the Imperial 
 family, men or women, there should be one so 
 especially favoured by nature and circumstances 
 as to escape being cast ir the common mould, 
 the only way for making such a happy anomaly 
 of any use would be through a palace revolu- 
 tion, which would dethrone the elder branch
 
 A STUDY OF MODKRN RUSSIA. 329 
 
 of the dynasty, putting in its place a younger 
 one. Otherwise Russia has no chance of 
 ever seeing " a Revolutionist on the throne," as 
 Peter the Great was called. 
 
 Anyhow, it seems i)retty certain that Nicho- 
 las II. is not a second Pcler. Up to the 
 present he has shown no initiative. 
 
 A caricature, attributed by rumour to the 
 young Empress, is circulating in St. Peters- 
 burg, representing Nicholas II. as a baby with 
 a towel round his neck, sitting at a table on 
 a high baby chair, and fed from the spoon by 
 his ministers. 
 
 Quite recently the most conspicuous member 
 of the Tzar's cabinet, Prince Lobanod, made a 
 public statement which comes pretty much to 
 the same. I mean his much commented inter- 
 view with the correspondent of the London 
 Times, in which he said very candidly that " it is 
 quite a mistake " to suppose that the will of the 
 Tzar is his own individual will. In reality, the 
 Tzar's will is the national will, which first im- 
 poses itself on a " certain selected few," who 
 pass the knowledge on to their Imperial master. 
 '* They impress the idea upon him as an in- 
 spiration of the loftiest and truest wisdom ; it 
 becomes part of the atmosphere by which he 
 is surrounded ; it settles in his mind, and then 
 he gives it utterance." 
 
 In plain English it means that the Tzar is a 
 puppet in the hands of his ministers. 
 
 This frank statement has not been contra- 
 dicted or corrected by the prince, and we must 
 accept it as true. 
 
 One can hardly expect any great bold step
 
 330 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 from a ruler who for a whole year has consented 
 to play such an ungrateful part. But whether 
 his reign will be one of obtuse and relentless 
 tyranny like his father's, it is too early to decide. 
 He will do nothing without pressure from out- 
 side. That is certain. He is a Tzar for that. 
 But it remains yet to be seen what amount and 
 what kind of pressure will be necessary to force 
 his hand. 
 
 To judge a political situation objectively and 
 dispassionately, in other words correctly, as far 
 as possible, we must take things as they are, 
 and not as we would like them to be. 
 
 The boundless conceit of Autocracy, as well 
 as its timidity, must not be omitted from our 
 calculations. All Tzars lose, to some extent, 
 their heads on being confronted for the first 
 time with the enormous machine of the State 
 they have to control. Alexander HI., the born 
 reactionist, exhibited, as we have seen, a leaning 
 towards liberalism during the first months of 
 his reign. Alexander H. began to show slight 
 signs of his true tendencies at the end of the 
 second year of his reign, and pledged himself 
 to his first great reform only three years after 
 his accession to the throne. One can well 
 conceive that with the troubled conditions of 
 the country, the young Tzar might feel inclined 
 to keep in the beaten tracks for a longer period 
 still ; indefinitely, if possible. But the country 
 cannot, and will not, stand that just because it 
 is in a troubled condition. 
 
 The neutrality of the Tzar does not mean 
 immunity from oppression. It means simply 
 ail unbridled tyranny of bureaucracy, freed from
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 33 1 
 
 the very semblance of control. In his speech 
 to the Zemstvos, the young Tzar asks the 
 country to condone him that, and to leave him 
 a free hand, on the plea that he means to do 
 well by the people. 
 
 We will not question his good intentions, 
 but who can believe in his power to realize 
 them ? In a bureaucratic despotism, benevo- 
 lence toward the peasants and solicitude for 
 their interests can be manifested in one way 
 only : by increasing the power of bureaucracy 
 to interfere in the affairs of the peasants — that 
 is, by their greater economical and political 
 subjection to the officials. The thirteen years 
 of the past reign have shown us clearly enough 
 what this patriarchal benevolence comes to. 
 The naive assurances of the young Tzar will 
 not induce educated Russia to forowear its 
 aspirations after freedom, nor will they satisfy 
 popular Russia. They do not hold out any 
 ray of hope to either. 
 
 The country is quiet as yet, expectant. 
 But this cannot last. The combustible mate- 
 rials are too many, and the dissatisfaction with 
 the new reign too bitter. All this while the 
 restless cynicism of the reaction is adding fuel 
 to the fire, working unceasingly for a new revo- 
 lutionary revival, and will not stop hammering 
 on until it succeeds in bringing it about. 
 
 What form this revival will take it is impos- 
 sible to foresee. Imagine three horses running 
 the same race. The black horse of popular 
 insurrections, the red horse of terrorism, and the 
 white horse of military risings. All the three 
 have scoured at different times the vast Russian
 
 332 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 plains. All the three are undoubtedly in the 
 field now. Which will reach the goal first? 
 The one that will be spurred hardest, that is 
 all one can tell. But which it will be the future 
 alone can show. 
 
 The peasants are the Benjamins of the 
 Rvissian Tzars. But we must always bear in 
 mind that the tenderness of the " Little Father," 
 the Tzar, to his "little children," the peasants, 
 is not altogether disinterested. The peasants 
 are the only section of the community that 
 pay without asking what is done with the 
 money. The middle and upper class will not 
 submit to it. Knowing this, the autocrats act 
 accordingly. 
 
 The Russian Tzars have had but one ex- 
 pedient for staving off as long as possible the 
 necessity of appealing for support to the country 
 — to put the screw upon the peasants. And in 
 order to squeeze from the peasants as much as 
 possible, the Government naturally tries to make 
 their work as fruitful as possible ; and for the 
 past thirty-five years the Russian Government 
 has been engaged in solving the interesting 
 economic problem of how to m.ake the peasant's 
 labour as productive as that of a free man, 
 while it deprives him of the fruits of his labour 
 as completely as if he were a slave. This 
 economic puzzle has been solved by the intro- 
 duction of a kind of collective slavery of the 
 peasants to the State. For whilst the individual 
 is left just enough freedom to make him de- 
 pendent upon his own resources, the State 
 assigns to itself the better half of his income. 
 But each individual peasant knows that not
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 333 
 
 half but the vvliolc of his income may go, and 
 that he may be left a beg-gar, unless he strains 
 his wits and energies to the utmost and makes 
 the best of his opportunities. Serfdom had no 
 such effective stimulus ; and the productivity of 
 the national work has trebled within two genera- 
 tions, to the advantage of the State exclusively. 
 With eighty million people working for it as serfs 
 it has been unable to make both ends meet. 
 But collective enslavement pushed beyond a 
 certain limit leads unavoidably to individual 
 enslavement. 
 
 After a time, economic pressure becomes in- 
 sufficient to make labour highly productive. 
 Something more stringent is demanded^ and the 
 Administration receives new powers of the 
 patriarchal kind, and this time over individuals. 
 The rod is re-introduced as an integral part of 
 good government, and the peasants become 
 gradually enslaved to the officials, just as they 
 were earlier enslaved to the nobility. 
 
 The greater the expenses of the State the 
 more "benevolent" the Tzars become toward 
 the peasants, and the more solicitous that they 
 shall not damage their own interests. 
 
 The paternal disposition of the young Tzar 
 means simply that he will go on turning the 
 screw as long as it will stand it — a sad out- 
 look for the peasants, and for the future of the 
 dynasty as well. 
 
 The Russian peasants are one of the most 
 patient races on earth ; but there was one thing 
 which made them rise in violent rebellion — 
 serfdom. They rebelled against it in the past, 
 and the two hundred servile riots of 1850-55
 
 334 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 proved that they were on the point of re- 
 belling once again, when the Tzar, Alexander 
 II., had the wisdom to start his timely 
 reforms, in order to substitute, according to his 
 own words, " a revolution from above for a 
 revolution from below." 
 
 Now the most striking fact of our domestic 
 policy is the gradual reinstalrnent of serf- 
 dom in its most salient features. We have 
 seen what strides have been made in that 
 direction during the reign of Alexander III. 
 No doubt is possible that the Government of 
 Nicholas II. mean to follow in the same line 
 to the bitter end. In July last a new law was 
 passed granting to tlie officials the right of 
 receiving up to one-third of the wages of 
 defaulting taxpayers in payment of their debt 
 to the State. The new law applies, by way of 
 experiment, to factory labourers only, but it is 
 sure to be extended to the rural districts as well. 
 The press speak of it as of a certainty. In fact, 
 there is no reason to treat the same peasants 
 differently at the factories and in their native 
 villages. 
 
 Now as one half of our peasants are con- 
 stantly and inextricably indebted to the State, 
 and as many of them would refuse to work for 
 wages reduced by one-quarter or one-third, the 
 next step would be to give the officials the right 
 to send the defaulting taxpayers to any work 
 they choose — as the village communes are now 
 doing. A project for a new law is afloat, the 
 purport of which is thut the Government should 
 declare the land held by the peasants, for which 
 some of them have already paid two-thirds of the
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 335 
 
 value, the inalienable property of the State, 
 transforming the redemption money into a 
 permanent tax. This means depriving the 
 peasants of all the economic advantages gained 
 by tlieir emancipation and acquired on the 
 strength of it. 
 
 If this measure is carried out, which is not 
 unlikely, one asks oneself, what remains of the 
 peasant's freedom ? And the question which 
 comes next is, will the peasants stand it, and 
 for how long ? 
 
 The present international character of Euro- 
 pean culture, due to the facilities of intellectual 
 and commercial intercommunication, prevents 
 any country from remaining at a standstill. 
 The interior development of Russia is one of 
 the most striking proofs of this fact. It has gone 
 on in all directions, notwithstanding the stag- 
 nation of her political institutions, and although 
 the intellectual changes operating among the 
 peasantry may be less palpable than those of 
 her upper classes, owing to the enormous mass 
 of people to be moved, still they are not on 
 that account the less remarkable. The peasants 
 of to-day are a different race from those of 
 thirty years ago. 
 
 The whole of our democratic " intelHgenzia," 
 or intellectual class, is, and has been, devoting 
 its best energies to the work of the enlighten- 
 ment of the peasantry. 
 
