.^OFCALIF(%, ^OKALIFOJfc^. *ME:(JNIVERty>. vvlOSANGEl^> ^AavaaiH^ ^Aavaan# ^wdnvsov^ ^maim 3\\v ^WEUNIVERS/a o ^lOSANGELfr.* %a3AINn-3UV ^UIBRARY^ ^l-UBRARYQr ^KMITCHO^ ^/OJITVDJO^ V ^133NV-Sffl^ ^0F-CAUF(% ^ ^OF CAIIFO^a #amo# '" ^A8vyan# ^UIBRARY^ ^UIBRARY^ ,\WUNIVER% v^lOSANCftfjv. ^0JI1V3-J0^ %)jnV3J0^ / Xil33,SYSO# %fl3AINIl 3\W V ^OF-CALIFO^ ^OFCALIFOftfc Wtf-UNIVERSy/i v^lOSANCElfXy. 1^1 ^2AHVaan-#' ^AUVSaiH^ 3 vtOSANGELfj> %i3AlfV ^vllIBRARY^ ^tUBRARYtf/- ^/mainiwiiv* %)jnv>J0^ %ojitvdjo^ ^OfCAllF(%, 5" ^. T^ ^OFCAIIFO% y 0Aavaan# >t?Aavaaii^ 1 03 IBRARYQc, ^AHvaan^ ^Aavaan# A N HISTORICAL and CRITICAL ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE and WRITINGS O F CHARLES T. King of Great Britain. After the Manner of Mr. B A Y L E. Drawn from Original Writers and State-Papers. By WILLIAM HARRIS.' Ne quid falfi dicere audeat> ne quid Vri non audeat. CiCERO. LONDON: Printed for R. Griffiths, in Pater-nofter Row; T. F i E l d, in Cheapfide ; and C. HENDERSON* under the Royal Exchange. MDCCLVIIL -- *. \. : ! : /: THE CONTENTS, CHarles'* birth andbaptifm, p. I 3. Is made knight of ihi Bath ; the folemnity defcribed. The queen's majk, p. 35 Charles educated by a Puritan. Many great men have had the like education. Remarks on the life of Bolinbroke, , $~ 7 Charles goes into Spain. His behaviour there. His re- turn. A war with Spain, 8 13 Charles and Buckingham in danger oflofing the favour of K. James; extricated by Williams. Remarks on his conduct, 14 17 Charles accufed of being privy to the poifoning his father* Vindicated, 18 10 He marries Henrietta Maria of France. Her per f on and temper defcribed. Gives fatal advice to the king, 2 1 23 Her behaviour towards his majejlyfoon after marriage, 24 26 Buckingham aroerfe to France. The rcafon of it, 27 31 He is ajfaff.nated by Felton. Remarks on affaffinations. Cruelty of ecclefiajtics. Warning to ?ninijlers, 32 33 Charles uxorious. Proofs of it. Cenfured^ 34 3d Falfly accufed of infidelity to the marriage-bed. His letter to Buckingham. Proofs of his chaflity. Refections on the chaflity of princes, 37 40 Charles diligent and exact in the performance of the external ails of religion. Reflections thereon, 41 44 He revives the declaration concerning fports on the Lord's- day. The declaration. Gives a majk on a Sunday. Ill confequences of the negledl of that day, 45 ^1 Charles fuperjlitious. A remarkable vow of his. Reflections on fuperjlition and vows 9 52 58 Of tin bigottry ^Charles. Mifchiefs of bigettry, 59 61 Of the employments of Charles. How unworthy the rank in which he was placed. His difputatious temper, 62 65 A 2 An 2?A CONTENTS. jfn enquiry whether Charles had much fenfibllity of temper. Cetifure of lord Clarendon, p. 66 68 Charles unpolite, 68 Of the truth midfincerity of Charles. Remarks on Mr. Hume. Of the petition of right. P arliamenf s opinion of the fincerity of this prince. His inftncerity one probable reafon of the lofs of his life. Princes jhould acl with honour ', p. 72 83 Charles very ob/linaie, though eafily- governed by his favou- rites^ 84 86 Charles'* underjlanding far enough from being defpicable y 87-89 Of the accomplijhments of Charles, 90 93 An account of his writings. His letters taken at Nafeby. 'His papers concerning church-government. His prayers. The prayer taken from Sir Philip Sidney 's Arcadia, 94105 An account of the controversy about thelcon Bafilike, 1 06- 116 Writings omitted in the colleclion . B other Uod - ,6S7 - (b) Carte's hiftory of England, vol. iii. p. 679, fol. Lond. 1752 ^ LIFE c/CHARLES I. other writers give a different account (b) (A). At (c) Calder- wood's hif- tory of the church of Scotland, p. 446, fol. Edinb. 1680. (a) Though other writers give a different account. ~\ Calderwood '."peaks of the birth of prince Charles, but mentioas not a word about his baptifm. 4 He was born, ' fays he, upon the 19th of November, about eleven ' hours at night, the fame day that Gowrie and his bro- ' ther's carcaifes were difmembred (c)." Spot/wood ob- ferves, that * his chriftenino- was haftned becaufe of the ' weaknefs of the child, and that his death was much * feared (d).' Thus alio Perinchief, in the very page referred to in the text, tells us, 4 that he was born in (o much weaknefs, that his baptifm was haftned, with- ( d ) , Hl !; ory ' out the ufual ceremonies wherewith fuch royal infants of Scotland. ' are admitted into the church.' Here are very different p. 461, fol. accounts, we fee, of the baptifm of this prince; but Loud. 1668. w hich is moft worthy of belief, muit be left to the reader to determine. All I fhall fay is, that if the young prince had received the benefit of epifcopal baptifm, (a benefit never fufficiently to be valued, in the opinion of fome very . D d rave an d l eame d writers (rt ; which he refufing, the Spanijh ambafiador 4 willingly accepted, and being there, feeing no caufe * to the contrary, he put off Don Taxis, and took upon * him El Senor Embaxador, wherein he outftrips our 4 little Monfieur. He was privately at the firft mafk, * and fat amongft his men difguifed : at this he was 4 taken ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 5 a perfon well qualified for that office, though a favourer of prefbytery (/) (c). Under ^J*- this of king Charles, p. 2. ' taken out to dance, and footed it like a lufty old gal- * lant with his countrywoman. He took out the queen, * and forgot not to kifs her hand, though there was * danger it would have left a mark on his lips. The ' night's work was concluded with a banquet in the ' great chamber, which was fo furioufiy affaulted, that * down went table and trefTes before one bit was * touched (g ).' The reader perhaps is difpofed to fmile () Wirt- at the indecorum mentioned by fir Dudley, and to cen- rood's me- fure the light and curtezan-like attire of the ladies ; but ^i'^of the prefent age has little room to exult over them with ftate, vd ii. refpeiSt, to propriety or decency, as thofe who are ac- r- 43> fo!i . quainted with public places and public entertainments onu * 1?2S ' well know. (c) Thomas Murray, a favourer of prefbytery. 1 This is a fact not to be difputed. There is a letter in the Ca- bala from Dr. Williams, bifhop of Lincoln,, and lord- keeper to the duke of Buckingham, dated Feb. 23, 162 1, concerning the promotion of this gentleman to the pro- voftfhip of Eton. In this letter, Williams- complains * of * the difpenfation given him, who was a meer layman,. ' to hold a place which was a living with cure of fouls ; ' intimates his fufpicion of his being averle to our * church- government j and declares, that he thinks it * will be no difparagement to him, though he had been * his hjghnefs's fchooimafter, to take orders.' And in his poftfcript he fays, he M has fince feen Mr. Murray ; * finds him averfe to the priefthood. If the king will * difpenfe with him, my letter notwithstanding, adds he, ' I humbly befeech his majefty to write a letter unto me, * as a warrant to admit him only ad curam & regimen * collegii, inftead of the other word ad curam animarum. * I fchooled him foundly againft puritanifm, which he ' dilavows, though fomewhat faintly. I hope his high- 6 nefs and the king will fecond it ().' However, Mr. (b) Cabala, Murray had the provoftfhip ; in which, on his death, he ?* 2 ? 9, If* B 3 was a * l ** 6 fk L I F E of C H A R L E S I. this tutor he was fo diligent and fludious, that he far advanced in learning} infomuch that was fucceeded by the learned fir Henry Wooton, who, notwithstanding his having been on many embafiies, en- tered into holy orders, agreeably to the flatutes of the (!) See his college (/). 'Tis very remarkable, I think, that fome of life prefixed the greateft foes of the puritans were educated among Wottoma- 36 tnem y ar nes was inftrucled by Buchanan j * Charles by nae. Mr. Murray. The late earl of Oxford was trained up amongft the diffenters, as well as his and their antago- nist Bolingbroke : for though the writer of his life ftrenu- oufly endeavours to (how that he never was educated in (k) Memoirs diffenting principles (i), yet, I think, the contrary may of the life unanfwerably be proved from his own words f. Lord JSJHS" Wharton, in his fpeech on the fchifm-bill, anno 17 14, of lord Bo- obferved, * That he could not but wonder, that the lingbroke, < perfons that had been educated in diffenting acade- Lond ' i 8v 2 ' mies, which he could point at, and whofe tutors he ' * could name, fhould appear the moft forward in fup- 1 prefling them. That this would be but an indifferent * return for the benefits the public had received from * thofe fchools which had bred thofe great men, who ' had made fo glorious a peace, and treaties that exe- ' cute themfelves ; who had obtained fo great advan- * tages for our commerce, and who had paid the public * debts without further charge to the nation : fo that he * The puritanical education of Charles gave great concern to Dr. An- drews, bifhopofEly, who, on the king's being fick in 1 6 18, bewailed the * fad condition of the church, if God ihould at that time determine the ' days of the king ; the prince being then only converfant with Scotch- * m"n, which made up the greateft part of his family, and were ill- t Perin- ' anVec ^ e( * t0 the government and worfhip of the church of England J.* chief's life But his fears, we fhall fin,;, were without foundation. of Charles t * n ^ 0I ^ Bolingbroke's letter to Mr. Pope, at the end of his letter to v i See al- ^ r William Wyndham, fpeakmg of Chryfoftom's homilies, he adds, fo Burnet ' which puts me in mind of a puritanical parfon, (Dr. Manton) who, if I vol \ a 'a. * m '^ a ' ie not > f r I have never looked into the folio fince I was a boy, and Dutch edit ' ' condemned fometimes to read in it, made one hundred and nineteen fer- in 12010 ' ' mons on the hundred and nineteenth pfalm.' See letter te Wyndham, p. 526, 8vo. Lond. 1753,. could T^LIFE^/CHARLES I. 7 that his brother prince Henry taking notice of it, by way of jeft, put the cap of archbifhop Abbot (who was then with the prince and the duke, and other of the nobility, waiting in the privy-chamber for the king's coming out) on his head ; adding, if he was a good boy and minded his book, he would make him one day archbifhop of Canterbury. ' could fee no reafon there was to fupprefs thofe acade- mies, unlefs it were an apprehenfion that they might ' ftill produce greater genius's, that mould drown the * merits and abilities of thofe great men (/).' But, (/) Tor- however, in juftice to many great men educated among buck's par- the puritans, it muft be faid that they were not instate- jet^tes^vol. ful, though they continued not with them. Whuhcot, . p. zi6, ' Wilkins, and Tillotfon, among the clergy ; the earl of 8vo. Lond. Wharton, the lord-chancellor King, among the laity, I74-1 * with feveral others, who from time to time have had feats in both houfes, have fhewed their efteem and friend- ship for them, by defending them againft their adverfa- ries, and bearing teftimony to their innocency, loyalty, and learning. Which behaviour, as it manifefts more gratitude, fo likewife does it proceed from truer patriotifm than its oppofite. For the puritans have been hated, reviled, and opprefTed, chiefly on account of their firm attachment to civil liberty, and the conftitution of their country. ' By the bills for preventing occafional con- ' formity and the growth of fchifm, it was hoped that ' their [the diflentersj fting would be taken away,' fays Bolingbroke. And again, fays he, * Thefe bills were * thought necefTiry for our party-intereft (?).' What (m) Letter t that party-intereft was, is but too well known ; as like- w )' ndham wife what he and his coadjutors aimed at : and therefore p * 2 * it cannot but be efteemed an honour to any body of men to be ill treated by fuch as were ready to facrifice their country to their own ambition and luft of power. B 4 On 8 Me L I F E / C H A R L E S I. On the death of his brother, Nov. 9, 16 1 2, he fucceeded him in the dukedom of Cornwall; and at the age of fixteen he was created prince of Wales, and had a court formed for him. Tho' he had had a great averfion towards Villiers, duke of Buckingham, whofe info- lence was great, yet a friendship inviolable fucceeded, contrary to the expectations of many. At his inftigation, and in his com- pany, this prince went into Spain, in order to conclude the match that had been fo long negotiating with the Infanta (d); where he behaved (d) At Buckingham'* infligation, and in his company, he went into Spain, &c] The negotiations for a match with the Infanta of Spain began about the year 1616. The Spaniards at flrft intended only to amufe king Jatnes, and hinder him from interfering in the affairs of Ger- many. At length, they feem to have been fincere, and determined to conclude it. The duke of Buckingham then, out of ' envy to the earl of Br ift 'el, (who had the ' fole management of the affair) one day infinuated to * the piince the common misfortune of princes, that in ' fo fubftantial a part of their happinefs in this world ' as depended upon their marriage, themfelves had ne- ' vcr any part; but muft receive only an account from ' others of the nature and humour, and beauty of the * ladies they were to marry and thofe reports feldom * proceeded from per Cons totally unintereffed, by reafon * of the parts they had a&ed towards fuch preparations. * From hence he diicourfed, how gallant and how brave * a thing it would be for his highnefs to make a journey ' into Spain, and to fetch home his miftrefs ; that it ' would put an end prefently to all thofe formalities, ' which, (though all fubftantial matters were agreed * upon r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 9 behaved with great politenefs, and was re- ceived with much reipect : though, thro' the means ' upon already) according to the fryleof that court, and * the flow progrefs in all things of ceremony, might vet ' retard the Infanta's voyage into England many months, * all which would in a moment be removed by his high * nefs's own prefence; that it would be fuch an obliga- ' tion to the Infanta herfeif, as fhe could never enough ' value or requite, and, being a refpet rarely paid by * any other prince, upon the like addreiTes, could pro- * ceed only from the high regard and reverence he had * for her perfon j that in the great affair, that only re- * mained undetermined, and was not entirely yielded to, * though under a very friendly deliberation, which was * the reftoring the Palatinate, it was very probable that * the king of Spain himfelf might chufe, in the infiant, < to gratify his perfonal inteipofition, which, in a treaty ' with an ambafiador, might be drawn out in length, or * attended with overtures of recompence by fome new * conceflions, which would create new difficulties.; * however, that the mediation could not but be frankly * undertaken by the Infanta herfeif, who would ambi- * tioufly make it her work, to pay a part of her great * debt to the prince ; and that he might, with her, and c by her, prefent to his majefty the entire peace and re- * ftitution of his family, which by no other human * means could be brought to pafs.' * Thefe difcourfes made fo deep an impreffion on the * mind and fpirit of the prince, (whole nature was in- * clined to adventures) that he was tranTported with the * thought of it, and moft impatiently follicitous to bring < it to pafs ().' , . pJ Thus having, with much difficulty, gained the king's dons . iVry con lent, his highnefs, with Buckingham^ let out with very of the rebel- few attendants, unknown to the court, and through on * v * u France travelled into Spain incognito. His arrival being 6iaa.iyj%, notified to that court, he was treated with all imaginable civility and refpeft, and had part of the royal palace fitted up for him. 2 Whilft io The LIFE of CHARLES I. means of his favourite, the match was broke off, and a quarrel eniued between the two nations. Some Whilft in Spain, he fhewed his gallantry ; for under- standing ' that the Infanta was ufed to go fome morn- ' ings to the Cafa da Campo, a fummer-houfe of the * king's on the other fide of the river, to gather May- ' dew, he rofe early, and, accompanied with one gen- * tleman, went thither, and was let into the houfe and * into the garden ; but the Infanta was in the orchard, * and there being a high partition-wall between, and the * door double-bolted, the prince got on the top of the * wall, and fprung down a great height, and fo made * towards her; but fhe fpying him firft of all the reft, * gave a fhriek, and ran back. The old marquis, that * was then her guardian, came towards the prince, and * fell on his knees, conjuring his highnefs to retire, in c regard he hazarded his head if he admitted any to her 6 company ; fo the door was opened, and he came out ().' But the ao, 2i. Infanta was not deftined for Charles ; for notwithstanding' the favour with which he was treated by the catholick king, notwithstanding the preparations made for a mar- riage, the wifhes of his father, and his own fond defire and affection, Buckingham (fuch is the power of a favou- rite !) found means to prevent it. For his pride and haughtinefs were difagreeable to the Spaniards, proud as they themfelves were : his carriage was fcandaloufly in- decent *i he difgufted the conde d'Olivares, and, in re- turn, * In the Cabala there is a letter, ab ignoto, to the king, highly renew- ing on Buckingham ; and, among other things, his majeiry is requefted to ' enquire of thofe that come out of Spain, whether the duke of Bucking- A ham Lond. 1705. fk LIFE to the king of Spain, he consented to his departure ; 263, fol. adding withal, * That he would take it lor a favour if he Lond * l6 S9* ' would depute him to perfonate him j and ten days after * the difpenfarion mould come from Rome, the bufinefs * mould be done, and afterwards he might fend for his * wife when he pleafed (r).* Soon after, the king and W -Howcl'* his two brothers accompanied his highnefs about twenty rs p * miles, and wonderful endearments and embraces paft be- tween them. Prince Charles immediately went on board a royal fleet, which attended for him ; and after having been in great danger in the road at St. Andero, fafely ar- rived in England, where he was received with the Utrnoft * ham did net many things againft the authority and reverence due to the * moft illuftrious prince [Charles] ? Whether he was not wont to be fitting ' whilft the prince flood, and was in prefence, and alfo having his feet reft- * ing upon another feat, after an indecent manner ? Whether, when the * prince was uncovered, whilft the queen and infanta looked out at the * windows, he uncovered his head, or no ? Whether he were not wont to come into the prince's chamber with his clothes haif on, fo that the 1 doors could not be opened to them that came to vifit the prince from the * king of Spain, the door-keepers refufing to go in for modefty's fake ? ' Whether he did not call the prince by ridicvlous names ? Whether he did ' not diflionour and p ofane the king's palace with bafe and contemptible * women ? Whether he did not divers obfcene things, and ufed not immo- ' deft gesticulations, and wanton tricks with players, in the prefence of the * prince ? ' &c, &c. Cabala, p. %-j6 % 12 ^LIFEo/CHARLES L which were thought to reflect highly on the honour of his catholick majefty, by his am- baiTadors, joy and tranfport. c To tell your lordfhip what joy is ' here for the prince's return,' (fays fir James Palmer^ in a letter to Robert earl of Leycefler^ dated Roijfon, Oct. 13, 1623,) * no one man's expreflions can inform you, nor ' can the preachers in their fermons do enough (though (s) Sidney's * all ftrive to outdo one another) in that kind (s).' But ftate-papers, tho' a proxy was left behind in the hands of Digby earl of vo 11. p. Brijioli to amufe the Spanijh court ; yet orders were prt- Lond. 1746. vately fent to him, upon no terms to make ufe of it, till further orders were received with relation to it. Soon after the prince's departure the difpenfation from Rome arrived, and it was concluded the marriage would be ac- complifhed. But the immediate reftitution of the Pala- tinate was now demanded, though that was known to be impoflible, (however by the Spaniards not held unjuft) who profefTed * the defponforio's pafr, the Infanta on * her knees fhould have been a fuitor to the king to re- * (tore the Palatinate, making it thereby her a<5t, and (t) Ruin- * drawing the obligation wholly to her (t). y This breach worth, vol.i. f tne intended marriage with Spain was highly accept- p ' 11Z ' able to the Englijh nation, who viewed it with horror; and therefore Buckingham was greatly applauded by all ranks of people, for bringing back the prince in fafety. The popular favour now enabled him to bring about what he had meditated before his return: for in fpight of James his matter, and contrary to what was well known to thofe concerned in the tranfa&ions to be truth, he averred before the parliament, that the Spaniards never intended to beftow the Infanta on Charles^ or get the Palatinate reftored to his brother-in-law. To this i Charles himfelf alfo gave his teftimony, before the fame I auguft aflembly. Whereupon the parliament advifed the breaking off the treaties; promifed his majefty afliftance; and troops were immediately raifed to recover the Pala- tinate. A rupture likewife with Stain enfued, to the great grief of his majefty : ' who, fays lord. Clarendon* t when rise LIFEe/CHARLES I. 13 baiTadors, Buckingham's head was demanded by them j but he had the good fortune to be juftified by the lords, and praifed by the king, though, as will appear in the note (u), ()Noter he was greatly offended with him, and me- "J** th * ditated his ruin. However, the Spanifh ambaffadors were not disheartened ; but found means (by a writing privately con- veyed into his hands, as well as by their agents fecretly admitted into his prefence) ftxongly to infinuate into the king, that he was befieged by the duke's fervants, and was no more a free man; that he was to be con- fined to his country-houfe and paftimes, the prince having years and parts anfwerable to public government; that the duke had re- conciled himfelf to all popular men, and fought to raife an opinion of his own great- * when he was informed of what the duke had fo confi- * dently avowed, for which he had not authority, or the * leaft direction from him, and a great part whereof 4 himfelf knew to be untrue, and that he had advifed an * utter breach of the treaty, and to enter on a war with * Spain; he was infinitely offended, fo that he wanted ' only a refolute and brifk counfellor to aflift him in de- ' ftroying the duke: and fuch a one he promiled himfelf * in the arrival of the earl of Bri/fol, whom he expected c everyday (w).' Brifiol foon arrived, and as foon was ( w ) ciaren- committed ; for Buckingham ruled father and fon, nor don > voI ' was there a man could bear up againft him. So vain a p ^ a2 ' thing is it for minifters to rely on the favour or juftice of thofe m afters, who have meannefs enough to (ubmit to the rule of favourites, efpecially when deilitute of- fenfe, viitue and learning:. nefs, 14 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. nefs, and to make the king grow lefs ; and that all looked towards the rifing fun* Whereupon they advifed the king, fays Rujh- ( y ) vol. i. ivorth (y), to free himfelf from this captivity, p ' * 44 ' and imminent danger, and to cut off fo un- grateful an affector of popularity and great- nefi ; and fo he mould fhew himfelf to be, as he was reputed, the oldeft and wifeft king in Europe. Thefe, and many other things of a like nature, which were privately repre- fented to his majefty by means of the Spanijh' ambafTadors, wrought fo much on him, that he mufed much in filence, and entertained the prince and duke with myftical broken fpeeches. The duke now began to be alarmed, as well as the prince ; but by the advice of Dr. Williams, lord-keeper, (who had, with great dexterity, found out the in- ftruments of railing the king's fears and fufpi- cions, and had alfo revealed (e) them) he fol- (e) Williams, with great dexterity, found out the inflru- ments ofraifing the kings fears, &c] Williams was devoted to the duke of Buckingham, tho' the duke was far enough from being pleafed with him ; and on this occafion he did him great fervice, as we learn by the following ftory. ' While the king was at JVindfor with prince Charles^ ' and Buckingham left behind, the lord-keeper, (who * fpared for no coil to get intelligence of every hour's * occurrences at court) having received fome informa- f tion, went to the duke at Wallingford-houfe, whom he ' found lying on a couch, and would not rife up nor 4 fpeak, though twice or thrice moved thereunto by the lord- ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 15 followed the king to Windfor, where he had gone without him, and kept fo near him, that lord-keeper; who protefted to his grace, that he came there only to prevent more harm, and to bring him out of that forrow into the kind's favour : and befought the duke to make hafte to Windfor, and fhew himfelf to the king; before fupper were ended ; to deport himfelf with all amicable addrefs, and not ftir from him day or night. For the danger was, that fome would pufh on the king to break with the parliament, and, upon that diffolution, they hoped to fee his grace in the Tower; and then, God knows what would follow. The keeper adjured the duke to fecrefy, as to what he had told him, and to lofe no time. And the duke parted with many thanks, and came to Windfor before he was expected, and waited on his majefty with a conftant attendance. This happened on Saturday, and on Monday morning the prince came to the lords houfe, and told the keeper privately, how well he was pleafed that he had given the duke fuch faithful warning for his fafety; defiring him farther, to explain the caufe which had got the duke and himfelf the king's ill-will. The keeper faid, that all he could gain to know was, that fome in the Spanijb ambafiador's houfe had been pre- paring mifchief, and four days fince had infufed it into the king ; and that this he had difcovered from Don Francijco Carondelet, who, being a fcholar, and arch- deacon of Cambray, took a liking to converfe with his lordfhip, who had difcovered him to be a lover of our Engli/h beauties, and particularly of one in Mark-lane y a witty woman, and one who muft be courted with news and occurrences. This woman the keeper had bribed to fend him word of all that Carcndelet had told her : and thus he came by his news, thinking it lawful (now the devil had made her a finner) for him to make ufe of her fin. Yea, fays the prince, do you deal in fuch ware ? Faith, fir, faid the keeper, I never faw her face.' 'But *6 Lond follicitous to curry favour with him, though remarkable 17 * 2 * for vile behaviour, both political and moral. Doubt- lefs, he muft have been very mindful of the duties of both his functions, who fpared no coir, to get intelligence of every hour's occurrences at court, and devoted his mid- night hours to unravel political intrigues* 2. The ftrict connexion between the prince and Buck" ingham, is from hence very apparent. As is, in the 3d place, The diflimulation of "James, fo very re- markable through his whole life. For tho', on the fight of the papers prefented, he affected to talk of the Spanijh ambaffadors as no better than traitors ; of his being grieved for having fufpected them, and of the clearnefs of their innocency ; yet 'tis very probable, th? j in his heart he never forgave Buckingham, nor was wholly pleafed with the prince, who adhered to him, and acted C con- 18 ftLIFEo/CHARLESL with the duke, and they were both received into their former favour, at leaft as to out- ward appearance. The Spanijh match being now entirely broken off, and a war with that nation de- termined, a match was propofed with France, and the lords Kenpngton (afterwards well known by the title of earl of Holland) and Carlijle were appointed to negotiate it. In a fhort time, every thing was agreed on, and great rejoicings were made, both at Paris and London, on account of the conclu- fion of the marriage-treaty, which contained articles equally as favourable to the Engli/b catholicks as that fworn to with Spain. But the death of James, which happened March 27, 1625, (not without caufing (f) fufpi- cions againfl Buckingham, and even prince Charles) prevented the confummation of it ; though contrary to his exprefs will and defire in the impeachment () SeeCla- and fentence of the earl of Middlefex (b). rendon, vol. ( F ) y^ fa j- k - James, which happened not without caufing fufpicions againfi the duke of Buck- ingham, and even prince Charles, &V.J The grounds for fufpedling that Buckingham poifoned king fames, I have (c) Hiftori- very particularly fet forth in another place (c ). But the cal and cnti- f u fpi c j ons againft Charles, his fon, are now to be men- of the life tioned ; the impartiality of hiftory requires it. 'Tis well and writings known the houfe of commons, among other articles of if ^aT '" i m P eac tL rnent againft the duke of Buckingham in 1626, j_ t ' infertedbne concerning the plaifters adminiftered by him to king James, which, according to them, occafioned his death. The duke, in his defence, denied the charge, and ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 19 though foon afterwards (the duke of Buck- ingham being fent to conduct the queen, who and protefted his innocency : but the commons declared they were ready to prove it on him, unlefs prevented j which they were, by a diffolution. Upon this a charge is framed againft prince Charles, as if he was concerned n the fact, and therefore unwilling it fhould undergo a parliamentary examination. ' Though king Charles was bound to profecute king 'James's death, fays fir Edward Peyton^ committed contrary to all the laws of God and nations ; yet king Charles^ to fave the duke, dif- folved the parliament; and never after had the truth tried, to clear himfelf from confederacy, or the duke from fo heinous a fcandal. Now let all the world judge of Charles's carriage, whether he was not guilty of conniving at fo foul a fin (d).' Lilly, in more mode- (' iiify of coun- tenance, of great vivacity, a lover of in- trigues, and one who treated her hufband with the utmoft infolence (o). Her beha- viour .lied, * Friend, if 1 had no other fin, (I (peak it with reverence to God's msjefty) I aflure thee, I would 4 never aflc him pardon fgV ,. SJf p^ Thefe are the realon* tor which 1 am for pronouncing j> p Wtr- (.l,mlr; innocent in this matter, nor have I any great *^** m$m ' about the reader's concurring in the juftice of the?*J%(^ nee. However the public, at it has a right, mufti**! tjU. judge of this as well as other matters here laid before it, 1 1 judgment will be regulated by facia and reafoning* onlv. (a) Henrietta Maria, a lady of txttUtnt btauty, &c.J Mr. Waller is very lavifh in praife of the beauty of Htn* rittta Maria, In ha poem mferibed to her on feeing her pidture. The following line* are a fpecimen of hi* pa- negyric. Your beauty more the fon&eb lover movei With admiration, than hie private loves j With admiration ! for a pitch fo high m facred Cbarhi his) never love durft fly. n, riur preferr'd a fceptre to your hand, >r P> 10, 1669. Lond!i735. The following extracT: will make a proper fupplement to this note. c The king's attachment to the counfels ' of the queen and her creatures, and his conftant neglect * of thofe of the trueft friends of his own and the na- ' tion's real intereft, is evident from the original letters , u \ Former . 4 of one of them, fir Edward Nicholas (n), fecretary ofly in the * ftate to him and to his fon and fucceflbr. I fhall fingle pinion of ' out a few paffages from thefe letters. In one to lord }' a l m l ~ * Hatton, then at Paris, dated Dec. 4, 1650, fir Edward Weft-Horf- ' complains, that the counfels of the Louvre, where leyinSurrey, * queen Henrietta refided, had been fatal to the crown of oJ| in"h* * England. In another to the fame lord, of the ift of of fir John 1 Feb. 1 650- 1, he exprefles his fears, that thofe coun- Evcl y n of C A i frU Wotton > in ^ 4 leJS 3 the fame county, bart. 24 (o) Appendix to the inqui- ry into the fliare which K. Charles I. had in the tranfactions of the earl of Glamor- c S an > 1755- i ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. lord Carlton, difpatched by him to Paris> dated at Wanjled, July 12, 1626 (h). This ' fcls, which ruined the father, and brought the good ' and hopeful king [Charles U.] into the fad condition * in which he then was, would never do better. In one * to the marquis of Ormond, of March 1, 1650-1, he ' obferves, that for the king [Charles II. J to put himfelf c into the hands of thofe, wholVcounfels and conduct ' had been fo apparently unfortunate to his bleffed father ' and himfelf, was a prudence and policy that he could * not fathom. And in one to lord Hatton, of the 7th of * June, 1 65 1, N. S. he prays, that the influence of thofe * of the houvre, which would be a great difcourage- c rnent to honeft men, might not prove as fatal to the young king as to his father (a).' (h) Charles Rex. 1 It is not unknown both to the French king and his mother, what unkindnefies and diftaftes have fallen between my wife and me, which hitherto I have borne with great patience, (as all the world knows) ever ex- pecting and hoping an amendment; knowing her to be but young, and perceiving it to be the ill crafty counfels of her fervants, for advancing of their own ends, ra- ther than her own inclination : for at- my firft meeting of her at Dover, I could not expect more teftimonies of refpecl and love than fhe fhewed : as, to give one inftance, her firft fuit to me was, that fhe being young, and coming to a ftrange country, both by her years and ignorance of the cuftoms of the place, might commit many errors, therefore that I would not be angry with her for her faults of ignorance, before I had with my inftrudtions learned her to efchew them, and defired me in thefe cafes to ufe no third perfon, but to tell her myfelf, when I found fhe did any thing amifs. I both granted her requeft, and thanked her for it ; but defired her fhe would ufe me as fhe had defired me to ufe her, which fhe willingly promifed me, which promife (he never kept : for a little after this, madam St. George 1 taking T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 25 This reprefentation of king Charles to his brother of France, and his fending home the queen's * taking a diftafte, becaufe I would not let her ride with * us in the coach, when there was women of better qua- ' lity to fill her room, claiming it as her due, (which in ' England we think a ftrange thing) fet my wife in fuch < an humour of diftafte againft me, as from that very * hour to this, no man can fay that ever fhe ufed me two * days together with fo much refpedr. as Ideferved of her ; * but, by the contrary, has put fo many difrefpects upon c me, as it were too long to fet down all. Some I will * relate : as I take it. it was at her firft coming to Hamp- ' ton-court, I fent fome of my council to her, with thofe orders that were kept in the queen my mother's houfe, * defiring fhe would command the counte of TiUiers^ * that the fame might be kept in her's : her anfwer was, fhe hoped that I would give her leave to order her * houfe as fhe lift herfelf, (now if fhe had faid that fhe < would fpeak with me, not doubting to give me fatif- < faction in it, I could have found no fault, whatfoever * fhe would have faid of this to myfelf ; for I could only ' impute it to ignorance ; but I could not imagine that * fhe affronted me fo, as to refufe me in fuch a thing publicly.) After I heard this anfwer, I took a time * (when I thought we had both beft leifure todifpute it) ' to tell her calmly both her fault in the public denial, * as her miftaking the bufinefs itfelf. She, infiead of ac- * knowledging her fault and miftaking, gave me fo ill an * anfwer, that I omit, not to be tedious, the relation of 1 that difcourfe, having too much of that nature here- * after to relate. Many little neglects I will not take the ' pains to fet down, as her efchewing to be in my com- * pany : when I have any thing to fpeak to her, I muft ' means her fervant firft, elfe I am fure to be denied; her ' neglect of the Englijh tongue, and of the nation in ' general. I will alfo omit the affront fhe did me before * my going to this laft unhappy affembly of parliament, 4 becaufe there has been talk enough of that already, OV. ' and 26 T/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. queen's fervants who attended her into Eng- land, and were to have been of her houfhold, was and the author of It is before you in France. To be fhort, omitting all other paflages, coming only to that which is recent in my memory : I having made a com- mifHon to make my wife's jointure, &c. to affign her thofe lands (he is to live on, and it being brought to fuch a ripenefs, that it wanted but my confent to the particulars then had chofen : fhe, taking notice that it was now time to name the officers for her revenue, one night when I was a- bed, put a paper in mv hand, tell- ing me it was a lift of thofe that fhe defired to be of her revenue. I took it, and faid I would read it next morning ; but withal told her, that, by agreement in France, I had the naming of them. She faid, there were both Englijh and French in the note. I replied, that thofe Englijh I thought fit to ferve her, I would confirm ; but for the French, it was impoflible for them to ferve her in that nature. Then fhe faid, all thofe in the paper had brevets from her mother and herfelf, and that fhe could admit no other. Then I faid, it was neither in her mother's power nor her's to admit any without my leave; and that, if fhe flood upon that, whomfoever fhe recommended fhould not come in. Then fhe bad me plainly take my lands to myfelf ; for if fhe had no power to put in whom fhe would in thofe places, fhe would have neither lands nor houfe of me, but bad me give her what I thought fit in penfion. I bad her then remember to whom fhe fpake, and told her, that fhe ought not to ufe me fo. Then fhe fell into a paffionate difcourfe, how fhe is miferable in having no power to place fervants, and that bufinefs fucceeded the worfe for her recommendation ; which when I offered to anfwer, fhe would not fo much as hear me. Then fhe went on, faying, fhe was not of that bafe quality to be ufed fo ill. Then I made her both hear me, and end that difcourfe. Thus having fo long patience, with the difturbance of that that * fhould ^LIFEo/CHARLES L 27 was owing to Buckingham (1), who, on a particular paflion, took all the ways he could to ' (hould be one of my greateft, contentments, I can no ' longer fuffer thofe that I know to be the caufe and fo- ' menters of thefe humours, to be about my wife any * longer ; which I muft do, if it were but for one action * they made my wife do, which is, to make her go to 1 Tibttrn in devotion to pray j which action can have no * greater invective made againft, than the relation. * Therefore you fhall tell my brother the French king, * as likewife his mother, that this being an action of ?b 4 much neceffity, I doubt not but he will be fatisfied. ' with it, efpecially fince he hath done the like himfelf, * not flaying while he had fo much reafon: and being * an action that fome may interpret to be of harfhnefs to ' his nation, I thought good to give him an account of * it, becaufe in all things 1 would preferve the good cor- * refpondency and brotherly affection that is between * us*' (i) This reprefeniation of the kings, his fending home the queen's fervants who were to have been of her houfooldy was owing to Buckingham, cifr.J There is fome- thing curious enough in the accounts given us of the caufe of Buckingham's averfion to France, and the vexa- tions he caufed to the queen of England, which at length * The king's cabinet opened, or certain packets or fecret letters and papers written with the king's own hand, and taken in his cabinet in Naiby- field, June 14, 1645, by victorious fir Thomas Fairfax. Published by fpecial order of parliament, London, 4to. 1645. As I fhall have occafion frequently to quote thefe letters, it will be proper, once for all, to eftablifh their authority. This will be belt done by king Charles himfelf, who, in a letter to fecretary Nicholas, has thefe words : ' Though I could have ' wifhed their pains had been fpared, yet I will neither deny that thofe things * are mine which they have let out in my name, (only fome words here and ' there are miftaken, and fome commas mifplaced, but not much material) * noi as a good proteftant or honeft man blufh for any of thofe papers. * Indeed, as a difcreet man, I will not juftify myfelf 5 and yet I would fain * know him who would be willing that the freedom of all his private Iet- * ters were publickly feen, as mine have now been,' King Charles's works, p. 155, raifed 28 The LIFE of CHARLES I. to exafperate the French court, and to leflen the king's affection towards his young queen, fear- raifed a war that ended inglorioufly to himfelf and his matter, as I fhall have occafion hereafter to (hew. * In his embafly in France, where his perfon and pre- fence was wonderfully admired and efteemed, and in which he appeared with all the luftre the wealth of England could adorn him with, and outfhined all the bravery that court could drefs itfelf in, and over- acted the whole nation in their own moft peculiar vani- ties ; he had the ambition to fix his eyes upon, and to dedicate his moft violent affection to a lady of a very fublime quality, and to purfue it with moft importu- nate addrefles ; infomuch as, when the king had brought the queen his fifter as far as he meant to do, and delivered her into the hands of the duke, to be by him conducted into England, the duke, in his journey, after the departure of that court, took a refolution once more to make a vifit to that great lady, which he believed he might do with much privacy. But it was fo eafily difcovered, that provifion was made for his reception ; and if he had purfued his attempt, he had been without doubt aflalfinated, of which he had only fo much notice as ferved him to decline the danger. But he fwore, in the inftant, that he would fee and fpeak with that lady, in fpight of the ftrength and power of France. And from the time that the queen arrived in England, he took all the ways he could to undervalue and exafperate that court and nation, by caufing all thofe that fled into England from the juftice and difpleafure of that king, to be received and enters tained here, not only with ceremony and fecurity, but with bounty and magnificence; and the more extraor- dinary the perfons were, and the more notorious their king's difpleafure was towards them, the more ref peel- fully they were received and efteemed. He omitted no opportunity to incenfe the king againft France, and to diipofe him to aflift the Huguenots, whom he like wife en- i The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 29 fearing left her intereft might be of force enough to crofs his other defigns. And it was * encouraged to give their king fome trouble. And, ' which was worfe than all this, he took great pains to ' leflen the king's affection towards his young queen, / 1 being exceedingly jealous left her intereft might be of * force enough to crofs his other defigns : and in this * ftratagem, he had brought himfelf to a habit of neglect, ' and even of rudenefs towards the queen ; fo that, * upon expostulations with her on a trivial cccafion, he * told hei fhe fhould repent it j and her majefty anfwer- * ing with fome quicknefs, he replied infolently to her, * that there had been queens in England who had loft * their heads (p).*' In order that the reader may the(/>) ciaren- better underftand all this, I will here tranfcribe a few don > vol paffages from the memoirs of madam de Motteville, a p< 3 favourite of Anne of Aujlria, wife to Lewis XIII. ' At ' the queen of England's leaving Amiens, the French ' court accompanied her majefty a little way out of the ' city, and the queen of France (fays madam de Motte- 1 ville) has done me the honour to tell me, that when * the duke of Buckingham came to kifs her gown, fhe ' being in the fore-feat cf the coach with the princefs of ' Conti, he hid himfelf with the curtain, as if he had c fomething to fay to her ; but, in reality, to wipe away * the tears which then came into his eyes. The princeJs ' of Conti, who had an agreeable way of raillery, and, ' as I have heard, a great deal of wit, faid, on this occa- 1 fion, fpeaking of the queen, that fhe would be an- ' fwerable to the king for her virtue ; but that {he could ' not fay fo of her cruelty, fince, without doubt, the * tears of that lover, which fhe had feen on this occafion, ' ought to have touched her heart, and that fhe had ' fulpecled her eyes to have looked on him at leaft with ' pity. The duke of Buckingham's paffion (continues the ' lady) prompted him to a bold a&ion, which the queen ' has informed me of; and which has been confirmed to ' me by the queen of England^ who had it from Bucking- * ham 3 o r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. (?) vol. i. un iverfally known, fays lord Clarendon (q), that, during his life, the queen had never any ham himfelf. That illuftrious ftranger having left Amiens, in order to return to England, whither he was to conduft the princefs of France, now queen of Eng- land, to her hufband ; being overcome by his paffion, and unable to bear the pains of abfence, refolved to fee the queen of France again*, tho' it were but for a mo- ment. He formed that defign when he was come al- moft to Calais, and he executed it under pretence of news which he had received from the king his mafter, that obliged him to return to Amiens. He left the queen of England at Boulogne, 2nd came back to Mary de Medicis, then queen- mother, to treat about fome pretended affairs, which he took for the pretext of his return. After having done with his chimerical nego- tiation, he came to the reigning queen, whom he found in bed, almofr alone. That princefs was informed by a letter from the dutchefs de Chevreufe, who accom- panied the queen of England, of Buckingham's coming back. She fpoke of it before Nogent in a jefting man- ner, and was not furprifed when fhe faw the duke. But fhe was fo when he came freely to kneel down by her bed-fide, kifling her fheet with fuch uncommon tranfport, that it was eafy to perceive that his paffion was violent, and of that kind which does not leave the ufe of reafon to thofe that are feized with it. The queen has told me, that fhe was troubled at it ; which trouble, joined with a little indignation, made her con- tinue a long time without fpeaking to him. The coun- tefs de Lannoi, then her lady of honour, not being willing to fuffer the duke to continue in that condition, told him, with a great deal of feveriry, that what he did was not cuftomary in France, and would have made him rife. But the duke, without appearing furprifed, difputed with the old lady, faying, that he was no Frenchman, and not bound to obferve the laws of the kingdom. Then addrefling himfelf to the queen, he * faid The LIFE of CHARLES I. 31 any credit with the king, with reference to any public affairs. But the death of that favou- faid aloud to her the moft tender things imaginable, which fhe anfwered only with complaints at his bold- * nefs j and, perhaps, (fays the lady) without being very * angry, fhe ordered him feverely to rife and begone. He did fo ; and having feen her the next day, in pre- fence of all the court, he went away, fully refolved to ' return into France as foon as poffible. All matters * relating to Buckingham were told king Lewis to his * queen's difadvantage. The queen of England (con- ' tinues madam Motteville) has fince related to me, that ' quickly after her marriage with king Charles I. fhe had ' fome diflike to the king her hufband, and that Buck- * ingham fomented it; that gentleman faying to her face, that he would fet her and her hufband at variance, if * he could. He fucceeded in it ; and the queen, in her * affliction, was defirous of returning into France, to fee < the queen her mother ; and as fhe knew the paffionate defire which the duke had of feeing once more the * young queen of France, fhe fpoke to him of her de- * fign. He embraced it with eagernefs, and he ferved * her powerfully in obtaining leave from the king her c hufband to execute it. The queen of England wrote * about it to the queen her mother, defiring leave to ' bring the duke of Buckingham, without whom fhe could * not take that voyage. She was refufed both by the * queen her mother, and by the king her brother, her (>-) Memoirs ' defign coming to nothing, by reafon of that of the duke t0W! ) rds c of Buckingham. This gentleman (fays the lady) railed hiftorf of* ' a divifion between the two crowns, that he might have Anne of * an occafion of returning into France, by the neceflity ^ uftna ? a f e * there would be for a treaty of peace (r)* t h e Jhvol. The infolence, pride, luft, and revenge of Bucking- of Retz me- ham, appear from thefe paflages, better than from a m ' rs > P* thoufand defcriptions : and it cannot but fomewhatdimi- scealfo 9 Ro- nifh the character of Charles, even in the eyes of his moft han's me- zealous and devout admirers, when they confider that mirs,p. this 'J*' 8v0 - tnis Load. 1660. 32 Tbe LIFE of CH ARLES L favourite, which happened by the hand of A well-meaning alTaffin (k), Aug. 23, 1628, gave thi^man, vile and abandoned in morals as he was, was his chief favourite ; and that tho' he might not do fuch things himfelf, yet he had pleafure in him that did them, (k) Buckingham V death happened by the hand of a well- meaning ajfajjin.j This was jfo/m Felton, a gentleman of family in Suffolk,^ good fortune and reputation; who. had been a lieutenant in the army ; which quitting, he redded in Londcn: where learning what an enemy to the nation Buckingham was^ and that the houfe of commons had declared him ' the cfcufe of all the evils the kingdom ' fuffered, and an enemy to the public,' he believed he fhould do God good fervice if he killed the duke. Which fhortly after he refolved to do, and actually accompliflied ' a at Port/mouth (where Buckingham then was, preparing and making ready the fleet and army defigned for the \ . relief of Rochelle, ftraitly befieged by Richlieu) ; for he t ftruck him with a knife over his fhoulder upon the bread, which piercing his heart, foon occafioned his death. Felton, tho' he might eafily have efcaped amidft the hurry and confufion the affaffination occafioned, unconfcious of ill, but glorying in his noble exploit, walked calmly be- fore the door of the houfe, owned and juftified the fa<5r. ; tho' before his death he is faid to have repented of it, and afked pardon of ' the king, the dutchefs, and all the ' duke's fervants, whom he acknowledged to have of- X0 c ^ n ; - fended (s).' That Felton was an aflaffin, mutt be owned : that affaffinations are, for the raoft part, very unjuftinable actions, muft be acknowledged ; but where the principles, on which fuch affaffinations are founded, appear plaufible, and the affaffinators appear to have acted out of views to the public good, however miftaken, and not out of felf-intereft or private revenge; I fay, where this is the cafe, as it feems here to have been, we cannot help pitying the criminals, tho' we condemn the crime. But to proceed in the hiftory. Felton, after having been confined in prifon at London, was called ' before <$on, vol. i. p. 30. ?* LIFE*/ CHARLES I. 33 gave the queen an opportunity of exerting an influence over his majefty, which fhe re- tained * before the council, where he confefTed his inducement ' abovementioned to the murder. The council much ' preffed him to confefs who fet him on work to do fuch * a bloody acl, and if the puritans had no hand therein : ' he denied they had ; and fo he did to the laft, that no ' perfon whatfoever knew any thing of his intentions or * purpofe to kill the duke, that he revealed it to none ' living. Dr. Laud, bifhop of London, being then at the * council-table, told him, if he would not confefs, he ' muft go to the rack. Felton replied, if it muft be fo, * he could not tell whom he might nominate in the ex- ' tremity of torture ; and if what he mould fay then ' muft go for truth, he could not tell whether his lord- ' fhip (meaning Laud), or which of their lordfhips, he ' might name; for torture might draw unexpected things ' from him. After this he was afked no more queftions, 4 but fent back to prifon. The council then fell into 1 debate, whether, by the law of the land, they could ' juftify the putting him to the rack ; which, by order of ' the king, being propounded to all the judges, they * unanimously agreed, that he ought not, by the law, to c be tortured by the rack ; for no fuch punifhment is ' known or allowed by our law (if).' Whereupon, being (0 Ruft- convi&ed on his own confeflion, he was hung up $n wo ;. th >vol.i chains. We fee here the true fpirit of an ecclefiaftlc P " 3 ' (armed with power) In Laud! Cruelty is the diftinguifh- ing character. Racks prefent themfelves prefently to the imagination of a fuperftitious tyrannical prieft, as th$ fitteft punifhments for offenders. Power in fuch handsj therefore, mould never be lodged, becaufe it will dege- nerate into tyranny, and render unhappy fuch as are un- der it. Let the fate of Buckingham alfo be a warning to all minifters not to purfue wicked meafures ; for de- ftruction, in all probability, wiil come upon them. Pub- lic juftice may make them examples: a Felton may arife to difpatch them; or if neither of thefe mould occafion D their 34 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. tained to the laft moment of his life. For ( l ) he was remarkably uxorious, con- fulted their fall, but they fhould brave juftice and efcape its ftroke, yet their names fhail be branded with infamy and reproach in the annals of the times in which they lived, though pimps and parafites have ever fo loudly founded their praifes. The following account of Felton may be looked on as no improper fupplement to this note. * He was of a ' religious and quiet converfation, given to no open vice ' nor whimfical opinions, being a frequent hearer of ' thofe preachers as were never found to give encourage- e ment to fuch practices, but rather the contrary. Nor c was honejl jfack, a title always given him, (though ren- * dered after more diffufive, by the duke's enemies, than ' fo ill a confequence might merit) agitated by revenge, c or any privater fpirit than what he was periuaded did ' regard the commonweal ; as I heard William earl of * Pembroke proteft, who could not but be the beft in- c formed, having aflifted at his examinations : who did ' withal aver, he never (aw piety and valour better or ' more temperately mixed in one perfon ; nor was he (t) Ofbom's < found, as the fame lord attefted, in any untruth (r).' works, p. j tkjnk j h a( j rea fo n to eive Felton the epithet of well- 224, 8vo. . r Lond. 1673. meaning. ... (l) He was remarkably uxorious, &c] Sir Philip Warwick tells us, that * king Charles was always more () Memoirs, c c hairy of the queen's perfon, than of his bufinefs ().' Burnet obferves, k that he was unreafonably feeble to (w) Burnet's ' thofe whom he trufted, chiefly to the queen (w).* hiftoryof his And if we turn to his letters, taken at Nafeby, we fhall voU.'p. nc * ^ e ftrongeft proofs of the regard he paid to her ad- Dutch edit, vice, and her influence over him. I will tranferibe a few pafTages from among many. In a letter, dated Oxford, ,13 Feb. 1643, we have the following expreffions : i I think it not the leaft of my misfortunes, that, for my 5 fake, thou haft run fo much hazard ; in which thou 4 haft exprefled fo much love to me, that I confefs it is * impoHihle to repay, by any thing I can do, much lefs ' by The LIFE of CHA.RLES L 35 fulted his wife in all his affairs, was in- fluenced by her, and, in a manner, wholly at ' by words : but my heart being full of affe&ion for * thee, admiration of thee, and impatient paflion of gra-> ' titude to thee, I could not but fay fomething, leaving ' the reft to be read by thee, out of thine own noble 4 heart. Some finds fault as too much kindnefs to thee; ' but I allure fuch, that I want expreffion, not will, to do f it ten times more to thee, on all occafions. Others ' prefs me, as being brought upon the ftage ; but I an- ' fwer, that having profeft to have thy advice, it were 1 a wrong to thee to do any thing before I had it (#).' (*)_RJng* Nor were thefe meer expreffions ; for, in fa<5t, he cared "j^ not to do any thing without firft consulting her majefty* 3 s. and obtaining her approbation. ' Now,' fays he, in a letter to the queen, dated May 14, 1645, ' I mud make a complaint to thee of my fon * Charles ; which troubles me the more, that thou mayeft, * fufpedr, I feek by equivocating to hide the breach of my ' word, which I hate above all things, efpecially to thee. f It is this : he hath fent to defire me, that fir John ' Greenfield may be fworn gentleman of his bedcham- * ber ; but already fo publickly engaged in it, that the ' refufal would be a great difgrace both to my fon and * the young gentleman, to whom it is not fit to give a ' juft diftafte, efpecially now, confidering his father's ' merits, his own hopefulnefs, befides the great power c that family has in the Weft ; yet I have refufed the * admitting of him until I {ball hear from thee. Where- ' fore I defire thee, firft, to chide my fon for engaging ' himfelf without one of our confents; then, not to re- * fufe thy own confent ; and laftly, to believe, that, * diredtly or indirectly, I never knew of this while yefter^ ' day, at the delivery of my fon's letter. So farewel, * fweet heart, and God fend me good news from thee(jv).' fj)H.p.ia. And in a letter, dated 9 June 1645, fpeaking of the good ftate of his affairs to her, he adds, ' Yet I mufl ' tell thee, that it is thy letter by Fitx-williams, afiining D 2 * me 3 6 T^LIFE^/CHARLES I, at her difpofal. So that we may reafonably pre- * me of tby perfect recovery, with thy wonted kind- ' nefs, which makes me capable of taking contentment * in thefe good fucceffes ; for as divers men propofes ' feveral recompences to themfelves for their pains and ' hazard in this rebellion, fo thy company is the only (2O King's ' reward I expeft and wifh for (2).' From thefe and cabinet, p. many like paffages, it appears how uxorious Charles was^ ** how much governed by a woman ! And confequently, in the opinion of fome brave fpirits, inaftate molt igno- minious. ' An ille mihi liber, cui mulier imperat ? cui le^es imponit, praefcribit, jubet, vetat quod videtur ? qui nihil imperanti negare poteft, nihil recufare audet? * pofcit? dandum eft: vocat? veniendum: ejicit? abe- * undum: minatur? extimefcendum. Ego vero iftum * non modo fervum, fed nequiflimum fervum, etiam fi in (d)Cic. Pa-' ampl'ffima familia natus lit, appellandum puto (a).* doxa, vol. /. e. * Shall I efteem the man to be free who is the flave u * * of a woman, who impofes laws on him, commands, ' forbids, and regulates his conduct at pleafure; who * neither can refufe what fhe requefts, nor dares difobey ' her orders ? If fhe afks any thing, it muft be given ; does fhe call ? he muft anfwer ; when fhut out, he muft quietly be gone : in a word, if fhe threatens him, hre * muft of courfe be filled with terror. Such a man, let * his birth and family be ever fo illuftrious, deferves, in ' my opinion, not fimply the appellation of flave, but * that of the moft fervile of all flaves.' - God's univerfal law Gave to the man defpotic power Over his female in due awe, Nor from that right to part an hour, Smile fhe or lour : So fhall he leaft confufion draw On his whole life, not fway'd By female ufurpation, or difmay'd. Milton. Thefe things are boldly faid ! but poffibly they who uttered them, might not themfelves have been able wholly to 7/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 37 prefume, (m) the reproaches which have been cafl on him of infidelity to the mar- riage- to make them good ; for women, in all ages, have haij great fway. Beauty has triumphed over the wife, thif brave, and good ; and therefore Charles , in this refpectf may be intitled to fome degree of pity ! Though, aftef all, to admit a wife to dictate and direct in matters of ftate, to interfere in the affairs of a kingdom, to whofd laws and cuftoms fhe was a flranger, and whofe relit gious opinions and practices fhe abhorred j I fay, to do this, was weak and inexcufable. (m) The reproaches that have been caji upon him of infi- delity to the marriage-bed, are without foundation, &c.J The licentioufnefs of fome writers is very amazing : not content to reprefent princes as they really were, they fludy to blacken them, though without foundation. This has happened to Charles very remarkably. One mould have thought his attachment to the queen, her afcen- dency over him, the regard he paid her, and his having never a miftrefs publickly mentioned, mould have hin- dered even a thought of his unchaffity. But he has not pafled unfufpected of this, as well as other matters, in which, probably, he had no concern. Let us hear his stccufation. * He did not greatly court the ladies, nor 4 had he a lavifh affection unto many ; he was manly, 4 and well fitted for venereous fports, yet rarely fre- * quented illicit beds. I do not hear of above one or 4 two natural children he had, or left behind him (b).' (b) Lilly's Sir Edward Peyton tells us, 4 the queen was very jealous oulervati . ons * of the king ; infomuch as he, loving a very great lady, " ^ ' c 4 now alive, whom he had for a miftrefs, to the intent Charles, p. 4 he might have more freedom with her, fent her lord ** 4 into the Low Countries. In the mean while, he daily 4 courted her at Oxford, in her hufband's and the queen's 4 abfence : but the lord returning, the king diverted his 4 affectionate thoughts to another married lady, of whom 4 the queen was jealous at her return from France; fo ' that, on a time, this lady being in queen Mary's pre- * fence, and dreffed a-la-mode, the queen viewing her D 3 4 round, 38 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. riage-bed, are without foundation, though we had not thofe iirong aflurances of his chaftity ' round, told the lady, fhe would be a better miftrefs for e a king than a wife for a knight. The lady replied, ' Madam, I had rather be miftrefs to a king, than any ' man's wife in the world. For which anfwer, fhe was (c) Divine ' obliged to abfent herfeir from court a long time (c).' cawftrcphe, The lad evidence againft Charlss, on this head, (ball p ' 53 ' be Afilton, who, in his Defenfto pro Populo Anglicano, has thefe words : ' Caftimoniam tu ejus & continentiam ' laudes, quern cum duce Buckingamio flagitiis omni- * bus coopertum novimus? fecretiora ejus & recefius per- * fcrutari quid attinet, qui in theatro medias mulieres 6 petulanter ampledti, & fuaviari, qui virginum & ma- * tronarum papillas, ne dicam caetera, pertra&are in * propatulo confueverat. Te porro moneo pfeudo Plu- * tarcbe, ut ifHus modi paralleiis ineptiffimis de hinc fu- * perfedeas, ne ego quae tacerem alioqui libens deCarolo, (J) Milton's i necelle habeam enuntiare (d).' i.e. * Have you the 4 impudence (ipeaking to Salmafius) to commend his ' chaftity and fobriety, who is known to have committed * all manner of levvdnefs in company with his confident ' the duke of Buckingham! It were to no'purpofe to en- ' quire into the private actions of his life, who publickly, * at plays, would embrace and kifs the ladies lafcivioufly, ' and handle virgins and matrons breafts, not to mention ' the reft. I advife you therefore, you counterfeit Plu- * tarch, to abftain from fuch like parallels, [between 4 Charles and David, and S'lomon] left I be forced to * publiih thofe things concerning Charles, which I am 4 willing to conceal.' Many objeilions arife on the face of this evidence againft Charles's chaftity. Lilly does not pofitively fay that he had any natural children, but that he did not hear of above one or two ; which is a very indeterminate way of talking, in fuch an affair. Peyton is very pofitive, we fee ; but he names no lady, tno' he fpeaks of two : which I am perfuaded, from his hatred to the memory tf Charles, he would have done, had he known on whom with vvcrks, vol ii. p. 515 97* L I F E */ C H A R L E S I. 39 chaftity we now have. He was, indeed, re- markably grave and fober in his whole beha- viour, with certainty to have pitched ; not to take notice that the queen never was at Oxford after her return from France, as Peyton feems to aflert. Milton is a name at all times to be mentioned with honour ; but truth com- pels me to fay, that what he here fpeaks has much, too much, the air of declamation to be entirely relied on. Buckingham was lewd ; but no one, but Milton, hints that Charles was a partaker of his vices; and his evi- dence, delivered in fuch a way, (as he himfelf could not have been a fpedtator) is not fufficient to condemn him. The handling virgins and matrons breafts, though not feemingly confiftent with the gravity Charles remarkably preferved in his whole behaviour, depends much on the cuftom of ages and countries ; and therefore, had it been ever fo publickly done, cannot of itfelf determine againft a man's chaftity. A Tingle facl, advanced with proper vouchers, would have been of more force in determining: the chaftity of Charles, than a thoufand of thefe kind of afTerrions and inferences. But as fuch a far, properly attefted, has not been brought, even by Peyton or Milton, we may, I think, conclude that they could not ; and con- fequently, that in this matter he was blamelefs. There is a letter publifhed lately, in Cibbers Lives of the Poets, faid once to have belonged to archbifhop Bancroft, which " is thought to evidence Charles's being engaged in one in- trigue in his youth. It is addrefTed to the duke of Buck- ingham, in the terms following : ' Stenny, 1 I have nothing now to write to you, but to give you ' thanks both for the good counfel ye gave me, and for ' the event of it. The king gave me a good {harp por- * tion ; but you took away the working of it, by the * well-reliihed comfites ye fent after it. I have met with ' the party, that muft not be named, once already ; and * the culler of writing this letter, fhall make me meet * with her on Saturday, altho' it is written the day being D 4 < Thurf 4 (e) Gibber's lives of the poets, vol. ii. p. 302, Lond. 1753. J2TO0. (f) Claren- don, vol. v. p. 257. ( J ) King Charles's works, p. ao6. (h) May's hiftory of the parlia- ment of England, p. 7, folio, Lond. 1647. T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. viour, free from intemperance, and but little addicted to the foolifh cuftom of fwearing, though ' Thurfday. So, alluring you that the bufinefs goes fafe- * ly on, I reft your conftant friend, Charles.' * I hope you will not mew the king this letter ; but put ? it in the fafe cuftody of Mr. Vulcan (e). y That this letter relates to fome intrigue is certain : whether it was of the amorous, or whether of the poli- tical kind, may be pretty hard certainly to fay. Poflibly the bufinefs related in note (e) may help to explain it. I proceed now to give the direct proofs of Charles's chaftity, that no fufpicion may be left in the mind of the reader. Lord Clarendon tells us, that * he was fo great an ' example of conjugal afFehon, that they who did not * imitate him in that particular, durft not brag of their c liberty : and he did not only permit, but dined his * bifhops to profecute thofe fcandalous vices, in the ec- * clefiaftical courts, againfl: perfons of eminence, and c near relation to his fervice (/).' And the day before his death he bad c his daughter Elizabeth tell her mother, ' that histhoughts had never ftrayed from her, and that ' his love fhould be the fame to the laft (g).' To thefe teftimonies J will add that of May, a writer profefledly on the fide of the parliament, and fecretary for it, as he ftiles himfelf. ' The fame affedtions [of love and efteemj ' followed him [Charles'] to the throne : fays he, the ' fame hopes and fair prefages of his future government, ' whilft they confidered the temperance of his youth, * how clear he had lived from perfonal vice, being growne * to the age of twenty- three ; how untainted of thofe ' licentious extravagancies, which unto that age and for- ' tune are not only incident, but almoft thought excufe- 6 able (h).' And in another place he obferves, c that c Charles lived more conformably to the rules of the pro^- c teftant religion, than any of his contemporary princes 4 iq The LIFE of CHARLES I. 41 though he kept not wholly free from it on particular occasions, or great provocations (/). (0 ciaren- (n) He was diligent and exact in the per- P . 45I. ' u * formance of the external acts of religion, and c in Europe ().' And the earl of Le'iccfter fpeaks of this W May's * king's life as profitable to all Chriftians, by the exem- h[Ror y> p. c plarinefs thereof (I).' I think here is fuch fuffi- m'sidney's cient evidence of Charles's chaftity, that he cannot, ftate-papers, with the leaft fhadow of reafon, be deemed guilty of vo1 - P incontinence, and confequently in this refpeS that he 4 was praife-worthy. For chaftity, even in a prince, is a virtue, and pro- ductive of many happy effecTis. Vice, though not ex- tirpated by the royal example, will fkulk into corners, and be afraid to fhew her head : infamy and difhonour will attend thofe who are known publickly to pradtife it ; the marriage-bed will be reverenced and honoured, and peace, harmony, and concord in families prevail. Where- as if the prince is lewd and debauched, if he roams abroad and violates the virgin, or adulteroufly invades the matron's bed f, and fears not to proclaim his un- chafte deeds ; no wonder thofe around him are embol- dened by his example, and openly pra&ife every adr, of uncleannefs. (n) He was diligent and exacl in the performance of the external aSfs of religion.] As this part of Charles's cha- racter has not been denied, a few teftimonies will be fuf- ficient to confirm it. 4 He was, fays lord Clarendon, * very punctual and regular in his devotions : he was J- Princes, addicted to this practice, fhould aflc themfelves, how they would like to be addrefled in Butler's lines to Charles II, Thy great example prompts each fpoufe To make a jell of marriage-vows j Encourages each beauteous dame To fin, without the fear of fliame ; Makes all thy peers turn keeping cullies, To imitate thy princely follies. I fancy, few princes would think thefe verfes contained an encomium. * never 42 () Claren- don, vol. y. p. Z57. () Heylin's life of Land, fol. p 166, hond. 166S. T^LIFEfCHARLES I. and is laid to have been regular and conftant in the private exercife of devotion, fetting a pat- never known to enter upon his recreations or fports, though never fo early in the morning, before he had been at publick prayers; fo that, on hunting-days, his chaplains were bound to a very early attendance. He was likewife very Ariel in observing the hours of his private cabinet-devotion ; and was fo fevere an exa&or of gravity and reverence, in all mention of religion, that he could never endure any light or profane word, with whatfharpnefs'of wit foever it was covered ; and though he was well pleafed and delighted with reading verfes made upon any occafion, no man durft bring before him any thing that was profane or unclean {rri)J > Laud, fays Heylin, humbly moved his majefly, that he would be prefent at the Liturgy, as well as the fef- mon every Lord's-day ; and that at whatfoever part of prayers he came, the prieft, who miniftred, fhould proceed to the end of the fervice. To which his ma- jefty moft readily and religioufly condefcended, and gave him thanks for that his feafonable and pious mo- tion ().' Let us add hereunto Dr. Perinchief's tefti- mony, concerning this king's devotion, that we may fee t in its full extent. His majefty's conftant diligence in thofe duties [of religion] did demonftrate, that no- thing but a principle of holinefs, which is always uni- form, both moved and aflifred him in thofe facred per- formances, to which he was obferved to go with an exceeding alacrity as to a ravifhlns: pleafure, from which no leffer pleafures nor bufinefs were ftrong enough for a diverlicn. In the morning, before he went to hunting, his beloved fport, the chaplains were before day called to their miniftry : and when he was at Brainford, among the noife of arms, and near the afTaults of his enemies, he caufed the divine, that then waited, to perform his accuftomed fervice, before ho provided for fafety, or attempted at victory j and would firft gain upon the love of heaven, and then afterwards repel the malice of men. At fermons he carried him- felf t Tbe L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 43 pattern to others in what related to the wor- ship and fervice of almighty God : fo that it c felf with fuch a reverence and attention, (that his ene- "* mies which hated, yet did even admire him in it) as if ' he were expecting new inftrudYions for government e from that God whofe deputy he was, or a new charter ' for a larger empire : and he was fo careful not to ne- ' gleet any of thofe exercifes, that if on Tuefday morrt- * ings, on which days there ufed to be fermons at court, ' he were at any diftance from thence, he would ride * hard to be prefent at the beginnings of them (o).' (o) Perin- Though we make fome allowances for what thefe c *J ie . s ,lfe writers panegyrically have written, concerning the devo- Charles 5 p. tion of this prince, we fhall be forced to own, that his 60. behaviour in matters of religion was indeed exemplary, and that he was at a great diftance from the character of the fcorner. It is true, a man's character is not to be determined by thefe external acts of piety ; it being Very poffible that men may, with refpect to thefe, be blame- lefs, though the weightier matters of thelawbe neglected. For which reafon, Milton, without difputing the fact, obferves, f that he who from fuch kind of pfalmiftry, i or any other verbal devotion, without the pledge and * earneft of fuitable deeds, can be perfuaded of a zeal * and true righteoufnefs in the perfon, hath much yet to * learn, and knows not that the deepeft policy of a ty- ' rant hath been ever to counterfeit religious. And ' Arijlotle, in his Politics, hath mentioned that fpecial ' craft, among twelve other tyrannical fophifms. Neither 1 want we examples : Andronicus Comnenus, the Byzan- ' tine emperor, though a moft cruel tyrant, is reported, .-* by Nicetas, to have been a conftant reader of St. Paul's 1 Epiftles j and, by continual ftudy, had fo incorporated ' the phrafe and ftile of that tranfcendent apoftle into all * his familiar letters, that the imitation feemed to vie * with the original. Yet this availed not to deceive the * people of that empire, who, notwithftanding his faint's i vizard, tore him to pieces for his tyranny. From fto- ' lies of this nature, both antient and modern, which ' abound, 44 ^LIFE/CHARLES I. it would be hardly credible (did not histo- rians unanimoufly concur in recording the feet) ' abound, the poets alfo, and fome Englijh, have been, ' in this point, fo mindful of decorum, as to put never * more pious words in the mouth of any perfon than of * a tyrant. I mall not inftance an abftrufe author, ", wherein the king might be lefs converfant ; but one * whom we well know was the clofet-companion of c thefe his folitudes, William Shakefpear^ who introduces . * the perfon of Richard III. fpeaking in as high a ftrain * of piety and mortification as is uttered in any paflage * of this book [the Eikon Bafilike]^ and fometimes to * the fame fenfe and purpofe with fome words in this * place: I intended, faith he, not only to oblige my ' friends, but my enemies. The like faith Richard* * Aft .II. Scene I. * I do not know that EngUJbman alive, * With whom my foul is any jot at odds, ' More than the infant that is born to-night ; c 1 thank my God for my humility. * Other fluff of this fort may be read throughout the whole tragedy, wherein the poet ufed not much licence * in departing from the truth of hiftory, which delivers c him a deep diffembler, not of his affections only, but {f>) Milton's c of his religion (p).' > profe works, There is great juftnefs in thefe remarks, whether leg. 1 ' P tnV affect the cafe of king Charles or no, which will beft appear after the reader has attentively confidered him in his private and publick character : for all that he is repre- sented as having done, may have been nothing more than a meer form of godlinefs, though it was ever fo fincere, as I fee no reafon to fuppofe the contrary. Thoufands of me 1 have done as much or more, who yet were far enough from being virtuous. For he that doth righteoulnefs, is righteous : he that doth it not, de- ceives himfelf, if he thinks he has any right to that cha- racter, on account of diligence and exactnefs in the acts of private or publick devotion. i Far ALIFEo/CHARLES 1. 45 fad) that he fhould revive the declaration of his father, concerning lawful fports (o) on the Far be it from me to cenfure Charles on the account^ of his devotion. 'Twere to be wifhed men's characters [ were always uniform, that where there was an appear- ance of piety, every virtue was alfo to be found ; but as it is well known this is not the cafe, we are not to pre- sume a man good, becaufe he is devout. (o) That he Jhould 'revive the declaration of 'his father ; con- cerning lawful fports on the Lord's- day, &c. J One would have thought that the ftricl obfervation of the Lorti's-day would have been agreeable to the grave and religious temper of Charles ; for it tends much to increafe fobriety of thought and behaviour, and to keep up in men's minds a fenfe of the Deity, the obligations they are under to worfhip him, and the account they have to render unto him, as well as many other good purpofes. This the lord chief juf- tice Rickardfon, and the juftices of peace for Somerfet- Jhire, were very fenfible of, and therefore made an order at the affizes for the fuppreffion of ales and revels on the Lord's-day in that county ; thinking them difhonourable to God, and prejudicial to his majefrv and the country. Hereupon Laud, archbifhop of Canterbury, complained to the king; j and the chief juftice was commanded to attend the board, and, notwithftanding all he could al- ledge, to revoke his order, which at the next affizes he was forced to do, contrary to his inclinations, as well as to the inclinations of the lord Paulet, fir William Portman, fir John Stowell, fir Ralph Hopton, fir Francis Popham, fir Edward Rodney, fir Francis Doddington, fir Jo. Hor- net, Edward Paulet, William Baffei, George Speke, John Wyndham, Thomas Lutterel, William Walrone, and divers others ; who drew up a petition to the king, fhewingthe great inconveniences that would befall the county, if thefe meetings and afTemblies fhould now be fet up again. But before thefe gentlemen could deliver their petition to the king, it was prevented by the coming forth of his majefty's declaration, concerning lawful fports ; his ma- jefty giving the enfuing warrant for the fame. Charles 4 6 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. the Lord's-day, difcountenancc fuch as were for a ftridt obfervance of it, and even at coun- Charles Rex. e Canterbury, fee that our declaration, concerning re- 4 creations on the Lord's-day, after evening- prayer, be 4 printed.' And accordingly, on the 18th of Oclober, 1633, lt came forth in print, and was to this efFecl: : * That king James, of blefled memory, in his return * from Scotland, coming through Lancajhire, found that 4 his fubjects were debarred from lawful recreations upon * Sundays, after evening-prayers ended, and upon holy- * days. And he prudently confidered, that if thefe times 4 were taken from them, the meaner fort, who labour 4 hard all the week, mould have no recreations at all, to * reireih their fpirits. And, after his return, he further < faw, that his loyal fubjedls in all other parts of his * kingdom did fuffer in the fame kind, though perhaps 4 not in the fame degree ; and did therefore, in his 4 princely wifdom, publifh a declaration to all his loving 4 fubje&s, concerning lawful fports to be ufed at fuch 4 times ; which was printed and publifhed by his royal c commandment in the year 161 8, in the tenor which * hereafter followeth. 4 Whereas, upon his majefty's return laft year out of 4 Scotland, he did publifh his pleafure, touching the re- 4 creations of his people in thpfe parts, under his hand. 4 For fome caufes him thereunto moving, bath thought ' good to command thefe his directions, then given in 4 Lancajhire, with a few words thereunto added, and * moft appliable to thefe parts of the realm, to be pub- 4 limed to all his fubje&s. 4 Whereas he did juftly, in his progrefs through Lan- 4 cajhire, rebuke fome puritans and precife people ; and * took order, that the like unlawful carriage mould not * be ufed by any of them hereafter, in the prohibiting 4 and unlawful puniGiing of his good people for ufing * their lawful recreations, and honeft exercifes, upon * Sundays, and other holidays, after the aiternoon-fermon 4 or 7be LIFE^C HA R L E S I. 47 council fuffer the chief juftice Richard/en to be reprimanded in fuch a fevere manner, by ' or fervice. His majefty hath now found, that two . * forts of people, wherewith that country is much in- ' fecled, viz. papifts and puritans, hath malicioufly tra- ' duced and calumniated thofe his jull and honourable * proceedings : and therefore, left his reputation might, * upon the one fide (though innocently), have fome ' afperfion laid upon it ; and that, upon the other part, ' his good people in that country be mifled by the mil- ' taking and mifinterpretation of his meaning, his ma- 1 jefty hath therefore thought good hereby to clear and * make his pleafure to be manjfefted to all his good * people in thofe parts. 4 It is true, that, at his firff. entry to this crown and 4 kingdom, he was informed, and that truly, that his 4 county of Lancajhire abounded more in popifh recufants * than any county of England, and thus hath flill con- ' tinued fince, to his great regret, with little amendment ; * fave that, now of late, in his laft riding through his * faid county, hath found, both by the report of the * judges and of the bifhop of that diocefs, that there is 4 fome amendment now daily beginning, which is no ' fmall contentment to his majefty. The report of this ' growing amendment amongft them, made his majefty ' the more forry, when, with his own ears, he heard the ' general complaint of his people, that they were de- 4 barred from all lawful recreations and exercife upon the ' Sundays afternoon, after the ending of all divine fervice, ' which cannot but produce two evils: the one, the hin.- ' dering the converfion of many, whom their priefts i will take occafion hereby to vex, perfuadingthem that * no honeft mirth or recreation is lawful or tolerable in the * religion which the king profefleth, and which cannot 4 but breed a great difcontentment in his people's hearts, * efpecially of fuch as are, peradventure, upon the point * of turning. The other inconvenience is, that this pro- 1 hibition barreth the common and meaner fort of people * from ufing fuch exercifes as may make their bodies ' < more 48 ^LIFEe/CHARLES 1. by the bifhop of London, that, fays Heyliri, he came out blubbering and complaining, that ' more able for war, when his majefty or his fucceflbrs 8 (hall have occafion to ufe them ; and, in place thereof, 8 fets up tipling and filthy drunkennefs, and breeds a 8 number of idle and difcontented fpeeches in their ale- * houfes. For when (hall the common people have leave 8 to exercife, if not upon the Sundays and holidays, fee- 8 ing that they muft apply their labour, and win their 8 living, in all working-days ? 8 The king's exprefs pleafure therefore is, that the laws of this kingdom, and canons of the church, be as well obferved in that county, as in all other places of this his kingdom. And, on the other* part, that no lawful recreation fhall be barred to his good people, which fhall not tend to the breach of the aforefaid laws and canons of his church : which to exprefs more particularly, his majefty's pleafure is, that the bifhops, and all other inferior churchmen, and church- wardens, fhall, for their parts, be careful and diligent, both to inftrufr, the ignorant, and convince and reform them that are milled in religion ; prefenting them that will not conform themfelves, but obftinately ftand out, to the judges and juftices ; whom he likewife commands to put the laws in due execution againft them. 8 His majefty's pleafure likewife is, that the bifhop of the diocefs take the like ftridr. order with all the puritans and precifians within the fame, either conftrain them to conform themfelves, or to leave the country, ac- cording to tHe laws of this kingdom and canons of this church, and fo to ftrike equally on both hands againft the contemners of his authority, and adverfaries of the church. And as for his good people's lawful recrea- tion, his pleafure likewife is, that, after the end of divine fervice, his good people be not difturbed, letted, or difcouraged from any lawful recreation; fuch as dancing, either men or women ; archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any other fuch harmlefs recrea- tions; nor from having of May- games, Whitfon-ales, 8 and ^LlFEc/CHARLES I. 49 that he had been almoft choaked with a pair of lawn fleeves. This declaration, we are afTured * and Morice-dances, and the fetting up of May-poles, * and other fports therewith ufed ; fo as the fame be had ' in due and convenient time, without impediment or ' neglect of divine fervice. And that women mall have * leave to carry rufhes to the church, for the decorating c of it, according to their old cuftom. But withal his * majefty doth hereby account frill as prohibited all un- * lawful games to be ufed upon Sundays only, as bear ' and bull-baitings, interludes, and, at all times in the * meaner fort of people by law prohibited, bowling. ' And likewife bars from this benefit and liberty, all c fuch known recufants, either men or women, as will ' abftain from coming to church or divine fervice ; being * therefore unworthy of any lawful recreation after the * faid fervice, that will not firft come to the church and * ferve God : prohibiting in like fort the faid recreations 4 to any that, though conform in religion, are not pre- ' fent in the church at the fervice of God, before their * going to the faid recreations. His pleafure likewife is, t that they, to whom it belongeth in office, fhall prefent ' and fharply punifh all fuch as, in abufe of this his 1 liberty, will ufe thefe exercifes before the end of all 1 divine fervices for that day. And he doth likewife 1 ftraightly command, that every perfon fhall refort to : his own parifh-church to hear divine fervice, and each 1 parifh by itfelf to ufe the faid recreation after divine 1 fervice : prohibiting likewife any offenfive weapons to s be carried, or ufed, in the fame times of recreation. : And his pleafure is, that this his declaration fhall be ; publifhed, by order from the bifhop of the diocefs, ; through all the parifh-churches; and that both the 1 judges of the circuits, and the juftices of the peace, be ; informed thereof. * * Given at the manor of Greenwich the 24th day of * May, in the fixteenth year of his majefty's reign, ' of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland * the 4he and fiftieth.' E * Now So The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. allured by Whitlock, gave great diftafte not only to thofe who were uiually termed puri- tans, c Now out of a like pious care for the fervice of God, * and for fuppreffing of any humours that oppofe truth, ' and for the eafe, comfort, and recreation of his well- * deferving people, his majefty doth ratify and publifli * this his blefTed father's declaration ; the rather, becaufe * of late, in fome counties of this kingdom, his majefty c finds that, under pretence of taking away abufes, there * hath been a general forbidding, not only of ordinary * meetings, but of the feafts of the dedication of the * churches, commonly called Wakes. Now his ma- c jefty's exprefs will and pleafure is, that thefe feafts, ' with others, (hall be obferved ; and that his juftices of ' the peace, in their feveral divifions, fhall look to it, * both that all diforders there may be prevented or ' punifhed, and that all neighbourhood and freedom, ' with manlike and lawful exercifes, be ufed. And his 6 majefty further commands all juftices of affize, in their * feveral circuits, to fee, that no man do trouble or mo- ' left any of his loyal and dutiful people, in or for their * lawful recreations, having firft done their duty to God, * and continuing in obedience to his majefty's laws. And for this his majefty commands all his judges, * juftices of peace, as well within liberties as without, e majors, bailiffs, conftables, and other officers, to take * notice of, and to fee obferved, as they tender his dif- ( ? ) Rufow. ' pleafure. And doth further will, that publication of collections, this his command be made, by order from the bifhops, P T ,2( fol * through all the parifh-churches of their feveral dio- p! 191-196. ceffes refpedively. Lond. 1680. < Given at the palace of Wejiminjler ', the 18th day of Franklin's t Oflober, in the ninth year of his reign. 