99r 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 Kate Gordon Moore
 
 TWO BIOGRAPHIES 
 
 OF 
 
 WILLIAM BEDELL
 
 EonDon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 
 
 CAMBKIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, 
 
 AVE MARIA LANE. 
 
 ©laBfloto: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. 
 
 ILcipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. 
 
 llffa Hark: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 
 
 Jombap anti ralrutfa: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 
 
 [All rights reserved.]
 
 TWO BIOGRAPHIES 
 
 OF 
 
 WILLIAM BEDELL 
 
 BISHOP OF KILMORE 
 
 WITH A SELECTION OF HIS LETTERS AND 
 AN UNPUBLISHED TREATISE 
 
 EDITED WITH NOTES AND INDEX 
 
 BY 
 
 E. S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. 
 
 EMMANUEL COLLEGE 
 
 CAMBRIDGE 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 1902
 
 Cambritige : 
 
 PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 MAM AND wrr»rrro
 
 •S3? 3 5 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 ON whichever side we elect to stand in regard to the 
 controversies of the seventeenth century, we must feel, 
 I think, that the men who took part in them were sincere. 
 Theological definitions and dogmatic refinements which have 
 now for most only an academic interest, were to them matters 
 of life and death. Questions of Church Government, long ago 
 settled, or at any rate indefinitely postponed, loomed so large 
 in the eyes of the men of that time, that they became a chief 
 element in the storm which was soon to overwhelm for a 
 while both throne and Church ; and the stern reality of the 
 struggle does something to excuse the violent tone of much 
 of the controversial writing of the day. The subject of these 
 memoirs lived to see the storm begin in Scotland though not 
 its final outburst in England : he was a witness of the evils 
 in their acutest form which caused Ireland to be the scene 
 of an outbreak that did much to precipitate the upheaval 
 in England. Through all his life he had been busily engaged 
 in trying to find a means of reconciling contending views in 
 Theology. His standpoint was that of the Student and 
 Scholar, always hoping against hope that some solution might 
 be found which would satisfy all reasonable men. But there 
 comes a period in controversy when reason and compromise 
 cease to be of avail. Thus it happened that before he had 
 been many months in his grave all the laborious arguments 
 
 852721
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 and siiggestious of Bedell were out of date. Inter arma silet 
 ratio. Still they have an historical interest : nor can it ever 
 be too late to admire learning and devotion to truth, particu- 
 larly when, as in Bedell's case, they are joined with courage 
 and charity. He exercised a singular fascination over those 
 with whom he came in contact. ' This is the man ' — says Sir 
 H. Wotton — ' whom Padre Paulo took, I may say, into his 
 very soul, with whom he did communicate the inwardest 
 thoughts of his heart, from whom he professed to have re- 
 ceived more knowledge in all Divinity, both scholastical and 
 positive, than from any that he had ever practised in his days.' 
 And though till within a few months of his death he was not 
 brought into any circumstances of striking difficulty to test 
 his character, yet he was for many years in positions which 
 gave him the oppoitunity of shewing his sterling qualities, 
 and of sufficient importance to make it worth our while to 
 learn what manner of man he was. 
 
 October 1902
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Intkodlxtiux xi — xx 
 
 LiFK AND Death of Williaji Bedell, by his Son . 1 — 75 
 
 Sfecvlv.m Episcoporum, Life and Death of Bedell, 
 
 BY A. Clogie 78 — 213 
 
 Letters of Bedell 214 — 370 
 
 On the Efficiency of Grace, by W. Bedell . . 371 — 396 
 
 Notes 397—399 
 
 Index 400—410 
 
 rt5
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Of the two Lives of Bedell here presented to the reader the 
 first is from the pen of the Bishojj's son, William Bedell. It 
 has already been published by Professor Mayor (1871), and has 
 also been admirably edited by Thomas Wharton Jones, F.R.S., 
 for the Camden Society (1872). The second is by the Rev. 
 Alexander Clogie, married to Leah Mawe, a step-daughter of 
 the Bishop, whose chaplain he became in 1629, and with whom 
 he remained until Bedell's death at Loughoughter (7 Feb. 1642). 
 He was afterwards Rector of Wigmore, in Herefordshire, and 
 supplied Bishop Burnet with the materials for his life of 
 BedelP. The biography itself, however, was not published till 
 1862 by W. Walter Wilkins, under the title of "Memoirs of the 
 Life and Episcopate of W. Bedell." Two written copies of this 
 exist, in the Bodleian Library, and the Harleian MSS in the 
 British Museum. The text here given is that of the Tanner 
 MSS, and Professor Mayor, who prepared it for the press, has 
 subjoined the variations found in the text of the Harleian MS. 
 
 To these biographies are now subjoined a number of the 
 Bishop's letters, preserved in various places, and copies of 
 which Professor Mayor had caused to be taken, as well as a 
 treatise " On the Efficiency of Grace " addressed to Dr John 
 Richardson, Dean of Derry. Professor Mayor had intended to 
 see this book through the press and to add notes and explana- 
 tions. Prevented by numerous more important engagements 
 from fulfilling his intention he handed over the materials 
 collected to the Master and Fellows of Bedell's old College, 
 Emmanuel, who honoured me with the request that I would 
 carry out Professor Mayor's intention. This task, undertaken 
 perhaps too rashly, is at length completed : and the reader 
 
 ^ For an account of Clogie see Jones, pp. '211 — 220, who prints a letter to 
 Archbishop Saucroft, sending him a copy of the Life and other papers of Bedell 
 dated 9 June, 1679.
 
 xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 has in this volume not only the text of the two biographies of 
 Bedell, but such a collection of his correspondence as may 
 serve to illustrate his character, as well as to throw light on 
 some interesting points of history and on some of the religious 
 controversies which agitated the minds of theologians of the 
 seventeenth century. 
 
 William Bedell (1571 — 1642) came of yeoman stock and 
 was born at Black Notley, in Essex. His father and grand- 
 father were both strongly religious and more or less Puritan. 
 He naturally therefore was sent to the new foundation of 
 Emmanuel, which Sir Walter Mildmay had intended to be 
 the nursing place for Protestant divines. He was entered in 
 V the very first year of the foundation of that College (1584), 
 and though a mere boy seems quickly to have gained repu- 
 tation for piety, industry, and learning. He went through 
 the regular University Course ; was elected a Scholar of his 
 College in March 1585, proceeded B.A. and M.A. (1588, 1592) 
 and was elected a Fellow in the next year (1593). In College 
 he was ' Catechetical Lecturer,' and, as appears from the College 
 accounts, acted for a time as Bursar. The Fellows of Em- 
 manuel could not continue at that time beyond the standing 
 of D.D., and in 1602 Bedell accepted the living of St Mary's, 
 Bury St Edmunds. 
 
 So far Bedell had only followed the usual course, and though 
 he had a high reputation in Cambridge for his accomplishments, 
 not only in Divinity, but also in Oriental languages, Hebrew, 
 Syriac, and Arabic, he was little known elsewhere. But he 
 Avas destined to occupy three positions which brought him into 
 close connexion with events of more than local interest, and 
 which at times put his character to a severe test. I think the 
 general verdict will be that he came out of the ordeal with 
 honour. In the ecclesiastical affairs which he had to manage 
 he was scarcely ever free from controversy and often engaged in 
 downright litigation. But in every instance it is clear that he 
 was on the side of equity and honesty, and was fighting against 
 corruption and oppression. This will appear most strongly 
 in his episcopal government in Ireland, but it was the same 
 in his resistance to the extortionate officers of the Bishop of 
 Norwich, to the encroachments upon Church property at
 
 INTRODUCTION. xill 
 
 Horningsheath, aiitl to the inaladmiiiistration ut' the property 
 of Trinity College, Dublin. 
 
 Throughout these scenes of business and struggle there is 
 another side of his character always in view. He was deeply 
 interested in those theological problems which specially oc- 
 cupied the thoughts of the Elizabethan and Jacobean divines. 
 Freewill and the Efficiency of Grace, the part that each man 
 played in his own ' conversion,' the eternal paradox in fact of 
 Moral and Spiritual responsibility, continually employed his 
 thoughts and Ids pen. That he did not solve the insoluble 
 will doubtless be allowed ; but the spirit in which he ap- 
 proached these problems and the charity Avith which he treated 
 opponents — all too rare in all religious controversy, but notably 
 so in the 17th century — will not fail to strike the reader. The 
 difference of his spirit in this respect is manifested in a volume 
 of letters, etc. to Wadsworth, the English clergyman, who going 
 to Spain as chaplain to the English ambassador was converted 
 to the Roman Faith. A comparison between the tone of his 
 letters and those of Joseph Hall will serve to bring out this 
 amiable side of his character. 
 
 Nevertheless he was a sturdy champion of the Anglican 
 position, and eagerly seized any chance which seemed to present 
 itself of detaching individuals or communities from allegiance 
 to Rome. This is illustrated by the first stirring event in his 
 life. In 1607 he was invited to fill up a vacancy among the 
 Chaplains of Sir Henry Wotton, then ambassador at Venice. 
 The offer was particularly attractive to a man of his views, for 
 at that time there seemed every chance that the Republic of 
 Venice would break away from communion with Rome. The 
 relations between the Republic and the Holy See had long 
 been strained by quarrels as to ecclesiastical claims, and by 
 controversies arising from territorial, fiscal, or other subjects 
 of dispute. In 1605 Paul \^ . (Camillo Borghese) became Pope, 
 whose ideas as to the illimitable nature of Papal prerogatives 
 were as great as those of Hildebrand himself; and it was not 
 long before the policy of the Republic provoked his active 
 hostility. Edicts forbidding the erection of new churches in 
 Venice without license from the Government, and prohibiting 
 fresh endowments of ecclesiastical establishments, had recently
 
 XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 been promulgated. They were, like our own mortmain Acts, 
 the necessary means of preventing the occupation of such a 
 limited site as that of Venice by buildings dedicated to a 
 particular purpose, especially such as claimed exemption from 
 ordinary fiscal burdens. The Edicts however were naturally 
 offensive to the Roman court, and presently a new offence was 
 caused by the arrest and imprisonment of two clerics, notoriously 
 guilty of atrocious crimes. The Pope demanded their release 
 and submission to his own jurisdiction. And when the Vene- 
 tian Senate refused — under the leadership of a new and able 
 Doge, Leonardo Donate, — the Pope promulgated a Bull of 
 Interdict (17 April, 1606). 
 
 The Senate met this violent proceeding with calmness but 
 energy. They recalled their ambassador from Rome ; ordered 
 their clergy to surrender with seals unbroken all despatches 
 sent them from the A'atican; proclaimed it to be the duty 
 of good citizens to give up all copies of the Bull ; and issued 
 a protest declaring the Interdict to be null and void, and for- 
 bidding ecclesiastics to obey it. The Doge also told the Papal 
 Nuncio that the Republic might perhaps follow the example 
 of some other states and withdraw from all connexion with 
 the Holy See. The Venetian Government was encouraged in 
 its resistance by the ambassadors of other countries, such as 
 France and Tuscany, and most of the clergy in Venice elected 
 to stand by their own state. The Jesuits attempted a com- 
 promise, by offering to perform all services except the Mass, 
 and their example was followed by the Capucins. These two 
 orders were consequently expelled from Venice, and their pro- 
 perty was confiscated. The controversy went on for many 
 months, with threats on the part of the Pope to denounce 
 the Doge to the Inquisition, with stout retorts on the part 
 of the Venetian Government, with the usual storm of pamphlets 
 from controversialists on either side, the leading divine against 
 the Republic being Bellarmine ; for it Fra Paolo Sarpi, the cele- 
 brated historian of the Council of Trent. The Pope, encouraged 
 by promises from Spain, even contemplated an armed invasion 
 of Venetian territory. But eventually France interposed, and 
 an ambassador extraordinary (Cardinal de Joyeuse) arrived with 
 full powers to heal the breach. On the 21st of April, 1607,
 
 INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 a curious compromise was arranged. The two ecclesiastical 
 prisoners were given up to dc Joyeuse, who transferred them to 
 the Papal nuncio, who in his turn committed them to the Vene- 
 tian Ten. The amour propre of both sides being thus saved, 
 the Interdict was declared to be removed and the Cardinal cele- 
 brated Mass. The Venetian Government had practically gained 
 everything and were inclined to avoid further controversy. 
 The hopes therefore entertained by the Protestants in England 
 of seeing a great defection from Rome were at an end before 
 Bedell arrived in Venice. But the movement towards Pro- 
 testantism had affected individuals, and Bedell was able to 
 make or confirm certain converts, as Despotine, who accom- 
 panied him back to England, and some others. He also became 
 intimate with Sarpi, whose history of the Interdict (as well 
 as part of his history of the Council of Trent and another 
 pamphlet) he translated into Latin, and he was in Venice 
 when the attempt upon Sarpi's life took place. His letters here 
 printed will shew the interest which he took in what he hoped 
 was a reform movement in Venice, and the zeal with which he 
 pushed on the Italian translation of the English Prayer Book. 
 
 Bedell returned to England in 1610, and for the next sixteen 
 years continued the life of a country clergyman of the more 
 learned and accomplished kind, adding to his parochial duties 
 various literary work, translations from Paolo, controversy with 
 Waddesworth, doctrinal discussions and correspondence with 
 his friend Ward, Master of Sidney. These years also saw his 
 marriage with the widow Mrs Leah Mawe, the birth of his 
 children and his own change from St Mary's, Bury St Edmunds 
 — which he found too large for his rather feeble voice — to the 
 country parish of Horningsheath (1616), as well as his service 
 in Convocation in 1623. Of his connexion with Horningsheath 
 the following details were given some years ago by Lord Arthur 
 Hervey, at that time rector. 
 
 "The correct name of the parisli is great Ilorniiigsworth. But Little 
 Ilonn'wsworth has been consolidated with it since 152S. The two parishes 
 are now commonly called as one, ' Horringer.' Tliere has only been one 
 Church and one Glebe House for two or three hundred years past, I believe. 
 Horringer is now consolidated with Ickworth. The Church and perhaps 
 the Parsonage are the same as in Bedell's time, but the (!hurch is much 
 altered.
 
 XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 "The Registers of Baptisms, Burials, and Marriages during tlio time of 
 Bedell's residence at Horriuger are all written in his handwriting, in 
 a beautiful, clear and firm character. The Register is kept with the utmost 
 neatness and regularity and he seems to have been never absent. The 
 second entry of burials in his handwriting is that of his distinguished 
 predecessor Thomas Rogers, buried the two and twentieth day of February 
 1615 (1616 N. S.). 
 
 " All the preceding registers in the book from the beginning are in 
 Rogers' handwriting, beginning with 1558, and the title in the same hand, 
 written at the head, writes the name of the parish Horningshcr, alias 
 Horningsheath Magna. 
 
 "Though my family were not at that time patrons of Horriuger, it 
 so happens that the then owner of Ickworth, Sir William Hervey, Knt., had 
 for his first wife Susan, daughter of Sir Robert and sister of Sir Thomas 
 Jermyn, Bedell's patron. But there are no letters or other memorials 
 of the iutercoui'se that nmst probably have existed between Ickworth 
 and Horriuger. The principal parishioners of Horriuger at the time were 
 the Lucas's of Horsecroft (a hamlet in Great Horriuger) aud the Blayges of 
 Little Horriuger Hall, a family that intermarried with the Jermyus, aud 
 one of whom was well knowu somewhat later as Mrs Godolphin, whose life 
 was written by Evelyn, aud edited by the present Bishoi) of Oxford. 
 Possibly Bedell's preaching at Horriuger may have so\mi the seeds of piety 
 in the Blayge family. I see many entries in the Register of the Blagge 
 family in Bedell's handwriting. 
 
 "Of Bedell's family I notice among the burials '1624 Grace the 
 daughter of William Bedell the five aud twentieth of April' ; — aud amoug 
 the baptisms '1618 (1619) Ambrose^ Bedell the soune of William Bedell 
 the one aud twentieth of March'." 
 
 A great change came upon his life in 1G27, when on the 
 recommendation of Archbishop Ussher he was nominated 
 by the Crown to succeed Sir William Temple as Provost of 
 Trinity College, Dublin. The Senior Fellows had elected one 
 mau, and the Juniors another, and therefore although the 
 nomination of the Crown was accepted, and his formal election 
 took place on the 16th August (1627), he came to a college in 
 which there had been considerable contest and division of 
 opinion. He found moreover that the discipline was much 
 relaxed, the revenues ill maintained and ill applied, and the 
 Fellows far from careful in performing their duties. He was 
 only Provost for two years, but in that time he appears to 
 have instituted many reforms. He drew up with his own hand 
 a copy of the Statutes (until then imperfectly kept on loose 
 
 ^ " Qusere so named from Ambrose Blagye, Esqr."
 
 INTRODUCTION. xvu 
 
 papers and often ignored), still preserved in the Library, he 
 reformed the services in chapel and the system of lectures, 
 and above all he insisted on instruction in Irish, especially for 
 those who proposed to be clergymen, and set on foot or en- 
 couraged the scheme for the translation of the Bible and 
 Prayer Book into Irish'. But his tenure of the Provostship 
 was quickly brought to an end by his nomination to the united 
 Bishoprics of Kilmore and Ardagh, to which he was consecrated 
 on the 13th September, 1629. About three years later he 
 resigned Ardagh, and thenceforth remained Bishop of Kilmore. 
 The difficulties which awaited him in his pastoral office are 
 fully illustrated in his letters here given to the reader. He 
 found himself Bishop only of an insignificant minority, for the 
 bulk of the inhabitants of his diocese were Roman Catholics 
 who rejected all spiritual authority on his part. Some overtures 
 which he made towards a friendly understanding with the 
 Catholic avithorities seem to have been repulsed, and his 
 scheme of converting the Irish by means of ministers who 
 spoke Irish did not have any appreciable success. But even 
 worse than this was the state of the Church in which he was 
 called to govern. Pluralism, non-residence, and the most 
 shameless nepotism were rampant, and even the Bishops fre- 
 quently impoverished their successors by granting long leases 
 of ecclesiastical properties to wives, sons, or other near relatives. 
 In fact, ecclesiastical property was looked upon as spoil for the 
 
 ^ The difficulties which Bedell found confronting him at Trinity College are 
 illustrated in Mr Dixon's History of Triniti/ College, p. .S3: "The management 
 of the College estates was utterly unregulated — ' all this is nothing to the trouble 
 about suits of land which none of the House knows what they are' — proper 
 collegiate discipline had long been disregarded, the Fellows engaged in pris-ate 
 quarrels to the neglect of their duties, the observances of religion had been 
 disregarded for years, the very statutes existed only as a bundle of loose papers, 
 ' part English, part Latin, all out of order.' The new Provost's first care was for 
 the spiritual welfare of his charge. His diary records — 
 
 "All the Fellows and Mdsters absent from prayers (being Sunday) the Dean 
 hidden to look to his duty. 
 
 " Mr Travers for omitting his common place the second time appointed, 
 punished 13s. 
 
 " Mr Tho. for omitting prayer reading, 5.^. 
 
 "The Communion, discontinued for some years, was again regularly ad- 
 ministered in the College Chapel, and an arrangement for catechising the 
 Sf^holars after dinner on Sunday was established."
 
 xviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 conquering race, to which certain duties were attached that 
 might or might not be performed, but could at any rate be 
 safely neglected. Bedell's own words (p. 332) are a sufficiently 
 strong commentary on the history of the Protestant Church in 
 Ireland and the best justification of its fall. It is true of 
 course that there was a period in English Church history 
 when a state of things prevailed almost as bad, but in Ireland 
 it was aggravated by the fact that it was an establishment 
 entirely alien to the people, to which they never gave any 
 allegiance, and the property of which they regarded as right- 
 fully belonging to the Church to which they were for good or 
 evil devotedly attached and loyal. Bedell says in a letter to 
 Ward (1633) in regard to his resignation of Ardagh: 
 
 "And to tell you the whole truth, I was loth myne owne 
 example should serve for a pretext to the detestable practice 
 of many of our own nation, who have gotten 4, 5, 6 or 8 
 benefices apiece and commonly vicarages; and which is yet 
 worse maintaine no Curates, unlesse it be sometimes one for 
 2 or 3 livings, by meanes wherof the popish Clergy is double 
 to us in number, and having the advantage of the toung, of 
 the love of the people, of our extortions upon them, of the ver}' 
 inborne hatred of subdued people to their conquerors, they 
 hold them still in blindness and superstition, ourselves being 
 the cheefest impediments of the worke that we pretend to set 
 forward." 
 
 The " extortions upon them " to which Bedell here refers 
 are those of the Ecclesiastical Courts. His attempt to mitigate 
 these drove him into violent hostility with his Chancellor, 
 Mr Alan Cooke, of which much is to be found in his letters. 
 His application to Laud for support brought him letters from 
 the Archbishop expressing considerable sympathy, but practi- 
 cally telling him that there was no remedy, and counselling at 
 any rate caution and gentle methods. One of the counts 
 against Laud in his subsequent impeachment was that, though 
 warned by Bedell of the state of things in Ireland, he had done 
 nothing to prevent the growth of Popery. It is difficult to 
 see what he could have done. Bedell's own exertions met with 
 very qualified success, and he fell under Straffijrd's frown for 
 having signed a petition as to the increase of the army
 
 INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 which the Lord Deputy was demanding. Nevertheless Bedell 
 struggled on against these various abuses, and if he found 
 coldness or even disapproval from Ussher and other colleagues, 
 he at least impressed his Catholic neighbours with the con- 
 viction of his righteousness and honesty. When the Irish 
 rebellion broke out, amidst the violences from which many 
 suffered around him he was for a long time left unmolested, 
 and was able to offer an asylum in his palace to many English- 
 men who were flying for their lives. When many of his brother 
 Bishops sought safety in a rapid retirement to England, he 
 remained at his post. And though after a time he was obliged 
 to leave his house, and was with his family and establishment 
 confined in Loughoughter Castle, he was soon released, and it 
 was at the house of one of his own clergy, Dennis Sheridan, 
 at Drumlor, that he fell a victim to the fever which no doubt 
 was engendered by the crowds of terrified Protestants who had 
 taken refuge under the same roof (7 Feb. 164^). His own 
 episcopal house had been taken possession of by the Catholic 
 Bishop, and his library dispersed, but he managed by Sheridan's 
 help to rescue the MS Hebrew Bible which he had brought 
 from Venice, and Avhich is now safely deposited in the Library 
 of Emmanuel College. 
 
 His life had been one of almost ceaseless activity and indeed 
 of controversy ; but he had made no enemies notwithstanding. 
 Protestant and Catholic agreed in holding him in respect ; and 
 those who came into conflict with him on questions of divinity, 
 though in an age to which such disputes were too vital to be 
 lightly regarded, seemed to have learnt something of his own 
 charity, indulgence, and courtesy. There is no doubt that he 
 was an industrious man, in spite of his own declaration to the 
 contrary, but he studied too much aud engaged too eagerly in 
 the controversies which his official duties brought upon him, to 
 produce much as the fruit of his labours. The following list 
 includes all or nearly all that he published or that was published 
 from his MS after his death. 
 
 (1) The Shephei'd's Tale of the Poiuder Plot, dedicated to 
 the King, with introductory verses by Joseph Hall (first printed, 
 London, 1713). 
 
 (2) A translation into Latin from the Italian of the two
 
 XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 last books of Father Paolo's History of the Council of Trent 
 (1620). The first six books were translated by Adam Newton. 
 
 (3) A translation into Latin from the Italian of Father 
 Paolo's History of the Venetian Tnte7'dict. Cambr. 162G. 
 
 (4) Copies of certain letters which have passed between Spain 
 and England in the matter of Religion. London, 1624. 
 
 (5) An examination of certain motives to Recusancy. Cambr. 
 1626. 
 
 (6) Quaestio quodlibetica, an liceat stipendia sub principe 
 religione discrepante merer'i. Cambr. 1630. 4to. A Latin 
 translation from the Italian of Father Paolo. 
 
 (7) An account of Father Paolo, afterwards used with 
 others as a preface to a translation of his ' Rights of Sovereigns 
 and Subjects.' Lond. 1725. 
 
 (8) On the Eficiency of Grace, printed for the first time in 
 the Appendix of this work, written some time in 1630. 
 
 Bedell's chief correspondent was Doctor Samuel Ward, 
 Master of Sidney Sussex College (1609—1643). He had been 
 a Scholar of Christ's, and from 1595 a Fellow of Emmanuel, 
 where he became intimately acquainted with Bedell, who had 
 been elected a Fellow two years previously. In 1599 he was 
 elected a Fellow of the new Foundation of Sidney. In 1619 
 he was a delegate to the Synod of Dort, in 1622 he was elected 
 Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity. He also held Church 
 preferments, as Chaplain to King James, Prebendary of Wells 
 and Archdeacon of Taunton, and afterwards Prebendary of 
 York. He was closely connected with the leading Puritan 
 divines, such as Perkins, but was also warmly attached to the 
 Church of England. A list of his works will be found in 
 Mr Mullinger's article in the Dictionary of National Biography. 
 The one which led to a number of letters from Bedell (Letters 
 XXVII. — XXIX.) was Oratia JDisciiminans, concio ad clerum 
 habita Cantahrigiae, 12 June, 1625, London, 1626. 4to,
 
 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 WILLIAM BEDELL, 
 
 , I. Though the writing of lives is subject to be abused Tanner 
 
 both by writer and readers, yet experience testifieth the ?^^* ^^" 
 usefulness and benefit of such writings : And tho' the 
 genius of the person whose Hfe I write, and the rule he 
 5 seem'd to walk by all his life, was Bene qui latuit, <&c., yet 
 two reasons especially seem to plead for this that here 
 ensues. First, that some reparation may be made for the 
 hard entertainment the world gave to this bishop while he 
 lived : And secondly, that his example may have the advan- 
 
 lo tage of commiseration (usually granted to sufferers and 
 the dead) to commend it the more to the imitation of 
 others. 
 
 2. This eminent servant of God, William Bedell late 
 bishop of Kilmore in Ireland, was born in the county of 
 
 15 Essex in England, in a village called Black -Notley, in the 
 year 1571 upon Michaelmass day, of a stock or family of 
 ancient continuance in that countrey, allthough of no gi'eat 
 eminency for worldly greatness ; his father and grand- 
 father not exceeding the stile of yoman ; his birth day 
 
 20 presaging him an antagonist against the devil and his 
 angells. His father and grandfather were both noted in 
 their time for love to true religion; his gi'andfather (upon 
 that account being forced for some years to fly the lands) 
 was a man of extraordinary severity; insomuch that having 
 
 1
 
 2 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 put forth his son to a master, and he upon sonae dislike 
 returning home again after a day or two, he took up his 
 said son behind him and carried him with his face to the 
 horse-tail through some market-towns back again to his 
 master. This severity, or rather love of his to his son, God 5 
 was j)leased so to bless and sanctify, that 'twas a means to 
 settle his mind and ground him more in his obedience to 
 his father and superiors, and to doe him good as long as he 
 lived ; for he became a gracious and very godly man. 
 
 3. He married a helper or yoke-fellow meet for him, 10 
 Elizabeth EUiston ; these two lived together to a great age 
 in Black-Notley, very well esteem'd and beloved; they were 
 both very charitable and mercifuU ; their house was seldom 
 without one or two poor children, which they kept upon 
 alms. The bishop's mother was very famous and expert 15 
 
 f. 15 v". in chirurgery, which she continually practiced { upon multi- 
 tudes that Hock'd to her, and still gratis without respect 
 of persons poor or rich. It hap'ned sometimes that some 
 would return with the heal'd Samaritan with some token of 
 thankfuUness, but this was seldom. But God did not fail 20 
 to reward them with that (which in scripture is most pro- 
 perly call'd His reward), children and the fruit of the wovih, 
 3 sons and 4 daughters. 
 
 4. Of the sons, William was the second. His godly 
 parents, in token of their thankfuUness to God, and carefull 25 
 to procure both the spiritual and temporal good of their 
 children, with all convenient speed dispatched away to school 
 their two elder sons, John and William; having the con- 
 veniency of a good school and schoolmaster not above a mile 
 off, at a market town call'd Braintry. The schoolmaster, 30 
 Mr Denman, was very able and excellent in his faculty, but 
 accordingly austere: insomuch that the eldest son John, 
 tho' of good parts, yet not bearing the severity of his master, 
 grew so out of love with learning that his parents were forc'd 
 to take him home. But William on the contrary being of 35 
 excellent natural parts, and especially of a strong memory, 
 had also such a love to learning that no harshness of his 
 master could beat him off; but rather it so heigh t'ned his 
 diligence that his proficiency did seem to contend with and
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 3 
 
 even to conquer his master's rigour, yet with a bloody 
 victory: for on a time he received such a blow from his cho- 
 lerick master, that he was beaten off a pair of stairs and 
 had one side of his head so bruis'd that the bloud gush'd 
 5 o\it of his ear, and his hearing on that side was so impair'd 
 that he became in process of time wholly deaf as to that ear. 
 
 5. But his great profiting in short time makes amends 
 for all : for in the eleventh year of his age he was sent to 
 Cambridge, and after strict trial admitted into Emmanuell- 
 
 10 colledge, and not long after his admission chosen scholar of 
 that house. The first four years (as himself was wont to 
 say) he lost, only keeping pace with the rest of his years ; 
 which seldom proves better, if so well, with those who are sent 
 so young to the university. But after, he fell to his study 
 
 15 in so good earnest, that he got the start of the rest, and 
 the regents of the colledge thought fit to choose him fel- 
 low before or as soon as ever he was of age sufficient by their 
 statutes to be capable of a fellowship. 
 
 6. A great student he was and a great proficient, as in f. 16 v° 
 20 all kind of learning, so especially in divinity. He did not 
 
 only tast the liberal arts or give them a short visit by the 
 way, but thoroughly studied them. His knowledge in the 
 Latin and Greek was very eminent, as well for oratory as 
 poetry. In the Latin oratory he was both elegant and fluent, 
 
 25 whether we respect his tongue or pen, in both which he was 
 very much a Ciceronian. As for poetry (wherin he was 
 very mucli delighted) he was an imitator of Horace rather 
 than Ovid; more sharja and solid than smooth. The Greek 
 fathers and historians he read in Greek; going first to the 
 
 30 foimtain and not beholding to translations. He attain'd also 
 no mean skill in the Syriack, Arabick and Hebrew tongues; 
 tho' in these (as also in the Chaldee tongue) he better'd 
 himself much after in his travells. He had this rare faculty, 
 that whatsoever art or language he would set himself to 
 
 35 acquire, he would reduce it into a body or method of his own 
 contrivance, and of languages usually he would draw up a 
 gTammar. So far did he descend in this kind, that on the 
 desire of some Italian friends he compos'd an English gram- 
 mar ; thereby letting them see our language to be reducible 
 
 1—2
 
 4 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 into the bounds of art, and not obscure and barbarous as 
 commonly they accounted it then beyond the seas, but ele- 
 gant and copious and easy enough. 
 
 7. But to return from this digression ; during his abode 
 
 at Cambridge (which was not fully the time allowed by the 5 
 statutes of the house) he had gain'd the repute of an emi- 
 nent scholar and a very grave and pious man. Much 
 esteemed he was by Dr Chaderton, then master of the colledge, 
 and by the famous Mr William Perkins, tho' both fathers in 
 comparison of him. The latter took a very great affection to 10 
 him, and judg'd him worthy of his more intimate acquaint- 
 ance: and in answer hereof Mr Bedell likewise bare a filial 
 respect to him, communicating his studies and submitting 
 them to his approbation and direction. 
 
 8. And now we must conceive him full-pace entred into 15 
 the study of divinity; whereof his first essay was in the 
 discharge of the office of catechist in the colledge. In the 
 study of divinity (as being the scope of all his other studies) 
 'tis hard to say -whether he was a more hard student or a 
 greater proficient. His excellent skill in scholastical and 20 
 positive divinity was highly commended by that miracle of 
 
 f. 16 v". all learning, | Padre Paulo the Venetian, as we have it attested 
 by the honorable and memorable Sir Henry Wotton in a 
 letter to King Charles the First of blessed memory, express- 
 ing to his majestie his judgement of the said Mr Bedell and 25 
 his abilities. The letter is as followeth. 
 
 May it please your Majestie, 
 
 Having been informed that certain persons have by the 
 good wishes of the archbishop of Armagh been directed Jiither, 3° 
 ivith a most humble petition to your majestie, that you ivill be 
 p>leased to make Mr William Bedell {noiv resident upon a 
 small benefice in Suffolk) governor of your college at Dublin, 
 for the good of that society; and myself being requird to 
 render unto your majestie some testimony of the said Mr 35 
 William Bedell, ivho was long my chaplain at Venice in the 
 time of my first employment there ; I am bound in all con- 
 science and truth (so far as your majestie tuill be pleased 
 to accept my poor judgement) to affirm, of him, that I think
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 5 
 
 hardly a fitter man for that charge could have heen 'propound- 
 ed unto your majestic in your whole hingdoni, for singidar 
 erudition and piety, conformity to the rites of the chmxh and 
 zeal to advance the cause of- God ; whevein his travells abroad 
 5 were not obscure in the time of the excommunication of the 
 Venetians. For it may please your majestic to know that this 
 is the man tuhom Padre Paulo took {F may say) into his very 
 sold; luith whom he did communicate the inwardest thoughts 
 of his heart; from whom he j^rofessed to have received more 
 
 lo knowledge in all divinity, both scholastical and positive, than 
 from, any he had ever practiced in his daies ; of tuhich all the 
 jyassages luere well known to the late king your father of 
 blessed memory. And so tuith your majesties good favor I 
 luill end this needless ojfice: for the general fame of his learn- 
 
 15 ing, his life and christian temper, and those religious labours 
 himself hath dedicated to your majestic, doe better describe 
 him than lam able. 
 
 Your majestic' s most humble andfaithfull servant, 
 
 H. WOTTON. 
 
 20 9- Mr Bedell being thus i'urnisheJ, 'twas easy to perceive 
 to what course of life God had destinated and his own in- 
 clinations led him ; which was the ministr}^ His entrance 
 into holy orders was before he had left the university: 
 concerning which he would | complain of the greedy gaping f. 17 r' 
 
 25 for money by the officers and servants of the bishop, without 
 heeding so much the sufficiency or insufficiency of the man 
 as of the money. Yet his orders he esteemed nevertheless 
 religiously, tho' cumbred with some faults in the men that 
 conferr'd them. His first call to the ministerial work was to 
 
 30 St Edmunds-Bury in Suffolk; where the great esteem he had 
 gain'd for his grave, humble and diligent discharge of that 
 employment is yet surviving in the mouths and memories 
 of many, tho' his abode there was not long. His auditory 
 there was very much consisting of men of the best quality 
 
 35 and best abilities of judgement and learning, who yet ever 
 received ample satisfaction in his sermons ; being such both 
 for matter and method as gave no occasion of slighting, but
 
 6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 allwaies affording even to the most-knowing some farther 
 information. 
 
 10. It will not be amiss here to give a description of his 
 manner and method of preaching, wherin then he was in a 
 manner alone: his prayer before sermon v/as not set nor 5 
 fixed allwaies to the same form of words, but various in 
 expressions, as the time and present occasions most required, 
 but ever in the plainest and easiest phrase of the English 
 tongue, according to the capacity of the weakest understand- 
 ing: so as the most unlearn'd hearer might say Amen. Yet 10 
 he never affected tedious prolixity or needless verbosity ; he 
 allwaies avoided light expressions and all words unbeseeming 
 the spirituality and weightiness of the duty of prayer to 
 God. No man less stinted in his gift of utterance, and yet 
 no man more carefull in the government of his tongue. 15 
 
 11. His voice was but low; his action little: but the 
 gravity of his aspect very great, and the reverence of his 
 behaviour such as was more affecting to the hearers than the 
 greater eloquence and more pompous pronunciation of others. 
 
 In the handling of his text no man in his time was more 20 
 exact, whether in opening the coherence or the words them- 
 selves. His greatest excellency was in making plain the 
 hardest texts of scripture, wherin scarce any man was 
 comparable to him. His way was first thoi-oughly to scann 
 the force of the words in the original languages, Hebrew, 25 
 Syriack, Greek, &c. Next he would compare other places 
 with his text, and such words or phrases of other texts as 
 were like those of his text in hand; and to be sure if any 
 such were, through his familiar and perfect acquaintance 
 f. 17 v". with I the scripture he would never miss them. By this 30 
 means 'twas wonderful how great light he brought not only 
 to the text in hand, but all other texts of scripture which 
 he had occasion to quote. And in no one respect is the loss 
 of his writings more deplorable than in this. 
 
 12. Though his library were large and choice (sc. that of 35 
 Mr Perkins, with his own additions), yet he seldom or never 
 used to cite any author or interpreter in his sermons; but 
 his expositions ever appeared to be the results of comparing 
 other texts, and of the force of the original, and of the mind
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 7 
 
 of the Holy Ghost. The sence being found out often was 
 found to differ from the common interpretations; according 
 to that of an ancient author, Aliiid est ad inter nos 7'ecessus ven- 
 tatis in sacra scriptura pertingere ; aliud secundum vulgarem 
 5 opinionem definire vel explicare. And divers of good know- 
 ledge and judgement in the scriptures (even divines) would 
 wonder first at the uuusuallness of his expositions ; secondly, 
 that themselves had not seen it before, as he had rendred it. 
 Where others would pass over words and sentences sicco pede, 
 lo there would he discover rich springs of heavenly doctrine 
 most naturally flowing from the text. 
 
 13. Neither yet (for all this) was he ever the author 
 or broacher of any novel opinion dissonant from the doctrine 
 of the church of England; wlierof no man was either a more 
 
 15 able maintainor or a more obedient observer. No, nor in 
 the matter of discipline was he any innovator; though pri- 
 vately, and to those of chiefest eminency in the church, no 
 man ever more bewail'd or opposed the abuses therin. But 
 the peace of the church was that he ever held precious; and 
 
 20 therefore he was tender of uttering any thing that might 
 give occasion to turbiilent spirits. 
 
 14. What he chiefly sought in diving into the depths of 
 scripture was to find out all possible conviction of the evil- 
 ness of sin, as also to store himself and his auditors with 
 
 25 all possible motives to virtue and holiness of life; judging 
 those motives and arguments the best (not which man's art 
 inventeth and fixeth to a text, but) which the Holy Ghost 
 hath laid down in the scripture itself : which to discover 
 and then to improve upon the consciences and minds of his 
 
 oo hearers, he judged the duty and main business of preaching. 
 
 15. His doctrinal observations were commonly two orf. iSr'^ 
 three in a sermon, which he needed not much to stand upon 
 either for proof or illustration, having done that work before 
 
 in the exposition of his text. Finally, his uses ever were 
 35 very naturally flowing from his text, and (as he managed 
 them) very moving; their force lying more in the clearness 
 and evidence of their ground from scripture (especially the 
 text) and in the matter of them, than in the loudness or con- 
 tention of his voice or vehemency of his gesture.
 
 8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 1 6. He was able to preach (and very often did) upon 
 very little warning : and his manner most what was to pre- 
 pare himself only by meditation, yet allwaies writing down 
 his sermons after he had preached them. In short, for a 
 preacher he was the substance of this poor shadow here set 5 
 
 down. 
 
 17. Mr Bedell thus furnished and call'd to the publick 
 exercise of the ministry in the town of St Edmunds-Bury 
 (where he succeeded Mr George Estey, one of incomparable 
 learnin<y, godliness, &c. who died there in the flowr of his 10 
 age), had not been long there ere he had gain'd a great 
 reverence, as well from all that savoured of the power of 
 godliness as from the gallants, knights and gentlemen, who 
 reverenced him for his impartial, grave and holy preaching 
 and conversation, and heard him gladly. As for his esteem 15 
 among the ministers it will appear in due place herafter. 
 
 1 8. Having continued a year and more at Bury, he was 
 chosen and appointed to attend Sir Henry Wotton, then sent 
 ambassador to the state of Venice in the time of the inter- 
 dict, as chaplain to the ambassador : which employment he 20 
 willingly embrac'd, desiring to concoct his knowledge and 
 learning attain'd at home by the observations of travel and 
 the experience of forraign countreys. This employment 
 being publick, his engagement at Bury could not detain him ; 
 especially promising at his return to fix there. After a 25 
 difficult journey (especially in his passage over the Alps) 
 
 he arrived safe at last in the city of Venice. It happened 
 to be in a time of very weighty transactions between the 
 then pope Paulus Quintus and that state; which was a 
 singular opportunity for him to be throughly acquainted 30 
 with the mysteries of papal iniquity: for by occasion of 
 the controversy then on foot between the pope and the state 
 of Venice, many corruptions and much of the pope's naked- 
 f. 18 v". ness became more publick than might well | suit with the 
 
 credit of the common cause of popery. And as king James 35 
 (of famous memory) was very inquisitive into these affaires, 
 so his ambassador there found means to give his majestie a 
 full and punctual account from time to time : and protestant 
 princes (he especially the most considerable) were not so
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 9 
 
 coily entertain'd in their embassies there as the manner of 
 that state had been in former times. 
 
 19. And as the time was extraordinary, so there was 
 also then flourishing in Venice an extraordinary person, that 
 
 5 oracle of the Christian world Father Paulo, a friar of the 
 oi'der of the Servi; a man of miraculous learning, prudence 
 and integrity, as fvdly may appear both by his works, and 
 specially by the history of his life and death, now published 
 in the English tongue : though that history is composed 
 
 10 with more partiality to the Roman religion than verity as 
 to the persuasion and judgement of the man. This man, be- 
 sides his acquir'd and natural parts, God had enlightned 
 with the knowledge of his truth so farr as to see the detest- 
 able enormities of the papacy and court of Rome and to 
 
 15 loath the same: so as it cannot be doubted but God raised 
 him up and fitted him for such a season and such a junc- 
 ture of affaires. This was the man employed by the wisest 
 state of Venice to draw up their letters and rescripts that 
 pass'd between the pope and them: wherin, as also in his 
 
 20 whole deportment in that business, he hath more solidly 
 though less bitterly detected and confuted the fundamental 
 corruptions of the papacy than ever any protestant writer 
 before his time. This eminent instrument, tho' hard to 
 be seen or spoken with by men of best quality, some that 
 
 25 came in a manner for little else to that city than out of 
 admiration of his fame, yet with the English ambassador and 
 his chaplain he had entred into a strict familiarity, which 
 to Mr Bedell was a singular advantage: for by converse with 
 him he both armed himself against the papists with their own 
 
 30 weapons, and became more polite in all his other learning. 
 
 20. It might indeed have been a dangerous thing to 
 him (then a young man) to be in such a place; as some 
 others then and since, by travelling and converse among the 
 Italians, have shew'd by their sad example; but by God's 
 
 35 mercy he was better grounded in piety and good learning 
 
 than to be easily subverted. | He would often say that he f. 19 r", 
 could never meet with anything among them of that side 
 that did not rather confirm him than shake his i^ei'suasion 
 of the truth of the protestant reformed religion.
 
 10 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 21. During his abode in Italy he found opportunity of 
 converse with some of the learneder sort of the Jews, wherin 
 he intended these two purposes, the bettering himself in his 
 skill in the Hebrew, and the drawing some of them to the 
 embracing of Christ. In the former the success answered, 5 
 but not so in the later; that people being extraordinary stiff- 
 neck'd, as the scripture foretold us. Some account we have 
 
 of the reasons they alledge for themselves in Mr Bedell's 
 letters to Mr Wadsworth, now reprinted together with this 
 present history of his life. 10 
 
 22. Before we leave Italy we must not omitt his ac- 
 quaintance there contracted with Dr Jasper Despotine, a 
 gentleman of noble extraction, who, tho' a younger bro- 
 ther, yet was in a fair way of raising himself by his eminent 
 learning and the great fame he had gain'd by his singular 15 
 skill and judgement in medicine. One thing which was a 
 great hindrance to his rising in his own countrey was his 
 judgement in religion, varying from that of his ancestors 
 and from the falsely called catholick. His great learning 
 and much reading was to him an occasion of seeing more 20 
 into the true state of the controversy between us and the 
 Romanists than is permitted to ordinary papists. The change 
 
 of his judgement was not suddain, nor without very strong 
 endeavours to maintain and defend within himself the re- 
 ligion wherin he had been educated. But still in process 25 
 of time and by degi'ees God sent in more light into his 
 mind, which he was not able to avoid. The unquietness of 
 his mind was very great in this pendulous condition; and 
 the greater, because 'twas a matter of life and death to dis- 
 cover himself. A long time therefore it was before he 30 
 could get clear and come to a resolution. 
 
 23. One notable passage concerning him is not to be 
 conceal'd. It happen'd in Venice that a lady of great qua- 
 lity fell sick, and her sickness proving very dangerous, a 
 consultation of physitians was call'd to consider of her 35 
 estate; who upon enquiry and view of the patient having 
 resolved what was to be done, apj)ointed two of their num- 
 ber (of whom Dr Desj^otine was one) to be constantly with 
 the patient. But in short space neither the care nor art of
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. II 
 
 the pliysitians, nor the dignity of the person, availing against f- 19 V 
 death's approaches, all hope of recovery was taken away, and 
 then spiritual pliysitians began to flock about her, some 
 Jesuites, and some of other orders. Dr Despotine still attend- 
 5 ing, observed diligently the demeanour of these religious men 
 towards the dying ladj^: she being now allmost senseless (for 
 it was the last night of her life), the Jesuites and others her 
 confessors abode continually at her bed's side. The Jesuites 
 were very urgent with her that she would bestow liberally 
 
 10 to religious uses, and namely upon their OAvn order; alledg- 
 ing, the great reward of such good works and the benefit of 
 the prayers of their fraternity ; presenting unto her a crucifix, 
 moving her to call on Our Lady, the patroness of women and 
 more especially of ladies. On the other side of the bed was 
 
 15 a Capuchin-friar, and he (not in so man}^ words, but more 
 to the purpose) put the lady in mind of the death and merits 
 of Jesus Christ, and exhorted her to believe and trust in 
 Him and committ her soul to His mercy. This different man- 
 ner of proceeding us'd by these religious men mov'd the doctor 
 
 20 much; and the more in respect of the weakness of the pa- 
 tient. Wherefore in all respectfull manner he besought the 
 fathers to suffer her to depart in as much quiet as might be, 
 she being now uncapable of farther comfort. Notwithstanding 
 they (the Jesuites) with their tapers and crucifixes and their 
 
 25 calling still to the dying lady, left her not till her life had 
 left her first: and then (it being past mid-night) the com- 
 pany withdrew into other rooms, the doctor into a gallery: to 
 whom being there (whether accidentally, or on purpose, 'tis 
 uncertein) the Capuchin-friar resorted ; and so considering it 
 
 30 was not faiT from day, they agreed to abide there and dis- 
 course. The friar, tho' till then unknown to the doctor, did 
 presently fall upon discourse of the lady and the manner of 
 the Jesuites' addresses to her; blaming their so urging her at 
 the point of death to call upon Our Lady, without once men- 
 
 35 tioning Jesus Christ, and asking his judgement if he did 
 not then think it an undiscreet and unseasonable thing. The 
 doctor, tho' his heart was full, yet durst not vent himself to 
 a man of that profession and a stranger ; fearing some designe 
 to draw forth his opinion and so to accuse him. And
 
 12 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 therefore with all his skill and dihgence he labored to put 
 off that discourse. But the friar so much the more urgently 
 press'd upon him, giving all assurance possible of his in- 
 genuity and candour of moving that discourse. Wherupon the 
 doctor could no longer | hold, but freely spake his mind; and 5 
 the friar and he jump'd so just in their thoughts about that 
 point, that from thence in their discourse they proceeded to 
 some farther abuses then prevailing; in the dislike wherof 
 their judgement did no less concurr than in the former. 
 But still the doctor was very jealous. On the other side the 10 
 friar opened himself so freely, that he thank'd him most 
 heartily for his company and discourse, and earnestly desir'd 
 his farther acquaintance, inviting him in most affectionate 
 manner to his cell, that so they might have farther confer- 
 ence : and so, the day being come, they parted upon terms 1 5 
 of extraordinary love and familiarity. The doctor commu- 
 nicated this jDassage to his friends, who by no means would 
 advise him to goe any more to the friar, assuredly gathering 
 that all this openness and profession of love was but a trap. 
 Wherupon, tho' he was confirmed in his persuasion of the 20 
 truth of the reformed religion, yet his apprehensions of the 
 dangers impending over his person and life were no whit 
 abated. So that still he was fain to be upon his guard, re- 
 tiring himself into privacy as much as possible. 
 
 24. In which condition God's providence brought him to 25 
 the acquaintance of Mr Bedell: by whom being made ac- 
 quainted fully with the state of religion in England, for the 
 more free enjoyment of his conscience he came over into 
 England with Mr Bedell at his return out of Italy. The 
 labours and studies of this doctor and his profound judge- 30 
 ment in divinity are httle known to the world, and espe- 
 cially his great zeal and courage in defence of the truth 
 against popish and all other innovations. So tender he was 
 in the doctrinal part of religion, that oftentimes he hath taken 
 very great offence at some passages and words falling from 35 
 some of our English preachers, neither ill-meant by them, 
 nor ill-taken by some others, only because they seem'd to 
 him, tho' but by some remote consequence, to abett the 
 popish or Pelagian opinions. It had been happy if in time
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 3 
 
 oin* selves had been as cautious, and if that apostoHcal canon 
 I Tim. i. 3 had been more strictly given in charge and better 
 observed among us. 
 
 25. But we must now return from this digression to 
 5 Mr Bedell. His stay in Italy was for some years ; where he 
 
 gained much experience and knowledge, both in divinity and 
 the Oriental tongues, but especially in the state of religion, 
 as it then stood in most parts of Christendom; having a farr 
 better advantage for this at that time, and there, than the 
 
 10 bare reading of ecclesiastical history was able to afford. He 
 
 was there also much improv'd in point of | prudence and mo- f. 20 v". 
 deration ; meeting there with men, tho' of another persuasion 
 from himself in many points of religion, yet very conscien- 
 tious and unblameable in life and conversation, and no less 
 
 15 detesting the t3n:anny of the papacy and the gross points of 
 popery, thau the protestants themselves. 
 
 26. Before his return he gain'd the Italian tongue; and 
 so with his dear friend Dr Despotine he came safe again 
 into England. Being landed, he repaired with all convenient 
 
 20 speed to his former charge at St Edmunds-Bury, where he 
 wanted no wellcome from his many dear Christian friends, 
 who could not but look upon him as a retmni of their prayers, 
 those prayers which at his departure he publickly crav'd in 
 his farewell sermon to them on Heb. xiii. 18, 19, Fray for 
 
 25 MS, and the rather that I may he restored unto you the 
 sooner. 
 
 27. Having disposed of his friend Dr Despotine and 
 himself for sometime as sojourners in the house of one Mr 
 Nunne, he settled himself to his studies and ministerial 
 
 30 employment, and the doctor fell to practice. But a very 
 gi'eat difficulty was in the doctor's way, namely his want of 
 the English tongue. But his friend Mr Bedell would not 
 see him suffer for this, but voluntarily took upon him to be 
 his interpreter at any time whensoever any patient should 
 
 35 resort unto him. But as entire friendship made this labour 
 easy to Mr Bedell, so to the doctor the trouble and difficulty 
 was hereby the rather encreased, for he was exceedingly 
 perplex'd and griev'd to be thus troublesome to his fi'iend 
 and thus to interrupt his studies. And considering his
 
 14 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 condition being a stranger wanting language, being unfit 
 for humane society and burtensom, as he accounted, to his 
 friend, he was at first even weary of himself ; so strong was 
 the reciprocation of love between these two friends. Such 
 examples of entire friendship were ever counted memorable 5 
 and commendable even by the greatest persons, tho' seldom 
 found amongst such, through the inconsistence of greatness 
 and ambition with such friendship. But between this pair 
 this their love continued firm to the last ; some other notable 
 passages whereof we shall have occasion to touch in the 10 
 sequel. In process of time difficulties grew more easy, and 
 the doctor gaining upon the English tongue, the need of an 
 interpreter began to cease. Upon which occasion these 
 two, Mr Bedell first, and Dr Despotine some years after, 
 betook themselves severally to a stricter kind of | friendship, 1 5 
 namely conjugal ; as that which might afford each of them 
 an helper more meet than they were able to be one to 
 another. 
 
 28. Mr Bedell first entred into the holy state of matri- 
 mony with a very pious, grave and every-way-accomplished 20 
 gentlewoman, Mrs Leah Maw widow, daughter of John 
 Bowles esq^ of Ersham in Norfolk, and late wife to Robert 
 Maw esq®, recorder of the town of St Edmunds-Bury. There 
 were diverse things on either side that might seem to 
 disswade from this match: on her side, that she must now 25 
 come down from that gallantry in which she had been main- 
 tein'd according to the place and profession of her former 
 husband, and that now she must marry a minister, a noted 
 contemner of the world's pomp ; on his part, that she had 
 five small children and but a small estate. But these 30 
 weightier considerations (as his piety and ability for heavenly 
 knowledge, as also his conscientious integrity, and again her 
 no less eminent endowments of nature, education and grace? 
 for a woman) mov'd them to consent together in holy wed- 
 lock, setting aside all secular considerations that might dis- 35 
 swade. And well it were if such v/eightier considerations 
 did more preponderate in marriages, and worldly respects 
 less. By this match Mr Bedell became now charged with 
 the care and education of five orphans. The elder, Nicholas
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 15 
 
 Maw, by his o\m labours and tlie benefit of that then famous 
 school of Buiy, he brought up to learning; who after being 
 sent to Cambridge was taken into the special care of Dr 
 Maw, then master of Peter-house, and by him as he was 
 - capable prefcrr'd in that society to be first scholar, and after 
 fellow of that house ; where he liv'd diverse years in good 
 esteem for learning, being both an acute and able scholar; 
 but not fancying the study of divinity, to which his father- 
 in-law much incited him, he fell to the study of physick; 
 
 10 wherin he profited very much, and after a good time for 
 furnishing his mind with the theory, he married, and fell to 
 the practice in the city of London, and grew in a-short space 
 into great esteem. But God was pleas'd to call him away in 
 the spring of his dales and first rise of his worldly advance- 
 
 15 ment. Of the other, two departed in their childhood, the 
 other two were dear to Mr Bedell as his own, and were by 
 him provided for over and besides their own portions. It 
 pleased the Lord also to bless him with ] four children of his f. 21 v° 
 own, three sons and a daughter: in whose education, next 
 
 20 to godliness, his earnest care was to make his sons scholars : 
 and he Avould often tell them, if he knew which of them 
 would not be a scholar, he would not leave him a groat. 
 
 29. Havdng pass'd thus some five or six years at Bury 
 as preacher there, that very great congregation found a great 
 
 25 defect in his voice, which w^as very weak, and so himself 
 {vdth. no small grief) did from his very first setling there 
 apprehend. And therefore he was resolv'd, Avhen God should 
 offer an opportunity, to remove and give way to some of 
 more audible voice. And God's providence was not wanting. 
 
 30 For among those worthy knights and gentlemen that were 
 lovers and honourers of Mr Bedell, Sir Thomas Jermin more 
 especially did study and wait to doe him all good offices 
 possible : aud the rectory of Great Horningshearth, of his 
 donation, falling void. Sir Thomas freely presented Mr Bedell 
 
 35 to this charge. And the place being very near Bury, and 
 the congregation there not very great, but such as his voice 
 might reach, he accepted the presentation; not indeed to the 
 full satisfaction of his Bury-friends, tho' the great dispropor- 
 tion of his voice to their great assembly being considered,
 
 1 6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 they could say no great matter against it. But however, to 
 give them all possible satisfaction, Mr Bedell engaged himself 
 to supply their Fryday lecture for a year or longer, as they 
 should think fit; which he performed with advantage after 
 his remove to Horningsh earth. 5 
 
 30. But his first entrance upon his charge was not 
 without some rubbs; for being to repair to the bishop of 
 Norwich, Dr Jegon, for institution, altho' no scruple was 
 made against his person or title, yet the demands of the 
 bishop's officers for his instruments were very high; inso- 10 
 much that Mr Bedell, first to the officers, tho' all in vain, and 
 then to the bishop also himself, protested against the ille- 
 gality of demanding such fees; and alleadged it to be no less 
 than simony on his part as well as theirs if he should give 
 them their demands. And in conclusion, the bishop being 15 
 unmoveable from the principles of himself and his officers, 
 alleadging that they demanded no more than what others 
 were us'd to give in that case, Mr Bedell profess'd his reso- 
 lution never to take a living on those terms, so unwarrantable 
 either by the word of God or ancient canons of the church; 20 
 
 f. 22 r". and so was fain to come | away without his living. This acci- 
 dent did not a little trouble both the bishop. Sir Thomas 
 Jermin, and Mr Bedell himself; the bishop, in regard of 
 the eminency of the man, whom he had sent home re infecta; 
 Sir Thomas, in regard of the frustration of his good intentions 25 
 to the people of Horningshearth ; and Mr Bedell himself was 
 much troubled that it was his hap to be forc'd to this so 
 publick appearing against the corruptions of the bishop and 
 his officers. And therefore he addressed a letter to the 
 bishop, more fully shewing the reasons why in conscience he 30 
 durst not yield to the paying of those illegal exactions : by 
 which letter the bishop was so farr mov'd that he caus'd the 
 instruments of his institution and induction soon after to be 
 sent unto him, leaving it to his choice to pay what he 
 thought fit. 35 
 
 31. And now we are to conceive Mr Bedell settled at 
 Horningshearth, where we shall consider him in a threefold 
 relation ; to his own family, to his parishioners, and to his 
 neighbour-ministers. In his family-relation his example and
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. I? 
 
 authority was such that all, from his yoke-fellow to the 
 meanest servant, held all due reverence to him. His chil- 
 dren he had in very great subjection and nurture, wherin 
 God had given him an helper conformable and answerable to 
 5 himself, both of them, as in all things, so in this happily 
 concurring. And tho' oftentimes where children of two 
 several companies are in one family, discords arise either 
 between the children or parents or both, yet their impar- 
 tiality and joint care for the good of the children was such 
 
 lo that no considerable emulation or variance was ever found 
 among the children, nor the least difference between the 
 parents. 
 
 32. His manner was to rise very early (commonly at 
 four, winter and summer), and so to retire presently to his 
 
 1 5 study ; where he would be so fix'd till prayer time, that if any 
 thing (as business of the family, or some stranger or neigh- 
 bour comming to speak with him) did happen to call him 
 down, he would be even angry with the messenger (wife, 
 child, or servant) of any such occasion of interruption. 
 
 20 SS- Foi* prayer he observ'd three seasons, morning, 
 noon, and evening, never tedious or prolix. At noon his 
 manner was to read and expound some chapter of the Bible 
 befor prayer. His expositions were methodical, concise and 
 substantial. 
 
 25 34. As his children grew up (their mother having taught f. 22 v° 
 them to read Enoflish and srive an account of the heads of 
 the catechism), then he took them under his own teaching; 
 and two of his sons he thus took j^ains with for some years. 
 But his other many occasions, as hereafter will appear, and 
 
 30 his studies especially, not allowing so great a distraction, he 
 was fain to give that task over. 
 
 35. Some little recreation he used sometime before 
 dinner or supper; which for the most part was planting, 
 transplanting, grafting and inoculating, and sometimes dig- 
 
 35 ging in his garden. 
 
 36. For his habit he was a great lover of plaineness, both 
 for the matter and fashion; never changing his fashion in all 
 his life. His rules were easiness for the stirring of his body, 
 and serviceableness, avoiding all vanity and superfluity. And 
 
 2
 
 1 8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 in his children he still laboured to have the same rules ob- 
 served; wherein onely he differ'd something from the dispo- 
 sition of his yokefellow, she according to her education, sex, 
 and the quality of her former husband, affecting elegancy and 
 neatness of habit, which also she did sometimes endeavour 5 
 to observe in her children. But his will and authority bore 
 the sway. Some of his friends would blame him for this 
 carelessness and neglect (as they counted it). But among 
 other grave answers he usually gave, this was one: that w 
 our haptisme we had all avoivd to forsake the pomjjs and 10 
 vanities of this wicked world. 
 
 37. When his friends came to visit him, his entertain- 
 ment was friendly, neat and bountifidl; but his grave de- 
 portment and savory discourse surmounted all, which was of 
 such influence that it gave a law to the company, and held 15 
 them (as it were) under a kind of discipline; which that he 
 might somewhat relax and yet not warp from his own prin- 
 ciples, he would retire from them to his study with some 
 grave item, leaving them to enjoy themselves. If they were 
 ministers or scholars he would tarry longer, but so as he 20 
 would be sure their discourse should be profitable. 
 
 38. And here it cannot be omitted what an admirable 
 gift and grace God had given him in the command and 
 ordering of his speech. For as he was well stored with all 
 kinds of knowledge, so he was of such sanctified wisdom, 25 
 
 f- 23 r". that still he would be [ communicating to others, and that in 
 such a pleasing and delightfull way, that not' the least appear- 
 ance of pride or vain glory could be found in his discourse ; 
 no place left for vanity, if he were present; nothing could 
 be heard but piety and morality, no man present but was 30 
 either pleased or profited or charmed. If any other would 
 speak any thing savory, he would stand still and hear; yea of 
 the two he was more forward to learn than teach ; to heare 
 rather than to speak; giving place to any, tho' his inferiors 
 by many degrees. Yea by an art he had, he would so observe 35 
 the tempers of men, that in discourse with them he would 
 draw forth whatever little good was in them; suppressing 
 their vanity by his gravity, and hiding their ignorance by his 
 wisdom and humility. In a word, scarce any man in his
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. I9 
 
 time ever exceeded him in the government of the tongue: 
 
 as if God had designed him for a lively and practical edition 
 
 of Mr Perkins's excellent treatise of the government of the 
 
 tongue. And indeed that man of God was the man whom 
 
 5 Mr Bedell did very much propound to himself for imitation, 
 
 39. There is yet farther to be noted in his domestical 
 
 course of conversation his behaviour towards the beggars, 
 
 bedlams and travellers, that use to come to men's doors. 
 
 These he would not fail to examine, mixing both wholsom 
 
 10 instructions and severe reproofs. Nor rested he there; but if 
 
 they had any passes to travel by, he would be sure to scan 
 
 them throughly, and finding them false or counterfeit, his 
 
 way was to send for the constable, and after correction given 
 
 according to law, he would make them a new pass, and send 
 
 15 them to the place of their last settlement or birth. This 
 
 made him so well known among that sort of people, that 
 
 they shun'd the town for the most part, to. the no small quiet 
 
 and security of him and all his neighbours. 
 
 40. One principal point more is yet behind ; and that 
 20 is his manner of governing his family upon the Lord's day. 
 Being risen himself (most commonly the first in the house) 
 he presently retir'd to his study, where while he was busied 
 in prayer and meditation, his wife was hastening to get the 
 children ready a convenient time before the time of publick 
 25 meeting ; that all might be in readiness against his coming 
 down to prayer in the family. His company being come 
 together, he would come down among them ; but as at all 
 times, 1 so more especially then, with his countenance com- f. 23 v", 
 posed to all possible gravity, piety and solemnity ; so as the 
 30 presence of that day, and his deportment together, wrought 
 no small effects both upon children and servants as to 
 preparation for the service of God ; so truly was he God's 
 vice-gerent in his family. Before prayer some time he 
 would give some admonition to his company, as he judged 
 35 most suitable. And then falling down on his knees he 
 would perform prayer among them. Which being done, 
 all repaired together to church. In the passage from his 
 house to the church, which was not very far, strict notice was 
 taken of the gestures and behaviour of his children, either 
 
 2—2
 
 20 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 by himself or to be sure by his consort, an helper to him to 
 the height in these best things. But especially their words 
 were observ'd. And when once they were come to the place, 
 then all possible reverence and attention was expected both 
 from children and servants, and of such failings as were 5 
 committed, this godly couple were diligent observers and 
 severe correctors. 
 
 41. Besides his sermons, forenoon and afternoon, he 
 used to catechise the youth openly in the face of the con- 
 gregation: whom he instructed not only to answer in the 10 
 words of the catechism, but also to answer such other 
 material questions as might make them understand the 
 principles of religion. For his manner was for an half hour 
 clearly to expound in order a certein portion of the cate- 
 chism every Lord's-day, so as to go through it every year ; 1 5 
 wherein not only the younger sort were much benefited, bat 
 even the elder and most judicious of his auditors found a 
 great measure of satisfaction; and they would profess that 
 they accounted his catechising every whit as profitable as 
 his preaching. 20 
 
 42. And this leads me in the next place to his deport- 
 ment to the people in his charge; with whom he had a very 
 great authority, not only by reason of his diligent preaching 
 and holy example of life, but especially his constant use of 
 private admonitions and reproofs, which tho' some stomack'd 25 
 at, yet they durst not openly despise. The poorest of all he 
 had a tender care over in this respect; whom he used 
 bountifully to relieve every year. The others he enter- 
 tained at his table once a year all through the whole parish ; 
 
 f. 24 r°. with whom he would be very cheary, and yet in so pious | and 30 
 profitable a manner, that their minds and souls were no 
 less feasted than their bodies ; sin and vanity being allwaies 
 thrust out of doors for wranglers. 
 
 43. Having obteined so great a place in their affections, 
 his due mainteinance came in with the more ease to him and 35 
 willingness as from them. He held it as a principle of 
 
 ' conscience earnestly to preserve the I'ights of the church. 
 The edifices which belonged to him as rector to uphold he 
 was allwaies carefull to keep in good and sufficient repair.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 2 1 
 
 And his care oxtcnck'tl not only herein to jiosterity; but lie 
 left also behind him an exact book to his successors, giving 
 them a clear account what dues to ex^oect from the parish- 
 ioners, and some light for the clearing of controversies and 
 5 difficulties about tithing that might afterward arise. His 
 great exactness herein was the occasion of a long suit 
 between him and William Lucas esq""., one of the chiefest 
 of his parish. The matter was this : Mr Bedell was given to 
 understand that certein pieces of gi'ound in the possession of 
 
 JO Mr Lucas had formerly belonged to the rectory of Great 
 Horningshearth, and some then living were able to give 
 pregnant testimony in the business, and no small probabili- 
 ties were easily gathered by view of the ground it self. Yet 
 for his own fuller satisfaction by the favour of the lord of 
 
 15 the manner he got liberty to search the rolls and records 
 belonging to the manner : wherein by his great pains and 
 sagacity he found such light into the business, as convinc'd 
 him in his conscience that those grounds by right belong'd 
 to the church. Whereupon making his claim with all possible 
 
 20 respect to Mr Lucas, expressing his own unwillingness to 
 spend his time in law, or to have any contention with so 
 unequal a match as he, being also his neighbour and 
 parishioner, and yet alleadging the tie of conscience urging 
 him to maintein the right of the church; he received no 
 
 25 other return from Mr Lucas than in effect a denial of any 
 right of the church in those lands, and a plain signification 
 of his resolution not to part with them otherwise than by 
 course of law. The suit being commenced, besides the charge 
 and expense of time, Mr Bedell met with grievous vexations, 
 
 30 because of the strange delaies and other stratagems of the 
 lawyers. Yet the terms between him and his adversary 
 were fair, as such a long and chargeable suit | might permitt*; f. 24 v' 
 the lasting whereof was ten years and upv/ards. In short, 
 the issue was, that after some arbitrations without success it 
 
 35 was concluded by the final award of one man, and the laud 
 returned to the church, tho' not the same in specie, yet the 
 same in quantity, and in a place more convenient for the 
 minister. 
 
 44. This unhappy occasion, being also of so long con-
 
 22 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 tinuance, did necessitate Mr Bedell to some study of the law ; 
 wherein (his own chargeable practice concurring, as also 
 through his great abilities for whatsoever he did undertake) 
 he became strangely knowing and dexterous, for a man of his 
 calling. Insomuch as even during the agitation of his own 5 
 cause he was so observed for his abilities, that he was 
 frequently chosen commissioner or arbitrator in the most 
 difficult controversies that happen'd in the countrey round 
 about; which leads us to consider in what terms he stood 
 with his neighbours in the countrey, and especially the lo 
 neighbour ministers. 
 
 45. And here, not to insist upon the frequent appli- 
 cations of several to him for advice and resolution in doubts 
 and questions in divinity and other learning, nor how he 
 was still acquainted and made party to most conferences that 15 
 happened between any of his neighbours and the papists, nor 
 
 to mention what worthy men of the ministry were his 
 intimate friends and familiars ; it shall be sufficient only to 
 insist upon one passage more than ordinarily considerable, 
 and that was this. 20 
 
 46. While he was rector of Great Horningshearth a 
 parliament was called; at which, according to the antient 
 custom, a convocation of the clergy also was to attend ; to 
 the making up whereof, besides the bishop and other digni- 
 taries, two other ministers were to be chosen in the diocese 25 
 of Norwich to represent the clergy, one for Norfolk, and 
 another for Suffolk. But, as it often falls out, there was 
 much packing and plotting and making of friends by the 
 more ambitious of the clergy, to be chosen for that honour, 
 
 as they accounted it; insomuch that Mr Bedell himself was 30 
 dealt withall by letter and otherwise, touching the disposal 
 of his voice at the election. But those indirect proceedings 
 did make such an impression upon his spirit, that he wholly 
 declined the meeting appointed for the election. The 
 ministers being met upon the day, there was great stickling 35 
 f. 25 r". and much opposition of some against | others, till at last 
 Mr Bedell himself, that was absent and never made any 
 means for the employment, was the man they pitch'd upon. 
 The news whereof no sooner came to his ears, but it presently
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 23 
 
 aJBfected him with a great deal of gi'ief and dislike, as lie 
 spared not to his friends sadly to express to this effect: that 
 he knew he should hut loose his time and sit there and tell 
 the clock, without doing any good, as to luhat the present 
 5 exigencies of the church did most require. And indeed the 
 issue proved his fear too true, which before him bishop 
 Andrews feared and prayed against in his Concio ad Clerum 
 in a provincial synod, where he hath these words: Si/noduni 
 celehrare nan fuit Paulo turn, utinam vero nee nobis nunc 
 
 10 ^poyorpi/Sj^o-at ; The holding of a synod was not to St Paul 
 then (I wish it were not now to us) a wasting of time; he 
 means when St Paul held the synod at Miletus. But we 
 have seen sufficient to demonstrate Mr Bedell's esteem with 
 his brothers of the ministry. 
 
 15 47. And now we must proceed to his removall out of 
 England into Ireland, to be governor of the university and 
 colledge of Dublin. From which time till the end of his dales 
 the antient love and friendship between him and Dr Des- 
 potine was mainteined ; so that their great distance both 
 
 20 by land and sea from each other could not hinder a con- 
 tinual entercourse of letters between them ; Avherein nothing 
 of moment in either kingdom, either of public concernment, 
 or touching their own personal affaires, but still they com- 
 municated one to another. And this is therefore here men- 
 
 25 tioned to advertise the reader that the main of the ensuing 
 narration, and in many places the very words, are nothing 
 but what Mr Bedell's own letters to Dr Despotine have 
 furnished : all other his writings, which misfht have much 
 helped on this work, being unhappily lost together with his 
 
 30 library, in that overflowing surge of the rebellion of Ireland. 
 
 48. To returne then to his remove into Ireland. We may 
 
 observe a special and extraordinary hand of God therein ; 
 
 which Mr Bedell himself in a letter to his friend the doctor 
 
 thus expresseth : My greatest encouragement is, that I have 
 
 35 not put myself into this place, hut, as I hope I may truly say, 
 I follow God. And indeed not only the thing itself, but 
 the juncture of time when it was | effected and the instru- f. 25 v" 
 ments helping it on, have much of God observable in them. 
 For that a private country-minister, so far distant, of so
 
 24 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 retired a life, should be sought for so publick and eminent 
 an employment ; that this should be immediately upon the 
 determination of his long suit and recovery of those lands 
 of the church, to vindicate him from all imputation of self- 
 seeking, and to take him off from all dreggs of anger and 5 
 dissention that such a suit might have in the bottom ; 
 finally, that two so eminent men for learning and holiness, 
 as those two famous primates, George Abbot archbishop of 
 Canterbury and James Usher archbishop of Armagh, should 
 be the chief instruments of his call to that place : these 10 
 circumstances cannot be denied to have a special hand of 
 God going along with them, and cannot but testify both 
 the favor of God towards him and his own great abilities. 
 Upon the commendation therefore of these two archbishops 
 he was chosen by the fellows of the colledge, and petitioned 15 
 for to his majestic ; who was graciously pleased, upon the 
 testimony of Sir Henry Wotton, to assent to the fellows' 
 petition, and Mr Bedell thereupon wa& made and sworn 
 provost of the college of the Holy and Undivided Trinity 
 near Dublin in Ireland. This beginning of that part of his 20 
 life spent in Ireland was (as we see) favored with the most 
 benign aspect, not only of the best and greatest of the earthly 
 gods among us, but of the God of heaven and earth Himself, 
 as a sweetning and preparative for the more stormy and 
 troublesome part of his life that was to follow. 25 
 
 49. During his abode at the colledge he was often honored 
 with the visits and invitations of the greatest persons about 
 the city, as the archbishops of Armagh, Dublin, and Cashell, 
 the lords Clanebois, Angier, and Dowckra : and in a special 
 manner he had the favour of the lord deputy Falkland. 30 
 His yearly stipend was £100, to which he had £20 per annum 
 added fur preaching a lecture every fortnight at Christ's- 
 Church ; and this was the utmost of his revenew. 
 
 50. As touching his managing of business in the col- 
 ledge ; His first care w^as concerning the statutes of the 35 
 
 f. 26 r". house, in which he made | some alterations and some addi- 
 tions to them, and reduced them into a more exact method. 
 But especially he looked more diligently to the exact ob- 
 servance of them, than formerly had been used. In his altera-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 -3 
 
 tion of the statutes it might manifestly appear that lie sought 
 the good of the society and not his own, and all still with 
 special reference to the good of the church : nothing being 
 aimed at either for the addition of maiuteinance or outward 
 5 splendor to himself or the fellows, but that every fellow 
 should study divinity, and after seven years' stay should 
 goe out into some employment in the church ; that the 
 natives of the countrey should be exercised in the reading 
 and writing of their own language, that they might be the 
 
 lo fitter to convert their countrey men the Irish ; that no acts, 
 disputation or declamation, in any other science or art, save 
 in divinity, should at any time be kej^t in the chappell ; that 
 the students shoukl allwaies weare their gowns, as well in 
 the city as in the colledge ; that on the Lord's-day the fel- 
 
 15 lows, scholars and all other the students, should goe together 
 and all accompany the provost to church, all in their gowns. 
 These are some of the heads of those additions which he 
 made to the statutes. The whole body whereof he wrote 
 out and left in the colledge. And they bear the name of 
 
 20 BedelTs Statutes to this day. 
 
 51. One thing among the rest is not to be forgotten. 
 It was provided in these statutes, that allwaies before dinner 
 and supper in the hall the scholars of the house in their 
 turns, every one his week, were to read a chapter in the 
 
 25 Latin Bible, and then to give thanks; and after meat was 
 brought in, and a little space of time allowed, the reader 
 was to goe up to the fellows' table (where seldom but the 
 provost himself was present), and there recite some verse of 
 the chapter that was read, to give occasion of savory and 
 
 30 profitable discourse ; which to be sure, when he was present, 
 was improved accordingly. 
 
 52. He was strict in exacting the performance of divinity 
 acts, as commonplacings and disputations required by statute 
 
 of the fellows, wherein himself would still take | the first turn ; f. 26 v" 
 35 and oftentimes he would dispute at other times with an 
 argument or two upon the respondent, which sometimes 
 produced some pretty strong tugging between him and the 
 moderator (which allwaies was the divinity professor, Dr 
 Hoile), to the great delight and profit of the hearers.
 
 26 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 53. Besides this and such hke ordinary work of his 
 place, he used on the Lord's-day, between dinner ended and 
 church, to expound in the chappell some part of the cate- 
 chism ; to which exercise diverse of the most devout persons 
 
 of the city used to resort. And in this way of settlement 5 
 his government in the colledge proceeded for some time, with- 
 out any manifest disturbance. 
 
 54. But 'twas not long ere some tempestuous winds 
 arose, to the no small disquiet of his and the colledge's 
 peace. Two particulars the reader may take notice of. One 10 
 was a schism among the fellows arising from a national 
 antipathy ; for the society consisting partly of Brittish and 
 pai'tly of Irish, hence it came to pass that there were con- 
 tradictions and bandyings one side against another in all 
 their meetings and consultations, whereby business of pub- 15 
 lique concernment was hindred ; the house became divided 
 against itself; the provost was rendered suspected by one 
 side or other for his moderation and endeavours to keep 
 down this contention ; and in short things grew to that 
 height that the visitors were necessitated to interpose, least 20 
 the matter should have grown to open scandal. This last 
 refuge, the authority of the visitors, being join'd with the 
 wisedom and moderation of the provost, was a means for 
 some time to keep down this fire, but could not extin- 
 guish it. 25 
 
 55. Another disturbance arose from the professor Dr 
 Joshua Hoile, a man of great learning, zeal and piety, but 
 over-hot. The occasion was this : Mr Bedell in his cate- 
 chisines and sermons and at other discourses used still 
 rather to contract the differences between protestants and 30 
 papists than to widen them. One thing among the rest 
 he had uttered his judgement in, vi?' the church of Rome 
 
 to be a true church : which in effect wise men know 
 to be no more than that God hath a church, tho' in the 
 dominions and under the tyranny of the pope ; and withall 35 
 he was still wont to distinguish between the church of Rome 
 and court of Rome. But this so much disrelished with the 
 f. 27 r". professor, | being at that time in his ordinary divinity lectures 
 engaged in the confutation of Bellarmine, that being to com-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 27 
 
 mon-place on a time in his course, he took the text, Revel, 
 xviii. 4, Come out of her, my people : whence he took occa- 
 sion too plainly to glance at the provost with somewhat 
 more sharpness (being a hot and zealous man) than could be 
 5 well-digested, without disparagement to his place. But the 
 provost contented himself only with the satisfaction of a 
 private conference in the professor's own chamber, imme- 
 diately after the sermon ; where they debated the business 
 largely together, like scholars, all in Latin, without any wit- 
 
 10 ness unless a sizar, and parted good friends ; and no more 
 was ever after heard of that matter, saving only that the 
 professor afterwards to some of his acquaintance gave the 
 provost the commendation of a pure Ciceronian as ever he 
 had discoursed with. 
 
 15 56. And thus having been employed and exercised awhile 
 in the college, not much more than a year from his first set- 
 tled residence in the place God's providence called him forth 
 into the government of the church; wherein he spent the 
 remainder of his life, and wherein we shall find him exceed- 
 
 20 ingly tossed with many and great troubles. His entrance 
 and first advance to this employment was principally by the 
 mediation and procurement of his noble friend and patron 
 Sir Thomas Jermine, who moved the king's majestic in his 
 behalf, and with some difficulty obteined for him the bishop- 
 
 25 ricks of Killmore and Ardagh, before Mr Bedell was ac- 
 quainted in the least with any such designe. The difficulty 
 of effecting this was such, that Sir Thomas was forced to 
 engage for him to his majestie, as farr as a man might be 
 responseable for another. The cause of this difficulty perhaps 
 
 30 may appear afterwards. It is not to be omitted how little 
 ambitious he was of any such advancement. For before his 
 acceptance of the bishopricks he seriously consulted with the 
 lord archbishop of Armagh, and crav'd his advice about it; 
 professing himself so indifferent, that if his grace should judge 
 
 35 it more heliovefidl for the church that he should still stay 
 at the coUedge, he luoidd then some way decline the bishop- 
 ricks. Also to his friend the doctor his expressions concern- 
 ing this his preferment speak the same : Thus your fnend, 
 who never desird and dream'd of this or any other bishop-
 
 28 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 rich, {more than to he pope of Rome), is to Jiave two hishop- 
 f. 27 v°. ricks at a clap, being insufficient for one. \ But upon the 
 advice and encouragement of the lord primate he accepted 
 the bishopricks. 
 
 57. And now the next thing was his consecration, which 5 
 he was to receive from the most reverend James Usher lord 
 archbishop of Armagh, to which province his bishoprick did 
 belong. But it happened to be at the time of the arch- 
 bishop's triennial visitation, which was usually managed by 
 the chancellor and register of the archbishop. And had it 10 
 only been used to keep up the dignity and preheminence of 
 the archbishop above the other bishops of his province, or 
 for the reformation of such bishops as were negligent or cor- 
 rupt in their places, the matter had not been great. But by 
 vertue of this triennial visitation every bishop was inhibited 15 
 from exercising any jurisdiction, as well the good as the bad; 
 all causes were remov'd from the bishops' to the archbishop's 
 court; and these sees being now vacant, the archbishop's 
 officers were the more active to improve their time, and not 
 willing to be interrupted by the coming in of the new 20 
 bishop. Whereupon his consecration was deferr'd a long 
 time. But the new bishop made no hast ; resolving in mat- 
 ters of this nature (as he wrote to his friend the doctor) to 
 follow rather than to lead. 
 
 58. At his consecration (and so after) he was to enter 25 
 of necessity into a more costly garb, both for attire and at- 
 tendance, than ever he had used; and this was no small 
 trouble to his humble and heavenly mind. His own wisedom 
 prompted him to some conformity to the rest of the episcopal 
 rank; and his friends were soUicitous lest he should render 30 
 himself contemptible, or lie under sinister censures, by coming 
 too much behind other bishops in state and gallantry. And 
 therefore he took a middle way; rising a little, but differing 
 very much in outward splendor from the rest of his rank. 
 He never wore silk, but his girdle, chimier and tippet; never 35 
 wore bever, castoi', or demi-castor, but allwaies felts. He 
 used not to ride up and down the streets of Dublin about 
 his occasions with his three or four men attending, as was 
 the common usage of the bishops there, but allwaies walked
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 29 
 
 with only one man. And till the time of the earl of Straf- 
 ford (for till then 'twas arbitrary) he very seldom used to ride 
 with the state to church on Sundaies; and when he did, it 
 Avas with as little state as possible. And tho' in this practice 
 5 he did discontent some, and suffered the gibes of the more 
 lordly prelates and their followers, yet he could not be al- 
 tered. Going to visit a bishop in plain habit, with shoes 
 made for ease and use (not with high Polonian | heels, &c.), f. 
 How notv, my lord, said that bishop, Bo you iveare brogues'} 
 
 10 (so the Irish call their shoes), jearing him for his jDlainness, 
 and his known affection to the Irish nation. But he kept 
 his usual composedness, and fell presently upon that church- 
 business that occasioned his visit; and so spoil'd the jeast 
 by taking no notice of it, and withall gave a sober check to 
 
 1 5 the levity of it. 
 
 59. But we shall now carry the reader along with our 
 bishop of Killmore in his plain accoutrements to his diocess, 
 and take some view of his carriage and entertainment there. 
 And the first thing observable may be his sense of those 
 
 20 presents (as horses, fat oxen, brawns) that came then fre- 
 quently unto him, some from his officers, and some from his 
 tennants and some ministers of his diocess. These were 
 sent so thick, that they were a very great disquieting to his 
 mind: for his way was, either to offer money for such as 
 
 25 came from farr and that might be usefull to him for his 
 present necessity, or if that were refused (as allwaies it was, 
 even with indignation, as a kind of an affront), then utterly 
 to deny acceptance of any such present. It is hardly cre- 
 dible what discontent arose against him, partly for this re- 
 
 30 fusing of presents, and partly for the plainness of his habit 
 and attendance. Some abstained not from scoffs and scorns; 
 thus seeking to allay their own self-accusing and self-con- 
 demning guilt, by laying loads on him, whom they found 
 inflexible to their corrupt interests. 
 
 35 60. But notwithstanding all such unkind welcoms, the 
 
 bishop, armed with integrity, patience and holy zeal for 
 God and the truth, proceeded with all diligence to inform 
 himself of the state of his diocess ; bending his studies wholly, 
 and to the utmost of his power, that way to reform. And
 
 30 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 God's providence concurr'd: foi' he was no sooner a little 
 settled in his see, but multitudes of complaints daily came 
 in, especially against his chancellor and those others that 
 under him managed the jurisdiction. It was the more griev- 
 ous to the bishop to meet with such complaints, for that the 5 
 cause was given by his own officers and the wrongs done in 
 his own name. And therefore with all convenient speed 
 he appoints a visitation, that so he might see fully and cer- 
 tainly into the state of things. 
 
 61. But at his visitation, upon some free actings and 10 
 impartial proceedings of his for redress of some grievances 
 
 of some complainants, his chancellor openly oppos'd him for 
 f. 28 v°. going about to | alter the course of proceedings observed in 
 his predecessor's time; for intrenching upon the place and 
 office of the chancellor; as an innovator, as going about to 15 
 eradicate all the professors of the civil law, and what not? 
 And he found some of the clergy that were not ashamed to 
 abett him in this opposition to the bishop's good intentions 
 for reformation. 
 
 62. It is strange how high the rage of Satan and men's 20 
 malice flew against him, at his very first stirring, tho' but 
 gently, for some reformation. One while they attempted to 
 scare him with the name of a prsemunire; but he too well 
 understood the laws to incurr that danger. Another while 
 they thought to discourage him with giving out that he was 25 
 a papist, an arminian, a polititian, an Italian, a neuter. The 
 eies of all men were upon him, the mouths of all open'd 
 against him; he was as a wonder to many, and was forc'd 
 
 to bear their reproaches and the smitings of their tongues; 
 there was none to stand by him, or scarse to speak a word 30 
 in his favour. His own nearest friends and relations were 
 no small disheartning to him, as looking upon him and his 
 actings according to the common vote ; and help'd rather to 
 break his heart and courage in the cause of God, than any 
 way to encourage him. There was not any worldly gain or 35 
 advantage in the least to be expected, in case he should 
 have been able to attain his ends; but to be sure he must 
 be at great expences, both of his body, means and time, to the 
 divorcing him from his studies (as he complain'd to his friend
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 3 I 
 
 the doctor). But none of all these things, nor any worldly 
 considerations, could withold him from using his best en- 
 deavour to discharge his conscience in that place God had 
 called him to. 
 5 63. And therefore he begins first with his pretended 
 chancellor Mr Alane Cook, after Dr Cook. For the bishop 
 having received sad complaints against him (the particulars 
 out of respect to the dead shall now be spared), and holding 
 himself obliged to see to the management of the jurisdiction 
 
 10 in his own diocess, and having met with so hot opposition 
 from him to his face in open court for but beginning to 
 meddle with the rectifying what he judged amiss; therefore 
 he desired of Mr Cook to see his commission or patent, by 
 which he held the place of chancellor; signifying farther 
 
 15 that being he was an officer under him and acting in his 
 name, he must needs therefore call him to account for his 
 actings. 
 
 64. Mr Cook's patent being shewn was found to be only f, 29 r", 
 a grant of the chancellor's place to him from the precedent 
 
 20 bishop, under his hand and episcopal seal, confirmed by the 
 dean and chapter. There were also other just grounds of 
 exception from the incongruence of the syntax, a principal 
 verb being wanting that was to govern a long sentence of 
 about an hundred words. Besides that, the bishop alleadged 
 
 25 that it luas against the canon laiu for the bishop to have a 
 servant (as the chancellor is) inrposed upon him by his 
 predecessor. These and some other defects in the instru- 
 ment itself, but especially the exorbitancies of the person, 
 begat a long and chargeable suit between the bishop and 
 
 30 him. 
 
 65. The first scene hereof was the archbishop's court; 
 and there tho' the archbishoj) himself (that renowned Usher) 
 was forward enough to give the bishop of Kilmore a fair 
 hearing and an equal sentence, yet alass! he was no more at 
 
 35 his own disposal in it than the bishop of Kilmore could be 
 in causes depending in his court, the archbishop being alike 
 tied up by the fullness of his chancellor's power, as the 
 bishop was by his. 
 
 66. And besides, this was like to be a leading case,
 
 3^ LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 that if determiri'd for the bishop might have hazzarded to 
 have been an occasion of shortning both the power and the 
 profit of all chancellors, registers, &c., and might have 
 proved no small diminution of those honors and preferments 
 which professors of the civil law propound to themselves 5 
 as the rewards of their study and practice. Thus Mr Cook 
 laboured to represent this case, and thus without much adoe 
 the business presently was resented by the civilians; so that 
 all as one contributed their uttermost for the mainteining 
 Mr Cook and worsting of the bishop: insomuch that when 10 
 according to the form of those courts he was to retain a 
 proctor, none would undertake his cause; till one of the 
 meanest they could find was assigned by the court, and that 
 was in this case, as if a man's adversary should be his counsel 
 or attorney; but how such a man's cause might be likely to 15 
 thrive any one may judge. 
 
 6'j. But notwithstanding this cold comfort the good bishop 
 thought himself bound in conscience to do his endeavour 
 for the regulating his chancellor and reforming the pro- 
 ceedings in his jurisdiction: and therefore trusting his 20 
 proctor as little as he could, he applied himself to the man- 
 29 v°. agement of his own cause in his own person. He | missed not 
 a court-day, tho' the place (being the city of Drogheda) was 
 thirty miles distant from his house. He drew his answers 
 himself, or whatever else was to be given in, in writing, being 25 
 very throughly seen in the study of the civil law. He 
 offered himself and earnestly desired to plead and speak in 
 his own cause when occasion so required, but that would 
 not be allow'd. The bishop alleadged and proved, that an- 
 ciently 'twas accounted a shame for a bishop to have one 30 
 speak for him: but the civilians did not like such old 
 fashions ; they were resolved that their manner of proceeding 
 should not be altered; the bishop must speak by his advo- 
 cate or proctor, or whatever else he spake signified nothing. 
 And so still his hopes of prevailing grew daily more des- 35 
 perate. 
 
 6d>. In these streights he tried some friends in England; 
 from whom he receiv'd only some small verbal encourage- 
 ment. The advantage was much every way on the opposite
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 33 
 
 side; yet it was thought the surest way to remove the cause 
 into the prerogative court. And there also much time was 
 spent and charges ran on, and the same forms of proceeding 
 were repeated again to no other purpose but only to make 
 the business the more publick, as being now brought to 
 Dublin; and that all the good civilians might have the bet- 
 ter opportunity to join all their forces against the bishop. 
 
 69. Being thus worried among them and easily jDerceiving 
 what issue he must expect, he expressed himself to his friend 
 the doctor thus : / have all right on my side, hut hioiv not 
 whether I shall find any to do me right. Also he call'd the 
 law his purgatory and his journeys to Dublin his returning 
 into purgatory: he complain'd to the doctor of his many 
 troublesom thoughts, and often bemoan'd his own case. 
 The doctor also and all his other friends persuaded him to 
 sit still and not to strive against the stream. But the tie of 
 his conscience and of his duty to God in that place were 
 more than all discouragements; and therefore, tho' sure to 
 loose the day, as he wrote to the doctor, he comforted him- 
 self with this, Post tenehras spero lucem, et dahit Deus his 
 quoque finem: resolving however to be hearty and to see 
 the uttermost of the business, that he might be able to say 
 Liberavi animam meam. 
 
 70. But before we proceed to relate the final issue of 
 this suit, we shall take breath awhile and observe some 
 other emplo}Tnents of the bishop's, even while this great 
 cause was depending. For | as he laboured to rectify the f- 3° r". 
 miscarriages of his pretended chancellor and the other 
 ofiicers in managing the jurisdiction, so himself was active 
 
 the mean time to give a better example; and therefore most 
 commonly his manner was to keep courts himself in person. 
 For which purpose as usually they had set times and places, 
 so whatever weather came, he would be sure to be present at 
 the remotest parts of both his diocesses. These journeys 
 took him up somtimes nigh a fortnight's time together; 
 they were very chargeable to him, and somtimes dangerous, 
 by reason of the mountains and boggy waies and loughs 
 and rivers not passable but by boat, besides the intempe- 
 
 3
 
 34 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 rate rains that fell allmost all summer long in those northern 
 parts. 
 
 71. But God not only preserv'd him in these his waies, 
 but encourag'd him : for at the very first beginning of these 
 journeyings to keep courts, he was met a great way from 5 
 home by the judges of assizes, being upon their circuit, as 
 the bishop was upon his; and though they were of no parti- 
 cular acquaintance with him, yet with great respect and 
 civilities they congratulated his advancement to the bishop- 
 ricks, using this speech unto him, that when his lordship 10 
 came to that diocess it was breathing out the last spirit. 
 The people generally, English, Scottish, Irish, gentle, simple, 
 protestants, papists, wellcom'd him wherever he came. He 
 was invited by those of best quality, knights and gentlemen, 
 
 as he travell'd; and sometimes of necessity (the county not 15 
 affording other conveniency) he accepted such invitations. 
 He would not refuse the courtesies of papists in these occa- 
 sions, nor of papist-priests, but somtinies hath taken up his 
 lodging even in such men's houses ; and very ambitious would 
 they be of entertaining him as their guest. But where the 20 
 conveniency of inns was to be had, there he rather would be 
 at his own charges. 
 
 72. It happened once that a meeting of the bishop 
 and some ministers was appointed to be holden at a place 
 called Mann or Hamilton, and the bishop having bespoken an 25 
 inn and provision for the entertainment of himself and some 
 ministers, a noble knight Sir Frederick Hamilton, that was 
 lord of the town and dwelt near it, sent to the bishop to in- 
 vite him to his house. The bishop return'd him many 
 thanks, but withall signified, that himself and the ministers 30 
 
 f. 30 V". had bespoken their entertainment, and were \ to consult of 
 mattei's of weight p>rop)erlij concerning their spiritual func- 
 tion; and therefore he desired to be excused for that time, 
 promising that after their business ended they tuould not 
 fail to wait upon him. Sir Frederick not being satisfied 35 
 with this, being a man of an high spirit, sends again with 
 more importunity, inviting not only the bishop and all his 
 company, but all the ministers; assuring them that they 
 shoidd have freedom and privacy, the best his house coidd
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 35 
 
 afford for their consultations, only requesting earnestly that 
 they would come ; adding, that he took it as an indignity 
 that his lordship and the ministry should be entertained in 
 that countrey any where else than at his house; sending also 
 5 a threatning messenger to the host of the house for making 
 provision for them without his advice. The bishop and 
 ministers (for some reasons of weight, not here to be ex- 
 pressed) juilged it not very fitting to yield to the motion of 
 the knight at that time, though seemingly fan* and safe ; and 
 
 lo therefore in all respectfull manner desir'd his pardon, with 
 promise still (for the bishop's part) to give him a visit ere he 
 left the countrey. Accordingly the next morning, their 
 business being over, the bishop goes to the knight's house, 
 with his register and a minister or two and some servants. 
 
 15 And being come thither they found the doors all shutt, no 
 person appearing. Having call'd and knock'd severall 
 times, all was still silent. They knocked and waited still; 
 so long, till first shame, and then anger possessed all, but 
 only the bishop. His company earnestly advised him to 
 
 20 stay no longer. At last some were spied peeping out at 
 windows and laughing. But the bishop for all this so kept 
 his patience, that when all his company were allmost in a 
 rage and urgent upon him to be gone and no longer expose 
 himself and them to scorn, yet still he resolved to stay a 
 
 25 while longer, and smilingly told them 'tivas hut an humor 
 and would soone he past and over. And accordingly, after 
 allmost half an hour's waiting. Sir Frederick caused the doors 
 to be opened and himself met and embrac'd the bishop. 
 Some little expostulation there was on both sides for this 
 
 30 carriage of the business. But Sir Frederick being a gallant 
 bred man, was so ingenuous as to be moved by the known 
 worth, tried wisedom, patience and humility of the bishop, to 
 lay down this animosity, and to make amends for all by a 
 very noble entertainment of the bishop and his company; 
 
 35 and the bishop was abundantly satisfied in reaping the fruits 
 of his patience. 
 
 73. We return again to his journeying and keeping f. 31 r", 
 courts, whereby as he satisfied his own conscience, so he gave 
 very great satisfaction both to ministers and people, tho' to 
 
 3—2
 
 36 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 his no small charge. And because liis law-suit with his 
 chancellor and other law business would not allwaies in per- 
 son permitt him thus to keep his courts, he therefore issued 
 out four commissions to four ministers, whom he judg'd most 
 upright and able, authorizing them to manage his jurisdic- 5 
 tion in his absence. But at this his chancellor stormed 
 exceedingly; and tho' he could not keep the bishop himself 
 from sitting as judge when he pleased, yet by his power and 
 threatnings he so farr prevail'd as that those ministers durst 
 not appear in the business, or but very coldly, if at all. 10 
 Sometimes it happened that the bishop and chancellor both 
 met and sate in court together: and then the bishop was 
 sure to meet with opposition and provocation sufficient to 
 have either dismaied or transported him into passion, had 
 not the wisedom that is from above both kept and guided 15 
 him. 
 
 74. One thing that troubled the chancellor was, that by 
 the bishop's sitting as judge in the courts he was fain to 
 fall much short in his gain, which he was wont to make by 
 his place. For not only his underhand and indirect gains 20 
 were much prevented, as wanting now the conveniency of 
 concealment, but also those fees which with him were ordi- 
 narily and punctually exacted by him, the bishop would still 
 moderate and mitigate, with respect to the poverty of the 
 person and the merits of the cause; preventing hereby in 25 
 some measure the rigorous exactions of his chancellor, and 
 (as he expressed it to his friend the doctor) both keeping his 
 own hands clean, and looking to Air Cook's fingers also as 
 well as he could. 
 
 75. But the greatest abuse in the exercise of the eccle- 30 
 siastical jurisdiction and of all other the most grievous to 
 the good bishop, was the frequent prostitution of that solemn 
 and dreadful sentence of excommunication; which with them 
 (as it were) was become nothing else but an engine to open 
 men's purses; with this the chancellor, yea and even the 35 
 very apparitors, were used to force in their fees and exaccions, 
 especially from the Irish, the poorest of all not excepted. 
 The chancellor, tho' but one man and a meer lay-man, when 
 he saw his time, would decree men excommunicated, and
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 37 
 
 presently the | ministers were commanded to denounce them f. 31 v° 
 as such in their churches, twenty in a parish at once. This 
 command must pass in the bishop's name, and yet without 
 his consent or so much as knowledge, and being thus de- 
 5 nounced, tho' papists (as commonly they were) whose reli- 
 gion excommunicates them from our worship and assemblies, 
 the next business was by a writt de excomtnunicato capiendo 
 to apprehend them and clap them up in the goale; where 
 sometimes they were famished, or, to avoid taking, forc'd to 
 
 10 fly to woods and mountains, to turn kerns and live by 
 robbery. 
 
