. 
 
AD D I T I O N S 
 
 T O 
 
 COMMON SENSE; 
 
 ADDRESSED TO TH< 
 
 INHABITANTS OF AMERICA, 
 
 l 
 
 PHILADELPHIA, PRINTED: 
 
 XONDON, Re-printed for J. ALMON, oppofite Burlington* 
 Houfe, in Piccadilly, 
 
 1776. 
 
E 
 
 
 , .*::.' r 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 Page 
 
 j&Merican Independency defended 5 
 
 Antient Teftimony and Principles of the Peo- 
 ple called Quakers 9 
 
 The Propriety of Independency 13 
 
 A Review of the American Conteftf 1 6 
 
 Letter to the Earl of Dartmouth 23 
 
 Qbfervations on Lord North's Conciliatory 
 flan 25 
 
 On fending Commiffioners to treat with the 
 Congrefs T 29 
 
 Queftions and Anfwers 33 
 Cafe in Point - 41 
 
 fropofals for a Confederation of the Co- 
 lonies ., -^ 44 
 
 ADDI- 
 
ADDITIONS 
 
 T O 
 
 COMMON SENSE. 
 
 AMERICAN INDEPENDANCY 
 DEFENDED. 
 
 w. 
 
 HEN the iktfcB pamphlet intitled COMMON" 
 SENSE firft made its appearance in favour of that fo 
 often abjured idea of independance upon Great-Britain, 
 I was informed that no lefs than three gentlemen of re- 
 fpectable abilities were engaged to anfwer it. As yet I 
 have feen nothing which directly pretends to difpute a 
 fingle pofition of the author. The folemn Teftimony 
 tf the Quakers, however intended, having offered no- 
 thing to the purpofe, I (hall take leave to examine this 
 important queftion, with all candour and attention, and 
 iubmit the refult to my much injured country. 
 
 Depend ance of one man, or ftate, upon another, is 
 cither abfolute, or limited by fome certain terms of agree- 
 ment. The dependance of thefe Colonies, which (Treat- 
 Britain calls co'nftitutiona/i as declared by a& of Parlia- 
 ment, is abfolute. If the contrary of this be the bug- 
 bear fo many have been declaiming againft, I could wHh 
 my countrymen would conilder the confequence of fo 
 ftupid a profeffion. If a limited dependance is intended, 
 I would be much obliged to any one who will fhew me 
 the Britanno- American Magna Charta wherein the terms 
 of our limited dependance are precifely ftated. If no 
 (uch thing can be found, and abfolute dependance be 
 accounted inadmiflible, the found we are fquabbling 
 about has certainly no determinate meaning. If any 
 fay, we mean that kind of dependance^ we acknowledged 
 at and before the year J 763$ \ anfwer, v<tgut and uncer- 
 B tain 
 
6 ADDITIONS TO , ; 
 
 tain laws, and more cfpecially CONSTITUTIONS, are the 
 very inftruments of flavery. The Magna Charta of 
 England was very explicit, confidering the time it was 
 formed, and yet much blood was fpilt in difputes con- 
 cerning its meaning. 
 
 Jiefides the danger of an indefinite dependance upon 
 an undetermined power, it might be worth while to con- 
 fider what the characters are on whom we are fo ready 
 to acknowledge ourfefves dependant. The votaries for 
 this idol tell us, upon the good people of our Mother- 
 Country, whom they reprefent as the moft juft, humane, 
 and affectionate friends we can have in the world. Were 
 this true, it were fome encouragement, but who can 
 pretend ignorance that thefe juit and humane friends 
 are as much under the tyranny of men of a reverfe cha- 
 racter as we ftiould be, could thefe mifcreants gain their 
 ends ? I difclaim any more than a mutual dependance 
 on any man, or number of men, upon earth ; but an in- 
 definite dependance upon a combination of men, who 
 have, in the face of the fun, broken through the molt 
 folemn covenants, debauched the hereditary, and cor- 
 rupted the elective guardians of the people's rights j 
 who have, in fact, eftablimed an abfolute tyrrany in 
 Great-Britain and Ireland, and openly declared themfelves 
 competent to bind the Colonifts in all cafes whatfoever : I fay, 
 indefinite dependance on fuch a combination of ufurping 
 innovators is evidently as dangerous to liberty, as fatal 
 to civil and focia! happinefs, as any one flep that could 
 be propofed, even by the deftroyer of men. The utmoft 
 that the honeft party in Great-Britain can do, is to warn 
 tis to avoid this dependance at all hazards ! Does not 
 even a Duke of Grafton declare the minifterial meafures 
 illegal and dangerous ? And fhall America, no way con- 
 nected with this adminiftration, prefs our fubmiflion to? 
 fuch meafures, and reconciliation to the authors of them? 
 Would not fuch pigeon-hearted wretches equally forward 
 the recall of the Stuart family, and the eftablifhment of 
 Popery throughout Chriftendom, did they conceive the 
 party in favour of thofe loyal meafures the ftrongeft ? 
 Shame on the men who can court exemption from pre- 
 
 fent 
 
COMMON SENSE. 7 
 
 fent trouble and expence, at the price of their own and 
 pofterity's liberty ! The honeft party in England cannoj 
 wifh for the reconciliation propofed. It is as unfafe to 
 them as to us, and they thoroughly apprehend it. What 
 check have they now upon the Crown, and what fhadow 
 of controul can they pretend, when the Crown can com- 
 mand fifteen or twenty millions a year, which they have 
 nothing to fay to ? A proper proportion of our commerce 
 is all that can benefit any good man in Britain or Ireland, 
 and God forbid we (hould be fo cruel as to furnifti bad 
 men with power to enflave both Britain 3nd America. 
 Adminiftration has now fairly diflevered the dangerous 
 tie : execrated will he be by the lateft pofterity who again 
 joins the fatal cord ! But, fay the puling pufillanimous 
 cowards, we (hall be fubjecl: to a long and bloody war, 
 if we declare independance. On the contrary, I a*ffirrtj 
 it the only (rep that can bring the conteft to a fpeedy 
 and happy iflue. By declaring independance we place 
 purfelves on a footing for an equal negociation : now 
 we are called a pack of villainous rebels, who, like the 
 St. Vincent Indians, can expert nothing more than a 
 pardon for our lives, and the fovereign favour, refpedV 
 ing freedom and property, to be at the King's will. Grant, 
 Almighty God, that I may be numbered with the dead 
 before that fable day dawn on North-America ! 
 
 All Europe knows the illegal and inhuman treatment 
 we have received from Britons. All Europe wifhes the 
 haughty Emprefs of the Main reduced to a more humble 
 deportment. After herfelf has thruft her Colonies from 
 her, the maritime powers cannot be fuch ideots as to 
 fuffer her to reduce them to a more abfolute obedience 
 of her dictates than they were heretofore obliged to 
 yield. Does not the moft fuperficial politician know, 
 that, while we profefs ourfelves the fubjeb of Great- 
 Britain, and yet hold arms againft her, they have a right 
 to treat us as rebels, and that, according to the laws of 
 nature and nations, no other ftate has a right to interfere 
 in the difpute? But on the other hand, on our declara- 
 tion of independance, the maritime ftates at leaft will 
 find it their intereft, -which always fecures the queftion 
 
 of 
 
8 ADDITIONS T O, &r*. 
 
 of inclination, to protect a people who can be fo advan*> 
 tageous to them. So that thofe (hort-fighted politicians, 
 who conclude that this ftep will involve us in {laughter 
 and devaluation, may plainly perceive that no meafure in 
 our power will fo naturally and effectually work our deli- 
 verance* The motion of a finder of the Grand Monarch 
 would procure as gentle a temper in the Omnipotent; 
 Britifli Mintfter as appeared in the Manilla ranfom and 
 Falkland-iflands affairs. From without, certainly, we 
 have every thing to hope, nothing to fear ; from within 
 fome tell us the Prefbyterians, if freed from the retrain- 
 ing power of Great-Britain, would over-run the peace- 
 able Quakers in this government. For my own part, I 
 defpife and deteft the bickerings of fe6taries, and am 
 apprehenfive of no, trouble from that quarter, efpecially. 
 while no peculiar honours nor emoluments are annexed, 
 to either. J heartily wifti too many of the Quakers did 
 not give caufe of complaint, by endeavouring to coun- 
 teract the meafures of their fellow-citizens for the com- 
 mon fafety. If they profefs themlelves only pilgrims 
 Jiere, let them walk through the men of this world 
 without interfering with their actions on either fide. If 
 they would not pull down Kings, let them not Jupport 
 tyrants ; for, whether they underftand it or not, there is, 
 and ever has been, an, elFential difference in the cha-. 
 
 Finally, with M. De Vatell, I account aflate a moral 
 perjon having an inter eft and will of its civn, and I think 
 that ilate a monfter whofe prime mover has an intereft 
 and will in direct opposition to its profperity and fecu- 
 rity. This pofition has been fo clearly demqnftrated in 
 the pamphlet firft mentioned in this effay, that 1 (hall 
 only add, if there are any arguments in favour of re- 
 turning to a ftate of dependance on Great-Britain, that 
 is, on the prefent Adminiftration, of Great-Britain, I 
 could wi(h they were timely offered, that they may be 
 foberly confidered, before the cunning proppfals of the 
 cabinet fet all the timid, lazy, and irrefolute members 
 of the community into a clamour for peace at any rate. 
 
 CANDID US, 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 The ANCIENT TESTIMONY and PRINCIPLES of 
 the People called QUAKERS, renewed, with refpett to 
 the KING and GOVERNMENT; and touching the 
 COMMOTIONS nwu prevailing in thefe and other Parts of 
 AMERICA; *<Wr^W /a thePEOPLEm GENERAL. 
 
 Religious concern for our friends and fellow-fub- 
 jects of every denomination, and more efpecially for thofe 
 of all ranks who in the prefent commotions are engaged 
 in public employments and ftations, induces us earneftly 
 to befeech every individual, in the mod folemn manner, 
 to confider the end and tendency of the meafures they 
 are promoting ; and, on the mod impartial enquiry into 
 the ftate of their minds, carefully to examine whether 
 they are acting in the fear of God, and in conformity 
 to the precepts and doctrine of our Lord Jefus Chrifr, 
 whom we profefs to believe in, and that by him alone 
 we expect to be faved from our fins. 
 
 The calamities and afflictions which now furround us 
 fhould, as we apprehend, affect every mind with the moft 
 awful confideration of the difpenfations of Divine Pro- 
 vidence to mankind in general in former ages, and that, 
 as the fins and iniquities of the people fubjedted them 
 to grievous fufferings, the fame caufes ftill produce the 
 like effects. 
 
 The inhabitants of thefe provinces were long fignally 
 favoured with peace and plenty : Have the returns of 
 true thankful nefs been generally manifeft ? Have inte- 
 grity and godly fimplicity been maintained, and reli- 
 gioufly regarded ? Hath a religious care to do juftly, 
 love mercy, and walk humbly, been evident ? Hath the 
 precept of Chrift, to do unto others as we would they 
 fhould do unto us, been tbe governing rule of our con- 
 duct? Hath an upright impartial deiire to prevent the 
 flavery and opprefilon of our fellow-men, and to /eftore 
 them to their natural right, to true Chriftian liberty, 
 been cherifhed and encouraged ? Or have pride, wan- 
 tonnefs, luxury, profanenefs, a partial fpirit, and forget- 
 fulnefs of the goodnefs and mercies of God, become la- 
 
 mentably 
 
jo PRINCIPLES, &c. of the QUAKERS. 
 
 mentably prevalent ? Have we not, therefore, abundant 
 occafion to break off from our fins by righteoufhefs, 
 and our iniquities by fhewing mercy to the poor ; and, 
 with true contrition and abatement of foul, to humble 
 ourfelves, and fupplicate the almighty preferver of men, 
 to fhew favour, and to renew unto us a ftate of tran- 
 quility and peace ? 
 