 Upon this we have the record of a most 
 interesting official document, which it would 
 be a pity to ignore. It is a confidential com- 
 munication from the Minister of the Interior to 
 the Minister of Public Education. Its object
 
 336 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 was to obtain his co-operation in stamping out 
 a certain class of popular literature. But the 
 incidental statements concerning the new move- 
 ment to the people are still more interesting 
 than the substance of the document. They 
 bear testimony of work which the Minister 
 of the Interior denounces as a danger to the 
 State, and which has been going on un- 
 interruptedly for more than thirty years, in all 
 sorts of ways,and by all kinds of means : through 
 school-books, through direct propaganda work — 
 which the threat of the most drastic punishments 
 has never been able to stop — and through the 
 everyday intercourse of the peasants with their 
 educated brothers. The germs of new ideas 
 have found their way into the minds of the 
 Russian peasants. They have tasted the for- 
 bidden fruit. 
 
 Very characteristic is the fact that among the 
 addresses asking for liberal reforms, the Tzar, 
 Nicholas II., received one from the peasants. 
 
 It is the first time in Russia that a peasant 
 community has raised its voice in the name 
 of freedom ; but it will not be the last. The 
 new generation, which knew not serfdom, has 
 passed through the village schools — schools 
 which no effort of Government could prevent 
 from being the seminaries of broader ideas and 
 feelings. 
 
 The modern peasants feel the ignominy of 
 their position like human beings. The papers 
 have reported a number of cases of suicide and 
 some cases of insanity as a consequence of the 
 corporal punishments inflicted. It is impossible 
 that the reckless policy of the Government
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 337 
 
 towards the rural classes should not call forth a 
 more active and effective form of protest. How 
 soon it will come depends upon the amount 
 of energy the autocracy puts into forcing its 
 growth. 
 
 The exact time of a movement of any kind 
 of the huge unorganized masses — like the erup- 
 tions of a volcano — cannot be predicted. No 
 sign is given until the moment of the eruption 
 comes. But under certain conditions the move- 
 ment is sure to come, the only question is one 
 of time. 
 
 The two other forms of rebellion which our 
 past history offers to us have depended upon 
 the educated classes, and would seem to be 
 more controllable and foreseeable. But this 
 is a mistake. All forms of revolutionary out- 
 burst are manifestations of an organic disease 
 of the body politic, and in so far they do not 
 depend upon man's will or preferences. 
 
 There can be no two opinions on the ques- 
 tion, whether terrorism or military insurrection 
 is the more desirable in the interests of freedom 
 and the general political education of our 
 country. 
 
 But it is as impossible to provoke a military 
 insurrection if the historic condition has not 
 created a favourable ground for it, as it is im- 
 possible to prevent an outburst of terrorism 
 when its time has come. Military risings 
 are possible only when some general idea has 
 acted upon the whole mass of the educated 
 class with such vehemence that even the military 
 class has fallen under its influence. 
 
 The Decembrist insurrection was the out- 
 
 z
 
 338 KING STORK AND KING LOG : 
 
 come of the great fermentation of spirit caused 
 by the Napoleonic wars, and the occupation by 
 the Russian troops of some French provinces, 
 which brought the officers and soldiers into 
 immediate contact with free institutions. 
 
 We have seen that fifteen years ago we had 
 a very near approach to an insurrectionary 
 attempt similar to that of the Decembrists, 
 owing to the profound effect produced by the 
 Turkish war of 1877 on one hand, and by the 
 terrorist struggle on the other, which had stirred 
 up the whole of the Russian people, and showed 
 the weakness of the Government, and had given 
 the revolutionary party the prestige of irresistible 
 strength. Without some such agitation, due to 
 general causes, the military class, living usually 
 outside politics, cannot be induced to join in 
 considerable numbers the ranks of a revolu- 
 tion. This is clear enough, but terrorism itself, 
 although apparently the work of a handful of 
 people, must have its organic causes. 
 
 To a great extent it is the work of the 
 Government. Exceptional — one may say in- 
 dividual — provocation; unendurable deadly 
 outrage to men's honour and most sacred 
 feelings; this alone renders morally possible, 
 and justifies, in the absence of any other means 
 of redress, the fierce mode of retaliation which 
 was adopted at one time by the Russian revo- 
 lutionists. 
 
 But this personal element does not suffice. 
 The Yakutsk butchery and the unspeakable 
 outrages at Kara exceed the worst that was 
 done by official brutality under Alexander 
 II. Yet no act of terrorism followed them ; 
 
 I
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 339 
 
 whilst terrorism began to make headway a 
 few years later, when the memory of these 
 offences was less burning, but when the general 
 exasperation against the brutal regime had 
 become ever so much keener. Everything that 
 has a political object must have in it the element 
 of hope, and an attack upon the Government, 
 no matter in what form, will take place when 
 the general state of public opinion promises to 
 make it a serious blow to the system. That is 
 why terrorism can more easily have a revival 
 under Nicholas II. than under Alexander III. 
 His position is weaker, and the discontent is 
 broader. 
 
 It is not in a spirit of exultation that we 
 point to such a possibility. The experience 
 of the past has shown us how risky, how 
 difficult, and in reality how slow, is the effect 
 of terrorist methods. They narrow the field 
 of action, restrict the fighting forces to revo- 
 lutionists only, and make it all a pure game 
 of chance. It is the worst of all methods of 
 revolutionary warfare, and there is only one 
 thing that is worse still — slavish submissiveness, 
 and the absence of any protest. We could not 
 look upon the revival of it otherwise than as a 
 disgrace for Russia. Yet it would be a disgrace 
 for Russia if she is not able to produce by way 
 of protest anything stronger than terrorism. 
 
 Now there is only one means of preventing 
 the possibility of such an outburst, and of turning 
 to good account popular movements when they 
 begin. It is for the whole of the Liberal oppo- 
 sition to avail itself of the present temporary 
 lull, and by a broad and energetic action to 
 z 2
 
 340 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 compel the unsettled Government to change the 
 drift of its politics. 
 
 Liberal Russia is not inactive. The struggle 
 is going on all along the line. The programme 
 put forward by this vast and important move- 
 ment is not constitutional in the European 
 sense, for although it demands national repre- 
 sentation, it leaves to the Tzar discretional right 
 to listen to the voice of the nation or to dis- 
 regard it. It is a protest, not against the 
 autocracy of the Tzar, which is the root of all 
 our evils, but against the autocracy of officials, 
 which is the practical manifestation of the auto- 
 cratic principle. 
 
 We may regret this half-hearted, inconsistent 
 compromise, but there is no use shutting our 
 eyes to the reality. Neither in the lines nor 
 between the lines of the hundreds of articles 
 written during this year of excitement in the 
 Liberal dailies, weeklies, and monthlies, nor in 
 the scores of addresses from the Liberal 
 Zemstvos and municipalities, do we find the 
 demand for the abolition of autocracy. This is 
 a fact one must admit and reckon with, whether 
 one likes it or not. The so-called Nihilists 
 alone stand for logic and consistency with 
 European examples. The movement is vast, 
 and exhibits one remarkable feature, a great 
 unity. Not only is the programme identical, 
 but its wording is almost identical too. This 
 seems to point, if not to an organization, at 
 least to a previous agreement upon the main 
 points of common action. 
 
 The campaign has been opened by the 
 Liberal Zemstvos^ with that of Tver at their
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 34I 
 
 head. The Tver address does not contain any 
 demands for the restriction of autocracy. They 
 are that the voice of the people should be heard 
 by the Tzar, and they endorse explicitly the 
 fact that the laws in Russia are " the expression 
 of the will of the monarch." 
 
 The young Tzar made a solemn blunder by 
 his rash sally of January 17th. After his speech 
 every such demonstration becomes a crime. 
 But they have not stopped on this account, and 
 we hear of other requests of a similar nature. 
 Authors, lawyers, printers, students, and pro- 
 fessors have come forward with collective 
 demands of liberal reforms in their respective 
 departments. All these attacks have failed, as 
 was to be expected. The authors and printers, 
 to use military terminology, have been repulsed 
 without any loss. The Zemstvos have sustained 
 some losses, in the form of dismissals and exile 
 of their leaders. 
 
 These are what may be called pitched battles 
 of the Liberals, which are more or less known 
 abroad, and have been reported by the English 
 press. But all this time a kind of small, 
 obstinate partisan warfare not noticeable to 
 foreigners is going on in Russia. Every new 
 project of law, every new measure, every con- 
 spicuous event of daily life, serves as a signal 
 for the renewal of hostilities between the 
 Liberals and Conservatives in the press of the 
 capital and the provinces, and in the precincts 
 of vatious elective assemblies. This naturally 
 kee^" up the Liberal agitation and increases its 
 forces m the country. The drift of these partial 
 efforts of the Liberal opposition can be summed
 
 342 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 up in three items : liberation of the peasants 
 from the grip of local officials, liberation of 
 citizens from the arbitrariness of the Adminis- 
 tration, liberation of the Zemstvos from the 
 tutorship of the Ministry. 
 
 The struggle is difficult in a country like 
 Russia, and surrounded with perils, but not such 
 overwhelming ones as people generally suppose. 
 Russia is not Turkey. Absolute stagnation is 
 impossible in a country which has so vastly, 
 steadily, and eagerly absorbed European culture. 
 I have spoken of the progress of enlightenment 
 within the masses of our people. It is but a 
 faint reflection of what has been going on in the 
 upper stratas of the nation. The interior pro- 
 gress among the well-to-do classes was ten, 
 twenty times more rapid. 
 
 This inward change has not told upon the 
 form of government, and very little upon the 
 laws. But it has told considerably upon their 
 application, and the mutual relations between 
 the citizens and those in authority. Educated 
 Russia has taken and appropriated to herself in 
 practice a certain amount of rights which the 
 law would not grant her. In the course of two 
 generations, by dint of constant pressure, by the 
 plurality of offences, repeated daily and by 
 hundreds, educated Russia has overwhelmed 
 the official class, forcing upon it a certain degree 
 of tolerance for certain acts and deference to 
 certain rights. 
 
 We have no freedom of speech. Our penal 
 code is exactly the same as under Nicholas I. 
 But whilst under the iron Tzar Dostoevsky and 
 his companions were sent to penal servitude for
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 343 
 
 twelve years and more for reading prohibited 
 books and talking about them, nowadays such 
 ofifences are hardly punished at all. " We can 
 not exile the whole of Russia to Siberia," the 
 gendarmes themselves explain. We have no 
 freedom of the Press, but we have a number of 
 professedly and staunchly Liberal periodicals 
 with hundreds of thousands of readers, pub- 
 lishing articles for which in Nicholas' time 
 authors and editors would have been immured 
 in a fortress for the rest of their lives, unless, 
 by a special favour of the despot, they were 
 declared madmen, and locked up in a lunatic 
 asylum. And Count Nesselrode, Nicholas' 
 Chancellor, would not have dared to breathe to 
 his pillow the things which Prince Lobanov has 
 said publicly about Nicholas' great-grandson. 
 