 ^6. The bishop with all his might laboured for redress 
 of this, and by moderating the charges of the court and other 
 his exemplary tenderness and compassion towards the poor 
 
 15 natives, in a gi'eat measure prevented it; tho' wholly to 
 reform it (as the laws then stood) it was impossible for one 
 bishop to doe. But lest he should hereby seem to favor 
 offenders, he used, when any were to be sentenc'd, by 
 instructions and grave admonitions to set their sins before 
 
 20 them, with the evil and danger of the same, and to allure 
 them by all meekness and gentleness to repentance, im- 
 posing such moderate fees on them as they might be able 
 to pay in a competent time, without writs or excommuni- 
 cations. 
 
 25 77. These his proceedings rendered him still more 
 odious to that sort of men whose mainteinance arose out of 
 the courts, but won him an extraordinary love and respect 
 with the Irish and all that at any time came under the lash 
 of the court. And his often riding about on these occasions 
 
 30 was much conducible to his health. For tho' while he lived 
 in England he had been much afflicted with the stone and 
 gi-avell descending down from the kidneys, yet in Ireland 
 by this continual motion he was in a manner cur'd of this 
 affliction. 
 
 35 78. The reverend doctor Bernard, sometime dean of 
 Kilmore, in his character given of this good bishop in print 
 hath most truly represented him, both as to his keeping 
 courts and visitations, as also to all other particulars tonch'd 
 by him in that brief account.
 
 38 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 79. Visitations he ever transacted in his own person, 
 and preach'd himself for the most part, and that in a way 
 which was home and searching against sin, pressing and 
 urgent as to matter of practice and reformation; being set 
 
 f. 32 r". on by the extraordinary gravity | and heavenhness of his 5 
 presence and conversation. He never would put up one 
 farthing of the procurations, but spent that money upon the 
 ministers for their entertainment and the poor. Also in the 
 keeping his courts (as Dr Bernard hath truly noted) he used 
 his brethren of the ministry with all possible respect: he 10 
 made them sit covered on each side of him on the bench, 
 he asked their opinions on any cause that came before him, 
 and would not pass sentence till they had first given it. 
 Neither was the difficulty small to persuade some ministers 
 to use the liberty he gave them herein. For what through 15 
 the power of the pretended chancellor and threatning words 
 given out by him, and through the ignorance of many 
 ministers in the ecclesiastical history and ancient canons, 
 and especially by a long habit of servitude under the bishop's 
 officers and servants, ministers were in a manner jealous of 20 
 the bishop for seeking their deliverance ; as the Israelites 
 were of Moses and Aaron for speaking to Pharaoh to let them 
 go ; or as one thunder-stricken, who (as the poet speaks) 
 Vivit, et est vitae nescius ipse suae. 
 
 80. This good bishop rested not here, but attempted 25 
 also the erecting of diocesan-synods, in imitation of the like 
 practise of primitive bishops; which he judged himself suf- 
 ficiently impowered to do as a bishop in his own diocese, both 
 by the word of God and the ancient canons. And some 
 meetings of the ministers and conferences were holden by 30 
 his appointment for this purpose, and some orders and 
 canons were agreed upon for reformation of his diocese. 
 And for this especially he was charged by his pretended 
 chancellor and those of the same craft, as an innovator and 
 
 as having incurr'd a praemunire and intrenching upon the 35 
 king's prerogative. 
 
 81. Such high imputations were frequently and loudly 
 proclaimed against him by his and the churches adversaries, 
 to deterr him and to stifle his godly endeavours for reform-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 39 
 
 ation. But notwithstanding all this he proceeded as fan- as 
 possibly he could, and was prepared and resolved to answer 
 his actions in this behalf at his uttermost perills. But the 
 ministers apprehending the dangers likely to ensue upon 
 5 such an attempt grew altogether cold in the business; and 
 the bishop could not proceed alone to any purpose in this his 
 pious undertaking: whereof complaining to his friend the 
 doctor he useth this speech: It is an universal disease in 
 bodies ecclesiastical, Omnes, quae sua sunt, quaerunt. 
 10 82. Thus having seen the practice of this bishop in f. 32 v" 
 
 matter of the jurisdiction ecclesiastical, the reader probably 
 will not think it burthensome to take his judgement also 
 concerning the same, as then it stood, in his own words, as 
 they are faithfully trauscrib'd out of his letters to the doctor : 
 15 IVie corruptions of the jurisdiction ecclesiastical are such as 
 not only not laiu, hut not so much as equity is hept; or if law, 
 the neiu decretal law, not the ancient canons of the church, not 
 the canon of canons, the holy scripture. And in another of 
 his letters to the doctor, writing concerning some proceedings 
 20 by the lords justices, then in Ireland, against friars and 
 popish priests and Jesuites, thus he writes: The thing most 
 to he wished luere some good reformation in church-matters. 
 But (he adds) / believe rather nothing luill be done, than any 
 thing much better d. 
 25 83. Touching some innovations in matter of ceremony, 
 introduc'd into England about anno 1636 (of which the doc- 
 tor had written to him), he return'd this: / am not glad of 
 it, Vino qui vetere utuntur, sapientes puto. And so for his 
 own particular in his own diocese he required conformity 
 30 only unto that which was then by law established, and no 
 more. 
 
 84. The cathedral church wanted endowment for the 
 mainteinance of prebends, treasurer, chanter, vicars-choral, 
 vergers and other officers and ornaments belonging to the 
 35 state and magnificence of a cathedral. There was only a 
 dean and archdeacon, but without any revenue, save only 
 the profits of such church livings whereof they were incum- 
 bents; and consequently the chapter in his diocese was only 
 a convention of the several ministers, so many of tlicni as
 
 40 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 could come together upon occasion, any beneficed man hav- 
 ing his place and vote in the chapter. 
 
 85. And hence we may fitly pass to acquaint the reader 
 how his manner was and what rules he observed in the or- 
 dination of ministers and collation of livings. For which 5 
 purpose three things must be noted : one, that the most of 
 the livings in that diocese (and in a manner all) were the 
 bishop's, as rightful and undoubted patron; and the whole 
 power of disposing them, when any fell, was in him. An- 
 other thing was, that 'twas then the custom in Ireland for 10 
 one minister to enjoy three, four, five, or more livings, as 
 they were able by friends or other waies to obtein them ; yea, 
 not only many rectories, but many vicarages were there pos- 
 f- 33 r". sessed by one man, and, which yet | may seem more strange, 
 
 many clarkships. One man, some servant or kinsman to the 15 
 bishop, and no poor man neither, might be dark to three or 
 four parishes. Such was the state of the church when bishop 
 Bedell came first to the diocese. A third thing to be noted 
 is, that most of the people in every parish were popish and 
 Irish. In several parishes there was not one Brittish or 20 
 protestant, save the minister's family, and sometimes not all 
 his family so neither. 
 
 ^6. Our bishop, to stay the fuller grouth of these dis- 
 orders, took this course. First, he ceased not to admonish 
 those ministers that had pluralities to be resident upon some 25 
 one or other of their livings, and to provide sufficient curates 
 in the rest, and as he could, he improved his authority to 
 urge them hereunto. But this came far short of effecting 
 that reformation that was needfull : and therefore he used a 
 more effectual remedy as God gave opportunity ; and that 30 
 was, as any living became void, never to bestow above one 
 on one man, and to require an oath of every one to be per- 
 petually and personally resident upon his living. By this 
 means, tho' some were highly displeased (the hopes of their 
 gains being thus taken away), yet the number of ministers 35 
 was made somthing the more proportionable to the work, 
 
 87. And whereas they generally accounted those livings, 
 where all or most of the people were papists, to be sine cura, 
 saving only to take care to sell tithes; our bishop in time
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 41 
 
 brought them to another belief, and would tell them, Tho' 
 the people would not hear them preach, yet 'tiuas very fit 
 they should see their good conversation: and therefore by 
 no means would he all(jw non-residency or pluralities. 
 5 88. And to make yet a farther provision for the effec- 
 tual discharge of the ministers' work, he was very carefull 
 that, if possible, ministers might be placed (where the people 
 were most Irish), who had skill in the Irish tongue; in pro- 
 secution of that statute in the college of Dublin, wherein it 
 
 10 was provided, that scholars of the Irish nation for their en- 
 couragement and better fitting themselves for the conversion 
 of their own countrey-men should be exercised in the read- 
 ing of the scriptures in the Irish language; for which exer- 
 cise every such Irish scholar had a yearly stipend of £3 per 
 
 15 annum beside his scholarship. The bishop very zealously 
 
 prosecuted this pious designe in placing of ministers; [ and iff. 33 v. 
 such men were offered to him, or himself could find out such, 
 as were able to converse Avith the natives and perform divine 
 offices to them in their own language, he would rather pre- 
 
 20 ferr them to such livings, than others of greater learning 
 and abilities that wanted the language. And to them that 
 would cavil or object against this his practice, as less pro- 
 pitious to learning and English-men, he would produce that 
 of the apostle, i Cor. xiv. 19, In the church of God I had 
 
 25 rather speak five words with my understanding, that by my 
 voice I might teach others also, than ten thousand words in an 
 unknown tongue. And he would plainly tell ministers, such 
 forward men as used to ride and run for a benefice, that tho^ 
 they had Saiiit Paid's gifts, yet he could not see hoiu they 
 
 30 luould he able to doe any good unless they had the language 
 of the people. 
 
 89. One main objection was made against these his pro- 
 ceedings upon a politick or state-reason. For by laws in force 
 in Ireland the Irish were requir'd to learn the English lan- 
 
 35 g^^^o® ^^^^ use English fashions; which law this practice of 
 the bishop seemed directly to cross. But his answer was, 
 that those people had souls which ought not to be neglected 
 till they would learn English. And therefore, not being 
 mov'd by any such objections, he persisted in his course
 
 42 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 which he had begun, and appUed himself for example-sake 
 to the study of Irish : wherein, as to reading and writing, he 
 had attain'd a good perfection. 
 
 90. And as in preferring men to livings, so in conferring 
 holy orders he was very carefull. He used allwaies, with 5 
 the assistance of the archdeacon and two or three other 
 ministers, to examine openly in the church such as were to 
 be ordained. He had a very sweet and brotherly way of 
 proceeding in his examinations, and would press that point 
 (among the rest) whether the examinant did think himself 10 
 call'd of God, and moved by the Holy Ghost, to take that 
 calling upon him. At the ordination allwaies he preach'd 
 and administred the communion himself, one of the other 
 ministers assisting in the distributing of the cup. The let- 
 ters of orders, as also the instrument for institution and in- 15 
 duction, he allwaies wrote and sealed with his own hand; 
 not suffering one farthing to be paid by any minister, either 
 
 f- 34 r". I to himself or any servant of his, that he might shun all 
 appearance of simony ; which himself rendred as the reason 
 of his doing. And thus sending forth labourers as fit as he 20 
 could into the Lord's vineyard, he did endeavour what lay in 
 him that every parish in the diocese might have a minister 
 able to doe somthing towards the conversion of souls. 
 
 91. It must not here be concealed that the success was 
 not so answerable to his good intentions. For being bent 25 
 upon it to place none but such as had the language where 
 most of the people were Irish ; he was fain to prefer many 
 Irish-men, some of which were such as had been popish, and 
 some priests and friars, who either by some injury or dis- 
 grace from those of their religion, or through poverty and 30 
 desire of preferment (being once acquainted with the bishop's 
 way and principles), were moved to desire conference with 
 him; and so by degrees becoming converts, and carrying 
 themselves at first fairly, and places falling void, they were 
 by the bishop preferr'd, meerly out of his zeal for the con- 35 
 version of the Irish. But some of these men proved scan- 
 dalous, returning again to their vomit ; not by revolting to 
 popery, but by breaking out into dissoluteness of life, to the 
 great dishonour of God, disgrace of the ministry and grief
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 43 
 
 of the bishop. Yet these evils he never so far resented (how 
 odiously soever aggravated) as to alter that good principle, 
 that the minister ought to be able to speak to his flock in 
 a tongue that they could understand. And not only his own 
 5 conscience, but all men (even his adversaries) bore him wit- 
 ness, that no secular or sinister end induced him to take this 
 course ; but meerely to discharge his conscience the best he 
 could. 
 
 92. Before we leave this subject, one rare and remark- 
 10 able passage may fitly be remembered. The bishop being 
 
 a great opposite to plurality, had this objected (either by 
 others or his own conscience, or both), that himself gave the 
 same bad example in holding two bishopricks. And therefore 
 his heart was a long time set upon it, to use all lawfull means 
 
 15 to quit one. In order whereunto he dealt very earnestly 
 with a reverend and learned man Dr John Richardson, to 
 accept of the bishoprick of Ardagh, which he offered to 
 resigne; engaging to use all his interest in such | friends as he f- 34 v", 
 had in England about the court to procure him the grant 
 
 20 thereof from his majestie. Dr Richardson had allready the 
 best church-living in that diocese; which was some means 
 to farther the bishop of Kilmore's designe, tho' the bishoprick 
 it self was of no tempting value. 
 
 93. Bishop Bedell consulting with his friend Dr Despo- 
 25 tine concerning this matter, was much dissuaded by him, 
 
 as also by all other his friends, who were made acquainted 
 with this his purpose. His own words in his letters to Dr 
 Despotine to satisfy him in the thing were these: That the 
 example of liolding two hishopricks was not canonical, hut 
 
 30 justifying the holding of many benefices by one person; that 
 'twas an unreasonable thing of him to seek to reform heap>ers 
 of benefices, being himself faulty in having two bishopricks; 
 that he was sensible of his oivn disability to discharge the 
 ofiice of a bishop to two churches, yea even to one; that this 
 
 35 bishoprick as to the revenues thereof had been most horribly 
 injured, and therefoy^e required some abler man, both for purse 
 and fi'iends, to recover the riglds of the church, and such he knew 
 Dr Richardson to be, as having a good estate and no charge of 
 children, and a man deserving a far better bishoprick. And
 
 44 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 whereas 'twas objected by the doctor that by parting with one 
 of his bishopricks he should shorten his means, his answer 
 was, that still he should have enough to live on, and leave 
 his children more than was left him ; and Domini est terra 
 et plenitudo eius. Thus armed against all arguments of flesh 5 
 and bloud and finding Dr Richardson not altogether averse 
 from the motion, bishop Bedell never ceased till the busi- 
 ness was effected to his great joy and content, wherein he 
 invited his friend Dr Despotine in a letter to rejoice with 
 him. 10 
 
 94. And now this great rubb being removed, he went on 
 more confidently to reform those too-common and rooted 
 maladies of the clergy then and there, plurality of benefices 
 and non-residency : which were grown to that height in 
 Ireland that some would take the liberty, tho' possessors of 15 
 several livings, to reside at none of thein at all. Some men 
 had livings in several diocesses ; some still lay at the catch 
 
 to pick holes in men's titles and some way or other to 
 intitle the king, and then get the broad seal ; and so in 
 f. 35 r°- spight of any bishops to possess themselves of what | livings 20 
 they had a mind to. If a bishop should refuse to give insti- 
 tution or a mandate for induction in case of any such in- 
 truder ; they needed no more but to goe to the prerogative 
 court, and for their money they might have both. Bishop 
 Bedell in his diocese was not a little infested with this kind 25 
 of men, and omitted not to oppose them with all his might. 
 And hereupon he drew on himself a great deal of trouble 
 and charge from some of the ministry. And what by his pre- 
 tended chancellor's encouraging, and the iniquity of the 
 times conniving or (which is worse) encouraging such of- 30 
 fenders, he could prevail but little, but was fain to goe by 
 the loss in all, save only in what is more worth than all, the 
 peace and comfort of a good conscience. 
 
 95. It would be too long to relate his troubles, occa- 
 sion'd by some necessary secular affaires, as in his just 35 
 endeavours to vindicate the rights of his churches. That 
 
 of Ardagh was scarce worth £100 per annum when he first 
 came to be bishop; the revenue being so grossly embezel'd, 
 that he had not left him in that diocese where to set his
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 45 
 
 foot ; the very site of the bishop's mansion-house being leas'd 
 away and costing a long and chargeable suit ere he could 
 recover it. The troubles and suits that lay ujwn him in 
 right of that hishopricic, he used to say, ^uere an abyssus or 
 5 bottomless gulf. 
 
 96. He had also enough and more of the same in his 
 diocese of Kilmore ; being forced to sue for some of his 
 menial lands, leased away quite contrary to law; and was 
 held out of his right by the potency and the subtiltie of some 
 
 10 enemies he had to doe withall in most plain cases for many 
 years together. One very unkind suit there happened 
 between him and his predecessor's widow, about lands leased 
 to her by her husband at a very mean rent and for a longer 
 time than by law they ought and to the manifest injury of 
 
 15 the church; and yet hardly was the business ended till just, 
 upon the breaking out of the rebellion; and even then he 
 was fain in a manner even to buy his right. 
 
 97. It was the usual course of his predecessors, the 
 bishops of Kilmore and Ardagh, to gratify their wives, chil- 
 
 20 dren, kindred and servants, by making them long leases of 
 the lands of their bishopricks, to the manifest injury of the 
 church; and the deans and chapters, | for favour and affection, f. 35 v", 
 were procured to confirm such unlawfull acts; whereby the 
 succeeding bishops were reduc'd to a very small allowance, 
 
 25 and the lands in long process of time in danger of alienation 
 from the church: an abuse not seldom incident to most 
 church-lands, but strenuously oppos'd and in some measure 
 rectified and prevented by our good bishop; who never was 
 guilty of doing any such unconscionable act in all his time. 
 
 30 98. Thus have we seen what constant and setled 
 troubles, as a constant storm, did still weatherbeat our bishop ; 
 that grand suit also with his chancellor continuing all this 
 while over and besides all other matters. We shall now see 
 how God was pleas'd yet farther to exercise him with trialls 
 
 35 of another nature, wherein the higher powers fell foul upon 
 him. Two instances only of this nature may here be pre- 
 sented to the reader. 
 
 99. The first was this. During his episcopacy at Kil- 
 more, the protestants of the county of Cavan in his diocese.
 
 46 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 both clergy and laity, found themselves very much aggrieved 
 by certain heavy impositions; the manner as well as the 
 thing itself being grievous to them. For whereas agents had 
 been sent to his majestic from the protestants of this county^ 
 and the whole province of Ulster, to desire ease of the bur- 5 
 then of an army then lying upon them very heavy; these 
 agents, when they came to court, joined and consented with 
 other agents at the same time emploied by the papists, that 
 the summ of six score thousand pounds should be raised and 
 paid within a set time out of the whole kingdom ; and this 10 
 money thus strangely impos'd was in some places forc'd in 
 by those soldiers which they had desired to be eased of. 
 And in the county of Cavan a violent papist, then under- 
 sheriff, and that used much injustice and partiality towards 
 the protestants, was made a chief actor herein. Whereupon 15 
 they (being very considerable in that county and province, 
 both for number and quality) join'd together to complain 
 and seek more redress; which they agreed first to doe by 
 way of a letter to the lords justices that then were the chief 
 governors of Ireland. Their letter they had drawn up and 20 
 concluded upon ; only some of them moved to have the bishop's 
 f- 36 r"- advice about it. Upon his | sight of their letter, which was 
 too full of height and discontent, the bishop acquainted some 
 knights and gentlemen that were active in it that he dislik'd 
 the manner of proceeding; and somwhat he had to doe by 25 
 his best persuasions to allay their spirits. Yet their respect 
 to him was such that they desir'd him to draw up som thing 
 himself in order to the acquainting the state with their 
 grievances. The bishop accordingly draws up an humble 
 petition ; in which they only desire that their paiment of such ^o 
 imposed contributions might not be prejudicial to them, their 
 posterity and successors for time to come; and that their 
 lordships would forbear any farther imposition of any such 
 burthen upon them untill they should present their humble 
 remonstrances to his majestic. This petition the bishop of 35 
 Kilmore, with two other bishops and many knights and gen- 
 tlemen, subscrib'd. And it was presented to the lords jus- 
 
 ^ See Mr Prinn's Introduccion.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 47 
 
 tices that tlieu were, the lord viscount Loftus lord cliancellor 
 of Ireland and Richard lord Boyl earl of Cork. 
 
 lOO. But notwithstanding this moderating of the business 
 by the bishop of Kihnore; for setting his hand to this petition 
 5 and opposing his majestie's service in Ireland, he was accused 
 also to the archbishop of Canterbury for the same. And the 
 lord Wentworth, then design 'd chief governor of Ireland (a 
 man of great severity), was inform'd and prepossessed against 
 him. First the archbishop falls upon him in a sharp letter, next 
 
 lo the lord Wentworth, saying that such men that should oppose 
 the king's service ivere univorthy to he bishops; and farther, 
 the bishop of Kilmore's name being in among others for a 
 commissioner in a business, he caused his name to ha blotted 
 out. 
 
 IS 1 01. The bishop to assert his innocency takes up his de- 
 
 fensive weapon, his pen (in the use whereof he was inferior 
 but to few). And first to the lord archbishop, and then to 
 the lord Wentworth, in large letters of his he partly excused 
 and jDartly justified his action. In that to the lord Wentworth, 
 
 2o in defence of himself he expresseth his humble thoughts thus 
 to his lordship : That the way ought not to he foreclosed to 
 subjects to have recourse in humhle and dutifull sort to his 
 majestie's goodness to declare their grievances, this serving to 
 evaporate their discontents, a good mean to keep) them from 
 
 25 festring inwardly. It was a good while after the lord 
 Wentworth his landing in Ireland before the bishop would 
 goe to Dublin to wait upon him, as all or most of | the other f. 36 v°. 
 bishops had done; and the reason was because he had de- 
 clared so much displeasure against him, as we have heard. 
 
 30 And some of his friends questioning with him why he defer- 
 r'd so long to present himself to the lord lieutenant, he 
 answered with that of Solomon, If the spirit of the ruler rise 
 up against thee, leave not thy place. He rather chose to make 
 his way by mollifying letters and by patience, and so in time 
 
 35 by God's blessing this storm ceased; which as soon as the 
 bishop understood, he took occasion to visit the lord lieutenant 
 at Dublin, and was treated with due respect by himself and 
 his favorites, and for a while scem'd to stand rectus in 
 curia, till another occasion happen'd.
 
 48 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 102. And this leads us to that other instance wherein 
 the higher powers frowned upon him ; and that was in the 
 case of the bishop of Killalagh, Archibald Adaire. The case 
 was this. A certain Scottish minister, that fled out of Scotland 
 upon occasion of the tumults there about episcopacy and the 5 
 common-prayer-book, coming into Ireland, made his case 
 known to those in power, and in such a way as rendred the 
 proceedings of his countrey-men (especially the covenanters) 
 very odious. Whereupon being looked upon as a man driven 
 out of his countrey, destitute of maintenance and zealous of 10 
 episcopacy, he was soon preferr'd to a living, which happen'd 
 
 to be in the bishop of Killalagh his diocese: and going thither 
 to possess his living, there hajDpened some differences between 
 him and the bishop, tho' both of the Scottish nation. Whe- 
 ther the rise of their differences was that the bishop thought 15 
 it his right to have the besto^ving of the living, and this 
 minister to be obtruded wrongfully upon him, or that this 
 minister carried not himself dutifully and submissively to 
 the bishop, or whether the matter was that the bishop did 
 not sufficiently approve his flight out of Scotland into Ireland, 20 
 as having more perfect intelligence concerning matters there 
 and not taking the man's own word only ; whatever the mat- 
 ter was, (which perhaps some yet living do more distinctly 
 know than can here be related) ; in summ, being both men of 
 high spirits, the contention grew very hot between them ; and 25 
 words arising, the bishop let fall some speeches that sounded 
 too favorably towards the covenanters in Scotland, withall 
 sharply rebuking the minister for accusing his own nation and 
 like an unclean bird defiling his own nest. The minister thus 
 f. 37 r°. I entertein'd by the bishop, with the first opportunity com- 30 
 plained of him, either immediately to the lord lieutenant 
 Wentworth or to some that soon carried it to his ear; and that 
 with such success, that the bishop was soon after summoned 
 into the high-commission-court then newly erected in Ire- 
 land, there to be proceeded against and to answer his words. 35 
 
 103. The business upon hearing was judged so scanda- 
 lous (especially in a bishop) that the court came soon to 
 sentence. The judges of this court were the lord lieutenant, 
 the lord chancellor, the archbishops and diverse bishops and
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDflLL. 49 
 
 other men of chiefest quality in the kingdom, and among 
 others the bishop of Kihnore. When the day for sentence 
 came, there was no small appearance : the court was full as 
 well of commissioners as of auditors and spectators; and after 
 5 the usual manner every commissioner in a set speech deli- 
 ver'd his judgement in the present case, beginning at the 
 last, and so on to the first. There were many that spake 
 before it came to the bishop of Kilmore, and tho* some were 
 more favorable or not so severe as others; yet for the gene- 
 
 lo rality the judgement of the court was very heavy, decreeing 
 no less than deprivation against the bishop of Killalagh, 
 besides an heavy fine to be set on his head. When our 
 bishop of Kilmore came to deliver his sentence, he insisted 
 much on the tenderness and favour that still in antient times 
 
 15 were wont to be used in case of the accusation of any bishop; 
 the scripture itself requiring no less. And he learnedly and 
 largely discussed the present case; but so, as his judgement 
 differ'd much from the most of them that had spoken. 
 And tho' he blam'd and aggravated the faults of the bishop 
 
 20 with solid gravity and without sharpness, yet he stood much 
 for the most favourable censure that might be possibly as 
 most requisite and convenient in the present case : conclud- 
 ing with submission of this his judgement to the rest of that 
 honourable court. 
 
 25 104. This carriage of this business was no way pleasing, 
 
 as crossing in a manner the very designe divulg'd before the 
 day of sentence, which was to make this bishop an example 
 for all to take warning by. But the bishop of Kilmore had 
 the testimony of his own conscience for him, and such solid 
 
 30 gi'ounds delivered in his speech as none would take in hand 
 to overthrow. He had no manner of intimacy with the bishop 
 that was censured, nor indeed was capable of any : both be- 
 cause of the distance of their habitations (the one in Con- 
 naght, the other in Ulster), and because of the national 
 
 35 difference, the one a Scot, the other an English-man ; which 
 
 for the most part desire to | have as little to do the one with f- 37 v° 
 the other as may be. Neither had the bishop of Kilmore 
 any party to make, nor any ready made to his hand to back 
 him, but stood single in this matter; and so was sufficiently 
 
 4
 
 so LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 check'd and chidden for his pains as a willful and singular 
 man, to diSer from the whole judgement of so honourable a 
 court. But the bishop of Killalagh, that was censured, he 
 indeed professed a great deal of respect to the bishop of 
 Kilmore from that time forth, still calling him his patron: 5 
 but that was a small matter to be laid in the ballance against 
 the displeasure of the chiefest in the kingdom. But our 
 bishop being a plain man, and not ambitious of anything but 
 to promote God's glory and to keep the peace of his con- 
 science, he was the better qualified to bear tha*t burthen of 10 
 men's displeasure, though grievous enough to be born. 
 
 105. It is time now to give some account of the final 
 issue of that tedious and chargeable suit between the bishop 
 and his chancellor: wherein, notwithstanding the unanimous 
 engagement of all the civilians against him and those many 15 
 discouragements he met withall, yet being resolv'd to see 
 the uttermost and finding himself not fairly dealt with in 
 the prerogative-court, he came at last to the last refuge, an 
 appeal to the king; whereby all proceedings were stopp'd 
 till the king's pleasure was known. And after some time 20 
 (according to the usual manner in such cases) a commission 
 issued out under the king's broad seal, nominating a certein 
 number of men of the chiefest rank, beginning with the lord 
 deputy himself, and so on to privy councellors, judges, arch- 
 bishops, bishops, doctors of both laws, «&;c. and appointing 25 
 those, or a certein number of them, to hear and determine 
 the cause depending. The bishop had some hoj)e at first 
 this way to have obteined his purpose ; which was only to 
 have liberty to appoint his own chancellor himself, or else 
 
 to correct the exorbitances of his pretended and obtruded 30 
 chancellor. 
 
 106. The expectations of all men were intent upon the 
 final issue of this cause. Some of his judges spoke favourably, 
 as by name sir George Shirley lord chief justice of the 
 king's-bench ; who was heard to say, that he thought it hard 35 
 if a sheepherd might not have liberty to drive a wolf away 
 froTii his fold. But others were as much the other way; 
 openly declaring their judgements against the bishop before 
 ever the delegates came to sit. Whereupon at the first sit-
 
 OF WILLIA3I BEDELL. 5 I 
 
 ting he put iu his exceptions against one or two; allwaies 
 saving the reverence due to their persons; and the [ reasons f. 38 r". 
 of his exceptions were judged valid, so that those he excepted 
 against were set by. So after a full hearing, wherein the 
 5 lord chancellor Loftus was chief judge and seldom absent 
 from the court, the matter in summo came to this final 
 sentence: That Mi' Alane Cook (after Dr Cook) should still 
 hold his place of chancellor to the bishop of Kilmore, and 
 that the bishop shoidd pay him the sum of £100 for his 
 10 costs and charges during the suit. The bishop was quite out 
 of hope, or rather sure to loose the day, long before the cause 
 came to this end; and was told as much by one of his judges, 
 Lancelot lord arch-bishop of Dublin, a very loving friend of 
 his, who was able to discern as much by what he heard and 
 15 knew of the minds of the rest of his delegates. 
 
 107. The bishop of Kilmore had now done what lay in 
 him, according to the understanding God had given him: 
 he spared no lawfull cost nor pains to redress what was amiss 
 in managing the jurisdiction ecclesiastical; and therefore, 
 20 though he lost the day, yet he kept his conscience. That 
 which troubled him most was to be deserted (as he was) by 
 the rest of his brethren the bishops; who had they joined 
 in this cause, so nearly concerning them and the well-go- 
 verning and reforming of the church, as the civilians did in 
 25 mainteining their worldly interest, some better issue might 
 have followed. The bishop of Kilmore applied to himself 
 that of the Apostle, 2 Tim. iv. 16, Ho man stood luiih me, 
 hut all men forsook me: I pray God that it may not he laid to 
 their charge. 
 30 108. Mr Alane Cook, tho' now victor, yet used his victory 
 
 with a great deal of ingenuity and moderation. For he never 
 urged the bishop to pay the £100 costs that was imposed 
 upon him by order of the court's delegates; nor did he at all 
 grow insolent upon his success, but rather more moderate 
 35 and mild than ever before: and to avoid any farther differ- 
 ences between the bishop and himself, he put off his place to 
 the register Mr Richard Ash, a man that entirely lov'd the 
 bishop and would be guided and directed by him in the 
 execution of the place: so that after this the bishop had 
 
 4—2
 
 52 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 somwhat a calmer time than before; but it was not long; 
 for after some few years the nation's peace and his life ex- 
 pired : of which more hereafter. 
 
 109. It will not be amiss now to present to the world 
 the more free and retired thoughts of the bishop touching 5 
 these his troubles and touching his own condition in his 
 f. 38 v°. episcopal function, as they are set down | by himself in his 
 familiar letters to Dr Despotine. It hath been hinted here- 
 tofore how intimate the friendship was between these two. 
 For as in joy and grief, in mutual freedom and openness, in 10 
 help and counsel, so even in reprehension they were faithfull 
 each to other. The doctor did not stick often to blame him 
 for employing his time and abilities no better than in suits 
 and wrangling business. The bishop's defence for himself 
 was in these very words: God doth know how unwilling I 15 
 spend my time and pains and means in such mean employ- 
 r)ients. But there is no remedy, unless I ivovld resigne my 
 hishopricks, which I could be very willing to do. On tJie other 
 side, I consider that I never desii'd this place, and being calld 
 to it by God, I must not choose mine oiun work, but do that 20 
 little good I can, and leave the rest to God. And in another 
 letter, giving an account to the doctor why he would resigne 
 one of his bishopricks, he writes thus: For my part I wish 
 I were rid not of one only, but of both, rather than spend my 
 life in lawing and riding up and down; especially with so 25 
 little furtherance from some luho might [I tuill not say ought 
 to) have afforded more favour, or equity at least, titan I have 
 hitherto found. And again, speaking of the resignation of 
 the bishoprick of Ardagh, his own words are : God doth know, 
 I would be more willingly rid of it than eat my dinner when 30 
 I am hungry; having found nothing since I came into this 
 calling but troubles and suits and turanglings. And again, 
 he expresscth himself thus: I might be an happ)y man if I 
 luere rid of my jurisdiction and all tlie profits of both my 
 hishopricks, reserving meat and drink and cloathing. Such 35 
 were the thoughts and expressions of this good bishop touch- 
 ing his calling and the troubles that attended him therein. 
 
 no. The bishop had some friends in England of some 
 place and power about the court. The most real were the
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 53 
 
 earl of Holland and sir Thomas Jermin vicechamberlain 
 to the king. The doctor still communicated the affairs of 
 the bishop with sir Thomas; and the bishop himself wrote 
 frequently to him. Sir Thomas's love and respect to him 
 5 were such, as he laboured to remove him into some bishop- 
 rick into England; which purpose and endeavour of his the 
 doctor comming to understand, could not hold for joy, but 
 must needs hint it in his letters to bishop Bedell. His 
 friends at court thought this | an honourable way to take him f. 39 r° 
 
 10 off his troubles and render themselves capable of enjoying 
 him; which at so great a distance they could not do. But 
 it was not thought fit by the more potent at court to have 
 him over into England. The doctor certified the bishop both 
 who and why; and nextly the reader shall understand bishop 
 
 15 Bedell's own sense of this business. 
 
 III. Before he was advanc'd to the bishopricks, there 
 was some mediation by letters from sir Thomas Jermin to 
 the lord deputy Falkland to confer the deanery of Christ- 
 Church in Dublin upon him, the present dean Dr Barlow 
 
 20 being upon his advance to the arch-bishoprick of Tuam; and 
 the lord deputy openly professed his purpose to do it. But 
 when it came to the point, the imputation of puritanism by 
 some at court lost him the deanery and had like to have 
 put him by the bishopricks also. And herein his own ex- 
 
 25 pectation was fullfilled. My lord deputy (saitli he in a letter 
 to the doctor) professeth his p)urpose to confer the deanery 
 upon me, and signijied to me lately that he had received from 
 sir Thomas Jermin very effectual letters in my commendation. 
 I knoiu not luliat tuill he; but in conclusion, I think nothing. 
 
 30 112, After he was bishop, there were several endeavours 
 
 by his friends to have him remov'd into England, of which 
 himself writes thus : Noiu for that luhich toucheth me and my 
 removal, God doth know 1 desire it not: nay I desire rather 
 that it may not he: not hut that the love of my countrey moves 
 
 35 me and the society of yourself and other my friends, hut he- 
 cause, if I he fit for any thing, I conceive I may do God and 
 his majestic better service here than I can in England: here, 
 where my deafness and other defects are better covered with 
 difference of languages, and my different course in some things
 
 54 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 pertaining to jurisdiction is justified hy the exorbitant courses 
 that have been holden by my opposites. Tliere I should draw 
 the hatred of all men upon me, and yet do no good. Again,, 
 mentioning his suits with his chancellor and others^ for the 
 rights of his church, he thus expresseth himself : God knows 5 
 hoiu iiniuilling I am to spend my better time upon them: but 
 there is no remedy. As for that remedif you write of men- 
 tion d by sir Thomas Jermin, it is wor§e than the disease. I 
 have not failed, nor yet shall fail to suggest to those that are 
 in place, what I think perteins to the safety of the common 10 
 f- 39 v. ship, wherein we all sail: but I am glad the \ opinion of one 
 too-vehement, or any thing else may bar me from that employ- 
 ment. And in another letter again thus: As for the thoughts 
 of removing into England, let it never come to the mind of any 
 of my friends: God hath brought me hither, and I have begun 15 
 to lay some foundation here; which, if God will, I shall en- 
 deavour to build upon : Hie requies mea in saeculum. 
 
 113. Some would scarsely account a life of so many 
 labours and so ma,ny troubles to be requies, a rest. But yet 
 this good bishop did as a good christian should do, he did 20 
 acquiesce in what portion God had laid out for him; and 
 yet for the rest of his life still behind to be related, we shall 
 find him as little at rest (according to the common notion of 
 the word) as before. For besides what is allready set down, 
 two very great labours lay both together upon him for divers 25 
 years together before his death, of different natures, but both 
 tending to the same end, which were these; the building of 
 all the churches in his diocese, and the translating the Old 
 Testament into the Irish tongue. 
 
 114. As for the building the churches, the reader must 30 
 know that when this work was first taken in hand, there were 
 not five churches in his whole diocese, but were all ruin'd, so 
 
 as scarsly the walls were left standing in some places. The 
 reason was, that the land had been much harass'd with war, 
 and the people were but few and poor in those northern 35 
 parts, and all too-backward, both English and Irish, to such 
 good works as building of churches. But God stirred up the 
 spirit of his majestie to give commissions by his vice-gerents 
 in Ireland for the setting forward of this pious work. And
 
 OF IVILLIAM BEDELL. 55 
 
 among other men of principal quality the bishop was the 
 first and chief commissioner. This occasioned^him^many 
 hard journeys, first to view the several churches, then to 
 meetings of the commissioners at several times and places 
 5 for the assessing of every parish 'and taking accounts when 
 the work was done. And as his labours, so his charges were 
 very great by reason of this business, and, which was worst of 
 all, he found very corrupt dealing. Moneys collected were 
 wasted or spent, or some way converted to men's private uses, 
 
 lo and the work neglected. With all which difficulties he so 
 struggled and encountred, that before his death all the 
 churches were repair'd and fit for the people to meet in for 
 God's service ; had the people been as willing to meet in 
 them. 
 
 15 115. That other labour of his comes next to be con-f.4or''' 
 
 sidered ; and that was the translation of the Old Testament 
 into the Irish tongue. The bishop judg'd the scriptures as 
 essential to the church as the building of stone-walls, and 
 that it more properly belonged to his care and function to 
 
 20 open the fountains and clear the channells of these waters 
 of comfort for Christ's sheep. He expected no commission 
 from man for this undertaking ; but acted by virtue of 
 Christ's commission. Nor did the mean and slight esteem 
 which some had of his designe herein a whit remove him 
 
 25 from j^rosecuting the same with all his might. He had the 
 example of a reverend archbishop of that kingdom, William 
 Daniel sometimes archbishop of Tuam, who caused the New 
 Testament and common-prayer-book to be translated into 
 Irish and printed, out of his zeal for the salvation of the 
 
 30 people. And the bishop of Kilmore thought it a good work 
 to add the Old Testament also. 
 
 116. For this purpose he enquir'd out the ablest men 
 he could to employ about the work; and among diverse that 
 he made trial of, two especially he employed, Mr Murtagh 
 
 35 King and Mr James Nangle. Both these men, when first 
 the bishop came acquainted with them, were papists; but , 
 being Irishmen, and more knowing than the ordinary sort, 
 they were so ingenuous and well-affected to their own nation 
 and language as to afford their help to this work. Mr King
 
 56 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 was the chief translator, and the other was the reviewer and 
 correcter. They had their enterteinment at the bishop's 
 house as long and as often as any comparing and reviewing 
 work was in hand: wherein the bishop allwaies made one, 
 and through the skill he had attain'd in that language he 5 
 contributed not a little to the work. Besides these trans- 
 lators he had a servant, an Irishman, that could write exactly 
 well; and he writ out fair, sheet by sheet, as they translated 
 and corrected, 
 
 117. It pleased God while this work was in hand to 10 
 incline the hearts of both the translators to the embracing of 
 the reformed religion: God's Spirit and those scriptures, and 
 the bishop's gentle and able way of reasoning and answering 
 their objections, all concurring together to the changing of 
 their judgements. And so in conclusion the work was fin- 15 
 ished and fair written ready for the press, a little before that 
 dismal time of trouble, rebuke and blasphemy, wherein God 
 call'd His faithful servant to Himself, 
 f. 40 \\ 118. Thus we have seen not a perfect, but true relation 
 
 of the troublesome life of this good bishop. What remains 20 
 is to take a view of his end, which was every way suitable to 
 the former progress of his life, and as to outward sufferings, 
 surmounting whatsoever had before befallen him. And herein 
 we may observe (as in multitude of other the like examples, 
 both former and later) that God's way with the choicest of his 25 
 in this life is to exercise and train them for heaven by the 
 most eminent trialls and afflictions, even as the glorious Cap- 
 tain of ovir salvation was made perfect through sufferings. 
 God will have the ablest and choicest Christians to be the 
 compleatest sufferers : a lesson legible in capital letters all 30 
 along the series of God's providence; but yet learned by 
 heart but by very few. But, God be blessed, our good bishop 
 will appear to have studied it to some purpose. 
 
 119. And here the reader must be entreated to under- 
 stand a little the quality of the countrey where the bishop's 35 
 seat was, and what neighbours he liv'd among. His house 
 was situate in the county of Cavan in the province of Ulster 
 in Ireland, in a covmtrey consisting alltogether of hills very 
 steep and high, the valleys between being most commonly
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 57 
 
 boggs and loughs ; the countrey was then meetly well planted 
 with English, but scatteringly here and there, which facili- 
 tated their ruine. The only considerable town in the whole 
 county was Belterbert, which yet was but as one of our 
 5 ortlinary market-towns here in England, having but only one 
 church in it. This town was seven miles distant from the 
 bisliop's house. The town of Cavan itself being the county 
 town was nearer, about two miles distant from Kilmore, but 
 not so big by one half as Belterbert. Excepting these two 
 
 lo towns there was nothing considerable in the county. Kil- 
 more itself was but a meer countrey village, of good large 
 bounds, but so thinly inhabited that no where in the whole 
 parish any street or part of a street was to be found. 
 There was a competent number of English, but the Irishmen 
 
 15 more than five times their number; and all these obstinate 
 papists. The bishop's house join'd close to the church, being 
 built upon one of the highest hills in the countrey, not near 
 any neighbour of any quality by a mile. 
 
 120. In this posture, alltogether unfit both for offence f. 41 r" 
 20 and defence, in a manner solitary and naked and exposed to 
 
 any insolencies, our bishop being then at home, was on a 
 suddain environ'd and involv'd with that horrible and ever- 
 lamentable rebellion. It was in several respects an astonish- 
 ing accident, not admitting any consultation or attempt for 
 
 25 opposition against it. There was not the least suspicion in 
 the English of any such thing, nor could they at first conceive 
 or believe the depth of the wickedness, no not when they 
 had in part felt the bitter effect thereof. And that place 
 was so far distant from Dublin that no intelligence could be 
 
 30 had: God had cover'd them with a cloud in that day of His 
 anger. 
 
 121. There wanted not some forerunning tokens of this 
 calamity, but they were not heeded. As the manifest height 
 and fullness of sin in all ranks and sorts of men ; pride, giut- 
 
 35 tony, uncleanness, deceipt, oppression, extortion, and a su- 
 pine neglect of religion and the worship of God and of the 
 eternal concernments of precious souls, these were general: 
 but more particular and relating especially to those parts 
 vver these.
 
 58 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 122. A strange multitude of ratts, in a manner over- 
 running the houses and so bold as to come in view in the 
 day time and to gather the crumbs and bones under the 
 table, which was a thing so much the more remarkable, 
 because that till a little before the rebellion, for many years' 5 
 space, seldom any rat was to be seen in the countrey. And 
 the elder Irishwomen would say often and openly ihditHhese 
 rats were a signe of ivar. Another very strange thing was 
 seen about a mile from Kilmore, not far from the house of 
 Edmund 0-Rely the chief gentleman of that name and the 10 
 chief actor in spoiling and killing the English, and this not 
 long neither before the rebellion. In a plot of ground by the 
 high way a strange number of insects or worms of the length 
 of a man's finger and of a strange fashion were observed for 
 some weekes, and many went to see them. They lay for the 15 
 most part within the ground, which they had turned up and 
 fill'd with their cells and caverns; so that the wdiole surface 
 of the ground where they encamp'd was wholy bare of any 
 green thing to be seen. 
 f. 41 v. 123. A third, the most remarkable token, was given by 20 
 
 a mad man, and therefore the less heeded. This distracted 
 man was a very accute scholar, that had craked his brain 
 with too much study ; and being also very poor, partly out of 
 necessity, and partly out of his running fancy, pass'd up and 
 down from one gentlemans' house to another, and so got his 25 
 livelyhood. Among other places of his resort the bishop's 
 house and ministers' houses had their turns; tho' the man 
 was for nation Irish, and for religion popish. It seems by 
 that which follows, that he had been in company where dis- 
 courses had passed concerning that their horrid plot against 30 
 the English. His manner was to speak in Latin, when he 
 came among scholars ; and wherever he could light upon pen 
 and ink, he would be scribbling upon paper or book, what 
 came next to hand. But both in his speaking and writing 
 the shatterdness of his brain did appear; for his words and 35 
 sentences were for the most part inconsistent with one an- 
 other. Being enterteined at a minister's house not long 
 before the rebellion first brake out, he was observed to be 
 extreamly sad, contrary to his usual manner, which was
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 59 
 
 rather a merry kind of madness. In that minister's house, 
 walking up and down and sighing, he diverse times was heard 
 to utter these words: Where is Hng Charles 7iotu? This sen- 
 tence he had up several times, with some other odd whimsies 
 5 between. Besides this, he had gotten an old almanack, which 
 he had all scribled over on the one side, and, among other 
 broken sentences, there was this written: We doubt not of 
 France and Spain in this action. These expressions were 
 taken notice of; but comming from a distracted man, for [the] 
 
 10 present were thought to signify nothing; till being put to- 
 gether and commented upon by the rebellion in bloudy cha- 
 racters, they were found and felt to be very significant. The 
 things that belonged to their peace were then hid from their 
 eyes, and it was the holy will of God that that cup should 
 
 15 not pass away. 
 
 124. Yet the bishop had very strange respect in such a 
 time as that was. For all the couutrey round about and in 
 a manner the whole county was dispeopled of the English, 
 before any violence was used either to his house or his person. 
 
 20 The manner of his behaviour and the occurrences that he 
 encountred withall in that sad time, the reader may please 
 to take as followeth. 
 
 125. There was one and the same day set for the first f. 42 r' 
 rising of the Irish all over the nation, which was Saturday 
 
 25 the 23rd of October 1641. But yet, even in Ulster itself, the 
 north part of Ireland, where the rebells were most forward 
 and fierce in that bloudy action, they did not proceed in all 
 places with the same fury. In the county of Cavan they 
 carried their business at first with a kind of hesitation ; here 
 
 30 and there some particular houses of the English were spoiled, 
 and that was all. The chief of the Irish gentlemen there, 
 being of the name of the 0-Relys, rather sought to persuade 
 the English by fair words and promises to depart the countrey, 
 than to fall upon them at first by plain force. The chief of * 
 
 35 these 0-Relys not dwelling far from the bishop's, came fre- 
 quently to visit him at his house, especially Philip M'^Mull- 
 more 0-Rely. And tho' the daily report of cruelties acted 
 about in the countrey came so thick, that the business they 
 were in hand tvith could not be hidden any longer; yet these
 
 6o LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 0-Relys still gave comfortable words to the bishop; and for a 
 week or fortnight's space, did not so much as take away any 
 of his cattel. But before the first fortnight was expired 
 there began to come a great confluence of poor stripped 
 English people to the bishop's house for some shelter; like 5 
 Job's messengers bringing one sad report after another with- 
 out intermission. They heard that the bishop was yet per- 
 mitted the enjoyment of his house and goods, and the place 
 was near to fly unto, and thither they were glad to retire. 
 
 126. The bishop most freely entertein'd all that came, 10 
 and fill'd all his out-houses with those guests, as many as 
 could sit one by another. Those that he knew to be of better 
 quality, tho' as then levell'd with the meanest, he receiv'd 
 into his dwelling house: a.nd thus for a little while those 
 poor distress' d creatures were refreshed there. But the Irish 15 
 had an evil eye at this goodness and charity of the bishop, 
 and used all their skill to hinder his enterteinment of the 
 poor strip'd English: as first by forewarning him not any 
 longer to entertein those enemies and to spend provision 
 upon them. This message the chief of the 0-Rellys sent to 20 
 
 f. 42 v". the bishop ; | and when that prevailed not, he came himself 
 and told him the same, threatning to take another course, 
 unless he would forbear. The bishop's answer was, that he 
 could not in charity hut pitty and relieve those poor dis- 
 tressed Christians; and withall earnestly besought him to use 25 
 his power for the restraining the rage of the multitude 
 against them. But this prevailed so little, as that rather it 
 did exasperate that cruel man the more. And therefore, tho' 
 some other of the Irish gentlemen (as Luke Dillon esq. and 
 Philip M'^Mulmore O'-Relly) labour'd to mitigate and soften 30 
 his mind toward the bishop, yet being chief of them all and 
 lord of that countrey (after the Irish account), he would go 
 on his own way: and after many threatning speeches to the 
 bishop (which he still meekly answered with some pious and 
 religious returns), this tempter departed from him for a 35 
 season. 
 
 127. But in the night time he sent men to the bishop's 
 out-houses, where those poor English lay, who stripp'd them 
 over again of what little covering they had gotten, and
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 6 1 
 
 frighted tliem with their drawn skeans to drive them away 
 from thence. And lamentable it was to hear the shrieks and 
 outcries of those desolate comfortless people, who had no 
 remedy but to fly where they could, in a dark, cold night, 
 5 from the rage of these persecutors. And some of them, 
 rather than by their stay to bring any mischief to the bishop, 
 chose to committ themselves to God's providence, and so 
 wander away allmost naked, God knows whether. Others 
 shifting out of the way for the present, when they could with 
 lo most privacy would return to their old shelter; and besides 
 such there came daily other new guests ; all which, while the 
 bishop had wherewithall, were daily provided for. 
 
 128. But Edmund 0-Relly would no longer bear this 
 expense of provision, which he said must be for the maintein- 
 15 ance of the souldiers. And therefore in short space a 
 course was taken that the bishop's cattell, some by night and 
 some by day, were driven all off his ground. They begun 
 with the oxen and cows; next they seized upon the horses 
 both abroad and in the stable; and lastly they took away the 
 20 sheep out of the court- [ yard. All this in a stealing filchmg f. 43 r". 
 way, most what by night, as if they would seem not alto- 
 gether to own their enterprize. But afterward it was well 
 known that the cattel were conveyed to Edmund 0-Relly's 
 land and there kept. 
 25 129. The bishop, for all this, still relieved many poore 
 
 stripped people in his out-houses. But it was a most griev- 
 ous and daily burthen to his heart (as needs it must to any 
 Christian), that he was forc'd to hear and see the cries and 
 cruel sufferings of those poor and naked people daily under 
 30 his walls and windows: the common rascality of the Irish 
 still daily gathering together about the house, as ravens 
 about a carcass, and growing more and more insolent, espe- 
 cially those few among them who had gotten any kind of 
 arms. 
 35 130. One time amongst the rest, when a company of 
 
 Irish, and among them some few with musquets, were rifling 
 and tearing among those allmost-naked people the cry was 
 so great and dolefull that the good bishop would needs go 
 out himself to their rescue. Those about him judg'd it very
 
 62 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 hazardous, and labour'd to disswade him. But notwithstand- 
 ing all their persuasions he would needs go out, taking three 
 others in his company all unarmed : only the bishop himself 
 had a good long staff in his hand, that was handsomely 
 carv'd and coloured, which an Irish gentleman had sent him 5 
 as a present some years before. As soon as they perceiv'd 
 the bishop, they left harassing the poor English and fled 
 about a stone's cast ; and then two or three musqueteers made 
 a stand and presented their musquetts right against the 
 bisho^ys breast. But the bishop still went on and clapp'd 10 
 his hand upon his breast and bid them shoot there, rather 
 than to offer violence to those miserable people. And God 
 was pleas'd hereupon so to awe them, that they dismounted 
 their musquetts and went away. 
 
 131. From henceforth the bishop was more closely be- 15 
 seiged (or rather taken) in his own house: nothing without- 
 doors being now left, nor any freedom or safety to him or any 
 with him within, but at the courtesy of the Irish, which (in 
 comparison to what others met withall) was very much. For 
 they suffer'd the bishop thus to continue and in some mea- 20 
 sure to enjoy himself, from the first beginning of the rebellion 
 
 f. 43 v". October 23rd, till | near upon Christmas following. And tho' 
 he was prohibited from protecting or relieving any without 
 the doors of his dwelling house, yet those that were within 
 the ark with him were all this while free from violence, 25 
 through God's gracious and allmighty protection : whose holy 
 name be therefore prais'd and magnified for ever. 
 
 132. The reader shall next be acquainted with some 
 passages that occurred while the bishop thus continued in his 
 own house. As first, that even then and there (the house 30 
 joining close to the church) they had the comfort of God's 
 publick and solemn worship on the Lord's-days: the bishop 
 and two or three other ministers perfoi'ming the duties of 
 that day in reading the scriptures, publick praiers and the 
 preaching of the word, without any considerable interruption. 35 
 Then farther they had the comfort of private prayers and 
 conference between the bishop and some ministers and others 
 
 of the better sort of the English that had taken sanctuary in 
 the bishop's house. The present streights were excellent
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 63 
 
 means to stir them up and to dispose them to a more serious 
 and heavenly managing of those duties: neither could they 
 want the comfort of singing psalms and praises unto God 
 even in this their sad captivity. In all which holy exercises 
 5 the good bishop led them on, and by his truly-heroick and 
 chearfull deportment in this his Christian academy, or school 
 of affliction, was no small encouragement to their sad 
 hearts. 
 
 133. But as there were these encouragements, so with- 
 
 10 all there wanted not discouragements, able to break a well- 
 established heart. For the bishop's well-settelled and resolved 
 mind was doubly assail'd all this while. First by the Irish, 
 who, tho' they did forbear him as we have seen, yet labour'd 
 and desired very earnestly to have him go out of the coun- 
 
 1 5 trey. And as they professed much friendship to him, so they 
 often told him of his unsafety and danger in that place and 
 condition wherein he then stood ; and offer'd him "^if he 
 pleased) to see him and his company safely guarded and con- 
 vey 'd to Dublin, or what other place he should choose. 
 
 20 134. This they often and earnestly offer'd. But the 
 
 bishoj) told them he could not twr would of his own choice 
 desert his place and calling that God had set him in: but if by 
 force they woidd put him out, he would then cast himself 
 tipon God's providence. \ And another thing was also in the f. 44 r" 
 
 25 way to hinder his embracing such a motion, namely the sad 
 experience of many, who, having accepted of guards and con- 
 voys from the Irish, were in their passage betraied and strip- 
 ped, and sometimes murthered outright, by those that under- 
 took to guard them. 
 
 30 135. But however others far'd, those English that w^ere 
 with the bishop in his hovise had a confident persuasion, that 
 if he would have accepted a convoy for Dublin, he might 
 have pass'd safe, and so have been a means of bringing them 
 safely off also. And accordingly they all did in a manner 
 
 35 continually lie at him to take a guard of the Irish and 
 begon. And among others his own children helped (not a 
 litle) to break his Christian courage. But all was in vain: 
 he was allwaies ready to answer such as did solicite him with 
 some savory and pious apothegme or other: as that it was a
 
 "64 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 shame f 07' a bishop to be afraid of death; that it was a great 
 weakness to be impatient in times of suffering. To which 
 purpose he brought in a saying related by an ancient writer, 
 as represented in a vision from God unto him: Pati non 
 vultis; exire non vidt'is: quid faciam vobis? In English thus: 5 
 You are unwilling to suffer; you are unwilling to die: what 
 shall I do unto you ? And farther he would alledge, that for 
 his own part he was ancient, and if God so pileased, willing 
 and desirous rather to die there than in another place. And 
 to his children he said, that if they would go, they sliould 10 
 have his leave and furtherance and blessing; but for his 
 own jmrt, he was resolved not to stirr till he luas forcd from 
 his place. 
 
 136. When they saw his resolution thus settled they 
 ceased: and most of them that were thus shelter'd with him 15 
 took their opportunities (the best they could), some at one 
 time and some at another, and departed to Dublin. But the 
 difficulties and dangers, the frights and insolencies they suf- 
 fered, and the strange and miraculous waies of escape which 
 God made out for them, each man in a different manner, 20 
 would make a tragical history; yet not alltogether so, foras- 
 much as they all escaped with their lives, per tot discrimina 
 
 f. 44 V". rerum; and | as St Paul's fellow-passengers, some on boards, 
 and some on broken pieces of the ship, were all at last safely 
 landed at Dublin. 25 
 
 137. Some weeks and allmost months thus passing, and 
 the fury of the rebellion being somewhat cooled, and nothing 
 being now left to be taken as pillage or plunder from the 
 English, nor in a manner any of the English nation left in 
 the countrey, the Irish began to think how they might 30 
 secure what they had thus possessed themselves of The 
 only work they had to do was to take some course with the 
 bishop of Kilmore, who was all this while at their mercy, 
 and to reduce two castles that stood out upon their own 
 defence. These castles were defended by two Scottish 35 
 knights, that were of the Brittish, that had fled for refuge into 
 them (with their neighbours and tenants), who were the 
 owners of them. 
 
 138. As for the bishop, tho' all his cattell were taken
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 65 
 
 from liim, yet his corn (whereof he had a great quantity) and 
 all his substance within doors still remained. Tliis booty the 
 Irish had a long time expected, only having as 3ct spared 
 the bishop, they would not proceed to the rifling of his house 
 5 or seizing of his person without some seeming urgent provo- 
 cation thereunto. And for want of a better they laid hold on 
 this. Those Scottish knights that stood upon their defence, 
 as is above related, had several times made out small parties 
 to bring in provision, which how small soever were a very 
 
 10 great terror to the Irish. And at one time above all the rest 
 a party going out, they happen'd upon some persons of such 
 quality among the Irish, as they thought it might be some 
 advantage to themselves to take them as prisoners. These 
 castles of the Scottish knights had a long time stoutly de- 
 
 15 fended themselves and as dreadfully vex'd the Irish with but 
 a very small company of men. But of all other indignities 
 this of taking prisoners did most trouble them; and the 
 rather because one of the prisoners was a chief man of the 
 O-Rellys. But being a people of a base courage, unable to 
 
 20 help themselves by any warlik exploit, they fell upon the 
 unarmed bishop and took this occasion to seize upon his 
 house and goods. | 
 
 139. There was also another thing that -pui on the f. 45 r" 
 designe; and that was the urgent importunity of the popish 
 
 25 bishop, or anti-bishop of Kilmore. For the reader must know, 
 it was the common condition of all Ireland in those dales to 
 have in every diocese two bishops, and in each parish two 
 priests, the one popish, the other protestant. The popish 
 bishop claimed his house and his church, unjustly detein'd 
 
 30 from him by one in their account an heretick. 
 
 140. Therefore Edmund 0-Kelly, the chief man of that 
 stock or family, and lord of the countrey, comes to the 
 bishop's house, not as formerly in a peaceable manner, but 
 with countenance, company, and language, more composed 
 
 35 to terror and revenge. He searched the house for arms and 
 seiz'd upon those few that were; he threatned and upbraided 
 the bishop for what the Scotts had done in frighting the 
 countrey and taking prisoners ; and told him that both Scotts 
 and English should know that the Irish could take prisoners
 
 66 LILE AND DEATH 
 
 as well as they: and without many words the said Edmund 
 0-Kelly himself laid his hand on the bishop's shoulder, with 
 these words: / arrest you in the king's name; you are my 
 prisoner. The bishop, with a chearfull countenance, answer'd 
 him to this effect: that he did not know wlierein he had 5 
 of ended the king's majestie; neither could he believe he had 
 tJie king's authority for ^uhat he then did: hut however, 
 that Jie should yield to the 'power then in his hand; withall 
 putting him in mind, that there was a God tvJio tvould judge 
 righteously. 10 
 
 141. But 0-Relly, not standing to word it with his pri- 
 soner, called for an account of what w^as in the house, especi- 
 ally the plate, which was presently brought forth. It was 
 not much: the chief was plate belonging to the church; 
 wdiich the bishop at his own cost had caused to be made not 15 
 long before and had dedicated to the church ; a large flagon, 
 
 a chalice, and a patin, with this inscription, Ecclesiae Kil- 
 morensis. This the bishop told 0-Relly was the churche's, 
 and not his; and therefore desired it might not be converted 
 to any other use, but be committed to his brother (as he call'd 20 
 him), meaning the popish bishop, who also had been inquisi- 
 tive not only after the plate but all the rest of the bishop's 
 f. 45 v". goods, which he counted his part of the spoil, and | more pro- 
 perly belonging to himself. The church-jDlate 0-Relly durst 
 not deny him, wherein Bishop Bedell's desire was fulfilled; 25 
 and as for the rest of the goods, there was a contest between 
 the popish bishop and 0-Kelly: but they made a shift to 
 agree in the jiarting as well as the taking. The greatest 
 thing that stuck with our good bishop w^as his library, yet 
 some little satisfaction he had by thinking it should come 30 
 into the hands of scholars ; for 0-Relly told him, such things 
 shoidd be left to the bishop. 
 
 142. Bishop Bedell being thus arrested by Edmund 
 0-Relly, had only one night's lodging more in his own house. 
 For the next morning 0-Relly with very much verbal kind- 35 
 ness and civility acquainted him that 'twas resolv'd he must 
 be secur'd in a castle not far off, in the midst of a great 
 lough, above canon-shot from any shore, called Loughwater- 
 castle : and as for his moneys, he told him they would leave
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 67 
 
 him that to live on: a,s for his chihh'eu, they might remain 
 somwhere in the countrey. Tlie bishop had two sonns and 
 their Avives, partners and spectators with liim in all these 
 troubles ; and it was to them a very hard thing- to be parted 
 5 from the company of their father, whether in life or death: 
 and therefore the bishop matle it his request that they might 
 go along with him to the castle ; and with much ado it was 
 at last granted. 
 
 143. When the time was come that the bishop and his 
 
 10 company were to be sent to the castle; the bishop's own 
 horses being taken away long before, 0-Reily was so civil 
 as to furnish them all with horses, and so with a small guard 
 conveighed them to the water side, and so by boat wafted 
 them over to the castle, standing in the midst of a great 
 
 15 lough or lake. In the passage the bishop behav'd himself 
 with a strange measure of chearfullness, telling his sons, 
 whom he saw somwhat dejected. That he hlessd God for 
 that day, wherein he loas pleased to honour him so far as to 
 call him to suffer somthing for his name: and said farther, 
 
 20 He thanked God that he found himself as chearfull and joi- 
 full, as ever he was upon his marriage-day : but alas! there 
 were none so furnish'd for such a trial as to answer the 
 bishop with the like Christian fortitude, either in heart or 
 voice: yet it was no small comfort to all the company to have 
 
 25 such a champion. 
 
 I 144. Being come into the castle they were accommo- <"• 4^ i"° 
 dated well. The governor, Mr Owen 0-Relly, formerly a 
 tenant to the bishop, and a very civil and honest gentleman, 
 used the bishop with all possible courtesie. The place itself 
 
 30 was very commodious for room and lodging, and there was 
 also good company, Mr Arthur Galium and Mr William Cas- 
 tleton, fellow-prisoners with the bishop. Neither wanted 
 there any provision, for by the care of the governor they 
 were furnish'd with sufficient for their money. They had 
 
 35 free liberty to exercise their religion together in a chamber 
 for themselves, with very strict charge from the governor 
 that none should interrupt them. And it was no small 
 privilege that there they were free from the insolencies of 
 the common people: in this only being in the condition of 
 
 5—2
 
 68 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 prisoners, that some of them for some time were forc'd to 
 wear iron-bolts ; which honour the bishop was very ambitious 
 of, and desir'd that he might excuse all the rest, or else bear 
 them company in this suffering, but it was denied. 
 
 145. In this posture our good bishop and his fellow- 5 
 prisoners kept their Christmas, not with carding, revelling, 
 or wantonness, but in prayer, doctrine, exhortation, godly 
 conference. Besides the private comfort of which holy exer- 
 cises God was pleas'd to send in some comfortable news by 
 a strange way concerning the publick ; which was thus. The 10 
 English in those parts (those few that were left), by reason 
 of the great distance from Dublin, were kept from all intel- 
 ligence but what the Irish pleas'd to communicate, and that 
 was only such as might terrify them and render their condition 
 hopeless of any succour or relief whatever. All their dis- 15 
 courses in the audience of the English were still of the suc- 
 cesses of their army: as of that sad defeat of the five hundred 
 men, the first that took the field for the English cause, and 
 were intended for the strengthning of Droghedagh; of their 
 firm union together by reason of the conjunction of the lords 20 
 of the pale with the rest of the rebells, a,nd especially the 
 siege of Droghedagh, and even of the taking of the city: 
 Y/hich they so confidently affirm'd that they named the very 
 day, and in their reports divided the spoil, as the mother of 
 Sisera: this was the chear the poor English had to keep 25 
 Christmas, 
 f. 46 v". ! H^- But it happen'd that in the castle where the bishop 
 was prisoner, one night a soldier, newly-come from Drog- 
 hedagh, was entertein'd by some of the guards, who kept 
 their court in the lowest rooms. In the night late some of 30 
 the guard question'd the souldier, luhat news there tvas from 
 Droghedagh. One of the English prisoners that understood 
 Irish, being just over their heads, laid his ear to a cliftin the 
 plancher and listned to their discourse. The souldier told 
 them plainly that the siege tuas broken up, and shew'd them 35 
 his own hands and arms, all scratch'd and rent with thorns 
 and briars, while he was in a hasty retreat from an assault 
 they had made upon the city. He told them also that the 
 buUetts pourd doivn as thick from the ivalls as if one should
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 69 
 
 tahe a Jli'e-pan full of coals and 2-)0ur them down upon the 
 hearth; which he acted before them, sitting all together at 
 the fire. And for his own part, he said, he ivould he hang'd 
 before he ivoidd go forth again upon such a piece of service. 
 5 He that listned soon communicated this good news to his 
 fellow-prisoners ; whereby it pleased God to revive their spirits 
 not a little ; but they were fain with all diligence to keep the 
 matter to themselves. 
 
 147. After Christmas, without the bishop's desire or 
 
 10 good-liking, had it been in his choice, his removal from the 
 castle was effected thus. Some special friends of the bishop, 
 Luke Dillon, Esq^, Philip M'^Mullmore 0-Relly, Mr Dennis 
 Sheridon, did intercede for his enlargement with Edmund 
 0-Eelly, that then had the chief command of the countrey; 
 
 15 who tho' willing to have that castle, their chief magazine, 
 clear d of the English prisoners; yet he liked it well so to 
 be sought to for their enlargement. Nor was that all ; but 
 another solemnity must be observ'd also. For he requir'd 
 an exchange of those that the Scottish knights had taken 
 
 20 prisoners, that they might be set at liberty in lieu of the 
 bishop and his company. And accordingly j^ersons were sent 
 to treat with the Scotts, whose respect to the bishop mov'd 
 them to consent to an exchange which the bishop could not 
 deny, knowing it to be the desire of those in whose jDovver he 
 
 25 was then. 
 
 I 148. All being agreed, and the time concluded upon, f. 47 r" 
 the bishop and his children were set at liberty; but such a 
 liberty as was more dangerous than the former imprisonment. 
 As for his own house, that was in possession of Edmund 
 
 30 0-Relly and the popish bishop, and thither they would not 
 suffer him to return. So that now he, that was wont to give 
 entertainment to others, had no place to hide his head but 
 at others courtesy. He had his choice of two places, both not 
 much above a mile distant from his house. One was the 
 
 35 house of Luke Dillon, Esq'., brother to the then Earl of 
 lloscommon, who very importunately invited him to abide 
 with him, till they might have a safe conduct to Dublin. 
 The other was the house of Mr Dennis Sheridon, an Irish 
 man, and of a family, tho' inferior to the O-Relh' s, yet nume-
 
 70 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 rous and potent in the countrey. This man had been edu- 
 cated from his childhood in the protestant-rehgion, in the 
 house of a very reverend and godly divine, Mr Hill, some- 
 time dean of Killmore ; by whom he was so well principled, 
 that he allwaies stood firm to the protestant-religion. The 5 
 bishop of Kilmore took allwaies a special notice and liking 
 of him ; and for his good conversation and skill in the Irish 
 language he promoted him to the ministry and bestow'd 
 on him a church-living; where the inhabitants being all Irish, 
 an Englishman had been unable in any sort to discharge that 10 
 duty, incumbent upon a minister to such a people. 
 
 149. This man, tho' a protestant and a minister, jet 
 being Irish, and of a name and family powerfull in that 
 countrey, w^as exempted from that violence which then pro- 
 testants sadly sufifer'd from the Irish. To his house the 15 
 bishop made choice rather to retire; which indeed w^as a 
 common asylum, or sanctuary, to as many distress'd English 
 as it could contein. Here the bishop had the most loving 
 and best accommodacions that the house could afford. And 
 all the chief of the name, Sheridons, out of their love to their 20 
 kinsman and the bishop now sojourning with him, did 
 often express and promise their utmost endeavours, to the 
 hazard of their lives, to secure them and the house from any 
 violence whatever. 
 i. 47 v°. I 150. While the bishop liv'd here, being not above a 25 
 mile from his own house, he had a desire to hearken after 
 his library, which he had left there; and if it might be to 
 have the use of some books and papers of his own. Wherein 
 by Mr Sheridon his means he had his desire. For he, 
 having some familiar acquaintance with the popish-bishop, 30 
 had liberty to go where the books were, and so jsrocur'd for 
 our bishop his desk, and some other books and papers at 
 several times, as he saw his best opportunity. And among 
 the rest (as Dr Bernard in his character of this bishop hath 
 published), by the care of this Mr Sheridon, the bishop's MS. 35 
 Hebrew Bible was preserv'd and brought away out of the 
 Irish's hands; and is now, according to the bishop's last will 
 and testament, in the Library of Emmanuel College in 
 Cambridofe.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. ;i 
 
 151. As for the rest of his librar}', some of them were 
 taken away by friars and by priests that luid frequent 
 access to their bishop while he there continued. The rest 
 were little regarded by the Irish ; and as soon as any alarum 
 
 5 of the approach of English forces could reach that countrey, 
 the Irish, after their usual manner, fled to the mountains 
 and woods; not troubling themselves with such luggage as 
 books, but leaving them behind for booty to the English 
 souldiers. And so what enemies left, friends took away. 
 
 10 And so miserable a comforter is war, that those that should 
 have reliev'd the forlorn and desperate affairs of the English 
 did but add to their affliction and oppression. The bishop's 
 books went everyway but the right; and some of his ser- 
 mons were preach'd in Dublin, and heard there by some of 
 
 15 Bishop Bedell's near relations that had formerly heard them 
 from his own mouth : and some of the episcopal order were 
 not innocent in this case ; and 'tis more than probable, that 
 some of them are still beholding to Bishop Bedell's pajjers, 
 that never would own his righteous cause when alive and 
 
 20 upon the stage, in the cause and (juarrel of Jesus Christ, as 
 a spectacle to the world, to angels, and to men. 
 
 152. But to return to the bishop. He continued some 
 weeks in the house of Mr Sheridon in some good measure 
 of liealth; and during that time his manner was to pray in 
 
 25 tlie family himself every day, as he formerly us'd to do in 
 
 his own; and upon the | Lord's dales he spent the day with f. 48 r" 
 the company that was there, in prayer and preaching of 
 the word, both forenoon and afternoon, as long as liealth 
 permitted. For the manner of this bishop was never to 
 
 30 make use of a chaplain (tho' he had still one or other in his 
 house) either to pray in his family or to give thanks at his 
 table ; unless in case of some young man that intended the 
 ministry, whose gifts he had a desire to take some trial of. 
 And as for preaching he seldom omitted a Lord's day, while 
 
 35 ho enjoy'd his place and was at home, without doing some 
 part or all the works of that day. In this course he held 
 on till the last, when his diocese was reduced but to one 
 family. 
 
 153. And noAv the time drew near which God had dcs-
 
 ^2 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 tinated to put an end to his labours; the manner whereof 
 was thus. In the house of Mr Sheridon (being very full of 
 English, who shelter'd themselves there,) it pleas'd God that 
 a giieveous sickness fell among them. It was a violent and 
 continued feaver, commonly call'd by the name of the Irish- 5 
 ague. It usually distracted the patient more or less. It 
 was very infectious, usually passing through a family, where 
 once it seiz'd. To ancient people most commonly 'twas mor- 
 tal, and that in little space. Those of younger years that 
 escaped, were sure to be brought very low and to be a long lo 
 time ere they could recover their strength. Most of the 
 English in the house were sorely visited with this ague, and 
 some ended their dales ; having this comfort, that they were 
 not suffer'd to fall into the hands of men, but were taken 
 away by the immediate hand of a mercifull God. 15 
 
 154. Among others, the bishop's wife's-son by a former 
 husband was taken sick of this ague, and being not so well 
 accommodated as he could have desir'd, (if the place and 
 present condition of things could have afforded better,) the 
 bishop was the more sollicitous about him, and would be too 20 
 often at his bed. By this means it pleas'd God that himself 
 also was taken Avith this pestilential and deadly ague, which 
 in a few dales took away his appetite, and by consequence 
 his strength; so as he was scarsely able to go or stand, but 
 was necessitated to go to his bed. But yet before evening 25 
 he would constrain himself to rise and pray with the family; 
 till at last the force of the disease so far prevailed | that, 
 being in prayer, his speech failed him, and he was not able 
 to articulate his words. And before this he complain'd that 
 he could neither command his mind nor yet his tongue, 30 
 either to conceive or express what he intended and desir'd. 
 
 155- When he was become thus weak, among others 
 that came to visit him, one of more principal note, that bore 
 a great affection to him, and yet a zealous papist, may de- 
 serve especially to be mention' d. It was Philip M'^Mullmore 35 
 O-Relly, brother to him that imprison'd the bishop. This 
 gentleman from the very first spake openly against the 
 rebellion and whoever were contrivers of it, and in his ordi- 
 nary discourses would curse them bitterly. He being come
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 73 
 
 to see the bishop, after some few words, (Avhich he hardly 
 could utter for tears,) he besought the bishop, if lie wanted 
 money, or any other necessaries, to make use of any thing 
 that lie luas able to furnish him ivithall. To Avhich the 
 bishop, rising up out of his chair, made return, thanking 
 him for his great civility, desiring God to requite him for 
 tiie same, and to restore peace to the nation: being hardly 
 able to stand, and yet beyond expectation expressing himself 
 Avitliout any faultring in his speech, which he had not done 
 for a great while l)efore. After this he seldom spake, and but 
 brokenly. Being sometimes asked how he did, his answer 
 was still Well; nor did there appear, by any excessive heat or 
 groaning or otherwise, that he felt any great pain. Being 
 himself not able to speak, others often went to j)rayer by his 
 bed's-side; and he, by the elevation of his eyes and affectionate 
 pronouncing the word Amen, when he never else was heard 
 to speak, testified his concurrence in that duty. 
 
 156. Drawing now near his dissolution, when his breath- 
 ing was turn'd into panting, his sons craving his blessing, 
 he exprcss'd himself thus: God bless you, and bring you 
 to eternal life. When they had receiv'd his blessing, and 
 saw him hastening away, they brake forth into tears, and fell 
 a weeping over him, not thinking ever to have heard him 
 speak more. But on a suddain looking up, even when death 
 was allready in his eyes, he spake unto them thus: Be of 
 good chear; he of good chear: luhether lue live or die, we are 
 the Lords. And these were his last words. 
 
 I 157. Thus this good bishop ended his dales : a man f. 49 r". 
 eminent for godliness, integi'ity, humility, learning, laborious- 
 ness in his calling, zeal for the reformation of the church; 
 and, above all, eminent in trials and sufferings. When he 
 was dead, the popish bishop at first would not suffer him to 
 be buried in the church-yard of Kilmore, because he was, as 
 ho accounted, an heretick. But 0-Relly and the chief of 
 the Irish gentlemen overul'd the bishop in that, and liberty 
 was given to bury him where himself had appointed in his 
 last will and testament. 
 
 158. So great an enemy he was to worldly pomp and 
 vanity, that his very grave and burial may be a monument
 
 74 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 hereof to posterity, concerning which he appoints thus : For 
 this corruptible flesh, I ajjjjoint that it be conwiitted to the 
 ground, without any funeral pomp, in the church-yard of 
 Kilmore, at the south corner thereof, in the same grave, or 
 hard by the corps of my dear wife Leah, and my son John; 5 
 about whose coffins and mine, I do appoint, that there be a 
 stone ivall raised fi'om the ground, and one or more large 
 gravestones laid over, ivith this inscription: GULIELMI QUON. 
 DAM KILMORENSIS EPJSCOPI DEPOSITUM. He allwaies bore 
 a reverend respect to the place of God's pubhck worship; and 10 
 upon all occasions was wont to testify his dislike of burying 
 dead bodies within those walls, both as savouring of pride in 
 death, and a vain affectation of worldly pomp; and also as a 
 kind of prophanation of that place destinated to a more 
 spiritual and holy use. For himself, he took a sure course to ^5 
 avoid it; choosing the remotest corner of the church-yard to 
 be the burying place for him and his: where, accordiug to 
 his own appointment, his corps was interr'd. 
 
 159. Onely in one thing his will was not fullfill'd, be- 
 cause the Irish would have their wills; and out of their 20 
 affection to him would needs accompany him to his grave, 
 not without some kind of pomp. The manner was thus. 
 When the day appointed for his burial was come, the Irish, 
 * in a considerable number, resorted to the house; especially 
 those of the Sheridon's, being of the same name with the 25 
 minister in whose house he died; and some of the principal 
 of them would needs be the bearers. When the company 
 had passed something above half way to the church, Edmund 
 0-Relly that had imprison'd him and dispossess'd him of 
 all, (being then resident in the bishop's house, joining close 30 
 f. 49 v'. to the church,) ] came forth to meet the corps, being accom- 
 panied with Mullmore 0-Relly his son, then sheriff of the 
 county, and some other gentlemen, and attended with a party 
 of musquetteers and a drumm. The comming of this com- 
 pany, in this warlike manner, was thought at first to be in- 35 
 tended to hinder and oppose the burial of the bishop's corps. 
 But when they met the beare, it prov'd no such thing. For 
 O-Relly and those with him applied themselves in most 
 courteous and condoling language to the bishop's sons,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 75 
 
 speaking respectfully aud honourably of the dead, and com- 
 fortably to the living; and so, commanding their drum to 
 beat, as the manner is when a souldier is buried, and placing 
 the musquetteers before the corps, they thus conveighed the 
 5 bishop to his grave. And being come thither, the sheriff told 
 the bishopV sons that they mirjlit nse what i:)rayers, or luhat 
 form of hurial, they pleased; none should interrupt them. 
 And Avlicn all was done, he commanded the musquetteers to 
 give a volley of shot, and so the company departed. 
 
 lo 1 60. To close up this narrative of the life and death of 
 
 the bishop of Kilmore, aud as it were to set his seal to it, 
 lot the reader take notice of the sculpture, or engraving of 
 his seal; conteining in it as it were a prophetical synopsis of 
 the whole course of his life. It was his own device, and 
 
 15 engi-aven first by his own hand upon the haft of his knife, 
 before he could foresee what lot God had laid out for him. 
 The hint that he took for his conceit, as by the inscription 
 may be gather'd, was out of the Scripture, Isay. i. 25 : And 
 I luill turn iny hand upon thee, and purely purge away thy 
 
 20 dross, and take away all thy tin. The last sentence of this 
 
 verse in the Hebrew goes thus : T^''"tl3"73 HT'D^JI... In 
 
 ° ) • T • : T T • T : 
 
 conformity to this Scripture with allusion to his own name 
 Bedell, (or as 'twas anciently Bedyl,) the device was this : A 
 crucible or fining-pot standing in flame, with this super- 
 
 25 scription J ''T'^S'/b ""^D ^Dn... Purge from me all my tin: 
 turning what the Prophet sets down, as a promise to Sion, 
 into a petition to the Lord for himself, to take away all his 
 tin from him. After he was made a bishop, he caused this 
 in a lai'ger figure to be set upon his episcopal seal ; possibly 
 
 30 not thinking then, much less imagining in his younger 3'ears, | f. 50 1" 
 that God would have answered his petition so punctually, 
 according to the literal sense, as by experience he after felt. 
 But 'tis the Lord's usual manner in answering the prayers of 
 his people, to do it in waies least imagined by them, but 
 
 35 most tending to the advancement of His own glory and their 
 spiritual advantage, as may be plainly observ'd in His deal- 
 ings with this His faithfull servant. Blessed for ever be 
 his holv name. Amen.
 
 SPECULUM EPISCOPORUM; 
 
 OB 
 
 THE APOSTOLICK BISHOP 
 
 BEING 
 
 A BKIEF ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 OF 
 
 THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, 
 
 DR WILLIAM BEDELL, 
 
 LOKD BISHOP OF KILMOEE IN IRELAND.
 
 i
 
 SPECULUM EPISCOPORUM. 
 
 1. I INTEND (by the grace of God) to recollect my MS. Tan- 
 thoughts concernino^ that reverend father in God, Dr William "^''' ~^^• 
 
 . . . . , . t- 54 1 • 
 
 Bedell, bishoj) of Kilmore in Ireland; not so much to revive 
 
 my own memorial of him, (having his incomparable worth, 
 5 both living and dead, in my heart still,) as to satisfy the im- 
 portunity of some worthy persons that have desir'd of me a 
 larger account than is yet given of him to the world by those 
 that have mention'd somewhat of him long ago, but so far 
 short of him as if they had said nothing at all of him. And 
 lo allthough my acquaintance with him was late, in the rear of 
 his life, yet my interest in him was very great from the year 
 1636 to the captivity of the land in 41. To the end there- 
 fore that so precious a jew^el may not lie hid and smoother'd 
 in the rubbish of oblivion, I shall endeavour to declare and 
 15 make known what I have heard of him by those I have 
 a good, reason to believe ; what I heard from himself, and 
 what I observ'd myself in my abode with him all that space. 
 
 2. The great periods of his life were his education, his 
 
 3. lord bishop. 6. that have a great veneration for his name and a 
 perfect value for everything that man of God was author of (whom I 
 mention with honour and thankfuhies) ; and have often desyred. 1 1, 
 12. life and my interest in him very great from '36. 12, 13. to the end 
 therefore. Om. 14. oblivion, whose sacred name is embalmed with 
 precious ojaitment of the best composition, I shall. 16. myself ob-
 
 So LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ministry in England, his attendance upon sir Henry Wotton 
 in his embassy to Venice, his provostship over the college of 
 Dublin, and his episcopacy at Kilmore in Ireland. 
 
 3. His birth and nativity was in the county of Essex, at 
 a place called Black-Notley, of a good and honest family, 5 
 where his son, Mr William Bedell, enjoyeth an inheritance 
 (at this day) transmitted unto him by many progenitors. 
 His education was in Emmanuel College in Cambridge un- 
 der Dr Chaderton, where he profited above many his equalls; 
 in philosophy, divinity, and practice of piety, he was esteemed 10 
 nulli secundus. He was made the moderator and decider of 
 all controversies, whether about fundamental or things [cir- 
 cumstantial and] ceremonial, as if he had been (as it was said 
 of Whitaker before him) magnum acadeviiae oraculum, mundi 
 miractdum, while he was fellow there primo inflore iiiventae. \ 15 
 f, 54 y". 4. Thence he was called to be preacher at St Maries' in 
 
 St Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk, where he continued many years 
 with great applause. It was said of him there that he did 
 usually make the most obscure scriptures plain; and of an- 
 other preacher in that place, that he made the ])lainest Scrip- 20 
 tures obscure and hard to be understood: there he married 
 Leah (whose maiden name was L'Estrange), the widow of 
 Mr Maw, sometimes recorder of St Edmunds-Bury, by whom 
 he had three sons, William, John, and Ambrose, and oaie 
 daughter called Grace: John and Grace died young; William 25 
 and Ambrose are yet alive. 
 
 served. 1,2. Ms attendance ...Venice, his embassy as chaplen with 
 Sir Henry Wotton in Venice. 3. Ms om. 4, 5. in the county... 
 Black-Notley. at a place... Black-Notley in the county of Essex, anno 
 1570. 6. whei-e (his elder brother dying without issue) his son. 6, 
 7. enjoyeth ...clay, did enjoy a considerable inheritance. 8. acade- 
 niick education. 9. Chaderton the first head of that house and one of 
 the first schoUers. 9. many. all. 14, 15. magnum. ..miraculum (as 
 it was said there of learned Whitaker before him). 15. fellow, student. 
 16. There. 16. at. in. 18. approbation and applause and blessed 
 fruits of his ministery. 19. i)laces of Scripture, 22. Leah, a person 
 comely, virtuous and godly. 22, 23. Widow and relict of Robert 
 Maw esquire. 25. Grace who with her brother John dyed young. 
 26. Ambrose were married and had children before their father's death. 
 She bare four children to her former husband, Nicholas, Leah, Robert, 
 and Edward who with his sister Leah came into Ireland.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 8 1 
 
 5. I have heard that all persons and societies in whom 
 he was eoncern'd did glory in him ; as namely the suffragan 
 of Colchester, when he was threatned to have his seal taken 
 from him (lie ordeined so many), he bragged thus : I have 
 
 5 ordeined abler men than ever the bishop did; for I ordeined 
 Mr Bedell. And when, at a general convention of the clergy, 
 some things Avere propounded by the bishop that many wor- 
 thy men did dislike, but none durst speak against; at length 
 he stood up, and spake with such wisedom and moderation 
 
 10 that they fell to the ground; for which confident attempt, 
 when his brethren did extoll him to his face, he said no 
 more, but what our Saviour said before him, I desire not the 
 praise of men. This I receiv'd from one Mr Sowtheby, a 
 holy man, that was his colleague in St Edmunds-Bury, and 
 
 15 came afterward into Ireland to the B. of Kilmore; and was 
 preferr' d by him to a living in the county of Letrim. 
 
 6. He had svich a character of learning and prudence 
 given him by the university of Cambridge, and by all that 
 knew his inestimable worth, accompanied with humility and A""<5 
 
 20 gravity, that he was chosen by K. James to go with the am- 
 bassador, sir Henry Wotton, into Yenice, as chaplain in the 
 time of the Venetian interdict, when that republick was ex- 
 communicated by the pope, Paulus 5tus. About the same 
 time one Mr Wadsworth, a minister of the same college and 
 
 25 diocese with D, Bedell, was sent into Spain to teach the 
 
 3. who, -when. 3. scatc. 5. have ordayncd. 8, 9. spcakc, least they 
 shoukl have bcene put out of the synagogue, at length he stands 
 up in the midst of his brethren and spake. 10. that many thinges 
 that were rigorously imposed and required did fall. 10. con- 
 
 30 fident and discreet. 13. Samuel Sowtheby, a holy man of God. 
 14 — 16. Edniondsbury, and being driven out from his parsonage at 
 Combes by bishop Wren, came to Ireland to the bishop of Kilmore ; 
 who, after he had hartily intertained him many months preferred 
 him to... Letrim without ceremony or simony; and God was pleased 
 
 35 to call that good man into England a little before the rebellion of 
 Ireland, so that he saw not the evill that came upon us. 17. large 
 character. 21. unto. 22. interdict anno 1604. 23. Paulus quintus 
 for attacking and imprisoning two adulterous friars. And alwut. 
 24, 25. Wadsworth bred in the same collcdgo, chosen scholler at tlie 
 
 40 same election, lodged in the same chamber, after a minister in the same 
 
 G
 
 82 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Infanta the English tongue, in order to her marriage with 
 P. Charles. But he was cheated out of his religion by the 
 Jesuites, and turn'd apostate; and there lived and died, and 
 return'd no more to his native countrey. 
 f. 55 \\ y. When Mr Bedell came to Venice, in the first place 5 
 
 he learn'd (by the help of P. Paulo) the Italian tongue, and 
 was suddenly as much master of it as if he had been an 
 Italian born (as P. P. said to the lord ambassador), in so 
 much that most of his sermons at Venice are written in the 
 Italian tongue, or in Latin, wherein none did excell him 10 
 since Erasmus brought in the purity of it. To requite P. 
 P.'s assistance of him in acquiring the Italian tongue, at 
 his request he wrote an English grammar for him and many 
 others that desired to learn it for religion's sake. 
 
 8. He also translated the Common-Prayer-Book into 15 
 Italian, which P. P. and the seaven divines (that preach'd 
 against the poj^e by authority) liked so well, that they were 
 resolv'd to have made it a pattern of their publick worship, if 
 they had made a full retreat from the church of Pome : he 
 helped and instructed the seven Venetian divines in the un- 20 
 derstanding of the Scriptures; whereof Fulgentio Avas chief, 
 whose sermons against the pope I have seen, and they are 
 yet extant printed in Italian; though, upon the pacification, 
 they, and all such writings, were called in and anathe- 
 matiz'd, 25 
 
 diocesse with D. Bedell and (that they might be alike in this also) 
 both chaplains in forraine parts, was sent. 2. But he was so much 
 mutatus ah illo, that he was cheated. 4. country ; whereas Dr 
 Bedel was like to have been the great instrument in the hand of God 
 for the bringing of the Venetian state out of Romish-Poijish-Babilon, 30 
 by opening their eyes and turning them from darknes to light and 
 from the poure of Sathan to God, as the ambassador sir Henry Wotton 
 did still acknowledge, when he had any occasion administred mito 
 him to speake of that his embassy : one passage of his letter to 
 the late king is tliis : Fur may it jjJ erne... blessed memory [sihmQ 35 
 p. 5. 1. 6 — 13; reading in 1. 11 for x>ractked conversed with]. The 
 letter itselfe I will set down in its place. How well he deserved 
 this commendation did dayly appeare more and more in that trans- 
 action with the pope, some particulars whereof I learned by many. 
 5. When... Venice om. 9. in Venice were. 15. and he also. 40 
 19. Rome, as they were very like to do. 21. Fulgentius. 22. they om. 
 
 I
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 83 
 
 9. He had such respect from thcat state, that when 
 P. P, was stabb'd with a stilletto (a loving token sent from 
 his holy father the pope by an obedient son of his church) 
 Avhile he was writing the History of the Council of Trent, 
 
 5 Dr B. had allwaies free ingress and regress to him and from 
 him, without any susj^icion or molestation. 
 
 10. I heard liira say that there was not a word in all the 
 Greek T. but P. P. had mark'd with his red lead thus [0], to 
 shew that he had studied every word : I heard him also say, 
 
 10 that when he had shewed the true reading and sense of that 
 
 often-mistaken phrase by the anabaptists. Acts xix. 5, amv' 
 
 . cavre^ Se (which they hearing), that they were a part of the 
 
 continued speech of St Paul, and not at all the words of 
 
 St Luke the historian, P. P. leap'd for joy for the discovery 
 
 1 3 of that truth, which he never knew before. 
 
 11. At that time came Spalatensis to Venice, having 
 fled for his life from Babylon; and having receiv'd D. B. (as 
 P. P. did) into liis very soul, he communicated unto him his 
 writings De Repuhlica Ecdesiastica, in ten books, which he 
 
 20 publish'd in London. He corrected many things in his in- 
 terpreting and applying of Scriptures, in his quotation of 
 fathers and histories, at the motion of D. B. 
 
 12. At that time there came a Jesuite to Venice, called f. 55 v°. 
 
 Thomas Maria Caraffa, and printed some theses of philosophy ^g" g 
 
 25 and divinity, and dedicated them with a blasphemous title 
 5 50 5 51 100 500 
 thus: PAYLO. V. VICE. DEO, Christianae Reipuhlicae 
 
 monarchae invictissimo, et pontificiae omnipotentiae conserva- 
 
 tori acerrimo, dx. Which, when D. B. had seen with amaze- 
 
 I. from the Venetian state. 4. when he was. Trent, and tlie 
 
 30 niessinger disappointed m finishing his interprize, the state set a 
 guard to seciu-o him from after-blowes of that kind, from those 
 assassinates that are skilfull to destroy. 5, 6. ingresse to him and 
 regresse from him. 6. molestation. The stiletto is yet to be seen 
 over his effigies in Venice. 8. [0] om. 13. St om. 14. historian 
 35 {verba ilia non sunt Lucae de Paulo, ssd Paidi de lohanne et disci- 
 2ndiseias) that P. Panlo. 16. Spalatensis the archbishop of Spalado 
 to Venice, Marcus Antonius de Dominis. 19, 20. which afterwards... 
 London and dedicated to king James. 20. in his An-ittings in his inter- 
 preting. 22, 23. Dr Bedell, without ichom, he sayd, ]ie could do 
 40 notlting. About that time also there came. 26. [The small numerals 
 
 G— 2
 
 84 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ment, lie retir'd into liis study, and by just calculation lie 
 found out the number of the beast (mention'd Apoc, xiii. i8) 
 666, to be contein'd exactly in the numerical letters of that 
 proud swelling title, and shew'd it to the lord ambassador, 
 to P. P., and the seven divines, who immediately laid hold 5 
 upon it, as if it had been by divine revelation from heaven, 
 and acquainted the prince and the senate with it. It was 
 carried suddenly through the city that this was Antichrist, 
 and that they needed not look for another: it was publish'd 
 and preach'd through all their territories, and the Pomanists 10 
 were ashamed and confounded at it. But to salve up the 
 matter, news was soon after clivulg'd that Antichrist was 
 born in Babylon, of the tribe of Dan, and was comming with 
 a huge army to wast and destroy all opposers, &c. This is 
 since mention'd by commentators upon that arithmetical 15 
 mystery; but this was the original of it, as the lord ambas- 
 sador told K. James and others. The same is set down at 
 large by Mr B., in his book against the apostate "VVadseworth, 
 p. 79, but his modesty conceals the first finder and discoverer 
 of it. 20 
 
 13. I did never hear him say that he was displeased 
 with the lord ambassador but in this one thing; When the 
 diflference between the Venetians and the pope was grown 
 to the height, and there seemed not to be above one step 
 
 over the capitals oniittcd here in II]. i. scq. calculation found out that 25 
 it contayned exactly in the iiumerall letters of that proud-swelling 
 title the number of the beast 666 mentioned Apoc. xiii. 18; so that he 
 
 5 50 5 5 1 100 500 
 that runs may read it in PAVLO V VICEDEO. He shewed. 5. and 
 
 to. II, confounded at it, with horror and consternation, that 
 
 they had nothing to say against the calculation, and knew not what to 30 
 doe, till they send forthwith (least this discovery should spread further) 
 to their ghostly father concerning it, who never wants a fitt salve for 
 such a sore ; but causeth a proclamation to be made, and to be sent 
 unto all his vassalls and tenants, the po])ish princes of Christendom, 
 to let them know that Antichrist. 14. all opposers, and therefore 35 
 they should arm themselves speedily, and make ready all their forces 
 by sea and land to encounter him, &c. And thus was that acute and 
 ingenious discovery husht. This is since. 17. King. 17, 18. set down 
 more fully in his book. 18, 19. Wads worth, but his. 21. I never 
 heard. 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. ■ 85 
 
 between them and their utter rejection of popery for ever; 
 when the prince, in his speech in the senate, had spoken 
 much in the praise and commendation of K. James, and that 
 things were not so bad as men bare the ivorld in hand, in- 
 5 tending to set discord between Christian princes, and some- 
 thing also in commendation of the English ambassador there 
 present; and when the pope's nuntio had said, that the K. 
 luas not a cathoUck, and not to be relied upon, &c. ; the 
 prince immediately replied, that the King of England did 
 
 10 believe in Jesus Christ; but luhat others did believe he knew 
 not, &c. P. P. and the seven divines, with many others, sent 
 for D. B., and entreated him to desire the lord ambassador to 
 deliver the king's book immediately to the prince. And ac- 
 cordingly he did urge him and persuade him to do it by all f. 56 r" 
 
 15 possible motives from reason and religion, (keeping himself 
 within the bounds of moderation and modesty towards him 
 whose servant he was, and referring himself still to his wise- 
 dom and better judgement). But when he had said all that 
 he could, the lord ambassador's answer was no more but this: 
 
 -o That he was resolved not to deliver K. James's book but on 
 St James his day that luas approaching. And ere that day 
 came the state was reconciled to the pope: and then when 
 on that fatal day the book was deliver'd, the answer was 
 this: That they thanked the king for his good luill, but were 
 
 25 noiu reconciled to the pope; and therefore ivere not to admitt 
 of any change in their religion according to their articles with 
 his holiness: which sad answer had allmost broke the heart 
 of D. B., P. P., and of all the seven divines, and of many 
 others. 
 
 30 I. betwecne their utter rejection of him and his popeiy for ever, and 
 none ever forsooke him, that were more likely to doe it ujion the most 
 rationall and Christian-like termes ; when the prince. 2. senate-house. 
 3. King James, &c. that. 9. that Rex de Angleterra, &c. did beheve. 
 II. P. Paulo. 12. Dr Bedell. 13, 14. prince; which he did urge him and 
 
 2,S perswade him to doe by all. 16. modesty and moderation. 17. servant, 
 most observant of his lord and master, he was. 18. But om. 20. the 
 king's book. 25. resolved not. 26. articles of agreement. 27. holiness, 
 &c. 28. Dr Bedell, Padre Paulo. 29. others, that were to entertaine 
 the gospel of reformation, as ready as the Israelites to march away from 
 
 40 Pharaoh, Thus he it was, so eminently instrumentall in God's hand, and
 
 86 , LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 14. I never heard tliat he displeased the lord ambassa- 
 dor in any thing save this one. The ambassador had an ape 
 that upon a time slipt his chain and got out and bit a child 
 very sore. The Venetian mother brought the cliild into the 
 ambassador's lodging with great fury and rage, which alarm'd 5 
 his whole family. D. B., his chaplain, said: His lordship ivas 
 hound in conscience to make satisfaction; and that it tuas a 
 slander to our religion to keep such harmfall beasts, and not 
 repair the damniage; who answer'd angrily, That he ivisKd 
 
 he were as sure of the kingdom of heaven, and that he had as 10 
 good conscience as another, dx. 
 