437. fol. God fave the King (a).' Lond.1681. DV2y Heylin's life ' r initi.j of Laud, p. This is the declaration for fports on the Sabbath-day, 255-258. f often mentioned by writers; which I chofe to give at j668 L nd ' * en g tn > that tn e reader might the better be able to judge of T/^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 5 t tans, but to many others ; and, as we mail hereafter fee, produced ill effects. But of it. For my own part, I mall content myfelf with obferving, that, however the queftion concerning the morality of the Sabbath (for by that name it generally went in the times of which we are writing) be deter- mined, the public licence and encouragement of diver- lions, after divine fervice, was a thing of ill report, de- ftrudYive to the morals of the common people, oppofite to a ftatute made in this reign, and yet in force (r\ of 4'( r ) iCaroli, tendency to efface any good impreflions received in the c " u worfhip of God, and feemingly inconfiftent with the an- fwer or prayer fubjoined to the fourth commandment in the Common- prayer-book, ' Lord, have mercy upon us, ' and incline our hearts to keep this Jaw ! ' and confe- quently muft leave an ill impreflion on the minds of men, with refpecl to his majefty's regard to religion and mora- lity; more efpecially, when it is known that he himfelf made ufe of the liberty he gave to his fubjedls. For it muft not be concealed, that Charles fcrupled not giving a mafic on a Sunday, as we are informed in a letter from the reverend Mr. Gerrard to the lord-deputy Wentworth, dated London, Feb. 7, 1 637. * The French and Spanijh * ambafTadors, fays he, were both at the king's mafk, ' but not received as ambafladors. The French fat * amongft the ladies, the Spanijh in a box. It was per- ' formed on a Sunday-night, the day after the Twelfth- 6 night, in very cold weather, fo that the houfe was not ' filled according to expectation. The at of council to * drive all men into the country, the coldnefs of the * weather, the day Sunday, and the illnefs of the inven- * tion of the fcenes, were given for caufes, why fo fmall * a company came to fee it. My lord-treafurer [bifhop * Juxton] was there by command (s).' But to go on. (,) Straf- It certainly is a very odd way to exprefs a pious care for forde's lef- the fervice of God, by encouraging Morice-dances, May- ters an '*" 1 1 j / e t* patches, vol. games, and May-poles, on the day fet apart for his wor- ;j. p . 14 .g, fhip ; and men could not eafily bring themfelves to believe that the practice of virtue could be much promoted by E 2 the / 52 ^LIFEo/CHARLES J. But though, from this declaration, one would have imagined king Charles not fub- jeir. to the weaknefTes of thofe againft whom it was chiefly pointed ; yet nothing can be more certain, than that (p) he fell into fuper- ftition, the vice of weak minds j which oc- cafioned the mixt dancing of men and women, and their aflb- \ ciation at Wakes and Whitfon-ales. For, whatever may be thought of it, if the common people gad abroad on the Sunday, and fpend it in idienefs or diverfions, a loofe turn of mind will be contracted, and a great depravity of manners enfue : and, therefore, it behoves thofe who are in authority, to promote a regular and exemplary be- haviour on the Lord's-day, whereby decency of manners will be increafed, knowledge advanced, and a fenfe of religion (a thing of the greateft importance to focieties, as well as to individuals) heightned in the minds of men. This, I fay, is the duty of thofe in authority : If they neglect it, they are not to wonder at the wicked- riefs and ftupidity of thofe about them, or complain of their breach of every focial duty. (p) He fell into fuperjiition, the vice of weak minds.] Superftition is a debaiement of reafon and religion ; 'tis entertaining mifapprehenfions of almighty God j 'tis the practice of things weak and ridiculous, in order to pleafe him, whereby it excites in the mind chimerical hopes, ill- grounded fears, and vain expectations : in fhort, it is weaknefs, attended with uneafinefs and dread, and pro- ductive of confufion and horror. Every one knows the mifchiefs fuperftition has produced in the world : gods of all forts and kinds ; facrifices of beafts and men ; rites, ceremonies, and poftures ; antic tricks, and cruel tor- ments; with every other thing which, from time to time, has been falfly called by the name of religion, have arofe from hence. It took its rife early in the world, and foon fpread itfelf over the face of the earth ; and few, very few, were there who were wholly free from it. The doctrine / T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 53 cafioned his making unreafonable vows, con- futing the flars, and regarding omens ! But this doctrine of Chriji, indeed, was calculated to deftroy its dominion, and to reftore religion to its original luftre, by teaching men to think honourably of the Deity, to prac- tife virtue, to fubmit chearfully to the Divine Will, and expect happinefs from his hands in confequence thereof. Very little ftrefs is laid on externals by the writers of the New Teftament. 'Tis fobriety and righteoufnefs, 'tis the love of God and men, 'tis meeknefs and humility, and every thing lovely and praife- worthy, which are in- filled on in, and recommended by it : but as for pomp, and parade and fhew, thefe were not thought worthy of notice, or deemed mifchievous and hurtful. Yet, not- withftanding this, fuperftition very foon found an entrance among Chriftians, and at length increafed to an enorm- ous fize. The reformation of religion, and the revival of letters, were fomewhat unfriendly to it : but whether it be the craft of thofe who fubfift by the ignorance and credulity of others, or whether it be a pronenefs in men to fuperftition, or their lazinefs and inattention to other than fenfible objects ; I fay, whether it be owing to one or all of thefe caufes, fuperftition remained ftill alive, and mewed itfelf even among thofe who gloried that they had got rid of the papal yoke. I doubt not, Charles would have been affronted, had any one told him he was fuperftitious, efpecially when in the height of his power; and, I believe, it would not have been very fafe for any one to have attempted to prove it : however, what would Tiave then been imprudent, may now be fafe; and there- fore, at the diftance of more than an hundred years, I think I may hazard the charging it on him. But it is not ex- pected my word alone mould be taken : let the reader hear the evidence, and then judge impartially. His ma-* jefty in a letter to the queen, dated Jan. 14, 1644-5, has the following paragraph. ' I will not trouble thee with repetitions of news, * Digbys difpatch, which I have feen, being fo full, that' * I can add nothing 3 yet I cannot but paraphrafe on that E 3 I which 54 ft) The king's cabi- net opened, p. 24. (u) Perin- chief's life of Charies I. P. 60, ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. this was but a trifle, compared with his ob- ftinate attachment to his own opinions, in what which he calls his fuperftitious obfervation. It is this : nothing can be more evident, than that Strafford's in- nocent blood hath been one of the great caufes of God's juft judgments upon this nation, by a furious civil war ; both fides hitherto being almoft equally punifhed, as being in a manner equally guilty : but now this laft crying blood [Laud's'] being totally theirs, I believe it no prefumption hereafter to hope, that his hand of juftice muft be heavier upon them, and lighter upon us, looking now upon our caufe, having pafled by our faults (t).' Dr. Perinchief allures us, * That after the army had forced him from Holmby, and in their feveral removes had brought him to Lattnas, an houfe of the earl of Devon/hire, on Augujl 1, being Sunday in the morning, before fermon, he led forth with him, into the garden, the reverend Dr. Sheldon, (who then attended on him, and whom he was pleafed to ufe as his ccnferTor) and drawing out of his pocket a paper, commanded him to read it, tranfcribe it, and fo to deliver it to him again. This paper contained feveral vows, which he had obliged his ibul unto, for the glory of his Maker, the advance of true piety, and the emolument of the church. And among them this was one ; that he would do publick penance for the injuftice he had fuf- fered to be done to the earl of Strafford, his confent to thofe injuries that were done to the church of England) (though at that time he had yielded to no more than: 1 the taking away of the high commiflion, and the bifhops power to vote in parliament,) and to the church of Scotland : and adjured the doctor, that if ever he faw him in a condition to obferve that or any of thofe vows, he fhould folicitoufly mind him of the obliga- tions, as he dreaded the guilt of the breach fhould lie upon his own foul (u).' One of thefe vows we have remaining in his majefty's own words, as follows: ' I do hereby promife and I ' folemnly T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 5 $ what he deemed religion, his ill thoughts of fuch as differed from him in it, the zeal he was ' folemnly vow, in the prefence and for the fervice of c almightj' God, that if it fhall pleafe the Divine Ma- c jefty, of his infinite goodnefs, to reftore me to my juft ' kingly rights, and to re-eftablifh me in my throne, I * will wholly give back to his church all thofe impro- * priations which are now held by the crown ; and what ' lands foever I do now, or fhould enjoy, which have ' been taken away either from any epifcopal fee, or any 4 cathedral or collegiate church, from any abbey, or 6 other religious houfe. I likewife promife for hereafter e to hold them from the church, under fuch reafonable * fines and rents as fhall be fet down by fome confcien- * tious perfons, whom I propofe to chufe, with all up- ' rightnefs of heart, to direct me in this particular. * And I moft humbly b'efeech God to accept of this my * vow, and to blefs me in the defign I have now in hand, * through Jefits Chrijl our Lord. Amen. Charles R. Oxford, Ap. 13, 1646. ' This is a true copy of the king's vow, which was * preferved thirteen years under ground, by me 1660, Aug. 21. Gilb. Sheldon (w).' (w) Le Neve's Jives I would not chufe to make any reflexions on thefe y^s^&c vows of Charles ; but I am perfuaded, the fenfible reader p . i 7 8,'g V o! will not be difpleafed with the following obfervations on Lond. 1720. vows in general. In my own opinion, they are very juft. * j * I remember a faying of fome of the fewijh doctors, ' that vows, for the moft part, come from fome evil * principle ; and therefore they advife thofe who confult 6 the quiet of their minds, to be very cautious in making * them, becaufe they are moft times only fnares to them : * and it very often appears, that thofe who are of the * moft unfit tempers to make vows, are the moft ready * to do it. For thofe who are apt to be tranfported with * paffiop, or are fenfible of the inftability of their own E 4 temper, S 6 ^LIFEc/CHARLES L was a&uated with againft them, and the hard- * temper, think to give ftronger checks to themfelves by 8 entering into folemn vows ; from whence they vow 8 that frequently, in a heat of zeal or paflion, which, 8 upon farther coniideration, they may fee caufe to re- (*) ? t!I ^~ * pent (x).' But to return to our fubjecl. cSaneous" The following tranfa&ion, related by Dr. Welwood, difcourfes, may poflibly have fome what of the fame weaknefs in it; p 12, Svo. though I produce it not as a proof of Charles's fuperfty- J 735- t j 011j but f or tne entertainment of the reader. c The king being at Oxford^ during the civil wars, 8 went one day to fee the public library, where he was 8 fhewed, among other books, a Virgil y nobly printed, 8 and exquifitely bound. The lord Faulkland, to divert * the king, would have his majefty make his trial of his (y) See con- c f ortune by the (y) Sortes VirgiliantSy which every body Gatakeron 6 * knows was an ufual kind of augury fome ages paft. lots, p. 340, ' Whereupon the king opening the book, the period 4to. Lond. < which happened to come up was that of Dido's impre- ' cation againft Mneas> which Mr. Dry den tranflates. < thus: ' Yet let a race untam'd, and haughty foes, ' His peaceful entrance with dire arms oppole : * Opprefs'd with numbers in th' unequal field, 4 His men difcourag'd, and himfelf expell'd ; * Let him for fuccour fue from place to place, ' Torn from his fubjects and his fons embrace ! ' Firft let him fee his friends in battle flain, ' And their untimely fate lament in vain ; * And when at length the cruel war fhall ceafe, 8 On hard conditions may he buy his peace. 8 Nor let him then enjoy fupreme command, 8 But fall untimely by fome hoftile hand, * And lie unbury'd on the barren fand. Mneid'w. 1.88. 8 It is faid king Charles feemed concerned at this ac- 8 cident; and that the lord Faulkland obtexx'xng it, would 8 likewife try his own fortune in the fame manner, 8 hoping he might fall upon fome paffage that could have 8 no J&LIFEo/CHARLES I. $7 ' hardfhips ht fuffered to be inflicted on them; his * no relation to his cafe, and thereby divert the king's ' thoughts from any impreffion the other might have ' upon him. But the place that Faulkland ffumbled ' upon, was yet more fuited to his deftiny than the other ' had been to the king's, being the following expreflions ' of Evander, upon the untimely death of his fon Pallas, ' as they are tranilated by the fame hand. ' O Pallas ! thou haft fail'd thy plighted word, ' To fight with caution, not to tempt the fword : ' I warn'd thee, but in vain ; for well I knew ' What perils youthful ardour would purfue : c That boiling blood would carry thee too far j e Young as thou wert in dangers, raw to war ! ' O curft efTay of arms, difaft'rous doom, c Prelude of bloody fields, and fights to come (z) V (%) Wel- Mneidyj.. I. 230. wood's me. moirs, p. 64, But though his majefty had fuch ill fortune read to I2mo,Glaf- him from Virgil, he was frill inquifitive into futurity, and s w ' * 749 ' defirous of direction from the ftars. When he was at Hampton-court, in 1647, he meditated an efcape from the foldiery ; and madam TVborewood, by his confent, came to receive my judgment, (fays Lilly) viz. ' in what * quarter of this nation he might be moft fafe, and not ' be difcovered until himfelf pleafed. After erection of ' my figure, I told her, about twenty miles (or there- 4 abouts) from London, and in EJftx, I was certain he 4 might continue undifcovered.' And at another time, about September, the parliament fent their commiffioners with propofitions to him into the ifle of Wight. Where- upon the lady Whorewood came again unto Lilly from the king, or by his confent, to be directed. * After the * perufal of my figure, adds he, I told her the commif- * fioners would be there fuch a day : I elected a day and * hour when to receive the commiffioners and propofi- * tions -j and as foon as the propofitions were read, to * fign them, and make hafte with all fpeed to come up * with the commiffioners to London, The army being < then 58 ^LIFE'c/CHARLES I. his fuperftition was but a trifle, I fay, when (a) Lilly's inftory of bis life and times, p. 60, {b) War- wick's me- moirs, p, 339' (c) Life of Charles J. p. 72. See alfo Wood's Faiti, c, 84. {J) Mifcel- lanies, p. 89, 8vo. Locdt 1696. com- ' then far diftant from London, and the city enraged ' ftoutly againft them, he promifed he would fo do (a).* I will add but one or two proofs more. ' The king's 4 deportment [at his trial] fays Warwick, was very ma- * jeftick and {teddy ; and yet, as he confeft himfelf to the ' bifhop of London [Juxon] that attended him, one action c {hocked him very much : for whilfl he was leaning in * the court upon his ftaff, which had an head of gold, the * head broke off on a fudden. He took it up, but feemed * unconcerned ; yet told the bifhop, it really made a ' great impreffion upon him ; and to this hour, fays he, * I know not how it fhould poflibly come (b).' And Dr. Perinchief tells us, ' that while the king was * at Oxford, and the earl of Southampton, as gentleman ' of the bedchamber, lay one night in the fame cham- ' ber with him, the wzx-mortar, which, according to ' cuftom, the king always had in his chamber, was in ' the night, as they both conceived and took notice of, ' fully extinguifhed. But my lord rifing in the morning ' found it lighted, and faid to the king, Sir, this mortar ' now burns very clearly : at which they both exceed- * ingly wondered, as fully concluding it had been out in * the night ; and they could not imagine how any of the * grooms, or any other, could poflibly light it, the door * being locked with a fpring within. This bufying the c wonder of both for the prefent, the king afterwards, ' when he faw the malice of his enemies preis hard upon ' his life and ruin, reflecting upon this occurrence, drew ' it into this preiage, that though God would permit his ' light to be extinguifhed for a time, yet he would at laft 4 light it again (c).' Mr. Aubrey, on the authority of Fabian Philips, relates that Charles, after he was condemned, told col. Tomlin- fon, * that he believed the Englijh monarchy was now at ' an end : about half an hour after, he told the colonel, ' that now he had an affurance, by a ftrong impulfe on his fpirit, that his ion fhould reign after him (d).' Thefe are the facts on which 1 found the aflertion of the The L I F'E of C H A R LE S I. 59 compared with ( qJ his bigotry, which was mcft exceflive. We are not therefore to wonder the fuperftition of this monarch ; a fuperftition which was attended with a bigotry remarkable, as we fhall foon fee. (qJ His bigotry was mojl excejjive.] Charles had reli- gious prejudices deeply implanted in him, which were heightned greatly by the fuperftition of his temper, the influence of ecclefiaftics, and political confiderations. He viewed thofe who differed from him, in the impor- tant points of ceremonies and church-government, as * weak and mean, as dangerous and odious, and worthy his utmoft zeal to reclaim or punim ; for fuperftition is generally attended with bigotry, and bigotry is the bane of charity and benevolence. For the bigot is infpired with fervent zeal ; he views himfelf as employed in God's work, and intitled to his favour and protection, and confequently that the more he labours in it, the greater will his reward be. Whence it comes to pafs, that no confiderations will ftop the hands of fuch a one ; but he will facrifice every fentiment of humanity, regard to his country, and even his own eafe and peace, in or- der to make men renounce their own fentiments, profefs a belief of like found, and pradlife rites of the fame fort : nor will he be eafy himfelf, or let others have any quiet, if he cannot accomplifh it. Whether Charles was of this character, will be beft of all judged from the follow- ing authorities. * The king was always the moft punc- ' tual obferver of all decency in his devotion, and the ' ftritteft promoter of the ceremonies of the church, as ' believing, in his foul, the church of England to be in- * ftituted the neareft to the practice of the apoftles, and * the beft for the propagation and advancement of the 4 chriftian religion, of any church in the world. And, ' on the other fide, he had the highffft diflike and preju- 1 dice to that part of his own fubjecls, who were againft c the government eftablifhed ; and did always look upon c them as a very dangerous and feditious people, who ' would, under pretence of ccnfcience, which kept them * from 6o (*) Claren- don, vol. i. f.%1. if) War " kick's me- moirs, p. 3 2 7- U) Hen, p. 297, and Wood's Athenae Oxonienfis, vol. ii. c. 638. ^LIFE^/CHARLES I. wonder at his attention to little things, his bufy- from fubmitting to the fpiritual jurifdic"tion, take the firft opportunity they could find, or make, to withdraw themfelves from their temporal fubjeclion : and there- fore he had, with the utmoft vigilance, caufed that temper and difpofition to be watched and provided againft in England ; and, if it were then in truth there, it lurked with wonderful fecrecy (e).' ' When he was preffed by the parliament minifters to give way for a fmall catechifm for children, I will not, favs he, % take upon me to determine all thefe texts you quote are rightly applied, and have their true fenfe given them ; and I allure you, gentlemen, I would licenfe a catechifm, at a venture, fooner for men than I would for children, becaufe they can judge for them- felves : and I make a great confcience to permit, that children fliould be corrupted in their firft principles. I remember, fays the fame author, one evening his majefty told me, that he fhould be like a captain that had defended a place well, and his fuperiors not being able to relieve him, he had leave to furrender it : but (he replied) tho' they cannot relieve me in the time I demanded it, let them relieve me when they can ; elfe I will hold it out, till I make fome ftone in this build- ing my tombftone ; and fo will I do, fays he, by the church of England (f). y And as for the divines qr chaplains, who attended on the commiflioners from the parliament to the king, when at Holmby-houfe^ we are told, that the king ufed them civilly, and converfed ' with them friendly as private men ; but would not let ' them fo much- as fay grace to him, fince they refufed * to officiate to him by the Liturgy (g).' The fame fpirit he retained to the la ft, according to the author I have fo frequently cited in this note. After his condemnation, *rfbme minifters, who had adhered to the parliament, came to offer their fervice to pray with him. His majefty being informed of it by Dr. Juxon^ replied, ' Thank them from me for the tender of them- * felves j but tell them plainly, that they that have fo ' often The LIFE of CHARLES 1. 61 bufying himfelf about them, and employing him- * often and Caufelefly prayed againft me, fhall never ' pray with me fn this agony. They may, if they pleafe, (and I'll thank them for it) pray for me.' This anfwer is related by Mr. Herbert in a fofter as well as a different manner. * At this time, {Jon. 30) fays he, came to St. James's Ed. Calamy, Rich. Vines, "Jof. Caryl, J-Vill. Dell, and fome other London minifters, who prefented their duty to the king, with their humble defires to pray with him, and perform other offices of fervice, if his majefty would pleafe to accept of them. The king returned them thanks for their love to his foul, hoping they and all other good fubjecls would, in their addrefles to God, be mindful of him ; but in regard he had made choice of Dr. Juxon, whom for many years he had known to be a pious and learned divine, and able to adminifter ghoftly comfort to his foul, fuitable to his prefent condition, he would have none other (h).' I will conclude my authorities with (h) Wood's few pafTages from Dr. Perinchief. ' He [Charles] was Athena* careful of uniformity, both becaufe he knew the power v0 *jj' en c< e ' of juft and lawful princes confifted in the union of their 699, fol. fubjeits, who never are cemented ftronger than by an Lond ' X 7 2I unity of religion. Befides, he faw that there was no greater impediment to a fincere piety, becaufe that time and thofe parts that might improve godlinefs to a growth, were all walled and corrupted in malice and flanders, betwixt the difTenters, about forms. He was more tender in preferving the truths of chriflianity, than the rights of his throne. Thus, adds this writer, though he could not infufe fpiritual graces into the minds of his fubjects, yet he would manage their rea- fon by pious arts ; and what the example of a king could not do, that his law fhould, and he would re- ftrain thofe vices which he could not extirpate (i).' (,) Life Here we fee zeal for uniformity in rites and modes, a ftifF *" kin g adherence to particular forms, a fettled refolution to \% es ' maintain and impofe them, arifing from a belief of their being moft acceptable to the Deity, and conducive to mens 62 ^LIFEo/CHARLES 1. ( r ) himfelf in works, which, though not- blameable in themfelves, were unworthy of the elevated rank in which he was placed. Lord men's falvation ; and alfo the highcir, diflike and preju- dice againft fuch as were of different fentiments, and en- deavours to fupprefs them : I fay, all this we here fee, and confequently the bigotry of Charles, which led him to allow of and encourage fuch feverities, on the account of religious opinions, as raifed in the minds of his fub- jects diflike and averfion, and contributed to his ruin, as in the courfe of this work will appear. (r) Employing himfelf in works univorthy of his ele- vated rank, &c] A king fhould af. like himfelf. He mould attend to thofe matters which relate to the wel- fare and happinefs of his people j he mould ftudy their genius and manners, and employ his thoughts in de- vifing ways for promoting their grandeur and felicity. Modeft merit he mould inquire after, arts and fciences he mould encourage, ufeful inventions he fhould reward, attend to the complaints of his fubjects, and readily re- drefs their grievances. In a word, his care fhould be to diftribute equal and impartial juftice to thofe under his rule, and defend them from the infults and opprefllons of the nations around them. This, I fay, is the duty of a king; and he who would difcharge it well, had need give it his time and pains. As for lefTer matters, though they may be ufeful or ornamental in private life, 'tis not expected a prince mould excel in them ; much lefs con- tend with fuch as profefTedly addict themfelves to them, and reap emolument from them. What in thefe is praife- worthy, in a king is mean ; below his character, and what muft render him but little refpectable to thofe around him. But Charles either underftood not this, or acted diametrically contrary to it. * He minded little ' things too much, and was more concerned in the (A) Burnet, i drawing of a paper, than in fighting a battle (k).' vol. i. P.71.O Wfrenfoever his fecretaries had drawn up, by the direction of the council, declarations or any other pa- ' pers, JFfe L I FE of C H A R L E S I. 63 Lord Clarendon (I) allures us, that he was ( t / ) T 0, v, not in his nature very bountiful, though he gave pers, and offered them to his perufal, though both they and the council had done their parts, yet he would always with his own hand correct them, both as to matter and form; he commonly ufing thefe words when he took the pen in his hand, Come, lama good cobler : and the corrections were acknowledged by them all to be both for the greater luftre and advantage of the writings (m).' Agreeably hereunto fir Philip (*0 &- IParwick writes. * Though he was of as flow a pen as chie ' p * 71 * of fpeech, yet both were very fignificant : and he had that modeft efteem of his own parts, that he would ufually fay, He would willingly make his own dif- patches, but that he found it better to be a cobler than a fhoemaker. I have been in company with very learned men, when I have brought them their own papers back from him with his alterations, who ever confeffed his amendments to have been very material. And I once, by his commandment, brought him a paper of my own to read, to fee whether it was fuit- able to his directions, and he difallowed it flightingly : I defired him I might call Dr. Sander/on to aid me, and that the doctor might underftand his own meaning from himfelf ; and with his majefty's leave I brought him, whilft he was walking and taking the air; where- upon we two went back; but pleafed him as little, when we returned it : for fmilingly he faid, a man might have as good ware out of a chandler's fhop : but afterwards he fet it down with his own pen very plainly, and fuitably to his own intentions (n).' But it will be () Memoirs, neceflary to be more particular on this head, and there- P* 7 fore I fhall give a fhort detail of the employments in which he bufied himfelf, even fometimes when one would have thought he might have been more profitably en- gaged. He took the pains, we are told, to epitomize Laud's book againft Fijher (0), and to tranflate Dr. San- () Id- p 82, derfons book de Ifuramentis : he writ many annotations f, , ? g ~ J J - L . 1 1 1 J r 1 daIe s " l0rt and quotations with his own hand in the margin of his v i eWj ~ -g, Bible, 64 The LIFE of Cli A RLE B t gave, very much. This appeared more after the duke o Buckingham's death; after which thofe (/.) Wood's BJble (/>), and was at the pains of drawing inftru&ions Cxon^vol- ^ or ms archbifliops Abbot and Laud, perufing the ac- ii. c. 701. counts they gave of their provinces, and writing mar- ginal notes on them, in which he difcovered his bigotry, fuperftition, and attachment to the priefthood. * I will ' have no preeft have anie necefiity of a lay depen- 4 dancie,' fays he in one of them. In a fecond, remark- ing on Laud's acquainting him that there were fome Brovvnifts in his diocefs, and that the only remedy was to make the chief feducers be driven to abjure the king- dom, he fays, Informe me of the particulars, and I ' fhall command the judges to make them abjure.* I will add only a third, which was made by him upon a complaint againft five minifters for not catechifing : < I (?) The ^ < defire, fays he, to know the certainty of this (?).' In ^2*u.- *k rt wnoever would know the littlenefs of the mind of counts of Charles, and the attention he paid to trifles, cannot do his province better than read his inflections about church-matters, to the king, an( j his remarks on the accounts he received concerning at the end of . _- _ TT . . . . n >r Laud's trou- them. Uut to go on. When his majeity was at New- bles and ca/lle, in the year 1646, he engaged in a controverfy with tnal, by fyj n Alexander Henderfon, a Scotch divine, concerning the Lond. foi. change of church-government ; in which, after the man- 1695. ner of polemical divines, he debates ftrenuoufly againft preibytery ; declares his opinion that church-government is an efiential ; that it was of fuch confequence, as, by the alteration of it, we fhould deprive ourfelves of a lawful priefthood ; and then, fays he, how the facra- (-) King ments can be duly adminiftred, is eafy to judge (r). f ha les * a When the king was at Holdenby, April 23, 1647, he pro- 7 ' pounded to the parliament's commiflioners the following quaere, Why the new reformers difcharge the keeping of Eajler ? The reafon for this quaere is, I conceive, the celebration of this feaft was inftituted by the fame autho- rity which changed the "Jcwijh Sabbath-day into the Lord's-day, or Sunday ; for it will not be found in Scrip- ture where Saturday is difcharged to be kept, or turned into The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 6s thofe jfhowers fell very rarely; and he paufed too long in giving ; which made thofe to whom he gave, lefs fenfible of the benefit. He kept ftate to the full, which into the Sunday : wherefore it muft be the church's au- thority that changed the one:, and inftituted the other. Therefore my opinion is, that thofe who will not keep this feaft, may as well return to the obfervation of Satur- day, and refufe the weekly Sunday. When any body can fhew me that I am in an errour, I fhall not be afhamed to confefs and amend it ; till when you know my mind. C. R. (s) (*) King And at the treaty of Newport, 051. 2, 1648, we find Charles's his majefty employing his pen on the fame fubjecT: that * s ' p * he had debated before with Henderfon at Newcajile. In fhort, Charles had a good deal of the difputatious temper of his father, and the fame itch after the lowefr. of theo- j logical controverfies. For how poor a thing is it for a : prince to attend to the reafons which are urged for or againft epifcopacy by polemical divines? How weak to imagine church-government to be an efTential, or that the facraments cannot be duly adminiftred but by the priefthood, ordained in a particular way ? A man in Charles's fituation, one would have thought, fhould have ftudied to have gained friends, to have brought over foes, to have owned and palliated paft mifcondut, and to have yielded in time to fuch concefiions as might have made him great and his people happy. But to trifle away time on things below a wife man's regard, any farther than as they afford matter of diverfion, in his very critical cir- cumftances, was inexcufable weaknefs, and a debafement of character beyond example. 'Tis true, thefe were the controverfies of the age : but controverfies of this kind are fit only at all times for the idle, and therefore wholly unworthy of a prince when his crown was at flake, and even his very life in danger. F made 66 T/^LIFE c/CHARLES 1. made his court very orderly j no man pre- fuming to be feen in a place where he had no pretence to be. Whether he had much fenfibility of tem- per, may, perhaps, juftly be made a ques- tion (s): (s) Whether he had much fenfibility of temper, may, per- haps, jujily be tnade a queflion.] There are feveral fa<5ts recorded of Charles, which feem to (hew him not over- ftocked with companion at the misfortunes of .others, or touched with their calamities. The manner in which he received the news of the murder of Buckingham, has, I know, been looked on as proof of his great piety and devotion ; though it might, perhaps, with the fame fine imagination, have been made an evidence of his want of feeling. ' The news [ of Buckingham's death ] foon ' came to court, and the king underftood it whilft he ' was at his morning public devotion, and there he gave * an evidence of his compofed mind ; for he expreft no c paflion, till the fervice was ended ; and then he retired, (t) War- * and was very fenfible of it (t).' This is plainly and wick, p. 34. naturally told. Let us now fee it decorated. * His ma- jefty was at the public prayers of the church, when fir ' "John Hippefly came into the room, with a troubled ' countenance, and without any paufe, in refpecl of the * exercife they were performing, went direclly to the 4 king, and whifpered in his ear what had fallen out. ' His majefty continued unmoved, and without the leaft ' change in his countenance, till prayers were ended ; c when he fuddenly departed to his chamber, and threw ' himfelf upon his bed, lamenting, with much paflion, * and with abundance of tears, the lofs he had of an ex- c cellent fervant, and the horrid manner in which he had * been deprived of him : and he continued in this me- () Claren- c Jancholic difcompofure of mind many days (u).' This don, vo.i. lamenting- w ith much paflion and abundance of tears, feems to be an embellifhment of the writer ; for in Mr. Waller fine poem, addreffed to his majefty on this occa- fion, we find not a hint of it; but the whole turns on the T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 67 tion : though certain it is, he had not learned the devotion of Charles, the unmovednefs of his mind* and his kindnefs to the duke's family. ' He that with thine fhall weigh good David's deeds, ' Shall find his paflion, not his love exceeds : c He curft the mountains where his brave friend dy'd$ * But let falfe Zibo'v/hh his heir divide: ' Where thy immortal love to thy bleft friends, ' Like that of heav'n, upon their feed defcends. * Such huge extremes inhabit thy great mind, ' Godlike, unmov'd ; and yet like woman kind.' The following pafTage is from JVhitlock, of which the feader will judge. c Prince Rupert, at Cirencefier, took 1 1 00 prifoners, and 3000 arms. Thefe prifoners were led in much triumph to Oxford, where the king and lords looked on them, and too many fmiled at their mifery, being tied together with cords, almoft naked, beaten, and driven along, like dogs. Among them was a proper handfome man, of a very white fkin, where it could be (een for the blood of his wounds : he not being able to go, was fet naked upon the bare back of an horfe, his wounds gaping, and his body fmeared with blood ; yet he fat upright upon the horfe, with an undaunted countenance, and, when near the king, a brawling woman cried out to him, Ah you traitorly rogue, you are well enough ferved : he, with a fcornful look towards her, anfwered, You bafe whore : and inftantly dropped off dead from his horfe (w)? ' He was feldom, in the times of war, (iv) Whit- feen to be forrowful for the (laughter of his people or lock .' s . me " foldiers, or indeed any thing elfe (fays Lilly), whether 6^ Vol! by nature or cuftom his heart was hardened, I leave Lond. 1733* for others to judge. When unfortunately the parlia- ment had loft fome of their men in the Weft, at Marl- borough and the Devizes, and they brought in a refer- able condition, without hofe or fhoes, or fcarce cloaths, into Oxford as a triumph, he was content to be a fpe&ator of their calamities ; but gave neither or- F 2 der 63 T/^LIFEc/CHARLES I. (t) learned to facrifice to the graces. Much has * der for their relief, or commands for eafe of their fuf- 6 ferings : nay, it was noted by fome there prefent, he (*) Life and t rejoiced in their fad affliction (.*).' Indeed, fir Philip Charles ' Warwick allures us, c that the king being informed of p. 14. ' ' Mr. Hambden's being wounded, would have fent him 4 over any chirurgeon of his, if any had been wanting : c for (adds he, as the motive) he looked upon his in- * tereft, if he could gain his affection, as a powerful ' means of begetting a right underftanding betwixt him (y)Memoirs, anc | his two houfes ( v).' What lord Clarendon there- P- 2 4 J f ore meant by afcribing to this monarch a tendernefs and compaflion of nature, which reftrained him from ever (*) Vol. v. doing a hard-hearted thing (%) ; what, I fay, he meant p. 256. by this, will not be eafily known by thofe who confider this king's actions. (t) He had not learned to facrifice to the graces.] Politenefs and civility, affability and good- nature, though not perhaps efTentially ncceffary to form the character of an honeft man or a good prince, yet are they undoubt- edly very ornamental, and the want of them occafions many vexations. A prince fhould be eafy of accefs, kind in his expreflions, infmuating in his behaviour ; in jfhort, his words and actions mould mew the well-bred, good-natured man. But nothing was at a farther diftance from this than the behaviour of Charles. Burnet tells us, 4 he had a grave referved deportment, in which he for- * got the civilities and the affability that the nation na- ' turally loved, and to which they had been long ac- e cuftomed. Nor did he, in his outward deportment, ' take any pains to oblige any perfons whatsoever : fo ' far from that, he had fuch an ungracious way of fliew- 6 ing favour, that the manner of bellowing it was al- (<*) Hiftory moft as mortifying as the favour was obliging (a).' time? ^Tc. * n a letter t0 nis ' others too referved, manyfantaftick (e).' On the 9th 13. of March, 1641, both houfes of parliament fent a decla- {e)U. p.8. ration to the king, who was then at Newmarket, part of which being * read to him by the earl of Holland, his * majefty interrupted him in the reading, and faid, that's c falfe; which being afterwards touched upon again, his c majefty then faid, 'tis a lye. And on the next day, c when his majefty delivered his anfwer, which was read * by the earl of Holland to the reft of the committee [of c parliament] ; and that being done, his Iordfhip endea- ' voured to perfuade his majefty to come near the parlia- * ment : whereunto his majefty anfwered, I would you 1 had given me caufe ; but, I am fure, this declaration is c not the way to it, and in all Arijlotle's Rhetorics there * is no fuch argument of perfuafion. The earl of Pem- * broke thereupon telling him, that the parliament had * humbly befought his majefty to come near them, as ' aforefaid, his majefty replied, that he had learnt by c their declaration, that words were not fufficient. His ' majefty being then again moved, by the faid earl of ' Pembroke, to exprefs what he would have, faid, he c would whip a boy in Weftminfter-fchool, that could not 6 tell that by his anfwer. And farther faid, they were 4 much miftaken, if they thought his anfwer of that a ' denial. And being alfo afked by the faid earl of Pem- * broke, whether the militia might not be granted, as was 1 defired by the parliament, for a time; his majefty Jwore " by God, not for an hour : you have afked that of me in F 3 * this, 7 (/) Rufli- worth, vol. iv. p 532. (g) Whit- Ipck, p. 1 14. {tMfe ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. the honour, probity, and good faith of this prince : this, was never afkt of any king, and with which I will not truft my wife and children (/).' ' When the parliament fent commiflioners to Oxf:rd with proportions for peace, which were read by the earl of Denbigh , the king afked the committee if they had power to treat ? They replying, that they had no commiffion to treat, but to receive his majefty's anfwer in writing, the king replied, Then a letter-carrier might have done as much as you. To which ^he earl of Denbigh faid, I fuppofe your majefty looks upon us as perfons of another condition than letter-carriers. The king faid again, I know your condition ; but I fay that your commiffion gives you power to do no more than a letter-carrier might have done. -And fo we came away from the king with a little kind of difiatisfac- tion (g).' The fame author goes on afterwards, and tells us, ' that the committee who carried the prcpofi- tions of peace to Oxford, had the king's anfwer fealed up and fent to them. They, upon advice together, thought it not fit for them to receive an anfwer in that manner, not being acquainted with what it was, nor a copy of it (as was ufual in the like cafes) fent with it unto them ; and upon this they defired to be excufed from receiving that anfwer fo fealed, and made an ad- drefs to his majefty, that they might know what his anfwer was, and have a copy of it. To which his majefty replied, What is that to you, who are but to carry what I fend, and if I will fend the fong of Robin Hood and Little 'John, you muft carry it ? To which the commiffioners only faid, that the bufinefs about which they came, 2nd were to return with his majef- ty's anfwer, was of fomewhat more confequence than that fong. And other pafTages there were, which fhewed the king; to be in no good-humour, and were wondered at, in a bufinefs efpecially of this importance, and where the difobliging the commiffioners could be of no advantage to the king (h).' ' A word, fays Lilly y dropped out of the king's mouth, loft him the ' I T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. yi prince : but if we impartially examine facts, (by e love of the feamen : fome being in conference with * his majefty, acquainted him, that he was loft in the * affection of the feamen ; for they intended to petition * the houfe. I wonder, quoth the king, how I have loft * the affection of thofe water-rats (i).' 1 will add a (/) Lilly, paffage or two from Warwick, who was informed by P 6l - "Juxon, who attended on his majefty juft before his death. ' We will not talk, faid the king to him, of thefe * rogues (for that was his term) in whofe hands I am : ' they thirft after my blood, and they will have it, and e God's will be done. I thank God, I heartily forgive ' them, and I will talk of them no more. However, * the next day, which was the day of his execution, ' when he had received the eucharift, he rofe up from c his knees, with a chearful and fteddy countenance : * Now, fays he, let the rogues come ; I have heartily ' forgiven them, and am prepared for all f am to under- ' g (&)' ( k ) Memoirs, I will add a paflage or two more on this head. Lord P- 343 Clarendon, fpeaking of the conclufion of Charles's firft expedition againft the Scots, obferves, ' that he had not ' difmiffed his army with fo obliging circumftances as ' was like to incline them to come willingly together ' again, if there were occafion to ufe their fervice. The ' earl of EJJex, who had merited very well throughout * the whole affair, and had never made a falfe ftep in e action or counfel, was difcharged in the crowd, with- ' out ordinary ceremony ; and an accident happening at c the fame time, or very foon after, by the death of the * lord Ajlon, whereby the command of the foreft of 8 Needwood fell into the king's difpofal, which lay at c the door of that earl's eftate, and would infinitely have * gratified him, was denied to him, and beftowed upon another (/J.' (0 Vol. i. What follows is contained in a letter written by Robert*' IZ *' lord Spencer, who died in the royal caufe, to his lady, juft before the fiege of Gloucejler. ' I never faw the * king look better: he is very chearful, and, by the F 4 * bawdy 72 ne LIFE of CU A RL ESI. (by which alone his character can be afcer- tained) we fhall, perhaps, find good reafon ' to doubt of his truth and fincerity (u). For (rx) Sidney's papers, vol. bawdy difcourfe, I thought I had been in the drawine- ii. P . 66S. t room ( m y I think thefe paflages abundantly fufficient to juftify the aflertion in the text, that his majefty had not learned to facrifice to the graces ; and confequently, that he was wanting in what would have been not only ornamental, but ufeful. For the love and good-will of the fubjects are efTentially neceflary to the glory and happinefs of a prince : now thefe are hardly any ways fo eafily attained, as by a humane and courteous behaviour, which it be- hoves all to cultivate, in proportion to the rank they bear in life. Men, for the moft part, underftand words j their pride is flattered by the condefcenfion of their fupe- riors, which feldom fails of attaching them to the intereft of thofe who know how to work on it. Whereas a haughty behaviour, a referved manner, an ungracious anfwer, will create averfion in the minds of the by- ftanders, as well as in thofe perfons who are immediately concerned, and render them cool at leaft to their intereft, if not enemies to their perfons. For thofe who think themfelves above all, will be neglected in time by all ; nor will they ever be regarded any farther than men find it for their intereft to fubmit to, or affift them. (u) If we examine fafis, we jholl find much reafon to doubt of his truth and fincerity.] Truth is the bond of fociety, productive of many good confequences, and at all times admired and applauded by thofe who chufe not, on occafion, to adhere to it. Princes, above all men, fhould pay an inviolable regard to it, as highly glorious and falutary : but fraud, diffimulation, and deceit, fhould be avoided by them, becnufe thefe fully their characters, and render them vile, odious, and terrible. If honour and virtue were to be banifhed the world, faid Charles the* Wife, they ought to find an afylum with princes. And even Machiave. owns, * that though it be not necefTary that ^LIFEc/CHARLPS I. 73 For certain it is, he afTerted what was falfe, with regard to the tranfactions in Spain; was c that a prince fhould have all the good qualities, (among * which fincerity is reckoned by him) yet it is extremely ' requifite that he fhould appear to have them.' This is fpeaking much in their praife. But he adds, * I will 4 venture to affirm, that his having them, and putting * them in practice, would be to his prejudice ; whereas * the putting on the appearance of them, muft be for his * intereft. Let him feem, and let him actually be, mer- ' ciful, true to his word, humane, religious, and fincere ; 4 but at the fame time let him have fo much command * of himfelf, that, if occafion requires, he may be quite ' the reverfe ().' And the prince, of whom we are (a) Machia- now writing, being advifed, in a certain cafe, to detain a veIs P rince > nobleman whom he had called to court, faid, c He be- c " ' hoved to be a king of his word (0).' Whether and (0) GutWs how far he did as it behoved him to do, is now our bufi- memoirs,, nefs to enquire. When the Spanijh match was broken p * 3 1 ' off by means of Buckingham, and he had determined to fatiate his revenge, by caufing war againff. that people to be made, it was thought fit that the whole affair con- cerning the faid match and the Palatinate, and the beha- viour of the Spanijh court to the prince, fhould be ftated and enlarged upon, in a conference between the two houfes, which his highnefs and the duke were deiired to manage. At the conference, the prince made a fhort introduction to the bufinefs, and faid fome very kind things of the duke, and then referred the whole relation to him. Whereupon Buckingham made along narration full of falfhoods, and for which, lord Clarendon obferves, * he had not the leaft direction from the king, and a great ' part whereof he knew to be untrue (/>).' But yet, (^ ciaren- notwithftanding the falfhoods contained in Buckittgham's don, vol. i. narration, the prince, who was prefent at it, and affifted ? ** him in it, and certified many particulars thereof, attefted the truth of it on the fpot ; * and on its being reported * the fame day to the houfe, his highnefs approved there- * of there alfo;' as did his father foon after, though asainft 74 (?) Rufli- worth, vol.i. p. 119, 125, I26, 127, (r) Hume's hiftorv of Great Bri- tain, vol. i. p. 103, 410. Eiinb.1754. IT^LIFEc/CHARLES I. was worfe than his word in a great variety of againft his own belief, or rather knowledge (q). The fhare Charles had in this affair, tends little to his honour. Mr. Hume, fpeaking of it, fays, ' This [Buckingham's] narrative, which, confidering the importance of the occafion, and the folemnity of that affembly to which it was delivered, deferves no better name than that of an infamous impofture, was yet vouched for truth by the prince of Wales, who was prefent ; and the king himfelf lent it, indiredlly, his authority, by telling the parliament, that it was by his order Buckingham laid the whole before them. The conduct of thefe princes it is difficult to excufe. 'Tis in vain to plead the youth and inexperience of Charles ; unlefs his inexperience and youth, as is probable, really led him into an error, and made him fwallow all the grofs falfities of Buck- ingham. And, though the king was here hurried from his own meafures by the furious impetuofity of others, nothing mould have induced him to proftitute his cha- racter, and vouch the impoftures of his favourite, of which he had fo good reafon to entertain a fufpi- cion (r).' And does Mr. Hume really think it probable that Charles's youth and inexperience led him into an error, and made him fwallow all the grofs falfities of Buckingham? This, indeed, is vindicating his honefty at the expence of his understanding ; but at the fame time is fuch a way of vindicating it, as very (ew will approve. Buckingham was not wife enough to over-reach Charles, had he been difpofed to do it : he could not impofe on his father (a much weaker man) in this matter, much lefs on the prince, who had been upon the fpot with him in Spain, and an eye-witnefs of the things tranlated there. He was, indeed, but in his three and twentieth year; but at the age of twenty-two, or under, a man of tolerable understanding was furely capable of obferving matters of fact, and relating them truly : and confequently Charles could not, through youth and inex- perience, fwallow the grofs falfities of Buckingham ; but qiuft have been a partner in his infamous impolture. Charles^ ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. j$ of inftances, and thofe of no fmall impor- tance ; Charles, on the death of his father, having mounted the throne, gave farther proofs of his want of fincerity, and continued fo to do thro' the courfe of his unfortunate reign. Williams, lord-keeper of the great feal, having fome how or other offended Buckingham, it was deter- mined he fhould no longer abide in that high office. This the keeper had notice of by the lord Conway, fecre- tary of ftate, who, at the lord-keeper's defire, afked his majefryhis permifiion for his waiting on him. This requeft being granted, Williams was admitted into the prefence, and made his petitions. For the moft part, they were granted, and he retired exceedingly well contented. He thought he had obtained much ; but milled all he had fought for, excepting four advowfons to St. Johns college in Cambridge, (two of which he had bought with his own money, and two the late king gave him for the good of that fociety) and could never receive a farthing of his penfion of two thoufand marks a year, which he had bought for three thoufand pounds j nor was he called again to the council- table, as was promifed him by his majefty (s). This is Williams's own account ; and as it (J Abridg- never was contradicted, as I know of, to this day, it cer- *j? nt . of , tainly mews that Charles was not a man of his word. ^ l * m ** But we have ftill ftronger and more glaring proofs of his want of opennefs and fincerity. Mr. Hume, fpeaking of the commons claiming the execution of the penal laws againft catholics in the year 1626, obferves, ' that in this * particular they had, no donbt, fome reafon to blame * the king's conduct. He had promifed to the laft houfe ' of commons a redrefs of this religious grievance : j ' but he was too apt, in imitation of his father, to con- * ' fider thefe promifes as temporary expedients, which, \ ' after the difTolution of the parliament, he was not any ' farther to regard (/).-' And yet, as we (hall prefent- (<) Hiftory ly fee, probity and honour are, in the judgment of this J G 1 '11 , i n n b 1 Britain, p, writer, to be placed among his molt inining qualities ! , s 6. In the third year of his reign, the commons taking into confideration the grievances and hardfhips of the fubjea, 76 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. tance; and contradicted his fpeech by his actions : fubjec"l, and the illegal commitments by the privy coun- cil, as well as many other things, after many debates, cameto feveral refolutions, which were inferted in the bill of Rights, and palled into a law. Charles was very loath to give his affent to it, and made ufe of a variety of artifices in order to quafh it. The lords fent propofitions to the commons, in which the prerogative was preferved, and power had an opportunity of oppreilion, under pre- tence of reaibn of ftate. The lord-keeper allured them, that his majefty had commanded him to let them know, that he held the ftatute of Magna Charta, and the other fix ftatutes infilled on, for the fubje&s liberty, to be all in force ; and allured them, that he would maintain all his fubjecls in thejuft freedom of their perfons, and fafety of their eftates ; that he would govern them according to the laws and ftatutes of this realm ; and that they fhould find as much fecurity in his majefty's royal word and promife, as in the ftrength of any law they could ; make ; fo that, hereafter, they fhould have no caufe to [ complain. This would not do : the king therefore fent them a meflage by Mr. fecretary Cook, to know, whe- ther the houfe will reft on his royal word, declared to them by the lord-keeper ? which if they do, he allures them it (hall be royally performed. But the commons adhered firmly to their refolution of having a public re- medy, as there had been a public violation of the laws and the fubjedts liberties, and fo, by their fpeaker, they declared to the king; who* then, in no very agreeable manner, by the keeper, told them, ' he was content a * bill was drawn for a confirmation of Magna Charta, * and the other fix ftatutes infilled on for the fubjecls ' liberties, if ye {hall chufe that as the beft way, but fo * as it may be without additions, paraphraies, or expla- ' nations.' One would have imagined now the bill ihould have met with no more delays. But the com- mons were again prefied, by Mr. fecretary, to rely on the royal word. The king himfelf writ a letter to the upper houfe, in which he declares, * that, without the over- throw ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 77 actions : whereby fuch an opinion was raifed in c throw of fovereignty, he could not fuffer the power of ' commitment, without /hewing caufe, to be impeached ;' and the lords were for adding a faving to the fovereign power, which was to remain intire. This produced a conference between the houfes, who at length agreed ; and the petition of Right, June 2, 1628, was read ; and the king's anfwer was thus delivered unto it : * The * king willeth, that right be done according to the laws * and cuftoms of the realm ; and that the ftatutes be put in due execution, that his fubje&s may have no caufe * to complain of any wrong or opprefiions, contrary to 4 their juft rights and liberties, to the prefervation * whereof, he holds himfelf in confcience as well obliged, ' as of his prerogative.' This anfwer no way fatisfied the commons, who were very fenfible it would render of little ufe all that they had been doing. But the king fent them word, that he would not alter his anfwer : though after he was petitioned by both houfes, he an- fwered, Soit droit comme 11 eft defire ; which, fays TFJnt- lock, fatisfied the commons, and all good men (). Weif") Whit- fee here a deal of artifice, craft, diflimulation, and falfe- fc r^?' hood in this whole affair : and nothing of opennefs andL. or th,vol.i, probity. However, the petition of right being pafled intop>. 613. a law, one would have expected the king ihould have obferved it ; yet nothing is more certain, than that he j not only endeavoured to evade it, but acted directly con- | trary to it. He called in 1500 copies of the petition, with his anfwer, which had been printed j and fuffered none to be fold that had not additions. He levied the fubfidies of tonnage [w) and poundage, though (w) Seethe not granted him by parliament; and committed feveral right among very eminent men to prifon, by warrant of his council, the ftatutes. for their Ipeeches in the houfe. Thefe things were dia- metrically oppofite to what he had juft paft into a law, and confequently could not proceed from ignorance or inexperience, but from a difregard to his word and moft folemn promifes. Lord Clarendon, fpeaking of the bill for taking away the bilhops votes, has dropped an hint, which 78 ^LIFEo/CHARLES L in the minds of his adverfaries, of his want of which may fhew how little Charles's moft foiemn acts were to be relied on. * Male pojita ejl lex^ ques tumul- 6 tuarie pofita e/l y was one of thofe pofitions of AriJlotle i * which hath never fince been contradicted ; and was an c advantage, that, being well managed, and ftoutlyin- e lifted upon, would, in fpight of all their machinations^ y which were not yet firmly and folidly formed, have ' brought them to a temper of being treated with. But * I have fome caufe to believe, that even this argument, ' which was unanfwerable for the rejecting that bill, was * applied for the confirming it ; and an opinion that the 6 violence, and force, ufed in procuring it, rendered it e abfolutely invalid and void, made the confirmation of ' it lefs confidered, as not being of ftrength to make that * act: good, which was in itfelf null. And I doubt this c logick had an influence upon other acts of no lefs mo- (x) Claren- c ment (x).* This pafiage did not efcape the diligence don, vol. 11. Q f Raping who, after citing it, adds, < Let the reader P- 43- <. judge after this, if we may boaft of king Charles's fin- c cerity, fince even in paffing acts of parliament, which ' is the moft authentic and foiemn promife a king of 6 England can make, he gave his aflent, merely in an ' opinion, that they were void in themfelves, and con- ( v) Hiffory c fequently he was not bound by this engagement (y).' vol 1\ P " ' There is a notable pafiage in a letter of this king to his 571, fol. queen, dated Oxford, 1 Jan. 1645. ' As for my calling Lond. 1733. thofe at London a parliament, I fhall refer thee to Dig- ' by for particular fatisfadion, this in general ; if there ' had been but two (befides myfelf) of my opinion, 1 had ' not done it; and the argument that prevailed with me ' was, that the calling did no ways acknowledge them ' to be a parliament, upon which condition and con- ' ftruxion I did it, and no ctherways, and accordingly ' it is regiftred in the council-books, with the council's ' unanimous approbation ; but thou wilt find that it was * my misfortune, not negledt, that thou haft been no (*;) King's ' fooner advertifed of it (z).' cabinet, p. 4. In ^LIFEo/CHARLES !. 79 of veracity, as rendered them indifpofed to con- In a letter from Algernon earl of Northumberland to Robert earl of Leice/ler, dated London, Dec. 10, 1 640, we find the following words : * The king is not very ' well fatisfied with Northumberland, becaufe he will not ' perjure himfelf for lord lieutenant [Strafford] (a).' (a) Sidney's What (hall I fay more ? The king's character was fo fta |e-papers, well eftablifhed for diffimulation, and want of faith, 6 g l"' p * that we find the parliament, in the remonftrance of May 9, 1642, publicly declaring, that c although they never defired to encourage his majefty to fuch replies as might produce any conteftation between him and his parlia- ment, of which they never found better effect than lofs of time, and hindrance of the public affairs ; yet they had been far from telling him of how little value his words would be with them, much lefs when they were accompanied with actions of love and juftice. They faid, he had more reafon to find fault with thofe wicked counfellors, who had fo often bereaved him of the honour, and his people of the fruit of fo many gracious fpeeches which he had made to them, fuch as thofe in the end of the laft parliament ; that, on the word of a king, and as he was a gentleman, he would redrefs the grievances of his people, as well out of parliament as in it. They afked, if the fearching the ftudies and chambers, yea the pockets of fome, both of the nobility and commons, the very next day ; the commitment of Mr. Bella/is, kxJohnHotham, and Mr. Crew ; the continued oppreffions by fhip-money, coat and conduct-money; with the manifold imprifonments, and other vexations thereupon, and other enfuing vio- lations of the laws and liberties of the kingdom, (all which were the effects of evil counfel, and abundantly declared in their remonftrance of the ffate of the kingdom) were actions of love and juftice, fuitable to fuch words as thfofe ? As gracious was his majefty 's fpeech in the beginning of this parliament: That he was refolved to put himfelf freely and clearly upon the love and affection of his EngUJh fubjects. They afked, * whether So The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. confide in him, even when he feemed to \ be * whether his caufeleft complaints and jealoufies, the * unjuft imputations fo often caft upon his parliament, * his denial of their necefiary defence by the ordinance ' of the militia, his dangerous abfenting himfelf from ' his,great council, like to produce fuch a mifchievous * divifion in the kingdom, had not been more fuitable to ' other men's evil counfels, than to his own words ? * Neither, they faid, had his latter fpeeches been better * ufed, and preferved by thofe evil and wicked counfel- ' lers : could any words be fuller of love and juftice, ' than thofe in his anfwer to the menage fent to the ' houfeof commons, in the 31ft of Decemb. 1641. We ' do engage unto you folemnly, by the word of a king, * that the fecurity of all, and every one of you from vio- 4 lence, is, and ever fhall be, as much our care, as the ' * prefervation of us and our children ? And could any * aclions be fuller of injuftice and violence, than that of ' the attorney-general, in falfly accufing the fix members c of parliament, and the other proceedings thereupon, ' within three or four days after that mefTage ? For the * full view whereof, they defired the declaration made * of thofe proceedings might be perufed.' In another part of the fame remonftrance we have the following words. * And whether there were caufe of his majefty's i great indignation, for being reproached to have intended ' force or threatning to the parliament, they defired them ' to confider who fhould read their declaration, in which ' there was no word tending to any fuch reproach ; and 4 certainly, they faid, they had been more tender of his ' majefty's honour in that point, than he, whofoever he ' was, that did write that declaration ; where, in his ' majefty's name, he did call God to witnefs, he never * had any fuch thought, or knew of any fuch refolution ' of bringing up the army} which, truly, they faid, 4 would feem ftrange to thofe who fliould read the depo- * fition of Mr. Goring, the information of Mr. Peiny, * and divers other examinations of Mr. Wilmot, Mr. * Pollard, and others ; the other examination of capt. I ' Leg, the LIFE gf CHARLES I. 8i be moft iincere. This was of infinite pre- judice ( Leg, fir Jacob JJhley, and fir John Conyers ; and confi- 4 der the condition and nature of the petition, which ' was fent unto fir Jacob Ajhley, under the approbation of * C. R. which his majefty had now acknowledged to be * his own hand ; and being full of fcandal to the parlia- c ment, might have proved dangerous to the whole king- * dom, if the army mould have interpofed betwixt the * king and them, as was defired (b).' I produce not (") QlareiH thefe pafiages to prove the truth of the fab referred to don ' vo1, "' in this remonftrance j but merely to fliew what opinion the authors of it, the lords and commons, had of his majefty's fincerity. Let me add, that the infincerity of Charles was one probable reafon of the lofs of his life.l It appears, from a paper of major Huntingdon 's, that the king and army were at one time on very good terms, in- iomuch that his majefty ' bid the major tell commiflary- * general Ireton y with whom he had formerly treated * upon the propofals, that he would wholly throw himfelf * upon us [the army], and truft us for a fettlement of * the kingdom, as we had promifed ; faying, if we proved * honeft men, we fhould without queftion make the ' kingdom happy, and fave much ihedding of blood. ' This meflage, adds he, from his majefty I delivered to * commiflary-general Ircton at Colebrooke y who feemed * to receive it with joy, faying, that we fhould be the ' verieft knaves that ever lived, if in every thing we made ' not good whatever we had promifed, becaufe the king ' by not declaring againft us, had given us great advan- * tage againft our adverfaries [the prefbyterians] (c)* (c) ThW- But the inclinations of the chief officers of the army loe '* ftate -j foon changed, and they determined, in the place of the f. a p~ r a6oi. crown to which they had promifcd to reftore him, to Lond. 1743, bring him to the fcaffold, which they put in execution. This fudden change is faid to have been owing to the interception of a letter by Cromwell and Ircton y whilft they were in treaty with his majefty. The letter was from the king to the queen, in which he told her, "' that ' he was courted by both factions, the Scotch prefbyte- G ' rians, 82 r^LIFE c/CHARLES 1. judice to him, and was one great caufe of his 4 rians, and the army; and that thofe which bade the 4 faireft for him, fliould have him ; but yet he thought 4 he fhould clofe with the Scotch fooner than with the * other. Upon this, finding they were not like to have 4 good terms from the king, they from that time vowed id) See * his deftru&ion (d).' After what has been fo largely Hume's faid in this note, I will leave the reader to make his own hiftoryof remarks on the following paflage in Mr. Hume. * Some SiT* aLl, ' hiftorians have rafhly queftioned his [Charles's] good in the note. ' faith: but, for this reproach, the moil malignant 4 fcrutiny of his conduit, which, in every circumftance, * is now thoroughly known, affords not any reafonable 4 foundation. On the contrary, if we confider the ex- * treme difficulties to which he was fo frequently re- * duced, and compare the fincerity of his profeflions and 4 declarations, we fhall avow, that probity and ^honour * ought juftly to be placed among his moil fhining qua- * lities. In every treaty, thofe conceffions, which he ' thought in confcience he could not maintain, he never * could, by any motive or perfuafion, be induced to * grant. And though fome violations of the petition of * Rights may be imputed to him, thefe are more to be 4 afcribed to the lofty ideas of royal prerogative, which 4 he had imbibed, than to any failure in the integrity of (e) Hem, ' his principles (e).' f. 4 6 9- In the beginning of the note I have quoted Jldachiavel; I will now add another pafTage from him. 4 It has ap- 4 peared by experience in our times, fays he, that thofe 4 princes who made light of their word, and artfully de- * ceived mankind, have all along done great things, and 4 have at length got the better of fuch as proceeded upon 4 honourable principles.' But however it was in his times, it was not fo with regard to Charles. His making light of his word, and artfully deceiving his fubjec"ls, produced to him innumerable woes. His character, in this refpect, being once eftablifhed, his "adverfaries gave no heed to his words, proteftaticns, oaths, or actions, as judging that he was not to be bound by them. Hence a civil ftLIFEo/CHARLES I. 83 his ruin ! In his early youth he was ob- ferved a civil war arofe, which ended in his deftruction. Princes [ ' therefore fhould at all times act with honour, and fcorn to be worfe than their words ; for let them dhTemble ever ! fo dextroufly, there are thofe who will find them out, I and expofe them, and then adieu to their reputation and influence. * The extreme curiofity of the public is well known ; it is a being that fees every thing, hears every thing, and divulges whatfoever it has heard or feen. If its curiofity examines the conduct of particular men, 'tis only to fill Up Idle hours ; but if it confiders the characters of princes, 'tis with an eye to its own in- tereft. And, indeed, princes are more expofed than all other men to the conjectures, comments, and judg- ments of the world : they are a fort of ftars, at which a whole people of aftronomers are continually levelling their telefcopes and crofs-ftaves ; courtiers, who are near them, are daily taking their obfervations j a fingle geflure, a fingle glance of the eye, difcovers them; and the people, who obferve them at a greater diftance, magnify them by conjectures. In fhort, as well may the fun hide his fpots, as great princes their vices, and their genuine character, from the eyes of fo many curious obfervers. If the mailc of diflimulation fhould cover, for a time, the natural deformity of a prince, yet he could never keep his mafk always on : he would fometimes be obliged, was it only for a breathing, to throw it off; and one view of his naked features would be fufficient to content the curious. It will therefore be in vain for diflimulation to dwell in the mouths of princes ; craftinefs in their difcourfes and actions will have no effect : to judge of men by their words and profeflions, would be the way to be always miftaken : we therefore compare their actions with one another, and then with their words ; and againft this repeated examination, falfity and deceit will find no refuge. No man can well act any part but his own ; he muft really have the fame character which he would bear in the world ; without this, the man who thinks G 2 ? t 84 TfeLIFEo/CHARLES I. obferved to be very obftinate (w) j and ftifT he ( f) Ami- ' to impofe on the public, impofes upon none but him- Machiavcl, felf (/).' p. 192, 8vo. ^ w j j n fy JS gar iy y 0llt Jj h e was olferved to be very obfti- See" alio * na ^> &c] Here are my proofs. * His childhood, fays Gordon's ' Perinchief, was blemifned with a fuppofed obftinacy : difcouries on t f or tne weCl [ine{i of his body inclining him to retire- voMv.'p. ments, and the imperfection of his Ipeech rendering 331, nmo. ' difcourfe tedious and unpleafant, he was fufpected to Loni. 1753. t b e fomewhat perverfe (g).' Lilly tells us, ' he was (?) Life of * noted to be very wilful and obftinate by queen Anne his K. Charles, c mother, and fome others who were then about him : P- z ' * his mother being then told he was very fick and like to ' die, faid, he would not then die, or at that time ; but ' live to be the ruin of himfelf, and the occafion of the ' lofs of his three kingdoms, by his too much wilful- * nefs. The old Scotljh lady his nurfe was ufed to affirm 6 as much, and that he was of a very evil nature, even ' in his infancy ; and the lady, who after took charge of ' him, cannot deny it, but that he was beyond meafure (b) Obferya- ' wilful and unthankful (b)' -Perinchief, after taking tions oh the notice of his fuppofed obftinacy, adds, * But mere age o^king" ' and ftrength fitting him for manlike exercifes, and the Charles, p. * pubJic hopes inviting him from his privacies, he deli- 2. * vered the world from fuch fears. His tenacious humour * he left with his retirements, none being more defirous ' of good counfel, nor any more obfequious when he ' found it ; yea, too diftruftful of his own judgment, * which the ifl'ue of things proved always beft when it c was followed.' The reader will judge of the truth of this bye and bye. * I have heard my father, fays Coke, ' (though not a courtier, yet acquainted with -many * courtiers) lay, that they would oft pray to God, that ' the prince might be in the right way where he fet ; for ' if he were in the wrong, he would prove the moft (?) Coke's wilful of any king that ever reigned (/').' I will pro- detxftion, j. JCe a f ew more proofs, to fet this matter beyond all VCl. 1. P. it r , , , . ii, ' 211, Lonri. doubt, in the year 1627, tis well known, many gen- 8vo. 1694. tlemen were imprifgned for refufing the loan, on account of ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 85 he remarkably was during his whole reign : though of its illegality ; among thefe, many feared would be fir Tljomas Wentworth. afterwards earl of Strafford. In or- der to bring him to a compliance with the king's mea- fures, his brother-in-law, the lord Clifford, writes to him in thefe words : ' My dear brother, I cannot hope to fee * you receive the leaft favour, that the great ones can ' abridge you of, if you ftill refufe; neither dare any 1 move the king in the behalf of any gentleman refufer ; ' for his heart is fo inflamed in this bufinefs, as he vows ' a perpetual remembrance, as well as prefent punifh- ' ment. And though the duke [Buckingham] will be ' fhortly gone, yet no man can expect to receive any * eafe by his abfence, fince the king takes the punifh- ' ment into his own direction 0)* (i) Letter In a letter to the queen, dated Oxford, Jan. 9, 44, and dlf ~ after telling her lhatUxbridge was appointed for the place Thomas earl of treaty between him and the parliament, he adds, in a pf Strafford, poftfcript, * The fettling of religion, and the militia) are x f'l'. ?' * the firft to be treated on : and be confident, that I will jLnd^iria. ' neither quit epifcopacy, nor that fword which God 4 hath given into my hands (I). And we find in Laud's (?) King's Diary, * that he being terrified, by reafon of fome fpeeches cabinet > P* ' uttered, that there mull be a parliament, fome muft * be facrificcd, and he as like as any, he told it ; where- ' upon the king faid, Let me deftre you not to troxible ' yourfelf with any reports, till you fee me forfake my * other friends (wj.' In fhort, Charles was very deter- j mined in all his affairs, and was not eafily moved from 55 his relblutions by any but his favourites. Lord Clarendon^. obferves, ' that he had an excellent underfranding, but ' was not confident enough of it 5 which made him often * change his own opinion for a worfe, and follow the ' advice of men that did not judge fo well as himfelf.' Burnet tells us, * that be was out of meafure fet on fol- ' lowing his humour, but unreafonably feeble to thofe ' whom he tiufted, chiefly to the queen (n).' And we(") B rnrt, find in fat, that ftiff as he was in the matter of the loan, p ' 7 ' he relinquilhed it by at of parliament, tho' he loon re- G 3 turned (c) Claren- don, vol. V. p. 103. 86 r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. though mod writers agree that he was eafily go- turned to the pra&ice of it ; that he confented to con- * firm by acl: of parliament in England, prefbyterian go- { vernment, the directory for worfhip, and the affembly * of divines at Wejlminfier for three years (0)' And that, notwithstanding his fteddinefs to his friends, he gave up Strafford to the block. After the civil war com- menced, * many endeavours were ufed, from time to time, to bring matters to an accommodation by way of treaty j but flill fome one unlucky accident or other rendered them all abortive. At the treaty oiUxbridge, though the parliament's demands were high, and the king fhewed a more than ordinary averfion to comply with them ; yet the ill pofture of the king's affairs at that time, and the fatal confequences they feared would follow upon breaking off of the treaty, obliged a great many of the king's friends, and more particularly that noble perfon the earl of Southampton, who had gone poft from Uxbridge to Oxford for that purpofe, to prefs the king again and again, upon their knees, to yield to the neceflity of the times ; and by giving his affent to fome of the moil material propofitions that were fent him, to fettle a lafting peace with his people. The king was at laft prevailed with to follow their counfel ; and the next morning was appointed for figning a warrant to his commiffioners to that effect. And fo fure were they of a happy end of all differences, that the king at fupper complaining that his wine was not good, one told him merrily, he hoped his majerty would drink better before the week was over, at Guild- hall with the lord-mayor. But fo it was, that when they came early to wait upon him with the warrant, that had been agreed upon over night, they found his majefty had changed his refolution, and was become inflexible in thcfe points (/>).' Bifhop Burnet gives us pretty near the fame account, which he received, he fays, (?) Burner, from lord Hollis (q). vol. i. p. 55. j fhall conclude this note with the words of Mr. Hume. * There are two circumftances in his character, feem- ' ingly it) Wel -' wood, p. 45 7^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 87 governed by his favourites, who frequently gave him counfel no way falutary to his affairs. His underftanding was far enough from being defpicable (x), his enemies them- felves * ingly incompatible, which attended him during the ' whole courfe of his reign, and were the chief caufe of 1 ' all his misfortunes : he was very fteddy, and even ob- \ ? ftinate in his purpofe ; and he was eafily governed, by \ ' reafon of his facility, and of his deference to men, l c much inferior to himfelf both in morals and under- \ 1 ftanding. His great ends he inflexibly maintained : \ * but the means of attaining them, he readily received \ * from his minifters and favourites, though not always c fortunate in his choice (r). 9 ( r ) Hume's ( x ) His underftanding was far enough from being de- . ' ory '' * fpicable, Sec] Some of the following quotations prove the truth of what is contained in the foregoing note, and will ferve as a fupplement to it. As they tend to illuftrate the character of Charles, they cannot be omitted ; and I doubt not the reader will be pleafed with them. ' Had 6 his judgment been as found, as his conception was ' quick and nimble, fays Lilly, he had been a moil ac- c complifhed gentleman ; and though in mod dangerous refults, and extraordinary ferious confultations, and ' very material, either for ftate or commonwealth, he c , would of himfelf give the moft folid advice, and found ' reafons, why fuch or fuch a thing fhould be fo, or not * fo; yet was he moft eafily withdrawn from his own ' moft wholfome and found advice or refolutions ; and ' with as much facility drawn on, inclined, to embrace * a far more unfafe, and nothing fo wholfome a counfel. ' He would argue logically, and frame his arguments ' artificially; yet never almoft had the happinefs tocon- c elude or drive on a defign in his own fenfe, but was ' ever baffled by meaner capacities (s).' In the Dedica- (*) Lilly's tion to his majefty of the firft part of the Hijlory of In- bfervationr, dependency , Mr. Walker hints his opinion of the king's p " " G 4 under- 88 The L I F E of C H A R L Ef S I. felves being judges : and, if we will believe his underftanding, and his liablenefs to be drawn afide by two forts of men, to enlarge the prerogative to his own hurt. Let us hear him in his own words. c God hath curfed him that removeth the bcund-marks of his neighbour : this is a comprehenfive curfe : kings, en- larging their prerogatives beyond their limits, are not excepted from it. You may be pleafed to take heed therefore of two forts of men, moft likely to miflead you in this point ; ambitious lawyers, who teach the law to fpeak, not what the legiflators meant, but what you fhall feem to defire. The fecond fort is parafiticai divines : thefe e2r-wigs are always hovering in princes courts, hanging in their ears. They take upon them to make princes beholding to their violent wrefting of the text, to beftow upon them whatever prerogative the kings of Juda and Ifrael ufed or ufurped ; as if the judicials of Mofes were appointed by God for all com- monwealths, all kings : as a good bifhoprick or living is fit for every prieft that can catch it. Thefe men having their beft hopes of preferment from princes, make divinity to be buf crganon polhicum, an inftru- ment of government, and harden the hearts of princes, Pharaoh-like : kings delight to be tickled by fuch vene- rable warrantable flattery. Sir, you have more means to prefer them than other t;-,n, therefore they apply themfelves more to you than other men do. Tit facts hunc dominum^ te fac'it ille Deum. The king makes the poor prieft a lord, and rather than he will be behind with the king in courtefie, he will flatter him above the condition of a mortal, and make him a god royal. Sir, permit me to give you this "antidote againft this poyfon; let an act be pafled, that all fuch divines as either by preaching, writin?, or difcouifing, fliall advance your prerogative and power above the known laws and liberties of the land, forfeit all his ecclefiaftical prefer- ments ipfp faflo^ and be incapable ever after, and for ever banifhed your court. But above all, learn to truft in your judgment, Plus aliis de te quam tu tibi credere * noli : T^LIFEo/CHARLBS I. 89 his friends and admirers, he was adorned with noli : God bath enabled you to remember things paft, to obferve thing? prefent, and, by comparing them to- gether, to conjecture things to come : which are the three parts of wifdom that will much honour and ad- vantage you (t).' (t) Walker's Pity but princes had more frequently fuch honeft ad- hiftory of ice given them ! The next authority fhall be that of j. ndepe a n r ^ n " Mr. Whitkck, which I will tranfcribe at large. * In this^'nte" ' treaty [at Oxford^ 1643] the king manifefted his great 1648, 4to. parts and abilities, ftiength of reafon, and quicknefs of apprehenfion, with much patience in hearing what was objected againft him ; wherein he allowed all free- dom, and would himfelf fum up the arguments, and give a moft clear judgment upon them. His unhap- pinefs was, that he had a better opinion of others judg- ments than of his own, though they were weaker than his own j and of this we had experience to our great trouble. We were often waiting on the king, and de- bating fome points of the treaty with him, until mid- night, before we could come to a concJufion. Upon one o c the moit material points we preftVd his majefty with our reafons, and beft arguments we could ufe, to grant what we deflrcd. The king faid he was fully Satisfied, and promilcd to give us his anfwer in writing, according to our defire ; but, becaufe it was then paft midnight, and too late to put it into writing, he would have it drawn up the next morning (when he com- manded us to wait on him again), and then he would give us his anfwer in writing, as it was now agreed upon. We went to our lodging* full of joyful hopes to receive this anfwer the next morning,, and when being given, would nave much conduced to a hyppy ifiue, and fuccefs of this treaty, and we had the king's woid for it, and we waited on him the next morning at the hour appointed. But inftead or that anfwer, which we expected, and were promised,. the km gave us an anfwer quite contrary to what was concluded the night before, and very much tending to the breach of 90 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. with very many amiable qualities, and was mailer of acc*omplimments (y) which are efteemed in the world, and looked on as or- namental. Every c of the treaty. We did humbly expoftulate this with ' his majefty, and prejfcd him upon bis royal word, and * the ill confequences which we feared would follow * upon this his new paper. But the king told us, he had * altered his mind, and that this paper which he now * gave us was his arlfwer, which he was now refolved to ' make upon our laft debate. And we could obtain no ' other from him, which occafioned much trouble and * fadnefs to us. Some of his own friends, of whom we * enquired touching this paflage, informed us, that after ' we were gone from the king, and that his council were * alfo gone away, fome of his bedchamber (and they ' went higher) hearing from him what anfwer he had ' promifed us, and doubting it would tend to fuch an * ifiue of the treaty as they did not wifh, they being ra- ' ther for the continuance of the war, never left prefling ' and perfuading of the king, till they prevailed with him * to change his former refolutions, and to give order for () Whit- his anfwer to be drawn, as it was delivered to us (u).* ,p * * This narrative of JVhitlock's, whofe authority is beyond all exception, (though engaged on the fide of the parlia- ment, and a commiffioner in this and other treaties with ( the king for it) proves not only what I principally in- I tended it for, the good understanding of Charles, but alfo his liablenefs to be drawn afide from his refolutions, by thofe in whom he confided, as well as his difregard to his royal word, and therefore may be looked on as further proof of his want of fincerity, of which we have fpoken |r pretty largely in note (u). ( Y ) If we believe bis friends, he was adorned with many amiable qualities, &c] ' He was the worthieft gentle- < man, the beft mafter, the beft friend, the beft hufband, ' the beft father, and the beft chriftian, that the age in ion Zi?.~ i wl " cn be lived produced (zv)' And according to p. 259. Perin- T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 91 Every one knows that there goes under his name a very large folio volume, inti- tuled . Perinchief, he c was religious, juft, and clement ; pof- ' feffed of fortitude, patience, and humility \ a lover of * his fubjecls, obliging in his converfation, true to his ' word, chafte, temperate, and frugal.' A fine picture ! pity it was not true ! But princes, even when dead, have incenfe offered before their fhrines, and their praifes high founded, if they have been the benefactors of thofe who attempt their characters ! Such is the force of intereft ! It blinds the understanding, warps the affections, and caufes even men of fenfe and virtue to fay things, per- haps honeftly, which will not bear the fcrutiny. 'Tis from high life high characters are drawn ; A faint in crape is twice a faint in lawn ; A judge is juft, a chanc'lor jufter ftill ; A gownman learn'd ; a bifhop what you will : Wife if a minifter ; but if a king, More wife, more learn'd, more juft, more ev'ry thing. Pope. I will not, therefore, enter into an examination of thefe fuperlative praifes beftowed on Charles : the reader, by what he has feen, and will further fee, will be en- abled fully to judge of them. As to his accomplish- ments, I will give them from writers who may be fup- pofed to have known them, and who therefore are the fitteft to be attended to. * He underftood Greek, Latin, ( French, Spanijh, and Italian authors in their original ' languages, which three laft he fpake perfectly, no man 4 being better read in hiftories of all forts, being alfo able ' to difcourfe in mod arts and fciences (x)." ' With (^jDugdale'a * any artift or good mechanick, traveller, or fcholar, ftortviewof he would difcourfe freely ; and as he was commonly ^y^and* * improved by them, fo he often gave light to them in f i. P . 383' ' their own art or knowledge. For there were few gen- Oxon.1681. * tlemen in the world, that knew more of ufeful or necef- * fary learning than this prince : and yet his proportion 4 of books was but fmall, having, like Francis I. of 1 * France, 9 2 ( y) War- wick, p. 65, 66. (*) Perin- chief, p. 70. ^LIFE/CHARLES I. tuled baziaika. The works of king Charles the France, learnt more by the ear than by ftudy. His exercifes were manly ; for he rid the great horfe very well j and on the little faddle he was not only adroit, but a laborious hunter or fieldman : and they were wont to fay of him, that he failed not to do any of his exercifes artificially, but not very gracefully ; like fome well-proportioned faces, which yet want a pleafant air of countenance (y).' ' He was well (killed in things of antiquity, could judge of medals whether they had the number of years they pretended unte. His libra- ries and cabinets were full of thofe things on which length of time put the value of rarities. In painting he had fo excellent a fancy, that he would fupply the defect of art in the workman, and fuddenly draw thofe lines, give thofe airs and lights, which experience and practice had not taught the painter. He could judge of fortifications, and cenfure whether the cannon were mounted to execution or no. He had an excellent fkill in guns, knew all that belonged to their making. The exacleft arts of building fhips for the moft nccef- fary ufes of ftrength or good failing, together with all their furniture, were not unknown to him. He under- flood and was pleafed with the making of clocks and watches. He comprehended the art of printing. There was not any one gentleman of all the three kingdoms, that could compare with him in an univer- fality of knowledge. He encouraged all the parts of learning-, and he delighted to talk with all kinds of ar- tiffs, and with fo great a facility did apprehend the myfteries of their profeflions, that he did fometimes fay, he thought he could get his living, if neceiiitatod, by any trade he knew of, but making of hangings : although of thefe he understood much, and was greatly delighted in them ; for he brought fome of the moft curious workmen from foreign parts, to make them here in England (z).' 