 This slow, unconscious and irresistible — geo- 
 logical progress we may call it, for it is like the 
 secular changes in the structure of our planet — 
 this progress will surely land us imperceptibly 
 and safely into political freedom if we are pre- 
 pared to wait for it another hundred years. 
 But we expect the Russian people will by their 
 efforts hasten its march, using as a lever the 
 little which they have got through it. This 
 new unwritten code, embodied in habits and 
 traditions, is very unstable. It can be trans- 
 gressed, and is transgressed by officials whenever 
 they take the fancy. But the Liberal opposition, 
 which numbers among its members the most 
 representative men in the country, and which is 
 mainly composed of people of good standing 
 and position — the Liberal opposition gets the 
 full benefit of it.
 
 344 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 Moreover, the same organic progress has 
 brought about another no less important change. 
 It has created between the different strata of 
 the nation, and between the individuals forming 
 the body politic^ a cohesion which did not exist 
 before. The strength of the Liberal opposition 
 lies in the fact that its members are the natural 
 leaders of the country, known and looked up to 
 by a more or less wide body of their fellow- 
 countrymen. 
 
 They are not entirely at the mercy of the 
 officials. Of course it would be simply silly to 
 expect that the Liberal opposition will make 
 the Government come to terms without much 
 rough work. There will be a hard struggle, and 
 persecutions. But the autocracy will never dare 
 to go with them to the length of barbarities 
 committed upon young men of no position, 
 and unknown conspirators. The Government 
 will not scruple to send a hundred students to 
 Siberia; this is a customary thing to which 
 people are used. But it will think twice before 
 exiling one member of a Zemstvo, who can- 
 not possibly be represented as a rebel and a man 
 dangerous to public order. We have a public 
 opinion; which the Government hesitates to defy. 
 It has made a Count Tolstoi, invulnerable and in^ 
 accessible, to the hands of the authorities, who 
 are bound to meekly swallow all the bitter 
 truths which he says to their face. Of course, 
 there is not another Count Tolstoi in Russia ; 
 but there are hundreds of men belonging to the 
 Liberal oposition who are similarly protected by 
 public opinion, though not to the same extent. 
 
 No large body of men take up a movement
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 345 
 
 which involves the sacrifice of everything. But 
 it would be an aspersion upon the Russian 
 nation to suppose that its selected citizens will 
 not risk something^ for her. 
 
 The present movement can thrive and spread, 
 passing on to broader and more energetic steps. 
 
 How will it develop ? What will be the 
 amount of resistance it will meet no one can 
 tell. It depends upon so many circumstances 
 and influences that cannot be foreseen. One 
 thing is certain : that every victory it scores 
 will be a new guarantee for peace and order in 
 our country. 
 
 I will not say that its programme of reforms 
 sketched above, including the crowning of the 
 Liberal edifice — the consultative Chamber — will 
 satisfy the so-called Nihilists. But any reform 
 in the direction of self-government and civil 
 rights which the opposition succeed in wring- 
 ing from the Government, will stave off the 
 danger of a violent outburst, and will prolong 
 the present lull in exact proportion to the im- 
 portance of such a reform. 
 
 The Chamber, which the Liberals are dream- 
 ing about, would have prolonged that lull very 
 considerably — perhaps indefinitely, if the central 
 Government is wise enough. 
 
 We object to a merely consultative Chamber, 
 because it leaves everything with the Tzar, which 
 is the same as saying with his advisers. 
 Alexander IIL has constantly disregarded the 
 opinion of the " State Council, composed of 
 grand dukes and high officials." In all vital 
 questions he sided always with his few favourite 
 Ministers, who were, in the Council, a small
 
 346 KING STORK AND KING LOG: 
 
 minority. What guarantee have we that it 
 won't be the same with the Chamber ? And 
 if it will be the same, why the game would not 
 be worth the candle. 
 
 But suppose the Tzar will steadily abstain 
 from using his discretional right of obstructing 
 the will of the nation. Then we would have a 
 national representation de facto ^a.rvd there is not 
 a fool among the Nihilists who would care to 
 disturb him in the placid enjoyment of his 
 sovereignty. 
 
 This is not a pledge made in the name of the 
 so-called Nihilists. No individual man can 
 claim that right. 
 
 I speak as an expert, and I do not think that 
 there is "any Nihilist who will contradict my 
 statements." 
 
 We are all Socialists, partisans of the economic 
 reconstruction of modern society in the interests 
 of the working masses, and we to a man would 
 surely prefer the work of spreading our ideas 
 among our people to that of fighting against an 
 abstract point of State law. 
 
 Such is our attitude towards the very impor- 
 tant movement which is being started in Russia. 
 Its programme is not ours ; but we wish it God 
 speed, because it is exactly on the same lines 
 as ours, only stopping a little short in its aim. 
 And our sympathies are not passive. It is an 
 important and most promising sign of the times 
 that the two sections of the opposition are 
 working hand in hand. The Nihilists, the 
 Revolutionists have printed abroad the Liberal 
 addresses, and are spreading them in thousands 
 of copies among the Russians, and nobody was
 
 A STUDY OF MODERN RUSSIA. 347 
 
 warmer in their praises of the civil courage and 
 patriotism of Liberals. Our friends are taking 
 the same attitude in Russia. It is highly 
 desirable that foreign public opinion should be on 
 the side of the opposition in this critical moment. 
 Speaking to the English people, I should like 
 to point out to them that whatever the appa- 
 rent advantages of an alliance with the Russian 
 Government, the future belongs to the opposition, 
 and the permanent interests of the civilized world 
 lie in the abolition of autocracy in Russia ; for 
 there is no safety or peace for the world as long 
 as the present regime stands in our country. 
 
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 WINTER (JOHN 5TRANQE) 
 
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 Cavalry Life. 
 Regimental Legends. 
 
 Cavalry Life and Regimental 
 Legends, together. Crown Svo, cloth, 
 2s. 6d. ; picture cloth, flat back, 2s. 
 
 WOOD (H. F.), Detective Stories 
 
 by. Post Svo, illustrated boards. 2.?. each. 
 Passenger from Scotland Yard. 
 The Englishman of the Rue Cain. 
 
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 Rachel Armstrong:. Post Svo, 2s. 6d. 
 
 WRIGHT (THOMAS), by. 
 Caricature History of the Georges; 
 
 or. Annals of the House of Hanover. 
 With Frontispiece and over 300 Illustra- 
 tions. Crown Svo, cloth, 3.5. 6d. 
 History of Caricature and of the 
 Grotesque in Art, Literature, 
 Sculpture, and Painting. Illus- 
 trated by F. W. Fairholt. Crown Svo, 
 cloth, 7.S. 6d. 
 
 WYNMAN (MARGARET).— My 
 
 Flirtations. With 13 Illustrations by 
 Bernard Partridge. Post Svo, cloth, 2s. 
 
 ZANQWILL (LOUIS).— A Nine- 
 teenth Century Miracle. Crown Svo, 
 cloth, ss- 6d. ; picture cloth, flat back, 2.5. 
 
 ZOLA (EMILE), Novels by. 
 
 Uniform Edition. Translated or Edited, 
 with Introductions, by Ernest A. VlZE- 
 TELLY. Crown Svo, cloth, 3^-. 6d. each. 
 
 His Masterpiece. | The Joy of Life. 
 
 Germinal. 
 
 The Honour of the Army. 
 
 Abbe Mouret's Transgression. 
 
 The Fortune of the Rougons. 
 
 The Conquest of Plassans. 
 
 The Dram-Shop. 
 
 The Fat and the Thin, | Money. 
 
 His Excellency. 
 The Downfall. 
 Rome. 
 Lourdes. 
 Paris. 
 
 The Dream. 
 Doctor Pascal. 
 Truth. 
 ■Work. 
 FruittulneBB. 
 
 Popular Editions, medium Svo, 6d. each. 
 The Dram-Shop. I Paris. 
 Lourdes. I Rome. | The Do^vnfall. 
 
 With Zola in England. By Ernest 
 A. ViZETELLY. With 4 Portraits. Crown 
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 THE PICCADILIiY NOVELS. 
 
 LIBRARY Editions, many Illustrated, crown Svo, cloth, 3^. 6d. each. 
 
 By UPS. ALEXANDER. 
 
 Valerie's Fate. 
 A Life Interest. 
 Monas Choice. 
 By Woman's Wit. 
 The Cost ot Her Pride. 
 
 Barbara. 
 
 A right with Fate. 
 A Golden Autumn. 
 Mrs. Crichton's Creditor. 
 The Step-mother. 
 
 A Missmg Hero. 
 
 By F. HI. ALLEN.— Green as Gra.ss. 
 
 By M. ANDEKSON.— Othello's Occupation. 
 
 By Q. W. APPLETON. -Rash Conclusion 
 
 Philistia. | Babylon. 
 Stranfre Stories. 
 For Maimie's Sake, 
 In all Shades. 
 The Beckoning Hand. 
 The Devil's Die. 
 This Mortal Coil. 
 The Tents of iihein. 
 
 By GRANT ALLEN. 
 
 The Great Taboo. 
 Dumaresq's Daughter. 
 Duchess of Powysland. 
 Blood Koy.il. 
 Ivan Grect's Masterpiece, 
 The Scallyw&g. 
 At Market Value. 
 Under Sealed Orders. 
 
 ARIEKUS WARD'S WORKS. Complete. 
 
 By EDWIN L. ARNOLD. 
 
 Ptura the Phoenitian, | Constable of St Nicholas.
 
 ill ST. MARTIN'S LANE, LONDON, W.C. 
 
 27 
 
 The Piccadilly (3/6) Novels— coK<i;i«erf. 
 By ROBERT BARR. 
 
 In n Steamer Cliair I A Woman Intervenes. 
 
 From Whose Bourne. I Revent^e I 
 
 A Prince of Good Fellows. 
 
 By FRANK BARRETT. 
 
 A Prodlg-al's Progress. I The Harding- Scanda 
 Woman of Iron Liacelets. Under a Stranffe Mask. 
 Fettered for Life. I A Missing Witness. 
 
 AVas She Justified? 
 By •BELLE.'— Vashti and Esther. 
 By ARNOLD BENNETT. 
 The Gates ot Wrath. | The Grand Babylon Hotel. 
 
 By Sir Y^. BESANT and J. RICE. 
 Ready-Money Mortiboy. | By Celia's Arboui 
 
 My Little Girl. 
 With Harp and Crown. 
 This Son of Vulcan. 
 The Golden Butterfly. 
 The Monks of Thelema. 
 
 Chaplain of the l''lect. 
 The Seamy Side. 
 The Case of Mr. I,ncraft. 
 In Trafalf;'ar's Bay. 
 The Ten Years' Tenant. 
 