 15. He spent much time not only with P. P., Spalaten- 
 sis, and others (unto whom he expounded the way of God 
 more perfectly than ever they knew before), but also with 
 Rabbi Leo, the master of the Jev>'ish synagogue at Venice, 15 
 who taught him the Oriental pronuntiation of the Hebrew 
 tongue. K Leo said that he had received more light in the 
 letter and sense of the Hebrew text from D. B. than from all 
 their rabbins: and when in a solemne dispute with him 
 about the Messias, D. B. had clearly proved that Christ was 20 
 materies Scripturaruyn, velatus in Vetein, revelatus in N. T.; 
 and that to Him give all the prophets witness; as he shew'd 
 by induction, beginning at Moses, and reading all those scrip- 
 ture testimonies out of the Hebrew text clearly; he and the 
 other rabbins had no more to say, but Aliter credwit, et 25 
 ubique terrarum docent rabbini nostri ex traditione p>atrum. 
 
 f. 56v°. 16. I heard him often mention this E,. Leo in reading 
 
 the original, saying, My master R. Leo said thus. This 
 R. Leo helped him to the fairest manuscript that ever I did 
 see of the 0. T. It was written in a large folio of excellent 30 
 parchment, in such large and clear characters with all the 
 
 laboured more abundantly (according to liis station and subordination) 
 than any in that mysterious transaction, was made sad, and found tliat 
 saying of that wysest of all meer men to be true : that great men are not 
 alwayes wyse. 2. one thing. 5. rage, insomuch that she. 6. Dr Bedell. 35 
 9. repay. 12. P. Paulo, Diodati. 17. of -vvhom R. Leo sayd. 18 
 and 20. Dr Bedell. 23. the scripture. 24. cleerly, and answering 
 all objections. 28. original and say Mij. 29. Rabbi. 30. see of 
 the record of. 31. large, clear and excellent.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 8/ 
 
 points, antl some Rabbinical notes uj^on the large margin, 
 and of so gi^eat antiquity, that no print could be compared 
 unto it. This large volume cost so many livers an ounce, 
 and is now in Immanuel college in Cambridge; well worth 
 
 5 the seeing as any monument in that library. 
 
 17. When D. B. returu'd into England with the ambas- 
 sador, P. P. was as loath to part with him as vdtli his own 
 souL He gave D. B. his picture, an Hebrew Bible without 
 pricks, and a small pocket Hebrew Psalter, wherein he wrote 
 
 10 some expressions of love subscribed with his hand. He gave 
 him the Italian copy of the Council of Trent, the Histoiy of 
 the Interdict, and of the Inquisition, with many other tokens 
 of love. Spalatensis came over with him, and one Dr Des- 
 potine, one of his Italian converts, whom he brought with 
 
 15 him to St Edmunds-Bury. He was a famous physitian, and 
 became very rich in that place; between Avhom and D. B. 
 there was a continual entercourse of Italian letters to their 
 last; and so between him and D. Hall, D. Ward, and D. 
 Downham. 
 
 20 18. At his return to his flock in St Edmunds-Bury, 
 after so long absence beyond sea, he was receiv'd with won- 
 
 I. notes on the. 4. in the library of. 5. the seeing. "When after all 
 this stirr the Venetians were retnrned to their vomit again (thongli they 
 made a deci'ee that the Jesuits, whom they had driven out, should never 
 
 -5 be readmitted, unless three parts of four of the senate should be con- 
 senting to it) yet they never desyred the Pope's absolution from their 
 excommunication to this day, only the cardinall nuntio, upon the day 
 of reconciliation, gott into the senate-house before the prince came, and 
 made an aerial cross with his finger over or upon the prince's cushion, 
 
 30 and that was sufficient to save his master's ci-edit, and to serve instead 
 of a sollemne ceremoniall absolution, as their j)opish maner is. The 
 state observed none, but did forbid all maner of showes of joy and 
 gi-atulation upon the pacification. They are worthy of all slavery, that 
 will return to that estate, when they choose. 6. Dr Bedell. 7. P. 
 
 35 Paolo. 8. soide, and would have come into England, with many others 
 that were loath to returne to their Egiptian darknes and bondage ; but 
 the state would not part with him upon any termes, he being esteemed 
 the right eye and lively oracle of that state till his death. He gave Dr 
 Bedell. 10. heart and hand. 12. other love-tokens and pieces of an- 
 
 40 tiquity. 15. Edmunsbury, and was. 16. whom and him there. iS — 20. 
 last, whereof I have seen many. At his. 21. sea, being about eight
 
 88 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 derfull expressions of joy by all sorts of people. There he 
 finished his translation of the Venetian Interdict out of 
 Italian into excellent Latin, together with the History of the 
 Inquisition, and dedicated them both to the K., which he was 
 much satisfied with; the 1. ambas., sir H. W., seconding the 5 
 dedication with his highest commendation of the translator. 
 He translated the two last books of the Council of Trent, 
 (the two first being done by sir Adam Newton). Of which I 
 heard him say, that when Spalatensis had it presented unto 
 him, and had compared the first five or six lines of the 10 
 Italian with the Latin, he said these words, Kon est idem; 
 the first words of the Italian being, / luill write the Council 
 of Trent, &c. He said, that tJie translator had folloiued too 
 much the Latin phrase, and had often left the true sense of 
 the Italian behind him; hut so did not D. B., ivho excelled 15 
 ill both languages. 
 f. 57 r''. 19. I heard him say, that Spalatensis was cozned out of 
 
 England, and out of religion, and at last out of his life, hy 
 Gundamor, the greatest MatcJievilian of his time. My L'\ of 
 
 ycares m Italy, i. people, as an angel of God. 3. the Italian. 4. to 20 
 king James. 5. v.itli ; Sir Henry Wotton, tlie ambassador. 7. trans- 
 lated also. Trent into Latin. 14. true idiom of the Italian. 15. Dr 
 Bedell, excelled even to a miracle. 19. tymc, that perswaded him to 
 returne to Rome, the pope being his old acquaintance and schoolefellow, 
 and that a cardinall's cap was ready for him. This proud, ambitious 25 
 man, though he had an honorable reception heere and maintenar>ce 
 for a prince at the Savoy and rich presents given him by the nobility 
 and clergy, yet stole away, after he had given so great testimony to the 
 truth by his preaching and large writtings against popery, that he might 
 goe and returne to his ownc place, having beene about eighteene monthcs 30 
 in England ; though it is reported and bcleeved by many to this day, 
 that he sayd to Dr II[all] at his departure ; testor Deum immortalem, 
 me iiivitiim ex Anglla discedere. The pope having civilly received him 
 at his first approach, he met with Bellarmine, that had written against 
 him; to whom he said: Sir,yoic have not answered my arguments; 35 
 who immediately went in and told the pope, that Spalatensis was of the 
 same mynde still, that he teas of in England. He being called said 
 for his defence, that he had said indeede, that cai'dinal Bellarmine 
 had not answered his arguments, yet they were not unanswerable ; 
 hut if his holiness would allow him tyme, he would ansicer them him- 40 
 selfe. But this excuse and shift did not serve turne ; he is cast into the 
 impiisition, and insteed of bringing him to tryall for heresy, he is poy-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 89 
 
 K. did much bemoan him ; many Italian letters passing still 
 between them in matters of religion. About this time Mr 
 Wadsworth, the apostate (whom I mention'd before), having 
 got his belly full of Spanish popery, begins to write to D. B. 
 5 and D. Hall in matters of religion, and to justify his ex- 
 change, D. B. answers and refutes all that he could say so 
 solidly and convincingly, in so pacifick and Christian a style, 
 that I have reason to believe it prevail'd with him to his re- 
 covery. For after many years his son (the author of the 
 
 10 tract called the English-Spanish-Pilgrim) came from Spain 
 into Ireland to my lord of Kilmore his house, and told him 
 that his father thank'd him for his book, and that he de- 
 lighted much in it, and that it was ever before him ; and that 
 he heard him say these words, / will save one. I know not 
 
 15 any thing that ever was written against popery that will 
 yield more satisfaction to a rational reader; I wish it were 
 reprinted in these times, there being above 50 years run out 
 since the first printing of it, and very few of them to be 
 found. 
 
 20 20. After this he was presented to a parsonage called Anim 
 Horningshearth in Suffolk, near St Ed. Bury, by sir Tho. ^' 
 
 sond and his body cast out at a window and all his goods confiscat to 
 the pope ; for he had brought gi-eat store of wealth with him out of 
 England anno 1623. My lord of Kilmore did much bemoane. 3. 
 
 -5 apostate chaplen. 4. began to write to Dr Bedell and Dr Ilall. 
 5. exchange and revolt. 6. Dr Bedell. 8. his finall recovery (and 
 dedicates it to prince Charles, anno 1624). 9. ilie author... Pilgrim 
 om. II. Kilmore's house. 14. one. This young man wrote the 
 tract called Lhe EngUsh-S2mnish Pilgrim, which is to be scene in many 
 
 30 places, in which is an account of the education of the present bishop of 
 II — . 16. more true, reader, then those letters that Dr Bedell sent 
 mto Spaync ; the effect of which was well knowne in Ireland to the 
 conversion of many Irish and English papists. 16. wish they were. 
 18. printing of them. 19. found. Dr Bedel having continued preacher 
 
 35 at St Edmondsbury till the year 161 5, ho was presented. 21. Thomas 
 Jermin of Ryshbrooke in that county, a great courtyer and privj coun- 
 cillour, and vicechambei'lane to king Charles the first, whose father, 
 Robert Jermin miles, was a person of singular piety, a bountiful! bene- 
 factor to Immanucl college, and a man of great command in his coun- 
 
 40 trey, as Dr Fuller writes of him in his history of The Worthies of 
 England; his sou Sir Thomas was a lover of the best of men, and did
 
 90 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Jermin, a gi'eat courtier; who did glory much in this, that he 
 had preferr'd the most famous and eminent divine in all 
 their coasts to his benefice. I cannot pass by that passage, 
 that when the bishop offer'd him his instruments of institu- 
 tion and induction and demanded large fees, he refus'd to s 
 receive his titles upon that account; but only to pay the 
 secretary for the writing, the wax and parchment, what was 
 fit. The bishop asked why he did refuse to jjay luhat ivas 
 demanded, tuhich others did pay ? He said it teas simony, 
 and contrary to Christ's and the Apostles rule, Gratis acce- lo 
 pistis, gratis date. And being again asked tvhat tuas simony? 
 he answered, it ivas Vendere spiritualia temporalihus; and 
 so he went away without his titles to his benefice; but within 
 a few dales the bishop sent him his titles gratis. This I had 
 partly from himself, and partly from Mr Sowtheby. 15 
 
 glory. 2. prcfon'cd to his benefice. 3 to his hencjice cm. 3. 
 remarkable passage. 13. new benefice. 14. gratis. It may be he 
 had acquainted his patron with it ; who said, he would let the king 
 laioiG it, that knew Dr Bedell so icell. 15. Sowtheby, that worthy 
 person of whom mention is made p. 81. A man would have thought, 20 
 that he being imployed in forraign negotiations, in matters of state of 
 greatest concernment, and being so great an ornament to the protestant 
 religion by his wouderfuU leai-ning and examplary living, and so 
 eminently instrumentall in the almost-conversion of the Venetian state, 
 that had dedicated so many bookcs to the king, after so many yearcs 25 
 peregrination might have cast anker in the port of preferment at his 
 very first arrivall (there being none since the apostles' days more richly 
 endowed with all gifts and graces in the judgement of all that knew 
 him), if true learning and worth had beene in any deserved esteeme ; 
 but he, like a faythfuU shepherd that longed to know the state of his 30 
 flock (though many epistles had passed between them) retyres to his 
 private charge ; and, like the triumphant husbandman in the Roman 
 history, that after his victory over the Samnites layd downe his dictator- 
 ship and returned to his husbandry, so lie to the plough of the gosjiel in 
 the field where he had left it, until the yeir 161 5 that he entered upon 35 
 his small benefice of Ilorningshearth, where he continued till the yeir 
 1627. But I remember to have beene told one particular circumstance 
 of Dr Bedell by a jierson of honour, who was well acquainted with 
 Diodati, which was this ; that about anno 1627 Deodati was at London, 
 and having enquired with much diligence for Dr Bedell in all the 40 
 bishops' company that he lighted on, wondred extreamly he could meet 
 with none among the clergy that knew him or ever heard of his name ; 
 so that he despaired of ever coming to the knowledge of him heere.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 9 1 
 
 21. His former patron in Yeuice, sir H. W., followed 
 him with wonderfuU respects as long as he lived in prosj:mdty; 
 and in his adversity D. B. was much afflicted f >r him, a!|d 
 not unmindful! of him when his potent friends foi-got him, to^ 
 
 5 let such an able statesman die in prison, having superex- f. 57v° 
 pended himself for the publick, as many publique ministers of 
 state often do to their mine. His later patron, S. T. J., did 
 so highly own him and reverence him, as if he had been his 
 father, and heard him gladly and did many things for the 
 
 lo good of himself and family at his word; for in all matters of 
 state he stuck to him, and in trouble he vindicated him, and 
 kept correspondence with him all his dales in Ireland; and 
 when he least desired or expected it, he sent him a patent 
 from the king for two bishopricks, as hereafter you shall 
 
 '5 read. 
 
 22. One would have thought that a person so eminent 
 for many years in Italy, whose learning, piety and behaviour, 
 had contributed much to the reputation of the protestant 
 religion, the honour of the king, and credit of the ambas- 
 
 2o sador, that had dedicated so many learned pieces to the K. 
 after many years absence and peregrination in a negotiation 
 of state concernment, he that did shine in Italy as a candle 
 set on a candlestick, should not have been clap't under a 
 bushell in England, and permitted to return onely to his pri- 
 
 25 vate ministcry in St Edmunds-Bury. But his unparallell'd 
 humility and self-denying temper of spirit minded not high 
 things, for which none in his majesties dominions was es- 
 
 Ancl this encreased his wonder, that he should have the good luck 
 to be so well knowne and esteemed abroad, and admitted into 
 
 30 the bosom acquaintance of the Phoenix of his age, I meane Padre 
 Paulo, and yet have the misfortune to be so little noticed and with- 
 out honour in his owne countrcy. At last, when he least thought 
 of him, he met mtli him by chance in Chcapside, and embraced 
 him with all the joyfull affection imaginable, untill they both shed 
 
 35 many teares ; after which interview Deodati caiTyed him to the 
 bishop of Durham, Dr Morton, and gave that learned bishoij such 
 a character of Dr Bedell, that he presently tooke particular care to 
 have him provided for. 3. Dr Bedell. 5. die as it were. 7. latter 
 patron Sir Thomas Jcnnin. 11. in all trouble. 16. [Chapters 22 and 
 
 40 23 arc inserted more at le*^th in II bi'forc ch. 21: sec pp. 90 — 1 ».].
 
 92 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 teemed better qualified (as the lord ambassador expresses in 
 his lettre to the king). But as the triumphalis agricola, in 
 the Roman history, laid down his dictatorship when he had 
 done his business for v/hich he was chosen, so he returns to 
 the plough of the Gospel in the field where he left it. 5 
 
 2T). But I remember to have been told one particular 
 and remarkable circumstance of him by a person of honour, 
 who was well acquainted with Diodati, which was this. 
 About the year 1627 Diodati was at London; and having 
 enquir'd with much diligence for Dr Bedell in all the 10 
 bishops' company that he lighted on, he wondred extreamly 
 he could meet with none among the clergy that knew, or 
 ever heard of his name; so that he despair'd of ever com- 
 ming to the knowledge of him here. And this encreased his 
 wonder, that he should have the good luck to be so well 15 
 known and esteem'd abroad, admitted unto the bosom ac- 
 quaintance of that Phenix of his age, I mean Padre Paulo; 
 and yet have the misfortune to be so little noticed at home, 
 in his own countrey. At last, when he least thought of him, 
 he met with him by chance in Cheapside, and embraced him 20 
 with all the joy full affection imaginable, until they both 
 shed many tears: after which interview Diodati carried him 
 to the bishop of Duresm, Dr Morton, and gave that learned 
 bishop such a character of Dr Bedell, that he presently took 
 particular care to have him provided for, 25 
 
 f. 58 r", 24. Hav^ing lived as it were incognito in Suffolk from 
 
 the year 1612, after his return from Italy, until the year 
 1627 (as Moses did in Midian, or Elijah at Zarej)ta), he was 
 (through the fame of his worth and writings) solemnly in- 
 vited to the provostship over the seminary of learning that 30 
 j^,^„o is in Dublin, after the death of sir Wm. Temple. He was 
 i<J27. chosen by all the fellows (who had never seen him); written 
 to by famous D. Usher, primate of all Ireland, that had 
 heard great things of him; and requir'd by the king to ac- 
 cept the calling, being esteemed by all persons to be quali- 35 
 
 26 — 29. having lived. ..Zarcpta oiw. After this meeting with Deodati 
 he was not long resident upon his benefice in Suflfolk, when through the 
 fame of his worth and writtings he was sollemnely. 31. in Trinity 
 college in. 32. fellows that had. 33. Doctor Usher.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 93 
 
 fled for sucli an employment. See sir H. Wotton's letter to 
 the king npon tliis occasion, printed in sir H. Wotton's works, 
 and in his Life, and in Dr Bernard's character of bishop 
 Bedell. A. 1659. 
 
 5 25. Now having so clear a call from God and the king 
 
 and all persons concern'd, he left his native soil and ac- 
 cepted of the provostship of the college of Dublin ; to the 
 great joy of heart of all good men there, and the exceeding 
 great profit of all the students, above all that were before 
 
 10 him: for he reform'd many abuses, setled many excellent 
 orders ; he reduced the scatter'd statutes into a method, and 
 the scholars into a godly discipline of true learning and Chris- 
 tianity mingled together, by his catechizing in the college, 
 and preaching every week once in Christ Church, which he 
 
 15 was not bound unto by his place nor any other obligation. 
 The Church-Catechism he divided into 52 parts, according to 
 the number of the weeks of the year, and did explain one 
 part each Lord's day in the afternoon; of which explication 
 many copies were taken by the scholars and others in Dub- 
 
 20 lin, which I wish heartily might yet be search'd after and 
 publish'd; for I am sure it would help all orders of men in 
 their understanding of the principles of Christianity above 
 all books that are written of that subject. 
 
 I. employment. And for the better information of all such as have 
 25 pleasure in reading the just commendation of worthy persons for the 
 
 imitation of those that succeede them, that they may studdy more to 
 be like them in their parts, then hunt after their places of preferment, 
 which many do that have little worth in them, I will heere set downc 
 the coppy of Sir H. Wotton's letter to the king in the behalfe of Dr 
 
 30 Bedell, Avhen he was desyred by the archbishop of Ardmagh to accept 
 of the provostship of Dublin Colledge in Ireland ; which letter hath 
 been often printed, and is to be found in the Lyfe of Sir H. Wotton 
 published by Isak Walton, and in the character of bishop Bedell writ- 
 ten by Dr Bernard, by Dr P. Ilcyling, Loyd and others : [then follows 
 
 35 the letter as pi-inted above pp. 4, 5, with the following variations: 
 p. 4, 1. 27. your most gracious. 31. petition unto. 33. of Dublin. 
 35. render unto, said Mr. 37. fif^st om. 38, 39. he pleased to cm. 
 39. accept of. P. 5. 1. I, 2. propounded to. 6. For may it please. 
 
 II. any that. 12. late om. 15. labours which]. 7. Dublin (Aug. 
 40 1627). 9. before him, or came after him. 15. outward obligation. 
 
 17. number of the sabbaths of the yeir. 18. each Sabbath-day. 20. 
 searcht for and. 22. first principles. 23. subject, only a private
 
 94 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 26. He was not long provost and president over the 
 
 school of the prophets sons in Dublin, but he was advanced 
 
 Anno to the episcopal dignity; and none was esteemed a greater 
 
 ^^"9- ornament of that function by all that knew him, since the 
 
 apostles' dales; and he might well have been chosen for the 5 
 Christian patria,rch of any nation under heaven. His hon- 
 orable patron in England, sir Tho. Jermin, pursued him 
 with all respects he could heap upon him, and sent him 
 ft'om the king (of his own procurement) a patent for the 
 bishoprick of Kilmore in the county of Cavan, and for the 10 
 bishoprick of Ardagli in the county of Longford, both in the 
 j)rovince of Ulster. And of this last station of his life I 
 can give some larger account than of any of the former, (of 
 which I was not an eye, but an ear-witness only), 
 f. SSv". 27. And though it be {vara avis in terris) a very rare 15 
 
 thing to find a man that lives soberly, righteously, and godly, 
 yet it is far rarer to find such a one without adversaries, 
 especially if he stands before God in any eminency, as Daniel 
 did; the ground of whose preferment was, because an excel- 
 lent spirit was in him; and the ground of the malice of his 20 
 malignant enemies against him, because he was faithfull, 
 neither was any error or fault found in him. B. B. was all 
 his life a follower of that which was good in the sight of 
 God and good men; and the gi'eatest harm he susteined 
 and enmity he underwent, was from those of his own house, 25 
 I mean of his own order: amongst whom he did shine as a 
 star of the first magnitude, till he did sett under that dark 
 cloud of the captivity of the land. He found in this his new 
 calling such a multiplicity of business, as it were besieging 
 him and conspiring together against him on every side, as 30 
 might have discouraged many mortals: but in the strength 
 
 catechisme of Dr Usher's being there used before him. 3. dignity, 
 mnio 1629; and none ever esteemed. 4. ornament to that sacred 
 function. 5. he oni. 7. Jermin, mentioned p. 89. 12. this his 
 last station in this Hfe. 13. then of any the former (wliich I was not 35 
 an eye, but an eare witnes of) till his final! remoove out of pilgi-image of 
 this troublesome world into his everlasting rest. 17. without troubles 
 and adversaries, that stands. 22. iu him, but was. 24. men. The 
 greatest. 30. side, that might.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 95 
 
 of the Lord God lie went cliearfuUy through them all, and 
 the Lord delivered him out of them all. 
 
 28. Sir Tho. Wentworth entring 1. deputy, anno 1633, 
 by sinister information was stirr'd up against this good man, 
 
 5 ere ever he landed in Ireland. The occasion was this: there 
 Avas a report that my lord of Kilmorc had put his hand to a 
 petition of great concernment; but the spirit of the lord 
 deputy did so disrellish and dislike it, that whatsoever writ- 
 ing, commission or order came before him, wherein he saw 
 
 10 the name of the bishop of Kilmore, he immediately dasli'd 
 it out with his pen, whatsoever concern it was of. So that 
 the bishop being informed hereof, and conceiving that he 
 was mightily incensed against him, came not up to Dublin 
 (as the other prelates did) to do his homage unto him, and 
 
 15 congi-atulate his safe and happy aiTival, and honourable en- 
 trance upon the magistracy over them; but wrote imme- 
 diately to sir T. J. his loving patron, and other potent friends, 
 and sent them the petition itself, with this account of the 
 new lord deputies wrath that was kindled against him. 
 
 20 AVhereupon letters were sent from England in all hast to the 
 lord deputy, whereby he receiv'd such satisfying information 
 concerning the B. of K., that when he came to present him- 
 self before him, he arose from all his nobles, and ran to em- 
 brace him with such reverent respects that all present did 
 
 25 admire it, and invited him to dine with him that day, and 
 many times after, and gave him access and audience ever 
 after, and continued all respects unto him (above many of his f- 5. 
 order) till he was called away by the parliament of England, 
 
 3. [Ill II ch. 28 and 29 follow cli. 32]. And all these holy and honorable 
 
 30 designs commence at the same time of his entrance, and continue during 
 
 his incumbency in his episcopacy, of which I shall give yow a particular 
 
 account, after I have inserted one remarkable passage concerning him, 
 
 which is as followeth: Sir Thomas Wentworth. 4. was stirred up by 
 
 sinister information. 5. this : my lord of Kilmore, with some others, 
 
 35 was reported to have put. 7. of some publick concernment. 8. deputy 
 
 (and of those times}. 8. dislike the report of it, whether true or false. 
 
 9. he found the name. 10. immediately with great indignation. 11. it 
 
 were of. 13. was unjustly incensed. 16. them, &c. 17. Sir Thomas 
 
 Jcrmin. 19. so hotly kindled. 22. bishop of Kilmore. 23. he rose. 
 
 40 26. after to his table, ever afterwards. 28. un'ill.
 
 96 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 anno 1640. Thus, in the first place, the Lord tliat hath all 
 men's hearts in his hand, turned the heart of the L. D. to- 
 wards him, when most men expected either imprisonment 
 (which the D. was not esteemed sparing of upon small pro- 
 vocation) or loss of his bishoprick. 5 
 
 29. His letter to the L. Deputy upon this occasion (viz. 
 about the mainteinance of the army and the Cavan-Petition) 
 which he sent enclosed in another letter to the archbishop 
 of Canterbury, Dec. 4, 1633, and is printed by Mr Prin, 
 p. 433, is as folio weth. 10 
 
 Right honorable my good Lord, &c. 
 
 In the midst of these thoughts I have been advertizd 
 from an honorable friend in England that I am accused 
 to his majestie to have ojjpos'd his service, and that my hand, 
 with tiuo other bishops only, was to a luriting touching the 15 
 money to be levied on the jya'pists here for the mainteinance 
 of the men of war, d'C. Indeed, if I should have had such 
 an intention, this had been not only to oppose the service of 
 his majestie, but to expose, with the p>uhlich peace, mine own 
 nech to the sheanes of the Romish cut-throats; I that know 20 
 that in this kingdom of his majestie the pope hath another 
 kingdom far greater in number ; and, as I have heretofore 
 signified to the lords justices and council {which is also since 
 justified by themselves in print), constantly guided and directed 
 by the order of the new congregation De propaganda fide, 25 
 lately erected at Rome, transmitted by means of the popes 
 nuntios residing at Bruxells, or Paris, that the p)ope hath 
 
 2 and 4. lord deputy. 4. provocations. 6 — 10. His letter... fulloweth 
 cm. And because this matter was talked of farr and neir, I will set down 
 his letter, which he wrote to the lord deputy of Ireland in vindication 30 
 of himselfe about the mayntenance of the Irish army, and the Cavan 
 petition, which he sent inclosed in another letter to the archbishop 
 of Canterbury ; which also I coppied out of Mr Prinne's booke, 
 who finding it among my lord of Canterburye's papers, thought 
 it worthy to be published, as being more full and observable in 35 
 some memorable passages concerning the increase and insolencyes 
 of the papists in Ireland. Right hon'''^ 11. [This is only a 
 fragment of the letter, the whole of which will be found in its
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 97 
 
 here a clergy, if I may guess by my oiun diocese, double in 
 number to us; the heads whereof are by corporal oath bound 
 to him to maintein him and his regalities contra omnem 
 hoininom, and to ej-ecute his mandats to the uttermost of 
 5 their forces; which accordingly they do, stiling themselves 
 in print. Ego, N. Dei et apostolicae sedis gratia episcopus 
 Fermien. et Ossorien. &c. / that know there is in this 
 kingdom for the mouldinfj of the people to the popes obe- 
 dience a rabble of irregular regulars, commonly younger 
 
 lo brothers of good houses, who are grown to that insolency 
 as to advance themselves to be members of the ecclesiastical 
 hierarchic in, better rank than priests, insomuch that the 
 censure of the Serbon is fain to be implored to curb them, 
 tvhich yet is called in again, so tender is the pope of his own 
 
 15 creatures: I that know that his holiness hath erected a newlsgY. 
 university in Dublin to confront his majesties college there, 
 and to breed up the youth of the kingdom to his devotion; 
 of luhich university one Paul Harris, the author of that 
 infamous libel, which was put forth in print against my 
 
 20 lord Armagh's Wansted sermon-, stileth himself in print to 
 be dean; I that know, and have given advertisement to the 
 state, that these regulars dare erect new fryaries in the 
 countrey, since the dissolving of those in the city; that they 
 have brought the people to such a sottish senselesness as 
 
 25 they care not to learn the commandments, as God himself 
 spake and lurit therii; but they flock in great numbers to 
 the preaching of new, superstitious and detestable doctrines, 
 such as their own priests are ashanid of; and at these they 
 levy collections, 3, 4, S> or 6 pounds at a sermon. Shortly, 
 
 3^ [ that know that these regulars and this clergy have, at a 
 general meeting like to a synod, as themselves style it, holden 
 at Droghedah, decreed that it is not laufull to take an oath 
 of allegiance, and if they be constant to their oiun doctrine, 
 do account his majestic in their hearts to be king but at the 
 
 35 popes discretion; in this estate of this kingdom to think the 
 
 place in the correspondence]. 10. }jood families. 21. and om. 
 28. at all.
 
 98 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 bridle of the army may he taken aiuay, it should he thought, 
 not of a hrainsick, hut brainless man, <&c. 
 
 Your Lordship s in all duty, 
 
 WILLIAM KILMORE. 
 
 The day of our deliverance from the j^opish powder -plot. 5 
 
 What greater discovery of our unavoidable calamity could 
 have been made than this holy man of God offers to our 
 watchmen ? whose words ought more to be heard in quiet 
 than the cry of him that ruleth among fools, as Ecclesiastes 
 speaks. 10 
 
 30. When my L. of K, was come into his diocese, he 
 found such dilapidations upon dilapidations, such disorders 
 in his clergy, courts and people of all sorts, as if he had 
 come thither immediately after the rebellion of the E. of 
 Tyrone and E. of Tireconell, assisted by Don John de 15 
 Aquila ; which Q. Elizabeth of blessed memory put an end 
 
 to by the lord Mountjoy, anno 1600. 
 
 31. For the former bishop, Mr Moigne, had set up 
 such a shop of nundination and merchandizing, as if all 
 things spiritual and temporal belonging to episcopacy had 20 
 been ordinary vendible commodities, as in the church of 
 Rome. For he understood these words of St Paul (as 
 once one is said to have read them), Qui desiderat episco- 
 
 f. 6or''. patum bonum, opes desiderat. For he made havock of all; 
 
 as Capon (the predecessor of precious Jewel) is recorded 25 
 to have done, who devoured all; as Varus, who is said to 
 have entred poor into the rich province of Syria, but to 
 have left it poor, himself being enriched by it. This bishop 
 
 5. our om. powder-plot an. 1633. Heere you see his cleir vindi- 
 cation from that aspersion of reducing the army of defence, and 30 
 the delineation of those insufferable proceedings of the papists in 
 any Christian republick ; all which were signally preparatory to that 
 swift destruction that came upon us, which this man of God, like 
 another Elijah, did cleirly see and forsee ; but few laid it to hart as 
 he did. 6 — 10. What greater .speaks om. 11. When he was come 35 
 into his diocesscs. 12. disorder. 14 and 15. Earl. 15. d' Aquila. 
 16. Queen, put to an end. 18. Mr om. 19. merchandize.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 99 
 
 Moigiie had leased out to my lord Lambert and sir Hugh 
 Cullum allmost all the Termou lands (so all land is called 
 in Ireland that a bishop by the law of that land may let or 
 set for lives, or a certein number of years) and also the 
 5 mensal-lands (so called because they may not be set or let 
 but during the bishop's life only), and had taken great fines, 
 and very inconsiderable rents reserved for the mainteinance 
 of his successor. He had sold some perpetual advosons, 
 which ought not to have been done; and upon the ruins 
 
 lo of these two bishopricks had founded his family. For being 
 a man of no understanding, and all his leai-ning being con- 
 fin'd to the Com. P. book, he must needs, like a good 
 merchant, make sale of those commodities that he had 
 bought at a considerable rate. Orders and livings were 
 
 15 sold to those that could pay the greatest fines, &c. There- 
 fore my L. of K. commenced a suit against his son Roger 
 Moigne (that was afterwards killed by the rebells near 
 Droghedah) and his widow, and so recovered somwhat of 
 the spoil. 
 
 2o 32. I find a letter of his in Mr Prinn's History of the 
 
 late archbishop of Canterbury, p. 436, that makes a full 
 discovery of the estate of both the dioceses when he en 1 red 
 upon them. The letter is thus endorsed by the archbishop, 
 to whom it was sent, April i, 1630, From Dr Bedell L. 
 
 25 2. Termon land. 6. incumbency or life. 10. stript bishopricks. 
 12. common Prayer. 14. v^ere om. 16. lord of Kilmore. 16 — 18. 
 against his widow Mistrise Moigne and his son Roger Moigne, and so 
 recovered somewhat of the spoyle. This Roger Moigne was afterwards 
 Ivilled by the rebells near Drohida, with six hundred men that were sent 
 
 3 :> from Dublin to releeve it, when it was close besiedged by the Ulster 
 rebells ; the unhappy word of command (to countermarch) given 
 unseasonably to new-levied and imdisciplined men, in the view of their 
 enemies, which put them into sad disorder ; which the vigilant enemy 
 espying, fell in amongst them and put them all to the sword ; only 
 
 35 Sir Patrick Weems, that commanded my lord of Ormond's troopc, 
 escaped with the horse to Drohida. That yow may the better under- 
 stand the state in which he found these two bishopricks, I will set 
 dowue his owne letter to the bishop of Canterbury, which is published 
 by Mr Prinne in his history of the late arclibishop of Canterbury, out 
 
 40 of which I coppicd it. It is thus endorsed by the archbishop : April. 
 20—23. I find... The letter om. [II. gives the letter, which will be
 
 I GO LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, about the state of the church 
 in his diocese, and the papists in Ireland. This letter shews 
 what ofreat need there was of a reformation in these dioceses, 
 as in all the rest of the kingdom ; and what sad presages the 
 insolencies of the Romish party were of the approaching 5 
 rebellion, if men had had eyes to see or ears to hear. 
 
 found in the correspondence]. 2 — 4. sliewes in what a woeful! con- 
 dition this good shepheard found his new flock and charge, and what 
 great need there was of a generall reformation of the whole kingdome, 
 that was in the same case with his diocesses ; and what sad. 6. 10 
 lieare. Not only had his predicessor embezled the revenewes of these 
 two impoverished bishopricks, and left them as yow see wretched and 
 miserable, but after his death two violent and unjust men seize upon 
 some lands appertaining to them, and forcibly keep possession : against 
 whom my lord of Kilmore makes his complaint to the state in this 15 
 petition following : 
 
 To the right hoti''''' Henry lord viscount Falkland, lord deputy of this 
 kingdom of Ireland, and the rest of his majesty's high councell of 
 the same : 
 
 The humble petition of William Bedell, designed bishop of Kilmore 20 
 
 and Ardagh, 
 
 Humbly sheiciiig. 
 
 That whereas his majesty hath been gratiously pleased to constitute 
 and appoint your j^etitioner to be bishop of the said sees, and to grant 
 unto him the investiture and restitution of the tetnporalities of the 25 
 same in as large and ample manner as the late bishoj}, or any other 
 bishoj) of the said sees, have or might laicfully have enjoyed the same : 
 and whereas sir Edward Bagshaw, knight, since the death of the late 
 bishop, in the vacancy of t!ie said sees hath entred upon two poales of 
 land called AgarosikiUy, parcell of the Termnn of the see of Kilmore, 30 
 tchereof your petitioner's predicessor dyed seized ; and sir Francis 
 Hamilton, knight, hath likeicise entred u2Jon one gallon of land called 
 Amiagh, ])arcell of the mensall lands of the said see of Kilmore, 
 ichich by order from this hon^''' boord was sundry yeares since restored 
 to the possession of your petitioner's said predicessor, and so quietly 35 
 enjoyed, and ichereof he dyed seised and possessed : and for that his 
 majesty luithbeene graciously 2deased to apjyoint that your petitioner 
 should be relieved at this hon^''" board against any unlaicful act done 
 by any person or persons to the empayring of the fruits andin'ofiits of 
 the said bishopricks, 40 
 
 Your petitioner humbly prayeth that he may be restored to the 
 possession of the said lands enjoyed by his predicessor, and kept in the 
 same, till the said sir Edward Bagshaic and sir Francis Hamilton
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. lOI 
 
 Hereupon he resolves upon a refonnation of his clergy, of 
 his courts ecclesiastical, and of all that people and flock 
 over which the Holy Ghost had made him overseer, and 
 specially of the Irish, in comparison of whom the English, 
 5 Welsh and Scots, were few in number. 
 
 2,2,. And first he begins with the reformation of his 
 clergy; most of them he finds plural ists or non-residents; 
 many tot-quots, and resident upon none; some ministers 
 that had not one Protestant in their whole parish; and such 
 
 lo as had married Irish women, their wives and children went 
 
 to mass. For the removal of such sad abuses he assembles f. 60 v", 
 his clergy together at Cavan, and after sermon (wherein out 
 of the Scriptures and antiquity lie set before them with 
 great evidence and demonstration of God's Spirit the institu- 
 
 15 tion, nature, work and end of the ministeiy of the gospel) 
 he propounds unto them, as a father to his children, or as a 
 brother to his brethren (allwaies styling them fratres and 
 comiireshyteri, when he spoke in Latin) the necessity of the 
 reformation of these intolerable abuses, tending to the scan- 
 
 20 dal of the reformed religion amongst the natives, and de- 
 struction of themselves as well as their flocks. Which speech 
 of his being accompanied with so much piety, moderation 
 and gi'avity, as if he had had no civil preheminence over 
 them, receiv'd as universal a resentment or applause with 
 
 -5 submission, as Ezra found when he went about the reforma- 
 tion of marriage, to cause every one that had taken strange 
 wives to put them away ; when all the congregation answered 
 and said with a loud voice. As thou hast said, so must tue do. 
 
 shall shew reason to the contrary to this hoard , and he shall alwayes 
 
 30 pray for your honours happines and prosperity. 
 
 I. Finding therefore such confusion and desolation, he like a 
 faythfull trustee and overseer of God's flock, resolves upon a through 
 reformation. 2 — 4. people and flock committed to his charge, and 
 specially. 6. But in the meanewhile he goes about his worke, which is 
 
 ZS indeede the work of God, that he was called to and set up for ; and 
 first. 8. residence. 11. mass, and their servants, if they were 
 Irish. 15. gospel, &c. 18. of reformation. 23 — 25. over them, 
 left such impressions upon their spirits, that it receiv'd an universal I 
 resentment and applause, with submission to all that was propounded, 
 
 40 as Ezra. 28. do, namclv, to cleave tu one bcKclicc and resign the
 
 I02 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 34. And that he might he exemplary in this just 
 motion (precepts or exhortations Avithout example signifying 
 little), he desires of them no more than he intends to do 
 himself. For having two bishopricks or benefices (which 
 for the smallness of them had been still united before, 5 
 as they be now again in the hand of Dr Maxwell, the 
 present bishop of Kilmore), he resolves to part with the 
 one, and to cleave to the other. In order to the solemn 
 accomplishment of this noble and self-denying resolution, 
 he sends immediately for a worthy, learned man, of good 10 
 report, Dr Richardson, dean of Den^y (who married sir Hugh 
 Bromley of Bromley's daughter in Warrell of Cheshire), and 
 without bartering, trucking, merchandizing, or any other 
 simoniacal compact whatsoever, resigned the bishoprick of 
 Ardagh unto him gratis, under his hand and seal for ever, 15 
 before many eminent witnesses; and that not out of a vain- 
 glorious and Pharisaical ostentation, or affectation of popular 
 applause to be seen of men [nulla famae vel popularis aurae 
 affectatione hyjwcritica), but as a pious declaration of the 
 sincerity and upright intention of his heart in the sight of 20 
 God and good men. And tho' there be many parsonages 
 in England better than both these robbed and peeled bishop- 
 ricks of Kilmore and Ardagh in Ireland, and tho' also he 
 was at no small charge with his adversaries in rescuing and 
 recovering some part of the rights of each alike, yet he 25 
 f. 61 r". rejoiced with much inward tranquillity of mind and content 
 after he had divested and eased himself of the burthen of 
 pluralities. This bishoprick of Ardagh Dr Richardson did 
 peaceably enjoy till the rebellion, that overturned all. 
 
 35. Being led by so fair a precedent, those ministers 30 
 that had two or more benefices than one were confined to 
 
 other. 2, 3. exhortations signifying little without good example. 
 3. than what. 4. himself; that what tliey see him do, that is their 
 spiritual leader, they also may do likewyse with greater alacrity. There- 
 fore he begins with himself, and having. 4 — 7, which... Kilmore om. 35 
 7. the om. 10. worthy and. ir. Dr John. 11, 12. married 
 
 the daughter of sir Hugh Bromley of Bromley in. 18, 19. nulla... 
 hypocritira om. 23. although. 24. adversaryes and desiwylers. 25. 
 alike ; and though these were never separate before nor since, but are
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 03 
 
 which they pleased to choose, and all enjoin'd to personal 
 and perpetual residence upon their benefices for time to 
 come. And this could not be well accomplished on a sud- 
 den. For in the plantation of Ulster, after K. James's com- 
 
 5 ming to the crown (Tyrone's rebellion being quite hush'd), 
 the king was pleased to allow and give order for large 
 parcells of ground to be annexed to each church for gleab- 
 land; which were so ill laid out and assigned by the sur- 
 veyors and commissioners appointed thereunto (so contrary 
 
 10 to the royal intention of the K.), whereof sir Wm. Parsons 
 was chief, that scarce one minister of ten had a foot of gleab- 
 land in his own parish, and in other parishes it lay not 
 together, but scatter'd up and down in parcells. The 
 county-town of Cavan had lands in two parishes many 
 
 15 miles distant from the church, but none within the parish. 
 And by the king's patent under the broad seal (which the 
 ministers of each bishoprick had distinct for themselves 
 in particular) the incumbent of each parish was requir'd 
 and strictly enjoin'd to build a house for his personal resi- 
 
 20 dence upon the premises, 40 foot long and 30 foot high, 
 within such a compass of time. Now this consideration 
 brought all the ministers into such a streight that they 
 could not tell what to do; for they were brought into this 
 dilemma, that if they built upon their gleabs so far distant 
 
 25 from their churches, they could never be resident; and if 
 
 now both ill the hand of D. Marsh, bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, as 
 himselfe tokl me ; yet. 2. several benefices. 3. come. Dr Bernard, 
 being then deane of Kihuore, is neyther wilhng to be resident, nor to 
 part with any of his benefices, and therefore exchangeth his dcanry of 
 
 30 Kilmore with Dr Henry Jones for his deanry of Ardagh; who was 
 eldest Sonne to the bishop of Kilalu, and marryed sir Hugh Culhmi's 
 daughter; and his younger brother Michael (that afterwards in the 
 warrs was i ol. Jones) marryed the mother. He was deane of Kilmore 
 till the rebellion, and after bishop of Clocher. Dr Bernard, deane of 
 
 35 Ardagh, being then the primate's chaplen, took up his residence in 
 Drohida till all was lost. And because this. 4. king James his. 
 10. king. 13. together neyther. in severall small parcells. 15. parish 
 church. 19. obleiged and strictly, a mansion house. 21. time, that 
 was limited in the grant. 23. say or do. 25. from the parish 
 
 40 church.
 
 104 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 they resolved upon residency according to their bishop's 
 exhortation and injunction, it were folly to build at such 
 a distance. 
 
 36. To extricate the clergy out of this intricacy and 
 snare my lord propounds this expedient. He had sonae 5 
 lands lying round about most parish-churches and next 
 unto them throughout the whole diocese. He offers to 
 accept these several parcells of gieab-lands assigned to each 
 church in liew and exchange of his own lands, that lay so 
 conveniently for each parish-church. To the effecting hereof 10 
 he procures a commission from the E. of Strafford, the L. D., 
 and council, to see this pious proposal and exchange brought 
 to pass, that the bishoprick might have no clammage, nor 
 the present leassees any just reason to complain. The com- 
 missioners met about it, whereof Dr Bramhall, bishop of 15 
 Derry, was one ; whom I and all then present at Mr Ai'thur 
 Cullum's house heard say these words; viz. that he told 
 sir Will. Parsons, that if all the jesuites of the church of 
 Rome had conspird together to hinder tlie projmgatioji of the 
 Gospel, they could not have contrivd it more effectually than 20 
 he had done in these so inconvenient assignements. However 
 the matter was brought very near a period by the agreement 
 of all persons concerned in the behalf of the clergy and 
 of the bishop (whose highest concern was the propagation 
 of the Gospel in his territories); and one of the clergy, Mr 25 
 Wm. B., chosen and sent into England to beg of the K. 
 a confirmation of this exchange by patent : but the rebellion 
 prevented his return, and marr'd all that work so well 
 begun, with all other good intentions of this good and 
 reverend father indeed. 30 
 
 I. to the bishop of Kihnore's. 3. distance, as by their patent they 
 were bound. 5. expediency. 7. them belonging to his bishoprick. 
 8. accept of those, by patent assigned. 10. effectuating whereof. 
 
 II. Earl of Strafford, the lord deputy. 12. exchange by geometricall 
 proportion so. 15. it, at Mr Arthur Cullum's house in the parish of 35 
 Kilmore. BramwelL 16. there present, at... house om.. 17. words; 
 namely, that he had. 20. Goi^pel in Ulster. 23. of the clergy and 
 om. 25, 26. territoryes) and of the clergy ; and one of them chosen 
 
 by all (Mr \V - B — ) and sent. 26. king. 27. a new patent. 28. 
 return with it. 29. with many other, good man and reverend father 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. I05 
 
 37, He was very exact in the probation, approbation 
 and ordination of ministers. For he began to examine ac- 
 cording to the articles of the church of Ireland (which he 
 allwaies held in his hand till he had done); and after him 
 
 5 his arch-deacon, Mr Tho. Price; at whose examination D. 
 Bernard (then dean of Kilmore) saith in his character of the 
 bishop, he was present in a solemn meeting of the clergy of 
 that diocese for that end. And tho' he were one of the senior 
 and principal fellows of the college of Dublin, when the 
 
 10 bishop was provost, yet his iudagation and diligent scrutiny 
 of him took up at least two full hours. And he also gave 
 free liberty to any person of the clergy to examine the per- 
 son to be ordained; who were requir'd also to give their 
 votes for his approbation, and to lay on their hands with the 
 
 15 bishop upon the party to be ordeined, whether deacon or 
 presl)yter. He allwaies preach'd at the ordination. 
 
 38. The order of presbyter he never conferred upon any 
 person under a year after his first order of deacon. He 
 never laid hands rashly upon any man, nor appointed a 
 
 20 sheapheard without a flock, or without most serious inspec- 
 tion into his qualifications, both academical and moral: he 
 never defiled his heart nor hands with the least dishonest 
 gain about ordination, institution, or induction, or any thing 
 of that nature ; but wrote all those instruments with his 
 
 25 own hands, sealing and delivering them to the persons con- 
 cern'd, charging them not to give any money upon any pre- 
 tence whatsoever to any of his family, lest it should savour f. 62 r". 
 of simony, and anathematizing them if they should proffer 
 any such thing, so contrary to the precept of our Lord Jesus 
 
 30 Christ, Gratis accepistis, gratis date; upon which account (as 
 above) he had many years before refused to pay what was 
 
 iiideede, whose worke is with the Lord, and his reward with his God ; 
 who kindly accepts of the good will of his servants for the deed, as 
 David's in building him a temple (2 Sam. 7). 6. character of him. 
 35 8. the diocesse. 11. also om. 12. full liberty. 14- and to give 
 imposition of hands. 16. presbyter; and alwayes preached at the 
 ordination, and adniinistred the sacrament himself. 18. a year at 
 least, deaconship. ig. his hands. 21. qualification. 23. or institu- 
 tion. 25. hand. 30—31. as abore om. 31. do or pay.
 
 lo6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 unwarrantably demanded of him. Nay he would accompany 
 the minister down stairs, and see him take horse upon that 
 very account; whereas before in that place there was so 
 much for the bishop, so much for his wife, so much for his 
 chaplain, so much for the scribe or secretary, and so from 5 
 the cook and butler, &c. even to the groom of the stable, 
 and all the rest : so that the minister did not know how to 
 come so well provided as to give content to so many: all 
 which base exactions were to this man of God as vile and 
 detestable as Gehezi his tampering with Naaman the Syrian 10 
 was to Elisha; yea, as abominable as the Chrys-argyron (or 
 tribute upon excrements) which Anastasius the emperor 
 abolished out of the imperial revenue. 
 
 39. As he was carefull in setting men well qualified over 
 the congregation of the Lord, like another Moses, so he had 15 
 a special eye upon the life and conversation of his clergy, 
 that they might be burning and shining lights among the 
 poor blind Irish, and have a preheminence above their ig- 
 norant and wicked priests: when one said that sagart an 
 righ was as wicked as sagart an jyapa, i.e. the king's priest 20 
 was as wicked as the pope's priest, my lord was much trou- 
 bled at it. 
 
 40. He did so much concern himself in all his clergies 
 troubles and difficulties, and adhere unto them against their 
 potent adversaries, as if he had been their natural father 25 
 indeed. Insomuch that when one Mr Moor, the minister of 
 Manner-Hamilton, had complain'd unto him that he had 
 made a disadvantageous bargain out of servile fear with a 
 great pei'son that held two good livings of his for less than 
 either of them was worth, he wrote unto sir Fr. Hamilton 30 
 concerning it, to release the poor man from that surprisal. 
 
 I. demanded, upon the tender of his titles to his parsonage of Hornings- 
 hearth in England, mentioned before (p. 89). He would commonly ac- 
 company. 3. account : so that in this respect he might humbly (with the 
 man after God's own hart) wash his hands in innoceucy, and so compasse 35 
 God's altar. Whereas before. 4. the chaplen. 6. d-c. even om. 
 
 7. well know. 8. well om. many cravers. 10. Gehezi's. 11,12. 
 
 chrysargury which. 14. setting of men. 17. amongst. 19. said in 
 open court. 19 and 20. sagard. 22. at it om. 30. worth, my lord 
 wrote. 30. sir F. II.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 10/ 
 
 But receiving not a satisfying, but a proud answer, he caused 
 the poor minister to resigne both his livings to him (they 
 belonging to his collation), which he willingly did forthwith, 
 and the bishop put him into the present possession of a 
 5 better than them both ; and presenting two able men to the f. 62 v' 
 two vacated livings (whereof Mr John Cunningham, that 
 married the daughter of D. Craig, a physitian of my lord's 
 acquaintance in Venice, was one), he enlarged this poor man, 
 and got many a blessing from all that heard of it. This 
 
 10 sir Fr. H. having invited my lord to dine with him upon a 
 time at Mannor-Hamilton, where he held a visitation, my 
 lord refused to go, but would dine with his clergy, and 
 promised to wait upon him afterwards. But when my lord 
 approached near to the gates, they were shut against him; 
 
 15 and having stood a good while knocking, and being desired 
 by his servants to withdraw from such an uncivil affront, 
 he said, They will hear ere long; and at length the proud 
 knight came and receiv'd him. 
 
 41. I remember also when one Mr Buchanan was re- 
 
 20 commended unto him as a person fit for a living newly 
 vacated by the death of the incumbent, after some theolo- 
 gical discourse with him, being satisfied with his capacity 
 of that spiritual promotion, and understanding by his dis- 
 course at dinner that he was related to the great Buchanan 
 
 25 (who is styled by Joseph Scaliger Foetarum nostri saecidi 
 facile princeps, and whose paraphrase upon the Psalms my 
 lord delighted in above all Latin poetry), he went into his 
 study after dinner, and drew up his institution, and gave it 
 him to read (as the manner is) before his oath. But he 
 
 30 !• proud and unchristian -like answer, for the unjust know no 
 shame. 2. poor oppressed. 3. forthwith, being long oppressed by 
 his owue countreyman. 4. into present. 5. better benefice then 
 them, presented. 6—8. Cunningham was one, who manned the 
 daughter of Dr Craig, a phisitian of my lord's ancient acquaint- 
 
 35 ance in Venice; who, hearing from his sonne-in-law of Dr Bedell, 
 my kird of Kilmore, wrote a large Italian letter to him of thanks 
 for his great civilityes to himselfe in Venice, and now to his sonne- 
 in-law in Ireland. Thus he enlarged. 9—18. This. ..him om. 
 (inserted more at length in H far on p. 149, 150 ed. 1862). 24. 
 
 40 Buchanan king James his tutor. 26. and om. 29. to read,
 
 I08 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 finding that be must be sworn to residence, and that be 
 should hold no other benefice, refused to accept of the living 
 upon such terms, unless these words were blotted out; which 
 my lord refusing to do, M. B. went away without it, and it 
 was conferr'd upon another more worthy. 5 
 
 42. And here, for your satisfaction, I will set down the 
 form of all bis institutions; which all that ever saw them 
 did approve, as most conscientious and evangelical, save that 
 one jiluralist. 
 
 GuUehnus providentia divina Kihnorens. episcopus, di- 10 
 Ucto in Ckristo A. B. fratri et synp>reshytero scdutem. 
 
 Ad vicariam pierpetuam ecclesiae parochialis de C. nostrae 
 Kilmorens. dioeceseos iam legitime vacantem et ad nostram 
 collationem p)leno iure sjjectantem {praestito 2')er te prius iu- 
 ramento de agnoscenda et defendenda regiae maiestatis sii- 15 
 prema potestate in omnibus causis tarn ecclesiasticis quam 
 civilihus intra diciones suas; deque AngUcano ordine, hahitu 
 et lingua pro viribus in dictam parochiam introducendis 
 iuxta formam statutorum huius regni; nee non de perpetua 
 et personali residentia tua in vicaria praedicta; quodque nul- -o 
 lum aliud beneficium ecclesiasticum una cum ea retinebis; 
 nee ullum pro ea inipetranda simoniacum pactum feceris, aid 
 praestabis; deque canonica obedientia nobis ac successoribus 
 nostris episcopis Kilmorens. pr'aestanda) te admittimus, in- 
 stituimus et canonice investimus; curamque animarum ptaro- 25 
 cliianorum ibidem commorantium tibi committimus per p)rae- 
 sentes: obtestantes in Domino et pro obedientia, qua summo 
 pastori teneris, iniungentes, ut eius gregem, quern suo san- 
 guine acquisivit, tibi conwiissum diligenter pascas et in fide 
 catholica instituas; ofiicia divina lingua a populo intellecta 30 
 peragas: exemplar ante omnia teipsum praebeas fidelibus in 
 bonis operibus, ut eruhescant adversarii, nihil habentes, quod 
 in te reprehendant ; mandantes insuper dilecto fratri Thomae 
 
 before his oatlies were adniinistrcd unto him, as the manner is ; 
 who finding. i. to personali and perpetuall residence. 2. bene- 35 
 fice with it. 3. any such. 4, 5. Mr Buchanan, having another 
 living that he was loath to leave, went away without this, and it. 
 7. fhem ora.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. IO9 
 
 archidiacono Kihnorensi, ut te in realem et actualem posses- 
 sionem dictae vicar iae de C.inducat cum effectu. In quorum 
 omnium fidem et testimoniwn sir/ilium nostrum episcopale 
 2)raesentihus apposuimus. Datum 7" die Mali, anno salutis 
 5 1640. 
 
 GULIEL. KILMORENS. 
 
 43. Nor did he onely write this still with his own hand; 
 but there was no other instrument or title given to any 
 minister but this, and that gratis; he having shaken his hand 
 
 10 from holding of bribes as much as St Peter from the proffer 
 made by Simon Magus, the original of that profitable sin; 
 whereas now there are to be seen 3 or 4 instruments for a 
 small living of £10 per annum sold at a very dear rate, both 
 for buyer and also the seller. Yea, more than this, he gave 
 
 15 induction also gratis, as I have seen upon the back of an 
 institution thus written with his own hand : Inductus fuit 
 introscriptus A. C. in 7'ealem possessionem ecclesiae parochialis 
 de Dyn, 12" die Nov. 1637, a me 
 
 GULIELM. KILM. EPISCOPO. 
 
 20 as if he had studied to keep his clergy without charge, as 
 the apostle his Corinthians. But yet tho' he wrote to aged 
 ministers thus, Fratri et synpreshytero, with their academick 
 degrees, yet in all orders of deacon and presbyter, and in- 
 stitutions to young men, he wrote still dilecto nobis in Christo 
 
 25 JiHo; and to his own son, in came et in Christo filio; and 
 kept a register of all his acta episcopalia, written with his 
 own hand in Latin; which I wish the world might see, if it 
 hath escaped the deluge. 
 
 44. I know not any person that was permitted to be f. 6-^ v' 
 30 non-resident save one Mr Johnson, a man of a gi-eat reach, 
 
 whom the E. of Strafford, the L. lievtenant, made his 
 engenier over his great and glorious buildings at the Naas, 
 at Camu and Casha in the county of Wicklo. My lord 
 
 10. as Peter hhnself. 13. a om, 14. the buyer. 15. {jralis oni. lean 
 
 35 shew. 18. Dyne. 19. Guiliehiio Kihiioren. 22. thu.s in primitive 
 
 style. 25. Sonne WiUiam. 31. Earl. Lord. 33. and at Curuu and Cosha.
 
 no LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 of K. in discourse upon a time with this Mr J. persuaded 
 him to compose an universal character, to serve in all 
 languages and nations ; the conveniency of it being so 
 great, and the thing itself so feasible, seeing we have uni- 
 versal mathematical characters, as the arithmetical figures, 5 
 the geometrical, the astronomical of the planets, and of 
 the 12 signes of the zodiack, &c. ; which he undertook. My 
 lord gave him a platform, which he observed; all the diffi- 
 culty was about the syncategoremata. He styled his book 
 Wit-spell. I have heard that some part of it was printed ; 10 
 but the rebellion prevented the finishing of it. Yet besides 
 this Mr Johnson, D. Bernard, dean of Kilmore, was neither 
 willing to be resident, nor to part with any one of his bene- 
 fices, and therefore exchanged his deanery with D. Henry 
 Jones, (eldest son of the bishop of Kilala) for his deanery 15 
 of Ardasrh; who continued dean of K. till the rebellion, 
 and was afterward bishop of Clogher ; and Dr Bernard, 
 the dean of Ardagh, being the primate's chaplain, took up 
 his residence at Droghedah, till all was lost. 
 
 45. For the better ordering of his clergy he call'd a 20 
 diocesan synod to meet at the cathedral church of Kilmore. 
 The text he preach'd upon was in Psal. 93. 5. Thy testi- 
 monies are very sure; holiness becometh thine house, Lord, 
 for ever. And because there was much talk of this synod, 
 both far and near, and no small stir made about it by some 25 
 fals-brethren of the same order, I will set down verbatim 
 the canons made in it. 
 
 Decreta primae synodi Kilmorensis. In nomine Domini 
 Dei et Salvatoris nostri lesu Christi. 
 
 Regnante in perpetuum ac gubernante ecclesiam suain 3° 
 eodem Domino nostro lesu Christo, annoque imperii serenis- 
 
 T. Kilmore. Jolnison, finding lura to be an ingenious man and of a 
 mercuriall witt, though of mechanick education, pcvswaded. 4. have 
 already. 7. readily undertooke. 10. have om. 11. the. '>/ it oni. 
 II — 19. 'Yet... lost' inserted in H after co?ne p. 103 1. 3 where see n. 
 20. calls. 22. in om. 24. ever mid ever ; and after sermon ad- 
 ministers the sacrament to all his clergy, his sjnod. 25. made om. 
 26 — 27 it down verbatim as being present at it. Decreta.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 1 1 
 
 simi jjy-incijns ac domini Caroli D. 0. Mag)iae Britanniae et 
 Hiberniae regis 14°, cum ad ecclesiam cathedralem Kihno- 
 rensem monitu Guliehni episcopi convenisset capitidum totius 
 dioeceseos, ad synodum dioecesanam celebrandam; post fusas 
 5 ad Dominum preces pro puhlica pace regisque et familiae^-^i^'- 
 i-egiae incolumitate, et p)eracta sacra si/naxi; verba fecit 
 episcopus de eiusmodi synodorum antiquitate, necessitate et 
 auctoritate. Et cum venisset in consultationem, quibus rati- 
 onibus et Jidei sinceritas et morum sanctitas et decor domus 
 
 10 Dei, ininistrorum libertas conservari posset ; nihil conducibilius 
 visum est, qiiam lit ea quae a pati^us bene ac prudenter 
 antiquitus instituta sunt, quasi postUminii iure revocarentur. 
 Atque tractatu inter nos habito, ad extremum in haec capitula 
 unanimiter consensum est: 
 
 15 I. Synodum dioecesanam sive capitidum, quotannis feria 
 
 4* secundae hebdomadae mensis Septembris in ecclesia Kilmo- 
 rensi teneiMam; eum diem huic conventui statum et soUemnem 
 fore sine ullo mandato: Si res poscat in ceteris quoque ordi- 
 nationum temporibus j^^'^sbyterimn contrahi, episcopi man- 
 
 20 datum expectandum. 
 
 2. In episcopi absentia aut morbo vicaiius eius, si pres- 
 byter fuerit, praesidebit; alioqui archidiaconus, qui de iure 
 vicarius est episcopi. 
 
 3. Vicarius episcopi in posterum nullus constituatur aut 
 25 confirmetur, qui laicus sit; nee quisquam j^rorsus, nisi durante 
 
 duntaxat beneplacito. 
 
 4. Ut archidiaconus de triennio in triennium dioecesin De hoc 
 personaliter visitet; singularum ecclesiarum aediumque man- '^^^lii^^ 
 sionalium sarta tecta tueatur, libros et ornamenta in indiculo capitu- 
 
 30 descriptos habeat, defectus omnes supplendos curet; episco- ^^^' 
 palis procurationis dimidium Jiabeat, ea condicione, ut epis- 
 copus eo anno non visitet. 
 
 5. Ut secundum p)ristinam, et antiquam huius dioeceseos 
 Kilmorensis constitutionem in tnbus eius regionibus tres 
 
 35 decani sint, ah ipsis ')ninistris eiusdem decanatus eligendi; 
 qui vitam et mores cleri iugi circumspectione custodiant et 
 
 I. Dei gratia. 10. et mini.itrorum. 25. hiicns est. 27. 
 
 niar^. n. oin.
 
 112 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ad episcopiim referant, eiusque mandata acciqnant et, quoties 
 opus erit, per apparitorem decanatus ad compresbyteros suos 
 transmittant. 
 
 6. In quoque decanatu, in oppido eius principali, con- 
 ventus sive capitulitm sit ministrorum quolihet saltern mense, 5 
 uhi lectis plene puhlicis precibus contionentur per vices, sine 
 longis precibus et prooemiis. 
 
 7. Advocationes ecclesiarum nondum vacantium, quae ad 
 collationem episcopi spectant, nemini conferantur aut con- 
 firmientur. 10 
 
 8. Possessiones ecclesiae non alienentur aut locentur con- 
 tra regni iiira; nempe terrarum mensalium nulla sit locatio, 
 nisi quoad episcopus in vita aut sede siia supersit, ceterarum 
 in plures annos, quam leges sinunt, aut prioribus locationibus 
 triennio minus nondum expletis. 15 
 
 9. Ut corp)ora defunctorum deinceps in ecclesiis non 
 humentur; sed nee intra quintuni pedem a pari^e ecclesiae 
 extrorsiim. 
 
 10. Ut midieres in sacrario non sedeant, sed in^ra can- 
 cellos, et quidem a viris secretae. 20 
 
 11. Ut sacrarium in consistorium non convertatur, aut 
 sacra niensa notariis aut scribis sit pro pluteo. 
 
 12. Ne in funeribus mulieres luctum et idulatum 
 faciant. 
 
 13. Ut ossa defunctorum in coemeteriis non coacerventur, 25 
 sed tradantur sepidturae. 
 
 14. Ut matricula sit, in quam referantur nomina eorum, 
 qui ad sacros ordines admissi sunt, a^it instituti, aut admissi 
 ad benejicia, sive ad curam animarum cooptati; clericoi'uni 
 item parochialium et ludi magisti^orum ; neque deinceps ad 30 
 litteras testimoniales in visitationibus exldbendas adigantur. 
 
 15- Ne quis minister oblationes ad funera, baptisnium, 
 eucharistiam, nuptias, post puerperium, aut portionem canoni- 
 cam cuiquam locet. 
 
 16. JSfe quis eiusmodi oblata acerbe exigat, praese7-tirii a 35 
 pauperibus. 
 
 17. Ut fas sit ministro a sacra cena repellere eos, qui 
 se ingerunt ad synaxim, neque nomina sua p)ridie parocho 
 significarunt.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. II3 
 
 18. JJt 2^ii6ri a septimo saltern aetatis anno, donee confir- 
 
 mentur per manuum impositionem, stent inter catechumenos ; 
 factoque catalogo, singulis dominicis certus eoram numerus 
 
 sistatur in ecclesia examinandus. 
 5 19. Si guis minister quenquam ex fratrihus suis alibi 
 
 accusaverit, priusquam episcopo denuntiet, ah eius consortio 
 
 ceteri omnes ahstinebunt. 
 
 20. Clerici comam ne nutriant; et habitic clericali, prout 
 
 synodo Dublinensi constitutuin est, incedant. 
 10 21. Oeconomi parocliiarum provideant, ne in ecclesia 
 
 tempore cidtus divini pueridi discursent; utque canes arce- 
 
 antur, constitutis ostiariis vel midta imposita, si quis 
 
 semel atque iteruni admoniius, canem secum in ecclesiam 
 
 introduxerit. 
 15 22. Ut nulla ecccommunicationis sententia feratur ab uno 
 
 solo ministro, sed ab episcopo, assistentihus quotquot in capi- 
 
 tulo fuerint praesentes. 
 
 Haec decreta synodalia, quoniam ex usu Imius dioeceseos 
 
 futura credimus, et ipsi observabimiis, et quantum in nobis est, 
 20 ab aliis observanda curabimus; adeoque manus s^iae quisque 
 
 subscriptione corroboramus. Septembr. 19°. 1638. 
 
 46. When the report of this synod was carried up to 
 Dublin it was taken so heinously, as if the \Vord or thing 
 had never been known in the church of God before. The 
 
 25 L. lieutenant, the K of Strafford, was made acquainted 
 with it, as if the bishop of Kilmore had set up a new 
 platform of government in the chui'ch. A praemunire was 
 the least censure ; he must be cited to the high commission- 
 court or the star-chamber immediately, &c. ; and many such 
 
 30 things Avere upon the tongues of many. Others said, that 
 he did nothing against the laws of God or of the land; 
 
 21. 1638. All the ministers subscribed to all, save Dr FaythfuU 
 Teate, who wrote thus: Omnibus subscriho praeterquam decimo 
 decreto. And the reason was this, Ijccause he had erected a new seate 
 35 for his wyfe in the chancell but a litle before, and was loath to remoove 
 it. 25. Lord. Earl. 27. modell and platforme. 28. cited 
 
 immediately to the high commission court or the starr chamber ; 
 and every minister, that was at that synod, «&c. 31. he had done. 
 
 8
 
 114 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 whereupon the good bishop studied the defence of what he 
 had done, and put it also in writing, that all his adversaries 
 f. 65 r". could not gainsay ; that if he had been put to it, he might 
 have it in a readiness. All this was made known to the 
 bishop by a faithfuU friend, Mr Thomas Price, his arch- 5 
 deacon, who had shewed the state and the prelates all the 
 transaction of this synod in writing. My L. primate of 
 Armagh thought it most prudent to let him alone, who 
 had assembled that synod, lest they should find him more 
 able to defend what he had done, than any person what- 10 
 soever to oppose him; so all their threatnings came to 
 nothing, and the 1. of K. heard no more of it; it having 
 been the constant practice of all bishops in the Greek and 
 Latin church in all ages. Many said that which Theodosius 
 said of Ambrose, the B. of Millan, in another case, Solus 15 
 Kilmorensis novit se gerere ut ejnscopimi; as all the prelates 
 once said of him before this, upon his taking to himself his 
 place of judicature in his own consistory; of which I shall 
 afterwards give you some account also. 
 
 2. done in that synod. 7. Dr Usher, my lord primate of Ardmagh. 20 
 8. alone, that had. 9. lest peradventure. 10. able and ready, 
 whomsoever. 12. my lord of Kilmore. 14. church ever since 
 
 episcopacy was voted and advanced, by the bounty of the kinges of 
 the earth, above presbytery. Theodosius the emperour. 15. Am- 
 brose bishop. 17. in his. 18. afterwards I shall. 19. also. 25 
 But one word of this Mr Price his archdeacon, who was very inti- 
 mate with him. He married the daughter of sir Thomas Dutton, 
 and came over chaplen to the infantry that came out of Ireland by 
 order from the king, after the marques of Ormond had made a ces- 
 sation of armes with the rebells in '43, as A. C. with the horse. At the 30 
 siedge of Nantwitch he was shott from Acton steeple, neer the towne, 
 in the right eye ; and the bullet (which he shewed me) taken out 
 under his left eare, and yet the body of his eye not destroyed, but 
 darkned. He was advanced to the bishoprick of Kildare at the restau- 
 ration, and now is archbishop of Cashill in Conaght. That defeate 35 
 before Nantwitch was accounted the greatest losse that ever the king 
 sustained, and the greatest victory that ever the P. obtained in all 
 their warrs. When those forces that had beene more then conqucrours 
 over their paganish enemies in Ireland, and accounted it their cheefe 
 joy to be ingaged against them, who never durst so much as looke upon 40 
 them one way, but fled into boggs, woods, swamj^s, many wayes before 
 them, no sooner had they set their foote upon their owne land, in their
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 15 
 
 47. In his visitations of his clergy (which were twice a 
 year) it was not, as in many places, for the clergy to meet 
 and answer to their names, and then to exhibit their titles, 
 and ask what is to pay, and away Avithout any sermon, as 
 
 5 now, or as in all other secular courts or monthly meetings. 
 His visitation was not, adi dominwidum, nee ad lucrandum, 
 nee ad epulandmn, as the Scnitinium Sacerdotale hath it: for 
 he alwaies preach'd and administred the sacrament and gave 
 heavenly instructions to his clergy and people: as also he 
 
 10 did constantly twice a year at the county-town of Cavan 
 preach before the judges in his episcopal habit at the general 
 assizes of the county. The procurations (that were but small) 
 he bestowed in defraying the charges of the ministers' dinner, 
 and the rest he gave to pious uses, as to tlie poor Irish male- 
 
 15 factors that were starving in the prison in w^ant of all things. 
 
 native soyle, but after they had surprizd and taken Harding castle and 
 Berston castle, Avere all of them surprizd (Sir Michael Earnley, Sir Fowlk 
 Huntes, coll. G. Monck, Gibson, AVarren, Broughton, L. Ranadlagh's 
 regiments) by letting in the waters upon them, where they could 
 20 neyther fight and stand or fall with honor, nor flee with safety, and so 
 were overthrowne and taken by mecr countreymen (under the conduct 
 of Sir T — F — and Sir W — B — ) that never had beene bred in such a 
 schoole of warr as those victorious worthyes. I remember the speeclies 
 of many of the soukliers that were called ofif from the Irish warr (that 
 25 was not founded upon conjecturall foundations) to this unnaturall of 
 England : JV/iy sh'/uld ice leave God, before Ood leave us ? They 
 came over so unwillingly, that they were soon dispersed and crumbled 
 away to nothing. But to leave this digression, and to returne to my 
 first intention ; I have something more to say of my lord of Kilmore in 
 30 reference to his visitations of his clergy, which were and are twice 
 a yeir in all places, i, 2. Ilis visitations were not, as in many. 3. names 
 in the nomenclature. 4. what's, and so away. 5. now, as. meet- 
 ings of the justices and leets, whcrin yet the stewards do often give 
 excellent exhortations in order to the x^eople's obedience to the lawes 
 35 of God and man, to keep them in peace and love ; as the learned 
 judges do at the assizes twice a yeir. 6. visitations were. 7. hath 
 it, but ad aediJicanJum, accorduig to the apostle's rule, Let all things 
 he done to edification. 8. sacrament to all his clergy, and to all that 
 were present with them, that desyred to participate of that sacred 
 40 ordinance. 9. as likewyse he. 10. constantly preach. 10 — 12. Cavan at 
 the general assizes of the county in his episcopall habit before the circuit 
 judges; which added great grace to the assembly and contentment 
 to all. 13. of all. 14. the residue, rcleeve the poore. 15 in prison. 
 
 8—2
 
 Ii6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 No orders nor instruments, that had been once exhibited and 
 indorsed, were ever to be called for any niore in his time, 
 which hindred much the usual gain of the consistory-officers 
 of all sorts. His clergy sate round about him, all covered 
 when he was so, by his command. He did often mention 5 
 that old canon (so old that it is forgotten long ago), Sedente 
 episcopo, ne stet presbyter. But he that was before him was 
 chargeable to the clergy in his procurations, exhibitions and 
 above all in his refections and epulacions, every one being 
 assessed according to the value of his living. Even his ser- 10 
 vants bare rule over the clergy and people, as Nehemiah 
 speaks of those governors that were before him; but so did 
 not he, because of the fear of the Lord, 
 f. 65 v°. 48. But the charge of the ordinary and annual episcopal 
 
 visitation was nothing to the untollerable abuse and usurpa- 15 
 tion of the metropolitane (which was every 3rd year) and of 
 the regal, which was every 7th year; when such a train fol- 
 lowed the visitors, that the refection of twice so many jani- 
 zaries had not been so scandalous nor chargeable by much : 
 Hand ignota loqicor. It is a great honor to the bishops of 20 
 England, and happiness to their clergy, that they are ex- 
 empted from these sad visitations, if their triennial and sep- 
 
 15. in leant of all things ova. 5. command, and not standing, 
 waiting upon the bishop or his lay-chancellom' bare headed, amongst 
 the plebian multitude without respect or discrimination, like so many 25 
 lackees in the bishop's livery, as now the manner is. He would often, 
 7. there before. 9, 10. epulations. Even his menial servants. 13. 
 fear of God ; the want of which was so great that the clergy must 
 be assessed, every one according to the value of his li^^ng, to pay 
 for their commessations, as if it had beene at the interview of Bacchus 30 
 and Venus, so shamefully excessive were they. 15. intollerable. 16. 
 yeir) called the trienniall visitation. 17. yeir, like a heatlieuish jubile. 
 sad train. 18. visitors, Dr Rives and Sing, as followed and accom- 
 panied Vitellius, when he advanced towards Rome, after the overthrow 
 of Otho his competitor, as Tacitus gives an account, calonum ingens 35 
 numerus. For day and night they gave themselves over to such riott 
 and excesse, as if they had come out of the bottomless pitt, or were 
 posting to that visitation : and the poore clergy must pay for all, under 
 paine of suspicion of heresy or of excommunication, which they carried 
 under their girdle or luid girded about their loynes ; and the refection of 40 
 twice so many janjsaryes. 19. nor so. 22. sad, if not diabolicall rather
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 11/ 
 
 tennial were homogeneous with those of Ireland. I remem- 
 ber when D. Usher's metropolitan-apparitor-general serv'd 
 my lord bishop of K. with the 2')rohibition, that for that year 
 he should exercise no episcopal jurisdiction, &c.; that Avhen 
 S he read these words, ad quos omnis et ommmoda iurisdictio 
 de iure devolvitur, &c., and those other words, propter imiYii- 
 nem animaruni pericidum, &c., that he threw it out of his 
 hand, as if he had said unto it. Get thee hence, and stamp't 
 with his foot, &c. For that year he must act nothing as a 
 
 lo bishop, or buy his privilege of these secular men at a dear 
 rate, that knew nothing but their dishonest gain. 
 
 49. But perhaps you may think it somewhat strange 
 (and it troubled many good men) that D. Usher (of blessed 
 memory), a man so famous in his generation, even to the 
 
 15 ends of the earth, should be so much concerned in all these 
 things, and never once attempt the least redress of any 
 of them. I have heard my L of K. (that loved and honoured 
 his person, his preaching, his learned writings, as much as 
 any man that ever knew him) say, that he had often spoken 
 
 20 to him of these intollerahle abuses, and many more, hut 
 could not prevail with him to do or meddle with any thing 
 in matters of discipline, no, not in his own courts, saying, 
 
 than evaugelicall, visitations, if their trieunialls and septennialls were. 
 
 I . to tliose. Ireland, and whether they continue there or not, I know not 
 25 those many yeares. 2. Dr. {speciosa et spatiosa n<iniina) serv'd. 
 
 3. lord of Kilmore. bull of prohibition. 5. those words in the bull. 
 7. away out. 8. hand as a menstruous cloth. 10. secular merchants. 
 
 I I, gaine ; and so in the regall visitation. So that the very soule of this 
 righteous man was ve.xed with the unwarrantable degradations and 
 
 30 usurpations of those men, caeci avaritia, quis omnia atque inhonesta 
 vendere nws erat. 13. and... men om. Dr. 15. earth, whose prayse is 
 throughout all the churches. 16. things and courts, redresse of the 
 greatest abuse, being the first man named in many courts, as in prero- 
 gative, the high commission, the court of delegates, as well as in his owne 
 
 35 diocesan and metropolitan. This troubled many worthy persons that 
 honoured him much, that he that had so much power and authority 
 connnitted unto him to do much good, yet in these thinges of great con- 
 cernment in church and state should do nothing at all, which made preach- 
 ing to be of little esteeme and to litle purpose, but to make the wicked 
 
 40 walk on every side, &c. 17. lord of Kilmore. 22. courts, but take them 
 as he found them, and so leave tlienv worse ; but that he referred all
 
 Il8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 that he took them as he found them, and referred all to his 
 officers and surrogates, till a time of reformation by a general 
 synod shoidd come, which he still looked for. The truth is, 
 he so gave himself wholly over to the search of the fathers 
 and all antiquity, and to that apostolick work of praying and S 
 preaching the word, that he had no time scarse once to 
 think of the discipline of the church, or to regulate any 
 thing that was amiss, tho', according to his place and station 
 in the churcli (being fixed as a bright shining star in the 
 highest orb thereof), God had required it of him, and put it lo 
 in his power to doe it. Therefore when he came to die, he 
 earnestly besought the Lord to pardon his sins of omission. 
 f. 66 r. The speech of his own physitian, D. Bootius, a learned 
 Dutchman (who was also physitian to the e. of Strafford), is . 
 very remarkable; Si Armachanus noster esset tam exactus iS 
 disciplinator, qiiam antiquitatis indagator et veritatis propug- 
 nator et evangelii praedicator, jirocid duhio designari et con- 
 stitui jJotuisset totius orbis Christiani ecclesiasticus adminis- 
 trator. 
 
 50. Having given some account of those great abuses, 20 
 that he found among his clergy, viz. pluralities and non- 
 residence, the bane of the clergy and misery of the people : 
 
 these matters ecclesiastical! to his officials and surrogates till a tyme of 
 reformation, which he still looked for. So that in the meanetyme all 
 orderlines and goodnes went to wrack, and a leading prelate did what 25 
 him listed in all these courts of judicature, to the great scandall of the 
 cluirch government, and damage of many, and ripening all for destruc- 
 tion which came upon us as travayle upon a woman with cheild, and we 
 were not able to escape it, nor more then Shilo, for the like abuses 
 under Ely's two surrogates Hophni and Phincas, as Jer. vii. 12. The 30 
 truth is, my lord primate of Ardmagli gave himselfe over so much to 
 the search. 9. fixed in its highest orbe as a glorious starr. 11. 
 power to redrcsse ; therefore. 1 2. omission, about thinges left 
 undone. And this neglect of church discipline was bemoaned by all 
 that knew him and loved his holy and harmeless conversation, and 35 
 admired his incomparable learning in other thinges and indefatigable 
 studdy. In this point, or dead flye, only beneath himselfe, in which 
 though more learned any concerned then many, yet did less then 
 any: the best men being but men at the best. 13. Dr Bootius, a 
 
 Dutchman. 14. earl of Strafford, and a learned man. 20. Thus 40 
 
 having given you. of the reformation of those. 21. that this
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. II9 
 
 I shall in the next place set down his reformation of his 
 courts and ecclesiastical consistory. Hie totum est pro cor- 
 2)ore vulnus. The corruption was so great, that he saw 
 nothing in his courts when he entred bishop, but what 
 5 Solomon saw long before, the place of judgement, that 
 wickedness luas there, and the iiilace of rigldeousness, that 
 iniquity was there. He found both clergy and people a 
 prey and a spoil to a lay-official by patent, and none to 
 deliver them. And as there Avas a simoniacal and sacri- 
 
 10 legious venality of all holy things in his predecessor's house; 
 so there were manifold extortions in the exercise of eccle- 
 siastical jurisdiction in his courts. He was wearied by 
 continual complaints from all sorts of people. The dread- 
 full sentence of excommunication (both major and minor, 
 
 15 which ought not to be pronounced without mature delibe- 
 ration and highest reverence) as common, and therefore 
 as little regarded and set by, as the dirt of the streets, 
 or as it is called in the Irish tongue 'Comil-Vahu,' the 
 extinguishing or blowing out of a candle ; a ceremony 
 
 2D used by the church of Rome in their popish excommunica- 
 tions and interdictions. He found the officers of all sorts so 
 polluted with bribes and filthiness, that one could not touch 
 their garments : instead of repentance for sin, nothing but 
 impenitency and commutation of penance for dishonest 
 
 25 gain, &c. 
 
 51. Therefore as a good shepheard ought to do, he 
 resolves to drive away the wolf from his flock. He sits 
 in judgement with some of his ministers covered on each 
 side of him; and when any sentence, whether interlocutory 
 
 30 good bishop found, i. the reformation. 2. ecclesiasticall consistoryes, 
 most falsely styled spirituall, till he came to sit and act there, as he 
 esteemed himself in conscience bound and in right and equity suf- 
 ficiently autliorized thereunto as a bishop : hie. in corpore. 
 7 — 9. He fotind... them om.. 12. courts, as he left them. He found 
 
 35 botli clergy and people a prey and a spoyle to a lay-officiall, or lay- 
 bishop (if ye will), by patent, and none to deliver. He was. 14. minor 
 and major. 15. pronounced or denounced, most mature. 18. cvinil- 
 valu. 19. extinguishing in water. 27. flock, that they might be no more 
 a prey ; and sits. 29. of him, with liberty to give their opinion in each
 
 120 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 or definitive, was to be given, he asked their opinion man by 
 man. Many fees he alltogether remitted, and many he 
 reduced ; the one to the poor, that had little or nothing to 
 pay, specially the poor Irish, that were alwaies obnoxious; 
 the other for moderation sake, avoiding severity and the 5 
 exacting of the utmost farthing, 
 f. 66 v°. 5 2. But this practice of his, tho' never so warrantable 
 
 in itself, and acceptable to all, both . clergy, and people, and 
 renowned over all Ireland for the exemplariness of it, yet 
 was not long free from opposition ; no more than that good lo 
 work (Ezr. iv. 9) of Ezra in the accusation of Rehum the 
 chancellor and Shimsay the. scribe or register. For D. 
 Alane Cook the chancellor and his men, seeing the hope 
 ■ of their gain was like to be cut off by this means, if the 
 bishop were suffered thus to continue, as he had begun, 15 
 to sit and judge in his own courts; as he had already 
 disappointed them of all their gain from ordinations and 
 institutions, &c., (he writing all such instruments with his 
 own hand, and giving them freely) made head, and con- 
 spired all of them together against him^to hinder him in 20 
 his progress. Dr. Cook the lay-chancellor commenced a suit 
 in the chancery against him ; who made his just defence so 
 
 case; and when. i. opinion and votes. 3. poor Irish. 5. moder- 
 ation's, and exacting tlie. 6. farthing : in some degree reducing his 
 episcopall to a syuodicall government and more freindly judicature, 25 
 according to the proposall made by Dr Usher, archbishop of Ardmagh, 
 (by way of accommodation) to the parliament and assembly of divines 
 at Westminster anno 1641, a duson of yeares before this. 7. though. 
 9. examplariness. 11. Ezr.iv.() ova. 11. from tlie accusation. 12. re- 
 gister. He found the mysterious title given by old Simeon to his Lord 30 
 and Master, crr]iie7ov duTLkeyofievov, vciifyed in his faithfiUl servant, that 
 begins now to suffer in His cause and to be persecuted for righteousnes 
 sake. 13. Dr Allen Cook the old lay-chancellor. 16. courts, that 
 were called in and by bis name. 1 7. their gryst from ordination and 
 institution &c. 19. given and bestowing. 20. against them. 21. pro- 35 
 gross; as Sanballat and Tobiah did against Nehemiah, when they 
 understood that the breaches of the walls of Jerushalem began to be 
 stopt. But this learned and prudent bishop could not be hindred 
 by their murmurings, nor would give way to their usurpation of his 
 episcopall jurisdiction on any termes ; asthe bishop of Bath and Wells 40 
 is reported to have done (out of pusillanimity) to Dr Duke his lay-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 121 
 
 learnedly, and furnished his advocates with such unanswer- 
 able arguments fetched from all antiquity, as all his adver- 
 saries were astonished at. 
 
 53. He wondred (he said) that he shoidd not he allowed 
 S to discharge that trust, that was reposed in him ; that one half 
 of his episcopal office should he alienated to a mercenarij hire- 
 ling, that came not, hut for to spoil and to destroy ; he heing 
 hound hi/ his consecration and oath to rule as %vell as to feed 
 his flock over which the Holy Ghost had made him hishop ; 
 
 10 that this his practice should seem new and strange, ivhich is 
 the practice of all the reformed churches that have hishops, 
 without lay-chancellors. Bishop Jewell sate often luith his 
 chancellor, and was president in his own consistory ; that his 
 pastoral care might reach, his jurisdiccion in his court, as well 
 
 15 as in his pulpit. The titular hishops that are put over the 
 popish party in Ireland hy the j)ope, exercise jurisdiction in 
 private over the Irish ;. and that a Protestant hishop shoidd 
 he denied the same poiver in puhlique, that holds it hy patent 
 from the king, seemed strange, dx. 
 
 20 54- Many copies of his pleadings (it being a rare case) 
 were taken and sent into England, as well as through all 
 Ireland. And allbeit all the prelates wished him good 
 success,, tliat knew what belonged to their office ; yet none 
 
 chancellour, when he told his bishop flatly, that he had nothing to do 
 
 25 to sit there, and shewed him his pipes. The bishop of Kilmore thought 
 himselfe as much obleiged by his patent and consecration oath to main- 
 tainc and assert the episcopal discipline, as well as evangelicall and 
 apostolicall doctrine. AVhereupon Dr Allen Cooke. 23. against his 
 bishop. I. advocate. 2. arguments (being denyed the liberty to 
 
 30 plead for himselfe, which iniquity he tooke heynously, that a bishop was 
 not allowed to plead for himselfe) fetcht. antiquity, since the Christian 
 cmporours allowed bishops any jurisdiction over the clergy or laity in 
 the Roman empyrc: so tliat all his adversaryes were astonished at his 
 answers and ple^ulings. 4. he mid om. 6. alienated and usurped 
 
 35 by a. 8. inviolable oath. 9. made him episcojyum ; that this. 
 12. lay-chancellours to exercise a lawlesse and arbitrary dominion over 
 them, as well as (without them) over the clergy and layty. 14, his 
 episcopall care. 15. set over. 19. seemed strange om. 20. rare 
 and singular case never disputed there befoi-e. 23. office and episco- 
 
 40 pall dignity, and ownd him at first as their only diampion against their 
 despoylers, and told him that thei/ were hut scmi-cpiscopi, haf/e-bishops,
 
 122 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 did, nor durst assist him because of his potent adversaries 
 and the great opposition that was made unto him. So that 
 f. 67 Y\ notwithstanding all that this holy and truly learned bishop 
 could say or do for himself, either by himself or others, he 
 was unjustly cast and fined to pay £100 charges to Dr. 5 
 Cook the plaintiff chancellor : one of the greatest reasons, 
 why the 1. chancellor gave sentence against him being this, 
 which the bishop had from his own mouth : All that my 
 father left me was a register s j)lace : therefore he would 
 maintain the alienation and exercise of all consistorial offices 10 
 without the bishop. This I had from the bishop's mouth. 
 
 55. But notwithstanding the decree in chancery against 
 him to divest him of the life of his episcopacy, his over- 
 ruling power in his own courts, and to leave him only a 
 titular bishop, as the popish prelates were ; whether by 1 5 
 secret advice from some eminent statesmen, that much ■ 
 approv'd his cause and valiant resolution in the defence 
 of his episcopal dignity, and in rescuing and delivering 
 his flock from tyranny; or by a powerfull conviction of the 
 conscience of his adversary, D. Cook, that might well be 20 
 ashamed of his ill-acquired victory, I know not, (tho' both 
 might be true) : but this I know, that this holy man of God 
 sate in his own consistory ever hereafter without any oppo- 
 
 homonimously so called, or meir titulars in that respect, or scarce so 
 much; and that they would stand hy him and adhere unto him to 25 
 the uttermost of their power. But when it came to the push, they all 
 forsooke him, like a deceitfull bow, and left him to stand or fall to his own 
 master : which redounded much to their dishonour, to leave their 
 leader in the field alone, fighting for them all against many enemies. 
 I pray God (with Paul) that it be not layd to their charge : notwith- 30 
 standing the Lord assisted him and strengthned him ; for none else 
 did or durst take his part because of. 2. him by the whole family of 
 lay-chancellours and their adherents. 4. he is. 5. Dr Cooke the 
 l)lentiff. 7. lord chancellor Bolton. gave a decree and judg- 
 
 ment against. this : when my lord of Kilmore asked his lordship 35 
 
 afterwards, why he was orerthroicne, having the better cause ? his 
 answer was (which my lord had from his owue moixth). 9. and there- 
 fore. 13. lyfe and soide of his episcopall dignity and authority, his 
 I)residency and over-ruling. 14. only a halfe-bishoj) or titular, as. 
 16. statesmen (as was supposed) that much. 18. dignity and juris- 40 
 diction. 19. tyranny and oppression. 20. Dr Cooke, might justly
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 23 
 
 sition ; and that D. Cook never offer'd to interrupt liim in 
 the least, nor ever demanded the £100 wherein the bishop 
 was condemned for his charges ; bnt did delegate his power 
 and interest as chancellor to an Irish gentleman, one Mr. 
 
 5 Ash, as his surrogate, and to Patrick Coddan as register ; 
 
 who observed my L. of K. in all his orders and proceedings 
 
 in his courts with all fitting respects, till the rebellion 
 
 suspended all courts, and determined all petty controversies. 
 
 56. And allbeit their gains were not half so much 
 
 10 as formerly they had been (when one was put into the 
 court for threepenny worth of tithe-turf, and it cost £5 e're 
 he could get off) : yet they seem'd contented with what they 
 could catch ; so that the bishop did freely and conscientiously 
 what he had done afore-time ; and this was pleasing to God, 
 
 15 and profitable to good and bad, who all had present 
 hearing and sudden dispatch of all matters that came 
 within the cognizance of that court, whether decimal, testa- 
 mental or matrimonial, or things presentable by articles 
 and punishable there, by far less mulcts and amercements 
 
 20 than ever before. Insomuch that the consistory, that was 
 look'd upon before as a common gi'ievance, was in his dales 
 esteemed a sanctuary to the poor and needy. And by his f. 67 v" 
 lenity and moderation many priests and friars, that were 
 still brought in for fornication or adultery, were prevailed 
 
 25 with to renounce their filthiness, and to have good thoughts 
 of the reformed religion, that had appointed to all mankind 
 an antidote against un cleanness by holy and honourable 
 marriage, as the bishop often told them in court ; and 
 several of them were converted from popery, and did 
 
 30 marry, as I shall shew you hereafter more at large. 
 
 be. I. l)r Cooke. 2. hundred pounds. 6. lord of Kilmore. 
 
 7. all reverend respects. 8. and the bloody sword determined. 
 
 9. gaine were. 10. it had beene. 11. thrippence worth, of tyth- 
 turff, a fewell much used in Ireland, and it cost five pound. 14. a- 
 
 35 foretime, as it is said of Daniel in anotlier case, and this was pleasing 
 to God {for to him that knoiceth to do good and doth it not, to him it 
 in sin, sayth St James) and profitable. 15. bad, that had. 
 
 18. by the articles of inquisition. 19. punishable in the court by. 20. so- 
 that. 21. before om. common newsance. 22. needy, so that by. 
 
 40 25. their unclcaunes. 27. against all filthiues of flesh and spirit.-
 
 124 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 57. Having briefly, but truly shewed you what course 
 this good, evangelical and primitive bishop took at his 
 entrance upon his new office, to reform his clergy and con- 
 sistory ; it remains in the next place, that you take a view 
 of the course he took for the reformation of the Irish people, 5 
 and reducing them from the darkness of popery to God's 
 marvelous light in the Gospel; of which the English 
 and Irish state had been very neglectfull ever since the 
 reformation ; for which (by God's just indignation) they 
 have often sadly smarted, and have seen the destruction of 10 
 all their pleasant and profitable plantations once in 40 years, 
 with the blood of vast multitudes of innocent people, in all 
 their barbarous massacres and unparallell'd cruelties. And 
 allthough Lionel duke of Clarence, lord lieutenant of Ireland, 
 anno 1361 made laws for the civilizing the Irish in speech 15 
 and apparel, yet it never took effect : But as they were 
 asperi incidtique, quis cihus erat cavo ferina, lac atque humi 
 Sham- pahuhim uti pecorihus, nulla aedificia, nisi mapalia et tugu- 
 [■^- H !o '''^'^*' religio nidla, superstitio midta <&c. So they continue at 
 ran, liiss, this day, without civility, without God, without Christ, being 20 
 alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, as much as from 
 the commonwealth of England. Therefore unto this day 
 they do after their former manners, being still lock'd up and 
 kept in the dungeon of ignorance by their idolatrous priests, 
 that know not the Lord more than the sons of Eli, or the 25 
 
 30. you om. large. Whilst I am writtiiig this, it comes into my myiide 
 that ill the yeir 1646 I met with Dr Cooke by chance in London, who 
 spake as reverendly of my lord of Kihiiore as any coukl doe, and said, 
 he thought there had not heene such a man iqwn the face of the earth 
 till he tryed him, and that he was too hard for all the civilians in 30 
 Ireland; and had he not beene borne downe by mere force, he had 
 undoubtedly overthrowne all the consistory courts by lay chancellors 
 and restored to all the bishops their sever all jurisdictions. He seemed 
 to me to bemoane his death, and was courteous and respectfull to me 
 for his sake. And I saw him no more. 3. consistory courts. 4. ye 35 
 take a view also. 8. neglective. 9. which iniquity and omission 
 
 of duty. 1 3. unparallcllcd crueltyes ; wherof tliero arc many records 
 and living witnesses at this day in all these three kingdomes, that are 
 mutually concerned in the wellfare of each other, and sadly bewayle the 
 neglect of their reformation. 1 5. of the Irish. 16. they never. 22. 40 
 England, through the ignorance that is in them because of the blindnes
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 125 
 
 priests of Baal that Elijali destroyed ; but by a little Latin 
 service (which many of themselves cannot construe, as know- 
 ing nothing but their portuse or breviary, as I have often 
 tried) and absolute dominion over their persons, consciences 
 
 5 and all they have, and perpetual and promiscuous unclean- 
 ness (which they esteem a venial sin and make no more of 
 than the washing of one's hands), having taken away' the key f. 68 r. 
 of knowledge, they are taken captives by them at their plea- 
 sures ; so that they that lead them cause them to err, and 
 
 10 they that are led by them, are destroyed with them. This is 
 a lamentation, and shall be for a lamentation to all succeed- 
 ing generations (as it hath been to all former), that the Irish 
 are destroyed for lack of knowledge, and we destroyed by 
 them for rejoicing to have it so. For this noble and high 
 
 1 5 attempt of my L. of K. to reduce them from their evil waies 
 of ignorance and superstition, mett with greater opposition 
 than all his former attempts for the reformation of his clergy 
 and courts, as I shall shew anon. 
 
 58. In the first place he engages with his clergy to keep an 
 
 20 EngUsh school, or to cause it to be kept, in all their respec- 
 tive parishes ; in some of which was not one Protestant, be- 
 cause not one of a thousand could either read or write. And 
 to this end he printed at Dublin, anno 1631, a small cate- 
 chism of one sheet, called the A. B. C, or the Institution of 
 
 25 a Christian ; wherein is the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's 
 Prayer and Ten Commandments, and some select portions of 
 Scriptures conteining the sum of the Gospel, as namely 
 Gal. iii. 10, 11, 12, 13. Job. iii. 16, 17, 18, 19. 2 Cor. v. 19, 
 
 20, 21. Act. xiii. 38. Some short praiers also of script, sen- 
 
 30 of their hart. 25. any more. i. destroyed for seducing and deceiving the 
 people; but by. 4. persons and consciences and over all. 6. sin, a small 
 matter. 9. erre and readily to do whatsoever they command, and they. 
 15. lord of Kilmore. 17. reforming. 18. shew you. 19. ingagesallhis. 
 
 21. there was. 22. because there was, that could, write, for the 
 35 education of their children. 23. in Dublin. 27. scripture. 29. For the 
 
 poore people never heard anything of Jesus Christ and His merits, but 
 alwayes the fabulous meritts of former saints and of their owne goode 
 workes sounding in their eares to make their priests lords of all. Some 
 short prayers also of Scriptm-e sentences, for they know not what belonged 
 40 to prayer, but to mumble over upon their \)Q'aA's, Avc-Mnrys ^\\(\ Pater-
 
 126 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 tences, and some short graces before and after meat. Of 
 this Catechism the one page is English, and the other Irish. 
 And this he sent abroad through all the diocese, which by 
 God's blessing was like to do abundance of good. For the 
 poor ignorant creatures began to hear something of God in 5 
 their own language, and to learn the Creed and the Lord's 
 prayer &c. in their own tongue, which they never could be- 
 fore, for they were never taught it. I have seen many of 
 them express as much joy at the reading of a psalm, or of a 
 chapter in the N. T. in the Irish tongue, as was discovered lo 
 by the children of the captivity when Ezra read the law 
 unto them, Neh. viii. 
 