1 will add what Dr. Wel- wood has faid on this head, that the reader may want nothing to form his judgment on the accomplifhments of Charles* r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 93 the Martyr, though very little contained therein, Charles. * He had a good tafte for learning, and a more 4 than ordinary (kill in the liberal arts, efpecially paint- 4 ing, fculpture, architecture, and medals; and being a * generous benefactor to the moft celebrated matters in 4 thofe arts, he acquired the nobleft collection of any 4 prince in his time, and more than all the kings of Eng- 4 land had done before him. He fpoke feveral languages * very well, and with afingular good grace; though now * and then, when he was warm in difcourfe, he was in- clinable to ftammer. He writ a tolerable hand for a 4 king ; but his fenfe was ftrong, and his ftile laconick, 4 and yet he feldom wrote in any language but Engli/h. Some of his manifeftoes, declarations, and other pub- 4 lie papers, he drew himfelf, and moft of them he cor- * reeled. In comparing thofe of the king with the paf- 1 liament's, one would be eafily inclined to prefer, for 4 the moft part, the king's for the ftrength of reafoning' 4 and the force of expreffion. I have feen feveral pieces ' of his own hand, and therefore may the better affirm, 4 that, both for matter and form, they furpafs thofe of his 4 ahleft minifters, and come nothing fhort of Strafford 4 or Falkland, the two moft celebrated pens of that time (a).' L Wd " I will add another acromplifhment of Charles's, which v ' p * 49 * is much to his honour ; I mean, his skill and knowledge in the laws of the land over which he bare rule. ' I do * not know, fays he on his trial, the forms of law ; I do * know law and reafon, though I am no lawyer pro- * feflfed ; but I know as much law as any gentleman in * England (b).* I will conclude my citations with Lilly, (*) ^? z though he cannot be placed among the friends and ad- wor k s> p . mirers of this prince. * To fpeak truly of him, he had 195. * many fingular parts in nature; he was an excellent c horfeman, would fhoot well at a mark, had fingular * skill in limning and pictures, a good mathematician, 4 not unfkilful in mufick, well read in divinity, excel- 4 lently in hiftory, and no lefs in the laws and ftatutes of 4 this nation ; he had a quick and (harp conception, 3 4 would 94. ^LIFEo/CHARLES L therein, came from his pen. The writings attributed to him, with any fhew of juftice, I (z) will mention with all impartiality, and * would write his mind fingularly well, and in good lan- * guage and ftile, only he loved long parenthefes. He ' would apprehend a matter in difference between party * and party with great readinefs, and methodize a long * matter, or contract it in few lines ; infomuch as I have * heard fir Robert Holborne oft fay, he had a quicker con- ' ception, and would fooner understand a cafe in law, ' or with more fharpnefs drive a matter unto a head, * than any of his privy-council ; infomuch that when ' the king was not at council-table, fir Robert never (r) Lilly, * cared to be there (c).* I think, after all that has been P-3* here produced, we cannot but allow to Charles much perfonal merit. Had his integrity and uprightnefs, and regard to the laws of his country, by whofe authority he was conftituted fupreme governor, been equal to many other accomplifhments and virtues wherewith he was adorned, he would have poflefTed a very confiderable character : but unhappily for himfelf, unhappily for the nation, it was not fo ! By which means it came to pafs that his abilities were little admired, his capacity was un- ferviceable or hurtful, and his people taught by dear ex- perience to know, that it was poffible for a prince with many virtues to be guilty of great acts of oppreflion and injuftice. (z) The writings attributed to him, with anyjhew of juftice ', I will mention with all impartiality.] The folio volume that goes under the title of King Charles's Works, has had two impreffions, the one in 1660, the other in 1687. It contains the life of Charles I. Papers concerning church- government. Prayers ufed by his majefry. MefTages for peace. Declarations. Letters. Speeches. The hiftory of his trial and death. This is the firft part. The fecond is compofed of his majefty's declarations concerning his proceedings in his four firft parliaments. Declarations and papers concerning the treaty of peace at Oxford. Decla- The L I FE of C H A RJ, E S I. V 95 and give the opinions of feveral writers con- cerning Declarations and papers concerning the differences be- twixt his majefty and his fifth parliament. A declara- tion concerning the ceffation in Ireland: alfo declarations and paffages of the parliament at Oxford. Papers and meffages concerning the treaty of peace at XJxbridge. Meffages, propofitions, and treaties for peace : with divers refolutions and declarations thereupon. An appendix containing the papers which paffed betwixt his majefty and the divines which attended the commiffioners of the two houfes at the treaty of Newport^ concerning church- government. ElKfiN baeiaikh. The portraiture of his facred majefty in his folitudes and fufferings. In a paffage quoted in the preceding note, Dr. Wel- ivood affirms, that fome of the manifeftoes, declarations, and public papers, Charles drew himfelf ; and if fo, they are rightly placed in his works : but 'tis much more probable, according to Warwick's account (d), that he (J) See note only corrected them ; and therefore they ought not to ( R ) have been attributed to him. What then may we cer-' tainly affirm to be his majefty's works in this collection ? If we fet afide the Icon Bafilike, of which I (hall fpeak more at large foon, we (hall be forced to acknowledge they are very inconfiderable. For they confift only of his letters to feveral perfons, paffages of which I have frequently quoted ; papers concerning church-govern- ment, and a few prayers. For his fpeeches, I reckon them as the fpeeches of his minifters, though they doubt- lefs were conformable to his own fentiments. The col- lection of letters were taken at Nafely, June 14, 1645, * when his majefty was compelled to quit the field, and ' to leave Fairfax mafter of all his foot, cannon, and < baggage, amongft which was his own cabinet, where .' his moil fecret papers were, and letters between the ' queen and him j of which they fhortly after made that ' barbarous ufe as was agreeable to their natures, and c publifhed them in print ; that is, fo much of them as they thought would afperfe either of their majefties, ' and improve the prejudices they had raifed againft them, * and 9 6 7^LI.FEo/CHARLES I. cerning them. The letters contained in this volume, c and concealed ether" parts, which would have vindi- ' cated them from many particulars with which they had (e) Cl^- i7 o6 derfon was, have generally too good a conceit of their own abilities, to think themfelves overcome j and tho' H2 the ioo T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. the papers concerning church-government, we the awe of majefty may filence, it feldom perfuades them. To attribute the death of this divine to the ill fuccefs of his difpute with the king, is juft as wife as it was to make him the author of the declaration concern- ing the c abilities and virtues of the fame monarch, par- * ticularly his devotion, magnanimity, charity, fobriety, (:)Kennet, t chaftity, patience, humility (m) ;' which the general voL m. P . a ^ emb ] y of the kirk of Scotland, held at Edinburgh, Jug: ' 7, 1648, declare to be a forgery, falfhood, and lying (). Truth Burnet's account of thefe papers is greatly to the honour brought to of Charles, though he was too wife to intermix any thing light, or the f tne marvellous in his ftory. During the month of rfofDr. ' 'June, 1 646, papers patted to and again betwixt the Tiolling- ' king and Henderfon ; of which, they being fo often worth' Lon- t pubJifhed, I {hall fay no more, but that from thefe it on, i 93, c a pp earSj nac j ^j s ma j e fty' s arms been as ftrong as his ' reafon was, he had been every way unconquerable, 4 fince none have the difingenuity to deny the great ad- ' vantages his majefty had in all thefe writings. And * this was when the help of his chaplains could not be ' fufpecled, they being fo far from him. And it is, in- * deed, ftrange to fee a prince not only able to hold up * with, but fo far to out-run fo great a theologue, in a * controverfy which had exercifed his thoughts and ftu- * dies for fo many years. And that the king drew with ' his own hand all his papers, without the help of any, ' is averred by the perfon who alone was privy to the * interchanging of them, that worthy and accomplifhed ' gentleman fir Robert Murray, who at that time was ' known to his majefty; him therefore did his majefty ' employ in that exchange of papers, being all written * with his own hand, and in much lefs time than Mr. * Henderfon did his. They were given by his majefty to ' fir Robert Murray to tranfcribe : the copies, under fir * Robert Murrays hand, were by him delivered to Mr. ' Henderfon ; and Mr. Henderfon s hand not being fo ' legible as his, he, by the king's appointment, tran- c fcribed them for his majefty, and by his majefty's per- muTion ^LIFEe/CHARLES I. ior we may fafely enough attribute to his ma- jefty; * miflion kept Mr. Henderfons papers, ami the copies of * the king's, as was fignified to the writer by himfelf, a ' few days before his much lamented death ($).' Sir () Bamet'* Philip Warwick gives his judgment on thefe papers very ^e'"esof plainly. ' Whilft the king refided at Newcajlle, pa (Ted Hamilton, ' that controverfy between him and Henderfon about the P- *77> fol. * order of epifcopacy, and what obligation his corona- n ' 1 77 * 4 tion-oath laid upon him ; which papers being printed, 4 fhew his great ability and knowledge, when he was * deftitute of all aids (p).' Thus fpeak thefe writers (/>)Memoirs, concerning his majefty's controverfy with Henderfon. P* 2 9* But whatever the real merit of his papers be, 'tis remark- able they have been little read, and are feldom or ever quoted on the fubject of epifcopacy. I have turned over Stillingfleefs Irenicum, and his Unreafonablenefs of Separa- tion^ in which church-government is at large difcufled ; I have looked into Hoadleys Defence of Epifcopal Ordi- nation^ and many other volumes ; but can find him feldom or ever named. So that, tis poffible, thefe learned churchmen had not fo great an opinion of the arguments made ufe of by Charles in thefe papers, as the hiftorians I have quoted. Charles is celebrated by his panegyrifts for his devo- tion, as we have already feen ; and to convince the world of the truth and reality of it, the editor of his works has given us a collection of ' Prayers ufed by his majefty in * the time of his troubles and reftraint (q).' But this (?) King title does not fuit feveral of them. The firft being a ^f 3 ' prayer ufed by his majefty, at his entrance in ftate into - ' the cathedral church of Excejler, after the defeat of the * earl of Effex in Cornwall.' The fecond is ftiled * a ' prayer drawn by his majefty's fpecial direction and c dictates, for a bleffing on the treaty at Uxbridge.' The third is ' a prayer drawn by his majefty's fpecial direc- ' tions, for a bleffing on the treaty at Newport in the Ifle ' of Wight.'' A fourth is * a prayer for the pardon of * fin.' The fifth is * a prayer and confeffion in and for ' the times, of affliction.' In this there are thefe very H 3 remark- ie2 The L I F E of-C H A R L E S I. jefty; for friends and foes unanimoufiy agree remarkable expreflions. ' Of all men living, I have * moft need, moft reafon fo to do, [to confefs his fins] ' no man living having been fo much obliged by thee ; * that degree of knowledge which thou haft given me, * adding likewife to the guilt of my tranfgreffions. For ' was it through ignorance that I fuffered innocent blood c to be filed, by a falfe pretended way of juftice ? or that ' I permitted a wrong way of thy worfhip to be fet up in * Scotland, and injured the bifhops in England? O no ; ' but with fhame and grief I confefs, that I therein fol- * lowed the perfuafions of worldly wifdom, forfaking the (r) King dictates of a well-informed confcience (r).' But to go works* S on : tne llxtn P ra y er ls ftiled ' a prayer in time of cap- 94< ' ' tivity ;' and the feventh, ' a prayer in time of immi- ' nent danger.' The ' prayer in time of captivity,' is too remarkable to be flightly pafTed over. It was printed at the end of fome editions of Icon Bajilike, among other prayers of Charles's, and by the quick-fighted Milton (who was well verfed in romances) was found to be taken from the prayer of Pamela, in fir Philip Sidney's Arcadia. Hear his words. * In praying therefore, and ' in the outward work of devotion, this king we fee had c not at all exceeded the worft of kings before him. But 1 herein the worft of kings, profefiing Chriftianifm, have ' by far exceeded him. They, for aught we know, have ' ftill prayed their own, or at leaft borrowed from fit * authors. But this king not content with that which, ' although in a thing holy, is no holy theft, to attribute * to his own making other men's whole prayers, hath ' as it were unhallowed and unchriftened the very duty * of prayer itfelf, by borrowing to a chriftian ufe prayers ' offered to a heathen god. Who would have imagined ' fo little fear in him of the true all- feeing Deity; fo little * reverence of the Holy Ghoft, whofe office is to dictate ' anti prefent our chriftian prayers ; fo little care of truth * in his laft words, or honour to himfelf or to his friends, ' or fenfe of his afflictions, or of that fad hour which ' was upon him, as, immediately before his death, to pop T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 103 agree that he was the author of them. The prayers' pop into the hand of that grave bifhop who attended him, as a fpecial relique of his faintly exercifes, a prayer, ftolen word for word from the mouth of a heathen woman, praying to a heathen god j and that in no ferious book, but in the vain amatorious poem of fir Philip Sidneys Arcadia ; a book in that kind full of worth and wit, but among religious thoughts and duties not worthy to be named ; nor to be read at any time without good caution, much lefs in time of trouble and affliction, to be a Chriftian's prayer-book ? It hardly can be thought upon without fome laughter, that he who had acted over us fo (lately and fo tragi- cally, mould leave the world at laft with fuch a ridi- culous exit, as to bequeath among his deifying friends that flood about him, fuch a piece of mockery to be published by them, as rnuft needs cover both his and their heads with fhame and confufion. And fure it was the hand of God that let them fall, and be taken in fuch a foolifli trap, as hath expofed them to all de- rifion, if for nothing elfe, to throw contempt and dis- grace in the fight of all men, upon this his idolized book [Icon Bafilike], and the whole rofary of his pray- ers; thereby teftifying how little he accepted them from thofe who thought no better of the living God than of a buzzard idol, that would be ferved and wor- fhipped with the polluted tram of romances and Area- dias, without difcerning the affront fo irreligioufly and fo boldly offered him to his face (s).* (s) Milton'* In the fecond edition of Iconoclajles, Milton makes P fe works fome large additions to his obfervations on the plagiarifm g* p * of Charles. They are too long to be here repeated ; but what follows I think deferves to be regarded, on account of its great fpirit and beauty. ' But leaving, adds he, 6 what might juftly be offenfive to God, it was a tref- ' pafs alfo more than ufual againft human right, which ' commands that every author mould have the property ' of his own work referved to him after his death, as ' well as living. Many princes have been rigorous in H 4 ' lay- 104 (r) Second edition, pub- lifted in ioi.o, re- publiihed by IJaronin^to. Lond. 1756. p. 10. (a) Vindi- cation of king Charles the martyr, Svo. p. 50, Ix>nd. 1607. T&LJFEc/CHARLES I. prayers may be his, though his friends would, many ' laying taxes on their fubje&s by the head ; but of any ' king heretofore, that made a levy upon their wit, and ' feized it as his own legitimate, I have not whom befide 4 to inflance f/).' AH this may be thought perhaps very fevere: but un- luckily the thing charged on Charles, the Itealing this prayer from the Arcadia, is true, though it has been pre- tended to be otherwife by forne gentlemen. I will quote Warjlajf, whofe vindication of king Charles, againft Walker and others, is in good efteem with the admirers of this monarch. * I know but of one objection more, and that refpects a prayer added to fome editions of the king's book [Icon Bafilike~], as ufed by the king, and fa id to be taken out of a romance, &c. Now though I know of no manner of harm in this, and the objec- tion is plainly peevifh and querulous ; for why may not a*man ufe good expreflicns in his prayers, let them be borrowed from whom they will, as well as a good fen- tence out of a heathen writer, and which was never any blemifh, tho' on the moft pious occafions ? yet there is great reafon to believe that the king- did never make ufe of it, for that it is not found in the firft, nor in feveral other the moft early editions of this book ().' The fame writer afterwards adds, ' Since the firft edi- tion of this Vindication, I have received full and con- vincing information, concerning the myftery of this prayer, that it was an artifice of Brad/haw, or Milton, or both, and by them furreptitioufly thruft into the king's works, to difcredit the whole. This informa- tion comes originally from Mr. Hills the printer ; but conveyed by two worthy gentlemen, and againft whom there can be no poffible exception, Dr. Gill and Dr. Bernard, who both were phyficians to him, and very intimate with him. What Hills declared, as thefe gentlemen fay, was this : Mr. Dugard, who was Mil- ton?, intimate friend, happened to be taken printing an edition of the king's book. Milton ufed his intereft to bring him off, which he effected by the means of ' Brad- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 105 many of them, have been glad they had not been * Bradjhaw ; but upon this condition, that Dugard ' fhould add Pamelas prayer to the aforefaid books he * was printing, as an attonement for his fault, they de- ' figning thereby to bring a fcandal upon the book, and ' blaft the reputation of its author; purfuant to which 4 defign, they induflrioufly took care afterwards, as foon * as published, to have it taken notice of (w).' In re- (w) Wag- ply to this, Toland fays, ' I wonder at the eafmefs of Dr. ftaff ' p * 5 X * * Gill and Dr. Bernard to believe fo grofs a fable, when ' it does not appear that Dugard, who was printer to ' the parliament, ever printed this book; and the prayer * is in the fecond edition, published by Mr. Roy/Ion, * whofe evidence is alledged to prove the genuinenefs of * the book. And if the king's friends thought it not his ' own, what made them print it in the firft impreflion ' of his works in folio, by Royjlon in 1662, when Milton ' could not tamper with the prefs ? Or why did they let * itpafs in thelait impreflion in folio by Mr. Chifwell, in ' the year 86, when all the world knew that it was long ' before expofed in Iconoclajles (x)?' This feems to (*) Toland'j have fome force, and will be deemed, perhaps, fatisfac- Amyntor, tory by many readers. But that nothing may be want- ' I i 4, f v0 * - \ ' r' c <-> 1 rr t .i /i i i Lond - l6 99 ing to give iatisraction in this affair, 1 wli add the v/ords of a much abler writer than either of thefe gentlemen, and then leave the reader to his own judgment concern- ing it. In this controverfy [about Icon Bafilike'\ a heavy ' charge hath been alledged againft Milton, Some edi- ' tions of the king's book have certain prayers added at ' the end, and among them a prayer in time of capti- ' vity, which is taken from that of Pamela in fir Philip * Sidneys Arcadia : and it is faid this prayer was added ' by the contrivance and artifice of Milton, who, toge- * ther with Bradjhaw, prevailed upon the printer to infert ' it, that from thence he might take occafion to bring a 6 fcandal upon the king, and to blaft the reputation of * his book, as he hath attempted to do in the firft fection ' of his anfwer. This fact is related chiefly upon the * authority of Henry Hills the printer, who had fre- 4 qjently io6 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. been fo, on account of the prayer taken from fir Philip Sidneys Arcadia, which has given them much trouble, and caufed his adver- faries triumphantly to infult over him. Whe- ther Charles was the author of Icon Bajilike, is a queftion that has been (aa) frequently canvaffed, and feems yet pretty difficult to refolve. quently affirmed it to Dr. Gill and Dr. Bernard, his phyficians, as they themfelves have tefiified. But Hills was not himfelf the printer, who was dealt with in this manner, and confequently he could have the ftory only from hearfay : and though he was Crom- well's printer, yet afterwards he turned papift in the reign of James II. in order to be that king's printer, and it was at that time that he ufed to relate this ftory ; fo that I think little credit is due to his teftimony. And indeed I cannot but hope and believe, that Miltnn had a foul above being guilty of fo mean an action, to ferve fo mean a purpofe ; and there is as little reafon for fixing it upon him, as he had to traduce the king for profaning the duty of prayer " with the polluted trafh of romances !" For there are not many finer prayers in the beft books of devotion ; and the king might as lawfully borrow and apply it to his own occafions, as the apoftle might make quotations from heathen poems and plays : and it became Milton the leaft of all men to bring fuch an accufation againft the king, as he was himfelf particularly fond of reading romances, and has made ufe of them in fome of the beft and lateft of his writings (y).' (aa) Whether Charles was the author of Icon Bafi- like, is a quejlion that has been frequently canvajfed, &c.J The controverfy concerning the author of Icon Bajilike, has been of long ftanding. It was published foon after the death of Charles, in his name, and was received as his by the generality of the three kingdoms. Milton printed an anfwer to it in 1649, under the title of Iconoclajles, which (y) Milton's life, by Dr. Newton, prefixed to thefirftvol. of Paradife Loft, p. 30, 8vo. Lond. 1750. See alfo Dr. Birch's life of Milton, prefixed to the firft vol. of h's profe works, in- 4 to. p. 33. t or no Monarchy inEngland, which is what has been fince reprinted (as I take it) under the title of 4 Obfervations on the Life and Death of King Charles.' In this piece, fpeaking of the Icon Bajilike, he fays, ' It ' maintains fo many contradictions unto thofe things ma- ' nifefted by his own letters, under his own hands, unto ' the queen, that I conceive the moil part of it apocry- ' pha : the meditations or pfalms wholly were added by * others : fome loofe papers he had, I do well know ; but ' they were nothing fo well methodized, but rather papers * intended after for the prefs, or as it were a memorial ' or diary, than fuch a well- couched piece, and to fo ' little purpofe (z).' But Milton and Lilly were adver- () Lilly, faries to Charles, and therefore little attention was paid p ' J 3 to them by the public. On the contrary, Milton, for his doubt, was treated as ' a bafe fcribe, naturally fitted * to compofe fatyrs and invent reproaches, and branded ' as one of thofe who was hired to defpoil the king of * the credit of being the author of this performance (a).' (a) Perin- In the fame ftile fir William Dugdale fpeaks concerning chicf > P* 59* this book. c Charles's adverfaries difcerning, foon after * his death, thofe moft divine meditations made public ' by the prefs, and intituled Icon Baftlike, which in his * deplorable and difconfolate folitudes he had pathetically * put in writing ; whereby his great prudence, patience, ' and piety in thofe his woful fufferings would be made * openly confpicuous to the world ; and not being able ' to fupprefs them (as they did earneftly endeavour to * do), they made it their work to blaft them, by their ' falfe and impudent reports, that they were none of his * own, but compofed by fome royalift to gain a reputa- * * tion 108 ^LIFEe/CHARLES I. fides > on which they are the ftrongeft, the reader * tion to his memory, which they ftudied by all mali- ' cious projects and practices to fupprefs, and to that * purpofe encouraged a needy pedagogue, preferring him * to the office of a fecretary, to write that fcandalous c book called Jconoclajles, being a bitter inve&ive againft SL^^So ' thofe his divine meditations (b)' In the fame ftile ' writes Barwick, and others. But little did thefe warm writers imagine, that a time was foon approaching, when the fons of Charles would be found among thofe * who * made it their work to blaft thefe his meditations, by * their falfe and impudent reports, that they were none * of his own, but compofed by fome royalift to gain a * reputation to his memory.' Lord Anglefey left a me- morandum under his hand, ' that king Charles II. and * the duke of Tori, did both in the year 1675, when he * fhewed them in the lords houfe the written copy of this * book, (wherein are fome corrections and alterations * written with the late king Charles the Firft's own hand) ' aiTure him, that this was none of the faid king's corn- er) Wag- piling, but made by Dr. Gauden, bifhop of Exeter {c)* ftafTs vindi- Agreeably hereunto is the teftimony of bifhop Burnet, cation of J ,. /!/- 1 J 1 - . K. Charles, I was not a little furpnfed, fays he, when in the year p. 3. ' 1673, in which I had a great fhare of favour and free ' converfation with the then duke of York, afterwards ' king James II. as he fuffered me to talk very freely to ' him about matters of religion ; and as I was urging * him with fomewhat out of his father's book, he told * me that book was not of his father's writing, and that * the letter to the prince of Wales was never brought to ' him. He faid Dr. Gauden writ it. After the reftora- ' tion, he brought the duke of Somerfet and the earl of ' Southampton both to the king and to himfelf, who af- ' firmed that they knew it was his writing; and that it 9 was carried down by the earl of Southampton, and ' fhewed the king during the treaty of Newport, who ' read it, and approved of it, as containing his fenfe of * things. Upon this he told me, that though Sheldon, * and other bifhops, oppofed Gauden s promotion, be- 1 caufe The L I F E of C H A R LE S I. 109 reader will have an opportunity of judging, in * caufe he had taken the covenant, yet the merits of that * fervice carried it for him, notwithftanding the oppofi- 4 tion made to it (d).' * Bifhop Patrick, who was, in i d ) gurnet, ' the old war-time, a great royalift, denies alfo that king p * 7 * * Charles I. was the original author of Icon Bafilike (e). y ( 5 ^ ;swa [his meditations] long before he went from Oxford to printed in the Scots: for the manufcript itfelf, written with his 1681. own hand, being found in his cabinet, which was taken at Nafeby fight, was reftored to him, after he was brought to Hampton- courts by the hand of major Huntington, through the favour of general Fairfax, of whom he obtained it. And that whilft he was in the ifle of Wight, it was there feen frequently by Mr. Tho- mas Herbert, who then waited on his majefty in his bedchamber ; as alfo by Mr. William Levet (a page of the back-flairs), the title then prefixed to it being Sufpiria Regalia, who not only read feveral parts there- of, but faw the king divers times writing farther on it. Add hereunto the teftimony of Mr. Richard Royjlon, who was fent to by his majefty, about the beginning of Oclober, 1648, to prepare all things ready for the printing fome papers which he purpofed fhortly after to convey to him ; which was this very copy, brought to him on the 23d of December next following by one Mr. Edward Symmons, a reverend divine, who received it from Dr. Bryan Duppa, the bifhop of Salifbury. In printing whereof Mr. Royjlon made fuch fpeed, that it was finifhed before that difmal 30th of January, that his majefty's life was fo taken away (m).' Sir Philip [m) Short Warwick talks to the fame eftedt. ' Though I cannot view 'P'3 8l fay I know he wrote his Icon Bafilike, or Image, which goes under his name; yet I can fay I have heard him, even unto my unworthy felf, fay many of thofe things it contains : and I have been affured by Mr. Levet (one of the pages of his bedchamber, and who was with ' him (n)Memoirs, p. 69. 112 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. other perfon under his name, it is allowed to him through all his imprifonments), that he hath not only feen the manufcript of that book among his ma- jelly's papers at the ifle of IVight, but read many of the chapters himfelf. And Mr. Herbert, who, by the ap- pointment of parliament, attended him, fays, he faw the manufcript in the king's hand, as he believed ; but it was in a running character, and not that which the king usually wrote ().' And Mr. Wagjlaff has given an extract from a MS. of fir Thomas Herbert's, in which the following paflage. ' At this time it was (as is prefumed) he compoled his book called Sufpiria Rega- lia, publifhed foon after his death, and intituled The Kings Portraiture in his Solitude and Sufferings ; which manufcript Mr. Herbert found among thofe books his majefty was gracioufly pleafed to give him (thofe ex- cepted which he bequeathed to his children, hereafter mentioned), in regard Mr. Herbert, though he did not fee the king write that book, his majefty being always private when he writ, and thefe his fervants never coming into the bedchamber when the king was pri- vate, until he called ; yet comparing it with his hand- writing in other things, he found it fo very like, as in- duces his belief that it was his own, having feen much of the king's writings before {0). And the fame au- thor has likewife given us a letter from the abovemen- tioned Mr. Levet, who therein declares, * that of his own certain knowledge he can depofe, that the Icon BafiUke was truly the king's own ; he having often ob- ferved his majefty oftentimes writing his royal refent- ments of the bold and infolent behaviour of his fol- diers (his rebellious fubjecls), when they had him in their cuftody. I waited on his majefty, fays he, as page of the bedchamber in ordinary during all the time of his folitudes and had the happinefs to read the fame oftentimes in manufcript, under his majefty's own hand, being pleafed to leave it in the window in his own bedchamber, where I was always obliged to at- tend his majefty's coming thither. After which he * tells (9) Vindica- tion, p. 37. T.be L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 113 to contain his own (enfe of things ; to be well tells us, 4 that upon the king's removal from Newport 4 to Hur/l, he gave him in charge this faid book, and a. 4 fmall cabinet, which he faithfully prefented to his ma- * jefty's own hands that night in Hurji-cajlle (p).* To (/>) Vindi- all this I will add a paflage from Burnet. ( I was bred cation, p.38, 4 up with a high veneration of this book ; and I remem- * ber, that when I heard how fome denied it, to be his, ' I afked the earl of Lothian about it, who both knew 4 the king very well, and loved him little ; he feemed * confident it was his own Work ; for he faid, he had 4 heard him fay a great many of thofe very periods that he found in that book (q).' I think I have here given ( ? ) Bumef, the external evidence in its full ftrength, for and againft vol. i. p. 76, Charles's being the author of Icon Baftlike. Thofe who know the hiftor.y of thofe times, and are acquainted with the writers concerning them, will be beft able to judge on which fide the probability lies. Let us now attend to the ftyle and compofition of this book. Anglefey and Burnet declare Charles II. and James II. attributed this work to Gauden ; and we have feen Walker exprefly affirms it. But Burnet himfelf tells us, 4 this is certain, that Gauden never writ any thing with 4 that force ; his other writings being fuch, that no man 4 from a likenefs of ftile would think him capable of 4 writing fo extraordinary a book as that is (VJ.* The (r) id. p. 7 7, following paflages in Wagjlaff Teem very forceable. 4 Let ' any man compare the beft of Dr. Gauden s writings 4 with this book, and do it with judgment and difcre- 4 tion, and I dare fay he will be perfectly cured ; and , 4 he can no more believe that Dr. Gauden was the author 1 of it, than he can believe that the king's picture at * lVhitehall y and that upon a fign-poft, were both drawn 4 by the fame hand. I know Dr. Walker talks fine 4 things of a man's changing his ftyle, and differing from 4 himfelf. But when all the pieces put out in a man's 4 own name fhall be loo.fe, forced, ftiff, and elaborate, 4 and one fingle one put out in the name of another, inr 4 comparably great and excellent j this is fuch a change, I * as, ii 4 (i) Vindica- tion of king Charles, p. *5 the LIFE of CHARLES I. well written, and to have been ferviceable to his as, I believe, no man is capable of, and no man can give account for. The force of this, therefore, does not lie only in the difference of ftyle and expreflion, but in that total difparity that is between them in every thing; ; for tho' a man may vary his ftyle (which yet Dr. Gauden, by the feveral fubjecb he hath writ on, hath given no reafon to think that he had a talent that way), yet he cannot be mailer of better and finer thoughts when he pleafes ; or if he could, to be fure, we mould fee fomething of them, or, at leaft, fome- thing like them, in the works which wear his name, and by which he defigned to communicate himfelf to the prefent age, and his memory to pofterity. Let a man therefore, who hath any underftanding in thefe things, compare this admirable book with the genuine works of Dr. Gauden, his fermons, his fpeech in the lords houfe againft the quakers, and his other tracts, and then let him believe they have all the fame author if he can. This is fo clear and convincing, that no- thing ought, nothing can defeat it, but the mod plain and invincible proofs (s)^ He then proceeds to con- fider the hiftorical parts of the meditations, and obferves, that they very well agree with the character of king Charles 1. But how, adds he, to reconcile them to Dr. GauderCs character, is, I think, an infuperable dif- ficulty. For as to his faculty at hiftory, and how judi- cious a compiler he was, we have (as far as I know) but one fingle inftance, and that is the life of Mr. Hooker^ wrote by him, and prefixed to one edition of the Ecclefiajlical Policy, and which (to fay no more) is certainly the moft injudicious hiftory of a man's life that ever was written. There are fo many palpable miftakes and falfhoods, fo very little to any purpofe of hiftory, fo lean, jejune, and empty accounts of the man, whofe life he undertook, that it plainly betrays a defect in every neceflary qualification of an hiftorian ; and it is written without care, or diligence, or judg- ment. But I had rather leave this to the reader's own ' eyes, T&LIFEgfCHARLES I. 115 his memory. For all which reafons, the reader 4 eyes, than extend it further ; and if he pleafe to com- * pare this book and that life together, let him judge for 4 himfelf j and if, after that, he can poffibly believe that 4 they have both one and the fame author, he is aban- * doned to the utmoft degree of eafinefs and credulity, * and may believe any thing in the world (t).' This , t \ vindfca* fhould be well confidered by thofe gentlemen who round- tion of king ly aflert, that Gauden was the author of Icon Bafilike. Charles, p. However, it appears, from the evidence of the writers 4 ' 7 ' againft Charles's being the compofer of this book, that it . was corrected and altered by him, and that he approved of it, as containing his fenfe of things, and therefore may properly be looked on as his defence of himfelf, as well as his accufation of his adveifaries. This note is already long ; but the reader will, I hope, pardon me, if I add to it by obferving, that the effects of the publiming Icon Baftlike were at firft very considerable, with regard to the memory and character of Charles. 4 Every body in foreign countries,' fays Mr. Bayle, * was * perfuaded that king Charles I. wrote the book which * bears his name ; which did fo much honour to his * memory, and appeared fo fit to make him looked upon * as a true martyr, that it was thought that Milton, en- 4 deavouring to rob him of it, did only ufe the trick of 4 lawyers, who deny every thing that is too favourable to 4 the contrary party ().' Nor had it lefs effect at home, () ay!e* according to Burnet. * A companionate regard to Charles dictionary, 4 I. was much heightened by the publiming of his book ^ n ' c c not g* 4 called Icon Bafilike, which was univerfally believed to (n/ 4 be his own : and that coming out foon after his death, 4 had the greateft run f, in many impreflions, that any 4 book has had in our age. There was in it a noblenels * and jufmefs of thought, with a greatnefs of ftyle, that 4 made it to be looked on as the beft writ book in the * Englijh language : and the piety of the prayers made j It has gone through forty-feven impreflions ; the number of copies are faid to have been 48, <;oo. See Mr. Jofeph Ames's account of the feveral editions of this book in the London Magazine for Feb. 1756, I 2 all iid T&LIFEo/CHARLES I, reader will pardon my being fo long in my account of this controverfy. ' all people cry out againft the murder of a prince, who c thought fo ferioufly of all his affairs in his fecret medi- voi i Burn 4' * tations before God ( w -?' So that lord sha f tshur y P r - * '" p "' ' bably was right when he faid, * that it cannot be doubted * that the pious treatife of Self-difcourfe, attributed to this 1 monarch, contributed in a great meafuie to his glorious (x)Charac- c an( j never-fading titles of faint and martyr (x). y NSjfc Mr - Hume obferves, that Milton compares the ef- 121110.1746. * fets of this book to thofe which were operated on the f tumultuous Romans, by Anthonys reading to them the (j) Hume's < w jjj f Qafar (y).' He fhould have quoted the page; 1 ory ' p * but this, for the moft part, he negledts to do in his work : however, here is what Milton fays at length. * Firft, * then, that fome men (whether they were by him in- ' tended, or by his friends) have by policy accomplifhed * after death that revenge upon their enemies, which in 4 life they were not able, hath been oft related. And c among other examples we find, that the laft will of * Cafar being read to the people, and what bounteous ' legacies he had bequeathed them, wrought more in ' that vulgar audience to the avenging- of his death, than ' all the art he could ever ufe to win his favour in their c life-time. And how much their intent, who publifhed t thefe over-late apologies and meditations of the dead * king, drives to the fame end of ftirring up the people to ' bring him that honour, that affedtion, and by confe- * quence that revenge to his dead corpfe, which he him- < felf living could never gain to His perfon ; it appears- * both by the conceited portraiture before his book, * drawn out to the full meafure of a mafking fcene, and * fet there to catch fools and filly gazers ; and by thofe 6 Latin words after the end, Vota dabunt, qua bella ne- 4 garunt ; intimating, that what he could not compafs (2:) Milton's < by war, he fhould atchieve by his meditations (%).' profe works, j^ et t y iC rea( j er judge from hence of the exadtnefs of this *,'. '. p ' polite writer, and the reliance which is due to his nar- ratives. The T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 117 The works of Charles, as I have obferved, are not of thcmfelves voluminous; but yet the editors of them have omitted fome writings to which he has an undoubted right (bb) : particularly a letter written by him, when (bb) The editors of Charles's works have omitted fome writings to which he has an undoubted right.'] Toland at- tacks the editors of Charles's works very brifkly on this fubjecl. I muft remark, fays he, that tho' his pre- * tended friends were fo ready to father fuch books on ' Charles I. wherein he had no hand ; yet they induftri- ' oufly left out of his works a letter to pope Gregory XV. ' whereof I can prove him as evidently to be the author, ' as Cicero or Virgil may be intitled to the Philippics and * the Mneids. There is an interpolated copy of it in the ' firft volume of Rufhworth's Collections : it is rightly c inferted in the quarto edition of a book called Cabala, 4 or Myjieries of State. It is alfo in the Italian Mercury ' of Vittorio Siri ; in Du Chefne's French Hiftory of Eng- ' land, Scotland, and Ireland', and in feveral Spanijh and * Italian authors. Pcpe Urban VIII. mentions it in the * letter which he likewife fent this prince, with another * to his father king James; both which may be read in ' Rujhworth's Collections. Now was not the omitting ' this letter a notorious fraud, fince that it alone, with ' thofe letters which the parliament publifhed to difgrace ' him, and a few pieces befides, make up all his genuine ' writings (#).' The following account of Charles's let-() Amyn- ter to Gregory XV. is taken from a writer remarkable tor, p. 171. for his fidelity and exainefs. c We find two letters of * Charles to Gregory XV. and Urban VIII. The former * of thefe letters was written while he was prince of * Wales, and in Spain, in anfwer to one from the pope, * dated Jpril 20, 1623, exhorting him to come into the ' bofom of the church, and imitate his glorious anceftors, * who had done fuch great things for the defence of re- 4 ligion. The prince's anfwer, dated at Madrid, June , ' 20, the fame year, was publifhed foon after in the I 3 'Mer- uS T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. when prince of Wales , in the year 1623, to pope ' Mercure Francois, and finco reprinted in Wilfon, Rujb- ( wortb 7 &c. tho' there is fome difference in the copies e given by the two laft mentioned hiftorians. But in c that of the Mercure Franfois> which agrees with Rujh- ( worth's [I think it fhould be Wi/fon's], are thefe moft re- ' markable expreflions : It was an unfpeakable pleafure " to me to read the generous exploits of the kings my '* predeceffors, to whofe memory pofterity hath not given " thofe praifes and elogies of nonour, as were due to " them. I do believe "that your holinefs hath fet their " examples before my eyes, to the end, that I might w imitate them in all my actions j for, in truth, they have " often expofed their eftates and lives for the exaltation " of the holy chair. And the courage with which they M have affaulted the enemies of the crofs ofjefus Chriji, * c hath not been lefs than the care and thought which I " have, to the end, that the peace and intelligence, *' which hath hitherto been wanting \x\ChriJlendcm % might * be bound with the bond of a true concord. For like *' as the common enemy of peace watcheth always to * c put hatred and diffention between -rhe chriftian princes, *' fo I believe that the glory of God requires, that we *l Jhould endeavour to unite them. And I do not efteem " it a greater honour to be defcended from fo great " princes, than to imitate them in the zeal of their piety; " in which it helps me very much to have known the " mind and will of our thrice honoured lord and father, " and the holy intentions of his catholic majefty, to give * c a happy concurrence to fo laudable a deiign ! For it " grieves him extremely to fee the sreat evil, that grows *' from the divifion of chriffian princes, which the wil- " dom of your holinefs forefaw, when it judged the mar- * riage, which you pleafed to defign between the infanta *' of Spain and myfelf, to be neceffary to procure fo great *' a good, For it is very certain, that I (hall never be fo " extremely affectionate to any thing in the world, as to *< endeavour an alliance with a prince that hath the fame M apprehenfion of true religion with myfclf. Therefore The LIFE of CHARLES t 119 pope Gregory XV. and another in the year j 634, 9i I intreat your holinefs to believe, that I have been al- *' ways very tar from encouraging novelties, or to be a * l partizan of any faction againft the catholic apoftolic *' Roman religion ; but, on the contrary, I have fought " all occafions to take away the fufpicion that might reft <* upon me, and that I will employ myfelf for the time " to come, to have but one religion and one faith, * feeing that we all believe in "Jcjus Chrijl ; having re- ** folved in myfelf to fpare nothing, that I have in the " world, and to fuffer all manner of difcommodities, " even to the hazarding of my eftate and life, for a thing w fo pleafing unto God (b)" The king's letter to [l>) Enquiry pope Urban VIII. was written in 1634: it is in Lat'in^ '"^ ^ ich and was occafioned by the diftreftes the houfe of Lor -rain k. Charles was involved in by the arms of France. It fliews great I. had in affection to the princes of that family, and is full of t} ]f. tran ^. prefling addrefles to his holinefs to exert his paternal au- t j, e ear i f thority to put an end to the calamities of the war. There Glamorgan, is nothing in it on the fubjecT: of religion ; but it is mere- P- 2 ^5 8v0 - ]y a civil compliment for a civil end, as Prynne juftly ob- * ' * ferves. This letter was found among Laud's papers, and endorfed with his own hands in thefe words : ' Rcce* ' Od. 15, 1635. A copy of the letter which is reported ' king Charles did write to pope Urban VIII, about the ' reftitution of the duke of Loraigne (c)V So that there (<) Prynne' can be little doubt concerning its genuinenefs, or of the bidden correfpondence his majefty held on fome occafions with ^^ft the head of the Romifh church. But the editors of P . 142, fol. Charles's works are chargeable with other omiffions, Lon<1 - 16 45- namely, the inftructions he gave to lord Carkton^ con- taining an account of his queen's ill behaviour toward him, of which I have already given an account ; and inftru&ions to colonel Cookran [Cockeram]^ tobepurfued in his negotiation to the king of Denmark. In thefe are fet forth * the undutiful behaviour of many of his ma- * jerry's fubje&s, who have not only invaded his majefty 4 in his particular rites, but have laid a defighe to dif- ' folve the monarchic and frame of government, under I 4 pre- 120 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 1634, to pope Urban VIII. To thefe alfo we c pretences of liberty and religion, becoming a danger- ' ous precedent to all the monarchies of Chrijlendome to ' be looked upon with fuccefle in their defigne.' After this he fhews the reafons he had * to forfake London j * the effet of his declarations to undeceive the people, c and to draw to him univerfally the nobility and gentry ' of the kingdom ; the force he was mailer of, and the c good condition of his affairs, And in order farther to ' induce his Danljh majefty to give him the afliftance de-. * manded, he the faid colonel is to fet forth, that it had ' been moved in the commons houfe to fet out a fleet to * take away his cuftoms of the Sound; that the com- * mons had given inftrutions to the fleet to vifit, fearch, ' and intercept all fuch Danijh (hips as they mould meet, c and to fight with, fink or deftroy, all fuch as fhould c refift them ; that this actually had been done by them ; '* and that they permitted not Danijh fhips, drove in by ' ftrefs of weather, fo much as to water/ After which there follow thefe very remarkable words : } That in purfuance of their [the parliament's] great * defigne of extirpating the royall blood, and monarchic * of England^ they have endeavoured likewife to lay a * great blemifh upon his royall family, endeavouring to - * illegitimate all derived from his [Denmark's'] fifter, at * once to cut off the intereft and pretentions of the whole * race, which their moft deferrable and fcandalous defigne * they have purfued, examining witnefies, and conferring * circumftances, and times, to colour their pretentions in , * fo great a fault c and which as his facred majeftie of ' England, in the true fenie of honor of his mother, * dbth abhor, and will punifh, fo he expect his [Den- * mark's] concurrence, in vindicating a fifter of fo happy * memory, and by whom fo near an union, and con- * tinued league of amity, hath been produced between * the families and kingdoms. Thefe things were to be * urged by Cockeram to the Danijh king, in order, we ' may fuppofe, to inflame him againft the parliament, ., * and thereby procure a loane of iooooo/. in money, the LIFE of CHARLES I. 121. we muft add the inftruftions given to his minif- 1 600c mufquets, 1500 horfe-arms, and 20 pieces of ' field-artillery mounted, together with fome horfe- ' men (d).' Thefe inftructjons have no date.* but they ( as likewife the inftructions to colonel Cocke- ram, to be purfued in his negotiation with the king of Denmark. More of Charles's letters we were likely once to have had j but by the uncommon care of the friends to his memory they were fupprefTed (cc), and will not, collections ; and the event has fhewn, that hiftorical inquirers have come to the knowledge of them, and de- clared their contents. For all writers have not been fo very complaifant to the memory of this monarch as Mr. Hume, who pafTes over fo remarkable a letter as what if here quoted to Gregory XV. with only faying, ' that the * prince [Charles] having received a very civil letter from * the pope, he was induced to return a very civil an- (O Hiftory * fwer (i).' *" Great ( cc ) More of Charles^ letters we were likely once to joo. "' P ' have had\ but by the friends to his memory they were fup- freffed.] The following quotation, as it contains fome- thing remarkable, fo will it be new to a great many of my readers, who, I doubt not, will be pleafed with my giving it them at length. i ' The moft exceptionable * part of Charles I.'s character, and what appears to * have been the main fource of his misfortunes, and ' occafion of his ruin, was his want of fincerity in all * matters, in which his power and prerogative were con- * cerned. This is too clearly proved by many public * fac"ts, to be denied by any impartial perfon ; and might ' have been ftill more ftrongly evinced, if the friends to * the king's memory had not taken an uncommon care ' to fupprefs fuch evidences as would have difcredited ' their panegyrics upon him. A remarkable inftance of ' this zeal appears from a letter of Dr. Charles Hickman * [afterwards bifhop of Londonderry], chaplain to Lau- * rente Hyde earl of Rochejler, the younger fon of the ' earl of 'Clarendon^ and the editor of his hiftory. This < letter ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. not, in all probability, ever fee the light. All letter was written by the doctor, at the defire of his patron, to Dr. Thomas Sprat, bifhop of Rochejler, tar requeft that prelate's concurrence for preventing the intended publication of a collection of letters of king Charles I. to his queen ; which muft have been dif- ferent from thofe taken in his cabinet at Nafeby, fince the latter had not only been publifhed by order of the long parliament, but likewife feveral times reprinted, and particularly with that king's works. But the former collection has never feen, nor is ever likely to fee the light ; as it is probable, that thofe who appear, from Dr. Hickman % letter, fo zealous for his majeftie's memory, would facrifice to his honour what they thought fo inconfiftent with it. This fuppreffion of important facts, in favour of particular characters and parties, is little lefs criminal than the abfolute falfifica- tion of them : and fuch a violation of one of the firft laws of hiflory has been the great fource of the cor- ruption of it, whether civil or ecclcfiafiical. Dr. Hickman s letter is as follows. I23 My Lord, * Laft week Mr. Bennet [a bookfeller] left with me a manufcript of letters from king Charles I. to his queen; and faid it was your lordfhip's defire and Dr. Pelling's, that my lord Rochejler would read them over, and fee what was fit to be left out in the intended edition of them. Accordingly my lord has read them over, and upon the whole matter fays, he is very much amazed at the defign of printing them; and thinks that king's enemies could not have done him a greater difcourtefy. He fhewed me many paffages, which detraft very much from the reputation of the king's prudence, and fomething from his integrity j and, in fhort, he can find nothing through- out ,the whole collection, hut what will leffen the charatler of the king, and offend all thofe who wifh well to his me- mory. He thinks it very unfit to expofe any man's con- 4 ver- 124 T/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. All that remains now to be mentioned of the .* verfation and familiarity with his wife, but efpecially ' that king's ; for it was apparently his blind fide, and his * enemies gained great advantage by /hewing it. But my * lord hopes his friends will fpare him ; and therefore he c has ordered me not to deliver the book to the bookfeller, c but put it into your lordfhip's hands ; and when you *"haye read it, he knows you zvill be of his opinion. If ' your lordfhip has not time to read it all, my lord has * turned down fome leaves, where he makes his chief * objections. If your lordfhip fends any fervant to town, * I beg you would order him to call here for the book, * and that you would take care about it. ' Here is a hot difcourfe that the warrant is figned for * my lord Pre/ions execution ; but I cannot believe it. ' My lord, I humbly beg; your lordfhip's bleffing; and * remain your moft dutiful fon, and humble fervant, ' Charles Hickman* 1 To the right reverend the lord bifhop of Roche/ler, at * Bromley in Kent. * This letter was written fome time between the 17th ' of January, 1 690, and the 1 6th of February following, ' tho' the precife day be uncertain; and it is tranfcribed ' from the Harleian library of manufcripts, 161, c. i&, * fol.,189, which was purchafed in 1753 by the parlia- (*) Appen- * merit, and now made part of the Britijh Mufisum (kj .*' En uVvTnto *" tnat thcre Gan be no P offible ' doubt of its authenti- the fcare K. City. Charles I. This'letrer, as it tends little to the honour of the had m Gla- memor y f Charles, reflects fomewhat on the character of morgan s,,- 7 ,- , ,. . , tranfadions, lord Rochefter, and may poffibly tempt the reader to pay p. 12. the lejs regard to the proteftation he makes, of his not daring to take on him to make any alterations in (/) See his father's hiftory (I) ; it being to be fufpected, that he Preface to W ^ Q f cru p] es not? bfl^ of party-views, to conceal the eTciarcn-' truth,' may on occafion pervert* it, to anfwer the fame foil's hjfto- .purpofes. '-" F - z - pro- He LIVE of CH ARLES 1. 125 production of this king's, pen, is a copy of verfes (dd), written at Carijbrook-cafile in the year (dd) A copy of verfes ; &C.J This poem has the title of Majejiy in Mifery: or an Imploration to the King of Kings. It is faid to have been written by his majefty at Carijbrook-cafile^ in the year 164S. It is fomewhat long ; but as it is little known, and perhaps may gratify the reader's curiofity, and enable him to judge of the poetical talents of Charles, I will infert it. 1. Great monarch of the world, from whofe power fprings The potency and power of kings, Record the royal woe my fuffering fmg j ' 2. And teach my tongue, that ever did confine Its faculties in truth's feraphick line, To track the treafons of thy foes and mine. 3- Nature and law, by thy divine decree, (The only root of righteous royaltie) With this dim diadem inverted me : 4- With it, the facred fcepter, purple robe, The holy unHon, and the royal globe : Yet am I levell'd with the life of Job, 5- The fierceft furies, that do daily tread Upon my grief, my gray-difcrowned head, Are thofe that owe my bounty for their bread, 6, They raife a war, and chriften it the caufe, Whilft facrilegious hands have beft applaufe, Plunder and murder are the kingdom's lawsj f' tz6 The LIFE of CHARLES I. year 1648. They have been omitted in- the 7- Tyranny bears the title of taxation, Revenge and robbery are reformation, Oppreifion gains the name of fequeftration. 8. My loyal fubjects who in this bad feafon Attend me (by the law of God and reafon) They dare impeach, and punifii for high treafon. 9 Next at the clergy do their furies frown, Pious epifcopacy muft go down, They will deftroy the crofier and the crown. 10. Churchmen are chain'd, and fchifmaticks are free'd, Mechanicks preach, and holy fathers bleed, The crown is crucified with the creed. 11. The church of England doth all faction fofter, The pulpit is ufurpt by each impoftor, Ex tempore excludes the pater nofier. 12. The prejbyter and independant feed Springs with broad blades ; to make religion bleed, Herod and Pontius PilaU are agreed. 13- The corner {tones mifplac'd by every pavier j With fuch a bloody method and behaviour, Their anceftors did crucifie our Saviour. 14. My royal confort, from whofe fruitful womb So many princes legally have come, Is fore'd in pilgrimage to feek a tomb, I* The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. u? the collection of his works; though no doubt Great Britain's heir is forced into France, Whilft op his father's head his foes advance ; Poor child ! he weeps out his inheritance. 16. With my own power my majefty they wound, In the king's name the king himfelf 's uncrown'd j So doth the dull deflroy the diamond. i% With propofitions daily they enchant My people's ears, fuch as do reafon daunt, And the Almighty will not let me grant. 1 8. They promife to eret my royal ftem, To make me great, t' advance my diadem, If I will firft fall down and worfhip them 1 19, But for refufal they devour my thrones, Diftrefs my children, and deftroy my bones, I fear they'l force me to make bread of ftones 20. My life they prize at fuch a flender rate, That in my abfence they draw bills of hate. To prove the king a traytor to the ftate. Felons obtain more priviledge than I, They are allow'd to anfwer ere they die ; 'Tis death for me to afk the reafon, why. 22. But facred Saviour, with thy words I woo Thee to forgive, and not be bitter to Such, as thou know'ft do not know what they do. 23: i 2 8 yrbe LIFE of CHARLES I. doubt has been made of their genuine- ncfs. But For fince they from their Lord are fo disjointed, As to contemn thofe edicts he appointed, How can they prize the power of his anointed ? 24. Augment my patience, nullifie my hate, Preferve my ifliie, and infpire my mate, Yet though we perifh, blels this church and ftate. Of this poem, Dr. Burnet (who fays he had it from a very worthy gentleman, who waited on his majefty at that time, and copied it out from the original) obferves, * that the mighty fenfe and great piety of it, will be * found to be beyond all the fineft fublimities of poetry, () Memoirs * which yet are not wanting here (m).' of fH e < -| lkeS ^ n< * Hunuy fpeaking of this copy of verfes, re- p. 370!' n ' mar ^ s > ' tnat J he truth of the fentiment, rather than ' the elegance of expreffion, renders them very pathe- () Hiftory c tic r n ^ _> The re ader, who attentively confiders them, Britain* p w '^ be a ^ e to J uc *g e f the propriety of. thefe obferva- 451. . tions, and of the poetical talents of his majefty. I have now finifhed the account of Charles's writings : and as a momento to princes, and their minifters, (if fuch fhouldever caft an eye on this performance) I will clofe the note with the wholfome advice of lord Shaftef- bury. * I will not, fays he, take upon me to recom- ' mend this author- character to our future princes. ' Whatever crowns or lawrels their renowned prede- ' ceflbrs [Henry VIII. James I. and Charles I. J may ' have gathered in this field of honor ; I fhould think * that, for the future, the fpeculative province might * more properly be committed to private heads. It ' would be a fufficient encouragement to the learned c world, and a fure earneft of the increafe and flourish - ' ing of letters in our nation, if its fovereigns would be * contented to be the patrons of wit, and vouchfafe to look ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 129 But it is time to pafs from the private to the public character of Charles. Abroad he made little figure ; his wars being ill con- ducted, and unfuccefsful : witnefs the war with Spain (ee), which he found himfelf engaged ' look gracloufly on the ingenious pupils of art. Or 4 were it the cuftom of their prime minifters to have any * fuch regard, it would of itfelf be fufficient to change * the face of affairs. A fmall degree of favour would * infure the fortunes of a diftrefTed and ruinous tribe, * whole forlorn condition has helped to draw difgrace * upon arts and fciences, and kept them far oft' from c that politenefs and beauty, in which they would foon ' appear () Frank- < begun (p)* After this the lord-keeper JVtUiams, by land's an- jj| s ma j e fty' s orc |cr, told them, * that the king's main > P- io 9- t rea f on f calling this parliament, was to mind them of the great engagements for the recovery of the Pala- tinate, and to let them underftand that the fubfidies ' granted in the laft parliament were already fpent, toge- ' ther with as much of the king's own revenue." It muft be confefled this addrefs of Cbarks was very proper, and calculated to make the parliament readily and pow- erfully fupport him. But however it was, two fubfidies only were granted ; nor could the king, either at London^ or Oxford^ (where the parliament, on account of the plague, was ordered to be affembled after its adjourn- ment) obtain more. The commons had their grievances ; and their touching on them was unacceptable to the court, efpecially as Buckingham began to be feverely in- veighed againft ; and rather than be forced to redrefs them, his majefty chofe to diflblve the parliament, tho' money was never more wanted by a king for his own (f) See Sid- private ufe, and to carry on the war {q). ney's fate- But notwithftanding the duTolution cf the parliament, ti ,per *'6c " Ch ar k s having railed money by way of loan, though 3 6-.' ' contrary to law, determined to carry on the war againft Spain. ' To this end, a fleet was fitted out for an expe- ' dition againft that kingdom. The command thereof, inftead ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 131 March 26, 1625: a War which began with fitting ' inftead of being beftowed on fir Robert Man f el, an old * and experienced feaman, and vice-admiral of England^ ' was given to fir Edward Cecil, a foldier trained in the ' Low-country wars, who, for the honour of the enter- ' prize, was created vifcount Wimbledon ; and agreeable * to the choice of the general wasthe fuccefs of this ex- ' pedition. His fleet confifted of eighty fail, of which ' number fome were fhips of the States General ; and ' the earls of EJfex and Denbigh were his vice and rear ' admirals; with which fetting fail from Plymouth, when ' he was got fome few leagues at fea, he was encoun- * tered with a violent ftorm, which difperfed the fleet, fo * that they were many days before they got together at * their appointed rendezvous off" cape St. Vincent. From ' thence proceeding to the bay of Cadiz, they found * there, near the Puntal, fourteen great fhips, and twelve * gallies, which, through negledt and mismanagement, * they fuffered to efcape ; for though the earl of EJ/ex y ' purfuant to the general's orders, did very refolutely ' and bravely attack them, yet the reft of the fleet not * coming up timely to his affiftance, the Spanijh fhips, * after having given the earl a warm ialute or two, re- * tired over to Port Real : to which place it was not * thought fit to follow them, whether through the igno- ' ranee of the pilots, or unfkilfulnefs of the general, is ' hard to determine. So that failing in this enterprize, * they attacked the caftle of Puntal, and, with the lofs of c a great many men, made a fhift to atchieve the reduc- 4 tion of that place : after which, having made fome in- * eft*e6tual efforts againft the town of Cadiz, the troops c were reimbarked, and the fleet fet fail for cape St.Fin- ' cent, to cruife in the offing of that place for the Flota ' from America, where having waited for fome time in ' vain, the men began to grow very fickly ; when, to ' complete the mifcaniages of this expedition, the fick ' men were distributed through the whole fleet, two to * each ihip, by which means the ficknefs was increafed * to fucli a degree, .that there were fcarce hands enough K 2 * left 132 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. fitting out a conliderable fleet, under an un- experienced 1 left to carry the fleet home, which, in the month of ( r ) Burchefs ' December , returned inglorioufly to England (r).' naval hifto- This was the only expedition againft Spain, this the fruit { Lo d' ^ " w ^' cn we ma y ^ e ^ ure tena *ed not greatlv to the See reputation of the Britijh arms, or the honour of the Bri- alfo Afta tijh monarch. However, this diihonourable expedition Reiia, p. to Q a z (]Jd not fit eafy on Charles. He teftified his Load. And refentment of JVimbledori* conduct, by calling him to an Hovel's let- account before his council, and afterwards forbidding ters, p. 16S. jjj m jjj s p re f ence# JVimbiedan, however, ftood ftoutly in his own j unification, and laid the blame on fir Michael Geree and the earl of EJfex, ' who, fays he, let pafs the ' king of Spain's fhips that offered him fight, which ' would have been the chief fervice, having inftrucYions * not to let any flie, or break out, without fighting with ' them/ After this, in a letter to Buckingham, he adds, * I hold myfelf clear of all imputations, in defpight of ' all malice and practice that hath been againft me, to ' obfcure all my endeavours, which my adverfaries in ' their confciences can beft witnefs, that when they flept, ' I waked ; when they made good chear, I fafted ; and ' when they refted, I toyled. And befides, when they ' went about to hinder the journey at Plimcuth, by railing ' at the beggarlinefs of it, and difcrediting of it, I was ' content to take it upon me, though againft my judg- ' ment, as I did fecretly deliver both to his majefty and ' your grace, before I departed from the coaft : nomi- ' nating in my letter to his majefty all the inconveniences t that did after happen unto the fleet ; for had it not been ' in obedience to his majefty, and my good affection to ' your excellency (that I did fee fo much affect it, and ' was fo far engaged), I would rather have been torne in ' pieces, than to have gone with fo many ignorant and ' malicious people, that did fhew fo little affection or ' courage to his majeftie's fervice, or any affection at all ' to your excellency. Yet for all this, all hath been laid * upon me, having had rather hard courfes taken againft ' me, than any W2y maintained in my commiiEon which was - The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 133 experienced fea-commander, the vifcount Wim- * was given roe, which no ftate, that I ever heard of, * did before. I pray God, his majeftie's future fervice do ' not fuffer for it ; for where his majeftie's officers are 1 not obeyed, he can never be ferved (s).' I fuppofe (*) Cabala, JVimbledon was not believed ; for after this he was not P- 45- employed, though he had been a creature of Bucking- ham's. About this time likewife Charles fent the duke of Buckingham and the earl of Holland ambafladors to the United Provinces, where they met thofe of France, Hol- land, and Denmark* and concluded a league againft the Emperor and the king of Spain, for the reftoringthe Pala- tinate and the liberties of Germany. Whereupon the king of Denmark took up arms, and was affifted by fix thoufand men from England, under the command of fir Charles Morgan. But he was foon defeated by Tilly the Imperal general, and forced to make peace with the Em- peror ; by which means the hope of reftoring that coun- try was loft, and Charles was moreover reflected on for g not giving the afliftance he had promifed (r). After thefe 9) Sce Na " ill fuccefles, arms were no more recurred to againft the # Venice? Emperor or Spain ; but a peace was concluded with the p 255, fol. latter, and proclaimed at London, November 27 ', 1631. Lond - 16 "3 Whoever calls to mind the zeal the parliament in ^ * jfames's time exprefled for a rupture with Spain, and the 555. recovery of the Palatinate by force of arms, may well enough wonder at the fmall fupplies given by Charles's v parliament for thefe ends. Lord Clarendon reflects on this parliament for refufing to fupply the king, according; to his defire, out of hatred to Buckingham, * whom they ' called the corrupter of the king, and betrayer of the * liberties of the people, without, fays he, imputing the ' Ieaft crime to him, to have been committed fince the * time of that exalted adulation [when he returned with 4 the prince from Spain, and was called our faviour], or ' that was not then as much known to them as it could < be now ().' But in anfwer hereunto, lord Bolingbroke (") Claren- remarksj < that the parliaments, which met after the J^^' ** K 3 * accef- i 3 4 T&LIFEfl/CHARLES I. Wimbledon -, which, after a fruitlefs expedi- tion acceffion of king Charles, became incenfed, as they difcovered more and more that the account given by the duke of Buckingham, in the reign of king 'James, and on which the refolutions of that parliament had been taken, was falfe in almoft every point. A fyftem of lies, drefled up to deceive the nation, and impofed on the parliament, could neither remain undifcovered, nor efcape the refentment and indignation it deferved, when difcovered. Befides, that parliament, and the nation too, when they expreffed (b much joy at the breach with Spain, flattered themfelves that, by pre- venting the marriage with the Infanta, they had pre- vented all the dangers which they apprehended from that marriage ; whereas it appeared foon afterwards, that they flood expofed to the very fame dangers by the marriage concluded with France ; nay, to greater ; fmce the education of the children by the mother, that is, in popery, had been confined to ten years by the former treaty, and was extended to thirteen by the lat- ter. In fhort, it cannot be denied, and my lord Cla- rendon owns, that as the infolence of Buciingham czu fed the war with Spain, fo his luft and his vanity alone threw the nation into another with France. Spain was courted ftrft without reafon, and affronted afterwards without provocation. Ships were lent to the king of France againft his proteftant fubjecSis; and the perfecu- tion of his proteftant fubjecls was made the pretence of a rupture with him. Thus was the nation led from one extravagant project to another, at an immenfe charge, with great diminution of honour, and infinite lofs to trade, by the ignorance, private intereft, and paflion of one man. The conduct therefore of the parliament, who attacked this man, was perfectly con- fiftent with the conduct cf that parliament who had fo much applauded him ; and one cannot obferve without aftonifhment, the flip made by the noble hiftorian we have juft quoted, when he affirms, that the fame men who had applauded him, attacked him, without im- * puting T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 135 tion to CadtZy returned home moft igno- minioufly ; 1 puting the leaft crime to him, that was not as much 6 known when they applauded him, as when they at- ' tacked him. Now it is plain, that many of the crimes imputed to him, in the reign of king Charles, when he ' was attacked, could not be known ; and that many ' others had not been even committed in the reign of ' king fames, when he was, upon one fingle occafion, c applauded (w).' This feems a fufficient reply to lord ( w ) Cr.iftf- Clarendon. * vol. Mr. Hume indeed feems of Clarendori% mind : he calls *"' p ' \ 9 ' A the two iubiidies, amounting to 112,000/. rather a cruel 1731. mockery of Charles, than any ferious defign of fupporfing him j and he attributes this ufage not only to envy and hatred againft Buckingham ; the nation's being unufed to the burthens of taxes ; the difgufts of the puritans againft the court, ' both by reafon of the principles of civil 6 liberty, eflential to their party, and on account of the ' reftraint under which they were held by the eftablifhed hierarchy; and the match with France :' I fay, he at- tributes this behaviour of the parliament not only to thefe caufes, but likewife to the defign the principal men among the commons ' had to feize the opportunity, ' which the king's neceffities offered them, to reduce the prerogative within more reafonable bounds (x).' But ( x ) Hume's this is refining too much. The parliament iaw the war G[. e r t y Bri- was directed by wrong hands ; they faw Englijh fhips lent tain, vol. i. to the French king, in order to deftroy the proteftants of p- i44- J 47 his kingdom ; and confequently they had little hopes that the Palatinate (the chief reafon of the war) would be re- covered by the counfels of thofe, who were fo uncon- cerned about the proteftant caufe. Add to this, that the parliament were out of humour at being adjourned to Oxford, when the peftilence had overfpread the land, c fo that no man that travelled knew where to lodge, in fafety ; and therefore might reafonably be fuppofed to (jO PMips's e have voted out of difcontent and difpleafure, as Wtl-^^^ c Hams thought they would (y).' Thefe confederations, z 6i, 'gvo. with thofe mentioned by lord Bollngbroke, abundantly Cambridge, K 4 account l ?' 136 T^LJFEo/CHARLES I. minioufly; and nothing againft that nation was afterwards attempted, though peace was not proclaimed till the middle of the year 163 1. Nor was this prince more fortunate in the war (ff) which, by the inftigation of Buckingham, he made againft France, at the account for the behaviour of Charles's parliament, and are a j unification of it. (ff) Nor was this prince more fortunate in the war, &c] In the note ( 1 ) I have fhewn the real cauies of this war, even the luft and revenge of Buckingham : but this was carefully to be concealed from the world, and Charles was made to believe that he had received injuries from France, and that his honour and intereft required him to revenge them. Buckingham therefore prevailed on him to declaie war againft the French king, and, for the reafons of it, to alledge the influence of the houfe of Aujlria on the coun- cils of France, manifefted in count Mansfield's being denied landing with his army there, in the conclufion of his father's reign ; the injuries and oppreflions of the pro- teftants of France, though they had ftrictly adhered to the edict, of peace concluded by his mediation ; and the in- juftice of his moft chriftian majefty, in feizing upon one hundred and twenty Englijh fhips in time of full peace. Thefe were the pretences on which war againft France was made, when Charles was unable to proiecute that he was engaged in againft Spain. However, a good fleet "Was equipped out, an army put on board, and Bucking- ham, who was ignorant of military affairs, conftituted admiral of the fleet, and commander in chief of the () See land-forces (z). On the 7th of June, ibij, he failed Rufhworth, from Port/mouth ; and having in vain attempted to get 4^1,425. entrance into Rochelle, directed his courfe to the ifle of Rhee, where he landed his forces, and might eafily have made himfelf mafter of the fort de la Free, and thofe who defended it. But he was dilatory ; Thoiras, the French commander, was active, and kept him i'o well em- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 137 the fame time that the Spanijh breach was un- employed, that time was given to the French court to raife forces, under the command of count Schomterg ; who landed in the ifland without any moleftation from the Englijh fleet, marched towards Buckingham, who was befieging St. Martin s, caufed him with precipitation to raife the fiege, and forced him to reimbark with great lofs of men and honour. * The duke of Buckingham ' loft in this expedition about fifty officers . near two ' thoufand common foldiers, five and thirty prifoners'of ' note, and forty-four colours, which were carried to * Paris, and hung up as trophies in the cathedral there. ' And thus ended this expedition, with great difhonour * to the Englijh, and equal glory to the French ; but in * particular to monfieur Thoiras, who, for having fo * bravely, with a handful of men, defended a fmall fort * (for no other is it, tho' our journals and accounts dig- * nify it with the title of a citadel) againft a numerous ' fleet and army, was not long after advanced to the high ' dignity of a marefchal of France (a).' In a letter from (*)Burchet'a Denzi/I Holies, Efq; afterwards lord Holies, to fir Thomas naval hifto- Wentworth, well known by the title of lord Strajforde, ry> p * 377 * dated Dorchejler, Nov. 19, 1627, we have the following account of this unhappy expedition. * God hath blefled us better than we deferve, or, * by our preparations, than we could expect, or elfe we * had been in a far worfe condition than now we are, ' though we be fufficiently bad j for it was a thoufand to ' one we had loft all our fhips, to clofe up this unfortu- * nate action, if a fair wind had not fo opportunely come ' to have brought them off; for they had but ten days * victuals left, which failing, they muft have fubmitted 4 themielves to the enemies mercy, who befides were ' preparing with long-boats to have come and fired * them, which was marvellous feafible, if they had ftaid ' never fo little longer. For the particulars of their moil * (hameful deroute upon their retreat, which is, or will * be, in every body's mouth, I doubt not but you know * as well or better than myfelf. For the action in ge~ ' neral, I3 8 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. unclofed. Every one knows the fliameful defcent neral, one of themfelves, who, for his underftanding and fincerity, I may term alfo a prophet of their own, has given me this cenfure of it ; that it was ill begun, worfe ordered in every particular, and the fuccefs ac- cordingly moft lamentable : nothing but difcontents between the general and the moft underftanding of his foldiers, as Burroughs, Courtney, Spry ; every thing done againft the hair, and attempted without probabi- lity of fuccefs, and there was no hopes of mattering the place from the very beginning, efpecially fince Michaelmas, that a very great fupply came at once into the fort, and that fince they relieved it at their pleafure ; yet for all this the duke would ftay, and would not ftay, doing things by halves ; for had he done either, and gone through with it, poffibly it could not have been fo ill as it is : for he removed his ordnance and fhipped it almoft a month afore he raifed his fiege ; yet ftill kept his army there, fit neither for offence nor defence; and at the laft, the Saturday before the unfortunate Monday he came away, would needs give a general affault, where many good men were loft, when there was no ordnance to protect them going on or coming off". Et qualis vita, finis ita, as they behaved them- felves while they were there, fodid they at their coming away ; for though they knew two thoufand French landed that morning in the ifland, and that there was at leaft three thoufand in the two forts, the great one and the little one, (of which, by the way, we never heard ; but they thought it not fit we fhould know all, perhaps becaufe they knew fecrecy an efiential part of war- pel icy) fo as they could not but expect to be a little troubled with them in their marching, yet made they no provifion to fecure themfelves : for being to pafs by a narrow caufey, (where more than fix or eight could not go in front, and which a very fmall number might have made good againft a million) and fo by a bridge over a little paffage into an ifland, as it were, where once being, they would be fafe, there was no * order ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 139 defcent at the ifle of Rhee, and its unhappy hTue: order taken for viewing and preparing the way ; that when they came to it, there was no paflage over, fo as their ftay there gave a great deal of time and opportu- nity to the enemy, who all the while followed them at their heels fo clofe, that my lord duke himfelf, who, I know not by what misfortune, was in the rear, had like to have been mapped, if he had not prefently made way through the troops then upon the narrow caufey. And had he, the general, mifcarried, what might have become, think you, of the whole army, like a body without a head, or a flock without a fhepherd ? But he carefully got himfelf on {hip-board that night, to prevent the worft, and to take order for boats for the /hipping of the army; but fo the French falling on upon the rear, killed and took prifoner as they would themfelves, helped by our own horfe, who, to fave themfelves (which yet they could not do), broke in, and rid over our men, and put all into diforder, which made way for the {laughter ; but, it feems, no rcfift- ance at all was made, but that they even di{banded, and {hifted every one for himfelf; for fure there was no word of command given to make them face about for the repulfing of the enemy ; for then it muft needs have gone from hand to hand through the whole troops : and a ferjeant-major, that was in the van, has protefted unto me, they did not fo much as know that any thing had been done, till afterward a pretty while; and it had been the eafieft thing in the world, in that narrow place, to have beaten back the enemy, had they been never fo many, or at leaft to have defended themfelves. But the diforder and confufion was fo great, the truth is, no man can tell what was done, nor no account can be given how any man was loft, not the lieutenant-colonel how his colonel, or lieute- nant how his captain, or any one man knows how another was loft, which is a fign that things were very ill carried. This only every man knows, that fince England was England, it received not fo difhonourable ' a blow. 140 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. iflue : nor can any be totally ignorant of the poor ' a blow. Four colonels loft, thirty-two colours in the ' enemy's pofleffion (but more loft), God knows how ' many men flain ; they fay not above two thoufand of (b) Straf- c our fide, and, I think, not one of the enemy's (b)* forde's let- This waSj indeed", miferable fuccefs ! But what better patches, vol. cou ^ De expected from a man of Buckingham's turn of i. p. 41. mind ? What better from a man ignorant in arts and See aifo arms, and who was too haughty to follow the advice of memoirs tn fe who were well verfed in affairs, and capable of p. 148-152. conducting them to advantage ? But the defeat of Buck- ingham was not the worft confequence of this war : for Rcchelle, which at firft was unwilling to admit the duke of Buckingham, being perfuaded by Rohan and Soubize, the proteftant chiefs, declared for the Englijh ; and, in confequence thereof, endured a fiege (in which it under- (c) See went hardfhips unparalleled in (<:) modern ftory, except Cabala, p. thofe of Isfahan in the year 1722) which terminated in the * 72 * ruin of its rights, privileges, and power, and wholly fub- jected the proteftants to the will of the French court; for the fuccours fent them from England were ufelefs and unprofit- able. ' Our fleet and troops being gone, the French king ' clofely blocked up the RochelUrs, who yet had fome de- * pendence upon the duke of Buckingham ; for he promifed ' them to return to their afliftance : and tho' he did not go ' in perfon, a fleet of about fifty fail were fitted out, under ' the command of the earl of Denbigh, who fet fail there- * with from Plimouth the 17th of April, 1628, and came ' to an anchor in the road of Rochelh the ift of May. ' Before the harbour's mouth he found twenty of the ' French king's fhips, to which he was fuperior in ftrength, and fent word into the town, that he would ' fink them as foon as the winds and tide would permit ; ' but being on the 8th of May favoured both by one and ' the other, and the Rochellers expecting he would do ' what he had promifed, he, without attempting it, re- ' turned to Plimouth the 26th, which caufed no fmatl * murmurings and jealoufies in England. A third fleet ' was prepared for the relief of Rochelk, to be com- * manded r&LIFEgfCHARLES I. 141 poor figure our fleets made, when fent to the * manded by the duke himfelf, the town being then re- ' duced to the laft extremities ; but he being, on the ' 23d of Augujl, ftabbed at Portfmouth, by one Felton, a ' difcontented officer, the earl of Lindfey was appointed 4 to command it, and fet fail the 8th of September. The ' fhips were but ill fupplied with ftores and provifions; * and coming before Rochelle, they found no French navy ' to oppofe them, but a very ftrong barricado acrofs the ' entry of the port, to force which many brave attempts * were made, but in vain ; fo that the Rochellers being ' thus diftreffed, and in defpair, implored the French * king's mercy, and furrendered on the 18th of Oclober ; ' foon aftter which a peace enfued between the two ' crowns, and the proteftants were glad to fubmit to any ' terms, with the bare toleration of their religion (*/).' ( ( debts into the bargain (i ).' In fhort, his majefty came t * "* feO QIC ^ . . hulorr, p. w ' tn * little reputation out of this war with France, 143, Svo. that his minifter fent there (to carry his ratification of Lir.d. i-g6. me peace, and to receive the oath of the French king to the obfervance of it) was derided to his face, as we learn from the following paflage in one of UcwePs letters : ' Mr. controler fir Thomas Edmonds is lately returned * from France, having renewed the peace which was * made up to his hands before by the Venetian ambafTa- * dors, who had much laboured in it, and bad concluded 'all T^LIFE^CHARLES I. 143 their efforts was taken, and the power of the proteftants in that kingdom thereby greatly weakened. After which Charles foon follicited a peace, which he procured by abandoning thofe whom he had drawn into the war, and fubmitting to the terms which Rtch/ku, in the name of his mailer, de- manded. After fuch ill conduct and dif- grace, we may well imagine the power of Charles was not much dreaded by his neigh- bours. This he foon found : for the neu- trality of his ports was violated both by the Spaniards and Dutch (gg) -, his fubjects in- fulted * all things beyond the Alps, when the king of France * was at Sufa to relieve Cafal. The mounfieur that was ' to fetch him from St. Denis to Pan's, put a kind of ' jeering compliment upon him, viz. That his excel- 4 lency fhould not think it flrange, that he had fo few 4 French gentlemen to attend in this fervice to accom- * pany him to the court, in regard there were fo many * killed in the ifle of Rhee The marquis of Chajhau- * neuf is here from France, and it was an odd fpeech alfo * from him, reflecting upon Mr. controler, " That the 44 king of Great Britain ufed to fend for his ambafladors *' from abroad to pluck capons at home (k)." Thefe(*) HowA's jefts muft have cut to the quick, had Charles been a man letters, p. of fenfibility. But it appears not that he was touched Z10 ' with them, or had any refentment of them. (gg) The neutrality of his ports was violated both by the Spaniards and Dutch.] * Tho' enemies may be attacked * or flain on our own ground, or our enemies on the 4 fea, yet it is not lawful to aflault, kill, or fpoil him in * a haven or peaceable port ; but that proceeds not from * their perfons, but from his right, fays Molloy, who hath * empire there j for civil focieties have provided, that no * force i 4 4 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. fulted and wronged by them, and alfo by the French ; ( force be ufed in their countries againft men, but that ' of law, and where that is open, the right of hurting ' ceafeth. The Carthaginian fleet was at anchor in a ' Sypbax's port, who at that time was at peace with the ' Romans and Carthaginians ; Scipio unawares fell into c the fame haven : the Carthaginian fleet being the ' ftronger, might eajily have deftroyed the Romans ; but * yet they durit not fight them. The like did the Vene- * tian, who hindered the Greeks from aiiaulting the * Turkijh fleet, who rid at anchor in a haven then under ' the government of the Republick : fo when the Vene- * tian and Turkijh fleet met at Tunis, though- that very * port acknowledges the Ottoman emperor, yet in regard ' that they are in the nature of a free port to themfelves, ' and thofe that come there, they would provide for the ' peace of the fame, and interdicted any hoftile attempt ' to be made there. But they of Hamborough were not * fo kind to the Englijh, when the Dutch fleet [in the firit ' Dutch war in the time of Charles II.] fell into their 1 road, where rid, at the fame time fome Englijh mer- * chantmen; whom they afTaulted, took, burnt, and ' fpoiled ; for which action, and not preferving the peace 4 of their port, they were, by the law of nations, ad- ' judged to anfwer the damage ; and, I think, have paid (/) Molloy nioft or all of it fince (I).