 It is our fervent deiire that this may foon appear to be 
 the pious refolution of the people in general, of all ranks 
 and denominations 5 then may we have a well-grounded 
 hope, that wifdom from above, which is pure, peace- 
 able, and full of mercy, and good fruits, will prefide and 
 govern in the deliberations of thofe who, in thefe peri- 
 lous times, undertake the transaction of the moft im- 
 portant public affairs ; and that by their fteady care and 
 endeavours, conftantly to act under the influences of 
 this wifdom, thofe of inferior ftations will be incited 
 diligently to purfue thofe meafures which make for peace, 
 and tend to the reconciliation of contending parties, on 
 principles dictated by the Spirit of Chriil, who " came 
 not to deftroy rnens lives, but to fave them." Luke ix. 
 56. 
 
 We are fo fully afTured that thefe principles are the 
 moft certain and effectual means of preventing the ex- 
 treme mifery and defolations of wars and bloodfhed, 
 that we are conftrained to intreat all who profefs faith 
 in Chriit to manifeft that they really believe in him, 
 and defire to obtain the bleflings he pronounced to. the 
 makers of peace, Mat. v. 9. 
 
 His fpirit ever leads to feek for and improve every 
 opportunity of promoting peace and reconciliation, and 
 conftantly to remember, that, as we really confide in him, 
 he can, in his own time, change the hearts of all men 
 in fuch manner, that the way to obtain it hath been 
 often opened contrary to every human profpect or ex- 
 pectation. 
 
 May we, therefore, heartily and fincerely unite in 
 fupplications to the Father of Mercies, to grant the plen- 
 tiful effulions of his Spirit to all, and in an efpecial man- 
 ner to thofe in fuperior itations, tha they may with nn- 
 
 cerity 
 
PRINCIPLES, &c. of the QUAKERS. 1 1 
 
 cerity guard againfl and reject all fuch meafures and 
 councils as may increafe and perpetuate the difcord, 
 animofities, and unhappy contentions, which now for- 
 rowfully abound. 
 
 We cannot but with diftrefled minds befeech all fuch, 
 in the moft folemn and awful manner, to confider that, 
 if by their acting and perfifting in a proud, felfim fpirit, 
 and not regarding the dictates of true wifdom, fuch 
 meafures are purfued as tend to the (hedding of innocent 
 blood ; in the day when they and all men (hall appear 
 at the judgment-feat of Chrifr, to receive a reward ac- 
 cording to their works, they will be excluded from his 
 favour, and their portion will be in everlafting mifery. 
 See Mat. xxv. 41. 2 Cor. v. 10. 
 
 The peculiar evidence of divine regard manifefted to 
 our anceftors, in the founding and fettlement of thefe 
 provinces, we have often commemorated, and defire ever 
 to remember, with true thankfulnefs and reverent admi- 
 ration. 
 
 When we confider That at the time they were per- 
 fecuted, and fubje&ed to fevere fufferings, as a people 
 unworthy of the benefits of religious or civil fociety, 
 the hearts of the King and rulers under whom they thus 
 fufFered were inclined to grant them thefe fruitful coun- 
 tries, and entruft them with charters of very extenfive 
 powers and privileges That on their arrival here the 
 minds of the natives were inclined to receive them with 
 great hofpitality and friend(hip, and to cede to them the 
 moft valuable part of their land on very eafy terms. 
 That while the principles of juftice and mercy continued 
 to preiide, they were preferved in tranquility and peace, 
 free from the defolating calamities of war ; and their 
 endeavours were wonderfully blefled and profpered, fo 
 that the faying of the wifeft of Kings was fignally veri- 
 fied to them, " when a man's ways pleafe the Lord, he 
 maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." 
 Prov. xvi. 7. 
 
 The benefits, advantages, and favour, we have expe- 
 rienced by our dependence on, and connection with, the 
 Kings and government under which we have enjoyed 
 
 this 
 
12 PRINCIPLES, c5V. of tie QUAKERS. 
 
 this happy ftate, appear to demand from us the greatefk 
 circumfpeclion, care, and conftant endeavours, to guard 
 againft every attempt to alter or fubvert that dependence 
 and conne6tion. 
 
 The fcenes lately prefented to our view, and the pro- 
 fpecl: before us, we are fenfible, are very diftreffing and 
 difcouraging ; and though we lament that fuch amicable 
 meafures as have been propofed, both here and in Eng- 
 land, for the adjuftment of the unhappy contefts fubfift- 
 ing, have not been effectual ; neverthelefs, we fhould re- 
 joice to obferve the continuance of mutual peaceable en- 
 deavours for effe&ing a reconciliation ; having grounds to 
 hope that the divine favour and blefiing will attend them. 
 
 " It hath ever been our judgment and principles fince 
 we were called to profefs the Light of Chrift Jefus, ma- 
 nifefted in our confcience, unto this day, that the fetting 
 up, and putting down, Kings and governments, is God's 
 peculiar prerogative, for caufes beft known to himfelf 5 
 and that it is not our bufmefs to have any hand or con- 
 trivance therein, nor to be bufy bodies above our ftation, 
 much lefs to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn any 
 of them, but to pray for the King, and fafety of our 
 nation, and good of all men ; that we may live a peace* 
 able and quiet life, in all godlinefs and honefty, under 
 the government which God is pleafed to fet over us." 
 Ancient Teftimony, 1696, in Sew ell's Hijlory. 
 
 May we therefore firmly unite in the abhorrence of 
 all fuch writings and meafures as evidence a defue and 
 defign to break off the happy connection we have here- 
 tofore enjoyed with the kingdom of Great- Britain, and 
 our juft and neceflary fubordination to the King, and 
 thofe who are lawfully placed in authority under him ; 
 that thus the repeated folemn declarations, made on this 
 fubj6t, in the addreiles fent to the King, on the behalf 
 of the people of America in general, may be confirmed* 
 and remain to be our firm and fincere intentions to ob- 
 ferve and fulfil. 
 
 Signed in and on behalf of a meeting of the Reprefentati^es of 
 our Religious Society, in Pennfylvama and New- Jerfey, held at 
 Philadelphia, the ^Qth day of the fir ft month, .776. 
 
 JOHN PEMBERTON, CLERK. 
 
PROPRIETY of INDEPENDANCY. 
 
 TO acknowledge that the Creator formed Man for 
 fociety, and that fociety cannot fubfift without re- 
 gulations, laws, and government ; and at the fame time 
 to aflert, that in fpight of all human care to prevent it, 
 every government will degenerate into a tyranny, is fuch 
 a daring blafphemy of the divine attributes, that had I not 
 heard it aflerted, and acquiefced in as a truth, I could 
 not have believed fuch a pofition could have exifted in a 
 civilized country ! This monftrous hypothecs concludes, 
 that notwithftanding the Deity had power enough to form 
 fuch admirable creatures as men and women, and fit 
 them for enjoying of each other a thoufand ways, and 
 though by means of the mod exquifite of thofe enjoy- 
 ments a race ftiould arife from them over which every 
 power of rightful government muft of neceffity be exer- 
 cifed, yet jufl and rightful government is in reality Uto- 
 pian, imaginary, and impracticable ! Did not God cloath 
 the grafs, direcl the wild goat, and provide for the fpar- 
 row, I might more eafily be perfuaded to fufpecl his care 
 of man. 
 
 I readily grant, that the delegates of governmental 
 power are too apt to confider themfelves the pofleflbrs of 
 it in their own right, and that they therefore take every 
 means in their power to become the ma/lers in place of 
 fervants to their conftituents ; and that the people in all 
 civilized countries have been too inattentive to the ufur- 
 pations of their rulers : but I conceive of no caufe in the 
 nature of things which fo abfolutely counteracts the 
 power of a wife, learned, and free community, as to 
 render it impoffible for them to preferve their liberty. 
 The arguments brought from the condition of other 
 ftates, are by no means conclufwe with refpect to the 
 North American colonies. I am bold to aflert, that 
 fuch a favourable combination of circumstances as they 
 are bleffed with at this important conjuncture, never did 
 take place among any people with whom hiftory has made 
 us acquainted. The moft juft and folid foundation of 
 fociat happinefs was i^id in the firft fettlement of the 
 C con- 
 
i 4 PROPRIETY 
 
 continent, the cultivation of the earth for the fubfi/lance of 
 its proprietor. Here was no feudal tenure from fome mi- 
 litary lord ; every cultivator being the lord of his own 
 foil, and content with its produce, had no thoughts of 
 encroaching upon and fubjeting his neighbour to his ab- 
 folute dominion. Hence a handfome competency has 
 enabled the bulk of the people to give their children 
 fuch an education as enables them to read, and become 
 acquainted with the ufurpations of the deepeft plotters, of 
 their ruin. The fpirit of the people for obtaining this 
 neceffary information, is evident from the incredible 
 number of news-papers, and other periodical publica- 
 tions which they encourage, and the effect of fuch in- 
 ftitutions never have been fo great in any community, 
 yet known, as in thefe pantaplebean (altogether commons) 
 colonies. How quickly the moft important revolution 
 of the fundamentals of our policy can pervade a conti- 
 nent, may be guefled at by the progrefs of the idea of 
 colonial independancy in three weeks or a month at far- 
 theft ! Surely thoufands and tens of thoufands of com- 
 mon farmers and tradefmen muft be better reafoners than 
 fome of our trammeled juris confultors^ who to this hour 
 feel a reluctance to part with the abominable chain, which 
 remaining, in any fhape whatever, though modified by 
 all the wifdom and caution of the greateft men now liv- 
 ing, muft in a very little time drag the colonies into the 
 moft abject ilavery. Many profefs themfelves zealous for 
 the liberties of America, yet declare an abhorrence of 
 the idea of independancy on Great Britain. If this be 
 not a folecifm, as abfurd and irreconcileable as ever was 
 obtruded on mankind, I know not the meaning of the 
 term ! Civil liberty never was defined in ftri&er terms 
 than an EXEMPTION from all controul^ WITHOUT THE 
 COMMUNITY, in which every qualified member has an equal 
 voice. No American, as fuch, has the fhadow of in- 
 corporation with the government of Great Britain ; and 
 in confequence, if he receives the leaft fyllable of law 
 from that quarter, he gives up his claim to the definitive 
 exemption. If the fticklers for dependence do not mean 
 dependance for fome certain laws, in the forming of 
 
 which 
 
OF INDEPENDENCY. 15 
 
 which the conolifts have no voice at all, I do not yet 
 underftand them ; and if they do mean that we fhould 
 admit the claim of any ftate, or any part of the power of 
 any ftate, with which the democratic power of this ftate 
 is not incorporated, to give us law in any cafe whatever, 
 they admit ^fibre^ which I muft make free to tell them, 
 will fpeedily grow into an iron fmew, which neither them- 
 felves nor poilerity will be able to endure or burft afun- 
 der. And further, it is not only the admiflion of fome 
 poffible law from a foreign power, that hurries a people 
 into flavery ; a meer negative power on acts for the re- 
 peal of grievous laws will more ilowly, but as certainly, 
 fubvert liberty. 
 