 59. The next thing he went about for their reformation 
 was to persuade some of their learnedst priests and friars, 
 that were bred in the seminaries beyond sea, to forsake 15 
 popery and be converted. Of them he had a convent not 
 far from Kilmore. He desired them to put in writing what 
 they could say for their own religion, or against our's, which 
 they did, and upon satisfaction given made open recantation 
 in the cathedral church on the Lord's day; abjured all parts 20 
 and appendices of popery from head to foot. To encourage 
 
 nosters innumerable (whosooA'er were present) with as litle reverence and 
 devotion as understanding and profitt: and some short graces before 
 and after meate, for the Irish never did crave a blessing, nor returne 
 any tlianks after meate, any more tiien beasts ; only if a priest or fryar 25 
 be present, he sayth, Benedicite et benedicaniifs Domino, and then 
 mutters over his Pater-noster in his throate, more like a conjurer then 
 a praying Christian. And that is all of this short catalogue [? cate- 
 chism]; the one. 2. and -om. 3. And om. throughout. 5. 
 somewhat. 7. could say. 8. it om. 10. New Testament. 30 
 II. people of. 12. Neh. viii., or our progenitors did in the 
 dayes of Henry VIII., when they would goe many myles to heare a 
 ■chapter read in the English tongue. 13, goes about. 14. is to be- 
 perswade. 15. popish seminaries. 16. for he had a convent t)f 
 them not. 17. desyres. 20. church of Kilmore. day and. 21, 35 
 pendickles. foote. And by this meanes he thought and hoped to 
 prevayle over the ignorance of the elder sort of people, when they were 
 instructed in the waves of God by men of their ov/ne ; though many of 
 them knew as litle of the true God, and of the truth of God contayncd 
 in the Scriptures, as the Indians do at this day, and the most part of 40 
 their idolatrous priests, as the pawawes of America. To one of many 
 Irish converts I will set downe this one letter, being one of the least.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 12/ 
 
 written to ono of the Icarnedst of them in a most convincing and 
 winning style, as always his manner was. 
 
 GuUielmus Kilinonnisis ecclesiae minister dilecto fratri Cornelio 
 Sheridin, sahdein in Christo lesu. 
 5 De tua cum Dalio liticida scripseram ad Dionisium nostrum ante 
 acceptas litteras illius et tuas, quid m.ihi ex aequo et bono constituen- 
 dum videretur. Itaqne venio ad expediendas duhilationcs tuas, quae 
 tantum ahest ut mihi fuerint ingratae, ut nihil jxjiuerit inihi a te 
 gratius accidere ; nam et tui officii puto, nihil temere in negotio 
 
 lo religinnis statuere, et mei studio tuo non deesse. Movet te quod ait 
 Dominus Mat. x. 42 Quicunque potum dcderit uni ex minimis istis 
 calicem aquae frigidae tantum in nomine discipuli, amen dico vobis non 
 perdet mercedem suam ; ex quo sic arguis, ' Opus mcrcede dignum est 
 meriforium'. Sic enim inverto propositionem tuam, ne conclusio sit 
 
 15 affinnata [}. afRrmativa] in secunda figura. Assumis ^Atqui opus 
 nostrum est dignum m.ercede, et quidem aeterna, ergo' etc. Ego vero 
 tuam assumptioncm j)<^^'nego, et valde miror, si ex insita dignitate 
 calicem aquae frigidae datum alicui ex Christi discijmlis ex2)endas ut 
 condignum videri possit ad vitam aeternam {quam gratuito Dei dono 
 
 20 ascrihit apostolus, Rom. vi. 23) et ad cam gloriam, ad quam passiones 
 huius temporis condignas esse negat, cap. viii. 18. Sed instas, claram 
 assumptionem videri ex ipsis verbis Domini, mercedem suam [perinde 
 ac si sensus esset , mercedem aeternam, qua dignus est). Sed fallit te 
 (Txvi^a X/|e«? et quidem duj)liciter. Nam merces, hie et alibi fere, per 
 
 25 Tnetaphoram pro jit'ciemio jionitur, quod non semper ex operis dig- 
 nitate, aut ojjeratitis merito, sed quandoque ex liberalitate reniune- 
 rantis confertur. Id tametsi satis expresse ajjostolus explicat, Rom,, 
 iv. 4, cum ait ei qui operatur mercedem non imputari secundum 
 gratiam ; at multo clarius Salvator in parabola operariorum con- 
 
 30 ductorum ad laborandum in vinea Matt. xx. 15, ubi jmterfamilias 
 inducitur mercedes ipsas, non ex operis valore, sed ex bonitate bene- 
 placiti et arbitrii tui, conductis distribuens. Talis est merces sive 
 praemium aquae frigidae. Hoc primum. Alterum est quod suam 
 pi'o eo quod esset ^sibi dandam et qua dignus est' interpretari videris. 
 
 35 Quaero e.v te, quum in oratione Dominica dicimus, Panem nostrum 
 da, nobis, sensus sit, ' q?io digni sumus,' an vero, ^ qui Te donante fiat 
 noster' ? Similiter cum Dominus de aucujnDitibus humanam laudem 
 ex bono opere testatur. Amen dico vobis recepcrunt mercedem suam, 
 utrum ita intellexerit, ' qua digni sunt,' an ' quam ambiebant, capta- 
 
 40 bant, et qua maiorem non hnpetrabunt' ? Clarum est ergo, turn ex 
 verbis Domini, turn ex rebus ipsis, si nempe haustus aquae frigidae 
 cum iure bibcndi e.r fiumine vitae comferaiur {quod gratis donari & 
 Sanctus te.<itatur, Ajmc. x.vi. 6 et xxii. ij)mercedem non ex dignitate 
 operis, aut operantis, sed ex liberalitate donantis assignari. 
 
 45 Secunda dubitatio tua oritur ex eo quod Calvinus {id ais) in suis 
 
 luslitutionibus a.i.terif, opera nostra damnahilia et jj^ccata mortalia
 
 128 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 esse. Hoc ita sim2Jlicitcr a Calvino j)os!tu7n non reperio, sed ita : 
 quicquid a iustis optimum proferri potest, aliqua tamen semper cariiis 
 impuritate respersum et corriiptum esse, et taiiquam aliquid aeris 
 admixtum habere, et si in se censeatur, iustam opprobrii mercedem 
 mereri : nullum unquam extitisse pii hominis opus, quod si severe Dei 5 
 iudicio examinaretur, non esset damnabile. Haec Calvini placita sunt; 
 et, quod puto me tibi olim ostendtsse, Augustini, cuius ilia vox est: 
 vae etiam laudabili hominum vitae, si remota misericordia Dei discutias 
 eam. Quid, quod lobi cap. iw. 28., xxx. 31, 32 ; Davidis 2^sal. xxxii. 2 
 et cxliii. 2 ; Esaiae Ixiv. 6 ; Danielis ix. 18 ; Paidi Phil. iv. 9 ? Haec 10 
 tu sanctorum, haec oracula S. Sancti considera per otium et confer 
 inter se. Ego ad ea per go quae supersunt in epistula tua. Addis 
 eundem Cdlvinmn asserere nos sola fide salvari, ex quo tibi sequi 
 videtur, nos 2yer j^eccatum mortale iustificari. Hoc etiam quodCalcino 
 imponis, nos sola fide salcari^ rix credo apud eum .reperiri ; nam 15 
 utcnnque apostolmn dicentcm meminerit, gratia estis servati per fidem, 
 non ex operibus, ne quis glorietur, Eph. ii. 8, 9 : non tamen nesciebat, 
 ab eodem apostolo dictum, spe salvi facti sumus, Rom. viii. 24 : et 
 alibi, non ex operibus iustitiae quae fecimus nos, sed secundum 
 misericordiam suam salvos nos fecit, per lavacrum regenerationis et 20 
 renovationis S. Sancti, Tit. Hi. $ ; et a lacobo, Quid proderit, fratres 
 mei, si fidem quis dicat se habere, opera autem non habeat, nunquid 
 poterit fides salvare eum ? lac. ii. 14. iVow puto Calvinum latuisse 
 haec, sed nee, non aequipollere, ''sola fide iustificam,ur^ et ^ sola fide 
 salvamur^ ; verum illud hie pre/mis, quod videtur consequens ex dictis 25 
 Calvini: 'nos per peccatum mortale iustificari, quoniam fides opus 
 est nostrum, operatio nempe intellectus.^ Primum non in eo tibi 
 assentior, quod fides quae iustificat sit opus sive operatio intellectus. 
 In/ormis quidem ilia {quam scholastici vacant) fides, qualis est dae- 
 monum, est in intellectu: sed formata, quam describit Augustinus, 30 
 credendo Deum amare, credendo in Deum ire, credendo ei adhaerere 
 et in eius membris incorporari, non est intellectus operatio, sed -cordis 
 et voluntatis, atque j^er hanc iustificatur impius, non tamen prout est 
 opus sice operatio nostra, sed prout est instrumentum Christum 
 appre?iendens, per quem adhaeremus Deo. Aj^ertius dicam. Non 35 
 quia ilia fides nos Jacit usquequaque jnrfectos, sanctos, iustos, dignos 
 amore Dei, sed quia accipit et amplectitur Christum, qui a Deo f actus 
 est nobis iustitia, in eum credentes iusti censonur, non fidei nostrae 
 opere : haec fides in eum recumbit, ei adhaeret; ideo per eam fidem 
 iustificamur, hoc est pro iustis in iudicio Dei censemur. Neque vera 40 
 hie actus est peccatum mortale,nunquam hoc Calcino venitin mentem; 
 est enim ipsa condicio novi foederis : crede in Dominum lesum Chris- 
 tum et salvus eris Act. xvi. 31. Sed si ex lege et semota gratia discu- 
 teretur, non usquequaque responderet illi regulae ; diliges Dominum 
 Deum tuum ex toto corde, animo, viribus, ut gratia et misericordia 45 
 dieina semper opus sit, sicut ait apostolus : gratia salvi facti estis per
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 29 
 
 these Irish converts herein, he gave them preferment ac- 
 cording to their several respective capacities : to some he f. 68 v 
 gave livings cum cura animai^um; some he made curates, 
 schoolmasters, parish clerks, &c. Amongst other converts 
 
 5 there was a learned fryar called Daniel O'Creane, upon 
 "whom the bishop bestowed a good living; there not being 
 one Protestant in all the parish, he did much good, and did 
 turn many away from iniquity. He married a daughter of 
 captain Perkins, and did not fall away upon the rebellion, 
 
 10 as many did, but stood out against all violence and spoil and 
 terror, and escaped to Dublin naked and bare ; and the first 
 money that God sent him, he laid out for an English Bible 
 (as I did see) in Mr Bladen's shop, when he had no place 
 where to lay his head, nor reliefe for his body. Yea I did 
 
 15 not hear nor know of any that were converted and promoted 
 
 fidem. Aliiul est affirmare simpUciter, aliucl ex Jvjpothesi. Auferam 
 hinc vestrorum invidiam et nostrorum inter}yretamentorumfidicula{?). 
 Hoc dicit Calcinws ad siimmam: ^ opera nostra qimntumlihet perfecta, 
 impara et dmnnahilia fore, si ex lege Dei semota misericordia aesti- 
 
 20 marentur : in novo foedere gratia divina nos fide ut instrumento 
 iustificari, cuius actus, si ex vetere foedere operum examinaretur, 
 esset aliqua circumstantia vitiosus.' Haec vera tibi ad difficultates 
 istas expendendas et expediendas eofusius rescripsi, quod magni mo- 
 menti sit ista quaestio de iustificatione, et in qua cardo totiiis salutis 
 
 25 nostrae vertitur, insuper paratus, si opus erit, si quis adhuc restet 
 aliciibi scrupulus, aut in hac controversia aut aliis, operam navare. 
 Quod sujjerest, Dominum oro ut det tibi intellectum in omnibus ; eius 
 yratiae te ex animo commendo. 
 
 Thus in Christo, 
 
 30 Guil. Kilmorensis. 
 
 Kilmorae Iiilii 26'', 1636. 
 
 To my loving brother Mr Cohonaght O'Sheridin 
 deliver these. 
 
 Tliis learned epistle had the desired eflFect, which many such like had ; 
 
 35 and the party reclaymed by God's blessing became a zealous convert. 
 To encourage. 3. curates to aged and vveake ministers. 6. had be- 
 stowed. 7 — 9. in the whole parish. He marryed a daughter of captain 
 Perkins, and did much good, and did turne many away from popish 
 iniquity, and did not. 10. many hypocrites and false converts did. 
 
 40 stood out manfully. 11. DubUn at length. 14. body, but elemosinary. 
 
 9
 
 I30 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 by my L. K. to any ecclesiasticar function, that turned apos- 
 tats and persecutors, save one Patrick Brady a minister; 
 one of the first murderers that appeared in the day of our 
 calamity. 
 
 60. Now when this indulgence to the Irish natives in 5 
 preferring and encouraging of them to the ministry was 
 noised abroad, the bishop was sorely checked by some states- 
 men, as if he had acted contrary to the English interest and 
 policy in making the Irish capable of preferment in church 
 or state, which was the portion of the conquerors, not of the 10 
 conquered and enslaved natives. The bishop said. It was an 
 ill principle of policy to keep the Irish still in ignorance, 
 which would he bitterness in the later end ; and that it was 
 far better iwlicy, to bring them to the knowledge of Jesus 
 Christ, which would please God far better, and prove a 15 
 greater security for the present and for the future against 
 all attempts founded upon ignorance and blind obedience. 
 And being sent to seek the things of Jesus Christ, he 
 esteemed this to belong to his care, to coopei^ate with Christ 
 in bringing his people out of the Romish captivity. And if 20 
 to help away a poor captive out of Tiirky hath been hon- 
 ourable to some publick ministers ; what shall it be to help 
 many thousand souls out of the bondage of 7nens traditions, 
 and gaining to his majestie so many entire subjects ? as he 
 expresseth in his exhortation to the lord deputy. Howsoever 2: 
 
 15. know nor hear. i. lord of Kilmore. 2. persecutors of tlie 
 
 Christians. P. Brady. 4. calamity ; who afterwards received the 
 
 wages of his apostacy, being slaine in his sinne by our forces at Butler's 
 bridge in the parish of Cavan, whose minister's goods he had plundered 
 the very first day of the rebellion, neer that place where he fell. Now 30 
 when this indulgence of my lord of Kilmore. 7. was secretly checkt. 
 
 8. only had. 9. jjolicy all this while, by his endeavouring to make 
 
 the conquered and enslaved Irish. church and state. 1 1 . con- 
 
 quered and depressed Irish natives, which no man did ever so much as 
 once attempt before his lordship. He said. 1 2. policy and carnal in- 35 
 terest. still hoodwincked. 13. latter. 13 — 4. it would proove 
 
 farr. 14. policy and advance the English interest more then ever 
 heerafter, to bring the Irish to the saving. 17. hostile attempts, 
 
 founded meerly. 18. that being. 21. mc a 1/ om. 22. should, 
 
 help to the encouraging of many thousands out. 25. deputy in his 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 131 
 
 his reply did not please them, more than their speech did 
 him ; though ere long they found the sad effects of it, to the 
 loss of themselves, as well as of their interest and policy : 
 One of them looked down stedfastly with derision upon his 
 5 feet, and being asked luhy he did so ? said, that he was seeing 
 whether my L. of K. luore hroges or no; thus jearing his 
 Christian affection and compassion towards the poor Irish ; 
 whom no man sought after as he did whose feet were shod f. 69 r", 
 with the preparation of the gospel of peace, and thereby 
 
 10 made so beautifull upon the Irish mountains, in bringing 
 good tidings of good things and publishing salvation unto 
 them by the Scriptures to be read and understood in their 
 own language. 
 
 61. For the more vigorous and effectual carrying on of 
 
 15 all those pious and honourable overtures and intentions, he 
 resolves upon the translation of the O. T. into Irish: 
 the N. T. being before translated by D. Donelin, arch- 
 bishop of Tuam ; and the Common Prayer-book also, and 
 both printed by sir William Usher at the bridge foot of 
 
 20 Dublin. He communicates this his purpose to many per- 
 sons of quality in church and state ; and by their advice 
 (that is to say of D. Usher primate of Armagh, D. Martin 
 b. of Meath, my lord Dillon, one of the privy council, sir 
 James Ware, sir Morris Eustace, sir William Usher, and 
 
 25 others) there was one Murtach King, or O'Kinga, an Irish 
 
 excellent sermon upon Rev. xviii. 4. However. i. no more. 2. long 
 tlie wisest of them found. 3. their earthly interest and carnall policy, 
 which prooved to us like that wisdome that discendetli not from above, 
 as St. James speaks, cap. iii. 15. One jiroud and graceless P., that 
 
 30 endeavoured to doe as much hurt and mischeefo as this servant of God 
 studdied to do good in his tyme and place, looked do\vn. 5. my lord 
 of Kilmore's feete. 6. lord of Kilmore wore brogues. pro- 
 
 plianely jeiring. 8. that no. 12. holy Scriptures. 13. language, as 
 you shall heare, 15. all these. 16 Old Testament. 17. New 
 
 35 Testament. before om. Dr. 18 — 19. Twara in the pro- 
 
 vince of Munster (whose brother, judge Donelin, was a worthy states- 
 man and loved my lord of Kilmore much upon that account of his desire 
 of the salvation of the Irish), the Common Prayer-book also being 
 printed in Irish by. 20. this his purpose with. 21. the advice of 
 
 40 the princes of the Irish nation, that is. 22. Dr. (bis). 23. bishojx 25. 
 there is. 01' O'Kinga om. 
 
 9—2
 
 133 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 native, commended unto him for this noble enterprise ; who 
 was fully master of that language, both in prose and meeter, 
 by the testimony and approbation of all that knew him. 
 He had a good estate in the King's county (I have been in 
 his house) and was a convert in K. James his time. My 5 
 L. of K. sent for him, publickly examined him in all points 
 of the Christian faith in the cathedral church of K. ; and 
 though he had no academick accomplishments, yet was 
 found fit to do good above many that had these additionalls 
 to little purpose. He ordeined him, and conferred upon lo 
 him the living of Templeport for his accessory mainteinance 
 in this great affair ; and so set him a work with prayer and 
 supplication to God, the Author of the Scriptures, for a 
 blessing upon his labours ; confining him to turn the last 
 translation of the English Bible (read in all churches) into 15 
 the plainest Irish, most understood of the vulgar. 
 
 62. And surely it was a work agreeable to the mind of 
 God, that the poor Irish, being a very numerous nation, be- 
 sides the greater half of Scotland, and all those islands called 
 Hebrides, that lie in the Irish sea, and many of the Orcades 20 
 also that speak Irish, should be enabled to search the Scrip- 
 tures (as others) that in them they might find the way that 
 leads to everlasting life, which they could never do whiles 
 the Scriptures remained a sealed book to them. This brings 
 f. 69 v. to my mind a passage of Fulgentio, (a great divine) preach- 25 
 ing at St Mark's in Venice against the pope, before the 
 prince and senate, upon these words of Christ to the Jews, 
 Matth. xxi. 42. Have yee never read? When Christ (saith 
 
 I. his noble. 4. county, with his wife and family. 5. house). He was. 
 5 — 6. king James' tyrac, having beene a priest formerly, as Hiram of 30 
 Tyre was imployed by Solomon about all the Temple work, though a 
 heathen before. My lord of Kilmore. 7, Kilmore. 9. have, addi- 
 tionall ornaments. 10. him, being about seventy years of age; he con- 
 ferred upon him the benefice. 12. set... work follows labours 1. 14 in H. 
 14. i«r« om.(?) 16. and most. 16 — 17. vulgar. It beeing as agreeable to 35 
 the mynde of God, that the poor blind Irish should search. ..to them 
 (as in the text 21 — 24), being., nation, that speake Irish, besides. 19. 
 Scotland, specially the northerne parts, and all. 20. called Hebrides 
 follows sea, in H. 21. that. ..Irish om. 25. a great divine om. 
 26. against the pope om. 27. senate, against the pope Paul the fifth, in 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 133 
 
 he) shall ask you this question at the great day, Have yee 
 never read in the Scriptures ? What must we all ansiver ? 
 Even this ; No, Lord, perche non sia permesso, for lue were 
 never permitted to read them. This I had from my lord, that 
 
 5 heard it spoken with great zeal and fervency of spirit in the 
 time of the interdict. Therefore this good work was begun, 
 continued and ended to the glory of God, and the whole 
 O. T. with the Apocriphal books translated into pure Irish, 
 without any interruption or noise of hammer, as in the 
 
 lo building of the first temple. But the translator afterwards 
 was exceedingly troubled, and my lord of K. also for under- 
 taking his just defence, as you shall hear. 
 
 6T). That my lord might carry on this great work with 
 the greater judgement, lest it might seem strange to any, 
 
 15 that he should shew himself so eager in adventuring upon 
 a work that no man did before him, as to translate the 
 Scriptures of the 0. T. into a language that he under- 
 stood not; for the preventing of this objection, he gave him- 
 self as earnestly to learn the Irish tongue in Kilmore, where 
 
 20 his calling lay, as he had done formerly to learn the Italian, 
 when his calling lay in Venice ; and he esteemed himself as 
 much (if not more) concerned in this, as in that ; and indeed 
 he made a progress beyond all expectation in a very short 
 time ; in so much that he became a critick in the Irish 
 
 25 tongue, and wrote a completer Irish grammar than was ex- 
 tant before him, and delighted so much in the acquisition of 
 that tongue, that every Lord's day, at one of the clock in 
 
 the tyme of the interdict, upon, to the Jews om. 2. in the ScrijHures 
 om. 3. Lord quia non fiic (?) permisso (?) 4. read the Scriptures, 
 
 30 but prohibited the use of them under highest penaltyes. I received 
 from my lord of Kilmore. 5 — 6. spirit, with much more of that nature 
 against keeping the people in blindness, mthout the knowledge of the 
 Scriptures, which thing alone pearched the pope and his followers to 
 that height of dominion to which they have arrived. Therefore this. 
 
 35 7. God, without... temple (as in text 9 — 10). 8 and 17. Old Testa- 
 ment. II. was oxn. Kilmore for. 12. defence, as I shall 
 also shew you. 18. which objection. 20. Italian tongue. 27. 
 tongue (though he could never speake it, but read it, write it 
 and translate it into English, as Hierome in his old age learned the 
 
 4.0 Chaldean tongue so that he could leg ere et inteUegere, scd non
 
 134 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the afternoon, he had the book of Common Prayer read in 
 the Irish tongue in the church of K. for the benefit of those 
 that he had brought from popery, but understood not the 
 EngHsh tongue (and a deacon, one Owen O'Sheridene was 
 the reader) at which he was constantly present himself, s 
 And for the fitting of the copy of the translation for the 
 press, he never rose from the table after dinner and supper 
 till he had examined a sheet and compared it with the ori- 
 ginal Hebrew and the 72 interpreters, together with Diodati 
 f. 7or''. his Italian translation (which he prized very much). His 10 
 manner was this : his son Ambrose did usually read a chap- 
 ter in English, my lord having one copy of the Irish trans- 
 lation and A. C. another ; after this he read the first verse 
 out of Irish into Latin, and A. C. the next, and so to the 
 end ; and where was found any mistake of the English 15 
 phrase or emphasis by the Irish translator, my lord did im- 
 mediately correct it. Now these things begot a great in- 
 terest in the Irish nation, as if he had been the first and 
 only man that ever God sent into Ireland to seek their na- 
 tional good, their spiritual and eternal wellfare. 20 
 
 64. But what good thing did ever escape the opposition 
 of wicked men, or the scourge of the tongue ? It grieved 
 some Jesuited persons exceedingly, that there was a man 
 come to seek the wellfare of that captive people : and they 
 began to frame false surmises and rase sinister reports of the 25 
 work itself, as well as of Murtach King the principal trans- 
 lator. As if they had put on the zeal of Saul against the 
 Gibeonites, or of Sanballat and Tobiah against the Jews, 
 they incense the E. of Strafford the L. lieutenant against the 
 work, and what they could not effect by him, they endeavour 30 
 by the archbishop of Canterbury ; whose letters to the lord 
 
 sonare, as he speaks, ep.)tli at every. 2. Kilmore. 6. better fitting. 
 Irish translition. 7. orsuiiper. 9. interpreters, or Diodati. 13. 
 [i.e. Alexander Clogy]. 14. the second, and so. 16. Irish om. 17.it 
 in his coppy, and A. C. in his. 19. sent out of England to seek. 20. yea 35 
 their, well-fare, and began to preferr him before St. Patrick, and call him 
 their patron and patriarch. But. 22. tongue, that was attemi^ted by 
 angells or good men ? It greeved. 24 — 5. and began. 28. proselyte 
 Gibeonites. returned Jews. 29. the lord livetcnant, the earl of StraflFord.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 35 
 
 lieutenant they procure to that purpose, that he might cause 
 the work to cease (that was made fit for the press and come 
 to the birth, the stamps being sent for to Holland, and all 
 things made ready for the carrying on so good a work meerly 
 5 upon his own charge), and to my L. of K. also to the same 
 end and purpose. 
 
 65. They informed against Mr King, the translator, that 
 he was a person so inconsiderable in the world &c. that 
 nothing of his could be worthy of publick use in the church 
 
 10 of God, and some such other things ; Avhereupon they suborn 
 a bold and ambitious young man (that occasioned these sur- 
 mizes in others) to pretend a lapse to the K. of his living of 
 Templeport, who obteined it under the broad seal, came 
 down, and took violent possession. For it was usual in those 
 
 15 dales for any presumptuous or worthless person to beg any 
 minister's living, that was aged or sick or had a good parson- 
 age, and to procure the broad seal ; and then the fraudulent 
 intruder and the incumbent to strive for it, or make a sham- 
 full composition. Yea sometimes when the person injured 
 
 20 did present himself before the court of judicature, it was 
 scarse believed that he was alive, his living having been be- 
 stowed ecclesia plena. This I am occasioned to mention in 
 this place, because it was a scandalous part of the iniquity of 
 those times, which crushed the poor aged translator after all 
 
 25 his holy labours in that blessed work, and was sn.dly be- f- 7° v" 
 moaned, as an injurious usurpation over bishops and others, 
 
 I. they might. 3. mto Ilonand. 4. made now ready. 5. my lord's 
 owiie charge and at his owne house). lord of Kilmore, 7. iu- 
 
 forme. 8. is a person. 9. can be. 11. with others occasioned those 
 
 30 surmizes. 12. king. 13. Templeport, and obtaines. scale, and 
 
 comes posting downe from Dublin and takes. 16. sickly. 17. then the 
 possessor m«/ai? ys(/c/, the fraudulent. 21. alive (but some spectrum 
 in his name), whose living was bestowed ecclesia plena, as David did 
 rashly confer Mephibosheth's living upon Ziba by false information 
 
 35 (2 Sam. xvi. 4), and then at last by right information it came to this 
 issue : / hate said it, Thou and Ziba divide the land (2 Sam. xix. 
 29), as if ministers only had less secular right to their livings then other 
 men. This I am. 23. place as not the least infer centum gravamina 
 Hiberniae, because it was an ordinary and scandalous. 25. work (to 
 
 40 briijg in that other shcepe, that were not as yet of Christ's fold, that
 
 136 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 as well as over our translator and the bishop his patron, who 
 had invested him in his living according to the laws of God 
 and of the land. 
 
 66. At this ungodly act my L. of K. was so startled 
 (who did not use to fear shadows) that he summonM the in- 5 
 truder to appear in his episcopal court at Cavan, and charged 
 him to relinquish his unjust intrusion into another man's 
 right, seeing he was otherwise also obnoxious ; for the bishop 
 bad conferred him the parish of Dyn, and had sworn him to 
 personal residence and that he should not hold any other 10 
 living with it : and yet contrary to his solemn oath he 
 marches up to the prerogative office, and for a little money 
 gets a dispensation from that most sacred obligation and a 
 faculty to retain as many livings as he could catch : all which 
 vile practices the b. of K. hated with a perfect hatred. And 15 
 therefore finding him stiff and obstinate to persist in his 
 abominable iniquity, he excommunicated him after several 
 canonical admonitions, and caused the excommunication to 
 be published throughout the whole deanry, and deprived 
 him of that living, which he justly held, as well as of those 20 
 into which he had unjustly intruded himself. Hereupon the 
 delinquent appeal'd to the prerogative court, and cited the 
 bishop to answer ; which he readily did in his own defence 
 and in the defence of the translator. But what audience and 
 justice he found there in so just a cause, you may be amazed 25 
 to hear, but shall evidently see in the 24 articles of his recu- 
 
 they might hear his voyce, that in Ireland there might be one sheepfold 
 and one shep-hard) and was sadly. 2. that had. into. 4. which 
 
 ungodly, lord of Kilmore is. 5. that did not feare. sum- 
 
 mons. 6. at his. charges. 7. minister's. 9 confer- 30 
 
 red upon. Dyne. 11. it; but contrary. solemn and 
 
 sacred. 1 2. money to the clerkes he procures and obtaines a mock- 
 dispensaticn. 13. of his oath, and a facult}'. 14. could enclose and 
 catch in his net : all. 15. my lord of Kilmore. 17 — 18. ini- 
 
 quity, affcor several canonicall admonitions he excommunicates him, 35 
 and causcth. 19. deprives. 20. held by my lord's collation, as. 
 21. most unjustly. Whereupon. 22. ai^jjeales. cites. 23. doth. 
 
 25. just and good. 26. heare (for it was openly said, that so worthy 
 and (jrave a prelate would have found, if not for his sacred jyrofession 
 and station, yet for the venerable majesty of his parson, moi'e resjicct 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 137 
 
 sation, penned and delivered with his own band into that 
 court ; which are as followeth : 
 
 6"]. Hecusatio 24 articulorum episcopi Kilmorensis. 
 
 Coram vobis, venerahilibus viris Oeorgio Ryves legum doc- 
 5 tore et Gulielmo Hilton artium magistro, reverendissimi in 
 Christo 2)C'tr{s Jacobi provid. D. archiepiscopi Armachani, 
 totiiis Hiberniae priniatis, nee non iudicis, p)raesidis sive com- 
 missarii curiae r-egiae Praerogativae pro causis ecclesiasticis 
 et ad facidtates in et jjer totum regniim Hiberniae regia aucto- 
 
 10 ritate legitime constituti, suhstitutis sive surrogatis, ut vulgo 
 creditur ; Ego, Gulielmus Kilmorens. episcopus, cum debita 
 vobis reverentia propono ; Quod licet antehac exceptionem 
 quandam declinatoriam iurisdictionis vestrae in quadam prae- 
 tensa causa duplicis querelae mota a Gulielmo Baily clerico 
 
 15 dioeceseos Kilm. iustis de causis inte7posuerim, ac nominatini 
 
 propter incompetentiam fori per absentiam reverendissimi f. 71 r", 
 praesidis et suspicionem animi vestri in me iniqui, qiias etiarn 
 coram eodem reverendissimo praeside aliisve acquis arbitris 
 probandas in me recepi ; ac licet etiam j)ro parte mea venera- 
 
 20 bilem virum Edwardum Parry S. T. professorem elegerim ac 
 nominaverim ; vos tamen dictae recusationi meae hactenus non 
 modo defence recusastis, sed novis insuper et pluribus indiciis 
 animum vestrum mihi infensum p)rodidistis ; Ea propter ego 
 episcopus antedictus animo non prorogandi, sed expressius et 
 
 25 2J<^i^'ticula7'ius contra iurisdictionem et 2^67^sonas vestrxis exci- 
 piendi, dico et allego. 
 
 1. In primis quod praetensa querela Gidielmi Baily 
 oritur ex sententia quadam in causa correctionis ex officio meo 
 episcopali et iussu illustrissimi proregis; in qua si modum 
 
 30 excesserim, legitima appellatio erat ad synodum provinciae vel 
 consistorium archiepiscopale. 
 
 2. Quod dictus Baily a sententia praedicta iudicialiter et 
 viva voce appellavit; wide servato ordine iurisdictionum ex 
 
 from thajnnesmrys of the great Turk); auci this you shall. i. in 
 
 33 that court with his own hand. 6. providentia diviua Armachani archi- 
 citiscopi. II and 15. Kihnorcnsis. 20. .sacrae thcologiac. 21. 
 
 hactenus om.
 
 138 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 decreto nuperae synodi Duhlinensis causae cognitio, oniisso 
 intermedio archiepiscopali consistorio, devolvi non potuit ad 
 hanc curiam. 
 
 3. Quod firmamentum defensionis dicti Baily nititur 
 facultate quadam ah hac curia concessa; cum vero nemo sit 5 
 idoneus index in proj)ria causa, satis inverecunde vos hie 
 ingeritis. 
 
 4. Quod regiae maiestati cognitio ahusivarum facidtatum 
 in ipsa lege I'cservatur expressis verbis; ut hoc forum vestrum, 
 
 a quo eiusmodi facultates emanant, huic rei incompetens sit. 10 
 
 5. Quod sub nomine reverendissimi primatis Armachani 
 delitescentes tenorem commissionis vestrae non inseritis cita- 
 tionibus vestris ; ut nesciatur, nedum quod aut quatenus vobis 
 commissum sit, sed an omnino ab ipso subrogati sitis. 
 
 6. Quod iurisdictione vestra non fundata, illud satis 15 
 scitur, homines vere laicos in episcopos ex executione episco- 
 palis officii nullam habere p)otestatem. 
 
 7. Quod litem vestram facitis, dum in citatione vestra 
 narratis a me gesta in praeiudicium iurisdictionis curiae 
 regiae praerogativae et ad facidtates cedere eiusque contemp- 20 
 tum^; ex quo constat {fatente actore) hanc causam ad com- 
 7nodum et honorem vestrum spectare. 
 
 8. Quod ut quoquo modo processum vestrum defendatis, 
 fingitis causam esse duplicis querelae, cum nulla sit hie mutua 
 j)etitio, aut reconventio, aut querela, nisi simplex tantum. 25 
 
 f. 7 1 V". 9. Quod nimium favorem et propensitatem ad partem 
 
 dicti Gulielmi Baily ostenditis, cum eum probum et discretum 
 virum appellatis, causa nondum discussa ; cum accusatorem 
 episcopi sui canones ecclesiastici nee laudandum nee facile 
 audiendum et, nisi causam probaverit, infamem haberi volunt. 30 
 ' 10. Quod causa nondum audita, in ea pronuntiastis, dum, 
 dictum Baily vicarium de Dyn appellatis, qua tamen vicaria 
 se a one spoliatum conqueritur. 
 
 II. Quod vetus mihi litigium est vobiscum super institu- 
 tionibus [quas haec curia usurpat), ex quo in admissione Ni- 35 
 colai Bernard ad vicariam de Kildromferton protestationem 
 interposui ; quam tu, Gulielme Hilton, indigne tidisti, eaque 
 
 2. consistorio om. (?) 13. noscatur. 23. quoquo. 26. ac. 
 
 27. disertum. 32. Dyne.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 39 
 
 no)i obstante et ilium et inultos alios instituisti, reclamantibus 
 episcopis ; quo nomine eiero, iniqui estis, non mihi tantum, sed 
 aeque omnibus. 
 
 12. Quod cum nuper de prima citatione vestra conquestus 
 5 essem apud illustrissimum praesidem, in qua maiestas laesa 
 
 videbatur, vos ea de causa haud dissimulanter iratos habui. 
 
 13. Quod comparentem ex ea citatione ad tribunal ves- 
 trum expectare et per sesquihoram inambulare, tanquam ex 
 injima plebecula, coegistis. 
 
 10 14. Quod cum j)roximo die iuridico a vobis dimissus 
 
 essem sub hac formula, quod me non moraremini, quod nihil 
 haberetis mihi obiciendum ; tu tamen, Ouliehne Hilton, post 
 paulo praedixisti futurum ut denuo citarer, ex quo consiliorum 
 communicationem cum dicto Baily prodidisti. 
 
 15 15. Quod cum ea citatio minus succederet, ^je?7;eram 
 
 facta sub nomine episcopi Lismorensis, tu idem, Gulielme 
 Hilton, actorem admonuisti, ut de integro inciperet. 
 
 16. Quod cum tertio citatus recusationem quandam iuris- 
 dictionis vestrae opposuissem, propter incompetentiayn et sus- 
 
 20 picionem, quarum causas paratus eram coram arbitris osten- 
 dere; vos earn non admisistis, ut oportuit, sed in 2)roximum 
 diem iuridicum super ea deliberastis. 
 
 1 7- Quod quarto citatum ad audiendum voluntatem ves- 
 tram super recusatione praedicta, cum cerneretis ad tribunal 
 
 25 vestrum appropinquantem, surrexistis ilico et quanquam nee 
 auditorio egressi eratis nee praeco populum missum fecisset, 
 nee hora effluxerat, renuistis me episcopum antedictum com- 
 parentem audire, ut haberetis aliquem colorem me contumacem 
 pronuntiandi. 
 
 30 18. Quod cum proximo die iuridico comparuissem e^ f. 72 r", 
 contumaciam mihi f also impositam purgassem, et iterata prae- 
 dicta recusatione arbitt'um pi^obationis pro parte mea reveren- 
 dum virum Edwardum Parry 8. T. professorem nominassem, 
 vos Jiaec admittere recusastis, sed me ad libellum accipiendum 
 
 35 et procuratorem constituendum adigere voluistis. 
 
 19. Quod in acta curiae referri curastis me non compa- 
 
 2. nomine ergo iniqui. 15. cum secunda citatio. j3- sacrao 
 
 theoloKiac.
 
 HO LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ruisse, et in iisdem narratis tamen me praesentem admonitumi 
 fiiisse de comparendo de die in diem 'usque ad fine m litis; in 
 altero imperite, in altera inepte, in utroqiie {salva reverentia 
 vobis dehita) iniuste. 
 
 20. Quod sigillum officii curiae regiae praerogativae et 5 
 ad facultates dispensationibus circa pluralitatem heneficiorimi 
 
 et residentiam temerariis profusis et inter dum legi divinae 
 rep ugnantihus apponitis. 
 
 21. Quod episcoporum iurisdictionem, et oi^dinariam, et 
 excitatam a supremo magistratu, impedire, ipsos ad tribunal 10 
 vestrum pertrahere, vexare, vilipendere, non veremini. 
 
 22. Quod eorum iura episcopalia in institutionibus no- 
 torie usurpastis. . 
 
 23. Quod 7'esc7'ipta conceditis, in quibus midta quoad 
 sensum inepta, quoad verba incongrua, continentur ; quibus 15 
 ideo de iure nidla fides adhibenda sit; cuius modi sunt, quae 
 sub sigillo vestro in hac causa emanarunt. 
 
 24. Quod nuper in hac eadem causa sigillum vestrum 
 litteris, in quibus regia maiestas laesa fuerit, apponebatur 
 minus discrete, ne quid gravius dicam: index autem indis- 20 
 cretus, quoad recusationem, iniquo aequiparatur. 
 
 Has ob causas, quas omnes aut earum i^lurimas ego 
 episcopus antedictics coram acquis ai-bitris verificare 
 jmratus sum, (adeoque reverendum virum Edwardum 
 Parry S. T. doctor em ex parte mea nomino), vestrum 25 
 tribunal, absente reverendo praeside, vestrasque per- 
 sonas, tanquam mihi merito in hac causa suspectas, 
 declino et 7'ecuso ad quemcu7ique iuris efi'ectu7n. 
 
 Dublini A.D. 1638, 
 
 6S. By the tenor of this large and learned recusation 30 
 you see what a defence this worthy bishop made, which all 
 the members of that court could not enervate ; and that it 
 
 3. imperite and inepte transposed. 8. ap- 
 
 penditis. 19. [note in Tanner MS. on regia 'regie nostro nomine']. 
 
 29. An. Doni. 31. yow may cleirly see this righteous man bold as a 35 
 lyon, this apostolicall bishop wrestling against the princes of the darknes
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 14 1 
 
 was deservedly said, Solus Kilmorensis novit se gerere id epi- 
 scopum, (which was in all the good prelates' moiithes). He 
 alone had the inoeniiitv and couraoe to be the advocate for 
 them all : you see two lay-surrogates, (Rjrvres and Hilton) 
 
 5 substituted by the famous D. Usher, to trample one of the 
 best of prelates and of men under their feet, and he never 
 concerned himself in the least to deliver the oppressed : but 
 this was not all ; when the adversary, that was so active to 
 dash so good a work, could not satisfy his lusts on the good f. 72 v° 
 
 10 bishop, he brought the translator into the high-commission- 
 court; and how he was there used, ye may see by a letter 
 written by my L. of K. to the E. of Strafford the L. lieu- 
 tenant about this matter ; which is verbatim as fol- 
 loweth : 
 
 1 5 of this world, against spirituall wickednes in high places, and therefore 
 undoubtedly furnished with the whole armour of God to stand his 
 ground. The iniquity he found in his own courts (which he endeavoured 
 to put farr from his tabernacle) he that runns may read in those supe- 
 riour courts. You see what a just defence. 31. makes. 32. their court. 
 
 20 enervate (it being of a higher straine than their vulgar brayne could 
 reach), and of what litle esteeme true worth and excellency of spirit is 
 amongst disingenuous, ignoble and unworthy persons, that are viler 
 than the earth they tread upon. And as it was truly said to the king 
 by sir Heniy Wotton, that there was not such a man to be found in all 
 
 25 his majesty's dominions etc., so solus. 2. which cm, was now again 
 
 in all good. who alone. 3. courage to stand in the breach and 
 
 become advocate. 4. all, though none of them clave unto him. Here 
 you see how two pitifull lay-surrogates. 5. that were substituted. 
 
 Dr Usher (into whose hand the king had committed the jewel of his 
 
 2,0 royall prerogative over all persons and causes ecclesiasticall), do trami)lo 
 the best. 6. feete (as in this particular), and he. 7- oppressed, 
 
 or to open his mouth in judgement, or to stay the fury of the malignant 
 oppressour, or once to say to them, as old Ely said to his sonnes and 
 surrogates : JVhy do ye such tlnngs ? for I heare of your evil doings 
 
 35 ly all this jjeople: nay, my sonnes, for it is no good report that I 
 heare; till the ark of God is violently suatchd from their shoulders 
 by the bloody Philistins, with their lives also and of many thowsands 
 besides for their impietys ; which suddenly after this became our dolor- 
 ous case also and upon the very like account. But this is not 
 
 40 all : since the adversary. 8. was stirred up and was so bold and 
 
 active. 9. work, as the translation of the Bible into Irish, lust. 
 10. bishop, he procecdes further in his malice: he brings. n. 
 
 is. you shall see in. 12. lord of Kihnorc. Earl. Lord.
 
 142 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 < 
 69. Right honorable my very good lord; That uhich I 
 
 have sometimes done icillingly, I do noiu necessarily, to make 
 my address to your honour hy writing. My unfitness for con- 
 versation heretofore hath pleaded for me ; and now your lord- 
 ship's infirmity allows, and in a sort enforces it. The occa- 5 
 sion is not my love of contention {which I have committed to 
 God) or any other matter of profit, hut Gods honor, and {as 
 he is witness) your's. I have lately received letters from m,y 
 lord of Canterbury, whereby I jjeixeive his grace is informed, 
 ilmt Mr King, luhom I employed to translate the Bible into 10 
 Irish, is a man so ignorant, that the translation cannot be 
 ivorthy puhlique use in the church ; and besides obnoxious, so 
 as the church can receive no credit from any thing that is his. 
 And his grace adds, that he is so well acquainted with your 
 lordship s disposition, that he assures himself you woidd not 15 
 have given away his living, had you not seen just cause for it. 
 I account Tny self bound to satisfy his grace herein; and desire, 
 if I may be so happy, to do it by satisfying you. I subscribe 
 to his graces assured persuasion that your lordship, had you 
 not conceived Mr King to be such as he writes, luould not have 20 
 given aivay his living ; But, my lord, the greatest, wisest and 
 justest men do and must take many things upton the informa- 
 tion of others, luho themselves are men, and may sometimes 
 out of weakness or some other cause, be deceived. Touching 
 Mr King's silliness {which it concerns me the more to clear 25 
 him of that I he not accounted silly myself), I beseech your 
 lordship to take information, not by men that never saw him 
 till yesterday, hut by the ancient, either church or statesmen 
 of this kingdom, in ivhose eyes he hath lived these many 
 years ; as are the lord primate, the bishop of Meath, the lord 30 
 Dillon, sir James Ware, and the like. 1 doubt not but your 
 lordship shall understand, that there is no such danger, that 
 the translation should be umvoi^thy because he did it, being a 
 man of that known sufiiciency for the Irish especially, either 
 in prose or verse, as few are his matches in the kingdom. 35 
 And shortly, not to argue by conjecture and divination, let the 
 
 I. very on\. 12. church of God. 18. Jo subscribe. 25. sceli- 
 
 ness. 26, seeli/. 27. bij them.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 143 
 
 work itself speah, yea let it he examined rigoroso examine : if 
 it he found approveahle, let it not suffer disgrace from the 
 small hoast of the workman ; hut let him rather {as old Sopho- f. 73 r", 
 cles accused of dotage) he ahsolved for the sufficiency of the 
 
 5 ivork. Touching his being obnoxious, it is true that there is 
 a scandalous information put in against him in the high-com- 
 inission-court by his despoiler, Mr Baily {as my lord of Derry 
 told him in my hearing he luas), and by an excommunicate 
 despoiler, as myself, before the execution of any sentence, de- 
 
 10 dared him in the court to be. And Mr King being cited to 
 answer, and not appearing {as by law he was not bound), was 
 taken pro confesso, deprived of his ministry and living, and 
 fined £100, decreed to be attached and imprisoned. His ad- 
 versary, Mr Baily, before he was sentenced, purchased a new 
 
 15 dispensation to hold his benefice, and was the very next day 
 after {as appears by the date of the institution) both presented 
 in the king's title {though the benefice be of my collation) and 
 instituted by my lord primate's vicar ; shoi'tly after inducted 
 by an archdeacon of another diocese. And within a feiu daies 
 
 20 he brought down an attachment, and delivered Mr King to the 
 pursuivant. He was haled by the head and feet to horseback, 
 and brought to Dublin, where he hath been kept and contimied 
 under arrest these 4 or 5 monthes, and hath not been suffered 
 to purge his supposed contempt by oath and witnesses, that by 
 
 25 reason of his sickness he was hindred, whereby he was brought 
 to death's door, and could not appear and prosecute his de- 
 fence, and that by the cunning of his adversary he ivas cir- 
 cumvented and secured; entreating that he might be restored 
 to liberty, and his cause into the former estate. But it hath 
 
 30 not availed him. My reverend colleagues of the high com- 
 mission do some of them pity Jiis case; others say, the sentence 
 p>ast cannot be reversed, lest the credit of the court he intacked. 
 They hid him simply submit himself and acknoivledge his sen- 
 tence just ; whereas the bishops of Rome themselves, after most 
 
 35 formal proceeding, do grant restitutionem in iutegnim and 
 acknowledge that sententia Romanae sedis potest in melius 
 
 3. it rather. 4, absolved from. 12, 13. living, fined a £IQ0. 
 
 16. of the instruments. 17. although. 24. contumacy. 28. and 
 secured om. 33. his censure.
 
 144 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 commutari. My lord, if I imderstand what is right, divine 
 or human, these be lurongs upon wrongs, ivhich if they reached 
 only to Mr King's j^s^son, were of less consideration. But 
 when through his side that great work of the translation of 
 God's book, so necessary for both his majesties kingdoms, is 5 
 onortally wounded; ixirdon me, I beseech your lordship, if I be 
 sensible of it. I omitt to consider what feast our adversaries 
 make of our rewarding him thus for that service, or what this 
 example luill avail to the alluring of others to conformity. 
 What shoidd your lordship have gained, if he had died {as it lo 
 was alhnost a miracle he did not) tinder arrest, and had been 
 at once deprived of living, liberty and life ? God hath re- 
 prieved him and given your lordship means upon right in- 
 formation to remedy with one word all inconveniences. For 
 conclusion {good my lord) give me leave a little to apply the "5 
 imrable of Nathan to K. David to this 'purpose. If the way- 
 faring man that is come to iis {for such he is, having never 
 yet been setled in one place) have so sharj) a stomack, that he 
 must be provided for luith plurality, sith there are heards and 
 flocks jil&nty, suffer him not, I beseech you, under the colour 20 
 of the king's name to take the casset ewe of a poor man to 
 satisfy his ravenous appetite. So I beseech the heavenly Phy- 
 sitian to give your lordship health of soul and body, and rest, 
 
 Dec. 1, 1638. 
 
 My lord, 25 
 
 Your lordships most humble 
 
 servant in Christ Jesu, 
 
 W. KILMOREFS. 
 
 70. By this pious and prudent letter you see what op- 
 position the great work of the translation of the Bible met 30 
 withall, Hoc Ithacus velit ; and that surely the hand of Joab 
 was in all this, I mean the heart and hand of the Jesuite ; 
 when that which ought to have been the duty of all our 
 deputies and prelates (being seriously minded onely by one) 
 
 8. u-hat the. \o. had gained. 16. king. i9- /or hy jylu- 35 
 
 ralityes. 25. my lord om. 28. "William. 29. prudent and pious. 
 30. Bible into Irish. 32. was there in all this transaction.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 45 
 
 is thus slighted, if not opposed by all, that were well con- 
 tented to leave the poor Irish in Egyptian darkness, out of 
 which nothing can deliver them but the light of the Scrip- 
 tures that delivered us; which to them are yet a sealed 
 5 book. This iniquity amongst many others was preparatory 
 to the rebellion, that followed soon after. 
 
 71. In the mean time the b. of K. slipps no opportunity " 
 of doing them good ; his heart's desire and prayer to God 
 for the Irish, being the same with the apostle's for Israel, 
 
 10 that they might he saved. But untill he could compass the 
 work of printing, which he intended speedily to effectuate 
 in his own house, at his own charge, he caused some of 
 Leo's and Chrysostom's homilies to be translated into Irish : 
 namely the 3 first upon Dives and Lazarus, which are all- 
 
 15 most alltogether spent in the highest commendations of the 
 Scriptures, that any rhetorical expressions can reach ; and 
 these with his little Irish catechism he sent abroad amongst 
 them: which the Irish fryars and priests themselves pro- 
 fessed they delighted to read. 
 
 20 72. He was zealous for God, not only in his own sphere, 
 to propagate the truth; but also to work reconciliation 
 amongst the reformed churches abroad. In order whereunto f. 74 r". 
 he allowed Mr Dury, that undertook that negotiation £20 
 per annum, which were duly received for him by Mr Hartlib; 
 
 25 who also printed some of his letters, of the matter and man- 
 ner of evangelical union, worthy to be seen and read of all 
 that are lovers of truth and peace. In so much that when 
 the Lutherans of Dublin were cited to the archbishop's con- 
 sistory for refusing sacramental communion with our church, 
 
 30 2. darkness still. 3. of Scriptures. 6. soone after; and we being 
 fiirr from England (the spring of oiu" welfare under God) could finde no 
 remedy against these prevayling evills or hope of redresse ; which hid 
 God's face from us, till the flood came that swept us all away. In the 
 nieane. 7. bishop of Kihnore. 9 — 10. Irish, that they 
 
 35 might be saved, being the same with the apostle of us gentills, that 
 Ixrael might he saved. 12. causeth. 15. commendation. 18. 
 
 them, one page English, the other Irish, which. 23. he kept 
 
 correspondence with Mr John Dury... negotiation, and allowed liim 
 £20. 24. received by Mr Hartlib at London. 26. which are worthy. 
 
 40 27. peace ; which (God willing) I mynde to sot downe heirafter 
 
 10
 
 146 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 and they desired some respite of time, tliat they might con- 
 sult their teachers in Germany where they were bred; be- 
 cause they did beUeve that Christ was otherwise jDresent in 
 the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, than our church did 
 hold and teach ; and therefore could not comfe with a good 5 
 conscience to participate of that ordinance with us, salva 
 doctrina et fide Lutherana. And when the letters came, 
 that had in them all that the Lutherans could say in that 
 point, and the good old archbishop of Dublin, Dr Buckley, 
 was at a stand and knew not what to make of such a 10 
 learned piece ; he, with the advice of many learned and un- 
 learned men, sent D. Parry, then preacher at St Patrick's, 
 with these letters to the bishop of Kilmore, with earnest 
 entreaty for the truth's sake and credit of our church, to 
 answer them: which he did with that learning, conviction 15 
 and success, that when his letters were received in Germany, 
 they were commended and delighted in ; so that the Lu- 
 theran divines sent letters immediately to all their friends 
 and countreymen in Dublin, to require them not to refuse 
 communion with our church any longer, but to join with 20 
 us in that, and in all other Gospel-ordinances ; which they 
 did ever after without scruple. Dr Parry had all those pa- 
 pers, and it were fit they should be enquired after, and pub- 
 lished for after-generations. 
 
 73. His discretion and moderation was so well known 25 
 to all men, as if the Lord had been visibly at his hand, as- 
 sisting him in his waies, as well as resisting others in their 
 
 by themselves, because they are long and written in Latin. I remem- 
 ber when. I. and ora. tyme, till they might acquaint. 
 2. bred, that they might have their advice; because. 7. 3° 
 And om. letters were brought, that. 9, 10. old bishop Buckley 
 (that was reported to have preached but one sermon in many yeaies, 
 upon that text, NoUte tangere unctos meos, ' touch not niyne anoynted,' 
 which once a year he commonly read in Christ's Church upon the king's 
 day before the state ; the three points being known long before into 35 
 which he branched his text; imctos meos, sayth the i^ope; unctos 
 meos, sayth the people ; and unctos mens, saith God) was at. i r 
 therefore he. 12. Dr. Patrick's in Dublin. 15. them siicedily. 
 learning, piety. 17. were so highly. so om. 21. that sacra- 
 ment and. 22. heerafter. Now Dr. these. 25. moderation 40 
 and discretion. 27 — p. 147 i. him in all his straight wayes. For when.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 47 
 
 waies. For wlicu Adeir, bishop of Killala in the province 
 of Connaght, was accused, condemned, deprived of his bishop- 
 rick, fined and confined at once by the high-commission- 
 court, he would have no hand in it, though he were a raem- 
 5 ber of that court. The occasion was this : in the height of 
 the Scottish covenant, amongst many wortliy and learned 
 men (as ever that nation bred) there was one Mr Corbet a 
 minister driven out ; who comming to Dublin and printing- 
 some pamphlet against the Scottish violent proceedings, was 
 
 10 cried up and brought into favour with the bishop of Derryf. 7^ v<> 
 and the lord deputy. They understanding that there was a 
 living lately vacated in the diocese of Killala, sent him 
 thither. But his reception with the bishojj (being of that 
 nation) was so unpleasing to him, that he conceived great 
 
 15 indignation against him. For the bishop had told him (after 
 the Scottish manner of jesting) that lie was a corhy-messen- 
 ger, alluding to his name, Corby signifying a raven; and 
 that it was an ill bird that defiled his own nest (alluding to 
 his book, called Lysimachus Nicanor, which he had pen'd in 
 
 20 gall or bloud against his own countreymen the Scotts). And 
 whereas he said in his book, that himself had hardly escaped 
 with his life ; hut he had left his wife behind, to try the Scotch 
 humanity ; the bishop should say, he had left his wife to a 
 base office, and some such other stuff as this, which M. C. 
 
 25 gathered up carefully and brought with him to Dublin, and 
 delivered all in full tale to those that sent him. They being- 
 incensed thus against the bishop cited him by a pursuivant 
 
 2. accused, avravgned and condemned, fined and confined and deprived 
 of his bishoprick at once. 4. he had no. sate a member. 6. 
 
 30 covenant, anno i6T,g. 8. minister of the west of Scotland, out for 
 refu.sijig subscription to a violent and bloody imposition. Dublin for 
 refuge, and. 9. violent om. 10. with B — D — , and by him with 
 
 the lord lieutenant, the earl of Strafford; who, understanding. 13. 
 
 thither. Xow whether the living did belong to the bishop's collation 
 
 35 or no, I dare not positively say, being above fortye years agoe, though 
 it was reported so to be. His reception. also of. 18. did de- 
 
 fyle its. 19. he adjudged him to have penned. 20 — r. and that he. 
 21. that he hardly. 22. /<e om. behind him. Scotis.' 24. other om. 
 Mr. 26— p. 148 I. him (with several aggravations, which being mustred 
 
 40 up together and ranckcd in severall articles, at the first sight overtlirew 
 
 10—2
 
 148 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 to appear immediately at Dublin, to answer at the high- 
 commission-court to those things that were alledged against 
 him by M. C. 
 
 74. He was allready condemned before he came near 
 them, and his bishoprick designed for (as it was afterwards 5 
 given to) M. J. Maxwell, sometimes bishop of Ross in Scot- 
 land, whence he was excluded. When the sentence was 
 given against him, and all that had spoken before the bishop 
 of K. had with one consent condemned him, and it came to 
 his turn to speak his judgement, he first took the articles 10 
 into his hand, that were alleadged against him, and read 
 them over, and fetch't the beginning of his speech from the 
 description and qualification of a bishop set down by Paul 
 to Timothy and Titus, and said, that he could not find by all 
 these articles, that the bishop of Killala {there jiresent) was 15 
 guilty of any spiritual enormity, contrary to these apostolical 
 qualifications; or that he is accused of any error in life or 
 doctrine or discipline, ivhich may make a bishop censurable 
 &c. And so he went on with such deliberate and weighty 
 demonstrations of truth, and quotations of canons of the 20 
 Greek and Latin church in like cases, that they that had 
 spoken before him were ashamed, having taken their rise no 
 higher than from those light expressions ; as if they had 
 proceeded from a heart complying rather with the Scottish 
 f. 75 r°. proceedings, than with the episcopal constitution in Ireland. 25 
 Those that spake after him were more moderate ; yet there 
 being none but he that durst openly profess for him, the 
 poor old bishop was cast and deprived and imprisoned (and 
 
 the bishop) ; who being incensed against him with great indignation by 
 his adversary's information, cite him and by a pursevant send for liim 30 
 immediately to appeare at. 3—4. Mr C. being ah-eady. was come near 
 unto them, 5. for, and afterwards. 6. Mr John. 8. against 
 
 this bishop and. 9. Kilmore. 10. takes. 11. reades. 12. 
 
 fetches. 14. sayes, can. 15. those, is. 19. goes. 20 — 21. 
 
 truth from the records tliat are extant of the Greeke and Latin clmrcli 35 
 in such like case of censure of a bishop, that those that. 23. higher 
 but insisted only upon those pitifull expressions. 24. Scottish irre- 
 
 giUarityes, then. 25. their episcopall. Ireland, which is accounted 
 there as ancient as their Christianity. And those. 27. hut he om. 
 
 him, but this Micaiah. 28. old, duuny bishop is cast. 28— p. 149 3, 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 49 
 
 remained so long after) and another possessed his bishoprick 
 immediately. 
 
 75. But he had little joy in it; for within a year or two 
 at most, he was strip'd naked, sore wounded and left among 
 5 the dead by the rebells. Yet by the special hand of God his 
 life was preserved as Job's, and he came as soon as his 
 wounds were healed to Dublin, and preached every Lord's 
 day in some church or other ; whom my L. of Ormond (as 
 many others) did delight much to hear. He went after- 
 
 10 wards to the king to Oxford, and returned again incognito. 
 He was one day after dinner found dead in his study, having 
 heard some sad news from England of the king's defeate. 
 
 y6. But what becomes of this poor, deprived and im- 
 prisoned bishop at last? I will tell you. One of his grand- 
 
 15 jury-men, that was fiercest against him, was one D. Adderton, 
 sometimes preacher at St John's in Dublin, but then bishop 
 of Waterford, This prelate was by the just judgement of 
 God accused, arraigned and condemned for iniquities farr 
 above all that is left upon record concerning Sodom ; and 
 
 20 executed in the publick place of shamefull death ; the Irish- 
 popish-sherif Walsh insulting over him and rejoicing that 
 his tree did bear him such desired fruit ; adding that lie 
 
 imprisoned, and another possesses his bishoprick immediately, that liad 
 Htle. 4. is. 5. rebells in that place. Yet. 6. preserved (by 
 
 25 the earl of Twamond). and his lyfe that went downe from Ilieni- 
 salem to Jerico and fell among tlieeves, that robbed him of his rayment 
 and wounded him and departed leaving him halfe-dead. For the earl of 
 Twamond, like the kind Samaritan, tooke care of him, and, as soone as 
 his wounds were healed, he came to Dublin. 8. lord. 9. heare, for 
 
 30 he was a great preacher. 10. incognito. I heard him say, that the 
 king never understood rightly what kinde of people the Irish rebels 
 were, that had such an innate hatred against the 2^<^o])le of God, till he 
 told him. lie was after dinner. 1 1 . studdy, after some. 12. de- 
 
 feate, anno 1643. But this deprived bishop Adeir remayned not long in 
 
 35 prison, and I giving him a visit, he told me these words : that there teas 
 none that opened their mouthes in his defence hut my most tcorthy 
 bishop; and yet there was none in the court that said a word against 
 wlmt my bishop had spolcenfor him. Biit. 14. you breifly. 15. 
 
 Dr. 1 7. prelate is about that very nick of time by. 1 8. God, who 
 
 40 sees not as man sees. 20. ignominiously executed. 21 Welsh. 
 
 22. dcsireublc. adding that oni.
 
 150 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 hoped ere long to have it hear more of the same hind; to the 
 great scandal of religion. But D. Bernard, his confessor, be- 
 lieved that God gave him repentance unto life, and preached 
 a good sermon at his funeral, which he printed and called 
 The 2Jenitent death of a wofull sinner. When he was con- 5 
 demned, he sent for the bishop of K. but he was gone from 
 Dublin homewards, and so saw him not. His poor wife went 
 for England to petition for the £8oo (her portion) which a 
 great courtier had received for procuring that promotion for 
 her husband. And at the same time the bishop of Killala, lo 
 that was cast out of his bishoprick and deprived of his epi- 
 scopal dignity for inconsiderable trifles, made his address 
 unto the K. by petition, and had the bishoprick of Waterford . 
 granted unto him; which he possessed, till Waterford was 
 taken by rebells. '5 
 
 75 v°. 77- On the 26 day of March 1638, it pleased God to 
 
 visit his dear consort Mrs Bedell with a lethargy (of which 
 she died), who for humility, vertue and godliness was inferior 
 to none of her sex, and in her conjugal relation superior to 
 
 I. Iiai'e some more 0/ the same kind from it; to. 2. religion 20 
 
 amongst the professed enemies of it. But. Dr. 6. Kilmore. 
 
 7. homeward. 9. was reported to have received, tragicall promo- 
 
 tion. 1 1, was thought by all sober people to have been cast, and 
 degraded from his. 1 3. to the king by petition in the hand of sir 
 
 Robert Stewart, that had been instrumental! in his former advancement, 25 
 and had. 14. liim; unto which preeminency in the church he had not 
 bcene so suddenly advanced again after his dejection and degi-udation, 
 if he had beene found under any originall guilt in his former station ; 
 which bishoprick he possessed. 15. by the rebells in '41. Thei-e was 
 another of the same order and a leading man, if not the sole actor, 30 
 against the bishop of Kilalla, that was reported to be guilty of such 
 fowle crimes as brought the bishop of Waterford to a shamefull end, and 
 was an-aigned also for them, and the like condemnation was expected at 
 the next session of parliament, they being accounted brethren in will by 
 common report and sir George Ratcliffe equally active against them 35 
 both. He desyred the bishop of Kilmore to be bayle for him ; but he 
 refused it and left him to his owjie iniquity, that it might be foimd out to 
 be abominable, to stand or fall to his owne master. But the rebellion 
 gave him the benefit of absolution, and the restauration in 1660 addi- 
 tionall promotion. On the 26th. 1 7. my lord of Kilmore's. 18. 40 
 
 that for. 19. sex or age.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 151 
 
 most. It is recorded of Sarah for her commendation to all 
 posterity, that she once called her husband Abraham lord: 
 but Mrs B. was never heard to speak of her husband, nor 
 to him, but she called him, my lord; and never came into 
 5 his presence before any persons, but with as resjDcctfull 
 reverence as to an honorable stranger. My lord preached 
 at her funeral (upon these words of Eccl. vii. I. A good 
 name is better than precious ointment cC'C.) with that mode- 
 ration of affection, and yet just commendation of her worth, 
 
 10 that there were few drie eyes in the church all the while. 
 Happy were all Adam's posterity, if they were so equally 
 yoked ! He buried her in the remotest part of the south 
 side of the church-yard of the cathedral of Kilmore, that 
 she might rest iu her grave till the resurrection : for having 
 
 15 observed such thronging and crouding of dead bodies into a 
 small patch of ground in church and chancel, and the casting 
 up the bones of the dead, often before their flesh was re- 
 turned to the dust, sometimes to the annoiance of the living, 
 and allwaies to the disquieting of the dead, before they hear 
 
 20 the voice of Christ to awaken them ; and that meerly out of 
 ignorance, pride or superstition : his judgement was there- 
 fore alltogether against burial in churches, and he made a 
 canon against it, as you may see in his acta synodalia. He 
 gave (as in all other things) a good example iu choosing this 
 
 25 place of burial, where he intended to be laid himself, when 
 the will of God should be. 
 
 yS. Because you may desire perhaps to know his judge- 
 
 I. most. Her adorning and dress was not that outward, 
 l)ut the hidden man of the hart, in things not corruptible, even the 
 
 2,0 ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, which is in the sight of God of 
 gi'cat price, as of old tyme the holy women that trusted in God adorned 
 themselves. It is. 2. Abraham her husband. 3. Bedel, of him 
 nor. 4 sibe om. 5. persons whatsoever, as much. 6. any honourable, 
 lord himselfe. 8, than good ointment; and. 12. yoked! I never 
 
 35 saw the least jarr or distaste betweene them in word or deed, in all the 
 space of tliese yeares that I lived with them. He. 14. resur- 
 
 rection; observing. 16. and casting. 17. flesh returne to. 19. 
 allmiics to the om. disquieting the dead, till they. 21. his judgement 
 was therefore. 23. synodalia, p. 41. 25. buriall (where none was 
 
 40 layd before, save his sonue John) where. 27. may om.
 
 152 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ment about the publick liturgy of the church of England, 
 as his way of publique ministration ; I am persuaded that 
 no man could hear nor read (which he often did) the Com- 
 mon Prayer with greater reverence and holy affection than 
 he did in his own cathedral every Lord's day, and other ap- 5 
 pointed dales by act of parliament ; and that with the most 
 strickt observation of whatsoever is enjoined in the rubricks, 
 f, 76 r". without the least addition or diminution. In so much that 
 when a curate of another parish was upon the Lord's day in 
 the forenoon reading the prayers of the day before him in 10 
 his cathedral, and began to add something of his own to the 
 short prayers of the book; after the bishop had observed 
 him to do so once or twice, he rose hastily out of his seat 
 and went to the reader's piew, and snatch't the book out of 
 the curate's hand, and pushing him from thence, said these 15 
 words in the audience of all the people: Be suspended from, 
 your ofice, till you learn to read the 'prayers better ; and so 
 went on to read all the rest himself It was his custom 
 usually upon the Lord's day to preach both forenoon and 
 afternoon, upon those select portions of Scripture commonly 20 
 called the epistles and gospells for the day, and to catechize 
 the younger sort before the afternoon-sermon, 
 
 79. He followed no man's custom nor example, but the 
 rule ; and in special he ordered, that the whole doxology to 
 the blessed Trinity, Glory he to the Father &c. should be all- 25 
 waies said by the minister alone ; so the Te Deum, Benedic- 
 tiis, Magnificat, and N'unc Dimittis, &c. The psalms in ,the 
 Bible, that is commanded to be read in all churches, he ap- 
 proved much above those of the Common Prayer, which 
 leave out all the titles, though they are of the Holy Ghost as 30 
 much as the rest of the psalm, and have often the sum and 
 substance of the whole psalm in them, and in many particu- 
 
 2. and his, 3. Common Prayer-Booke. 12. after that the, 13. arose. 
 16. Beyow. 19. dayes. morning. 21. gospels of the, 22. after- 
 noon's. 26. alone, without the respond of the people ; and the 35 
 psalmes, as well as the other Scriptures, to be read by the minister alone ; 
 so. 27. of the. 29. above that of the Connnon-Praycvs, which leaves, 
 30, titles, which are. 31. psalme (wherefore St Jerome calls titulos 
 dai-es), and have. i. shamefully differ from.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 153 
 
 lars differ much from the original, as being translated out of 
 the vulgar Latin in the infancy and minority of the reforma- 
 tion. The communion-table was placed by him, not at the 
 east end, but in the body of the chancel ; without steps of 
 , gradual ascension or circumvallation by railes, though cus- 
 tom had prevailed otherwise in most churches ; and all was 
 read in one place. And for other innovations elswhere in- 
 troduced, he observed them not, as bowing at the name of 
 Jesus, bowing to the communion-table and towards the east, 
 
 JO and such like; his judgement being (as D. Bernard well ob- 
 serves) that those were as luell nonconformists who added of 
 their oiun, as those who came short of what was enjoined; as 
 he that adds an inch to the measure disowns it for a ride, as 
 well as he that cuts an inch off. He came often to church 
 
 J ^ in his episcopal habiliments, but oftner without. The mini- 
 string habits of his clergy he looked upon as academick dis- 
 tinctions of degrees. He desired no instrumental musick in 
 his cathedral (as organ or the like), but vocal and spiritual 
 
 2. Latin and in the very. 3. reformation &c. 4. without any stepps. 
 
 20 5- though the. 6. churches. There was no part of the servise read 
 
 at the coniniunion-table (save on a sacrament day), but in the usuall 
 reading-desk, that all the congi'egation might heare and see. And 
 for. 8. word or name Jesus. 10, like all fo\inded 
 
 upon ignorance and superstition; his. Dr. 14. off. His entrance 
 
 2r into the house of God. which is the cluu-ch of the living God, was 
 not like that of the heathenish anUtmts into his idol's temple, nor 
 the approachings of the Romish priest unto his popish altar, that, when 
 he pronounceth these words, introibo ad altare Dei, by various gesticu- 
 lations gives dulian worship to all the petty idolls in his way, till at 
 
 30 length he arrives at the altar, where the dreadfull crucifix stands before 
 him and the conjuring pix, where thefatidick hoste lies enshryned; and 
 then, like Balam's ass, falls downe flatt before it, as if he saw mth her 
 what her master, the prestigious enchanter, did not : but his entrance 
 was grave and reverent, without any incurvation, genuflection, orientall 
 
 35 adoration or toj^icall veneration ; so his attention, as his intention, was 
 holy and reverent and exaniplary, whether hearer or speaker, from the 
 beginning to the end of God's worship and service, both in publick and 
 private, at all tymes and in all places alike ; all thinges being clone still 
 according to the ajjostle's rule in order and to edification. lie came. 
 
 ^Q 15. without, in the aftcrnoonc especially. The. 17. of scholastick 
 degrees, rather then ecclesiasticall and evangelicall qualifications for the 
 ministery. He. 18. organs, like) no more then in other parochiall
 
 154 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 singing with grace in the heart to the Lord. He was much 
 displeased with the pompous service at Christ's church in 
 Dublin, which was attended and celebrated with all manner 
 of instrumental musick, as organs, sackbutts, cornets, violls, 
 &c., as if it had been at the dedication of Nebuchadnezar's 5 
 golden image in the plain of Dura; and discovered his dislike 
 of those things (now in the time of the Gospel) to a leading 
 prelate, who told him only this, that they served much, to the 
 raising of the affections, d;c. To whom he replied, that all 
 things that are used to loork upon the affections ought to tend 10 
 to edification under the Gospel, as this did not. 
 
 80. He was a carefull observer of the Lord's day, both 
 in publick and in private in his family, according to the 
 morality of it (which he did constantly assert and main- 
 tain). For, besides his preaching and catechizing, in which 15 
 he had a singular faculty above many, he repeated the ser- 
 mons before or after supper, sung a psalm, and concluded 
 the day (as he had begun it ere he went to church) with 
 prayer. His manner of preaching was esteemed most edi- 
 fying. For first he did alwaies open the meaning and sense 20 
 of the words of the H. Ghost out of the original, whether 
 they were few or many, and then raise divine observations 
 from them, and make a lively application of them to the 
 
 churches, but. i. Lord. He never went about to set up a qweere 
 of quyristers, of singing men or singing women. The psahus of David 25 
 were his delight, in privat and m publick. He was much dissatisfyed 
 with. 2. service of Christ's. 7. tymes. 9. affection. 16. 
 
 faculty and delight, sermon. 1 8. day with prayer, church. 
 
 He did rule his owne house so well, that he was the fitter to rule the 
 house of God. 20. always shew the connexion, and open the sense and 30 
 meaning. 21. Holy. 23. and powerfuU application. 155 i. auditory, 
 concluding still with prayer. Hft affected not high straines of rhetorick 
 to amuse the hearer; his words were easy to be understood as Paul's. 
 I have heard him say these words in the pulpit after his entrance upon 
 the text: I beseech the Lord to guide my tongue, that I may, as I 35 
 desyre, rather he His instrument to further the inward profit in 
 these holy mysterys, than seeke to x)lease the eares with a fyled speech 
 and floorish of words. No, ye shall not loohe for it at my hand, if 
 I could afford it; litle woidd I care for delighting; if I may teach 
 and moove, I desyre to he no better a rhetorician, &c. And in his 40 
 exhortations to his clergy at his visitation and synods : Let the vaine
 
 ^ OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 55 
 
 auditory. As lie did thus sanctify the Lord's day at home 
 (not allowing visiting, much less sporting or gaming in any 
 place of his diocese), so did he also take care to walk with 
 God every day. 
 5 8 1. In spending the day he regarded three things; the 
 beginning, continuing and ending of it. He prayed thrice 
 every day in his family, as Daniel did. In the morning 
 as soon as he was dressed (and commonly he was first up), 
 he rung a little bell that lay in a window in a readiness 
 
 lo to call his people together, and then read the psalms of the 
 day in the Hebrew psalter (which he allwaies carried about 
 him from a child) to himself alone ; unless his son (that was 
 minister of Kinally at the head of Lochearn) were present, 
 or some other Hebreician, and then his manner was to read 
 
 15 one verse out of the Hebrew into Latin, and the person 
 present the other, to the end. Then he went to his study; 
 and when the cloath was laid for dinner, he prayed the 
 second time ; and so likewise after supper : using allwaies 
 the same form of prayer, which he used before sermon on 
 
 20 the Lord's day, 
 
 82. The Common Prayer was never used in his family 
 by himself, nor any body else : for he esteem'd that an 
 ecclesiastick and publick, not a domestick and private way 
 of worship. And thus he did all the dales of his life, 
 
 25 froth of humane knowledge, and the garnisht and painted hewty of 
 the entysing eloquence of man's tcisdome give place ; preach me Christ 
 crucifyed ; know nothing but Him, ; pmt Him before the eyes of God's 
 people ; glory in nothing but Him, &c. Though his stature was tall, 
 his voyce was low and mournfull, both in pi'aying and preaching, but to 
 
 30 the attentive eare very audible and powerfull, with such evidence and 
 demonstration of God's sjjirit, that the pious hearer wisht every word 
 were penned that he uttered in the pulpit, in that heavenly order and 
 method in which it was delivered. He preached upon all those Scrip- 
 tures that are in the Common Prayer Booke, which are parts of God's 
 
 25 service, and ought therefore to be familiar and well-understood of the 
 people by the very frequency of them, as he was wont to say. He left 
 most excellent sermons upon them all. As he. 4. day, like another 
 
 Enoch. In spending. 6. and om. every day thrice. 8. up, and rung, 
 II. in his Hebrew. 17. dinner, kneeling downe at the head of the 
 
 40 table he, 20. day, always concluding with the Lord's prayer, the 
 people saying after him, 22. for esteeming that. 23. and not. 
 
 24. worship. He did thus all.
 
 156 LIFE AND DEATH ^ 
 
 having due and religious respect to the church liturgy in 
 its own place. He never rose from dinner or supper till 
 a chapter was read at his table and some time spent by 
 him in opening some difficulties in it, whatsoever company 
 were there, whether protestants or papists; each person 5 
 having a Bible laid before him, himself either the Hebrew 
 or the new Irish translation, &c. He was his own domes- 
 tick chaplain : no man ever prayed in his house but him- 
 self, when at home; nor craved a blessing at his table 
 besides himself: whereas in many prelats' houses all these 10 
 duties are cast upon the chaplain, as in the families of 
 secular lords. He took an account of himself, how he spent 
 every day, by keeping a journal thereof; a thing that 
 imports more than it can merchants for their estate to 
 keep their day-book : a Christian must study his own book, 1 5 
 and so did he. 
 
 83. He had sometimes sad fkts of the stone for some 
 years before his death (as many great students of a seden- 
 tary life have) ; which yet he did endure with a great 
 deal of patience. The greatest antidote against it, which 20 
 he found by experience to do him most good, was digging 
 in his garden. In a morning (laying aside his gown) he 
 would dig for half an houre or thereabouts ; and being a 
 little heated, he found mitigation of his pain and help to 
 his stomach both in craving and digesting. Upon which 25 
 account Calvin is said to be found digging in his garden, 
 when one came to kill him ; but he had no heart to do it, 
 finding him so emploied. 
 
 I. due and sacred respect. 2. place, that it was designed for. 
 
 3. chapter of God's booke was. 5. were present there. 6. had. 30 
 
 Hebrew or Greeke or. 7. new manuscript of the. 8, his 
 
 family but. 9. blessing or gave thanks at. 10. those. 15. 
 
 and as a. 16. and ova. he daily. 17. stone (though other- 
 
 wyse of great strength and health of body above many) a few 
 years. 19 — 20. a wonderfull patience. 25. stomach in. 26. garden 35 
 at Geneva. 27. one was sent, he oni. 28. so harmelessly imployed. 
 lie had brought with him out of Italy such curious instruments for 
 raccmation, ongrafBug and inoculating, that I saw him once teach his 
 gardner how to use them, and when he put in the graft into the stock 
 most neatly, only tye it about with a scare cloth, &c. Lovers of vertuc 45
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 57 
 
 84. His understanding and judgement in things divine 
 was so great, that did you see that trunk of MSS. that he 
 left behind him, some in Latin, some in ItaUan, (in both 
 which he did excell) and many in English ; you would 
 
 5 conclude, he had kept correspondence with most of the divines 
 in Christendom about all points of controvei'ted divinity 
 and imposed ceremony. There was a MS. of his writing 
 containing 50 sheets of paper, in answer to two questions 
 propounded to him in England by one that called himselfe 
 
 10 then Paul Washing-ton a priest, but came after to Dublin 
 under the name of Paul Harris. The first Q. was, Where 
 was your church before Luther ? The second : What do ye 
 think became of our fathers before the reformation ? My 
 lord jDrimate of Armagh, D. Usher, was very earnest with 
 
 15 him to have published his answer to those questions: which 
 had he lived, he had done ; but what is become of it I know 
 not, since all his books and papers came into the rebells' 
 hands, who to be sure would give no quarter to that 
 piece. 
 
 20 85. I remember that when D. Usher the primate (that f, yy v" 
 loved him above all of that order) had given him his Im- 
 manuel (a holy and learned treatise concerning the mystery 
 of the incarnation of the Son of God, which the primate 
 had presented to the E. of Strafford the lord deputy for 
 
 25 a new year's gift), the bishop of K. told his grace, that the 
 j)hrase A woman shall compass a man, Jer. xxxi. 22, men- 
 tioned 2)ag. 5 of that noble tract, was not spoken by the ^«"o- 
 i:>het, nor meant of Christ, but was only a metaj^horical allu- 
 sion to God's former gracious dealings with the p)^ople of 
 
 30 will take no exception at ingenuity in any person whatsoever. Cyrus is 
 said to glory in trees of his owne planting, more then in all that he 
 found sett before him. His understanding. 5. that he. 
 
 the most of the famous divines of. 10, 11. hut. ..Harris om. 11. 
 question. 12. our. 13. reformation? old questions that have 
 
 35 beene often answered. This popish fellow came afterwards to 
 Dublin, and priested there under the name of Paul Harris, and 
 was a vei-y troublesome fellow. My. 14 and 20. Dr. 15. 
 
 published it, which. 18. hands, that would give litle. 21. of 
 
 his order. 24. Earl. 25. gift and now is bound up with his large 
 
 40 body of divinity. Kilmore. 27. prophet, as he thought, nor,
 
 158 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Israel, whom he had long wooed and cotirted {as it were) from 
 the land of Egypt to that day, with many loving -kindnesses 
 and tender meixies, as Ezek. xvi. doth allegorically set it 
 forth: But now the Lord will create a new thing in the 
 earth ; a woman shall compass a man, ' midier amhibit 5 
 viruni ; they shall begin to seek after the Lord in a most 
 serious manner {as the Gentiles shall), os He formerly sought 
 after them according to the jjhrase, Hos. Hi. 5 : Afterwards 
 shall the children of Israel return, and seek the Lord their 
 God and David their king, and shall fear the Lord and His 10 
 goodness in the later dales; and chap. ii. 16: Thou shalt call 
 me IsJii {i. my dear and loving Husband) and shalt call me 
 no more Baali,i.e. Lord and Master; and verse /: Then shall 
 she say, I will go and return to my first Husband, for then 
 was it better with me then now, &c. And within 5 or 6 15 
 lines in the same verse speaking of Christ, he hath tliis 
 expression : That Christ luas tJie immediate fruit of the womb, 
 and not of the loins. But the bishop of K. affirmed that 
 Christ was the fruit of the loins as properly as the fruit of the 
 womb, as being descended from the loins of His progenitors, 20 
 and jjroperly the seed of the woman Gen. Hi. 15; the seed of 
 Abraham Heb. it. 16; and made of the seed of David accord- 
 ing to the flesh Rom. i. 3 ; in the luomb of the B. V. that was 
 of the house and lineage of David Luc. *. 27 ; otherwise Christ 
 had not been of the stock nor the son of David. My lord 25 
 primate approved his judgement in both these particulars 
 with a great deal of humility and ingenuity and thanks ; 
 which are peculiar to ingenuous and gi'acious spirits of the 
 highest attainments. 
 
 6. virum {ecclesla Christum Spon,9um); they. 12. i.e. 13. verse 7 : 30 
 Thou shalt say. 15. it was. 16. lines of the same page. Christ, 
 
 is this. 17. that He was. 18. But cm. Kilmore. 20. fif all 
 
 His. 22. ii. 16. was made. 23. liom. i. 3 0111. hlci^.^cd 
 
 Virgin. 25. Darid, &c. 27. humility, ingenuity. 29. attain- 
 
 ments. He was orthodox and sound in the faytli once given to the 35 
 saints. He did hate vain thoughts (with David), but did love God's 
 law. The conclusion of a letter of his to Dr Samuel Warde, head of 
 Sidney collcdge in Cambridge (betweene whom and him many letters 
 past in England, Italy and Ireland) doth evidence this : / am .sot-)/ t/tat 
 Arminianisme Jindes sack favour in the Low Couiitreys and among aq
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 59 
 
 '^6. His humility was the highest ornament of all his 
 other gifts and graces. And this appear'd in his gate and 
 
 ourselves, and glad that my lord of Sariim {whom I tridy lore and 
 honour) came off so well in the busines of his sermon. And of another 
 5 letter to Dr Ricliardson, bishop of Ardagh, in these words : Eor Pela- 
 gianisme, Semi-Pelugianisme, Arminianisme {to all which I say ana- 
 thema), if in your owne judgement yow do absolve me from such not 
 only worthless but wicked opinions, do not, I beseech yotc, by accumu- 
 lating testimonies against them (tlie controversy betweene tlicm being 
 
 lo about 'the cfficiQucy of grace,' which yow may see iu due tynie) rayse a 
 suspition in the mindes of those, to whose hands soever these jmpers do 
 come, that my lips speake wickednes and m,y tongue uttereth deceit, 
 that secretly at least I nourish such m,onsters, to the quelling of which 
 your labour is intended. So that with all thanks for your love and 
 
 ic good opinion {which I am desirous to retayne and answer with the 
 like) I commend you to the grace of God and the peace, which now 
 and evermore, according to the apostle's rule, he moderator in our 
 harts and keep them in Jesus Christ, Amen. His humility was his. 
 I. ornament and splendor. 2. graces ; having well observed 
 
 20 that general charge of the apostle : Let the same mind he in yow that 
 was in Jesus Christ; which appeared as well in his countenance, appa- 
 rell, gate, gesture, words and deeds, as in his hart and mynde; in which, 
 as an Israelite indeed, there was no guyle, as our Lord sayd of Natha- 
 niel. One memorable passage of his humility I had almost forgot, but 
 
 25 that a person of honor and of greatest learning and authority in the 
 church helped me to it. It was this : at a visitation in the remotest 
 part of his diocesse, neer Manner diamilton, sir Frederick Hamilton 
 invited him after sermon to dinner with much earnestness ; but my lord 
 of Kilmore having thanked him for his respects,lold him he was resolved 
 
 30 to dyne with his clergy, and would tcait iqyon him afterwards ; but 
 although the jilace was meane where they were to dyne, at a poore innc, 
 and the provision course and homely, yet he was contented to stay with 
 them, then feast without them. When afterwards he was approaching to 
 the gatt's of this knight's house, the gates that stood open before were 
 
 35 suddenly dasht together and shut up. lie and those with him wonder- 
 ing what the matter meant, he stood knocking a pretty while, and none 
 would answer. Those that were with him desired his lordship to come 
 away and not to take this base effront ; but he walked up and downe 
 before the gate a good while (above a quarter of an hour) and said only 
 
 40 this to his servants and tliose with him : They will heare ere long. At 
 length the gates that were bolted with pride, by humility are mdockt 
 and flee open, and out comes this proud Sir, and with a hypocriticall 
 hart embraces his lordship and brings him into his house and witli many 
 complementall and fawning expressions intertaines him, where he abode 
 
 45 a very short space. He never met with such a pccce of uncivility
 
 l6o LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 deportment amongst men, in his apparel, in his converse 
 and house-keeping. When others of his order were either 
 f. 78 r". galloping in their coaches, or prancing upon their stone- 
 horses through the streetes of Dublin in parliament time ; 
 he was never seen in a coach in city or countrey, nor on 5 
 horsback in the city, but walking with his servant after 
 him ; save when he rode in his scarlet-robes to parliament, 
 or attended the lord deputy to church on the Lord's day, 
 as the manner of all the prelates was, in their pontificalls, 
 with all the temporal lords. His habit was grave, a long 10. 
 stuff-gown, not costly, but comely: his converse was plea- 
 sant and profitable to all sorts that had to do with him : 
 his castle furnished with things necessary, not superfluous 
 nor gaudy ; his table with plenty of good provision at all 
 times, whereunto there was great resort. At Christmas 15 
 he had the poor Irish to feast and sit about him, both men 
 and women that dwelt next unto him, that scarse had any 
 whole cloathes on their backs, or could understand a word 
 
 amougst the civilized papists in Italy, nor the barbarous papists in 
 Ireland, but had a honorable reception wheresoever he came, as an 20 
 angel of God. His deportment amongst men of all sorts and converse 
 with them was not light and complementall, verbose, morose and frothy, 
 alwayes more prone and ready to heare what others said, then to vent his 
 owne judgement in anything, unless it were seriously desired: he let few 
 of his words fall to the gi'ound, like another Samuel. This putts me in 25 
 raynde of what the archbishop of Cashil told me of him, that being at 
 the earl of StraflFord's table with many others of the clergy, one sayd : 
 We are all talking, hut my lord of Kilmore sayth nothing; to whom 
 Dr Usher, the lord primate, sayd : Broach him, and yow willfinde good 
 liquor in him. So the party asked him some question about fayth, 30 
 wherin the bishop of Kilmore so puzld him, that all fell a-laughing, 
 saving himselfe. And no man did aske him any more questions. When 
 others. 3. vaporing stone-horses. 6. a-horseback. 7. rode 
 
 paludatus in his. in parliament. 8. upon. 9. all jirelatcs. 10. in 
 along. II. comely; his stockins woollen ; his shoes not much higher be- 35 
 hind than before : his converse pleasant. 12. all those that. 13. thinges 
 not superfluous, ornamentall and splendid, but good and necessary for 
 common use : his table. 1 5. resort, as to a place of greatest hospitality 
 in all that county, halfe an Irish beefe a-weeke, besides other provision, 
 a great part whereof was given to poore Irish familyes. 16. Irish, as 40 
 
 well as the rich Brittish (like auotlier Nehcmiah) to sit and feast. 18. 
 uor.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. l6l 
 
 of English : and often the blessing of those that were ready 
 to perish came upon him, and he made the widow's heart 
 to sing for joy. 
 
 ^J. Though he did allwaies triumph in Christ, who 
 5 made manifest the savour of his knowledge by him in every 
 place, without making merchandise of the word of God (as 
 many do), yet he did never stretch himself beyond his line 
 {dWoTpia iTnaKOTrelv) to take upon him the performance of 
 any ministerial or episcopal duty in another's diocese without 
 
 lo licence first had and obteined. And therefore when his 
 wive's daughter, Leah, was to be married in Dublin to Alex, 
 Cloghy, minister of Cavan (the author of this life), and they 
 desired the marriage might be blessed by him; for his better 
 defence against malevolent tongues, that it might be with 
 
 15 the approbation of the archbishop of Dublin, he wrote to 
 D. Parry for a licence out of the consistory, Nov. 23, 1637. 
 
 88. As my lord primate had engraven on his episcopal 
 seal Vae mihi, nisi evangelizavero ; so the bishop of K. had 
 it engraven upon his heart, with this motto on his seal 
 
 20 >7i'^^ 7^ ^yi2 ymi haserminni col bedili, Is. i. 2$, 'take nway 
 all my tin,' over a flaming crucible or refining pot; alluding 
 piously and humbly unto the Hebr. word bedil (that coms 
 so near his surname), which signifies 'tin;' whereas his good 
 name was like good ointment that did perfume the air of 
 
 25 report, and himself like the man whom God hath said He 
 ivill make more precious than fine gold, even such a man, than 
 the golden wedges of Ophir. Is. xiii. 12. Apparent rari^ 
 nantes in gurgite vasto. 
 
 89. As he was holy and humble, just and merciful above 
 50 many, so he was wise and valiant, stout and couragious for 
 
 the truth. The righteous are bold as a lion : he feared no 
 
 I. English, and were strangers to such civill and plentiful! 
 
 entertainment, and often. 3. joy, like another Job. 4. ch. 87 is 
 
 inserted in H after ch. 90. 6. cauponizing or making. 7. lyne, 
 
 35 as the apostle speakes. 11. Leah, his wyve's daughter. A. C. 
 
 the minister. 12. the author... life ova. 14. by the. 16. Dr. 18. 
 
 Kilmore. 19. it written on his hart with the finger of God, with this. 
 
 20. Is. i. 25 om. away from me all. 22. piously and humbly alluding. 
 
 Hebrew, sounds. 24. like that good. 25. report, in which it now lyes 
 40 embalmed. 27. wedge. Is. xiii. 12. om. 
 
 11
 
 1 62 
 
 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 f. 78 v". 
 
 Non vul- 
 tus in- 
 stantis 
 tyranni 
 
 mente 
 quatit 
 solida. 
 
 man's greatness ; he feared no man's wickedness. His great- 
 est foes were those of his own house, I mean some false 
 brethren of his own order, that bred him all his stirr; yet he 
 never shrunk from keeping faith and a good conscience. His 
 saying was often. Fiat iustitia, et mat caelum. 5 
 
 90. When a minister came unto hiin for a licence for 
 four monthes liberty, to give a visit to his friends in Scot- 
 land; together with the licence he gave him an Irish New 
 Testament (to carry with him into those parts where the 
 Irish tongue was used) upon which he wrote these words, 10 
 Oulielmus JEpiscopus Kilmorensis, and said: certe me non 
 pudet huius cognominis : which he might very well say, being 
 esteemed one of the greatest ornaments of that order. His 
 licence began thus : Guliehnus providentia divina Kilm. epi- 
 scopus A. B. dilecto nobis in Christo fratri et synpreshytero 15 
 salutem Sc. : which when it was shown to Mr John Adam- 
 son, primare of the colledge of Edinburrough, in the company 
 of many ministers that had been great sticklers for the 
 Scottish covenant and active in driving them out of their 
 bishopricks; they were amazed at his Latin style (though it 20 
 were but 5 or 6 lines) and that antiquated phrase of fratri 
 and synpreshytero : but when they heard with great delight 
 the description of him (according to this paper), they said 
 with one mouth : What have we done ? If the king will give 
 us such bishops as this, we will beg them upon our knees of 2$ 
 him and receive them with all our hearts. A. B. said unto 
 ^them again : Be ye yourselves such, and questionless the king 
 will advance you in the room of those that you have so fu- 
 riously driven out. Or as D. Bernard (that was his dean) 
 
 2. marg. n. om. 3. order (that entered not in by the doore into 30 
 
 the sheepfold, as he did, but did climb up another way), that bred 
 him all his hurt, because their owne works were evill arid his good, 
 like another Habel; yet he. 4. conscience in the sight of God 
 
 and of all men. His. 13. order, since its advancement above 
 
 its fellows. His. 15. mihi. 16. shewed. Adamson, provost. 35 
 
 19,20. driving out their bishops, they. 21. lines upon a bitt of parch- 
 ment) and. 26. and receice them om. 28. into. 29. out. He further 
 said unto them : Yo^ir hisho2is were learned men, great and constant 
 preachers in all places of their residence amongst yow; they exercised 
 no jurisdiction over yow nor over the people; kept no consistory courts 4° 
 hy lay-chancellours to enslave yow; had 7io power of ordination any
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 63 
 
 more then any other minister in that classis or presbytery where their 
 episcopall seate was; they were only presidents in your synods, which 
 ye have ticise a yeir in course; they never received penny of money 
 for presentation, institution, induction or visitation or any orders 
 5 whatsoever, nor any from or for them ; they know of no jyrocurations 
 nor synod alls from the clergy, no more than the apostolick church 
 did ; they did you much good in parliament; they often rescued your 
 persons and tithes out of the paices of your lords and layrds, that 
 otherwyse had beene too hard for yow, &c. And yet ye have delt 
 
 10 with them in a rage that reacheth up to heaven, andicith all that tooke 
 their part in church and state, in city and countrey, &c. All that they 
 did reply was this : that they had introduced a new forme of puhlick 
 worsliip amongst them, which was never knowne since the reforma- 
 tion, and that icithout a synod or generall assembly ; and had urged 
 
 15 and enforced it on a sudden {under the greatest penalfyes) to be 
 received and practised ; and that they were af rayed it would take them, 
 off from the simplicity of the Gospel and become a dead letter {as it was 
 to many in England, that had nothing else to trust to, in many places, 
 for the word of reconciliation in the ministration of the Gospel); and 
 
 20 that they knew not what might follow, when so many offices for the 
 dead saints icere advanced upon holy dayes, which had not beene 
 sounded in their eares above a hundred yeares and iqncards. And 
 the zeale of the common multitude of all sorts was vehement against 
 it at the very first, like a mighty torrent and irresistible, that car ryes 
 
 25 all before it; %chich easily drew in the greater and better sort after- 
 wards, though some might hare other designes and projects before them 
 {as in all such impetuous and tumidtuous j)roceedings is unavoidable, 
 when then [they.^l are stript [f ] with jwpularity and Christianity) 
 about the bishojys' lands, as they have gotten possession ofcdmost all the 
 
 30 crowne-lands since king James came into England: and that the 
 reception of tliat booke and conformity to it would hardly make them 
 better Christians or more loyall subjects, or contribute anything to the 
 king's honour and jrrofit or their well fare, &c. ' Quae nos Deo neque 
 digniores neque indigniores possunt reddere,' sayth Augustin of cere- 
 
 ->- monys. This was the sum of all they said. A. B. asked them : But 
 then tchy doe ye medle with England and Ireland, to jrrornote your 
 reformation by your covenant ? since tliere is no countrey under 
 heaven this day that stands in need of evangelicall, nay of civill refor- 
 mation, more then the far greater part of your owne countrey, that 
 
 40 hath not as yet hmrd the sound nftlie Gospel ; as namely a great part 
 of Arggle's country, Bodinoch, Lochabber, Knodard, Modard, Ferrin- 
 domill, Stranacer, m.ost of all the isles of the Hebrides and Orcades, 
 tchich are large territoryes, and many more then these of the most 
 savage and barbarous Highlanders, that if at any time they come to hear 
 
 45 a sermon {tchich is very seldom), they come in their amies, tcith theire 
 swords and targetts, with their bowes and dorlachs {a rough goat's skin 
 
 11—2
 
 1639. 
 