 By SlF WALTER BESANT. 
 
 All Sorts and Conditions 
 The Captains' Room. 
 All in a Garden Fair. 
 Dorothy Forster. 
 Uncle Jack. | Holy Rose. 
 World Went Well Then. 
 Children of Gibeon. 
 Herr P^ulus. 
 For Faith and Freedom. 
 To Call Her Mine. 
 The Revolt of Man. 
 The Bell of St. Paul's. 
 Armorel of Lyonesse. 
 S. Katherine's by Tower. 
 
 Verbena Camellia Stepha- 
 The Ivory Gate. [iiotis. 
 The Rebel Queen 
 Dreams of Avarice. 
 In Deacon's Orders. 
 The Master Craftsman. 
 The Ciiy of Refuge. 
 A Fountain Sealed. 
 The Chanijeiing. 
 The Fourth Generation. 
 The Charm. 
 The Alabaster Box. 
 The Orange Girl. 
 1 he Lady of Lyim. 
 
 By AMBROSE BIERCB.-In Midst of Life. 
 
 By HAROLD BINDLOSS.-Ainslies Ju-ju. 
 
 By U. McD. BODKIN. 
 
 Dora Myrl. I Shillelagh aiid Shamrock. 
 
 Patsey the Omadaun. 
 
 By PAUL BOURGET.-A Living Lie. 
 
 By J. D, BRAYSHAW.-Slum Silhouettes. 
 
 By H. A. BRYDBN.— An Exiled Scot. 
 
 By ROBERT BUCHANAN. 
 
 Shadow of the Sword. 
 A Child of Nature. 
 God and the Man. 
 Martyrdom of Madeline. 
 Love Me for Ever. 
 Annan Water. 
 Foxglove Manor, 
 The Charlatan, 
 
 The New Abelard. 
 Matt. I Rachel Dene 
 
 Master of the Mine. 
 The Heir of Linne. 
 Woman and the Man. 
 Red and White Heather. 
 I .ady Kilpatrick. 
 Andromeda. 
 
 CELBTT BURGESS and WILL IRWIN. 
 
 The Picaroons. 
 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 
 Shadow of a Crime. | Son of Hagar. | Deemster. 
 
 By R. W. CHAMBERS.— The King in Yellow. 
 
 By J. M. CHAPPLE.-The Minor Chord. 
 
 By AUSTIN CLARE.- By Rise of River. 
 
 By Mrs. ARCHER CLIYB. 
 
 Paul Ferroll. | Why Paul Ferrull Killed his Wife. 
 
 By ANNE COATES.-Rie's Diary. 
 
 By MACLAREN COBBAN. 
 
 The Red Siiltan. | The Burden of Isabel. 
 
 By WILKIE COLLINS. 
 
 Annadale. I After Dark. 
 No Name. [ Antonina 
 Basil. I Hide and Seek. 
 The Dead Secret. 
 Queen of Hearts. 
 My MiscelLanies. 
 The Woman in White. 
 The Law and the Lady. 
 The Haunted Hotel 
 The Moonstone. 
 Man and Wife. 
 Poor Miss Finch. 
 Miss or Mrs. 
 
 The New Magdalen. 
 The Frozen Deep. 
 The Two Destinies. 
 ' I Say No.* 
 I.ittlft Novel?. 
 Tlie Fallen Leaves. 
 Jezebel's Daughter. 
 The Black Robe. 
 Heart and Science. 
 The Evil Genius. 
 The Legacy of Cain. 
 A Rogue's Life. 
 Blind Love. 
 
 By MORT. and FRANCES COLLINS. 
 
 Blacksmith and Scholar. 1 You Play Me False. 
 The village Comedy. | Midnight to Midnight, 
 
 By m. J, COLQUHOUN.— Every Inch a Soldier. 
 By HERBERT COMPTON. 
 
 The Inimitable Mrs. Massinghani. 
 
 By B. H. COOPER. -Geoffory Ilamilton. 
 
 By Y. C. COTES Two Girls on a Bargo. 
 
 By C. EGBERT CRADDOCK. 
 Th? Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. 
 His Vanished Star. 
 
 By H. N. CRELLIN, 
 Romances of the Old Seraglio. 
 
 By MATT CRIM. 
 The Adventures of a Fair Rebel. 
 
 By S. R. CROCKETT and Othara. 
 Tales of Our Coast. 
 
 By B. M. CROKER. 
 
 Diana Barringto 
 
 I'roper Pride. 
 
 A Family Likeness. 
 
 Pretty Miss Neville. 
 
 A Bird of Passage. 
 
 Mr. Jervis. 
 
 X'iUage Talcs. 
 
 Some One Else. | Jason. 
 
 Infatuation, 
 
 Tne Real Lady Hilda. ' 
 
 Married .ir Singlet 
 
 Tv.'o Masters. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Kerry. 
 
 Interference. 
 
 A Third Person. 
 
 B-^yond the Pale. 
 
 Miss Balmaine's Past. 
 
 Terence, j The Cat's-paw 
 
 By ALPHOHSE DAUDET. 
 
 The Evangelist ; or, Port Salvation. 
 ByH. C. DAYIDSON.-Mr. Sadler's Daughters. 
 
 By DOROTHEA DEAKIN. 
 The Poet and the Pierrot. 
 The Princess and the Kitchenmaid, 
 
 By JAMES DE MILLE. 
 A Strange Manuscript Found in a Copper Cylinder. 
 
 By HARRY DB WINDT. 
 True Tales of Travel and Adventure. 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN. 
 
 Man from Manchester. 
 Records of \'incent Trill. 
 Myst. of Jamaica Terrace. 
 Deacon Brodie. 
 
 Tales of Terror. 
 Chronicles of Michael 
 Danevitch (Detective. 
 Tyler Tatlock, Private 
 
 RICHARD DOWLING.-Old Corcoran's Money. 
 CONAN DOYLE.-The Firm of Girdlestone. 
 By S. JEANNETTB DUNCAN. 
 
 A Daughter of To-day | Vernon's Aunt. 
 
 By ANNIE EDWARDES. 
 
 Archie Lovell. | A Plaster Saint. 
 
 By G. S. EDW^ARDS.-Snazelleparilla. 
 By O. MANVILLE FENN. 
 
 Cursed by a F'ortime. 
 The Case of Ailsa Gray. 
 Commodore Junk. 
 The New Mistress. 
 Witness to the Deed. 
 The Tiger Lily. 
 The White Virgin. 
 Black Blood. 
 Double Cunning. 
 
 A Fluttered I')ovecote. 
 King of the Castle. 
 Master of the Ceremonies. 
 The Man with a Shadow. 
 One Maid's Mischief. 
 .Story of Antony Grace, 
 This Man's Wife. 
 In Jeopardy. 
 A\'oin3n Worth Winning. 
 
 1 he Bag of Diamonds. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD.-Fat.al Zero. 
 
 By Hon. Mrs. W. FOHBES.-Dumb. 
 
 By R. E. FRANCILLON. 
 
 One by One. | AKealOucen. I A !>.>.,' and his Shadow. 
 
 Ropes of Sand. | Jack Doyle's Daughter 
 
 By HAROLD FREDERIC. 
 Seth's Brothers Wife. I The Lawton Girl. 
 
 By PAUL GAULOT.-The Red Shirts. 
 By DOROTHEA GEAARD. 
 
 A (.) 
 
 of( 
 
 ,d Ci 
 
 By CHARLES GIBBON. 
 
 Robin Gray. | Tiic Brae> of Yarrow. 
 
 Of High Degree, Queen of the Meadow. 
 
 The Gulden Shaft. I The Flower of the Forest. 
 
 By E. CLANVILLE. 
 The Lost Heiress. I The Golden Rock. 
 
 Fait Colonist. I Fossicker. I Tales from the Veld. 
 
 By E. J. GOODMAN. 
 The Fate of Herbert \Vavnc. 
 
 By Rev. S. BARINO GOULD. 
 Red Spider. I Eve. 
 
 By ALFRED A. GRACE. 
 Tales of a lij'ing Race. 
 By CGCUi GRIFFITHt-Corintbia Marasion.
 
 28 
 
 CHATTO & WlNDUS, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 Thk Piccadilly (3/6) Novels— coMfinwei. 
 
 By A. CliAVERING GUNTSR. 
 A Florida Enchanunert. 
 
 By GYP.-Cloclo. 
 By OWEN HALiIi. 
 The Track of a Storm | Jetsam. 
 
 By COSHO HAMILTON. 
 Glamour of Impossible. | Through a Keyhola, 
 
 By THOnAS HARDY. 
 Under the Gieenwood Tree. 
 
 A Waif of the Plains. 
 A Ward of the Golden 
 Gate. [Springs. 
 
 A Sappho of Green 
 Col, Starbottle's Client. 
 Susy. I Sally Dows. 
 
 Bell-Ringer of Angel's. 
 Tales of Trail and Town. 
 
 By BRET HARTE 
 
 of Tack 
 [Hamlin's 
 
 Protegee 
 Clarence. 
 Barker's Luck. 
 Devil's Ford. 
 Crusade of ■ Excelsior, 
 Three Partners. 
 Gabriel Conroy. 
 New Condensed Novels. 
 
 By JULIAN HAWTHORNE. 
 
 Beatrix Randolph, 
 David Poindexter's Dis- 
 appearance. 
 Spectre of Camera. 
 
 Garth. | Dust, 
 
 tllice Quentm. 
 Sebastian Strome, 
 Fortune's Fool. 
 
 By Sir A. HELPS.— Ivan de Biron. 
 
 By I. HENDERSON.— Agatha Pago. 
 
 By G. A. HBNTY. 
 
 Dorothy's Double. | The Queen's Cup. 
 
 Rujub, the Juggler. 
 
 By HEADON HILL.— Zambra the Detective. 
 
 By JOHN HILL.— The Common Ancestor. 
 
 By TIGHB HOPKINS. 
 
 Twlxt Love and Duty. I Incomplete Adventurer. 
 
 Nugents of Carriconna. | Nell HaSenden, 
 
 By E. W. HORNUNO. 
 
 ihe Shadow of the Rope. 
 
 By YICTOR HUGO.— The OutUw of Iceland. 
 
 By FERGUS HUME. 
 
 Lady from Nowhere. | The Millionaire Mysterj'. 
 
 By mra. HUNGERFORO. 
 
 Professor's Experiment. 
 A Point of Conscience. 
 A Maiden all Forlorn 
 The Coming of Cbloe. 
 Nora Creina. 
 An Anxious Moment, 
 April's Lady. 
 Peter's Wife. 
 Lovice. 
 