 Again, Mr. Hume's obfervation, \Perfett Common- 
 wealth^ p. 301.] that " the fword being in the hands of 
 a fmgle perfon who will always neglett to discipline the mi- 
 litia, in order to have the pretext to keep up ajlanding ar- 
 my ;" and the fucceeding one, " that this is a mortal 
 diftemper in the Britijh government, of which it mu/i r at 
 laft, inevitably perijh" now fo fatally confirmed, may be 
 a fufficient warning to the colonies to beware of being a- 
 gain entangled ivitb tne yoke of bondage. 
 
 Many object to a republican government as impracti- 
 cable in a large ftate. " The contrary of this (fays 
 Hume) [Per. Com. 302.] feems evident. Though it is 
 more difficult to form a republican government in an ex- 
 tenfive country than in a city ; there is more facility, when 
 once it is formed, of preferving it fteady and uniform, 
 without tumult or faction, in the former than the latter. 
 (Per. Com. 303.,) In a large government, which is mo- 
 delled with mafterly fkill, there is compafs and room 
 enough to refine the democracy from the lower people, 
 who may be admitted into the rirft elections, or firft con- 
 coction of the commonwealth ; to the higher rnagiftrates 
 who direct all the motions. At the fame time the parts 
 are fo diftant and remote, that it is very difficult, either 
 by intrigue, 'prejudice, or pallion. to hurry them into 
 meafures againft the public intereft." Thus far Mr. 
 Hume. 
 
 DEMOPHILUS. 
 
 C 2 A Review 
 
[ i6 3 
 
 A Review of tbe AMERICAN CONTEST. 
 
 NATURE inrtru&s,the brute creation to provide 
 for, guard and protect their offspring, until they 
 are able to do for themfelves. The dam is never known 
 to forfake her young while her care is necefTary for their 
 Jafety, nor to do any thing which would involve them in 
 diftrefs and difficulty. Man, who has this principle in 
 common with brutes, is endowed with others yet more 
 valuable, but which to him are abfolutely neceflary, 
 whereby he is taught to provide for the future welfare of 
 his defcendants, and to guard them from the encroach- 
 ments of- that power which civil fociety conftitutes for 
 its own fafety ; but which, through the depravity of hu- 
 man nature, is often turned againft it. There are few 
 parents who do not make it their conftant ftudy and 
 earneft endeavour to leave fome valuable inheritance to 
 their children : few who have been fo loft to the feelings 
 of nature and calls of parental affection, as to entail 
 difficulty and diftfefs on their children, when it was in 
 their power to leave them a fair and eafy inheritance. 
 And yet it has fo happened, that by an ill-tirnid attach- 
 ment to the prefent, without paying proper attention to 
 the future, they have entailed mifery upon them by the 
 very means which were deiigned to preserve them from it. 
 It is now in your power to bequeath to your children 
 the one or the other, and it becomes you to have an eye 
 to them in all your proceedings. It is fufficiently known 
 to you, that riches in arbitrary ftates are often the ruin of* 
 their pofiefTors, and that fecurity to property is abfolutely 
 neceflary to ftamp their true value on wealth and poflef- 
 fions. He, therefore, who wimes to leave his children 
 in flouriming circumftances, ought to be a zealous friend 
 to thofe meafures, and that plan of government which 
 gives the greateft fecurity to property, and an active warm 
 oppofer of thofe which leave it to the arbitrary difpofal of 
 men, who find a greater advantage in making free with 
 what does not belong to them, than in frugally ufmg 
 what is juftly their own. Whig and Tory fhould be out 
 of the queftion. Private pique, party faction and ani- 
 
 mofity 
 
REVIEW, &c, $7 
 
 ir.ofity ought to fubfide. He who thinks fliould think 
 for pofterity, and he who a&s fhould ad for his children. 
 
 It is a great weaknefs to fuffer our paffions to take 
 place of our reafon, and blindly to follow their dictates, 
 though to our manifeft hurt, rather than fubje&them to 
 our better fenfe. A falfe pride, which will not acknow- 
 ledge an error though ever fo evident, an obftinate perfe- 
 verance in our own opinion, without deigning to hear ' 
 advice or inftruion, and an unreaicnable attachment to 
 party, have done much mifchief to mankind, and may 
 yet do more, if not carefully avoided. I have directed 
 this paper to you in preference to others, becaufc your 
 parental affe&icn fhould form more than a counterpoife 
 to every falfe principle, which can influence the human 
 mind where the intereft of your offspring is at ftake. 
 
 Our prefent conteft isimmenfely great, and every man 
 rnuft fee that it will afte6t pofterity. Its confequences 
 cannot end with itfelf ; but the lateft generations rnuft 
 feel its effects. The greater Ruler of the univerfe has 
 permitted it for wife purpofes, and has called every one 
 of us to a& our part in it. It becomes us, therefore, 
 laying afide all former prejudices, partiality and party at- 
 tachments, to aft upon principles which will juftify us 
 to him who has afiigned us our ftations, and caufe polte- 
 rity to blefs the memory of their forefathers. We all 
 agree in this, that Great Britain is unjuft and arbitrary, 
 and we have hitherto principally differed in the mode of 
 oppofition, which ought to have been purfued I fpeak 
 not to thofe who think one way and talk another. They 
 act upon fuch bafe principles, that it is in vain to attempt 
 to roue in them any juft or generous fentiments. We 
 have no inftance of the converfion of avaricious or am- 
 bitious hypocrites, and it would be wafting time to ufe 
 arguments to convince them. I direct myfelf to you 
 who have frncerity fufficient to examine the principles on 
 which you proceedj and honefty enough to purfue that 
 courfe of conduct which appears to be right, and fo much 
 affection for your children, as to prefer their intereft and 
 happinefs to every other coniideration. For you I mean 
 
 to 
 
i8 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 to throw together a few hints, which may aflift you in 
 finally fixing a right choice. 
 
 The Britifti adminiftration began its attacks on our 
 liberties with a Stamp ACT, but meeting with ftiong op- 
 pofition they thought fit to repeal it. This acl: threw 
 the colonies into ftrong convulfions, and we rejoiced ex- 
 ceedingly on its repeal, and fondly hoped, that wefhould 
 enjoy future tranquillity- But we were mifiaken. They 
 never intended to relinquilh the defign, but only to 
 change their ground, that which they firft pitched upon 
 not feeming tenable. An American revenue granted 
 by a Bntiih parliament was the object, and they never 
 loft fight of it; for they foon renewed their attacks upon 
 principles which they thought more favourable to their 
 intentions j but meeting with as little fuccefs in that, as 
 in the preceding attempt, they fufpended their meafures 
 for a time, in hopes of lulling us into a carelefs fecurity. 
 They accordingly once more returned to the charge, 
 and endeavoured to effecT: by cunning and artifice what 
 they had heretofore attempted in vain on every other 
 peaceable plan. This not fucceeding, they were redu- 
 ced to their laft (hi ft of bullying and force; and this they 
 refolved upon. They levied armies, appointed generals 
 of reputation to command, and lent them amongft us, 
 we may know their commiii;ons by their conduct ; for af- 
 ter abufing, brow-beating and intuiting, after ftarving 
 and tarring and feathering, after offering every poflible 
 injury which a free people could bear, without obtaining 
 their ends, and every other meafure failing, they drew 
 the fword, and at once reduced us to the dire alternative 
 of fubmitting to their illegal claims of jurifdidion, or 
 entering into the bloody conteft. Like men determined 
 to be free we chofe the latter. It now rcfts on the laft 
 argument, an argument which finally fettles all contro- 
 verfies of a like nature. The plan of operation is now 
 opened, and they who ftand to it with the moft fteady 
 perfeverance muft finally fucceed. This is the decree of 
 Providence in all cafes, " he that perfevereth unto the 
 " end fhall be faved." We have, by the bleffing; of 
 God, effectually baffled all their former attempts j but if 
 
 we 
 
AMERICAN CONTEST. 19 
 
 we fail in this, all our former victories will only ferve to 
 make our fall the more confpicuous and terrible. 
 
 I will not enquire what would have been the efficacy 
 of any heretofore recommended, but untried means; 
 The worft that can has happened, and it is with it we 
 have now to deal ; to relinquifh it on our part, would 
 be to give up the matter, for however any means might 
 once have done, cowardice alone would now defert the 
 field, and flavery muft be the inevitable confequence. 
 
 1 do not wonder that war fits heavy on us, and that 
 we are fomewhat reftlefs and uneafy ; but I fhall be fur- 
 prized, if we, who have fo long and fo fucceflively op- 
 pofed tyranny and oppreflion, fhould all on a fudden lofe 
 every defire of retaining our liberties. I am forced into 
 this remark by the artful, cunning and defigning manner 
 in which fome men talk of a reconciliation with Great 
 Britain, and the bug- bears they conjure up to frighten 
 the timid, irrefolute and ignorant, from a fteady profecu- 
 tion of thofe means, which alone can help us in our pre- 
 fent circumftances. Facts bear evidence from the begin- 
 ning of the conteft, that every fcheme they ever recom- 
 mended has, upon trial, proved inadequate to the end 
 for which it was inlended ; yet they proceed. Beware 
 of fuch men, they love neither their country nor their li- 
 berties, fo much as fomething elfe. 
 
 There are many, I doubt not, who are denominated 
 Tories by the more zealous Whigs, who, in their hearts, 
 \vifh fuccefs to our meafures, though they may be cha- 
 grined becaufe thofe they propofed did not go down with 
 the people; thefe are uniform, open, and not very dan- 
 gerous; but there are others, who, under the cloak of 
 friendmip for the caufe, harbour the bittereft rancour 
 and malice in their hearts. Thefe talk favourably in ge- 
 neral, though their difcourfes moftly terminate with a 
 doubt) fufpit-ion, or but, which gives thofe with whom 
 they converfe, reafon to dread fome hidden defign, or 
 approaching evil, which moft men have not properly at- 
 tended to. They artfully recall your attention to a cer- 
 tain period, when all was peace and quietnefs, and by 
 pathetically lamenting the unhappy alteration, endeavour 
 
 to 
 
20 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 to imprefs yotir minds with an opinion, that all our trou- 
 bles arofe from ourfelves. They carefully avoid men- 
 tioning the ii?iquitoils meafures of the Britilh govern- 
 ment which produced them, and hy keeping thofe out of 
 fi2;ht, they gradually lead the unwary into the belief, that 
 the men who have been moft active on the prefent occa- 
 fion in oppofing the tyrannical proceedings of Great Bri- 
 tain, and who have hazarded their all in defence of their 
 country, have been actuated by finifter motives in all 
 they have done. If every man who hears fuch infmua- 
 tions were to aflc thofe who caft them out, what mea- 
 fures have not the men they condemn tried at one time 
 or another to avoid the prefent conteft, and fave our li- 
 berties ? What advantages can they reap by a fuccefsful 
 end of it, which every other freeman on the continent 
 will not reap equally with them ? And in an unfuccefs- 
 ful clofe of it, all will allow they muft be the greateft 
 fufferers. Their lives muft go, let who will elfe efcape. 
 Thefe queftions might recall them to facts, and thefe 
 facts would enable men to judge aright. 
 