 1 64 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 concludes his short character of him; If the moderation of 
 
 this bishop had been observd elsewhere, I believe episcopacy 
 
 might have been kept upon his wheels. For when he heard of 
 
 Anno the tumults of Scotland and the outrage against bishops, he 
 
 said these words (which were uttered by Athanasius long be- S 
 fore in a tumult at Alexandria between him and his clergy) : 
 If for our sakes this great tempest is risen, take us up and 
 cast us forth into the sea, that so there may be a calm, like 
 another Jonas. 
 
 with all the long hay re upon it), or quivers full of harhed arrowes 10 
 {twenty or thirty arrowes a peece), or with a great long gun in his 
 hand, a great powder-home about his neck, and none without a dark 
 or dagger {stich as Ehud's) at his side, a short destroying weapon, if 
 they fall out within doores or anywhere. Doth this array become 
 Christians on the Lord's day? And a hundred to one hut they shed ^5 
 some blood ere they part. To say nothing of their immodest and 
 unseemly habit, and Irish, or rather Indian, manner of living and 
 continuall spoyle and taking away the cattell of the civilized Scotts 
 that live in the lowlands, without regard to the lawes of God or man. 
 Is this forsooth the church of Scotland that men call ' the jierfection 20 
 qfhewty?' Is this nothing to all you that pass by, or rather swalloio 
 downe, these Scottish camells, and sadly stray ne at our English gnats f 
 Doe not these things cry lowder in the ears of your presbitery, nay 
 in the eares of God Himselfe {think ye) for reformation, or for wrath 
 and vengeance, then a few English distinguishing-ceremonies, that 25 
 no man putts any stress of religion upon, or would once think of 
 them, if they were commanded off and cashired by that parliament 
 authority that enjoynes them, as things merely indifferent, and not 
 so much for spirituall cts p)olitick ends? To all this discourse Mr 
 John Adamson said nothing materiall, only sighed and said: The truth 30 
 is, our first over-zealous reformers overthrew the churches ; and that 
 there was not a church in Scotland {save in some cityes and toicnes) 
 but was erected within these fifty yeares; and that in Ardgyle and 
 other places the great men held all the tithes and left the people to 
 perish; for where there was neyther church nor maintenance, they 35 
 cnild not expect the setting up of the Gospel of Christ's kingdome to 
 bring in all that incultivate people out of the dungeon of darknes 
 into his marvellous light, that had not the Scriptures in their own 
 Irish language; and so concluded his speach with the high commenda- 
 tion of that most worthy and renowned prelate Dr Bedel, bishop of 40 
 Kilmore, and desyre of his long continuance and florishing in the church 
 of God, that was so singular a bright starr, shining so eminently in it, 
 and famous in his generation. As Dr Bernard. i. him in these 
 
 words. 3. its. 4. Scotland (in '39). the bishops in that hurrycane, he 
 said 5 — 6. which... clergy, inserted after Jrwrt*!. 9. Z. forth om. 45
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 165 
 
 91. Thus having given you some briefe account of his 
 life, which was the life of the righteous, it remains that I 
 give you some satisfaction about his later end, which was the 
 death of the righteous, and therefore so precious in the sight 
 
 5 of the Lord. To this the grand and horrid rebellion and 
 massacre was antecedent and preparatory many waies. It 
 began on Saturday the 23 rd day of Octob. 1641, after a 
 morning's mass. And here I confess I am at a stand what 
 to write or how to express any thing of it without tears off- 79^' 
 
 10 bloud, or a quis talia fando ? or quis cladem illius noctis ? 
 or rather with Jeremiah, Quis dahit cajnti meo lymphas et 
 oculis meis scaturiginem, aquarum, ut dejleam nodes atque 
 dies confossos jiliae popidi mei? Certainly had he been raised 
 from the dead, he had seen before him as ample matter of 
 
 15 writing a second book of Lamentations; onely with this ma- 
 terial difference, that the people of God had warning from 
 God and man of their aj^proaching danger (as the people of 
 Nineve also had, by which they might have prevented and 
 avoided it) but we had none; no more than the cities that 
 
 2<3 God overthrew, and no man pitch'd tents against them ; as 
 it was in the Sicilian vespers or the massacre of Paris A. 
 1572, by the same hand of Doeg. One daie's warning might 
 have saved thousands of lives of poor innocents. 
 
 25 3. *07ne om. latter end and death. 4. righteous also, so cm. 5. of 
 God, to which. horrid Irish rebellion. 6. and in many wayes 
 
 preparatory ; which began. 8. mass that bloody and unparallelled 
 
 masacre commenced, confess my frailty. I am at a stand like a man 
 astonished and]; like a man that wjne hath overcome, how to ^vrite or 
 
 30 express. 9. of it, that is so ;beyond.all expression (that was written 
 
 in such large bloody characters in one instant, tanquam signo dato, 
 through all parts of the Jdngdome of Ireland) without.. 10. noctis ? 
 {uhique luctus, ubique gemitus et plurima mortis imago) or rather. 
 12. meisfuHtem aquarum. 15. Lamentations in all the particulars 
 
 35 thereof, aa in his first for the desolation and desti-uction of God's 
 people" by the old Caldeaus and Babilonians, that were but types and 
 shadowes of the new, only. 18. also om. 19. it from the old, but we 
 had none to rescue us from the new Babilonians, no more. 21. it 
 
 was in om. Vespers and the. 22. a«no 1573. Doeg the Edomito. 
 
 40 23. innocents that -knew not the right hand'^from the left. That 
 bloody harlot, the mistriss of witchcrafts, was so drimck with the blood 
 of saints and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus, that she made no
 
 1 66 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 92. There were no people under heaven lived In a more 
 
 flourishing state and condition for peace and plenty of all 
 
 things desirable in this life; when on a sudden they were 
 
 turned out of house and hold, and stript of all outward en- 
 
 joiments and left naked and bare in the winter, and on the S 
 
 Sabbath-day put to flight, and yet had no place to flee to. 
 
 The land that a little before was as the garden of Eden, was 
 
 speedily turn'd into a desolate wilderness; Horresco ref evens: 
 
 atque animus meminisse horret, &c. You will say, certeinly 
 
 our sins were very great, that opened the bottomless pit 10 
 
 against us, and brought in the frogs of Egypt upon us. 
 
 Truly upon diligent search and inquisition into our waies 
 
 Tantae the iniquity of Sodom might be found in Ireland; pride, 
 
 5?^^^*^^' fullness of bread and abundance of idleness in her and in 
 
 Us causa 
 
 eadem, her daughters; neither did she strengthen the heart or hand 15 
 
 quae om- q£ ^Y\q poor and needy Irish by usino- any means for their 
 mum, ^ '' . , 
 
 nimia conversion and reduction from the error of their way; but 
 
 felicitas. j-g^^j^gj. indulging them by cursed tolerations in their abomi- 
 nable idolatries, barbarities and filthiness to their destruction 
 (which proved ours also at the last). 20 
 
 discovery of her design, as Delilah did often to Sampson ere he lost his 
 eye; but surprized us (whilest our watchmen and sentinells were 
 buryed in sleep and security, or wrangling together and sadly falling 
 out upon the main guard) with swift destruction by rapine, fire and 
 sword, without the sound of a trumpet or alarum of war ; destruction 25 
 upon destruction was cryed ; for the whole land was spoyled ; suddenly 
 were our tents spoyled, and our curtains in a moment! There were. 
 3. we Avere. 6. flight, that had. flee to for refuge. 7. 
 
 was like the. 9. quod animus. horret luctuque refugit. 
 
 We soone forgate prosperity when we fell into the hands of brutish 30 
 men and skilful! to destroy. the multitude of cryes that went up to 
 heaven, that are joyned with the lowd cryes of the soules under the 
 altar (Rev. vi. 9, 10)! Yow. 10. very om. 11. brought up 
 
 the. us, the old barbarous Irish and the old degenerate English 
 
 of the Pale. Truly sin and sin only hath a great influence upon the 35 
 mine of persons, countreys and kingdomes ; and if God did not over- 
 looke it sometymes, no person nor kingdome could stand one moment, 
 as all persons and kingdomes do know by comfortable experience. And 
 by diligent. 1 3. Ireland (as in the very letter of it it was found in 
 some of our leading watchmen), with pride. 17. conversion and 40 
 om. way, and conversion to Jesus Christ ; but. 19. barbarity. 
 
 20. ours at last; when every. 3. fryars and of all orders of
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 167 
 
 93. In tliose daies every parish was allow'd a popish 
 priest, every diocese a titular bishop, every city and county 
 colledges and convents of Jesuites and fryars of Roman colo- 
 nies of all orders ; as if they had been kept up of purpose to 
 5 plant England and Scotland with such strange slipps when 
 time and opportunity should serve them, which they made 
 no doubt was then comming. It hath been observ'd that 
 wheresoever the Roman-paganish yoke came of old, and was 
 received or submitted unto, it left still the ancient Roman 
 
 10 civility in habit, life, laws, language and religion behind it; 
 
 and so filing off the rudeness of the nations, made way to f. 79 v". 
 the present admission of, and chearfull submission to, the 
 sweet and easy yoke of Jesus Christ. And is it not strange 
 that in 600 years {and especially since the glorious reforma- 
 
 15 tion) nothing should be done for the poor Irish? Their 
 being thus neglected and given over to vile affections and 
 strong delusions, animates them once in 40 years to rebell 
 and destroy all the English plantations. And though I be no 
 prophet nor prophet's son, in that sense that Amos was ; yet 
 
 20 I have too much reason to believe, that about the expiring 
 of 40 years after the late rebellion of 41, they will be as 
 ready and every way fitted to rebell again, and to destroy 
 all our labours, colonies and people, as ever they were, unless 
 there be some more effectual course taken by the English 
 
 25 policy to prevent it ; all our victories over them hitherto 
 
 Roman colonies. 4. of set purpose. 7. doubt of. 7, 8. 
 
 come. "Whereas wheresoever. 13. is... strange om. 14. years 
 
 (specially. 15. Irish, and these old ragged Gibeonites have no 
 
 benefit by our plentifuU and rich clothing under the Gospel of Christ's 
 
 30 righteousnes, but given over. 17. and om. delusions and a repro- 
 bate sense, to animate. 18. plantations. Of all calamityes and dark- 
 nesses the most fearfuU is that of the mynde, and in the destination of 
 the church produceth saddest effects, to make men reape whatsoever 
 they sow, and to eate the fruit of their doings. And though. 19. 
 
 35 yet, God having given me my lyfe for a prey, that hath beene in 
 innumerable dangers and hazards, as a brand pluckt out of the burning, 
 and delivered me from the mouth of the lyon, I have. 21. yeares 
 (which is their constant Irish jubile, wherin they kill and take pos- 
 session, till by a new conquest they are dispossessed) after the 
 
 40 date '41. 22. again om. 24. by our. 25. it, then hitherto
 
 1 68 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 being but like those of Hercules over the monster Hydra ; 
 when he cut oflf one head, two did spring up in the place of 
 it. The saying of old Pontius, the prince of the Samnites, to 
 his son (who having got his enemies the Romans into a 
 pound in furcis Caudinis, dismissed them) is very remarkable ; 5 
 Turpis victoria, quae nee facit amicos, nee tollit inimicos ; 
 none of our English victories have ever yet diminished our 
 Irish enemies, nor made them our friends to this day. Oli- 
 ver Cromwell the usurper transplanted the heads of the 
 rebells into the province of Connaght for a little while ^° 
 (whence they have issued since into all parts of the kingdom, 
 tanquam ex equo Troiano, to watch their opportunity): but 
 though that was more than all that were before him ever 
 did, yet they never attempted the sending of the Gospel 
 unto them in their own language, or the setting up any 1$ 
 English schooles amongst them for the education of their 
 children, to translate them from darkness to light. 
 
 94. And as our sins were great in this and many more 
 particulars, that might justly open the cataracts of heaven 
 and bring down the sad deluge of God's wrath upon us ; so 20 
 there was a sad concurrence of strange passages of divine 
 
 hath beene made apparent to the world ; all our former victories. 
 hitherto om. i. like Hercules his fightings with the. Hydra, who 
 
 when. 4. Sonne is very remarkeable. 5. Caudinis, where they could 
 neyther fight nor flee, dismissed them sub iugo): Turpis. 6. inimicos; 25 
 having advysed his sonne ey ther to kill them all, or dismisse them honor- 
 ably (as the king of Israel did the Syrians by Elisha's advice, when he 
 had them at his mercy) : who doing neyther, but taking a midle course, 
 ruined himselfe and his countrey. None of. 7. victories, that our 
 
 chronicles swell with, have. 8. Irish and popish, or. day, any more 30 
 then when the lord Strongbow, earl of Chepstow, invaded Ireland anno 
 1 169. The late usurper Oliver Cromwell. 11. have swarmed and issued 
 forth since. 12. opportunity and to take the first advantage. But. 
 
 13. all the lawful princes that. 14. yet even then, when in their 
 
 proud swelling words of vanity, they tcould advance Chrisfs kingdome 35 
 to the gates of Rome, as St. Peter's was wont to bragg (as the duke of 
 Bourbon once did, anno 1526, when he led the pope in triumph through 
 the streetes with his face towards an ass's tayle), they never. 15. 
 them (in their divided notions) translated into their. 1 5 — 6. of any 
 
 schooles. 18. But though our. 20. us, yet our Saviour tells us 40 
 
 in, the destruction of the Galilseans by Herod, and of the inhabitants
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 69 
 
 providence, which did seem to portend and prognosticate our 
 unavoidable ruine. For first our vice-roy, the earl of Straf- 
 ford, was committed to the tow'r of London and executed a 
 little before : his deputy Cristopher Wandesford (to whom he 
 5 had delegated his authority in his absence) after he had 
 torue a leafe out of the parliament book, found dead sud- 
 denly in his chamber : our king taken up with his Scottish 
 affairs at Edinburrough, and endeavouring to gratify the f. 80 r". 
 Scots in any thing they could reasonably desire, if they 
 
 10 would but keep within their own sphere and not intermeddle 
 with the English concernments in church or state : the par- 
 liament of England very high in carrying on an universal 
 reformation of all orders of men, that were thought to have 
 corrupted their waies : sed excessit medicina modum : over 
 
 15 Ireland two justices (aged gentlemen, that had served Q. E. 
 in her warrs with the E. of Tyrone and Tireconnill) sir Wil- 
 liam Parsons and sir John Burlacey: and (which is sadder 
 than all these) most, if not all, the high-sherifs in Ireland at 
 that time Irish-Jesuited-papists. I am sure the high-sherif 
 
 20 of the county of Cavan was so, Mulmore O'Relly (a desperate 
 young fellow, of a small fortune, and of the parish of Kil- 
 more), and the high-sherif of the next county to it, viz. of 
 Mouaghan, one Mr Fitzgerald, 
 
 of Jerushalem by the fall of an old tower (both which were sudden 
 
 25 accidents), that none of these unexpectedly and suddenly ruined ones 
 were greater sinners then others that were free from thera. But 
 besides all this, there was a sadder conjunction of planets, I nieane 
 a concun-ence of stranger acts of divine providence, than ever was 
 observed before in our skye or horizon, or I hope shal be again to the 
 
 30 end of the world ; all which sad asjjects did seeme. 2. imminent, 
 
 unavoidable ruine and at once, as it were, to conspyre against pooro 
 Ireland. Y or &rst (quod caput est) our vigilunt viceroy. Strafford, 
 
 being called away and committed. 3. London, was executed. 4. 
 before (May nth). 5 — 6. after. ..hooke Mlovfs found. ..chamber (6,7). 
 
 35 7. wholly taken. 8. affayrs and state concernes at. endeavouring mo^j^ 
 co7n2)o)iere f uct us, and ready to. 9. that they could rationally. 10. not 
 to pass their owne border in intermedling. 14. ways before them; sed. 
 1 5. aged and decrepit. Queen Elizabeth. 16. Earl. 18. these, many 
 justices of peace, more then ever before, and most. 19. papists, and 
 
 40 the whole jjosse comitntus put in their bloody hands. I am. 22. 
 namely of the county of. 33. Fitzgerald, who married a widow, ouo
 
 I/O LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 95, So that in this conspiracy, as it were, of so many 
 sad emergencies in that juncture of time and hour of 
 temptation for poor Ireland, if the Lord had not left us a 
 very small remnant, we had been as Sodom, we had been 
 made like unto Gomorrah. For how easy a matter was it 5 
 for 60 armed men to have surprized the castle of Dublin at 
 any time, the gate whereof was kept by one old poor fellow 
 alone, and where Q. Elizabeth's magazine for 40,000 men 
 was, after Tyrone's rebellion quasht, laid up and kept. 
 And indeed all the strength and hope of the rebells lay in 10 
 
 Mistriss Killet, of the parish of Kihiiore. This widow was left by her 
 husband in money and goods worth £2000, and had as many suiters 
 from city and countrey as was ever knowne in those parts ; but she 
 chose this man (to her destruction), being a proper person (thougli of 
 vilest inwards of any in the countrey), and promised to marry him upon 1 5 
 condition of forsaking his popery and coming to church with her; both 
 which he did, and made an open confession of the fayth of Christ in 
 opposition to the faction of Antichrist, in the cathedrall of Kihnore, 
 where the bisliop marryed them and administred the sacrament unto 
 tl\em, and made them djTie with Iiim, a few weekes before the rebellion. 20 
 But this Sagamore before that tyme had driven away all her cattell and 
 forsaken her and returned to his vomit ; and then, having seized upon 
 all that she had in the field and in the house, turned her away stript 
 and her three children (that she had by her first husband) without any 
 pitty or compassion ; and he and his old squa lived together afterwards, 25 
 as they had done in filthines before ; and his poore wyfe, having gott 
 to Dublin in much misery, dyed of famine (with all her children), as 
 thousands did there, that had escaped with the skin of their teeth from 
 all parts of the kingdome. This dolorous story I mention, because 
 I knew all this, ut crimine ex uno yow may know what these bruitish 30 
 men will do for the advancement of " the catholick cause" (as they call 
 it), to whom nothing is unlawfull, that Sathan or their owne lusts and 
 interests can suggest; as their congregatio de propaganda fide doth 
 dayly declai'e, quod volurnus sanctum est; and according to that jesuiti- 
 call and atheisticall maxim of theirs, /rows vulgi, cor pricati. So that 35 
 by this. I, 2. of all those sad. 3. Ireland, the Httle flock of 
 Jesus Christ was left as sheepe in the middest of these ravening 
 woolves, to be woorried and destroyed at the first snap; and if the 
 Lord (that in wrath remembreth mercy) had. 5. vnade om. 
 
 7. an old. 8. and om. Queen Elizabeth's magazine 40 
 
 (since Tyrone's rebellion was quasht) for 40,000 men was kept ; but 
 that the Lord rebuked them and the seed of the woman crusht the 
 serpent's head the very day before the intended massacre, in stirring
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 171 
 
 the surprizal of this place, without which they had neither 
 arms for horse nor foot, nor ammunition. And in full 
 assurance of obteining this place, they had persuaded and 
 prevailed with the old degenerate English of the Pale to 
 5 join with them ; which they never did before in any former 
 rebellion, but by long continuance amongst them, they were 
 now become Irish in their habit, language, rude manner of 
 living and religion; and at last became Irish also in their 
 affections and actions with the old barbarous Irish, and as 
 
 10 merciless enemies as any the English found. But the very day 
 before the castle should have been surpriz'd, God stirr'd up 
 the spirit of a renegade, one O'Conelly, to acquaint the 
 justices with the great and imminent danger of themselves 
 and all the kingdom. And tho' they scarce believ'd a 
 
 15 drunken fellow (as speaking rather out of some discontent 
 than love to them), yet they gave order to draw up the 
 bridge, and sent to the major to take a band of men with 
 him, and to search the Globe tavern near the castle gate, 
 where he found all the conspirators against the castle; and 
 
 20 brought in Mac Guyer and Mac Mahune, the tAvo leaders of 
 the Ulster rebells, and laid them in irons, and sent them to 
 London by Capt. Corby, where they received the first part of 
 their torments. 
 
 tip the spirit of a renegado [etc. as p. 1 7 1 1. 1 2]. All their strength. 
 
 25 10. of the rehells om. 2. ammunition. For in the earl of Strafford's 
 
 tyme no man in Ireland, of whatsoever degree, could have above 10 lbs. 
 
 weight of powder at once, and that out of the castle by order in writing. 
 
 And in. 3. of their attacking of this place of sti*ength, they. 
 
 6. them and conjugal affinity with them becoming Irish. 8. re- 
 
 30 ligion; at last. 10 — 23. given in 11 after p. 170 1. 8. 12. O'Conelly 
 
 (whom I knew). 13. the lords justices, their great. danger 
 
 and of all the kingdom's. 14. And om. 15. as om. some 
 
 om. 1 7. bridge before the castle gate and let downe the port-cullises. 
 
 major of the city. 1 8. taberne over against the. 20. Mc Guirir. 
 35 22. Cozby of the parish of Cavan. 23. their judgement, that some- 
 
 tymes goes before the finall torment of presumptuous murtherers and 
 
 malefactors. [^Micr found \. 10 H proceeds]: They gave out at first 
 
 that theij had orders from the Icing to onedle only with the English; 
 
 whercunto Sir James Craig replyed : that he would never heleeve, nor 
 40 any Christian man, that the king will command his left hand to cutt 
 
 off his right. Sometymes they sayd, they had orders long before from
 
 172 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 their imprisoned deputy to cause a diversion for his releife and 
 enlargement. But nobody regarded what they sayd, that (by divine 
 permission) did what they pleased against God and man. Indeede the 
 deputy's hand was esteemed heavy upon them, when he caused twelve 
 of the principall men of the English Pale to stand upon a scaffold with 5 
 papers upon their heads in the streets of Dublin, for not concurring (as 
 it was said) to some desyred and expected verdict. But so it was 
 esteemed also upon the English, as the earl of Cork, the lord Mount 
 Norris, the lord chancellor Loftus and others felt; but his Avrath was 
 greatest against the Scotts, especially after their confederacy against lo 
 prelacy and invading of England with their armies. In detestation of 
 whose presumptuous proceedings he caused a declaration to be penned 
 very sharply and severely, and to be sent throughout the whole king- 
 dome of Ireland; wherin certain commissioners were named that 
 should administer an oath of abjuration to all the Scotts, to cause 15 
 them renounce all correspondence with their brethren in Scotland, 
 or desire or intension of conjunction with them in their oath of con- 
 juration, in reference to their nationall league and covenant. For 
 the refusing of which oath Mr James Stewart (brother to the long- 
 imprisoned lord Ockiltry in the castle of Blackness) with his wyfe and 20 
 three daughters were brought up from Ulster and imprisoned in Dublin, 
 where I gave them a visit and they shewed me letters from Mr Samuel 
 Rutherford and other cheefe sticklers in their covenant, to comfort them 
 in their durance and strengthen them against the abjuration; as if, 
 with the primitive martyrs, they had suffered for the word of God and 25 
 testimony of Jesu under the paganish and persecuting emperours. It 
 was sad in the church of God, when they were sworne to one thing on 
 the one side of the water of division that parts Scotland and Ireland, 
 and the quit contrary on the other, under the same God and king and 
 profession of the same religion; as of old, altare contra altare, and 30 
 synods and anti-sjTiods in the Greeke church, for a long tyme, till they 
 were all ruined as at this day. But the title the rebells stuck to at last 
 was this, that they were the queen^s catJiolick army. But they behaved 
 themselves so cruelly, that it was more likely they had had their com- 
 mission from Athaliah or Jezabel ; or rather from her that sitts upon a 35 
 scarlet-coloured beast, that sayth in her hart : / sit as a queene and 
 am no widow and shall see no sorroic ; whose paramour is the angel 
 of the bottomless pit, whose name is Abaddon and ApoUyon (Rev. ix. 
 11). And for a whole month's time, or thereabouts, they meddled not 
 with the Scotts, though they had driven out all the English that were in 40 
 the fields or in unwalled villages, that had no retyring place ; as thinck- 
 ing it too hazardous to ingage two such potent nations at once, till they 
 had first dispatcht one. In our county of Cavan there was no fortiOca- 
 tion at all ; nor in the county of Leitrim, Monachen, Longford and 
 Fennanach (save only the island of Enniskellin, where sir William Cole 45 
 secured himselfe); though my lord Lambert was bound by his patent
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 173 
 
 from king James to build a sitadell at Cavan and a wall of defence 
 aj?ainst a sudden storme ; yet, so great was the carelessnes and security 
 of those dayes (as in the days of Noah and Lot) that nothing was done ; 
 only two Scottish knights, sir James Craig and sir Francis Hamilten, 
 5 being mooved \\\t\\ feare and pnidence, had built themselves two arkes, 
 or small castles, for the safety of their respective famylies, upon their 
 severall proportions of lands ; which being within view and neer to each 
 other (within a myle) preserved above a thowsaud English and Scotts 
 from the present fury and rage of those wild beasts that were skilfull to 
 
 lo destroy. But when Antrim sent and fetcht his cozen, col. Kiltach, from 
 the isles of Scotland, with his McDonills, being of the same family of 
 Soarlybwy with him, the vizard of partition betweene English and Scotts 
 was quite removed ; for col. Kitach (' the left-handed CoHn') his bloody 
 two-handed sword made no difference. Yea, those English and Scottish 
 
 1 5 papists that were fled into Ireland, that they miglit have popery to the 
 full of their lusts, till they surfeited upon it and untill it came out at 
 their nostrills again, and became loathsome unto them while it was yet 
 betweene their teeth (as sweet as the qwayles were to the lustfull 
 Israelits), ere it was well chewed, the wrath of God fell upon them also, 
 
 20 as well as upon the protestants at first ; for they found no favour at last, 
 like the answer which the duke of Medina Sydonia gave in this case in 
 '88 : that his sword knew no difference heticeene a catholick and a 
 heretick; but that he came to make xcay for his master. To evidence 
 this, there was a pretty gentleman of a good family in England, called 
 
 25 Mr Pooley, that brought a good stock of money and other goodes with 
 him a yeir or two before the rebellion (when God seemed to begin to 
 make inquisition for blood and to disclose bloody popery, that she might 
 no more cover her slayne in these three kingdomes), and a Scottish 
 gentleman called the layrd of Forsythe, that was forced out of Scotland 
 
 30 upon that account, that lived not farr from Kilmore; yet they were 
 turned out of all, they, their mves and children, for all their popery; 
 the Irish hatred being greater against the English nation than their 
 religion. This Mr Forsythe was upon the point of renouncing popeiy 
 a litle before the rebellion ; for many papers in matters of religion had 
 
 35 passed betweene the bishop of Kilmore and him, which had given him 
 full satisfaction ; and he was perswaded not only almost but altogether 
 to become a Christian. But being prevented by that sudden stonne, he 
 durst not make so fayre a retreate out of the camp of Antichrist into 
 the camp of Jesus Christ, as he intended, till the storme were over that 
 
 40 was compassed with many terroiu-s, for feare of his lyfe and unavoydable 
 ruine of his whole family, that was now brought to beg a morsell of 
 bread of the enemy. The Scotts then throughout all the province of 
 Ulster, where they were most numerous, betooke themselves to holds, 
 leaving all the open country to the enemy ; for the first attempt of col. 
 
 45 Kiltach had so frighted them, that they thought no man was able to 
 stand before that son of Anak. In his first incounter with a few Irish
 
 174 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Highlanders and some of Antrim's Irish rebells (that were brethren in 
 evill) against eight hundred Enghsh and Scotts, having commanded his 
 murderers to hxy downe all their fyre-arms, he fell in amongst them 
 (with swords and durcks or scanes) in such a furious and irresistible 
 manner, that it was reported that not a man of them escaped of all the 5 
 eight hundred; the first and greatest losse in battell that we sustained 
 in all that war, save one in Munster, under the unhappy conduct of 
 sir Charles Vavasor; whereupon the rebells rode in triumph with their 
 swords drawne through the streetes of Kilkeny, as if they had conquered 
 all England. After this sad blow the English and Scotts in Ulster had lo 
 ten thowsand men sent them from Scotland by order of the ])arliament 
 of England, under the conduct of major generaU Robert Monro, an old 
 officer of the king of Swedes in Germany, who lay in Carrigfergus, Bel- 
 fast, Munsyne, Colerayne, the Newry, Dundalk and other townes upon 
 the sea coast ; but litle or nothing worth the mentioning was ever done 1 5 
 or attempted by them (though in a plentifull countrey, they were well 
 nigh famished) save of a few men that my lord Moore borrowed from 
 the garrison of Dundalk, under the command of captain Boniman, in his 
 last exployt against the rebells at Fortlester, where he was slaine by a 
 cannon-bidlet of six pound weight, which beat him from his horse and beat 20 
 ofif the back peice of his armour and I saw taken out of his body, being 
 much spent (by gi-asing) ere it came thither, Sept. 11, 1643. This lord 
 Moore was a most noble and worthy person, valient for the truth, and 
 exceeding bountifull to the souldiers for their encouragement, and long 
 bemoaned by all that knew him, "We buryed his bowells in that place ; 25 
 and tliough we had lost our commander-in-cheefe and col. Lawrence 
 Crawford (that afterwards was slaine before Hereford in '45), being the 
 eldest field officer, tooke the command of our forces and immediately 
 faced the enemy, yet they kept their fastnes and would not ingage ; so 
 we marcht off next day with my lord Moore's body to his house at Melli- 30 
 font, within two miles of Drohida. 
 
 When the game turned, and our freinds became our foes and our 
 foes our freinds, this Monro was surprized in his garrison of Carrig- 
 fergus and bed with his ladye by col. George Monck (after his conjunc- 
 tion with Owen Row O'Neale, the generall of the rebells, by order of 35 
 the juncto at Westminster) and sent to the Tower of London, where he 
 had tyme enough allowed him to learne more vigilancy, till the king's 
 restauration enlarged him. 
 
 This col. Kiltach, having done as much mischeefe as he could in 
 Ulster, was afterwards with his bloody followers the greatest part of 40 
 Mountrose his strength in all his first expeditions, and the greatest 
 bloodsheddcrs ; who having revolted from the covenanters (as was sup- 
 posed and reiwrted), because he was not chosen livet. general under 
 Lesly in his second expedition into England in 1644, he began strenu- 
 ously to destroy that which he had not long before pretended to build 45 
 up under the victorious banner of the covenant. This col. Kiltach, with
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 175 
 
 96. But 'tis not my business to Avrite the history of the f- 80 V. 
 rebellion. To return then to the point whence I digressed. 
 What is become of our good bishop in this storm ? What is 
 the faithfull shepheard doing when his sheep are scattered 
 5 from their pastures and torn in pieces, and their flesh given 
 to be meat to the fowls of the air and to the beasts of the 
 field, and none to deliver ? Surely what Jeremiah did in the 
 like case of the destruction of God's people by old Babylon : 
 he spends his time in prayers and tears before the Lord with 
 
 10 that little remnant that had escaped, tho' poor and desolate. 
 He receives all that come unto him for refuge, and tells 
 them, as David said to Abiathar, when he fled from Saul's 
 massacre of the priests of the Lord: Abide luith me, fear i Sam. 
 not ; for he that seeketh my life, seeketh your life : luith me ye ' ' ' 
 
 15 shall he in safeguard, as long as I am safe. And indeed 
 God was a little sanctuary to him, and caused the enemy to 
 treat him well in the day of his calamity and desolation of 
 God's people: for the Lord protected him and all his family, 
 children and servants, from all personal violence ; and none 
 
 20 was ever suffered to do his person any wrong or to touch 
 any of his for their hurt. He was mediis tranquillus in 
 undis, as Noah in his ark ; as if that of the apostle had been 
 immediately spoken of him: and tuhois he that will harm you, i Pet. iii. 
 if ye follow that which is good? Or as if the slaughter- ^^' 
 
 25 master had given order concerning him, as Nebuchadnezar 
 
 his coiizin sir Alexander McDonill, brother to the earl of Antrim, was 
 afterwards slain in Mnnster by the English forces under the happy 
 conduct of my lord Brockill and Inshiquin (if I mistake not) at the 
 battell of LyskarroU. 
 
 30 I — 3. But to retume to the point whence my pen hath digress- 
 
 ed after these things that lay in my way, least i should forgett the thing 
 that yow desyred principally to know : What. 3. in all this storme 
 
 and heavy tempest that fell upon us and tooke away from us (as once 
 from Paul) all hope that wc should be saved, in causing our sun to 
 
 35 goe downe while it was yet day? For if the righteous scarcely be saved 
 from such evills, that are snared in an evill tjnne, when it falleth sud- 
 denly upon them, what is the faythfuU. 6. meat for. 7. bury or 
 deliver them. Jeremiah the prophet. 11. refuge, as another Geda- 
 liah, and. 17. intreat. 18. rt^^om. 19. violence, and did so still 
 
 40 the enemy and avenger that none. 20. any harme, or to. 23. unto 
 him. 24. be fullowers of. 25. spcciall order, i. Chaldean destroyer.
 
 1/6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the Chaldean did to Nebuzaradan concerning Jeremiah in 
 the like case, Jer. xxxix. 12. Take him, and look well unto 
 him, and do him no harm. He trusted in the name of the 
 Lord and staied himself upon his God, in nothing terrified 
 by his adversaries ; but that, as allwaies, so Christ should be 5 
 magnified in his body, whether by life or death. The rebells 
 told him that he should he the last Englishman that should he 
 put out of Ireland ; such is the praise and reward of vertue, 
 even amongst the very enemies of it. 
 
 97. He was the onely Englishman in all the county that 10 
 was permitted to stay under his own roof. There was but 
 little spare room in his castle, which was no waies fensible 
 against the least violent assault, and the poor strip't people 
 that had plenty of all earthly accommodations but a little 
 before, were now content to lodge in the out-buildings, in the 15 
 church or churchyard, in heaps of straw or hay, and to feed 
 upon boil'd wheat or whatsoever the enemy had left ; for 
 they could not so suddenly consume so great plenty, as was 
 every where to be found. When Mrs. Moigne, that was his 
 predecessour's widow, a venerable matron, came thither in the 20 
 habit of the poorest beggar; and a worthy divine, one Mr. 
 Hudson, that was rector of Belturbet, now bishop of Elphin, 
 with his wife, stript out of all; he could not look upon them 
 with dry eyes, but fetch'd them all the cloathes he had in 
 the world (save what was on his back) and gave it them. 25 
 
 2. Jer. xxxix. 12. om. him (Heb. ^set thine eyes 
 
 upon him') and. 3. harm ; hut do to him as he shall say to thee. 
 
 4. God, as David did, when after the spoyle of Ziklag by the Atnalek- 
 ites they spake of stoning him. He was in nothing. 5. so now also. 
 
 6. by death. 9. it, and in the worst of times ; his episcopacy being 30 
 
 accompanied not only with those generall and common good advantages 
 of charity, meeknes, integrity, good example in all things; but with 
 the speciall furtherance which his calling and place in church or state 
 or family could give it ; whereby this holy man of God being precious in 
 God's sight, he became honourable amongst the worst of men, as an 35 
 angel of God, who sought the things of Jesus Christ above many. He 
 was. 10. county of Cavan. 17. left ; that could. 19. Mistrisse. 
 
 21. begger (where she had lived many yeares in great state before) and 
 one. 22. now... E Iphin om. 23. and his. 25. {house ist hand 
 
 in Tanner MS., world 2nd hand], them. This Mr Hudson is now bishop 40 
 of Elphin, as I am informed. The Scripture.
 
 OF WILLI All BEDELL. IJJ 
 
 98. Tlie Scripture he preached upon iii that saddest f. 8 1 r°. 
 Lord's day that ever Ireland saw, was the whole third '^f^- --+' 
 psalm, penned by David, when there was a general con- 
 spiracy and insurrection of his people with his unnatural 
 
 5 son Absolon against him, when iie least dreamt of it: the 
 next Lord's day on Mic. vii. v. 8, 9, 10 : Rejoice not against 
 me, mine enemy; tuhen I fall, I shall arise; when I sit in 
 darkness, the Lord shall be a light unto me. I will hear the 
 indignation of the Lord, because I have sinned against Him, 
 
 10 untill He plead my cause and execute judgement for me. He 
 will bring me forth to His light, and I shall behold His righte- 
 ousness. Then she that is mine enemy shall see it, and shame 
 shall cover her, luhich said unto me, 'Where is the Lord thy 
 GodV All these verses he preached upon in those dark and 
 
 15 gloomy daies. Thus he continued, like a man standing in 
 the breach between the living and the dead ; and like the 
 man Jeremiah calls foi", or him that Ezekiel seeks for in the jgi- y, i_ 
 same case; untill the 18 day of December following; where Ezek.ix.4. 
 though we got our bread daily with the hazard of our lives, 
 
 20 yet (by the blessing of God) we had liberty without interrup- 
 tion in all the publick and private duties of religion. 
 
 2. sabbath. 3. psaline, which was. 4, 5. people against him, 
 under the command of his. 5. against hhn cm. dreamed it. 
 7. shall ryse again. 11. the light. 15. dayes and the sabbath 
 
 25 following, to an afflicted and poore people, that with Rachel, weeping 
 for her children, refused to be comforted ; that after sermon used to 
 returne to their habitations with joy and comfort to eat the fatt and 
 drinck the sweet, and now had no place (with our Saviour) to lay 
 their head on; whom God began to feed wth the bread of teires, 
 
 30 and to give them teares to drinck in great measure, whiles the blas- 
 phemous enemy sayd insultingly, Where is note your protestant God? 
 Thus he. 16. the dead and the Uving, to make an atonement for 
 them, like another Aron. 17. for in the like case, or. 18. case; 
 
 one that sighes and cryes for all the abominations that were done in the 
 
 3 c midst of Ireland, imtill the 1 8th. 19. perills. lives, and were pressed 
 out of measure above strength, insomuch that we despayred even of 
 lyfe, and had the sentence of death in ourselves, that we should not 
 trust in ourselves, but in God who rayseth the dead, and did deliver us 
 from so great a death ; yet. 21. religion, to converse with God, and 
 
 40 in every thing by prayer and supplication wnth thanksgi\'ing to make our 
 case and requests knowue unto llim, that can speake a word in due 
 
 12
 
 178 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 99. While we enjoyed this little halcion-tranquillity 
 amongst these surges and proud waves, all the rebells were 
 at a stand and began to repent of what they had so rashly 
 begun, when they understood that the castle of Dublin had 
 taken the two Ulster lords M^Guivir and M^Mahun, that 5 
 were entrusted to take it, where all their armory was, and 
 that they had as yet received neither commanders nor arms 
 from Spain (according to their agreement) nor had any other 
 but what they found amongst the train-bands and scattered 
 troops, whom they had surprized in most places. The heads 10 
 of them in the county of Cavan and Monaghan made their 
 addresses to my L. of K., humbly entreating him to mediate 
 a reconciliation for them, promising immediately to lay down 
 their arms and to restore the remnant of the surviving Eng- 
 lish to their possessions and goods, as much as in them lay. 15 
 And indeed it was more than probable that their intention 
 was real, there being no hopes left them in heaven or earth, 
 but in the fatal divisions between K. and P., which was all 
 their stay and strength to the end of the warr. They knew 
 also that a thousand horse and dragoons might have marched 20 
 through the length and bredth of Ireland without interrup- 
 f. 81 v'. tion, they having for the most part but clubbs and staves and 
 unfixed arms, without powder or match. Wherefore my L. 
 of K. wrote their words, and sent them by a special messen- 
 ger of their own, a chief rebell, to the lords justices. Parsons 25 
 and Burlacy, the true copy whereof is as followeth : 
 
 100. Tlie Jmmhle remonstrance made by the gentry and 
 commonalty of the county of Cavan, of their griev- 
 
 season to a weary soule and turne Him to tlie prayers of the destitute 
 at last. Then began we to prize Gospel-ordinances when w^e enjoyed 30 
 them in peace and plenty, Avheras now we waited ujion God in them in 
 great danger and want of all things. Whyles we enjoyed. 2. waves 
 
 of iniquity. 4. begun, and knew not what to do. 8. agreement 
 
 and daily expectation. 10. surprized in their quarters in. 12. lord 
 ofKilmore. 15. former possessions. 17. real, having no. 18. 35 
 
 betwixt the king and parliament. 23. match, and no shipping at all. 
 lord of Kilmore. 27. remonstrance of the.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 79 
 
 ances common with other parts of this kingdom of 
 Ireland. 
 
 To the right honorable the LL. justices and council: 
 
 Whereas we, his majestic' s loyal subjects of his highness' s 
 5 kingdom of Ireland, have a long time groand under many 
 grievous pressures occasioned by the rngorous government of 
 such placed over us, as respected more the advancement of their 
 oiun private fortunes, than the honour of his majestie or the 
 luellfare of us his subjects; luliereof lue in humble manner de- 
 
 lo clard ourselves to his highness by our agents sent from the 
 parliament, the representative body of this kingdom; notivith'- 
 standing which lue find ourselves of late threatned with farr 
 greater and more grievous vexations, either with captivity of 
 our consciences or loosing of our laiufull liberties or utter ex- 
 
 15 pulsion from our native seats, without any just ground given 
 on our parts to alter his majesties goodness so long continued 
 unto us, of all which we find great cause of fear in the pro- 
 ceeding of our neighbour nations, and do see it allready at- 
 tempted upon by certein petitioners for the like course to be 
 
 20 taken in this kingdom, for the effecting whereof in a compid- 
 sory ivay, so as rumours have caused fears of invasion from 
 other parts, to the dissolving of the bonds of mutual agreement 
 which hitherto hath been kept inviolable between the several 
 subjects of this kingdom, and whereby all other his majesties 
 
 25 dominions have been linked in one. 
 
 For the 'preventing therefore of such evils growing upon us 
 in this kingdom, we have, for the preservation of his majesties 
 honour and our own liberties, thought fit to take into our hands 
 for his highness' s use and service such forts and other places 
 
 30 of strength, as comming to the possession of others might prove 
 disadvantageous and tend to the utter undoing the kingdom. 
 And ive do hereby declare, that herein we harbour not the 
 least thought of disloyalty toivards his majestie, or purpose 
 any hur^t to any of his highness s subjects in their possessions, 
 
 35 goods, or liberties; onely ive humbly desire, that your lordships f- 82 r", 
 will he pleased to make remonstrance to his majestie for us, of 
 
 5. have of long. 17. feares. 20, a om. 22. o/om. tond. 
 
 23. Tjeene held. 35. liber ly. humbly om. 
 
 12—2
 
 l8o LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 all our grievances and just fears, that they may he removed 
 and such a course setled by the advice of the pa7'liament of 
 Ireland, whereby the liberty of our consciences may be secur'd 
 unto us and we eased of our other burdens in the civil govern- 
 ment. As for the mischiefs and inconveniences that have all- 5 
 ready hapned through the disorder of the common sort of 
 people against the English inhabitants, or any other, wee, ivith 
 the noblemen and gentlemen and such others of the several 
 counties of this kingdom are most willing and ready to use 
 ours and their best endeavours in causing restitution and satis- 10 
 faction to be made, as in part we have allready done. An 
 answer hereunto is most humbly desired with such present ex- 
 pedition as may by your lo7'dships be thought most convenient, 
 for avoiding the inconveniences of barbarousness and uncivility 
 of the commonalty, who have committed many outrages without 15 
 any order, consenting or privity of ours. All which we leave 
 to your lordships' most grave wisedom, 
 
 And we shall humbly pray &c. 
 
 This remonstrance was subscribed by many chief leaders 
 of the Irish, as namely by Philip O'Rely, that married the E. 20 
 of Ormond's mother and commanded the county in chiefe; 
 by Mulmore O'Rely the high sherif, by Edmond O'Rely his 
 father, and Philip brother to Edmond and the most cunning 
 artificer of them all, and by many others. By which you see 
 what their present desperate condition did suggest, and what 25 
 account they made of the bishop of K., whom they kept for a 
 reserve, or the last bit, having seized upon all his horses at 
 the very first. 
 
 lOi. Mean time the titular bishop, D. Swiveney (whose 
 brother the bishop of K. had long enterteined in his house 30 
 and at his table, and had converted him from the error of his 
 
 8. other. 10. our. 14. incoHveniency. 20. Earl. 23. 
 
 Edmond, that was the. 24. others that I did see subscribe to it, 
 
 whose names have long agoe perished with them out of my memory. 
 By all this you see. 26. of my lord bishop of Kilmore. 27. reserve 35 
 or intercessour in time of need, and for the last. 28, first, and a 
 
 hundred of his sheepe. 29. Dr. 30. Kilmore.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. l8l 
 
 way, from Jesuitism to Christianity, and preferred to a way 
 of livelihood) intends to put a Jesuitical trick upon my L. of 
 K., l)y offering himself to become his protectoi', his keeper 
 and defender from all violence in person and goods ; that 
 5 thus he might attain to a peaceable possession of the bishop's 
 house and all belonging to him, ere it were scatter'd by the 
 rebclls; and that he might drive away the poor, afflicted 
 souls that were about him in great number, that knew not 
 whether to go in the depth of winter for refuge, and withall 
 lo that he might set up the abomination of desolation in the 
 church of K. next Lord's day. But my lord understanding 
 his wicked designe, declin'd it by this Latin epistle that 
 follows : 
 
 lieverendo in Christo fratri Eugeiiio Gidielmus Kilmor. f. 8: 
 15 ecclesiae minister S. P. 
 
 Benigne tii quidem {reverende frater) qui tiia praesentia 
 te mihi offers in hoc tumultu praesidio fore. Nee ego in re 
 simili impar tihi in hoc caritatis officio deprehenderer. Sed 
 quo minus hoc tuo heneficio utar in praesentia multis impe- 
 
 20 dior. In j)rimis loci angustiis, turn calamitosorum omnis or- 
 dinis, sexus, aetatis, numero, qui hue tanquam ad asylum 
 confugerunt. Accedit quorundam, et inter hos filii mei, in- 
 valetudo. Quod caput est, non religionis inter nos {unica 
 enim ea est et communis Christiana, quod ego semper sensi et 
 
 25 scriptis professus sum) sed cultus disparitas; nos enim in 
 eiusmodi miseriis lectione sacrarum Scripturarum, precihus 
 assiduis lingua vernacula ad Deum fusis, jjsalmodia nos ipsos 
 solamur; et quando in humanis tarn parum fidei est, ffdem et 
 openi divinam imploramus. Ea res, si non te, at comites tuos 
 
 30 offender et, nee prohiheri possent, qui te hie commorantem visi- 
 tare se velle dicerent: quo 2>raeiextu circumcelliones isti irrum- 
 perent, qui cum cetera omnia nostra diripuerunt, ad extremum 
 se nece nostra cultum Deo gratum exhihituros opinantur. 
 
 1. lord of Kilraore. 3. protector, keeper. 4. hostility and 
 
 35 violence. 6. of all. 8. mmibers. 9. go for refuge, for refuge 
 
 om. II. Kiliuore. 12, 13. declined it cornea i\,ftcY folkncs. this 
 
 excellent epistle. 23. unica nempe. 24, et sensi. 25. nos nempe. 
 
 32 nostra omnia.
 
 1 82 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Mihi igitur certiim est in divino praesidio acquiescere. Chris- 
 tiano homini, et quidem episcopo imn paene septuagenatHo, 
 Christi causa nidla mors acerha esse potest, nulla non oppe- 
 tenda. Inter ea si quid tihi visum fuerit interdicere apud po- 
 pulum sub. anathemate, ne deinceps concussis, spoliatis, toties 5 
 exutis, vim adferant {mihi enini soli nihil posco), rem fades 
 3eo gratam, tihi honorificam, populo isti [si tihi ohtempera- 
 verit) salutarem; sin minus, at sperate Deum memorein; cui 
 te (I'everende f rater) ex animo commendo. 
 
 Thus in Christo, 10 
 
 G. KILMORENS. 
 
 Nov. II, 1641. 
 
 To my reverend and loving hrother, D. Siuiney, deliver 
 these at Cavan. 
 
 6. mihi nemjje. 13. Dr. Cavan. Did ever Polycarpus at Smyrna, IS 
 or Ignatius of Antioch, or any other of the famous bisliops and. martyrs 
 of the primitive church, who had their Father's name written in their 
 foreheads, i.e. that made an open and cleir confession of the fayth of 
 Christ crucifyed, come neerer to Him, who before Pontius Pilate wit- 
 nessed a good confession, and shew a greater contempt of the world and 20 
 of death itselfe under the cruell persecution of the pagans, then this 
 our magnanimous confessor and blessed martyr of Jesus declares in 
 this short and pithy epistle under the cruelty of the bloody papists 1 
 whose hatred of, and cruelty of all sorts against, the people of God, 
 doth as farr esceede that of their elder brother the pagan, as they may 25 
 finde one day (if God be true), that tlie torments of hell and those ever- 
 lasting burnings prepared for doggs and sorcerers and whoremongers 
 and murderers and for idolaters and for whosoever loveth and maketh a 
 lye (for popery is nothing else but a great and presumptuous lye against 
 the true God and truth of God, contained in the Scriptures of truth, and 30 
 every particular of it), are above these of their popish purgatory ; and 
 they that follow hjm tliat was a mm-derer from the beginning and abode 
 not in the truth, may justly ex^ject to be ranged with him and to suffer 
 as murderers, unless they repent of the works of their hands, that wor- 
 ship devills and idoUs of gold and silver and brass and stone and wood, 35 
 which neyther can see nor heare nor walke ; and of their murthcrs, of 
 their sorceries and of their fornication and of their thefts. Nee turha 
 deormn talis, ut est hodie. The loud cry of all the saints under the 
 tyranny of the damnable liierarchy of Antichrist, being that of Jere- 
 miah : / have heard a rmjce as of a icoman in trarel and the anguish 40 
 of her that hringeth forth lier Jirst chcild, the voyce of the daughter
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 83 
 
 This rational and religious epistle (being the last that 
 ever he wrote) staled the titular from intruding upon him 
 in that hour of temptation, or giving him or any of his any 
 farther disturbance till the 18 day of December following. 
 
 5 of Smi that heicayleth herself and spreadeth forth her hands, saying, 
 ' Woe is me note, my soule is wearied because of tJie murderers'' ; which 
 was as sadly and truly vcrifyed of poore Ireland (that no man seekes 
 after for her present consolation — whose breach is wyde like the sea — or 
 future preservation) as ever it was of afflicted Sion, when she was tossed 
 
 10 with tempests and not comforted. Dr Bernard writes that there were 
 154,000 murdered in the province of Ulster only by the enemyes owne 
 confession and gloriation ; so that the expression of Daniel may be used 
 here, that under the icliole heaven hath not heene done, as hath beene 
 done upon Ireland (Dan. ix. 12). Now this rationall. 2. my lord of 
 
 15 Kilmore wrote. for that time trom. 4. i8th. follow- 
 
 ing. In this interim one mistrisse Dillon, a worthy gentlewoman (wife 
 to Luke Dillon Esqxiire, a justice of the peace for the county of Cavan), 
 that was of the parish of Kilmore and a constant hearer of my lord's, 
 sent to him for some spirituall support in her great affliction, her 
 
 20 husband being a popish rebell. This mistrisse Dillon had been the 
 wyfe and widow of a rich London merchant, whose name was Hartleb, 
 and was found out by Mr Dillon a younger sonue of the Earl of Ros- 
 comen in Ireland, a proper gentleman and bred at the innes of court. 
 She never once questioned his religion (being at the innes of court, and 
 
 25 his elder brother my lord Dillon having openly renounced popery and 
 being a privy councillour, and sometymes one of the two justices that 
 ruled all), which he had craft enough to conceale till he had caught the 
 bird; but marryes him according to the booke in her owne parish by 
 her owne minister. In all these things for his owne ends this Jesuited 
 
 30 gentleman condiscends unto her, but was never in church before with 
 her nor after ; at which surprizall she was sore dejected and afflicted 
 and never saw a good day afterwai-ds, that without mature delibera- 
 tion or inquisition was thus rashly circumvented to her undoing, and 
 that by a popish Irishman. This I mention, that Christian women may 
 
 35 learne to aske what religion their love is off before their espousalls. 
 This gentleman, after he had disposed of all that she had at his plea- 
 sure, brings her unto a very small estate in a litle island, called Trinity 
 island, and builds a house within a myle and a halfe of Kilmore, and 
 gives her full liberty to goe to church with her two daughters by 
 
 40 her first husband, that were good women and marryed to two Scotts 
 that were brothers, Penelope the elder to major Bayly that commanded 
 the standing foote company of Scotts that lay at Cavan before the 
 warrs ; the other, to his brother William that was a minister in the 
 diocese of Kilmore and afterwards bishop of Clonfort.
 
 1 84 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 But when she was brought to bed of her first cheild to Mr Dillon, 
 if the women had not bestirred themselves tliat were then present 
 about her, the poore infant had beene torne in peeces betweene the 
 hands of the Christian mother and Antichristian father; the mother 
 desyring that her cheild miglit be baptized into Christ by a minister S 
 of the GospcU, and crying out that she would kill herselfe and her 
 cheild also, ere ever she would suffer the fruite of her body to be de- 
 dicated to Antichrist by a popish and idolatrous priest &c. 
 
 But notwithstanding all her preposterous zeale and too late repent- 
 ance for that which could not be reversed, he, being stronger then lo 
 her, forced the cheild from her with such popish violence, as if he had 
 intended to have dasht them both in peeces (as Jacob feared of rough- 
 handed Esau), and so carryed it away to the kyte, the priest, that was 
 in the next roome waiting for the prey, when some thought it had 
 beene dead by the sharp strugling and conflict about the sacramentall I5 
 scale of the new birth of it. But she never offered the breast any 
 more to it, then if it had beene none of her's, nor strove with him 
 any more about any of his children ; but suffered him (though with 
 continuall regrate and sadues of hart) to do with his children as it seemed 
 good to him in his owne eyes; so they were all brought up, in idolatry, 20 
 atid marryed to the children of Belial ; so that which Rebcccah feared 
 about the match of her sonne Jacob, was really her lott, she became 
 weary of her lyfe and sayd often : What good shall my life do to me? 
 she being thus, so imequally yoked, so directly contrary to that matri- 
 moniall institution given by the apostle at large, 2 Cor. vi. }*-. 25 
 
 Now having the affliction of her husband's treasonable rebellion 
 against God and man superadded to the great heap of her former con- 
 jugall afflictions, s'le knew not what to doe nor whether to goe for com- 
 fort, her house being now a den of theeves and uiurtherers, whither they 
 resorted from all places; and in this extremity she sends to ray lord 30 
 of Kilmore, her faithfuU pastor, whose constant hearer she was, for a 
 word of consolation in her hour of temptation, to asswage her griefe 
 and deliver her from her sorrow that was now ready to swallow her 
 up with desperation, unless the Lord came in with speedy releefe to 
 a sincking and weary soule. 35 
 
 The suitable return that my Lord makes to this pious request, to 
 save her from succumbing under so great a burden, I will heere set 
 downs, because it was the last rich cordiall that this spirituall phisi- 
 tian ever sent or adininistrcd in writing to any afflicted soule, being 
 the abbreviate of many excellent sermons that she heard him preach 40 
 before, in the publick assemblyes of the church at Kilmore : 
 
 Yoic desyre, as I atn informed {deare sister in Christ Jesus), that 
 I toould send you some short memoriall, to put yoio in mynde how 
 to carry yourself e in this sorrowfidl tyme. I will doe it willingly ; 
 the more because with one and the same labour I shall both satisfie 45 
 yow and recollect myne owne thoughts also to the like performance
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 85 
 
 of mi/ne men duty ; and bethinking myself e hoic I might best ac- 
 complish it, there came to m.y m,ynde that short rule of our lyfe, 
 which the apostle mentions in his ej^istle to Titus, and whereof yow 
 have beene a diligent hearer in the schoole of grace, where he reduceth 
 5 the whole practise of Christianity unto three heads, of living soberly, 
 justly, and godly ; this last directing our carriage totcards God, the 
 midlemost toicards our neighbour, and the foremost towards ourselves. 
 Now since this is a direction for our whole lyfe, it seemes to me that 
 tve hate no more to doe at any tyme, but to cun this lesson more 
 
 10 perfectly, with some particular application of such parts of it as 
 are most suitable to the present occasions. 
 
 And as to sobriety first {under which the virtues of humility, 
 modesty, temperance, chastity and contentednes are coniayned), since 
 this is a tyme wherin, as the prophet sayth. The Lord of Hosts calleth 
 
 15 to weeping and mourning and pulling of the hayre and girding 
 tcitli sackcloth, yoic shall by my advice conforme yourself to these, 
 that by the hand if God suffer such things. Let your apparell and 
 dress be mournfull, as I doubt not but that your mynde ,is ; your 
 dyet sjmring and coarse, rather than full and liberall ; frame your- 
 
 20 selfe to the indifferency tchereof the apostle speaketh, in whatsoever 
 state you shal be, therewith to be content ; to be full and to be hungry; 
 to abound and to tcant. Remember note what is the lot of others, 
 you know not how soone it may be your owne. Learne to despise 
 and d if ye the vaine and falsely-called xcealth of this world, whereof 
 
 25 yow now see tee have so casuall and uncertaine a possession. 
 
 This for sobriety, the first piart of the lesson pertaining to 
 your selfe. • 
 
 Now ftjr justice, ichich respects others {and containeth the vertues 
 of honor to superiours, discreet and equall government of inferiours, 
 
 30 peaceablenes to all, meekiics, mercy, just deeding in matters of get- 
 ting and S2)ending, gratitude, liberality, just speech and desyres). 
 God's judgements being in the earth, the inhabitants of the tcorld 
 should learne righteousnes, as the prophet speaketh : ' Call to mynde 
 ' therefore and bethinke yow, if in any of these you have fayled, and 
 
 35 Hume your feete to GocVs testimonyes' : certainly these tymes are 
 such, wherin yoic may be afflicted, and say icith the psalmist : ' Horror 
 ' hath taken hold of me, and rivers of teares run down mine eyes, 
 ^because they keepe not thy laws' Rebelling against superiours, mis- 
 leading not only by example, but by compulsion, inferiours, laying 
 
 40 their hand on them that were at peace with them, unjustly spoyling, 
 unthankfully requiting those that had shewed them kindnes, nofayth 
 w)r truth in their promises ; judge by the icay of the schoole that 
 teacheth CJirist thus; are these His doings ? As for those that suffer, 
 I am well assured, I shall not need to informe yow or stir yow up 
 
 45 to mercy and compassion. That which is done in this kynde, is 
 done to Christ Himselfe, and shut be i>utt upon account in ynir
 
 1 86 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 reckoning and rewarded accordingly at His glorious appearance. 
 Math X. 42 ; Mar. ix. 41. 
 
 The last and principall part of our lesson remayyies, which teacheth 
 how to behave ourselves godly or religiously {to this belongs first the 
 dutyes of God'' s inward worship, as feare, loce and fayth in God; S 
 then outward, as invocation, the holy use of His word and sacra- 
 ments, name and sabbaths). The apostle makes it the whole end and 
 worke for ichich we were set in this world, to seeke the Lord ; yet in 
 jmblick affliction we are specially invited thereto, as it is written of 
 Jehoshaphat, when a great mullitude came to invade him: ''he set 10 
 his face to seeke the Lord, and called the people to a solem,ne fast.' 
 2 Chr. XX. 3. So the church professeth in the prop)het Isaiah : ' In the 
 ' way of Thy judgements. Lord, we have icaitedfor Thee, the desyre of 
 
 * our soule is to Thy name and to the removbrance of Thee. With 
 
 ' m,y soule have I desired Tliee in the night, yea with my spirit within ^5 
 ' me will I seeke Thee early.' In, this publick calamity therefore it is 
 our duty to turne to Him that smiteth us, and to humble ourselves 
 under His mighty hand: to conceive a reverend and religious feare 
 towards Him, tliat not only by turning auxiy His countenance can 
 thus trouble us, against that of man, which can no more than kill 20 
 the body. 
 
 Againe, to renew our love to our heaveyily Father, that noic offereth 
 Himselfe to us as to children^ and to give a 2^roofe of that love that 
 we beare to our Saviour in the keeping of His sayings, hating in com- 
 parison of Him and competition with Hi^n father, mother, children, 25 
 goods and lyfe itself e, which is the condition and proofe of His dis- 
 ciples; above all iff revive and to reinforce our fayth and affiance, which 
 is now brought unto the tryal of the fiery furnace and of tlie lyorHs 
 den: O that it might be found to our honour, prayse and glory, at the 
 appearing of Jesus Christ! In the tneane space, even now let us be 30 
 partakers of Christ's sufferings; and heare Him from heaven encou- 
 raging us: 'Be thou faythfull unto death, and I will give thee the 
 
 * crowne of life.' 
 
 Touching prayer we have the gracious invitation, ' Call upon Me 
 ' in the day of trouble, and I icill hear thee' ; the example of all God's 2>S 
 saints and of our Saviour in His agony; to this belong the humble 
 confession of our sinnes with earnest request of jjardon ; the complaint 
 of our m,isery and danger icith request of succour and protection. 
 We have besides the intercession of our Advocate with the Father, the 
 cry of the innocent blood that hath been cruelly shed, and the Lord's 40 
 oicn interesting cause, so as we may say with the 2ysalmist : 'Aryse, O 
 ' God ; 2)lead Thine own cause, remember hoto the foolish man {yea 
 ' the man of sin) reproacheth Thee dayly. Forget not the voyce of 
 ' Thine enemies; the tumidt of those that rise against Thee, increaseth 
 'continually.' That psalme and many others, as thevi, xiii, xxxv, 45 
 xliii, Ixxi, Ixxiv, Ixxix, Ixxx, Ixxxvi, Ixxxviii, xci, xcii, xciv, cii,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 8/ 
 
 cxv^ cxxiii, cxxx, cxl, cxlii, do give presidents of prayers in such 
 tymes as these; and the prayer of Daniel and Ezra the ix, of Asa 
 and Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. xic. and xx. 12. The sturys of Dae id's 
 flight before Absolom, and Jehoshaphat's behaviour when his enemys 
 5 came against him, of Hezekiah in Sennacherib's invasion, Isa. xxxvii, 
 and the ichole booke of Esther, are fit Scriptures now to be redd, that 
 through patience and comfort of them tee might have hope. 
 
 Now because we know not hotc soone ice may be called to sanctifie 
 God's name by making profession thereof, yow may perhaps desyre to 
 10 knoio ichat to say in that day. You may openly profess your not 
 doubting of any article of the Catholick fayth, shortly layd doicne in 
 the Creed, or more largely layd doicne in tlie Holy Scrij^tures, but 
 that you consent not to certayne ojjinions, which are no j^oints of 
 fayth, which have beene brought into common beliefe, without tcar- 
 15 rant (f Scriptures or pure antiquity, as namely : 
 
 That it is of necessity to salvation to be under the pope. 
 
 That the Scriptures ou^jht not to be redd of the common people. 
 
 That the doctrine of Holy Scripture is not sufficient to salvation. 
 
 That the servise of God ought to be in a language not understood 
 20 of the j)^ople. 
 
 That the communion should not be administred to them in 
 both kindes. 
 
 That the bread in the Lord's Suj)per is transubstantiated into 
 His body. 
 25 That He is there sacrificed for the quick and the dead. 
 
 That there is any purgatory besides His blood. 
 
 That our good workes can merit heaven. 
 
 That the saints heare our prayers and know our harts. 
 
 That images are to be worshijyped. 
 30 That the pope is infallible and can command angells. 
 
 That tee ought to p)ray to the dead and for the dead. 
 
 In all these notwithstanding yow may profess your teachablenes, 
 
 if by sound reasons out of God's word you shal be convinced of the 
 
 truth of them: And because we know not howfarr it will please God 
 
 35 to call us to make resistance against sin, ichether unto blood itselfe or 
 
 no; it shall be wisdome for us to prepare ourselves to the last care of a 
 
 godly lyfe, which is to dye godly. This the apostle Paul calleth 
 
 sleeping in Jesus, implying thereby our fayth in Him, or being found 
 
 in His work and our committing our souls into His hands with 
 
 40 peace ; such a sweet and heavenly sleep that was of Stephen, whose last 
 
 words for himselfe were. Lord Jesus, receive my spirit, and for his 
 
 tormentors. Lord, lay not this sin to their charge; icherewith I will 
 
 end this tcriting, and wish to end my lyfe when the icill of God 
 
 sludl be; to whose gracious protection (cleare sister) I do hereby com- 
 
 45 mitt yow. 
 
 November 23. 1641.
 
 1 88 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 102." It came to pass after this, that the rebells having 
 
 often desired my lord to put away the poor, stript people, 
 
 that had escaped with the skin of their teeth from the fury 
 
 f. 83 r°. of the adversary that was ready to destroy them, and had 
 
 for the space of allmost two months been safe as with Lot 5 
 in Zoar : they told him, that it crossed their designe to main- 
 tein such a imdtitude, whonn they intended to destroy, that 
 luhat he had in the house or field might he for the mainteinance 
 of their soldiers. His lordship refusing to cast them into the 
 fire out of which they had been taken as so many firebrands 10 
 plucked out of the burning, resolves like a good shepheard, 
 to lay down his life for his flock ; or with them rather, as 
 Zwinglius did ; than thus to expose them or hide his eyes 
 from his own flesh, in suffering them to lack any thing, 
 whiles he had yet any thing left. At last they resolve uj)on 15 
 another speedy and inhuman course, and tell him, that thd 
 they loved and honoured him above all the English that ever 
 came into Ireland, because he had never done lurong to any, 
 but good to many ; yet they had receivd orders from their 
 
 This poore aflBicted lady received tins divine instruction and conso- 20 
 lation in tlie midst of her evills with such gratulation, that her soule 
 began to magnify the Lord and her spirit (with the blessed Virgin) to 
 rejoyce in God her Saviour; that she was no more sad in such a high 
 degree as before, but her hart (with Hannah) rejoiced in the Lord, and 
 her mouth was so enlarged over her enemyes that were now round 25 
 about her, that she did earnestly contend for the fayth once given to 
 the saints, with the popish Jesuits and priests ; and delighted so much 
 in this heavenly meditation, that she gott it all by hart ; and so having 
 fought the good fight of fayth, finished her course and kept the fayth, 
 and enjoyeth now the reward of the faythfull, the crowne of life, 30 
 amongst the blessed confessors tliat hold fast Christ's name and had not 
 denyed His fayth, though they dwelt (as He did) even where Sathan's 
 throne is now, yet loved not their lives unto death. 
 2. often om. lord of Kilmore. 3. had so hardly escaped from. 
 
 4. so ready. 9, 10. into the lyon's mouth to be devoured, out of 35 
 
 which they had beene taken, as the shepherd taketh out of the inoiith of 
 the hjon two leggs or a jMiece of ati eare, as the j^rophet Amos si)eaketh, 
 or as so many. 12. flock (as the great Shepherd did), or with them 
 
 rather to dye, as Zuinglius the reformer did, theu thus. 14. to take (?). 
 15. left him ; for he sayd \Aith Esther : How can I endure to see the evill 4° 
 that shall come upon my people? or how can I endure to see the de- 
 struction of my kindred ? At last. 1 9. strict orders, i . councell of state.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 189 
 
 council at Kilkenny, that if he luould not put away the dis- 
 tressed people fro7)i him, they must take him from them. He 
 said no more but that of David, when he was forced to flee 
 for his life, Here am I, let the Lord do unto me as it seems 
 S good to Him ; and the will of the Lord he done. 
 
 103. Hereupon they immediately seiz'd upon and drove 
 away all his cattell, whereof he had good store of small and 
 great, having a whole Irish mile of good and fruitfuU grounds 
 round about his castle well stockt. And taking possession 
 
 10 of the castle and all that was within it, upon the 18 day of 
 December, they took my lord bishop with his two sons and 
 A. C. the minister of Cavan prisoners, and brought them to 
 a castle in the midst of a lough within 2 miles of K. the 
 onely place of strength in the whole county, called Cloch- 
 
 15 water. There was of old a little iland about it, but it was 
 worn all away to the bare stone walls, and not one foot of 
 ground was to be seen onely a tall, round tower, like a 
 pidgeon-house, standing in the midst of the waters, and above 
 a musquet-shot from it to each shoar. Hither they brought 
 
 20 this blessed servant of God, as John the beloved disciple unto 
 the isle called Patmos ; and that upon the same account, 
 for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ, 
 who in that respect may well be called his brother and com- 
 panion in tribulation and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus 
 
 25 Christ. And then the titular priest took peaceable possession 
 
 I. Kilkeny, which was the mctropolisfof the rebells. 2. m,ust imme- 
 dlatehj tcithout any more adoe. from them, to whom he. 4. seemeth. 
 and that of Paul's fi-einds: the. 6. "Wliereiipon. seize, drive. 
 
 8. grounds lying. 9. stockt. He had a great husbandry, kept two 
 
 30 teenies and many servants, most of whom were Irish. And albeit he 
 might justly say with Samuel before the Lord and all the people : 
 Whose ox have I taken, or whose ass have I taken, or ichom have 
 I defrauded, tchom have I oppressed, or of whose hands hare I 
 received any bribe to blinde myne eyes therewith, and I will restore 
 
 35 it? and might as justly expect and receive the like answer with 
 him : Thou hast not defrauded us nor oppressed us, neyther ha.st 
 thou taken aught of any man's hand: yet upon the i8th day of 
 December, taking possession of the castle and of all that was within 
 it, they tooke. 11. and his. 12. mth Alexander Clogy. 13. 
 
 ^o Kilmore. 14. Clochwoter. 16. ground now to be scene above 
 
 water; ©nly. 19. Thither they bring. 21. that is called. 2$. then om.
 
 IQO LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 of all, as having all this while been wrongfully kept out (as 
 he said) ; who the next Sabbath day set up the image of 
 jealousy that provokes to jealousy in the cathedral church, 
 f. 83 v°. 104. They would not suffer his sons' wives to go with 
 
 their husbands ; but these obtein'd favour to abide with an 5 
 honest Irish minister, whose name was Denis O'Sheridan, 
 whose wife was an English woman. They were a blessed 
 couple, and did much good and reliev'd many. They did 
 not suffer them to carry away with them any thing out of 
 the castle for their present accommodation and natural 10 
 necessity ; but as they stood they took them away with them 
 on foot. Unto this sad goale they were conveyed by a colt or 
 trough made of one piece of timber ; and there they found a 
 justice of the peace, that had deservedly taken possession of 
 this dungeon the first day of the rebellion, one Mr Arthur 15 
 Cullum and his wife ; whose father Sir Hugh being a captain 
 under the Q. in Tyrone's warrs, had that fort committed to 
 his trust, for the keeping of which he had a large proportion 
 of lands given him: but his son, that knew nothing of tHe 
 warrs of the Lord, neglected the place so much, where the 20 
 magazine ought to have been kept for the defence of the 
 countrey against sudden insurrections, that tho' he said, he 
 had in his house (when he was taken prisoner) ten pounds 
 worth of sugar and plums, yet he had not one pound of powder, 
 nor one fixt musquet for the defence of it. 25 
 
 105. The young men they put in irons, lest they should 
 surprize the fort at any time : for sometimes they would all 
 be drunk, and sometimes but one keeper left to look to six 
 prisoners. But God gave them such favour in the eyes of 
 
 I. whyle (as he sayd) beene...out. as he said om. 2, 3. Lord's day 30 
 set up in the cathedrall church the image of jealousy. And thus the 
 shepherd being smitten (or taken away) in conformity to and congruity 
 with the great Shepherd in this also, the sheepe of the litle flock were 
 scattered abroad and became a prey. They would not suff'er. 5. those. 
 6 minister, one Denis O'Sheridine who was niarryed to an. 8. many 35 
 
 of God's outcasts. 11. away a-foote with them (as the people of God 
 to Babilon) ; only they mounted my lord upon a little Irish gcarran. 
 Unto. 12, 13. cott or troch. 14. the ova. 15. very fii-st. 
 
 17. queene. 19. land allowed him, this his son. 20. Lord 
 
 %vith these Canaanitcs. 25. it. And therefore it was the first 40 
 
 place they seized upon, and he the first that was clapt up into it. The
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 191 
 
 the keeper of the prison, that he abated much of the rigorous 
 commands that were given him, and did ease them of their 
 irons, and gave them leave to use divine exercises of God's 
 worship, as to pray, preach and sing the songs of Sion in 
 
 5 a strange land ; though in the next room the priest were 
 at his Babylonish mass sometimes. In this pit there was 
 neither door nor window of glass or wood to keep out snow 
 or rain, and the boards of the floors so rotten and broken 
 with rain, that it seemed not very safe to walk upon them: 
 
 10 but God's providence in this mount of extreamity was marvel- 
 lously seen towards them ; else they might have perished 
 with cold in the height of winter and in the midst of the caelum 
 waters in that desolate place. For the rebells had brought *^!^^^'^7f 
 one Mr Richard Castledine prisoner, who had been a car- que ])07i- 
 
 15 penter, but for many years before had not touch'd a tool, ^"*- 
 being become one of the wealthiest men in those parts. But 
 now he was not asham'd to return to his old trade : he pro- 
 cured some tools and boards, and made shutts for the large 
 windows, that were very dangerous to them and himself. 
 
 20 young. I. prison (as to Joseph of old). 4. pray, read, preach. 5. 
 land, as the three children; though, were acting his. 6. sometimes om. 
 13. that unconfortable and. marg.n. om. 14— 17. carpenter many yeares 
 before, and he procured. 19. to the prisoners before. This Richard 
 Castledyne was brought over into Ireland (with his carpenter's tooles on 
 
 25 his back) by sir Richard W;ildrou, who had a large plantation in the 
 parish of Cavan, where he began to build a castle, called Fernham 
 castle from the name of his place in England. All the carpenter's 
 worke was contrived and performed by this Richard Castledyne, that 
 by his diligence and sobriety in the feare of the Lord had gott a 
 
 30 considerable estate under his master ; who, playing the ill-husband 
 and being corrupted by the Irish commessations, never finished his 
 begun woorke, but gave way to this his servant to purchase his mas- 
 ter's castle and all the lands belonging to it in less space then thirty 
 yeares; and withall being exceedingly discouraged by the death of 
 
 35 esquire Waldrone his eldest son, whom sadly overcome with drinck, 
 major TrafiFord (that commanded the Welsh company that lay at Bel- 
 turbet) slew for speaking some rash words (as was pretended), he left 
 Ireland and returned to England long before the rebellion. This in- 
 dustrious and thriving carpenter had no sonne, only two daughters ; 
 
 40 the one of which he had married to his master, sir Richard Waldron 
 his youngest sonne, with a full intention to leave him all his other's 
 lands that he had purchased of him, if the rebellion had not inter-
 
 192 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 1 06. But to return to the prison ; What entertainment had 
 this man of God there ? Without doubt sorry entertainment 
 in such a desolate place, where no son of man had lodged in 
 40 years before; even much like that which Elijah found, 
 when he hid himself from Ahab and Jezebel by the brook 5 
 Cherith that is before Jordan : the occasion being the same, 
 the place not much unlike ; for it was said to him, Thou 
 shalt drink of the brook, and I have commanded the ravens to 
 feed thee there ; and the ravens brought him bread and flesh 
 in the morning, and b7'ead and flesh in the evening, and he 1° 
 did drink of the brook. Even so at God's command these 
 ravenous beasts brought him flesh and bread enough, and 
 bid him and the other five prisoners with him to dress it 
 as they would, for they were no cooks, but keepers ; nor 
 would they allow any of his servants to attend him in this '5 
 extremity. So they got a pot and boil'd some, and upon the 
 coals roasted or broiled some part, as in the camp or leaguer 
 soldiers are glad to do. His lodging was little better than 
 that Jacob was fain to take up with (when he fled from his 
 
 posed. Now this Richard Castledyne was esteemed one of the most 20 
 religious men in all the countrey ; could exactly take notes of sermons 
 and give a good account of them to his family when he came home ; 
 a devout man and one that feared God with all his house ; which 
 gave much almes to the people, and like another Cornelius prayed to 
 God alway, being under a greater effusion of the spirit of grace and 25 
 supplication then many. He, being accounted the best monyed man 
 in all the country, was brought to this prison, that his enemyes might 
 finde out where his great strength lay (I mean his wealth), for he was 
 very rich in all things towards God and men ; and, being outed of all 
 that was above ground, was brought by God's providence to be help- 30 
 full to the other five prisoners that were there before him ; and 
 though he had hardly tooched a toole (in such a way) for many yeares 
 before, yet he was not ashamed in his old age to returne to his 
 former architecture that he was bred up in, to do us and himselfe 
 good in that extremity. . That Traflbrd fled to the German warrs, and 35 
 after many yeares was an unfoi-tunate popish colonel in the king's 
 army, and at last a reformado in sir William Vaughan's troope at the 
 battell of York and Nazby. But to. 3. such a ruinous and empty place. 
 4.. which om. 1 2. bread and flesh. i3._;?ff6om. 14. keepers. They would 
 not allow. 18. do : so the allowance of this good soldier and champion 40 
 of Jesus Christ was bread of afliiction and water of aflliction. His.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 93 
 
 angr}' brother Esau) in the fields of Bethel, which afterwards 
 lost its name and was called Bethaven, the house of iniquity. 
 
 107. Thus these prisoners of hope, turning themselves 
 continually to the strong hold by prayers and supi^lications, in 
 
 5 faith and patience possessed their souls, being made partakers 
 of Christ's sufferings ; not suffering as evil doers, but as Chris- 
 tians, were not ashamed, but glorified God on this behalf 
 with boldness, as allwaies, so now also, that Christ should be 
 magnified in their bodies, whether it were by life or death, 
 
 10 as the apostle speaks. Yea with all the apostles, they re- 
 joiced that they were counted worthy to suffer shame for 
 Christ's name. Whosoever had known this worthy patriarch 
 in his afflictions, might have thought him to have been the 
 angel of the church of Smyrna, to whom our Lord "vvi'ites thus 
 
 15 from heaven, I know thy luorks and trihulation and poverty ; 
 hut thou art rich ; for he was rich indeed in faith and good 
 works, and took joyfully the spoiling of his goods, knowing 
 in himself that he had in heaven a better and continuing 
 substance, where his treasure was, and might truly say with 
 
 20 the man after God's own heart, the hands of ivicked men have 
 rohhed me, hut I have not forgot Thy law ; and again : trouhle 
 and anguish have taken hold upon me, yet Thy commandments 
 are my delight ; and therefore Christ proceeds in saying to 
 him ; Fear none of those things which thou shalt suffer ; he- f. 84 v* 
 
 25 hold the devil shall cast some of you into prison, that ye may 
 he tried, and ye shall have trihidation ten daies. This was full- 
 filled to him and his fellow-prisoners allmost in the very 
 letter of it ; for he continued no longer in durance but till 
 the 7th of January, being committed the J 8th day of 
 
 30 December. 
 
 108. On the gunpowder-treason-day he preached on the 
 whole 1 24 psalm : on which day he read every 3^ear in the 
 
 I. Esau, that purposed to luurther Lira. 4. rolling themselves upon 
 God's arm, by faith. 7. ashamed of the crosse of Christ (which all that 
 35 follow Him must take up). 8. all boldness. 9. or by. 12. name, 
 and to be made partakers of the afflictions of the Gospel according to 
 the power of God. Whosoever. 13. might well. 16. towards God in. 
 1 8. better and enduring. 21. forgotten. 26. All this. 28 — 9. till 7th. 
 30. December before. 32 — 194 1. 5 on which.. .S^c. oni. The eabbath- 
 
 13
 
 194 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 pulpit the letter that came to him in St Edmund's Bury 
 about the discovery of that horrid plot ; and in his house to 
 all that were with him a poetical dialogue written by him 
 upon that occasion, betwixt certain shepheards, Perkin, 
 Thenot &c. The Lords-day next after his commitment 5 
 (which was the 19th of Decemb.) he preached upon Phil. iv. 
 4. 5. 6. 7. verses, being the epistle for the day. Upon Christ- 
 mas day upon Galat. iv. 4. and 5. verses, and administred the 
 sacrament of the Lord's Supper to his little flock (being one 
 less than was in Noah's ark) the keeper having provided 10 
 bread and wine. Upon the next Lord's-day (which was the 
 26 of Decemb.) Mr Bedel, my lord's eldest son who was 
 minister of Kinally, preached upon Acts vii. 59. 60. being 
 St Stephen's the protomartyr's day ; and upon the Lord's- 
 day following (being the 2nd of Jan.) the minister of Cavan 15 
 preached upon Luc. ii. 33. 34. 35. the last sermon that was 
 preacht there. So that you may see the goodness of God, as 
 to Paul the prisoner and also the aged, so to this aged and 
 reverend father, that tho' he were now an ambassador in 
 bonds for Christ, yet the word of God was not bound. God 20 
 had put such a restraint upon his enemies, that they did 
 allwaies reverence and honour his person ; that though he 
 were (with Daniel) in the lions' den, yet he suffered none to 
 disturb him nor to come near in the time of divine worship ; 
 as if God had sent his angel, and had stopped those lions' 25 
 mouthes, that they should not hurt him nor his ; forasmuch 
 as before Him innocency was found in him, and before these 
 men he had done no hurt, but more good than any of his 
 place had ever done before him ; which his very enemies of 
 all orders did still profess unto him, that they had no personal 30 
 exception against him, nor hatred to him, hut meerly national. 
 109. The way of God's enlarging him was this. About 
 this time the Scotts of the county of Cavan, having got to- 
 day next. 6, 19th day of December. 7. verses om. 7. and om. verses 
 om. 10. were, ark), as he alwayes did in his prosperity to his greater 35 
 flock upon that day; the keeper. 12. 26th of December. 13. vii. 5. 59. 
 60, on St. Stejihen's day, which men call the. 14. and om. 15. January. 
 1 8. Luke. 19. though ho suffered trouble as an evill doer, even unto bonds, • 
 and were. 21. they om. 23. now in. 24. us in tyme. 25. these.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 195 
 
 getber at the very beginning of tbe rebeUion, made bead for 
 their own defence against tbe murderers under the command 
 of sir James Craig (that married tbe daughter of sir Moses 
 Hill an old capt. of the Q.) and sir Francis Hamilton (that f. 85 r° 
 5 married a daughter of that most famous and valiant knight, 
 sir Charles Coot, who was slain by the rebells at the storming 
 of Trim within 20 miles of Dublin). They had also another 
 young Scottish knight called sir Arthur Forbes, son of that 
 stout and gallant S. A. F. that was slain in Germany by sir 
 
 10 Fred. Hamilton upon a petty difference about quarters. 
 These had fortified, as well as they could in such a sudden 
 straight, the castles of Tecrohen, where S. J. C. dwelt, and 
 the castle of Keilach, where S. F. H. dwelt ; there being but 
 one mile of wooddy ground betv/een them, and both within 
 
 15 two miles of Clochwater-castle, where my L. of K. was pri- 
 soner; so that he could hear the report of any gun from 
 either easily. The Scotts, having made butts and cabins 
 within and without the bain-w^alls and covered them with 
 cow-hides, were safe from the present shock for a month or 
 
 20 six weeks, but then straightly besieged. Whereupon they 
 fixed all their sithes u23on long poles, and being scarse of am- 
 munition (tho' they had guns enough), they resolved to sally 
 forth out of both their castles, and to make a resolute assault 
 upon the enemies' camp in the night : which they did with 
 
 25 such irresistible courage, that they made such foul work and 
 havock amongst the enemies, that such persons as were not 
 mangled with these terrible weapons or cut in pieces, were 
 either taken alive, or forc'd to run aAvay and leave their 
 camp as it was. This valiant exploit and successfull adven- 
 
 30 ture frightned the rebells so much, though they were ten to 
 
 2. defence and preservation. 3. a daughter. 4. captain of queen 
 Elizabeth's. 6. Coote, that was. 9. sir Arthur Forbes. 10. Frederick, 
 in a duel upon. 11. fortifyed for their lives, as. 12. Crocken. sir James 
 Craig, and that of Keilah. 13. sir Frederick [.?] Hamilton. 15. Cloch- 
 
 35 woter. lord of Kihnore. 16. that we. 17. Scotts and English. 
 
 20. but afterwards strictly. 21. fix. 21. Aery scarce. 24. ene- 
 my's camp in a frosty night. 24. did performe. 25. courage and 
 good successe. 26. their enemies, not cutt in peses or mangled... 
 weapons, were. 28. taken prisoners or. 29. and prosperous 
 
 40 adventure. 30. frighted. 
 
 13—2
 
 196 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 one, that they never oifer'd to besiege them any more till the 
 15 day of June following; all the county being clearly theirs 
 save these two small castles. 
 
 no. Now in this assault there were four principal 
 leaders of the O'Roruicks taken prisoners, that had brought 5 
 their forces out of the province of Connacht to this siege ; 
 whom the rebells desired to be exchanged for my L. of K., 
 his two sons, and the minister of Cavan, which was accord- 
 ingly performed the 7th day of Jan. The Scotts dismissed 
 the four rebells, and they enlarged the four prisoners, and 10 
 let them go free. Their promise was to send them safe to 
 Dublin, but there was no faithfullness in their lips ; they 
 kept them in the countrey to make farther merchandize of 
 them. Thus it pleased God to enlarge them, that never 
 expected to be brought alive from that Tophet. But Mr 15 
 Cullum and the good, rich carpenter were left there still, till 
 the Scotts got them also off (as you shall hear) . How sadly 
 did they weep in parting with my lord, as Elisha was loath 
 to part with his Elijah ; the prison they esteemed a Paradise 
 f. 85 v". while he was with them ; fearing that they should see his 20 
 face no more, nor hear a word of consolation from his mouth, 
 whose heavenly doctrine did drop as the rain, whose speech 
 did distill as the dew upon them, as the small rain upon 
 the tender herb, as the showers upon the grass, as another 
 Moses. And so it came to pass indeed ; for they saw his 25 
 face no more. My L. came to the house of the honest Irish 
 minister, Donoch (in English Dennis) 0-Sheridan, where his 
 sons' wives were all the while of his imprisonment, that lived 
 within a mile of K. and was my lord's tenant. There they 
 were no better than free prisoners ; they never durst be seen 30 
 abrode. 
 
 III. This is now the last station between this faithfull 
 
 2. 1 5th. countrey. 3. saving, small holds. 5. men of. 7. lord of 
 Kilmore. 9. on the. January, dismiss. 10. grand leading rebells. 
 enlarge. 12. and they. 13. further. 17. Oh, how. 18. lord of Kil- 
 more, as Paul's friends of Epliesus; as Elisha. 19. his dear. 24. like 35 
 another. 25. indeed (as they feared). 26. lord. 27. minister, 
 where his sonnes' wives remayned all the while of his imprisonment. 
 His name is Denis O'Sheridin, that lived... Kilmore... tenant. There 
 were they, no. 30. seene farr from the house, unles it were for recrea-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. IC^J 
 
 servant of the Lord in all his house and the land of pro- 
 mise : this is to him as mount Nebo, as the top of Pisgah 
 was to Moses, whence he takes a full view of all that is be- 
 neath him in this world, of all things past, of all round about 
 5 him and to be left behind him, and of all things that are 
 above, where Christ sits at His Father's right hand; and 
 with all speed makes hast to be dissolv'd and to be with 
 Christ. Never man spent his small remnant of time better 
 in holy meditations and heavenly preparations for death, in 
 
 lo reference to himself and his few hearers. On the 9th day 
 of Jan., being the Lord's day, he preached upon psalm xliv. 
 a great part of the psalm. Next Lord's day, being the i6th, 
 on psalm Ixxix. ^jer totum; and the next, being the 23rd, on 
 psalm Ixxi. from v. 15 acZ finem: God thou hast taught me 
 
 15 from my youth up &c. insisting long on v. 17. And the last 
 Lord's day of his pilgrimage save one on psalm cxliv. per 
 totum, to usher him into his everlasting Sabbath that re- 
 mains for the people of God. All these psalms were the 
 first for their several appointed dales in the calendar, except 
 
 20 the 71 psalm, from the 15th vers whereof he preached unto 
 the end, observing a great fitness in it to express his present 
 condition. 
 
 112. But in his last sermon that he preached on psalm 
 cxliv., when he came to these words in the 7th v.. Send Thy 
 
 25 tion. This. 3. y«^/ om. was. f, 4, 5. past m the wholecour.se of his 
 pilgrimage, of all things present and to be. 5. were. 6. hand, ready to 
 embrace him and to say unto him : Well done, thou good and fay th full 
 sercant, &c. and with all. 8. Christ, as a bright starr in His right 
 
 hand or shining in a golden candlestick, then to be clapt heere any more 
 
 30 imder a bushell. Never. 10. hearers in this his last month. 9th 
 
 of January. 12. of the day. Next Sabbath. i'^. totum; next 
 
 Sabbath. 14. verse. finem, observing a great fitnes in it to 
 
 express his present condition : My mouth shall sheio forth TJiy righte- 
 ousnes and Thy salvation all tlie day, for I knotc not the numbers 
 
 35 thereof I icill goe in the strength of the Lord God, I will make men- 
 tion of thy righteousnes, even of Thyne only : Lord, Thou hast 
 taught me from my youth, and hitherto have I declared Thy -wondrous 
 tcorkes; noio also tchen I am old and gray-headed , forsake me not &c. 
 14, 15. God... r. 17 om. 19. in the rubrick. 19—23. seventy-first. 
 
 40 All the prayers of the church and appointed scriptures he read hiniselfe, 
 thijugh there were three ministers present with him. But. 24. verse.
 
 198 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 hand from above, rid me and deliver me out of great tuaters, 
 from the hand of strange children, whose mouth speaketh 
 vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of falshood; 
 (which is repeated again v. 11. for the greater emphasis to 
 enforce the former request) : O with what ardency of spirit 5 
 and heavenly affection did he send up these petitions to the 
 God of his salvation, as if they had breathed from the soul 
 of the first author of them; as if he had seen God's hand 
 stretched forth, as Noah's towards the dove that found no 
 rest for the sole of her foot, till he took her and pulled her 10 
 (as it is in the Heb. caused her to come in) unto him into the 
 f. 86 r". ark ; or with Paul he had been raptured into the third 
 heaven allready, and had heard and seen uppT]Ta py'jfxara 
 things unutterable; or with St Stephen, he had seen the hea- 
 vens opened, and the Son of Man standing at the right hand 15 
 of God ready to receive his spirit; or as if with the two wit- 
 nesses he had heard a voice from heaven, saying unto him 
 (as to them upon the like account) : Come up hither. His 
 dwelling upon these words something longer than any other 
 part of the psalm, with such holy expressions, sighes and 20 
 groans, dissolv'd the eyes of all his hearers into a flood of 
 tears; and all there took this extraordinary impulse of his 
 spirit as a presage and signe of his approaching dissolution, 
 as indeed it prov'd to be. 
 
 1 13. For the very next day after, it pleased the God of 25 
 the spirits, of all flesh to visit him with sickness (occasioned 
 and contracted by a cold that he had taken in that sad 
 prison), which upon Tuseday, being the first of Febr., ap- 
 peared to be an ague, and his feet began to fail him. He 
 took some physick, which brought a loosness. On the 4th 30 
 day apprehending some symptoms of his sudden change, he 
 
 Thine. 4. verse. 8. them by a snpeniatixrall metempsychosis ; or as if. 
 II. or as. 13. allready om. 15. on the. 22. teares; amongst whom 
 Mrs Dillon (whom I mentioned before) was one, who loved him unto death 
 and had rather dyed with him then to abide (as she did now) in the tents 35 
 of Kedar and tabernacle of wickednes and idolatry, as her house was 
 at this tyme. She and all those present tooke. 23. infallible signe. 
 
 27. that oni. 28. February. 30. physick (wherin also he had 
 
 great knowledge) which. 31. change that would make him for ever
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 1 99 
 
 calls his cliildrca and their wives together unto him, and 
 thus he began to speak uuto tlieni. I am Qoing the way of 
 all flesh.; I ojn noiu ready to he offered, and the time of my 
 departure is at hand. Knowing therefore that I must shortly 
 5 P^^^ off this my tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath 
 sheiud me, I know also that if this my earthly house of this 
 tabernacle were dissolved, I have a building of God, an house 
 not made with hands, eternal in the heavens, a fair mansion 
 in the new Jerusalem, which cometh down out of heaven from 
 
 lo my God. Therefore to me to live is Christ and to die is gain, 
 which encreaseth my desire even now to depart and to be with 
 Christ, which is far better than to continue here in all the tran- 
 sitory, vain and false pleasures of this world., of tuhich I have 
 seen an end. Hearken therefore to the last words of your 
 
 15 dying father: I am no more in this world, but ye are in the 
 icorld ; I ascend to my Father and your FatJier, to my God 
 and your God, through the allsufficient merits of Jesus Christ 
 my Redeemer, who ever liveth to make intercession for me, 
 who is a p)ropitiation for all my sins, and washed me from 
 
 20 them all in His own bloud; who is tuorthy to receive glory 
 and honour and power, who hath created all things, and for 
 ivhose pleasure they are and tvere created. My witness is in 
 heaven and my record on high, that I have endeavoured to 
 glorify God on earth in the ministry of the Gospel of His 
 
 25 dear Son, which loas committed to my trust. I have finished 
 the works which He gave me to do, as afaithfull ambassadour 
 of Christ and steward of the mysteries of God. I have not 
 concealed the words of the Holy One; but the words that He f. 86 v° 
 gave to me, I have given to you and you have received them. 
 
 30 I had a desire and resolution to walk before God (in every 
 station of my pilgrimage from my youth up to this day) in 
 
 unchangeable. i. together om. 2. thus from his sick bed he. 
 
 7. that I. 8. made om. 14. imto. 26. work. 27. God. I have 
 preached righteousnes in the great congregation : lo I have not re- 
 35 frayned my lips, O Lord, Thou knowcst. I have not hid Thy righte- 
 ousnes within my hart, I have declared Thy faythfulnes and Thy salva- 
 tion ; I have not concealed Thy loving-kindues and Thy truth from 
 the gi-cat congregation of mankind. lie is necr that justifyeth mc, that 
 I have not. 29. ye have.
 
 200 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 truth and with an upriglit heart, and to do that which was 
 upright in His eies to the utmost of my poiuer. And ivhat 
 things were gain, to me formerly, these things I count now loss 
 for Christ: yea doubtless and I count all things hut loss for 
 the excellency of the knowledge of Jesus Christ my Lord, for s 
 whom I have suffered the loss of all things, and do count them 
 hut dung, that I may win Christ and he found in Him, not 
 having mine oivn righteousness which is of the law, but that 
 which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is 
 of God by faith; that I may know Him and the power of His lo 
 resurrection and the fellotv ship of His sufferings, being made 
 conformable unto His death. I press therefore towards the 
 mark for the price of tJie Jiigh calling of God in Jesus Christ. 
 Let nothing separate you from the love of Christ, neither tribu- 
 lation, nor distress, nor persecution, nor famine, nor naked- 15 
 ness, nor peril, nor sword. Though {as ye see and hear) for 
 His sake we are killed all the day long, we are counted as 
 sheep for the slaughter; yet in all these things lue are more 
 than conquerours through Him tha.t loved us. For L am per- 
 suaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principali- 20 
 ties, nor poiuers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor 
 height, nor depth, nor any creature shall be ahle to separate 
 me from the love of God, ivhich is in Christ Jesus my Lord. 
 Therefore love not the world, nor the things of the world; but 
 prepare daily and hourly for death {that noiv besiegeth us on 25 
 evei^y side) and he faithfull unto death; that we may meet to- 
 gether joyfully on the right hand of Christ at the last day, and 
 folloiv the Lamb luhethersoever he goeth, with all those that are 
 cloathed with white robes in signe of innocency, and palms in 
 their hands in signe of victory ; which came out of great tribu- 30 
 lation, and have tvashed their robes and made them white in 
 the bloud of the Larnh. They shall hunger no more, nor 
 thirst; neither shall the sun light on them, nor any heat; for 
 the lAind) that is in the midst of the throne shall feed them, 
 and shall lead them unto living fountains of waters, and shall ^c 
 ivijje away all tears from their eies. Choose rather ivith Mo- 
 ses to suffer affliction with the peo])le of God, than to enjoy the 
 pleasures of sin for a season, whiclt will be bitterness in tlte 
 
 8. my. 9. of the fayth. 16. yow liearc and see. 20. angel. 
 
 23. Jcsu. 25. besicdycs. 2>3- or- 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 201 
 
 later end. Look therefore for sufferings and to he made imr- 
 talcers of the sufferings of Christ, to fill up that ivhich is be- 
 hind of the affliction of Christ in your flesh for His bodies 
 sake, ivhich is the church What can you look for but one ivoe f. 87 i-° 
 
 S after another, while the man of sin is suffer d to rage and to 
 make havock of God's people at his pleasure? while men are 
 divided about trifles, that ought to have been more vigilant over 
 us, and carefull of those whose bloud is precious in God's 
 sight, tho' noio shed everyiuhere like water? If ye siffer 
 
 10 for righteousness, happy are ye. Be not affraid of their ter- 
 rors, neither he ye troubled; in nothing tei'rified by your adver- 
 saries, which is to them an evident token of perdition, hut to 
 you of salvation, and that of God. For to you it is given in 
 the behalf of Christ not onely to believe on Him, hut also to 
 
 15 suff'er for His suke. Rejoice therefore, in as much as ye are 
 partakers of Clvrist's sifferings, that when His glory shall he 
 revealed, ye may he glad also tuith exceeding joy. And if ye 
 be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye; the spirit 
 of glory and of Christ resteth on you. On their part He is 
 
 20 evil-spoken of, but on your part He is glorified. God will 
 surely visit you in due time, and return your captivity as the 
 rivers of the south, and bring you hack again unto your pos- 
 ,sessions in this land; tho' noiu for a season {if need be) ye are 
 in heaviness through manifold temptations ; though now ye sow 
 
 25 in tears, yet ye shcdl reap in joy; all your losses shall he re- 
 compensed with abundant advantages ; for my God will supp>ly 
 all your needs according to His riches in glory by Jesus 
 Christ, ivho is able to do exceeding abundantly for us above all 
 that we are able to ask or think. 
 
 30 114. Having thus spoken from the Spirit of God within 
 
 him, he blessed all his children and those that stood by him 
 with an audible voice in these words: God of His infinite 
 mercy bless yon all, and present you holy and unblameable 
 and unreproovahle in His sight, that we may meet together at 
 
 35 the right hand of our blessed Saviour Jesus Christ luith joy 
 unspeakable and full of glory. Amen. Afterwards he utter'd 
 these words: / have fought a good fight, I have finished the 
 
 I. hitter, dayly made. 5. is thus. 11. and in. 13. ?7 om. 24,25. 
 though., fears foWowa f/eL-Joij. 27. need. 35. Lord and Saviour. .
 