* And, indeed, nothing is de jure ma- more rea fonable than for fovereiens to afford protection ritimo, c. l. i/-ir/- f *i_ feet. 10. to the fubjects of thofe pr.nces that are in amity with them ; it being abfolutely neceflary to the encouragement of commerce, and the fecurity of fuch of their own people who are in foreign parts. None but governments weak in power or underftanding. fail of doing it. However, 'tis certain, Charles did not, or could not, maintain the neutrality of his ports, but fuffered the fubjects of friend- ly powers to be attacked and taken in them. Lord Straf- forde, in a letter to Mr. fecretary Coke, dated Dublin, Aug. 3, 1633, has the following paflage. 4 I received a * letter from captain Plumleigh, which certified, that the * 29th of the laft month, a man of war and a fhallop, * which The LIFE ^CHARLES I. 145 French > y nor did he ever receive fatisfaction for * which alledge themfelves to be of St. Seba/lian's in * Bifcay, had taken a Ho/lander, lying fecurely at art ' anchor in Black Rode in the mouth of this river, by ' furprilal in the night ; and having boarded her, and * cut her cables in the half, haled her away into the fea, ' the king's fhip being all the while within a league, yet * perceiving nothing till a Brijlol man, which lay clofe * the Hollander, and fearing like meafure, flipped his ' cable and anchor, and fo run off to the king's fhip, ' and gave captain Plumle'igh to underftand thus much. c Whereupon the captain commanded to weigh* and * fetting fail after them, very fortunately light upon the * pirates about St. David's-Head, and recovered the fhip * from them again the laft of July, bulk not broken, and ' thirteen of the pirates on board her, and had not the * man of war put from him upon the fhoals, he had * taken him too ; but not daring to adventure the king's 4 fhip for want of water, he efcaped. Howbeit, we have ' the Hollander here again in harbour, andthofe fourteen * taken on board her in this cattle* two of them are ' Iri/h, the reft are Spaniards. I am of opinion, it will 1 prove they have letters of mart from the king of ' Spain (m).' And in another letter to the fame perfon, () Straf 1 - dated the 28th of Auguji, we have the following paffages. * orde ' s leC - * The Dutch trading hither [to Dublin'] are fo dif- di&atche ' couraged, by reafon of the continual depredations of vol. j. p * thefe Bifcayners, as they are ready to leave the kingdom, lQOi * beginning already to call in their monies and goods, * and forbear to trade with us ; which, confidering we ' have here no fhips of our own built, nor yet any of the * natives that give themfelves to trade abroad, would in- ' finitely impoverifh this ftate, and wholly overthrow his ' majeftie's cuftoms. I thought further reafonable to * advertife you, that I hear there is another of the Bif- * cayners that lies in the river of Limerick, and there took ' a Dutch fhip in harbour, forcing thofe merchants to * ranfom their men by payment of 200 /. How they * dealt with two others in the harbour of Caricfergus, L * the tciie?. 146 (*) Straf- forde's let- ters and difpatches, vol. i. p. 106. (0) Id. p. 154. r^LIFE of C H A R L E S I. for the affront put on him by the Dutch admiral, the letters inclofed of my lords Claneboy and Chichejier will fhew you. There are others of them on Water- ford fide, and fo they begirt us round. I muft alfo allure you, there are three fquadrons of thefe pilferers belonging to St. Sebajlians* whereof one fquadron is always in action, another returning, and another is fitting again to fea ; and thus have they put themfelves in a let and continued pofture of robbing and fpoyling. Thefe particulars admit no excufe, but that the Hol- landers this fummer did the like to them in England* taking them from under the king's caftle, for which as yet they have had no fatisfaftion, as indeed I confefs it were moft meet they mould ().' And his lordfhip fterwards fpeaks of ' a barbarous flaughter of fix of our men upon the ifle of Man* by one of the Spanijh cap- tains (o).' In a letter from Robert earl of Leicejler to Mr. fecretary Coke* dated Paris* 23 Oft. [2d Novemb.] 1636, we have the following account of the behaviour of the Dunkirkers. ' The leas are now dangerous, by reafon of the Dunkirkers ; and the other day Battiere* my fecretary (who hath lately been with your honor), in his returns between Rye and Deepe* being in the I Englijh paffage-boat with my lord Dacres* and fome other gentlemen, they were met by the Dunkirkers, who (notwithstanding they were Englijh* and provided with good paffports) ufed violence againft them, and robbed them, taking away from Battiere* in particular, amongft other things, divers letters directed unto me, and about 50 /. in Spanijh piftoles, which he faid was money committed to his care for George Hearne* one of his majeftie's fervants, who was in the fame boat, and rifled alfo ; and if the fight of a Holland man of war had not made them go away, they had ufed them worfe. The particular declaration, which Battiere and the reft made at Deepe* with the mafter of the boate, before the lifetenant of the admiraltye, I will fend, God willing, the next week unto your honor, that fome order may be taken for the fafetie of the paffage ; for The LIFE of CHARLES L 147 admiral, in deftroying the fleet of Spain in his c for if he had had the king's packets, it is likely they * would have runne the fame hazard, which are injuries ' not eafily to be endured (p)? Nor was this all. Eng- (/>) Sydney's land now was in a low (late, and as fuch was ill-treated ftate -P a P ers * by her neighbours around her. For the French bore hard ... on the merchants of this kingdom, as well as the Spa- nlards and Dutch. ' It is moft true,' fays lord Leicejler, then ambaflador in France, in a letter to Mr. fecretary Coke, dated $$ September, 1636, * that the French com- ' mit frequent and unfufferable infolencies upon the ' Englijh, and protect them with injuftices as great. His ' majeftie's minifters may follicite, and many times pre- 4 vaile ; but yet the merchant will be a lofer, even in the * reftitution, and that will make them fo afraid, that * certainly the trade muft needs fuffer exceedingly, efpe- c cially if the French perfift in this dealing ; which is ' little better than treachery, to take the EngUJ}) fhips * that are laden, in their own portes of France : there- * fore, fir, I could advife, whenfoever any Englijh (hip * is taken by the French, and the owners have fufficiently * proved in our admiralty, or the place where it may ' authentically be done, that the faid fhip was unjuftly ' taken, and that, upon remonftrance of the fame unto * this ftate, juftice be delayed, that then his majefty will ' be pleafed to give his officers, which command at fea, 4 orders to take the French where they can find them, or * give leave to his Englijh fubje&s, to fatisfie themfelves ' by reprizal ; and when that is done, let us complayne * and redrelTe on both fides, which, I beleeve, will both c procure fatisfadion fpeedily, deterre thofe compag- * nions from fuch free exercife of their pyratical trade, * and force thofe that are in authority here, to take better ' order than hitherto hath bin. This is, and hath ever * bin my opinion ; for I could never find, that, by * treating and pleading, any good can be done upon thole ' who have neither confcience or juftice (q).' This was(^) Id. ?. bravely fpoken ; but the dictates of wifdom and fortitude 4 21 were unheeded, at leaft unpradifed, under the reign of L 2 this 148 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. his harbour, contrary to his exprefs com- mand. The particulars of this affair, as they are not commonly known, I will give in the note (hh). In this prince, who permitted himfelf grofly to be abufed by the nations around him, as we fhall fee more at large in fome following notes. In the mean while, one can- not but obferve the national character of the French fo ftrongly marked in this letter of lord Leicejler. It paints them to the life, and (hews them as in our age we have feen them. May we always be on the guard againft thofe who have neither confcience or juftice, and with whom no good is to be done by treating or pleading. (hh) The particulars of this affair, as they are not ccmmonly known, &c] ' In 1639,' fays Mr. Bur chet, c the Spaniards fitted out a confiderable fleet under * the command of Antonio de Oquendo, fuppofed to be c to diflodge the Dutch (hips from before Dunkirk, and * land the troops there for the relief of Flanders, and the * reft of the Spanijh provinces. The Dutch having two 6 or three fquadrons at fea, the Spanijh fleet, coming up ' the Channel, was met near the ilreights of Dover by ' one of them, confifting of feventeen fail, under the c command of Herbert Van Tromp ; who, notwithftand- ' ing the enemies great fuperiority, ventured to attack ' them ; but finding himfelf too weak, got to windward, * failing along towards Dunkirk, and continually firing ' guns as a fignal to the Dutch vice-admiral, who layoff * that place, to come to his affiftance ; who accordingly * joined him the next morning between Dover and Ca- ' lais, where engaging the Spaniards, a very fharp fight c enfued between them, which lafted feveral hours, c wherein the Dutch had greatly the advantage; and * having taken one galleon, funk another, and much ' fhattered the reft, at length forced them upon the ' Englijh coaft near Dover. This done, Tromp, being ' in want of powder and ball, flood away for Calais, to ' borrow fome of the goverr.our of that place j who pre- fently T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 149 In fhort, the reputation of the Englijh nation, as Mr. Burchet obferves, had fuffered fo fently fupplying him with what he demanded, he re- turned again to Dover ; upon whofe approach the Spa- niards got within the South-foreland, and put them- felves under the protection of the neighbouring caftles. The two fleets continuing in this pofture for many days obferving each other, the minifters of both nations were not lefs employed in watching each other's mo- tions at Whitehall^ and encountering one another with memorials. The Spanijh refident importuned the king, that he would keep the Hollanders in fubjeclion two tides, that fo, in the interim, the others might have the opportunity of making away for Spain : but the king being in amity with them both, was refolved to ftand neuter ; and whereas the Spaniards had hired fome Englijh fhips to tranfport their foldiers to Dunkirk^ upon complaint made thereof by the Dutch ambaflador^ ftricl: orders were given that no (hips or veftels belong- ing to his majefty's fubjec-ls mould take any Spaniards on board, or pafs below Gravefend, without licence : however, after great plotting and counterplotting on both fides, the Spaniard at length fomewhat outwitted his enemy, and found means, by a itratagem, in the night, to convey away through the Downs, round by the North-fand-head and the back of the Goodwin^ twelve large (hips to Dunkirk, and in them four thou- fand men ; in excufe of which grofs neglect of the Dutch admirals, in leaving that avenue from the Downs unguarded, the Dutch accounts fay they were allured by the Englijh, that no fhips of any confiderable burden could venture by night to fail that way. The two fleets had now continued in their ftation near three weeks, when king Charles fent the earl of Arundel to the admiral of Spain, to defire him to retreat upon the flrft fair wind ; but by this time the Dutch fleet was, by continual reinforcements from Zealand and Holland, increafed to a hundred fail, and feeming difpofed to L 3 ' attack 150 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. fo much by the mifcarriages in the beginning of * attack their enemies, fir John Pennington, admiral of * his majeftie's fleet, who lay in the Downs with four and * thirty men of war, acquainted the Dutch admiral, that * he had received orders to at in defence of either of 4 the two parties who mould be firft attacked. The * Spaniards, however, growing too prefumptuous on the * protection they enjoyed, a day or two after fired fome 4 mot at Van Trcmp's barge, when he was himfelf in 4 her, and killed a man with a cannon-ball on board 4 one of the Dutch fhips, whofe dead body was prefently ' fent on board fir "John Pennington, as a proof that the 4 Spaniards were the firft aggreflbrs, and had violated * the neutrality of the king of England** harbour. Soon * after which the Dutch admiral came to a refolution of * attacking the Spaniards ; but before he put it in exe- 4 cution, he thought fit to write to admiral Pennington^ 4 telling him, that the Spaniards having, in the inftances 4 before mentioned, infringed the liberties of the king's * harbour, and become the aggreflbrs, he found himfelf 4 obliged to retaliate force with force, and attack them ; * in which, purfuant to the declaration he had made to 4 him, he not only hoped for, but depended on his af- * fiftance ; which, however, if he fhould not be pleafed 4 to grant, he prayed the favour that he would at leaft 4 give him leave to engage the enemy, otherwife he 4 ^ fhould have juft caufe of complaint to all the world of 4 fo manned an injury. This letter being delivered to 4 the Englijh admiral, Van Tromp bore up to the Spa- * niards in fix divifions, and charged them fo furioufly 4 with his broadfides, and his firefhips, as forced them 4 all to cut their cables ; and being three and fifty in 4 number, twenty-three ran afhore and ftranded in the 4 Downs, whereof three were burnt, two funk, and two 4 perifhed on the fhore ; one of which was a great gal- 4 leon (the vice-admiral of Galicia), commanded by 4 Antonio de Cajlro, and mounted with fifty-two brafs 4 guns : the remainder of the twenty-three ftranded, 4 and deferted by the Spaniards^ were manned by the 4 Englifa fie L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 151 of the reign of Charles^ that pirates of all the Englijh, to fave them from the Dutch. The other thirty Spcmijh fhips, with Don Antonio de Oquendo, the commander in chief, and Lopez, admiral of Portugal, got out to fea, and kept in good order, till a thick fog arifing, the Dutch took advantage thereof, interpofed between the admirals and their fleet, and fought them valiantly till the fog cleared up, when the admiral cf Portugal began to flame, being fired by two Dutch fhips fitted for that purpofe, which de Oquendo perceiving, prefently flood away for Dunkirk, with the admiral of that place, and fome few fhips more ; for of thefe thirty, five were funk in the fight, eleven taken and fent into Holland, three perifhed upon the coaft of France, one near Dover, and only ten efcaped. I have been the more particular in the account of this engage- ment, becaufe of the relation it hath to our own affairs, and have reported it in all its circumftances (the moft material of which have been omitted, even in that faid to be fir John Pennington's own account of it), for that otherwife the Englijh government would appear to have departed from the common rights of all nations, in fuffering one friend to deftroy another within its chambers, and not animadverting upon the Dutch for that proceeding, did it not appear that the Spaniards committed the firft hoftility, which was the plea the others made in their juftification : for though, by the law of nations, I am not to attack my enemy in the dominions of a friend common to that enemy and my- felf, yet no laws, natural, divine, or human, forbid me to repel force with force, and act in my defence, when or wherefoever I am attacked. But, however, it muft be confefled the Dutch well knew their time; and had the like circumftances happened twelve or fourteen years after, when the ufurper ruled, they would pro- (r) Burchet's bably have waited for further hoftilities from their naval hlfto " enemy (one or two random (hot only being liable to r ^' " exception, and to be excufed as accidental), before they alfoWhit- had ventured upon fuch an action (r ).' But whether lock .' s , me " L 4 the mls ' p * '152 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. . neighbouring nations took the liberty to in- felt the Spaniards had committed the firft hoftility or no, the Dutch admiral would certainly have attacked them, as appears from the following paffages in a letter from count D'ejlrades to cardinal Ricblieu, dated Aug. 26, 1639. ' The prince [of Orange] de r ed that I fhould write to * you, that the orders you had fent to the fea-ports of * France to affift the fleet of the States, had determined c him to fight the Spanijb fleet in the Downs, whither he ' had certain advice they would repair, and give orders to ' admiral Tromp not to engage fo foon ; but to detach a * fquadron, in order to harrafs fuch as he found feparate ' from the main body of the fleet, and to follow them * clofe until they fhould get into the Downs, and then to * draw up his fleet in a line of battle in the entry to the * Downs, there to wait till fuch time the admiral of Zea- * land, ydm Evrejfens, fhould join him ; after which he * fhould fend a flag-officer to the admiral of England, to * acquaint him, that he had orders from the States to * fight their enemy wherever he fhould find them, and ' to defire him to withdraw the king of England's fhips, * as he had orders from the States not to engage with ' them, unlefs they fhould join themfelves to the enemy ; * but in cafe they would not remain neuter, his orders * were to fight both one and the other.' His orders we fee were well executed, and an acTion performed (in the opinion of D'ejirades) * the moft illuftrious which could * be thought of, that of defeating the fleet of Spain in (:) D'ef- e an Englifh port, though aflifted by EngUJh fhips (j).' trades let- ft w ju b e proper to compare this with what follows, eotiatkuu*' conta i ne d in a letter from Algernon earl of Nortbumber- p. ig.Svo. land, to Robert earl of Leicejler, dated Wind/or, Oof. 10, Lond.1755. 1639. c His majeftie's defigns are a little to be won- 1 dered at, that he fhould endanger the receiving an af- ' front, and expofe his fhips to much hazard, rather c than commaund both the Spanijh and Holland fleets out * of the Downs. He fayeth now, that at his return to ' London on Saturday next, he will appoint a time for 6 them to depart out of hiS roade, which is all the Hoi- ' landers The LIFE 0/ CHARLES I. 153 fell the narrow feasj yea, the fhips and coafls landers defire. They have at this inftant above one hundred fail of men of warre, befids fyre-fhips : this great force of theirs, makes them begin to talk more boldly than hitherto they have donne ; for their admiral hath lately fent Pennington word, that they have al- readie had patience enough, and that they will no longer forbear ; for his instructions are to deftroy his enemies wherefoever he can find them, without ex- ceptions of any place ; and it is howerly expected that they mould affault the Dons. What will become of our fix mips that are there,. I know not; for their direction is to affift thofe that are affaulted. The other (hips that were made ready on this occafion, have layn windbound in the river thefe ten days, and cannot yet poffiblie get out, by reafon of the eafterly winds that have blowne conftantly neare three weeks. The Spa- niards pretended, that the want of powder was a prin- cipal caiife of their long flay : whereupon the Holland admiral fent to offer them 500 barrels, 1 , paying for it the ufual rates ; but the Spaniards would hot accept of it (r).' In a letter written to the fame, Nov. 28, 1639, ( t ) Sidney's from London, he fays, * On Sunday laft Arjfens [the ftate-paper*, Dutch ambaffador] had a private audience from the g 1# "* ** king. It was expected that he mould have made an appollogie to have given his majeftie fatisfaction for the late violation offered by them in the Downs ; but I do not hear that he mentioned that particular (u).' And () Id. p. n a third letter, written by him to lord Leicejier, from 620 London, Dec. 19, 1639, he fays, * The expreffe fent from hence to Spaine with the newfe of the defeate of their fleete, returned to this court fome days fince ; and upon Sunday laft the difpatches brought by him from fir Arthur Hopton, were communicated to the foreign committee. Thofe letters fay, that this mef- fenger brought to Madrid the firft newfe of that over- throw, which much troubled them ; but the conde of Olivares told our ambaffador, that if our king would be fenfible of the affront done unto him, in this action, 3 ) H. P- ' jefty by my bills of tranfportation (y).' How low in 7 * thefe times was the Britijh marine ! how little regarded its power ! But to go on. The lords juftices of Ire- land) r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 157 that once he afferted the right of the crown of land, in a letter to the lord-deputy, dated Dublin, Feb. 26, 1631, acquaints him, ' That they had lately, by * their letters, humbly reprefented to the lords of his ma- c jefty's moft honourable privy-council, certain intelli- * gences which they had received of attempts intended 4 by the Turks the next fummer, againft the weftern 4 coafts of Munjler. Since which difpatch, fay they, we * have received further advertizements which confirm us * in a belief that they do indeed intend fome attempt * againft us. And although the place of their defcent * here is yet uncertain, yet we find reafon to conceive * that Baltimore (a weak Englijh corporation on the fea- * coaft, in the weft part of that provence, whence the * Turks took the laft fummer above a hundred Englijh 4 inhabitants) is not the moft unlikely place they may 4 attempt (z).' And the lord-deputy Wentworth, in ai x \? tr ? f ~ letter to Laud, archbifhop of Canterbury, dated Gawthorp, tersanddif- Aug. 17, 1636, writes as follows: 4 The pillage the patches, vol. 4 Turks have done upon the coaft is moft infufferable, ' P* 68, 4 and to have our fubjef.s thus ravifhed from us, and at 4 after to be from Rochelle driven over land in chains to 4 Marfeilles, all this under the fun, is the moft infamous 4 ufage of a chriftian king, by him fufferred that wears 4 moft chriftian in his title, that I think was ever heard 4 of. Surely I am of opinion, if this be paft over in 4 filence, the fhipping bufineis will not only be much 4 backened by it, but the fovereignty of the narrow feas 4 become an empty title, and all our trade in fine utterly 4 loft (a): l*\ Id ; vo1 - In a letter to Mr. fecretary Coke, dated Wentworth,* ' Sept. 16, 1636, he has thefe words alfo; 4 The Turks 4 ftill annoy that coaft [the Irijb]. They came of late 4 into the harbour of Corke, took a boat which had eight 4 fifhermen in her, and gave chace to two more, which 4 fayed themfelves amongft the rocks, the townfmen 4 looking on the whilft, without means to help them. 4 This is an oppreffion to make a wife man mad indeed, 4 that thefe mifcreants fhould at our doors do us this 4 open 158 The LIFE of CHARLES L of "England to the dominion of the BritiJJj feas, * open dishonour, and will require both a fpeedy and ' thorough remedy, fuch as may carry our fafety along * with it for the future, it being moft certain, that vifibly 6 already, there will be at the leaft feven or eight thou- ' fand pounds lofs in thofe cuftoms this half year ; and ' if this mould continue but one year more, would pre- (6) Straf- * judice the trade of both kingdoms, more than I fear forde's let- < cou ]^ be repaired in many years again, with extream ters and dil- . ,. r , J J i_ c r ,i\ patches, vol. prejudice to the crown, more than is yet foreieen ( b). U. p. 34. Sir Philip Warwick alfo obferves, ' that the Argier (*)Memoirs, ' pirats infefled our feas, even in our own channel (c).* P* 5* They even made fuch captures, that, according to Mr. Waller, they * had in the year 1641, between four and 1 five thoufand of our countrymen captives in that coun- ().'-*-The Englijh p. 118. court, indeed, imagined that the French encouraged the Dutch in their fifhing on our coafls, and by its ambafTa- dor complained thereof at Paris. The French denied what they were charged with, and declared 4 that if any 4 thing mould happen, which might caufe difference be- 4 tween the king of Great Britain and the Hollanders, 4 they would interpofe, and do the beft they could to 4 bring the Hollanders to perform all fuch ats unto the 4 king, as might exprefs their refpecl and honor unto his 6 perfon, and gratitude to his crown, for the obligations 4 they had received, even as great as their confervation (/) Sid- ' amounted to (i).' But thefe were only words. The ney's (late- Dutch, though difturbed in their fifhing, and obliged to papers, p. p a y a f um Q f mone y t0 tne king, for his permiffion to go quietly on with it for the prefent, continued the fame afterwards, without deigning to accept of the licences offered. For what Mr. Burchet and fa Philip Warwick write about " their fignifying their inclination to have a 4 grant from the king to fifh for the future, upon paying 4 a yearly tribute; and their application that they might 4 in the future obtain his licence and permiffion fo to do,' is a miftake ; as will appear from the following paffage, in a letter from the reverend Mr. Garrard, (a great cor- refpondent of lord Strafforde's, and yery intimate with the 400, T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 161 to Flanders, when it was intended to have been the earl of Northumberland) to the lord-deputy of Ireland, dated Sion, Ocl. 9, 1637. * Little hath the king's fleet, ' under the command of my lord of Northumberland, ' done this fummer at fea. The Dutch abfolutely re- * fufed to take licences for their fifhing, although now it ' is faid, they were never offerred them ; yet all know * that captain Fielding was fent into the Scotijh feas in the * end of "July to offer them. Had the whole fleet come, * perhaps they would not have refufed ; but they knew ' well enough that one fhip could not force them, they * having twenty men of war of their own to guard ' them (k): (i) Straf- The times were much altered, we may fee by this, forde ' s , 1 ? i T fince the reign of queen Elizabeth ; when fir Walter patc h es , vol. Raleigh alfures us, he remembered one fhip of her ma-ii. p. 117. jelly's would have made forty Hollanders ftrike fail, and to come to anchor. ' They did not then,' fays that ad- mirable man, ' difpute de Mari Libera, but readily ac- ' knowledged the Englijh to be Domini Maris Britan- ' nici (I).' So true is the obfervation of cardinal Rich- (I) Raleigh's lieu, that the empire of the fea was never well fecured works, vol. ' to any. It has, adds he, been fubjedr. to divers revolu- 8 vo ^'Lond e tions, according to the inconftancy of its nature ; lb 1751. ' fubjecl to the wind, that it fubmits to him who courts c it moft, and whofe power is fo unbounded that he is in ' a condition to poffefs it with violence, againft all thofe * who might difpute it with him. In a word, the old * titles of that dominion are force, and not reafon : a ' prince muft be powerful, to pretend to that heri- c tage (m).' It appears from the foregoing letter of Mr. ') Rich- Garrard's, that this affair with the Dutch was in 1637, ^u's politi- not in 1636, as the authors I have quoted above affirm. ment , part This difturbing the Dutch fifhing bufles, naturally K. p. 81, leads me to obferve, that the erecting and encouraging 8 ' Load * a Britijh herring-fifhery, in oppofition to, or imitation of l 9S * the Dutch, has been recommended by the beft patriots, from fir Walter Raleigh's to the prefent time. ' It has * been all along a moft unaccountable negligence in the M people i6z ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. been divided by the French and T)utch % though people of England, that we have not made fome effec- tual endeavours to (hare with our neighbours, in that immenfe treafure with which nature has enriched our coaft. Sir Walter Raleigh has laid down, that the fifhery turns to ten millions per annum profit to the Hollanders. We can by no means agree to that cal- culation ; but that 'tis very gainful to their country, is apparent to any one who has inquired into the nature of their trade, and foundation of their wealth. Thofe great advantages are made on our coaft, where formerly they never fulled without licence under the great feal of England, which, till the latter end of king James the FirfVs reigrr, they always procured ; but now they are fo far from afking leave, that they will not fuffer any Englijh venels to fifh in quiet, when they come among them. This beneficial trade, which the Hol- landers have often, in their edicts, called the golden mine of the commonwealth, we firft by remiilhefs let them gain ; and now they have in a manner engrofied it to themfelves, becaufe it never had encouragement from the government here, and becaufe the public fpirit has been wanting among us, by which any great work muft be brought about (n)* But public fpirit n our days, with regard to this fifhery, has exerted itfelf", and the government has given it encouragement ; and yet, after all, there are ftill understanding men to be found, who think that it is not poffible for us to have any part with our neighbours in this gainful bufinefs. For it is * alledged, the Hollanders build cheaper than * we ; that their wages are lower ; that they live at lefs * expence; that the intereft of money is higher here c than there ; that confequently they can afford the * commodity at an eafier rate ; and that he who fells (o) Id. p. * cheapeft is fure to engrofs the market (0).' 'Tis to be '3* hoped the bounty of the government, and the zeal of the gentlemen concerned in fo truly laudable an under- taking, will render thefe objections invalid, and evidence to all, that we are capable of making a right ufe of what heaven {b) Dave- nam's dif- courfes on the publick revenues, nart ii. p. 135, 8vo. Lond. 169S, I L ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 163 though he was requefted by Richlieu moil earneftly fo to do, and great feeming advan- tages propofed to him, to bring him to a compliance (ll). To heaven has fo bountifully befto wed upon us. The Briti/h fifhery, could it once be firmly eftablifhed, would be a fine nurfery for feamen, an employment for the poor, and a fource of wealth to thefe kingdoms, greater than by many can well be imagined. As fuch may it have the good wifhes, and affiftance of all true lovers of their country. (ll) He refufed to promife a neutrality with regard to Flanders, &c.~] In the inftru&ions of cardinal Richlieu to count d'Ejlrades, on his being fent into England by LewisXlll. dated Rouel, Nov. 12, 1637, be tells him, ' he caufed him to be fent into England on the part of ' his majefty, with a defign to difpofe the king of Eng- * land not to furnifh any fuccours to the towns on the ' coaft of Flanders, in cafe the king and the prince of * Orange fhould attack any of them during this cam- * paign.' He moreover adds, ' as the States [of Hol- * land] have as much concern as the king to have this ' point cleared up, the fieur Vaujfebergue will embark at * the fame time as the count a"EJlrades fets out from * hence, in order to repair to London, and confer with ' the king of England on the fame fubjec"t (p).' (?) Letters D'Ejlrades arrived in London on the 19th of the fame and De j otlA - month ; and in a letter to the cardinal, dated the 24th, count d'Ef- gave him an account of his fuccefs in the words follow- trades, p. ing. ' I was received very gracioufly by the king of *> 3 j an , d ' England, and fpoke to him agreeable to the orders I n iftoryof * received from your eminence, and reprefented to him the revolu- ' all the advantages he would receive from a ftridl friend- ^ on ^ of ' fhip with the king, by complying with his requeft, by 2 " 6 gy ' p ' ' which his fubje&s would reap very great advantages by Lond. 1711^ * furnifhing the armies with necefTaries, which would * bring a great deal of money into England ; and that * being mafter of the fea, and remaining neutral, even M 2 the 164 T^LIFEa/CHARLES I. To thefe inftances of Charles % regard to, the honour and intereft of the Britijh crown, I will * the Sfanijb army, as the whole country of Flanders, * muft be fupplied by the EngUJh (hipping : that your ' eminence had commanded me to aflure him, you would c contribute all in your power to maintain a ftrict, union ' and friendfhip between him and the king, and even to * perfuade his majefty to lend him fuccours againft any of his fubje<5b that fhould have bad intentions againft ' him. His anfwer was, he would do all that was in his ' power, to teftify how much he defired the king's friend- ' fhip, provided that what he afked was of no prejudice * to his honour, and the intereft of his kingdom ; which ' laft would be the cafe, if he fhould permit either the c king or the ftates of Holland to attack the fea-port ' towns of Flanders : and to prevent this, he would have * his fleet in readinefs in the Downs, in condition to z&, * with fifteen thoufand men ready to be tranfported into * Flanders, for the defence of the faid towns, if necef- tq) Letters c fary that he thanked your eminence for your offers and negotia- and civilities ; but he wanted no affiftance to punifh tiODS 'd'Ef ' ^ uc ^ ^ n ' s kbje&s ^ fl 0U W fail in their duty, that tnies, p. ~ 7l * being fufficiently fecured by his own authority, and and d'Or. ' the laws of the kingdom (q).' lean's hif- This anfwer was worthy of a Britijb monarch, though revolution^ ll * much provoked the cardinal, that his eminence of England, threatned the year fhould not end, before both the king and queen of England fhould repent their having refufed (r) id. p. 8. the propofals tFEjlrades made on the king's part (r). And certain it is, this minifter was near as good as his word ; for he did what in him lay to heighten the unea- fineis of Charles's fubjecls in Scotland, and excite them to avenge themfelves for the inroads made on their laws, liberties, and religion, by the arbitrary and fuperftitious commands of thofe in power ; and alfo contributed great- ly to the affront put on him by the Dutch, in the eyes of the whole world, when they violated the neutrality of his ports, and deftroyed the Spanijh fleet which had taken fan&uary there. But had Charles meanly fubmitted to the 7^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 165 I will alfo add an account of the chaftife- ment the demands of Richlieu, matters, I am perfuaded, would not have been much mended. The Scotch troubles would have happened without the aid of France, and the Dutch would not have been reftrained by the French mi- nifter from acting as they did : it being of the utmoft confequence to them, to break the naval force of Spain, and deprive Flanders of the fupplies which her fleet con- tained. The imagination, therefore, of a late writer was too much heated, when he obferves ' that Charles * loft both his crown and life by refufing to accept of a 4 neutrality, fo contrary to the trade and intereft of his c kingdom, and the dignity of his crown (s) ;' and ' that(^) Preface 4 from hence was conjured upthofe black fcenes of hor- t0 . the t ^ anf " * ror, blood, anarchy, and confufion, that enfued in d a .ft ra d e s ' thefe kingdoms ; the cataftrophe of which ended in the letters, &c. * deftrution.of the king, of the church, and of the whole p. 4 * conftitution.' For a little knowledge of the Englijb hiftory will fuffice to demonftrate, that thefe had their rife from far other caufes than the refufal of this neutra- lity. However, it cannot be denied, but that it was greatly to Charles's honour to anfwer as he did, and fhewed a fenfe of the intereft of the nation. The fea- ports of Flanders, on account of their fituation, are of the utmoft importance to England. To have fuffered thefe quietly to have been pofleft by Holland and France, in the then ftate of things, would have been the ex- pofing the fubjecls of thefe kingdoms to the infults of their commanders at fea, and giving them an opportu- nity of depriving them of the moft valuable branches of commerce, or rendering its effects very precarious. Add to this, that thofe who are pofleft of thefe places, if mafters of a fufficient naval force, have it in their power to alarm us conftantly by defcents and invafions : and therefore it muft be the intereft of England to take care that they fall not into the hands of thofe who are our inveterate enemies. M 3 (mm) i66 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. ment he gave to the town of Salle (mm), in con- (mm) I will add an account of the chajltfement he gave to the town of Salle. J Among Mr. Waller's poems, there is one on the taking of Salle, in which are the following lines : Salle, that fcorn'd all powers and laws of men, Goods with their owners hurrying to their den ; And future ages threatning with a rude And favage race, fucceflively renew'd : Their king defpifing with rebellious pride, And foes profeft to all the world befide : This peft of mankind gives our hero fame, And thro' th' obliged world dilates his name. The prophet once to cruel Agag faid, As thy fierce fword has mothers childlefs made, So fhall the fword make thine : and with that word He hew'd the man in pieces with his fword. Juft Charles like meafure has return'd to thefe, Whofe pagan hands had ftain'd the troubled feas : With fhips, they made the fpoiled merchant mourn ; With (hips, their city and themfelves are torn. One fquadron of our winged caftles fent, O'erthrew their fort, and all their navy rent : For not content the dangers to increafe, And aft the part of tempefts in the feas ; Like hungry wolves, thofe pirates from our more Whole flocks of fheep and ravifh'd cattle bore. Safely they might on other nations prey ; Fools to provoke the fov'reign of the fea ! Morocco's monarch, wond'ring at this fact, Save that his prefence his affairs exact, Had come in perfon to have feen and known The injur'd world's revenger, and his own. Either he fends the chief among his peers, Who in his bark proportion'd prefents bears, To the renown'd for piety and force, Poor captives manumis'd, and matchlefs horfe, Mr. ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 167 conjunction with the king of Morocco', where- Mr. Fenton, in his obfervations on Mr. Waller's poems, explains thefe lines in the following manner: * Salle is a city in the province of Fez, and derives its ' name from the river Sala, on which it is fituated, near * its influx into the Atlantic ocean. It was a place of * good commerce, till addicting itfelf entirely to piracy, * and revolting from its allegiance to the emperor of * Morocco, in the year 1632, he fent an embafly to king ' Charles, defiring him to fend a fquadron of men of war * to lie before the town, whilft he attacked it by land : * which the king confenting to, the city was foon re- ' duced, the fortifications demolifhed, and the leaders of ' the rebellion put to death. The year following the * emperor fent another embaflador, with a prefent of ' fine Barbary horfes, and three hundred chriftan flaves : * at the fame time defiring his majefty, that fince it had * pleafed God to be fo aufpicious to their beginning, in the conqueft of Salle, they might join and fucceed, 4 with hope of like fuccefs, in war againft Tunis, Algiers, * and other places, dens and receptacles for the inhuman s ' villanies of thofe that abhor rule and government (t).' (0 Fenton's Where Mr. Fenton had this account I cannot fay, he ^ ations too often neglecting to inform his readers in what authors the facts he relates are to be found. But be that as it will, 'tis certain the date given by him is wrong ; for it was not in 1632, but 1636, that it was determined to fend a fquadron againft Salle, and in 1637 it was befieged and taken. Mr. fecretary Coke, in a letter to the lord-deputy Strafforde, dated Whitehall, 20th of February, 1636, writes, This day captain ' Rain/borough, an experienced and worthy feaman, ' taketh his leave of his majefty, and goeth inftantly to ' fea, with four good (hips and two pinnaces to the coaft ' of Barbary, with ii.Itructions and refolution to take all ' Turkijh pyrates he can meet, and to block up the port * of Sally, and to free the fea from thefe rovers, which he ' is confident to perform. The king of Morocco hath * already offerred to comply with his majefty for fup- v M 4 preffion i68 ^LIFE/CHARLES I. whereby he obtained the liberty of a great num- * preffion of thefe enemies of mankind ; and the Bafha ' and governors of Argier- have alfo written to his ma- * jefty, to defire good correfpondence with him and his ' fubjects, and to have an Englijh conful there to fee the ' agreement performed ; fo there remaineth only Sally, ' which we prefume this fummer will be bro't to better () Straf- < terms (u). y What the event was, will be feen from f rde s ! et " the following extracts, which, I doubt not, will be agree- difpatches, a ble to the reader, as they contain fome fads hardly vol. ii. p. known to our common hiftorians. The reverend Mr. 5* Garrard, in a letter to lord Strafforde, dated Hatfield, July 24, 1637, informs hn>, ' That from the fleet my * lord Northumberland writes him, that captain Rainf- i borough hath made hitherto a very fuccefsful voyage to ' Sallee ; neither our Englijh coafts, nor your Irijh, have ' this year been infeffed with thofe Turkijh Moorijh ver- ' mine, who other years have done much hurt : he keeps ' them in, that they cannot ftir out at fea : befides, the * faint there by land befieges them with ten thoufand * horfe and fix thoufand foot ; fo that they conceive a * great hope to get all the Englijh and Irijh captives in * their hands, and to bar them hereafter for venturing in 4 our feas. My lord-general hath obtained longer leave * of his majefty for captain Rain/borough to ftay out until 1 the end of November, and is now fending a fhip and [to) Id. p% c one pinnace to victual him for two months longer (w)* 86, In a letter of the 9th of October the fame year, this gen- tleman thus writes to the fame lord Strafforde. ? The * fleet fent to Sallee by his majefty, under the conduct of c captain Rain/borough, captain Cartwright, and others, * confiding of four fhips and two pinnaces, hath had c good fuccefs. So that neither our Englijh^ nor your Irijh * coafts, (hall be troubled any more with them. The ' Sallee men this year had fhips in readinefs to come ' forth, of good number, intending their voyage for * England and Ireland, were ready to fet fail when our ' fleet came before the town, but they kept them in. 1 The Saint who lives upon the land, feeing captain < Rainf- ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 169 number of his fubjects, who had been taken into Rainjborough befiege them by Tea, doth the like by land. The Moors prefently fold away a thoufand of their captives, our king's fubjedls, to thofe of Tunis and Argiers. The Saint and captain Rainjborough treat and agree to do their beft to take the new town : he goes afhore, teaches them to mount their cannon, and how to ufe them ; the new town thus befet, remove their governor, turn him out of town, becaufe of the fierce difpleafure of the faint againft him. He goes to the king of Morocco, makes his complaint againft the Saint, (who is indeed but a rebel ; for all thofe places of right belong to that king) faith, he will, by the help of the Englifo fleet, gain the new town. Upon this advertifement the king of Morocco gathers an army, is upon his march, which the Saint hearing, burns up all the corn within ten miles of Sallee, and fpoils the country ; yet fends him, upon his nearer approach, fome neceflaries for himfelf, great herds of cows, and flocks of fheep, which was a great relief to his army, who, with their long marches,were weak and feeble; but advifes his majefty not to come nearer, left fome dif- ferences mould arife betwixt their two armies, which would not eafily be accommodated, fhould they meet : he flays, many of the foldiers fall fick and dye, many run away, fo that he is refolved to retire, fending the governor with fome others, and an Englijh merchant, to treat with the town to deliver it up to him, and not to the Saint. They come aboard, captain Rainsborough y confer with him, then return again into the town. The king offers to join in a league with our king, pro- miies that never hereafter any of our coafts (hall be in- fefted by their fhips, delivers two hundred and ninety of our captives to Rainsborough, (which captain Cart- wright hath already brought home) faith, that the thoufand fold away to thofe of Argiers and Tunis fhall be redeemed and delivered back ; for which purpofe captain Rainsborough is gone to Saphy, forty leagues from Salke, to treat for them, and, I believe, by this is 170 The L I FE of C H A R L E S L into captivity 5 and by a folemn embany re- ceived , * is on his way home. They have, fince their coming * thither, funk in the harbour, burnt, and battered to ' pieces, twenty-eight of their fhips before the new town, ' which furely will by the Moors be delivered up to the * king of Morocco, and not to the Saint. How we came c off from farther treating with the Saint, I know not ; ' neither the letters nor captain Cartwright give any fa- (x) Straf- tisfa&ion therein (*).' Towards the conclufion of this f rde Lira letter Mr. Garrard adds, * Captain Rainsborough is newly patches, vol. ' come into the Downs, hath put the new town of SalUe ii. p. 115. ' into the king of Morocco's hands, hath made a peace e with that king; fo that none of his majeftie's coafts ' fliall any more hereafter be troubled by thofe pyratical ' fubje i. p. ' Rot. Parlam. H. 4. n. 17. a0 - ' Forma juramenti foliti & confueti, praeftari per reges * Anglias in eorum coronatione. ' Servabis ecclefiae Dei, cleroq; & populo pacem ex * integro, & concordiam in deo fecundum vires tuas. ' Refpondebit, Servabo. * Facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis asquam & refrain ' juftitiam & difcretionem in mifericordia & veritate, fe- * cundum vires tuas ? * Refpondebit, Faciam. * Concedis juftas leges & confuetudines efle tenandas, * & prbmittis per te eas efle protegendas & ad honorem ' Dei corroborandas, quas vulgus elegerit, fecundum ' vires tuas ? 4 Refpondebit, Concedo & promitto. * Adjicianturq; praedidtis interrogationibus quae jufta ' fuerint, prsenunciatifq; omnibus confirmet rex fe omnia * fervaturum facramento fuper altare prasftito coram ' cundis (b). (h) Rufh- This oath being printed as the antient coronation- * orth ' ? >1, oath by the parliament, and great ftrefs laid upon the 1V * p * s words in the king's oath, referring unto fuch laws as the people fhall chufe [quas vulgus elegeritj, his majefty replied, * We are not enough acquainted with records, * to know whether that be fully and ingenuoufly cited, ' and when, and how, and why the feveral claufes have ' been inferted, or taken out of the oaths formerly ad- * miniflxed to the kings of this realm j yet we cannot 1 poffibly 176 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. But however this be, Charles foon (hewed the world that he thought himfelf unre- ftrained c poflibly imagine the afiertion that declaration makes, c can be deduced from the words, or the matter of that ' oath ; for unlefs they [the parliament] have a power 8 of declaring Latin as well as law, fure elegerit lignifieth * hath cbofen, as well as will chuje, and that it fignifieth ' fo here, befides the authority of the perpetual practice * of all fucceeding ages, (a better interpreter than their ' votes) is evident by the reference it hath to cuftoms ; 8 confuetudines quas vulgus eUgerit : and could that be a 8 cuftom which the people fhould chufe after this oath 8 taken ? And fhould a king be fworn to defend fucb> * cuftoms ? ' Then follows the oath taken by Charles, as Hejlitt above relates it, which undoubtedly is different from the antient one mentioned by the parliament. This alteration of the coronation-oath is attributed to Charles by Milton, and imputed to him as a high crime. * Aliud erat crimen regis quod ex jurejurando a regibus * regnum capeifentibus dari folito verba quaedam ejus * juflu erafa fuerint, antequam juraflet. O facirrus in- 8 dignum & execrandum! impium qui fecit, quid di cam * qui defendit ? nam quae potuit, per Deum immortalem, * quae perfidia, aut juris violatio efle major ? quid illi 8 fanctius poft facratiffima religionis myfteria illo jure- ' jurando eile debuit ? Quis quaefo fceleratior, ifne qui in ' legem peccat, an qui fecum legem ipfam ut peccare ' faciat dat operam ? aut denique ipfam legem tcllit ne % peccaile videatur ? Agedum, jus hoc religiofiffime ju- ' randumrex ifte violavit; fed ne palam tamen violafie ' videretur, turpiffimo quodam adulterio per dolum cor- ' rupit; & ne perjerafle diceretur, jus ipfum jurandum 8 in perjurium vertit. Quid aliud potuit fperari, nift 8 injuftidime, verfutiflime, atque infeliciflime regnaturum 8 efle eum, qui ab injuria tarn deteftanda aufpicatus reg- c num eft ; jufque illud primum adulterare auderet, 8 quod folum impedimento fibi fore, ne jura omnia per- 8 verteret, 7/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 177 flrained by the laws : for he paid little atten- tion ' verteret, putabat. Hanc clufulam "qnas vulgus elege- " rit," Carolus, antequam coronam acciperet, ex formula c juramenti regii eradendum curavit (c).' i. e. * Another (c) Milton's ' of his crimes was, the caufing fome words to be ftruck profc-works, ' out of the ufual coronation- oath, before he himfelf ^j 11, p " ' would take it. Unworthy and abominable action ! ' The adl: was wicked in itfelf : what fhall be laid of * him that undertakes to juftify it ? For by the eternal ' ' God, what greater breach of faith, and violation of all ' laws, can poflibly be imagined ? What ought to be * more facred to him, next to the holy facraments them- * felves, than that oath ? Which of the two do you * think the mo flagitious perfon, him that offends againfr, i the law, or him that endeavours to make the law ' equally guilty with himfelf? Or rather, him who fub- 4 verts the law itfelf, that he may not feem to offend ' againfr. it? For thus, that king violated that oath ' which he ought moft religioufly to have fworn to ; but ' that he might not feem openly and publicly to violate ' it, he craftily adulterated and corrupted it : and lpft he ' himfelf fhould be accounted perjured, he turned the c very oath into a perjury. What other could be ex- ' peeled, than that his reign would be full of injuftice, ' craft, and misfortune, who began it with fo deteftable ' an injury to his people ? and who durff. pervert and ' adulterate that law which he thought the only obftacle * that flood in his way, and hindered him from perverting ' all the reft of the laws. This claufe (quas vulgus ele- ' gerit) which the commons fhall chufe, Charles^ before ' he was crowned, procured to be razed out.' But tho' Charles is thus heavily charged by Milton^ Laud has been chiefly blamed, in this affair, by fome other writers, as will appear by what follows. ' On the 2d of February, ' 1625, he [Charles] was crowned at Wejhninjler : Wil- * Ham Laud altered the old coronation-oath, and framed * another (d)S And the lord chief baron Atkins, in a (d) Lilly, fpeech to the lord-mayor, Oft. 1693, renewed this ac-P ,ai * . cufation againft him, in thefe words. * The ftriking N ' out *7 (f) See pre- face to Wharton's troubles and tryal of Laud. (f) Prynne's Canterbury's doome, p. 69, fol. Load, 1646. (^) Troubles and trysl of Laud, p. 3 i3. The LIFE o/CHARLES I. tion to them, and fcrupled not on every oc- cafion out of that part of the antient oath in king Charles his time at his coronation, by archbifhop Laud (that the king fhould confent to fuch laws as the people fhould chufe), and inftead of that, another very un- ufual one inlerted, faving the king's prerogative royal (e).' And on his trial before the lords, it was objected to him, that * he compiled the form of his ma- jeftie's coronation different from that of king Edward VT. and king 'James ; inferting fome prayers and cere- monies in it out of the Roman pontifical '(f)* To this Laud replies, s He [a manager of the houfe of com- mons] charged me with two alterations in the body of the king's oath. One added, namely thefe words (agreeable to the king's prerogative). The other omitted, namely thefe words {qua populus ekgerit), which' the people have chofen, or fhall chufe. For this latter, the claufe omitted, that fuddenly vanifhed : for it was omitted in the oath of king James, as is con- fefled by themfelves in the printed votes of this prefent parliament. But the other highly infrfted on, as taking off the total aflurance which the fubje&s have, by the oath of their prince, for the performance of his laws : firft, I humbly conceive this claufe takes off none of the people's aflurance ; none at all. For the king's juft and legal prerogative, and the fubjects aflurance for liberty and property, may ftand well together, and have fo flood for hundreds of years. Secondly, that altera- tion, whatever it be, was not made by me ; nor is there any interlining or alteration, fo much as of a let- ter, found in that book. Thirdly, if any thing be ami Is therein, my predeceflbr [Abbot] gave that oath to the king, and not I. I was meerly minifterial both in the preparation, and at the coronation itfelf, fupply- ing the place of the dean of JVeJiminfier [g).' This leems pretty ftrong, and 1 fancy is true; becaufe the only reply made in the houfe of lords, by the managers for the commons, to the fame defence, was, * That it ' appears by his own diarv, that he had the chief hand * in T^LIFEo/CHARLES I, 179 cafion to violate them, when they thwarted his intereft. or inclination. To ferve purpofes not the mofr. laudable, he encouraged inno- vations in the doctrine of the church (00) eftablifhed, c in compiling this form, and that it was collected, and * corrected by himfelf, though other bifhops were joyned ' in confultation with him (h)." But this reply is not (f>) Can- to the purpofe. Laud might, and it is plain from his t erbur y' s diary that he did, collect and correct the form made ufe 4 7 C ' P * of at the coronation. But thefe collections and cor- rections feem to have been wholly of the fuperftitious kind. The unction in the form of a crofs, the placing the crucifix on the altar, the inferting the prieftly admo- nition, * Stand and hold fait,' ffc. which is in the Roman pontifical verbatim ; thefe, I fuppofe, were the things collected and corrected by Laud, and were well worthy of his genius and difpofition. However, the reader has the evidence on both fides before him, and is at liberty to form his own judgment. Much has been faid on this matter by many writers, though few have gone to the bottom of it. Perhaps, after all, I may be told, it did not deferve the pains. (00) He encouraged innovations in the doftrine of the church, &c] What the doctrine of the church of Eng-> land is, may be ken in the thirty-nine articles of religion, which all her minifters fubfcribe. The doctrines of ori- ginal fin, predeftination, the neceflity of the grace of God, in order to render our good works acceptable unto him, and many other things, equally orthodox and edi- fying, are contained therein. And as a feparation was but juft made from the Romijh church when thefe articles were compiled, fhe is (as it was very natural) declared to have erred in matters of faith, and to have taught doc- trines contrary to the truth. And that men might have a proper deteftation of her, in the homilies of our church, which we are taught contain godly and whollbme doc- trine, fhe is denied to be a true church, and her worfhip is declared to be idolatrous. But this notwithstanding, N 2 Richard 180 ^LIFEo/CHARLES L eftablifhed, and defended the innovators from Richard Montague broached in his writings Arminianifm, and fpolee more favourably of popery than a zealous pro- teftant could poffibly have done. The houfe of com- mons, who valued the proteftant religion, and really believed the doctrines contained in the articles of the church of England, were alarmed. They drew up articles againft Montague, in which they declare him to have * maintained and confirmed fome doctrine contrary to 4 the articles agreed by the archbifhops and bifhops, and 8 the whole clergy, in the year 1562; and by his fo * doing, to have broke the laws and ftatutes of this 4 realm.' But all the effect of this was, that the fup- pofed criminal was protected by Charles, and honoured by (/) Ru&- him with a mitre (i). Good encouragement this, to worth, vol. v jiify t h e doctrines of a church, and applaud her adver- g.^ fary ! In like manner Roger Manwaring having, as the commons declared, ' preached two fermons contrary to * the laws of this realm, in which he taught that the 4 ?dng was not bound to keep and obferve them ;' and being, on an impeachment, cenfured by the lords, fined, and declared to be incapable of having any ecclefiaftical dignity, or fecular office hereafter, was pardoned by his majefty, and advanced to the rank of a right reve- (*) Id P rend (k). ^-Robert Sibthorp, indeed, had not fo good luck. He preached the fame doctrine with Manwaring, and had his fermon licenfed by Laud, after Abbot had refufed the doing it, though required in his majeftie's name ; but being F a perfon of little learning and few parts, he only 4 could obtain a chaplainfhip in ordinary to his majefty, 4 prebendary of Peterborough, and rector of Burton Lati- 4 mer in Northampton/hire.' The doctrines and promotions of thefe men, and others of a like ftamp, produced, I am perfuaded, the follow- ing excellent obfervations. * When fuch men and fuch * doctrines prevail, it is eafy to guefs what will follow. 4 No man will care to give pernicious counfel, but where * he knows it will be pleafing ; nor will a prince hear it, 4 unlefs he be inclinable to take it. He only, who has a 4 mind ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 181 from the ill effects of parliamentary cen- fures, mind to do what he ought not, will like to be told that he may ; and the will of the prince is then preached up, when law and liberty are to be pulled down. What means or avails the propagating of arbitrary maxims, but to juftify and introduce -arbitrary pro- ceedings ? They are too odious to be fpread, where no great defign is to be ferved by doing it. Nor need any man defire a furerfign, that univerfal flavery is intended ' by the court, than when univerfal fubmiffion to it is inculcated upon the people. This confederation alone leaves no excufe or apology to be made for thofe reigns, when fuch flavifh tenets were every where maintained, and the vile maintainers of thefe tenets countenanced, hired, and preferred: when from the public tribunals, and public pulpits, places facred to law and truth, it became fafhionable, nay, became the only and fureft way of riflng there, to aflert, that there was no law, fave in the wild will of one, who, though fworn to de- fend law, might lawfully overturn it ; to aflert impious falfhoods, manifeft to all men; to father fuch falfhoods upon the God of truth, under his holy name to fhel- ter outrageous oppreflions ; to bind up the hands of the oppreffed ; to maintain that the lives of men, which they held from God, their property, which was fecured to them by the conftitution, the conftitution itfelf con- trived by the wifdom of men for their own preferva- tion, and defended through ages by their virtue and bravery, were all at the meer mercy and luft of him who was folemnly bound to protect: all ; but might, if he fo lifted, deftroy them all without oppofition ; nay, all oppofition was damnable. When all this was no- torious, conftant, univerfal, the language of power, the ftyle of favourites, and the road to favour, what doubt could remain whither it all tended ? To prevent all doubts, arbitrary meafures were purfued, whilft arbitrary meafures were promoted. The perfons of men were illegally imprifoned, illegal fines impofed, N 3 * eftates l82 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. fures, and moreover took care to reward them 4 eftates violently feized, and the public confidently 0) Gordon's c ro bbed (I).* uponTaci- T return If we may believe Andrew Marvel, Man- tus, vol. v. waring and Sibthorp were not over- worthy of the coun- p 99* tenance and encouragement they received from Charles : for, fays he, * they were exceeding pragmatical, fo in- 8 tolerably ambitious, and fo defperately proud, that * fcarce any gentleman might come near the tail of their (m) Wood's* mules (m).' The elevation of thefe gentlemen, we Athena? mav ^ Q f ure ^ was not ver y acce p ta b] e to the body of the to], ii. c. ' nation. For nothing was more deteftable to them, at 75 that time, than Arminianifm and Popery, than lawlels rule, and power uncontrolable. With regard to the new doctrines vended under the patronage of Charles, we may obferve that they were not only cenfured by the par- liament, but fo difagreeable to the clergy, that Laud himfelf, by the advice of Andrews, would not truft their being handled in a convocation. * The truth in thofe ' opinions not being fo generally entertained (fays Hey- * liri) amongft the clergy, nor the archbifhop [Abbot] ' and the greater part of the prelates fo inclinable to them, ' as to venture the determining of thofe points to a con- () Life of * vocation (n). But that,' continues the fame writer, Laud, p. i wn j c h was not thought fit in that prefent conjuncture ' for a convocation, his majefty was pleafed to take ' order in by his royal edicV And therefore, on the 14th of June, 1626, by the advice of his court- bifhops, he hTued forth a proclamation, in which he declared his * full and conftant refolution, that neither in matters of * doctrine, nor difcipline of the church, nor in the go- * vernment of the ftate, he will admit of the leaft in- * novation. His majefty thereupon commands all his c fubjedts (the clergy raoft efpecially), both in England * and Ireland, that from thenceforth they mould carry ' themfelves fo wifely, warily, and confcionably, ' that * neither by writing, preaching, printing, conferences, ' orotherwife, they raife any doubts, or publifh or main- ' tain any new inventions or opinions concerning reli- ' gon, 153 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 183 them with honours and preferments. In his ' gion, than fuch as are clearly grounded and warranted ' by the dodlrine and difciplineof the church of England, 1 heretofore publifhed and happily eftablifhed by autho- 4 rity.' This proclamation feemed, in words, to favour the eftablifhed doctrines of the church ; but, in fact, was made ufe of to undermine and deftroy them. For the book of Mount ague,, abovementioned, having had a va- riety of anfwers, which were difpleafing to Laud, who was fupreme in all matters ecclefiaftical, he, under colour of this order, took care to fupprefs them, as we may learn from the following paffages. ' There appeared fo many in the lift againft him * [Mountague], viz. Goad, Featly, Ward, Wotton, Prynne, * and Burton, that the encounter feemed to be between ' a whole army and a fingle perfon. Laud, and fome of ' thofe bifhops on the other fide, encouraged by his ina- * jeftie's proclamation, endeavoured to fupprefs thofe * books, which feemed to have been publifhed in de- ' fiance of it ; fome of them being called in, fome ' flopped at the prefs ; fome printers queftioned for print- ing, as the authors were for writing fuch prohibited * pamphlets. Burton and Prynne, amongft the reft, were c called into the high commiffion, and at the point to * have been cenfured, when a prohibition comes from ' IVeJlmlnJler-hall to ftay the proceedings in that court, ' contrary to his majeftie's will and pleafure, exprefled 8 fo clearly and diftinctly in the faid proclamation : * which prohibition they tendered to the court in fo rude * a manner, that Laud was like to have laid them by * the heels for their labour ( p. but by the flight of thefe prelates, countenanced by his * 55, majefty, it was turned againft thofe who flood up in de- fence of the doctrine happily eftablifhed by authority. However, it muft be acknowledged, that tho' Moun- tague, as a reward for his labours, had a bifhoprick con- ferred upon him 5 yet his book was called in by procla- N 4 mation. 184 (/>) Rufh- viorth, vol. i. p. 635. (f ) See the declaration prefixed to the articles. (r) Rufli- worth, vol, i. r 6 49- 7^LIFEc/CHARLE3 I. his time it was that Mountague> Manwaring t and mation. ' But ere this proclamation was publifhed, the ' books were for the mod part vented, and out of danger ' of feizure (p).' And in order to crufh the eftablifhed doctrines yet more, a declaration was prefixed to the thirty- nine articles in his majeftie's name, wherein * he wills, ' that no man hereafter fhall either print or preach to ' draw the article afide any way , but fhall fubmit to it in ' the plain and full meaning thereof; and fhall not put ' his own fenfe or comment to be the meaning of the c article, but fhall take it in the literal and grammatical ' fenfe. And if any perfons fhall preach or print any * thing either way, other than is already eftablifhed in * convocation with our royal afient ; fays the king, they c fhall be liable to our difpleafure, and the church's cen- ' fure in our commiffion ecclefiaftical (a).' The body of the clergy were uneafy at this, as well feeing what they were to expect from it ; and the parliament had the fame apprehenfions. For foon afterwards we find the commons making the following proteftation : ' We the commons in parliament afiembled, do ' claim, proteft, and avow for truth, the fenfe of the ' articles of religion which were eftablifhed by parlia- c ment in the thirteenth year of our late queen Elizabeth^ * which by the public at of the church of England, and ' by the general and current expofition of the writers of ' our church, have been delivered unto us. And we * reject the fenle of the Jefuits and Arminians, and all * others that differ from it (r).' But notwithstanding this proteftation, Arminianifm, being the high road to preferment, gained ground; and the defenders of the eftablifhed doctrines were treated as difturbers of the peace of the church, and impugners of authority. In a fpeech of fir Edzuard Dering, made in the houfe of commons Nov. 23, 1640, we find him re- marking on the innovations in the doctrine of the church after the following manner : With the papifts there is ' a myfterious artifice, I mean their Index expurgatorius, * whereby they clip the tongues of fuch witnefies whofe ' evi- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 185 and Sibthorp, thofe noted ecclefiaflics, figured in evidence they do not like. To this I parallel our late Imprimaturs, licences for the prefs ; fo handled, that truth is fuppreft, and popifh pamphlets fly abroad, cum privilegio; witnefs the audacious and libelling pamphlets againft true religion, written by Pocklington, Heylin> Dow, Co fins, S he If or d, Swan, Reeves, Yates, Han/lead, Studley, Sparrow, Brown, Roberts, many more; I name no bifhops, but I add &c. Nay, they are al- ready grown fo bold in this new trade, that the moft learned labours of our antient and beft divines muff, be now corrected and defaced with a deleatur, by the fu- percilious pen of my lord's young chaplaine ; fit per- haps for trie technical arts, but unfit to hold the chair for divinity. But herein the Roman index is better than our Engl'ijb licencers : they thereby doe preferve the current of their own eftablifhed doctrine ; a point of wifdome. But with us our innovators, by this artifice, doe alter our fettled doctrines : nay, they doe fubinduce points repugnant and contrarient (s).' (j)Colleftion Thofe who would know the particulars of thefe mat- of fpeeches ters,, may eafily find them in our writers of church- by j r D Ed " hiftory. If it be afked what end the encouragement of p . I5> 4t0 .' thefe innovations anfwered in the eye of Charles ? the Lond. 1642. anfwer is, that it galled the puritans, hateful to his ma- jefty on account of their inviolable attachment to civil liberty ; it brought things nearer to the Romijh church, which was what the king and Laud were defirous of (as we fhall hereafter fhew) ; and it helped to advance the mighty fcheme of defpotic fway, which this prince had been meditating and practifing from his acceffion to the throne : for all the Arminians at this time were divine- right and prerogative- men. I cannot conclude this note without obferving, that this declaration of Charles, pre- fixed to the thirty-nine articles, has been produced and canvafTed in the famous Bangorian and Trinitarian con- troverfies, which engaged the attention of the public for a great number of years. This will beft be underftood by the following quotations. If i86 (/) Hoadly'j poftfcript to his anfwer to Hare, p. 259, 8vo. Load, 1720. T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. in controversy, and were carefled and fa- voured If the bifhop [Potter] means to lay it down as the rule of fubfcription, that it muft be made in the fenfe in which the impofers under flood the words ; I will tell him a few reafons why I can by no means agree to this. 1. Becaufe, in feveral cafes, it is impoltible to be certain in what fenfe they themfelves underftood them. 2. Becaufe there are not perhaps ten men in the church now, who fubferibe, in their fenfe, to thofe articles in which their fenfe is moll: known. 3. Becaufe I cannot condemn archbifhop Laud, hi/hop Bull, and others, who departed manifeftly from the received fenfe, not of one, but of feveral articles ; nor that declaration of king fames I. [Charles I.J by which he openly patronized the fubferibing the fame articles in feveral, not only different but contradictory fenfes : and, in effect, declared it for the honor of the articles that this mould be fo ; and that all mould acquiefce in it, without mutual reproaches (t).' To this it was eplied, ' It is very uncautioufly and unaccurately faid, that king Charles I. patronized the fubferibing the fame articles, either in contradictory or different fenfes. His order is, that every fubferiber fubmit to the article in the plain and full meaning thereof, in the literal and grammatical fenfe. What, is the plain and full mean- ing more than one meaning ? or is the one plain and fuU meaning two contradictory meanings ? Could it be for the honor of the article (or of the king), to fay this ? No : but the royal declaration, by plain and full meaning, understands the general meaning, which is but one, and to which all might reafonably fubferibe. And he forbids any one's putting his own fenfe, or comment, to be the meaning of the article, or to affix any new fenfe to it: that is, he forbids the chang- ing a general propofition into a particular ; he ftands up for the general propofition, or, for the article itfelf ; and prohibits particular meanings, as not belonging to the article ; nor being properly explications of it, but additions to it. This is the plain import cf the royal ' decla- Tbe L I FE of C H A R LE S I. 187 voured by him, though they were moft hate- ful ' declaration : and it is both wife and juft ; free from ' any of thofe ftrange confequences, or inferences, which * fome would draw from it (u).' Dr. Sykes anfwered (") Water- this in the following manner. c During the reign of ^ n j[ r S j a c n a f c * king James I. and king Charles I. the predeftinarian fubfcription, ' controverfy was on foot, and carried on with great heat P 4*> 8vo. * and animofity. Whilft one party upbraided the other Cambrid 8 e c with fraudulent fubfcribing the articles of the church, < thofe who flood charged with prevarication, and fraud, with wiles and fubtilties, ftill appealed to the articles, and infifted that they did not contradict them. In this ' conteft, king Charles I. publifhed his declaration, in * which he fays, " Though fome differences have been " ill raifed, yet we take comfort in this, that all clergy- " men within our realm have always moft willingly fub- il fcribed to the articles eftablifhed j which is an argu- ** ment to us, that they all agree in the true, ufual, lite- *' ral meaning of the faid articles ; and that, even in thofe " curious points in which the prefent differences lie, " men of all forts take the articles of the church oiEng- " land to be for them ; which is an argument again, " that none of them intend any defertion of the articles therefore very plainly, and, I think, articles/ in truly afferts, ' That whatever can be faid to juftify an anfwerto ' Arminian in fubfcribing contrary to the fenfe of the Water an , c compilers and impofers, may be faid to juftify the men Svo.'Lond. ' whom Dr. TV. calls Arians, in the like cafe of fub- 1721. ' fcription (x). The wrath of Waterland was ftirred up (*) W. p. w i t h this, and he fet himfelf to (hew that the articles were not Calviniftical, and confequently an Arminian might honeftly fubfcribe them. To him Sykes re- joined, and thereby (hewed the world, that no teft can be fo drawn, but that fubtile or artful men can find ways to evade it ; that they knew better how to attack each other, than defend themfelves ; and that the thirty-nine articles, which were agreed on for the avoiding of diver- sity of opinions, were yet thought capable of being fub- fcribed by men in the moft oppofite fentiments, and ac- tually were lb ! I will clofe this note in the words of a very ingenious clergyman, on the fubjet'of fubicription to the thirty-nine articles. ' I muft own, fays he, that * I am not highly pleafed with this method of eftabli(hing ' of confent touching: true religion, becaufelam appre- ' henfive that it is not the moft proper way to avoid ' diverfity of opinions. Are the clergy to this day, not- ' withftanding they have all, and all along fubfcribed c them, better agreed ? Are they of one mind yet? Have ' we had no difpute upon fome of thefe very articles, 4 which were defigned to hinder all difputes ? Yes, we ' have, and thofe maintained too by fome of the moft ' learned and beft of that order and that verv juftly; 4 for SfoLIFEgfCHARLESI. 189 encouragement was given to other men of the fame for true religion can never be eftablifhed by confent, but by debate. What can be the reafon why the clergy fhould fall upon this method of articleing with their noviciates ? Should fetters be clapt upon the mind ? or fhould it be free to purfue its own conclu- fions ? Are religion and truth two different things, that if truth fhould come out, religion muft fail ? And how fhall truth appear, but by difquifition, parley, and dif- pute ? What matter to them on which fide fhe is found ? be fhe but found. Are not all mankind as much concerned in her as they ? Why then thefe hedges and inclofures, where every man has right of common ? Such practices not only hinder the propaga- tion of truth, but are the caufes of vile prevarications and hypocrify. Men that come into the church, un- lefs their fentiments are conformable to thofe of the articles, which, by the writings of the clergy, and the turn of the age, feem to be very few in number, muft be guilty of fuch difhonefty, as ' a man of probity would blufh to mention. Are all the men of fenfe and learning, among the clergy, Athanafians ? and who but fuch can honeftly put their hands to the firft, fecond, fifth, and eighth articles ? Or, are the clergy now-a-days of Calviniftical principles, according to the meaning of the feventeenth article ? Yet they own thefe as truths. What can the laity think, but that thefe perfons (who, with fo much eafe and quietnefs, (y) Difiiia- folemnly profefs propofitions true, which they are con- five . tro vinced are falfe, meerly for the fake of the preferment holy'ordere of the church) would, for the fake of greater gams, in theCor- fubfcribe to any other thirty-nine propofitions you can dial for Low bring them (y) ? ' This is honeftly and boldly fpoken ! JfJ^Jj; A time, one would hope, muft come, in which truth 323. See will be heard and regarded by thofe who are in autho- fome excel - rity. Quickly may it come ! 'that the minds of good and JjdJJjJ" virtuous men may no longer be made uneafy under the ) e a in Hart- galling yoke of fubfcription to articles, drawn up by le y' s ^hkr- rnen who comparatively underftood little of the doc- " n ^ n H trinalp. 3 ; i ,3 S4 ; i 9 o ^LIFE^/CHARLES I. fame ftamp, whilft their adverfaries met with a very different treatment. Thefe inno- vations in doctrine were attended with a great variety of fuperftitious (pp) practices ; fuch trinal parts of religion, and were quite unacquainted with the rights of confcience. ( PP ) A great variety of fuperjlitious practices, &c. J Charles, I have before obferved, was naturally fuper- ftitious, and therefore it is not to be wondered at that new fuperftitions were introduced and cherifhed by him. For when once men leave the road of common fenfe, and think themfelves capable of adding to the directions given by Jefus Chrijl r with relation to the worfhip and fervice of Almighty God, they know not where to flop : one thing is comely in their eyes, another fignificant, another edifying ; till at length religion becomes a meer hotch-potch of trumpe- ries, fooleries, (hews, and every thing but what it mould be. In the reign of Charles a multitude of odd things were introduced into the church, and a variety of prac- tices, for which no good reafon could be given. A rich * large crucifix, embroidered with gold and filver, in a * fair peece of arras, was hung up in his majeftie's chap- () Can- * pel, over the altar ( %) ;' to which the chaplains were tobury's ordered to make their beft bows, Laud himfelf fetting the , me > P- exam pl e a t his ingrefle, egreffe, (a lane being made 4 for him to fee the altar, and do his reverence to it) * and at all his approaches towards or to the altar.' Pictures were fet up in churches, confecrations were made ufe of after the Romijb manner, though without fenfe or meaning ; the communion-table was turned altar- wife in churches and colleges ; and a great ftrefs was laid on the garments wherein the public teachers officiated. ' In the year 1634, being the firft year after ' bifhop Laud's tranflation from London to Canterbury, ' great offence was taken at his fetting up of pictures in * the church-windows at his chappel at Lambeth and * Croyden, the portraiture of them being made accord- I 'ing Sfc LIFE of CHARLES I. 191 fuch as bowings to the altar, confecrations of ' ing to the Roman miiTal, and bowing towards the table 4 or altar, ufing of copes at the facrament, whereupon ' the people made a great clamour, that the archbifhop * endeavoured to fubvert God's true religion, by law * eftablifhed in this realm, and, inftead thereof, to iet ' up popifh fuperftition and idolatry (a).' Laud made (a) Ruft- but a very lame defence he acknowledged the facts j w rth voI but infilled on it, that what he had done, had been done ' p * 2?3 ' before him j that he had followed the pattern of bifhop Andrews', and that he knew not that the pictures he had fet up were the fame with thofe in the Romifb miiTal. The latter part of this plea was undoubtedly falfe : for the miiTal, with which they agreed, was found in his ftudy at Lambeth, and produced before the lords, marked in a variety of places with his own hand. And as to his other pleas, he was told, ' that bowing to or towards * the altar, was never prefcribed by our flatutes, articles, c homilies, common-prayer-book, injunctions, canons, * never practifed by any till of late, but fome few popifh ' court-doctors, and cathedralifts ; never ufed by his predeceflbr or his chaplains ; introduced only by papifts ' at the firft, in honor and adoration of their breaden ' god upon the altar ; and enjoined only by the Roman * miiTal, ceremonial, and popiih canonifts (b)* This (b) Id. p; bowing towards the altar, I think, is yet practifed by our z8o cathedralifts. I remember a man of letters was ufed to tell his acquaintance, that he fometimes dropped into St. Paul's, to have the pleafure of feeing Dr. Hare [dean of that church] make his bow to the altar. But to go on. In the year 1640, we find fome of thefe trifles en- joined by a canon of the then convocation. ' The ' fynod declares, that the Handing of the communion- ' table Tideways, under the eaft window of the chancel ' or chappel, is in its own nature indifferent ; but foraf- ' much* as queen Elizabeth's injunctions order it to be 8 placed where the altar was, we therefore judge it pro- ' per, that all churches and chappels do conform them- 6 felves to the cathedral or mother-churches. And we ' declare 192 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. of churches, and the ornamenting them with ' declare this fituation of the holy table does not imply * that it is, or ought to be, efteemed a true and proper * altar, whereon Chr'tji is again facrificed ; but it may ' be called an altar in the fenfe of the primitive church : * and becaufe it has been obferved, that fome people in ' time of divine fervice have irreverently leaned, caft * their hats, or fet upon or under the communion-table, c therefore the fynod thinks meet, that the table be railed * round. It is further recommended to all good people, ' that they do reverence at their entring in and going out ' of the church ; and that all communicants do approach ' the holy table, to receive the communion at the rails, * which has heretofore been unfitly carried up and down * by the minifter, unlefs the bimop (hall difpenfe with (r) Nalfon, it (c)' P " 5 /k' ' ^ n ^ l ^ e ^ re k wmcn was ^d on tne ^" e matters will hiftorvof eS a PP ear from the following narrative of fir Edward Der- the puritans, ing, in a committee of the houfe of commons, Nov. 23, vol. ii P . I0 4 . < Mr. Wilkinfon^ fays he, a batchelor in divi- Load. vi%\, ' nit Yi and< a man ' n wn f e character doe concur learn- ' ing, piety, induftry, modefty, prefented himfelf to * receive orders ; and that was thus. The bifhop of ' Oxford's chaplaine [M. Fulbam], being the examiner ' (for bifhops now doe fcorne to doe bifhops work : it ' belongs to himfelfe), he propoundeth four queftions to * M. TVllkinfon, not taken out of the depth of divinity, c but fitly chofen to difcover how affections doe ftand to ' be novelized by the mutability of the prefent times. * The queftions were thefe : 1. ' Whether hath the church authority in matters of faith ? 2. ' May the king's book of fports, (fo fome impious ' bifhops have abufed our pious king, to call their con- ' trivance his majeftie's booke) may this be read in the * church without offence ? 3. ' Is bowing to or before the altar lawful ? 4. ' Is bowing at the name of 'Jefts lawful ? As STAfLIFEgfCHARLESI. 193 with pictures, after the manner of the catho- lics, c As foon as M. JVilkinfon heard thefe queftions, lupnm * auribus, he had a wolfe by the ears ; and becaufe unto * thefe captious interrogatories he could not make a pe- 4 remptory anfwer, M. Fulham would not prefent him * to the bifhop for ordination (d)* Thefe were rare (d) Dcring's queftions to be propofed on fuch an occafion ! and the colleaion of man, who could not anfwer them in the affirmative, muft p " c es ' p ' be very unworthy of the epifcopal approbation ! * In defence of fuperftition, it is ufually afked by igno- 4 rant devotees, what harm is there in it ? If we have * a mind to turn towards the eaft, why may we not turn * that way as well a3 any other ? That God is equally * in all places, is a fundamental maxim ; and which way * ever we happen to face in our addrefTes to him, it is a 4 thing in its own nature perfectly indifferent : but then * we fhould confider it only as fuch y act accordingly, and * not make a formaljiated ceremony of it; for he muft be 4 but a forry cafuift who does not know, that things by 4 nature indifferent* may by law be made otherwife : and 4 as the conftitution of our church has left no ceremony * indifferent, but all are either commanded or forbidden ; 4 and this turning towards the eaft is no where ordered, * whenever we make a ceremony of it (pardon me the * expreffion), it is a turn too much. But fome one per- 4 haps will fay, what would I have men do, for in- * ftance, when they fay their Creed ? Would I have them 4 turn no way, but ftand juft as they did before ? My * anfwer is, why not f What occafion for all this fhuf- 4 fling backwards and forwards, when the time is come 4 for us to fay what religion we are of? If we defire to * let the world know that we are Chriftians, why do we 4 not declare it in the face of the world ? As to the 4 making the declaration before God, he is every where ; 4 why then fhould we turn, to be never the nearer ? For 4 once to affume myfelf the air of a profound ratbna- 4 lift ; when we profefs our faith, what more proper ( e ) Afplin's 4 than to ftand our ground (e) V This is very juft. All AlkiUa, I fhall add is, that we ought to be on our guard againft ^Vs'vo." O fuper- Lop* 1730. i 9 4 Tbe-.LIFE of CHARLES I. lies, together with many other things of a like nature. In mort, the church of Eng- land afTumed a new dreis under this prince (qsJ an ^ teemed in the eyes of many too much faperflition, which, once admitted, knows no bounds, and never fails to obfeure the glory, and fully the beauty of true religion. (OSO *h e church ^"England ajfumed a new drefs under , this prince.] Here are my authorities. * The clergy, whofe dependence was meerly upon the king, were wholly taken up in admiration of his [Charles] happy government, which they never concealed from him- felf, as often as the pulpit gave them accefie to his ear ; and not only there but at all meetings, they difcourfed with joy upon that theam ; affirming confidently, that no prince in Europe was Co great a friend to the church as king Charles ; that religion flourifhed no where but in England; and no reformed church retained the face and dignity of a church but that. Many of them ufed to deliver their opinion, that God had therefore fo feverely punifhed the Palatinate, becaufe their facriledge had been fo great in taking away the endowments of bifhopricks. Queen Elizabeth herfelf, who had re- formed religion, was but coldly praifed, and all her virtues forgotten, when they remembred how fhe cut mort the bifhoprick of Ely. Henry V 'III. was much condemned by them, for feizing upon the abbies, and taking fo much out of the feverai bifhopricks, as he did in the 37th year of his reigne. To maintaine therefore that fplendour of a church, which fo much p'eafed them, was become their higheft endeavour; especially after they had gotten, in the year 1633, an archbifiiop after their own heart, Dr. Laiid\ who had before, tor divers years, ruled the clergy in the fecef- fion of archbifhop Abbot y a man of better temper and difcretion ; which difcretion or virtue to conceale, would be an injury to that archbifiiop: he was a man who wholly followed the true intereli of England, and 2 * that The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 195 much to refemble the Romijh one. Befides this, * that of the reformed churches in Europe, fo farre, as ' that in his time the clergy was not much envied here ' in England, nor the government of epifcopacy much * disfavoured by proteftants beyond the leas. Not only ' the pompe of ceremonies was daily increafec 1 , and * innovations of great fcandal brought into the church ; ' but in point of doctrine, many faire approaches mads * towards Rome; as he that pleafeth to fearch may find * in the books of bifhop Land, Mountagne, Heylin, Pcck- ' lington, and the reft; or in brief collected by a Scotifl) ' minifter, mafter Bayly. And as their friendship to ' Rome increafed, fo did their fcorne to the reformed ' churches beyond the feas ; whom, inftead of lending ' that releife and fuccour to them, which God had en- ' abled this rich ifland to do, they failed in their greateft ' extremities, and inftead of harbours, became rocks to * fplit them (/).' I have the rather quoted this at (/) Mav's length, in order that I may give the reader a tafte of h , ftor J of Mr. Mays manner of writing. Take him upon the ^ ent) p- 22 . whole, he will appear elegant, exact, and impartial, and deferving to be much better known than he is. But to proceed. Mountague, before mentioned, maintained that * the controverted points [between the Roman catholics * and the proteftants] are of a letter and inferiour nature, * of which a man may be ignorant, without any danger * of his foul at all.' He moreover affirmed and main- tained, * that faints have not only a memory, but a more ' peculiar charge of their friends ; and that it may be * admitted, that fome faints have a peculiar patronage, * cuftody, protection, and power, as angels alio have, * over certain perfons and countries, by fpecial deputa- * tion ; and that it is no impiety fo to believe Qr).' The (g) Ruft- fame Mountague in print averred, c That all priefts, and wolth > vo! * none but priefts, have power to forgive fins. Such 2 " ? " " ' absolution, faid he, is a part of that prieftly power ' which could not be given by men or angels, but only * and immediately by Almighty God himfelf ; a part of * that paramount power which the God of glory hath O i * in veiled 196 7^LIFEc/CHARLES I. this, profefled papifls were favoured and careffed [b) Prynne's c invefted mortal men withal {h). i This was at length Canterbu- become fo current a doctrine, that it was maintained in p. iSn. ' tne P U 'P' 1 as we ^ ^ fr m tne prefs. For one Mr. Adams, preaching publicly in St. Mary's church in Cambridge, declared, ' That a fpecial confeffion unto a prieft (ac- * tually where time and opportunity prefents itfelf, or ' otherwife in explicit intention and refolution) of all ' our fins committed after baptilm, fo farre forth as we 1 dee remember, is necefiary unto falvation.' Yea, he moreover averred, ' That it was as necelTary to fal- (j) Id. p. vation as meat is to the body ($).' It was alfo become J 9 2 - very fafhionabie, at this time, to talk of the real prefence of Chriji on the altar, and the unbloody facrifice offered (i) Id. p. thereon (k). What thefe men meant is not very eafy to aC2 > know, though fome of thefe doctrines are (till pretended to be held by many in this age. I fay, pretended; for it is hardly poffible to think that men of fenfe and learning can themfelves believe what, for very good and profitable purpofes, they feem to endeavour to palm on their igno- rant credulous followers. It would be quite tedious to enumerate the particulars of the approaches which were made towards popery in this reign. Suffice it to lay, that franders-by, as well as perfons concerned, faw and acknowledged them. Let us hear a foreign noble- man, who wrote on the fpot. ' As to a reconciliation * between the churches of England and Rome, there were ' made fome general propofitions and overtures by the ' archbifbop's agents, they 2fiuring that his grace was ' very much difpofed thereunto ; and that, if it was not * accomplifhed in his life- time, it would prove a work of ' more difficulty after his death ; that in very truth, for ' the laft three years, the archbifhop had introduced * fome innovations, approaching the rites and forms of ' Rome. The bifhop of Chicbejler, a great confident of ' his grace, and the lord-treafurer, and eight other bifhops * of his grace's partie, did moft paffionately defire a re- ' conciliation with the church of Rome ; that therefore 1 the pope, on his part, ought to make fome fteps to 1 meet T/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 197 carefTed by the court, advanced therein to employ- ' meet them, and the court of Rome remit fomething of * its rigour in doctrine, otherwife no accord could be. * And in very deed, the univerfities, bifhops, and divines c of this realm, doe daily embrace catholike opinions, ' though they profefTe not fo much with open mouth, * for fear of the puritans. For example, they hold that c the church of Rome is a true church ; that the pope is 4 fuperior to all bifhops ; that to him it appertains to call ' general councils j that it is lawful to pray for the foul * of the departed j that altars ought to be eroded of ' ftone. In fumme, that they believe all that is taught ' by the church, but not by the court of Rome. There ' was likewife an Englijh doctor that told Panzanie's [the * pope's nuntio] friend, that the king did approve of au- * ricular confefllon, and was willing to introduce it ; ' and would ufe force to make it received, were it not ' for fear of fedition among the people (/).' (0 Tke The following paffage from Heylin, will fully fhew the gj* M appearance the church of England made in thofe times. 