 Honefty could not ftand the force of a few pertinent 
 queftions, but thefe men have taken their leave of it, 
 and, like Manafleh of old, have fold themfelves to do 
 wickedly. Were it not fo, could it be poffible for them 
 in the face of the fun, to charge all our troubles on the 
 New England Prefbyterians, troubles which originally 
 be^un and have aU along been kept up by a wicked ad- 
 miniftration and a venal parliament. To make theni 
 the hatshers of mifchiefs occafioned by unconftitutionat 
 acts of parliaments, and the only fomenters of our jufl; 
 oppofition, which a Pennfylvanian Quaker, a Maryland 
 and a Virginian churchman, did more to effect than all 
 the other men on the continent put together, is cruelty 
 in the extreme. My heart bleeds when I think of fuch 
 men ; who would fell the whole continent, and all the 
 blood on it, for private advantage, and with whom a few 
 thoufartd guineas, with a title, would be efteemed an 
 equivalent for the lives, liberty and property, of the 
 freemen of a colony. May that God, who fees how 
 little they can gain, if fuccefsful, open their eyes and 
 
 ttira 
 
AMERICAN CONTEST. 21 
 
 turn their hearts, e'er they be convinced by fatal experi- 
 ence, that he who purchafes the whole world at the price 
 of his foul, is a very unwife dealer, and makes but a 
 poor bargain in the end. If the calls of virtue, the pre- 
 cepts of religion, and di6tates of patriotifm, cannot a- 
 waken them to a fenfe of their duty, yet Norfolk might 
 open their eyes. But let them do as they pleafe, we 
 ought to act wifely. If we do not make fuch a fettle- 
 ment now as will fecure the privileges we contend for to 
 poilerity, we entail either flavery or a civil war on our 
 children. This is certain, let what will be doubtful. 
 Look round you then, view your offspring, and tell me; 
 are you willing to leave them fuch a legacy? Do not 
 trifle on this occafion, all your other legacies muft derive 
 their true value from the part you now take in this con- 
 teft. Think not that the God who charges him with 
 worfe than infidelity who provides not for his own, and 
 thofe of his houfhold, will juftify you in returning to 
 the Hate you were in when our troubles began, and 
 thereby delivering over your offspring to the mifchievous 
 machinations of a power that from the beginning has fet 
 right, juftice, and mercy at defiance* and in all her de- 
 liberations confidered nothing but her ability to execute. 
 
 Look to the year 1763* that happy period, as many 
 fo fondly call it, and fee what fafety there is to America 
 in fuch a fituation. Lord North has faid, " If that is 
 " all they want, we are agreed ;" and the faying pleafes 
 many of you. His Lordfliip, like others, who have 
 learned wifdom by experience, wiflies to have all to be- 
 gin again, believing that he could more eafily effecT: his 
 purpofe by other means than thofe he is at prefent pur- 
 fuing. Swallow the bait and you are undone for ever. 
 
 Can any man in his fenfes believe, that he who has fo 
 long, and fo invariably purfued his point againft the fenfe 
 of the beft men in the nation, will finally defert his maf- 
 ter's moft favourite fcheme fo eafily ? Has he uttered a 
 fingle fyllable that can make the moft credulous believe* 
 that he is convinced of the injuftice of his conduct ? He 
 confefles he was deceived ; but wherein lay the deception ? 
 In believing that fewer troops would efFe& a fabmiffion 
 
 D thstf 
 
22 R E V I E W, &c. 
 
 than he is now convinced muft be employed. Here lay 
 the deception he complains of; and he is therefore deter- 
 mined to fend his terms with fuch an armed force, as he 
 expecls will frighten you into a compliance. Does this 
 look like the conduct of one who defigns to relinquish 
 his claims ? Were he fenfible of the injuftice of his pro- 
 ceedings, and the wrongs he has done us, he would 
 fpeak a very different language. Why does he call you 
 rebels ? Why call in foreign troops? Why lament fo pa- 
 thetically, that the extenfive operations of the war he 
 means to carry on againft you, will exhauft his funds 
 and increafe the public debts, while he has not a fmgle 
 tear to (hed, not a groan, nor as much as a figh for all 
 the blood already fpilt, and yet to fpill ? O ! if thy mini- 
 fters intentions are not evil againft us, why not hearken 
 to the repeated prayers of thy diftreffed fubjedts in Ame- 
 rica ? Why not recall thy troops, repeal the a&s, in- 
 demnify us for what we have fuffered, and offer any fur- 
 ther (ecurity to our rights ? Thou haft an obedient par- 
 liament, which disputes not thy will ; and all this is in 
 thy power, and in no one's elie. Had the King made 
 a fpeech to the houfe, recommending thefe things, he 
 would have given an unequivocal proof of his honeft in- 
 tentions, and it might juftly be termed gracious. But who 
 
 can truft a , who, while he fpeaks the language of 
 
 peace and humanity with his lips, has nothing but cru- 
 elty and war in his conduct. The man who does, may 
 have the innocence of the dove, but he cannot be pof- 
 feffed of the wifdom of the ferpent. 
 
 A friend to pofterity and mankind, 
 
To the Right Honourable Lord DARTMOUTH, Secretary of 
 State for AMERICA. * 
 
 f 23 ] 
 
 DA 
 MER 
 
 Philadelphia, Jan. i, 1776. 
 My Lord) 
 
 YOU are the minifter of the American department, 
 You have the character of a religious man, a rare 
 virtue in a modern ftatefman. It has become my duty 
 and intereft to addrefs you, on the prefent circumftances 
 of affairs in America. I know the Americans well 5 
 their ftrongeft and ruling paffion was their affe&ion to 
 their mother country ; the honour, the glory of Great 
 Britain, they efteemed as their greateft happinefs ; a 
 large portion of the fame affe&ion remains ; nothing but 
 repeated injuries and injuftice could have leflened it. 
 My Lord, from a wanton and avaricious exercife of 
 power, the miniftry of Great Britain have heaped in- 
 juries on the heads of the Americans, that no one period 
 of hiftory can parallel. 
 
 The practice of the Egyptians in fmothering the chil- 
 dren of the Ifraelites in the birth, the fwords of Cortez 
 and Pizarro, who flew millions of innocent Mexicans 
 and Peruvians, the dreadful famine brought by the Eaft 
 India company upon the poor Eaft Indians, muft all be 
 brought into one fcale, to ferve as any fort of balance 
 to the fyfteni of defolation, that you and your brother 
 minifters are meditating and daily pra&Hing againft the 
 unhappy people of North America. 
 
 The elements, which the providence of God hath 
 given for all his creatures, you have the prefumption to 
 deprive them of. Fire, fword, famine, and defolation, 
 fhew the vicinity of your fleets and armies ; children and 
 fervants are animated to rife and {laughter their benefac- 
 tors. No fpecies of cruelty, which the wit or malice of 
 man or devils could devife, but are pradifed againft the 
 Americans. 
 
 Do you believe in God, my Lord, and direct thefe 
 things ? Do you believe that God made America as well 
 
 * When this paper was written and published, the Americans 
 were not acquainted, that his Lord/hip had retired to another de- 
 partment in the ftafe. 
 
 D Z as 
 
24 TO LORD DARTMOUTH. 
 
 sis Great Britain ? If you do, ponder, confider well, 
 what anfwer will you give if you efcape punifhment in, 
 this world, when you come to be queftioned before the 
 throne of God, for the deftru&ion you have made of his 
 creatures, the work of his hands, to whom he granted 
 life and liberty, earth, air and water, equally as to your- 
 felf: and yet, prefumptuous man, you have dared to 
 counteract: his providence ! Have you confcience, my 
 Lord ? If you have, I would not, for the empire of a 
 thoufand worlds, be Lord Dartmouth. But, my Lord, 
 it is not to awaken your confcience that I write you 
 this letter : the flame of civil war, by your manage- 
 ment, hath extended far and wide in America ; battles 
 have been fought, numbers have been flain, and prifon- 
 ers taken on both fides ; the Americans have in their 
 pofleffion ten for one, and among them many men of 
 rank, Prefect, Prefton, Stopford, and others; they are 
 all treated with tendernefs and regard, while the prifoners 
 you have taken are treated with feverity, carried to Eng- 
 land in irons, there, as it is faid, to be tried, and of 
 courfe condemned and executed, or, in other words, un- 
 <jer form of law, murdered . 
 
 My Lord, if there beany thing on earth or in hea- 
 ven that you refpec~r, avoid that rock. You have colo- 
 nel Allen, captain Martindale, and fome other prifoners 
 -the hour that it is known here that any of thofe pri- 
 foners are executed, the prifoners here will be facririced 
 nay more, every Engliih and Scots adherent ; dread, 
 fhun, and forever abandon fuch murderous intentions. 
 The cries and vengeance of all the relations of thofe 
 whofe blood fhall be fhed in this manner will furround 
 you, death and horror will be your conflant companions, 
 and the torments of the damned, even on earth, will 
 await you.- : 
 
 My Lord, this is but the beginning of forrows. Take 
 in good part what I write. It is truth, and intended for 
 tjhe benefit of Britain and America. 
 
 AN ENGLISH AMERICAN. 
 Obfervatiom 
 
C 25 ] 
 
 Observations on LORD NORTH'S Conciliatory 
 PLAN. 
 
 1C ANNO T recall an idea to my mind more amaz- 
 ingly abfurd and ftupid than the idea of Lord North's 
 fecond attempt to lull the colonifts into a belief of his 
 inclination to hold out to them terms of a fafe and ami- 
 cable reconciliation with Great Britain. No one is ig- 
 norant, that the Americans have offered every thing that 
 can poflibly be devifcd to bury the injurious and enflav- 
 ing claim of adminiftration, in perpetual oblivion, and 
 leave matters on the fame footing they were before the 
 pretence was held up. Thofe generous propofals, how- 
 ever often repeated, have as often been rejecled with an 
 infolent contempt, and yet the profound politician tells his 
 opponents in the Britifli houfe of commons, that he is 
 heartily inclined to a reconciliation with the colonies, 
 and willing to put them in the fituation they fo pailion- 
 ately defire ; that is, fays he, to a courtier demanding 
 explanation, in ajlate of abfolute dependence en the Britijh 
 parliament in all cafes whatfoever ; for, fays his Lordfhip, 
 they were unqueftionably thus dependant in 1763. Had 
 his Lordfhip entirely forgot the fuccefs of his former ex- 
 periment, perhaps a trial of the fame wretched trick over 
 again, might have appeared lefs ridiculous. I may in- 
 deed fay, lefs infulting to the loweft underftanding. I 
 would afk the moil credulous votary for making up the 
 difpute, \vhztpojfible grounds he perceives to found his 
 expectation of a permanent reconciliation upon ? Has 
 any thing lately happened, which has indicated a 
 change of difpofition in the Prince or his favourites ? 
 Can a majority, which have been fecured from one feven 
 years to another, by pure force of corruption, be de- 
 pended on to remain firm to a flaughtering, plundering 
 and defolatlng court, and (hare the deteftation of prefent 
 and future ages, for mere nothing ? Has the court re- 
 folved to call Bernard, Hutchinfon, Richardfon, Mal- 
 colm, and Richardfon the recent volunteer, out on the 
 common ? I tell you, nay I You have afrefh inftance of 
 the firmnefs of the cabinet, in adding another three 
 
 thou- 
 
26 OBSERVATIONS ON 
 
 thoufand pound penfion to the lift, in a conj un&ure, 
 when all mankind will confefs there is need of faving* 
 Thefe burthenfome penfions muft come from fome part 
 of the dominions! If Great Britain and Ireland have 
 conceived fuch a mortal hatred to America, that they 
 can hug her moft inveterate enemies in their bofoms, and 
 vote them fuch munificent rewards for drawing her into 
 ib deftrudive a civil war, we cannot be fafe in the power 
 of fuch enemies. If they abound in refources as largely 
 as Mr. Wedderburne and others boalt they do, let them 
 ceafe complaining of their poverty, and contentedly dif- 
 charge their own national debt, rather than go on aug- 
 menting; or by their efforts to faddle it, with an unlir 
 mited penfion-lift, on America. Does the nation bear 
 the weight of the prefent unnatural quarrel with Ame- 
 rica on other terms, than a firm afiurance of the court, 
 that millions of leading mens dependants fhall be pro- 
 vided for in America, for whom places can by no means 
 be found at home ? Is not the very genius of the people 
 of Great Britain and Ireland corrupted, infomuch, that 
 the views of young fellows of education, or any con- 
 nection with men of note, are altogether fet on public 
 money ? Can our peaceable men indulge a gleam of 
 hope, that this humour will alter, or that youths, bred 
 in idlenefs and diffipation, will become induftrious and 
 difinteretred patriots ? If they can, they mult then be fo 
 weak as to conceit, that minifters will become Ids fond of 
 fingering the public money, and fecuring themfelves in 
 places of power and profit by means of it ; indeed, that 
 they will become more honeft and faving of the national 
 money than thole the coniritution has appointed as a 
 check upon them. It is no wonder they talk of fending 
 a formidable fleet and army to bring over their terms of 
 reconciliation, when they are in no one article different 
 from the terms they firft aimed to impofe. Had the mi- 
 rjifter the remoteft idea of favouring us with a govern- 
 ment of laws, which had any refpet to the fecurity of 
 pur lives and properties, he hud long fince granted it with 
 a good grace to petitions, made and repeated with the 
 iiioft dutiful perfevering affection, which afked for nothing 
 
 more ! 
 