 Marvel. 
 
 Unsatisfactory Lover. 
 In Durance Vile. 
 A Modern Circe. 
 Lady Patty. 
 A Mental Struggle. 
 Lady Verner's Flight. 
 The Red-House Mystery, 
 The Three Graces. 
 
 By Mrs. ALFRED HUNT. 
 The Leaden Casket. I Self-Condemned. 
 
 That Other Person. | Mrs. Juliet, 
 
 By R. ASHE KINC.-A Drawn Came. 
 By GEORGE LAMBERT.— President of Boravia 
 
 By EDMOND LEPELLETIER. 
 Madame Sans-Gene. 
 By ADAM LILBURN.-A Tragedy In Marble 
 
 By HARRY LINDSAY. 
 Rhoda Roberts. | The Jacobite. 
 
 By E. LYNN LINTON. 
 
 Atonement Learn Dundas 
 The One Too Many. 
 
 Patricia Kemball. 
 Under which Lord J 
 ' My Love ! ' | lone. 
 Paston Carew. 
 Sowing the Wind. 
 With a Silken Thread. 
 
 Dulcie Everton, 
 Tne Rebel of the Family 
 An Octave of Friends. 
 The WorM WeU Lost. 
 
 By HENRY W. LUCY.-Gideon Fleyce, 
 B7 JUSTIN MCCARTHY. 
 
 A Fair Saxon. 
 Linley Rochford. 
 Dear Lady Disdain, 
 t'amicta. | Mononia. 
 Waterdale Neighbours. 
 My Enemy's Daughter. 
 Miss Misanthrope. 
 
 Donna Quixote. 
 
 M.iid of^Athens. 
 
 The Comet of a Season. 
 
 The Dict.itor. 
 
 Red Diamonds. 
 
 The Riddle Ring. 
 
 The Three Disgraces. 
 
 JUSTIN H. McCARTHY.-A London Legend. 
 By GEORGE MACDONALD. 
 
 Heather and Snow. 
 
 By W. H. MALLOCK.-The New Republic. 
 
 ■y r. ft y. M&RUUeaXTXfi.-Tlic UUaster. 
 
 By L. T. MEADE. 
 
 A Soldier of Fortune. I On Brink of a Chasm, 
 
 In an Iron Grip. The Siren. 
 
 Dr. Rumsey's Patient. The Way of a Woman. 
 
 The Voice of the Charmer. A Son of Ishinacl. 
 An Adventuress. | The Blue Diamond. 
 
 This Troublesome World. I Rosebury. 
 A Stumble by the Way. 
 By HOPE MERRICK. 
 When a Girls Engaged. 
 By LEONARD MERRICK. 
 This Stage of Fools. | Cynthia, 
 
 By EDMUND MITCHELL. 
 The Lone Star Rush. 
 
 By BERTRAM MITFORD. 
 The Gun-Runner. I The King's Assegai. 
 
 Luck ot Gerard Ridgelcy. 1 Renshaw Fanning's Quest. 
 The Triumph of Hilary Blachland. | Haviland's Chum. 
 
 Mrs. MOLESWORTH.— Hathercourt Rectory. 
 B>/ J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 
 Maid Marian and Robin I Basile the Jester. 
 Hood, I Golden Idol. 
 
 Young Lochinvar. 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MURRAY. 
 
 Bob Martin's Little Girl, j 
 
 Time's Revenges. i 
 
 A Wasted Crime. 
 
 In Direst Peril. 
 
 Mount Desoair. ! 
 
 A Capful o' Nails. ' 
 
 Tales in Prose and V«ri». 
 
 A Race for Millions. 
 
 This Little World, 
 
 His Own Ghost. 
 
 Church of Humanity, 
 
 A Life's Atonement. 
 
 Joseph's Coat. 
 
 Coals of Fire. 
 
 Old Blazer's Hero. 
 
 Va) Strange. | Hearts. 
 
 A Model Father. 
 
 By the Gate of the Sea. 
 
 A Bit of Human Nature. 
 
 First Person Singular. 
 
 Cynic Fortune. 
 
 The Way of the World. 
 
 V.C. : Castle Barfield and the Crimea. 
 
 By MURRAY and HERMAN. 
 
 The Bishops' Bible. | Paul Jones's Alias, 
 
 One Traveller Returus. 
 
 By HUME NISBET.-' BaU Up 1' 
 
 By W. E. NORRIS. 
 
 Saint Ann's. I Billv Bellew, 
 
 Miss Wentworth's Idea. 
 
 By G. OHNBT.-A Weird Gift. 
 
 Love's Depths. | The Woman of Mystery 
 
 By Mrs. OLIPHANT. 
 Whiteladies, I The Sorceress. 
 
 By OUIDA 
 
 Held In Bondage. 
 Strathmore. | Chandos. 
 Under Two Flags. 
 Cecil Castlemaine's Gage. 
 Tricotrin. | Puck. 
 Folle-Farlne 
 A Dog of Flanders. 
 Pascarel. | Signa. 
 Princess Napraxine. 
 Two Wooden Shoes. 
 In a Winter City. 
 The Massarenes. 
 
 Friendship. I Idalla. 
 Moths. Ruflino, 
 
 Pipis^rello. | Ariadne. 
 A Village Commune. 
 BimbL I Wanda. 
 
 Frescoes. | Othmar. 
 In Maremma. 
 Syrlin. | Guilderoy, 
 
 Santa Barbara. 
 Two Offenders. 
 The Waters of Edera, 
 A Rainy June. 
 
 By MARGARET A. PAUL. 
 
 Gentle and Simple. 
 
 By JAMES PAYN 
 
 High Spirits. | Bv Proxy. 
 The Talk of the Town, 
 Holiday Tasks. 
 For Cash Only. 
 Tlie Burnt Million. 
 The Word and the WUL 
 Sunny Stories. 
 A Trying Patient. 
 Modern Oick Whittington 
 
 Lost Sir Massingberd. 
 The Clyffards of Clyffe. 
 The Family Scapegrace. 
 ACounty Family. [Painted 
 Less Black than We're 
 A Confidential Agent. 
 .\ Grape from a Thorn, 
 In Peiil and Privation. 
 Mystery of Mirbridge. 
 
 By WILL PAYNE.-Jeiry the Dreamer 
 
 By Mpo, CAMPBELL PRAED. 
 
 Outl.iw and Lawmaker, I Mrs. Tregaskiss. 
 
 Christina Chard. | Nulma. | Madame Izan. 
 
 ' As a Watch in the Night." 
 
 By E. C. PRICE.-Valentina, ^ 
 
 By RICHARD PRYCB, 
 
 Miss Maxwell's Affections. 
 
 By Mrs. J. H. RIDDBLL. 
 
 Weird Stciie». i A Rich Muu s D«ugbt«l.
 
 Ill ST. MARTIN'S LANE, LONDON, PV.C. 
 
 29 
 
 The Piccadilly (3/6) Uowels— continued. 
 
 By CHARLES READB 
 
 Peg Woffington ; and - — • " 
 
 (. hristie Johnstono. 
 Hard Cash. 
 
 Cloister and tha Hearth. 
 Never Too Late to Mend. 
 Th» Course ef True 
 
 I-ove ; and Singleheart 
 
 and Doubleface. 
 Autobiography of a 
 
 Thief; Jack of all 
 
 Trades ; A Hero and 
 
 a Martyr ; and The 
 
 Wandering Heir. 
 
 Griffith Gaunt. 
 Love Little, Love Long. 
 The Double Marriage. 
 Foul Play. 
 
 Put Yourselfln His Place 
 A Terrible Temptation. 
 A Simpleton. 
 A Woman-Hater. 
 The Jilt, & other Stories 
 & Good Stories of Man. 
 A Perilous Secret. 
 Readiana ; and Bible 
 Characters. 
 
 By FRANK RICHARDSON. 
 
 M»n 'Who Lost His Past. | The Bayswater Mystery. 
 
 By ADIBLIE RIVES. 
 Barkara Dering. | Mcriel. 
 
 By F. W. ROBINSON. 
 The Hands of Justice. | 'Woman in the Dark. 
 
 By ALBERT KOSS.— A Sugar Princess. 
 
 By J. RUNCIHIAN.-Sklppers and Shellbacks. 
 
 B7 ^S. CLARK RUSSELL 
 
 Round the Galley Fire. 
 In the Middle Watch. 
 On the Fe'k'sle Head. 
 A Voyage to the Cape. 
 Book for the Hammock. 
 Mystery ef ' Ocean Star.' 
 Jenny Harlowe. 
 An Ocean Tragedy, 
 A Tale of Two Tunnels. 
 
 My Shipmate Louise. 
 Aloneon Wide Wide Sea 
 The Phantom Death. 
 Is He the Man ! 
 Good Ship ' Mohock. 
 The Convict Ship. 
 Heart of Oak. 
 The Tale of the Ten. 
 The Last Entry. 
 
 The Death Ship. 
 
 By DORA RUSSELL.-DrlftofFate. 
 
 By HERBERT RUSSELL.— True Blue. 
 
 By BAYLB ST. JOHN.-A Levantine Family. 
 
 By ADELINE SERGEANT. 
 Dr. Endlcott's Experiment | Under False Pretences. 
 By M. P. SHIBL.-The Purple Cloud. 
 By GEORGE R. SIMS. 
 Dagc.iet Abroad. In London's Heart. 
 
 Once uponChristmasTlme. Mary Jane's Memoirs. 
 Without the Limelight. Mary Jane Married. 
 K»gues and Vagabonds. The Small-part Lady, 
 liiugraphs of Babylon. A Blind Marriage. 
 
 By UPTON BINCLAIR.-PrinccHagen. 
 By HA'SSTLEY SMART. 
 Without Love or Licence. I The Outsider. 
 The Master of Ratlikelly. Beatrice and Benedick. 
 Long Odds. I A Racing Rubber. 
 
 By J. MOYR BMITH.-The Prince of ArgolU. 
 By T. W. SPEIGHT. 
 
 The Grey Monk. 
 The Master of Trcnance. 
 The Web of Fate. 
 Secret of Wyvern Towers. 
 
 As it was Written. 
 Her Ladyship. 
 The Strange Experiences 
 of Mr. Verschoyle. 
 
 The Doom of Siva. 
 By ALAN BT. AUBYH. 
 
 A Fellow of Trinity. 
 The Junior Dean. 
 Master of St. Benedict's. 
 To his Own Master. 
 Gallantay Bower. 
 In Face of the World. 
 Orchard Damerel. 
 