4t0 ; \ MT J, ' If you will take her character, fays he, from the pen 1643. ' of a jefuit, you fhall find him fpeaking, amongft many ' falfhoods, thefe undoubted truths, viz. That the pro- * feflbrs of it, they efpecially of the greateft worth, ' learning, and authority, love temper and moderation ; * that the doctrines are altered in many things ; as, for * example, the pope not Anti-chrifr, pictures, free-will, * predestination, univerfal grace, inherent righteoufnefs, * the preferring of charity before knowledge, the merit * (or reward rather) of good works; the thirty-nine ' articles feeming patient, if not ambitious alfo, of fome 4 catholick fenfe ; that their churches begin to look with ' a new face, their walls to fpeak a new language, and ' fome of their divines to teach, that the church hath ' authority in determining controverfies of faith, and irt- ' terpreting the fcriptures ; that men in talk and writing, ' ufe willingly the once fearful names of priefts and * altars, and are now put in mind, that, for cxpofition * of fcripture, they are by canon bound to follow the O 3 'fathers. 198 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. employments of great trull and profit (rr)> and * fathers. So far the jefuit may be thought to fpeak () LLe of ' nothing but truth (m ).' How far this new face and La ' jd ' r ' new language was acceptable to the nation, will hereaf- ter at large 2ppear. In the mean while I (hall only re- mark, that it feems not over-honourable to refemble a harlot, as the church of Rome is ftiled in the Homilies. (rr) ProfeJJed papijls were advanced to employments of great trufl and profit , &c] Great complaints were made in parliament of the growth of popery, and the favour which was (hewn to the profeflbrs of it. In the firft year of this reign a petition was delivered to his majefty on this fubject, and ' he was defired to order the laws to ' be put in execution againft recufants, and to remove ' from places of authority and government all popifh (i) Rufh- * recufants, which he promifed to do ().' But yet, worth. voL notwithilanding this promife, we find feveral * letters of ' grace, protection, and warrants of difcharge, granted * by his majefty to notorious popifh recufants, priefts and ' jefuits, to exempt them from all profecutions and penal (i) Prynne's * laws againft them, figned with the kind's own hand (o). y popUhrr^! jjad this" been all, felting afide the breach of his word, j, 4to/ tne king, I think, would not have been much to blame ; Load. 1643. it feeming not fo very equitable to punifh men, meerly for not worfhipping the eternal and all-feeing Mind in a way and manner their confciences approve not of. But Charles went much farther than this. IVindebank, a no- (f) Land's torious Raman catholic, by the procurement of Land (p), Gjary, br was ma j e fecretary of ftate ; IVeflon, lord-treafurer, was # 4 _ ' univerfally believed by the proteftants to be of the fame (7) CLnm- P*"feffion {q ) ; Cottington, chancellor of the exchequer, don, vol. i. had been reconciled in Spain to the Rcmljb church (tho* p. 50. * he joined in all parts of worfhip according to the church of England), and died in her communion, in the fame (0 id. vol. country (r). Sir Kenelm Digly, fir Toby Matthews, IVal- n. p. 3S0. * See alfo Strafforfe's letters and difpatches, vol. j. p. 381, where Mr. Garrard, relating the circnmftances of his death, lay*, it is whifpered and believed that he died a Roman eatholirk, and had all the c ar m o Hits of that church performed to him at his death. tcr ^LIFE^/CHARLES I. 199- and not a few converts were made to the im- ter Mountague, were all in high favour at court, though they made no fcruple of owning their principles, and openly attempting to make converts. Nor muit we omit to mention, in this place, that Charles admitted Grcgorio Panzani, an Italian, and George Con, a Scot, and after- wards count Rofetti, to refide about the court, as agents or nuncios from the fee of Rome. The firft was fent over in the latter end of the year 1635, by pope Urban VIII. on no other pretence, fays Heylin, * than to pre- ' vent a fchifm which was then like to be made between ' the regulars and the fecular priefts, to the great fcandal ' of that church ; yet under that pretence were muffled * many other defigns, which were not fit to be difcovered * unto vulgar eyes. By many fecret artifices he works * himfelf into the favour of Cottington, Windebank, and * other great men about the court. And he found fome * way to move the king for the permiflion of an agent * from the pope to be addrefled to the queen, for the ' concernments of her religion ; which the king, with * the advice and confent of his council, condefcended ' to, upon condition that the party fent mould be no ' prieft (jj.' The nobleman, whom I have already (s) Life of quoted, tells us, ' that Panzani, when he arrived at Laud & ' London, faluted the queen, and afterwards the king 3 5 * ' alfo, who received and treated him with much kind- * nefs, telling him, that he was very welcome : yea, his * majefty remained uncovered during all the difcourfe 1 and entertainment (t).' * Panzani, having laid the(0 The * foundation of an agency, or conftant correfpondence ??V& nu * between the queen's court and the pope's, left the pur- 10S ' p ' 7< * fuit of the deftgn to Con, a Scot by birth, but of a very * bufy and pragmatical head. Arriving in England about * the middle of fummer, anno 1636, he brought with * him many pretended reliques of faints, medals, and 4 pieces of gold with the pope's picture ftamped on them^ * to be distributed amongft thofe of that party, but prin- * cipally amongft the ladies of the court and country, to ' whom he made the greateft part of his applications. O 4 * He 200 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. impious and ill-natured tenets of the fee of Rome. * He found the king and queen at Holdenby-houfe, and * by the queen was very gracioufly entertained, and took c up his chief lodgings in a houfe near the New Ex- ' change. As foon as the court was returned to White- ' hall, he applied himfelf diligently to his work, prac- * tiling upon fome of the principal lords, and making ' himfelf very plauilble with the king himfelf, who hoped ' he might make fome ufe of him in the court of Rome*, ' for facilitating the reftitution of the prince elector. ' By the king's connivance, and the queen's indulgence, ' the popifh faction gathered not only ftrength, but con- * ^dence ; multiplying in fome numbers about the court, ' and referring in more open manner to the mafles at c Scmcrfet-houfe, where the Capuchins had obtained both (u) Htylin's a chappel and convent (u).' The abbot Chambres, hfc of Laud, w \^ was difpatched into Scotland by the cardinal duke de *" 35 ' Richlieu, to foment the commotions there in the year 1639, was nephew to this Con, who had received fo ' many favours and civilities from the king and queen (zu) D'ef- ' of Great Britain (w). J Such are the returns to be trade's let- expected from men animated by a blind zeal for fuper- Sydnw's ' ^ nion Such the rewards to be hoped for from favour- ite-papers, ing our.avowed foes! The authority of Heylin, in this vol. ji. p. ma tter, will hardly be queftioned by thofe who are ac- J "* quainted with his principles. But that I may put the ''encouragement and growth of popery under Charles out of all manner of doubt, I will add proofs little known of it, though they are mod authentic. Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord -deputy Went- tvorth, dated London, 1^ March, 1636, has the following pailage. ' Dr. Haywood, late houfehold-chaplain to my ' lord's grace of Canterbury, now the king's, parfon of ' St. Giles's in the Fields, where he lives, brought a peti- ' tion to my lord's grace, and the other lords of his ma- * jeftie's council, complaining, that in a very fhort time 1 a great part of his pariihoners are become papifts, and * refufe to come to church. The wolf that has been 4 amongft them is a jefuit, one Afcrfe, who fmce this * com- ^fLIFEo/CHARLES I. 201 Rome. Thefe things gave very great offence to e complaint is, they fay, by order apprehended and com- c mitted to prifon. Popery certainly increafeth much amongft us, and will do fo frill, as long as there is * fuch accefs of all forts of Englifo to the chaple in Se- ' merfet-houfe, utterly forbidden and punifhable by the * laws of the land. I wifh, and pray to God with all 4 my heart, that the bifhops of England would take this * growth of popery into their confiderations, and feek by * all means to retard that, as well as punifh by fufpenfion ' and other ways thofe called puritan minifters (x).' (*) Straf- The fame gentleman, in a letter to the fame nobleman, [ or s de s . le !T dated Lond. Ap. 28, 1637, writes thus: ' Wat Moun- p# ^ > ' tague is come again into England, lodged in the Cockpit ' by the lord-chamberlain's favour, hath kifled the king ' and queen's hands, lives much in court, and is a great * companion of fignor Cons, the agent for Rome. An- * other of my familiar acquaintance is gone over to the * popifh religion, fir Robert Hozvard, which I am very ' forry for. Monday in Eajler-wcek, my lord Andover, * Rerkjbire's eldeft fon, was married by a popifh prieft 4 to Mrs. Doll Savage (y): (y) . P- This Wat, or Walter Montague, was younger brother 73 * to Edward earl of Manchejhr, better known by the title of lord Klmbolton. He had changed his religion abroad, was made lord-abbot of Pontois, and became an adherent to Mazarine, and a favourite of Ann of Aujlria. He died in the year 1669 {%). But to proceed. Mr. Gar-(-z) Wood's rard, in a letter oS Nov. 9th, 1637, tells the faid lord, Fafti > c - l62 * That there hath been an horrible noife about the lady ' Newport's being become a Roman catholic : fhe went * one evening, as fhe came from a play in Drury-lane, to * Somerfet-boufe, where one of the Capuchins reconciled e her to the popifh church, of which fhe is now a weak * member (a).' And in another letter of his, dated (") Straf- London, May 12th, 1638, we have the following narra- ford *V rol * u ' tion. ' The conde de Oniate, the Spanifh ambaflador, ' accompanied with an Irijh gentleman of the order of * Calatrava, in the holy week, came to Denmark-houfe, 1 to 202 The L I FE of C H A R L E S I. to many, and induced them to believe, that Charle 5 to do his devotions in the queen's chappie there : he went off thence about ten o'clock, a dozen torches carried before him by his fervants, and fome behind him : he and the Irijh gentleman were in the front, with their beads in their hands, which hung at a crofs _ fome EngUJh alfo were among them ; fo that with their own company, and many who followed after, they appeared a great troop. They walk from Denmark- boufe down the Strand in great formality, turn into Covent- garden, thence to feignior Cons houfe in Long- acre, fo to his own houfe in SQueen-Jlreet. The next day the report went, that the Spanijh ambafiador had gone in proceffion openly through the ftreets ; but it was no other thing than what I have related to your lordfhip : yet the king took it ill at his hands, and ex- postulated it with him, and gave order for queftioning thofe Englijh who were in his company. 'Tis true, not with (landing all the care and vigilancy of the king, and prelates, taken for the fuppreffing of popery, yet it much increafeth about London, and thefe pompous fhews of the fepulchre contribute much to it j for they grow common : they are not only fet up now in the queen's chapel, for which there is fome reafon, but alfo in the ambalTadors houfes, in Con's lodgings, nay, at Tork-houfe, and in my lord of Worcejler's houfe, if they be not liars who tell it. Our great women fall away every day. My lady Maltravers is a declared papift ; and alfo my lady Katherine Howard. The lieutenant of the Tower, fir William Balfour, beat a prieft lately, for feeking to convert his wife : he had a fufpicion that foe reforted a little too much to Denmark- houfe, and ftaid long abroad, which made him one day fend after her. Word being brought him where (he was, he goes thither, finds her at her devotions in the chapel ; he beckons her out, fhe comes accompanied with a prieft, who fomewhat too faucily reprehended the lieutenant for difturbing his lady in her devotions ; for which he ftruck him two or three found blows with 'his tte LIFE c/CHARLES I. 203 Charles himfelf, in heart, was a papift, and that * his battoon, and the next day came and told the king 4 the whole paffage, (o it pafled over ().' Lord Cla- {V) Straf-_ Tendon's account of the ftate of popery in this reign, be- for ] " I hear,' fays Mr. Garrard, I. "had in in a letter to the lord-deputy Wtntworth, dated London, the traii:'- j) Cm j^ 1 63 7, * of certain papers fcattered lately in She'ori'cf * Sosnerfet-bouje, directed to the lords of his majeftie's 4 council, wherein it is faid, that half his majefties p. so?. Svo. 1 council are of the L. religion already ; and that Ivins The L I F E of C M A R L E S I. 205 But though there might not have been any intention to fubmit to Rome, yet it is well * lying fcribler, whoever he was, perfwades the reft to * comply that way, otherwife they would have fcorns 4 and difgraces put upon them by his majefty; for all * would run that way within one half. A bold and high 4 impudence ! I pray God he may be found, that 4 he may receive condign punifhment (*?).' But this,^) straf r fcribler was not Angular in the thought that popery hide's let- was intended to be eftablifhed here, as appears from the ters ' vo1, "* two following pafTages in Laud's diary. 1633, Jug. 2. * That very morning at Greenwich, there came one to 4 me, ferioufly, and that avowed ability to perform it, 4 and offered me to be a cardinal: I went prefently to the 4 king, and acquainted him both with the thing and the * perfon. Jug. 17, Saturday, I had a ferious offer made * to me again to be a cardinal : I was then from court; 4 but fo foon as I came thither (which was Wednefday ' Aug. 21), I acquainted his majefty with it. But my * anfwer again was, that fomewhat dwelt within me, 4 which would not fuffer that, till Rome were other than * it is (/).* Appearances certainly muft have been (/) Laud'a greatly in favour of Romanian, when the head cf the diai 7> b y church of England was thought not indifpofed to com- ion ' mence a member of the facred colledge. We are not therefore to wonder, that Mr. Prynne imagined 4 Laud's 4 end was, that popery might creep in among us by de- 1 grees, without the leaft oppofition or impeach- * ment (g).' However, it does not appear that Charles (g) Canter- or the archbifhop had any fuch intentions. bury'sdoom, * He [Charles] was ill thought of by many, efpecially p ' l 4 ' * the puritans, then fo called (fays Lilly), for fufrering 4 the chappie at Somerfet-houfe to be built for the queen, 4 where mafs was publickly faid : yet he was no papift, 4 or favoured any of their tenets, nor do I remember any 4 fuch thing was ever objected againft him. Many 4 alfo have blamed him for writing unto the pope when 4 he was in Spain; others think ill cf him for the trlany 4 reprieves 206 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. well known that Charles aimed at a thing moft c reprieves he gave unto feminary priefts, and Mr. Pryn . c fweats to no purpofe in aggravating his offence there- * by. Why might he not as well, in a civil way, write * unto the pope, as write and fend his ambaflador to the * great Turk, I know not ; and for his mercy to thofe * priefts, who had not occafioned rebellion in his domi- * nions, truly charity bids me to make rather a good * than ill conftruclion. And were not the common law * of this nation more in force than the canon of fcrip- ' ture, thofe things could not bejuftified, putting men to (A)LiDy, < death for religion, or taking orders beyond fea (h). % p<1 * And archbifhop Ujker left a memorandum, in his own hand-writing, in the following words : c The king once * at Whitehall, in the prefence of George duke of Bucking- * ham, of his own accord, faid to me, that he never loved * popery in all his life ; but that he never detefted it be- (0 Uflwr's * fore his going into Spain (i).' Dr. Ryves alfo, in a life, by Parr, poftfcript to a letter to the faid archbifhop, dated OR. 8, p " 39 * 1623, writes : No one doubts but that the prince went 4 a good proteftant out of England ; but it is as certain, * thanks be given to God for it, that he is returned out * of Spain tenfold more confirmed in our's, more obdu- (*) Id. p. c rate againft their religion than ever he was before (k).* 302. j w []i a b >' chequer, and was called into the foreign committee by 2# (he king [m), Thefe preferments Dr. Grey v/as igno- (,) id. F , rant 51. 220 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. very well qualified for them. But this was not () Examl- rant of (n) ; and for his information, as well as to do nation ot Neale's 2d vol. p. 82. (0) Vol. 3 p. 9 3, &c juftice to the fubjecl in hand, I mention them. How ill qualified he was for the bufinefs of the exchequer, and how rigorous and fevere he was in his fpeech and beha- viour, thofe who have a mind may fee in lord Claren- don (0). About a year afterwards, IVilliam Juxon, lord bifhop of London, was made lord high treafurer of Eng- land. * No churchman, adds Laud> had it fince Henry Vllth's time. I pray God blefs him to carry it fo, that ' the church may have honor *, and the king and the ' ftate fervice and contentment by it. And now, if the ' church will not hold up themfelves under God, I can If) Laud's < do no more (p).' The archbifhop feemed to imagine, diary, p. 33. we f ee> t h at J e fus Chrljl was not fo well (killed as him- felf in the means of making the church hold up tbemfelves t under God. But he was miftaken. ' For this promo- * tion of fuxon's inflamed more men than were angry ' before, and no doubt did not only fharpen the edge of * envy and malice againft the archbifhop (who was the ' known architect of this new fabrick), but moft un- ' juftlyindifpofed many towards the church itfelf; which they looked upon as the gulph ready to fwallow all the * great offices, there being others in view, of that robe, 4 who were ambitious enough to expect the reft (q).* The fame noble author fpeaks with grief of fome clergy- men's ' bold and unwarrantable oppofing (at this time) and protefting againft prohibitions, and other proceed- * The following lines in Dryden's character of a good parfon, are worthy the confideration of the reader, who thinks the church may receive honor by ftate-trappincs. The prelate for his holy life he priz'd, The worldly pomp of prelacy defpis'd. His Saviour came not with a gaudy {how ; , Nor was his kingdom of the world below : Patience in want, and poverty of mind, f Thefc marks of church and churchmen he defign'd, ^ And living taught, and dying left behind. J The crown he wore was of the pointed thorn : In purple he was crucify'd, not born. They who contend for place and high degree, Are not his ions, but tide of Zcbedee. ' in^s (,) Claren- don, vol. i. p. 99. The LIFE of CHARLES I. 221 not all. Great hardfhips were fuffered by- all * ings at law, on the behalf of ecclefiaftical courts ; ' and the procuring fome orders and priviledges from the ' king, on the behalf of the civil law, even with an ex- 4 clufion of the other : as the archbifhop of Canterbury, * fays he, prevailed with the king to direcT:, that half the ' mafters of the chancery fhould be always civil law- ' yers ; and to declare that no others, of what condition 6 foever, fhould ferve him as mafters of requeft (r).' (') Clarcn- And to what a pitch of pride the prelates were arrived, don > "* we may learn from Mr. Whitlock. ' In the cenfure of ' Bajlwick, fays he, all the bifhops then prefent denied ' openly that they held their jurifdidtion, as bifhops, from 4 the king, for which perhaps they might have been cen- * fured themfelves in the times of Hen. II. or Ed. III. * But they affirmed, that they had their jurifdiction from ' God only, which denyal of the fupreamacy of the ' king, under God, Hen. VIIL would have taken ill, * and it may be would have confuted them by his kingly * arguments, and regia manu ; but thefe bifhops publicly * difavowed their dependance on the king (*).' ' 0) Whlt- And in Michaelmas term, in the year 1631, certain lockj p ' z2 ' queftions were propounded to the judges, touching the clergy. 1. Whether clergymen were bound to find watch and ward, day or night ? To this the anfwer was deferred. 2. Whether clergymen might be compelled to take apprentices, by the ftatute 43 Elvz. of the poor. The judges anfwered, that no man was out of the ftatute ; and gave their reafons. This cafe, fays the author, I have reported, becaufe it fheweth fomewhat of the expectation and temper of the clergy in that time (r). (0 Id. p. 17, I will conclude this note with the words of May. * Archbifhop Laud, who was grown into great favour ' with the king, made ufe of it efpecially to advance the ' pompe and temporal honour of the clergy, procuring ' the lord treafurer's place for Dr. Juxon, bifhop of c London ; and endeavouring, as the general report went, 'to 222 T&LIFEo/'CHARLESl all thofe who refufed to fubmit to the eccle- fiaftical yoke, now attempted to be put on the necks of EngliJJ:men y and very fevere punishments were inflidled (xx) on thofe who * to fix the greateft temporal preferments upon others of * that coat ; infomuch as the people merrily, when they * faw the treafurer with the other bifhops riding to Wejl- * min/ler, called the Church Triumphant. Doctors and c parfons of parifhes were made every where juftices of peace, to the great grievance of the country in civil ' affairs, and depriving them of their fpiritual edifica- ' tion. The archbifhop, by the fame means which he * ufed to preferve his clergy from contempt, expofed * them to envy ; and, as the wifeft could then prophecy, (*) Padia* to more than probability of loiing all (k).' JJJJ* 7 (xx) Severe punlflments were infiiBed, &c.] Nothing ory, . .^ more amaz j n g trian ^at there mould have been men of fenfe and reafon, who have countenanced perfecution in all its kinds and degrees. But it is aftonifhing there fhould have been any, who pretended to be followers of the meek and merciful JefuS} who dared to pra&ife it: of Jefus, who held it more humane, more heav'nly firft By winning words to conquer willing hearts, And make perfuafion do the work of fear ; At leaft to try, and teach the erring foul Not wilfully mif-doing, but unware Milled j the ftubborn only to fubdue. Milton, But too true it is, there have been many who pre- ferred themielves Chriftians, who have a&ed dire&ly con- trary hereunto ; and who have feemed to imagine that they had a right to beat their fellow-fervants, for not fub- BHCting to their ufurped fway. Of this fort were the ruling part of Charles's clergy, who were permitted by him to wreak their malice and revenge on thofe who op- pofed them. The hardlhips of the non-conformifts in this reign the L I F E of C H A R L E S T. 223 had courage enough publicly to oppofe them. reign are well known. They were fufpended, deprived, excommunicated, and by means thereof forced to leave their habitations, and feek fhelter in wilderneffes in a foreign land, where they found that protection which their country refufed them, became rich and powerful, and are now one great fource of our trade and com- merce. To enter into a detail of the hardfhJps which the pu- ritans fuffered will be needlefs, as the reader may fee them in one view in a late Effay towards attaining a true Idea of this Reign, written by a very ingenious gentle- man. I will only give the following fpecimen of the ecclefiaftical proceedings in this time, from fir Edward Dering, who, in a fpeech to the houfe, Nov. 10, 1640, has the following words. ' Mr. fpeaker, I will prefent * unto you the petition of a poor oppreffed minifter in ' the county of Kent : a man orthodox in his doctrine, 4 conformable in his life, laborious in the minifterie, as * any we have, or I do know. He is now a fufferer (as all good men are) under the general obloquy of a ' puritan. The purfuivant watches his doore, and * divides him and his cure afunder, to both their greifs. ' About a week fince I went over to Lambeth, to * move that great bifhop (too great indeed) to take this * danger off from this minifter, and to recall the pur- ' fuivant. And withal I did undertake for Mr. Wilfon 4 (for fo your petitioner is called), that he mould anfwer ' his accufers in any of the king's courts at Wejlminjler. * The bifhop made me anfwer (as well as I can remem- 4 ber), in bac verba, " I am fure that he will not be ~y is yer y remarkable, that Milton was hindered from engaging in the minifterial office, by the confideration of the church-tyranny which was at this time erected. He waSj deftinecr, he tells us, from a child, to the fervice of the church, by the intentions of his parents and friends, and his own refolutions : ' 'Till, fays he, coming to ' fome maturity of years, and perceiving what tyranny ' had invaded the church, that he who would take or- * ders mull fubfcribe flave, and take an oath withal, * which unlefs he took with a confcience that would * retch, he muft either ftrait perjure, or fplit his faith ; ' I thought it better to prefer a blamelefs filence before 4 the facred office of fpeaking, bought '4nd begun with vorks r f vol * fervitude and forfwearing {*).' j t p 6 ' Let us now proceed to the punifhments inflicted on the oppofers of thefe kind of fovereign tyrannical eccle- fiaftics. In 1630, Alexander Ltighton was profecuted in the Star-chamber, for writing a book intitled, * An Ap- * peal to the Parliament, or lien's Plea againft Prelacy ;' and by reafon hereof it was decreed, ' That Leighton * fhould be committed to the Fleet, during life, unlefs ' his majefty mould be gracioufly pleafed to enlarge him ; ' to pay a fine of 10,000/. to the king ; to be degraded * of his miniftry ; be brought into the pillory at Wejl- ' Tnin/ier (the court fitting), and there whipt ; and after * his whipping, be fet upon the pillory for fome conve- ' nient fpace, and have one of his ears cropt off, and his * nofe flit, and be branded in the face with a double SS, c for a fower of fedition : be then carried to the prifon ' of the Fleet, and at fome other time be carried into * the pillory at Cbeapfide, upon a market-day, and be * there likev/ife whipt, and then be fet upon the pillory, * and have his other ear cut off; and from thence be ' carried back to the prifon of the Fleet, there to remain * during life, unlefs his majefty mail be gracioufly pleafed (j) Ruffi- t t0 enlarge him (y).' This fentence, as far as the cor- vorth^voi. => poral The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 225 Bajlwick, and Burton, are read flill with horror poral punifhment was concerned, was executed in its full rigour. The long parliament, happily for him, re- leafed him from his fine and imprifonment. ' The ' fevere punifhment of this unfortunate gentleman, fays ' Rujhworth, manv people pitied, he being a perfon well ' known both for learning and other abilities ; only his ' untempered zeal (as his countrymen then gave out) * prompted him to that miftake, for which the neceflity ' of affairs at that time required this feverity from the 1 hand of the magiftrate, more than perhaps the crime ' would do in a following juncture (z).' No fuch crimes s ) Ruft- as Leightoris^ I hope, will ever, in any following juncture, J" 8 "' ' be thus punifhed in any part of the Britijh dominions. I have this appeal to the parliament now before me, by the favour of a very learned gentleman of the long robe (), and have read by far the greateft part of it j (<*) Nicholas and cannot, for my life, fee any thing in it defervlng of ^ u " ckl< ;y> fo heavy a cenfure. The book is written with fpirit, j nn 1 Efo*. n ' and more fenfe and learning than the writers of that ftamp ufually (hewed in their productions. He treats the bifhops without ceremony ; fpeaks of them, even in his title-page, as intruders upon the privileges of Chriji, of the king, and of the commonweal, and declares the land mail never profper by correfpondencies with them. Speaking of the bifhops, he fays, * their lording over the * land hath robbed the nobilitie of honor, blefling to ' their ftate, of their families, yea and of their foules ; ' and that not only by giving evil example, but alfo by ' keeping out the power of the means, by which they * fhould have been moulded, and the true difcipline of c Chrift, by which they fhould have been kept in com- ' pafTe : give them therefore an alarm ; make them fee ' their miferie, and the bifhops to be the caufe of it. - * Proclaim to all forts of people, from the Word, the ' impietie and iniquitie of the prelates places and prac- * tices ; difcover to the prelates their dangerous condi- ' tion, will them to come out of Babel., and to caft off * their antichriitian pomp. Shew them and. the people Q, 'the 226 r^LIFE o/CHARLES I. horror by thofe who have any companion ; and ' the fearful fin of peftering God's worfhip, and over- c laying people's conferences, with the inventions of (*) Syon's 6 men, yea with the trumperie of Antichrift ().' I will plea agamft tranferibe no moxe from this book, that I may not be *74*4to. P ' tu *efome to the reader ; who, though he may condemn printed the the fharpnefs of the expreffibn^(as well as his Riling the year and queen a Canaanite and idolatrefs, which Mr. Whitlock wherein attributes to him), will, I doubt not, think that the men Rocheile who were capable of getting fuch a punifhment inflicted was loft. on t ne writer, were far enough from deferving gentle ufage from the world. But to go on. In the year 1632, William Prynne* well known to the world by his very voluminous, and (0 S* 01 - fome very ufeful writings (c), efpecially in the law, pub- iTbinan^ liflied his Hijlrio- Majlix , for which he was fined five p. 11, 8vo. c thoufand pound to the king, expelled the univerfity of Lond.1738. Oxford, and Lincoln's- Inn ; degraded and di fabled from ' his profeffion in the law ; to ftand in the pillory, firft * in the Palace-yard in Wejlminjler, and three days after ' in Cheapfide, in each place to lofe an ear, to have his ' book publickly burnt before his face by the hand of the (;() Heylin's < hangman, and remain prifoner during life (d).' Hey- ~e g" ^ tin fays, that part of the punifhment, which arreted his ears, was much moderated in the execution : but Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord deputy TVentworth, dated London, "June 3, 1634, tells him, 4 no mercy fhewed to * Prynne : he flood in the pillory, and loft his firft ear in * a pillory in the palace at Wejlminjler in full term ; his * other in Cheapfide, where while he ftood, his volumes 1 were burnt under his nofe, which had almoft fuffb- (e) Straf- cated him (e).' The fame gentleman, in another let- ten^vol*' ter > ' n ^ orms ms lordfhip, ' that Mr. Prynne had got his p. 261. * ' ears fowed on, and that they grew again as before to ' his head.' I have turned to fome places in this book of Mr. Prynne'%, which is a thick quarto, containing 1006 pages ; and cannot but admire at the weaknefs, as well as wickednefs, of thofe who treated him in fo vile a manner on account of it. Had they let the man alone, T^LIFE^CHARLES I. 227 and fland as eternal monuments of the cruelty alone, few people would have read his book, which is a very tedious dull performance, though it abounds with learning, and has fome curious citations ; but to ufe him in fo barbarous a manner for high and keen invectives againft vice, or what he took to be fuch was a barbarity unheard of. Might not a man, without offence, fpeak againft a fin, though the prince is known to be guilty of it ? If not, what muft our preachers do, when the iove- reign happens to be at fome diftance from a faint ? Prynne deemed acting of popular or private interludes, for gain or pleafure, infamous and unlawful, and that as well in princes and nobles as common actors : he de- clared players to have been infamous amongft chriltians and pagans, rogues by ftatute, and fubjecl to the whip- ping- poft; that women-actors among the Greeks and Romans (for fo he exprefly fpeaks, and no otherwife) were all notorious, impudent, proftituted ftrumpets (f).' (/)Hiftorio- This was the paiTase that gave the handle for Prynne's a '5 p .' n_ r 6 ri.ru- .r 2I 4> Lond punilnment, as appears from the following account of 2633, Mr. Wbitlock'%. * About this time, fays he, Mr. Prynne ' published his book called HiJirio-Ma/iix, by licence of ' archbifhop Abbofs chaplain, which being againft plays, * and a reference in the table of the book to this effect, " Women-actors notorious whores," relating to fome ' women-aclors mentioned in his book, as he affirmeth : ' it happened that, about fix weeks after this, the queen ' acted a part in a paftoral at Somerfet-houfe ; and then ' the archbifhop Laud, and other prelates, whom Prynne ( had angered by fome books of his againft Arminianifm, 1 and againft the jurifdiction of the bifhops, and by fome i prohibitions which he had moved, and got to the high ' commiffion court. Thefe prelates and their inftru- ' ments, the next day after the queen had acted her ' paftoral, fhewed Prynne's book againft plays to the 4 king, and that place of it, " Women-adtors notorious ' whores ;" and they informed the king and queen, that ' Prynne had purpofely written this book againft the queen and her paftoral, whereas it was publifhed fix Q^ 2 * weeks 228 T^LIFEe/CHARLES I. cruelty of the government, and the influence of c weeks before that paffcoral was a&ed. Yet the king * and queen, tho'thus exafperated, diret nothing againft ' him, till Laud fet Dr. Heylin (who bare a great malice ' to Prynne, for confuting iome of his doctrines) to per- * ufe Prynne's books, and to collect the fcandalous points * out of them, which Heylin^A. The archbifhop went ' with thefe notes to Mr. attorney Key, on a Sabbath-day ' morning, and charged him to profecute Prynne for this ' book, which Noy afterwards did rigoroufly enough in (g) Whit- the Star-chamber (g).* 'Tis not at all improbable lock, p. 18. t j, at tne ecdefiaftics had an old grudge againft Prynne y who in this book provoked them afrefh, by afTerting, that bifhops ought to invite the poor to their tables, and to have fome part of the fcripture read at meals, and then to difcourfe of it ; that they ought to preach con- ftantly once a day ; that minifters ought not to meddle with fecular affairs, nor to bear fecular offices ; that they fhould be refident on their cures, and preach twice a day. This, had there been nothing elfe, was enough to enrage thefe kind of men, who loved power and eafe far more than labouring in the vineyard, at fuch an unconfcionable rate as this author would have had them. In the year 1636, Bajiwick^ a doctor of phyfic, having printed a pamphlet called Flagellum Epijcoporum Latia- Hum, thought to reflect on the bifhops, and alfo a Litany in purfuit of the fame defign, was brought, into the Star- chamber : as were Henry Burton^ for two fermons pub- lifhed by him full of railing againft their lordfhips ; and William Pryrme, juft mentioned, for pelting Laud, who had fo ill ufed him, in a pamphlet or two, with other prelates of the fame perfecuting ftamp. Thefe jointly drew up an anfwer; but could get no counfel to fign it, through fear of the court ; and though they petitioned for liberty, in their counfel's default, to put in their an- fwers under their own hands, yet they were refufed (as they alfo were denied the liberty of exhibiting a crofs bill againft Laud and his adherents), and they taken pro con- fejfii j S their obftinacy in not anfwering in due form of 1 law, T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 229 of the priefts. It is fit all fhould be ac- quainted e law, fays Heylin, being generally looked on by the c court as a felf-conviclion. Whereupon they received * fentence to this effect. Prynne to be fined to the king ' 5000/. to lofe the remainder of his ears in the pillory, * to be branded on both cheeks with the letters S. L. for ' a fchifmatical libeller, and to be perpetually imprifoned ' in Carnarvon- cajile. Bajiwick and Burton to be con- * demned in the like fine of 5000/. to be pilloried, and * lofe their ears: the firft to be imprifoned in the caftle * of Launcejion in Cornwall, and the fecond in the caftle ' of Lancajler. This fentence was accordingly exe- c cuted, to the great difcontent of many moderate and * well-meaning men, and the prifoners were conveyed ' to their feveral .places of confinement ; from whence * afterwards they were removed, out of the way of their * friends, to the iflands of Jerfey, Guernfey, and Sally [by [f^ "f ylin ' s When this fentence was pronounced, Laud gave thanks Laud to the lords, ' for their juft and honourable cenfure upon 334. ' thefe men, and for their unanimous diflike of them and ' defence of the church (i).' (') Ruft- Mr. Hume, fpeaking of thefe fentences, obferves, that w rth > vo, the feverity of the Star-chamber was, perhaps, in itfelf fomewhat blameable ; but will naturally, to us, appear enormous, who enjoy to the full that liberty of the prefs, which is fo necehary in every monarchy, confined by legal limitations. But as thefe limitations were not legally fixed during the age of Charles, nor at any time before, fo was the freedom of fpeech totally unknown, and was generally efteemed, as well as religious tolera- tion, incompatible with all good government. No age nor nation, among the moderns, had ever fet an example of fuch indulgencies : and it feems unreafonable to judge of the meafures embraced during one period, by the maxims which prevail in another (k). But 'tis to be (*) Hume, hoped the meafures of this as well as every other reign, p ' 2J 3* are to be judged by the maxims of equity : if they are inconfiftent with thefe, they deferve condemnation, tho* of ever fo long a practice ; otherwife thofe of Muley Q, 3 JJbmael 230 (/) Hume, P- 187. () Straf- forde, vol. ii. P-57- S 5 . Id. p. r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. quainted with thefe matters, in order the better JJhmael may efcape cenfure. Mr. Hume had forgot, when he writ the above, that he himfelf had told us before, ' that a toleration was continued to the Hugue- ' nots ; the only avowed and open toleration, which at ' that time-was granted in any European kingdom (l).' I will add Tome- particulars concerning thefe unhappy men, from Straffbrde's letters and dilpatches, which will ferve as a fupplement to our common hiftorians. Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord deputy Wenttvorth, dated London^ March 23, 1636, writes, * One Dr. Bajlwick^ a phpficjan (who writes an excellent Latin ftile, for- merly cenfurtd. in the high com miffion), Burton and Prynne, for their libellous books lately printed, are called into the Star-chamber. Burtons parifhioners in London lent a petition to the king, underwritten by fixty with their names, to intreat for his pardon and liberty: two of them brought it, whoweie committed for their pains (/w).' The tame gentleman, in another letter, has the following paragraphs. c One St. John of Lincoln's- Inn, upon fome inrormation to the lords, that he (hould have fome hand in drawing Burton's anfwer, fo lawyer-like it is done, had his ffudy fearched, and all his papers feized on by fir William Becher, and car- ried away ; which made much noiie in the town, be- caufe he was of council with my lord Say, about that great argument of the writ of gathering the fhip- money, which is hereafter to be handled. But fir William Becher fairly fuffered him to feal up thofe pa- pers, which were fent him within two days after, having found no ground for that information (,).' Some few days after the end of the term, in the palace- yard, two pillories were erected, and there the fentence of Star-chamber againft Burton, Bajlwick, and Prynne, was executed. They flood two hours in the pillory j Burton by himfelf, being degraded in the high com- miffion court three days before : the place was full of people, who cried and howled terribly, efpecially when Burton was cropt. Dr. Bajlwick was very I merry j ) Straf- ' them. This fheriff is fent up for by a puriuivant (p).' forde's let- I n (hort, all that affronted Laud luffered ; nor were" there ters, vol. u. an y tnat tranfgrefTed againft him left unpunimed. One Boyer, who abufed him to the face, and accufed him of no lefs than high treafon, was brought into the Star- chamber, and cenfured ; nor could he permit even a crack-brained lady to prophecy againft him, without (q) See giving her the difcipline of the high communon court (q). Heyim, p. 'Xwould be endlefs to reckon up the feverities inflicted in this reian on thofe who oppofed the governing eccle- fiaftics. Perfecution in every fhape, but that of death, appeared, and continually increafed. Men's lears were alarmed, their pity excited, and they knew not well what to do. Their pcrfecutors they looked on with hor- ror, and could hardly view them under the chara&er of Chriftians. Nor were their thoughts of them, perhaps, too hard. It being obferved by a very ingenious writer, * that 'tis not the believers of religion, but infidels and c atheifts, who, in every country, have always been the * fevereft persecutors, and crueleft oppreflbrs of all civil 1 as T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 233 to what has been faid, we add a brief ac- count of the reftraints on the prefs, and the fufferings of fuch as attempted to break through them (yy), we mail enable the reader ' as well as religious liberty. For as this life is their ' all, they are the more jealous in guarding it ; the more * fevere in fuppreffing every innovation in practice or * opinion, which might tend poflibly to difturb their * repofe: this is the conftant obfervation of all who are ' verfed in hiftcry, efpecially in that of the fews, where ' the Pharifees, however ftricrt in the obfervance of their ' religion, were always mild and gentle in the feat of * judgment; whereas the Sadducees, though little con- * cerned for religion, were moft implacable and rigorous 4 animadverters on every flight tranfgreflion of the ' law (r).' 'Tis remarkable that Laud, even when in ( r ) Middle- the Tower, exprefTed no remorfe for his treatment of t0 ?] s mif " thefe men, who then were brought home, and uied with trafts, p. great refpecl: by the people. * I fhal! crave leave, fays 17* 4 t0 * he, to fay of thefe men, as St. Auguftlne once faid of Lond * I75 *' * two great donatifts in his time, who (it feems) had re- * ceived fome fentence, and afterwards a return, not al- ' together unlike thefe men [they were Felicianus and ' Pretextatus]. Of thofe, thus St. Augujline : If thefe * men were innocent, why were they fo condemned? * And if they were guilty, why were they with fuch ' honour returned and received? This applies itfelf (s).' (0 Laud's I fhall only obferve, that the feverity made ufe of to up- trouWes > P hold the church, as it was at this rime pretended, was one very great reafon of its after-fall. For perfecution, unlefs it be extreme and conftant, has always been hurt- ful to thofe who ined it. (yy) / will add a brief account of the rejlraipts on the prefs , and the fufferings of fuch as attempted to break thro* them.] The liberty of the prefs is moft invaluable : it protects all other liberties, difpels ignorance and fuper- itition, prieftcraft and tyranny, and caufes truth of all kinds to be known, beloved, and embraced. Wife and good 234 WfLIFE/CHARLES I. reader fully to comprehend the meafures made good men, for the moft part, have been for the liberty of the prefs ; as well knowing, that to it we are indebted for the improvements in philofophy and polite learning ; for freedom of thought, and of enquiry, in religious mat- ters ; and that knowledge which happily is become com- mon among thofe who are acquainted with its productions. Wicked ministers, and tyrannical ecclefiafiics, dread it, as fearing it will operate to their deftruction ; but fuch as have honeft views, and benevolent purpofes, encourage it, and oppofe every reftraint of it. It is many times abufed, without doubt ; (and which of heaven's bounties is not?) but the good efre<5tsof it are fo numerous, that that man deferves ill of his country who lends his hand in the leaft to overthrow it, and his memory will de- fervedly be branded with infamy. However, this blefT- ing was wanting under Charles's government, as it had been under that of his predeceflbrs. For licences were to be had of fome bifhop or other, or the chancellors of the imrverfities ; and fuch books as were printed without theie were liable to be feized, though the matter con- tained in them was moft unexceptionable. But this alone would not anfwer the views of Charles's govern- ment; and therefore a decree was made in the Star- chamber, mfuly 1637, which, as it will afford the beft idea of the rigour of thefe times, I will give an account of. It was to this effect : ' That none fhall prefume to ' print any book or pamphlet whatfoever, unlefs the fame ' be firft licenfed, with all the titles, epiftles, and pre- ' faces therewith imprinted, by the lord archbifhop of * Canterbury, or the bifhop of London, for the time being, ' or by their appointment ; and within the limits of * either univerfity, by the chancellor or vice-chancellor ' thereof, upon pain that every printer, fo offending, ' fhall for ever thereafter be difabled to exercife the art * of printing, and fhall fuffer fuch further punifhment as ' ' by this court, or the high commiifion, (hall be thought ' fitting ; that before any books imported from foreign parts fhall be expofed to fale, a true catalogue thereof fhall r^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 235 made ufe of at this time, in order to fubdue the ' fhall be prefented to the archbifhop of Canterbury, or * the bifhop of London : and that no officer of the cuftoms ' fhall deliver any foreign books out of their hands and cuftody, before thofe bifhops fhall have appointed one * of their chaplains, or fome other learned man, with c the mafter and wardens of the company of ftationers, ' or one of them, to be prefent at the opening of the ' pack and fardels, and to view the fame. And thofe * that difobey this injunction, are to be cenfured in this ' or the high commiffion court, as the feveral caufes c fhall require. And if in this fearch there happen to * be found any fchifmatical or offenfive books, they fhall * be brought to the aforefaid bifhops, or the high com- * miflion office, that the offenders may be puniihed. * That no perfon whatfoever fhall imprint in the parts ' beyond the feas, or import from thence, any ' Englijh books, or whereof the greater part is Englijh, whether c formerly printed or not j and that no books whatfoever * /hall be reprinted, though formerly licenfed, without a 8 new licence firft obtained, upon pain of like cenfure * and punifhment. And that if any perfon whatfoever, c that is not an allowed printer, fhall prefume to fet up a * prefs for printing, or work at any fuch prefs, or fet c and compofe letters for the fame, he fhall be fet in the 1 pillory, and whipt through the city of London (/).' A (0 Ruft- decree this, little lefs fevere than thofe of thC Romijh in- orth > ! - quifitors ! But thofe who made it, took care to execute it in its full rigour. They refufed to licenfe many books written againft Popery and Arminianifm ; nor would they grant a new licence for reprinting Fox's book of Martyrs, Bifhop Jewel's works, and fome part of Dr. Willet's (u), () Can- with many others. But this was not the worft of it. terbury's ' John Warton and John Lilburne (who made a figure af- jg 4- 'see c terwards by oppofing even Cromwell himfelf ) were a paffage of 1 brought into the Star-chamber, and ordered to be exa- ^Edward . , .-'.. .... Denng s, in ' mined upon interrogatories, touching their printing t h e note ' contrary to the abovementioned decree ; and they re- (oo). ' fufing to take an oath to anfwer to interrogatories, 1 were 236 ^LIFE/CHARLES I. the conferences of men to the dominion of the ' were fentenced to go back to the Fleet, and there re- ' main till they complyed with the orders of the court ; ' to pay 500/. each to his majefty, and be bound with * lureties for their good behaviour. And to the end, " that others may be the more deterred from daring to ' offend in the like kind hereafter, the court further or- ' dered and decreed, that the faid "John Lilburne mould c be whipt through the ftrcets, from the prifon of the ' Fleet to the pillory [placed between IVeJlminJler hall- * gate and the Star-chamber] ; and that he and IVarton ' fhould be both of them let in the faid pillory, and from c thence be returned to the Fleet, there to remain ac- (w) Ruft- ' cording to the faid decree {w). J 5^p 4.66* * T\tt& ^" entence was executed with the utmoft rigour ' on Lilburne, who was fmartly whipt from the Fleet to ' Wejlminjler? But Lilburne had an unconquerable fpirit. * Whilft he was whipt at the cart, and ftood in ' the pillory, he uttered many bold fpeeches againft the e tyranny of bifhops, C5\r. and when his head was in the ' hole of the pillory, he fcattered fundry copies of pamphlets (faid to be feditious), and tbffed them among ' the people, taking them out of his pocket ; whereupon * the court of Star-chamber (then fitting), being in- ' formed, immediately ordered Lilburne to be gagged 6 during the refidue of the time he was to ftand in the ' pillory, which was done accordingly; and when he ' could not fpeak, he ftamped with his feet, thereby in- e timating to the beholders, he would ftill fpeak, were ' his mouth at liberty.' This bold behaviour only pro- voked the mercileis court the more : for it immediately decreed, ' That Lilburne fhould be laid alone with irons ' on his hands and legs in the wards of the Fleet, where * the bafeft and meaneft fort of priloners are ufed to be ' put.' This Mr. Hume, with his ufual exaclnefs, fays, was in confequence of his being * brought to his tryal ,(jr) Hiftory anew (*).' Britain* ^ was moreover ordered, * That hereafter all perfons 216. ' ' * tna ^ (hall be produced to receive corporal punifhment, 4 accord- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 237 the priefthood : a thing always attended with the rnoft unhappy confequences. If ' according to fentence of that court, fhall have their ' garments fearched before they be brought forth, and 1 neither writing nor other thing fuffered to be about * them, and their hands likewife to be bound during c the time they are under punifhment {%).' (%) R u /fc- Lilburne underwent this likewife, though of a genteel worth, vol. family, and a man far above the vulgar in point of un- "' p ' 4 7 * derftanding. What (hall we think of fuch govern- ment as this ! Thefe puniftiments were fitter for Ruffian boors, ufed from their infancy to the whip, than for Eng- lijhmen who had been trained up under mild laws, and a gentle government. Thank God, the times are altered, or we never had had fo many admirable difcourfes on religion and liberty ! Milton, in his rnoft excellent fpeech for the liberty of unlicenfed printing, fpeaking of the popifh Imprimaturs, obferves, that ' fometimes five Imprimaturs are feen together dialogue-wife in the piatza of one title-page, complimenting and ducking each to other with their fhaven reverences, whether the author, who ftands by in perplexity at the foot of his epiftle, fhall to the prefs or to the fponge. Thefe, continues he, are the pretty refponfories ; thefe are the dear antiphonies, that fo bewitched of late our prelates and their chaplains with the goodly eccho they made; and beiQtted us to the gay imitation of a lordly Imprimatur, one from Lam- beth-houfe, another from the weft-end of St. Paul's ; fo apifhly romanizing, that the word of command was ftill fet down in Latin, as if the learned grammatical pen that wrote it, would *caft no ink without Latins or perhaps, as they thought, becaufe no vulgar tongue was worthy to exprefs the pure conceit of an Impri- matur: but rather, as I hope, for that our Englijh y the language of men ever famous and forernoft in the atchievements of liberty, will not eafily find feryile letters enow to fpell fuch a diclatory prefumption () Milton's englifhed (a).' {**% 2 I Will 153, 238 "The LIFE ^/CHARLES I. If we now turn our eyes to the admi- niftration of civil affairs, we (hall find it far enough from being commendable. Charles entertained very high notions of the regal power (zz). He thought himfelf account- I will conclude this note with the words of a gentle- man, now in a high ftation. < It will not be denied, ' that our eccleftaftical affairs were under a meer clerical ' adminiftration from the year 1628 to the meeting of ' the long parliament. A period remarkably infamous * for a feries of weak, angry, ill-concerted meafures : ' meafures calculated to beget in weak minds a venera- ' tion towards the hierarchy ; but executed with a pe- * dantick feverity, which produced a quite contrary ' effect. Certain enthufiaftick conceits concerning the ' external beauties of religion, and the neceffity of a ' general uniformity in the buftnefs of holy garments, * holy feafons, fignificant geftures, church utenfils and c ornaments, feem to have been the ruling principles of ' thofe times. Thefe filled the goals with church-cri- ' minals, and fent tboufands of our moil ufeful hands ' to feek their bread in foreign parts. Through the in- ' fluence thefe principles had on our fpiritual governors, * multitudes of learned and confcientious preachers were * filenced, and expofed at once to the two greateit trials c which can befall human nature, publick infamy, and ' remedilefs want. Thefe principles alone, and a con- * dudr, on our part fuited to them, broke our union with * the reformed churches abroad, and fomented a war in e Scotland: which, together with a general alienation of * affections at home, occafioned in great meafure by a * rigorous exercife of eccleftaftical difcipline, prepared * things for that fcene of mifery, which ended in the c ruin of our conftitution. Thefe were the effects of (I) Exami- < an adminiftration purely facerdotal, in matters com- .tcodl ' monly called fpiritual (*).' p. 72, zd (zzj Charles entertained very high notions of the regal edit. Lond. power.] Here are my proofs. ' While Harrington '735> 8vo. 4 (author ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 239 accountable only unto God, and that his fub- ' (author of the celebrated Oceana) waited on his ma- c jefty at Holdenby, fays Woody his majefty loved his ' company, and did chufe rather (finding him to be an ' ingenious man) to difcourfe with him, than with others ' of the chamber. They had often difcourfes concern- ' ing government j but when they happened to talk of a I 4 commonwealth, the king feemed not to endure it (c).' (<) Wood's ' And againft the levellers and anti-monarchifts, he Athena:, ' wrote in one of his books thefe lines from the poet : 588." P " Fallitur egregio quifquis fub principe credit ( Servitium, Nunquam libertas gratior extat * ghiamfubregepio. (d)' (d) Dug- But to give an authority moft unqueftionable, his ma- dale's ftort jefty publicly avowed, in a fpeech to the lords and com- w ' p * mons, ' That he owed an account of his actions to ' none but God alone (e).' And in orte of his pape rs W *5 ! "S to Henderfon, he fays, ' f hold it abfolutely unlawful for wor j CSj - ' fubjects (upon any pretence whatfoever) to make war 164. * (though defenfive) againft their lawful favereign (/)."(/) H. p. And on his tryal he affirmed, ' That a king cannot be 8 7 * tried by any fuperiour jurifdidion on earth (g). 1 And(^) W. p. again : * I do not know how a king can be a delin- 194 * ' quent.' And afterwards he aflerts, * That the autho- ' rity of obedience to kings is clearly warranted, and 1 ftriclly commanded, both in the Old and New Tefta- * ment; which if denied, continued he, I am ready in- 1 ftantly to prove. And for the queflion now in hand, * there it is faid, that where the word of a king is, there ' is power ; and who may fay unto him, What do'ft * thou ? Eccl. viii. 4. Then for the law of this land, I ' am no lefs confident, that no learned lawyer will af- ' firm that an impeachment can lye againft the king, * they all going in his name ; and one of their maxims ' is, That the king can do no wrong (h). % Thefe were (i) Id. p. the fentiments of Charles, which he learned at the feet of I 9 6 * Gamaliel, as he ftiles his father (/'), * who if his ghcft,' (;) id. p. fays he to Henderfon, * fhould now fpeak, he would tell '59* * you, that a bloody reformation was never lawful, as 1 not 240 (k) Ki Charles's works, p. 80. (/) Craitf- man, vol. vii. p. 391. () Hume's political dif- cour'es, p. 266, 8vo. in the note, Edinburgh, 1752. See alfo his hif- tory or Great Britain, vol. i. p. 11S, in the note. ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. fubjecis, by the divine law, ought not to refift not warranted by God's word, and that preces Iff lacry- hue funt arma eulefies (k).'' So that lord Bolingbroke was probably right in faying, ' This prince had" fucked in with his milk thofe abfurd principles of government, which his father was fo induftrious, and, unhappily for king and people, fo fuccefsful in propagating. He found them efpoufed, as true principles both of religion and policy, by a whole party in the nation, whom he efleemed friends to the conftitution'in church and ftate. He found them oppofed by a party, whom he looked on indifcriminately as enemies to the church and to monarchy. Can we wonder that he grew zealous in a caui'e, which he understood to concern him fo nearly, and in which he faw fo many men, who had not the fame intereft, and might therefore be fuppofed to aft on a principle of confcience, equally zealous ? Let any one, who hath been deeply and long engaged in the conte/ts of party, afk himfelf, on cool reflection, whe- ther prejudices, concerning men and things, have not grown up and Strengthened with him, and obtained an uncontroulable influence over his conduft ? We dare appeal to the inward fentiments of every fuch perfon. With this habitual biafs upon him, king Charles came to the throne ; and to compleat the misfortune, he had given all his confidence to- a madman (I)* This feems the belt apology for Charles on this head : Mr. Hume's is of a like nature (m). * However,' as Gordon well observes, * it is a poor and contemptible ' ambition in a prince, that of fwelling his prerogative, 1 and catching at advantages over his people : it is fepa- ' rating himfelf from the tender relation of a father and ' proteftor, a character which conftitutes the glory of a ' king; and aflumingthat of a foe and an enemy. This 4 is what a prince of a great and benevolent fpirit will * confider ; not himfelf as a lordly tyrant, nor them as c his property and (laves ; but himfelf and them, under 1 the amiable and engap-ino: ties of masiitrate and fellovv- ' citizens. Such was the difference between a queen Eliza- T^LIFE^CHARLES I. 24! relift his will. In confequence hereof, he ' Elizabeth and Richard the fecond : how glorious and ' profperous the reign of the one, how infamous and ' unhappy that of the other ! What renown accompa- ' nies her memory, what fcorn his ! It is indeed appa- ' rent from our hiftory, that thofe of our princes who * thirfted moft violently after arbitrary rule, were chiefly c fuch as were remarkable for poor fpirit and fmall ge- ' nius, pedants, bigots, the timorous and effeminate ().' ()Difcourf It were to be wifhed all princes had the following " u p s n T . ac . 1_ lines, which beautifully fet forth the duty and office of a p . 227. ' king, engraved on the tables of their hearts. They are put into the mouth of Jtfus, and are worthy of his bene- volent mind. What if with like averfion I reject Riches and realms ; yet not for that a crown Golden in fhow, is but a wreath of thorns, Brings dangers, troubles, cares, and fleeplefs nights To him who wears the regal diadem, When on Fiis fhoulders each man's burden lies ; For therein ftands the office of a king, His honor, virtue, merit, and chief praife, That for the public all this weight he bears. Yet he who reigns within himfelf, and rules Paffions, defires, and fears, is more a king ; Which every wife and virtuous man attains: And who attains not, ill afpires to rule Cities of men, or headftrong multitudes, Subject himfelf to anarchy within, Or lawlefs paffions in him which he ferves. But to guide nations in the way of truth By faving doctrine, and from error lead To know, and knowing worfhip God aright, Is yet more kingly ; this attracts the foul, Governs the inner man, the nobler part ; That other o'er the body only reigns, And oft by force, which to a generous mind So reigning can be no fmcere delight. Afihon, R (aaa) 242 ^LIFE o/CHARLES 1. he thought contemptuoufly of parliaments (aaa), treated many of the members of it with (aaa) He thought contempt uoujly of parliaments, &c.J In his fpeech* to the lords and commons at Whitehall^ March 29, 1626, we have the following paragraph. * Remember that parliaments are altogether in my power * for their calling, filling, and dillblution ; therefore as ' I find the fruits of them good or evil, they are to con- ' tir.ue, or not to be. And remember that if in this ' time, inftead of mending your errors, by delay you ' perfift in four errors, you make them greater and irre- ' concileable : whereas, on the other fide, if you go on ' chearfully to mend them, and look to the diftrefTed. ' ftate of Chriffendom, and the affairs of the kingdom, * as it lyeth now by this great engagement, you will do ' yourfelves honor, you fhall encourage me to go on ' with parliaments, and I hope all Chriffendom fhall feel (c) King the good of it (o).' Charles feemed to have forgot Charles ^j. t fo ere were ftatutes then in being; for annual parlia- vorks, p. t\ - t 1 1 rrrii- 261. ments. rsut it there had not, ' the power or affemblmg ' and difmifling the legiflative, placed in the executive, ' gives not the executive a fuperiority over it ; but is a ' fiduciary truft repofed in him, for the fafety of the * people, in a cafe where the uncertainty and variable- ' nefs of human affairs could not bear a fteady fixed rule. ' For it not beiog poffible, that the firft framers of the ' government fliould, by any forefight, be fo much maf- ' ters of future events, as to be able to prefix fo juft pe- ' riods of return and duration to the aflemblies of the ' legiflative, in all times to come, that might exaclly * anfwer all the exigencies of the commonwealth ; the ' befl remedy could be found for this defect, was to truft ' this to the prudence of one who was always to be pre- 4 fent, and whofe bufinefs it was to watch over the pub- ' lie good. Conftant frequent meetings of the legifta- * tive, and long continuations of their aflemblies, with- ' out neceflary occafion, could not but be burthenfome c to the people, and muft neceflarily in time produce * more dangerous inconveniences, and yet the quick * turn ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 243 with reproachful words, even publicly and in turn of affairs might be fometimes fuch as to need their prefent help : any delay of their convening might en- danger the public ; and fometimes too their bufineis might be fo great, that the limited time of their fitting might be too fhort for their work, and rob the public of that benefit which could be* had only from their mature deliberations. What then could be done, in this cafe, to prevent the community from being expofed fometime or other to eminent hazard, on one fide or the other, by fixed intervals and periods, fet to the meeting and acting of the legiflative, but to intruft it to the prudence of fome, who, being prefent, and ac- quainted with the ftate of public affairs, might make ufe of this prerogative for the public good ? And where elfe could this be fo well placed as in his hands, who was intrufted with the execution of the laws for the fame end ? Thus fuppofing the regulation of times for the aflembling and fitting of the legiflative, not fettled by the original conftitution, it naturally fell into the hands of the executive, not as an arbitrary power de- pending on his good pleafure ; but with this truft, al- ways to have it exercifed only for the public weal, as the occurrences of times and change of affairs might require (p).' This realbning is worthy of the Englifh- (/) Locke man and philofopher. on govern- I now return to the fubjet. His majefry, in a fpecch e '' ' g P J to the fpeaker of the houfe of commons of his fecond Lond. 172's. parliament, 1625-6, tells him, * I muft let you know, 4 that I will not allow any of my fervants to be quef- ' tioned among you ; much lefs fuch as are of eminent s place, and near unto me (q).' And in a fpeech to the M King lords and commons, at his opening of his third parlia- Charles's ment, March 7, 1627-8, he, among other things, thus^* 8 ' p ' declared his fentiments. * In this time of common c danger I have taken the molt antient, fpeedy, and beft * way for fupply, by calling you together, If (which 4 God forbid) in not contributing what may anfwer the * quality of my cccafions, ycu do not your duties, it R 2 * fhall * 244 T&LIFEe/CHARLES I. in the face of the world j violated their known * fhall fuffice I have done mine : in the confcience where- * of I fhall reft content, and take fome other courfe, for ' which God hath empowered me, to fave that which ' the folly of particular men might hazard to lofe. Take ' not this as a menace (for I fcorn to threaten any but 4 my equals), but as an admonition from him who is * tied, both by nature and duty, to provide for your pre- (r) King fervations (r).* When Buckingham was fallen upon works" p ky the commons, and many members had fpoken fharply i6z. * againft him, the king went to the houfeof lords, and told them, * The caufe, the only caufe of his coming thither, * was to exprefs the fenfe he had" of all their honors ; for * he that toucheth any of you, faid he, toucheth me in a ' ver y great meafure. I have thought fit to take order * for the punifhing fome infolent fpeeches lately fpoken : ' I have been too remifs heretofore in punifhing fuch ' fpeeches as concern myfelf. Not that I was greedy of ' their monies, but that Buckingham, through his impor- ' tunity, would not fuffer me to take notice of them, ' left he might be thought to have fet me on, and that DO 7 (*) Id. p. he might come the forwarder to his tryal(^).' l6lm I will add but one paflage more from his ipeech to the houfe of lords, at the diflolving of his third parliament, March io, 1628-9. Taking notice of the houfe of com- mons, he fays, c Some few vipers among them caft this * mift of undutifulnefs over moft of their eyes ;' and then tells them in like words, * Thefe vipers muft look (r) Id. p. ' for their reward of punifhment (t).' He was as good l66 as his word ; for thofe who oppofed him in parliament, or fuch as he feared would not comply with him there, felt heavy marks of his difpleafure. * Sir Dudley Diggs, * and fir John Elliott, were committed to the Tower for (u) Whit- c words fpoken in the houfe againft Buckingham (u).* lock. And the commons having c voted the ieizing Mr. Rol- 1 //j's goods (a member of the houfe) to be a breach of * privilege, a hot debate was upon it : the ipeaker being * called upon to put the quefiion propofed, faid he durft ' not; for the king had commanded the contrary. The _ ' houfe T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 245 known and fundamental privileges ; im- prifoned ' houfc in fome difturbance adjourn to a day j and then ' being met again, they wifh the fpeaker to put the c former queftion ; but he refufed, and faid he had a ' command to adjourn the houfe (w).' Upon the dif- (>) Whit- folution of the parliament, * warrants of the council lock > P- I2, * iflued for Hollis, Selden, Hobart, Elliott, and other par- ' liament-men [nine in number], to appear before them : 6 Hollis, Curriton, Elliott, and Valentine appeared ; and * refufingto anfwer out of parliament for what was faid 1 and done in parliament, they were committed clofe * prifoners to the Tower ; and a proclamation for ap- ' prehending others went out, and fome of their ftudies ' fealed up (x). Informations were exhibited by the (*) Id. p. ' attorney-general againft thefe gentlemen in the Star- J 3- ' chamber, and in the King's Bench ; in the latter of ' which judgment was given againft. them, That they ' fhould be imprifoned, and not delivered till they had * given fecurity for their good behaviour, and make a ' fubmiffion and acknowledgment of their offences : and * they were alfo fined (y).' Elliott was fined 2000/. 00 Id - P- Hollis 1000 marks, and Valentine 500/. (z). Elliott, re- I4 ' fufing to give fecurity, was detained many years in prifon, ^L, u vo j" where he ended his days, and was looked on as a mar- \. p , 6 9 i } tyr by the people. This judgment was declared after- Croke's re- wards by the parliament, in 1641, to be againft law and P rCs ' ?** privilege of parliament} and very handfome fums were M. Lond.' ordered to be paid out of the public money to the con- 1683. feflbrs for public liberty. But by a ftrain of generofity uncommon, Mr. Mollis refufed the 5000/. voted him, and faid he would not receive a penny till the public debts were paid. He only received 1000 marks fine impofed on him, which he had laid down in ready money, and this only becaufe his whole eftate had been kept from him in the weft for three years. Some of the other gentlemen refufed to receive what was given them (a), (a) Memoirs It were to be wifhed our modern patriots inherited a like " f DcnziI public fpirit ! lord Hollis, r r p. 140, 8vo. Lond. 1699. R 7 Ta 246 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. prifoned their perfons j fealed up their ftudies ; and 'Tis very remarkable, that this judgment given againft Mollis, &c. was, by the lords and commons in parlia- ment affembled, in Dec. 1 667, alfo declared to be an ' illegal judgment, and againft the freedom and privi- ' ledge of parliament. And it was ordered by the lords, ' That Denzil Hollis, then lord Hollis, be defired to caufe ' the roll of the court of King's Bench, wherein the faid ' judgment is recorded, to be brought before the lords in 4 parliament by a writ of error, to the end that fuch fur- ' ther judgment may be given upon the faid cafe, as this * houfe fhall find meet : which being by him accordingly (b) Croke's < done, the judgment was reverfed (Z>),' Nor were the re Z rt 6o pait P r,v ^ e g es f tne commons alone violated by this prince. 610.' Such of the houfe of peers as were difpleafing to him, or his favourite, fuffered very great oppreffions. ffllliams, bifhop of Lincoln, was not fummoned to parliament till he had complained thereof to the king, who then granted. it ; but for fear of difpleafing, he appointed a proxy. And in the next parliament the lord keeper Coventry, by order, writ to him to diflvvade him from appearing at it, with (<) Phil- which he thought not proper then to comply (c), though lips's hfe of if ne na j } h e m ight poffibly have efcaped fome of his p. ioi^ after-troubles from the court. The earl of Bri/loPs ' writ was flopped, after he had been confined to his ' houfe two years; who thereupon petitioned the lords ' for his right of peerage, to have a writ to attend the * houfe, and that he might be brought to his tryal in ' parliament. Whereupon the lords prayed the king, ' that Brijhl, and other lords, whofe writs were flopped, ' might have their writs ; and they had them : but Brif- ' tol, by petition to the lords, acquainted them, that he ' had received his writ to attend the parliament ; but ' withal a letter miffive from the lord keeper, fignifying c his majeftie's pleafure, that he fhould forbear coming ( "' evafion. But though Charles gave his royal aflent to it, he foon broke it, to his own difhonor and his fubjedts grief. Tunnage and poundage were taken by him with- out grant by parliament, and fome merchants were com-, mitted for not paying it. Mr. Rollis's goods were feized, tho' a member of parliament, on the fame account, by -the cuftomers, who infolently declared, ' if all the par- * liament were concerned in the goods, they would feize ' them.' And being queftioned by the houfe for taking the goods of parliament- men, they with boldnefs an- fwered, ' That they conceived no privilege of parliament * 'was in the cafe.' This diftafting the commons, the king fent a mefTage, * That what the cuftomers did was * by his order, and that he would not have his particular * intereft fevered from that of his fervants, who a&ed (c) Whit- < by his command ().' Of fmall force were laws in Jock, p. i:. t ^ e pj n j on f this prince we fee, and little was their authority valued by him, though he himfelf had aflented to them ! Chambers, who had denied payment of the cuftoms, as not given by parliament, was afterwards pro- ceeded againft in the Star-chamber, fined 2000/. and ordered to make a fubmiflion, which, with the fortitude of a Roman, he refuled ! But the officers of the cuftoms had detained 7060 /. of his goods ; he himfelf was im- prifoned fix years in the Fleet ; and though by the com- mons, in 1640, ordered 13680/. in part of reparation for his fufferings in this caufe, and his nine months im- prifonment ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 251 were imprifoned, and otherwife ill treated, for prifonment in 1637, for withftanding fhip-money ; yet, to their very great difgrace, he was put off from time to time ; till wearied out by delays, he was reduced to a low efrate and condition, and died in 1658, aged about feventy (0).' () Rufh- ' Mr. Vajfal alfo was brought into the Exchequer, for ] vorth ^ voL not paying tunnage and poundage : he pleaded Magna Charta, and the ftatute de Tallagio non concedendo ; and that this impofition was not by aflent in parliament. The barons refufed to hear his council, gave judgment againft. him, and imprifoned him (p).' i After the (/.) Whit- dilToIution of that parliament, wherein the abovemen- lock > P- Jz * tioned petition of right was granted, England was go- verned for twelve years without a parliament. Tun- nage and poundage were continued without any con- fent of) parliament ; the book of rates upon merchants goods were inhanced, and the collection of them en- forced out of the courfe of ordinary courts of juftice. The next defign, fays Rujhwortb, for money was, by proclamation, to revive an obfolete law about knight- hood ; under colour whereof fummons were fent throughout the kingdom, to every man pofleired for three years of 40 /. per Annum^ who did not appear before the king at his coronation to be made a knight, to fubmit to fuch fines as they could compound for ; and "James Maleverer, of Arnclijf, in the county oT York, Efq; put himfelf upon the judgment of the court of Exchequer, what fine they fhould think fit to im- pofe upon him : but the court doubting the law would not bear them out, refufed that regular courfe of im- pofing a fine, and put the party fubmitting, to go and compound with commiflioners in the country, contrary to the intent of the law. Another advice to advance the king's revenue, was, to grant patents under the great feal ; by which monopolies were created, in a manner, of all forts of commodities ; as foap, fait, wine, leather, fea-coal, cards, pins, even to the fole gathering of rags ; which projects were countenanced with 252 T^LIFE/CHARLES I. for refufing to contribute to them. Tunnage and with the name of Incorporations. Another advice 4 was given to raife a revenue for the king, by granting ' of commiilions under the great feal for offenders to * compound - y and the better to effect the fame, fome * examples were made by fentence in the high court of * Star-chamber, againfi leveral perfons, to pay great fines, ' as for depopulations, nufances in building between 1 high and low water- mark, for pretended encroach- * ments upon the forefts, with other things of that na~ ' turc ; and accordingly commiffions were iffued out, ' and offenders in that kind did compound, which (g) See . < brbught in a confidera'ole revenue (q).' Let not the ^."^ c t ^ hs reader think thefe were frnall matters. For from what his 2d vol. follows it appears they were great grievances, abominable hardfhips. Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord deputy IVentworth, dated London, Nov. io, 1634, has the fol- lowing words. c Whitfield is made a ferjeant, but not ' the king's : he hath received this addition for the fer- * vice he hath done at Dean Forejt, and for a later in ' Ejfex ; for they would have brought all Ejfex, from ' Stratford -Bow to Cdcbtfier, to be foreft. 'Tis not yet ' judged ; for the gentlemen of that county being un- * prepared for a defence, they have time given them * until the 20th of February ; then the juftice in eyre ' will fet again. If then they cannot free themfelves, * they muft for ever fubmit themfelves to foreft-law. ' One fir Anthony Roper of Kent, was fined in the Star- ' chamber for depopulations four thoufand pounds, to ' the relator one hundred pounds, to the parfon of his * parifh one hundred pounds, and to the poor of the f fame parifh one hundred pounds : he is enjoined alfo * to repair thofe houfes he hath demolifhed within two ' years, to let his farms at reafonable rates : if he fhould c dye in the interim, yet is he obliged to have thefe ' things performed, and not to come forth of prifon till * hw hath given fecurity for the true performance of every f r ) Straf- < p ar t f this cenfure (;).' The fame gentleman, in a relfvo!^" leuer **tfcc hn^i dated Jpril 14, 1635, tells him, P. 335." . , when he came * to the crown, he had efcaped fining ; but now he is at ' the king's mercy. The earl of JVeJlmorland was fined * 19000/. fir Chrijlopher Hatton 12COO /. my lord New- ' P ort 3000 1, fir Lewis IVatfon 4000/. fir Robert Ban- ' nijler 3000 /. my lord of Peterborough, my lord Brude- * nelly fir Lewis Trejham, and others, little fines, which ' I omit. The bounds of the foreft of Rockingham are ' increafed from fix miles to fixty. The particulars of 'his proceedings in Oxford/hire, I know not : it was no ' great matter he did there. My lord Danby was fined (*r) H. vol. < 500 /. which he hath fent in (;).' And that no orders *i- P 1: 7- or degrees Ihould efcape from oppreffion, there was at the fame time ' a commiifion in execution againft cottagers, 1 ' who ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 255 fubmit to the payment of them, had their goods who have not four acres of ground laid to their houfes, upon a ftatute made 31 Eliz. which, faith Mr. Gar- rard, vexeth the poor people mightily, is far more burthenfome to them than the fhip- moneys j all for the benefit of lord Morton, and the fecretary of Scotland, the lord Sterling : much crying out there is againft it, efpecially becaufe mean, needy, and men of no good fame, prifoners in the Fleet, are ufed as principal com- mifiioners to call the people before them, to fine and compound with them \x). y Thefe fails will help us (x) Strzf- to form a tolerable idea of part of the oppreffions of this f? rde > vo1 - eign : oppreffions unknown to the Englijh nation, and p ' II7 * which the king's beft friends have been forced to ac- knowledge. Let us hear lord Clarendon. ' Supple- mental ats of ftate were made to fupply defects of laws ; and fo tonnage and poundage, and all other du- ties upon merchandizes, were collected by order of the ^ board, which had been pofitively refufed to be fettled by act of parliament, and new and greater impofitions laid upon trade. Obfolete laws were revived, and rigoroufly executed, wherein the fubjefr. might be taught how unthrifty a thing it was, by too ftrict a detaining of what was his, to put the king as ftrictly to enquire what was his own. By this ill hufbandry the king received a vaft fum of money from all perfons of quality, or indeed of any reafonable condition, through- out the kingdom, upon the law of knighthood; which though it had a foundation in right, yet, in the circum- ftances of proceeding, was' very grievous. And no lefs unjuft projects of all kinds, many ridiculous, many fcandalous, all very grievous, were fet -on foot ; the envy and reproach of which came to the king, the profit to other men : infomuch, that "of two hundred thoufand pound drawn from the fubje<5r. by thefe ways, in a year, fcarce fifteen hundred came to the king's ufe or account. To recompenfe the damage the crown fuftained by the fale of the old lands, and by the grant of new penfions, the old laws of the forelt were re- ' vived, 256 7^LIFEc/CHARLES I. goods feized, their perfons imprifoned, and heavy fines impofed on them. Arbitrary fines alfo were laid on fuch as had neglected to take on them the order of knighthood at his majefty's coronation j monopolies were created, in a manner, of all forts of commo- dities; and the bounds of the forefts were enlarged, to the unfpeakable damage of many perfons of the beft quality. And laft- ly, fays lord Clarendon, ' for a fpring and magazine that mould have no bottom, 1 and for an everlafting fupply of all occa- f fions, a writ was framed in form of law, c and directed to the merifF of every county * of England, to provide a fhip of war for ' the king's fervice, and to fend it amply * provided and fitted, by fuch a day to fuch a place ; and with that writ were fent to * each flieriff inftructions, that, inftead of a c (hip, he mould levy upon his county fuch * a fum of money, and return the fame to * the treafurer of the navy for his majefty's ' ufe, with direction, in what manner he * mould proceed againft fuch as refufed : * and ' vived, by which not only great fines were impofed, ' but great annual rents intended, and like to be fettled c by way of contract, which burden lighted moft upon ' perfons of quality and honour, who thought them- ' felves above ordinary opprefficns, and were therefore {j) Ckren- like to remember it with more fharpnefs (y).' After Jon, vol. i. th ;^ who can f a y ^ fa] n g in juftification of thefe meafures ? (ccc) KM LIFE of CHARLES I. 257 * and from hence that tax had the denomi- * nation of fhip-money (a).' This was held w 6g VoU very grievous by the nation (ccc) 5 but was fub- (ccc) Ship-money. This was held very grievous by the na- tion.] I will give an account of this' affair in the words of Mr. JVhitlock. ' The king, in the year 1634, find- ' ing the controverfy begun (between the Engli/lj and * Dutch about the fifhery), and that it muft be main- ' tained by force, which his want of money could not * do, he, by the advice of his attorney Noy [who, from * a feemingly zealous patriot, by court influence, was * become a tool to deftroy the liberties of his country J, * and of the lord keeper Coventry, who, as" far as his * learning in thofe matters did extend (and that was not ' far) did approve and aflift the project. And by advice ' of his privy council, and council learned, the king re- ' quires fhip-money. The writ for it was at firft but to * maritime towns and counties ; but that not fufficing, * other writs were iiTued out to all counties to levy fhip- ' money. Yet great care was taken to favour the clergy : ' all the reft of the people, except courtiers and officers, * generally murmur at this tax ; although it was poli- ' tickly laid with all equality, yet the great objection ' againft it was, becaufe it was impoied without affent ' of parliament, and therefore it was unlawful (b).' (b) WMt- * The lord keeper Coventry was ordered to direct the lock P- 2 3 t judges to promote that bufinefs in their circuits this 1 fummer, and to perfuade the people to a ready obeying f the writs, and payments of fhip-money for the next c year. This he did ; and in confequence thereof fome c of the judges put on this bufinefs in their charges at 1 the affizes, with great zeal and gravity, to advance the : king's pleafure ; but they did not convince many of the 1 legality of that bufinefs. The privy council alfo wrote 1 letters to every high fheriff of England, directing them 1 for the taxing, and levying of fhip-money; and that : with great care and equality, much beyond what was ! obferved in following taxes. But the guilding of this S illc- (0 U. 481. 