 202 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 course of my ministeri/ and life together. Though grievous 
 wolves have entred in among us, not sparing the flock, yet I 
 trust the great Shepheard of His flock will save His flock, and 
 deliver them out of all 'places ivhere tliey have been scattered in 
 this cloudy and dark day ; that they shall no more he a prey 5 
 to the heathen, neither shall the beasts of the land devour them; 
 hut they shall dwell safely and none shall make them affraid. 
 Lord, I have waited for Thy salvation. Afterwards these 
 words: I have kept the faith once given to the saints; for the 
 which cause I have also sufl'ered these things: hut I am not lo 
 f. 87 v". ashamed, for I knoiv whom I have believed, and am persuaded 
 that He is able to keep that luhich I have committed to Him 
 against that day. 
 Fcbr. 7, 115. As his weakness increased, his speech failed; he 
 
 taking little or no food till the 7th day of Febr. : yet he con- 15 
 tinned well composed in his spirit, being full of serenity of 
 spirit in all his trialls and temptations that befell him; as 
 assur'd of God's love and resolving silently to submit unto 
 the good pleasure of God. He was much inclined to sleep, 
 and slumbred out the most of his time, till about midnight, 20 
 when he fell asleep in Jesus, with whom he is now in glory, 
 with all the holy ones and blessed martyrs of Jesus. And 
 thus you see how within one week after his last heavenly 
 sermon, having shewed invincible courage under so sad and 
 great a change in church and state, he departs in peace from 25 
 the tumultuous uproars of this turbulent world, and accord- 
 ing to his desire and expectation enters into his Master's 
 joy more than conquerour, to receive the crown of immortality 
 and eternal felicity with all those that die in the Lord. No 
 man lived more desired, nor died more lamented, by all that 3° 
 knew him in the Lord. We esteemed him the breath of 
 our nostrils in our captivity; and had a greater desire to 
 have died with him (as the disciples with Lazarus) than to 
 have lived without him: who being deliver'd so lately, as 
 Jeremiah out of the dungeon, and as Daniel out of the lions' 35 
 
 4. -will deliver. 5. be no more. 11. lam. 14. failed, and. 
 
 15. February, he continued. 17. him and assurances of. 18. and 
 
 cm. 19. much om. 20. the om. 22. Jesus; Avhere we leave 
 
 him, till God fitt us to come where he is. And thus. 24. great 
 
 and sad. 27. earnest expectation. 32. as great. ;i2- then 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 203 
 
 den, was so suddenly snatclit away from us; of whom the 
 world was not worthy at the best. As Augustine died in 
 the 3rd month of the siege of Hippo by the Vandalls, that 
 had overun all Africk with Arrian cruelty, as the poor Akel- 
 5 dama of Ireland is now with popish cruelty; so this worthy 
 angel of the church was taken away in the 3rd month of our 
 captivity. 
 
 1 1 6. What Avas said of Moses, Caleb, and Joshua was 
 true of him: his eie was not dim, nor his natural force abated; 
 
 10 having never used spectacle, nor lost one tooth, nor any de- 
 cay of his hair, save in the colour (his gray haii's, being 
 found in the way of righteousness, were as a crown to him), 
 and a little deafness in his left ear, occasion'd by a hurt in 
 his childhood. His judgement was not decaied in the least, 
 
 15 but rather authorized with age, having allwaies in readiness 
 wonderfull ability to discourse, to pray, to preach, to write, 
 to dispute, to comfort, and at last to die. He was never 
 languishing, and mouldy or reasty through want of emploi- 
 ment, but allwaies active aud bringing forth something for 
 
 20 the common good of the church of Crod. 
 
 to live. I. from the evil to come and caught up into heaven from 
 
 us. 2. And as St. 4. wlio had overrun. 5. icorthy om. 
 
 6. church of Ireland. 10. only he had some kind of deafnes in his left 
 eare, occasioned by a fall downe stayres in his cheildhood. I remember 
 
 25 that walking abroad with him and his two sonnes, the weeke before 
 he sickued, in returning back he leapt so nimbly and vigurously over a 
 broad ditch, that amazed us all and putt us to a stand to follow him. He 
 never. 13, 14. and... childhood om. his beard long and broad: I 
 never knew any razor to pass uijon his face, which was bewtifyed with 
 
 30 more majesty and gravity then my tongue can expresse. His. 16. dis- 
 course in any argument of things divine or humane ; to pray (which 
 he alwayes did in his house without booke); to preach (which he al- 
 wayes did without notes, charging his memory with his meditations 
 and afterwards discharging them into writting); to write. 19. active in. 
 
 35 20. God. Answerable to his profound judgement was his great zeal for 
 the truth against popery. Tlie letter that came to him from London, 
 when he was preacher at St. l]dmondsbury in Suffolk, about the dis- 
 covery of the hellish powder-plott with all the circumstances of it, he 
 read annually upon that day (being the fifth of November) all the yeares 
 
 40 of his lyfc in the pulpit before sermon, ere ever he read his text. It was 
 well penned ; if I had it, I would set it downe heere. And after sup- 
 per he constantly x-ead on the same day an excellent poem which he
 
 204 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 f. 88 r°. 117. We obteined leave (with much ado) to bury him 
 
 in his own church-yard by his wife, which was denied awhile 
 by his popish (or rather paganish) intruder and despoiler; 
 who said, the church-yard tuas no more to be polluted ivith 
 hereticks bodies. Thus did these barbarous and ungi'atefull 5 
 miscreants requite this dear servant of the Lord, who sought 
 their good, and did them more good (even to the hazard of 
 his own quiet and reputation) than all that ever were before 
 him in that see. They would scarce allow him a place to 
 lay his head on when he was alive, and now they will hardly 10 
 allow him a place for his dead body to lie in, (as right offi- 
 cers of that great city which is spiritually called Sodom and 
 Egypt, where our Lord is daily crucified, that would not 
 
 Apoc. II. suffer the dead bodies of the two witnesses to be put in 
 
 9' grave for 3 dales and a half): who, even as Abraham 15 
 
 amongst the sons of Heth, would have received this answer 
 
 Gen. 23. 6. to such a request : Hear us, my lord, thou art a mighty 
 jjrince amongst us; in the choice of our sepulchres bury thy 
 dead; none of us shall withold from thee his sepulchre, but 
 that thou maiest bury thy dead. 20 
 
 118. Mr Sheridan and I went to Kilmore about my 
 lord's burial, to speak with the popish usurper, bishop Swyny. 
 As his name is, so is he. We found him lying upon a bolster 
 so drunk with usque-bagh (having defiled all the room with 
 his swinishness), that when Mr Dillon came in and kneeled 25 
 before him for his blessing (as the popish manner is) he was 
 not able to stretch forth his hand towards him; but a friar 
 that stood by took up his drunken hand and laid it upon the 
 popish head that came to assist us in our request, being per- 
 
 wrote at that tyme upon that discovery, and called The Shepherd's 30 
 Tale, being a poeticall dialogue betweene certayue shepherds concern- 
 ing that plott. It is conceived in the old dialect of Tusser aud Chauser, 
 bceing two or tln-ee sheets of paper. I have no tyme to set it downe 
 now; but hecrafter yow may see it mth his Latin letters to Mr 
 John Dury, about the pacification of tlie reformed churches, Avhich are 35 
 learned and large. [Then follows in H. ch. 118]. 2. his deir consort. 
 4. said to us at first. defyled. 5. and om. 6. dear om. Lord 
 evill for good, who. 8. were om. 11. him o:n. 15. that, even with. 
 17. pious request. iZ.icithus. 21. Minister Sheridin (the minister in 
 whose house he dyed) and L 24. usque-bea. 2.5. his filthines. 26. for 40
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 205 
 
 suaded thereunto by his good wife. Qaantinn mutatus ah 
 illo, that was there before him ! as Jehoram, from Jchoshaphat 
 and Manasseh from Hezekiah. There was nothing now to be 
 seen in this our Elijah's school of the prophets, but ziim, 
 5 iim, and ochim, those dolefull creatures which Isaiah foretells 
 should be inhabitants of Babylon, after all the evil they had 
 done in Zion. This is the man that offered himself for our 
 guard, as before. The admittance of this filthy beast had 
 been like the conjunction of Mezentius the t3a-ant of the 
 
 ^° living and the dead. He had a name to be alive but was 
 dead. His licence we obteined at last for my lord's burial. 
 So on the 9th day of Febr. he was laid in grave according to 
 his desire in his last will and testament, hard by his wife's 
 coffin. 
 
 15 1 1 9- The chief of the rebells assembled their forces to- 
 
 gether and accompanied the corps from Mr Sheridan's house 
 to the churchyard in a great solemnity, and desired A. C. the 
 minister of Cavan to perform the office for the dead accord- 
 ing to our manner in former times, and promised not to in- 
 
 20 tern^pt in the least. Bat we being surrounded with armed f. 88 v", 
 men, esteemed it more prudent to bury him as all the patri- 
 archs, prophets, Christ and His apostles, and all the saints 
 and martyrs in former ages were, than to attempt such a 
 hazardous and needless office at such a time (and sacrifice 
 
 25 for the dead as they call it) in the presence of these Egyp- 
 tians. But instead thereof they gave him a volley of shot 
 and said : Requiescat in pace ultinius Anglorum ! For they 
 had told him at their first rising, that he should he the last 
 English man that should he put out of Ireland; because he 
 
 30 his blessing om. as their. i . thereto. 2. Jehoshaiiliat or. 4. 
 
 [Tanner MS. reads or for our\ Elijah's om. 6. be the. that thej-. 
 7. Zion. Tliis house of prayer is now become a den of theeves, a 
 cage of every unclean and hateful! bird. This. 8. guard ; that had 
 
 a name to be alive, but was dead ; the admittance. 10. with the 
 
 35 dead ; whose licence we obtained at last for my lord's buriall (though 
 with much adoe), to bury [as in ch. 1 17]. 12. February 164^. 14- 
 
 coffin, that had been layd there four yeares before. 15. Irish 
 
 rebells gathered. 16. Sheridin's. 17. of Kilmore in. Alexander 
 Clogy. 22. the om. 23. to om. 24 — 25. hazardous office 
 
 40 (and sacrifice for the dead, as they call it) and needless at such 
 a tyme in the. 25. those. 27. said with a loud voice.
 
 206 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 was styled ultimus et optimus ejnsconim by men of un- 
 derstanding. 
 
 1 20. In his desk liis last will and testament was found 
 (which he wrote over once a year). Wherein, after a divine 
 preface and short confession of his faith, referring himself to 5 
 his preaching and writings, he concludes with that of Paul 
 to Timothy : / know wJiom I have believed, and I am per- 
 suaded that He is able to keep that which I have committed 
 to Him against that day. And then having disposed of his 
 estate in England and Ireland, he leaves to the library of 10 
 Immanuel coUedge in Cambridge (where he was bred) the 
 rare Hebrew MS. mentioned before; and to Dr Usher, bishop 
 'of Armagh, the primate of Ireland, a Latin psalter written 
 500 years before, in the Saxon character, which is the pre- 
 
 I. ultimus.. ■e2nscoporum follows understanding. As he gave many 15 
 evidences of rare gifts and graces bestowed upon liim above ordinary 
 measure, so his humility wherewith he was clothed was apparent in this, 
 touching the desyre he had about his funerall (had he dyed in prosperity), 
 of remooval of all superfluous apparences, as even to the entombing of 
 his body in the church-yard, whether he would exercise modesty or 20 
 moderation, not in his lyfe only, but in (yea after) his death ; as he 
 would taxe a somewhat great forwardnes or weake, if not superstitious, 
 desjTC, some have that way ; as if it concerned the dead anywhit 
 whether they be layd in church or chancell or church-yard. Verily as 
 for them it is all one; and as soone shall the bodies ryse that be in 25 
 the sea as the land, and of them that be in the land, that are in one 
 place, as another : and as for those that are left alive, perhaps it were 
 more wholesome and convenient, if (as in some places which this 
 worthy father had scene beyond sea) sepulchres were all utterly re- 
 mooved out of churches and townes too, then by their frequency and 30 
 often opening the earth (where great congi-egations are, as in many 
 places) to bring annoyance to the living ; yea and somewhat more then 
 that, to discover and teare up by the streightnes sometymes the dead 
 corps of om* dearest relations, ere they be returned to their dust. 
 Allow me, I beseech yow (whosoever readeth this narrative) this much 35 
 ^lea, because this noble patriarch was resolved and contented to take 
 up his lodging for his body where none had beene layd before, till the 
 heavens be no more, and till he heare the voyce of the Son of Man, 
 making his corruptible to put on incorruption, and his mortall to put 
 •on immortixlity, and what is sowne in dishonour and weaknes to be 40 
 raysed in power and glory. 5. and referring. 12. Hebrew manu- 
 script of the Old Testament before mentioned, and. 13. arch- 
 bishop of Ardmach. 14. above five hundred yeares agoe.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 207 
 
 sent Irish character in all their prints and -writings at this 
 day. It was as fair and legible as it Avas at first; the first 
 letter of each psalm being gold of an inch and a halfe square, 
 the goodliest that had been seen in any elder age. He ap- 
 5 pointed his body to be laid, where by God's providence it 
 now lies waiting for a joifull resurrection, and on his grave- 
 stone these words to be written: Depositum Gulielmi quon- 
 dam episcopi Kilmorensis; which (if ever God grant peace) 
 will be perfoi'med. These particulars onely I can call to 
 
 lo mind, having never seen it but once, but if I had it, I would, 
 set it down verbatim, it being one of the most Christian ac- 
 counts given of the world that ever I did see in any former 
 will and testament. 
 
 121. His library, which was of greatest value of all his 
 
 15 goods, the rebells had with all the rest, wherein were many 
 monuments of great antiquity; amongst the rest, the records 
 of the abbey of St Edmunds-Bury, and many manuscripts 
 that he had brought out of Italy. But the greatest loss 
 (next to that of himself) Avas of his own writings upon the 
 
 20 Scriptures; which any man of understanding Avould have 
 chosen before all the commentaries of the fathers or most of 
 their children that followed them. The Greekes havincf no 
 Hebrew, and the Latins neither Hebrew nor Greek, have 
 made sad expositions of Scriptures, following a false vulgar 
 
 25 out of a false 72; which this learned and great divine did 
 
 easily discover; for being fully acquainted with the originals f. 89 r" 
 (as any in our age), he did never need a spectacle to look 
 through into the true and genuine sense and meaning of the 
 H. Ghost in the Scriptures; but went still to the fountain 
 
 30 I . writtings and prints. 3. pscalnic of an inch square and guilded with 
 gold, the goodliest. 4. older. He ordered. 7. engraven. 8 — 9 which I 
 doubt not but is performed by liis sonnos. 1 2. I saw. 1 8. Italy. He had 
 bought Mr William Perkins his studdy of bookes, and to the publishing 
 of some of his workes after his death he was very instrumental!, as I 
 
 35 have scene in the soverall letters betweene him and Dr Warde concern- 
 ing them ; in one of which, dedicated to the king and presented to 
 his majesty by Dr Ward, is a desyre that the king would be j^lcased 
 to set some divines apart for controversj'cs. But the. 19. that of his. 
 20. a man. 21. preferred to and chosen. 22. their sonnes. 26. for 
 
 40 om. 27. he om. 27. use a. 29. Holy. 29. fountayne of Israel,
 
 2o8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 of truth, to draw water for the sanctuary to refresh the city 
 of God, non ex caeno, seel ex fonte Israel. It's a true say- 
 ing of Beza and Mercerus: Hehraismormn ignorantiam hor- 
 rendos errores in ecclesiam invexisse. 
 
 122. There is a learned sermon of his extant upon 5 
 Revel, xviii. 4: And I heard another voice from heaven say- 
 ing, Come out of her, my people, that ye he not partakers of 
 her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues. This sermon 
 was preached in Christ Church, Dublin, 1634, before sir 
 Thomas Weutvvorth the L. deputy and parliament. The 10 
 occasion of his giving a copy of it was at the request of a 
 great papist, to shew it to some learned men of his own re- 
 ligion, because it demonstrates and maintains unanswerably, 
 that the present monarchy, which the church of Rome claims 
 
 to exercise over the Christian world, is the mystical Babilon, 15 
 out of which God's people are called. D. Bernard meeting 
 with some imperfect copy (whereof there were many in 
 Essex) published it in the year 1659 with the concurrent 
 judgement of the most learned primate of Armach in that 
 point. It's pity it was not rightly printed, having in it such 20 
 evidence of truth, which all the popish adversaries are not 
 able to gainsay or resist. He had got such knowledge of the 
 methods and stratagems of the church of Rome, by being so 
 long in Italy with the English ambassadour sir H. W., and 
 conversing so intimately with P. Paulo that great divine 25 
 and polititian, that no man living could give an exactor ac- 
 count of their damnable and destructive waies; which he and 
 this poor kingdom of Ireland hath now found true by sad 
 experience. 
 
 123. He was wont to say to those that knew nothing of 30 
 their religion but the mass (of which most understood not a 
 
 the living spring of. 2. Israel, as Padre Paulo said and wrote of 
 
 him. Its... Mercerus om. Ignoraniiani Hehraismorum. 4. invexisse, 
 sayth Bcza and Mercerus. 9. Christ's. anno 1634. the lord 
 
 deputy, sir Thomas Wentworth, and parliament. 12. have showne. 35 
 
 16. called. But they never medled with it, to say anything against 
 it, to this day. Dr. 1 8. Essex and elsewhere. 20. great pitty. 
 24. Henry Wotton. 25. Padre Paulo. 27. destructive and 
 
 damnable wayes towards mankind. 31. most of them understand.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 209 
 
 word), "That the mass was no more the worship of God 
 then the barking of" doggs ; " and of their innumerable and 
 phantasticall ceremonyes, which they so much gloryed in, 
 " That they were not worth one cup of cold water given to a 
 disciple in the name of a disciple, which shall not loose its 
 reward (much less one drop of blood to be shed for them) ;" 
 therefore is he now drinking of the water of lyfe freely. 
 That saying of Augustine was much in his mouth, when he 
 heard of any violent proceedings for or against ceremonyes: 
 Hcec sunt folia, fructus qucero ; and therefore is now eating 
 of the fruit of the tree of lyfe, that is in the midst of the 
 Paradise of God. As the land of Zabulon and Napthaly, 
 that were most oppressed by Jabin and the Midianites were 
 most rude and ignorant when Christ came, insomuch that it 
 was no small imputation to Christ to have beene of Galilee, 
 " whence arose no prophet," the calamity by Ashur never 
 thoroughly outworne untill Ciirist came to bring spirituall 
 light ; so of all the parts of the Christian territoryes, Ireland 
 being most rude and ignorant, it was the greatest imputation 
 to this His dear servant, that in imitation of his Lord and 
 Master, he sought by the Scriptures translated into Irish, to 
 open their eyes and awake them, to come to this light, and 
 to walke in it, and that speedily, least the darknes come 
 wherin no man can walke. As Christ, the true light, did 
 choose to teach and to do His mighty workes in Galilee of 
 the Gentills, and to deliver them, as they were of old from 
 Jabin and the Midianits ; so the cicuration and reformation 
 of the wild Irish, and their deliverance from the tyranny of 
 popery, was the cheefe desire and designe of tiiis His faythfull 
 servant, all the dayes of his lyfe amongst them. 
 
 124. That which Tacitus relates of Thraseas, dictus 
 lumen Roniani imperii orbis, et ipsa virtus, when Nero (the 
 Pope's predicessor) sent to murther him, that he was found 
 discoursing vvith Demetrius, a philosopher, de natura animce, 
 et dissociatione spiritus inquirebat, may well be applyed to 
 this holy father and blessed bishop : That he was lumen 
 christiani orbis, et ipsa religio, in all his tryalls and tempta- 
 tions that befell him, former actings and present sufferings ; 
 for whom the very Irish rebells, the worst of men, had such 
 
 14
 
 2IO LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 veneration at last as to sollemnize his exequies, which they 
 never did to any other person of God's religion ; as if they 
 had ipso facto acknowledged, that he was learnder then all 
 their fathers, holyer then all their popish saints, chaster 
 then all their mnncks and nuns, more beneficiall to them 
 then all their idolized patrons, more to be desyred by them 
 then all their confessours, and to be loved and lamented 
 then all their teachers and leaders. 
 
 125. If I durst vent my thoughts concerning this man 
 of God, without offence of God and good men, I would for 
 conclusion say this of him, that if God had spoken to Sathan 
 concerning him, as once He did concerning Job, He would 
 or might have used the same expression: "Hast thou con- 
 sidered {or, hast thou set thine hart on) this My servant, that 
 ther^e is none like him in all the earth, a perfect and upright 
 man, one thatfeareth God and escheweth evill?" 
 
 126. This faythfull and affectionate account (though 
 infinitely beneath his merit) I hope may be taken in good 
 part from one, that (under God) oweth more to his sacred 
 memory then to all the world besides, yea, himselfe also, as 
 St. Paul speaks to Philemon, whom therefore I have men- 
 tioned with honor and thankfulnes. 
 
 1 27. You may perhaps desyre also to know what became 
 of his children after his death, and that litle flock and small 
 remnant that had escaped the fury of the adversary. As to 
 their bodyes, though they had nothing left besides their 
 lives, which God alwayes preserved as sacred and unviolable 
 (as He did Job's) after his departure, as before : Indeede, 
 they were mervellously sanctuaryed in the midst of their 
 enemyes ; for they continued at Mr. Sheridin's house untill 
 the 15th day of June following, waiting for the Lord's 
 deliverance and the service of God was kept up in that 
 family by Mr. Bedel, who preached on Psalm xxx, and 
 by Alexander Clogy, the minister of Cavan, who preached 
 on Psalm cii, all that wearisome tyme. We hoped still, that 
 if there were any English or Scotts in the world we might 
 have beene relieved by that tyme; but nothing was done for 
 us; the inraging and cruel jealousyes betweene the king and 
 Parliament of England, tristia condere bella, breaking out 
 into open warrs (in all parts) mcestos habitura triumphos.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 211 
 
 128. The way of God's enlarging of us at last was this : 
 The Scotts that had stood upon their owne defence in two 
 small castles (as I told yow before) being wearyed with vain 
 expectation of reliefe from England or Scotland (that began 
 to ruine themselves apace, as we in Ireland, by the common 
 enemy of both, were ruined already), their small store of 
 ammunition being drained, were at length begirt by all the 
 forces the enemy could draw together from the provinces of 
 Ulster and Conaght ; so that all their forrage was cutt off, 
 and possibility of making any sallyes into the enemy's camp, 
 as they had done prosperously in the former siedge. They 
 were sore straitened with famine and sicknes for want of 
 roome and outward accommodati(m (for nine score dyed 
 in one castle in a few weekes, vSir James Craig and his lady 
 both dyed and left no issue behind them), at last were 
 necessitated to submit to such termes as they could obtayne 
 from an absurd and merciless enemy, whom they could resist 
 no longer, unless upon a desperate sally to hazard all that 
 remnant that had escaped for eight monthes to that day. 
 So the faythless enemy, that never gave quarter to any 
 before that had made any resistance unto them, but had 
 used all manner of cruelty towards them, gave quarter to 
 the Scotts and English (for feare more than love), to march 
 out of their castles and hutts with some armes, and with all 
 their mooveable goods that they could conveniently carry 
 away with them, by horse or cart towards Dublin, that was 
 fifty miles distant, and nothing left by the way, but destruc- 
 tion and desolation ; Cavan, Virginia, Kells, Navan, Dvm- 
 shocklin, Slany, Tarah, Swords, all ruinous heaps, and no 
 inhabitant left in that rich tract of land, which was a woeful 
 spectacle. 
 
 1 29. In this transaction, my Lord of Kilmore's children, 
 with the minister of Cavan, Mr. Arthur CuUum, with 
 Mr. Castledyne (that were prisoners with my Lord of 
 Kihnore in Clockwoter Castle) and others, were particularly 
 included and named. So, on the 15th day of June, 1642, in 
 the eighth month after the Rebellion, we marched away 
 above 1200 men, women, and children, after they had eaten 
 the cowes' hydes that had covered their cabbins and hutts, 
 
 14—2
 
 212 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 from Christmas till June : A sad company of poore people 
 we were, as ever were seene together ; some loaden with 
 children, some great with cheild, some two children on their 
 backs, many Avith two little ones in their armes, yet all 
 rejoycing in the Lord for our enlargement at last. About 
 2000 rebells accompanying us for our lyfe-guard, according 
 to the articles of our agreement, which were written by 
 Archdeacon Pryce (before mentioned), but now Archbishop 
 of Cashill. The Scotts had about 300 horse, some of them 
 well appointed, for our guard also, under the conduct of 
 Sir Francis Hamilton and Sir Arthur Forbes. Major Bayly 
 had his foote-company of Scotts, that lay at Cavan, and had 
 made their escape in the night to those two castles, with all 
 their armes of the trayned-band with them. 
 
 130. The countey had orders to bring us provision for 
 money, as was artickled, which they did in great plenty. 
 Though there were many plotts to cutt us off by the way 
 (as against the 10,000 Greekes in Zenophon, that retreated 
 into their owne countrey through many barbarous nations, 
 after the overthrow of Cyrus), yet the Lord of Hostes was 
 with us, and his glory did shyne over us, as in a cloud by 
 day and a fyre by night, for our defence, and restrayned 
 their malice, and brought forth this little flock, as his great 
 flock under the conduct of the Great Shepherd out of Egipt 
 of old, through scorpions and fiery-flying serpents with his 
 mighty hand and outstretched arm : To Him be glory for 
 ever ! 
 
 131. The first day, being Wednesday June the 15th, we 
 marched to Cavan, seven miles ; the 16th day we encamped 
 at Lara 5 miles ; the I7th at Corinary 7 miles ; the 18th to 
 a mountaine beyond Pierce four miles; the 19th we pitched 
 at Mr. Dilwin's house, three miles ; on the 20th day we lay 
 in the same place; the 21st day we marched six miles; on 
 the 22nd day of June, Sir Henry Titchborne, the governor 
 of Drogheda, with Captain Gibson met us with a party 
 of horse and foote within ten myles of his garison of 
 Drogheda, and conducted us safely thither by the good hand 
 of our God upon us. 
 
 132. The rebells that conducted us tooke soUemne leave
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 213 
 
 of us, being sore afrayed at the sight of our English forces ; 
 they hasted away, having kept us seven nights in the open 
 fields, without anything under or over us, but what each of 
 us carryed about us ; yet they offered us no violence, save in 
 the night, when our men were weary without continuall 
 watchings, they would steale away a good horse and run 
 away, but were very civill to us all the way, and many of 
 them wept at our parting from them that had lived so long 
 peaceably amongst them, as if we had beene one people with 
 them. 
 
 133, From Drogheda some tooke shipping and went for 
 England, as ray Lord of Kilmore's sonnes, and others that 
 had freinds there. His eldest sonne, Mr. Bedell, was made 
 minister of Rattlesden, in Suffolk; his younger son, Mr. Am- 
 brose Bedell, returned speedily into Ireland, and was a 
 captaine in Col. Hill's regiment, who was his wyve's uncle, 
 for whom my lord, his father, purchased a good estate of 
 one Mr. Baxter, a minister, where he now lives a justice 
 of peace. 
 
 134. Most of our poore pillaged company came towards 
 Dublin, a poore exhausted city of refuge, which was neytheir 
 able to lodge us, nor to relieve us with things necessary, 
 thowsands dying every weeke, being pierced through for 
 want of the fruits of the earth, as is at large set forth in the 
 booke of Dr. Jones, Deane of Kilmore, who wrote the history 
 of the horrid Rebellion ; and also by Sir John Temple, a 
 worthy and honorable privy councillor, before and after that 
 calamity. 
 
 THE END.
 
 LETTERS. 
 
 I. 
 
 W. Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. War d\ justifying his theoretical 
 teaching in the matter of ceremonies ; Oct. 16, 1604. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 126.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. Mr Warde, I receiued the last weeke your letters, 
 though I diflferred mine answer, till I should receiue those sheetes of 
 niyne answer which you promised to retourne by Sir Edw. Lewknors 
 man : but as it seemes you altered your purpose he deliuered me the 
 money 3//. 10s. As for having the copy, I cannot satisfie your desire, for 
 it must be his that wrote it out of my first draught, which is Mr Bulwer 
 one of our Ministers. For your censure, I desire to haue it, though by 
 reason of your delay it will come too late to correct aught in my copy, 
 to be giuen them except there be very great cause. I could none other- 
 wise choose but write so discoursingly, if I would not leaue the matters 
 raw and undigested, and yet if I had beene sure of answer I would haue 
 rather dealt in propositions. But I purpose to make this offei-, that if 
 they will contract their reply, I will contract my answer. Indeede I am 
 much more large in the other demandes then this, and therfore if you 
 blame this for too long, I am aflfrayd you will say that they are too too 
 long. For the jjointes necessary to salvation, I think they be all in the 
 Creede, though perhaps there be more than are necessary, if euery worde 
 that hath a distinct notion must constitute a distinct proposition : for 
 example Pontius Pilate, if it must make this sence he suffered to be 
 particularized againe vnto the very president vnder whom, whicli is no 
 way of necessity to salvation but of fulnes of the narration. I think with 
 you that fundamental! pointes since Christs coming are the same, and 
 cannot be changed : of this point I doe in few wordes speake in the 2d 
 Demande. E'er your objection of the Apostles ignorance of the death and 
 
 1 Samuel Ward, D.D., a fellow of Emmanuel College, and afterwards Master 
 of Sidney Sussex, from 1623 to bis death in 1643, Lady Margaret Professor 
 of Divinity. He was one of the Eevisers to whom the Authorised Version of the 
 Bible (1611) is due, and was one of the English representatives at the Synod of 
 Dort.
 
 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 21 S 
 
 resurrection of Christ, it was before the perfect instruction which they 
 receiued concerning the Fayth to be published in the world, till which 
 tyme I thinke the same were not of absolute necessity to salvation. 
 And eiien then I doubt also, whether such as Cornelius or those that 
 were baptized by John's Baptisme, as they in Acts 19 (1 — 5) were, had 
 died in state of damnation, if they had not so beleeued. 
 
 Touching Mr Baynes his place, I doe not desire it in many respectes ; 
 besides, the vncertainty of Stipend, a new subscription would be vrged, 
 and I should haue I feare as litle tyme as now to goe to my booke. I 
 confesse only the desire of the society which you and I were wont to 
 haue, and tiie vniuersity, doth somewhat mooue me. Concerning the 
 ceremonies I viewed Vrsinus, pag. 150 and 151 of Parens edition', and 
 I perceiue how he makes human civill lawes to binde the conscience, 
 extra casum scandali, but not Ecclesiasticall. I confesse I doubt of the 
 difference and of both the partes, for example whether if a magistrate 
 doe forbid wearing amies he sinues that does it without scandali. And 
 againe why more than he that weares not a surplice being so com- 
 manded. But in our case that matters not at all, sitli the same thing 
 is commanded by the Bishopes and the Magistrate ; so now the Cere- 
 monyes have force from them both. In which case, me thinkes, if this 
 commandement be not contrary to the Law of God, there is obedience 
 to be yielded, nor only for feare but for conscience sake, as the Apostle 
 speakes. Where you say that if good order be kept it is lairfiill for a 
 man to use his liberty, I demand who shall judge whether good order 
 be kept or no ? And if the Magistrates authority restraine not the use 
 of liberty what doth worke upon thinges indifferent at all ? I confesse, 
 if there were forgetfulnes or any just and sufficient morall reason which 
 should draw me to brcake that law, I haue not sinned against God, — 
 wherein I take their not binding of the conscience to consist, — be they 
 Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill, in thinges indifferent I meane ; but that some 
 will take exception to such obedience can not be such a reason, since 
 they know the pleasure of the Magistrate is such : and the curing of 
 their opinion is that which the Magistrate intendes. As for relinquishing 
 the Ministry, if nothing impious be required at our handes, I dare not 
 approve it for all the inconveniencies in the world : sith both to Minister 
 and people that which is so necessary should methinkes swallow all 
 inexpediencies. As for scandali, it shalbe taken not given if I doe by 
 virtue of the authority of another, and under the obedience of the 5th 
 comandement, that which he is grieved at, and (which he knoweth right 
 well) with no minde so to doe, nor proude cover of my knowledge and 
 liberty. And thus I write to you in private. But as for my publicke 
 preaching it hath bene never of these matters: save in one sentence as 
 
 1 Zachary Ursinus, Breslau (1534—1583), p. 514 (ed. 1616). lubet dens 
 
 oboedire praeceptis politic is ex hominum authoritate pendentibm, non quidem 
 
 ciiltus divini causa sed tamen propter conscientiam, ecclesiasticis sive caeremoni- 
 alibus, neque cultus, neqtie conscientiae, sed scandali vitandi causa.
 
 2l6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 I will shewe by and by. I haue not willingly entered into these pointes, 
 but haue beene enforced by the Scripture which I handled, — 2 Col.: 
 why are ye hurthened with traditions^. Where the Apostle seeming to 
 make it lawful! for the Colossians to reject such burthens, I resolved 
 that doubt if they might. And answered that this might be intended 
 to the rulers of that Church which were too remisse and too ready to 
 receiue such ceremonyes. But if it be meant of euery inferiour, then 
 it is to be reniemberred he speakes of such Traditions as were ' will 
 worships 2,' wherin holynes (at least), if not part of Justification, was put. 
 Otherwise if they were not taynted with superstition, as opinion of 
 worship, meritt, satisfaction, necessity, (whether to the kingdome of 
 heauen, or the being of such partes of Gods worship wherin they were 
 used) they might be, yea ought to be, yielded vnto if the Magistrate 
 and Church governors commanded them by those rules Obey those that 
 haue the oversight of you : Let euery soule he subject to the higher 
 powers^ ; yet might the inferior by all lawfuU meanes seeke to enjoy his 
 liberty. And amongest other protesting for it that he doth desire to doe 
 otherwise rather then so, but for obedience sake, &c. And this course 
 especially, seemes necetssary if the Magistrate sliould require a Minister 
 to doe something without which he could not be suffered to exercise his 
 Ministry. In which case, the preaching of the Gospell should sway more, 
 then all our desire of euen our owne liberty. Salus jjopuli suprema lex. 
 This was the summe of my speach and as I thinck not in many wordes 
 more, wherin though I confesse I giue some light how to doe in case these 
 Ceremonies be founde untaynted witli superstition yet doe I in the meane 
 tyme not excuse them of it, nor say any thing what is to be done in our 
 particular present case. Once only (as before I sayd) I spake of them 
 thus. In my sermon before our Byshop, my text being out of Gen. 13, 8 
 let there be I pray thee no contention hetweene thee and me &c., where 
 having largely entreated and complained of contentions in the Church, and 
 that since the begimiing of it presently after Christes and the Apostles 
 departure out of the world, and having handled also Abraham's reason dis- 
 suasiue (we are bretheren), I touched our contentions where I sayd I would 
 not go so farre as to wish with the Poet Vtinam ne in Pelio nemore* — 
 woiUd God they had neuer beene left to be an Apple of dissention among 
 us &c. : nor (that wherof though I did see litle hope for the present, yet for 
 future tyme it was not impossible) that God would put into the heart of 
 the Kinges Majesty, and of the Reuerend Fathers the Governors of our 
 Church to remooue them : That I would desire, that my bretheren the 
 Ministers who had stood out against them, would euen take some burden 
 
 1 Colussiavs 2, 20, Why, as though living in the flesh, are ye subject to 
 ordinances? doy/naTlt^fffde, Vulg. decernitis.] 
 
 2 ib. 'which things have indeed a show of wisdom in will-worship.' 
 ■^ Hebr. xiii. 16; Eom. xiii. 1. 
 
 * Utinam ne in nemore Pelio securibns 
 Caesa accidisset abiegna ad terrain trabes. 
 Translation of Euripides' Medea by Ennius. Cic. ad Heren. 2 § 34.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 21/ 
 
 upon them and pro bono pads, rather than depriue the Church of the 
 fruite, and theniselues of the comfort of their Ministry, and doe that 
 willingly which they must doe necessaryly. These were the very wordes, or 
 sure I am the very sence, of that speech : and, saue in these sermons, I haue 
 sayd nothing in publick. For in priuate I iiaue desired to heare all the 
 arguments that I can, but neuer vndertooke to resolue any of all what so 
 euer, for in truth my speach hath beene still, that if I may see reason I 
 will stand out with them ; otherwise 1 would wo might all yeild and goe 
 to gether. It is true that in some meetinges where by the Chiefe of our 
 company I haue beene enforced to take the place of the respondent, I haue 
 assayed to answer the contrary arguments. And, be it spoken betweene 
 us, I doe not find any great difficulty so to doe: but if these men doe heer- 
 upon voice me for a patron and persuader to the Ceremonies they doe me 
 wronge. This I say and this only, be they as absurd as they will by sup- 
 position, if they be not wicked, the solitude of the Churches is a greater 
 absurdity and misery, lleade the Epistles of Melancthon in Pezelius 8th 
 Tome, the title de Scandalis :^ For Beza's ye know it. Yea, but subscrip- 
 tion ! For my part I neuer spake so much to any man as I doe to you 
 now, but tliat which I will doe, I will subscribe to. Truth it is there be 
 other thinges euen in the reformed booke subject to doubt ; but when they 
 will giue them all (as they will) a commodious interpretation, what reason 
 haue I to be witty in anothers meaning agaijist my selfe and not to giue it 
 to their writinges, which I would to be giuen to mine owne ? For my 
 part also I take the ternie not repugnant to the worde of God^ to meane 
 in the forme of subscription in matters of substance, and directly otherwise. 
 I would be loath to subscribe that any writing of man is such. As for the 
 reports spread of me let the spreaders of them see to it : I haue the 
 testimony of my conscience that I seeke no worldly thinge but the glory of 
 Christ, and the good of the Church, and according to my best vnder- 
 standing I haue used (or at least endeauoured to vse) no course unseason- 
 able for these times. But if concerning these matters, I had used to 
 speake according to the conceit of some men, all had beene well and 
 seasonable. I cannot so do. If I speake at all I must speake according 
 to my persuasion. If I still professe not as modestly as I may, in such 
 cases to prescribe to no man nor to be moved if other dissent from me, 
 I appeale to my hearers. And yet, save in the one ^wish^ before the 
 Bishop, I haue spoken nothing which is not the constant doctrine of 
 Melancthon, Beza, Martyr, yea Calvin himselfe. Yea but they were 
 strangers and sate not our estate. As if they composed their doctrine 
 touching ceremonies or indifferent thinges as prognosticators doe their 
 
 * In the 4th volume of the Argumenta of Christopher Pezelius the first 
 Argumentum de Scandalo (Vol. 4, pp. 244 — 263) is by Melancthon. 
 
 ^ Articles of Religion, xxxiv, Wliosoever through his private judgement, 
 willingly and purposely, doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of 
 the Church, which be not repugnant to the Word of God, and be ordained and 
 approved by common authority, ought to be rebuked openly.
 
 2l8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Alinanackes for their owiie Meridian only ! Ah Mr Warde, God grant 
 these men's rigor avayle not more to Popery than the others remissnes. 
 But we shall avayle more with standing out. A likely matter, we shall 
 without doubt in the twinckling of an eye, make him^ revoke so many pro- 
 clamations speaches and other publick and priuate testifications of his 
 purpose in that belialfe, whom we see to be more vehement for these 
 ceremonies then the Bishops themselves. But what if we were sure how 
 the event would fall out, and we could by standing out further the cause : 
 if that course be against duty we may not take it to a good end. Let 
 V8 do our duties according to the will of god, and hap what can. Fiat 
 justitia et ruat caelum'^ as the Proverbe sayes. See whither I am 
 carried in this argument ; but this is to the end you might fully and truly 
 know how 1 haue proceeded in this cause ; and if neede be haue it ut 
 baculum defensionis meae, as Gerson^ speakes, if any say of me otherwise. 
 See how hard it is to keepe an euen course : on the one side some blame 
 me as a favourer of disorderly persons and, as I am told, some of our 
 Bishops' attendants heare sayd my sermon was a seditious sermon and 
 many like speeches, (I beleeue because I glancingly touched the disorders of 
 under officers in pilling and polling, &c., and wished the names of Puritans 
 and precisians cast to hell, that we might be knowne only by the name of 
 Christians): whiles some other say I persuade to the Ceremonies ; and not 
 that only but report my general speeches as speciall, nay not mine as they 
 make them but their owne. Thus it is, moderate courses are subject to 
 the calumniations of both extreemes. But of these matters enough. I 
 pray you send me that part of my answer which you haue and you shall 
 haue the rest heereafter if you can haue leisure to read it. 
 
 For this bearer Mr Samwayes, in truth I take my selfe not so nmch 
 beholding to your company as I had thought I shouUl ; nay as he without 
 me, yea truly or any poore Tenant of the Colledges that neuer had scene 
 Eniaiiuell Colledge save that day wherin he had his lease granted, might 
 haue beene. I meane for the renewing of the print of the Colledge seale. 
 To oinitt that, finally this may encourage him to maintaine your right and 
 tytle, as he hath done with no small charge, but which would haue beene 
 twise so much at the least to the Colledge. To say nothing that it is no 
 peny detiiment to you, nor profitt to him sane only tiie satisfaction of some 
 more scrupulous than they haue cause. That which 1 haue heeretofore 
 signified to our Master and sundry of the Company, that it was my fault 
 alone (if improvidence be a fault) by the carieing of the writing betweene 
 my Cassock and doublet wrapped up with leaues in a paper whicli defaced 
 the scale,— I had thought it might haue speeded the suite: that I might 
 haue had occasion by your liberality of making him amends. But, to use 
 
 1 The King. 
 
 2 The origin of this proverb is obscure. It does not seem to occur in any 
 printed book before 1045. 
 
 ^ John Gerson (1363 — 1429) author of the 'Art to Die well' translated by 
 Caxton.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 219 
 
 this event as an occasion to draw him on to pay more money for the 
 corne which he is to yeild you than he is bounde, is a course too l);ise and 
 sordid, so as I cannot persuade my selfe so ill of the company that you 
 will take it*. I cannot 8upi)licate for so meane a matter: if I should promise 
 you thankes for it, it were too much. Pardon my stomack a litle. I 
 know right well the blame is not in you, nor in some others : per- 
 aduenture in none of you all, at least as intending any way to gall me, but 
 many stringes are not easily tuned. Another suite I luiue to you or to my 
 Cosin Aliston, which you sl)all pcrceiue by this letter enclosed: wherin 
 quod commodo vestro fieri possit, I would desire you to doe, for the 
 bearing only of the name of this subsiser, and if you cannot your selues yet 
 procure some other of the fellowes vnto it, yet so moue this matter as no 
 aduantage be taken against his possibility of hauing that place (which it 
 seemes he hath promise of) by my relation. Truth it is I could haue wished 
 such a place for Morly if he were worthy it; but I would euen for him 
 take no aduantage against this petitioner. If you can doe ought heeriii, 
 send for the youth, and let him know of my writing, if not send me worde. 
 And thus haue you a volume not a letter: but the longer it is, the more of 
 yours shall it stand in account for, either to strike off the old score of my 
 debt, or to make you my debtor. The Lorde blesse you and your society 
 vnto whome remember me, specially to my Cosin. Bury St Edmundes. 
 
 This I cannot tell whether 15 or 16th day of October but if you follow 
 the Romans' beginning of the day 16th 1604. Your loving freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 To my very good freend 
 Mr Samuel Warde 
 at Emmanuel CoUcdge. 
 Oct. 16, 1604. 
 
 Mr Newton requested me to send for Mr Doddes booke upon the Com- 
 mandements and Mr Brightman upon the Revelation. I pray send them 
 by this bearer and pay Burwall for a booke I had of his — a defence of 
 Tobacco'"^. 
 
 1 Samuel Samways (or Samwaies) first occurs in the College books at an 
 audit, Oct. 18, 1602, and regularly recurs till 1650. He leased from the College 
 the tithes and lands of Little Melton. His lease was renewed in 1G29, paying 
 £8 at Lady-day and at Michaelmas 12 qrs. of wheat and one of mault, or money 
 for it at the rate of the best wheat sold in College on the Saturday before. 
 
 - A Defence of Tobacco: with a friendly answer to the late printed booke 
 called Worke for Chimney Siveei^ers (1602). King James's Coiinterhlaat to To- 
 bacco appeared this year (1604).
 
 220 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 II. 
 
 W. Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward, chiefly relating to an 
 ansiver to the Papists; March 11, 160|. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 132.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. It is now a moneth since that I wrote to you and 
 had sent you the remainder of niyne answer ; but the Carrier was gone ere 
 my Messenger came with it, and thereupon I was to goe to Norwich, being 
 cited by the Cliancelor. To tell you first what befell me there. He vrged 
 me to subscribe. I answered that I had subscribed already ; that I had 
 not revolted from it; that I was conformable as much as by law I was 
 bounde; that he had no more reason to urge me to subscribe than any 
 Minister in the Diocesse. After many wordes he gaue me respite for my 
 subscription till a moneth after Easter, I telling him I knew lio reason to 
 be urged then neither, &c. Many wordes we changed, which it were too 
 long to relate. I refused not (nor doe not) the thing; but to doe it upon 
 his urging besides law &c. Mr Newton was suspended, and so remaines. 
 And I think the Chancelor exspects my conformity within the tyme 
 prefixed and so will dismisse me. Notwithstanding I have yet forborne, 
 least I should prejudice others by my precedent, that perhaps are not of 
 that indifferency in these matters with my selfeK My desire is that you 
 would provide me against the returne of the Carrier (if it may be) a Cap, 
 with a deepe head and somewhat large and round Corners (you know the 
 coldnes of my braine), and send me word what length your largest hoodes 
 are of, with the depth of the corner that is cut out for the neck. Mr 
 Pickering can giue you the dimensions of that wliich was mine: in tliis 
 I may more safely satisfie the Law and Mr Chancelor, than the surplice and 
 
 1 The new Canons were passed in Couvocation in the early part of 1604. 
 On July 16 of that year a Royal Proclamation allowed the Puritan clergy to 
 retain their livings till Nov. 30, when they must either conform or be subject 
 to expulsion. On Dec. 16 Archbishop Bancroft sent a circular to the Bishops 
 directing that all curates and lecturers should be required on pain of dismissal 
 to subscribe to the new articles, — (1) the King's Supremacy, (2) a declaration that 
 the Prayer-book contained nothing contranj to the icord of God, (3) the Thirty-nine 
 Articles were agreeable to the word of God. ' The beneficed clergy were to be 
 treated with rather more consideration. If they refused to conform, they were 
 to be at once deposed, but those amongst them who were willing to conform, 
 though they refused to subscribe, might be allowed to remain at peace. By this 
 means many would be able to retain their livings, who though they had no 
 objection to perform as a matter of obedience the services enforced by the 
 Prayer-book, were by no means ready to declare it to be their conscientious 
 opinion that everything contained in that book was in accordance with Divine 
 truth.' Gardiner, Hist, of Engl. vol. i. p. 197.
 
 OF WILLI AM BEDELL. 221 
 
 Crosse, as yet the rather because Mr Jewell and Mr Bulwer our Ministers 
 haue broken the ice with their Caps, and the one uselh his tippet also. 
 If you may understand by the Capper that the peece cut out of a hood 
 will make nie a Cap send me worde and I will spare some money that way. 
 I had forgotten to desire you to send me worde what sattin or damaske 
 would serve to line my hoode. For my answer it is dispatched and 
 deliuered the 2.5 of the last moneth. It was growne neare 58 sheetes of 
 paper, the last part touching the praying to Saints is equal! to the other 3 
 wherin I deale cheifly with Bellarmine, though not follow him foote by 
 foote, and withall endeauour to shew tliat the Papistes giue worship 
 to Saints in a score of instances &c. You shall see that if I may get my 
 selfe a coppy written out once, — for besides that which Mr Bulwer wrote 
 I haue not yet one compleat for my selfe, — I answer his Epistle and 
 Epigramme and dedicate it with a letter to Mr Ambrose Jermyn one of 
 our Popish recusants, a good courteous Gentleman who tooke it in very 
 good worth, but how it is accepted amonge them I shall heare more here- 
 after. Touching the propositions which you wrote of, — how farre Saints 
 invocation may ?eeme tolerable: I haue not penned any, but the vttermost 
 that I veld to is wishing that the prayers which the Saintes doe make 
 for the Church militant may avayle for us, and that perhaps in an 
 Apostrophe to the Saintes themselves, as tchen the Angels and heauens 
 and other brute creatures are spoken to. [Psal. 10.3 and 148.] Herewith 
 I fit that of Lanspergius which you know I would haue had put into Mr 
 Perkins' Prohleme^. But heereof you shall vuderstand better by my answer. 
 I was shewed within these 2 dayes a peece of Parsons against Mr Fox 2, a 
 shamelesse worke of a gracelesse man. It seemes the Jesuites and Priestes 
 liaue compounded their Controversies, and with this condition, both to set 
 vpon vs, as you may see by Dr Bagshaw and Keliison^, Holy wood and him. 
 And we now are together by the eares about ceremonies. In truth it 
 grieues me much that none of us represses their insolency snue Mr Sutcliffe*, 
 who yet by his too much bitternesse marres all. Were my leisure and 
 helpes answerable to my desire Parsons should not goe long vnanswered. 
 Though I may chance haue my handfuU to defend my selfe. I pray yet 
 send me word if you haue heard who is to answer tlie bokes of Persons 
 
 1 Gmj7. Perkensi problema de Romanae fidei ementito Catholicisvio : published 
 after his death under the editorship of Samuel Ward, 1604. Perkins died in 
 1602. He it was of whom Fuller said that ' He would pronounce the word damn 
 ■with such an emphasis as left a doleful echo in his auditor's ears a good while 
 after.' 
 
 2 Treatise of the Three Conversions of England from Paganisme to Christian 
 Eeligion by N. D. [Parsons], 160|. ' Designed in answer to Fox, whom he 
 professedly opposes throughout a greater part of his Second and Third Volumes.' 
 
 ^ A Survey of the New Religion. Douay, 160.5 (by M. Kellison). 
 
 * A ful and round Answere to N. D., alias Robert Parsons the Noddie his 
 foolish and rude Name Word, by M. Sutcliffe, Lond. 1604. Subversion of 
 Robert Parsons his confused and worthless worke, entitled, A treatise of Three 
 Conversions of England, Lond. 1606.
 
 222 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 and who Dr Bagshaw and Sacrobosco. The bookes tliemselves you 
 promised to get me : the one I could neuer yet see. If you can get them 
 I pray you send them, and for them and all other arrerages for Morly I will 
 send you money. Touching him I can not tell what I should say, I would 
 haue him lieere with me, but I thinck it were better he were some vsher 
 with some graue Schoolemaster or Minister for some tyme : heere (I perceiue 
 by Mr Samwayes) is litle opportunity of study, except one were more 
 willing to it then I feare me he is. I pray you put him in minde to write 
 to me that 1 may from himselfe heare how he is aflFected. I receyved by 
 Sir Edward Lewkenors man my bookc-s all saue Hosius de Verbo Dei^, 
 which is of no moment. Hyperius de formancUs concionihtis you put in 
 your note, but I had that before: for Lobecchius Theses I think you 
 accounted with me before when I reckoned with you for those which you 
 had besides. And as I think I payd you for hire of a horse that Mr 
 Bywater came hither on, or if I did not I will. Touching the pieces of 
 Hierome that you haue bought, if they be any of them of that edition 
 which my part is of, I would desire (if you will part with them) to haue. 
 them. Myne is at Paris by Chevalon and containes the 3 first Tomes, which 
 I would not willingly part with, albeit I should haue another whole, because 
 of sundry references which I haue made to the pages of it. Two of our 
 Suffolke deprived Ministers deliuered a supplication to the King, but with 
 what successe I heare not as yet. Many thinges more I haue to write of if 
 I could thinck on them, but it is late and this is long enough for a letter 
 and too large except it were about some worthier matter. Therefore 
 recommending me to your selfe and the rest of your society to our Master 
 especially and my Cosin, and to Mr Lewkenors and Mr Walker 1 committ 
 you to the Lordes raercifuU protection. 
 Bury, this 11th of March, 1604. 
 
 Yours in Christ, 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 I pray you if any such place come to be disposed of by you or any of 
 your freendes as I wrote of before, or if our Master haue any such let (Sir 
 Morly now) haue the offer of it if you think him meete therto. I pray 
 send me word if it were not Dominicus Soto that Catha * * * wrote 
 against about the question whether the Church might erre in Canonizing. 
 I think I saw once the answer of Soto in your handes or Chamber. 
 I think I left once with you 2 or 3 English pamphletes of Dr Turners, 
 which I would haue had bound together. I pray you if you can find them, 
 send them at some convenient time. 
 
 1 Hosius, Stanislaus, Of the Extreme Word of God, Louvayn, by John Bogard, 
 1567.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 223 
 
 III. 
 
 BedelVs letter to Dr Sam. Way^d, on various literary matters; 
 July 25, 1605. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 137.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Warde, I haue received your letter and 
 my booke, wherein as I doe not remember that I had any thing of Dr 
 Turners against the Anabaptists (uulesse that were amongst Mr Perkins 
 bookes), so I am sure I had a litle booke of liis entitled Spirituall Pliisick 
 which if you find among your bookes I pray you reserve for me. For this 
 and for all other my bookes 1 haue had of you and all other reckonings 
 (Sir Morlyes I nieane) 1 would not willingly vndertake for him any longer 
 except there were any hope for him to get a fellowship heereafter among 
 you: l)ut what stuffe there is like to be in him for such a place I knowe not. 
 He hath (as I am enformed by Mr Sandes) borne himselfe very well in the 
 place where he hath beene, during this his discontinuance. If there were 
 any hope for him that way, and worthines in himselfe thereof, which you 
 shall perceiue better by his actes and exercises and carriage there than 1 
 can, I would desire you to talke with him and to offer him this as of your 
 selfe to encourage him to follow his studyes ; that if he will promise you to 
 repay that agayne heereafter, you will defray all his moderate expenses for 
 some time. And to you if he shall fnyle, as fiirre as lOli. connneth to 1 will 
 vndertake. Touching any booke of mine to be set out, it is more than I 
 know : and I doe think it is nothing but some rumor of these verses which 
 are now in printing. My answer at this present is at Norwich with 
 Mr Newhouse who desired tliat he might haue it to peruse. I doe not 
 looke for any rejoinder, and if it should be thought worthy the putting 
 to print, I doe not care if it were printed. But I thinck I should rather vse 
 Mr Macham of the Tigers heade in Paules Churchyard who pcintes these 
 verses, and with whome in some affaires of Mr Sothebyes I haue had 
 entercourse by letters these 2 yeares. Touching Sacrobosco had I helpes 
 fitt therto, I would gladly vndertake him. I meane Stapletons bookes 
 and Dr AVhitakers DupUcatio. For the later booke de Ecclesia, if you 
 will vndertake the former, I will answer it. Although if I set out myne 
 owne, I haue thought of a suplcment to be annexed to it also for answer 
 to the authorityes of the Fathers, «&;c. Touching Poetry I doubt not but it 
 may be used by a Minister in a holy sort. Gregory Nazianzen Aijollinarius 
 besides Prudcntius Arator and many others are example, euen in Ministers, 
 but this tale that 1 wrote of is not so much worth. I misse among my 
 papers a paraphrase that once I made of the 7'2nd Psalme by occasion 
 of the King coming to the crowne. Whether I sent, or left it witii you at my 
 being at Cambridge I know not, but sure 1 am 1 had in purpose to haue 
 shewed it you : if you haue it send it me I pray. Touching Mr Comber his
 
 224 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 verses I know not whats become of them, but I had them not from 
 Mr Firmase, although I wel remember we had them at Denham. The 
 Examiners will not let Mr Hordes verses passe to the presse, as the 
 printer writes to me. Yet he snyth if I will procure a new copy he will 
 print them in some priuate copyes. If you thinck good entreate Mr Horde 
 to let you haue a copy and send them on Weddensday. At least wise I 
 would nothing but the place touching the standing against Traditions or 
 ceremonies were by him selfe left out, and the rest printed, for else the 1st 
 part of the booke wilbe much shorter being the shortest already. I pray doe 
 heerin what you thinck fitt but with speede, for yesterday I receiued 2 
 sheetes already printed. I espied not till now in your verses [unice) a 
 dactyll. I haue sent to the Printer to haue it amended, vndique, I feare me 
 such more escapes there wilbe both in other mens and perhaps mine owne. 
 I would I might see the Protestants Apology, although if I should set out 
 my answer I may not change any thing in it as it now standes. The sicknes 
 is still with us in 2 houses. There haue died in all 8 or 9 yet I thank God 
 my neighbors are all well, and now permitted to come abroade againe. 
 The Lord stay this infection both with you and us. Strange newes we 
 heare of a new attempt against the Kinges life. These wretched Papistes 
 will still kick against the prick till their madnes procure them the hatred 
 both of God and men. The lord convert or confound them. Remember 
 me to Mr Lewkenor, my Cosin, and all your good company This Coronation 
 day, 1605. 
 
 Yours in Christ, 
 W. B. 
 
 I pray write me your mind whether you thinck a suitor may in conscience 
 intimate his affection to another without the Licence of her Father, yea or 
 nay and quatenus. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; attempted assassination of 
 Paul Sarpi ; other news from Venice; 1607 ^ 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 3.] 
 
 Good Mr Ward, I thanck you largely for your large letters, and for the 
 Note enclosed touching the Fathers ; for your frendship to Sir Morly, your 
 newes both that Acadeniicall and Rusticall, if I may so write for ryme sake : 
 though to speake truth I lyke greatly neither of them. As touching the 
 Canons of the Councills, I had conference with Fra Paulo, he told me he 
 could neuer yet come to the sight of the Codex Canonum set forth at 
 
 1 Bedell joined Sir H. Wotton in Venice this year as chaplain in succession 
 to B. Fletcher. The statement on p. 81 is misleading. He did not go with 
 Wotton, but arrived about the end of April 1607, see p. 230.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 225 
 
 Mentz, that there is nothing that he knowes would helpe to your satisfaction 
 in St Markes library or that of their Monastery, but a Noble man of Venice 
 of his acquaintance hath the Councills in Greeke, wherin he promised me 
 as you required, to search for that word (f)(0Tavyciv in the Laiidicen Synod, 
 or any thing else that you would rcquii'c. A few dayes after this conference 
 hapned the brutish attempt against him^ of which I haue certified you 
 heeretofore which dasht all and put us in great feare of his life. Now 
 thanked be God he is perfectly recoverd and abroad againe, and I doe 
 hope this accident will awake him a litle more and put some more spirit 
 in him, which is his only want, although to say truth it is rather judgment 
 and discretion in him, considering this state how it standes, than weaknes 
 that makes him cautelous. I haue no doubt but by litle and litle the 
 Papacy will to wrack. Besides the love and care wliich this estate hath 
 shewed to this Father in their 2 Proclamations about him (the latter 
 whereof I should haue sent to Mr Chaderton- before as I wrote, but could 
 not, now I pray you deliuer it to him with my humble commendations.) 
 Since that tyme one Cibo a Friar, that began to advance the Pope's power 
 heere, is banished. And one Angelo Badoero a nobleman of Venice clapt 
 in close prison for having had secret conference with the Popes Nuncio, 
 and it is thought it will goe neare to cost him his life. He was in the former 
 broyle, a Papalin as they call them, but is of no religion as is sayd by them 
 that know him ; and so much the fitter instrument might he be for that 
 for them with whom treasons and murthers are religion. What becomes 
 of him you shall vnderstand heereafter. I haue sent to Mr Knewstub a 
 Coppy of certaine rules of the Jesuites whereof aboue 400 coppyes hand- 
 written all, eodem exemplo, were found in their CoUedge at Padoa. They 
 are worth your seeing. I wrote long since certaine Annotations io them 
 which this bearer bringeth with him into England, and I haue entreated 
 your pupill Mr Jorkin to copy them out for you. If they should be 
 thought fitt to see the light, — I know they are not worthy, neither doth it 
 seemc to me very convenient, — I would you or some other would adde a 
 fewe lines in the beginning that they came to your handes and that 
 you thought good to adde these Annotations. If they could be printed 
 rather at London or at Oxford it were better, and by another set out that 
 knowes not me, than jjou. Their fraternity doe this Spring hold a Generall 
 Chapter, as it is thought at Rome ; where some such Egge will be 
 hatched as was in their last the Holy League. Our comfort is "he that 
 sitteth in the heaven... shall haue them in derision^." The Pope hath made 
 3 Cardinalls, The King of Spaine his Confessor General of the Dominicans, 
 (no small affront to the Jesuites) and the younger sonnes of the Dukes of 
 Savoy, and Mantoa, whose other marrieth shortly the D. of Sauoy"* his 
 
 1 The attempted assassination of Fra Paolo Sarpi by a band of rufSaus at 
 Venice in 1607, believed (though it seems without grounds) to have been 
 instigated by Cardinal Borghese, a nephew of Paul V. 
 
 - Laurence Chaderton, first Master of Emmanuel College, b. 1536, d. 16-10. 
 
 ■■^ Ps. 2. 4. 
 
 ' Carlo Emmanuele, 1580-1630. 
 
 15
 
 226 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 daughter. I haue not yet received my truiick nor bought any bookes for 
 your or my selfe. But 1 see that is true that you write that the Fathers 
 may be better had else where. Schoolemen may be had reasonable heere, 
 but all Venice prints of late be exceeding false. Remember me to my 
 Cosin to whom that I now write not I must entreat his pacience. I haue 
 so many letters yet to dispatch as I fearc to lack tyme. As touching the 
 report of preaching heere against Justification by workes, the Papal 
 Supremacy, Purgatory, &c., as in a paper printed which I haue scene, The 
 truth is that in some Sermons of Friars in general termes and warily such 
 thinges were taught, and with great good ; but this Lent another preaches 
 of tliat order, as senselesse a superstitious fellow as euer cumbered a pulpit. 
 
 Venice this St Stephens day 
 in your account [26 Dec,]. 
 
 Yours assured for euer 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 Badoero is condemned to be depriued of all honours present and future, 
 to suffer a yeares imprisonment, and if he after depart the Signory, to be 
 intended banished and his goods confiscate. Two Friars that meditated 
 this meeting and afforded them place in their Cloyster, are banished the 
 Citty within 24 houres after the sentence, the Territory within 3 dayes. 
 This Edict enclosed occasioned by Poma his escape with his complices, 
 Deliuer I pray witli the other and so I againe recommend me. 
 
 V. 
 
 Letter written by W. Bedell, from Venice to Mr Adam Neivton^, 
 giving an account of the state of the Church and religion 
 there ; Jan. 1, 160|. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 242.] 
 
 Neither my forgetfuUness of your almost-last words at my parting from 
 the court, (Right Reverend, and worshipfull Sir,) when you requir'd, that 
 in this absence from my Country now and then you might hear from me ; 
 nor the neglect of soe small an affaire, — especially being now the onely 
 means I have, or, perhaps ever shall, to shew my thankfuUness for your 
 undeseiVd love, in the debt whereof an honest mind would most of all 
 eschew to dye, — hath caused my forbeai'ance to write unto you hitlierto. 
 But (as God, who best knows my heart, is my best witness) chiefly the 
 
 ' For Bedell's residence at Venice as chaplain to Sir H. Wotton, see Life, 
 pp. 8, sq. Cp. p. 224 n. Adam Newton, a Scotchman, was made Dean of 
 Durham in 1606, though not in orders. In 1620 he was made a baronet.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 227 
 
 desire of performing this Duty in such sort, as might be worthy your 
 view, liath been the barr to my perpetuall desire of the performance it 
 self. And as to my manner, although from tlie begining, I desir'd thereof; 
 yet the trust of your acceptance of my endeavour in good part, made me 
 ready enough. It was fitt matter that I expected : fitt, I say, for me 
 to write of, and to you. For to write of ordinary occurents, as the news of 
 tlic Piazza, some merchant or mercliants factor miglit fittlyer and should 
 much better doe it than I. And as for matters of state, with such like 
 aftairs subordinate to that end ; I counted it should be noe small folly 
 to seek to give you intelligence, which have it there daily at court more 
 full and more certain, from this and all other places, than my self. The 
 Estate of the church here, and of religion, in what tearms it either 
 presently stands, or is like hereafter, that I might with some observation 
 enquire and relate, 1 thought it would not be iinfitt for me nor unwellcom 
 to you ; and of both, as farr as I have been able to informe my self, I will 
 now endeavour to give you an Account. 
 
 First, for the church (which Name, I know not by what right, by 
 universall custome, and long prescription we Clergy-men have engross'd to 
 our Helves), The Signory of Venice hath not any one Ecclesiasticall 
 person, to whom the rest are subordinate. For though there be a Patriarch 
 here, who also stileth himself Primate of Dalmatia, yet is this but a nnnie 
 of honour. He is not soe much as an Archbishop, according to the ancient 
 account, but onely Bishop of Venice : neither when he calls his Synod, doe 
 any other but the Clergy of this Citty meet. The other Citties of this 
 estate (as are Padua, Vicenza, Verona, Brescia,) are distinct jurisdictions; 
 and some pertaineing to the Archbishop of Millaine, which is the self- 
 same inconvenience which was found in our Island while the Bishops of 
 Scotland were under the Archbishop of Yorke. It is true, that some one 
 or two towns and Islands this Patriarch hath imder him in Dalmatia, 
 which are Episcopall Sees ; And the revenue of the ancient Patriarch of 
 Aquileia for a great part (a towne allmost now desolate of inhabitants), and 
 whereby, and his other means here, he receiveth yearly 13000 Duckatts of 
 revenue : which is the cause, that this place is still furnish'd with some one 
 of the nobility, and to be sure that the Pope should not encroach ujion 
 them in the vacancy, they have used allways to have a new-elect, besides 
 him who occupieth the place, in readiness. This man is now said to be a 
 sickly and weak man ; neither greatly stirreth in the church-affairs. And 
 his weakness hitherto hath served the Venetians for an excuse, why he 
 should not goe to Rome for his confirmation (which one onely of his 
 Predecessois, for fear of the arms of Spaine, hath done) : Although if 
 this excuse should fade, they would soon find another, or two, ere they 
 would send him. 
 
 Under the Patriarch (at least in opinion, and appearance) is the college 
 of the Inquisition, which is composed of the Pope's Nuncio (who is 
 ordinarily resident here, and hath a fair palace, properly appertaining 
 to liis place, of the gift of the Signory), and of the Patriarch, his Vicar 
 generall, and Commissary, 2 (Jentlemen of Venice, and an Inquisitor of 
 
 15—2
 
 228 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the Dominicans. These seven have the censure of Books to be imprinterl, 
 and audition of the crime of heresie ; althougli with this moderation, tliat 
 iioe man borne out of Italy is soe much as called in question by them unless 
 he give great scandall. 
 
 Next are the ordinary Priests and Curates of the severall churches 
 of the Citty. In the choice of whom (not here onely, but as I've been 
 told by those, that have reason to know, throughout Italy) it is aimed 
 at that they be such, as they are sure to bo either noe sticklers (for which 
 they take a good order by choosing noe great Clerks) or else sound for 
 the present state : whereunto they are allso obliged by dispensations for 
 many benefices and church-dignities. And generally these, if they needs 
 will be preaching (which is but supererogation) nnist be licens'd soe to 
 doe, and are enjoyn'd for the rule and square of their doctrine the 
 Catechism of the Council of Trent, which is by the Patriarchs command- 
 ment enjoyn'd to be taught allso in Schools, and by all means made 
 familiar to the people, being set forth in the Italian tongue, with large 
 indulgence to those that teach and learne it. 
 
 Thus is the office of preaching wholly in a manner devolved to the 
 Fryars, and when they were here to the Jesuits. Of which last I can 
 say nothing, since 'twas not my ill-fortune to meet them here at my 
 coming. Onely there came to my hands certain rules of theirs, which it 
 seems were observ'd among them in their preaching, whereof there were 
 found in their college at Padua, when they departed thence, about 400 
 copies, written all after one manner. You shall receive them herewithall 
 by this bearer, and certaine notes added to them : which if you thinke 
 good to communicate to others, I desire it may be concealed they came 
 from me. By them you may make conjecture of the Jesuits sermons. 
 As for the Fryars, which I have heard here, their whole intentions seem to 
 be either to delight or to move : as for teaching, they know not what it 
 means. But to hear their strange wresting of the holy Scripture, to see 
 the fooleries of their Idolatry to the little crucifix that stands at their 
 elbow, the anticks of their gesture more than player or fencer-like, their 
 vehemency of which a man may well use that of the poet, inagno conatu 
 magnas nugas^. It is (I assure you, Sir) matter of great patience: and for 
 my part I have found myself better satisfied (at least wise less cloy'd) with 
 the sermons of the Jews, than with theirs. And in one thing the very 
 Jews contemne them, and not undeservedly, as merchants of Gods word. 
 For in the middest of their sermons still the preacher makes some pretty 
 occasion or other to fall into the common place of moveing them to alms ; 
 and 3, or 4 with long canes, and a bag at the end skim over the whole 
 auditory; and the people generally not undevout, being taken in a good 
 mood, while the impression is yet new, are not unliberall. Out of this 
 the preacher hath his share : the rest goes to the collectors, or Guardians 
 of the fraternity, or other school that lieard him. 
 
 1 Terence Hautont. 621 ne ista hercle magno cum couatu magnas uugas 
 dixerit.
 
 OF IVILL/AAf BEDELL. 229 
 
 Aiul because 1 am fallen in to the mention of the people, that you 
 may at once understand the present face of Religion here ; If ever there 
 were any Citty, to which the Epithets would agree, which Ht Luke gives to 
 Athens, (which he calls Kare t'SwXoi'^) this is it. Such a multitude of 
 idolatrous statues, pictures, rcliques in every corner, not of their churches 
 onely, but houses, chambers, shopps, yea the very streets, and in the 
 country the high waycs and hedges swarmc with them. The sea it self is 
 not free ; they are in the shipps, boats, and water-marks. And as for their 
 slavery and subiection to them, it is such, as that of paganisme came not 
 to the half of it. Whereof to give you such a taste as may be allso for some 
 cause of it; noe sooner doe their Children almost creep out of their Cradles, 
 but they are taught to be Idolators. They have certain childish processions, 
 wherein arc carryed about certain puppets, made for their Lady, and some 
 boy that is better Clcrkc than his fellows goes before them with the words 
 of the Popish Litany ; where the rest of the fry following make up the 
 quire. A great tyrant is custome and a great advantage hath that 
 discipline which is suck'd in with the mothers milke. But to convey 
 superstition into the minds of that tender age under the forme of sport, 
 and^play, which it estcemeth nioi-e than meat and drinke, is a deeper point 
 of policy, and such, as wise men perhaps would profitably suck somewhat 
 out of it for imitation to a right end. 
 
 But one thing certainly they goe beyond us in : and that is their libe- 
 rality and cost in the solemn setting forth of their service and adorueing 
 their churches ; and especially at their feast-days. Wherein if they pass 
 measure allso, as possibly they doe, yet is that extreme less exceptionable, 
 and all ways more curable, than our beggary, the scorne of our religion. 
 2\oi only popular conceits, but the most part of men of whatsoever quality 
 are led much more by shews than substance. And what a disproportion 
 it is, to come from ours soe unhonestly kept (for in Buildings we generally 
 goe beyond them) to the glittering churches and monasteries of Italy, you 
 may easily discerne. Truly, Sir, i have heard some wise men account this 
 as noe small cause of the i)erversion of soe many of our young (ientlemeu 
 that come into these parts. 
 
 To returne to the people here : as they are thus abandon'd to Idolatry, 
 soe is that of the Apostle verified in them, that they receive the recompence 
 of their error in themselves ; being given over to all manner of imcleane- 
 ness", for a punishment of that Spirituall whoredom. And indeed that 
 vice is here in all sorts, not only without measure, but without shame : 
 wherein they are the ring- leaders which i)rofess religion ; and even at this 
 present in a cloyster of votaries, not farr from this house, the report goes, 
 that there be noe less than four with child. This fruit hath the worldly 
 wisedome and painted holiness of these extollers of virginity, and depravers 
 of Gods ordinance of Marriage. To conclude this point, I cannot easily 
 resolve, whether this people be more deeply drown'd in ignorance, or sin ; 
 each indeed being the eflfect and cause of other ; Both be soe great, as if 
 
 1 Acts 17. 16. 
 - Komans 1. 24.
 
 230 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 it be true, which is said things mend, when they are at the worst, it 
 cannot in reason be farr off, that God should by his judgment or mercy 
 work some alteration. 
 
 And that the same was like to be to conversion, rather than subversion, 
 the late controversy with the Pope gave great hope to all good men. The 
 admirable consent of this State to stand out ; the learned writings of their 
 Divines against the Pope's pretended authority ; the banishment of the 
 Jesuits; the sermons, some invective against the abuses of Popes, and 
 their vices by one J'ulgentio a Franciscan, a bitter Opposite of the Jesuits 
 and of the Pope ; some laying the generall ground of reformation, as the 
 times would bear, in the doctrines of the authority of the holy scripture, 
 explicite faith against blind ignorance mask'd with the name of the church 
 belief; the Grace of God whereby we are saved; the slavery of our free 
 will to sin by another Fulgentio a Servite : these were great signs, great 
 causes of health. But ail-suddenly this hope was dasht by the peace 
 concluded with the Pope ; which was done a few days before my arrivall 
 here. A matter wrought in appearance by the diligence of the French 
 Ambassador, the Cardinall Perron ; in truth by the sole authority of his 
 majestie's Name : Whose declareing himself for this estate made such an 
 impression at Rome as they thought it wisedom to redeem this part, 
 though it were with loss of reputation, rather than hazard alP. 
 
 It may be said according to humane judgment (save that the highest 
 wisedom is the best director of all things) that this peace fell out very 
 unluckily for the cause of Religion ; which began to gaine much, not only 
 in the question of the Pope's Primacy (that in my judgement being the 
 maine ground of Popery) but in many others. It is the opinion of wise 
 and good men here, that, had this breach continued but a year or two 
 longer, the Pope might have bidden farewell his part. But now haveing 
 recalled his censures, though with much baseness, consenting to the 
 perpetuall banishment of his chief champions the Jesuits ; this he seems 
 to have gotten, that he hath quench'd the sparke ; which, had it a little 
 more kindled in his house, would have fired it about his ears. 
 
 Not long after my comeing, he sent his Nuncio the Bishop of Rimini 
 (soe is now the old Ariminum called) by whom, flattering the state with 
 the title oi filia apprime dilecta, he promised all that might be required 
 at the hands of a most indulgent Father. The state gratefied him before, 
 at the petition of the Cardinall, with the silencing of Fulgentio the 
 
 1 Paul V. launched an interdict against Venice, 17 April, 160(5, because the 
 Siguory insisted on the right of prosecuting ecclesiastics and dealing with 
 ecclesiastical property. In spite of this, by the authority of the Signory the 
 Jesuits, Capuchins and Theatines were banished. But on the 21 April, 1607, 
 Cardinal de Joyeuse (Ambassador Extraordinary fi-om France) celebrated mass 
 as a sign of the withdrawal of the Interdict. The Pope was not mortified 
 by doing this formally, and the Signory by abstaining from attending the mass 
 ignored both the interdict and its withdi-awal. This however was practically 
 the end of the quarrel, though the Jesuits were not readmitted.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 23 1 
 
 Franciscan, tliu' without any disgrace, nay with a pension to him, and 
 tlic rest that stood for their cause: and Fulgentio hath the Jesuits College 
 granted to him and liis order, where he now rcsideth. The other Ful- 
 gentio, his tearme to preach being expired, another of his order is sent by 
 the rrovinciall ; but of another stamp, as bold, and silly a man, as ever 
 combered pulpitt. All things seem to have returned to their old course 
 again ; and the doore as fast sluitt, and l)arr'd against reformation, as 
 ever. And had not one counscll this other day miscarryed, that I mean, 
 of killing Fra Paolo, all had been out of despaire ; and they would have 
 thought, if not with Love, with fear at least, to have sealed up the lipps of 
 any that might have spoken against the Pope's power. 
 
 Notwithstanding I am of opinion, that the same is irrecoverably broken 
 here, and long it will not be ere some change follow. A paradox perhaps 
 to those, who look either to tlic generall nature of the Italians, or speciall 
 prudence of this state, to put nothing in hazard. But the inducements, 
 that lead me soe to thinke I will sett down, referring it to your wisedom to 
 judge of my conjecture herein. 
 
 All changes in religion seem to me to come from reasons of conscience, 
 or of state. Fur the former, it should be necessary thereto that the 
 magistrate, and people in some regardable number, should be informed of 
 the present abuses, as they offer, or these call for redress. A great 
 worke, and whereto nuich time and many instruments would be requisite ; 
 save that some times the dexterity and excellency of a few work more 
 than the number of many. Some there are here as admirably fitted 
 thereto as could be wish'd : Maestro Paulo, and his schoUar Fulgentio, 
 IServiti, both of great learning, piety, humility, discretion, and integrity of 
 life ; and which is especially to be consider'd as to our purpose, in great 
 account with all sorts, and deservedly; haveing, in the late controversy 
 serv'd their country soe faithfully, as the Pope conns them little thanks^ 
 for their labour. The former for a long time liv'd in Home, and is holden 
 for a miracle in all manner of knowledge divine and humane; the chief 
 counsellor of this siguory in their affairs Ecclesiasticall. The other was 
 sometimes reader of Sclioole-Divinity in liououia, the Pope's university: 
 out of which place he was called home, or turn'd out, when the quarrell 
 begun, his books still detain'd. He is said to be an excellent preacher: 
 and of his sermon.s, 1 think, came the report, which 1 have seen sent out 
 (jf England in print, of certaine preachings here tlie last lent. These two 
 1 know (as haveing practic'd with them) to desire nothing in the world soe 
 much as the reformation of the Church : and in a word, for the substance 
 of religion they are wholly ours. What effect now the force of truth may 
 have in the mouth of such men, 1 leave to your consideration. Smidry 
 of the nobility and Senate doe extraordinarily favour them and their 
 
 ' This now obsolete phrase was commou at the time. Shakespeare, All 's 
 Well, IV. S. 174, ' I con him no thanks for it.' Timon, iv. 3. 428, ' Thanks 
 I must you con.' Holland the translator uses it to represent the Greek et5^;'at
 
 232 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 opinions. The geuerall doctrines, that I mention'd before, did much 
 good; private conferences have more freedom and noe less fruit; the 
 name of Papalini given to the popish faction argues somewhat : the banish- 
 ment of the Jesuits another noe ill sign how the minds of men be affected. 
 And tho' it be noe small disadvantage, that the government here is in the 
 hands of so many, in such sort, as it will not serve to worke one, or two, 
 or ten : yet hath it again some commodity, that voices being given by balls 
 secretly, every man doth freely, without regard of others displeasure, sway 
 whither his conscience leads him. Concluding then this discourse, Re- 
 formation by that by-way of persuasion of the conscience, though slower, 
 seems noe way to be despaired ofif. 
 
 To come to those by-ways of policy, which yet I think a man may truly 
 say, doe more ordinarily conduct the change of religion than the former; 
 it being, as the corruption of our nature, noe otherwise to love the very 
 truth, than as it may comport with our own affairs, soe the highest pre- 
 rogative of that infinite wisedom, which rules us, to order or disorder to 
 his own glory ; and while we aime at other ends, to effect his : it is out of 
 question with all who see any thing, that the likest thing soonest to bring 
 in reformation, that can be imagin'd, were warr with the Pope, or at least 
 in Italy. For as for some schisme by election of an Antipope, it is a thing 
 rather imaginable than to be hoped: unless the Frencli King were more 
 sensible of the potency of Spaine in the College of Cardinalls, than he seems 
 to be. Of warr with the pope there seems noe likelihood ; 'tis but the other 
 day this peace was concluded, as thirstingly in the end by him desir'd, as 
 it had been rashly Ijroken : and as broken bones (they say) grow stronger 
 than before; so does the agreement of states, their jealousies discoverd 
 and satisfied. The world knows, the Venetians be noe hot undertakers in 
 matters of wan- ; a people of the gown rather than of the Cloke ; their 
 Counsell, and commanders of that Age, which, even in them which have 
 been brought up in the camp, curdleth the bloud and quencheth the heat 
 of martial spirit. Their Arsenall indeed is a shop of warr : but it serveth 
 them more for the guard of their j)eace with the opinion of it, than with 
 the use. They see well Spaine will be on their top, if they tamper with 
 the pope. Ile^ on the other side is not martiall, and hopeing at first to 
 winn the opinion of courage by undertakeing, now (as cowards are wont) 
 fears the more, where he finds resistance. He hath noe money ; he fears 
 the Spanish society will be Lyon-like ; he hates the Venetians for giveing 
 this precedent of questioning his power: but for all that would not 
 strengthen the other 2, whom he counts too potent in Italy already, with 
 their mine : rather (if he wist how) would he try to wring Naples out of 
 their hands, than help them to more. It is true, that when the princes, 
 and estates in Italy were many and of noe great strength, he found it a 
 course of gaine to continue them in factions and warrs, and fish'd well 
 himself with St Peter's nett in troubled waters: now being few and 
 mighty, he fears to break the counterpoise, and doubts lest himself loose 
 
 ' The Pope. - ^pain.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 233 
 
 by shuflliug. iSoe, when peace is made, and both parts content, nay 
 tlesirous to be defendants rather than assailants, what likeHhood of any 
 combat \ 
 
 As for other warr in Italy, wherein the Pope should be partiall to the 
 opposites of the Signory, it must be in all likelihood, if at all, from Spaine. 
 The Venetians know well enough the King affects the entire possession of 
 1 taly ; the Country by long prescription pretending, and by its own situa- 
 tion made as it were to be the seat of the western monarchy, which now a 
 good while those ambitious princes have in their thoughts erected. It is 
 true, that after the advice bequeathed him (as 'tis said) by his father, he 
 proceeds to make himself master of it by little and little, by alliances, and 
 pensions, and such means, awaiteing fitt occasions rather than open force : 
 and these courses are soe inexceptionable, as they cannot tell how to oppose 
 themselves to them. It may well be, these Signors fear the Spaniard the 
 more ; the tcdiousness it self of which affection sometimes produceth great 
 resolution ; discourseing, that where certain hostility is look'd for, he hath 
 the advantage that strikes first; to break with a colourable friend is the 
 onely means of safety; the only peace with a cloaked enemy is warr. 
 jS'otwithstandiug for my part, looking to their former courses, I doe not 
 think they will be the first to take arms; but will rather maintaine still 
 their wonted patience; though with as good an eye to the practices of 
 Spaine as they can. As for that prince ^ besides it is said he is nothing 
 warlike, he hath allready soe much tow on his distaff in ye low countries, 
 and may have more from France, God knows how soon, as he is not likely 
 to stirr in Italy, without very great likelihood of advantage and fair 
 possibilities. Which if he should, as the Venetians hazzard as much as 
 they have to loose, soe they would hope for as good partage as they might : 
 the Pope (out of question) whosoever won, would have the worst of the 
 game. 
 
 Soe looking to the dispositions of these princes, there is noe likelihood 
 of warr. But if there be constant and necessary causes of dislike ; if there 
 want not some on either side to foment them ; if there be daily new and 
 great occasions of bi-eaking; it may be this new unity will be ript ere 
 long, though it be not rent, and that shall be enough to bring in this 
 reformation, which we are sj)eaking of. Here then lett us consider, that 
 by the pope's seizing into his hands the Duchy of Pcrrara he is become a 
 borderer upon this state ; that they hold certaine skirts of that Signory, 
 which they have rent from it in the former troubles of Italy ; that the 
 pope having soe greatly encreas'd his power is not only a greater eye-sore, 
 but now allso formidable to them. They find his spirit (which this success 
 hath put into him) by his picking quarrells, and late homely usage of them, 
 though somewhat before himself was well provided. They consider, how 
 he is by the Spaniard made, and used to all his purposes and occasions ; 
 how his censures shall be at all times at his devotion. They see, how he 
 hath a great, aud strong part in their own territories to use against thera- 
 
 1 Philip III. of Spain.
 
 234 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 selves, the whole Clergy, which are his profess'd and sworne servants : 
 to omitt, that in the consciences of the vulgar sort he is esteemed a God 
 Almighty iipon Earthy soe as 'tis a doubtfull question they use among 
 great Clei'ks, whether he can err or noe. These things thus standing, it 
 were simplicity (in my opinion) to think they can love him, and they 
 scorne as much to fear him. Consider now, whether it be not necessary 
 for them to seek to untie their subjects' consciences from his devotion, 
 and to let him know% if they cannot have his indulgences, to escape the 
 fire, or allay the heate, of purgatory, they may goe to heaven a nearer 
 way. 
 
 And because 'tis found that sometimes they, that take part with others 
 in their quaiTells, do sett them together by the ears by their Couusells, 
 provocation of the adverse part, or even encouragement of their presence, 
 whicli otherwise out of their own patience and sometimes mutuall fears 
 would remaine good friends, let us view the assistance of each side. With 
 the Pope are, besides the Spaniards (of whom himself yet cannot but be 
 jealous) the Jesuits, the great Duke 2, sometime a Cardinall of the church 
 of Rome, whom the Venetians love not, as he knows it well enough, the 
 Dukes of Mantua, and Savoy, obliged by the late choosing their sonns 
 Cardinalls. With the Venetians, besides the French King, whom they 
 hope all ways to oppose to the Grizons and Switzers, with whom they have 
 severall leagues, their newest, yet perhaps surest friend is liis Majesty^. 
 There is noe doubt, but the King of Spaine, if he had not his hands full 
 allready, that be might see how to gett by the bargaine, he would soonc 
 both perswade and counsell the Pope to break with the Venetians. And 
 therefore they stand in great care, and expectation; what the end of this 
 treaty will be with the Netherlands^. The other Dukes I mention'd, if 
 they doe any way further hereunto, it is with the hope of their assistance 
 and defence, if the pope should be wrongd more then to incite him to 
 begin to make a stirr : unless it be the Duke of Savoy, who is a stirring 
 Prince, and hath many children, and knows he shall still be kept back by 
 Spaine. 
 
 But let it not seem strange, that I make reckoning of the Jesuits, and 
 account them regardable in this affair ; being (as it may seem) but a small 
 part of the Pope's power. They are a just monarchy by themselves, mighty 
 in number, money, possessions, friends ; insomuch, that they are not only 
 
 1 For the high claims of Paul V. to a quasi-divine authority see Kanke's 
 Hiit. of the Popes, Book vi. § 11. Cp. p. 250 iiifni. 
 
 '•* Grand Duke of Tuscany, a title bestowed on Cosmo II. of Florence by 
 Pius V. (1572). In 1587 Ferdiuaud succeeded his brother Francis, giving up a 
 Cardinal's hat for the Dukedom. Ob. 1609. 
 
 ^ James I. of England, who promised through Sir H. Wotton to use all 
 endeavours to make a league ua favour of Venice, and assist her by sea and land, 
 with men and money. 
 
 ■* On the 9th April, 1609, a truce for 12 years was signed between the king of 
 Spain and the Dutch States, which practically ended the War of Independence 
 and acknowledged the Dutch as a free jjeople. This was now negotiating.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 235 
 
 envyed of other religions, aud generally of the Clergy, but allmost feard of 
 the Pope himself : and which is not least to be regarded, they have many 
 ripe and stirring witts, and of great ability to manage their afl'airs. As to 
 our present puriwse, they have receiv'd the deepest disgrace from this 
 estate that may be. Their houses here, and at Padua in the late conten- 
 tion were search'd, their goods, books, and writeings seiz'd, such as them- 
 selves had not the time to burne, (as here they burnt an incredible number, 
 as by the ashes on a great heap, and yet quick the next day after their 
 departure, ajipeared, which was told me by an eye-witness of creditt) ; 
 themselves banish'd, and with speciall conditions in the treaty with the 
 Pope, and soe to remaine. These people, the most malicious in the world, 
 the boldest undertakers, the hottest pursuers of any enterprize, it is not 
 possible but they Mill attempt to sett all in broile ; and to be avenged 
 of the Venetians, h;izard not only the Pope's estate, but their own, 
 haveing without any probable cause (as might be alleged in France) 
 receivd such an indignity. Of this affection some fruits here allready 
 appeareth, more are looked for ; especially after their generall chapter, 
 which is called this Spring to 1)e holden (as is said) at Rome : where 
 Christian princes — especially those of the reformed religion, which in all 
 this time have not had the mind to assemble any Councill, either for the 
 generall reformation of the Church or the takeing away of differences 
 betwixt themselves, no not soe much as to enter into any consultation for 
 the security of their own persons from such cutt throats, — may expect 
 that some such egg will be hatch'd, as was at their last meeting of this 
 kind ; which brought forth that bloudy, rather than holy league, the effect 
 whereof poor France can yet report off; and that prince put to soe hard 
 a choice, a.s either to forgoe his crown or doe worse, hath reason to 
 remember ^ 
 
 Of him the Venetians, (to returne to our pui-pose) doe always look for 
 good assistance against Spaine, for the recovery at sea of liis own, either 
 old or new pretensions. Tlie Orisons and Switzers will at all times afford 
 them souldiers. Notwithstanding, neither of these doe put any great 
 spirit into them ; the French allso (which themselves cannot sufficiently 
 wonder at) in the contentions with the Pope mediating for peace. As for 
 his majestic 's intentions, it would not become the reverence of a subject to 
 guess at them, farther than himself hath discoverd. The world hath taken 
 knowledge of his profession, to stand for the liberty of princes encroachd 
 upon by the Pope. If nothing else, not only the former dangers of his 
 person, but those perpetuall of his estate, — soe long as for the practices of 
 Rome he cannot be sure of the allegiance of his own subjects, — be noe 
 inducement to him to seek the peace of it. To goe a little farther, it were 
 an opinion against his honour, to think that he doth not affect the reforma- 
 tion of the church of Ood, the ruine of Babell. If it be said, that he is too 
 farr off to be of any great use to the Venetians ; some 5, or 6 weeks saileing 
 would bring his navie into the mouth of Tiber. Or if that course by them, 
 
 1 The Catholic League in Fiance 1584, owing to which Henry IV. was forced 
 to accept Catholicism (1593).
 
 236 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 wliicli, professing to be his friends entertain open rebells and traytors 
 against liis j^erson in the highest degree, should be impeached ; there 
 is landing nearer at hand. Howsoever, his very name sufficeth the 
 Venetians : and in the late capitulation it made them to stand more upon 
 points off honor ; soe doth it still animate them not to yield a hair in all 
 their negotiations with Rome. 
 
 If there were nothing else, this very manner, compar'd with the pride of 
 that see, would persaude that this peace cannot last long : since as the 
 Italian proverb hath it, Hard with hard makes noe good walF; But there 
 be sundry occasions of breach offered all ready on either side. The 
 Venetians have rewarded the Divines that wrote on their side with pensions 
 out of the common treasure. One Cibo a Fryar, which haveiug by his 
 sermons ever since Easter last gotten good reputation in the Citty, began 
 at length to advance the authority of the Pope, was presently banishd the 
 state : and the like punishment had another at Brescia, for haveing in the 
 former troubles perswaded certain gunners there not to bear arms against 
 the Toi^e. Who finding him self griev'd herewith, not that they were 
 punish'd, but that they were not reserved to him, answer was made by the 
 Ambassador of this Signory, that the state did not prejudice his holiness, 
 but he might provide that such persons brake not out in this kind ; but if 
 they did, they would surely see to them: that they had been too mild 
 hitherto ; but henceforth would sack them and drowne them. And indeed 
 not long after a rumor was raised in the Citty, that certain Fryers, that 
 came to worke I know not what mischief here, were drownd in the nigel ; a 
 course of Justice not in this place unlawfuU or unusuall. 
 
 On the other side hath been the barbarous attempt against ye person 
 of Father Paulo; whereof I know you have heard allready very particularly. 
 Many remarkeable circumstances accompanyed it. For the time ; it was 
 done the very next day that Perron, the French Cardinall, came hither 
 from Rome returneing to France'^; the persons dwelt hard by the Nuncio 
 his house, (who became by this means not lightly sprinkled with the 
 suspition of being privy hereto) : they fled to Ancona, the Popes towne, 
 and a few days after were seen at Rome : where (as some think), they are 
 cntertain'd as souldiers in the Popes pay in the Castle of St Angelo ; 
 others say, they were made Jesuits. But to have seen how this matter 
 was taken was admirable. The whole Citty was in a broile ; the Councell 
 often called in the night ; the chiefest of the senate flock'd to the monastery, 
 where the wounded Father lay ; the next day the people every where in 
 clumps and clusters talking of this matter ; the professor of Anatomy and 
 Chirurgery, Aqua-pendente, a man of great age, learning, and experience, 
 sent for by publick counsell to Padua, and joyned with other physicians to 
 the cure of tlie wounds ; an edict published against the cut throats, with a 
 strange tally sett on their heads ; and which is specially to be marked 
 
 1 Dure con duro 
 
 Non fa buono muro. 
 - Jacques Day du Perron, b. 1556, d. 1618, Cardinal of St Agnes, Grand 
 Almoner of France.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 237 
 
 therein, they are expressly stiled tlie ministers of this conspiracy, as if 
 others were tiie authors and contrivers, besides, the Priest's head is sett 
 in it to sale as well as the rest without reserving him to the Pope's correc 
 tion. Not many days after, when the Father's recovery was certain, which 
 for a g-ood while for his great loss of blood, and an inflammation succeeding 
 was doubtfuU in such sort, as almost for a moneth he kept his bed ; his 
 pension was encreas'd to 600 Ducates : and an other edict set forth for the 
 asservation of his person in time to come: and now ))y reason of the 
 escape of those who attempted soe foul an enterprize, this day a third 
 more generall to prevent the like, which you shall receive herewith. 
 
 The Nuncio at the beginning kept his house for a great time ; and it 
 was given out (whether truly or no) for a colour, that he was sick : since 
 that time he hath receivd many distastes, which would be too long to relate 
 in particular. lie hath abstaind to come into the college of the in([uisition, 
 because of the Dominican there, which was one of the 7 Divines, that con- 
 curr'd in the book against the Pope^ Now whereas he is wont by custome 
 to visit certain churches in the Citty, and certain monasteries, they have 
 still soe appointed it, that those that receive him, (and once he that gave 
 him holy water) are the same, that were opposites in the former times to 
 his master. But especially 'tis considerable, (which fell out a few days 
 since) one Angelo Badocnzo, a man of gi'eat nobility, alliance, employment, 
 as haveing been Amimssador into France, and still on the Pope's side, for 
 haveing had secret conference with the Nuncio in a Cloyster of Friars, 
 was committed to close prison, and yesterday censured to lose all his 
 honours ; and to be made for ever incapable of any in time to come ; to 
 sustain a year's imprisonment ; and after, if he shall attempt to flye out of 
 the territories of the state, to be intended banished, and his goods con- 
 fiscated. These aflVonts are yet increasd with the banishment of Marc- 
 antonio, and Vicentio, the Friars, within 24 hours out of the Citty, within 
 3 days out of the dominion of the Venetians. It is allso said that they will 
 never yield that that Patriarch shall goe to be confirmed at Rome ; for that 
 matter beginns to be moved afresh. 
 
 8oe that considering those occasions anew rubbing the old sore, ere 
 it hath fully gotten an escarre; it seems to me, that in likelihood the Pope, 
 either wearied with those disgraces will anew interdict this Signory : and 
 then unless he can make a full conquest of them (whicli I doubt whether 
 he dare hope) he is here gone for ever : or else if his back be soe broad, as 
 to l^ear all this and more (as he must,) his authority with too much 
 sufferance will grow stale by little and little; and the number of them, 
 which desire reformation, increasing with their contempt of him, that will 
 at length fall out here which in other Cities of Germany wee see to liave 
 happened. The estate of a Tyrant, always hazardous, is then desperate, 
 when he beginns to reign by treaty : and easier it is, as Caesar was wont to 
 say, to fall from the second stepp to the lowest, than from the highest to 
 
 1 There was a war of pamphlets in this controversy with the Pope. The 
 principal ones in favour of Venice were by Fra Paolo and Fulgentins. The 
 seven divines wrote a Trattato del Interdetto.
 
 238 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the second 1. All great things are unweildly to move; but once goeing fall 
 with their own weight. Never monarchy yet, after it began to decline, hath 
 had the power to stay it self from utter ruine. God liimself owes Babel 
 a fall; and rather than fail, himself will descend from heaven to over- 
 throw it. 
 
 For Conclusion this onely I add, that 'tis noe small confirmation of 
 my hope, that God's providence and his Maiestie's high wisdom have made 
 choice of soe worthy, and fitt an instrument hereto, as this noble Gentle- 
 man, with whom I now am^ : whose rare abilities, and equall faithfuUness 
 in his service need not my testimony, when they have the world's well 
 deserv'd opinion and his Maiestie's royall approbation. Of his excellent 
 understanding of religion, of his constant zeale to further it I can speak ; 
 and when I have said never soe much, yet will there be moi'c behind than 
 what I have said. In summ, from him alone, or from none, and from him 
 I hope ere long (if God prosper his religious Counsells, and bring them 
 to their desired issue) to see an end put to that glorious work, whcreunto 
 there hath allready been made a happy begining of bringing in reformation 
 into this Church. Whereof hereafter, Reverend Sir, I hope to render you 
 an account by it self: haveing allready with this tedious discourse, to the 
 length of a just volume, not a letter, overwearied you. I desire, that this 
 may be the excuse of it, that it stands for many; and soe shall my pre'sent 
 fault cover that other of my former silence. For the rest, kissing first the 
 hands of his highness your princely care, (the fame of whose encrease in 
 wisdom, stature, favour with God, and man rejoyceth the hearts of all good 
 men here) remembring allso my self most heartily to that worthy Gentle- 
 man Sir David Murray^, and to your good self, I humbly take leave, and 
 doe rest. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your Worships ever to be comman 
 W. Bedell. 
 Venice this 
 Newyears day 
 in our own stile 
 1607^. 
 
 [The signature and corrections are by Abp. Sancroft.] 
 
 ^ Difficilius se i^rincipem civitatis a prime ordine in secundum, quam ex 
 secundo in novissimum detrudi. Suet. Caes. 29. 
 
 - Sir Henry Wotton, Ambassador at Venice. 
 
 ■' Sir David Murray was attached to the Prince of Wales (Henry). Ellis' 
 Letters xi. 166, 
 
 * As we should now call it 1608.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 239 
 
 VI. 
 