 The Tremlett Diamonds. 
 The Wooing of May. 
 A Tragic Honeymoon. 
 A Proctor's Wooing. 
 Forliine'sGate. 
 Bonnie Mapgie Lauder. 
 Mary Unwm, 
 
 Mrs. Dunbar's Secret. 
 
 By JOHN STAFFORD.-Dorisand I. 
 
 By R. STEPHENS.— The Cruciform Mark. 
 
 R. NEILSON STBPHENS.-Philip WInwood. 
 
 By R. A. STERNDALE.-The Afghan Knifo. 
 
 By R. L. STEVENSON.— The Suicide Club. 
 
 By FRANK STOCKTON. 
 
 The Young Master of Hyson Hall. 
 
 By SUNDOWNER.— Told by the TaffraU. 
 
 By SWEET aad KNOX. 
 
 On a Mexican Mustang. 
 
 By ANNIE THOMAS.-The Sirens Web. 
 By BERTHA THOtflAS. 
 In a Cathedral Ci'y. 
 By FRANCES E. TROLLOPB. 
 Like Ships Upon Sea. | Anne Furness. 
 Mabel's Progress. 
 By ANTHONY TROLLOPB. 
 TTie 'Way wc Live Noiv. 1 Marion lay. 
 Frau Frohniaiiii. Scarborough's Family. 
 
 The LanaLcagucrs. 
 By MARX TWAIN. 
 
 Choice Works. 
 Library of Humour. 
 The Innocents Abroad. 
 Roughing It; and The 
 
 Innocents at Home. 
 A Tramp Abroad. 
 The American Claimant. 
 Adventures Tom Sawyer, 
 Tom .Sawyer Abroad. 
 Tom Sawyer, Detective. 
 
 Pudd'nhead 'Wilson. 
 The Gilded Age. 
 Prince and the Pauper. 
 Life on the .M Ississippl. 
 Huckleberry Finn. 
 A Yankee at Court. 
 Stolen White Elephant, 
 ;^i. 000,000 Bank-note. 
 ADouble-barrelled Detec- 
 tive Story. 
 
 C. C. FRASER-TYTLER.-Mistrcss Judith. 
 By SARAH TYTLER. 
 
 What She Came Through. 
 Buried Diamonds. 
 The Blackball Ghosts. 
 The MacdonaU Lass. 
 Witch-Wife. I Sapphlra. 
 
 Mrs. Carmichael's God- 
 desses. 
 Rachel Langton. 
 A Honeymoon's Eclipse 
 A Young Dragon. 
 
 ALLEN OPWARD.-The Queen against Owen. 
 
 By ALBERT D. VANDAM.— A Court Tragedy. 
 
 By E. A. YIZETELLY. 
 
 The Scorpion. i Tlit Lover's Progress. 
 
 By FLORENCE WARDEN. 
 
 Joan, the Curate. | A Fight to a Finish. 
 
 By CY WARMAN.— Express Messenger. 
 
 By A. WERNER.-Chapensa's White Mao. 
 
 By WILLIAU WESTALL. 
 
 Red Ryvingion. 
 
 Ralph Norbreck's Trust. 
 
 Trust-money. 
 
 Sons of Belial. 
 
 Roy of Roy's Court. 
 
 With the Red Eagle. 
 
 A Red Brid.1l. 
 
 Strange Crimes. 
 
 Her Ladyship's Secret. 
 
 For Honour and Life 
 
 A Woman Tempted Him. 
 
 Her Two Millions. 
 
 Two Pinches of Snuff. 
 
 N'igel Fortescue. 
 
 liirch Dene. | Ben Clough. 
 
 The Phantom City. 
 
 A Queer Race. 
 
 The Old Factory. 
 
 As Luck would have it. 
 
 By ATHA V/ESTBORY. 
 
 The .Shallow of Hilton Fernbrook, 
 
 By FRED WHISHAW. 
 
 .\ Forbidden Name | Many Ways of Love. 
 
 By C. J- WILLS. -An E3sy-iT"lng Fellow 
 
 By JOHN STRANGE WINTER. 
 
 Cavalrv l.iie : ..lul K ji'inient.U Lesri-nJi. 
 
 By LOUIS ZANCWILL. 
 
 A Nineteenth Century Miracle. 
 
 By EMILE ZOLA 
 
 The Honour of the Army. 
 Germinal. I The Dream. 
 Abbe Mouret s Trans- 
 gression. I Money. 
 The Conquest of Plassans. 
 " im-Shop. I Downfall. 
 Excellency. 
 
 His Masterpiece. 
 The Fat and the Thin. 
 Dr. Pascal I Joy of Life. 
 Fortune of the Kuuguiis. 
 Lourdes. I AVork. 
 Rome. I Truth. 
 Paris. I Fruitfulness. 
 
 CHEAP EDITIONS OF POPULAR NOVELS. 
 
 Post 8vo, illustrated boards, 2s. each. 
 
 By Mrs. ALEXANDER. 
 
 Maid, Wife, or Widow. I A Life Interest, 
 Blird Fate. Mono's Choice. 
 
 Valerie's Fate. I By Woman's Wit 
 
 By E. LESTER ARNOLD. 
 
 Phra the Phceniciaii. 
 
 JLfiXEICVS WARD'S WORKS. Complete. 
 
 Phillstla. ( Babylon 
 Strange Stories. 
 For Ma-.mie's Sake. 
 In all Shades. 
 The Beckoning Hand. 
 The Devil s Die. 
 The "lents of Shem. 
 The Great T.^bu*. 
 
 By GRANT ALLEN 
 
 Duniaresq's Diughter. 
 Duchess of Puwsylanil. 
 Blood Koj al. 
 IvanCJrect's Masterplec* 
 The Scallywag. 
 This Mortal Ceil. 
 At Market Value. 
 Under Se«Jtd Otiimh
 
 30 
 
 CHATTO & W INDUS, PUBLISHERS, 
 
 Two-Shilling Novels— co»f!«««d. 
 
 By FRANK BARRETT, 
 
 Fettered for Life. 
 Little Lady Linton. 
 Between Life and Death. 
 Sin of Olga Zassoulich. 
 FoUy Morrison. 
 Lieut. Barnabas. 
 Honest Davie. 
 
 A Prodigal's Progress. 
 
 Found Guilty. 
 
 A Recoiling Vengeance 
 
 For Love and Honour. 
 
 John Ford, &c. 
 
 Woman of Iron Bracelets. 
 
 The Harding Scandal. 
 
 A Missing Witness. 
 By Sir W. BESANT and J. RICE. 
 
 Ready-Money Mortiboy. 
 My Little Girl. 
 With Harp and Cro^vn. 
 This Son of Vulcan. 
 The Golden Butterfly. 
 The Monks of Thelem; 
 
 By Celia's Arl)Our. 
 Chaplain of the Fleet. 
 The Seamy Side. 
 The Case of Mr. Lucraft. 
 In Trafalgar's Bay. 
 The Ten Years' Tenant. 
 
 By Sir WALTER BESANT. 
 
 All Sorts and Conditions. The Bell of St. P, 
 
 The Captains' Room. 
 
 Ali in a Garden Fair. 
 
 Dorothy Forster. 
 
 Uncle Jack. [Then. 
 
 The World Went Very Well 
 
 Children of Gibeon. 
 
 Herr Paulus. 
 
 For Faith and Freedom. 
 
 To Call Her Mine. 
 
 The Master Craftsman. 
 
 The Bell of St. Paul's. 
 The Holy Rose. 
 Armorel of Lyonesse. 
 St. Katherine's by Tower, 
 Verbena Camellia Steplia 
 The Ivory Gate. [notis. 
 The Rebel Queen. 
 Beyond Dreams Avarice. 
 The Revolt of Man. 
 In Deacon's Orders. 
 The City of Refuge. 
 
 AMBROSE BIERCE.— In the Midst of Life. 
 
 Camp Notes. 
 Savage Life. 
 
 By FREDERICK BOYLE. 
 
 of No-man's 
 
 By BRET HARTB, 
 
 By C. EGBERT CRADDOCK- 
 
 The Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountains. 
 
 By H. N. CRELIilN.— Tales of the Caliph. 
 
 MATT CRIM.— The -Adventures of a Fair Rebe 
 
 By B. M. CROKER 
 
 Pretty Miss Neville, 
 Diana Barrin^ton. 
 A Bird of Passage. 
 Proper Pride. | ' To Let' 
 A Family Likeness. 
 A Third Person. 
 
 By ALPHONSB DAUDET. 
 The Evangelist ; or, Port Salvation. 
 
 By JAMES DE MILLE.— A Strange Manuscript. 
 
 Village Tales and Jungle 
 Tragedies. 1 Mr. jervis. 
 Twro Masters. 
 The Real Lady Hilda, 
 Married or Singlet 
 Interference. 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN 
 
 Michael Danevitch. 
 In the Grip of the Law. 
 From Information Re- 
 ceived. 
 Tracked to Doom. 
 Link by Link. 
 Suspicion Aroused. 
 Riddles Read. 
 
 Flip. I Maruja. 
 
 A Phyllis of the Sierras. 
 A Waif of the Plains. 
 Ward of Golden Gate. 
 
 Califomian Stories. 
 Gabriel Conroy. 
 Luck of Roaring Camp. 
 An Heiress of Red Dog. 
 
 By ROBERT BJIJCHANAN 
 Shadow of the Sword. "^""^ "' — --' — 
 
 A Child of Nature. 
 God and the Man. 
 Love Me for Ever. 
 Foxglove Manor. 
 The Master of the Mine. 
 Annan Water. 
 
 The Man-Hunter. 
 Tracked and Taken. 
 Caught at Last ! 
 Who Poisoned Hetty 
 Duncan ? | Wanted I 
 Man from Manchester. 
 A Detective's Triumphs. 
 Mystery Jamaica Terrace. 
 
 By MPS. ANNIE EDWARDES. 
 A Point of Honour. | Archie Lovell. 
 
 By EDWARD EGGLESTON.-Roxy. 
 By G. MANYILLB PENN. 
 The New Mistress. I The Tiger Lily. 
 
 Witness to the Deed. | The White Virgin. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD. 
 
 Bella Donna. | Fatal Zero. I Seventy • five Brooke 
 
 Never Forgotten. | Polly. Street. 
 
 Second Mrs. Tillotson. | The Lady of Brantome. 
 
 By PERCY FITZGERALD and others. 
 
 Strange Secrets. 
 
 By R. E. FRANCILLON 
 
 The Martyrdom of Ma- 
 
 dehne. 
 The New AbeUrd. 
 The Heir of Linne. 
 Woman and the Man. 
 Rachel Dene. | Matt. 
 Lady Kilpatrick. 
 