258 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. fubmitted to for fome time, though unwill- ingly. ' illegal pill would not caufe it to be fwallowed down j ' but many people, efpecially of the knowing gentry, ' exprefled great difcontent at this new afleffment, and ' burthen, as an impofition againft law, and the rights (c) Whit- of the fubjecfc (c).' However, the people fubmitted to lock, p. 24. j t f or a t j me . anc j j t produced to his majefty, in the year ( vo1 - lord Clarendon, proved of more advantage and credit to vn * p " 393 * the gentleman condemned (Mr. Hampden), than to the king's fervice (b). ' ' My lord Finch's fpeech in the (h) ciaren- Exchequer-chamber, fays the fame noble writer, made don, vol. i. fhip- money much more abhorred, and formidable, p ' 68% than all the commitments by the council-table, and all the dfftrefTes taken by the fheriffs in England: the ma- jor part of men (beiides the common unconcernednefs in other men's fufferings) looking upon thofe proceed- ings with a kind of applaufe to themfelves, to fee other men punifhed for not doing as they had done ; which delight was quickly determined, when they found their own intereft, by the unneceffary logick of that argu- ment, no lefs concluded than Mr. Hampden's (i).' (0 Id - P And in another place he takes notice, that this preffure 7I * of (hip-money was borne with much more cheerfulnefs before the judgment for the king, than ever it was after ; men before pleafing themfelves with doing fome- what for the king's fervice, as a teftimony of their S 2 * affection, 2 6o ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. ment, the cafe was laid before the judges, who afFection, which they were not bound to do ; many really believing the neceflity, and therefore thinking the burthen reafonable ; others obferving, that the ad- vantage to the king was of importance, when the damage to them was not confiderable ; and all affiiring themielves, that when they fhould be weary, or un- willing to continue the payment, they might refort to the law for relief, and find it. But when they heard this demanded in a court of law as a right, and found it, by fworn judges of the law, adjudged fo, upon fuch grounds and reafons as every ftander-by was able to fwear was not law, and fo had loft the pleafure and delight of being kind and dutiful to the king ; and in- ftead of giving, were required to pay, and, by a logick that left no man any thing which he might call his own, they no more looked upon it as the cafe of one man, but the cafe of the kingdom; nor as an imponV tion laid upon them by the king, but by the judges ; which they thought themfelves bound, in confcience to the publick juftice, not to fubmit to. It was an ob- fervation long ago by Tbucydides, That men are much more paffionate for injuftice, than for violence; becaufe, favs he, the one coming as from an equal, feems ra- pine ; when the other proceeding from one ftronger, is but the effect of neceflity. So, when (hip-money was tranfa&ed at the council-board, they looked upon it as the work of that power they were all obliged to truft, and an effecl of that forefight they were naturally to rely upon. Imminent neceflity and public fafety were convincing perfuafions ; and it might not feem of ap- parent ill confequence to them, that upon an emergent occafion the regal power fhould fill up an hiatus, or fupply an impotency in the law- But when they faw in a court of law (that law, that gave them a title to, and poffeflion of all that they had) reafon of ftate urged as elements of law, judges as (harp-fighted as fecreta- ries of ftate, and in the myfteries of ftate ; judgment of law grounded upon matter of fact, of which there 2 ' was TArLIFEfl/CHARLES I. 261 who unanimoufly gave their opinion in fa- vour * was neither enquiry nor proof; and no reafon given ' for the payment of the thirty [twenty] fhillings in c queftion, but what included the eftates of all the * ftanders-by, they had no reafon to hope that doctrine, ' or the promoters of it, would be contained between c any bounds ; and it is no wonder that they who had fo 4 little reafon to be pleafed with their own condition, c were no lefs follicitous for, or apprehenfive of, the in- ' conveniences that might attend any alteration {k).' (*) ChrmA The many juft obfervations in this quotation will be on J ' u my apology for the length of it with the intelligent reader, who from thence will eafily perceive how illegal and odi- ous this fhip-money was. I will add fome particulars concerning this fhip-money, for the information and entertainment of the reader. Mr. Garrard^ in a letter to the lord deputy Wentworth, dated Strand, Jan. n, 1634, has the following paflage. * In my I a ft I advertifed your lordfhip, that the mayor of London received fome reprimand, for being fo flow in giving anfwer to the writ fent into the city about the (hipping bufinefs : afterward the city-council were called before the lords, and received fome gentle check, or rather were admonifhed, to take heed how they ad- vifed the city in a cafe fo clear for the king, wherein his majefty had firft advifed with his learned counfel, and with his council of ftate. It wrought this effedt, that they all yielded, and inftantly fell to feizing in all the wards of London. It will coft the city at leaft thirty-five thoufand pounds. They hoift up the mer- chant ftrangers ; fir William Curtyre three hundred and fixty pounds, fir Thomas Cuttcale three hundred pounds: great fums to pay at one tax, and we know not how often it may come. It reaches us in the Strand, being within the liberties otWeJiminfler, which furnifheth out one (hip. My lord of Bedford fixty pounds ; my lord of Salijbury twenty-five pounds ; my lord Clare forty pounds j the lord keeper, and lord treafurer, twenty pounds a-piece. Nay lodgers ; for I am fet at forty S 3 * (hillings. 262 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. vour of the king. Whereupon orders were given * (hillings. Giving fubfidies in parliament, I was well ' content to pay to, which now hath brought me into * this tax ; but I tell my lord Cottington. that I had rather * give and pay ten fubfidies in parliament, than ten * (hillings in this new-old way of dead Noye's. Letters * are alfo gone down to the maritime counties to quicken c them. Have you heard the anfwer given by a great ' lord that hath been a judge ? 'Tis true, this writ hath ' not been ufed when tunnage ana poundage was granted ; * now it is not, but taken by prerogative ; ergo, this writ (/) Straf- < is now in full force (/).' In another letter of his, tm'aridif- atec * Oharter-houfe, May 10, 1 638. he tells his lordfliip, patches, vol. ' Four judges have argued the (hip- writ this term : firft, i. p. 358. baronTrevor, who concluded for the king; with him c judge Crooke [Croh], who directly concluded againft * the legality of r,he writ. Nov/ at the end of the term * came judge 'Jones, who handled the bufinefs fo, that ' no man could tell what to make of his argument; in * deck, out nettle, fometimes for the king, then for the * fubject; fo that when he ended, judge Finch afked him, * for whom he concluded ? He faid, for this time for the c king. Judge Hutton ipake long and ftrong to make e that good which was his opinion, and concurred with (j) Id. ve!. t his brother Crooke, concluding againft the king (m).' u. p. 167. au j^ in a letter to Wentworth, dated Lambeth, 14th May, 1638, (peaks of the judgment of the judges in the following terms. ' The judges have argued by four in ' a term, and fo eight are paft, and four to come for the ' next term : of the eight that are paft, none have gone 6 againft the king but J. Crooke, and J. Hutton, who * both did it, and very fourly. The accidents which ' have followed upon it already are thefe : firft, the fac- * tion are grown very bold. Secondly, the king's monies 4 come in a great deal more (lowly than they did in c former years, and that to a very confiderable fum. ' Thirdly, it puts thoughts into wife and moderate men's ' heads, which were better out ; for they think, if the ' judges, which are behind, do not their parts exceed- ingly T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 263 given to proceed againft Hampden in the Ex- chequer, ' ingly well and thoroughly, it may much diftemper ' this extraordinary and great fervice (n).' However, () Straf- the writs continued to be iflued out, and money raifed by forde ' s let : virtue of them till the beginning of the long parliament, "^^ v ^" when it was refolved upon the queftion, nemine contra- ii. p. 170. dicente, ' That the charge impofed upon the fubjedls for ' the providing and furnifhing of fhips, and the aflefT- ' ments for raifing of money for that purpofe, common- * ly called fhip-money, are againft the laws of the realm, * the fubjets right of property, and contrary to former ' refolutions in parliament, and to the petition of right. * Refolved upon the queftion, nemine contradicente, * That the extrajudicial opinion of the judges, publifhed ' in the Star-chamber, and inrolled in the courts of ' JVeJlminJler, in hac verba, &c. (reciting the judgment) c in the whole and every part of them, are againft the e laws of the realm, the right of property, and the liberty * of the fubje&s, and contrary to former refolutions in e parliament, and to the petition of right. ' Refolved upon the queftion, nemine contradicente, ' That the writ following, in hac verba, &c. and the 4 other writs commonly called fhip-writs, are againft the * laws of the realm, the right of property, and the * liberty of the fubjecT:, and contrary to former refolu- ' tions in parliament, and the petition of right (0).' (") ^ ufll - This parliament, not content with voting, ordered ^"p/gg . " impeachments againft feveral of the judges for betraying the liberties of the fubje&s, and breaking through thofe * laws of which they were the fworn guardians. And 'on Feb. 13, 1640, ' Sir Robert Berkly was taken from * the Bench by the ufher of the black rod, and carried ' away to prifon, which ftruck a great terror in the reft e of his brethren then fitting : the other judges fubmitted * themfelves to the pleafure of the houfe of lords, and gave ' great bail for their appearance ; but, I think, they had * the luck to efcape farther punifhment, except Berkly, (/>) Whit- e who, in order to redeem himfelf, advanced ten thou- l 0< : k ' R p \? * * fand pounds to the parliament (/>).' However, their i?th, U vol. S 4 names jv. p. 130, 264 , Me LIFE of CHARLES I. chequer, where he pleaded ; and the point was urged with great folemnity by the coun- cil names have been had in abhorrence by all the lovers of our conftitution. Such as imagine that this impofition was not worth the noife that was made about it in thofe days, will do well to attend to what follows. It is ftrong and unanfwerable. ' 'Tis a maxim in politics, which we readily admit as 4 undifputed and univerfal, that a power, however great, * when granted by law to an eminent majiftrate, is not ' fo dangerous to liberty, as an authority, however in- * confiderable, which he acquires from violence and * ufurpation. For befides that the law always limits * every power, which it beftows, the very receiving it as * a conceffion eftablifhes the authority whence it is de- * rived, and preferves the harmony of the conftitution. * By the fame right that one prerogative is aflumed with- * out law, another may alfo be claimed, and another, * with ftill greater facility: while the firft ufurpations * both ferve as precedents to the following, and give force * to maintain them. Hence the heroilm of Hampden^ * who fuftained the whole violence of royal profecution, * rather than pay a tax of 20 s. not impofed by parlia- * ment : hence the care of all Englijb patriots to guard * againft the firft encroachments of the crown : and * hence alone the exiftence, at this day, of EngKJh li- (r) Hume's ' berty (r).' Pity it is, this fame gentleman had not political dif- un d er fl od hiftory a little better than to fay, in another ic^.Vvo. work, * that Charles, after the laying on of fhip-money, Edinburgh, < in order to difcourage all opposition, propofed the *75 2 -, < queftion to the judges, which they anfwered in the ^f Q ittoTy ' manner abovementioned (s) ;' and that ' all the judges, Britain, p. ' except four, at the public arguing in the Exchequer, a j 7. gave it in favour of the crown (t) :' I fay, 'tis pity he (0 Id. p. fhould fay this, becaufe Mr. Whitlock, and our other hif- ai 9 torians, would have informed him, that Charles confulted not the judges till after Mr. Hampden's refufal ; and Croke fcnd Hutton alone, when it came to be publicly argued, gave The LIFE of CHARLES I. 265 cil and the judges, who all, Croke and Hut- ton excepted, adhered to their former opi- nion, and thereby, in efTecl:, gave up every thing to the crown. Thefe oppreffions were attended with fevere and terrible punifti- ments, inflicted by the Star-chamber (ddd), for gave it againfr. the king. Hiftorians, above all men, fhould remember the maxim in Prior : * Authors, before they write, fhou'd read,' (ddd) Severe and terrible punijhmcnts were inflitted by the Star-chamber, &c] TThe court of Star-chamber, tho' of great antiquity, is but little mentioned in the law- books. The reafon of which is thought to be, becaufe it intrenched too much upon the common law of Eng- land. ' By a ftatute made in the third year of king ' Henry the Seventh, power is given to the chancellor, ' the lord treafurer of England for the time being, and ' the keeper of the king's privy feal, or two of them, * calling unto them a bifhop and a temporal lord of the * king's moft honourable council, and the two chief 4 juftices of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, for * the time being, or other two juftices in their abfence, * to proceed as in that a<3: is exprefled, for the punifti- 4 ment of fome particular offences.' In the antient year-books it is called Camera Stellata, not becaufe the chamber where the court is kept is adorned with ftars, but becaufe it is the feat of the great court, and the name is given according to the nature of the judges thereof. ' It was a glorious fight, upon a * ftar-day, when the knights of the garter appear with the flars on their garments, and the judges in their ' fcarlet ; and in that pofture, fays Rujhworth, they have * fat fometimes from nine in the morning till five in the < afternoon. And it was ufual for thofe that came to be * auditors at the fentence given in weighty caufes, to be * there by three in the morning to get convenient places * and ibnding. The warden of the Fleet, or his de- ' puty, 266 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. for comparatively fmall matters, exorbitant fines * puty, conftantly attended in court to receive their lord- * Ihips commands, as there was occafion.' This court was, for the moft part, made up of the great officers of the crown, the archbifhop of Canterbury , the lord chan- cellor, or lord keeper, and the lord chief jufVice. ' In * the time of Hen. VII. and Hen. VIII. their number * was near 40 at one time, and 30 in the reign of Eliz. c oft-times : after that it was much Ieflened. However, * in Charles's time there were fometimes 24 or 26 mem- ' bers prefent on fome important tryals. This court had * many times inflicted fines and punifhments ; but 'twas c only in the days of CharlesA that cropping of ears, flit- * ting of nofes, branding of faces, whipping and gagging, (*) Rnlh- * were heard of in it (u). 1 Thefe now were become worth, vol. common, and excited companion towards the fufferers, P- 473- and indignation againft men as were the authors of their calamities. I have already mentioned the cruel punifh- ment inflicted on Leighton, Burton, Prymu r BaJivAck, and Lilburn, on account of ecclefiaffical matters : I will add a few more on account of civil affairs, that the reader may fee the unrelenting feverity wherewith the people were treated in this reign. I remember, fays Ofiorn, after Feiion had given the ' fatal blow to George duke of Buckingham, one Savil [he * called himfelf Savage, but his name was Heron], for- ' merly burnt in the fhoulder for a rogue (finding how c acceptable the news was, wherever it came), gave out, * he was the man that did it ; and that, tho' an honour- c able perfon's brother, he wanted money to convey him ' away : upon which he was apprehended, and, though ' not worth a groat, fined a confiderable (cm in the Star- * chamber ; to which the wifdom, equity, and juftice of c that court added (becaufe they wanted power to hang *- him) this corporal punifhment, viz.. That he fhould * be whpped from the Fleet, where he lay prifoner, to * the pillory in JVeJlminJler palace-yard, there to be for ' two hours nailed, and after to lofe one ear, have his ' nofe flit, and then to be branded in the forehead ; all which, The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 267 fines on perfons of .all ranks and qualities, toge- which, as long as the bowels of humanity would give me leave, I looked upon. Nor was this more than half his punifhment, as much being to be done to him \n Cheapfide \ but that (as I heard) the king, more charitable than his judges, did pardon it ; though his perpetual refidence in Bridewell was not remitted, till for another thing (fome thought unlikely to be done under fuch a reftraint) he was hanged at Tyburn (w), (w) Of- One Dorothy Blackburn, for a confpiracy to charge a born ' s perfon for treafon, was, among other things, ordered ^ Q .\^ to be well whipped in the palace-yard at Wejlmin/ier, Rufhworth, {landing on a high place with a paper on her head, vo1 - *" A P- declaring her offence, and be branded in the face with ^ n **' p * the letter F and A, lignifying a falfe accufer; and to ftand in like fort, and to be whipt at Le'icejler (x). (x) Id. p. One Wdtfon, for falfifying the records of the court of 34* Star-chamber, was committed to the Fleet, never to be enlarged, unlefs his majeffy pleafe to grant him a fpecial pardon ; and if ever he be enlarged, then to be bound to his good behaviour during life, fined iooo/. be fet on the pillory at Wejlminjler, and then branded on the forehead with the letter F ; and after to be in like fort fet on the pillory at Stafford (y).- One (y) Id. p. Walker alfo, for libelling his neighbour, and accufing 39* him of dealing of, wool, was committed to the Fleet during life, fined iooo/. ordered to be fet in the pil- lory twice, and at each time have an ear cut off", and to pay the plaintiff 500 marks damage (z).' Bowyer, () id. p. for {landering Laud as an Arminian and a Papiff, was 60. ordered by the court to be committed to Bridewell, there to be kept to work during his life, and never fuf- fered to go abroad, fined 3000 /. to be fet in the pil- lory twice, confefs his offence, be burned in the fore- head with the letters L and R, and have both his ears nailed thereto {a).'' Thefe perfons probably deferved (*) Id> P punifhment ; but furely the punifhments inflicted on them 5 ' was beyond their crimes, and favoured much of bar- barity ! What 268 (t) Straf- foide's let- ters, vol. i. P- 335- (0 337 M. p. ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. together with the imprifonment of their perfons What follows will frill farther {hew the rigour with which even perfons of high quality were treated in this court. Mr. Garrard, in a letter to the lord deputy Wentvoorth, dated London, Nov. io, 1634, writes, * The lord Morley% bufinefs hath received an hearing in the Star-chamber this term : the. charges againft him were thefe ; that in court he fhould fay to fir George Theo- balds, What a bafe rafcal is this ? I am no companion for fuch a bafe fellow, fuch a dunghill rogue as thou art ; for challenging him to go out of the court, fay- ing, Thou bafe rafcal, I will cut thy throat ; for punch- ing him on the breaft, and catching him by the throat with his hand : all which was done and faid nigh to the chair of ftate in the room, where their majefties were entering, The lord MorUys counfel confeneth the charge, faying, it was done in a paffion (they might have more truly faid in a high fit of drunkennefs), fo fubmitted to the king's mercy. The attorney purfues him fiercely, fhews his learning, and brings his prece- dents, all which I omit The cenfure begins : my lord Cottington was not there : judge Janes began, and all concurred in one fentence, but the two laft : ten thoufand pounds to the king ; one thoufand to fir George Theobalds. But the archbifhop of Canterbury [Laud] t and the lord privy feal, who fat that day in the abfence of the lord keeper, find him twenty thoufand pounds, befides imprifonment in the Tower, where I leave him (b). Much noife here is of the depopulators that are come into the Star-chamber: it will bring in great fums of money. Sir Henry Wallop and fir Thomas Thyme are in already : the latter is fpared this year from being fheriiF in Wilt/hire, becaufe he may follow his caufe. Sharp proceedings againft fuch as live in town, and out of their countries, without leave : the lord Grey of JVerk they fall firft on, then my lord of Clare (c).' The fame gentleman, in a letter to his lordfhip, written May 19th, 1635, tells him, ' Some * few cenfures palled here in the Star-chamber this term, 'two an ^ bittered the fpirits of the citizens, that although trie y p . 3 t ,, 0C ' * were Angularly invited for loan of moneys, and had as * great plenty in their pofTeffions as ever, yet would they * not contribute any afliftance or money againft the * Scots, or advance of his majefty in his Scotifh expedi- * tionfe).' ( g ) Lilly, I will add but one account more of the feverity of thisP^s , court, in the words of Whitlock. The bifhop of Un-** coin was brought to a fentence in the Star-chamber, for * difloyal words charged to be fpoken by him againft the ' king, and for fuborning witnefTes to conceal a truth, ' and to ftifle a crime. He was at laft fined ten thoufand ' pounds, committed to the Tower during pleafure, * fufpended ah officio & beneficio, and referred to the high com- 270 T&'LIFEo/'CHARLESL cenfures created great difgufts, and occa- fioned * coram iffion court, for that which concerned their ju- rifdiftion. Mr. OJbaldJlon was alfo heavily fentenced ' in the Star-chamber, upon the bufinefs of the bifbop 4 of Lincoln [fined five thoufand pounds, deprived of his * ecclefiaftical preferments, his ears to be tacked to the c pillory, and cofts of fuit to Laud] ; but he got out of * the way, leaving a paper in his ftudy, with this inferip- * tion, That Lambert OJbaldJlon was gone beyond Can- * terbury. Thefe proceedings in the Star-chamber c againft thefe perfons, continues this writer, raifed a ' deep diilafte in the hearts of many people, which fome * exprefied by their murmuring s, and gave out Canter- * bury to be the author of them ; more particularly ' againil Lv:coln upon private grudges, and emulation (b) Whit- ' between thefe two prelates ().' What wonder is it tek* P- * 6 - a deep diftafte fhou'd be railed in the hearts of many at thefe proceedings, which were fo rigorous, fevere, and difproporcioned to the crimes real or imputed? The puniftiments inflifted were barbarous and inhuman, and fuch as none but weak and cruel minds could fuggeft or countenance; the fines immoderate and exceffive, and fuch as brought on beggary and ruin, and, for the moft part, were in effect an imprifonment for life. In fhort, the proceedings of this court, in this reign, were arbitrary, tyrannica', and abfolutely illegal. In the aft for the re- gulating of the privy council, and for taking away the ' court commonly called the Star-chamber, it is declared, ' That the judges of this court had undertaken to punifh * where no law doth warrant, and to make decrees for c things having no fuch authority, and to inflict heavier * punifliments than by any law is warranted.' And moreover it is aflerted, That the proceeding, cenfures, ' and decrees of that court have, by experience, been * found to be an intolerable burthen to the fubjecr, and * the means to introduce an arbitrary power and govern- * ment.' This is the cenfure pafied on it by the higheft authority, which therefore, with the high commiilion, a court of a like infamous nature, were for ever abolifhed by T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 271 Honed bitter reflections on Charles 's govern- ment ; and, if we may fpeak the truth, they were not without foundation. While his majefty was carrying things with fo high an hand in England, where law was trampled under foot, and tyranny was openly erected (eee), he attempted to intro- by acts of parliament (/'), and it is to be hoped will never (;) Stat. more be revived. l6 Car - c - (eee) In England law was trampled under foot, and x ' e * " tyranny openly erected.] That Charles acted without and contrary to law, no man, who attends to what is con- tained in the preceding notes, can pretend to deny; uri- )efs one, who is heir to the modefty of Bevil Higgons, who tells us, that * he granted the petition of right, and ' abridged his own legal authority, meerly to oblige his * people, by fuch convincing teftimonies of his bounty ' and goodnefs (k ).' This is worthy of the writer, but (k) Higgon'j is below the cenfure of any one who has a tolerable idea Aort view of of the reign of this monarch. Charles, it appears mani- * nftitution feftly, acted without, and againft, law, and therefore muft p . 267, 8vo! be deemed to have behaved tyrannically. * Wherever Hague, ' law ends, tyranny begins, if the law be tranfgrefled to I727 * ' another's harm. And whofoever in authority exceeds * the power given him by the law, and makes ufe of the 4 force he has under his command, to compafs that upon ' the fubject which the law allows not, ceafes in that to ' be a magiftrate ; and acting without authority may be * oppofed, as any other man, who by force invades the * right of another. This is acknowledged in Subordi- ' nato Magijlrates. He that hath authority to feize my ' perfon in the ftreet, may be oppofed as a thief and a 6 robber if he endeavours to break into my houfe to exe- c cute a writ, notwithftanding that I know he has fuch ' a warrant, and fuch a legal authority, as will impower ' him to arreft me abroad. And why this mould not ' hold in the higheft, as well as in the raoft inferiour ma- * giftrate, 272 (/) Lorfce of govera- mAt, p. 27S. (m) Craftf- nun, vol. B. p. 393. ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. introduce innovations in the kingdom of Scotland (fff), and of fuch a kind too, as were c giftrate, I would gladly be informed. Is it reafonable ' that the eldeft brother, becaufe he has thegreateft part * of his father's eftate, fhould thereby have a right to * take away any of his younger brothers portions ? Or ' that a rich man, who poflefled a whole country, (hould * from thence have a right to feize, when he pleaied, * the cottage and garden of his poor neighbour ? The f being rightfully poflefled of great power and riches, * exceedingly beyond the greateft part of the fons of * Adam, is fo far from being an excufe, much lefs a * reafon, for rapine and oppreffion, which the enda- maging another without authority is, that it is a great * aggravation of it. For the exceeding the bounds of ' authority, is no more a right in a great than a petty * officer, no more juftifiable in a king than a conftable : ' but it is {o much the worfe in him, in that he has more 1 truft put in him, has already a much greater fhare than ' the reft of his brethren, and is fuppofed, from the ad- * vantages of his education, employment, and counfel- c lors, to be more knowing in the meafures of right and * wrong (/)/ The reader will fee the force of this rea- foning, and apply it to its proper ufe. ( fff ) Charles attempted to introduce innovations in Scotland.] The affairs of Scotland, Charles had very much at heart. He was defirous of having that nation at his beck, and fubje&ing it, under him, to a prieftly yoke. * And Laud, fays lord Bolingbroke y who had ' neither temper nor knowledge of the world, enough to ' be entrufted with the government of a private college, * conducted this enterprize, and precipitated the public c ruin (m).' The reformation of religion in Scotland was introduced by John Knox. The doctrines taught by him were of like kind with thofe contained in the articles of the church of England: the government and difcipline different from what her canons enjoin. For Knox y after the manner of the foreign reformers, was an enemy to the The L I FE of C H A R LE S 273 were deemed inconfiftent with their laws, liber- the pomp of prelacy, and an encourager of great feve- rity of manners among clergy and people. This was agreeable to the tafte of the Scotijh nation, and accord- ingly his doctrine was received and adhered to with a zeal fcarce conceiveable. What tended much to gain a fa- vourable reception to the tenets of Knox, was their utility to the ftate. For church-lands were deemed by him fit to be alienated, and tithes abolifhed, tho' he judged it but reafonable that the minifters of the church fhould have a decent maintenance from the public. The Scotch nobility were not backward to put in practice this whol- fome doctrine, and thereby advanced their own eftates, as well as the common good. True it is, there was a hankering from the beginning among fome of the eccle- fiaftics after that pomp, power, and riches which the zeal and induftry of Knox had abolifhed ; and therefore we foon find the names of archbifhop and bifhops in the hiftory of that church, after the reformation. But their power was infignificant, their wealth fmall, and they had not the title of My Lord given them, as I can find ; tho' perhaps they might have taken the appellation as kindly as the Damp) fuperintendants. However, even this pre- eminence did not laft long ; for prefbyterian government was eftablifhed in the church, by law, in the year 1592 (n) : tho' afterwards, when James had mounted () Bl/fcop the Engtijh throne, by art and money he introduced Guth 7' s again the name and fome part of the power of bifhops, p# , ' to the great grief of the Scotijb clergy. But what James had with trouble and expence done, no way fatisfied Charles. He was determined to eftablifh an uniformity of . church-government throughout his kingdoms, and to let the clergy partake of a dominion to which they were too prone. In a kingdom poor, and abounding with nobi- lity, he impoliticly was for erecting bifhopricks and arch- bifhopricks, and thereby hurting the community in a very fenfible manner. For the wealth, which was necef- fary to fupport thefe, was wanting for the purpofes of fociety, and would have turned to good account, had it T been 274 *& LIFE ^CHARLES I. liberties, and religion. For he broke in on the privileges of thtScoft/b parliament j caufed an unjuft been well employed. In order to advance this project, Charles went down into Scotland, accompanied with Laud, in the year 1633, where he was crowned with great folemnity. * It was obferved, fays Rujhwurth, that Dr% Laud, then bifhop of London, was high in his car- riage, taking upon him the order and managing of the ceremonies and coronation; and, for an inftance, Spot/wood, archbifhop of St. Andrew's, being placed at the king's right hand, and Lindfey, then archbifhop of Glafcow, at his left, bifliop Laud took Glafcow and thruft him from the king, with thefe words : " Are you a churchman, and wants the coat of your order V (which was an embroidered coat, and that he fcrupled to wear, being a moderate churchman) and in place of him put in the bifhop of Roffe at the king's left hand (0). In the parliament held on this occafion, there was little or no difference, except in what related to two acts : the one entituled, an act anent his majeftie's royal prerogative, and apparel of kirkmen. The other an act of ratification of the acts touching religion. As to the former of thefe ads, feveral noblemen and others were not pleafed -to have the apparel of kirkmen joined with the prerogative, fufpecting the furplice to be intended ; and the king being afked that queftion, made no anfwer. But this circumftance was obferved of him, that he took a lift of the whole members out of his pocket, and faid, ** Gentlemen, I have all your names here ; and I'll know who will do me fervice, and who will not, this day." However, about thirteen noblemen, and as many barons and burgefTes, declared, that they agreed to the act for his majeftie's preroga- tive ; but diflented from that part of it, as to the ap- parel of kirkmen (p).' * Great oppofition was made to this act by the earl of Rothes, whodefired the acts might be divided : but the king faid it was now one act, and he muft either vote for it, or againft it. He faid he was for the prerogative 2 'as 7^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 275 unjuft condemnation of one of its members ; attempted * as much as any man ; but that addition was contrary * to the liberties of the church, and he thought no de- * termination ought to be made in fuch matters without ' the confent of the clergy, at leaft without their being ' heard. The king bid him argue no more, but give his * vote : fo he voted, not content. Some few-lords of- * fered to argue ; but the king ftopt them, and com- ' manded them to vote. Almoft the whole commons c voted in the negative ; fo that the act, indeed, was re- * jeered by the majority : which the king knew ; for he ' had called for a lift of the members, and with his own * pen had marked every man's vote: yet the clerk of ' regifter, who gathers and declares the votes, faid it was * carried in the affirmative. The earl of Rothes affirmed ' it for the negative : but the king faid, the clerk of rer ' gifter's declaration muft be held good, unlefs the earl * of Rothes would go to the bar, and accufe him of falfi- * fying the record of parliament, which was capital : * and in that cafe, if he fhould fail in the proof, he was ' liable to the fame punifhment ; fo he would not ven- * ture on that. Thus the act was published, tho' in * truth it was rejected. The king expreffed an high dif- pleafure at all who had concurred in that oppofition. * Upon that, the lords had many* meetings : they reck- ' oned that now all their liberties were gone, and a par- * liament was but a piece of pageantry, if the clerk- ' regifter might declare as he pleafed how the vote went, * and that no fcrutiny were allowed. Upon that Hague* ' the king's follicitor, a zealous man of that party, drew * a petition to be figned by the lords, and to be offered * by them to the king, fetting forth all their grievances, * and praying redrefs. He fhewed this to fome of them, * and among others to the lord Balmerinod, who liked * the main of it ; but was for altering it in fome parti- ' culars. He fpoke of it to the earl of Rothes, in the * prefence of the earl of CaJJilis, and fome others : none * of them approved of it. The earl of Rothes carried it * to the king,, and told him, that there was a defign to * offer a petition, in order to the explaining and juftify- T 2 * ing 276 The LIF E of CHARLES t. attempted to reftore church and abbey-lands > created ing their proceedings, and that he had a copy to (hew him : but the king would not look upon it, and ordered him to put a flop to it ; for he would receive no fach petition. The earl of Rothes told this to Balmerinoci 5 lb the thing was laid afide, only he kept a copy of it, and interlined it in tome places with his own hand." The winter after the king was in Scotland, Balmertnock was thinking how to make the petition more accept- able ; and, in order to that, he mewed it to one Dun- moor, a lawyer, in whom he trufled, and defired his opinion of it, and fuffered him to carry it home with him ; but charged him to (hew it to no perfon, and to take no copy of it. He fhewed it, under a promife of fecrefy, to one Hay of Naughton, and told him from whom he had it. Hay, looking on the paper, and fee- ing it a matter of fome confequence, carried it to Spotf- tuood, archbifhop of St. Andrew's ; who, apprehending it was going about for hands, was alarmed at it, and went immediately for London, beginning his journey, as he often did, on a Sunday, which was a very odious thing in that country. An order hereupon was fent down for committing lord Balmertnock, who was tried on an old law, never put in force, and, by court arti- fices, condemned to lofe his life, though he afterwards had a pardon (q)* We fee here by what violences woith, vol. thefe innovations were made in ihzScot'tjh kirk, and how " P- 18 3 ; hard the government bore on the liberties and lives of j. p. 28-34; t * lat P co P^ e ' No wonder then they were fo ftrongly pre- Guthry's judiced againft it, and that the bifhops it had created were held in abhorrence ; efpecially as bifhop Gutbry tells us, that * none of the bifhops, whom king Charles preferred, ' were generally efteemed gifted for the office, except ' bifhop Maxwell (r).' But ill qualified as thefe men were, c they carried themfelves fo loftily, that minifters * feemed little in their reckoning (*).' Let as hear bifhop Burnett account of their behaviour. The 4 bifhops were cherifhed by Charles with ail imaginable ' exprefEons f kindnefs and confidence ; but they loft all (9) Ruffi- rr.;-r:e:rs, p. 9. (r) U. 14. 0) id. '5- 7h L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 277 created a lordly race of prelates, on whom he all their efteem with the people, and that upon divers accounts. The people of Scotland had drunk in a deep prejudice againft every thing that favoured of popery. This the bifhops judged was too high, and therefore took all means poffible to lefTen it, both in fermons and difcourfes, mollifying their opinions and com- mending their perfons, not without fome reflections on the reformers. But this was fo far from gaining their defign, that it abated nothing of the zeal againft popery, but very much heightned the rage againft themfelves, as favouring it too much. There were alio fubtil queftions ftarted fome years before in Hol- land, about predeftination and grace ; and drminius his opinion, as it was condemned in a fyrtod at Dort, fo was generally ill reported of in all reformed churches, and no where worfe than in Scotland: but moft of the bifhops and their adherents undertook openly and zealoufly the defence of thefe tenets. Likewife the Scotijh minifters and people had ever a great refpecl: to the Lord's-day, and generally the morality of it is reckoned an article of faith among them : but the bifhops not only undertook to beat down this opinion, but, by their practices, exprefTed their neglect of that day; and, after all this, they declared themfelves avowed zealots for the liturgy and ceremonies of Eng- land, which were held by the zealous of Scotland all one with popery. Upon thefe accounts it was, that they loft all their efteem with the people. ' Neither flood they in better terms with the nobility, who at that time were as confiderable as ever Scotland faw them ; and fo proved more fenfible of injuries, and more capable of relenting them. They were offended with them, becaufe they feemed to have more intereft with the king than they themfelves had, fo that favours were mainly diftributed by their recommendation : they were alfo upon all affairs ; nine of them were privy counfellours, divers of them were of the Exche- quer : Spatifivood) archbifhop of St, Andrew's, was T 3 ' made 2J% ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. he heaped fecular honours and preferments, who * made chancellor ; and Maxwell^ bifhop of Rofs, was * fair for the Treafury, and engaged in a high rivalry * with the earl of Traquair, then treafurer, which tended * not a little to help forward their ruin. And befides * this, they began to pretend highly to the tithes and * impropriations, and had gotten one Leannouth, a mi- * nifter, prefented abbot of Llndoris ; and feemed confi- * dent to get that ftate of abbots, with all the revenue * and power belonging to it, again reftored into the * hands of churchmen ; defigning alfo, that, according * to the firft inftitution of the college of juftice, the half * of them mould be churchmen. This could not but * touch many of the nobility in the quick, who were too * large fharers in the patrimony of the church, not to be * very fenfible of it. * They were no lefs hateful to the miniftry, becaufe * of their pride, which was cried out upon as unfup- * portable. Great complaints were alfo made of fimo- * niacal pactions with their fervants, which was im- * puted to their matters, as if it had been for their ad- * vantage, at leaft by their allowance. They alfo ex- * acted a new oath of intrants (befides what was in the * aft of parliament for obedience to their ordinary), in * which they were obliged to obey the articles of Pertb 9 * and fubmit to the liturgy and canons. They were * alfo making daily inroads upon their jurifdi&ion, of * which the minifters were very fenfible j and univerfally * their great rigour againft any that favoured of purita- c nifm, together with their meddling in all fecular af- ' fairs, and relinquifhing their diocefes to wait on the * court and council, made them the objects of all men's ft) Memoirs* ^ ur Y (*)' And how could it otherwife be, where of the duke raen preferved their reafon, and had the leaft notion of ofHamil- the fpirit of the gofpel ? Ambitious, tyrannical, perfe- toa > P 2 9- cuting bifhops rauft be odious in the fight of God and man, and deferving the worft fate. Generally fpeaking, fhame and contempt are their portion whilft in life; but after death, hiftorians will draw them in their true co- lours, The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 279 who behaved unacceptably to all orders and degrees lours, and hand them down to pofterity with infamy j and 'tis well if they meet not with a worfe treatment in another ftate. But to return. ' The king, at his com- * ing to Scotland^ fays Guthry, in the year 1633, had * brought with him Dr. Laud, then bifhop of London, * fhortly after archbifhop of Canterbury j (one who had ' much power with his majefty, but was generally hated ' by the people.) He beholding our form of worfhip, * did (in conference with our bifhops, and others of the * clergy) tax the nakednefs thereof in divers refpe&s, ' but chiefly for our want of a liturgy, whereby he * thought all might be helped. The old bifhops replied, * that in Vingjfames's time there had a motion been * made for it ; but that the prefenting thereof was de- ' ferred, in regard the articles of Perth, then introduced, * proved fo unwelcome to the people, that they thought * it not fafe nor fit, at that time, to venture upon any 4 further innovations ; and they were not yet without ' fome fear, that, if it (hould be gone about, the confe- ' quence thereof might be very fad. But bifhop Max* * well, and with him Mr. Thomas Sy defer fe (who was * then but a candidate), and Mr. Mitchel, and others, * prefled hard that it might be, alluring that there was * no kind of danger in it; whereupon bifhop Laud (who ' fpake as he would have it) moving the king to declare * it to be his will, that there mould be a liturgy in this * church, his majefty commanded the bifhops to go ' about the forming of it (u).' The bifhops applied () Guthry' j themfelves to the work j but firft of all, they presented memoin, a body of canons to precede the liturgy. Thefe canons p ' Is * carried high the authority of princes in ecclefiaftical affairs, and were calculated to promote the wealth and grandeur of the clergy. They moreover determined, * that no clergyman mould conceive prayers ex tempore ; * but be bound to pray only by the form prefcribed by ' the liturgy,' which was not then feen or framed. Thefe canons were, by proclamation from his majefty, duly to be obferved, and the clergy to be fworn to fubmit to, T 4 and 2 8o T^LIFEe/CHARLES I. degrees of men ; and, to complete all, at- tempted (w) See and pay all obedience to what was enjoyned by them (to). Crawfurd's We may be fure thefe things could not pafs unnoticed : theofficers ^ ut tne ntur gy preparing was more dreadful to the people, of the crown who, throughout the land, clamoured that religion was of Scotland, < undermined by a confpiracy betwixt the bifhop of Can' Lmd Vol 79 ' ' twbury and other bifhops, and that they (being fub- 1736. * orned by him) were bringing in the mafs-book.' This Clarendon,' clamour terrified fame of the wifeft among the bifhops, ioa- 1 .' P * w ^ tnereu P on defired that the book might be kept back, till the nation were better prepared to receive it. But it was in vain ; * for Laud procured for himfelf a warrant * from the king, to command the bifhops (upon all * hazards) to go forward in it; threatning them withal, 4 that if they lingered in it longer, the king would turn * them out of their places, and fill the fame with vigor- * ous and refolute men, who would not be afraid to do 4 him fervice.' * Thereafter, fays bifhop Guthry, 'tis * remarkable, that the bifhops acted fo far contrary io * thofe rules of prudence whereby they had been accuf- * tomed to manage their affairs, that all men began to * efpy a fatality in it. For they laboured not (as formerly * they had done in leffer matters) to have their book 6 brought in by an ecclefiaftical fanction; but having * gotten it authorized by an act of council, proceeded * without more ado to urge the practice thereof : where- * by they provoked againft themfelves the mod part even 4 of thofe minifters that were epifcopal in their judgment, * who thought it a very fad matter, that a liturgy fhould 4 be impofed upon the church, without the knowledge * and confent of the church ; and judged it fuch a dan- * gerous preparative, that thereby the civil power might 6 in after-times introduce any thing (tho' never fo hurtful * to religion), and the church never get one voice in it: * and they were the more offended, in regard king James, * of bleffed memory, had never preffed any thing that * way ; but whatfoever he would have done, he ufed to I take a church-way in it. Neither did they at firft urge ' the practice of their liturgy upon the remoteft diocefes, and The LIFE of CH ARLES I. 281 tempted to introduce a liturgy, moft odious in the fight of that nation. But Charles foon found that the Scotch were not patient under oppreffions, like the Englijh. For upon reading the fervice-book in the church of Edinburgh , tumults arofe (ggg), which with * and other places, where there was the leaft averfenefs * from fuch changes ; but made the flrft efTays where * oppofition was moft probably to be expected (.*,).' (*).GutW s Surely fuch conduct as this merited almoft the fate it memoirs, p. afterwards met with! Charles muft have had ftrange 1 ?"" 1 ^ notions of his own power, if he could have imagined himfelf able to force thefe things on the Scotijb nation ; and he muft have been very ill read in their annals, if he thought they would patiently fubmit to it without com- pulfion. But however it was, his management in Scot- land firft brought him into cfifficulties, which he was ill qualified to encounter, and which nothing but his death put a period to. (ggg) Upon reading the fervice-book at Edinburgh, tumults arofe, &c.J On Eafier-day 1637, the liturgy- was appointed to be read for the firft time in the cathe- dral church at Edinburgh : ' but no fooner had the dean of Edinburgh appeared in his furplice, and began to read the liturgy, but a multitude of the meaner fort, moft of them women, with clapping of hands, cla- mours and outcries, raifed a hideous noife and confu- fion in the church, that no words could be heard dif- tinclly j and then a fhower of ftones and flicks, and cudgels, were thrown at the dean's head. The bifhop of the place, Dr. Lindfay, who was to preach that day, ftept into the pulpit, hoping to appeafe the tumult by minding them of the facrednefs of the place, and of their duty to God and the king ; but they were the more enraged, and an old woman ufhered in the future war by throwing a ftool at his head, which might have endangered his life ; upon this the archbifhop of St. ' An* 232 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. with great difficulty, for the prefent, were ap- Andrew's, the lord chancellor, from his feat, was obliged to call down from the gallery the provoft and magiftrates of the city, by their authority to fupprefs the riot ; which, at laft, with great difficulty they did, by thrufting the moft unruly of thofe who made the disturbance out of the church, and fhutting the doors. After which the dean proceeded in the fervice j but ftill was greatly difturbed by the loud clamours of the multitude without, who pelted the doors and windows with flicks and ftones, and cried out, a pape ! a pape ! Antichrift ! pull him down ! ftane him ! with all the marks of ungovernable fury. Notwithftanding, the fer- vice was ended, but not the people's rage j for when the bifhops went out of the church, the rabble followed them with all the opprobrious language they could in- vent, of bringing in fuperftition and popery into the kingdom, and making the people flaves : and were not content to ufe their tongues, but employed their hands too, in throwing dirt and ftones at them ; and treated Dr. Lindfay, the bifhop of Edinburgh, whom they looked upon as moft adtive that way, fo rudely, that he got into a houfe, after they had torn his habit, and was from thence removed to his own with great hazard of his life. As this was the reception it had in the cathedral, fo it fared not better in the other churches of the city, but was entertained with the fame cla- mouring and outcries, and threatning the men, whofe office it was to read it, with the fame execrations againft (y) Craw- * bifhops and poperv (y).' This tumult was foon made furd's lives, known to the court,' as well as the diflatisfaclion which p * 1 ' moft men exprefled againft the fervice-book. But his majefty, ' inftead of difcharging of it, as peaceable men () Guthry, expected and wiihed ( z), caufed a proclamation to be read at the market-crofs, ordaining the fervice-book to be pra&ifed at Edinburgh, and other places adjacent ; the council and feffions to remove from Edinburgh, firft to Lithgoe, and afterwards to Stirling ; and the nobility, gentry, burghers, minifters and commons, who were * come p. 24. V LIFE of C II A RLES 1. 283 appea^d. But they were foon renewed, (on ' come to Edinburgh to petition againft it in vaft num- ' bers, were ordered to depart towards their own homes, c within twenty-four hours, under pain of horning (a).' (<*) Guthry, The tumults were upon this again renewed, and the offi- p ' *** cers of ftate, bifhops, and city-magiftrates, were in great peril ; but applying to the lords in the oppofition, they were delivered. It would be ufelefs to enter into a detail of thefe affairs, they being to be found in fo many writers. Let it fuffice to fay, that tho' a proclamation was ifTued to reprefs thefe diforders, little obedience was given to it ; that a petition from the noblemen, barons, burgeffes, minifters and commons, was fent to council- board againft the liturgy and canons ; that tho' his ma- jefty was difpleafed hereat, and by proclamation forbad tumultuous reforts to Edinburgh, under the higheft penal- ties j yet feveral of the nobility caufed their proteftation againft it to be read"; erected four tables, who were to prepare wharwas to be propounded at the general table ; and that the firft act of this general table was a renewing of the antient confeffion of faith of that kirk, and enter- ing into a general covenant to preferve the religion there profeft, and the king's perfon (b). His>majefty hearing (&) Whit- of this, made various propofitions to reduce them to 1 ' p,Z7 * obedience ; and was forced at laft to confent that the canons, fervice-book, and high -com miffton, fhould be nulled ; and that all perfons whatfoever fhould be liable to cenfure of parliament and general affembly. But as his majefty offered not to abolifh archbifhops and bifhops by law, no accommodation was to be made ; but the diforders continued and increafed. For Charles, as if his conduct had not procured him enemies enough in this kingdom, added another to them, of great power, viz. Archibald earl of Argyle. This we are informed of in a letter of the lord deputy Wentworth to fir Henry Vane^ treafurer of the houfhold, dated Fairwood-Park, Ap. 16, 1639. ' It fhould feem to me, fori was not of the ' council, my lord marquis Hamilton, and my lord of * Antrim^ had to his majefty undertaken the bufinefs [of beating 2S4 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I., (on Charles ordering, by proclamation, the fervice- * beating Argyle out of the weftern MesJ before the ear* * of Antrim's coming forth of England, confequently be- * fore ArgjU was declared covenanter: my lord of An- * trim was, for his reward, to have had a fhare of his * eftate : what other (hares there were, any, or none, in * truth I know not. Now, howbeit this was carried * very fecretly to us on this fide, yet Argyh got know- * ledge of it there, and certainly occafioned him to de- c clare himfelf fooner for the covenant, than otherwife ' perchance he would have done ; but whether that had ' been better or worfe for his majeftie's fervice, I am not (r) Stiaf- < able to judge (c).' In fhort, things now were come |^4>l to a head, and preparations for war were made of all p. 325, fides; for the Scats were determined not to fubmit till they had fatisfaftion given them in their demands, and Charles was as determined to force them to a compliance with his will : and his two great minifters, Wentworth and Laud, were not wanting to urge him on hereunto ; for they could not bear the thought that his majefhe's will mould be refifted, efpecially by the Seats, whofe power did not feem to them over-formidable. Let us hear them fpeaking to each other without referve. The lord deputy, in a letter to Laud, dated Dublin, Nov. 27, 1638, writes as follows : ' It was ever clear in my judg- * ment, that the bufinefs of Scotland, fo well laid, io c pleafing to God and man, had it been effe&ed, was * miferably loft in the execution, yet could never have fo 8 fatally mifcarried, if there had not been a failure like- ' wife in the direction, occafioned either by over-great ' defires to do all quietly without noife, by the ftate of * the bufinefs mifreprefented, by opportunities and fea- * fons flipped, or by fome fuch like. Befides, it fome- * times falls out, that out of an eafinefs and fweetnefs of ' nature, fome men infenfibly fuffer oppofitions, which * at firil were eafily brought to obedience, to grow and ' go on fo far, as thereby to difficult their own affairs, * and difcourage their own party moft extremely, which * I have often obferved in an hundred men. Neverthe- lefe, The L I F E of C H A R L E S 1. 285 fervice-book to be continued) to the great peril c lefs, in my opinion, that error would not be feconded * with a far greater, which would be indeed more * grievous, more terrible ; for fhould thefe rude fpirits ' carry it thus from the king's honour to their own * churlifli wills, it would have a mod fearful operation, * I fear, as well upon England as themfelves j therefore, ' God Almighty guide his majeftie's counfels, and * ftrengthen his courage : for if he mafter not them, and * this affair tending fo much and vifibly to the tranquility c and peace of his kingdoms, to the honour of Almighty * God, I (hall be to feek for any probable judgment * what is like next to befall us at after (d).' To this ( At ' fons kept there ; a thing not fpoken of before our men ' and arms were fent home, and the like in other things. ' 'Tis true, they do reftore unto his majefty thofe forts c and caftles they had taken in Scotland: but, if it be as ' I hear, they might as well keep them ftill ; for they ' fuffer the king to put into thofe places but what num- * ber of men they think good ; and this, in the common * acceptation, is accounted but juggling, to make good * their words only, neglecting the fenfe and fubftance of ' them. The king is ftill at Berwick, and tho' coaches ' have been laid thefe four or five days by command, to * carry his majefty fouthward ; yet now for certain, I * hear, he intends to fee Edinburgh before his return to * London. My lord of Holland came by within thefe ' two days. Moft of the lords and gentlemen had taken * leave ten days ago ; and, I dare fay, they need not be * bidden to make hafte home, after once they had their ' difpatch : I did not think fo gentle a potion could have ' wrought fo ftrongly as I fee it did with many of them. ' The king's officers are fent for back again : the num- * ber with his majefty now at Berwick, I hear, is very ' (mail : counfellors, only my lord Marfhal, fir Henry ' Vane, and Mr. fecretary Coke. My lord, I will dif- ' courfe no longer of this fubjedr. ; I wilh we were not * over-witted by thefe fmooth-tongued men. It was my * fortune to be at the camp at two of their days of meet- ' ing, and afterwards heard a free liberal difcourfe of all ' paflages by fome of the commiffioners of both fides ; ' and, to my underftanding, methought we ftill gave 4 too much belief to their large promifes. I was bold ' to fay to fome of them, I would fain fee fomething c done, that might teftify them the fame they had pro- () Straf- feffed (n).' Lord Wentworth, who feems not to have lorde's let- i om ] t h e Scots, and who knew himfelf mortally hated tcrs vol 11- p. -64. ' by them, in a letter to the king, dated Dublin- caftle, 22 July, 1639, exprefles himfelf as follows: * Of your ' majeftie's refolution to go in perfon into Scotland, I , ' fhall not prefume to deliver my opinion ; yet I humbly ' crave The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 293 At firft, indeed, things feemed to tend to a fettle- * crave leave to befeech your majefty to apply your own ' excellent rule there alfo, which is, neither to believe * or expect farther than you fee ; and againft all events * not only to fecure your return, but by your providence ' to forefee and prevent the being conftrained upon the ' place to comply with any thing which may in the leaft ' prefs too hard upon your honour, or embolden either c thofe or other your fubjec"ts in the future ; thefe three ' principles being, in my weak judgment, to be granted : ' That it was the knowledge the covenanters had of ' their own weaknefs, not their better affections, that ' inclined them to feek an accommodation. ' That nothing is to be yielded there, which, by way * of precedent, may encourage thofe of England to pro- * tell, or conteft your royal commands, or the laws al- * ready eftablifhed. ' That England and Ireland miniftering to your fove- * reignty, as I am moft confident, if rightly handled, c they will, there is abundantly in your power fuddenly * and fafely to conform the other to your will, in all juft . * things.' He adds : * I fhould humbly crave this let- * ter were burnt, not out of any afpeft towards myfelf, ' but much rather in regard I know not what confe- ' quences it might produce, in cafe the fadtion find that ' any fuch confiderations have been humbly prefented to * your majeftie's wifdom (o).' The day before the date ( ) straf- of this letter, his majefty hadwritten to the lord deputy, forde's let- fro m Berwick^ to come over to him for fome time, to tersanddl give him his counfel and attendance, for reafons which < p. e t , -j. he thought not fit to exprefs by letter. ' More than ' this, adds he, the Scots covenant begins to fpread too * far : yet for all this, I will not have you take notice * that I have fent for you ; but pretend fome other occa- fion of bufmefs (p). (/>) I* Whilft Charles was in this difpofition of mind, he gave inftru&ions to the earl of Traquair^ whom he appointed his high commiflioner in Scotland. Thefe inftructions (hew that Charles was full of tricks and evafions,. and U 3 yery ? 9 4 r^LIFEo/CHA'RLES I. fettlement. For epifcopacy was abolifhed, the canons very far from that opennefs and honefty on which fecurity alone can be founded. He allows hirn to confent to the abolishing of epifcopacy ; but bids him ' be careful that * it be dorfe without the appearing of any warrant from * the bilhops ; and if any, fays he, offer to appear for ' them, you are to enquire for their warrant ; and carry ' the difpute fo, as the conclufion feem not to be made * in prejudice of epifcopacy as unlawful, but only in fa- ' tisfaclion to the people for fettling the preient disorders, and fuch other reafons of ftate.' And in the conclu- fion he orders him to proteft, * That in refpedt of his majeftie's refolution of not coming: in perfon, and that ' his inflru-) Sydney's with what was done, and apprehenfive that nothing bet- P a P ers > vo1 - U 4 ter ll ' p ' H% 296 The LIFE of CHARLES I. commifHon was declared to have no power, and ter^was to be hoped for, ordered Trcquair to prorogue the parliament to the next year. This he did ; but the Scots declared it was againft their privileges, though, out of regard to his majefty, they complied with it. What followed is comprifed in lord Northumberland's letter to lord Leicefier, dated London, Nov. 28, 1639. c The ' Sects have fubmitted to the king's adjournment of their * parliament ; but with fuch a proteftation, or dedara- ' tion, as his majefty is not fatisfied. The officers of * their army they ftill continue together at Edinburgh, * and likewife keep up their feveral tables, where they c often meete, and hold confutations for the ordering * their affaires, which fhews they have no difpofition to 6 obedience, except the king purchafe their good-wills c at too deare a rate. Traquair came to this towne laft " night: what he brings more than thefe generals, I * know not; but certain I am, that fome of the principal c directors in thefe Scotch bufinefles think he hath much * diflerved his majefty in this laft aflembly and parlia- (1) Sydney's ' ment (s). Upon 'Traquair % arrival, he gave an ac- papers, vol. coun t to the council of what had paffed in Scotland^ who 11. p. 2c. th ereU p 0n unanimoufly agreed, that it was necefiary to reduce the Scots by force ; and accordingly was refolved on. Thus Charles accomplished what he feemed to have been bent on from the treaty of pacification, the renewal of the war, which his friends thought he had very mean- ly and ignominioufly ended, and by which, it is laid, he (0 Claren difcerned he had loll reputation at home and abroad (t). den, vol. i. But it muft be confefied, this renewal of it, in his cir- p. 125. cumftances, was ftill weaker, if poffible, than what he had before done in thefe affairs. It had little foundation in juftice or prudence, feeing it proceeded from refent- ment of the behaviour of the Scctijh affembly and parlia- ment, to which he had confented all things civil and ec- clcfiaftical fhould be referred ; and alfo from a defire to make that people fubmit to the ufe of words, the found cf which were harfh in their ears, and to a government in the church, which appeared in their eyes odious and aba- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 297 and the articles of Perth were no more to be fubfcribed. Traquair, his majefty's high com- mifiioner, gave his affent to thefe things, in his name, though againfl his inclinations. But the parliament being difpofed by its au- thority to confirm what the affembly had done, and likewife to fecure for the future the civil and religious /ights of their nation, was prorogued to the next year. This caufed great uneafinefs, and was followed by fuch actions as were difpleafing to Charles, and furnifhed him with a pretence for re- newing the war. In the mean while the Scots were admitted to fend deputies to Lon- don, to juftify their conduct. But what hap- pened to the earl of Loudon, one of them, did not tend much to terminate the diffe- rences (111) : for he was fent to the Tower by abominable. 'Tis true, he had outwardly confented to the abolifhing of thofe things which appeared grievous unto them : but his heart was fet on the reftoring them at the fame time ; for he affured the Scotijh bifhops, after the abovementioned inffructions were given to Traquair 9 " That it fhould be one of his chiefeft ftudies how to ' rectify and eftablifti the government of that church c aright, and to repair their lofles ().' In order to do() r u /i,_ this was the train laid, in the manner now mentioned, worth, vol. for renewing the war, which could not be of the leaft 111 ' P* 95 1 * confequence to the Englijh, at whofe expence it was to be waged, and which little contributed to Charles's own reputation. (in) What happened to the earl of Loudon did not tend much to terminate the differences.'] After the prorogation ef the ScotiJI) parliament, it was refolved to ' make re- 2 * monftrances 298 'The LIFE c/CHARLES I. by the king, and very narrowly cfcaped with monftrances to his majefty, and that fome of each ftate fhould remain at Edinburgh to attend his anfwer. Accordingly they fent the lord Loudon and another peer as their deputies to the king at Whitehall ; but they coming without warrant from his majeftie's commif- fioner, were commanded back without audience. Af- ter this, they fent another petition to his majefty, de- firing permiffion to lend (bme of their number tor their own vindication ; which his majefty granting, the lords Loudon and Dumferling were again fent up, who being commanded to attend a committee at an appointed time, refented the thing, and did not think themfelves obliged to treat with any but the king only. Upon which his majefty vouch fafed his presence in the faid committee, where the lord Loudon made a fpeech, de- claring the independency of the crown of Scotland; and juftined the transitions cf the afiembly and parlia- ment, that they were according to the articles of paci- fication, and laws and cuftoms of the nation : therefore they defned a ratification of their proceedings, and that the parliament might go on to determine of all bills for the fettlement of peace. Having finifhed his fpeech, their commiflion was examined by the council, and found not at all obligatory to thofe that fent them : yet an imperfect paper was produced, authorizing Loudon and Dumferlingy which was at length accepted. Yet they were foon checked ; for after they had inlifted upon their forefaid requefts, their proceedings were fummed up to them, and a letter produced by the that had been intercepted, wrote to the French indorfed Au Roy, a ftile only ufed by fubjeefs to their natural king, and fubferibed by the lords Rothes, Mantrrfe, Mar, Loudon, and Forre/ler; in which they addrcfied to his majefty, as the refuge and fancluary of afHicled princes and ftates, moft humbly befeeching him to give faith and credit to Mr. Colvil, whom they had fent to reprefent the candour and ingenuity of their proceedings, and to allure themfelves of an affiftance fuited king, kmg, T&e LIFE of CHARLES I. 299 with his life. However, after fome time he fuited to his wonted clemency. This was found to be the lord Loudon s own hand, who being examined upon it, refufed to give any other anfwer, than that it was wrote before the agreement, and thereupon referved, and never fent : that if he had committed any offence, he ought to be queftioned for it in Scotland, and not in England: and infiftingupon his fafe-condud, demanded his liberty to return (w).' But, notwithftanding all (w) Cnw^ lis, Loudon was committed to the Tower. This was furd s llVM > highly refented by the Scoiijh lords, as a violation of the law of nations, to meddle with any public mef- fenger : but the king judged no confideration could warrant his fubjedrs to commit treafon, nor fecure them from trial and cenfure, when found guilty. There were fome ill inftruments about the king, who advifed him to proceed capitally againft Loudon, which is believed went very far; but the marquis [of Hamilton] oppofed this vigorously, afiiiring the king, that if that were done, Scotland was for ever loft (x). How far (*) Burnet's he advices of thefe ill inftruments proceeded, Burnet memoirs of hought it not fafe at that time to fay plainly : but the Ha J lton particulars of it will appear from a memorandum, written by Dr. JVhite Kennet, then bifhop of Peterbo- rough, in the blank leaf of his copy of thefe memoirs, now in the pofTeffion of the Hon. Mr. Charles Torke of Lincoln's- Inn. ' Mem. On Thurfday Feb. 5, 17 18- 19, Mr. Frazier, late fecietary of Chelfea- college, paid me a vifit, with "John Chatnberlayne, Efq; and upon a difcourfe of Scot- land, &c. told us this ftory, with very great affurance of the truth of it : That foon after the publication of this book [Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton'], he was in the company of feveral Englijh peers, when the author, Mr. Burnet, was then prefent. One of the noble peers charged him with having left out feveral things, for fear of offending the court. Why, yes, faid Mr. Burnet, I could not put down every thing I found in the papers committed to me, becaufe fome 1 things 3 oo T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. he was releafed, and returned into Scotland. But ' things would not bear telling. The lord replied, Truth mould be told. Yes, faid Mr. Burnet ; but if c this be truth, what do ye think of its being fit to be told? c While the earl of Loudon lay prifoner in the Tower, * king Charles I. in his paffionate refentraents againft * him, fent a warrant to fir William Balfour, lieutenant * of the Tower, to execute the prifoner for high treafon * the next morning.. The lieutenant acquainted the * earl of Loudon with the warrant he had received, and * defired his opinion how to avoid the execution of it. c The earl of Loudon, after a grievous complaint that he c had been very unjuflly committed to that prifon, and * was to have his life barbarouily taken away, earneftly * defired Balfour to go to the marquifs of Hamilton, and * beg his advice and good offices in it. He went accord- * ingly to court that evening, to find out the marquifs ; * but could not light upon him, till his majefty was gone * to bed. The marquifs and the lieutenant came back * to the chamber-door, and were much furprifed to hear * that the king was in bed. After fome waiting and * fretting, one told fir IVilliam Balfour, that, as lieu- * tenant of the Tower, he had a privilege to knock at * the king's chamber-door at any hour of the night, and * fo have admifiion to his majefty. Upon which encou- * ragement, he did knock till he was heard by the groom ' of the bed-chamber, who afked, who was there? Bal- c four anfwered, the lieutenant of the Tower, upon * buiinefs with the king. The king bade him let him * in. He came, and fell on his knees at the bedfide, ' and begged to know whether the warrant for the exe- * cution of Loudon was legally obtained from his majefty, * and whether he could legally proceed in the execution * of it ? ufing fome arguments and entreaties for the re- * calling, at leaft the fufpending, of it. No, fays the * king, the warrant is mine, and you (hall obey it. Upon * which the marquis of Hamilton, who had flood at the ' door, ftept up, and fell likewife on his knees before th The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 301 But the thoughts of war were not laid afide. His the king, and begged, that he would not infift upon fuch an extraordinary refolution. The king feemed very peremptory in it j till the marquis, in a way of taking leave, faid to this efFedt : Well then, if your majefty be fo determined, I'll go, and get ready to ride poft for Scotland to-morrow morning ; for I am fure, before night, the whole city will be in an uproar, and they'll come and pull your majefty out of your palace. I'll get as far as I can, and declare to my countrymen, that I had no hand in it. The king was ftruck at this, and bid the marquis call the lieutenant again ; who coming back to the bedftde, the king faid, Give mc the warrant ; and taking it, tore it in pieces. ' Is this ftory now, faid Mr. Burnet, fit to be told ? All the company flood amazed, and held up their hands. Hearing this ftory, fays Mr. Frazier, with mine own ears, I once related it to the late duke of Hamilton, who was killed in a duel ; and his grace faid, that he had often run over the papers, from which Dr. Burnet drew out his materials for this book, and he had them now in his cuftody in Scotland; and he well remembered, that there was fuch a relation there given, and that he verily -believed it to be true (y).* This memorandum I have given at large, (y) Ap P e n - that the reader may perceive the evidence on which the dlx to ^ relation (lands, and judge of it accordingly. The fame Ghmor- *" fat is to be found in other writers (though Mr. Hume gan's tranf- has thought proper wholly to overlook it), as may be z 10as > p. fcen in the margin (z). What muft every impartial 15 ' perfon now think of Charles ? Where is his boafted juf- ford's Uves, tice, clemency, or mercy ? Where his regard to the laws p- 201 $ of nations, the laws of England, of which he averred jr udlow no his great knowledge on his tryal, or the common rights ^' 1^* of humanity ? Or where was even the policy of fuch a 1692 ; cruel inhuman refolution ? To order a nobleman, fent O^mixon't by another kingdom to tranfacl: affairs, to be put to death t h e sTu^ts without form of law, or judgment given by thofe who vol. i. p. ' alone could have power to pafs it, on a pretence moil 1 4 frivolous, $o2 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. His majefty chofe a felect number of his council to confult about the Scotijh affairs* Of thefe Straffbrde, Hamilton, and Laud, were moft in credit with the king, and their advice chiefly relied on. The war was by them deemed necefTary, as well as by Charles, who, after debate concerning the means of fupporting it, concluded at length on calling a parliament (kkk), which accordingly was af- frivolous, was little worthy of a man who pretended conference on all occafions, and fet himfelf up for the patron of religion. We may well fuppofe this adion did not tend to conciliate the affections of the Scotijh na- tion to his perfon and government. (kkk) Concluded at length on calling a parliament.] Lord Northumberland^ in a letter to the earl of Lei- cejler, dated London, Decemb. 12, 1639* fpeaking con- cerning the committee for Scotijh affairs, of which he was a member, tells him, ' This committee hath lately * had feveral meetings, to confider by what means the 4 rebellious Scots fhould be brought to obedience ; for all * agreed, that it was unfit for the king to condefcend to 4 their unreafonable demands. Two ways were only ' thought on, for the rayfeing of monyes, by the ordi- * narie way of parlament, or by extraordinarie wayes of * poWer : the charge requifite for this work (to mentaine e an army of 30m. foote and 5m. horfe) was computed * at a million of pounds a yeare. To perfwade a parla- * ment to furnifh the king prefently with fo much, was 4 concea%'ed a very unlikely thing. The king's revenew, * upon examination, appeared to be fo anticipated, as * little could be hoped for from thence; laying excifes, 4 injoining each countie to mentaine a certaine number * of men whilft the warre lafted, and fuch like ways, 4 were by fome far preft ; but met with fo many weightie * objections, that thofe lords, that were all this while 4 moft The L I FE of C H A R L E S I. 303 affembled, but was of fhort duration : for his moft averfe to parlaments, did now begin to advife the ' king's makeing triall of his people in parliament, be- fore he ufed any way of power. This being advifed by their lordfhips (who, to fay truth, found themfelves ' fo pufleld, that they knew not where to begin), the ' king was foon gained, and refolved, the next council- * day, to propofe it to the reft of the lords, which ao ' cordingly was done j and though it came very unex- * pectedly to them, yet it pafled without oppofition. * The day appointed for the meeting of parliament is ' the 13th of April next: a parliament in Ireland muft * precede ours ; and without the deputy be here, fome ' are of opinion, the king's affairs cannot profper. If, ' in the meane tyme, the Scotts will not reft fatisfied with ** ' what the king did laft yeare promifle them, by his ar- ' tides of pacification, fyre and fworde mail come * amongft them. Such incendiaries are here amongft * us, that, to fpeake freely to your lordftiip, I do not lee ' how we fhall poflibly avoid falling into great misfor- ' tunes. Before the king can have any fupply from the 4 parlament, it is conceaved that he will have greate oc- ' cafion for the imploying a good fumme of money for ' the ftrengthning his northerne garrifons, and fecuring thofe parts with fome troupes, both of horfe and foote. ' His own credite not ferving for the taking up of thefe * moneyes, his majeftie is forced to engage his councell : * fome of them undertake the furniifung 10, fome ?o * thoufand pounds. The deputy is prefently returning ' into Ireland, with a commiffion to be liftenant of that ' kingdom (a).' (a) Sydney's In the Lent following, IVentzvortb, now made earl of P a P ers > vol Strafforde, and lord lieutenant, returned into Ireland, 11 ' p " 23% where he ftaid about a fortnight ; * in which time he fat ' in parliament, had four fubfidies given there; ap- ' pointed a council of war, and gave orders to levy eight c thoufand foot in Ireland; which, together with two * thoufand foot and a thoufand horfe, which was the ' ftanding army in Ireland, and five hundred horfe to be ' joined 304 7/^LIFE o/CHARLES !. his majefty infifting on large fupplies, before any * joined with them, were to be fent into Scotland, under (b) Straf- his lordfhip's command (b). His own letters will bell forde'slet- re prefent the hopes he gave Charles, and the confidence p. 431. ' ' ^ tn which he infpired him. ' In a few words,' fays he, in his letter to the king, dated Dublin, Good-Friday morning, 1640, ' fir, your perfon and authority here is * g infinitely honoured and reverenced : this people, abun- ' dantly comforted and fatisfied in your juftice, fet with ' exceeding great alacrity to ferve the crown the right ' way in thefe doubtful times, and much trufting and ' believing us your majefty's poor minifters ; all this in * as high a meafure as your own princely heart can wifli. * And if all this be not literally true, let the fhame be 6 mine, fo wretchedly to have mifinformed your ma- (<) Id. p. < jefty(7).' And in a letter to tecxetzxy Windebank, dated * 2, Ap. 4th, of the fame year, being on board the pinnace for his return to England, he has the fame kind of ex- prefiions. ' I have left that people as fully fatisfied, and * as well afFeted to his majefty's perfon and fervice, as ' can poflibly be wifhed for, notwithftanding the philo- ' fophy of fome amongft you there in the court, who ' muft needs have it believed, true or falfe, that that * people are infinitely diftafted with the prefent govern- * ment, and hating of me ; which error 1 can very eafily ' remit unto them, confidering that thereby the truth ' will be more clearly underftood unto all, and in con- * clufion the fhame fall upon themfelves. I have alfo c ufed all poffible diligence in fetting on the levies, and ' making all other provificns incident for the tranfporta- ' tion of the eight thoufand foot and one thoufand horfe, 'and ready they will be, I truft, by the midft of July, ' always provided that the conditions, mentioned in my ' former letters, be complied withall. And this I am ' able to afliire his majefty, that I find that people as for- ' ward to venture their perfons, as they have been to open ' their purfes, and inlarge their engagements towards ' the inftant occafion, infinitely difdaining his majefty ' fiiould be fo infolently proceeded with, and unworthily ' pro- T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 305 any of their numerous grievances were re- drelTed ; ' provoked by thofe covenanters : to which I will only 4 add thus much (if truth may be fpolcen without offence 4 to fuch as would have it thought to be otherwife), that 4 not only the Handing officers and foldiers of that army, 4 but the Iri/hry themfelves alfo will go (to fpeak modeft- 4 ly) as willingly and gladly, under my command, as of 4 any other Englijh fubject whatfoever (d).' No doubt (<*) Straf- Charles was pleafed with Straffordes fuccefs in Ireland^ torde s j et ~ and animated by thefe pofitive aflurances of the affection p. 40*, * and affiftance to be relied on. Though the event plainly fhewed that the lord lieutenant was impofed on himfelf, or deceived his majefty, who had a very high opinion of his abilities. The parliament of England met on the 13th day of Aprils 1640; and his majefty allured them, that 4 there 4 never was a king that had a more great and weighty 4 caufe to call his people together, than himfelf.' The lord keeper was referred to by him for the particulars. 'Tis well known this parliament was foon diflblved. Charles wanted fupplies for his Scotijb expedition; the houfe of commons infifted on a redrefs of their manifold grievances. He being not then difpofed to grant the one, they were as little difpofed to give him the other ; though they are reprefented as men well attached to the crown both by lord Clarendon (e) t and other hiftorians. (<-) Vol. 7. The behaviour of Charles towards this parliament, Bo- P'^S**^ lingbroke has well reprefented in the words following : 4 That the civil war, which followed, might have been 4 prevented, appeared very manifeftly in the temper and 4 proceedings of the parliament, which met in April 4 1640, when all had been done, which could be done, 4 to deftroy the conftitution ; for if the king had been 4 able to continue to govern without parliaments, the 4 conftitution had been deftroyed : and when calling 4 a parliament was vifibly the efTe<5t of neceffity and fear, 4 not choice, the parliament, which was called, ihewed 4 wonderful order and fobriety in their whole behaviour. * If fome paflion had appeared in their debates, it might X ' have (/) Craftf- nan, vol. vii. p. 394, 'T/je LIFE of C H A R L E S I. dreiledj and they not immediately granting his * have been well excufed in an houfe of commons, af- * fembled at fuch a time ; and yet fcarce an angry word ' was thrown out. The few, that efcaped from fome, * were either filently difliked, or openly difapproved. * The king, even in this criiis of affairs, p/eferved the ' fame carriage he had formerly ufed towards them, and * ihewed too plainly that he regarded them only as tax- * layers. In a word, in about a month after their mcet- * ing, he diflblved them ; and as foon as he had diflblved ' them, he repented, but he repented too late, of his * rafhnefs. Well might he repent ; for the vefTel was ' now full, and this laft drop made the waters of bitter- * nefs overflow (f). A mefTage to the houfe of com- mons by fir Henry Vane the elder, fecretary of ftate and treafurer of the houfhold, on the 4th cf May, will beft explain this carriage, which his lordfhip refers to it. It is in the following words. ' Whereas, upon Saturday * laft, his majefty was pleafed to fend a mefTage to this ' houfe, defiring you to give a prefent anfwer concern- * ing his fupply ; to which his majefty hath yet no other * anfwer, but that upon this day you will again take it into ' further confideration : therefore his majefty (the better < to facilitate your refolutions) this day hath thought fit c to let you know, that of his grace and favour he is * pleafed, upon your granting twelve fubfidies to be pre- ' fently palled, and to be paid in three years, with apro- vifo, that it fhall not determine the feftion?, his ma- ' jefty will not only, for the prefent, forbear the levying of any fhip-money, but will give way to the utter ' abolifhingof it, by anycourfe that yourfelves /hall like ' beft. And for your grievances, his majefty will (ac- * cording to his royal promife) give you as much time as ' may be now, and the next Michaelmas-% and he expects a prefent and pofitive anfwer, upon which he may rely, * his affairs being in fuch a condition as can endure no * longer delay. Hereupon the houfe was turned into a * grand committee, and fpent the whole day till fix at ' night in debate of this mefTage j but came to no refo- lution, T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 307 his. demand, but deliberating thereon, he in great hafte difTolved them : to the difTa- tisfaction of his friends and the joy of his adverfaries. Whereupon, being ftill bent on carrying on the war, he had recourfe to his ufual methods of fupplying himfelf by the prerogative. No fooner was the parliament difTolved, but fome members of the houfe of commons were fummoned before the coun- cil (lll), on account of what had paffed there; and, not anfwering to his majefty's fatisfaction, were imprifoned. Ship-money now * lution, and defired fir Henry Vane to acquaint>his ma- ' jefty, that they intended the next day to proceed in the c further confideration thereof (g).' But on the next (g) Ruft- day (the king being enraged at their not immediately .^ orth,T0 . 