LORD N O R T H's PLAN. 2? 
 
 more ! Sed attt Cafar aut nui/us, ieems the unalterable 
 determination of the man, who foothed our already elated 
 expectations, by an inaugural declaration, that he glori- 
 ed in the name of Briton, at that time, a diitinclive cha- 
 ra&eriftic of the patrons of universal liberty. If there- 
 fore the whole body of the governing, and influential 
 part of the governed in Great Britain, be unalterably fet 
 upon extorting tribute from the colonies ; and the better 
 to fecure the collection of it, claim right to impofe the 
 laws, and executors of thofe laws, dependant only on 
 themfelves for appointment, continuance and fupport ; 
 and all thefe to be extended at their fole pleafure ; it may 
 readily be determined in what condition the absolutely 
 paflive fubje&s of fuch an unnatural ufurpation would 
 quickly be. It is evident they have concluded on two 
 things, viz. to make a bold pu(h for our entire fubje&ion^ 
 as their ends would be thereby more readily anfwered ; 
 but that being found impracticable, we are to be tried 
 with negociation, in which all the craft, duplicity and 
 punic faith of adminiftration is to be expeded. Pray 
 God it may be wifely and firmly guarded againft ! The 
 worthy and honourable John Collins, Efq. of Newport, 
 Rhode Ifland, on the arrival of Lord North's laft con- 
 ciliatory plan, obferved, that notwithstanding the expo- 
 fure of his large eftate, to whatever depredations the ene- 
 my faw fit to make upon it, he was more concerned for 
 the probable fuccefs of their arts than arms. Had the 
 Americans in general the wiidom and firmnefs of that 
 gentleman, matters would never have come to the pre- 
 fent melancholy lengths we find them. However, in the 
 great and general plan of him who putteth down and 
 ietteth up ftates, this is doubtlefs an indiipenfible part, and 
 therefore not to be complained of; but it has amazed 
 me to contemplate the numerous infhnces of difappoint* 
 ment our enemies have met with, in every plot they have 
 laid for our deftru&ion. How did Bernard and Hutchin- 
 fon flatter themfelves with the number of friends they 
 had in feveral towns of the iYlafiachufettX and thought 
 that a very trifling force, from the other fide of the wa- 
 ter, added to their minions, dependants and expectants, 
 
 would 
 
- 2 8 ON LORD NORTH'S PLAN. 
 
 would crufli a little turbulent faction, who difturbed theft 
 darling meafures ? Certainly men, intoxicated with a luft 
 of abfolute power, found fomething in the appearance 
 of things to tole them on to an object fo grateful to their 
 fondeft wifhes ; otherwife they would have been con- 
 tented to augment and confirm their power by fuch un- 
 perceived degrees, that the happy days, many tell Us, wfc 
 have enjoyed under a -continually invading usurpation, 
 would not yet have been fb fenfibly interrupted. No lefs 
 has the fo often extolled governor Tryon been difappoint- 
 ed in his benevolent intentions refpec-ting New York. 
 Mis band on Long Ifland, and on the eaft fide of Hud- 
 fon's River, with Sir John Johnfon among his vaiFals, 
 arid the Indians, gave him great hopes of having matters 
 in a fine train before the invincible armada arrived in the 
 fpring ; inftead of which, it is probable the active gene- 
 ral Lee will fo fortify that place, that all the force they 
 can fend againft it, will be inefficient to reduce it. 
 Dunmore, with all his wanton ravage, has done little 
 more than exafpcrate the Virginians, and convinced that 
 brave colony, that they can be formidable to favages on 
 the eaft, as well as weft fide of their dominion. Carle- 
 ton's Canadians make no fuch figure in the harangues 
 of the pentioner, as they did laft year; and in cafe fo- 
 reigners are to be procured to be poured in upon us, the 
 greatcft oppofers of our total feparation from Britain ac- 
 knowledge, they would then no longer defer a declara- 
 tion of independency, and application to other powers 
 for their protection. To this the whole fcene appears 
 rapidly advancing, in my view, as haftily as infinite wif- 
 dom thinks proper to conduct it ; and if this be his moft 
 gracious defign, he will work, and none fhall hinder; 
 Amen> beneficent Jehovah ! Amen. Sicfperat. 
 
 S I N C E R ti S< 
 
r 29 3 
 
 On finding COMMISSIONERS to treat wt& 
 the CONGRESS. 
 
 TH E man who would penetrate all the defigns, 
 and thoroughly acquaint himfelf with the feveral 
 manoeuvres, of the Britifh government, ought carefully 
 to attend to two objects, viz. The prime minifter is 
 always confidered as the central wheel of all govern- 
 ment movements, and the eyes of every one are fixed 
 upon him, and his motions alone attended to. But in 
 the prefent cafe, where he is confefledly oftenfible, the 
 affair is quite otherwife ; and he who wifhes to diftin- 
 guifh between the meafures which proceed from the 
 real minifter, and will be profecuted, and thofe which 
 the oftenfible is directed to hold out, as barrels to a 
 whale, may, perhaps, find the true clue to guide 
 through the labyrinth in the following obfervations. 
 
 Great-Britain has fteadily and invariably purfued one 
 courfe of conduit towards thefe colonies for the laft 
 12 years, and yet politicians have constantly charged her 
 with ficklenefs and a want of a regular plan. He who 
 difcerns the true caufe of this inconfiftent confiftency, 
 can point out its nature, end, and ufe, and fhew that 
 this ricklenefs demonftrates the firmeft fteadfaftnefs, fees 
 into the bottom of the prefent Britifh policy, and com- 
 prehends all her meafures. This knowledge I wifh 
 every member of the Honorable Continental Congrcfs 
 poflefled of, with virtue and fpirit fufficient to withstand 
 all their efforts to deftroy our liberties. 
 
 As foon as the Parliament is called, the King gives 
 certain intimations of his defigns, and applies for the 
 approbation and fupport of the Commons. Here we 
 have a finall opening of the defigns of the Cabinet, 
 no more being communicated than is abfolutely necef- 
 fary for obtaining a general concurrence and vote of 
 aids from Parliament. This ~ being once obtained by- 
 way of addrefs, a new plan opens, and that fpirit, 
 which was roufed by this difcovery of thtf real defigns 
 
 E of 
 
3 o SENDING COMMISSIONERS 
 
 of the government, is laid afleep as quickly as pofllbJe, 
 and the real minifter now retiring behind the curtain, 
 the oftenfible one fucceeds to his place. You may 
 therefore obferve, that, as foon as the hands of the 
 fecret cabinet are let loofe by loyal addrefles, things 
 take a new turn in Parliament immediately; and the 
 prime minifter, as if totally forfaking the high ground 
 he had lately taken poflTeflion of, begins to open new 
 plans of a very different nature from that held out in 
 the fpeech from the throne, and recommended in the 
 addrefles of both Houfes of Parliament. The cabal go 
 to work with all the fecrecy and vigour they are mafters 
 of, and Lord North aflumes his new character, which 
 is that of the deceiver of America, and amufer of the 
 nation. And he has hitherto played his part fo well, 
 that all has gone on to their mind. He laft year rendered 
 them invifible even to their own party, and had like to 
 lofe all" by it; fo that he was forced to take off the 
 mafk, and partly difcover himfelf, before he could carry 
 matters in the Houfe. Any-one who remembers his 
 motion will feel the force of what is here related ; and 
 he who recollects that faid motion arrived but a fe\v 
 weeks before the order for feizing MefTrs. Hancock and 
 Adams, which opened the prefent fcene of the war, 
 muft perceive that he a&ed in the capacity I have af- 
 figned him. Even they who entertain the moft indif- 
 ferent opinion of the Adminiftration were, by this mo- 
 tion, induced to be believe, for a time, that they meant 
 to give up the matter. 
 
 He is now playing the fame game over again. Pro- 
 pofals for a reconciliation, Commiflioners, and what 
 not, are now held out as the motion was laft year, and 
 for the fame purpofes. 
 
 The two parties now divide, each going to his own 
 proper bufinefs : -the fecret cabinet, to arraying the 
 greateft military force they can mufter, and difpatching 
 them to butcher us with the utmoft expedition ; Lord 
 Noth, and the Parliament, to amufe the nation, and 
 diftraft and divide the Colonies by every hypocritical 
 art in their power. Thus the two plans go hand in 
 
 hand ; 
 
TO THE CONGRESS. 31 
 
 hand ; the one to divide, the other to conquer. Was 
 it not precifely fo laft year ? Is it not fo now ? All 
 ye timid, irrefolute, terrified, and double-faced Whigs, 
 who have, by one means or other, crept into autho- 
 rity, open your mouths wide, and bawl ftoutly againft 
 every vigorous meafure until the Commiffioners arrive. 
 They will bring pockets well lined with Englifh gui- 
 neas j patents for places, penfions, and titles, in abun- 
 dance, will attend them. Your palms will be firft 
 greafed. You are the only men who can complete the 
 Parliamentary plans for raifing an American revenue ! 
 COMMON SENSE fays this winter is worth an age ; re- 
 joice that it is now paft 5 do all in your power to pafs 
 the fpring in inactivity, and matters may yet go to 
 your minds. Lord North's motion laft winter did much 
 for you ; the Commiffioners, equally improved, will 
 probably crown your wifhes. I fhall thank God, and 
 heartily rejoice, if your influence reach not the councils 
 and proceedings of the Congrefs. 
 
 Depend upon it, my countrymen, cc divide & im- 
 pera" is the inftru&ion of every Commiffioner; and his 
 orders will be delayed, that he may divide and diftraft 
 as much as poffible, until the forces are all arrived, and 
 they be in a condition to enforce their plan ; then they 
 will inform you, they have received orders, by which 
 they are commanded to break off the treaty. 
 
 Too many have already loft fight of our real enemies, 
 and are fo fafcinated with the profpe& of Commiffioners 
 that I begin to dread the fnare, and cannot help crying 
 out to you, Oh, foolifh Americans ! Who has be- 
 witched you, that you fhould put any confidence in 
 men who fpill your blood with as little ceremony and 
 reluctance as a butcher would that of an ox ! Is this 
 all you know of minifters ? 
 