 Bedell's letter, from Venice to Mr Adam Newton, givincf an 
 account of the state of the church and relu/ion there; 
 Jan. 1, 160^. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 18.] 
 Right Reverend and Worshipfull Sir, 
 
 It is now a year .since, that writing to you concerning the sick estate 
 of the church here, I jnit you notwitlistanding in the expectation to receive 
 from nie .some news of the hoped recovery of the same. I have not since 
 been unmindfull of that promise ; and if I had soe, I might have been 
 admonish'd thereof by the receipt of 2 very kind letters from you, with tlie 
 assurance of your love, and good acceptance of my former endeavours in 
 this poor kind to answer it, and tlie addition of greater encouragenjent, 
 than ever I couhi deserve, or hope for. But tliat, which the father of 
 medicine says of bodily sickness, is here much more true, -q Kpla-is xa^f""?; : 
 Wherefore, as there they are wont to tarry for certain criticall days, 
 wherein they observe the motions of nature, ere they pronounce ; soe hath 
 it been nocessary to me in this case. Now the same being past, and 
 portending a longer cure; 1 have yet with the opportunity of this bearers 
 journey into England, determin'd to acquaint you with the like courses 
 that have been used, and certain noe ill signs of safety yet remaining. 
 
 Understand then, good Sir, that since it hath pleased my Lord Am- 
 ba.ssador to communicate with me some part of his religious counsells, 
 for the bringing in of reformation into this Signory; (a matter not onely in 
 my poor opinion, but in the deeper judgments of others of singular im- 
 portance, as well for the propagation of the tnith, and advancement of 
 God's honour, wherein we are all interested in the highest degree; as 
 allso for the secureing of his Majesty, and other princes of the reformed 
 religion, from the continuall incumberance, which they find by the Pope's 
 daily practiceing with their subjects, by the Jesuits, and other his in- 
 struments; who sitting hitherto securely here in Italy, wars with his 
 enemies in his confines, at their only expence, and without his ownhazzard; 
 whereas if there were but any reformation begun in Italy, he should be 
 inforced to divert his thoughts and forces homewards, to narrow his 
 designes and look to his own head and heart, and in a word, as wise men 
 here think, he were sped for ever:) since (I say) it hath pleased his Lord- 
 ship to count me worthy to participate of his intentions in this business, 
 and in some part of them to make me, how insufficient soever, a willing 
 instrument of putting them in execution: I have observed, as methinks, 
 three principall scopes of his proceeding. The first to maintaine the states 
 here in heart and courage against the Pope, and that, which they more 
 fear, the power of Spaine, by which he is backt. — The second to increase 
 the number of those, that have receivd any light of the trutii. The 3d,
 
 240 LTFE AND DEATH 
 
 and last (if he might he soe happy as to effect it) to formalize, and unite 
 into some body of a congregation, some part at least of that great number, 
 which here stand allready alienated in heart and tongue from Rome; 
 Whereunto there is noe doubt but there would daily be access made; 
 especially upon any new breach with the Pope, were the same once 
 establish'd and on foot? 
 
 1. Of these 3 the former is somewhat beyond the limits of my pro- 
 fession, being wholly Civill; and besides that, the means used by his Lord- 
 ship to attaiue it must be his secret offices in College, wherewith 'tis not 
 fitt I should be made acquainted. Yet because, speaking according to man, 
 it is the most important scope of all the rest, even like to the maintaining 
 the vitall faculty in the endeavouring to cure any bodily sickness ; I will 
 sav somewhat of it as by conjecture, and with respect not alone to his 
 Lordship's effects, but those also, which other occurents may in this kind 
 have made, or be like to make in this state. In which purpose it is fitt 
 first to be remembred, that ordinarily they are noted as rather too patient 
 in their proceedings, than very sensible and eager; whether it proceed 
 from the temper and complexion of their policy, as consisting of soe many 
 judgments, forecasting all imaginable doubts and difficulties, and finally 
 rcsolveing into the safest course ; or it be rather the election of prudence, 
 which is dull in the feeling of such ill, where the ease that may follow 
 the cure is not like to be vporth the pain, that must be abidden under 
 the chinu-geons hand. Soe as it must not be looked for, that they should 
 make soe full, and strong demonstration of their resolution, as others 
 would doe in like cases; no not then, when perhaps inwardly it is no 
 lesse. 
 
 From this patience I account it proceeded, that beyond expectation 
 they were content the Patriarch should goe to Rome for his confirmation : 
 a matter long consulted and protracted; at length yielded to the im- 
 portunity of the patriarch himself, his friends, and allyes ; furthered by all 
 the Popish faction, and those of the indifferent sort, that looked for the 
 advancement of themselves or some of theirs by him. And indeed (as 
 I have heard some, that have heard the bottom of these affairs, discourse) 
 there was not left to the better sort any honest colour to resist it; as being 
 a wrong to hold him in this neutral estate, that neither he might have the 
 light of a Senator for his election to this Ecclesiasticall dignity, nor appear 
 as a church-man, wanting his inauguration : soe that he was like the flitter- 
 mouse, that is in the fable, between a bird and a beast, taking part with 
 either and refused of both. But especially that consideration prevailed, 
 that by this once sending they should be freed from the necessity of ever 
 doeing it again: whereof they were assured not onely by the letter of 
 the Cardinall Borghesse, the Pope's nephew that manageth all the affairs 
 of the court, and by express command of the Pope ; but (as they required) 
 by the Pope's averrment thereof to the Fr. King's ambassador at Rome, 
 to all which the peace Mas yet new, and they were to make good that they 
 abhorred not even from moderate obedience, soe long as extreme slavery 
 was not required. And yet here is it not to be forgotten on the other side,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 24 1 
 
 that when tlie Patriarch seemed to them to stay over long at Rome, they 
 recalled him home, and finding since his returne, that he especially had 
 induced one Ribetti his vicar (one of the Divines, whose name was used to 
 a book against the Pope in the former troubles) to goe to Rome for absolu- 
 tion, they enterd into deliberation to comniitt him as prisoner to his own 
 house; but resolved to inhibitt him the use of the faculty the Pope had 
 granted him, for the disposeing of the revenue of the Jesuits (being in 
 all their territories, as 'tis esteemed, above 20000 Crowns a yeare) save only 
 on such of their own subjects, as to themselves shall upon his intimation of 
 the names of such as need it be thought fitt. 
 
 The like quickness have they shewed in some other occasions; especially 
 that, which I account most famous because it borders most upon religion. 
 A certain Gentleman of the house of the Bondumeiri intending to take the 
 pardon, which the Pope sent out in forme of a Jubilee (under pretence to 
 stirr up men's devotions, to pray for the quiet of Christendom, which himself 
 had troubled by setting up the Archduke Matthias against the Emperor in 
 Germany'; in truth to cover that fraud of his, and principally to di'aw into 
 his hands the bookes written against him in this state, and heale up, if he 
 could, the sore perfectly,) being demanded in his confession, if he had any 
 of those books, and enjoyned to burne them ; thereupon denounced the 
 Friar his confessour : who was presently called and, not appearing, banished. 
 Whereof the Nuncio complaineing with the Prince, and shewing, that he 
 marvelld much, that they would intermeddle in Spiritual! matters of this 
 sort between the penitent and his ghostly father; adding, that those books 
 could not be retain'd by any that would be partaker of the Jubilee ; he 
 had this answer, that if it were soe, he should gett him to Rome with his 
 Jubilee, and leave them alone with their books. The Friar wrote after 
 to the State, that he was falsely accused, and demanded to have a re- 
 audition of his cause : which being granted, on condition to render himself 
 prisoner, he soe did, being yet remitted to his own monastery : but his 
 cause (I think) will never be called on, the state contenting themselves with 
 the example and ratification of their power in this kind, 
 
 I omitt sundry like declarations, with their holding out with good stiff- 
 ness against Rome, which would be farr more than it is at least evident, 
 were it not that the Spanish greatness ever in their eye doth curb and 
 keep them in awe. They have lately in their banishing the Florence sages 
 made noe small demonstration of their observeing how much the strength 
 of Spaine is like to be encrcas'd in Italy by the late marriage of the prince 
 of Tuscany into the house of Austria, to the sister of the King of Spain : by 
 the means of which he is become brother to the King in name, and indeed 
 his p\ipill, if not vassal! ; soe much being to the eternal memory of the great 
 Duke his baseness, and the Spanish insolency published to the world by 
 
 ' In April 1006 the Archduke Matthias entered into a family compact for the 
 deposition of his brother the Emperor liodolph II., and was declared head of the 
 House of Hapsburg. It does not appear that the Pope had anything to do with 
 it ; and indeed the events which followed were unfavourable to the Catholics. 
 
 16
 
 242 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the very instrument of the King's consent to the contract, that the Duke 
 had supplicated to the Majesty Catholick, that for the support of his estate 
 and strength of his house he would be pleased to grant his consent to the 
 marrying of the Lady to the Prince his son. And if they doe but cast their 
 eyes on Savoy, they may by that example make conjecture^, what an allye 
 Spain is like to be ; unless it be jH'obable, the simplicity of that youth of 
 Florence shall priviledge him from it, which the cunning, and valour of the 
 other could not : It is true the Duke of Savoy doth begin to distaste the 
 homely usage that he finds at his brother's hands; that he hath marryed 
 his two daughters to Modena and Mantva, allmost in his despight, who 
 first delayed, after hindered this combination of these princes all that he 
 might ; that he hath revoked his Ambassador from thence, with some shew 
 of obedience. But albeit this please the Venetians, and they have en- 
 deavoured to shew all honour to these marriages, and to the prince, and 
 his brother of Savoy, who were a little before entertaind here with much 
 solemnity : they doe much doubt, whether that Prince would ever be 
 induced to forgoe 6000 crowns of yearly pension, which he and his receive, 
 with the hope of as much more, for the impatience of some Spanish brava- 
 does, or desire of new friendships. Yea and some doe make question, 
 whether having received the bridle of at least 4000 souldiers divided into 
 garrisons in sundry of his best towns, it be not now too late to kick at the 
 spurr. Others proceed further, and say, that by these marriages there 
 lackes now little, or nothing to the Spaniard, but the state of Venice to 
 the makeing up of the entire government of Italy. The Kingdom of Naples, 
 and Dutchie of Millaine are in his hands. As for the City of Genoa, they 
 doubt if it could be of greater benefitt to them, if the name of liberty were 
 gone allso, than now it is. Lucca is in his protection, and hath reason to 
 doubt, whether their old patron will gratifie their heavy neighbour, his 
 new brother of Tuscany, or himself rather with their mine. The Pope is, 
 and allways shall be chosen and governed by the Spanish Canons. The 
 Duke of Savoy is his brother pensioner, and receives his forces for caution 
 of his fidelity. The old Duke of Florence cannot by course of Nature live 
 long, and then the like protection shall he have of that estate. Those of 
 Mantua, and Modena his Nephews shall in time succeed. The Duke of 
 Urbin is his pensioner. The Dukes of Parma and Placentia, with the Earl 
 Mirandula are in the same condition. In sum it skills not, under what 
 titles; he hath allready the things, and that royalty, that noe man will, yea 
 or can make war upon him in Italy, and he at pleasure shall begin, where 
 he sees advantage. And if this new conjunction with France should take 
 place or the truce with the Estates of the Netlierlands^, what can be ex- 
 pected, but the whole weight of the warr turne upon Italy, and light upon 
 the Venetians, the greater, if not the onely barr left in the King of Spaine 
 his way to the attaineing the top of his desires. 
 
 It cannot easily be so expressed, in what agony they have stood here, 
 
 ^ Charles Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, had married a daughter of Philip II. 
 2 See ante p. 234.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 243 
 
 and yet doe, in the expectation of this peace, or truce with the Hollanders, 
 and how exceedingly they distaste the violence of the French King in it. 
 They did in secret scarse abstaino from reproachfull speeches, accounting 
 him such an advantagious and cautelous prince, as with whom there is noe 
 dealing; whom no man may trust longer, than it shall be for his own profitt. 
 And this language proceeds all from the fear of Spaine; the which howso- 
 ever they dissemble, yet by this anger and other affections it doth easily 
 bewray itself. When the breach fell out in the house of Austria, it was a 
 wonder to see how joyous they were, how inquisitive of the progress of 
 these affairs ; especially when it appeared manifestly, that this was a plott 
 ordered and directed by Rome and Spaine, with the consent of others of 
 that house, as by the copy of the justification of it by the Archduke Ferdi- 
 nando, which by good hap came abroad doth appear. And if (as it is 
 hoped) these stirrs doe cause the protestant princes of the Empire to unite 
 themselves (as but for the bitterness of some Lutherane Ministers, might, as 
 it seems, without much difficulty be brought to pass) there is nothing in 
 this world, tiiat the Venetians would sooner lay hold upon, or which would 
 more seasonably present it self for the confirming of their courage, and 
 diminishing that fear, which now possesseth them. Whereof there is great 
 reason ; since havcing common enemies with those Princes, — the Pope, 
 Spaine, and the house of Austria, — they should easily be joynd by that 
 necessity and firmly knitt together; the situation of their countries being 
 allso not incommodious to help one another in all occasions. 
 
 In the mean season, if it be true, that is said, that where there is trust 
 there is love, and the degreesof that love be proportionable to the confidence 
 whence it grows; if the tongue be not a false pulse of the abundance of the 
 heart ; if by the useage of the servant there may be any conjecture taken of 
 the respect had to the master, it behoves certainly to think that those 
 Seignors have {)laced noe small part of the surety of their aflfiiirs in his 
 excellent Majesty; and that the continiiall remonstrances of his real and 
 true affecting the safety and prosperous success of their estate, made by 
 his Minister here, be the best cordiall that he could administer to them : 
 which not onely the love, honour, and authority, that his Majesty's name 
 hath, but the grace of his Ambassador above any other in this place, as 
 every mean man both in City and Country doth easily observe, may well 
 witness. Yea, and over this, the desire, which I have not obscurely per- 
 ceived they have, with any good occasion to enter into more strait and 
 near bond of alliance with his Majesty : even Nature (whereunto prudence 
 is like in her working) being wont to have an appetite to that medicine 
 again, which she hath once found comfortable. I add this one thing for 
 conclusion touching this part, that although this course in them be wise, 
 and such as, I confess, rejoyceth me much, (as what should in reason more 
 than the honour of my prince?) yet setting aside now that respect, and 
 speaking abstractly of the courage of this estate; even this seems to me to 
 be an argument of the want of inward strength to repose much in that of 
 another : (as it seen)s in nature in these plants, which easily clasp hold on 
 their neighbours) which as being borrowed and holden at courtesie cannot 
 
 16—2
 
 244 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 produce those effects of inward sufficiency, either high resolution in under- 
 taking, or constancy and punctualhiess in resisting, when there is any thing 
 to be done nobly, or expected undismaiedly. 
 
 2. I come now to his Lordship's second end, which hath doubtless noe 
 ill counsell of an ill man, that advised his fellow in faction to procure to 
 adjoyne to himself the helps of all, even the weakest ; and it is the course 
 which the adverse party hitherto have most constantly pursued, to practice 
 the multitude, though they bestow more cost on principall persons ; but a 
 course to be used of such who have store of instruments, or may be more 
 open in their proceedings. As for those that are scanted in the one and 
 watched over in the other, it is better to take them to the labouring of some 
 few principall, which shall draw their dependants, than by embraceing a 
 greater number of ordinary condition, distract their own forces, spend time, 
 discover and overthrow their intentions : especially considering it is the 
 course of nature, to forme first the principall parts, as the seate of life and 
 nourishment ; and that of wisedome, yea of necessity, to make the tools 
 before we begin the worke. 
 
 Upon this ground it hath been thought fitt, though not denying to com- 
 municate books of our religion to any that were found disposed to read 
 them, yet especially to vsc that and other means to those who are of note 
 and marke for authority and learning ; and those chiefly who by writeing 
 against the Pope in the last controversie, must be thought in reason to 
 have their judgments awaked, and made more capeableof right information 
 in all the rest. And that by reading, rather than reasoning, they might 
 soonest come to the understanding of the truth, was thought upon this 
 ground : because the understanding is soe more calm from affection ; 
 ignorance and contrary opinion is not discovered ; and the reader hath 
 part of the victory over error. In the execution of this counsell, after I 
 had by a letter made myself an entry with M™ Paulo, I communicated to 
 him, and M™ Fulgentio all most all our English writers that are extant in 
 latin touching the controversies, with some others ; as Chemnitius his 
 Examen of the Councell of Trent, Calvins institutions^; although M™ Paulo 
 had seen his last for sundry years past. The same course hath been used 
 to Marsilio, though not by me, by reason of some secret emulation which 
 was discovered between him and those I mention'd before. Like wise to 
 Fulgentio the Franciscan whose revolt, because I knew not if it bred greater 
 joy to the adverse part, anger here, or marvell to my self, it may be perhaps 
 more agreeable to your desire to understand more particularly off him. 
 
 After it was then resolved by the advice of M™ Paulo, that I should 
 
 ^ Chemnitius, Martinus, A Discoverie and Batterie of the great Fort of 
 unwritten Traditions, translated into English by E. V. Lend. 1582. The first 
 article in this book is an "Examination of the Counsell of Trent." [Martin 
 Chemnitz — a great protestant divine — was b. at Treimbridzen in 1522, ob. at 
 Brunswick, 8 Apr. 1586. His Examen Concilii Tridentini was published in 
 4 vols, at Leipzig, 1565.] Calvin's Institutes (published at Basel 1534) were 
 reprinted in London 1576 and have been repeatedly translated, first in 1561.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 245 
 
 dcale with him, And Mr Powells \iooV.Q de Antichristo^ was not esteemed 
 unfitt to be commended him, for the concurrence it seemed to have with 
 his own spirit (wlio, as 1 signified to you heretofore, was in all his sermons 
 very vehement, and invective against the vices of the Roman court;) I sent 
 the same to him, accompanyed with a letter ; and after came to him, dis- 
 coverd my self the author of it, and was used with marvellous kindness. Upon 
 which grew severall other conferences, much discourse and trust, he com- 
 municating with me many things of his life past ; his former troubles at 
 Rome, from which he said when he came last away, he shook oflF the dust of 
 his feet; his conference with the Jesuits; his putting down, since he had 
 their College and church, the picture of Ignatius, and others of their 
 order, which their followers were superstitious of; his reading of St 
 Cyprian's Epistle to his brethren, in which, as he said, he let them see the 
 difl'erence of the ancient churcli government, and the present state of the 
 Roman Court: St Cyprian writeing thus to the Bp of Rome, Cyprianus 
 Cornelio fratri salutem ; not, Sanctissimo Domino Nostra, nor, Oscula 
 heatorum pedum. He shew'd me some of his writeings not yet printed, as 
 a book of tlie Saints of Venice, with an exceeding good Epistle dedicatory 
 to the nobility, handling especially the point of Canonizing Saints, which he 
 proved out of the Affrican Couucill, and shewed out of story to be a new 
 usurpation in Rome. In summ, I telling him, that 'twas too good to be 
 suffer'd to pass the presse here; he told me further of a deliberation he 
 had, to remove himself hence either into Germany or the Grizons, to stamp 
 that, and sundry other things of the like nature. I found him (me thought) 
 meetly well inform'd about the worship of Saints, and gave him Mr Perkins 
 his Probleme, which he liked exceedingly. I lent him allso Calvin's Insti- 
 tutes, which he shew'd me, he had been long desirous off, and was as joyous, 
 when he had it. I prevail'd soe farr with him, that whereas in a room at 
 the entrance of his monastery there hung a picture of the English perse- 
 cution (as here they stile it) cut in sundry forms of brass ; haveing told 
 him of the palpable lyeing and vanity of it, he promised it should be 
 defaced. He shewed himself desirous to have secret speech with his Lord- 
 ship whereof offer being made when and as he would, he putt it off till 
 some fitter occasion. 
 
 In the midst of this course 'twas suddainly noised, that he was departed, 
 and at first noe man knew whether. I least feared to Rome, till it appeared 
 soe by his letter left to the prince; wherein he said, he was called by his 
 general!, and must obey, presumeing tliis should not be offensive to his 
 Serenity, who would look for obedience at his own subject's hands; es- 
 pecially sith himself had noe part of the Counsells of the state committed 
 to him. Immediately after the copy of the safe-conduct, whicli the Nuncio 
 gave him by order from the Pope, came into mens hands, and the voyce 
 went, that the Spanish Ambassador had disbursed to a Friar of his order, 
 
 1 Gahrielis Poueli, Ordovicis Britanni, Davidis F. Disimtationum Theologi- 
 carum et Scholasticarum de Antichristo et eius ecclesia Libri duo. Loud. 1605. 
 See Wood's Athenae.
 
 246 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 that acconipaiiyed him, a good round sunini of doubles for the charge of 
 his journey, by the way of Ferrara or Bononia, I remember not justly 
 whether. It fell out, that 2 or 3 Cardinalls being in the place used him 
 with much respect ; whereof lie wrote to Venice, that he had more honour 
 done him in 3 dayes there, than in all the time of his being at Venice. By 
 this you may partly perceive the humour of the man. And verily from the 
 begining I saw in him a strange composition : a contempt of riches, and 
 outward pomp, even to defyeing allmost of cleanliness ; yet withall an 
 ambition of honour, especially of the opinion of a certaine Apostolicall full- 
 ness and freedome in reproofs ; complaining of nothing more, than that he 
 might not preach ; sudden in his resolutions besides, as they say. I knew 
 him better by longer experience, close, uncounselld, unmoveable from his 
 purposes. As for his sermons, they never containd any great stuff which 
 might argue depth of learning : but with his goodness of speed), shew of 
 spirit, and free reproof of great men's faults, he led the multitude in the 
 time of the interdict, it cannot (they say all that heard him) be easily 
 express'd how much. I have heard it very certainly avouched, that but 
 very few dayss before his departure, he wrote a letter to the patriarch then 
 in Rome, telling him that he was mov'd by the spirit of God to write to 
 him, blameing him for his long absence frc»m his flock, and for goeing for 
 worldly honour at the court of Rome : yea for his journey thither, who (as 
 he said) ought to have contented himself with the consent of his compro- 
 vinciall Bishops, without any other confirmation. It hath been allso written 
 from Rome, at his comeing thither he was well entertaind, and had an hour 
 or 2 Secret conference with the Pope : Mean while the Generall of the 
 Jesuits being come to speak with his lioliness, (as their stile is) and wenried 
 with tarrying soe long, gave out at his departure from the place some dis- 
 contentfuU speeches; which comeing to Fulgontio his knowledge, he used 
 openly this forme. Nay, Twill anger them tcorse yet. To make you marvell 
 yet more ; he hath from thence by a trusty friend written a letter to 
 M""" Paulo, with good words of my self, and sent my Calvin's Institutes, 
 signifieing withall that he holds the other 2 books as given him absolutely ; 
 serveing him self of them to good purpose, as we shall see one day, and 
 perhaps ere long; complaineing of the wrong done him since his departure, 
 and promiseing to certifie him of his estate^ &c. 
 
 1 The sequel of these proceedings in regard to Fulgeutio is given in the 
 prescript of a fragmentary letter of Bedell to Dr Ward dated July 23, 1618, here 
 subjoined. " For newes, you shall vnderstand that Fra fulgentio the franciscau 
 is notwithstanding his safe conduct burnt at Eome ; bis processe made solemnly 
 in St Peter's Church ; 1 for hauing had prohibited bookes. 2 for hauing had 
 correspondence with heretickes. 3 for hauing found about him at his apprehen- 
 sion certaine writings in which were many articles hereticall as, 1 that Peter was 
 not head of the Apostles nor the P. of the Church. 2 the Pope cannot choose 
 Bishops. 3 The Prelats of the Church of Eome are hereticks. 4 The counsell 
 of Trent was nether general nor lawfull. 5 The Eucharist should be celebrated 
 in leauened bread. His answers. 1 that he had no bookes that he knew to be 
 of prohibited authors. 2 nor had correspondence with any denounced publickly
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 247 
 
 I liave been the longer in this narration, that I might give you the more 
 full evidence of the possibility to resolve what to judge of him; a thing 
 wherein (I confess it) my self am wholly confounded. This methinks may 
 be said upon the whole matter ; that this state committed an error, in not 
 cherrishing him a little more, (yea tho it liad been by procureing to sattisfie 
 some way his ambition ;) being such a necessary instrument, as he was, to 
 worke upon the multitude ; and if not for his former merits, yet for the 
 needs they might have of such another, they know not how soon. Which 
 if they had done, they had avoided this loss and scorne, to omit the pre- 
 judice, which the Example of his revolt hath done in their Cause in the 
 opinion of the people. Since his departure, the Vicar allso of the Patriarch 
 hath followed, and (as 'tis here said) hath received a pension of 500 crowns 
 by the yeare of the pope: even this in reason had not soe easily been, if 
 the other had not been before it. 
 
 To returne to the means here thought upon, to further the knowledge 
 of the truth with the nobility, as well as Ecclesiastics: it hath been con- 
 siderd, that to propound the same in its own naked simplicity to men 
 either blinded with superstition, or that by the onely light of reason dis- 
 cerning the vizor of that religion, which is among themselves, have there- 
 upon closed their eyes to any representation of that sort ; it were but to 
 expose it to contempt, and as it were to demand a repulse. The same read 
 gladly discourses of policy: soe as under that name if religion could be 
 convey'd, it were like to find much better entertainment. And this course 
 some of the ancients are found to have used, that represented the Christian 
 faith under the name of philosophy, which all then much esteem'd. Agree- 
 ably whereunto it would perhaps be very convenient in our times, to convey 
 the reproofs of the abuses and errors of the papacy in politick discourses, 
 discovering the great drifts thereof: which in tiuth should be very just 
 allso before God and man; that, as they have a great while propounded 
 and set forth to the world their own politick devices under the mask of 
 religion, soe men might see now at last their religion in the true and 
 naturall shape of policy. In this kind there is extant allready in our 
 tongue a work soe proper to that purpose, as if God had directed the pen 
 of the author to that speciall end, to doe him service in this place. It is 
 the relation of Sir Edwyn Sands ^ that I mean; which being thought fitt to 
 be translated into Italian, I undertook the work, and by Gods assistance 
 have finished it this last summer (the Fathers correcting my Errors in the 
 Language). It hath been divided into chapters, and in the end of some of 
 them are added some annotations, to declare some things therein touched. 
 
 for hereticke.^. 3 that his writing was not yet finished and that those were not 
 his opinions. It is sayd he abjured vpon hope of life." 
 
 1 Eiiropae Speculum, or a view or survey of the state of religion in the 
 Western part of the World, by Sir Edwin Sandys, Lond. 1605. Sands or 
 Sandys, b. 1561, ob. 1G29, was a sou of Edwin Sandys, Archbishop of York. 
 He was a pupil and devoted friend of Hooker. Walton tells some charming 
 stories of him in the Life of Hooker.
 
 248 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 This his Lordship hath had on purpose to put to the press with all con- 
 venient speed. Some parts of it in the mean time have been shewed to 
 principall men here, and I doe believe to the Prince himself: whereof when 
 we should have seen any Effect (and great it will be sure, if wise men's 
 judgments be not deceived in it) then was it resolved to be put in execu- 
 tion. 
 
 3. The 3'' deliberation, which I mentiond in the begining, forming some 
 congregation here. The chief means, that was intended to be used herein, 
 was the comeing of M''" John Deodati^ the translator of the late-printed 
 Italian bibles, from Geneva hither; for whom his Lordship had written 
 above a year since, by the advice allso of the fathers. But the difficulty of 
 the passage in winter, and his own occasions after that, deferr'd it till July, 
 and from that till Autumn : at which time his Lordship wrote to him, to 
 stay his journey till he should hear further ; as desirous to try first the 
 eflfect of the fore mentioned booke. Notwithstanding it being come out 
 both in France, and Germany, that he was shortly to come hither, he was 
 forc'd to hasten his journey; and in September he arrived here in the com- 
 pany of a gentleman of Geneva his cousin, and another his nephew (both 
 young men), and a French Gentleman sent from Mr Plessis from Saumure, 
 called Mr de Lugues. He had divers meetings and conferences with the 
 Fathers, at which both my self and this bearer was present. He can report 
 to you the particular points discussed. It was told him by M™ Paulo, that 
 not soe few as 12000 in this Citty were more or less enlightened with the 
 truth, and alienated from Rome. That yet among the nobility nothing 
 could be moved untill there were some Civill occasion of breach with the 
 Pope. With them therefore he would not that he should yet deale ; but 
 with others, to whom he should be brought, chiefly merchants, Germans, 
 Flemings, French ; of whom not long before a certain French Gentleman 
 had made a list, with the severall siunms they would contribute to a 
 minister. That he would try the dispositions of soe many as he could ; yet 
 for his part, he thought the matter not yet disposed enough to receive such 
 a form as was to be desired. He propounded other meetings at first to be 
 used by way of conference and talk ; whereby men might come to know one 
 another, and informe themselves better of religion, ere any exercises were 
 erected, &c. 
 
 Now, Sir, you shall understand, that the French Gentleman (whose 
 name was Mr Papilion) haveing indeed conference with M™ Paulo, and 
 being animated to take that pains, — whether out of his mistakeing him, or 
 hopeing to facilitate the business by that means,— had used this motive: 
 that the prince, and senate did not abhor herefrom, but would favour and 
 further this course. Whereupon the Merchants, being not ill affected, and 
 seeing no fear of danger, were very forward, and would stick for noe 
 money; hopeing especially to doe a thing that the Signory should take in 
 good part. And the Gentleman being desirous, that such a good work 
 
 1 Jehu Diodati of Lucca (about 1580—1649), professor first of Hebrew and 
 then of Divinity at Geneva, translator of the Bible into French and Italian.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 249 
 
 should take place presently according to the humour of some, which is 
 desired ; and hereupon filled the reformed Churches in all France with the 
 noyse, that Venice would shortly fail from the Pope, — a harder worke, and 
 of longer time, as well appeared even by those that had thus far engag'd 
 themselves. For some, when they perceived they runn'd the hazard of 
 their goods and liberty, presently drew back : soe hard a thing it is to follow 
 Christ with the condition of the cross and leaving all. Others tho' make- 
 ing profession, yet were knowne to live scandalously : and what security 
 could there be, to cominitt to the conscience of such men a business of this 
 sort / It was urged by my self with earnestness, that at least some begin- 
 ing might be made of a congregation, tho' it were but of very few faithfuU 
 and sound persons; which like a little snow falling from the top of a hill, 
 would gather more and more to it in time. A form of separation was 
 presented, which might serve for tlie profession of such as should be 
 admitted. And for a confession of the faith, it was shewed that good 
 advantage might be made of a certain short sunnn of the Scripture, stainp'd 
 here in Venice in the year 1567, before the bible in the Italian, with the 
 licence of the Inquisition ; which embraces all necessary and fundamentall 
 parts of the faith without any the least touch of Popish corruption. That 
 for a Liturgie and forme of ministring the Lords Supper, if it should be 
 thought fitt to use that of the French churches, it was allready in the 
 Italian, and we had the booke. If they thought others fitt, which I had 
 shewed the Fathers before in latin, and Mr Deodati had seen, it should not 
 be long before 'twas put into Italian; as indeed I had then begun, and 
 since finished it. It was added, that the affections of men since the peace 
 of Rome grew daily colder and colder ; that it was a principle of warr, that 
 when our own strength is at the best, and that of our adversaries may 
 encrease, then, if ever, we must fight. But Mr Deodati thought it not fitt 
 to hazard the whole upon soe small hope; especially considering that none 
 of the nobility did joyne. There wanted allso a fitt person to be minister: 
 for both himself was now but onely Reader of Divinity and Hebrew; 
 and doubted, that his travail should be of more use and necessity to the 
 Church of God in Geneva, than it could be heie; tho' professing his readi- 
 ness to be employed in that business, if he could see hope of doeing good. 
 The Fathers prevented my off'er of my self with saying. It was not fitt nor 
 easy in regard of jealousies of state ; no, nor that I should be present often 
 at any such Ridotti, or meetings, as we before had thought oflF for the 
 second intention. Thus was tliat deliberation broken off", with this onely 
 fruit, that Mr Deodati travelled with M'" Paulo to put more spirit and 
 courage in him ; and to stirr him up to availe himself both of those great 
 graces that God had given him, and that favour and authority which he 
 hath with these Seigniors, to the glory of God in the advancement of the 
 truth. He departed allso with full information of the state of this place; 
 and prepared to send hither some young Scholars, which should be as 
 Schoole masters in the houses of some that desired it; not letting pass to 
 read the holy scriptures, and useing secrett instructions, till more fitt 
 occasions should publickly be oflFer'd.
 
 250 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Such success had that journey, hastened a little too much, that we had 
 well hoped should have brought with it the perfect judgment or this 
 churches recovery. Now as physicians of our bodies are some times by an 
 anticipateiiig an imperfect crisis remitted over to another criticall day; soe 
 are we. That sliall be (I hope) the preaching of Mr Fulgentio this Lent: 
 who is resolved, leaveiug the Fryerly course of the ordinary postillersS 
 to preach Christ Jesus, and that will be the ruine of Antichrist. There 
 passeth allmost noe day, wherein we are not for an hour together : and 
 under pretence of reading English to him (as indeed this last summer I 
 made some entrance therein to him, and M" Paulo, and haveing given 
 some rules of our language we read over the Acts of the Apostles together) 
 under this colour, we read, and conferrd about the whole course of the 
 Gospells, on which he is to preach every day this Lent: and I jjerswade my 
 self, Christ is present with vs, and am assured, that the end shall not be 
 without some profitt. 
 
 I add thus much further, that the Lord seems to encourage vs, by per- 
 mitting the adversaries to fall into such errors, as are proper to shew their 
 madness to the world. Besides that proud, and blasphemous inscription of 
 Friar Caraffa his Tliesis, whereof a Ritratto was sent by his Lordship to his 
 Majesty, where the Pope is thus stiled, PAVLO V. VICE DEO and the 
 numerall letters whereof (as 1 remember, I shewed to Fulgentio) containe 
 the just number of the beast 666*. This last week there is come forth a 
 book reviveing that blasphemy with advantage, penned by one Benedictus 
 a Venetian, the bayardliest^ writer, that ever blotted paper. He hath 
 taken in hand to Refute the position of Dr Whitaker, that the Pope is 
 Antichrist, &c*. Trust me, Sir, when I first saw it, I did think verily, it 
 had been a draught of some well meaiieing man towards Religion, that was 
 desireous the world should take notice, and knowledge of the writeing he 
 pretends to refute, and failed in the answer on set purpose. Soe beastly^ 
 and loathsome is the stile, the conceit soe childish, the answer so absurd, 
 the flattery, and folly of it soe palpable. In the consultation, that was here 
 about the calling it in, M™ Paulo, as he told me, resisted it. But being of 
 one of their own subjects, who when he could get licence to print it here 
 would needs print it at Bolonia, and besides touching not only forreign 
 states but their own, as you may see in the 50th page, it is not suflFerd to 
 be sold openly. These good effects I doe contemplate in it. First the 
 
 ' Italian posh7Zfl)-e 'to expound,' 
 •-i DCLVVVI. See p. 234. 
 
 3 bayard 'stupid'. Fr. layer 'to gape'. The word 'beastly' had not 
 the vulgar connotation of to-day. It meant ' doltish,' ' uncultivated.' 
 
 4 William Whitaker (1548—1595), Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge (1571), 
 Regius Professor of Divinity (1580) and Master of St John's (1586). Among his 
 numerous controversial works were : An answer to forty demonstrations of Nich. 
 Sander that the Pope was not Antichrist (Latin), Lond. 1583 ; also in the 
 same year a Thesis de Antichristo in Comitiis Cajitabrigieimbus. Whitaker's 
 chief opponent was Bellarmine. He was a strong supporter of the English 
 Church, but not in sympathy with the extreme Puritans.
 
 OF WILLTAM BEDELL. 25 I 
 
 position it self is made notorious. Then Dr Whitaker's declaration and 
 proof of it shall be read ; for it is inserted ad verbum. Lastly the weakness 
 of the answer shall confirm the staggering reader, whom the grossness of 
 the flattery to the pope and railing against his adversaries shall have 
 scandalized. In sunnn, I think, if tlie world would have studied to have 
 done the pope a shrewd turnc, it could not have done it soe well, as by 
 publishing such a bald thing in his favour. And how should we not then 
 hope for success, when God takes away our adversaries witts and makes 
 themselves doe us those offices, which we could most desire and hardliest 
 effect. 
 
 Thus have I endeavourd to shew you. Sir, the bottom of our former 
 counsells, present estate, and future hopes. Wherein though my poor 
 desire hath not been backward, the matter it self being of such importance, 
 as I could wish with the Apostle to bestow and spend my self in it : Yet 
 when I look upon that, which is done, it is yet very little, or nothing to 
 account off. That which is must next to God be attributed to the wise 
 conduct of his Lordship, whose instrument only I have been in this service. 
 There rests noe more, but to commeml that to your prayers and wise 
 secrecy, and my self to your love. In the assurance whereof I will take the 
 boldness to commend to you this Gentleman, the bearer hereof, allready 
 presented to liis Majesty by his Lordship; whom besides all other 
 his sufficiencies (which will commend him wherever he comes) I esteem 
 truly religious, zealous, and in a word such as the wise King doubts if a 
 man may find any where, 'a faithfuU man.' And soe remembring my 
 service to his highness^ (whose hands I humbly kiss) and beseeching daily 
 the highest Majesty to encrease in him all princely Excellencies, that (if it 
 be not too bold a wish) his name may be more famous, than that of the 
 King his noble father; I take leave, and doe rest, 
 
 Your worshipp's, most ready 
 allways to doe you service 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 [The Signature and Corrections are by Abp. Sancroft.] 
 
 VII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward, relative to a reply preparing 
 hy the letter to Bellarmine's ansiuer to K. James's " Triplici 
 nodo triplex cuneus" (1609). 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxv. f. 1.31.] 
 
 Salutem in Christu. Good Mr Warde, In my last letters to you I 
 signified what I thought of Bellarmines late Booke and was bold to imparte 
 to you what pointes woulde be of principall vse and satisfaction to men 
 
 ^ Henry, Prince of Wales.
 
 2 52 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 indiflferently aflfected here. I will now be bolde to adde one thing more, in 
 that part. Viz. that in the passage of his Majesty's Baptisme which the 
 Cardinal! so sleightly passeth by, as to ti)e Font sent by the Queene that 
 dead is, there is a point whicli strikes nearer by him then he was aware of, 
 or at least would be aknowne of, and that is the very inviting her to be 
 God-mother. Vpon whom the institution and use of the Ancient and 
 present Church (yea that of Rome too) laying a kind of charge to instruct 
 the Infant when it comes to yeares of discretion, and in the meane time to 
 profess in the name thereof the fayth wherinto it is to be baptized, it is 
 an euident Argument that his Majesty's mother (what ever he boldly would 
 beare downe with conjectures) had not that opinion of the Reformed 
 religion which the Popish faction now hath. Since the last tyme I wrote 
 vnto you, there is come forth a part of a great worke of Politick Morall and 
 Christian aduertisments or observations, written by one that professeth to 
 haue communicated about this worke with many priucipall of the Popish 
 crew. I haue gathered certaine flowers out of it which you shall receiue 
 herewith and the booke it selfe. By which it may appeare what the inward 
 and commonly currant opinions of the Court of Rome are. There are 
 sundry thinges which may be of some use in the Answer of Bellarmine, as 
 about the Comparison of the Pope and Kings, of Kiiiges and Cardinals, &c. 
 and I referr it to your and their considerations that are there in place and 
 authority if it might not be profitable that those propositions which I haue 
 there set downe (for the most word for word) were put to the presse with 
 some short notes &c. I haue sent you by this bearer the booke it selfe. 
 Pardon this scribling and hast, it is now past midnight this Christmas Euen 
 after our account. 
 
 Your euer assured louing 
 freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 To my Verie louing freend Mr 
 Samuell Warde at his chamber 
 in Kings Street or else 
 
 where in London. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; from Bury St Edmunds, 
 after his return from Venice; Aug. 3, 1613. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 29.] 
 
 Salutein in Christo. I wrote to you euen now, Good Mr Dr, about 
 our Drs booke and sent you from him the remainder of the money due to 
 you from him with \Qs. for the Printer. The feare I had that our towns- 
 men would be gone towards Newmarket ere I should liaue finished my
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 253 
 
 letter, made me reserve the answer unto your last to this letter: sith it 
 seemes a man may better committ any thing to our Carrier than money ^ 
 
 I haue beene in Norfolke. The lining is consisting of 2 or perliaps (for 
 yet I cannot tell) 3 Churches. The house nought. The aire in one of the 
 parishes very bad, the otlier better, but it hath no house. The value, if all 
 goe to gether that are due to tlie Churches, wilbe about 120/i. or more, 
 but there must be a Curate or 2 maintained and a new house built. I haue 
 not yet given my answer. Once I will neuer accept it with the least wrong 
 to the Church. So I wish you a happy and merry journey into the west, 
 where I pray remember my service to my Lord of Bath and commendations 
 to our Emmanuell Colledge freends. My wife and our Dr remember them 
 hartily to you. 
 
 Your assured loving freend 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Wai'd; requests Sir Hen. Wotton's 
 leave to publish a relation of Venice; claims to a prebend 
 by reason of his works; Nov, 30, 1613. 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 31.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, vnderstanding by my Cosin 
 Alistone'^ of your being in London, I will take the boldnes to trouble you a 
 litle with a buisines, wherein I haue heeretofore breathed out some of my 
 thoughts to you. I haue written to Sir Henry Wootton about his booke, 
 offering him my service to write it out to the presse, and to see it printed, 
 both mine owne and your diligence, in case he thinck fitt to .set it forth. If 
 not, I haue earnestly requested him to give me leaue to print that Relation 
 of the Venetian buisines which he hath of mine in his hands. Protesting 
 that I doe it not with a desire to make it any step to mine owne preferment 
 (although my charge encreasing, and my maintenance beeing so slender, I am 
 enforced to haue some carefuU tlioughts about that also) but for the com- 
 mon good, and hoping to add to it a 2d part touching sundry things fallen 
 out since, which it concernes the world to know. Now, Sir, that which I 
 would request from you is, that you would visit Sir Henry ere he take his 
 voyage into France, and procure to talke with him about his booke, making 
 oflFer to furtlier it in conformity to that I haue before mentioned : and if he 
 fall into the mention of my English Relation, and seeme willing to leaue it 
 with you, receiue it at his hands, otherwise take no notice of that part of my 
 letter. Possibly Sir Henry may be not vnwilling to mention me to his 
 Majesty for some Pi-ebend ere his departure, and to leaue in his absence 
 
 1 A Latin answer to some propositions of Ward's on predestination and 
 original sin is here omitted, as being treated of elsewhere more fully. 
 
 2 John Alliston (or Elliston) of Black Notley, buried 15 Oct. 1625.
 
 254 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 the prosecuting of the motion to my Lord of Bath^. Whereto he might 
 haue some pretence from those slender services I endeauoured to performe 
 at Venice, in Translating the Booke of Common Prayer, his Majesty's 
 Booke'^, Sir Edwin Sands ^ his booke, The third Homily of Chrysostome 
 touching Lazarus, and some other thinges into the Italian toung ; part 
 whereof are there and part at Geneva in Sir Diodati his hands, as my Cosin 
 Aliston can tell. If it please you to motion such a thing to him, you shall 
 discerne how he stands affected to me. For my part I haue alwaies 
 honoured him and truly served him, as you know in part; and though I 
 went not into Italy with a desire of rising by him, and I thanck God I haue 
 learned to be in want with contentment, yet it should be reputation to him 
 and some encouragement to others, that shall faythfuUy serve God and the 
 Church with his Majesty in such Ambassages, not wholely to neglect me, 
 that I say not to hinder me. And I am assured that some in Venice haue 
 their eyes vpon me, making conjecture by my successe, of that which 
 they might looke for themselues, in case they should transport their bodyes, 
 as their mindes are already, into these parts. To whom I could more 
 liberally make offer of my selfe, if I had any thing to spare, or did not find 
 by experience what small hopes I should invite them to. Sir, I persuade 
 my selfe you will attribute this tediousnes to the confidence and freedome 
 of our freendship, and so carry this buisines as Sir Henry may not interpret 
 it as if I were ill satisfied of him, who I must professe dealt both in my 
 allowance there, and at my retourne very honourably with me, howeuer by 
 the false dealing of Mr Cogan I lost a great part of it. It shall sufiice if 
 you offer him this project; whereby I thinck I may perceiue whether he 
 minde me any good or no. One thing more there-is, whereof I would desire 
 to be aduertised : viz. if there be any man that hath vndertaken the 
 answer of Marc' Antonio Capello his booke, which hath now beene out 3 
 yeares without answer. If I were assured there were none I would vnder- 
 take it my selfe. My Lord of Bath of lykelyhood can informe you certainely, 
 or my Lord of Ely* if he be in London. Though I be not all the emptiest 
 of busines, yet I would hope to borrow so much time from my ordinary 
 entpioyments as to dispatch it in a short space, if I were sure not to loose 
 my labour. Concluding with mine owne and my wiues very harty commen- 
 dations to you (who is in a good towardnes to bring into the world a puny 
 to your god-sonne) I commit you to God; and desire to be remembered in 
 your prayers. Bury, this last of November 1613. 
 
 Your very loving freend 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 1 James Montague, Bishop of Bath, late Scholar of Christ's College, Dean of 
 Bristol, and first Master of Sidney Sussex College. 
 
 2 Triplici nodo triplex cuneus. Or an apology for the Oath of Allegiance 
 against the two Breves of Pope Paulus V. and the late letter of Cardinal 
 Bellarmine to G. Blackwel the Archpriest. Loud. 1607. In Latin, Lond. 1607. 
 
 3 Speculum Europae, printed (surreptitiously) in London 1605. See p. 247. 
 
 * Lancelot Andrews, translated from Chichester to Ely 1609, to Winchester 1618.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 255 
 
 BedelVs letter to Dr Sam. Wa7^d; advice to the English 
 
 deputies at Dort; Dec. 19, 1618. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 173.] 
 
 [The Synod of Dort assembled 13 November, 1618, and continued its sittings 
 till end of April, 1619. Among the English representatives were Ward and 
 Joseph Hall, Bedell's old friend and fellow scholar at Emmanuel, after- 
 wards Bishop of Norwich.] 
 
 Salutera in Christo Jesu. I doe not much marvell, Good Mr Dr, that I 
 receiue no letters from you, since (as I haue lately heard) his Majesty 
 heares nothing from those parts. An argument that nothing is yet done 
 and the buisines prooues difficulter than was thought it would, after the 
 discovery especially of the mine of the polititians of the one side : unlesse 
 perhaps therebe a generall inhibition of intelligence, till all be concluded. I 
 pray God that or any thing else may be the cause, rather then nothing at all 
 should be eflfected, and our adversaryes haue this occasion of their joy and 
 our scorne. I will not spend inck and paper to mooue you and your worthy 
 Colleagues to bend all your forces to the furthering of this accord. I know 
 your owne right intentions, and earnest desires, backed and put on by the 
 authoritie and directions of those that send you. I would be bold rather 
 to represent this one thing to you, consider if it be not the best course : con- 
 tenting yourselues to set downe in the very wordes of Holy Scripture the 
 confessed doctrine, and inhibiting all new fangled formes, for the rest to 
 giue as much scope to opinions as may be^. Remember what our prede- 
 cessors did most wisely in tiie Article touching i\\e descent into HelP. And 
 one thing more: since that there shalbe now assembled with you a great 
 nomber of learned men of all the Reformed Churches, who doe also know 
 the mindes of their fellow Ministers and Magistrates, whether you haue 
 directions hence, supreame or subordinate, yea or no; out of your owne 
 discretion and desire of the peace of Jerusalem, in your private conference 
 feele the mindes of all sorts what inclination they haue to a more universall 
 union. That advertising his Majesty (to whom this should be the greatest 
 glory that euer can come to him in this world to be the efFecter of such a 
 worke) you may from him receiue instructions how to proceede to prepare 
 the buisines to further ripenes. I cannot tell whether it be the desire of 
 other Churches as well as ours: in reason it ought to be; and in such a pur- 
 pose pertayning to tlie aduancement of Christs kingdonie and the peace of 
 his Church, methinckes we ought not to expect that others should be the first 
 
 1 The chief or only work of the Synod of Dort was the condemnation of the 
 'five points' of the Arminians. The chief of these concerned the variation 
 of the teaching of Arminius from that of Calvin on 'predestination.' 
 
 - Article III. Bedell seems to mean that the framers of the article contented 
 themselves with using the words of Scripture, Ephes. iv. 9 ds to. Karuirepa /iJpr) 
 Ttjs 77}?. Vulg. ad inferiores. Article ad inferos descendisse.
 
 256 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 motioners. And if you shall tliinck it to appertaine to your duty to doe no 
 more then you are injoyned, and thinck to passe with that forme, tantum 
 jussus sum : remember that it is but the praise of a simple messenger to 
 doe his errand, but we send a wise man and say nothing. Consider what 
 ye haue opportunity to doe, what maybe to the honor of him that sends you, 
 what may be to the glory of Christ your supreme Lord ; whom I beseech 
 in this and all other your aflfayres to direct assist and prosper you as mine 
 owne soule. And so with my harty salutations to your other learned 
 Colleagues I rest 
 
 Your loving freend and Brother 
 in Christo Jesu 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningsheath this 19th 
 of December, 1618. 
 
 To my Verie Reuerend and 
 
 loving freend Mr Dr Warde 
 
 deliver this. 
 
 XL 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Savi. Ward; literary and theological; 
 Feb. 17, [161f]. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiv. f. 164.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kind gratula- 
 tions and good wishes and promise of seeing us now and then. Dr Despotini 
 hath sent you 3li. by tlie Carrier ; he thancks you for your care and trauell 
 about his bookes; but would enti-eate by all meanes to haue ^Elius, and 
 Alex. Trallian in Latin also, and if there be no meanes to procure that 
 the bookebinder be content to retayne Actuarius in Latin, he would that 
 also be sent. He requires to haue the next weeke by the Carrier those, 
 and the other which I wrote of last, and besides the old latin Poets in 
 16°, as I think they be to be had in Plantine or Lions print. The rest of 
 the money, if it please you, may remaine in your hands for a stock for his 
 like occasions, or else it may be cut of from my debt. I would desire to 
 understand whether you would that I should send you the bookes I haue 
 for you by the Carrier, or else, as me thought you sayd, your man should 
 take some tyme to come for them : if the former you shall haue them the 
 next weeke. 
 
 Touching the title of Sir Walter Myldmaies booke I haue cleane 
 forgotten it; I haue lost also the booke it selfe; but Mr Humphry Mildmay 
 in Essex is not without them. It hath certaine advices or counsailes as I 
 thinck, and certaine Psalmes translated by him or paraphrased rather^ 
 
 ^ Sir Walter Mildmay, founder of Emmanuel, died in 1589. This book must 
 refer to a volume of Latin poems, &c. printed after his death.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 257 
 
 As to your objection that if the Churches in Italy and Spaine be true 
 Churches for holding all necessary truth, then the Pope and Court of Rome 
 also. Or the Pope and Court are not as.iemblies of Pastors and sheepe 
 (which is the Genus as it were in the description of the Church) but a 
 certaine confederacy of men seeking themselues and their owne glory, and 
 yet I dare not say that many of the Popish Clergy, being members of the 
 Court, be not also members of the true Church, yea, and saued also. Arrius 
 did not hold the Apostles' Creed in the true sense for if he had, he should 
 haue granted the sonnc to be of the same substance with the Father. Nor 
 yet Nestorius for then he should haue granted the Sonne of God conceiued 
 of the Virgin. Touching the Pelagians I dare not say they were true 
 Churches, though in schisms and heresies I doubt not but many are in 
 outward profession joyned with others whose opinion they doe but implicitly 
 embrace. Yet I haue not read of whole Churches infected with that heresy 
 of Pelagianisnie. In summe tliey also ouerthrow salvation by making man 
 to luiiie no sicknes, and able to cure himself e., which I find not that Papists 
 doe, though some of their opinions looke that way. Touching the place 
 Gal. 5°. I remember I haue shewed you mine opinion heeretofore. I take 
 it to be a speech of that kind whereof Aristotle [1 Poet. Cap. 10] when we 
 set downe presently that which is more renfiote; as 'there be no minstrells 
 in Scythia for there be no vines,' — by this your doctrine and practise at 
 length ye come to exclude your seines out of Christ, and wave the profit 
 you might haue by him. The same would I say to a Papist in the point of 
 merit and satisfaction and invocation of Saints etc. But these thinges 
 must be vnderstood with limitation, if wilfully and obstinately and selfe 
 condemnedly a man persist in such opinions, which I am perswaded a great 
 number vnder the Papacy doe not. 
 
 I would faine heare a definition of a visible Church that might exclude 
 a Popish Church, and leaue still Lutheran Churches ; yea leave Christ any 
 visible Church on Earth for some ages. If this may be given I could be 
 well content to goe as farre in the casting out the Papisticall assemblyes as 
 another man. In the meane tyme wheresoeuer sauing truth in an outward 
 assembly and profession calles men to God there I account is a visible 
 Church. 
 
 For the treatise de Hierarchia subcaelesti, 1 would very gladly you 
 could procure a Copy by Causabons meanes out of France to compare with 
 ours. Some thinges I doubt not but I could correct ex conjectura, but 
 there is Augice stabida behind. I know not whether you haue the 
 Corrections which we once made togetiier or no. But I thinck I haue some 
 observations of abbreviations vsed there according to the order of Alphabet 
 which you shall haue if ye please. 
 
 If I conceiue aright I am yet in your debt 8//. 5s. viz. 6//. "s. Sd. for 
 Sir Morly, and for EHhs l/i. lis. 4d. after the deduction of 40s. receiued 
 by S. Macham and that by Mr Flood. I would expect this weeke what 
 you shall receiue in answer from S. Macham : and I desire you to write me 
 a letter somewhat rowndly and quickly about Sir Morlyes debt, that I may 
 shew it him : possible I may now at his receiuing his halfe yeares stipend 
 
 17
 
 25 8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 get somewhat. Howsoeuer god willing you shall be payd and speedyly. 
 There is a motion made to me by Mr Nath. Rich^ about Lincolnes Inne, 
 but the stipend is litle better then this here, and the place being in London 
 I haue no great inclination to it. Yet I pray signifie to me what you thinck 
 of it. So remembring my hartiest commendations to you from my selfe 
 and ray other selfe, I rest 
 
 Ever yours in Christo Jesu, 
 W. Bedell. 
 Bury, Febr. 17. 
 
 Good Syr, let me intreate you to remember me to Mr Chaderton^ and 
 to communicate with him about the matter of Lincolnes inne. And if he 
 will bestow upon me 2 or 3 of his white Mulbery trees, I pray appoint this 
 bearer to fetch them and, cutting of the heads, to bring them hither. 
 I would entreate you also to get me some graftes out of Emmanuel Coll. 
 orchard of the tymely Cherries. I haue none left there now to write to. 
 To the WorshipfuU and my 
 very good freend Mr Dr 
 Ward, Master of Sydney Coll. 
 deliver this. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sarn. War'd ; proposals for printing 
 Dr Despotine's treatise, " De magnitudine morbi" ; Apr. 5, 
 1622. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 140.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with harty thanckes for my 
 good cheere at my last being at Cambi-idge, these I write to you from Bury 
 from the house of Mr Dr Despotine^, who recommends him hartyly to you, 
 and in his name I am to intreate a fauour of you, which is that you would 
 be pleased to inquire of your Printer there, which is as I take it one 
 Cantrell Legge^ whether his leysure and employment will serve him, in 
 July or August next to print a booke of his ; which is now in copieng out ; 
 of this tytle. De magnitudine morbi disputatio. In qua proposita sani- 
 tatis natura et naturali perfectione, in qua primum Deus homineni cre- 
 averat, physici ab ea recessus investigautur, et quinani inter hos magni 
 sint. . .ostenditur. Oi)us Philosophis quidem jucundum, Theologis utile, 
 Medicis vero apprimfe necessarium. 
 
 1 Afterward Sir Nathaniel Eich, a merchant-adventurer, and a connexion 
 (illegitimately) of Rich Earl of Warwick (1585—1636). 
 
 2 The first Master of Emmanuel College was a great planter of trees. 
 ' Dr Jasper Despotine, see Life, pp. 10 — 12. 
 
 * Cantrell Legge, Printer to the University of Cambridge, 1610 — 1625.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 259 
 
 He would not exspect any thing for the Copy b\it some 40 Copies for 
 him selfe. The bulke of it in written hand will be about some 4 quii-e or 5. 
 He shall hane it to judge of, touching the saleablencs, when it comes to 
 the Vniversity for approbation. He doubts not but both at Franckford 
 and in Venice it selfe a good nomber of Coppies shalbe dispersed. Yf he 
 haue no leisure or stomack thereto, it needcs not demand approbation 
 there. Yf other-wise, the booke wilbe ready about the middle of July. 
 This is all for that buisines — which I doubt not but either for his sake or 
 mine, or both, you will be content to take a little trouble about. I could 
 desire to vnderstand the end of your suite, the rather because my selfe 
 (though I huue now these G yeares deferred) must be constrained to enter 
 into that sea of Law, for some glebe land of my Church detayned from it. 
 If your emi^loyments would allow you some weeks vacation you shall make 
 me beholding to you if you would vouchsafe to visitt the Parsonage of 
 Horningsheath' though it be out of the j^recincts of your Archdeaconry. 
 The Parson himsclfe desires ever to be fownd 
 
 Your assured loving freend 
 W. Bedell. 
 Bury, this 5th of 
 Aprill, 1622. 
 
 To the Worshipfull my verie 
 good freend Mr Dr Warde 
 Master of Sydney CoUedge 
 deliver this 
 in Cambridge. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward ; the publication of Br Des- 
 potine's treatise deferred; interest in behalf of a young 
 ■man for a scholarship at Sidney college ; [Nov. 21, 1622]. 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 129.] 
 
 Salutein in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, Since my last to you about 
 Mr Dr Despotine his booke, he hath resolved to stay a while ere he put it 
 to the presse, beeing aduised so by my selfe, which hath beeue the reason that 
 you haue not since heard of him or me thereabout. He rests a debtor to 
 you, and so do I for him (if there can be any debt owing to you from one 
 that is yours already) for your readines in this affaire : which as he requested 
 me in my next to you to professe, so I doe by these presents. But the 
 principall reason of my writing now is this. I neuer meete our old acquaint- 
 ance Simon Pitts but he thancks me for my letters wherewith I accompanied 
 bis wife's sonne when he placed him in your house. This occasions me to 
 enquire how lie doth, whether he be yet Scholler of your house or no, etc. 
 
 1 See Life, pp. 15, 1(3. 
 
 17—2
 
 26o LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Wherto his answer is, that he hopes with your favour at the next election 
 he shalbe, and tells me that he is confirmed in this hope by the youths 
 Tutor, so you be not of the minde, whereof it seemes you were at liis first 
 sitting, that you would have him yet forbeare to put him selfe vpon the 
 triall. I promised him to write to you. And himselfe desired me so to doe; 
 but not otherwise, then if he shalbe foicnd fitt, and eiien in your judgment 
 deserve it : Which request seemes so reasonable as euen without ray letter 
 me thincks he must needs obtayne it. Yet if that may add any furtherance 
 hereto, I would entreate you to let him perceiue that I haue earnestly 
 recommended him to you. The newes of Dr Chadertons resigning, 
 and the election of Mr Preston to the Mastership of Emmanuell Colledge, 
 was alltogether vnexspected in these parts -. whereof I doubt not but there 
 were some secret motiues, and perhaps conditions more then the world 
 knowes of^. I wish it may be happy to them both: and so much I pray 
 signifie to them both, especially to that good Father, to whom I beseech 
 ye commend me hartily. Many things I haue to communicate with you, 
 about my suite in Chancery ; and some fauours which some of my freends 
 beare me in hand my Lord Keeper purposes to me. He is one that [I am] 
 altogether vuacquainted withall, and therefore doe I the lesse [knowe] how 
 to governe my selfe toward him. Yf you doe know him let [me pray you] 
 certifie me what you conceiue. Among other things though that [be] a 
 circumstance of very slight consideration, when you goe to such [presence] 
 [do] you goe with a gowne, and Tippet, or cloke or how? If you [have] 
 particular acquaintance with any that are about him I pray let [me under-] 
 stand by your next. Concluding with my harty commendations to [Mist]ris^ 
 Warde I commit you to Gods mercifuU protection and doe rest 
 
 Your assured freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 To the Reverend and my very 
 
 good freend Mr Dr Warde, 
 
 Master of Sydney Colledge, 
 
 deliver this in Cambridge, 
 
 not payd. 
 
 November 25, 1622. 
 
 1 Dr Chaderton resigned, 26 Oct. 1622, and Dr Preston, Fellow of Queens', 
 was elected Master. The ' secret motive,' if there was one, seems to have been 
 the desire to elect Preston (who was chaplain to Prince Charles) and to avoid 
 electing Dr Travers, an ex-fellow. See Ball's Life of Preston. By electing 
 Preston the fellows hoped to win back the favour of the Court, which their 
 Puritanism had lost. MuUinger, University of Cambridge, p. 569. 
 
 2 The MS. here is torn.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 26 1 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; proceedings in Parliament 
 
 and Convocation ; Apr. 16, 1624 {partly printed). 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 425.] 
 
 Saluteni in Christo. You may perhaps marvell Good Mr Dr that you 
 haue not heard any thing from me tliese sundry weekes. The reason of my 
 silence hath bcene fir.st my absence from lience, being occasioned by the 
 death of my mother before Easter, and then my coming from Black Notly 
 home to Horningsheath. And since my retourne here hath beene nothing 
 done either in Parliament or our owue house which I could give you any 
 account of, any other wise than by common fame I am sure you heare. 
 Vizt. the examination of my Lord Thresor^ his actions, which haue beene 
 sifted by the Lower house, who yesterday met with the vpper at Whitehall, 
 and haue rendered him vp as a man convicted of many extortions and 
 corrujitions and wrongfull impositions vpon the King's Subjects and euill 
 advice to the King him selfe. In sunime it's surely thought he will be 
 deprived of his place and honors if the sentence goe no further. For our 
 house we haue taken aduice of a Bill touching prohibitions, which is passed 
 the lower house, giuing scope to prooue the suggestion before the judges of 
 Assise in the Country. We have drawne a petition to the lords of the 
 Vpper house Committees about the Bill, and presented reasons against it 
 yesterday. We doe not thinck it will passe. There is another Bill in the 
 lower house on foote to enable Ministers to take leases. This was yesterday 
 committed. Mr Selden had the chaire. All agi-eed to passe it, but 
 Sir Peter Heyman (once my Pupill as you may remember) with some others 
 would haue a restriction that non residents and such as haue many livings 
 might take no benefitt by it. After the ende of the committee sundry tooke 
 him in hand. My selfe at last discovered my selfe to him, and told him I 
 commended his zeale to redresse abuses, but this course was not proper for 
 it Let them restore the Ministry to the common liberty and right of 
 Citizens, and they should haue the more justifiable reason to take in hand 
 the refornieing of that abuse. It is to be heard againe by the Committees, 
 he tells me that a.ssuredly the house will not passe it without some limita- 
 tions. You haue here the publick affayrcs. Touching my booke'-, it slept 
 in my absence save that Dr Goade would needs put a printer vpon me 
 whether I would or no. 1 purposed Mr Barret, and he and the other are 
 agreed to be partners : this day the first forme is set oflF. There is in it a 
 touch vpon the changeing of the pointing of the hebrew text in Gen. 3 in 
 the interlinear Bible Nin for N-in which Mr Dr Raynolds mentions in his 
 
 1 Lord Cranfield, created Earl of Middlesex (1623), Lord Treasurer of 
 England, was impeached for malversation by the House of Commons in 1624. 
 
 2 An Examination of Certaine Motives to Reeusausie, by W. Bedell. Camb. 
 1628.
 
 262 ' LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Conference with Hart, out of Fr. Lucas his Annotations, to haue beene 
 done by Guido Fabricius. I cannot come by the booke. If you haue it, or 
 can heare of it I pray send me the wordes that concerne it. Mr Rudd our 
 old freend was here ; I saw him not till he was euen goeing out of towne. 
 We remembered you. And so desiring to be remembered in your prayers I 
 committ you to God and doe rest 
 
 Your assured freend and loving Brother 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 London this 16th of A prill, 1624. 
 
 To the Worshipfull and my verie Reverend and loving freend 
 
 Mr Dr Warde, Master of Sydney Colledge in Cambridge. 
 
 16 Aprill, 1624. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Wai-d ; Act oj Convocation, De lihris 
 theologicis eocaminandis ; prohibition of the sale of Dan. 
 Featley's book intitided, " The Romish Fisher caught " ; 
 June 1, 1624. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxiii. f. 443.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kinde letter, 
 and according to your appointment liave receiued one of Dr Whitakers 
 bookes. I had nothing to write you the last weeke. Now this, that the 
 Parliament is ended, yet not with so vniversall satisfaction as was wished, 
 and by some hoped. I send you here a copie of the Act of our house, 
 touching the Proposition of revising the Fathers etc. The penning of it was 
 committed to Mr Dalby and me. Marvell not that nothing is sayd of any 
 contribution to the charge etc., for we had no such commission. Dr Featly 
 his booke is not yet permitted to be sold. It is reported that some^ have 
 taken themselves personally touched in a passage thereof, where he mentions 
 the staying the further proceeding in conference to have beene wrought hy 
 sotne, that tooke on them the office of the Divell who is the accuser of the 
 bretheren. I am sory that by this meanes Fisher and his Compagnions 
 are ioyed. But possible it will come forth at last. You must against the 
 3rd of November project this matter of reviseing the Ancients more 
 distinctly, and I hope there will not want maintenance to that. I write 
 these being to post out of Towne to morrow morning early. This day I 
 dined with my Lord of Methe^, where you were remembered. This day 
 
 1 Episc. Duuelm (Morton). 
 
 ^ Bishop of Meath, James Ussher, who was next year raised to the 
 Archbishopric of Armagh. The book referred to was the Answer to the Chal- 
 lenge made by a Jesuite (IF. Maloiic) in Ireland. London 1625.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 263 
 
 the last sheete of his booke is printing. The Lord have vs all in his keeping. 
 Lyniestreete, June 1°, 1624. 
 
 Your loving fi-eend, 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 To my Reverend and worthy freend Mr Dr Ward, Master of Sydney 
 Colledge, deliver this in Cambridge. June 1°, 1G24. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Bedell's letters to Dr Wcu-d; directions for printing some pieces 
 
 7'elating to the Venetians; March 19, and 28, 1626. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 178.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with my verie harty commen- 
 dations remembered, 1 receiued your kinde letter, vpon Fryday last, and 
 accordingly resolued to haue come to Cambridge, and principally to haue 
 enjoyed the company of my Lord Primate ^ to whom I pray remember my 
 humble service. Ihit being yesterday at Bury I tooke cold, and find my 
 selfe not well, so as I dare not aduenture abroad, having for these 7 or S 
 weekes past found a dizzines in my head, and perpetuall tingling in one of 
 myne eares, for which I haue taken a little Physick, and do still vse a kinde 
 of diet tonick. Yet I told Dr Despotine yesterday I would come (who 
 remembers his love to you) and had not this my last distemper hapned, I 
 would have troubled you. Touching the booke I cannot perswade the 
 Printers to any thing, let them doe as they please. I haue resolued to add 
 in the end besides the Rules of the Jesuites, 4 poemes of a Venetian, called 
 Octavio Meniiii, whereof 3 are in print already in litle loose papers, the 
 4th which was vpon occasion of P. Paulo his wounding ^ was not printed, the 
 title is In Meretricem insignem. They are all pertinent to the story or 
 story-writer. If they goe on I shall send them tyme enough. If not I 
 desire you to send me the cojjy by the next Carrier. So with my true love 
 to you and commendations to Mistris Warde, I rest 
 
 Your very loving freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth, this 
 
 19th of March, 1626. 
 
 These Letters I sent the last Tuesday, but the Carrier was gone before 
 
 they came. My cold dotii yet continue, yet now breaking away, I have sent 
 
 herein the Epistle which I have contracted and altered in some thinges. 
 
 I would entreate you, Sir, to peruse it and alter in it what you thinck good 
 
 or at least advertise me of your opinion. The title of the first front I would 
 
 haue altered according to that here set downe, for so it is in the Italian. 
 
 And that other forme Interdicti Veneti I doubt will not satisfie the 
 
 ^ George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1611-1633. 
 
 2 See p. 225. The book referred to is the Latin Translation of Paolo's 
 History of the Interdict. Camb. 1626.
 
 264 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Venetians who pretended a nullity in the Censure: and besides that the 
 determination of the Interdict in true Latine Vse is nevei-, as farre as I 
 find, from the patient but from the agent, as the Proetor, &c. If your 
 Printers take it in hand I doe earnestly intreate you to giue order that it 
 may be carefully corrected. The title of euery page both in the French and 
 Italian is Liber Piimus &c. which I would imitate in this. Remember me 
 againe to my Lord Primate. And I pray let me be so much beholding to you, 
 as to vnderstand by your meanes his interpretation of the 1 Beast, and the 
 2d Beast, the false prophet and the Harlot in the Revelation : which I 
 heard of him at London, but haue quite forgotten. Let me heare from you 
 the next retorne of the Carrier. The Lord haue you in his keeping. 
 
 Yours 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 March 28, 1626. 
 
 To my Reverend and worthy friend Mr Dr Ward Master of Sydney 
 Colledge deliver this in Cambridge. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Wa7'd ; reasons for thinking the 
 
 Dialogue of Maximus a forgery ; Nov. 8, 1626. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 163.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. I thanck you (Good Mr Dr) for your kinde 
 letters, and invitation to come to you : which I would not vnwillingly take, 
 but at the present many things hinder me, so as I can not stirre from home. 
 I thank you for your aduertisement about Maximus Dialogue. I am some- 
 tymes sorry that 1 haue not the bookes of our Adversaries, as Baronius, or 
 other ancients whom they cite, nor the Councells whole ; but only Joverius 
 and Caranza, yet if I were nearer to Cambridge I should haue supply of 
 this want. I have a great suspition that Maximus his Dialogue is a forgery 
 of some library-keeper of Rome. These thinges mooue me. It goeth about 
 to excuse Honoriusi letters to Sergius^ by his Secretary as you know — 
 contrary to the judgment of the VI Councell. It saith the Secretary wrote 
 so much to Constantino at Pope Johns bidding ; but when Pope John the 
 4th 3 lined, Heraclius was Emperour. If it be sayd Constantino his sonne 
 reigned with him. True, But so as the other ruled all. Why should the 
 Secretary write to the Sonne and omitt the Father ? Why was not this 
 defence used for Honorius in the VI Councill by the Legates of Agatho* '] 
 
 1 Honorius, Pope 625-640. 
 
 2 Patriarch of Constantinople, who maintained the monothelite doctrine. 
 
 3 John IV., Pope 640-642. Heraclius I. Emperor 610—641, Constantine HI. 
 (also called Heraclius II.) 641. 
 
 * Agatho, Pope 678.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 265 
 
 Why did not Pope Leo' who translated the Councell out of Greeke vse some 
 respect but cursed Ilonorius ? The wordes recited by Retlar out of the 
 Dialogue do difiFer from those in Bisciola his Epitome of Baronius. One 
 hatli, qui Uteris suis quas ad terginna sxperioribus temporibus scripsit. 
 The other — qui aperte antecessori meo &c. If there were any such thing 
 I would rather thiuck it was by the procurement of John 5th "^, who had 
 beene at the VI Councell, and was after Pope. In the narration also of 
 this Councill which Baronius sayth that Anastasius makes, there be many 
 suspitions : for all the Actions of the Synode that concern this matter be 
 lacking, and yet he shewes that Leo translated the Councell and cursed 
 Honorius. Sir, at your leisure reade ouer that Dialogue of Maximus and 
 consider of all circumstances. Observe also whether Photius mention this 
 Dialogue or no. Touclnng the history of the Interdict, I did guess that to 
 be the reason that I wrote to yon, that you did not sell them, especially 
 being finished before the faire. And the last weeke Dr Despotine had 
 a letter from Signer Fra. Biondi that the Venetian Ambassador will 
 haue the Epistle taken away. For my part, I care not what they doe 
 with it, and I thinck it will not hurt the sale of their Copies that there is 
 difficulty in the passing of it. I haue receiued 12 copies from Leon. 
 Greene, but vnbound. Desire him I pray that if he send me any more, 
 they may be bound for we haue none that can bind them well here. So 
 remembering my true loue to you and Mistria Warde with my Commen- 
 dations to Dr Chaderton. I rest, 
 
 Your true loving friend 
 
 ' W. Bedell. 
 
 Horningerth 
 
 Nov. 8, 1626. 
 
 Sir, if Mr Buck come abroade yet, I pray remember me hartily to liim. 
 To the Worshipfull and my Reverend good friend Mr 
 Dr "Warde Master of Sidney CoUedge deliver this 
 8 Novemb. 1626. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; Archbishop Ussher offers to 
 procure for him the provostship of Dublin College ; March 
 15, 162f. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 176.] 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Though I haue not heard yet of your retourne from London (Good 
 Mr Dr) yet conjecturing by the tynie you should be retourned, with the 
 opportunity of one of myne owne parisli goeing to Cambridge, I write these 
 lines. I could haue desired the last weeke to liaue beene with you, if it 
 had beene but for a few houres, to haue consulted with you touching 
 a proposition as vnlooked for to me as that of my journey to Venice. 
 I receiued 2 letters of like date and contents from London by appointment 
 ' Leo VI., Pope 682-3. 2 j^hn V., Pope 686-7.
 
 266 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 from my Lord Primate of Armagh ^, demanding to know whether I would 
 accept of the place of Provost of the College there, in case he procured 
 that I were elected thereto : and requiring my present answer. I was and 
 yet am altogether ignorant of the quality of the place. I meane as to the 
 emplnyment (for as for the meanes he writes it is 100//. per annum and may 
 be bettered by the addition of a weekely lecture in the Citty) where in 
 I thought you could somewhat informe me, if it were but from Mr Alvey 
 his report, of whose death you wrote in your last. I went to Bury to 
 consult with Dr Despotiue, and my patrone Sir Tho. Jermyn. It was not 
 Gods will I should finde either of them at home. So the answer I made was 
 this, That I was married, and had .3 cliildren, a good seate in an wholesome 
 aire, with a litle parrish within the compasse of my weake voice ; and 
 aboue 100/<. a yeare living: which made me together with the inclination 
 of my wife, not desirous to change — yet if I should see clearely it was the 
 will of God I should goe, I esteemed I was to close mine eyes against 
 mine owne convenienci/es, and follow his call, which I should esteeme by 
 this, if those that had power to elect there did jyrocure those that might 
 com.mande me here to send me. In which case I was resolved to goe, not 
 only into Ireland but Virginia and that alle I were sure to nfieete with 
 death in the performance. For my selfe I was resolved not to stine a foote 
 or finger to or against this motion, &c. This answer I doe not yet repent 
 of. For in truth What to choose I cannot tell : but would doe what is 
 my duty. To goe thither only to looke to the accounts of a College, I doe 
 not apprehend how it can be of any great use, more then I may performe 
 here, especially if, as / hope and lately vndersiand, there is hope more 
 then heretofore of some doing good at Venice. This I write as vnder- 
 standing from Sir F. Biondi that many of his friends there entreate him 
 to answer a booke printed at Millaine lately about the warres of Boheme 
 and the Jesuites ; wherein possibly I may afford him a litle helpe and so 
 in some other occasions of that sort. Herein let me I pray vnderstand 
 your opinion if you know anything of the quality and employment in 
 Ireland. For the rest I pray (for so I am required) impart not this to any. 
 One thing I will say to you that my Lord Primates worthy disposition doth 
 much encourage me, if I might be of use to his designes of printing the 
 authors of the midle tymes. Concluding I pray you (good Mr Dr) let me 
 heare from you both of this, and if you heare of any new translation of the 
 Councill of Trent whereof you promised to enquire. I receiued from 
 Mr Buck the bookes he sent. L. Greenes man writes they tooke 20 *A. 
 money : which if I had knowne they expected, I would not haue had so 
 many. But they shall not loose by me in that kinde though perhaps they 
 gaine nothing by the booke. I rest. 
 
 Your loving and euer faythfull 
 friend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 Horningerth 
 
 this 15th of March, 
 
 1626. 
 
 ^ James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, p. 262.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 267 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; enquiry of Sig. Biondi for a 
 book written by an Englishman [Tho. Ryves] in defence of 
 the Emperor Justinian; Apr. 16, 1627. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 190.] 
 
 Saluteni in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, with my verie harty com- 
 mendations and like thanckes for my good cheere at my late being with 
 you. Tiiese I now write at the request of Dr Despotinc, who hath receiued 
 letters from Sr F. Biondi with a note inclosed from Venice, to enquire for 
 a Booke which a learned man of England should write and print against 
 Nicolas Alemani keeper of the Vatican Library : who first published some 
 few yeares since Procopii Arcana Hisloria with his Latine Translation and 
 Notes, in whicli with the depression of the name and memory of the 
 Emperour Justinian, the Court of Rome prepares the way to the condemna- 
 tion of the Lawes made by the sayd Emperour which are read in the Code, 
 which clearely besides other thinges shew the falsehood of their pretence of 
 beeing exemjited from the judgment of Secular Princes. From which they 
 meane to proceed further to bring in an absolute Monarchy and Despoticall 
 Dominion over all rrinces &c. These be the wordes of tlie Note. Now 
 Signor Biondi writes he can not heare of any such in London, and desires 
 our Dr to enquire at Cambridge. Dr Dcspotine is of the minde that it is 
 the booke of Dr Crakanthorpe in defence of the Emperour Justinian, 
 which I shewed him. Notwithstanding because he writes against Baronius, 
 and not Alemani, nor once that I can finde mentions that History of 
 Procopius, we both intreate you, if you can, to sigiiifie what other Author 
 it should bee. Procopius history of the warres against the Goths by 
 Belisarius and Narses I haue scene and read in Venice. Other History 
 called Arcana I never heard of^ I long to heare of the successe of 
 Emmanuell College Statutes 2; so much the more because I heare by 
 Mr Hunt of second letters sent to the Heades about this matter. The 
 copy of these letters (if you can gett it) I would be glad to see. And I 
 pray send me your opinion about this point, whether a man inlightened 
 and convinced of the truth of Christian doctrine may by that grace 
 receiued, aske, seeke, and pray for the grace of Conversion. Or how you 
 would reconcile these 2 : That Fayth is the gift of God, and yet mann shalbe 
 condennied (and justly) for not beleeving in Christ as Joh. 3. 18, 19. I haue 
 not yet tiie leisure to set downe the i)oints we wei'e speaking about ; I hope 
 to doe it ere long. I haue now my handfuU of another taske. And so 
 many distractions come upon me, and upon another, that I finde as litle 
 
 1 The Arcana Historia of Procopius, with Notes by N. Alemani, was first 
 printed iu Greek and Latin at Lyon in IG'23. 
 
 - The attempt to amend the College statutes and especially to get rid of that 
 de mora sociorum, which terminated a Fellowship at the standing of D.D.
 
 268 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 leisure here as you tliere. Pardon this my adding to yours. I am and 
 shalbe euer 
 
 Your truely loving friend 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horniugerth April! 16, 1627. 
 
 Remember me to your wife, and Dr Chaderton. 
 
 To my verie Reverend and much respected 
 friend Mr Dr Warde Master of Sydney 
 CoUedge deliver this in Cambridge. 
 I think that praecisely vpon the knowledge of our present misery, and 
 the persuasion, and persuasion of so great a good, as the offer of life and 
 happynes, a man is not enabled to desire it, and Christ the meaues of it, 
 vnless he be trewly touched with a sense of his sins as displeasing to God, 
 with a purpose to leave them. 
 
 XX. 
 
 BedeWs letter to Dr Ward; chosen provost of Dublin 
 College; theological questions [1627]. 
 
 [Tanner MSS cxiv. f. 151.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Though I know this tyme is a busy tyme with 
 you, so as it is almost a sinne (to speake in the Italian phrase) to interrupt 
 you, yet I cannot but signifie to you the state of my buisines, and request 
 your aduice. I receiued the last weeke a letter from Mr Temple one of the 
 fellowes of the CoUedge in Ireland, wherein he signifies that they iiaue pro- 
 cured his Majesties letter for the setling me in that place. And that he would 
 haue sent me a copy thereof, but that Mr Floyd his Colleague had written 
 already to me (as he vnderstood) and sent it. That he purposed to retouriie 
 with speede for Ireland. To this purpose also writes Mr Burnet a Merchant 
 in Lombard Streete. This day I was advertised also, that Sir Natlianaell 
 Rich did write to me by Mr Floyd, the same day the King's hand was gotte 
 about 3 weekes agoe, and marvells that he heares not from me about it. 
 Now I never receiued any letter from Mr Floyd, the copy of the King's 
 letter I never saw, nor receiued Sir Nathanaels letter. I did answer to 
 Mr Temple, that I accounted my selfe more beholding to him for his loue 
 then his newes. That I could not conceive how by my setling there, any 
 such good should be added to that house as he presumed. But would crosse 
 the seas : and for giving him directions, I did rather expect to receiue them 
 from him ; especially when, and how he purposed to make his journey : 
 desirous, if my affaires would comport, to accompany him, or else would 
 giue him expresse answer, that he should not stay for me. Now in this I 
 crave your aduice, whether I were better to goe presently or stay till after 
 harvest. That were the safer way for me in respect of gathering in this 
 yeares fruites of my benefice ere I put my selfe in the hazzard of the seas.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 269 
 
 On the other side, the College hath beene long a headlesse body, and very 
 likely would thinck long to see him, that ere long they would think came 
 to soone. Another thing also I cast in minde, uiy place here is certaine 
 and quiet : Whether it were wisdome to put my selfe presently out of it, or 
 take as it were a tynie of probation there, retayning this ? I might haue 
 the Archbishops dispensation for 3 yeares, and he offered it me. But the 
 Statutes of the house, as I heare, adniitt not any living to be holden but 
 within 3 myles of that place. Vnlesse I should forbcare for a tyme to take 
 the oath and be admitted Provost : which is subject to a great many 
 inconveniencies, as to haue no authority but precario, with other like. I 
 pray advise me, whatsoeuer comes in your minde : and what else any way 
 pertinent to this buisines God shall bring to your reniemberance you shall 
 herein much oblige me to you. For my part I liaue no greater comfort in 
 this affaire, then this, that I haue not souglit it directly or indirectly : and 
 shall hold my selfe better pleased to be quiet still at home, if any rubb 
 happen in the way. 
 
 To your last letters. An humbled sinner is not yet a true convert, 
 though in proxima dispositvme : as Mr Perkins well teaches. And the 
 title Pater noster, may well be used of him that considers hiniselfe as goils 
 Creature, or as entered into the Covenant of grace Sacramentally, though a 
 man haue not the Spirit of adoption. But let vs leave the forme of the 
 Lords Prayer ; the question is whether he can say, ' Convert me Lord etc.^ 
 ^ Giue me to beleeue' ; Consider the forme of St Augustines conversion in 
 his Confessions ; and whether to one in the like agony you would not advice 
 (and well might) to pray as he did, Cur non m.odo etc'. 
 
 Touching the 2d point, I conceiue not your answer, or else you mistake 
 me: for doe not thinck but I will admitt, that hoi\\ posse credere is of grace, 
 and ipsum credere also ; and both free gifts of Gods, yet the last 
 conditioned with aske, seeke, knock, which many that haue the former 
 fayling in are worthily deprived of. Your similitude of one offering to 2 
 beggers each a peny, which one acceptes, the other refuses ; is not like this 
 matter. But rather that of one shewing money to 2 beggers with Christs 
 word, Aske and ye shall haue, where both are ingaged for the promise, but 
 more he that hath the proffer and performance. I thanck you much for the 
 booke you were pleased to send me, which I haue read over this weeke, 
 with your sermon ad Clerum, enlarged. I had noted before 3 places 
 whereof I doubted : and thought in one of those 2 there was some fiiult in 
 the print : It is in your latter edition page 22 voluntatis Irresistihilitatem. 
 I thought it should be resislibiUtatem, or oppugnandi. The other is page 
 23 nos dicimus. I thought it would be non dicimus. In the same leafe, 
 formidis causa. I thinck you meane, proxima and immediata efficiens. 
 But perhaps some Schoolemeu speake so, which yet I doe not remember. 
 See how much trouble I jjyt you to beare with me, and remember me to 
 
 ' The passage to which Bedell appears to refer begins with quare (not cur) 
 Confess, viii. 12 iactabam voces miserabiles : ' Qnam din? quam diu? Cras 
 et cras? Quare non modo ? quare non hue hora finis turpitudinis meae V
 
 2/0 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Mistris Ward. If I goe shortly into Ireland I will see you at Cambridge ; 
 if not, yet I will intreate you with her to see vs here, so I rest, 
 
 Your ever loving freend, 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Bedells letter to Dr Wm-d; the provostship of Dublin 
 
 College; theological question; May 8, 1627. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 194.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. I thank you for your letters, and the Copy of 
 your latter reference from the King. I shall niarvell if tliose that be so 
 zealous about the altering the statute of Em. Coll. do not likewise labour to 
 overthrow the like of Q. Eliz. foundation in the College in Ireland, by which 
 the fellows there may not stay aboue 7 yeares after their beeing Masters of 
 Arts. For that I perceiued this last weeke at London whether I was sent 
 for by Sir Na. Rich by order from my Lord of Canterbury the Chancelor of 
 that University, who when I came to him used a very pithy and weighty 
 speech to me to induce me to accept that chai'ge. I excused me by my 
 deafenes and other insufficiencies, but it auailed not. The fellowes haue 
 put up a Petition to the King desiring I may haue the place conferred 
 upon me. The successe of their suite I did not thinck it fitt to attend. 
 But if they obtane it, I thinck to goe (with the helpe of God) at least to 
 take some triall of the place. Touching my letter, your instance of the 
 conviction of the Devills of the truth of Christian doctrine, who yet cannot 
 pray, is not to the purpose. For there is no grace of Illumination or 
 conviction granted to them to enable them to any supernaturall act. Nor 
 doth Christian doctrine concerne them but mankind to whom Christ is 
 giuen. It seemeth that precisely upon the knowledge of our present 
 misery &c., with all the persuasion of so great a good as the offer of life and 
 happines made by God in Christ to the world, a man should be abled to 
 desire it and Christ the meanes of it, and to pi'ay. Convert me o Lord and 
 I shalbe converted &c. I do freely grant that the belieuer hath euer a 
 greater grace then he that is not converted. For he hathe the gift of 
 Faith it selfe, but whether a greater before faith I doubt. And I would 
 desire to vnderstand in particular what it is, and how, that being denied, the 
 mouth of such as beleaue not shalbe stopped, and their condemnation just. 
 When your leisure shalbe greater, I could desire to receiue the further 
 declaration of this point. Meane while with my true aflFectiou to you and 
 hearty commendations to Mistris Warde I rest 
 
 Your truely loving freeud, 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth this 
 8th of May 1627. 
 
 At my being at London Sir Na. Rich told me of a letter that goes about
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 271 
 
 in the name of your College to the Duke' ; a very flattering and absurd 
 thing as wise men esteeme it : I laboured to get a Coppy of it supposing 
 you are abused in it, but I could not meete with it. You may do well to 
 search it out. 
 
 To the Worshipfidl and my Reverend good freend Mr Dr Ward Master 
 of Sidney Colledge deliver this in Cambridge. May 1627. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Tf. Bedell to Sir Naihanael Rich^. 
 
 {From the original in the possession of His Grace the Duke 
 
 of Manchester at Kimbolton Castle.) 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 Sir, I am retourned from Dublin vpon Michaelmas day, whether I set 
 forth vpon St James day. My iourney I thanck God was prosperous, as 
 farre as hitherto I can judge of it, if the vndertaking a place of that charge 
 and burthen aboue my strength do not oppresse and crush me. At my 
 comming I presented my selfe to my Lord Deputy, by whom I was 
 graciously vsed. The next day came to me Mr Usher, who was elected by 
 the junior fellowes, wishing me to be advised ere I entered a place whereto 
 he had right ; He doubted not but when His Majesty should be informed, 
 he would administer indiflFerent justice to all his subjects etc. I could not 
 get of him the grownds of his pretension nor persuade him to go with me 
 to Drogheda to my Lord Primates, whether I went the next day and com- 
 municated with him of all things. He to the point of Mr Usher sayd he 
 was sorry he would not be advised by his friends : wished me to proceede 
 etc. I retourned and having perused the Statutes, went to the College, and 
 took the oath, yet with Protestation that I entended not to binde my selfe 
 to every clause and phrase in the Statutes, but to the Substance : and 
 where the Provost might not hold any Benefice, except it were within three 
 miles of Dublin, I did not intend presently to give over my Benefice, in as 
 much as the place was litigious^, and my family and affayres in England 
 vnsetled, but would do it when with conveniency I might. Thence 
 forward having taken upon me the place I endeavoured to sow up the rent 
 betweene the fellowes ; and to that end appointed a Coinnmnion the next 
 Sunday (a thing intermitted these 11 yeares). Then ordered the members 
 of our governing Senate, I meane the Seniors ; removeing (as by our 
 
 1 The Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 2 See ante p. 258. 
 
 ' Because there had been a dispute whether the Senior or Junior Fellows had 
 the right of election. At the death of Sir Wm Temple, Jan. 15, 1626, the 
 Seniors had chosen one the Juniors another. The king then nominated 
 Bedell.
 
 2/2 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 charter we were bound) such as by tyme after their Degree of Master of 
 Arts were to be removed. Next we chose officers, gave graces in the 
 house for Degrees, reformed some abuses in the Chappell and Hall : as the 
 Evening Prayers were in the Hall, and Philosophical! Acts in the Chappell. 
 But my next care was about the Statutes, which being part latin, part 
 Enghsh, and in sheetes of Paper some stich'd together, some loose, a heape 
 without order, with long preambles, and sometyme vnnecessary, and in 
 many thinges defective : with the consent of the greater part of the 
 Seniors, I so digested into a new forme, and at last perfected as I hope 
 and published in the Chappell. The state of the College in respect of 
 the Revenue and Treasure should have been the thing I would next have 
 entered into consideration of. But it required a long tyme. And this in 
 short I fownd, there was not money enough in the chest to pay the 
 Commons and the stipends when the day should come. I consigned all 
 the Bookes of former accounts into the handes of the Vice-Provost 
 (Mr Lloyd) and the Auditor (Sir James Ware) desiring him to set me 
 downe the Estate of the College especially in respect of Areai-es. Which 
 hitherto he sayd he could never doe, in as much as he had not so much as 
 a Rentall of the Colledge revenue, but had made vp every yeares account, 
 only out of what was taken out of the chest and disbursed. Wherein 
 notwithstanding sundry Bursars had left in their hands large summes of 
 the College money, never satisfied. And to mend the matter a custome 
 was brought in of giveing to the Senior Fellowes at ther departing 
 a Viaticum as they call it. Which also was demanded by those Fellows 
 who now left their places. But to these Viaticums I have I hope given 
 a Viaticum. And when ever I shall retoriie to the house, I hope to looke 
 a litle better to the Accounts : and if it be possible to recover some of 
 those hundreds, which I doe already by a superficiall view perceive are 
 unjustly witlihelde from the Colledge, partly received and never accounted ; 
 partly lent (as is pretended) but without assent of the greater part of the 
 Seniors ; partly lent indeede, but never repayed ; and as it is now hoped to 
 be granted for a Viaticum to the former Provost. Sir, you may by this 
 which I have in short run over, conceive what a world of busines I am put 
 into : yet I repent me not of my journey, though I have not had there one 
 houre voyd of paines, trouble, or thought, nor do looke to have when I shall 
 retourne, for many moneths. But if I shalbe able to settle the College in 
 a good state, for their manners, lavves, revenew, and studies, whereof in 
 respect of many difficulties in each I have great reason to doubt, yet the 
 state of the Country considered, now wholely assubjected to Romish super- 
 stition, and as it seemes, in respect of religion euen abandoned by those 
 that should have the care and charge of it, I have litle hope euer to have 
 comfortable day there. Unlesse with the Apostle I could rejoice in 
 labours, and troubles, and euen to be ofiFered up on the sacrifice and 
 service of the faith of God's people ; which I do some tymes wish, and have 
 some comfort I confesse euen in that very wishing. But I should enter 
 into a Sea to goe about to relate vnto you the present state of religion in 
 Ireland. Your selfe I beleeve would scarce beleeve it possible that in
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 273 
 
 a few yeares since your being there it should receive such a headlong 
 downefall. I shall reserve that to our meeting, which shalbe I hope ere 
 long, when I shall receive the Colledge, and my Lord Primates letters, or 
 advice that they are in London for me. At which tyme also I hope to 
 make my excuse and satisfaction for my not seeing my Lord of Canterbury 
 at my parting, being in truth required by my Lord Primate to repaire to 
 Dublin with all possible speede. I hoi)e you have in part made my excuse, 
 and in any occasion will further doe it. Meane while desiring you to 
 remember my hujuble service to the Earle of Warwick, my ever honoured 
 Lord I committ you to the protection of our good God, and rest Sir 
 
 [Indorsed] 
 
 To the WorshipfuU and my Very 
 
 good friend Sir Nathaneel 
 
 Riche at Warwick 
 
 house deliver these 
 
 in London. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; queries about the University of 
 
 Cambridge; affairs of Dublin College; Jan. 17, 162^. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 235.] 
 
 Salutera in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I am ashamed that I haue kept 
 your booke of the University Statutes so long : but I had a desire to draw 
 out of it a project for our University, which lacks statutes as yet. And 
 some rude lines 1 haue drawiie. But alas, we lack the facultyes of Physick 
 and lawo wholcly : and tliat of Divinity is never like to yeild us any Doctors 
 resident in our University, or aboue one or 2 ; sith when they come to be 
 7 yeares standing Masters of Arts, they nuist leave their fellowships : 
 I could desire to know whether your University haue any licence of 
 
 18
 
 274 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Mortmaine to purchase Landes : and to what value, and by what name 
 you are incorporated, and whether the Vice Chancellor Proctors and 
 Bedells haue any stipends out of the same, or else their stipends be nieerely 
 out of the Contributions for degrees. To what vse your matriculation 
 money is put : and how the Schooles were first founded, and are yet 
 repaired, if you haue vnderstood what sumraes of money Professors of 
 Law, or Physick do pay to the University for their chairs, and whether the 
 Professors of Divinity do the like or not. Whether the Physitians and 
 lawiers do make any Profession at their taking Degrees of Dr as Divines 
 do. And the copy of the Profession of Divinity if you can conveniently 
 come by it. A hundred more thiiiges I haue to demand which now come 
 not to my minde. As about your sheets (which I thinck were monies 
 pietatis at first) whether there be any use of them now or not. What 
 officers the University hath for their possessions, as Stewards, Auditors 
 Surveyors or the like. For my journey, it is not like to be till the Sjiring. 
 I haue not yet receiued my Lord Primates resolution of my case viz. 
 whether I may, notwithstanding my oath to hold no benefice but within 
 3 myles of Dublin, retayne the right of my living here, without receiuing 
 any profitt thereby. For my selfe I do most incline to thinck, that I may 
 not, since so long as I haue the title of it, and may execute the duty when 
 I will, I hold the benefice. From the fellowes there, I understand of a new 
 difference since my coming away, upon an opinion that we had made 
 a statute that none should be chosen fellow under a Bachelor of Arts of 
 7 Termes standing at least, purposely to exclude the natives, and specially 
 a Cousin of my Lord Primates of his name, this next Election. The truth is 
 I assented to that Statute out of a perswasion of the good of the College 
 for all future tymes, and no other regard. And that cousin of my Lord, as it 
 is assured me, is altogether vnfitt for the place. I see it vvilbe a very hard 
 thing to please all sides. The fellowes complaine that my Lord Primate is too 
 open eared to suggestions, an euill many tymes following good natures. 
 How so euer I can yet stay where I am : but I shall perceiue more when 
 I receiue his owne letters. They haue bestowed a grace of Dr upon me in 
 the house, as I heare, though not from them, but my Lord Deputy his 
 Secretary. And my Lord Deputy conferred upon me the place of the 
 Threasurership of St Patricks in Dublin, which was holden in Commendara 
 by the Archb. of Tuam (being of the Collation of the Archb. of Dubline), 
 advising me to get the Royal letters for it, &c. and as I heare passed it for 
 me under scale. I wrote to his Lordship with thancks but refusing to 
 medle in it, or hold any opposition with the Archbishop ; since I under- 
 stand that the Archb. of Tuam is not dead, and I for my part had rather 
 content my selfe with the meere wages of my place then goe to law for the 
 best place in that Church, though I were sure to evict it. I haue made 
 this honorable offer of his an occasion to petition for the wages of 40/^. per 
 annum, anciently granted to the Provost for maintaning a lecture before 
 the Lord Deputy and Counsell, which for the 7 yeares past hath beene witli- 
 holden from the College, although the senior fellowes do yet uphold that 
 lecture. I shall also see what that course will worke, I could haue
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 275 
 
 desired tliat company liere to havie imparted all things at large, but the 
 weather is to unseasonable: and my selfe am shortly to goc into Essex 
 upon occasion of tlie death of one of my Brother in Lawes who departed 
 this life the last weeke. I doe entreate you to conceale that which 1 write 
 touching the Lord Primate and the Lord Deputy : and if you can at leysure 
 certifie me of the particulars of my demands touching your University you 
 shall doe me a pleasure. I hope to see you here about Candlemas tyme. 
 And so with thancks for the Note of your bokehousc and all other your 
 kindnesses, I rest 
 
 Your euer bownden and 
 faythfuU freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth this 17th 
 of January 1627. 
 
 I receiued upon Monday a kind letter from Mr Mede of Christs 
 College with one of his bookes which I haue read or rather ranne over. 
 I haue not now the leysure by reason of this bearers hast to write to him. 
 I desire you at your next occasion to thanck him in my name. 
 