 BUCHANAN and MURRAY.— The Charlatan. 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 
 A Son of Hagar. | The Deemster 
 
 The Shadow of a Crime. 
 
 By Commander CAMERON, 
 
 The Cruise of the ' Black Prince.' 
 
 By HAYDEN CARRUTH. 
 
 The Adventures of Jones. 
 
 By AUSTIN CLARE.— For the Love of a Lass. 
 
 By Mrs. ARCHER CLIYE. 
 Paul FerroU. I Why Paul Ferroll Killed his Wife. 
 
 By MACLAREN COBBAN. 
 The Cure of Souls. I The Red Sultan. 
 
 By C. ALLSTON COLLINS.- The Bar Sinister 
 
 By MORT. and FRANCES COLLINS. 
 Sweet Anne Page. I Sweet and Twenty. 
 
 Transmigration. The Village Comedy. 
 
 From Midnight to Mid- I You Play Me False. 
 
 night. 
 A Fight with Fortune. 
 
 By WILKIE COLLINS 
 
 King or Knave? 
 Romances of the Law. 
 Ropes of Sand. 
 A Dog and his Shadow 
 
 Olympia. 
 One by One. 
 A Real Queen. 
 Oueen Cophetua. 
 
 By HAROLD FREDERIC. 
 
 Seth's Brother's Wife. | The Lawton Girl. 
 
 Prefaced by Sir BARTLB FRERE 
 
 Pandurang Hari. 
 
 By CHARLES GIBBON 
 
 Robin Gray. 
 
 Fancy Free. 
 
 For Lack of Gold. 
 
 What will the World Say J 
 
 In Love and War. 
 
 For the King. 
 
 In Pastures Green. 
 
 (Jueen of the Meadow. 
 
 k Heart's Problem, 
 
 The Dead Heart. 
 
 In Honour Bound. 
 Flower of the Forest. 
 The Braes of Yarrow. 
 The Golden Shaft. 
 Of High Degree. 
 By Mead and Stream. 
 Loving a Dream. 
 A Hard Knot. 
 Heart's Delight. 
 Blood-Money. 
 
 Armadale. | After Dark. 
 
 No Name. | Antonina. 
 
 Basil. I Hide and Seek. 
 
 The Dead Secret. 
 
 Queen of Hearts. 
 
 Miss or Mrs.? 
 
 The New Magdalen. 
 
 The Frozen Deep. 
 
 The Law and the Lady. 
 
 The Two Destinies. 
 
 The Haunted Hotel. 
 
 A Rogues Life. 
 
 My Miscellanies. 
 
 fij Ml Ji COLQUHOUNi— Every Inch » Sol^lier 
 
 The Woman in White. 
 The Moonstone. 
 Man and Wife 
 Poor Miss Finch. 
 The Fallen Leaves. 
 Jezebel's Daughter. 
 The Black Robe. 
 Heart and Science. 
 ' I bay No I ' 
 The Evil Genius. 
 Little Novels. 
 Legacy of Cain. 
 Blind Love. 
 
 By WILLIAM GILBERT.-James Duke. 
 By ERNEST GLANYILLE. 
 
 The Lost Heiress. 1 The Foss.cker. 
 
 A Fair Colonist. 
 By Rev. S. BARING COULD. 
 Red Spider. I Eve. 
 
 ANDREW HALLIDAY.— Every day Papers. 
 
 By THOMAS HARDY. 
 Under the Greenwood Tree. 
 
 By JULIAN HAWTHORNE 
 Quentln. | Ellice Garth. ' 
 Fortune's Fool. 
 Miss Cadogna. I Dust. 
 Beatrix Randolph. 
 
 Love — or a Name. 
 David Poindexter's Dis- 
 appearance. [Camer.i. 
 The Spectre of the 
 
 By Sir ARTHUR HELPS.— Ivan de Eiron. 
 
 By G. A. HBNTY.— Rujub the Juggler. 
 
 By HEADON HILL.— Zambra the Detective, 
 
 By JOHN HILL.— Treason-Felony. 
 
 By Mrs. HUNGERFORD. 
 
 A Maiden all Forlorn 
 In Durance Vile. 
 Marvel. (Peter's Wife 
 A Mental Struggle. 
 A Modem Circe. 
 April's Lady, 
 
 Lady Vemer's Flight. 
 The Red-House Mystery. 
 The Three Graces. 
 Unsatisfactory Lover. 
 Lady Patty. | NoraCreini 
 Professor's Experimenu
 
 Ill ST. MARTIN'S LANE, LONDON, IV.C. 
 
 31 
 
 Two-SillLLiNG HovKhS— continued. 
 
 By Mrs. CASHED HOBY.-The Lovers Creed 
 
 Mrs. GEORGE HOOPER.— The House of Raby. 
 
 By Mrs. ALFRED HUNT. 
 That Other I'erson. I The Leaden Casket. 
 
 Self-Condeuined. 
 By MARK KERSHAW. 
 Colonial Facts and 1-ictions, 
 
 By R. ASHE KING. 
 A Drawn Game. [Green.' I Pa'^siou's Slave. 
 • The WearinK of the | BeU Barry. 
 
 By EDMOND LEPELLETIER. 
 Madame Sans-Gcne. 
 
 By JOHN LEYS.— The Lindsays. 
 By E. LYNN LINTON 
 
 Patricia Kemball. 
 The World Well Lost. 
 Under which Lord! 
 Paston Carew. 
 • My Love 1 ' I lone. 
 With a Silken Thread. 
 
 The Atonement of Lcani 
 
 Dundas. 
 Rebel of the Family. 
 Sowing the Wind. 
 The One Too Many. 
 Dulcie Evcrton. 
 
 By HENRY VI. LUCY.-Gideon Flcycc. 
 
 By JUSTIN McCarthy 
 
 Dear Lady Disdain. 
 Watcrdale Neighbours. 
 My Enemy's Daughter. 
 A Fair Saxon. | Camiola, 
 I^inley Rochford. 
 Miss Misanthrope. 
 
 Donna Quixote. 
 
 Maid of Athens. 
 
 The Comet of a Season. 
 
 The Dictator. 
 
 Red Diamonds. 
 
 The Riddle Ring. 
 
 By MARGARET AGNES PAUL. 
 
 Gentle and Simple. 
 
 By JAMES PAYN 
 
 By HUGH MACCOLL. 
 
 Mr. Stranger's Sealed Packet. 
 
 GEORGE MACDON ALD.-Heather and Snow. 
 
 By AGNES MACDONELL.-Quaker C»usins. 
 
 By TW. H. MALLOCK.-The New RepubUc. 
 
 By BRANDER MATTHEWS. 
 
 A Secret of the Sea. 
 
 By L. T. MEADE.— A Soldier of Fortune. 
 
 By LEONARD MERRICK. 
 
 The Man who was Good. 
 
 By MPS. fflOLESWORTH. 
 H.Uhercourt Rectory. 
 
 By J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 
 Dead Man's Secret. | From Bosom of the Deep 
 
 Stories Weird and Wonderful. 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MURRAY. 
 
 A Model 1 ather. 
 
 Joseph's Coat. 
 
 Coals of lire. 
 
 Val Strange. J Hearts. 
 
 Old Blazer's Hero. 
 
 The Way of the World. 
 
 Cynic Fortune. 
 
 A Life's Atoneii:ent. 
 
 i\. Bit of Human Nature. 
 First Person Sini^ular. 
 Bob Martin's Little Girl. 
 Time's Revenges. 
 A Wasted Crime, 
 In Direst Peril. 
 Mount Despair. 
 A Capful o' Nails. 
 
 Bentinck's Tutor 
 
 .Murphy's Master. 
 
 A County Family. 
 
 At Her Mercy. I Kit. 
 
 Cecils Tryst. | Halves. 
 
 The ClyfTards of Clyffe. 
 
 The Foster Brothers. 
 
 Found Dead. 
 
 The Best of Husbands, 
 
 Walter's Word. 
 
 Fallen Fortunes. 
 
 Humorous Stones. 
 
 /;:oo Reward. 
 
 A Marine Residence. 
 
 Mirk Abbey | High Spirits 
 
 Under One Rool. • 
 
 Catlyon's Ye^r. 
 
 l-"or Cash Only. 
 
 Tlie Canon's \Vard. 
 
 Tlie Talk of the Town. 
 
 Holiday Tasks. 
 
 A Perfect Treasure, 
 What He Cost Her. 
 A Confi<lential Agent, 
 Glow-worm Tales. 
 The Burnt Million. 
 Sunny Stories. 
 Lost Sir Massinffberd. 
 A Woman's Vengeance. 
 The Family Scapegrace. 
 Gwendoline's Harvest. 
 Like Father, Like Son. 
 Married Beneath Him. 
 Not Wooed, but Won. 
 Less Black than We're 
 
 Painted. | By Proxy. 
 Some Private 'Views. 
 A Grape from a Thorn, 
 The Mystery of Mir- 
 
 bridge. | From Exile. 
 The Word and the Will. 
 A Prince of the Blood. 
 
 A Trying Patient. 
 By Mrs. CAMPBELL PRAED. 
 
 The Romance ot a Station I Christina Chard. 
 Outlaw and Lawmaker. | Mrs. Tregaskiss. 
 
 The Soul of Countess Adrian. 
 
 By RICHARD PRYCB. 
 Miss Maxwell s Affections. 
 
 By CHARLES READE 
 
 l-'oul Play. I Hard Cash. 
 
 The Wandering Heir. 
 
 Singleheart, Doubleface. 
 
 Good Stories of Man, &c. 
 
 Peg Woffington. 
 
 Griffith Gaunt. 
 
 A Perilous Secret. 
 
 A Simpleton. 
 
 Readiana. 
 
 A Wouian-H.iter. 
 
 It is Never Too Late to 
 
 Mend. |TheJUt. 
 Christie Johnstone. 
 The Double Marriage. 
 Put 'Vourself in His Place. 
 Love Little. Love Long. 
 Cloister and the Hearth. 
 Course of True Love. 
 Autobiography of a Thief. 
 A Terrible Temptation. 
 
 By Mrs. J. H.^RIDDELL, 
 Weird Stories. "" 
 
 Fairy Water. 
 Her Mother's Darling. 
 The Prince of Wales's 
 
 Garden Party. 
 
 By F. W. ROBINSON. 
 
 Women are Strange. I The Woman in the Dark. 
 
 The Hands of Justice. 
 
 By W. CLARK RUSSELL 
 
 The Uninhabited Housei 
 The Mystery in Palace 
 
 Gardens. 
 Idle Tales. 
 
 By the Gate of the Sea. 
 
 By MURRAY and HERMAN. 
 
 One Traveller Returns. I The Bisljops' Bible. 
 