1 ' complying), as I have before obferved, they were diflblved ' p * 1154 * in an angry manner ; his majefty telling the lords, ' That * it had been the malicious cunning of fome few fedi- ' tioufly affected men [in the houfe of commons], that 4 had been the caufe of the mifunderftanding (h).' ,^ I(1 -^ Thus if the king had great and weighty caufe to call 1155. together this parliament, for a very fmall, or rather no caufe, did he part from it ; * for, fays Clarendon, no man * could imagine what offence the commons had given, * which put the king upon that refolution (i). But (;) Vol. I, * Charles was wont to act rafhly and precipitately, to F H - ' come fuddenly and haftily to a refolution, and as fud- 4 denly to repent of it. His end, indeed, he kept fteadily ' in view; but the means to accomplish it were^ for the ' moft part, ill-judged, and ill-conducted. No wonder, ' therefore, he was unhappy ! (lll) Some members of the houfe of commons were fum- moned before the council, and imprifoned.'] Charles had a very high opinion of the regal power, and a very con- X 2 temptible 3o8 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. now was exadted with great rigour; and fuch temptible one of the power of parliaments. This has been proved in the notes (zz) (aaa). Here follows ftill farther proof of it, as well as of his violating the privi- leges of the members of that mod illuftrious body. Soon after the parliament was diffblved, his majefty publifhed a declaration to all his loving fubjects, of the caufes which moved him to diflblve the laft parliament. In this declaration he treats with great feverity of language his former parliaments ; fhews the end he had in view in calling this laft, even the raifing money to fupport the army to be railed againft the Scots ; his willingnefs to have redrefled their grievances, even before they had given him a fupply, if the great neceflity of his occafions would have permitted; the neglect of the commons to give him content, notwithstanding they were prefted to do it by himfelf and the lords, and that he had declared he would afterwards redrefs their grievances : I fay, after having fet forth thefe things, he obferves, * Thofe ill * aftedied members of the houfe of commons, inftead ' of an humble and dutiful way of prefenting their ' grievances to his majefty, have taken upon them to be ' the guiders and directors in all matters that concern his 1 majeftie's government, both temporal and ecclefiafti- cal : and (as if kings were bound to give an account * of their regal actions, and of their manner of govern- ' ment, to their fubjedts aflembled in parliament) they ' have, in a very audacious and inlblent way, entered * into examination and cenfuring of the prefent govern- ' ment, traduced his majeftie's adminiftration of juftice, ' rendered, as much as in them lay, odious to the reft of ' his majeftie's fubjects, not only the officers and minif- ' ters of ftate, but even his majeftie's very government, * which hath been fo juft and gracious, that never did * this or any other nation enjoy more bleflings and hap- * pinefs, than hath been by all his majeftie's fubjedls en- * joyed, ever fince his majeftie's accefs to the crown: * nor did this kingdom ever lb flourifh in trade and com- 1 merce as at this prefent, or partake of more peace and ' plenty 7/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 309 fuch fherifTs as were negligent in executing the e plenty in all kinds whatfoever.' Having thus vented his refentment againft thofe members that offended him in parliament, and praifed his own government, he * per- ' mits his loving fubjecls freely to addrefs themfelves by * their humble petitions to his facred majefty, if they ' have any juft caufe to complain of any grievances or * oppreffions, who will gracioufly hear their complaints, ' and give fuch fitting redrefs therein, that all his people ' fhall have juft caufe to acknowledge his grace and ' goodnefs towards them ; and to be fully fatisfied, that 4 no perfons or aflemblies can more prevail with his ma- ' jefty, than the piety and juftice of his own royal nature, ' and the tender affection he doth and fhall ever bear to * all his people and loving fubjecls ().' Were a man (k) Ru/h- difpofed to be fevere on the memory of Charles, this de- orth > vol claration would afford him abundant matter for it. To U2 -P 116 hear a government extolled as juft and gracious; a nation declared to have enjoyed fo great happinefs, when all fteps had been taken to enflave it, and all orders and degrees of men had experienced the intolerable rigour and feverity of the adminiftration ; muft fill one with indignation againft fuch as attempt fo grofly to impofe on mankind. Lord Clarendon, though he has fpoken of Charles's oppreffions, or thofe of his minifters, in ftrong and juft terms many times, yet, after all, avers, agreeably to this declaration, c That during the whole time that thefe * preffures were exercifed, and thofe new and extraor- ' dinary ways were run which was above twelve years, ' this kingdom, and all his majeftie's dominions, enjoyed c the greateft calm, and the fulleft meafure of felicity, ' that any people in any age, for fo long time together, * have been bleffed with (I).' One would think his (/) Vol, i lordfhip, as well as the compiler of his majeftie's decla- P* 74* ration, imagined that their readers were all deftitute of common fenfe, or totally ignorant of Charles's govern- ment. For a man of a tolerable knowledge in the hiftory, and a tolerable capacity, muft draw very dif- X 3 ferent 310 TA? LIFE*/ CHARLES I. the writs for railing it, were ordered to be profecuted in the Star-chamber. Knight- ferent conclufions from the facts recited in the foregoing notes. Let us now go on with the hiftory. * The day fol- c lowing the duTolution of this parliament, fome mem- * bers were imprifoned : the lord Brooks his ftudy, cabi- * nets, and pockets were fearched for papers ; Henry Bel- * la/is, knight of the (hire for the county of Tori, and * fir yohn Hotham, were convened before the council, ' and there examined concernins fome particulars im- ' porting the king's fervice, whereunto they making (as c the board conceived) no fatisfaetory anfwers-(for they * were interrogated concerning paflages in parliament, * his majefty being prefent in council), were ordered to ' be committed to the Fleet yohn Crew, efq; was alfo * convented before the board, his majefty being prefent * in council, and was there defired by his majefty to de- * liver to the clerk of the houfe of commons all peti- * tions, papers, and complaints that he had received, ' being in the chair at the committee for religion. But * he defired, for fome reafons, to be excufed as to the * delivery of them ; whereupon it was commanded that ' he fhould be committed clofe prifoner to the Tower, * where he continued till near the time of the meeting (m) Rufl- ' of another parliament, Nov. 3, 1640 (m).' Thefe worth, voJ. were likely methods to conciliate the affections of the p. ii 7. gngiijh na tion to this prince indeed ! Thefe were prudent meafures ! well-timed feverities! which muft be of great fervice when Scotland was in arms, and his majefty defti- tute of the means of refilling them ! But he imagined there was magic in the name of King, which gave him the liberty of doing as he pleaied, and the power of bend- ing ail to his will. However, he foon found himfelf mis- taken. Lord Clarendon tells us, * That the king, when * he had better reflected on what was like to fall out, and * was better informed of the temper and duty of the ' houfe of commons was heartily forry for what he had c done : and, he fays, he confulted the fame day, or the 2 next, ^LIFEo/CHARMS I. 311 Knighthood-money was fet on foot, and the citizens of London invited to a loan. But they generally refufed, being difcontented at the prefent proceedings, as well as angry on account of their treatment about London- derry, ' next, whether he might by his proclamation recall * them to meet together again ().' Bolingbroke, in the (") Vo '- ' paflage quoted in the foregoing note, fpeaks alfo of his p ' l/ *' fpeedy repentance for this diffolution. But how to re- concile this with the known fats of Charles's publifhing the above-quoted declaration, fo highly injurious unto them, and his treatment of fome of the members, is be- yond, I think, every ordinary capacity. I fhall conclude this note with obferving, that Charles's whole conduct at this time was void of prudence and policy. Divers al- dermen of London were fent for to the council-table, to give in the names of fuch citizens as were able to lend the king money ; which they refufing to do, were com- mitted to prifon (o). The lord mayor and fheriffs of M ^ uft " London were ordered to be proceeded againft in the Star- ; ;;> p/nsi. chamber, for negledt in raifing (hip-money ; as were the fherifFs of other counties (p). The refufers of coat and (rf Id - ? conductmoney were ordered to be brought up to Lon' II73 ' xzo l' don (q). The money in the mint, belonging to private (?) id. p. perfons, was feized by the king, and releafed not till the I202 owners thereof lent him 40000 /. and a project was fet on foot for coining 2 or 300,000/. of copper money, which mould be mixed with a 4th part of filver (r), tho' (,) Sydney's it took not effect, as I can remember : and all the pepper papers, vol. the merchants had in ftore, lying under the Old Ex- u * p ' * " change, amounting to a great fum, was bought up by the king on credjt, and immediately fold again at a confi- . derable undervalue (s). By thefe and other fuch meafures (*) Ruft- did his maiefty ftrengthen himfelf againft the Scots, as he | rth, 1 | thought. But they, more Iharp-fighted, were pleafed with his proceedings, as well knowing thofe who were dif- obliged and ill-treated by him, would never willingly forward his fuccefs againft them. X 4 (mmm) 312 (/) May's parliamen- tary hiftory, p. 64. T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. derry> of which I have formerly fpokeru However little, comparatively, was pro- duced, except by the clergy, nobility, and gentry belonging to the court : thefe indeed contributed liberally. But though a royal army was raifed, and the king in perion commanded it, yet its fuccefs was but very indifferent : for the foldiers went moil: un- willingly to the war (mmm), and therefore be- (mmm) The foldiers went mojl unwillingly to the war y &c] The king might have judged fomething of the temper of the Englijh by his ftrft expedition againft the Scots; but he feems not to have known it, or little to have valued it. He got together an army indeed, of which the earl of Northumberland was appointed general (but he falling fick, the earl of Strafforde had the com- mand, under the title of lieutenant-general), and the lord Corway general of the horfe. * But in the expedi- tion of the king's army towards the North, it was a marvellous thing to obferve, in divers places, the averfe- nefs of the common foldiers from this warre. Though commanders and gentlemen of great quality, in pure obedience to the king, feemed not at all to difpute the caufe or confequence of this warre, the common foul- diers would not be fatisfied, questioning in a mutinous manner, whether their captains were papifts or not; and in many places were not appeafed till thev faw them receive the facrament ; laying violent hands on divers of their commanders, and killing fome, utter- ing in bold fpeeches their diftafte of the caufe, to the aftonifhment of many, that commdn people mould be fenfible of publicke intereft and religion, when lords and gentlemen feemed not to be (/).' * Nothing, fays IVlntlock, could alter the opinion and humour of divers of the officers and foldiers of his [Charles's] army, who, in their march to their rendezvous, fpared not to declare their judgments againft this war ; and that The LIFE of CHARLES I. 313 behaved not bravely in it. For, after fome dif- e that they would not fight to maintain the pride and * power of the bifbops ; and this their refolution Teemed ' not to be feigned, by the ill fuccefs afterwards (ii).' () Wb.it- Lord Clarendon feems to own the fact alfo in the follow- lock J P* 35 ing pafTage, though, after his manner, he has glofled and dilguifed it. * The earl of Strafforde found the army * about Durham, bringing with him a body much broken 4 with his late ficknefs, which was not clearly fliaken * off, and a mind and temper confeffing the dregs of it, c which being marvelloufly provoked and inflamed with ' indignation at the late difhonour [at Ncwburn\ ren- ' dered him lefs gracious, that is, lefs inclined to make * himfelf fo to the officers, upon his firft entrance into * his charge : it may be, in that mafs of diforder, not c quickly difcerning to whom kindnefs and refpect was * juftly due. But thofe who by this time, no doubt, were retained for that purpofe, took that opportunity * to incenfe the army againft him ; and fo far prevailed * in it, that in a fhort time it was more inflamed againft ' him, than againft the enemy ; and was willing to have * their want of courage imputed to an excefs of con- ' fcience, and that their being not fatisfied in the grounds * of the quarrel was the only caufe that they fought no c better (w).' I (hall not here enter into the particulars (w) Vol. J, of this fecond expedition againft the Scots. Our com- p ,' f I+ A" Sec mon hiftories will fatisfy the curiofity of the reader. I tct jji s h "^ _ will only obferve, that the event was fuch as might ry of the have been expecled from an army averfe to the caufe troubles of , . r 1 r? Great Bn- in which it was engaged. lor, in an encounter, tain the Englijh under the command of lord Conway fled ; fbl. Lond. fome of his moft gallant officers were taken prifoners ; I 7Z^' Newcajile and Durham were garrifoned by the Scots; and the fhips loaden with corn for his majefty's army, were feized by them. The king now found himfelf in a bad condition. A confiderable number of noblemen peti- tioned him to fummon a parliament, whereby the caufes of the grievances of the Englijh nation might be taken away j the city of London did the fame : the great council of '314 T/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. difpute, Co?tivay gave way; and the Scots en- tered England, and took pofTefTion of New- caftle. The great council, upon this, was fummoned to meet at York ; to whom his majefty declared his refolution to call a par- liament to fit the November following, which accord- of peers, afTembled for advice by his majefty at York, were for a treaty with the Scots, which iflued at length in an agreement ; by which a cefTation of arms was con- cluded, and a contribution of 850/. per diem for the Scots army was granted. ' Many wondered, and fome inveighed againft this c treaty, wifhing the king would have put it rather to * the iflue of a battle, than to have given fuch terms to 4 his fubjecls in rebellion ; and of this judgment was * Strafford, and the epifcopal party. But the other part * cried up this treaty as juft, honourable, and pious, to c prevent effufion of blood, and to fettle peace ; and the c king faw plainly," that both, divers officers of his army, ' and even the private foldiers generally (which was a ' remarkable inclination), had no mind to fight againft * the Scots, which chiefly caufed the king to conclude i*\ ' miN * this treaty (.v).' What followed will be foon feen. r?-17' g ut no man? f rojr , what has yet appeared, can help won- dering at the conduit of this unhappy monarch. His refolution we fee failed him, his hopes vanifhed, and he found himfelf unable any longer to rule by his will. All his actions tended hitherto to irritate and provoke the Eng/ijb; (who yet he expected fhould fpend their blood and treafures in his idle quarrels about a liturgy and church-government.) Nothing that was pleafing was attempted by him ; and therefore with great joy did they fee the Scots advance, and looked on them as their deli- verers : for without them, probably, thzEngliJh had been enflaved. For this reafon they were well treated by the next parliament, and fent home with ftore of EngHJh O) I stnf- KJ/ forde'skt- This letter no doubt gave great fatisfaftion to the lord ****> vo] - lieutenant, of whofe behaviour on his trial, Mr. Whit- p ' 4I ' hck % 320 T^LIFE o/CHARLES I. on account of the feverity of his maxims and lock, a manager againft him, thus fpeaks : ' Certainly * never any man a&ed fuch a part, on fuch a theatre, 4 with more wifdom, conftancy, and eloquence, with 4 greater reafon, judgment, and temper, and with a bet- 4 ter grace in all his words and geftures, than this great 4 and excellent perfon did ; and he moved the hearts of 4 all his auditors (fome few excepted) to remorfe and (g) Whit- ' pity (g).' But notwithstanding this behaviour, and lock, p. 44. fome doubt arifing whether the charge againft him was treafon, a bill was brought into the houfe of commons to attaint him of high treafon ; which after warm debates palled, and was fent up to the houfe of lords. Here- upon, on the ift of May, 1641, ' the king called both * houfes of parliament together, and did pafiionately de- * fire of them not to proceed feverely againft the earl, * whom he anfwered for, as to moft of the main parti- 4 culars of the charge againft him ; tells them, that in 4 confcience he cannot condemn the earl of high treafon, 4 and that neither fear nor any other refpedt fhould make 4 him go againft his confcience. But for mifdemeanors, 4 he is fo clear in them, that he thinks the earl not lit 4 hereafter to ferve him, or the commonwealth, in any (b) Id. p. 4 place of truft, no not fo much as a conftable (/?).' 45 j and The bill of attainder however paffed the houfe of lords, Charles's zn ^ was tenc lered to his majefty for his royal aflent. works, p. 4 The king being much perplexed upon the tendering of 172. 4 thefe two bills [for 8tr afforded attainder, and the bill 4 for continuing the parliament] to him, between the 4 clamours of a difcontented people, and an unfatisfied 4 confcience; he took advice (as fome reported) of 4 feveral of the bifliops, and of others his intimate coun- 4 fellours, what to do in this intricate affair : and that 4 the major part of them urged to him the opinion of 4 the judges, That this was treafon, and the bill legal. 4 They prefTed likewife the votes of the parliament, 4 That he was but one man, that no other expedient 4 could be found out to appeafe the enraged people, and 4 that the confequences of a furious multitude would be * very "The LIFE of CHARLES I. 32r and government: for he looked on him as an c very terrible. Upon all which they perfwaded him to * pafs the bills. But the chief motive was faid to be, * a letter of the earl of Strafford, then fent unto him, * wherein the gallant earl takes notice of thefe things, ' and what is beft for his majefty in thefe (traits, and to ' fet his confcience at liberty : he doth molt humbly be- * feech him, for prevention of fuch mi (chiefs as may c happen by his refufal, to pafs the bill, to remove him * out of the way, towards that bleffed agreement which * God (I truft) fhall for ever eftablifh betwixt you and * your fubjects. can an y man I repeat it be * : orth,p-5c, forry to find that he was made an example of? fol. Lond. In the bill of attainder, there was the following pro- 1680. v jf 0< c Provided that no judge or judges, juftice or ' juftices whatfoever, (hall adjudge or interpret any aft * or thing to be treafon, nor hear or determine any trea- - fon, in any other manner than he or they fhould or ' ought to have done before the making of this at, and (/) Id. p. ? as if this act had never been had or made (p). Upon 757 this it is remarked, in the Icon Bafilike y that * that after- ' ac"r, vacating the authority of the precedent for future 1 imitation, fufficiently tells the world, that fome re- * morfe touched even his moft implacable enemies, as know- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 325 crime of high treafon. At length, how- ever, knowing he had very hard meafure, and fuch as they would be very loath fhould be repeated to them- felves (q).' How pertinent this reflection is, will ap- (?) King pear by what follows. * Abundance of people, efpe- wot ^ p> cially the old cavaliers, underftand this provifo as a 649. reflection on the bill itfelf ; and as if his cafe [Straf- forde's] was fo very hard, even in the opinion of the parliament itfelf, that it was ordered by this claufe to be no precedent for the future. This is a ridiculous error in many refpe&s : firfr, becaufe doing a thing in one parliament, and ordering it to be no precedent to another, is an arrant bull ; fince the very doing it is and muft be a precedent, at the fame time 'tis ordered that it fhall be none. Secondly, it would have been an unparalleled open injustice, to put one man to death for fuch a crime, as, even in the opinion of thofe who punifhed him, was not great enough to be capital in any other perfon, or at any other time. And it will not weaken this argument to fay, that it was an unjuft cruel at, and therefore a good many diflented from it : for thofe dhTenting members themfelves could not be fo uncharitable as to imagine all the members of both houfes, who pafTed the bill, not only fo bafe and bloody as to be all the while againft it in their con- ferences, but fo foolifh alfo as to own it in the very bill itfelf. And therefore nothing can be plainer than that 'tis only a grofs miftake among ignorant people, to think they meant it in that manner. Accordingly, that aft of Charles If. which has reverfed this bill of attainder, and in the preamble recited every thing imaginable in favour of that earl, yet takes no notice of this claufe, which had more difcredited the bill than all the reft, if it could have been interpreted in that manner (r).' If Mr. Hume had attended to thefe con- ( r ) Works fiderations, he would poflibly have left out the reflection of J ahn in the clofe of the following period. The firft par- ^f^' liament, after the reftoration, reverfed the bill of at- Bucks, vol. tainderj and even a few weeks after Straforde's exe- p- 13* Y 3 cution, H- L *' 326 f^LIFEo/CHARLES I. ever, againft his own judgment, he figned the bill of attainder, to the very great amaze- ment of Straffbrde, and the contuiion of his adherents. The death of this great man, lay always heavy on the mind of Cbarks. This facrifice, together with the pafiing the bills for triennial parliaments ; for not dif-* folving the prefent parliament without its own confent ; for abolifhing the courts of Star-chamber and High-corn miffion.} and the bill for taking away the bilhops votes in parliament, and all temporal jurifdic- tions and offices from them, and all others in holy orders (ppp) ; I fay, the paffing thefe * cution, this very parliament remitted to his children ' the more fevere confequences of his fentence [by a bill 4 for refroring them in blood and honour, and fettling * his lands on his heirs], as if confcious of the violence, * with which the affair had been conducted (.s).' Surely (s) Hlftory fo jufr, fo generous a thing, merited not fuch an ill BriShTvo] natured remark. i. p. 286. ' (ppp) The hill for taking away the hijhops Votes in par- liament \ and all temporal jurifdiftions and offices from them, and all others in holy orders.] The bilhops and court- clergy had rendered themfelves fo very unpopular and odious, by promoting the fchemes for tyranny in church and ftate, that we need not wonder to find them very . J furioufly attacked by men of fenfe, virtue, and modera- tion. In the beginning of this parliament a fhort bill was brought in, c to take away the bifhops votes in par- * liamcnt, and to leave them out in all comm'nTions of e the peace, or that had relation to any temporal affairs.' This,, on a fecond reading, was caff out in the houfe of peers, where the bifhops then had votes. Soon after this another Ihort bill was prepared for * the utter era- * dication TfoLIFE^CHARLESI. 327 thefe bills feemed calculated to allay the fears ' dication of bifhops, deans and chapters, with all chan- * cellors, officials and all officers, and other perfons, be- ' longing to either of them. This alfo was laid afide * for a time (t).' Lord Clarendon, fpeaking of this, bill, (') Claren- fays, c they [the governing party in the houfes] prevailed p',! ^ ' with fir Edward Dering, a man very oppofite to all c their defigns (but a man of levity and vanity; eafily * flattered, by being commended), to prefent into the ' houfe ; which he did from the gallery, with the two ' verfes in Ovid, the application whereof was his great- eft motive : f CunEla prius tentanda, fed immedicabik vulnus * Enfe reddendum eji, ne parsfmcera trahatur. * He took notice of the great moderation and candour ' of the houfe, in applying fo gentle a remedy, by the * late bill, to retrench the exorbitances of the clergy : * hoping that by pruning and taking off a few unnecef- * fary branches from the trunk, the tree might profper * the better ; that this mortification might have mended * their constitution, and that they would have the more * carefully intended their health : but that this foft re- * medy had proved fo ineffectual, that they were grown * more obftinate and incorrigible ; fo that it was now 4 necefTary to put the ax to the root of the tree, and * therefore defired that the bill might be read (u).' I 00 Id. r. have quoted this paffage at length, in order to give the 2 37 reader a fpecimen of lord Clarendon's relations and colour- ings. Sir Edward Dering, here fpoken of, was a man of fenfe, virtue, and learning, perhaps not inferiour to his lordfhip, of a family vaftly fuperiour. His zeal for the intereft of religion was great, as well as his concern for the honor and welfare of its teachers : he could not, therefore, be actuated by fo mean a motive as the appli- cation of Ovid's verfes. Sir Edward himfelf has pub- limed the fpeech he made on this occafion, in which there is hardly one fentence of what his lordfliip has put into his mouth. Sir/ favs he, addreffing himfelf to Y 4 , the 328 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. fears of the people, and to fatisfy the par- liament. the fpeaker, c I am now the inftrument to prefent unto * you a very fhort (but a very (harp) bill : fuch as thefe ' times and their fad necefnties have brought forth. It ' fpeaks a free language, and makes a bold requeft : it is ' a purging bill. I give it you as I take phyfick, not for ' delight, but for a cure. A cure now, the laft and * only cure, if (as I hope) all other remedies have firft ' been tried. Then immedicab'ile vulnus^ &c. but cuncia ' prim tentanda. 1 never was for ruine, fo long as I ' could hold any hope of reforming. My hopes that * way are even almoft withered. Sir, you fee their de- * merits have expofed them publici odii piaculares vifti- ' mas. I am forry they are fa ill ; I am more forry that ' they will not be content to be bettered, which I did 8 hope would have been effected by our laft bill. When ' this bill is perfected, I (hall give a fad I unto it. And * at the delivery in thereof, I doe now profefs before- ' hand, that if my former hopes of a full reformation ' may yet revive and profper, I will againe divide my * fenfe upon this bill, and yeeld my fhoulders to under- * prop the primitive, lawful, and juft epifcopacy : yet fo * as that I will never be wanting, with my utmoft pains 6 and prayers, to root out all the undue adjuncts to it, (w) Collcc- * and fuperflrudlures on it (tt').' Is not this very dif- tion of ferent from the reprefentation of his fpeech in Clarendon? * e ' This bill, fir Edward fays, was prefTed into his hands by S. A. H. [fir Arthur Hafdrigl (being then Drought unto him by S. H. V. [ fir Henry Vane ] and O. C. \Olivcr CromwelI\. But to proceed. Though for the prefent this bill was dropped, yet the defign againft the bifhops and clergy was not laid afide. So ill had they acted, for the moft part, that the cry againft them was common; and nothing would fatisfy but an exclufion of them from thofe civil employments, in which they had fo badly behaved. The bill therefore was foon again re- vived; and though committed to a committee of the whole houfe (of which Mr. Hyde was the chairman), once more rnifcarried. This raifed the hopes of the clergy^ p. 6 3 . The L I..FE of C H ARLES I. 329 liament. But they had not this effedh for during clergy, we may well fbppofe. But their hopes Toon for" foolc them : for their adverfaries determining to clip thehr wings, and deprive them of the power of wreaking their revenge, prefented a new bill, * for taking away the * bifhops votes in parliament; and fordifabling them to ' exercife any temporal office in the kingdom.' This paill-d without much opposition in the houfe of commons. In the houfe of lords it (luck for a time : but the clamours againlt the bifhops increasing, and they weakly protefting againft every thing done there in their abfence, ir made its way at length, and was offered to the royal afFent. Charles for a time deliberated ; but being overcome by perfwafions, forely againft his mind, he palled it by com- miffion (a-), and thereupon had the thanks of both M Feb H> houfes (y). It. is not to be doubted the ill-will excited **' by the clergy againft themfelves in the breafts of mcftjjon voML men, had a good fhare in the framing and paffing thefep. 302, 333, bills. JBut it was not ill-will alone. The houfe of cOm- 4 a6 > 4 2 ^ ; mons, at this time, abounded with men of fenfe : they v0 " ^ or l ' f&W what was right, they had refolution to do it, and 554. were not afhamed to render the reafons of their conduct. As a curiofity I will give them the reader, from an aa- thority moft unexceptionable. They are as follows. 1. Reafon of the houfe of commons: ' becaufe it * [votes of bifhops in parliament] is a very great hin- 4 deran.ce to the exercife of their minifterial function. 2. f Becaufe they do vow and undertake at their or- ' dination, when they enter into holy orders, that they ' will give themfelves wholly to that vocation. 3. 4 Becaufe councils and canons, in feveral ages, do ' forbid them to meddle with fecular affairs. 4. * Becaufe the twenty-four biiJiops have a depen- * dency upon the archbifhops, and becaufe of their ca- 4 nonical obedience to them. 5. f Becaufe they are but for their lives, and therefore * are not fit to have legifl itive power over the honors, 1 inheritances, perfons, and liberties of others. 6- 330 f^LIFEc/CHARLES I. during thefe tranfa a ? a ' n ^ tne m, and would gladly have brought them to a5 6, ' have defifted from any thing difpleafing to him, though by a military force ; and confequently would either have dirlblved them, or rendered them ufelefs to the public. I have given the account of this affair in the very word3 of two of the gentlemen engaged in it, in order that the reader may the better be able to judge of the follow- ing pafTage in lord Clarendon. * It will hardly be believed * hereafter (but that the effects of fuch impoftures have ' left fuch deep marks), that the evidence then given *, could, in fo grave and judging an afiembly as an high ' court of parliament till then had always been, have * brought the leaft prejudice upon the king; or, indeed, c any damage to any perfon accufed : there being, in al! ' the tefti monies produced, fo little fhow of proof of a * real defign, or plot, to bring up the army (which was 4 the chief matter alledged) to awe the parliament, that * in truth it was very evident, there was no plot at al ; * only a free communication between perions (the major * part whereof were of the houfe) of the ill arts that * were generally ufed to corrupt the affections of the ' people ; and of fome expedient, whereby, in that fo ' publick infection, the army (in which they had all 4 confiderable commands, two of them being general * officers) ?be L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 335 well acquainted with it. This difcovery was ' officers) might be preferved from being wrought upon * and corrupted j in which difcourfe colonel Goring him- * felf, as appeared by his own examination, only pro- * pofed wild and extravagant overtures of bringing up * the army, and furprifing the Tower ; which was by all * the reft, with manifeft diflike, rejected : that all this * had parted at one meeting, in which they, who met, * were fo ill fatisfied in one another, that they never * would come together again. That when the bringing ' up the army to London was once talked of before the * king, his majefty would not hear of it; but only de- ' fired that their affections might be kept entire for his * fervice, as far as was confident with the laws of the * land, which were in danger to be invaded (c).' It Js ( c ) Claren- a fad thing when writers cannot relate facts as they were, on u but poliih and file them, to render them more ferviceable to party purpofes ! Such reprefentations as this of lord Clarendons, border more on romance than hiftory. Bifhop Burnet's reflections on lord Clarendon's account of this matter, appear to me very judicious. ' Whofoever, fays he, compares the depositions in Rujhworth with the account given of that matter by the earl of Claren- don, will fee there is a great deal more in the one, than the other is willing to believe; though he acknow- ledges, they had both Goring's evidence and Piercy's letter with them. I will not take upon me to deter- mine whether they believed too much, or the earl of Clarendon too little. It is certain, they believed all that was in the depofitions, and a great deal more : for . Goring being continued in the government of PortJ- moutb, and his father being advanced from being a baron to be an earl ; and Peircys being made a lord, and mafter of the horfe to the prince of Wales, made them conclude they had fupprelTed a great deal, inftead (d) Speech of faying more than was true. This ftuck deep in at Sacheve- their hearts, and at laft fatally broke out in the demand ' i^Tvc. * of the militia, that brought on the war (d).' Londl 171*-. 336 7/^L.IFE c/CHARLES I. was greatly to his difadvantage. The Irijh rebellion was another unlucky event for Charles: it excited in his fubje&s great fears and jealoufies, and fubjecled him to many reproaches. Whether or how far he ex- cited or encouraged it, I will, with all the impartiality I am mafter of, enquire (rrr). Certain (rrr) 'Wl)ether Charles excited or encouraged the Irifh rebellion I /hall enquire.] The Iri/h rebellion was one of the moft {hocking things in hiftory. A defign was laid by a gre2t number of the Iri/h nobility, gentry, and others, to feize the caftle of Dublin on the 23 of Ocl. 1 64 1, and poftefs the city ; and they had prepared men in all parts of the kingdom, to deftroy all the Engli/h in- habiting there likewife at the fame time. The firft part of the defign, being difcovered the night before, failed ; but the latter was put in execution, as far as lay in their power. c The firft ancj moft bloody executions (fays fir * 'John Temple, father of fir William Temple, at this time ' mafter of the roils, and a privy counfellour in Ireland) ' were made in the province oi'Ul/ler, and there they * continued longeft to execute their rage and cruelty ; c vet muft it alio be acknowledged, that all the other * three provinces did concur with them, as it were, with ' one common confent, to deftroy and pluck up by the * roots all the Briti/h planted thorowout the kingdom. * And for this purpofe, they went on not only murder- ' ing, ftripping, and driving out all of them, men, ' women, and children ; but they laid wafte their habi- * tations, burnt their evidences, defaced in many places < all the monuments of civility and devotion, the courts c and places of Engli/h government ; nay, as fome of ' themfelves exprefs it, they refolved not to leave them (e) Hiftory ' either name or pofterity in Ireland [e)* The earl of of the Iri/h Caftlehaven, a catholic, calls it a rebellion; and adds, ^to^Lcnd ' a11 the water xn tne ^ ea cannot wa ^ i* onC tnat natlon 1679. 4 [the Iri/h], it having been begun moft bloodily on the Engli/h 7&LIFEo/CHARLES I. 337 Certain it is, the profeflions of the rebels, of zeal 4 Englijh in that kingdom, in a time of fettled peace, * without the leaft occafion given (/).' Lord Clarendon (/) pr fece alfo relates, ' That great multitudes of the lrijh Roman m oirs,print- * catholiclcs in the province of Uljier, and fhortly after ed in nmo. ' in other provinces and parts of the kingdom, tumultu- Lond ' ,68 ' * oufly aflembled together, put themfelves in arms, feized ' upon the towns, caftles, and houfes belonging to the * proteftants, which by their force they could poflefs ' themfelves of; and with moft barbarous circumltances ' of cruelty, within thefpace of lefs than ten days, mur- ' thered an incredible number of proteftants, men, wo- ' men, and children, promifcuoufly, without diftindtion * of age or fex, of any who were within reach of their ' power. They who efcaped beft, were robbed of all * they had to their very fhirts, and fo turned naked, to c endure the fharpnefs of the feafon ; and by that means, * and for want of relief, many thoufands of them perifhed * by hunger and cold (g).' Various are the accounts (g ) Hiftory given us of the numbers that perifhed in this barbarous ?*J^ K ", maffacre. Mr. Hume obferves, * That, by fome com- c ; v n V varsin c putations, thofe who perifhed by all thofe cruelties, are Ireland, * made to amount to a hundred and fifty or two hundred 8vo * Lon<3, * thoufand men : by the moft moderate, and probably ' the moft reafonable account, they mult have been near * forty thoufand ().' It were to be wifhed Mr. Hume (*) Hlftory, had told us where this moderate, reafonable account is v> 3 c ' to be found : for my own part, I have fought for it in vain. Thofe who, one would think, fhould have been beft in- formed, make a very different calculation. Milton^ in the fecond edition of his Iconoclaftes, has the following paflage : * The rebellion and horrid mafiacre of Englijh * proteftants in Ireland, to the number of 154000 in the * province of Ul/ier only, by their own computation ; * which added to the other three, makes up the total (') F;r/ * fum of that {laughter, in all likelihood, four times as I f^ e ia * great \i)' According to this computation, the num- printed at bers muft have been 616000. This probably is much London for too large. May fays * the perfons murthersd within f * JJ'ijJ Z * the P . 49 '. 3sS f^LIFE c/CHARLES I. zeal for the king, and hatred of the parlia- ment, (1) Hiftory, the fpace of one month were about 200000 (k).' Sir u " *' f* Joh?i Temple^ who had the beft means of information, aftures us, * That fince the rebellion firft broke out, unto 4 the time of the cellation made Sept. 15, 1643, which 4 was not full two years after, above 300000 Britijh and 4 proteftants were cruelly murthered in cold blood, de- * ftroyed fome other way, or expelled out of their habi- 4 tations, according to the ilricleft conjecture and com- ' putation of thofe who feemed beft to underftand the 4 numbers of Englijh planted in Ireland^ befides thofe 4 few that perifhed in the heat of fight, during the f7) Hiftory war (I).' The earl of Cajllehaven indeed, who had "wi"""* ^ een council with the Irijh t and a leader of their ar- p> Il# ' mies, endeavours to maintain againft fir John and other?, 4 That not a twentieth part of the Englijh proteftants, 4 who were faid to be maffacred, were really murthered * in that rebellion, many hundreds of thofe, who are in * fir Johns lifts of the flain, being known to be alive 4 feveral years after his report was made ; and his fum 4 total far exceeds the produce of his particulars, though f (in feveral places, to magnify his numbers) he repeats 4 the fame names of perfons, with the fame circum- (>.:) NicKo!- ' ftances of their fufrerings (m).' It is not my buiinefs ion's Irift to enter into a controverfy about the number deftroyed in libra nCa p this maffacre : take it at the loweft, it is large, and al- sS, Svo. moft incredible, had we not fuch inconteflable authority Dublin, for it. This rebellion, fays Perinchief, * yielded frem i72+ * . ' matter of reproach to his majefty, to whofe councils, * at firft fecretly, they [the faction in the Englijh parlia- ' mentj whifpered, and at laft publicly imputed, that 4 horrid mafiacre : which flanders were coloured by the * arts of the Irijh rebels, who, to difhearten the Englifi) 4 from any refiftance, bragged that the queen was with 4 their army ; that the king would come amongft them 1 with auxiliary forces ; that they did but maintain his 4 caufe againft the puritans ; that they had the king's * commifiion for what they did ; fhewing indeed a patent * that themfelves had drawn, but thereto was affixed an 4 old pje LIFEc/CHARLES I. 339 ment, and the manner of Charles's beha- viour ' old broad leal that had been taken from an obfolete ' patent out of Far nbam- abbey, by one P'unkd, in the 4 prefence of many of their lords and pnefts, as was af- 4 terwards attefted by the confeflion of many (n).' () Life of The fame afperfxons are taken notice of in the Icon Bafi- K - Charles, like : * It fell out, as a moft unhappy advantage to fome p * 9 * * men's malice againft me, that when they had impu- 4 dence enough to lay any thing to my charge, this bloody * opportunity fhould be offered them, with which 1 muft 4 be afperfed. Although there was nothing which could 4 be more abhorred to me, being fo full of fin againft * God, difloyalty to myfelf, and deftrucHve to my fub- 4 jects. Some men took it very ill not to be believed, 4 when they affirmed that what the Irifi rebels did, was 4 done with my privity (at lead), if not by my commif- * fion. But thefe knew too well, that it is no news for ' fome of my fubjedts to fight, not only without my * commifiion, but againft my command and perfon too : 4 yet all the while to pretend they fight by my authority; 4 and for my fafety.' And in the paragraph before, is obferved, that * that fea of blood, which hath been ' there [in Ireland] cruelly and barbaroufly fhed, is * enough to drown any man in eternal both infamy and * mifery, whom God mail find the malicious author or 4 inftigator of its effufions (o). 1 The king, we fee, ac- () k;$ cording to thefe writers, was greatly abufed, when con- Charles's fidered as one privy to the Irijh rebellion. Burnet alfo * orl "> P* tells us, < That the earl of EJfix told him, that he had * taken all the pains he could to enquire into the ori- 4 ginal of the Irijh mafTacre ; but could never fee any * reafon to believe the king had any acceflion to it. He 4 did indeed believe, that the queen hearkened to the 4 propofitions made by the Irijh, who undertook to take 4 the government of Ireland into their hands, which they 4 thought they could eafily perform: and then, they faid, 4 they would aflift the king to fubdue the hot fpit its at 4 Wejlminjler. With this the plot of the infurreclion 4 began ; and all the Iri/lj believed the queen encouraged . Z 2 * ft. 340 (/>) Burnet': niftcry or" his own times, vol. i p. 60. 37* L I F E V C H A R L E S I. viour towards them, helped not a little to hinder * it. But in the firfr. defign there was no thought of a ' mafiacre : that came in their head as they were laying * methods of executing it, fo as thofe were managed by * the priefts, they were the chief men that fet on the ; c Irijh to all the blood and cruelty that followed (p)J' Mr. Hume fuggefts the following arguments, to prove that Charles had no hand in the Irijh rebellion. 1. ' Ought the affirmation of perfidious infamous re- * bels ever to have paffed for any authority ? 2. * No body can tell us what the words of the pre- * tended commiffion was. That which we find in Rujh- ' worth's and in Miltoris works, Toland's edition, is * plainly an impofture ; becaufe it pretends to be dated * in Oftober 1641, yet mentions facls which happened * not till fome months after. It appears that the Irijh ' rebels, obferving fome inconfiftence in their firfl: forge- 6 ry, were obliged to forge this commiffion anew, yet ' could not render it coherent nor probable. 3. ' Nothing could more obvioufly be pernicious to 4 the king's caufe, than the Irijh rebellion ; becaufe it f increafed his neceffities, and rendered him ftill more * dependent on the parliament, who had before fuffi- ' ciently fhewn on what terms they would affift him. 4. * The inftant the king heard of the rebellion, * which was a very few days after its commencement, ' he wrote to the parliament, and gave over to them the * management of the war. Had he built any projects * on that rebellion, would he not have waited fome * little time to fee how they would fucceed r Would he ' prefently have adopted a meafure which was obvioufly * fo hurtful to his authority ? 5. * What can be imagined to be the king's projects ? 4 To raife the Irijh to arms, I fuppofe, and bring them * over to England for his affiftance. But is it not plain, * that the king never intended to raife war in England? * Had that been his intention, would he have rendered * the parliament perpetual ? Does it not appear by the * whole train of events, that the parliament forced him * into the war ? 6. Tbe.L IFEc/CHARLES I. 341 hinder a reconciliation between him and his people. But 6. c The king conveyed to the jufrices intelligence, ' which ought to have prevented the rebellion. 7. c The Irijh catholics, in all their future tranfadlions * with the king, where they endeavour to excufe their * infurredtion, never had the afTurance to plead his cpm- ' miffion ; even amongft themfelves they dropped that ' pretext. It appears that fir Phelim O'Neale chiefly, and ' he only at firfr, promoted that impofture. 8. c O'Neale himfelf confefled the impoiture on his ' tryal, and at his execution. 9. * It is ridiculous to mention the juftification which * Charles II. gave to the marquis of Antrim, as if he had 1 ac"led by his father's commiflion. Antrim had no hand ' in the firft rebellion and maffacre. He joined not the * rebels till two years after, and he performed important fervices to the king, in fending over a body of men to Montrofe (?).' (?) Hiftory Thus have I given the reafons alledged by the friends BrkaiiTvol of Charles, to prove he had no hand in the Irijh rebellion, i. p . 304, ' The impartiality of hiftory requires a reprefentation of in the note, the arguments alledged againft him, on this head, by his adverfaries. The reader will remember, that I am no ways anfwerable for the conclufivenefs of the one fide or the other. 1. It is affirmed, that the king was ever friendly to the Irijh papifts. Milton, who alledges many proofs of it, may be confulted by the inquifitive reader (r). I will (r) Milton's add one or two, which I fuppofe fell not within his P r fe . work s> 111 * l vol. 1. p. knowledge. ^ The earl of Antrim, in a letter to lord Wentworth^ dated Tork-houfe, July 17, 1638, has the following paf- fage : The marquis [of Hamilton] informs me, that the lord of Lome, who pofTeffes part of my predeceffors lands (being the neareft parts of Scotland to Ireland), is providing men and arms with all the power he has, which he fays and gives out is to encounter me. This man is my enemy, and what his intentions are I do Z 2 'not 342 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. ' not know; but I thought, upon this intelligence, to ' move theking for arms for his majeftie's fervice, and (i) Straf- * the better defence of my country (s). y This, I fup- fcrdes let- p f e? he did, and his requeft was complied with by his p. 184. See majefty. For in a letter from Wentw.rth to the king, aiibapaf- dated Dublin^ 28th 'July, 1638, we have the following fage from pafiage. ' The earl of Antrim fhall be obferved, as worth in the ' y our majefty hath directed. I wifn his performance note(GGG). ' may anfwer the expectation it feems is had of him. ' For me, that muft in all particulars unloofe my heart ' towards all other refpedis, as oft as I am honoured to ' be heard by my gracious mafter, I neither hope much ' of his parts, of his power, or of his affections. His ' lordfhip lately writ to me to be furnifhed of arms, and * that the magazine for them might be kept at Coleraine. * Communicate this with the council here I durft not ; ' for I am fure they would never advife fuch a ftrength to ' be intruded with a grandchild of the earl of Tyrone : ' and for myfelf, I hold it unfafe any (tore of arms fhould ' lye fo near the great Scotifn plantations in thofe parts ; ' left, if their countrymen grow troublefome, and they * partake of the contagion, they might chance to bor- c row thofe weapons of his lordfhip for a longer time, ' and another purpofe, than his lordfhip would find caufe ' to thank them for. They are fhrewd children, not ' won much by courtfhip, efpecially from a Roman ca- * tholick. I befeech your majeftie's further directions in (t) Id. p. < this particular, which fhall be obeyed (t).' It appears 1 7 ' indeed, that Wentiuorth had no good opinion of Antrim's defigns ; for in a letter, written to his majefty the 1 ith of jfuguji following, fpeaking of fome troops newly raifed, he lays, c If the earl of Antrim hear of the raifing of * thefe troops, your majefty will have him a fuitor for ' one ; but I befeech you he may not be admitted, as a ' thing that would be difpleafmg to all the Englijb on this * fide : his religion, nor yet his defcent (being the grand- * child and fon of your majefty knows whom), fort not * well with it ; and I am upon very probable reafon for ' believing, that in the way of pretending fervice, but * doing nothing for your majefty, he attentively watcheth * to do fomething for his own fortune and power, for * which ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 343 4 which hereafter to thank himfelf far more than your * majefty (u).' () Straf- The king was far enough from being moved by thefe f fe'slet- reprefentations from his purpofes of kindnefs to Antrim ; 2 ' ' for in a letter, written from Woodjlock the 30th of the fame month, to the lord deputy, he cxprefies himfelf as follows : * There refts nothing but the particular of the * earl of Antrim to anfwer, whofe profelfions have been ' fo free and noble at this time, that (as I have promifed) ' indeed he deferves to be recommended to you ; which * at his coming over to you, I wifh you to take notice of * to him. But to have the command of a magazine of * arms, I leave to you and the council there to judge how * far ye will truft any one in that kind, of his profeflion * in religion. To conclude this, I would have you favour * and countenance him as much as any one of his pro- ' feflion in religion {iv). } (0 Id. p. In a letter, written the 25th of 'Jan. following, his ma- Zl1 ' jefty tells the lord deputy, * That he mould be glad if * he could find fome way to furnifh the earl of Antrim ' with arms, though he be a Roman catholick ; for he * may be of much ufe to me at this time, to make loofe ' upon the earl of Argyle (x).' (*) H - P Lord Wentworth again and again reprefented the earl 27 $* as poor, unexperienced, incapable of conducting any im- portant affair, and withal mifchievoufly bent. But his orders from the king were exprefs, and there was no far- ther room for refufmg him. If it be poffible,' fays the king in another letter, written Ap. 11, 1639, to the lord deputy, * it is moft fit that Antrim be fet upon Argyle, c and I fhall no ways defpair of the fuccefs, fo that you lead the defign, whereof I find him moft defirous. ' Therefore I defire you not to mun it, but to aflift him * all you can in it (y)* Upon the receipt of his ma- 00 Id t * jeftie's letter, lord Antrim fent to the O'Neales, O'Ha- 3I * ' m, the O'Lurgans (if I miftake not that name, fays * lord Wentworth), the Mac Gennifes, the Mac Guyres, * the Mac Mabons, the Mac Donnels, (as many Oe's and ' Macs as would ftartle a whole council-board on this c fide to hear of) and all his other friends, requiring 1 them, in his majeftie's name, to meet him with their Z 4 * forces ; 344 T^LIFE'e/CHARLES I. * forces ; fo as this bufincfs now is become no fecret, ' but the common difcourfe both of his lordfhip and the .<*) Strrf- ' whole kingdom (%).' ten, reLii. Lord Wentworth frill continued to reprefent the folly p. 300. of his undertakings, and the danger of trufting him with power. At length his majefty ordered fecretary Winde- bank to write him word, ' That his reafons agafnft the ' work itfelf, in the way he [Jntrim] propofed it, and * the dangerous confequences it muft necefiarily pro- 1 duce, are very iolid and unanfwerable : neverthelefs, ' adds he, his majefty will not have the earl difcouraged, * but rather heartncd as much as may be ; and likes your ' lordfhip's advice in the end of your difpatch very well, * that the defigns may reft till the next fpring ; and in the * mean time fo carried, as neither the earl be difcou- ' raged, nor let at liberty from his undertaking, but that * fuch ufe may be made of him 2s may be for the advan- (/) Id. p. c tage of his majeftie's fervice (a).' 3 22, But farther, the favour in which the bifo catholics were with the king, appears from an extravagant grant made by him to the earl cf St. Albans and Clanruard: ' a grant of divers lands and tenements of a large extent ' and value, containing a great part of the county ofGal- * way, where the people, beiides their idlenefs and want ' of manufactures, were in a manner wholly Popifli and * Irijh, not a Proteftant or Englijhman of note in the * whole county, extreamly addicted in their affections to * Spain, and accommodated with fit harbours to comply {b) Id. p. ! with them (b).' The lord deputy and council drew 366. U p a ver y ftrong remonftrance againft the carrying it into execution; in which, among many other things, it is obferved, that * It hath been the conftant endeavour of * this ftate [the Irijh] to break the dependences which c great lords draw to themfelves, of followers, tenants, ' and neighbours, and make the fubjecl to hold imme- ' diately of the crown, and not to be liable to the dif- * trefies of great lords j which courfe, if it be ufeful in * other parts of this kingdom, is moft neceflary here. * For partly by reafon of this earl's large patents, and ' many tenures on him thereby granted ; partly by his * commiffion of prefidency in that county, which makes him ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 345 * him little lefs or other than a count palatine; and * partly by the power which the popifh clergy have with ' the people there ; this ftate hath found very little obe- * dience in any thing wherein that earl and clergy have * not been pleafed to concur, and in future times the * danger thereof may be fooner felt than prevented, as ' by fome examples in our neighbour kingdom we may 1 eafily forefee (c).' But his majefty's pleafure was to (0 Straf - have the grant pafled, notwithstanding all that could be ("^'^-j alledged ; though, in the opinion of the lord deputy, p- 3 ' * he had much better have given him one hundred thou- ' fand pounds out of his coffers in ready money (d). y ( d ) Id P 3. 'Tis alledged that Charles's good affeclions to the 425 * rebels is manifeft, from the tendernefs with which he always ("poke of and treated them. There was no pro- clamation ordered againft the rebels till January 1641, and when it was printed, then it was of little effedt : for his majefty exprefly commanded the printer c to print not * above forty copies, and to forbear to make any further * publication of them till his pleafure be further figni- * fied (e ).' Mr. Wood^ fpeaking of fir Edward Walker^ () Ruf- fays, that * with great diligence and obfervation he had *' orth > v0, J ' \ D_ I t O IV. p, A7J. * committed to writing, in a paper-book, the feveral oc- '. currences that paiTed in the king's army, and the viro- * ries obtained by his majefty over his rebellious fubjecls, * the book was feized on at the battle of Nafeby, by * fome of the forces belonging to the parliament, then ' victors. Afterwards it was prefented to their general, 4 called fir Thomas Fairfax^ who perufing it, found one * paffage therein, which was very obfervable to him, viz. - ' 4 That whereas he [Walker] had taken occafion to fpeak 4 of the Irijh, and called them rebels ; his majefty, who ' before that time had perufed the book, did, among 4 feveral alterations made therein with his own hand, * put out the word rebels with his pen, and over it wrote * Irijb (/).' Milton obferves, that * this chapter [con- if) Wood's * ceming the Irijh rebellion, in the Icon Bafilike], if no- ? afti ' vol < * thing elfe, may fuffice to difcover his good affections to ' ' I? * * the rebels ; which, in this that follows, too notorioufly * appears ; imputing this infurrection to * the prepof- " terous rigour and unreafonable feverity, the covetu- 4 ous !4 6 (^) Milton's proie works. (A) Rnft- worth, voJ. . p. 349. T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. e ous zeal and uncharitable fury of fome men;" (theftr ' fome men " by his continual paraphrafe, are meant the parliament) j " and laftly, to the fear of utter ex- tirpation." If the rebels had fee'd fome advocate to fpeak partially and fophiftically in their defence, he could hardly have dazzled better; yet, neverthelefs, would have proved himfelf no other than a plaufible deceiver (g). y 4. Mac Mohoun, who was to join the lord Mac Gidre for the furprifmg the caftle of Dublin, being taken and examined at the rack, confefied, that the original of the rebellion was brought to them out of England by the Irijh committee, employed to his ma- jefty for the redrefs of grievances (h).' 5. Strefs was laid by the lords and commons on ' the general profefiion of the rebels in all parts of that king- dom [Ireland], that the caufe of their rifing was to preferve his majefty and the queen from being opprefled by the puritan parliament, and that it was by their confent. That they knew well the beft in England would fide with them ; that they had good warrant in black and white for what they did. Their calling the Englijh army parliament-rogues, and traitors to the queen ; and telling them, at the beginning of the rebel- lion, before any appearances of war here, that ere long they fhould fee England as much in blood as Ireland then was. That they had their party in England and Scotland, which fhould keep both kingdoms fo bufy at home, that they fliould not fend any aid againft them ; with a multitude of fuch like expreflions from thelrijb of the beft quality and degree.' 6. Mr. Jephfon, a member of the houfe of commons, at a conference before both houfes, delivered himfelf in thefe words : ' At my late being at Oxford, finding the * lord Dillon and the lord Taaffe in favour at court, I ac- ' quainted the lord Faulkland, his majefty's fecretary, that ' there were two lords about the king, who, to his ma- * jerry's great difhonour, and the great difcouragement ' of his good fubjecls, did make ufe of his majefty's * name to encourage the rebels : to make this appear, I * informed him, that I had feen two letters, fent by the 1 lord rbe L I FE of C H A R LE S I. 347 lord Dillon and the lord Taaffc, to the lord of Mujkerie % the chief man in rebellion in Munfter, and one of the Irijh committee fent into England, intimating, that though it did not fraud with the conveniency of his rttajefty's affairs to give him publick countenance, yet that his majefty was well pleafed with what he did, and would in time give him thanks for it (or near to that purpofe) ; that thefe letters were feen by the lord Inchi- quitity the chief commander of the EngUfl) forces in Munjler, and by his fecretary, who had kept copies of them ; and that I was ready to juftify as much. Whereupon the lord Faulkland was pleafed to fay, that they deferved to be hanged. But though I ftaid there at Oxford about a week after this difcovery made, I never was called to any farther accompt, nor any pre- judice done to thefe two lords ; but they had the fame freedom in court as before, for aught I could obferve or hear to the contrary (i).' (i) Ruffc- 7. The earl of Leicejler, being appointed lord lieu- worth, vol. tenant of Ireland by his majefty, was defired by the par- v " p * 3 ^* liament fpeedily to repair thither. Whereupon he waited on his majefty at York to receive his inftruclions ; but he was for a long time put off with words ; and not only fo, but the king being informed that there were certain draught-horfes provided to be fent into Ireland, his ma- jefty told him he muft have them for his own ufe. Leicejler ftrongly remonftrated againft it ; but in vain : for the king gave a warrant to fetch the horfes, and commanded one Err'mgton on his allegiance to execute it [*).' (k) Id. p. On this head 'tis farther alledged, c That the parlia- x 4 ment and adventurers having defigned 5000 foot, and 500 horfe, for the relief of Munjler, under the com- mand of lord Wharton and when nothing was want- ing but a cornmiflion to the lord Wharton, to enable him for that fervice, no commiffion could be obtained from his majefty ; by rcafon whereof, Limerick was wholly loft, and the province of Munjler in great dif- trefs. That clothes, provided by the parliament for the troops in Ireland, were feized by his majefty's offi- cers here in England. That his majefty's forces were fo 348 7A? LIFE */ CHARLES I. c (o quartered in and about the common roads to Ire- * land, that neither money, clothes, victuals, or other * provifion, could pafs thither by land with any fafety. ' That captain Kettleby the admiral, and fir Henry Strad- * ling the vice-admiral of the fhips, which were directed ' to lie upon the coaft of Ireland, to annoy the rebels, * and to prevent the bringing to them ammunition and ' relief from foreign parts, were both called away from * that employment by his majefty's command; and by * reafon of their departure from the coaft of Munjler y ' the rebels there had received powder, ammunition, (/) Rufii- * and relief from foreign parts (/).' Whoever would jvrth, vol. f ce more on this fubject, may confult the anfwer of the n 'V' 77 h ou f e of commons to his majefty's meflage of the 13th of Aug. 1642, from which the above is extracted. 8. The ceffation made with the rebels, Sept. 1643, after the war had been carried on c by the Englijh from 6 the firft landing of their forces out of England, with fo * great fuccefs, as that, in all the encounters they had ' with the rebels during that time, they never received c arryfcorn or defeats; but went on vidtorioufly, beating t) Tem- 6 them down in all parts of the kingdom [m).' c This c ceffation, fays lord Clarendon, made and continued c with thofe rebels, though prudently, charitably, and 6 neceflarily entered into [were not the Englijl) always 6 victorious], had been the moft unpopular act the kingi c had ever done, and had wrongfully contributed to the. 6 reputation of the two houfes of parliament ().' Lord Lanfdoivn, fpeaking of this fame affair, calls it c that fatal ceffation with the rebels, as much exclaimed, * againft by the king's friends atOxford, as by his ene- ' mies at Wejlminfter (0).' By this ceffation a good part, of the regiments fent to Ireland was called back, and in. a manner forced to fight againft the parliament of Eng- land. Milton, with great (eeming force, prefles Charles on this head in the following words. ' That we may * yet fee further how much he was their friend, after ' that the parliament had brought them every where * either to famine, or a low condition, he, to give them * all the refpite and advantages they could defire, with- * out advice of parliament, to whom he himfelf had * com- f/^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 349 committed the managing of that war, makes a ccfla- ' tion ; in pretence to relieve the protectants ** over- " borne there with numbers," but, as the event proved, * to lupport the papifls, by diverting and drawing over * the Engli/h army there, to his own fervice here againft s the parliament, For that the proteftants were then on c the winning hand, it muft needs be plain ; who not- < withstanding the mifs of thofe forces, which at their * landing here maftered, without great difficulty, great * part of Wales and Chejhire, yet made a fhift to keep their * own in Ireland {p).' (/>) P^ft- 9. The employing the earl of Glamorgan to negotiate J r ^ * o1 - with the rebels, in order to bring over a body of them 1 ' ^^ " for his fervice againft the parliament of England, has been deemed no way favourable to the character of Charles in this affair. The negotiations of Glamorgan with the pope's nuntlo are very curious : the truth of them cannot, I think, well be doubted by the confiderate and impartial reader of the Enquiry into the Share which K. Charles I. had in the Tranfaclions of the Earl of Glamorgan, and the Appen- dix lately added. To thefe I muft refer fuch as chufe to have information on this head (q)' ( ? ) Seealfo 10. Charles II. in a letter directed to the duke of Or- Caftfeha- mond and the lords of the council in Ireland, dated July 10th, 1663, fays exprefly, that the * referees, after feveral ^T' ' meetings, and perufal of what had been offered to them ' by the marquis [of Antrim], have reported to us, that ' they have feen feveral letters, all of them the hand- ' writing of our royal father, to the faid marquis, and * feveral inftructions concerning his treating and joining ' with the Irijh, in order to the king's fervice, by re- ' ducing to their obedience, and by drawing fome forces ' from them for the fervice of Scotland. That befides the ' letters and orders under his majeftie's hand, they have ' received fufficient evidence and tefHmony of feveral ' private meffages and directions fent from our royal ' father, and from our royal mother, with the privity ' and with the directions of the king our father; by 6 which they are perfwaded, that whatever intelligence, * correfpondence, or actings the faid marquis had with the ven s me- 350 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. ' the confederate Irijh catholicks, was directed or al- ' lowed by the faid letters, inftru&ions, and directions ; * and that it manifeftly appears to them, that the king * our father was well pleafed with what the marquis did, * after he had done it, and approved the fame.' And again fays his majefry, * We cannot in juftice but, upon * the petition of the marquis of Antrim, and after the ' ferious and ftrit inquifition into his actions, declare * unto you, that we do find him innocent from any ma- ' lice or rebellious purpofe againft the crown ; and that * what he did by way of correfpondence, or compliance " with the Irijh rebels, was in order to the fervice of our ' royal father, and warranted by his inftructions, and * the truft repofed in him ; and that the benefit thereof 4 accrued to the fervice of the crown, and not to the c particular advantage and benefit of the marquis (r).' If this account given by Charles II. be true, his father muft have had more hand in the Irijh rebellion than his friends could have wifhed. For tho' Mr. Hume is fo very pofitive to the contrary, nothing is more certain than that Antrim had a hand in the firfl: rebellion in Ireland. Dr. Borlace fays exprefly, ' that the marquis of Antrim, c from the beginning, had paffionately ferved them [the [ confederate catholicks] in their moft intimate con- * cerns ($).' Lord Clarendon, fpeaking of Antrim, fays, ' The rebellion drove his lady [the dowager of Fitters ' duke of Buckingham] from Ireland, to find a livelyhood * out of her own eftate in England. The earl of An- 1 trim, who was a man of exceflive pride and vanity, ' and of a very weak and narrow underftanding, was no 1 fooner without the counfel and company of his wife, than he betook himfelf to the rebels (/)' If this is not fufficient, I obferve further, that in the declaration of the lords and commons concerning the rife and progrefs of the Irijh rebellion, dated July 25, 1643, we have the following words : ' The earl of Antrim, a notorious re- ' bei, was taken by the Scots army in Uljler, and im- * prifoned there, upon fufpicion of high treafon. To f avoid his tryal, he brake prifon, and fled into the north ' parts of England, and hath been with the queen at ' York a long time j from whence he was fent to the ' rebels T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 351 But that which had as great an influence as any thing in widening the breach be- tween his majefty and his parliament, was the impeachment of the lord Kimbolton (sss), De?izil Holies, fir Arthur Hajlerig, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hambden, and Mr. Strode, of high trea- fon, * rebels of Uljier with fecret inftruclions, and had am- e munition affigned him by the queen's directions (u).* () Ruft- It was nothing near two years from the breaking out of worth * vol the rebellion that this was publifhed to the world. ' p * 353 * Thefe are the principal arguments urged againft Charles^ on the head of the Irijh rebellion. For his memory's fake, and for the credit of human nature, it were to be wifhed that they may have lefs real than feeming force. I know not that I have omitted any thing in his vindica- cation : I may be miftaken ; but if I have, 'tis meerly through ignorance or inadvertency : for nothing is more mean and bafe than to attempt to conceal the truth of hiftory. The reader here is carefully to remember, that thofe who think worft of this prince, do not fuppofe him confenting or even privy to the maflacre. This is too black a thing for him to be charged with, even by his foes. But what is alledged againft him is, that he ex- cited the Irijh to appear in arms, mafter the proteftants, and help the king againft his parliament. (sss) The impeachment of the lord Kimbolton, Denzil Holies, fcfY.] Charles, who never regarded the privi- ledges of parliament, being greatly vexed to find that the ftream ran againft him, determined to avenge hmifellf jon_ thofe whomiie. deemecll to be the authors of the oppofition.made to h is wjll. For this end, fir Ed- ward Herbert, the king's attorney-general, by his ma- jefty's command, accufed the fix above-mentioned per- fons of high treafon. The lords, before whom Mr. at- torney had appeared, fent notice to the commons, that fome of their members had this charge advanced againft them. At the fame time information was alfo brought 2 them, 352 T^LIFEc/CHARLES L fon, by the attorney-general, and his ma- jefty's them, that feveral perfons were fealing up the trunks, doors, and papers belonging to Mr. Pym, Mr. Holies, and the reft of the five members. The houfe of com- mons, on this news, made an order for the refilling thofe concerned in fuch proceedings, and detaining them in fafe cuftody ; and withal defired a conference with the lords, touching the breach of privilege. Whilft this lat- ter was in agitation, a ferjeant at arms, being fent by the king, was admitted into the houfe, where he, in his ma- jefty 's name, demanded the five gentlemen, and told them, he was commanded to arreft them for high trea- fon. The commons hereupon made an humble appli- cation to the king, but ordered the members to keep their feats in the houfe. Whereupon, on the 4th of January, 164.1, information being given them that en- deavours would be ufed that day to apprehend the five members, the houfe required them to depart. They had no fooner obeyed, than his majefly with his guards en- tered the houfe ; ' and as he palled up towards the chair ' he call his eye on the right hand, near the bar of the * houfe, where Mr. Pym ufed to fit ; but his majefty not ' feeing him there (knowing him well), went up to the ' chair, and faid, * By your leave, Mr. fpeaker, I mull " borrow your chair a little;" whereupon the fpeaker ' came out of the chair, and his majefty ftept up into ' it. After he had flood in the chair a while, calling c his eye upon the members as they flood up uncovered, 4 but could not obferve any of the five members to be *. there; nor indeed were they eafy to be difcerned (had c they been there) among fo many bare faces, all ftand- (w) Rurti- ' jng up together (w).' Then his majefty made this l f otth ' y f' fpeech. lam lorry, for this occafion of my coming 47 6 > 477. ' unt0 y ou : yefterday I fent a ferjeant at arms, upon a ' very important occafion, to apprehend fome that by my ' command were accufed of high treafon ; whereupon I ' did expect obedience, and not a meflage. And I mufl * declare unto you, that albeit no king that ever was in * England fhall be more careful of your priviledges, to * main- T^LIFE^CHARLES I. 353 jefty's coming in perfon with a guard to de- mand * maintain them to the uttermoft of his power, than I * fhall be ; yet you muft know, that in cafes of treafon ' no perfon hath a priviledge. And therefore I am come * to know, if any of thefe perfons that were accufed are * here : for I muft tell you, gentlemen, that fo long as ' thefe perfons that I have accufed (for no flight crime, ' but treafon) are here, I cannot expect that this houfe * will be in the right way that I do heartily wifh it : * therefore I am come to tell you, that I muft have them ' wherefoever I find them. Well, fince I fee all the 4 birds are flown, I do expect from you, that you fhall * fend them unto me as foon as they return hither. But ' I allure you, on the word of a king, I never did intend * any force ; but (hall proceed againft them in a legal * and fair way, for I never meant any other. And now, c fince I fee I cannot do what I came for, I think this no 1 unfit occafion to repeat what I have faid formerly: that * whatfoever I have done in favour, and to the good of i my fubjedts, I do mean to maintain it. I will trouble ' you no more ; but tell you, I do expedt, as foon as they 1 come to the houfe, you will fend them to me j other - 1 wife I muft take my own courfe to find them.' * When the king was looking about the houfe, the 1 fpeaker (landing below the chair, his majefty a(ked 1 him, whether any of thefe perfons were in the houfe ? ; whether he faw any of them ? and where they were ? : To which the fpeaker, falling on his knee, thus an- c fwered : ' May it pleafe your majefty, * I have neither eyes to fee, nor tongue to fpeak in this place, but as the houfe is pleafed to direcl me, whofe ; fervant lam here; and humbly beg your majefty's ; pardon, that I cannot give any other anfwer than this, to what your majefty is pleafed to demand of me.' ' The king having concluded his fpeech, went ouf of the houfe again, which was in great diforder; and many members cried out aloud, fo as he might hear them, Priviledge! Priviledge! and forthwith ad- A a ' journed 354 r^LIFE A/CHARLES I. mand them of the houfe. This greatly . alarmed '(*) Rufli- * journed till the next day, at one of the clock (x).' worth, vol. This action of his maj^uy's was, the next day, declared Sreaifocar ^y ' the houle of commons to be a high breach of the liamentary ' rights and pfiviledge of parliament, and inconfiftent hiitory, vol. with the liberties and freedom 'thereof (y).* r " p * * 4 " In fliort, the commons adjourned themfelves for feveral l-fl ' p ' days, and appointed a committee to fit in Guildhall. The king proclaimed the accufed members traytors ; but they were vindicated by the parliament, as well as pro- tected and careffed by the city of London, who conducted them, on the nth of 'Jan. following, in great pomp to Weflrmnjler\ from whence the king with his family had retired the day before to Hampton court. * It cannot be * exprefTed, lavs Clarendon, how great a change there ' appeared to be in the countenance and minds of all ' forts of people, in town and country, upon thefe late ' proceedings of the king. They, who had before even 1 loft their fpirits, having loft their credit and reputation, * except amongft the meaneft people, who could never ' have been made ufe of by them, when the greater * fhould forfake them ; and fo defpaired of ever being ' able to compafs their defigns of malice or ambition ' (and fome of them had refumed their old refolutions * of leaving the kingdom) ; now again recovered greater ' courage than ever, and quickly found that their credit ' and reputation was as great as ever it had been, the court being reduced to a lower condition, and to more difefteem and neglect than ever it had undergone. All * that they had formerly faid of plots and confpiracies ' againft the parliament, which had before been laughed ' at, was now thought true and real ; and all their fears * and jealoufies looked upon as the effects of their great ' wifdom and forefight. All that had been whifpered of ' Ireland, was now talked aloud and printed ; as all other ' fedrrious pamphlets and libels were. The fhops of the i ' eit Y generally (hut up, as if an enemy were at their 4 gates, ready to enter and to plunder them ; and the * people in all places at a gaze, as if they looked only '2 'for T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 355 alarmed both houfes of parliament, and made them cafl about for their own fecu- rity, as well as for what, they deemed to be for the common good. The power, therefore, of ' for directions, and were then difpofed for any under- taking (z).' (*) Vol.iv, And afterwards he ohierves, ' That from this day P* 377 e we may reafonably date the levying of war in England \ * whatfoever hath been fince done, being but the fuper- 4 ftrudtures upon thofe foundations which were then * laid {a).' Mr. Hume alfo attributes * all the enfuing (<*) H. p. * diforders and civil wars to this impeachment of lord 3 3 * * Kimbolton and the five members (b).' Mr. Wbitlock (l) Hiftoty, in like manner obferves, * that this fudden action of the 3 l6 ' king's was the firft vifible and apparent ground of the ' enfuing troubles (x).* The author of Icon Baftlike ac- ( f ) Memo- knowledges the inconveniences brought on his majefty rials P 53 I hereby in the following words : * My going to the houfe * cf commons to demand juftice upon the five members, 4 was an act which my enemies loaded with all the oblo- ' quies and exafperations they could. It filled indifferent ' men with great jealoufies and fears ; yea, and many of ' my friends refented it as a motion rifing rather from '. paflion than reafon, and not guided with fuch difcre- * tion as the touchinefs of thofe times required (d).' (<0 K \ n S Nor could lefs well be expected from fuch an action as wo *k s es * this : for it was apparent to the whole world, that his 650. majefty looked on thefe men as his enemies, meerly on* account of what they had done in parliament, in which the majority of the houfes had concurred with them ; and therefore every man who had thus concurred, had reafon to expect the like treatment, the confequence of which could be nothing lefs than the deftruction of the members, and the fubverfion of the liberties of the people. From Charles's treatment of Loudon (e), may be guefled (<0 See not* how he would have ufed thefe members, had he once l 111 '* got them into his power. Aa2 (ttt) 356 T^LIFEtf/CHARLES I. of the militia was ftrenuoufly demanded by them, and as flirty refufed by Charles. This gave rife to a civil war (ttt), which in a ihort (ttt) the dif pules about the mi/itia gave rife to a civil ivar.\ Heylin, (peaking concerning the king's going to the houfe and demanding the five members, fays, * This was voted by the houfe of commons, for fuch an un- expiable breach of priviledge, that neither the king's qualifying of that action, nor his defifting from the profecution of that impeachment, nor any thing that he could either fay or do, would give fatisfadiion ; nothing muft fatisfy their jealoufies, and fecure their fears, but the putting the Tower of London into their hands, together with the command of the royal navy, as alfo of the forts, caftles, and the train bands of the kingdom, all comprehended under the name of the militia {/).' We are told alfo the fame by Charles himfelf, when on the fcaffbld. c All the world knows that I never did begin a war firft with the two houfes of parliament ; and I call God to witnefs, to whom I muft fhortly make an account, that I never did intend to incroach upon their priviledges : they began upon me ; it is the militia they began upon ; they confeft that the militia was mine ; but they thought it fit for to have it from me (g).' That the parliament thought t fit to have the militia from Charles, is evident. The preamble to the ordinance, concerning the militia, is in the following words : ' Whereas there has been, of late, ' a moft dangerous and defperate defign upon the houfe ' of commons, which we have juft caufe to believe to ' be an effect of the bloody counfels of papifts, and other * ill-afFected perfons, who have already raifed a rebellion * in the kingdom of Ireland: and by reafon of many dif- ' coveries, we cannot but fear they will proceed, not 1 only to ftir up the like rebellion and infurredlions in this * kingdom of England, but alfo to back them with forces * from abroad : for the fafety therefore of his majefty's 4 perfon, the parliament and kingdom, in this time of ininii- (/) Life of Laad, p. 500. (g) King Charles's works, p. 20Sv 7& LIFE*/ CHARLES I. 357 fliort time extended over the whole king- dom, imminent danger, it is ordained (), 3\r.' This was (i>) ParKa- read and agreed to by the lords, Feb. 16, 1641 ; and or- JJ""***^" dered to be prefented to the king by the lords Stamford p^g^' ' ' and Grey. Clarendon, Lord Clarendon fays, ' This ordinance was the moft voJ - " P- c avowed foundation of all the miferies that followed (/).' 43 Both houfes of parliament made applications to his ma- ' ; ' jefty to give his afTent to it ; but he refufing, they very plainly tell him, in a declaration of Manh 1, 1641, * They are inforced, in all humility, to proteft, that if ' your majefty fhall perfift in that denial, the dangers and * diftempers of the kingdom are fuch as will endure no * longer delay : but unlefs you (hall be gracioufly pleafecl * to affure them, that you will fpeedily apply your royal * aflent to the fatisfaction of their former defires, they * fhall be enforced, for the fafety of your majefty and * your kingdoms, to difpofe of the militia, by the autho- ' rity of both houfes, in fuch manner as hath been pro- * pounded to your majefty, and they refolve to do it ac- ' cordingly [k).' The king, however, remained in- (*) Parlla- flexible. Whereupon it was refolved by the commons, " ientar y hir - --% torv vol x and aflented to by the lords, * That the kingdom be put p , ^7. c forthwith into a pofture of defence, by authority of ' parliament, in fuch a way as is already agreed on by ' both houfes (/).' Accordingly the ordinance pafled the (/) Id. p. houfe of lords on the 5th of the fame month, the king's 3 2 9 name and authority being wholly left out of it. It would be tirefome to the reader to mention what farther pafled on this fubjecl. Thofe who are defirous of information, may confult RuJhworth\ collections, or the parliamen- tary hiftory. All I fhall fay more is, that the parliament proceeding in fettling the militia, and requiring perfons concerned to put it in execution, the king forbad it, and on the contrary Cent forth his commiffion of array, which by the two houfes was declared to be illegal. Thus fome obeying the king, others the parliament, oppofi- tions arofe, and blows enfued, till at laft the whole kingdom was involved in blood. A a 3 In 358 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. dom, divided friends and families, and filled almoft In the pafTage above quoted, Charles declares, * That * the parliament confefled that the militia was his ; but ' they thought it fit to have it from him.' This is not an exact reprefentation of their opinion. For though Mr. Palmer, Mr. Hyde, Mr. Bridgman, and divers others, eminent lawyers and gentlemen, gave their opinions po- fkively againft the bill, and left the houfe upon the pafT- ing of it ; yet * the lord Littleton [lord keeper] was moft ' confident for the legality of it, and divers other law- ' yers and gentlemen of the fhort robe were clearly for ' it ; and that the lords and commons, in cafe of the ' king's minority, ficknefs, or abfence, had done the (*) Whit- f fame (m).' However, it muft be confefled the parlia- lock, p. 59. mentj had they not been urged by confiderations of their own and the kingdom's fafety, probably would never have thought of afluming this power. For Whitlock tells us it was urged, as arguments in favour of the parlia- ment's pafling the ordinance, * That the bufinefs of Ire- ' land, and other threatning dangers, gave too much ' caufe of fears and jealoufies to the parliament, and to ' ftand upon their guard, and for defence of thcmfelves * and the kingdom : without which the king would fo * grow upon them, and his evil counfellors fo prevail, * that they would undoubtedly bring their defigns to pafs ' of a fpeedy introducing of popery and tyranny j whereas ' if they faw the parliament in a good pofture of defence, ' and that the people would generally adhere to them, 1 as no doubt but that they would, that then the king ' would be brought to a good accommodation and agree- 1 ment with his parliament, without a blow to be ftruck ' between them : whereby they fhould preferve the juft ' rights and liberties of the fubjet, the priviledge of 4 parliament, and themfelves and their friends, and the c proteftant religion, from ruin; which, without this c appearance only of arms, or power to arm, if there ' fhould be occafion, would unavoidably be brought to * pafs.' And he farther tells us, ' That the moft power- ' ful and adlive members folemnly protefted, that they * had ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 359 almoft every corner with terror and blood- fried. ' had not the Ieaftpurpofe or intention of any war with ' the king, but to arm themielves for their necefTary * defence (n). In fhorr, they thought they had grea"t () Whit- reafon to diftruft his majefty, and, thinking this, it is no locJt > P 59* wonder they mould endeavour to provide for their own fecurity. In the anfwer to his majefty's meflage from Newmarket, we have the following words, which merit the attention of the reader. ' To your majeftie's next queftion, whether you had denied any biH for the eafe and fecurity of your fubjedts ? we wiih we could flop in the midft of our anfwer, That with much thankful- nefs we acknowledge that your majefty hath palled many good bills, full of contentment and advantage to your people : but truth and neceflity enforce us to add this, that, even in or about the time of paffing thofe bills, fome defign or other hath been on foot, which, if it had taken effecT:, would not only have de- prived us of the fruit of thofe bills, but have reduced us to a worfe condition of confufion than that wherein the parliament found us (o).' This was a home (o) Parlia- thruft. Milton, fpeaking on this fubjeel, has the follow- meataryhif- ng pafTage : ' He [Charles'] was alfo raifmg forces in p^l' 7 ^ London, pretendedly to ferve the Portugal, but with intent to feize the Tower ; into which divers can- noneers were by him fent, with many fireworks and granadoes, and many great battering pieces were mounted againft the city. The court was fortified with ammunition, and foldiers new lifted, who fol- lowed the king from London, and appeared at Kingjlon fome hundreds of horfe in a warlike manner, with waggons of ammunition after them : the queen in Holland was buying more, of which the parliament had certain knowledge, and had not yet fo much as demanded the militia to be fettled, till they knew both of her going over fea, and to what intent. For fhe had packed up the crown-jewels to have been going long before, had not the parliament, fufpe&ing by the difcoveries at Burrowbridge what was intended with A a 4 the 360 WrLIFE/CHARLES I. fhed. To fuch an unhappy flate were we then ' the jewels, ufed means to flay her journey till the * winter. Hull, and the magazine there, had been fe- * cretly attempted under the king's hand ; from whom 6 (though in his declarations renouncing all thought of ' war) notes were fent over fea for fupply of arms, * which were no fooner come, but the inhabitants of ' Yorkjhire and other counties were called to arms, and ' aclual forces raifed, while the parliament were yet pe- rt) Icono- ' titioning in peace, and had not one man lifted (p)' dafles, zd Thofe who are acquainted with the hiftory of thefe ^d'pa'r X ' t ' mes k now there is fome truth in what is here afierted, mentatyhif- ar d therefore will not wonder at the refolution of the tory, vol. xi. parliament to hinder the king from executing his in- P* 359* tentions. For, by the law of nature, all have a right to defend themfelves, and to make ufe of the means in their power. Nor could it reafonably have been expected by Charles, that thofe who had been ruled by him with- out and againft law, and whofe deftruclion, as a free people, they were perfuaded he ftill meditated, his pro- mifes notwithstanding : I fay, it could not have been reafonably expected that people thus ufed, in times of extremity, fhould keep themfelves within the exact bounds of law, and thereby defeat the end of the law, their prefervation. Had Charles himfelf obferved the laws to which he was fworn, and dealt fincerely in the ' concefEons he had made in this parliament, he might have retained the power of the fword in his own hands ; but when it was believed, upon very probable grounds, that he was, at heart, the fame man he from the begin- ning of his reign had been ; when thofe by whofe care, induirxy, and public fpirit he had been brought within bounds, were looked on with hatred by him, and marked out for deftruction ; when thofe who had counfelled and advifed him in his former illegal courfes were the objects of his efteem and regard, and all this firmly believed by the managers in the two houfes : are we to admire at, or blame their proceedings ? It was human nature, and that not corrupted and depraved ; but human nature as created T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 361 then reduced ! However, the motives on which this war was entered into by the par- liament, have by many been deemed mofr. juft and generous (uuu): though by others it created by God himfelf, and as of right it ought to be, and as indeed it always will and muft be, where it is not debafed by vaflalage and chains. (uuu) The motives on which the parliament entered into the war, have been deemed juji and generous.] Here are my authorities. Lord Holies, who had borne fo great a part in the tranfactions of thefe times, and had been fo intimately acquainted with the prime managers in both houfes, (peaks as follows : * When in the beginning of this parliament, in the year 1642, after fome progrefs in- a parliamentary way to the relieving of many of our grievances, and reforming many abufes both in church and ftate (for which we were not fufficiently thankful), it pleafed God, in his juft judgment, for the punifh- ment of our fins, to fend a fpirit of divifion between king and parliament ; and things grew to that height, as both of them appealed to the fword to plead their caufe, and decide their quarrel : the members of parliament, who then engaged, declared themfelves to defire nothing but the fettlement of the kingdom, \ in the honour and greatnefs of the king, and in the I happinefs and fafety of the people : and whenfoever that could be obtained, to lay down the fword, and fubmit again to the king's fcepter of peace, more will* ingly than ever they refilled his force and power. This, I am fure, was the ultimate end of many ; I may fay, of the chiefeft of thofe who at that time appeared : upon which principle they firft moved, and from which they never departed ; which made them at that time refolve to put their lives in their hands, and offer them a facrifice to the welfare and happinefs of their prince and country ; I fay, prince as well as country, though he perhaps looked on them as his greateft enemies ; but they confidered him as their prince, whom nature, ' duty, 362 The L I FE of C H A R L E S I. it has been- looked on as mofl bafe, wicked, and ' duty, the command of God, and the laws of men, ' obliged them to reverence, and to love as the head 'and father of the people, whofe greatnefs confifted in ' his people's, and his people's in his ; and therefore ' could be neither great nor happy, one without the ' other, which made thofe faithful ones put them both ' in the fame ballance, and rather adventure his dif- ' pleafure by promoting the public caufe, than (as they (f) Holles's ' thought) his ruin by deferting it (q).' Lord Fairfax memoirs, alfo plainly gives his reafons for engaging in the caufe of p *3* the parliament. ' I mull needs fay my judgment was * for the parliament, as the king and kingdom's great ' and fafeft council; as others were averfe to parlia- * ments, becaufe they did not go high enough for prero- * gative. Upon this diviiion different powers were fet * up : the commijjlon of array for the king, and the nali- * tia for the parliament. But thofe of the array, in op- ' preffing many honeft people, whom, by way of re- proach, they called Roundheads, who, for their reli- ' gion, eftates, and intereft, were a very confiderable ' part of the country ; which occaiioned them to take ' up arms in their own defence, and it was afterwards f 1 Short ' confirmed by authority of parliament (r).' memorials What the motives to this war on the parliament's of Thomas fide were, will ilill farther appear from the votes and lord Fairfax, other p^ck a fl s f t h a t time. lr\ the votes of the p. 04, IimO. , r r J t i- jij. CST 1 % Lond. 1699. houfe of commons, aitented to by the lords July 12, 1642, we have the following ones : A Refolved, That -an army fhall be forthwith raifed ' for the fafety of the king's perfon, the defence of both ' houfes of parliament, and of thofe who have obeyed ' their orders and commands ; and for the prefervation ' of the true religion, the laws, liberties, and peace of * the kingdom. ' Refolved, That the earl of EJkx be named general ' thereof. ' Refolved, That this houfe doth declare, that in this f caufe, for the fafety of the king's perfon, and the de- - fence r^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 363 and rebellious, being undertaken againft. the royal * fence of both houfes of parliament, and of thcfe who ' have obeyed their orders and commands, &V. they * will live and die with the earl of EJfex.' * And when the fpeaker of the houfe of lords ac- * quainted the earl of Ej/ex, That that houfe had agreed e in the defires of the commons, and had approved of ' his lordfliip to be general, the earl hereupon gave their * lordfbips thanks ; profefling his integrity and loyalty to c the king to be as much as any, and that he would live ' and die with their lordfhips in this caufe (*).' (s) Parlla- And in the declaration of the grounds and reaforjs r ' ienta ryhif- which necefiitated the parliament to take up defenfive pT^ssT ,X1 ' arms, in Augujl following, fpeaking of what they had done with regard to the militia, the fleet, and HiilL it added, And how neceflary all this was to be dene, the fucceeding defigns and practices upon them do all fufficiently manifeft ; and great caufe hath the whole kingdom to blefs God, who put it into the heads and hearts of the parliament to take care of thefe particu- lars : for were thefe pernicious perfons about the king mafters of them, how eafy would it be for them to mafter the parliament, and mafter the kingdom ? And what could we expedl but ruin and deftrucYion from fuch mafters, who make the king revile and deteft us and our adtions ? Such, who have embarked him in fo many defigns to overthrow this parliament? Such, who have long thirfted to fee religion and liberty con- founded together? Afterwards they appeal to the world, whether it be not fit for them not only not to yield to what is required [with regard to the militia, &c], but alfo to make further provifion for the prefer- vation of themfelves, and of thofe who fent them hither, and entrufted us, fay they, with all they have, eftates, liberty, and life, and that which is the life of their lives, their religion ; and even for the fafety of the king's perfon, now environed by thofe who carry him upon his own ruin, and the deftrution of all his- people; at lcaft, to give them warning that all this is in 364 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. royal authority; and therefore has been fliled, by * in danger; that if the king may force this parliament, ' they may bid farewell to all parliaments from ever re- ' ceiving good by them ; and if parliaments be loft, they * are loft, their laws are loft, as well thofe lately made * as in former times ; all which will be cut in funder ' with the fame fword now drawn for the deftrucYion of (r) Parfla- ' this parliament (/).' The reader will pleafe to re- roenCiH T hi [- member, that the commons had before pafled the fol- lf T * lowing votes : ' Refolved, upon the queftion, io\h of May, 1642, ' 1. That it appears that the king, feduced by wicked c counfel, intends to make war againft the parliament : * whe v in all their confultations and actions, have pro- ' pofed no other end to themfelves but the care of his * kingdoms, and the performance of all duty and loyalty * to his perfon. ' 2. Refolved, That whenfoever the king maketh * war upon the parliament, it is a breach of the trufi * repofed in him by his people, contrary to his oath, * and tending to the difiolution of this government. * 3. Refolved, That whofoever mail ferve or aflift in ' fuch wars, are traitors by the fundamental laws of this * kingdom ; and have been fo adjudged by two acts of ' parliament, and ought to naffer as traitors ; 1 1 Rich, C-) Rnfc- II. 1 Hen. IV. ()' m ^ y ^' If what is aflerted by the parliament, in their own be- half, be true ; if what the lords Holies and Fairfax, men of untainted honour and veracity, fay, be fact j then was the war on the parliament's part merely defenfive, and undertaken from the moft generous motives. And it is very remarkable, that the parliament's taking. up arms againft Charles I. was juftified by that very houle of com- mons which reftored his fon Charles II. For ' fome exceptions being taken to fome words * fpoken by Mr. Lenthall, a member of the houfe, in ' the debate of the bill of general pardon, to the effect ' following, viz. " He that drew his fword firft againft " the king, committed as high an offence as he that " cut nr. p. 71; T^LIFEe/CHARLES I. 365 by the fame fort of men, by way of em- phafis, " cut off the king's head : " Mr. Lenthall (landing up ' in his place, explained himfelf, and withdrew. But it * was refolved he fhould be called to the bar: and the ' ferjeant, with the mace, went to Mr. Lenthall y who c was withdrawn into the fpeaker's chamber, and ' brought him to the bar ; where kneeling, Mr. fpeaker ' bid him rife, and after, according to the order of the ' houfe, gave him a fharp reprehenfion, to the effect * following : " The houfe hath taken very great offence " at fome words you have let fall, upon debate of the ' bufinefe of the bill of indempnity ; which, in the 1661, among many other acts tending to advance the Land. 1664. re gal and ecclefiaftical authority, we find one declaring the fole right of the militia to be in the king : in the pre- amble to which, it is affirmed, that 4 both or either of * the houfes of parliament cannot, nor ought to pretend * to the fame ; nor can nor lawfully may raife, or levy * any war ofrenfive or defenfive againft his majefty, his (x) Stat. 13 * heirs, or lawful fucceffors (z).' Car. 11. c. A n( j in the a& for the well governing and regulating of corporations, the following oath was ordained : * I A. B. do declare and believe, that it not lawful, - * upon any pretence whatfoever, to take arms againft c the king ; and that I do abhor that traitorous pofition *. of taking arms by his authority againft his perfon, or * againft thofe that are commiliioned by him : fo help c^ ^u~r J r ' rne God (a). 