 I know there is not a Tory now on the continent 
 but hopes thefe Commiffioners will effedt their purpofe, 
 and are preparing to give them every poffible affiftance, 
 and very few Whigs who have not their fears on the 
 occafion. Every thinking man on both fides of the 
 <jueftion muft, and does believe, that their fole errand 
 2 is 
 
3 2 SENDING COMMISSIONERS 
 
 is to cajole and deceive; and that large promifes, lies, 
 bribery, and corruption, are the means they will ufe. 
 
 I befeech you to lend all your fpirit and vigour to 
 the Congrefs on the occaiion. Depend on it, they will 
 want it. Pray them to take one decifive ftep-~-to fend 
 orders to the Commander in Chief in each province to 
 arreft faid Commiffioners, in the name of the Thirteen 
 United Colonies, as foon as they fet foot on fhore, and 
 fend them, under ftrong guards, to the Congrefs, with 
 the {trifteft injunction .that they be permitted to fpeak 
 with no man, beiides the guards and their fervunts, 
 until they arrive in Philadelphia ; and that, as foon as 
 they .arrive, a deputation from Congrefs wait upon them, 
 and afk them this one plain queftion,-^Have you autho- 
 rity to order home your fleets and armies immediately ? 
 Jf they anfwer in the negative, then to break off aU 
 farther conference, and fend them off that inftant to 
 the enemy's head-quarters, with this information, That 
 '\ve fcorn as much to treat with a dagger at our breafts, 
 as we difregard their forces. If they anfwer in the af- 
 firmative, then to allure them, that, as foon as the in- 
 telligence of their fleets and armies arrival in Great- 
 Britain fhall have reached America, the conference fhall 
 be opened, and not before : that they, in the mean 
 time, fhall be kept in fafe cuftody, treated like gentle- 
 men, but not permitted to correfpond or converfe with 
 the inhabitants before the treaty is completed. Every 
 hour fpent in conference with Commiffioners before this 
 takes place, is an hour loft to America, and two gained 
 to Great -Britain, beiides the immenfe Damages which 
 will arife from the powers of deceit and corruption : 
 Englifh gold, Government promifes, penfions, titles, 
 and every art which malice, cunning, and religious hy- 
 pocrify can invent or ufe, will be played off againit our 
 liberties. T hefe, judicioufly applied, will convert fuch 
 among the great as have no.t virtue and integrity to. 
 withftand their force ; and you will be fold, without 
 pocketing a penny of the price. Without pocketing^ 
 did 1 fay? Nay, yourfelves muft pay it. Hard lot in- 
 deed 1 ut if ypu haye not virtue and fpirit lufEcienfc 
 
 to 
 
TO THE CONGRESS. 3 
 
 *o fupport the Congrefs in executing thefe meafures 
 for your fecurity, you deferve it. I conclude by ex- 
 horting you to keep on the watch ; Jofe not fight of 
 the army by looking at the Prime Mi nifter, Parliament, 
 and Commiflioners. One bold ftroke will effe&ually 
 defeat the machinations of the latter, and then the 
 former will ftand alone and unfupported, and a fecond 
 vigorous exertion will crufh their evil defigns againft 
 your liberties. Remember thefe Commiflioners are the 
 wooden horfe which is to take thofe by liratagem whom 
 twelve years hoiUlity could not reduce. Acl: then like 
 Laocoon ; ftrike the dagger into his breaft, and never 
 permit your credulity or ina&ivity to give the perjured 
 Sinon an opportunity of making a worn-out, deluded, 
 or corrupted Whig, the altar on which to offer up your 
 dear-bought privileges. 
 
 CASSANDRA. 
 
 P. S. I {hall be told, this would be treating the Com- 
 miffioners too cavajierly. To this I anfwer, men coming 
 pn fuch an errand cannot be treated too much fo. Let 
 any one fhew the leaft mark of a defign in Adminiftra- 
 tion to relinquilh their claims, and I will treat them 
 with the utmoir. ceremony and refpect. I will publifli 
 an ancient tejlimony in their own favour, if it can be 
 but confidered as doing them honour. For though, I 
 truft, I fhall never proftitute a pure and holy religion 
 to pay my court to men, though they be kings, yet I 
 will do any right thing for thofe who come on fo good 
 an errand. 
 
 QJJ ESTIONS and ANSWERS. 
 
 IS the ftoppage of our exports to Great-Britain, and 
 its dependancies, a political meafure ? 
 They who aflert that the meafure is impolitic, argue 
 thus. It is the intereft of every country to export its 
 produce, and to import as little as poflible of the luxuries 
 and manufactures of other countries ; the former en- 
 the latter impoverifries the inhabitants of 2 
 
 country 
 
34 Q, U E S T I O N S 
 
 country thus exporting, and importing ; abftain, fay 
 they, from the vanities and luxuries with which Eng- 
 land ufed to fupply us, and draw the cam of England 
 by continuing to carry out the product of our labour 
 and induftry. 
 
 This is fpecious, not folid reafoning. The exports 
 from this continent to Great-Britain confift chiefly of 
 rough materials, or of fuch luxuries, which by being 
 refhipped from the ports of Great-Britain enable its 
 merchants to traffic with foreign nations to greater ad- 
 vantage, and to pay a balance by an exchange of com- 
 modities, that muft otherwife be difcharged in bullion. 
 A floppage of our exports muft therefore very fenfibly 
 arTecl; the trade of Great-Britain to the reft of Europe; 
 and we have reafon to conclude, that if fuch ftoppage 
 itiould fubfift for any length of time, the European trade, 
 which England now drives on, would be fo much im- 
 paired as to put the balance againft her with every Euro- 
 pean nation. It is therefore good policy to withhold 
 our exports from Great- Britain, Ireland, and the Britifh 
 Weft-India iflands. 
 
 But under a total ftoppage of our trade, is it poffible 
 to fupport this cival war for any length of time, for 
 three or four years for inftance ? 
 
 It is very difficult to determine what enthufiafm, in- 
 dignation, and the love of ones country, may not ac- 
 complifh. We have read of nations ftimulated by thofe 
 paifions, though deftitute of foreign and internal re- 
 fources, having made incredible efforts to preferve their 
 freedom ; witnefs the Saguntines, and the Carthagi- 
 nians in the laft Punic war. It may be doubted whe- 
 ther thefe colonies, if thus reduced, would imitate fo 
 florious an example. Carthage and Saguntum were 
 ngle cities ; their deftru&ion was irrevocably fixed, and 
 death or flavery, the only choice of citizens refolved to 
 die, or remain free ; an implacable and hated enemy 
 furrounded their walls; one common fate, mutual fuffer- 
 ings, and indignation, infpired them with a courage 
 heightened by defpair, which the perfeverance and con- 
 duct of Hannibal, and Roman valor, could fcarce fur- 
 mount. 
 
A N D A N S W E R S. 35 
 
 mount. The inftances are not fimilar, why then expeft 
 fimilar efforts ? Without trade there feem to be but 
 two ways to fupport the war ; emitting paper money, 
 and borrowing on intereft part of that money fo emitted ; 
 for once deftroy the credit of your currency, and you 
 render it mere wafte papery its value depends on its cre- 
 dit, and its credit on the opinion which people at large 
 entertain of our ability to exchange it hereafter for gold 
 and filver; fuppofe, for inftance, the continent fhould 
 emit 100 millions, who could ferioufly imagine fuch a 
 fum would ever be paid off in gold and filver ? it follows 
 then of courfe that we are limited in our erniilions, be- 
 caufe our faculties to redeem thofe emiifions are limited. 
 
 To what amount may we emit ? 
 
 No man, perhaps, can folve this queftion ; the perfon 
 who (hould even prefume to guefs, muft have a thorough 
 knowledge of theie colonies, he muft be well acquainted 
 with the number of their people, their inclinations, arts, 
 and induftry, the product of our foil, its capability of 
 improvement, the fifheries, trade, and manufactories^ 
 which may be eftablifhed, and fuccefsfully carried on. 
 The extent of thefe emifiions will depend too, in a great 
 degree, on the events of the war ; a merchant who prof- 
 pers in trade may obtain credit to almoft any amount ; 
 his credit may exceed by feveral hundred thoufands his 
 real capital. 
 
 Suppofe fix millions currency emitted ; what part of 
 this emiffion might be borrowed on intereft, and on 
 what intereft ? 
 
 Where the rifle is great the intereft muft be high ; 
 where the circumftances of the borrower are conceived to 
 be defperate, he will not be able to borrow, or muft 
 give an extravagant premium. The pofHbility then of 
 borrowing, and the rate of intereft, will depend on our 
 good or bad fuccefs. If fix millions were to be emitted, 
 and our affairs {hould profper, perhaps 2,500,000 might 
 be borrowed by the Congrefs at fix per cent, intereft. 
 That fum would but barely anfwer the charge of one 
 campaign ; of future expences, however, a good judge- 
 ment may be formed from the paft. It certainly will 
 
 not 
 
S 6 Q_tf $ T I O N S 
 
 not be good policy to rely altogether on the above w~ay 
 and means of railing money to carry on the war j they 
 will only be found to anfwer in cafe of fuccefs. If we 
 fhould have no other refources, the knowledge of this 
 very circumftance may encourage our enemy to protract 
 the war. The quit-rents heretofore paid to the crown 
 may be applied to the public ufe ; but betides the inabi- 
 lity of the people to pay thefe quit-rents, when deprived 
 of the means of payment, they will go but a little way 
 towards the fupport of the war. 
 
 How long is it expedted that thefe colonies can fit 
 eafy under a total ftagnation of external commerce, and 
 the almoft entire ftoppage of the courts of juftice r 
 
 This fituation is furely too conftrained to admit of 
 
 any confiderable duration ; the feelings of our people 
 
 and our exigencies point out the neceflity of opening a 
 
 trade to foreign nations. To protect our trade a marind 
 
 is wanting ; to form one during this war, adequate to 
 
 the purpofe, feems impracticable. We mult make it the 
 
 intereft of foreigners to take this burthen on them* 
 
 lelves ; a declaration of independance might pofHbly 
 
 tempt France and Spain to run the rifk of a war with 
 
 England, provided thofe powers could be afTured of our 
 
 remaining independant ; they would, no doubt, be willing 
 
 to guarranty our independance, but they may apprehend, 
 
 and not without good grounds, that their taking a too 
 
 early part with us in the war would induce Great-Britain 
 
 to make peace with the colonies. It may therefore be 
 
 the policy of France and Spain not to appear forward and 
 
 defirous af intermeddling j to furFer the war to continue^ 
 
 that the contending parties, exafperated by mutual in- 
 
 juries, may not again coalefce ; fecretly to countenance 
 
 their fubje&s commerce with thefe colonies, and per- 
 
 haps to aflift them with money, arms, and ammunition^ 
 
 Should the Britim government diredt the war to be pro^ 
 
 fecuted in the manner it has been, and ftiould every 
 
 colony in turn experience fuch horrid ravages, the re- 
 
 fentment and indignation occafioned thereby may totally 
 
 alienate the minds of the colonifts, and wean them from 
 
 that affe6tion, which heretofore bound them to Great- 
 
 Britain^ 
 
AND ANSWERS. 37 
 
 Stitain ; the force of habit will wear off; the remem- 
 brance of pift benefits will be obliterated by recent 
 wrongs, and the fweets of independance once enjoyed 
 will effectually preclude a fubtequent dependence on 
 Great-Britain. 
 