 Paul Jones's Alias. 
 
 By HUME NISBET. 
 
 ' Bail Up I I Dr. Bernard St. Vincent. 
 
 By W. E. NORRI3. 
 Saint Ann's. I BUly Bellew. 
 
 By GEORGES OHNET. 
 
 Dr. Ramcau. I A Weird Gift. 
 
 A Last Love. 
 
 By Hf«. OLIPHANT. 
 
 Whitcladlcs. I The Crontcst tieiress in 
 
 The Primrose Path. | England. 
 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Round the Galley Fire. 
 On the Fo'k'sle Head. 
 In the Middle Watch 
 A Voyage to the Cape. 
 Hook for the Hammock. 
 The Mystery of tlie 
 
 "Ocean Star.' 
 Romance Jenny Harlowe. 
 An Ocean Tragedy. 
 
 My Shipmate Louise. 
 Alone on Wide Wide Sea. 
 Good Ship 'Mohock.' 
 The Phantom Death. 
 Is He the Man? 
 Heart of 0.ak. 
 The Convict Ship. 
 The Tale of the Ten. 
 The Last Entry. 
 
 Held in Bondage. 
 Strathmore. I Chandos. 
 Idalia. I Tricotrin. 
 
 Under Two Fl.igs. 
 Cecil Castlcmaine's Gage. 
 Puck. I Pascarel. 
 
 Folle-Farine. 
 A Dog of Flanders. 
 Signa. I Ariadne. 
 
 Princess Napraxine. 
 In a Winter City. 
 Friendship, 
 
 Two Little Wooden Shoes 
 Moths. I Bimbi. 
 
 Pipistrello- 
 A Village Commune. 
 Wanda. I Othniar. 
 
 Frescoes. | Guilderoy. 
 In Maremina, 
 Kuflino. I Syrlin, 
 Santa Barbara. 
 Two OlVenders. 
 Ouida's Wisdom, Wit, 
 and Pathos 
 
 By DORA RUSSELL.— A Country Sweetheart. 
 By GEORGE AUGUSTUS SALA. 
 
 Ga.slight and Daylight. 
 
 By GEORGE R. SIMS 
 
 The Ring o' Bells. 
 Mary lane's Memoirs. 
 Mary Jane Married. 
 Tales of To-day. 
 Dramas of Lite. 
 Tinkletop's Crime. 
 
 Zeph. I .My Two Wives. 
 Memoirs of a Landlady, 
 Scenes from the Show 
 Ten Commandments. 
 Dagonet Abroad. 
 Rogues and Vagabonds. 
 
 ARTHUR SKETCHLEY.— .\ Match in the Dark, 
 By HAWLEY SMART. 
 
 Without Love orLici-nce. I The M.xstcr of Rathkelly. 
 Beatrice and Benedick. | The Plunger, j Long Oddj 
 By H. A. STERNDALE.-The Afghan Knife. 
 
 By T. W. SPEIGHT. 
 
 The Mysteries of Heron I Back to Life. 
 
 Dyke. The Luudwater Tragedy. 
 
 The Golden Hoop. Burgo's Romance. 
 
 Hoodwinked. I Quittance in Full 
 
 By Devious Ways. I A Husband from tke Sea.
 
 32 
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS, PUBLISHERS. 
 
 Two-Shilling Hovzvs— continued. 
 
 By ALAN ST. AUBYN. 
 
 A Fellow of Trinity. I Orchard Damerel. 
 
 The Junior Dean. In the Face of the World. 
 
 Master of St. Benedict's. | The Tremlctt Diamonds. 
 To His Own Master. 
 
 By R. LOUIS SIBVBNSON. 
 
 New Arabian Nijihts. 
 
 By ROBERT BURTBES.-Handley Cross. 
 
 By WALTER THORNBURY. 
 
 Tales for the Marines. 
 
 By T. ADOLPHUS TR0LL01>E. 
 
 Diamond Cut Diamond. 
 
 By ANTHONY TROLLOPS. 
 
 Frau Frohaiann. The Land-Lcai'uers. 
 
 Marion Fay. The American Senator, 
 
 Kept in the Dark. Scarborough's Family. 
 
 "The Way We Live Now. Golden Lion of Granpere. 
 
 By F. ELEANOR TROLLdPG. 
 
 Like Ships upon the Sea. | Anne Furness. 
 Mabel's Progress. 
 
 By MARX TWAIN. 
 
 A Pleasure Trip. Stolen White Elf-phant. 
 
 The Gilded Aee. Life on the Mississippi, 
 
 Huckleberry Finn. A 'i'ankce at Court. 
 
 Tom Sawyer. ;£^i, 000,000 Bank-Note. 
 
 A Tramp Abroad, | Sketches, 
 
 By C. C.FRA3ER-TYTLER.— Mistress Judi 
 By SARAH TYTLER 
 
 Bride's Pass. | Lady Bell. 
 Huricd Diamonds. 
 St. Mungo's City, 
 Noblesse Oblige. 
 
 The Huguenot Family. 
 
 The Blackhall Ghosts. 
 
 What She Came Throu; 
 
 Beauty and the Beast 
 
 Disappeared 
 
 By ALLEN UPWARD.-Queen against Owe 
 
 By W^M. WESTALL.-Trust-Money 
 
 By Mrs. WILLIAMSON.-A Child Widow 
 
 By JOHN STKANGB WINTER. 
 
 Cavalry Life, | Regimental Legends. 
 
 By H. F. WOOD. 
 
 The Passenger from Scot- I The iinglishman of t 
 land Yard. | Rue Cain. 
 
 By MARG. WYNMAN.-My Flirtations. 
 
 NBW SERIES OF TWO-SHIIiLING NOVELS. 
 
 Bound in picture cloth, flat backs. 
 
 By BERTRAM MITFORD. 
 
 By Sir WALTER BESANT. 
 
 St, Katherine's by Tower. | The Rebel Queen. 
 
 By H. BINDLOSS.—Ainslie's Ju-ju. 
 
 By Mod. BODKIN, K.C. 
 
 Dora Myri, the Lady Detective. 
 
 By DICK DONOVAN. 
 
 Man from Manchester. I The Man-Hunter. 
 "Wanted ! I The Mybtery of Jamaica 
 
 Dark Deeds, Terrace. 
 
 Tales of Terror, | Vincent Trill, Detective. 
 
 By G. M. FENN.— A Crimson Crime. 
 
 By PAUL GAULOT.-The Red Shirts. 
 
 By Major ARTHUR GRIFFITHS. 
 
 No. 99 ; and Blue Blood. 
 
 By OWEN HALL.— Track of a Storm. 
 
 By BRET HARTB. 
 
 Luck Roaring Camp, &c. I Col. Starbottte's Client. 
 In a Hollow of the Hills. Protegee of Jack Hamlin's 
 Sappho of Green Springs, | Sally Dows. 
 
 By HEADON HILL.— Zambr,a, the Detective, 
 
 By FERGUS HUME.- The Lady from Nowhere 
 
 By EDMUND MITCHELL. 
 
 Plotters of Paris. | The Temple of Death. 
 
 Towards the Eternal Snows. 
 
 The Luck of Gerard Ridgeley. | The King's Assegi 
 
 By J. E. MUDDOCK. 
 
 Maid Marian and Robin Hood. 
 
 By CHRISTIE MURRAY.-His wn Ghost 
 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Syrlin. | The Waters of Edcra. 
 
 By JAS. PAYN.— Modern Dick Whittington. 
 
 By DORA RUSSELL. 
 
 A Country Sweetheart. | The Drift of Fate. 
 
 By GEORGE R. SIMS. 
 
 In London's Heart. 1 Rogues and Vagabondl 
 
 By FRANK STOCKTON. 
 
 The Young Master of Hyson Hall. 
 
 By SUNDOWNER.-Tale of the Serpent. 
 
 By SARAH TYTLER.— CitoyenneJacquelini 
 
 ALLEN UPWARD.-Queen against Owen. 
 
 By F. WARDEN. -Joan, the Curate, 
 
 BYRON WEBBER.— Sport and Spangles. 
 
 By JOHN STRANGE WINTER. 
 
 Cavalry Life ; and Regimental Legends. 
 
 By LOUIS ZANGWILL. 
 
 A Nineteenth-Century Miracle. 
 
 SIXPENNY COPYRIGHT NOVELS. 
 
 By GRANT ALLEN.-The Tents of Shem, 
 By WALTER BESANT. 
 
 Children of Giheon. j All Sorts and Conditions of 
 
 For Faith and Freedom. 1 Men. 
 Dorothy Forster, | The Orange Girl. 
 
 By BESANT and RICE. 
 The Golden Butterfly. | Keady-Money Mortiboy. 
 
 The Chaplain of the Fleet. 
 By ROBERT BUCHANAN. 
 The Fhad'jv/ ol the S.vonl. | God and the Man, 
 By B. BARING GOULD.— Red Spider. 
 By HALL CAINE. 
 ASonofHagar. | The Deemster. 
 
 The Shadow of a Crime. 
 By WILKIE COLLINS. 
 Armadale. | Antoaiua. I Manand Wi'e. | NoName. 
 The Moonstone. The Dead Secret. 
 
 The Woman in White. | The New Magdalen, 
 
 By B. M. CROKER. 
 Diana Barrington. | I'letty Mi.ss Neville. 
 
 A Bird of Passage. 
 
 By D. CHRISTIE MUHRAY.-Joseph's Coal 
 By OUIDA. 
 
 Puck. I Moths. I Strathmore, | Tricotrln 
 Held in Bondage. | Under Two Flags. | Chando* 
 The Massarenes. | Friendship, 
 By JAMES PAYN. 
 Walter's Word. | Lost Sir Massingberd, 
 
 By CHARLES RCADE. 
 Griffith Gaunt. 1 Put Yourself in His Place 
 
 Foul Play. | Hard Cash. The Cloister and th< 
 Peg Woffington ; and Hearth. 
 
 Christie Johnstone. I Never Too Late to Mend 
 
 A Terrible Temptation. 
 
 By W. CLARK RUSSELL.-TI,e Convict Ship 
 
 By ROBEHT LOUIS STEVENSON. 
 
 New Ardl.i-n Nights. 
 
 By WILLIAM WESTALL.-TheOld FactoiT. 
 
 By EMILE ZOLA. . 
 The Downfall | The Dram-Shop. 
 
 Lourdes. J Rome. | Pari.s. 
 
 By JU STIH MCCARTHY. 
 A Short History of our own Times, 
 
 Umwik Brothers, Ltd,, Printers, ay. Pilgrim Street, Ludgate Hill, London E.C.
 
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