1 So ready were thefe gentlemen to rivet a, c. i. foa. chains on themfelves and the nation ! After this, nothing 5. was heard of but the doctrine of paffive obedience, and (&) See hif- the damnable nature of refiftance (b). And the man *f iy L paf_ who fpoke any thing in the defence of the parliament, dienoe, 410. againft Oxirles I. was fhrewdly fufpected to be, in his p. 95 j & heart, a rebel to his fucceflbr (c). paffim Am- g ut a t j me at length came, in which men's eyes were 16S0. ' opened, yanus II. prefuming that the nation had been (c) Seetrral ^"^^ afleep by the declamations againft refinance, at- of Stephen tempted to perfecJ a fcheme that his father and brother ColJedge, ' na d f 2 jJed in. He boldly ated contrary to the laws, and Lond?i6si ^ et at ^ enance tne privileges of his people. He r hereby with terror ail orders and degrees of men, and put them on taking meafures for their own fecurity. Thev now faw the neceflity of refinance ; they in racl praclifed it, and were not at a lofs to defend it by argu- ments irrefiftible. Such alterations are there in the opi- nions S&LIFE^CHARLES fc 369 common hiftorians. Suffice it here to lay, that nions of the fame men ! But to return. Not with - ftanding all the aflertions In thefe acls of parliament, and the declamations of ecclefiaftics, there are thofe who in- fift on it that this war cannot be deemed a rebellion. 1. * Thofe who feek after truth, fays Mr. Sydney, will c eafily find, that there can be no fuch thins; in the world ' as the rebellion of a nation againft its own magiftrates, * and that rebellion is not always evil. That this may e appear, it will not be amifs to confider the word, as 1 well as the thing underftood by it, as it is ufed in an ' evil fenfe. The word is taken from the Latin rebel- ' fare, which fignifies no more than to renew a war. * When a town or province had been fubdued by the ' Romans, and brought under their dominion, if they c violated their faith after the fettlement of peace, and ' invaded their matters who had fpared them, they were * faid to rebel. But it had been more abfurd to apply ' that word to the people that rofe againft the Decem- ' viri, kings or other magiftrates, than to the Parthians> * or any of thofe nations who had no dependance upon * them ; for all the circumftances that ihould make a ' rebellion were wanting, the word implying a fuperio- * rity in them againft whom it is, as well as the breach ' of an eftabliihed peace. But though every private ' man, fingly taken, be fubjedl to the commands of the * magiftrate, the whole body of the people is not fo ; c for he is by and for the people, and the people is neither * by nor for him. The obedience due to him from pri- * vate men, is grounded upon and meafured by the ge- ' neral law ; and that law, regarding the welfare of i)ne ' people, cannot fet up the intereft of one or a few men < againft the publick. The whole body, therefore, of a * nation cannot be tied to any other obedience than is ' confident with the common good, according to their * own judgment : and having never been fubdued, or * brought to terms of peace with their magiftrates, they * cannot be faid to revolt or rebel againft them, to * whom they owe no more than feems good to them- B b felves, 17 (d) Sydney of govern- ment, p. 413, foL Load. 1698. The LIFE of C H A R L E S I. that the king ere&ed his flandard at Not~ tingbaviy felves, and who are nothing of or by themfelves, more than other men (d).' 2. 'Tis afTerted, That whofoever takes up arms to maintain the politick conftitution or government of his country in the condition it then is, I mean, to defend it from being changed cr invaded by the craft or force of any man (although it be in the prince or chief magif- trate himfelf ), provided that fuch taking up of arms be commanded or authorized by thpfe who are, by the orders of that government, legally intrufted with the cuftody of the liberty of the people, and foundation of the government; this I hold to be fo far from rebel- lion, that I believe it laudable, nay, the duty of every member of fuch commonwealth : for he who fights to fupport and defend the government he was born and lives under, cannot deferve the odious name of rebel, but he who endeavours to deftroy it. If this be not granted, it will be in vain to frame any mixed mon- archies in the world wherein the prince hath his fhare, and the people their's ; which lafr, if they had no means of recovering their rights, if taken from them, or defending them, if invaded, would be in the fame eftate as if they had no title to them, but lived under the empire of Turky, or of Mufcovy. And fince they have no other remedy but by arms, and that it would be of ill confequence to make every private man judge when the rights of the people (to which they have as lawful a claim as the prince to his) are invaded, which would be apt to produce frequent and fome- times caulelefs tumults; therefore it hath been the great wifdom of the founders of fuch monarchies to appoint guardians to their liberty, which, if it be not otherwife exprefled, is and ought to be underftood to refide in the eftates of the country ; which, for that reafon (as alfo to exercife their fhare in the fovereign- ty, as making laws, levying monies), are frequently aflembled. Thefe are to aflert and maintain the or- ders of the government, and the laws efiablifhed, 2 and v !T^LIFEe/CHARLES I. 37* tingham^ with little encouragement, on the twenty- and (if it cannot be done otherwife) to arm the deople, and to defend and repel the force that is upon them (e): ( e ) a paf- 3. It is faid, There is doubtlefs a true diftintion to !a se omitted be made between a rebellion and a civil war: the firft ^ ,, a " is notorious, when fubjecTls take up arms againft lawful letter in governors, lawfully governing ; but where a prince vindication violates the eftablifhed laws of the nation, raifes taxes him [ elf by his own authority, contrary to the known rules of i ngs , a t the the conftitution, invades the liberties of his iubje<5rs by end of Bar- illegal imprifonments, unjuft profecutions, and other low s cafes grievous oppreflions, and perfifts in fuch arbitrary adfs fcieme, p. of government for a courfe of years; if a people can 39, 8vo. find no other means to preferve their moft valuable in- LDn<1, l6 9 z * terefts, but by having recourfe to the la ft remedy, and fhall take up arms to compel fuch a prince to reftore their rights, and reform his ill government; 'tis evi- dent, from the hiftories of the civil wars of France^ and other countries, that grave and impartial hiftorians have not thought fit to treat this way of oppofing the unlawful ufurpation of princes with the odious name of rebellion ; and 'tis obferved, that our parliaments have had the caution, that in the adts pafled after the refto- ration, in relation to the preceding war between the king and parliament, they would never give it the name of a rebellion; doubtlefs out of the confideration that it behoved them to keep up the fanction of the parliamentary authority ; and that that war was autho- rized by a legal parliament, who had right to vindicate the liberty of the nation.' c The names of reproach, which pafled in thefe times, were Cavalier for thofe who fided with the king, and Roundheads for fuch as took part with the parlia- ment : now if the intention of the latter were no other than to bring the evil counfellors to condign punifh- ment, to prevail with the king to comply in a juft fet- tlement of their civil and religious liberties, and then to reftore him to the regal ftate, under fuch limitations Bb2 4 a 372 (/) Faults on both fides, p. 7, 8vo. Lend, 1710. (g) On go- vernment, p. 297. T/vLIFEo/CHARLES I. twenty-fifth day of Augicji, one thouiand fix as might fecure them from any future invafions of their rights and privileges (and this, I believe, was the ge- neral defign of thofe that took up arms at firft), I fee no reafon why thofe Roundheads fhould lie under an harder cenfure for what they aied at that time, than may be imputed to ourfelves for what we have done in the late happy revolution, for the refcuing our laws and religion from the violations of the late king fames (f)S 4. Mr. Locke obferves, * That whofoever ufes force without right, as every one does in fociety, who does it without law, puts himfelf into a ftate of war with thofe againft whom he fo ufes it ; and in that ftate all former ties are cancelled, all other rights ceafe, and every one has a right to defend himfelf, and to refill the agreflbr (g). Here, 'tis like, the common quef- tion will be made, who {hall be judge whether the prince or legiflative at contrary to their truft ? This, perhaps, ill- affected and factious men may fpread amongft the people, when the prince only makes ufe of his due prerogative. To this I reply ; the people fhall be judge : for who fhall be judge whether his truftee or deputy acts well, and according to' the truft repofed in him, but he who deputes him, and muft, by having deputed him, have a power to difcard him when he fails in his truft t If this be reafonable in par- ticular cafes of private men, why fhould it be other- wife in that of the greateft moment, where the wel- fare of millions is concerned, and alfo where the evil, if not prevented, is greater, and the rediels very diffi- cult, dear, and dangerous ? But farther, this queftion (who fhall be judge?) cannot mean that there is no judge at all. For where there is no judicature upon earth, to decide controver- sies amongft men, God in heaven is judge. He alone, 'tis true, is judge of the right ; but every man is judge for himfelf, as in all other cafes, fo in this, whether another hath put himfelf into a ftate of war with him, and whether he fhould appeal to the fupream Judge, as ' Jepbtba T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 373. (ix hundred and forty-two; and that the par- Jephiha did. If a controverfy arife between a prince and fome of his people, in a matter where the law is filent or doubtful, and the thing be of great confe- quence, I fhould think the proper umpire, in fuch a cafe, fhould be the body of the people. For in cafes where the prince hath a truft repofed in him, and is difpenfed from the common ordinary rules of the law ; there, if any men find themfelves aggrieved, and thinks the prince ats contrary to or beyond that truft, who fo proper to judge as the body of the people (who at firft lodged that truft in him) how far they meant it fhould extend ? But if the prince, or whoever they be in the adminiftration, decline that way of determina- tion, the appeal then lies no where but to heaven. Force between either perfons, who have no known fuperior upon earth, or which permits no appeal to a judge on earth, being properly a ftate of war, wherein the appeal lies only to heaven : and in that ftate the injured party muft judge for himfelf, when he will think fit to make ufe of that appeal, and put himfelf upon it (h).' i h ) Locke 5. Mr. Watfon takes notice, That the parliament of " n f V p rn * England were always more wife and good, than to raife 30 6. armies againft the kings who gave them no occafion to do fo; and I cannot, fays he, but entertain this fa- vourable opinion of that which began to fit in 164a. There is nothing; more true than that the kins; wanted to govern by an arbitrary power : his whole actions fhewed it, and he could never be brought to depart from this : either therefore his people muft have fub- mitted to the flavery, or they muft have vindicated their freedom openly; there was no middle way. But fhould they have tamely received the yoke ? No, furely; for had they done fo, they had deferved the worft of evils ; and the bitter effects thereof, in all probability, had not only been derived to us but our pofterity. Happy Britons^ that fuch a juft and noble ftand was made ! May the memories of thofe great patriots that B b 3 ' were 374 ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. parliament raifed an army, and conftituted Robert c were concerned in it, be ever dear to Englijhmen ; and (0 Apology c to a 'l true Englifomen they will (i).' of the re?. Thefe are the political confederations which are urged J r w ? t ." to manifest how improperly and abfurdly this war is filled ion, tor his , r 1 iv i i_ 1 i 1 condu6r on tne ^reat Kebelhon, even by men who applaud the re- the 30th volution, and juftify the force made ule of to accomplifh Jar., p. 36, j t 1 \V e ]] therefore, might a very ingenious writer fay, Lond. 1756, , c , , . * '' . J , , '.* 8vo. btrange J tnat the Enghjh nation, who glory in their ' conftitution as a limited monarchy, who have always 6 been extreamly jealous of any incroachments on it, ' and who dethroned by force of arms and banifhed the * fon, for lefs breaches of the conftitution than were * made by this unhappy father ; fhould yet ftigmatife that ' juft war, of the parliament with Charles I. with the c odious name of a rebellion : a war, by which alone ' their expiring liberties were preferved, and their beloved ' conftitution fnatched from the cruel arm of oppreflive (*) Eflay ' and arbitrary power (k).' towards ar- I have taken no notice of the objections urged from taming a fcrjpture by Cbillingwortb. and others. Thofe who true idea 01 r , . r \ . r ,- r ^ r t > k x r the charac- would lee their weaknels, may confult Hoadly s Mealures ter of of Submiflion, and his other pieces in defence of the Charles I. doctrine contained therein. The following quotation 5 ' from May^ will fhew the reader at once, that they affect not the cafe in hand. ' Th3t frequent naming of reli- ' gion, as if it were the only quarrel, hath caufed a great ' miftake of the queftion in fome, by reafon of igno- * ranee, in others of fubtilty ; whilft they wilfully mif- ' take, to abufe the parliament's cafe, as, inftead of * difputing whether the parliament of England lawfully ' afiembled, where the king virtually is, may by arms ' defend the religion eftablifhed by the fame power, to- * gether with the laws and liberties of the na'ion, againfr. ' delinquents, detaining with them the king's feduced ' perfon : they make it the queftion, whether fubje&s, ( ; ) Miftory c taken in a general notion, may make war againft their Jfarntr ' ^S for religion's fake f/j ? ' ? JI ?> (xxx) TfeLIFEc/CHARLES I. 375 Robert DevereuXj earl of EJ/ex, their com- mander in chief. However, it mufl not here be omitted, that though the war, in the beginning, was carried on with various fuccefs on both fides, yet, for the mofl part, the advantage fell to the king (xxx). This (and (xxx) For the mojt part, the advantage fell to the king.] A few extracts from May will fully prove this, and at the fame time give entertainment to the reader of tafie and reflection. ' At the famous battle of Edghill, fays he, the great caufe of Englijh liberty (with a vaft expence of blood and treafure) was tried, but not de- cided ; which did therefore prove unhappy, even to that fide which feemed victorious, the parliament army. For tho' the king'o forces were much broken by it, yet his itrength grew accidentally greater and more formidable than before ; to whom it proved a kind of victory, not to be eafily or totally overthrown. For the greateft gentlemen of divers counties began then to confider of the king, as one that in poflibility might prove a conquerour againft the parliament ; and many of them, who before as neuters had flood at gaze, in hope that one quick blow might cleare the doubt, and fave them the danger of declaring them- felves, came now in, and readily adhered to that fide, where there feemed to be leaft fears, and greateft hopes, which was the king's party ; for on the parliament's fide the encouragements were only publicke, and no- thing promifed but the fure enjoyment of their native liberty; no particular honours, preferments, or eftates of enemies : and, on the other fide, no fuch total ruin could be threatned from a victorious parliament, being a body as it were of themfelves, as from an incenfed prince, and fuch hungry followers as ufually go along with princes in thofe ways. And how much private intereft will overfway publicke notions, books of hif- tory, rather than philofophy, will truly inform you ; *B b 4 'for 37^ (m) May's hiftoty of the parlia- ment, book iii. p. 29. 39- Id. p. W M. P. If. ^LIFEcfCHARLES I. (and the low flate of the parliament's affairs, occa- * for, concerning human actions and difpofitions, there c is nothing under thefunne which is abfolutely new (m)f Speaking afterwards of the taking of Reading by lord Ejfex^ and the difcontents of the foldiers for want of pay, he adds, * Then began a tide of misfortune to flow in upon the parliament fide, and their ftrength almoft in every place to decreafe at one time; for during the time of thefe fix months, fince the battle of Keynton, until this prefent diftrefs of the lord general's army about Caufum, which was about the beginning of May\ the warre had gone on with great fury and heat, almoft thorow every part of England. The lord general had at that time intelligence that fir Ralph Hopton had given a very great defeat to the parliament forces of Devonfoire, and that prince Maurice and marqueffe Hartford were defigned that way, to poflefs themfelves wholly of the Weft ().' I will add but one paflage more from this writer. ' Indeed, fays he, the parliament was then in a low ebbe ; and before the end of that July, 1643, they had no forces at all to keep the field ; their maine armies (as is before touched) being quite ruined, and no hope in appearance left, but to preferve a while thole forts and towns which they then pof- fefled ; nor could they long hope to preferve them, un- leiTe the fortune of the field fhould change. Thus feemed the parliament to be quite funk beyond any hope of recovery, and was lb believed by many men. The king was pofiened of all the wefterne counties, from the fartheft part of Cornwall, and from thence northward as far as the borders of Scotland. His ar- mies were full and flourifhing, free to march whither they pleafed, and enough to be divided for feveral ex- ploits : one part was fent to take in Exeter, where the earl of Stamford was fhut up, not able longer to hold the place. The king in perfon, with a gallant army, defigned his march towards Gloucejler, the only confi- derable town in thofe parts which the parliament held (o). y Mr. Whitlock agrees with May in his ac- 1 count The LIFE of CHARLES I. 377 occaficned by ill fuccefs, defertions, and di- vifions among themfelves), as it caufed his majefty to fpeak in a high tone (yyy) to them, count of the weaknefs of the parliament about this time (p). Such an unexpected run of fuccefs had (^) Memo- Charles in the beginning ! For who could have thought rials, p. 73 . that a prince, who had acled the part he had done, could make head, by means of the people, againft their own reprefentatives, whom they had highly efteemed, and looked on as their, faviours? But the nobility, whnfe in- tereft is clofely connected with the crown ; the prelates and their dependants, whofe power and wealth were cut (hort by the parliament ; and fome fuperftitious notions with regard to the authority of kings and priefts ; thefe things, I fay, with the divisions among the leading men in the houfes, and the great contributions they railed on their party, alienated many from them, and from the caufe of public liberty they had engaged in. (yyy) His advantages caufed him to fpeak in a high tone.] Profperity is a dangerous ftate to moft. Few I have wifdom enough to behave in it with moderation, decency, and a regard to futurity. It excites generally a i foolifh elation of heart, which produces woes innume- rable. Such an effecl: it had on Charles, who hardly knew how to bear the good fortune which is mentioned in the preceding note. On the 24th of yune y 1643, when all things went well with his majefty, the lord Say and Se/e acquainted the lords, that he had received a let- ter from the king, in which was inclofed a proclamation from his majefty, which was read. In this proclama- tion, after mentioning every thing done by the parlia- ment, fince his leaving Wejlminjler^ in the moft reproach- ful terms, he fays, ' 'Tis time now to let our good fub- * jets know, that they may no longer look upon the * votes and actions of the perfons now remaining, as * upon our two houfes of parliament ; freedom and ' liberty to be prefent, and of opinion and debate there, ' being eflential to a parliament; which freedom and * liberty all men muft confefs to be taken away from this 37 8 T&LIFE/CHARLES I. them, and his fubjects in general, fo it alfo occa- this affembly : that at this time we and the major part of both houfes are kept, by a ltxong and rebellious army, from being prefent at that council ; and that thofe who are pretent are, by the fame army, awed and forced to take unlawful and treafonable proteftations to engage their votes : and that fuch refolutions and di- rections, which concern the property and liberty of the fubjecls, are tranfacied and concluded by a few perfons, (under the name of a clcfe committee, con- fifting of the earl of Manchejlcr, the lord Say, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Mr. Stroud, Mr. Martyn, and others, the whole number no: exceeding the number of feven- teen perfons) without reporting the fame to the houfes, contrary to the exprefs law and cuftoms of parliament. ' All thefe, for the matter of fact, we are ready to make proof of, and defire nothing but to bring the contrivers of all the aforefaid mifchiefs to their tryal by law ; and till that be fubmitted to, we muft puriue them by arms, or any other way, in which our good fubjects ought to give us affiffance to that purpofe. And that all the world may fee how willing and de- firous we are to forget all the injuries and indignities offered to us, by fuch as have been mifled through weaknefs or fear, or who have not been the principal contrivers of the prefent miferies ; we do offer a free and general pardon to all the members of either houfe, (except Robert earl of EJJex, Robert earl of Warwick, Edward earl of Manchejler, Henry earl of Stamford, William vifcount Say and Sele, fir "John Hotham, knight and baronet, fir Arthur Hafelrig, bart. fir Henry Lud- low, fir Edward Hungerford, and fir Francis Popham, knights ; Natlxnriel Fiennes, fobn Hampden, "Jchn Pym t William Stroud, Henry Martyn, and Alexander Popbam, efq aires ; Ifaac Pennington, alderman of London, and captain Ven ; who, being the principal authors of thefe prefent calamities, have facrificed the peace and profpe- rity of their country to their own pride, malice, and ambition; and againft whom we fliall proceed, as 1 againjft The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 379 occafioned uneafinefs in his friends (zzz), (thofe c againft perfons guilty of hig;h treafon by the known * laws of the land ; and fhall, in the proceeding, be ' moft careful to preferve to them all priviledges in the ' fulleft manner that, by the law or ufage of former ' times, is due to them) if they fhall, within ten days * after the publifhing this our proclamation, return to * their duty and allegiance to us. * And, Iaftly, we further command and enjoin all our * fubjecls, upon their allegiance to us, as they will an- ' fwer the contrary to Almighty God, and as they defire * that they and their poftenty fhould be freed from the * foul taint of high treafon, and as they tender the peace c of this kingdom, that they prefume not to give any ' afliftance to the before mentioned rebellious armies, in * their perfons or eftates, in any fort whatsoever ; but ' join with us, according to their duty and the laws of 1 the land, to fuppreis this horrid rebellion. c And our pleaiure and command is, that this our pro- ' clamation be read in all churches and chapels within * this our kingdom (q).* (?) Par, - Such was the haughty tone in which Charles fpoke,, toryTvol. 1 when fuccefsful ; a tone which indicated very clearly hisxii. p. 303 fentiments, and (hewed his adverferies what they had to 3 ia - trull to. Whether in this he acted a politic part, the reader will determine. (zzz) The advantages gained by Charles, occafioned un- eafinefs in his friends.] Among thofe noblemen and gen- tlemen that adhered to the royal caufe, there were many true patriots, who wifhed for nothing more than a peace on a good foundation ; i. e. a peace whereby the rights of the crown, and the liberties of the fubje<5t, might both be preferved and fecured for the future. They no more wifhed to fee the parliament crufhed by the king, than the king by the parliament, and therefore were un- eafy when his majefty feemed to be in a fituation to give the law to them at hispleafure. The following paffages in the earl of Sunderland's letters, who loft his life in the battle of Newbury, fighting for Charles, will give the reader fome lighf 380 ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. (thofe of them who had the intereft of their coun- light into the fentiments of part of thofe who zealoufly adhered to him. In a letter to his lady, dated Sbrewf- bury, Sept. 21, 1642, we have the following account. * My deareft hart, * The king's condition is much improved of late : * his force increafeth daily, which increafeth the info- * lency of the papifts. How much I am unfatisfied with ' the proceedings here, I have at large expreffed in k- * veral letters. Neither is there wanting daily, hand- * fome occafion to retire, were it not for grinning ho- 4 nour. For let occafion be never fo hand fome, unlefs 4 a man were refolved to fight on the parliament fide, ' which, for my part, I had rather be hanged, it will be 4 faid without doubt, that a man is afraid to fight. If * there could be an expedient found, to falve the punti- * lio of honour, I would not continue here an hour. * The difcontent that I and other honeft men receive * daily, is beyond expreftion. People are much divided : 4 the king is of late very much averfe to peace, by the 4 perfwafions of 2C2 and 111. It is likewife conceived, * that the king has taken a refolution not to do any thing 4 in that way before the queen comes ; for people ad- ' vifing the king to agree with the parliament, was the ' occafion of the queen's return. Till that time, no ' advice will be received ; neverthelefs, the honeft men, * will take all occafions to procure an accommodation ; * which the king, when he fent thofe meflages, did * heartily defire j and would ftill make offers in that way, * but for 202, in, and the expectation of the queen, * and the fear of the papifts, who threaten people of 4 342 : I fear 243 [papifts] threats have a much greater * influence upon 83 [king] than upon 343. What the * king's intentions are, to thofe that I converfe with, are * altogether unknowne : fome fay he will hazard a bat- * tie very quickly ; others fay he thinks of wintering ; * which as it is fufpected, fo if it were generally believed, * 117 [Sunderland] and many others, would make no * fcruple to retire ; for I think it as farr from gallaot * either ^LIFEo/CHARLES I. 381 country at heart), and caufed them to prefs him either to ftarve with the king, or to do worfe ; as, to avoid fighting (r).' (') Sydney'* In another letter to her, written foon after, he fays, x l\ e '^^ Sy If the king, or rather 243 [papifts] prevail, we are in 667. ' a fad condition ; for they will be infupportable to all, but moft to us who have oppofed them ; lb that if the king prevails by force, I muft not live at home, which is grievous to me, but more to you ; but if , I ap- prehend I fhall net be fufferred to live in England: and yet, I cannot fancy any way to avoid both ; for the king is fo awed by 243 [papifts], that he dares not propofe peace, or accept : I fear though, by his laft mefiage, he is engaged. But if that be offerred by the parliament, I and others will fpeak their opinion, though by that, concerning the treaty, were threatned by 243 [papifts], who caufed 99 to be commanded by the king, upon his allegiance to returne againft his will, he being too powerful for 102, ill, and by whom England is now likely to be governed. I hear 116 [Leice/ler] has re- fufed to fhew his inftruitions to the parliament, without the king's leave, which refolution I hope he will not alter, left it fhould be prejudicial to him ; for the king is in fo good a condition at this time, that if the par- liament would reftore all his right, unlefs the parlia- ment will deliver up to a legal trial all thofe perfons named in his long , and fome others, he will not hearken to peace (s).' ^ w, ? ; Thefe letters, written by fo eminently loyal a perfon, 668 will, I believe, eafily induce the reader to believe the truth of lord Holland's and fir Edward Dering's declarations of their motives for returning to the parliament, viz. the prevalencyof the popifh party with the king, which had brought about a ceflation with the Irijn rebels, and threatned the proteftant religion in England (t) : though (t) Ru/h- lord Clarendon, without denying the fact, cenfures lord worth, vol. Holland for publifhing his declaration, * as an zSt very v ' g p * S 68 ' * unfuitable to his honour, or his own generous nature; * and an action contrary to his own natural difcretion ' and 382 J&LIFEff/CHARLES I. him more to peace, than was agreeable to his own inclinations. But () VoI.Iii. ' and generofity ().' Lord Sunderland, in his firir. P 3 6 7 letter, obferves, that ' the honeft men will take all occa- ' fions to procure an accommodation.' Of this number was the excellent lord Falkland, fecretary of {rate to Charles, who loft his life in the fame battle with Sunder- land. ' In the morning of the fight, fays Whitlock, he * called for a clean fhirt, and being afked the reafon of ' it, anfwered, that if he were flain in the battle, they * fhould not find his body in foul linnen. Being dif- ' fwaded by his friends to go into the fight, as having no * call to it, and being no military officer, he faid he was ' weary of the times, and forefaw much mifery to his ' own country, and did believe he fhould be out of it * ere night, and could not be perfwaded to the contrary, c but would enter into the battle, and was there (w) P. 73, flain {w). y The mifery he had in view could not be 1645, ' ty many fucceflive misfortunes, to re- * duce my affairs of late from a very profperous condition ' to fo low an ebb, as to be a perfect trial of all men's ' integrity to me (a).' (<*) Parlia- And in a letter of the fame date to prince Rupert, he r ent v a Jxi has the following expreffion : ' I confefs, fpeaking either p . 9 ' 3 . ' as a meer foldier or ftatefman, I muff, fay there is no * probability but of my ruin (b).' Charles, however, (t>) Id. p. made fome efforts ftill in the field ; but they were weak 95* and ineffectual. He had nothing now to do but to enter into a negotiation for peace with the parliament j and this" 384 T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. with fome degree of refpedt, and folli- cited this he did in a manner different from what he was wont. Formerly he would not allow the title of parliament to the two houfes, but in his meiTages fent, filled them the lords and commons of parliament affembled at Weji- mmjler ; but he now, without fcruple, addrefTed them as ' the lords and commons affembled in the parliament of (c) Parlla- < England ztTVeJiminfler (c).' tT^Tol^iv" ^' S a ^ terat ' ori f ^ e was as remarkable as his change p. 143. ' or "' addrefs. Having, by a mefTage of Dec. 5, 1645, de- fired a fafe-conduct for fome commiffioners to treat in his name concerning peace, and receiving not an imme- diate anfwer, he, on the 15th, renewed his application in the following words : 4 For the fpeaker of the houfe of peers pro tempore. * C. R. ' His majefty cannot but extreamly wonder, that after c fo many expreifions on your part of a deep and feeming ' fenfe of the miferies of this afflicted kingdom, and of c the dangers incident to his perfon during the conti- * nuance of this unnatural war, your many great and fo ' often repeated proteftations, that the raifing thefe arms c hath been only for the necefTary defence of God's true ' religion, his majeftie's honour, fafety, and profperity, c the peace, comfort, and fecurity of his people ; you ' fhould delay a fafe-condut to the perfons mentioned ' in his majeftie's mefTage of the 5th of this inftant De- c cember^ which are to be fent unto you with propofitions ' for a well-grounded peace : a thing fo far from having * been at any time denied by his majefty, whenfoever ' you have defired the fame, that he believes it hath been . ' feldom (if ever) pradtifed among the moft avowed and ' profeffed enemies, much lefs from fubjec~ts to their, ' king. But his majefty is refolved, that no difcourage- ' ments whatfoever fhall make him fail of his part, in * doing his uttermoft endeavours to put an end to thefe * calamities, which, if not in time prevented, muft ' prove the ruin of this unhappy nation : and therefore * doth once again defire, that a fafe-condud may be forth- The LIFE of CHARLES I. 385 cited them again and again for peace. But his ' forthwith fent for thofe perfons exprefled in his former ' meflage ; and doth therefore conjure you, as you will * anfwer to Almighty God, in that day when he fhali ' make inquifition for all the blood that hath and may ' yet be fpilt in this unnatural war, as you tender the ' prefervation and eftablifhment of the true religion, by ' all the bonds of duty and allegiance to your king, or 4 companion to your bleeding and unhappy country, and * of charity to yourfelves, that you difpoie your hearts * to a true fenfe, and imploy all your faculties in a more ' ferious endeavour, together with his majefty, to fet a * fpeedy end to thefe wafting divifions ; and then he (hall * not doubt but that God will again give the bleffing of * peace to this diftracted kingdom (d),' (d) King No fafe-conduct being produced by this, the king, on Cha j' les, s the 26th of the fame month, fent a meflage to both ..^ s ' p * houfes with proportions, wherein he denied a perfonal treaty with them at Wejlminjier ; and, as a preliminary, offered to fettle the militia, for a certain time, in fuch hands as he thought would be unexceptionable. In an- fwer to thefe meflages, the houfes plainly told him, that * they finding that former treaties have been made *tfe of * for other ends, under the pretence of peace, and have * proved dilatory and unfuccefsful, cannot give way to a * fafe-condut, according to your majeftic's defire : but 4 both houfes of the parliament of England, having now c under their confideration propofkions and bills for the * fettling of a fafe and well-grounded peace, which are * fpeedily to be communicated to the commiffioners of c the kingdom of Scotland, to refolve, after mutual agree- * ment of both kingdoms, to prefent them with all (peed ' to your majefty () See par- dated Carijbrook-cajlle^ i%Jan. 1 647, and infifted ftill on ^ enta J, it, that he couhi not in confcience, honor, or prudence xv ii. p'. .l pafs the four bills (q)\ and thereby made the matter ftill 24- worfe in the eyes of his opponents, who paid but little (?) King regard to thefe his proteftations. For they imagined that Cha es ' s it wa.s not confcience, honor, or prudence that prompted 507/* P ' him to this and his former denials to yield to the terms propofed, but an inflexible ftifrhefs, and the hopes of availing himfelf of their divifions. * When treaties * from the parliament, fays Milton, fought out him, no ' le(s than feven times, (oft enough to teftify the willing- * nefs of their obedience, and too oft for the majefty of 4 a parliament to court their fubje&ion) he, in the con- c fidence of his own ftrength, or of our divifions, re- 1 turned us nothing back but denials, or delays, to their * moft necefiLry demands ; and being at loweft, kept up c ftill and fuilained his almoft fami/hed hopes with the ' hourly expectation of raifing up himfelf the higher, * by the greater heap which he fat promifing himfelf of our fudden ruin through diiiention.' And again, fays the fame writer, ' The parliament when he was their c vanquifhed and their captive, his forces utterly broken ' and difbanded, yet offered him, three feveral times, c no worfe propofals or demands, than when he flood ' fair to be their conqueror. But that imprudent fur- c mife, that his loweft ebb could not let him " below a " fight," was a preemption that ruined him (rV ( r ) Ico - edit. p. 68, (cccc) 7. 398 ^LIFEc/CHARLES 1. proceed upon, for the fettlement of the peace of the kingdom (cccc). But (cccc) The king's anfwers were voted to be a ground to proceed upon, for the fettlement of the peace of the kingdom.] Charles, notwithftanding the votes of no more addreffes, we have obferved, was not without hopes of regaining his power. Nor were his hopes wholly without foun- dation : for the nation, weary of war, and fearing the great power of the army, was much difpofed to bring things to an accommodation with him. Petitions from various parts were fentup for this purpofe to the houfes : the city of London was greatly defirous of it, as well as many of the moil confiderable men in parliament ; and mobs and tumults arofe every where, in order to bring it about. Nor was this all. The friends of Charles raifed forces in different parts of the kingdom, and the Scots in- vaded England, in order to aflift them in reftoring him to his former condition. The parliament indeed liked not thefe proceedings, as tending to render their cares and toils of no effect. For if by force he was refettled on his throne, they well enough knew what was likely to befall themfelves, and the nation in general. They or- dered therefore the army to quell the tumults, to advance againft the royalifts, and repel the Scots; which was at length effectually done by men ufed to victory, and in- fpired with a belief of the juftnefs of the caufe they were engaged in. Mean while the parliament, to mani- feft to the world that they indeed defired peace upon terms that were juft and fafe, refolved, ' That a treaty * fhould be had in the ifle of Wight, with the king in (i) Parlia- c perfon, by a committee appointed by both houfes (*).' menta; y h;f- Accordingly commiffioners were appointed ; the votes .*!!:' ,". for no more addrefTes were revoked, and the town cf XVll. p. 34* . i r i_ Newport, named by the king, was agreed to for the place of treaty. Charles now had once more an opportunity of regaining his honor, freedom, and fafety. The op- portunity he laid hold of, though he did not proceed with that opennefs, quicknefs, and difpatch which the critical iituation of his affairs feemed to require. The treaty began V Ihe L I F E of C H A R L E S I. 399 But the hopes cf peace were fnddenly diillpated : for the army, having fubdued thofe began Sept. i8, 1648. His ma]efty confentcd in this treaty to the firft propofition made by the parliament, ' for recalling and annulling all oaths, declarations, pro- * clamations, and other proceedings againft both or either ' houfes of parliament, cr againft any for adhering to ' them ; provided that neither this concefiion, nor any 1 other of his upon this treaty, fhould be of any force, * unlefs the whole were agreed." This propofition was intended to, and actually did, juftify all that had been done ag-ainft the king; from the very beginning of this war ; and therefore it is ftiled by lord Clauendon a * pro- * pofttion of a horrid and monftrous nature, which tho' * his majefty confented to pafs, yet he well forefaw the * afperfions it would expofe him to (/).' But with re- (t) Claren- gard to the article of religion this his majefty flifly de- don vo1 - v * bated with the commiflioners for four days, and at length p,ZI 3 j 2r 4- appeared no way convinced by their reafonings, or the reafonings of their divines. For his chaplains, with whom he confulted here, feem to have had their wonted influence over him, and threw him into much perplexity. < His majefty (fays Mr. Oudart, who attended on him. * at this treaty) this afternoon [0#. 7] heard read feverat 1 draughts of an anfwer upon the propofition for reli- * gion; diflikedall; and was in a great perplexity about ' the point of abolifhing epifcopacy, even to (hedding of * tears (u).' Great pity it furely was to prefs the king (") Peck's to do what feemed to be really againft his confeience ! De( j d ata How far the apprehended neceffity of the public welfare's h""?^* ro* " requiring it will juftify thofe who did it, the cafuifts rauft p. 7. fol. determine. Though I cannot help remarking, that it L nd. 1735. feems among the unaccountables in human nature, that this prince, who had all along paid fo little regard to the laws and liberties of his kingdom, or his own coronation- oath, in molt interefting and important points, fhould have fo great a fear of acting againft law, chriftianity, and the fame oath, with relpedt to the abolifhing of bifhops, and feculaxizing their re venues. -However, in ' order 4 oo The LIFE cf C H A R L E S I. thofe who had taken up arms in his ma- jefty's order to make things eafy, his majefty offered to confent f that the calling and fitting of the aflembly cf divines at JVeftminJhr be confirmed for three years by at of par- liament ; that the directory for the public worfhip cf God, and the prefbyterian government, oe eftablifhed by law for the fame time. Provided that his majefty, and thofe of his judgment, or any others who cannot in confcience fubmit thereunto, be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the fame government, or form of worfhip, but have the free practice of their own profeflion. And that a free confutation and de- bate be had with the aflembly of divines at Wejlmin- Jier in the mean time (twenty of his majeftie's nomi- nation being added unto them), whereby it may be determined by his m-ajeftie and his two houfes of par- liament, how the hud church-government and form of public worfhip after the faid time may be fettled, or fooner, if differences maybe agreed. And concerning the bifhops lands and revenues, his majefty confidering that during thefe troublefome times divers of his fub- jels have made contracts ar.d purchafes, and divers have difburfed great fums of money upon fecurity and engagement of thofe lands j his majefty, for their fa- tisfaction, will confent to an a~t or ads of parlia- ment, whereby legal eftates for lives or for years (at their choice), not exceeding ninety-nine years, fhall be made of thofe lands, towards the fatisfac~iion of the i'aid purchafers, contractors, and others to whom they are engaged, at the old rent3, or fome other moderate rent, whereby they may receive fatisfadion. And in cafe fuch leaie fhall not fatisfy, his majefty will pro- pound and confent to fome other way for their further fatisfaction. Provided, that the propriety and inhe- ritance of thofe lands may frill remain and continue to the church and churchmen refpeclively, according to the pious intentions of the donors and founders there- of f>;.' (w) King Charles's works, p, 603. His ^LIFE^CHARLES I. 401 jetty's behalf, prefented a remonflrance to the ' . * His majefty farther offered to confent to ats for the 1 better observation of the Lord's-day, for fupprefling * innovations in God's worfhip, and for advancing of , * preaching. * And to ats againft pluralities and non-refidencies, ' for regulating the univerfities and colleges, for the bet- ' ter difcovery and conviction of popifh recufants, and ' education of their children in the proteftant religion ; ' for levying of penalties againft papifts and their practices* * againft the ftate, and for putting the laws in execu- 4 tion, and for a ftridler courfe to prevent hearing and * faying of mafs. c As to the covenant, his majefty was not then fatif- fled that he could fign or fwear it, or confent to impofe" ' it on the confeiences of others, nor did he conceive ic * proper or ufeful at that time to be infifted upon. As to * the militia, his majefty confented to an a6t to have it * in the hands of the parliament for ten years. Touch- * ing Ireland, after advice with his two houfes, the king ' offered to leave it to their determination. Touching ' public debts, he .confented to raife money by equal ' taxes. Laftly, he propofed to have liberty to come 8 forthwith to TVejlminJier, and bar reftored to a cpndi- c tion of freedom and fafety, and to the pofTeiEon of his c lands and revenues ; and that an af. of oblivion and * indemnity might pafs, to extend to all perfons for all ' matters relating to the late unhappy differences : which c being agreed to by his two houfes, his majefty declared ' himfelf ready to make thefe his conceflions binding, ' by giving them the royal aflent (x).' ( x ) King * More than this, fays IVbitlock, could not be obtained Charles's c from his majefty, though molt earneftly begged of him *' orks > P i by fome of thecommiiiioners (great perfons) with tears, whitlock * and on their knees,, particularly as to the propofition p. 340, ' touching religion. But the prelatical party about him, * for their particular intereft, and power to perfecute * others, prevailed with him rather to hazard his crown * and life, than to diminifti their greatnefs and power. D d Where- 402 r^LIFEc/CHARLES I. the houfe of commons, in which they de^ manded 4 Wherein the church-government and publick wcrfhip, ' and chiefly the revenues of the church, fwayed more , ' with the king's chaplains then about him, and they * more with his majefty (continually whifpering matter * of confcience to him) than the parliament, with all ' their commiiEoners could prevail with him for an agree - * ment, though poffibly his own judgment (which was ' above all their's) might not be fo hilly convinced by (y) Whit- I his eager divines about him (y).' This anfwer of the lock, p. 340. king's being voted unfatisfactorv, his majefty afterwards offered to confent to a bill for taking away ail arch- ' bifhops, chancellours and commiflaries, deans and c lubdeans, deans and chapters, archdeacons, canons * and prebendaries, and, in fhort, all the officers of the ' cathedral or collegiate churches ; and alio to agree ' with the two houfes (time being to be allowed him and them to inform themfelves of the practice of the pri- .* mitive church in point of epifcopacy) in limiting the ' bifhops to the counfel and affiftance of prefbyters, and ' in the exercife of their jurifdiction, and increafing their (2;) Parlia- ' number, if it be thought fit (z).' This was the utmofl mentarVj Charles would allow in this matter, and long and learned xviii'. p. 92. were the debates, and many the defires of expedition ex- preffed, before he could be brought to this. For his manner was here, as in former treaties, to try whether lefs would not be accepted, before he offered more, and thereby wafted time, which to him, in his circumftances, was moft precious. However, thefe conceffions with regard to the church being made ; the militia granted to the parliament for twenty years ; the ceffation in Ireland declared void; all titles of honor, fince the great feal was carried to Oxford, vacated ; delinquents fined, pro- hibited the court and parliament, and left to the laws ; all offices left to be filled up by both houfes ; their grants and commiffions confirmed ; the court of Wards abo- lished, with fome matters of a lefs important nature, things began to haften towards a fettiement; and it was refolved by the commons, Dec. 5, 164.8, and agreed to br 7&LIFE^CHARLESI. 403 iiianded that the king fhould be brought to juflice, by the lords, ' That the anfwcrs of the king to the pro- * portions of both houfes, are a ground for the houie to 4 proceed upon for the fettlement of the peace of the * ' kingdom (tf).' But before this vote paffed, his ma- ( a ) Parlla- jefty had been feized by the army (without the know- mentaryhif- ledge of the parliament, as we fhall prefently fee), who^' v "g thereby rendered of none eft'ecl all thefe proceedings. Unhappy was the ftiffhefs and difputatious humour of this prince to himfelf and his friends ! had he frankly made thefe conceiiions at fir ft, they would probably have brought him to London in freedom, honor, and fafety. But by difputing and writing, time was lengthned out, the Englijh royalifts beaten, the Scotijh army routed, and the army matters of all. Lord Clarendon, in his ac- count of this treaty, fpeaks of the ' refractory, obftinate " adherence of the commiflioners to their own will, * without any fhadow of reafon ; of their letting loofc ' their clergy upon the king, who all behaved themfelves ' with that rudenefs, as if they meant to be no longer * fubjec"t to a king, no more than to a bimop ;' and of " their importunity and bitternefs in beginning on their * new inftructions (b) :' things as little founded on truth, rj) ciaren- as that Jenkins and Spur/low were the clergymen who d n > vol. v. difputed with his majefty ; when, in fadt, their names *'* lh 2l6> were Mar/hal and Vines, Caryl and Seaman ; who, fays J * Mr. Oudart, in the conclufion of their rejoinder to the king's reply about church-government, ' were very civil * and full of rhetorick, and gave a great teftimony of * the learning couched in his majefty *s paper, and highly * applauded his majefty's piety as another Conjlantine, * &zc.-(c)' And the fame gentleman allures us, his ma- U) Peck's jefty ' much thanked every one cf the commiffioners for De&terata ' their freedom, and even for their urging him againft ^"book io' * his opinion during the time of this treaty (d).'' p. u. Sir Thomas Herbert, who was with the king alfo at this (P-355 not a little confufed. But the army followed brifkly their blow: theyifeized the king's perfon, and conveyed him to Hurji-cajlle. This ftill more alarmed the parliament, who declared that it was done without their advice or confent, and voted the king's conceffions a ground for feu tlingthe peace of the kingdom (g>) as I have before men- (g) Id. p. tioned. The army finding the parliament thus refolute 359* for peace, refolved by force to fruftrate their intentions. For this end, they placed colonel Pride, with a large party of horfe and foot, upon all the avenues to the par- D d 3 liament- 4c6 ffcLIFEc/CHARLES I. being erected, he was tried, condemned, and exe- liament-houfe ; who, on the 6th of December, feized and imprifoned forty-feven members of the houfe of com- mons, and afterwards ninety fix more were fecluded by (b) Parlia- the fame authority {h). What followed is well known. tm^vll ' " The votes of nbn-addrefies were refumed ; the king xvi'jp.471. was brought to IPlndfor ; an ordinance was paffed by the (i)Notmore remaining part of the commons (*'), but rejected by the than fifty- lords, for bringing him to his tryal ; a high court of juf- threc in t j ce was ere ted, before which he was tried (for levying dumber, . , .. _ , . , V . / t war againit the parliament, and the people therein repre- fented), condemned, and, in virtue of its warrant, exe- cuted Jan. 30, 1648, O. S. ' From thefe indifputable facts,' as the authors of the parliamentary hiftory obferves, it appears, that thofe * great and able members who firft engaged in behalf of * the liberties of the people, againff. the encroachments * of the prerogative, meant no more than to oblige the * king to rule according to law; not to bring him to the * fcaffold : and that monarchy and the peerage were not ' deftroyed, till the liberties of parliament had been firft (I) Parlia ' ' fubverted by an army of their own raifmg (k).' tory^vol. 1 Whether I have attributed the king's death to the pro- fvia.r'556. per perfons, will be beft known from the following cita- tions. 1. Mr. Ludlow fays, * Some of our commiflioners, ' who had been with the king [at Newport], pleaded in * the houfe for a concurrence with him, as if they had * been employed by him ; tho' others, with more inge- * nuity, acknowledged that they would not advife an * agreement upon thofe terms, were it not to prevent a * greater evil, that was like to enfue upon the refufal of ' them. But fir Henry Vane fo truly ftated the matter of * fact relating to the treaty, and fo evidently difcovered * the defign and deceit of the king's anfwer, that he * made it clear to us [the army- party], that by it the * juftice of our caufe was not afferted, nor our rights * lecured for the future ; concluding, that if they fhould * accept of thefe terms without the concurrence of the * army, The L I F E of. C H A R L E S I. 407 executed, by an authority unknown to this nation, army, it would prove but a feather in their caps : not- withstanding which, the corrupt party in the houfe having bargained for their own and the nation's liberty, refolved to break through all hazards and inconve- niencies to make good their contracl ; and after twenty- four hours debate, refolved, by the plurality of votes, That the king's conceflions were ground for a future fettlement. At which fome of us expreffing our dif- fatisfaction, defired that our proteftation might be en- trcd ; but that being denied, as againft the orders of the houfe, I contented myfelf to declare publicly, that being convinced that they had deferted the common caufe and intereft of the nation, I could no longer join with them ; the reft of thofe who difTented alfo ex- preffing themfelves much to the fame purpofe. The day following fome of the principal officers of the army came to London, with expectation that things would be brought to this iflue j and confulting with fome members of parliament, and others, it was concluded, after a full and free debate, that the meafures taken by the parliament were contrary to the truft repofed in them, and tending to contract the guilt of the blood that had been fhed upon themfelves and the nation : that it was therefore the duty of the army to endeavour to put a ftop to fuch proceedings ; having engaged in the war not fimply as mercenaries, but out of judgment and confeience, being convinced that the caufe in which they were engaged was juft, and that the good of the people was involved in it. Being come to this refolution, three of the members of the houfe, and three of the officers of the army, withdrew into a pri- vate room, to confider of the beft means to attain the ends of our faid refolution, where we agreed that the army fhould be drawn up the next morning, and guards placed in IVeJhninJier-hall, the court of Requefts, and the Lobby ; that none might be permitted to pafs into the houfe, but fuch as had continued faithful to the public intereft. To this end, we went over the names D d 4 of (/) Ludlow, *6S. 408 T^LIFEo/CHARLES I. nation, and contrary to the fenfe of the people. * of all the members one by one, giving the trueft cha- * racier we could of their inclinations, wherein, I pre- * fume, we were not miftaken in many. General * Ireton went to fir Thomas Fairfax, and acquainted him -^ ' with the neceiHty of this extraordinary wav of proceed- ' ing, having taken care to have the army drawn up the * next morning by feven of the clock. Col. Pride com- 1 manded the guard that attended at the parliament- * doors, having a lift of thofe members who were to be ' excluded, preventing them from entering into the ' houfe, and fecuring fome of the molt fufpeted under c a guard provided for that end ; in which he was affifted by the lord Grey of Grooby, and others, who knew the ' members (I). 1 2. Lord Fairfax, general of the army, writes as fol- lows : * The treaty [of Newpori\ was fcarce ended be- * fore the king was feized on, by the hands of the fame ' perfons that took him from Holmby : foon after fol- 4 lowed his trial. To prepare way to this work, this * agitating council did firft intend to remove all out of * the parliament who were like to oppole them ; and * carried it on with fuch fecrecy, as I had not the leaft ' intimation of it till it was done, as fome of the mem- 4 bers of the houfe can witnefs, with whom I was at that * very time uponfpecial bufmeis, when that attempt was * made by colonel Pride upon the parliament, which I 4 proteft I never had any knowledge of till it was done. 4 The reafon why it was fo fecretly carried, that I fhould * have no notice of it, was becaufe I always prevented * thofe defigns when I knew them. By this purging of * the houfe (as they called it), the parliament was 4 brought into fuch a confumptive and languishing con- dition, that it could never again recover that healthful conftitution, which always kept the kingdom in its Strength, life, and vigour. This way being made by the fword, the tryal of the king was eafier for them to accomplish (m),' (m) Fair- tax's memo rials J20, P-"9 IZI. a< The L I F E c/CIIARLES I. 409 people. Amidft all the fufferings which Charles 3. Sir Heneage Finch, follicitor-general, at the tryal of the regicides, publickly acquitted the parliament, and confequently the people reprefented, from all blame in this matter. Hear his words : ' Whatfoever, in the year 1648, could have been done by a parliament to fave v the life of a king, was done in this cafe. They opened a way to a treaty in fpight of the army ; and while thefe fons of Zcridah, who were too hard for them, were engaged in fervice in the remoter parts, they haftened the treaty as much as was poffible ; the de- bates ripen, his majeffy's conceffions were voted a good ground for peace : notwithstanding the remonftrances of the army ftiH flew about their ears, and notwith- ffanding the oppofitions of a fearful and unbelieving party of the houfe of commons, whom the army had frighted into an awful and fiavifh dependance upon them. And when nothing elfe could be done for him, they were fo true to the obligations they lay under, that they refolved to fall with him; and did fo. For the army, who faw the treaty proceed fo faft, made as great hafte to break it. They feize upon the blefled perfon of our facred king by force, and bring him to London ; and here they force the parliament, fhut out fome members, imprifon others ; and then call this wretched little company which was left, a parliament. By this, and before they had taken upon them the boldnefs to diffolve the houfe of peers, they pafs a law, and erect, forfooth ! an high court of juftice, as they ( n ) Exaft call it (n).' Sir Edward Turner, on the fame occa- andimpar- fion, faid, * My lords, this was not a national crime : '^""""J * and our good and gracious fovereign hath done us that f regicides honor and right to vindicate us in foreign nations ; and p. 37, 4*-' now he is come home in power and glory, he does con- Lond * l66 tinue in the fame mind (o).' [o) id. p. The lord chief baron Bridgman, from the bench, de- 4 # clared it to be his opinion alfo, * that of 46 members ' which fat in the houfe of commons, there were but * 25 or 26 men that did vote the ad for the tryal of the i king (/>).' (/>) M. P- 4- 7 ' 4 io The L I FE of C H A R L E S I. Charles underwent, he feems to have pre- ferred 4. Charles himfelf, on his tryal, faid, he was far * from charging the two houfes with the proceedings of i 7 ) K5n g t h a t day (q).' And, works^ p. 5* ^ n tne P rea mble to the aft for the attainder of fe- j 97 . ' veral perfons, guilty of" the horrid murther of king Charles I. we have the following pafiages. ' In all humble man- * ner mew unto your moft excellent majefty, your ma- 1 jelly's moft dutiful and loyal fubjecls the lords and ' commons in parliament afTembled, that the horrid and * cxecraole murther of your majefty 's royal father, our * late moft gracious fovereign Charles the Firft, of ever 1 bleiTed and glorious memory, hath been committed by * a party of wretched men, defperately wicked, and * hardned in their impiety, who having firft plotted and * contrived the ruin and deftruction of this excellent 4 monarchy, and, with it, of the true reformed pro- * teftant religion, which hath been fo long protected by * it, and flourimed under it, found it neceflary, in order * to the carrying on of their pernicious and traitorous * defigns, to throw down ail the bulwarks and fences of ' law, and to fubvert the very being and conftitution of * parliament, that (0 they might at laft make their way * open for any further attempts upon the facred perfon of * his majefty himfelf ; and that, for the more eafy effect- ' ing thereof, they did firft feduce fome part of the then * army into a compliance, and then kept the reft in fub- * jedtion to them, partly for hopes of preferment, and * chiefly for fear of lofing their imployments and arrears, * until by thefe, and other more odious arts and devices, * they had fully ftrengthned themfelves both in power * and faction ; which being done, they did declare againft * all manner of treaties with the perfon of the king, even * then while a treaty by advice of both houfes of parlia- ' ment was in being, remonftrate againft the houfes of ' parliament for fuch proceedings, feize upon his royal 4 perfon, while the commillioners were returned to the 1 houfe of parliament with his anfwer ; and when his * conceflions had been voted a ground for peace, feize ' upon the LIFE of CHARLES I. 411 ferved great equanimity ; and before, at, and after his trial, his patience, or infen- fibility, was very remarkable (eeee). On upon the houfe of commons, feclude and imprifon ' fome members, force out others, and there being left * but a fmall remnant of their own creatures (not a tenth * part of the whole), did fcek to fhelter themfelves by ' this weak pretence, under the name and authority of * a parliament; and, in that name, laboured to profecute * what was yet behind and uniinifhed of their long in- * tended treafon and confpiracy. To this purpofe they * prepared an ordinance for erecting a prodigious and un- < heard -of tribunal, which they called an high court of ' juftice, for tryal of his majefty ; and having eafily pro- cured it to pafs in their houfe of commons, as it then 4 flood moulded, ventured to fend it up from thence to the peers then fitting, who totally rejected it ; where- e upon their rage and fury increafing, they prefume to * pafs it alone, as an act of the commons, and in the c name of the commons of England ; and having gained * the pretence of law, made by a power of their own ' making, purfue it with all poflible force and cruelty ; * until at laft, upon the 30th Jan. 1648, his facred ma- * jefty was brought upon a fcaffbld, and there publickly * murthered before the gates of his own royal palace (r).' (/) Stat. Thofe gentlemen who talk of the execution of this prince anno j im0 ' as a national fin, would do well to confider thefe autho- xxx -j # rities. (eeee) Jmidjl his fuffe rings he pre ferved great equani- mity ; and before, at, and after his trial, his patience or infenfibility were very remarkable.] Sir Thomas Herbert, who conftantly attended his majefty from the time that he was at Holmby to his execution at Whitehall, mall be my voucher for his equanimity and patience. ' His majefty, fays fir Thomas, had information from * private hands of the late proceedings in the houfe of c commons by which his majefty was apprehenfive of c their [the army-party's] ill intentions towards his per- * fon 412 The LIFE of C H A R L E S I. On the fcaffold he is thought to have excelled himielf, and to hive died much greater f ' cort ^ n o t0 tne profefllon of the church of England; faying, Jie had a good caufe, and a gracious God ; then giving directions to the executioner, his head was, at one blow, fevered from his body. ' Thus, (ays fur Rich. Warwick, * this faint and martyr relied from his labours, and fol* (c)Memoirs^ c lows the Lamb (c).' p. 346. The behaviour of Charles, in his fufFexings, is greatly celebrated by Burnet. c The king himieif, fays he, fhewed a calm and com- * pofed firmnefs, which amazed all people ; and that to fc much the more, becaufe it was not natural to him. It * was imputed to a very extraordinary meafure of fuper- * natural affiftance. Bifhop Juxon did the duty of his * function honeftly, but with a dry coldnefs that could J not raife the king's thoughts : fo that it was owing ' wholly to fomewhat within himfelf, that he went thro' * fo many indignities with fo much true greatnefs, with- ' out diforaer or any fort of affectation. Thus he died * greater than he had lived ; and fhewed that which has 4 been often obferved of the whole race of the Stuarts, {d) Burnet, ^bat they bore misfortunes better than profperity (d).' vol. 1. p.70. ^y} tn j s f eems ver y plaufible : but as every thing has two Whitlock handles, Milton afcribes bis behaviour to no fuch extra- p. 375. ordinary principles.' Carolum ft mortem' ais [fpeaking to Ihe LIFE of CHARLES I. 4 1 / fix children : Charles and James, who fuccef- iively mounted the throne of Great Britain ; Henry duke otGloucefter, who died foon after the 4 to Salmafms'] plane egifle vitae refpondentem affentior: fi dicis pie & fante & fecure vitam finiifTe, fcito aviam ejus Mariam, infamem feminam, pari in fpeciem pie- tate, fantitate, conftantia in pegmate, occubuiffe : ne animi prefentiae, quae in morte quibufvis e vulgo male^ ficis per magna, faepe eft, nimium tribuas : faepe de- fperatio aut obfirmatus animus fortitudinis quandem fpeciem & quafi perfonam induit : faepe ftupor tranquil- litatis : videri fe bonos, intrepidos, innocentes, inter- dum & faniStos peflimi quique non minus in morte quam in vita cupiunt ; inque ipfa fcelerum fuorum capitali poena folent ultimam fimulationis fuse & frau- dum, quam poffunt fpeciociffime, pompam ducere ; & veluti poetae aut hiftriones deterrimi, plaufum in ipfo exitu ambitiofiflime captare (e).* i. e. * If you fay (<0 Wilton's that Charles died as he lived, I agree with you : if you J^.**"** fay that he died pioufly, holily, and at eafe, you may 353, ' remember that his grandmother Mary, an infamous woman, died on a fcaffbld with as much outward ap- pearance of piety, fanttity, and conftancy as he did. And left you mould afcribe too much to that prefence of mind, which fome common malefactors have fo great a meafure of at their death, many times defpair, and a hardned heart, put on, as it were, a vigor of courage ; and ftupidity, a mew of quiet and tranquil- lity or mind : fometimes the worft of men defire to appear good, undaunted, innocent, and now and then religious, not only in their life, but at their death ; and in fuffering death for their villanies, ufe to ae~t the laft part of their hypocrify and cheats with all the fhow imaginable ; and like bad poets, or ftage- players, are very ambitious of being clapped at the end of the play.' The reader will pleafe to remember, that I only here act the part of an hiftorian, and am no ways anfwerable for the juftnefs of what I cite on this occafion. E e (ffff) 4i8 r^LIFEc/CHARLES 1, the Reftoration ; Mary, mother of Willi am III. Elizabeth, who died foon after her fa- ther; and Henrietta, afterwards duchefs of Orleans. He ftiled himfelf a Martyr, and has frequently had that title given him by his admirers, who have alfo fometimes pa- ralleled him (ffff) with Jefus Chrifi: others there are indeed who refufe to give him the title, or acknowledge the refemblance. All (FFFF^ Hejlikd himfelf a Martyr and has been paralleled with Jefus Chrrft, C5V.J On the 29th of January, the day before his death, the princefs Eliza- beth, his daughter, was admitted to fee him, to whom he faid, among other things, ' That be wiihed her * not to grieve and torment herfelf for him ; for that would be a glorious death that he mould die, it being ' for the laws and liberties of the land, and for maintain- ' ing the true proteftant religion.' And again, hedefired \ her not to grieve for him, for he fhould die a Mar- if) K'fS tyr (f)J And in his fpeech on the fcaffold, he told works, p. tne fpe^tators that ' he was the Martyr of the people/ ao6. ^as I have already related. And as Charles efteemed himfelf, fo was he eileemecr by many others. For we are allured, ' that fome took ' up his blood, after his execution, as the reliques of a ' martyr. And in fome, continues my author, hath had* ' the lame effect, by the bleffing of God, which was (g) Id. p. c often found in his facred touch when living (g).' *** After the Reftoration the memory of this prince was much revered, and a form of prayer, with faffing, was' appointed by authority to be ufed yearly upon the 30th of "January, being the day of the martyrdom of the blefled king Charles the Firft. This is ftill continued, as well as the ftylc and title he thus affumed to himfelf, in the anniversary fermons which the return of the day of courl'e produces. - I ^LlFEo/CHARLES I. 419 In the text I have obferved, that Charles has fometimes 6een paralleled with Jefus Chriji. Mr. Symons, his vin- dicator, was the firft that, according to the beft of my knowledge, attempted it. This gentleman, out of his zeal for the royal caufe, even during his majeity's life, published, A true Parallel betwixt the Sufferings of our ' Saviour and our Sovereign in divers Particulars;' of which, as he himfelf relates it, ' it was affirmed, that ' out of his zeal to flatter the king, he had blafphemed ' Chriji (h).'* Dr. Bints, in a fermon preached the 30th (/>) Pt- e fac of Jan. 1 701, before the lower houfe of convocation, toiheParal- has the following paffages. jgj 1 And firft, as to the near refemblance between the time with parties concerned, as well the actors as the fufferers, hisVindica- comparing thole in the text with thofe of the day. cha-l kmi ' And here one would imagine, that the latter were refolved to take St. Paul's expreflion in the mod: literal fenfe the words will bear, and crucify to them/elves the Lord afrejh, and, in the neareft likenefs that could be, put him to an open jhame. If, with refpedt to the dig- nity of the perfon, to have been born king of the Jews, was what ought to have fkreened our Saviour from vio- lence, here is alfo one, not only born to a crown, but actually pofTefTed of it. He was not only called king by fome, and at the fame time derided by others for being fo called, but he was acknowledged by all to be a king : he was not juft drefied up for an hour or two in purple robes, and faluted with an Hail king, but the ufual ornaments of majelly were his cuftomary ap- parel ; his fubjedls owned him to be their king, and yet they brought him before a tribunal ; they judged him, they condemned him; and that they might not be wanting in any thing to fet him at naught, they fpit upon him, and treated him with the utmost con- tempt. Our Saviour's declaring that his kingdorrl was not of this world, might look like a fort of renuncia- tion of his temporal fovereignty, for the prefent, de- firing only to reign in the hearts of men : but here was n thing of this in the cafe before us ; here was an in- difputable, unrenounced right of fovereignty, both by the laws of God and man : he was the reigning prince, E e 2 'and 4 2o ^LIFEc/CHARLES I. ' and the Lord's anointed ; and yet, in defpight of all * law, both human 2nd divine, he was by direct force ' of arms, and the moft daring methods of a flagrant 4 rebellion and violence, deprived at once of his impe- * rial crown and life. The fadf. of this day was fuch a ' vying with the firft arch-rebel, the apoftate angel Lu- ' cifer : it was fuch a going beyond the old ferpent in his ' own way of infolence and pride, that it is no wonder 4 that if he then began to raifc his head, and fet up for ' dominion in this world, when thus warmed and en- ' livened by a fiery zeal in fpme, and rage in others, to * the degree of drunkennefs, thirfting after and fatiating * themfelves in royal blood ; and in which refpet only, ' heated to the degree of frenzy and madnefe, the plea ' in my text may feem to have tome hold of them : Fa- (.) Tcr- * tber, forgive them, for they know not what they do (i).' buck's par- After tn j s admirable parallel (which yet had the misfor- hamentary . * Z~ * - - ' / cebates, vol. tune to be cenlured in the houle or lords, as what gave iii. p. 255. juft fcandal and offence to all chriftian people), the reader will perhaps applaud the modefty of the poet in the fol- lowing lines, in which Charles's fufferings are bewailed. ' Where* then, juft heav'n, was thy unacYive hand, ' Thy idle thunder, and thy ling'ring brand ! * Thy adamantine fhield, thy angel wings, * And the great genii of anointed kings ! * Treafon and fraud fhall thus theftars regard ! ' And injur'd virtue meet this fad reward ! ' So fad, none like can Time's old records tell, * Though Pornpey bled, and poor Darius fell. ' All names but one too low that one too high : x All parallels are wrongs, or blafphemy. Tide!/. In this language fpeak the friends and admirers of this unfortunate monarch. But all fubferibe not to their opinion. A few citations from different writers will fully prove this. * Martyrs, fays li'Tiltart, bear witnefs to the truth, not c to themfelves. If I bear witnefs of myfelf, faith Chriji y my witnefs is not true. He who writes himfelf Mar- * ' tyr by his own infeription, is like an ill painter, who, by The LIFE of C H ARLE S I. 421 by writing on the fhapelefs picture which he hath drawn, is fain to tell paflengers what fhape it is, which elfe no man could imagine : no more than how a mar- tyrdom can belong to him, who therefore dies for his religion becaufe it is eftablifhed. Certainly if Jgrippa had turned Chriftian, as he was once turning, and had put to death Scribes and Pharifees for obferving the law of Mofes, and refufing Chriftianity, they had died a truer martyrdom. For thofe laws were eftablifhed by God, and Mofes ; thefe by no warrantable authors of religion, whofe laws in all other beft reformed churches are rejected. And if to die for an eftabli/h- ment of religion be martyrdom, then Romi/h priefts executed for that, which had fo many hundred years been eftablifhed in this land, are no worfe martyrs than he. Laftly, if to die for the teftimony of his own confcience be enough to make him martyr, what heretic dying for direct blafphemy, as fome have done conftantly, may not boaft a martyrdom ? As for the conftitution or repeal of civil laws, that power lying only in the parliament, which he by the very law of his coronation was to grant them, not to debar them, nor to preferve a lefler law with the contempt and vio- lation of a greater; it will conclude him not fo much as, in a civil and metaphorical fenfe, to have died a martyr of our laws, but a plain tranfgreflbr of them (k).* i k ) Icono- Mr. JVatfon concurs with Milton in his opinion that j;l afte V ?' r>i i J tt 1 j 86 > 2d edit Charles was no martyr. Hear his words. * I cannot, fays he, in confcience, read thofe prayers ' wherein the king is called a martyr. I believe the ' affertion to be falfe, and therefore why mould I tell a * lye before the God of Truth ! But let us examine ' this point. What is a martyr ? He is a witnefs ; for ' fo the word in the original imports. But of what ? for ' every witnefs, in the chriftian fenfe of the term, is not ' a martyr. Robert Stephens tells us, that they are mar- * tyrs who have died giving a teftimony of divinity to ' Chrijl. But if this be true, king Charles can be no * martyr ; for he was put to death by thofe who believed * in the divinity of Chrijl as well as he. In Scapula we * read, that with Chriftians they are peculiarly called E e 3 * martyrs* 422 ^LIFE c/CHARLES I. * martyrs who have confirmed the do<3rine of Chriji, * not only with words, but with their blood. But what ' right has king Charles to be numbered among thefe ? c Is it then true, that he laid down his life in vindication ' of the New Teftament ? Strange that he could con- ' trive to do this in a country, where the authenticity' * thereof was not difputed. This not only is incredible, ' but the whole current of hiftory is againft it. What * were the grounds then, for giving him this glorious c title ? His dying rather than give up epifcopacy, is (aid 6 to be the eaute of it. But 'tis a queftion whether he ' did this. I think lord Clarendon has proved the con- (/) Watfcifs c trar y jjj> The reader may eafily determine this point, apology, p. j ^g i-^jp^g lt worth determining, by turning to Charles's conceffions with regard to the epifcopal hierarchy, in the note (cccc). Had the treaty of Newport taken effect, thofe who fince have canonized him, would have been among the firfl: to load his memory with reproaches. But to go on with Mr. Watfon. * My charity,' fays he in another place, * leads me fo far, thac I hope king * diaries meant well, when he told the princefs Eliza- c beth, that he fhould die a martyr, and when he re- c peated it afterwards on the fcaffbld : but this might be 6 nothing elfe but a pleating deception of the mind ; and c if faying that he died a martyr, made him fuch, then ' the duke of Monmmth alio was the fame ; for he died * with the fame words in his mouth, which his grand- e father king Charles had ufed before him. King Charles 1 II. ieems to have no fuch opinion of the matter; for * when a certain lord reminded his majeity of his fwear- * ing in common diicourfe, the king replied, " Your " martyr rwore more than ever I did ;" which many ' have deemed a jeft upon the title which his father had (m) Id. p. * got {m): *** I will add one authority more againft the title of Mar- tyr, which is (o often given to Charles : but 'tis an autho- rity revered by many, and will be efteemed remarkable by mod. It is- that of the per ion who clairrs to be the grandfon of this monarch, and heir to his kingdoms. We are indebted for this anecdote, as well as fir many others equally curious, to the late lord Bolinvbroke^ who had T^LIFEc/CHARLES I. 423 All princes in limited monarchies ought to take warning by his fate (gggg), againft break- had the honor to be his minifter. Speaking concern- ing the amendments made in the draught of a declara- tion, and other papers, which were to be difperfed in Great Britain by the Pretender, he has the following paffage. ' Since his father [James II. J paries already ' for a faint, and fince reports are encouraged of mi- ' racles which they fuppofe to be wrought at his tomb, ' he might have allowed his grandfather to pafs for a c martyr : but he ftruck out of the draught thefe words, " that blefled martyr who died for his people," which c were applied to king Charles the Firft ; and would c fay nothing more of him, than that " he fell a facri- 3 4- f fifing an army, of defending themfelves againft the king and his. evil counfellors. Their army was victo- rious, and, like many other armies, after fubduing their enemies, turned againft their matters ; and, contrary to their intentions, brought his majefty to the block. This, in them was illegal. In them 'twas murder : for they had no rijiht or authority, except that of the fwgrd. But had Charles confined himfelf within the bounds of law, and exerted his prerogative only for the good of the people, all this would have been prevented. Submiflion would have been paid to his commands, the civil war would never have commenced, nor would he himfelf liave fallen a facrifice to the ambition, enthufiafm, or . if fafety of the foldiery. So that Charles was properly the ? original caufe of all his own misfortunes : and his ceath I may be confidered as ' a monument of terror, fet up ' to the princes of a free people to guard them againft * the leait approaches Or attempts to tyranny : to teach * them that no perfonal merit, no excellence of nature, * i\o acquired accomplishments, no combination of vir- ' tues, can give quiet to their reign, or ftability to their tp) rv'any's * throne, independent of the affections of their people (p)* femoas, p. The following paflage of Mr. Locke is worthy the at- ,,w ' tention of princes, as well as of the advocates ofCharles 9 who alledge the example and practice of his predeceflbrs as an extenuation, if not as a juftincation of his illegal rule. * He that will look, fays that great man, into the * hiftory of England, will find that prerogative was al- * ways largeft in the hands of our wifeft and beft princes; * becaufe The LIFEfl/CHARLES L 425 becaufe the people, obferving the whole tendency of their actions to be the publick good, contefted not what was done without law to that end ; or if any hu- man frailty or miftake (for princes are but men, made as others) appeared in fome fmall declinations from that end, yet 'twas vifible the main of their conduct tended to nothing but the care of the publick. The people therefore, rinding reafon to be fatisfied with thefe princes, whenever they acted without or contrary to the letter of the law, acquiefced in what they did, and, without the leaft complaint, let them enlarge their prerogative as they pleafed ; judging rightly, that they did nothing herein to the prejudice of their laws, fince they ailed conformable to the foundation and end of all laws, the publick good. Such god-like princes, indeed, had fome title to arbitrary power, by that argu- ment that would prove abfolute monarchy the beft go- vernment, as that which God himfelf governs the uni- verfe by ; becaufe fuch kings partake of his wifdom and goodnefs. Upon this is founded that faying, that the reigns of good princes have been always moft dan- gerous to the liberties of their people. For when their fucceflbrs, managing the government with dif- ferent thoughts, would draw the actions of thofe good rulers into precedent, and make them the ftandard of their prerogative, as if what had been done only for the good of the people, was a right in them to do for the harm of the people, if they fo pleafed ; it has often occafioned conteft, and fometimes publick diforders, before the people could recover their original right, and get that to be declared not to be prerogative, which truly was never fo : fince it is impoffible that any body in the fociety mould ever have a right to do the people harm ; tho' it be very poflible, and reafonable, that the people mould not go about to fet any bounds to the prerogative of thofe kings or rulers, who themfelves tranfgreffed not the bounds of the publick good. For the prerogative is nothing but the power of doing pub- lick good, without a rule (y).' The prince who will (?) Locke bear this maxim in mind, and regulate his conduct by on s overn - * .' ment. p. 3 "^54. 426 The L I F E of C H A R L E S I. it, needs not fear the fate of Charles. His fubjers will feel the bleffings of his government, and chearfully fub- rnit to his wholfome rule. Whereas he who imitates this unfortunate prince, whofe life and actions have now been opened, will probably, like him, feel woes in- numerable. A P P E N- [ 427 3 APPENDIX. SINCE thefe papers were in the prefs, there has been publifhed a long-expected work, intitled, " Memoirs and Letters of the Marquis of Clan- " rlcarde and Earl of St. Albans (a)." It begins in (<*) ^ollo, October 1 641, and continues down to the 30th of Angujl^ on * 17 $ 7, 1643; after which nothing occurs till the proceedings in the treaty between the duke of Lorrain's ambaflador and his lordfhip. Thefe commence Feb. 27, 1650, and end in Augujl 1652. I have taken the trouble few readers will to read it through, though I am far from repenting it : for the marquis was a man of fenfe and honor, and zealous for the fervice of his mailer, Charles; who appears not either advantageoufly or difadvantageoufly in this volume, un- lefs it be in the affair of the cefTation with the Irijh> which he ordered Ormonde to carry on with the greateft fecrefy. ' There is a power come to Ormonde ' (fays Mr. Juftice Donallen, in a letter to Clanrkarde, received May 11, 1643) * to conclude a ceflation for a year here. * The king would have it carried with fecrefy : I and ' one more only are made acquainted with it (b).' And j p. , 9 Q a in another letter, received at the fame time, the fame gentleman tells his lordfhip, ' There is a fecond letter ' come to Ormonde from the king, to haften the cefTa- * tion I fpoke of.' One paflage more, concerning Charles , there is in a letter from the marquis of Ormonde to the earl of Clanricarde, dated Feb. 4, 1642. * The 6 king is very ftrong, fays Ormonde^ and increafes daily : ' the only fear is, he may meet with fuch counfellors as ' will facrifice his affairs to their own ends and fafe- ' VI ( c )> (0 P. 33J. The 42S A P P E N D I X. The following accounts of the Irijh rebellion, as his Jordfhip was a confirmed catholic, will not perhaps be unacceptable to the curious. * Upon the 27th of ' November 1 641 , I went from Tuam to Sbreull, a fair * ffrong caftle of my own In the county of Mayo, but ' divided from the county by the river, upon the which ' is a fair done- bridge, made fince moil infamous by ' the horrid and bloody murder of about one hundred " Englljh and 'Scots, moft of them mafTacred by their own convoys, before they could attain into this county ' over the bridge. Out of this inhuman maffacre very " ftrangely efcaped Maxwell, lord bifhop of Killala, and {< P. 21. < his wife and children (d). * 'Jan. I repaired to Loughreah. There I received * conftant intelligence of the general defeclion of the ' whole kingdom, and of the particular malice againft 4 me for my oppofition againft their proceedings ; the ' diforders, fpoils, and robberies increafing in the county itfelf, and underhand receiving countenance and en- c couragement from thofe whom I had entrufted for ' preferving the peace, quiet, and obedience of the (J P. 65. < country (<).' And in a letter to lord EJfex, dated May 7.2, 1642, he fays, ' The barbarous murthers that have been com- 1 mitted there [in Ireland], are not to be thought of but {f) P. 149. w ith horror (/).' After this, no one, I prefume, will pretend to doubt of the reality and barbarity of the Irijh rebellion. N I S. ERRATA. Page 71, 1. 9, in the Notes, dele I will add a paffage or tixo more on this head. 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