 Will not the mifchiefs of independance overbalance 
 the benefits ? 
 
 To determine this queftion both muft be dated ; and 
 difpaflionately confidered, to form a true judgement. 
 The evils apprehended from independance may be re- 
 duced to thefe thiee ; civil difientions ; the eftablimment 
 of tyranny, as a certain confequence ; and the great ex- 
 pence of fleets and armies to maintain that indepen* 
 dance. As a federal union of thefe colonies will pro- 
 bably enfue, mould they feparate from Great-Britain, 
 it may be prefumed that the utmoft precaution will be 
 tifed in drawing the articles of the union ; and in the 
 formation and fettlcir.ent of this new government, every 
 fccurity which humzn forefight can fuggeft will be 
 taken for the prefervation of the liberties, piiviieges, 
 and independancy of each colony, and the protection of 
 alK DiiFentions can fpring only frcm the ambition of 
 the more powerful colonies, or from a contrariety of in- 
 terefts. What probability is there that two or three 
 colonies will unite to fubdue the reft ? Js it not more 
 probable, fhould any colony or colonies break the union, 
 and form the ambitious project of conquering the others, 
 that thefe will immediately unite againft the infringers 
 of the public faith ? Foreign afliliance would not he 
 wanting to fupport the weaker confederacy, and this 
 conlideration alone would deter the ftronger from the 
 attempt. 
 
 If ambition mould not occafion a cival wa-, a diffe- 
 rence of interefts and religion may ; the interefts of 
 thefe cok-nies are as different as their religious tenets. 
 
 This has often been fold, but remains to be proved. 
 Some difputts may arife concerning trade, duties, cuf- 
 toms, and imp< fitions on merchandize, or about the li- 
 mits and boundaries or contiguous provinces ; thefe dif- 
 putes mud be adjuiled and finally fettled by the Great 
 
 F Council, 
 
$ Q,U E S f I O N S 
 
 Council, or States General of the United Colonies. 
 Such partial controverfies will, for many years at leaft, 
 give way to the public fafety, which would be endan- 
 gered by fuflfering them to grow to too great a pitch ; 
 the common enemy might take advantage of fuch civil 
 difcord, and reduce all the colonies under one yoke. In 
 this tolerating age we have no great caufe to apprehend 
 a religious . war ; the fpirit oif religious perfecution is 
 wearing off in all the civilized nations of Europe, and 
 will ftill decreafe as they become more enlightened and 
 refined. Can we then rationally fuppofe, that thefe 
 Colonies, hitherto eminently diftinguimed for toleration, 
 and whofe union will be founded on that humane and 
 politic principle, will, from a frantic zeal for religion, 
 plunge themfelves into the complicated miferies of a 
 civil and religious war ? If neither the ambition of 
 fome colonies, nor a difference of interefts, nor religious* 
 rancour, are likely to produce a civil war, it follows 
 of courfe, that the eftablifhment of tyranny (the fecond 
 evil) is extremely improbable and remote. 
 
 But, to preferve our independence, will not a ftrong 
 fleet and army be neceffary ? Neither can be fupported 
 without a great expence, arid {landing armies are dan- 
 gerous to liberty, befides being burthenfome to thofe 
 who pay them. 
 
 When thefe colonies ehjoy an unfettered trade, tHe 
 profits of it will enable them to equip and maintain a 
 fiaval force fufficient to guard their coafts and commerce, 
 and this fleet will render a {landing army unneceffary ; a 
 well regulated militia will anfwer all the purpofes of 
 ifelf-defence, and of a wife and juft government; the 
 expence, therefore, of a regular Handing army may be 
 faved, without expofing ourfelves to danger from a fo- 
 reign enemy, arid the militia will be able to fupprefs 
 any internal commotions excited by factious and dif- 
 contented men. 
 
 What will be the probable benefits of independance ? 
 
 A free and unlimited trade ; a great acceffion of 
 Wealth, and a proportionable rife in the value of land ; 
 the eftablifhmentj gradual improvement^ and perfection 
 
 of 
 
AND ANSWERS. 33 
 
 pf manufactures and fcience ; a vaft influx of foreigners, 
 encouraged by the mildnefs of a free, equal, and tolerat- 
 ing government, to leave their native countries, and fet- 
 tle in thefe colpnies ; an aftonifhing encreafe of our peo- 
 ple from the prefent ftock. Wh ; ere encouragement is 
 given to induftry, where liberty and property are well 
 lecured, where the poor may eafily find fubfiftance, and 
 the middling rank comfortably fupport their families by 
 labour, there the inhabitants muft encreafe rapidly ; to 
 fome of thefe caufes we owe the doubling of our num- 
 bers in fomewhat more than twenty-five years. If fuch 
 hath been the progrefs of population under the former 
 reftraints on our trade and manufactures, a population 
 flill more rapid may be reafonably expected when thefe 
 reftraints come to be taken off. 
 
 Should France and Spain, either from inability fq 
 contend with Great-Britain, or governed by weak, irre- 
 folute, or corrupted counfels, or influenced by the dan- 
 gerous precedent of countenancing fubje&s in arms 
 againft their fovereign, refufe to enter into any treaty or 
 alliance with thefe colonies, and prohibit their fubjecls 
 jfrom trading with them, could the colonies by their ownj 
 ftrength and internal refources maintain the war for 
 live or fix years ? 
 
 It is not at all probable that this war can laft fo long. 
 If the firft efforts of the Britifh Government fhould prove 
 unfuccefsful, the decay of trade, and the confequent dif- 
 trefs and ruin brought on the manufacturers and mer- 
 chants of Great-Britain will occafion great divifions in 
 the nation, perhaps a revolution; fuch factions and tu- 
 mults would certainly prevent a full exertion of the 
 Britifh nation's ftrength. Should the war be protracted 
 to three years, even after that fpace of time its opera- 
 tions will become languid and feeble ; a fmaller force 
 may then be oppofed to the enemy, and as we dirrunifh 
 our land- army, we may augment our navy. In the 
 winter we may force, at leaft, a clandeftine trade with 
 foreigners in fpite of the Britifti marine. During the 
 war, manufactories may be fet on foot, and promoted. 
 by the refpe&ive legiflaturcs of the feveral Colonies* 
 
 We 
 
40 ^QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS. 
 
 We fhali be able, in eighteen or twenty months, tq 
 make within ourfelves gunpowder, cannon, fire-arms, 
 and all the implements of war. The eftablifhment of 
 fuch manufactures will find employment for the poor, 
 and be a prodigious faving to the country. A ftrict 
 ceconomy mny lelTen our expences in other particulars. 
 The pay of the army may, perhaps, hereafter be re- 
 duced, and a welUdifciplined militia, under proper re- 
 gula.tions, might put us in a condition to difband a con- 
 fiderahle part of our regular forces. Should the Co- 
 Jonifts conduct the war with prudence and fuccefs, loans 
 of money may, perhaps, be negociated among foreigners, 
 and even in England, on eafy terms ; a contraband trade 
 jyjll enrich fame of our merchants, and bring in gold 
 and filver. The procurement of thefe precious metals 
 is ^n object of the utmoft confequence ; a certain pro- 
 portion will b requifite to give credit to our paper cur- 
 jency. Our country abounds with all the neceltaries of 
 life ; we have iron, copper, and lead mines, and we al- 
 jready make iron in quantities equal to our confumption, 
 and the encreafing demand. Men convinced of the 
 juftics of their caufe, animated with the love of liberty, 
 and fighting in defence of it, are capable of incredible 
 efforts 3 conduct, valor, virtue, and perfeverance com- 
 bined are irrefiitible ; neceffity may require the full exer- 
 {ion of all thefe, but the fkilful politician would not wiih 
 . to fee the patriotism of his countrymen put to fo fevere 
 a trial. 
 
 Suppofe the war to continue fix years, and that it will 
 coft us three millions per annum. If victory at the end 
 of that perjo4 fhould effecl: and fecureour independance, 
 eighteen millions will not perhaps on reflection be 
 .thought any fuchj mighty incumbrance. An unconfined 
 trade will open new fources of treafure ; domeftic 
 will fupply the place of foreign manufactures, and pre- 
 vent a very great drain of our wealth ; foreign luxuries 
 maybe fubjedt to high duties ; the burthen too, as it 
 wilt be divided among a greater number, will fall the 
 jighter on the rifing generation ; fix millions of people 
 >viil probably difcjjarge the debt contracted by thre,e; 
 
 the 
 
CASE IN POINT. 4 i 
 
 the vacant and ungranted land may be made a fund for 
 paying off a part of this debt, by appropriating the 
 purchafe-money and the referved quit-rents to that 
 purpofe. The pernicious confequences of a heavy na- 
 tional debt, fo fatal to Great-Britain, ftiould teach the 
 colonies wifdom, and induce them to get rid of the 
 load as quickly as poffible. It is not the intereft of 
 ftatcs more than of individuals to be indebted ; but as in- 
 dividuals on fome occafions may contradt debts with a 
 view to future gain, fo ftates may prudently in particu- 
 lar emergencies anticipate their revenues by borrowing 
 prefent capitals on the credit of future interefts, that the 
 abilities of feveral years may be caft into one. WE 
 CANNOT PAY TOO GREAT A PRICE K.)ft 
 LIBERTY, AND POSTERITY WILL THINK 
 INDEPENDANCE A CHEAP PURCHASE AT 
 EIGHTEEN MILLIONS. 
 
 CASE IN POINT. What caution is to be ufed, left pub- 
 lic counfets and opportunities of managing affairs be loft^ 
 under pretence of a long treaty, fpun out on furpofe by 
 COMMISSIONERS of the oppose party. 
 
 AFTER the firft commotions and tumults in the 
 Netherlands, the Spaniards and Dutch treated di- 
 vers times about reconciling their differences ; for which 
 end they called divers meetings, or aflemblies, wherein 
 the Spaniards conitantly did this, that they protracted 
 the time by long debates, and at length made no con- 
 ceflions ; and fo in the mean time would deprive the 
 Dutch of proper opportunities to carry on the war, and 
 eftablifh their liberty. At length they met once more at 
 Breda, where the deputies of both parties being prefent, 
 thole for Spain infifted upon having all things a&ed and 
 examined in order j that order confided herein, when 
 private and particular things, which were impediments 
 to a general reconciliation, were firft difpatched and re- 
 moved out of the way ; and then they would treat about 
 eftablifhing general friendmip and unity between the 
 parties : which, when the Dutch deputies underltood, 
 
 who 
 
42 CASE IN POINT. 
 
 who had been fo often amufed, they debated among 
 themfelves, whether it was convenient they jQiould pro- 
 ceed in that manner in this conference ? 
 
 OPINIONS. Some were for agreeing with the ad- 
 vice and method cf the Spaniards herein ; for the rules 
 of order did require that they hould firft treat of things 
 paft, then to come, efpecially fince the former might 
 prove an impediment to the other ; neither could they 
 fully treat of 3 reconciliation, without thofe impediments 
 were firft removed and taken away ; and therefore they 
 ought firft to treat cf this. 
 
 Others oppofed this, faying, it fignified nothing to ob- 
 ferve this method, without they arrived, by the obfer- 
 vance thereof, at a juft and the defigned end; which 
 if they did fuppcfe was not to be attained to, to what 
 purpofe {houlo they have fo many deliberations and al- 
 tercations about o^her matters f and what would the 
 cpntequence be elfe, but the prefent lofmg of the pre- 
 fent opportunities^ which othenyife might have been, 
 better improved ? 
 
 Liberty of ccmfcience, in matters of religion, was 
 the end they aimed at, and it figniiied nothing to talk 
 of other matters, or to have all the reft granted to them, 
 without this ; and therefore they were in the firft place 
 to afk the Spanifh deputies, whether they had power to 
 reconcile all differences with the fafety of their religion, 
 and liberty of confcie.nce ? if fo, all things might be 
 treated of in order. Neither could they then doubt but 
 all things muft terminate well ; but if otherwife, it fig- 
 nified nothing tp tranfacl: all other matteis in order, for 
 opportunities in the mean time would be loft, and no- 
 thing at laft done by that Congrefs, which they had had 
 fufficient experience of already. 
 
 RESOLUTION. This laft opinion they agreed to 
 as the beft and moft adyifable to follow : and therefore 
 they afked in the firft place, before they would enter 
 upon any other matters, whether the Spanifh deputies 
 had power to allow of liberty of confcience ? 
 
 EVENT. Hereupon they came prefently to know, 
 that they were not empowered to do that j and there- 
 fore 
 
CASE IN POINT. 43 
 
 fore the Dutch deputies departed forthwith, that fo they 
 might not be impedited by the protracting of time, but 
 make ufe of other occafions that prefented themfelves a- 
 gainft the Spaniards, and aflert the liberty of their re- 
 ligion. 
 
 JUDGEMENT. By how much the feldomer good 
 opportunities offer themfelves, fo much the more they 
 are to be minded ; but enemies and adverfaries for the 
 moft part endeavour to fpoil them, under a pretence of 
 offering peace, and fpinning out their debates to a great 
 length. What is to be done in this cafe ? Certainly 
 achriftian fcarce ought to refufe meetings offered him. 
 to treat of a peace. And while a peace is treated of, 
 either all a&s of hoftility are to ceafe till the peace is 
 made ; or if they have otherwife agreed on^t, they are, 
 in order to prevent the lofing of time and opportunities 
 by dilatory debates and consultations, to demand to be 
 informed by the deputies of the adverfe party, whether 
 they have power to grant thofe things which we think 
 to be wholly our due, and which we neither will nor 
 can be without 5 and laftly, without which the granting 
 t>f all the reft will fignify nothing : but if they have no 
 fuch power, why fhould not they at the very begin- 
 ning of their meeting leave them, a? perfons infignifi- 
 cant to their purpofe, and rather noxious to them than 
 otherwife. In this cafe it is the higheft prudence, and 
 much time and divers opportunities may be gaintd, by 
 fifting out at firft what is like to become of the main 
 thing for which the aifetnbly was appointed. And here- 
 in the Dutch acted very cautioufly and advifedly. 
 
 Pro- 
 
44 PROPOSALS FOR 
 
 Propofals for a CONFEDERATION of thd 
 United Colonies. 
 
 & R TIC LE S of agreement and confederation^ entered inti 
 by the feveral colonies of NeW-Hamf/kire, MaJJacluje'ts* 
 Bay, Rhode- Ifland an'd Providence Plantations ^ Con- 
 nefticut; New-York^ New-Jerfey, "Pennfylvapia^ we 
 Three Lower Counties on DelaiJuare^ Maryland^ Virginia^ 
 North-Carolina^ $otith-Cdrolina 9 and 
 
 A k T I C L E I. 
 
 THE faid colonies do feverally enter ihto a firni 
 league and covenant with each other to acl in 
 Union, by the name of Tbt United Colonies in North- 
 Amerita^ for their common defence againft their enemies, 
 the fecurity of their .LIBERTIES and PROPERTIES, 
 and for their mutual and general welfare. 
 
 II. Each colony {hall retain and enjoy as much as it 
 may think fit of its own prefent laws, cuftoms, privi- 
 leges, and peculiar conftitutions, and have the fole di- 
 rection and government of its ow*n internal police ; but 
 {hall form no alliances or political connexions with the 
 people of any other country or ftate, feparate fron. the 
 other United Colonies; 
 
 . Ill* For the management of their common interefts 
 and concerns, a general Congrefs of Delegates, from 
 the feveral United Colonies, {hall be held on the firft 
 Thurfday of September, annually, at fuch place as the 
 Congrefs (hall appoint ; the next September feffion to be 
 at fuch place as the prefent Congrefs {hall appoint : 
 and each fucceeding annual feflion {hall be in a difc 
 ferent colony, until it hath been held in feven of the 
 middle colonies at leaft, and fo in perpetual rotation, un- 
 lefs exigencies require a deviation, or the Congrefs {hall 
 think fit to enlarge the circuit, or extend it to all tne 
 colonies. The number of Delegates from each colony 
 
 (hall 
 
A CONFEDERATION. 45 
 
 fhall be in proportion to the number of its inhabi- 
 tants, of every age and quality, not exceeding one De- 
 legate for every thirty thoufand inhabitants complete, 
 who fhall be annually elected by the Legiflative Airem- 
 bly, or Convention, of the refpe&ive colonies. And to 
 conftitute a Congrefs, two thirds at leaft of the United 
 Colonies {hall be reprefented therein. And a concur- 
 rence of a majority of the Cotonies represented, and alfo 
 a majority of the Delegates prefent, fhall be neceflary to 
 make a vote of the Congrefs- The Delegates, when 
 convened in Congrefs, fhall elecl: one of their number 
 to prefide, and a fuirable perfon for fecretary, to keep 
 a record of their votes and proceedings, 
 
 IV. The Congrefs fhall have authority to agree on 
 proper meafures for the defence and fecurity of the 
 United Colonies againft all their enemies 5 for reftoring 
 peace and harmony with Great-Britain, on terms not in- 
 confiftent with the conftitutional rights of any of the 
 colonies ; to manage treaties, and form alliances of 
 amity and commerce with other ftates ; determine on 
 peace and war, fuperintend Indian affairs, eftablifh and 
 regulate poft-offices, hear and determine controverfies 
 between colony and colony, according to the right of 
 the parties, by the rules of law or equity j ma(ce rules 
 for regulating the naval and land forces in the pay of 
 the United Colonies, appoint the general-officers to com- 
 mand them, and other officers neceffary for the manage- 
 irjg public affairs under the direction of the Congrefs, 
 appoint a committee of Safety and Correfpondence tQ 
 tranfmit fuch matters in the recefs of the Congrefs as 
 may be judged neceflary to commit to them for the ge- 
 neral welfare of the United Colonies. But the Congrefs 
 fhall have no authority to impofe or leavy taxes, or in- 
 terfere with the internal policy of any of the Colonies. 
 
 V. The charges of war, and all other expences that 
 fhall be incurred for the common welfare, and allowed 
 by the Cong-efs, fhall be defrayed out of the common 
 {reafury, whjfh ftaU be fupplied by the feveral colonies, 
 
4 S PROPOSALS FOR 
 
 in proportion to the number of their inhabitants of every 
 age and quality, a true account of which fhall be trien- 
 nially taken and tranfmitted to the Congrefs. The taxes 
 for paying that proportion fhall be laid and levied by the 
 authority and direction of the AfTemblies of the refpe&ive 
 Colonies ; and ech Colony fhall be at the expence of 
 fupporting its own Delegates in Congrefs. 
 
 VI. No army fhall be kept up in the pay of the 
 tJnited Colonies in time of peace ; but each colony fhall 
 always keep up a well regulated and difciplined militia, 
 fufficiently armed and accoutred ; and fhall alfo be pro- 
 vided with public ftores of ammunition, not lefs than 
 at the rate of two pounds of powder, and eight pounds 
 of lead or leaden ball, for every militia-man in the Colo- 
 ny. And when troops are raifed in any of the Colonies 
 for the common defence,the commiffion officers proper for 
 the troops raifed in each Colony (except the general-offi- 
 cers) fhall be appointed by the Aflembly and Convention 
 thereof, and commiffioned as the Congrefs fhall direct. 
 
 VII. Any other of the Britifh Colonies on this conti- 
 ntnt, upon their acceding to this confederation, fhall 
 be admitted to the privileges of the Union: 
 
 A Confederation of the Colonies would be ufeful, 
 if the former connection between them and Great- 
 Britain were reftored, and would not be ineonfiftent 
 therewith. 
 
 But in their prefent ftate, when they are exprefsly 
 excluded from the King's protection by a late acl: of 
 Parliament, and probably will never be reftored to it 
 again^ unlefs they refign their liberties, and Great- 
 Britain is carrying on a cruel war againft them ; is it 
 not abfolutely rieceflary, that they fhould enter into an 
 explicit Confederation with each other, to enable them 
 to exert their united ftrength in their own defence, when 
 they may expect foon to be attacked by all the force 
 
 that 
 
A CONFEDERATION. 47 
 
 that the Britifh Government can fend againft them ? 
 The New-England Colonies, by many years experience, 
 found great advantages by a Confederation, in carrying 
 on their wars with the Indians, in treating with neigh* 
 bouring Colonies fettled under other ftates, and in ad- 
 jufting and fettling matters among themfelves. A Con- 
 federation will require the confent or approbation of the 
 feveral Colonies in their refpe&ive Aflemblies or Con- 
 ventions, and that they authorize their Delegates to ra- 
 tify it in Congrefs before it will be valid. Ought it not 
 to be forwarded without lofs of time ? 
 
 The foregoing Articles are propofed to the Public 
 rather to draw their attention to the fubje&, than as a 
 perfect model. Should they be of any ufe in forming a 
 Confederation, they will, doubtlefs, admit of amend- 
 aients. 
 
 THE END. 
 
Juft publijhect, 
 
 COMMON SENSE, and PLAIN TRUTH. New 
 Edition, corrected, is. 6d. 
 
 An Oration in Memory of General Montgomery. 
 Delivered at the Defire of the Hon. Continental Con- 
 grefs. By W. Smith, D. D. New Edit. 64. 
 . America ; an. Ode to the People of England. 6d. 
 
 Mac Fingal : a, Poem. Printed from the Philadel- 
 phia Copy. is. 
 
 The Plea of the Colonies, is. 
 
 Profpccl of the Confequences of the Conduct of 
 Great-Britain towards America, is. 6d- 
 
 Letter to Lord George Germaine. is. 
 
 Journal of the Proceedings of the Con^refs in 1775. 35. 
 
 The Remembrancer 5 or, Impartial Repofttory of Pub- 
 )ic Events ; particularly all the authentic Papers, Advices, 
 &c. relating to the prefent Difpute with, America. Pub- 
 liihed Monthly, is. 
 
 The Parliamentary Regifter ; containing the beft and 
 fulleft Account of all the Proceedings of Parliament, 
 with all the public Papers. Publifhed Monthly, is. 
 
 Proceedings and Debates of the. laft Seilion ojf the Par- 
 liament of Ireland. 35. 6d. 
 
 A Map, and Topographical Defcription of the Mid- 
 dle Britim Colonies in North-America : from a6tuai 
 Surveys now lying at the Board of Trade. By Gover- 
 nor Povvnal. los, 6d. 
 
 State of the National Debt, Income, and Expendi- 
 ture. By John Earl of Stair. 4th Edit. is. 
 
 Cafe of N. Nugent, Efq; 2d Edit. 2s. 
 
 A Collection of the moft efteemed American Tradls. 
 4 Vols. One Guinea. 
 
 A Collection of the moft efteemed Political Traces. 
 from 1764^0 1773. 8 Volumes, 2!. 2s. 
 
 Printed for J. ALMON, oppofite Burlington-HouCe 3 
 in Piccadilly. 
 
M233482 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA U6RARY