 To my Reverend and very 
 worthy freend Mr Dr 
 Ward Master of Sidney 
 Colledge deliver 
 this 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; theological points on grace 
 
 and justifying faith ; Jan. 29, 1G2|. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxii. f. 239.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kinde 
 letters. And touching Pre Paulo liis opinion, as I remember it, was this. 
 Where in discourse with him and Fulgentio we talked of the order in 
 conversion, which, as I couceiued, was by excitation and lUuminatiun and 
 Conviction of the truth of the doctrine, before the giving of Justifieing 
 Faith, so as it was not done in an instant but by certaine Degrees. He 
 said : Grace was given in an instant, and might sometymes begin, but not at 
 the understanding, but in some affection as Feare, Hope ec. and so affect 
 the whole man : which also he seemed to make effectuall Grace it selfe, and 
 not any preparative thereunto. And for the acts priBparatory whereof 
 you write, I thinck you haue most truly set dowue this whole matter, in 
 your Suffrage at Dort touching the 3 and 4th Articles in the title De 
 Antecedancis ad Cunversionem. And the resemblance which you use is 
 very proper. Nam sicut in generatione hominis naturali nniltae sunt 
 perviae dispositiones &c. the very image which our Saviour borrowed 
 John 3 — Where you demand, whether the subject may be sayd to be 
 
 18—2
 
 276 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 dead in sinne in the Apostles phrase Eph. 2 and Col. 2 : it seemes not. 
 For he speakes of the state of those before their calling or any beginning of 
 grace in them, while they walked in sinnes and were in like subjection to 
 the Devil, with those in whom he did yet eflfectually worke. This is not so 
 in those who haue illumination, and Compunction, desire of freedome, and 
 hope of pardon. For looke, how much there is of the one contrary induced, 
 so much is abated of the other. It is true that the forme is induced in an 
 instant, which is ipsum credere in adultis whereby the Subject is com- 
 pletely translated from death to life. But when the soule hath receiued 
 the immortall seede of Gods worde, which St Peter speakes of, Ep. 1. 23. he 
 is not all utterly in the same case as before, much lesse when it hath taken 
 sorae roote, though in shallow grownd, as in those that beleeue for a tyme, 
 after falling away. And let it be marked, that it is the high way that 
 answers to the estate of those that are wholely dead in sinnes : the other 
 grownds haue at the least the lively seede in them, though in some through 
 their owne fault it come not to fruite, as you say Thes. 5, Where you aske, 
 Whether such acts proceede from the motion of the Spirit, or initiall 
 habits and dispositions. It seemes, at the first from the impulse and 
 motions of the Holy Spirit : viz. when the habits or dispositions are working 
 and inducing. After these are vitall actes, as motion in Embryone. 
 Unlesse a man will hold that there must necessarily be a new impulse to 
 euery severall act even out of habit complete, which for my part I thinck 
 is not so, albe grace and new grace in som sense there must be, even after 
 conversion. But when we say Vitall actes, I take your meaning Philo- 
 sophically not Theologically, unlesse you meane incompletely, and as tending 
 to life, i.e. to Faith, by which the just lives. For it implies contradiction 
 that before a man lives he should performe a Vitall act. Alwaies it must be 
 remembered we doe not performe any one of these actes per naturae 
 vigorem, as the Councell of Orange speakes : all our sufficiency is from God 
 giving these habits, add also ministring occasions, remooving impediments, 
 yea, if you will, giving impulses such as shall not irresistibly moove. For 
 if they doe, neither is that possible which you say (1 Thes. 5, 19), SuflFocari 
 ac penitus extingui possunt hi effectus prsecedanei, et in multis solent. And 
 if they were not resisted, the reason of Gods forsaking 1 Thes. 4. 7, 8, and 
 consequently the justice of condemning men for not bcleeving could not be 
 cleared. And this agrees with that which you teach out of St Paul Phil. 2. 
 12, though I thinck it is not the proper meaning of that place. God 
 hath begun in you a good worke of his grace, and brought it thus farre 
 as that you haue a will to believe and convert : with feare and care, do 
 you endeavour to finish (as KarfpyaCecrde doth rather signifie than as 
 Chrysost expounds it) that whereupon your salvation depends. Fur as God 
 hath begun, so it is he which will giue you inward and effectuall force, if 
 you be not wanting to his grace, i.e. if you instantly use meanes, and ask, 
 seeke, knock. How be it as I sayd I thinck he speakes to men converted 
 and delivered as you say, p. 5 a, and therefore exhorts rather to care and 
 constancy in new obedience, than to care in the beginning of conversion for 
 the accomplishing thereof. Their safety or health was already wrought,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 277 
 
 Veluti cum medicina morbuiu superavit : hoc tantum deerat ad perfectam 
 sanitatem, ut ?eger jam coiivalcscens in victus ratione recte iustituenda 
 et alterautium medicamentorum usu ofBcium faceret — This for your de- 
 mands. Perusing your letters which I receiued last from you before my 
 goeing into Ireland, I finde these wordes you set downe what you conceiue 
 to be my meaning in that whicli i)assed before betweene us. [Your opinion 
 is this, that God giving a man posse credere giveth him also posse inwcare 
 et orare, as a meanes to worke actuall fayth, ipsmn credere.] and you add, 
 / will admltt all you say. But wlicther it be my infelicity in lack of 
 expressing my selfe, or any thing fell from my pen besides my meaning I 
 know not ; this is not my opinion. For first I acknowledge no working of 
 actuall fayth by us, but obtaining only. God is the worker, which by a new 
 free and unresistible (or at least unresisted) grace, giues ipsum credere. By 
 a new impulse induces this forme which after remaines per modum habitus 
 in the subject, where it was not in it before, but in poteiitia. And for 2)osse 
 credere, I do not thinck that a Reprobate ever hath it, any other wise then 
 in that he hath posse invocare. So this, is not given together with that, but 
 that is given in the giving of this. The thing you only contend (as you 
 say) is that, if 2 heme posse orare, he t/iat hath both posse orare, and doth 
 acta orare also, hath infallibly a greater grace antecedenter ad actum 
 credendi, for the act commeth from a greater grace then the bare posse 
 credere — I thinck you would haue sayd/)0S5g orare. Otherwise you speake 
 not to my meaning. And if so, that as it seemes can be no other but an 
 impulse or motion ad oranduni, which if it be in-esistible in the one, and 
 either not at all, or resistible in the other, you may soone see this mans 
 mouth cannot be stopped, and he made inexcusable why he beleeved not. 
 As easily it may be on the other side, if there were no impulse at all but 
 only a power ; or the impulse were resistible in both, but not resisted but 
 only in the reprobate. To conclude he that doth acta orare hath infallibly 
 greater grace viz. exorare, credere, salvari. See Act 9. 11. But this is 
 consequenter. If he haue greater also antecedenter, 1 desire to know what 
 it is in particular. I crave no pardon of this prolixity, but desire to be 
 punished lege talionis. 
 
 I pray certifie me if thei'e be any recordes or abstract of your Privileges 
 of the University which a man might obtaine the sight of. For the ori- 
 ginalls I suppose are not easily to be vciwed. So with my commendations to 
 your selfe and Mris Warde I committ you to the Lords protection, and rest 
 
 Your ever loving freend 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horuingerth, this 29th 
 of January, 1627. 
 
 To the Worshipfull and my 
 
 Reverend good freend 
 
 Mr Dr Warde Master 
 of Sydney Colledge 
 in Cambridge, 
 deliver this.
 
 2/8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; scruples about reta,ining the rectory 
 of Horningsheath ; the question of faith and justifying 
 faith; Feb. 8, 162|. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 243.] 
 
 Sahiteiii in Cliristo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, 1 thaiick you for your kiiide 
 lettres although I haue a kiude quarrell to you, for styling me Provost of 
 Queenes College neare Dublin. It was iudeede of Q. Eliz' foundation but 
 it is Trinity College. Where you add also, Parson of Horningerth, 
 thereabout I haue a question to you, which I had sooner prupownded, but 
 that till of late I made litle question of it, and euer thought questions of 
 this nature are as litle to be propounded to friends, as to a mans selfe, in 
 his owne case. I haue taken an oath to keepe the Statutes of our College 
 pro virili mea in omnibus. Amongst them one is in the Chapter "de 
 qualitate Priepositi — Nee hcibeat quicanque electus fuerit quamdiu locum 
 et munus Prcepa.nti supplet Ecclesiastira nt rocant heneficia una pliira, 
 idque mm alibi qiiam intra tria milliaria a Collegia ad parocJiialem 
 Ecclesiam Ecclesiastici henejicij. Now because when I tooke the oath 
 I had my benefice, I did before my taking it make a Protestation, that the 
 place being litigious, and my family not transported, nor my affaires setled 
 in England, I purposed not to renownce my Benefice till my affaires were 
 accommodated there. And truly I had then no other meaning but, so 
 soone as I could retourne and dispach my buisines here, absolutely to 
 resigne my benefice. Now my question is, whether saving my oath I might 
 not by dispensation from my Lord of Canterbury hold the title to that, 
 allowing the whole profitts to him that discharges the cure, to be 
 nominated by the Patrone and approued by the Bp of the Dioces. It 
 seemes on the one side very expedient even for the College it selfe, that if 
 I be unserviceable for it (as 1 much feare) by the Palsey or such like 
 weakenes, i might retourne where I was, and my selfe haue aliquod 
 senectuti 2}r<X!sidium. And sith I haue no distraction hereby from the 
 College governement, nor shall gaine one peny by it, and never sought 
 this emploiment, I might retaine the power to retourne. On the other 
 side, 1 haue it in the eie of Law, and he that discharges the duty is but my 
 Curate, and oathes are of strictest interpretation, and it may occasion 
 offence, and I sware to accept no dispensation against myne oath or the 
 Statutes. And should I not trust God without a pawne, having fownd his 
 good i^rovidence so mercifully hitherto ? I wrote to my Lord Primate from 
 the Seaside hereabout, but haue not receiued his answer as yet. And 
 because by our Charter we haue liberty to make Statutes and ordinances 
 from tynie to tyme for the government of the College, so as we are 
 conditores juris, it came to my minde even as I was sat writing into 
 Ireland to propound it to the fellowes. Yet I shall ever remember that 
 they are rather like to be desirous to gratifie me, and that it is my selfe
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 279 
 
 that so shall decide the matter which in mine ownc case T shall not 
 (doubtingly) doe. I haiie shewed you the Case. Now let me intreate 
 your answer to it, abstracting it from my person and imagining it were AB 
 not WB that is the party. Now to your hist letters. 
 
 I was and am of your niinde touching Padre Paolo his opinion. Which 
 I thinck proceeded from lience, that he conceived Grace to be a distinct 
 quality from the habites or particular dispositions, proceeding from the 
 Spirit of God, such as are Knowledge, Faith, Charity ec. And yet let vs 
 consider, if in Children it must not be so : unlesse their grace stand in 
 a meere relation betweene them and Christ. To be inlightned, pricked, 
 convicted, liope of pardon, at the first impulse are Gods acts, and not ours, 
 nor be vitall acts philosophically. After the receiving the habits of light, 
 greefe for sinne, dogmaticall faith, and generall consolation that God is 
 ready to be reconciled, the acts that are performed out of these are vitall 
 philosophice. But I dare not yet say Theologice otherwise then tending to 
 life i.e. to Fayth. Yet let vs consider of the termes of some distinction, as : 
 They are — a Bpiritu Sancto ut principio vitali iutcrno, but, nondum in- 
 habitaute; or a semine vitali recepto, sed nondum concept©. And in truth, 
 the worde is that which hath the efficacy in it and is able to save ; //' it 
 abkle in the hearers, they shall abide 1 Joh. 2. '24. And following our 
 Allegory, there is no Abortus in spirituali embryone nisi ex defectu 
 matricis. For new impulses to every severall act after the receiving of 
 a habit complete, I am not yet perswaded. And for sensible proofe that it 
 is otherwise, when God will try any man, as Abraham, Job, Hezckiah, ec. 
 he doth not only not giue him any new impulse, but sufiers the fiesh, the 
 Devil, or the world, to giue him an impulse to the contrary ; and which is 
 stranger, some tymes himselfe seemes to giue him an impulse to the Con- 
 trary, as in Abrahams, and in Pauls case Act 21. 11 — 12: by the pre- 
 diction of Agabus and perswasion of the bretheren Paul is mooned not 
 to goe to Hieru.salem. In these cases what thanck were it, or what triall 
 of grace, if God did vuder hand giue new impulses to euery exercise of his 
 gifts / What occasion to giue such testimony of their loue and fayth as to 
 Abraham, Gen. 22. 16. Consider also Dent. 8. 2 and Cap. 13. 3 and 2 Chro. 
 32. 31. I doubt not but often new impulses are given, to avoide sinne, or 
 put on the faithfuU to a higher degree of any gratious habite : and that it 
 is our duty to pi-ay for these, and if it be the will of God that we may not 
 be tempted, or at least heare that voice Here is the way, when we are 
 ready to tunic to the right hand or left [Is. 30, 21]. But that ahvaies this 
 is requisite, or else we can do nothing, me thincks inferres vnavoidably 
 that of the Monck of Adrumetum which gave occasion to St Aug' to 
 write de Correptione and Gratia, Blame me not but jyray for me, for, 
 without God tcotdd haue given me the imjyulse, I could due nothing. 
 
 Touching the Synodes that you write of, that mentioned in St Aug. 
 Bp. 106 and the Africane, I find that they define Gratiam et adjutorium 
 dari ad singulos actus. And 1 grant au.vilium speciale to be given. But 
 novum impulsum, or novum nfiotum, or any such thing 1 finde not. 
 Auxilium speciale is the same in spiritualibus, but commune is in natalibus.
 
 28o LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 But that is not alvvayes a 7iew motion ; it sufficeth to sustaine the creature 
 with the activity of it, and submiiiister objects, without putting it on to 
 every new action : and so in the new creature when it is perfectly formed 
 at least. 
 
 Touching, posse orare and actu orare, I urge still if actu orare cannot 
 be without a new impulse which Judas never hath, how is he not excusable? 
 and how can you say he was aicanting to him selfe and to Gods grace ? 
 Who had not that impulse without which he could not so much as pray for 
 fayth and conversion 1 But admitt Peter and he do both receiue posse 
 orare, and may both actu orare without any other impulse ; now is he 
 without excuse who hath discriminated him selfe by his owne negligence, 
 yet hath the other no cause of boasting. As if two being fallen into a ditch, 
 it is a poore pride that one might liaue that he cried for helpe to a pussenger, 
 and being bidden reach't him his hand, where the other brutishly was 
 content rather to lie there still and perish. If you say they both haue the 
 impulse hut resistihly (as you do seenie to make all such impulses before 
 grace inhabiting resistible) then albe you do no lesse make the difference to 
 come from the parties themselves, than if you had giuen oidy a power to 
 each without tiny impulse at all, thus also, considering this difference in 
 deterius is not for lack of grace, but for being lacking to grace, you haue 
 stopped his mouth that askes not. And the other (sith what he doth is not 
 vigore naturae) hath nothing whereof to glory, but in the Lord. Heere 
 in I will not oppose. Consider if this be not the Spirit of supplications 
 Zach. 12. 13 — Sed manum de tabula. 
 
 It may be with the occasion of this Parliament my Lord Primate may 
 come over, who hath (as he told me) the Copy of your Statutes, and 
 I beleeve hath taken some paines already to view your privileges of that 
 University which will ease me of that labor. I do earnestly desire, sith 
 God hath called me thither, to helpe to bring the University to as complete 
 a forme as I can. I thinck I shall see you in my passage : now I rest — 
 
 Yours for ever 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth Febr. 8. 1627. 
 
 To the WorshipfuU and my very Reverend 
 good freend Mr Dr Warde Master of 
 Sydney Colledge deliver this in Cambridge 
 1627. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; St Paul's doctrine of Virginity ; 
 the question of grace and faith; March 24, 162|. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 262.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. I thanck you good Mr Dr for both your 
 kinde letters of the 5th, and ytli of this Moneth, and for the paines you
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 28 1 
 
 haue put your selfe and some others to for my satisfaction, in my Demands 
 about your University. I retuunie you your paper of the payments to be 
 made for Degrees with many thancks. 
 
 For your opinion of my Case, I must still remember the bond of friend- 
 ship betweene us, and therefore hold your judgment as suspect as mine 
 owne. I desire of God (and so I pray do you pray for me) that I do no ill. 
 I shall attend my Lord I'rimats and the Fellowes answer, ere I resolve. For 
 the Answer of the Motiues to Recusancy^, in truth there is nothing in it 
 worth the printing, saue that it is not unfitt to discouer their inipudeucy and 
 maintaiue our point still against them euen by such skirmishes as these, 
 and by the way to state our Controversies rightly. But if there be nothing 
 yet done, there is no hurt done. I pray send it me by the next carrier. 
 For as touching that doubt, whether Virginity make tlie party more 
 acceptable to God, I can change nothing. It scemes we may well allow it 
 doth, if it be both in body and spirit, and liolden to this end to attend and 
 care the more for tiie things of God without distraction. This state, the 
 Apostle seeraes to say, is better 1 Cor. 7. 38 — 40 : and so that of widdowes 
 than wives. Where I do not see the reason why our last translation changed 
 more blessed into happier ; unlesse they thought this life only the better 
 for avoiding Avorldly encomberances ; which I feare is not the Apostle's 
 meaning. You know the opinion of Antiquity better tiien I. 
 
 For neiD lmj)ulses in habits complete to euery secerall act, the strength 
 of my Argument from cases of triall is this. 1. God cannot be sayd to try 
 what is in mans hart (whether it be to let our selves or the world know our 
 weakenes) if he still puts it on secretly against those things whereby he 
 would trie it. As he cannot be sayd to try the weight of a peece of gold, 
 that lifts up the scale wherein it lies, as oft as he puts in the other the 
 weight which should examine it. 2. God shall seeme plainely contrary to 
 himselfe, if he secretly mooue one way, and openly another. 3. And me 
 thincks when you say God would let men see their oicne weakenes icithoiit 
 him, your selfe do acknowledge, that God doth leaue them destitute of his 
 assistance. I demand what assistance that is I It is not comm,une 
 auxllluni, no nor yet speclale, as it conserves gracious habites already 
 giuen, for then they would faile presently. It remaines good, that it be 
 meant of new impulses. And by like reason when God would let them or 
 others see their strength through his grace, he doth stand by them, and 
 with them, as with Job, Abraliam, TauJ, ec. but not encrease his grace by 
 new impulses in this case, though often he do so at other tymes. Gratiam 
 therefore et adjutorium dari ad singulos actus, as I take it is not meant of 
 giving habituall grace alone, but of conserving and assisting it, and sub- 
 mlnlstrlng objects at least, if not giving new impulses. Albeit let us 
 consider well if the giving of objects be not giving impulses, as we say 
 externa sensibilia feriunt sensum, et movent phantasiam, intellectum, 
 et voluntatem. Which, if it be so, we may perhaps come to a nearer 
 point of accorde in this matter. For there ipsam immittere cogitationem 
 
 1 Bedell's Book. See p. 261.
 
 282 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 boni shalbe an impulse. To retourne to our present purpose, I hold it no 
 absurdity to say that facultas ambulandi datur ad singulas ambulationes, or 
 audiendi ad singulas auditiones. Although the terme facultas may seerae 
 by use to be restrained precisely to signifie the habit out of exercise. But 
 vim et adjutorium ad singulas motus dari may be very well granted of 
 him that denies the concourse of God is prwvius and ])ra:^movens by way of 
 new impulse to every wagging of the finger. Which he that will aflirme 
 I beleeue will sweate when he comes to cleare how God is not the Author 
 of euill ; for example in Cains killing of Abell, and the like. For my part, 
 I thinck it sufBceth to the auerring that Deus is prima causa simpliciter 
 omnium motuum naturalium, that he puts into naturall thinges formes 
 and habits, and concurres to. them assistenter. And the like may be sayd 
 of his gluing gracious habites, and speciall concourse to them : though he 
 doth often besides giue new impulses and ordinaryly objects ec. To your 
 Arguments. (1) God heginneth ecery good worke. No doubt : But the text 
 Phil. 1. 6 speakes properly of the whole worke of our salvation; the 
 beginijing whereof is the fellowship in the Gospell x. 5. (2) He giues the 
 will and the deede. Who denies it ? For our iKavorrjs is of God euen to 
 thinck or discourse any thing, 2 Cor. 3, 5. So as we must say with St Paul, 
 not I hut the grace of God with me. With us, to inable us : with us to 
 assist our ability, with us to keej)e us as with a garrison by his power, and 
 not our owne, 1 Pet. 1. 5 : with us to further and giue successe to euery 
 good endeavour. (3) Ah ipso inltium honoi voluntatis — by giving gratious 
 habits : ah ipso facultas boni operis — by concurring to the worke with us : ab 
 ipso perseverantia bonte conversationis, by keeping his grace in us that we 
 grow not weary of well doing. But if the Master must not only teach the 
 trade, and giue that stock, but euery moment put on to the exercise, or else 
 nothing wilbe done, why is the slouthfull servant blamed I (4) The good 
 use of hahituall grace is a sjyeciall grace, and greater in moralls then 
 hahituall grace. Tlie Apotelesme is grace. The ability and assistance is 
 grace. The very exercise is grace, by that forme of speech wherby the 
 operation of naturall tilings is called Nature ; as of the fire to burne, of 
 a man to reason. (5) But if this be not from a new impulse, loe shall 
 giue the lesse principall to God and the more principall to our owne will. 
 Nay verily, Totum Deo, as to the goodnes of the Apotelesme. Even to do 
 itselfe is Gods, as our selves that doe (Psal. 100. 3). But surely neither in 
 naturalihus nor m,oralibus is the exercise more excellent then the habit, as 
 farre as I can conceiue. The forme is better than the operation. True it 
 is that the operation added to the forme is better then the forme alone. 
 And so is a childe higher then a Giant when he is ujwn the Giants 
 sliouldei's. (6) Thus the will (you say) shall determine itselfe to any good 
 worke. So shall it (I thinck) by your owne doctrine, since these impulses 
 you make resistible. Yea more, it shall determine Gods impulses which doe 
 more exceede the power thereof, then its owne abillityes. (7) It shalbe 
 primum princix>ium et primum se movens simpliciter et jorw^Mm 
 liberum. It shalbe indeede proximum principium operis, et se consti- 
 tuens in actu exercito ; as for primum liberum, I conceiue not how it
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 283 
 
 should be so. Vere libcruin it shalbe, taiiquain a filio lil)eiatuni. For 
 (which is the proper Antitliesis to Pelagius and his followers) it doth this 
 or that good worke not by the strength of Nature, but by a new habit of 
 Grace, by the power of the Spirit of Christ iidiabiting in us. 
 
 For posse orare and acta orarc. Where I underlined certaine wordcs 
 of Florus the Monck of Adrumetuni, I did not intend to l>inde niyselfe 
 to giue them by tale, but by weight. The force of tlieni nie thincks is such 
 in the place you cite. But you do not (as you write in your fcjrnier letters) 
 say that imjjulses are requisite to giue posse agere, but ad agendum. 
 Neither that without them a man may say / could do nothing, but I doe 
 nothing. And in the latter, I say not actu orare can not be with out a new 
 impulse, but that it is never without ec. This is a very nice difference. We 
 are speaking of a power which may be brought into act. For the cause of 
 just condemnation for not beleeuing must not be a remote power, if God 
 ■would haue given an impulse to use it, but a neare, yea, next power not 
 used : viz. at least to call for Gods further grace, which a sinner by grace 
 saw hiraselfe to neede, and God to be ready to giue. This negligence me 
 thincks may well stop the mouth of all such as are inlightned and convicted 
 of the truth of the doctrine, which come not to Fayth and conversion. For 
 it may be sayd, ge had not because ye asked not, James 4. 2. If any shall 
 say, I could not aske without a new imi)ulse tlie answer is good I confesse, 
 Thou hadst it but didst resist it ! But whereas you seeme to feare least 
 without some gi-eater grace a beleeuer should glory in him selfe, that he is 
 no more engaged to God then he that askes not— that feare is very needeles; 
 and by that meanes you make way for a new excuse, / had not the grace 
 which should make that impulse eftectuall and vnresisted. And therefore 
 it seemes to me of these jioints (salvo meliori judicio) that whosoeuer hath 
 posse orare may actu orare without any other impulse, or, if he haue an 
 impulse alike with him that is converted, needs no other gi*ace. 
 
 Touching my taking the Degree of Doctor by Dispensation, though you 
 had put me in minde thereof, I thinck I should not haue made any such 
 suite to be of that nomber you mention without keeping Actes. In truth 
 they haue given me my Grace at Dublin (as I vnderstand since my comming 
 away) with what conditions I know not : but there, if any wliere, it may be 
 I shall take that Degree. For my iorney toward Dublin, I thinck it will 
 not be till toward the latter end of Apriil. I had purposed to meete you 
 at London at the begining of the Parliiment, but 1 haue beene hindered 
 by some occasions of imi)ortance. The Lord in his mercy blesse this 
 meeting and send a happy issue to it. And he haue you in his keeping 
 with Mris Ward and all yours 
 
 Your ever loving freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth this 
 24th of March 1627.
 
 284 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; differences between the vice- 
 provost of Dublin College and the fellows ; the retaining of 
 Horningsheath ; the theological question of gr-ace ; trans- 
 lation of a tract of Paid Saiyi's, relative to the bearing of 
 arms by Roman Catholics ; Apr. 28, 1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 275 and f. 277.] 
 
 Sahitem in Christo Jesu. I haue receiued (Good Mr Dr) your letters 
 sent by Mr Avis, since my retorne from London where I spake with our 
 Chancellor, My Lord of Canterbury, and wrote to my Lord Primate our 
 Vicechaiicellor, and to the College. There hath beene a new stirre there, 
 The Vice provost hath holden an election of Fellowes Probationers, wherein 
 he endeavoured to bring in one of his kindred, and name, which the major 
 part not concurring unto, he would not consent to the election of some 
 others that sate, but left the places unchosen. Thereupon the Lord Deputy 
 hath put in 3 by mandate : and the Vice-Provost hath admitted them. 
 For which the Visitors (amongst whom my Lord Primate as Vicechancellor 
 is one) have put him out of his Vice-Provostship and fellowship. This 
 I understand by letters from Dublin to other men at London. For my 
 selfe haue not receiued a worde from them hereabout. I do see well (as 
 you write) how necessary it were for me to keepe the interest of my place 
 here ; but yet from the College or my Lord Primate thereabout I can not 
 yet heare any thing. My Lord of Canterbury touching my case concurres 
 in opinion with you ; that I haue not heneficiimi, and sayth he will main- 
 taine it against any man. I haue written to my Lord Primate, and purpose 
 to expect his answer : which I shall haue leysure to doe, one of my boyes 
 being sick of an Ague, which he hath had these 6 weekes. I haue put my 
 place there in my Lord Primates hands to dispose of as he shall thiuck best 
 for the good of the College : not so much for the stirres before mentioned, 
 as because I haue seene it written from Dublin, that my Lord Primate sayth, 
 / am a weake man, and so accounted by tcise men : which indeede is most 
 true. Of this I haue plainely written to him. Yoii may keepe this to your 
 selfe, for my reputation. 
 
 Touching Gods trialls of a man, where in you grant, God leaves him, 
 to his Jmbituall ahilityes, without new prceventions , and that God con- 
 serving gratious habits by his assisting grace may keejye men from 
 falling without a new im^inilse. I require no more then you yield. 
 For surely the not falling when a man is thus pushed at, is a victory 
 (acheiued by the Lords helpe, as must be acknowledged Psal. 118. 13.) 
 Neither while we Hue here, haue we euer any other victory, than that of 
 Ajax — non sum superatus ab illo. And me thincks the new impulse giving
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 285 
 
 no more but a further degree of strength to countervaile the temptation, 
 if (by supposition) a mans habituall grace be emprooved and elevated to 
 that degree of strength before the temptation, it may (if a man will use it) 
 be able to overcome that temptation, as well as with a new impulse. Where 
 you say in cases of triall that a man conscious to him selfe of his oicne 
 weaknes seeks to God for support, and so by his grace becommeth victor ; 
 I demand whether doth he thus seeke without a new impulse, or no ? If so, 
 we haue that which we sought : If not, then there is no pyth in this answer, 
 which leaues the matter as we fownd it. Questionlesse, the triall stands in 
 that what a man will doe when he is thus and thus prooued: as Abraham 
 whether he will sacrifice Isaac, Job whether he will curse God, Hezekiah 
 whether he will boast of his wealth, Peter whether he will deny Christ, 
 Paul whether he will goe back for feare of bonds at Hierusalem, — not if he 
 will. When God, assisting only formerly-granted habits, leaves it to vs to 
 doe or not to doe, the doing it selfe is an act of our will (as you grant in that 
 Concio pag. 6.) The well doing is to be attributed to Gods grace : the ill 
 to naturall corruption. 
 
 I am yet perswaded Ch'atiam et adjutorium dari ad singulos actus 
 was not vnderstood by Antiquity otherwise, then Gods preventing and 
 assisting Grace is required to euery act ; so as without the same we will 
 and doe nothing well. See St Aug. De Grat. Chr. Cap. 47. 
 
 Whether an object alone can make an impulse, especially whether 
 cogitatio includeth initium boni desiderii ; ampUandum censeo. initium 
 is a false string, that giues an vncertaine sownd : for we may understand 
 that which is so of it selfe, or that which may become so, if we will : as was 
 the sight of the forbidden fruite to Eve. 
 
 Vim et adjutorium dari ad ambulandum in singulis ambulationibus you 
 will not deny: and that is parallel to the definition against Pelagius, 
 Gratiam et adjutorium ec. Conservatio is indeede contimiata donatio. 
 
 In the killing of Abel by Cain (setting aside the deformity) I do not 
 thinck you will seriously averre that God is the prcemovens, or in the 
 eating the forbidden fruite. For my part I dare not say it : and I sweate 
 to thinck it. 
 
 I hold it enough to entitle God to the gift of the will and deede, that he 
 gives iKavorrjra. I say further against Pelagius, adjuvat ut velimus, adjuvat 
 ut agamus, nee tantuminodo ut velle et agere valeanms. And I beleeue, 
 besides remission of siniies and Christs teaching and example, there is 
 adjutorium bene agendi adjunctum naturae atque doctrinje per inspira- 
 tionem flagrantissima^ et iuiiiinosissinue charitatis. This would haue 
 satisfied St Aug. and there is nothing more that I finde in the places you 
 alledge. We haue not velle et operari per nos ipsos, nee in his duobus 
 ejus auxilio non iudigemus. Et nihil omnino boni sine gratia Dei quod 
 ad pietatem pertinet veramque justitiam fieri posse non dubito. In Sunime, 
 if Pelagius would haue acknowledged gratious habits and Gods perpetuall 
 and sjieciall assistance to euery good icorke, I do not thinck there had any 
 question remained whether this must be by a new impulse at euery severall 
 act. Which is our question at the present.
 
 286 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 31. Bona voluntas in the passage of Fulgentius, and in ordinary 
 acception sownds not for an act, hut a hahit. As for that of Ezekiel 
 facere ut faciamus, I account it respected in the next members. And that 
 this facere is, in perseverantia boiia^ conversationis. For the place is 
 I thinck Chap. 3(). 27, 'I will make that ye shall walke in my statutes.' 
 Which may be verified (though in sundry particulars a man faile) in the 
 whole course ; and so leaues place for trialls. The runner indeede winnes 
 the prize ; and what helpes it to haue the faculty and not vse it ? but that 
 by your opinion can neuer be true, without a new impulse. 
 
 4, 5. The good use of grace, in what sense it is grace I shewed in my 
 last. The Topick place, that the end is better than the meanes, is vnder- 
 stood of such as are properly so. The forme and operation, efficient and 
 effect are so but only by a large and abusive analogy ; The heate of the 
 Sunne doth not excell the Sunne ec. nor discourse reason, nor cutting the 
 knifes edge. For that, w/iether sujjjjoseing the infusion of habits preceede 
 acts, a man may be denominated fidelis from the habit of fayth, it is 
 but a controversy of wordes. An oi^inion may make a denomination, 
 where there is no habite at all, much more a habite. But the supposition 
 I remember we haue doubted of sometymes ; and the question is no more, 
 but quid est fidelis '] 
 
 6. I say still, Totum Deo. The good use of any habit, both as it is 
 good, and as it is an act; but in different dependency, the one as super- 
 naturally impressed, the other as connaturally assisted. Consider your 
 owne words in your Concio. pag. 6 a, Quorsum liaec omnia ec. I haue scene 
 the place in St Aug. 2 de peccat. meritis Cap 18. But farre be it from me 
 to thinck that bona voluntas ex nobis est. We are now speaking of 
 volitio : and that also, not (qud nos ad Deurn) converting — quod nisi ipso 
 excitaute atque adjuvante non possemus, as St Aug. sayth there, — but after 
 we are converted. The question is of the exercise of this good will, whether 
 it be more worth then the goodnes. I trow not. Of the end and meanes 
 I spake before. The forme is not medium to the operation (which it 
 produceth immediately). Media are understood such, as the Agent useth, 
 out of it selfe and his inward abilityes, to compasse the ende, and not of his 
 owne facultyes and functions. 
 
 To the WorshipfuU and my Reverend 
 freend Mr Dr Warde. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Bedell to Dr Ward. He is about to return to Ireland. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii, f. 277.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 These inclosed I wrote in answer to your Letters receiued by Mr Avis 
 (Good Mr Dr) before the Fast. The next day I went into Essex where 
 
 1 See p. 282.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 287 
 
 I haue beene euer since till Saturday last, so as they haue lyen by me by 
 for lack of carriage. Since the writing them I haue receiued letters from 
 my Lord Priaiate, certifieing uie of their proceedings and requireing my 
 si)eedy retourne : and conformably to them other from the College. 
 Neither he, nor they, doe declare their opinions touching the case I pro- 
 pounded, but differre till my comming thither. I haue resolved to goe ; 
 and, when I come there, either to resigne or (if they be of opinion I may) to 
 send hither to my Patrone to substitute in my place, and obtaine the 
 Faculty : which if I resigne shall not neede. I wrote this day fortnight to 
 Dr Preston in answer of a letter which he sent by his man while I was at 
 Jjondon : and I sent him inclosed a letter from Mr Rice, a Gentleman of 
 this Country, to me which I entreated him to send me back, or deliuer to 
 you. If he haue not yet deliuered it, I pray you send to him for it, and 
 send it me. I haue begunne to translate into Latin a litle Tract of Padre 
 Paulo, set forth in Italian, and Englished also, as I thinck, by Dr Brent of 
 Merton College, touching the question whether Catholicks may bearc 
 amies vnder the States. Whei*ein sundry tricks of the Papacy are 
 discouered. If that be once finished I purpose presently to put my selfe 
 on the way for Ireland with my family. I hope to be at Cambridge about 
 the 12 or 14th of May. I thanck you for your newes of Mr Mawes 
 dispvitation which made his mother a glad woman. So reserveing the 
 rest till our meeting, I conimitt you to the Lords mercifull i)rotection 
 and remaine euer 
 
 Your assured loving freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 I pray know of Mr Buck whether he will print the Tract of Pre Paulo 
 aforesayd : in the same letter and volume with the history of the Interdict ^ 
 It may perhaps helpe him to dispatch those Copies wluch are yet vnsold 
 the better. It is not aboue 4 sheetes of paper in the Italian. It is entitled 
 in English The free Sehoole of Warre, printed by John Bill. 
 Horningerth this 28th of Aprill 1628. 
 
 To the Worshipfull and my very 
 
 loving freend Mr Dr 
 
 Warde Master of Sydney 
 
 CoUedge in Cambridge 
 deliver this 
 
 Aprill 28, 1628. 
 
 1 Interdicti Veneti historia, by Paolo Sarpi, translated into Latin by 
 W. Bedell. Camb. 1G2G.
 
 288 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 Bedells letter to Dr Ward ; the question of grace ; 
 May 6, 1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxsii. f. 279.] 
 
 Salutem iu Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, your letter of the 27th of Aprill 
 being left at Bury, came not to me till the Wednesday after. Your last I 
 receiued yesterday. I thank you for them both. For the words, or set vp 
 in Churches, I would they were stricken out altogether. For they were not 
 in the originall Copy I sent to Sir Th. Barker^, but came sub styli acumen 
 as I wrote this Copy out of my first blotted and enterlyned papers. 
 Although with that addition (to that purpose) they might passe, yet they 
 are not necessary to the point in question. The other 12 tymes for 13 
 tymes, let it stand still ; touching which there will be no question, and the 
 rowud number of 12 will avoyd the seemeing too much \enro\oyoi>v. 
 
 For the differences yet betweene us about the necessity of new impulses 
 to euery exercise of suj)ernaturall habits, beare with me I beseech you 
 though through my dulnes and incapacity I be not yet satisfied. First to 
 the points of your former letter. 
 
 6. Where in your letter of March the 9 you brought this as an 
 argument against me, that with out a new impulse the will should excite 
 and determine it selfe ec. I. sayd that according to your doctrine it doth 
 so : which now you denie not. So that here we agree. For I denie not 
 that God's grace doth inable it so to do, and by a sweet influence and 
 perpetuall assistance and frequent impulses induce it so to do, and inure it 
 still to delight and rejoice in the doing, with consolations and mercifuU 
 visitations : adde herevnto corrections and hedging the way with thornes, 
 when it goeth a whoring from God, all which, as I take it, do serve to 
 make good that of Ezekiel, 'I will cause you to walke in my statutes.' 
 These speeches of the whole course, whereby God workes Perseverance, 
 do not seeme to me to compell that in euery severall act, especially in 
 triall, God giues a new impulse. 
 
 7. The will is not primus inotor for it makes not it selfe, either as a will 
 or a good will. In mooving libere, if / tnust tnake the will to be j)rimus 
 m,otor, so must you too by your owne doctrine Cone. p. 6 a. Yet I would 
 not say it is primus motor, but proximus ; sithence the precedence of hira 
 in quo movemur is necessary to our motion both in nature and grace ; 
 causaliter to make vs moonahle, and concomitanter to moove with us. 
 
 For posse orare and acta orare : if posse orare be not posse actu orare, 
 the giving of that giues not this : and so a new impulse may seeme to be 
 
 1 To whom the treatise An Examination of certain motives to Recusancy was 
 dedicated.
 
 OF fVILLIAM BEDELL. 289 
 
 necessary. But if contrarywise, the distinction is needeles as I conceive it, 
 to say that impulses are necessary not to glue possf, but ad nratidum. 
 
 I come to your •2nd letters. My argument was this : An imijulse seemes 
 not necessary but to giue a further degree of strength to countervayle the 
 temptation. But that by supposition might be granted before tlie tempta- 
 tion. What needes then a new impulse ] Let the grace giuen be as (2)^ 
 without a new impulse it will not countervale a temptation as (3). But 
 suppose before the temptation come grace were emprooved or encreased to 
 be as (3 or 4) what needs now a new impulse ? This was my argument 
 which I make not as if it were the order in all temptations^ as you seeme to 
 conceiue, but to shew that, if it euer be so, an impulse is not alwayes 
 necessary. In your order I cannot conceiue how you make not him that 
 conquereth the temptation to difference himselfe euery whit as much as I. 
 For you say III. God excites the will by an effectual motion to use the habit, 
 l/et resistibiliter I demand them, whence it comes that it is not resisted but 
 from the will it selfe. But I would say it is no inconvenience that a man 
 differences himselfe bi/ grace, though not a new speciall grace. Or to 
 speake better, he that yeildeth differenceth himselfe by Iiis cowardly casting 
 away his armes. And his having as great an engagement to God, encreases 
 his sinne, but diminishes not the grace of God by which the other 
 conquers and stands. 
 
 That the Faith of Abraham is tryed when his will is left to the 
 JMhituall grace it had before triall, is truly sayd by you and mthout ang 
 extraordinary emproonement at the tyme of the temptation or neio 
 impulse. In his case we both agree, that he doth propend to defection 
 naturally unlesse he be supported by God. I hold the sustentation of his 
 former grace Avas sufficient (as the euent shewes) to his ouercoming. The 
 will could not hy naturall power excite it selfe to resist or pray. For these 
 be supernaturall acts. Abrahams victory is by you very truly sayd to be 
 by an act of firme relieing upon God's truth and power, ec. Habits excite 
 not to act, — that is also granted. But by the supernaturall habit the soule 
 gets a supernaturall power to excite it selfe to exercise, according to the 
 strength of grace receiued. This is the point you must infringe. 
 
 Bradwarden I ueuer had, nor read. If it be so that by auxilium speciale 
 he meane a new impulse, it is true he contradicts me. And for that you 
 say you know no divine holds with me in this, — I haue not turned any 
 authors : but you shall not lightly in conference meete with any but will 
 grant that when God hath giuen grace, we can vse it, without a new impulse 
 to euery severall act. 
 
 Adjutorium ut bene velimus et agamus, in St Augustine (place cited 
 by the pag. 25) speakes of the first receiuing a good will and resolution to 
 do well, not of the severall acts succeeding, which is our case. Not but 
 that I acknowledge such adjutorium to be giuen also ; but whether anew 
 giuen is the question. In that sjjeech Gratiam et adjutorium dari ad 
 
 1 This and the followtng numbers appear to refer to the numbered heads of 
 the letter of March 24. 
 
 19
 
 290 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 singulos actus — these 2 wordes seeme to me to be put analogice (as Faith 
 Heb. 12) for either tlie first giuiiig the habits, or a gracious conservation of 
 them, or a concourse of God, or representing objects, or a new impulse, or 
 all. For all these are grace and heliie to the Apotelesnie. And ad singulos 
 actus is to aduantageously translated at the producing of euery act ; where 
 as it meaiies no more but to the producing. And thus i-im mocendi dari 
 ad singtdos motus, amhulandi ad singulas ambulationes, doth justly 
 parallel the former. 
 
 In the case of Eue or Cains acts, you change the state question with the 
 ternie. I denie not that God is the author of these motions, and that by 
 his ayd and influence they are done, as Augustine and Anselnie say. The 
 former terme wn^ primum movens and it was brought to justifie inijyulses. 
 To say then that God did first give the impulse to Eue or Caine in their 
 motion, I do thinck under your correction is very offensiuely and untruly 
 spoken ; and differs nothing from that in the Comedy Deus mihi impulsor 
 fuit. 
 
 Touching that which you call my old defence of Durand's opinion, and 
 the truths thereupon depending. Indeede my discourse is this. That 
 which is commune auxilium in naturalibus is spcciale in spiritualibus. 
 But in, naturalibus to a habit sustayned by the author of nature a new 
 impulse is not necessarily required. Ergo that to euery burning there 
 is a new impulse or speciall immediate action praemovent (as you seeme to 
 hold) from God, — I cannot conceiue. Deus urit, I grant, sed mediante 
 forma ignis. But for these, — Deus volat, Deus ambulat, or Deus credit— 
 I thinck you would not use them. Yet he giues them also, but as it seemes 
 to me by giving the iKavoTT^ra. 
 
 All the passages that I haue yet met withall in St Augustine, where he 
 sayth God giues not only the 2^osse but the velle, oppose Pelagius his 
 naturall possibiHty ; and stablish on the other side an actuall beleefe and 
 regeneration, — venire, velle, and operari. I haue not found any professed 
 handling of our question. I doubt not but bona voluntas sounds for bona 
 volitio, euen the actuall willing conversion and Charitas^, witii which the 
 habit is brought inj but more frequently the habit it selfe, as in Fulgentius, 
 because he sayth ab ipso initium bo?ia; voluntatis. St Augustine saith 
 dii'ectly Quasi vero aliud sit bona voluntas, quam Charitas. De gratia 
 Christi, Cap. 21. 
 
 The prayers and thancksgivings of the Church are not for iKavor-q^ only : 
 who doubts of it ? For what is more to be desired, then that God would 
 giue us new, frequent, yea perpetuall impulses to good 1 And what safer 
 then to ascribe totum Deo, in the exercise of euery good grace in us ? 
 
 I haue respect to the corruption of nature ; and know it opposeth 
 gracious habits. Yet do I make those habits with their perpetuall assist- 
 ance of no Icsse potent operation than tliose in Adam or in naturall agents. 
 Otherwise what should tliere neade the vouching so potent a cause stronger 
 than he that dwelleth in the world, so strong a forme as charity as strong 
 as death a divine flame, and unquenclieable. So watchfuU a keeper and 
 
 1 For the meaning of Charitas here see p. 285.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 291 
 
 mighty as God and his jiower, 1 Pet. 1. 5. Consider your uwiie testimony 
 out of St Augustine, j). 28. Where you desire nie to ()l)ject against the 
 reasons in your Coiicio, I*].\cuse: I doe not couceiue they ajipcrtaine to our 
 question. I yeild the conchision for which they are brought. Viz. Quod 
 in opcre conversionis Deus non tantun operatur posse convertere, sed etiam 
 dat ipsum velle convertere. For wliicli conchision (as I hope) I should not 
 doubt to .shed my blood. But that is not our question. Nor was it my 
 intention any way to oppose that ; and in my poore judgment it were good 
 to discerne these 2 questions. As for the confirmation of the 4th Argument 
 (out of Jiradwarden as it seemes) pag. con. 27, these assertions, Actus 
 secundus est nobilior quam actus primus vel habitus, and, habitus non est 
 causa principalis secundi actus sed instrumentalis, I am affi-ayd they are not 
 found in IMiilosophy. These things I wrote this morning, but wiiat with 
 the length of the matter and some other distractions, it is now too late to 
 send it by the Carrier. Pardon I pray my tediousnes, and troublesomenes 
 and account me euer 
 
 Your much beholden freend 
 W. Bedell. 
 Horningerth, May 6, 1628. 
 
 I thanck you for your kinde invitation. I cannot certainely appoint the 
 day of my coming ; for it hangs vpon the coming of a Chester waggon hither 
 from London. 1 hope it wilbe toward the middle of the next weeke at the 
 vttermost. 
 
 To the Worshipful! and my 
 Reverend freend Mr Dr 
 Warde at Sydney Coll. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; sends the translation of 
 Sarpi's tract for publication ; May 7,1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 281.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Good Mr Doctor : I send you here the Tract that I mentioned in my 
 last which I haue since coming from London (where I got the Italian copy) 
 put into Latin. The English Translator in sundry things vnderstood not 
 the Author, especially towards the latter end. I do thinck it a treatise 
 very worthy to see the light, whereby sundry mysteries of the Papacy are 
 discovered. What Title to put in the first leafe I doubt : what thinck you 
 oi Qiiccstio Quodlibetica. An liceat ec.^ For the name of Quodlibet seemes 
 
 1 The book bad this title — Quaestio quodlibetica. An liceat stipendia sub 
 Principe religione discrepante inerere. 4" Cantab. 1630. 
 
 19—2
 
 292 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 to be from thence because in them Schoole men followed not the order of 
 the Sentences but disputed de quo vis proposito. [The Italian Copy is the 
 same in the first leafe which I haue set in the Latin : only in this Order. 
 Tractatus An liceat ec] Whether it might not be fitt to ad the authors 
 name at least thus, Authore R. P. P. S. V. recens ex Italica conversa? 
 For dedication I would make none, not set to my name. But the print and 
 volume I would wish the same with the History of the Interdict. If 
 Mr Buck will print it, the sooner the better. If not ; I desire to receiue 
 the Copy at my comming by you. These enclosed I wrote to haue sent 
 yesterday but it was so late ere I finished them that they could not be 
 sent. Touching my L. Primates censure i, which you aduise me not to lay 
 to heart, I do no otherwise esteeme him then as you characterize him 
 a true vpright man. And therfore writing as he doth to myselfe, I cannot 
 but doubt whether he spake the words or no. But the thing it selfe is very 
 true concerning my weakenes, and the more because of my defect in 
 heareing, which makes me committ some impertinencies in conversation. 
 Yet both he and the College urge me to come, and I am resolved to goe. 
 Et cum periero periero. For my benefice I shall determine when I come 
 there. Thus againe commending you to the grace of God I rest 
 
 Your euer loving freend 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 
 Horningerth this 
 7th of May 1628. 
 
 To the Worshipful! and my 
 Reverend freend Mr 
 Doctor Ward Mr of 
 Sydney College in 
 Cambridge dr 
 this. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; farewell letter on going to 
 Ireland; May 13, 1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 282.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. 
 Good Mr Dr, I should haue beene glad and desirous to haue scene you 
 before my departure. But it is not the will of God it should be so. For 
 your occasions call you to London, which I beseech you do not forslowe or 
 neglect for my uncertainties. But my last letters from London I under- 
 stand that my wagon will not come hither before this night, or to morrow 
 at the soonest. A day or 2 it will cost me to lade befoi'e I can get away, 
 
 ^ The Archbishop of Armagh (Ussher). For his remark as to Bedell's 
 weakness, see p. 284.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 293 
 
 and a day to Cambridge. Thus the most of the weeke will be past. But in 
 truth Mr Burnet writes it may be longer ere my wagon come, and I do 
 beleeue it will be so indecde. Wherefore, if it be not the pleasure of God 
 that we should see one another in the face, let us be content. Often may we 
 meete at the throne of grace in heaven by our mutuall intei-ce.ssions each for 
 other, which agreement let it stand bctwcene us for euer. One thing more 
 I haue to request of you, that if it i^lease God to call me out of this life 
 before you, as 1 haue named you in my last Will together with Dr Desiiotinc 
 and Mr Sotheby ouerseers for the performance thereof, you would be 
 pleased to afforde your heli>e that all may goe right. And if my children, 
 according as I desire, prooue HchoUers, let me leaue them besides their 
 portions this inheritance of your frecndsliip, to direct and further them in 
 good courses. And now, Good Mr Doctor, mercy and truth be with you 
 and with Mris Warde, and all yours. The Lord haue you in his merciful! 
 keeping. 
 
 Your assured loving freend 
 for euer W. Bedell. 
 
 Horningerth this 13th 
 of May 1628. 
 
 To the Worshipfull and my Reverend good freend 
 Mr Dr Warde Mr of Sydney Colledge in Cambridge 
 dr this. 
 
 XXXIL 
 
 Bedell's letter to Dr Ward ; state of Ireland and of Dublin 
 College; notice of some of his ivorks ; July 16, 1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 288.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, since my comming into Ireland 
 I haue not yet had leysure so much as to write aboue one letter into 
 England, now the opportunity of a hasty messenger makes me breake 
 through all buisiness and salute my freends. Amongst whom neither haue 
 I any more ancient, nor more confident (as the Italian worde is), i.e. more 
 trusty then your selfe. I cannot but begin with tliancks for your kindnes 
 to me, my wife, and your Godson on parting, which I desire you also to 
 render in my name to Mris Warde, and to salute all the good company 
 that were at your house. I deliuered your and their letters to my 
 L. Primate who kindly remembered you all. I had a good jorney I thanck 
 God : a calme but slow passage. Being come to this place, we fownd that 
 the whole country was by proclamation of the L. Deputy in a publick 
 course of Fast for 8 weckcs euery Tuesday, in respect of the dearth which 
 the last yeares unkindly harvest and this winters morraine of cattell had as 
 2nd causes procured. Our preachers here lay the higher cause on the 
 tollerating and countenanceing Idolatry, Church robbery, swearing and
 
 294 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 blasphemy, blood, drunckeiies, pride and other open and insolent sinnes : 
 and they speakc marvellous plain ely and too truly I feare. For the 
 College, I finde a world of busines. The arrearages of Rents, and 
 accounts formerly runne into, with the vnnecessary expences and allow- 
 ances, haue set it behinde hande in the estate thereof, and the journeyes 
 into England before my Election and since, haue beene a meanes to 
 exhaust the Rents; and there is demanded a matter of 150 li. by Sir 
 W. Temples widdow, as a gratuity promised him if the next Provost 
 should consent to it : which I haue not yet done nor know how I can with 
 my oath. All this is notliing to the trouble about suites in Law for lands 
 which none in tlie house knowes what they are, and here come up, poore 
 people complaning of wrongs done tliem by their neighbours, which we 
 know not how to remedy, ec. Besides the disorders to be redressed dayly, 
 assignation of chambers, taking notes of the going out and retorne of 
 Schollers, meeting for publick buisines, searches for evidences, and the 
 like, take up my time, so as I haue not had in all the tyme of my being 
 here, so much leysure as to set up my bookes, much lesse to use them. 
 I haue undertaken this yeare the office of Catecliist in our College, which 
 wilbe some meanes to encrease my Stipend. The preachers place in 
 Christs Church is yet executed by some 4 of the Fellowes, which had it 
 ere I came hither, only into one of them 1 am to succeed within these few 
 dayes, but my voice I feare wilbe too weake for it, and I shall haue no 
 leysure to provide to performe the duty. For my L. Primate, he useth me 
 with as much respect as I could desire, and I take him to be as you 
 describe him, a marvellous good and true harted man. He rather inclined 
 me at my being with him to retayne the title to my Benefice (forgoeing the 
 profitts) then otherwise. Yet I haue simply resigned it in his presence 
 before a Publick Notary, and sent now the resignation to my Patrone 
 Sir Tho. Jei'myn. I haue many reasons : that especially — in an oath I hold 
 it not safe nor honest to play the Interpreter to mine owne advantage, 
 especially God having by his j)rovidence now safely brought me hither 
 with my family ; which was the only cause of delay which I did except in 
 my protestation, when I tooke mine oath, why I should not resigne 
 presently. For my Degree, I thinck to take it at our Commencement 
 which is deferred till about the begining of Michaelmas Terme. 
 
 At which tyme it is sayd we shall haue a Parliament here, and therein 
 the Graces which the Agents obtayned of his Majesty there, confirmed if it 
 may be ; if (as good men liope) the Parliament there crosse them not 
 before. 
 
 I did what I could to withstand the deferring our Commencement till 
 then, avoyding so long and great an expectation and greater charge, which 
 it will draw with it but others will haue it so. It is desired much that we 
 should make a Theatricall pompe of it, at St Patricks ; which would haue 
 beene better intra domesticos parietes. For my health, with my wife, 
 children and family, I thanck God we haue beene all well hitherto : and 
 although corne is yet very deare, and bread small, yet the price of it 
 falleth by transportation from England, and flesh is reasonable enough.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 295 
 
 Thus h;iue I endeavoured to certifie you of the state of this Kingdome, 
 this College, and my selfe in particular, and my affaires. Of my studyes 
 you can expect nothing till my bookes and I be freends^, and then also my 
 1st endeavour shalbe to vnderstand the toung of this Country which 1 see 
 (fdtliougli it be accounted otherwise) is a learned and exact language and 
 full of difficulty. I liaue taken a litle Irish boy, a Ministers Sonne, of whom 
 I hope to make good vse to that purpose, when I shall haue a litle more 
 leysure. 
 
 At my parting from Cambridge Mr Buck had not fully printed my 
 answer to the Motiues to Recusancy. There was wanting the first sheete, 
 with the Ei>istle, and the Motiues themselves. If they be added by this 
 tyme I would desire him to send me some Copies, so many as he will allow 
 me for the Copy, and some 50 more. If he had rather let me haue some 
 copies of the History of the Interdict it shalbe at his election. If he haue 
 printed the Qiiodlibeticall question I desire to haue some 30 or 40 or more 
 of them, the money shalbe answered from Mr Sotheby: the bookes I would 
 entreate to be sent to Mr Francis Burnet at the golden-fleece in Lombard 
 streete. Some I hope to receiue for that copy also without paying for 
 them. Good Sir, deliuer this inclosed to Mr Maw from his mother : he may 
 retourne answer by Mr Burnet aboue sayd. 
 
 And so with my true lone remembered, I committ yon to the Lords 
 mercifull protection, and do rest 
 
 Yours for euer, 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Trinity Colledge neare 
 Dublin this 16tli of 
 July 1628. 
 
 To the Worshipfull and my very 
 Reverend freend Mr Dr Warde 
 Master of Sydney Colledge 
 dr this 
 in Cambridge. 
 Leave this with Mr Sotheby or with 
 Mr Francis Burnet, at the 
 golden fleece in lonibard St. 
 16 July 1629. 
 
 ^ Imitated perhaps from Cicero ad fam. ix. 1.
 
 296 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Bedell's letter to Ussher ; solution of chronological dijfficulties 
 in the hook of Judges; progress in the Irish language at 
 Dublin College; Irish translation of the Psalms ; July 30, 
 1628. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxii. f. 290.] 
 
 Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 
 
 I vnderstood by Mr Puttock that your Grace requireth me to set 
 downe the interpretation of the places in the Judges Chap. 3. 11. .30 and 
 the rest, whereof at my beeing without you we had speach. That the 
 yeares of the oppressors are to be included in those formes there is no 
 doubt : the matter stands all in this, how to expresse so much without 
 using force to the text. For; hwc gesta do annorum seemes very con- 
 strained : and the later forme of Junius, ad annum quadragesimum ec. 
 though the way is good, and the words D''i;3"lK be put for an ordinall 
 elsewhere, as Deut. i. 3, yet me tliincks it might be better ad quadraginta 
 annos sell, completes, only the account is to begin from the beginning of 
 the former trouble, after which the rest ensued. This I know not how to 
 expresse better in English then — and the land had rest till forty yeares' 
 ended &c. 
 
 I haue according to your Graces letters, imparted to me by Mr Thomas, 
 propounded Mr Burtons sonne for a natiues place, and we haue chosen him 
 therto, with condition that he shall haue allowance when he can reade the 
 toungi. "We haue brought Mr King to reade an houre euery day to those 
 that are already chosen, to frame them to the right pronunciation and 
 exercise of the language, to which jjurpose we haue gotten a few coppies of 
 the booke of Common prayer, and do begin with the Catechisme which is 
 there in. I hope this course will not be unfruitefuli. The translation of 
 the Psalmes into prose and verse, whereof I spake to your Grace, would be 
 a good worke, and Mr King hath giuen us an assay in the first psalme which 
 doth not dislyke Mr Fitz Gerald and Mr Lisiagh ; yet I doe forbeare to vrge 
 that yet, because I heare that there is a translation made of the Psalmes 
 already, in the handes of the late Archb. of Tuam's wife, which I also put 
 in hope to obtaine by meanes of one Mr Brimigham sometymes of this 
 house. I beseech your Grace to helpe what you may to the obtaining of this 
 Copy, and in this and in all other our attempts direct us with your aduice. 
 Here haue been with me of late the Bp of Clogher his sonne, and the 
 Bp of Raphe's sonne (with whom Mr Puttock hath to doe) for one cause ; 
 about certaine livings whereof the King that dead is gaue the right of 
 Patronage to the College, rccompenceing them Avith lands for the same as I 
 am informed, and yet they stand out, denieing to resigne the right of these 
 livings to the College. 
 
 ^ Irish. See Life, p. 25.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 297 
 
 I haue also heard that there be some in your Graces handes of that Hke 
 nature : whicli if it be so, I make no question l)ut you will goe before them 
 in example, (as you doe in place and loue to this Society) and use your best 
 authority that the College may sustaine no damage. Concluding with my 
 humble service to your Grace, and your deare consort, I conimitt you to the 
 Lords merciful! protection, and do rest 
 
 Your Graces in all duty, 
 W. Bedell. 
 Trinity College this 
 30th of July 1628. 
 
 To the Right Reverend Father in God my Lord Archbp of Armagh 
 Primate of all Ireland my verie good Lord deliuer these. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Bedell's lette?- to Dr Ward; state of the dioceses of Kilmore 
 and Ardagli ; purposes printing an answer to Paul 
 Washington's pamphlet against Ussher ; May 24, 1629. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxi. f. 8.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I thanck you for your kiude 
 letters of the 28th of Aprill. There is no reason you should be solicitous of 
 excuse of your silence, for my fault may be set against it, if it be a fault : 
 but I know now better by experience the manifold distractions and litle 
 leysure of him that is the governor of such a Society as yours is. And 
 somewhat also I perceiue by your letters of yotir Consistory, and other 
 Vniversity buisines : I am assured of your loue and I hope also you are 
 no lesse of mine, the expression of it, shall take fitt opportunityes as either 
 of our occasions shall allowe. I am glad to heare of Mr Brigges his 
 meeting with you, I haue mett with John Widdowes, and if I can effect it 
 in the letting of our Northern lands (which my Lord Primate perswades us 
 to ere I leaue this place) 1 will do him a good turne. God hath according 
 to your motto {Deus procldeb'U) provided for mc without my seeking, or 
 knowledge, the Bishopricks of Kilmore and Ardagh, which haue beene 
 long united ; and if there were in me sufficiency thereto, ether of them both 
 hath worke enough : the people almost all jjopish, the Irish without 
 exception : all complaining of the exactions of the Ecclesiasticall Juris- 
 diction, whereabout now the Chancellor is sued and contriued against (and 
 he hath a Patent of his place confirmed by" Deanes and Chapters), the 
 Country also hath a complaint of the exactions of the Clergy and hath had 
 an inquisition by commission thereabout. The poore people of that 
 Country many are come to you into England (aboue a 1000 as I am 
 assured out of one County in my Dioces), many are dead, the residue haue 
 no bread ; horse and dogs flesh is eaten, and an extraordinary Assises and 
 goale deliuery is granted, as my Chancelour this day informed me, least the
 
 298 LTFE AND DEATH 
 
 prisoners starue in the Gaole. Touching the Quodlibetica questio, let 
 Mr Buck take his tyme : if I could get your Italian copy of that other litle 
 booke touching the Valtaline, I would add that also. It is worthy the 
 knowledge of posterity. If I get once a litle leysure I may chance print 
 my answer to Washington (so I vnderstand he is called and he was 
 sometymes of Christs Coll.) about Mr Alablasters Deniandes, with some 
 other thiuges of like argument. This fellow hath set abroad a scoffing 
 railing pamphlet, against my L. Primates Wansted sermon touching the 
 succession of our Church, wherein he bestowes the batle vpon me. And I 
 heare it is in print : I liaue it in written hand. I may perhaps, when I am 
 a litle more free, print all that which hath passed betweene vs. I could 
 desire to vnderstand if Mr Buck will dealo with it. I am of your minde 
 touching our 17th Article of the English Confession, that it thwarts 
 predestination ex fide x>raefisa. Touching St Augustine's opinion, that no 
 non-electi are truly regenerate, I thinck he was variable, for other places 
 there are that shew he thought some that had dilectionem, or fidem quae 
 per dilectionem operatur, might utterly perish ; and that none can be 
 certaine of perseverance except by speeiall revelation. Touching our Irish 
 Articles I did not know there was such a good Confession of this Church, 
 till I read your letters. The 38 Article is most orthodoxall in my opinion 
 also. For our question^ an novas impidsus detur ad singulos actus, at our 
 better leisure let us thinck more of it. This bearer calls for my letters 
 which makes me make an end. The Lord in mercy looke vpon his poore 
 Church, and this part of it as poore as any ; and my particular Diocesse 
 poorely furnished of a Bishop. The comfort of whose hart is, God is rich 
 in mercy to all that call upon him. Assist him therfore, good Mr Dr, with 
 your earnest prayers and the same kindnes I entreate of Dr Chaderton and 
 Dr Sancroft^ and all my good freends with you. Remember me and my 
 wife to Mris Warde and continue to loue your euer assured freend, 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Trinity Coll. this 24th 
 of May 1629. 
 
 To my Reverend and most 
 
 Worthy freend Mr Dr 
 
 Warde Mr of Sydney 
 CoUedge deliuer 
 
 this 
 at Cambridge. 
 
 ^ A fellow and afterwards Master of Emmanuel. Uncle of the Archbishop.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 299 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 Junij 2, 1629. Mr Beedle (to Laud). About the freedome 
 of Election in the Coll. at Duhline. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland 1629, June.] 
 
 Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 
 
 The undeserved favour your Lordship liatli beene pleased lately to 
 shew me, makes others presume to use me as a Mediator for tliem. And 
 especially this house which doth esteeme it selfe thereby entered into your 
 Lordships patronage and protection. The fellowes of this College having 
 received an inhibition from his Majesty to elect a new Provost, till they 
 shall understand his further pleasure, and jealous least their silence in this 
 second suspension of tlieir Privilege should in tyme make it worthlesse, 
 have sent two of their number to supplicate to his Majesty for their 
 freedome in Election. I could not with mine oath but give way to this 
 their desire, and some furtherance also by these lines. 1 beseech your 
 Lordship to vouchsafe them audience, and that favourable assistance in 
 their suite which their Proposition upon the hearing shall seeme to your 
 Lordship to meritt. You shall thei*eby both engage this Society unto you 
 and more oblige 
 
 Your Lordships ever most 
 bownden, 
 
 W. Bedell. 
 Trinity Colledge this 2d of June 
 
 1629. 
 (addressed) To the Right Reverend 
 
 Father in God and my 
 verie good Lord, my Lord 
 Bishop of London 
 deliver this 
 at Loudon house. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; the vacant provostship of 
 Dublin College; state of Kilmore ; Oct. 6, 1629. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxi. f. 16.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, having the opportunity of this 
 Messenger now retorning for England, I could not but salute you, though
 
 300 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 it were shortly ; and without any serious matter more then the profession 
 my true love to you. These letters are the first I wrote into England 
 from this place, whither I came the vijth of Septemher , having beene 
 consecrated at Droghedah the 1 3<A. The delay of my Consecration so long 
 was occasioned, partly by tlie desire of our fellowes to haue a free election ; 
 partly out of my Lord Primates and mine to renew the College Ulster 
 Leases, before an vnknown successor should come ; which I thanck God 
 I haue liappily effected so as within these 6 yeares there wilbe almost 
 double the present rents, which it had of these lands formerly. I haue not 
 yet heard whom they haue chosen for my successor. But I make no 
 question but it is Dr Usher my Lord Primates Cosin, and sometyraes 
 fellow of that house. Whom they nominated to the King and had leaue to 
 elect but were forbidden to elect till they heard from the King, vpon my 
 Lord Primates approbation of him and testimony to the King. I am come 
 hither into a Country fertile enough aTid pleasant, but where Popery hath 
 possessed not only the ancient inhabitants, but also our English which 
 planted here at the first, almost universally : and our late plantations are 
 yet rawe, the Churches ruined. My Cathedrall Church is such another as 
 Horningerth was, but without Steeple, Bell or Font. You may imagine 
 the rest — the Popish Bishop of this Diocese is lately chosen Primate, and 
 dwells within a mile or 2 of me. I am in deliberation to write to him, and 
 offer some intercourse ; as I see the African Churches and Bishops did to 
 the Donatists. I desire you to helpe me with your prayers and aduice in 
 any thing which God shall put into your minde for the furtherance of the 
 common cause. So with my true loue and commendations to Mris Ward 
 I rest 
 
 Your loving Brother, 
 
 W. Kilmore. 
 Kilmore Oct. 6 
 1629. 
 
 My wife hartyly salutes you and Mris Warde, and would request you to 
 put Mr Mawe in minde to write to her. He may eiiery weeke write to 
 Mr Francis Burnet at the golden fleece in Lombard Streete, from whom 
 his letters shalbe conveyed to Dublin and so to us. This I thought to 
 aduertise you of also against you haue spare tyme. 
 
 To the Right Worshipfull and 
 my verie Reverend freend 
 Mr Dr Ward Mr of 
 
 Sidney CoUedge in 
 
 Cambridge deliver 
 this.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. ^OI 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Bp BedelVs letter to Br Ward; question on the effects of 
 baptism; legacy of Sir John Breretou's ; dfference between 
 himself and his Chancellor, Alan Cooke; Api-. 2, 1630. 
 
 [Tanuer MS lxxi. f. 43.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. Good Mr Dr, I receiiied your letters of tbe 
 l'2th of January tlie 15th of February, and there being with me the Deane 
 of Kilmore, then going towards my Lord Primate, I .sent your bookes not 
 opening the packet (as Mr Deane desired me) to him, who retourned them 
 to me signifieing that he had them long before : 1 thanck you hartyly for 
 them, and read them over greedily, the rather (besides that they came from 
 you and my L. of Salisbury) for that some 2 or 3 yeares since I remember 
 you communicated some thoughts of yours with me concerning that argu- 
 ment, and I thinck I retourned a short answer. I haue not the leysure to 
 giue you my opinion now at large, neither do I know when I shall, so am I 
 distracted with multiplicity of buisines euen aboue strength. But this I 
 do yield to my Lord of Sarum most willingly, that the justification sanctifi- 
 cation and adoption which children haue in Baptisme, is not unacoca- 
 mente the same with that which adults haue : and this I likewise do 
 yeild to you that it is mra solutio reatus et veraciter, and in rei veritate 
 performed: and all the like emphaticall formes. But all these Sacra- 
 mentaliter : and it is obsignative, ex furmuld et condltione foederis. 
 Where you make Circumcision and Baptisme to be the remedy of originall 
 sinne : I thinck it too specially sayd, which is true of all sinne. And so 
 much the te.xt Act. 2. 38 and the rest do shew. I do thinck also that 
 Reprobates coming to yeares of discretion after Baptisme shalbe condemned 
 for originall sinne. For their absolution and washing in baptisme was but 
 conditionall and expectative, which doth truely invest them in all the 
 promises of God ; but vnder the condition of repenting, beleeving, and 
 obeying; which they never performe, and therefore never attayne the 
 promise. Consider well what you will say of women, before Christ, which 
 had no circumcision ; and of all mankind before circumcision was instituted : 
 and you will perceiue I thinck the nature of Sacraments to be not as 
 medicines but as scales ; to confirme the Covenant, not to conferre the 
 promise immediately. These thinges I write now in exceeding post hast, 
 in respect that this bearer goes away so presently ; I will only giue sapient 
 occasiones. 1 thinck the Emphaticall speeches of Augustine against the 
 Pelagians (and of Prosper i) are not so much to be regarded ; who says the 
 like of the Eucharist also touching the necessity and efficacy in the case of 
 Infants : and they are very like the speeches of Laufranck and Guilmund 
 
 ^ Prosper Aquitanus Episcopus Ehegiensis, Pro gratia et Ubero arbitrio 
 secundum Sententiam Divi Atigustini, Mogunt. 1524.
 
 302 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 of Christ's presence in that Sacrament, opposing veraciter and vere to 
 Sacramentaliter, which is a false and absurd contraposition. Sed ' mauum 
 de tabula.' The right definition of a Sacrament in geiiere will decide this 
 question. 
 
 I thanck you good Mr Dr, for your conference with Mr Mawe, to whome 
 my wife hath written. I shall not haue that leisure, but if it please you let 
 me intreate you to giue him tliis aduice ; to follow his profession which I 
 weene wilbe Physick. That wilbe a certaine revenew, this casualty other- 
 wise will not long last him. 
 
 Touching your legacy of Sir John Breereley, If I were yet in Dublin I 
 could promise you my best service. Now I can do litle ; but if you do 
 thinck to employ any Attorney here, and not send any of your fellowes to 
 prosecute the suite, there is one Mr Greenham which was of Emanuell 
 CoUedge in your tyme, a principal! Attorney, and sayd to be an honest man 
 and truly religious, wliom though I hanc no interest in him I durst commend 
 vnto you. Peraduenture your Letters, with my Lord Primates prosecution, 
 will spare the paines of sending till the buisines be a litle rij^er, which you 
 shall perceiue by Sir Randall's answer. In all this my Lord Primate can 
 giue you the best aduice, for I am yet but a Novice in these affayres and 
 parts. 
 
 Touching myselfe, I thanck God I haue my health, and would do 
 something, if there were any overture or occasion. That which I can do as 
 yet is no more, but by integrity and justice (as farre as I can procure it) in 
 my Courts, to gaine the good opinion of the people. I haue inhibited my 
 Chancellor, and because I am persuaded his Patent is naught, do sit in my 
 Courts myselfe, which costs me many a hard weary journey to all the parts 
 of my Diocesses. But the clamor of the people was such as I could not 
 endure ; though for this he hath appealed me to my Lord Primates Court, 
 and I am cited to appeare there, which is meerely to vexe me and put me 
 to trouble. I haue refused the triall of that Court, and appealed ad quern 
 vel quos for 3 or fewer gravamina in the Citacione : that they receiued his 
 appeale, not presenting as he ought my inhibition ! Another, that they cite 
 me, where as Inhibition alone did suffice for my Chancellors indemnity, 
 neyther doth it appeare that he did require it. 3. They appoint no certaine 
 terme of my appearance. 4. They say he hath rite and legitime appealed 
 before I appeare. Principally they call him Vicariiis qui Kilmorem et 
 Ardaghen legitime fulcetur : which is a plaine prejudice before the cause 
 be heard. Notwithstanding I do submitt the cause to my Lord Primates 
 judgment omni appellatione retnotd, if my Chancellor will do the like, 
 which he refuseth. In short, whether it be for this, or some other doth ill 
 offices against me, I have receiued a very angry letter from my Lord 
 Primate : wherein are strange passages, accusing me to pull daume that 
 ichich others haue beene so long in building^ and to build castles in the aire, 
 with other more like wounding phrases. I haue desired to know, what 
 these things meane, which in truth I do not as yet. The sum is, I shall 
 euer love him and honor him, let him use me as he will. 
 
 The sentence which the good Archbishop of Canterbury did animate me
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 303 
 
 withall when I came hither, hath hitherto carried me on. I will go on in 
 the strengtli of the Lord God, and his righteousnes will I remember, and 
 his alone. These thinges effundo in siniim tuum, but this bearer is come 
 againe for this letter. The Lord of heaven be with you Good Mr Dr, with 
 your wife and all my friends, or ours rather in Cambridge, to whonie 
 remember me as by name. Who am and shalbe alwayes 
 
 Your constant and affectionate 
 freend 
 
 W. Kilmoren et 
 
 Ardaghen. 
 Kilmore this '2nd of 
 A prill 16:50. 
 
 To my verie Reverend 
 and loving freend Mr 
 
 Dr Ward Ma.ster of Sidney 
 CoUedge in Cambridge 
 deliver these. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 Copy of Letter to Downame \ Bi) of Derry, on his " Covenant 
 of grace" ; from Bp Bedell; Oct. 11, 1680. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxxi. f. 49.] 
 
 Right Reuerend Father my Honorable good Lord. 
 
 Since my comming to this place, I haue by nieanes of Mr Pryce, my 
 sonnes Tutor, had a viewe of your Loi-dships worke which is now upon the 
 presse, and haue thereby somewhat satisfied my desire, which 1 had to 
 vnderstand more distinctly, that which by my ancient friend Mr Doctor 
 Ward I was told of touching your Lordships opinion concerning Justifieing 
 fayth, whereabout while we were together in Cambridge aboue 30 yeares 
 since he and I had much Inquiry, and resolved differently from that which 
 your Lordship holds. And although (as your Lordship writes most 
 Christiauly) no man is to mervell, much lesse to take offence, at these 
 differences, since we know in part and prophecy in part, and the variety is 
 rather in the Tex^okoyia than the substance of religion ; Yet because I haue 
 the occasion offered by Gods providence, to write to you, ere that part of 
 your booke be printed, and me thiiiks your Lordship doth not fully conceive 
 the opinion which you dissent from, I will shortly set it downe. that it 
 may obtaine either an approbation or fuller confutation from your Lord- 
 
 • George Downame, formerly professor of Logic at Cambridge, ob. 1634.
 
 304 " LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ship's learned censure. And to proceede a c.onfessis : Jiistifieing faith hath 
 for the obiect therof Christ. This truth is so evident, as it is often 
 expressly layd downe on all sides (your Lordship pag. 73). The obiect of 
 Fayth quatenus justificat is Christ; for it justifieth as the Instrument to 
 receave Christ who is our righteousues. Againe pag. 137 'howsoever the 
 proper obiect of fixyth, as it justifieth, is Clirist notwithstanding &c.' We 
 haue therefore the obiect of faith, not any truth or assertion concerning 
 Christ, but Christ himselfe. The act also is many tymes rightly made to 
 receive, to lay hold upon &c. — an act certainly of the will ; as also, the 
 contrary to reject and refuse, and resembled in Scripture to the appetite of 
 eating and drincking. I know well that knowledge and assent to the truth 
 of the Gospell are sayd to justifie and called fayth. But these precedent 
 habits are common to elect and reprobate, yea to the Devills. Heere is the 
 first plaine and vndeniable difierence ; these receive not Christ. We haue 
 then the obiect, act, and subiect of fayth Now for the maner how the 
 hart or will receives Christ, prosecuting affections of desire, affiance, trust, 
 resting upon, are in sundry formes expressed or implied ; and often also by 
 the way acknowledged to be in true and liuely faith, by those that yet make 
 it to be assent or speciall fayth. Your Lordshiji [pag. 86, so pag. 96 and 112] 
 sayth that when assent is willing, lively, and eflfectuall we doe receive Christ 
 not only in our judgments, but also in our harts by an earnest desire that 
 he may be applied unto us, (expressed in harty prayer) and in our will by 
 acknowledging him to be our Saviour, and to rest upon him for our 
 salvation. Touching affiance, you allow it to be an inseparable frnite of 
 fayth, and which seemeth to be implied sometymes in the phrase of 
 believing in Christ : but fiducia you say indeede is not fayth [pag. 73]. 
 Here especially I desire your Lordships carefull intention to observe that 
 the trust which we are speaking of is not that Tvapprjaia nor TrfTroldrja-is — 
 whereof the Apostle speakes [Eph. 3. 12] whereby we come boldly to God 
 to aske any thing at his handes [1 Joh. 3. 21], whereby we dare lift vp our 
 heads at Christs appearance [cap. 2. 28], whereby we rejoice under the 
 crosse itselfe upon the hope of the glory of God [Rom. 5. 2], much lesse is 
 it that hope it selfe, albeit Christ is called our hope, and deservedly, as the 
 base of it. Trust in Christ goeth before all these as the cause wherupon 
 they follow, yea fayth in God by Christ goes before all these, for by affiance 
 in Christ we haue entrance and accesse to God [Rom. 5. 2], and by him we 
 beleeve in God that raised liim from the dead, and gaue him glory that our 
 faith and hope may be in God [1 Petr. 1. 21], for though the first and 
 immediate obiect of justifieing faith be Christ the mediator, the finall and 
 complete obiect is God that justifieth the ungodly [Rom. 4. 5]. As for hope, 
 betweene which and affiance your Lordship saith there is very litle differ- 
 ence in respect of the tynie to come :■ — it seenies to me there is the same, 
 that is betwixt the trust that he which is ready to be drowned hath in the 
 planck which he layes hold upon floating neare him, and the good hope he 
 hath to saue himself from drowning when he hath once gotten it. Even the 
 hope that goes before this trust in Christ may be distinguished from it, for 
 that is (me thiukes) very formally expressed in the words of the woman in
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 305 
 
 the Gospel: "If I may l)ut touch the hem of his garment I shall be whole." 
 This is the touching it selfe, or laying hold upon Clirist (as Doctor Redman 
 in Mr Foxe shortly calls it amplexus Christi) which followed iudeede 
 knowledge, and assent in those that haue it, and ought to follow in all that 
 haue it. And where your Lordship makes not all assent to be justifieiu"' 
 faith, vnlesse it be conditioned, willing, true, lively, and effectuall, under 
 which you bring in also desire of Ciirist and resting on him for salvation : 
 if these conditions be intrinsecall in tlie assent you speake of as the two 
 first are willing and true — for the understanding l)eing convicted, suppose 
 de numero arena', how unwilling soever a man were before, he doth 
 willingly assent ; and the act of assent must needs be willing and true, how 
 loath and unwilling soever a man be with the obiect — If as I beganne to say 
 this liveliness and efficacy be in tlie nature of the assent it selfe, all assent 
 to the Gospell nuist be justifieing fayth. If againe these be forraine and 
 accidentall, presujiposing or requiring other thinges without which assent 
 justifies not, because it is not effectuall, it is evident tliat in these we must 
 seeke the roote of justification. And such is the receiving of Christ by 
 trust in him. 
 
 Touching speciall fayth, that is the habit of a conclusion, made by that 
 practicall syllogisme which you set dowue pag. .95 : " Tiiat it is a very 
 erroneous opinion to tliiuck we are justified, or doe obtaine remission of 
 sinnes by being assured, and much more fully assured thereof etc." — long 
 since upon the discourse of Vasquel, and many other reasons, seemed to 
 Mr D. W. and me, thereof I shall not neede to add any thing to that 
 purpose. For your Lordships appendix to the treatise of Certainty, in 
 answer to Mr W. P. his first proposition, was the opinion of Padre Paulo 
 of Venice. The •2d may, as it seemes, be defended by that the under- 
 standing is sanctified by the truth as the hart rest upon Christ. The 3rd, 
 4th, 5th and 7th I take to be very erroneous. The 6th in what sense it 
 may be true I haue shewed. The 8th speaking of assent per se as I haue set 
 downe before, I see not how it can be reprooved, wherby the way, touching 
 Jides formata & informis I thinck (and so mantained when I was in Italy) 
 that taking Charity for that holy inclination of the hart whereby it desireth, 
 trusteth in, resteth upon Christ and God by him (which in tlie Elect is 
 another degree of faith, added vnto that of assent to the doctrine of the 
 Gospell which they call commonly Catholick fayth) it may very well be 
 granted that this is informed hy Charity, so as a living faith ci'edere in 
 Deum, is as St Augustine saith credendo amare, credendo in Deum ire, et 
 meinbris eiiis incorporari <&c. or Fiducia in Deum per Christum 
 Mediatorem. My Lord, I haue adventured more than perhaps may stand 
 with discretion and humility to write this much, but I know the temper of 
 your ingenuous minde, and the Lord that knowes the harts is my witnes, 
 that I follow the truth in loue, and with all reverence to your Lordship, and 
 not out of any desire of opposition. Sundry thinges more particularly 
 might be said, but your Lordship will conceive my meaning by this litle, 
 
 1 See Durand L. 3, d. 23, g. 8. 
 
 20
 
 3o6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 which in the middest of my law businesses I haue snatched tymes to write. 
 Desiring your Lordship to take this same as the fruite of the honour 
 and true i-espect which I beare you, who am and will allwayes desire to be 
 found 
 
 Your Lordships servant in Christ Jesu, 
 
 Will. Kilmoren and Ardachen. 
 
 Dublin 
 
 June 24, 1630. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 Another letter to tite Bishop of Derry. 
 
 In your Lordship's answer to my letter, you doe first premise some 
 thinges, and then come to the severall points contained in it, which order I 
 will also follow. And first for the state of the question betweene us, without 
 which rightly setled we doe but beat the aire. It seemes to me thus. It 
 is not whither there be 2 such degrees of fayth as your Lordship names, 
 viz. that which you call true and lively assent to the truth. The other 
 which our Divines call speciall fayth, For both these I willingly acknow- 
 ledge. Neither do I dissent from you about the 2nd whereby you say we 
 are justified in our owne conscience, \\hich is not properly justification, but 
 the assurance of it. But besides tliese 2 I acknowledge another comming 
 betweene them, which is affiance in Christ, being the effect or consequent of 
 the former, and cause of the latter, wherby I account a sinner is justified 
 before God. Neither (as I thinck) doe we dissent in this, that such a trust 
 is in Christ or that it is working to Justification and Salvation ; for thus 
 you write after, touching the efficacy of assent. This efficacy is actus 
 secundiis, whereby that fayth which is true and lively doth worke both to 
 Justification, working in the hart an earnest desire to be made partaker of 
 Christ and his merits, and in the will a resolution not only to acknowledge 
 and professe him to be our Saviour but also to rest vpon him alone for our 
 Salvation &c. And a litle after speaking of trust or affiance : Those who 
 belecue and are persuaded that Christ is their Saviour, do also trust in him 
 for Salvation &c. Neither do we dissent about the order, viz. that assent 
 must goe before and affiance follow. Nor that one of these is not part of 
 the other, as being the one in the minde, the other in the hart, one haveing 
 for this obiect verum, the other honum, the act of one to assent to the 
 truth, of the other to trust, as for that which ye add, and hope for the 
 performance of some good, this addition I do disdaine, makeing the obiect 
 of trust as it justifies no other but Christ himselfe, as in my former letter 
 I shewed. These thinges before being granted, let vs see what remaines as 
 yet in controversy, which as farre as I conceive is (1) whether this affiance 
 be called fayth or no ; (2) and whether this be that which is ment, when it is 
 sayd, fayth justifieth only, principally, or at all, and that which you speake,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 307 
 
 hath the condition of the promise of Justification before God^; (3) whether 
 this affiance be hope and differ or not. In which three, 1. I hold it is 
 called fayth. 2. It is that disposition of the hart that properly justifies. 
 3. It is not all one with hope, though sonietymes called by that name, 
 These thinges premised touching the state of our question 1 proceede in 
 the letter. The gruund you say of your affection is the n(»tation of the 
 worde in the originall tongues. Heere (I shall not neede to teach your 
 Lordship) I might well fasten my foote and say, that the notation of wordes 
 ia a very slender proofe, for as much as wordes oftentymes are diversly 
 extended or straightned by use (which claimes to be master of speech) 
 from their originall derivation. And particularly in religious and ecclesi- 
 asticall use, they are often otherwise taken than among prophane authors, 
 is not to goe farre, as Erasmus notes of this very worde Fides, which in 
 true Latine magis pertinet ad eum qui poUicetur aut pra'stat, quam ad 
 euin qui Jidit (Ad. math. 6). For the other terme also of this proposition 
 ' Fayth iustifies' may be seene. But the truth is I do not know what you 
 would proove by the notation of the worde. If this — that there is such a 
 faith of assent to the truth of the Gospell as you describe (I will not change 
 wordes about it) I do not deny it. But I crave leave from the same ground 
 and place of Invention, to proove the fayth of afliance also, for the word 
 TTLCTTis, and those conjugates ma-Tos tvkttoo) and anLcrTia amaTos aTncrra 
 oXi-yoTTioTOf liaue all a signification of trust and distrust as well as of beleefe 
 and unbeleefe both in Scripture and in prophane authors, the Glossaries 
 TTtoTow credo, fido, jrio-rfwy a^ios credlbilis, fidelis, Tria-roTepos magis Jidus, 
 d-ma-Tia hijidia, Diffidentia, Incredibilitas, ama-Tco dlffido, non credo, 
 KaTaina-revco'^ confido, the like signification doth Scapula giue, and Melanc- 
 thon, Chemnitius, and others haue gathered sundry places out of prophane 
 authors to his purpose, out of Phocylides, Demosthenes, Theognis, Sophocles, 
 jEschines, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, which I forbeare to set downe. The 
 Scriptures them selves giue the like force to tliese wordes, the fayth of the 
 centurion. Math. 8. 10, so gi-eat as Christ our Lord had not found in Israel, 
 was trust. So of those that brought to him the sicke of the palsie, of her Chap. 9. 2; 
 that had the bloody issue, whose fayth saved her, of the Syropheniciau to '^ij- ^- ^^• 
 whom he said ' O woman great is thy faith.' It was the fayth of God (trust -^i^ix. 9. 22. 
 in God which Christ required in the Apostles, and would raise in them by Lu, 8. 25. 
 the example of the withering figtree when he had cursed it ; which he ^^^^- ^'^^' 
 missed in them, when in the storme he said, 'where is your fayth V It was and 16. 8. 
 lacke of confidence in Peter that he blames vnder the nauie of litle fayth, 
 and in the rest of the Apostles also : upon which place Erasmus — magis 
 gaudehat exiguce fiducicB quam modica} fidei, sioe, ut nos vertimus, 2)arum 
 Jidentes. 
 
 ^ This note is written across the page in the margin, "which you call the 
 tenet of the Lutherans and of some papists, yours which I might say also is the 
 teuent of Bellar, and of all papists : but let us abstaine from aggravating either 
 opinion from the conceipt of the names of such as follow them." 
 
 2 This word does not occur in the N.T. 
 
 20—2
 
 308 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 The verbe Triorei^cD also hath the like force of trust : as Jesus committed 
 not or betrusted not himselfe to some that beleeved, the same word is twice 
 put, so Luc. 16. 11, who sliall betrust ye with the true wealth ? So St Paul 
 'I know whom I haue beleeved and I am perswaded that he is able to keepe 
 the thing that I haue committed to him against that day,' where the word 
 beleeved answers the like phrase of credere for trusting in the Latine as in 
 that place of the Comedy, tuce fidei credidi auruni\ sayth the Covetous 
 old man, when he had hidden his pot of gold in the Temple of Fides, and 
 after when he caried it into the wood, certum est. Silvano potius credam 
 quam FideP. And of this kind of trust committed, the ancient true and 
 proper name of the action was fiducia, as Budeus shewes in his notes to the 
 Pandects ad. 1 j)ost de origine juris. 
 
 The like notion is easy to discerne in the word atna-Tia as Mar. 9. 19, 24 and 
 Mat. 17. 20, where the lack of confidence both in the father of the possessed 
 chield and in the Apostles is blamed ; whereupon perhaps came the request 
 mentioned, Luc. 17. 6, 'Lord increase our fayth,' whicli Jansenius expounds 
 well : Ap2)one nohisfidem velfiduciam quam toties commendarat, as appeares 
 by the like wordes, if ye had fayth like a graine of mustard and in other 
 places. But that which is most considerable in this matter is the forme of 
 beleefe and beleeving in, or vpon, which the Holy Ghost useth in the N.T. 
 Gal. 3, 26, Acts 20. 21; 24. 24; 26. 18 (where Christ himselfe speakes 
 personally, TrtVret ttj ds i^i), according to which the fayth of Jesus Christ 
 must be taken (Rom. 3. 22 and 3. 26, Gal. 2. 16); iu the blood of Christ 
 (Rom. 3. 25) ; ' The fayth of the son of God, who gaue himselfe for me,' 
 Gal. 2. 20, 3. 22, and Eph. 3. 12, 'we haue boldnes and accesse by the fayth 
 of him ' : so cap. 6, ' the sheild of fayth to quench the firey dartes of the 
 Devill.' Abrahams fayth was trust in God, notwithstanding the impotency 
 of his old age and Sarah's wombe, Rom. 4. 20. So Phil, 3. 9, ' the 
 righteousnes by the fayth of Christ,' declared to be of God ; ' grounded 
 upon fayth,' Col. 1. 23. So the verb Tna-reva with the preposition eVl as 
 Rom. 4, 5, oTi eniTroLdeicrav iii avrai, Dan. 3. 28, on eTTicrrfvafv ev t<o deca 
 avrco, cap. 6, 23. There is a notable place, 2 Kings 18. 20, where besides 
 confidence, and staying vpon as upon a stafl^e, trust is put to express the 
 act of King Hezekiah emboldning him to refuse to be subiect to the King 
 of Babell. Therupon we haue there 6 tymes the same worde, nenoidcos, the 
 Heb. ni33. Sperare in Deo, non sperare in Baalim 2 Chron. 3.18: quod 
 sperasset {e^^Cr^T-qcre) in Domino Deo, 2 Chron. 17. 4 : Credite (e/xTrio-rei^o-are) 
 in Domino Deo vero et securi eritis, 2 Chr. 20. 20, Credite {fiMnia-revcraTe) 
 pro2?heiis eius et prosperablmini >,i3 iroXH ei sit in 2do membro^. 
 
 Will. Kilmoren et Ar. 
 
 1 Plant. Aul. 4. 2. 8. 2 jj,^ ^ 4, 20. 
 
 3 The first of these references is wrong (?2 Chron. 13. 18 or 14. 11).
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 309 
 
 XL. 
 
 3rrf Letter to the Bishop of Derry. 
 
 Right Reverend Father in God my Honourable good Lord. 
 
 By your Large letters received by Mr Price, I easily perceive the 
 largenes of your loue, that would spend so much paines, and borrow so 
 much tyuie from your more weighty studies, to endeavour to giue me 
 satisfaction in the point of Justifieing Fayth. And yet more liberally in 
 the closing up of your letters do offer your selfe, if yet you haue not given it, 
 after you haue finished some present worke which you haue in hand, to putt 
 yourselfe to furtlier paines to procure it. For both I can but restore 
 humble thankes and desire of God, the most liberall requiter and rewarder, 
 to restore you that time with multiplied interest and requite your paines 
 with all happy successe in the worke you haue in hand, and in all other 
 your laboures in his Church. But the more liberall you are the more it 
 concernes me to be sparing of your jiaines and tyme, lest I be not only 
 troublesome to you, but injourious to tlie publick by distracting you from 
 more profitable employments. And for my finding as I do in this new 
 calling such a multiplicity of busines, as it were conspiring against me on 
 every side. I see how much it concernes me to take the Apostle's counsell, 
 to study to be quiet and to do mine owne busines. Especially the difference 
 betweene your Lordship and me, being rather in termes and manner of 
 teaching than in the matter it selfe. As whether Justifieing Fayth be 
 an assent bringing forth affiance as a necessary fruite and consequence, or 
 in affiance presupposing assent, as a necessary seede roote and Antecedent. 
 In this case so long as we both teach that both are to be had to Justifica- 
 tion, what importes it to the edification of the hearers in which the reason 
 of Justification be chiefly placed ? So as it seemes to me that this matter 
 falls witliin the precept of the Apostle, yir] Xoyofxaxe'tv ds ov8ev xpnctnov, or 
 that other of avoiding unlearned questions, which do but gender strifes. In 
 which very wordes he seemes to medle with these colourable motives which 
 do often prick men forward to contention, viz. the affecting the opinion of 
 wisdome and learning, shewing them indeede these questions are foolish and 
 unlearned which hinder loue and peace with them that out of a pure hart 
 call upon the name of the Lord, which is the deepest point of all our 
 Christian wisdome and learning. In these regards I haue resolved to lay 
 my hand upon my mouth and for the present to reflect only upon that 
 passage of your Lordship's letter where you answer as it were in merriment 
 to an argument which you framed also out of my letter in merriment a re 
 judicata, viz. that I and Dr Ward 30 yeares agoe having examined your 
 opinion had resolved diff"erently, this I never wrote nor meant, that we 
 examined your Lordships opinion. But that about Justifieing fayth, while
 
 310 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 we were both young divines in Cambridge, we had much enquiry and 
 resolved differently from what is I now perceive to be your opinion [whether 
 it were that which the Romanists call Catholick fayth, or Speciall fayth, or 
 which we then resolved, affiance in Christ the Redeemer]. As for your 
 Lordships opinion what then it was, to my remembrance, I never heard, not 
 till within these few yeares that Dr Ward told me, that you placed fayth 
 in the understanding and made it to be assent, from which indeede we did 
 then resolve differently, as I wrote in my first letter. 
 
 But so farre was I from prescribing against your Lordships opinion a re 
 judicata, as I do verily thinck your authority alone would very much haue 
 mooved me, had I knowne it to be well advised ere I embraced that other 
 (with which I haue now dwelt these 30 yeares) such respect haue I alwayes 
 had to your name ; and even yet also (because the mariage of the under- 
 standing and opinion can never passe in rem judicatam to the prejudice of 
 truth) I am not so wedded to mine owne that I should not giue place to 
 yours if it appeare to be the truth. Thus much I thought it necessary to 
 signify to your Lordship presently, touching that misconceived argument. 
 Desiring you thus to judge of me, that I remember very well mine owne 
 lowly place at your feete when you had the honour of the Logicke chaire in 
 Cambridge. I know and acknowledge in all humble and sober sadiies the 
 advantage of riper yeares and rii^er judgment also which your Lordship 
 hath (and ever will haue) of me, no way decayed but rather authorized 
 with age, not languishing and mouldy through want of employment, but 
 alwayes active and bringing forth something for the common good. And 
 because your Lordshij) now writeth that you haue prooved your affection 
 by evident testimonies and undeniable arguments I shall attend the coming 
 forth of your booke, which I could not at Dublin otherwise then cursorily 
 peruse, hoping therein to find more full satisfaction than I could at the first 
 reading, meane while with all humble thanckfullnes for your Lordships 
 paines and pacience with me, I rest 
 
 Your Lordships very loving Brother 
 
 and servant in Christ Jesu, 
 
 Will. Kilmoren and Ardachen. 
 Kilmore 
 Oct. 11, 1630. 
 
 To the Right Reverend Father in God 
 
 my Honourable good Lord and Brother George 
 Bishop of London Derry giue 
 these.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 311 
 
 XLI. 
 
 To the Bishop of London (Laud), as to the Bishop 0/ Kilmore's 
 Chancellor Mr Allan Cooke. State Papers, Ireland; 
 August 10, 1630. 
 
 Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord. 
 With my humble service remembered, since my last to your Lordship 
 of the 1st of Aprill, I have set on foote my suite at your Counsel! bord for 
 the rights of my Bishopricks ; fownding it on that bcneficiall clause of his 
 Majesties gracious letters, wherein he was pleased to give order that if I 
 fownd myselfe wronged by any unlawfull act of my Predecessors either in 
 the profitts or jurisdictions of my Bishopricks, I might be releeved there. 
 I propownded first my jurisdiction, empayred by my Predecessors appoint- 
 ing me a Chancellor. Wherein, before I relate my successe, I shall declare 
 to your Lordship the grownds and manor of my proceeding, whereby I 
 shall with one labour endeavour to satisfy some part of your expectation 
 from me, viz. to certifie you of such occurrents as concerne the Church of 
 Ireland, and free myselfe from the false imputations of slanderous toungs 
 who there perhaps as well as here have or shall misreport my proceedings. 
 
 My Lord, I do thus account that amongst all the impediments to the 
 worke of God amongst us, there is not any greater then the abuse of 
 Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction. This is the opinion of the most godly judicious 
 and learned men that I have knowne. And the demonstration thereof is 
 plaine. The people pierce not into the inward and true reasons of things ; 
 they are sensible in the purse. And that religion that makes men that 
 professe it, and shewes them to be, despisers of the world, and so farre 
 from encroaching upon others in matter of base gaine as rather to part 
 with their owne, they magnifye. This bred the admiration of the Primitive 
 Christians, contrary causes must needs bring forth contrary effects. Where- 
 fore let us preach never so painefully, and live never so jjiously ourselves, 
 so long as the officers in our Courtes do prey upon the people, they account 
 us no better then publicanes. And so much the more deservedly, because 
 we are called spirituall men and reformed Christians. In this kinde there 
 hath beene they say wonderfull abuse in this kingdome. While I was in 
 Dublin, before my Consecration, I understood by many principall men both 
 of my Diocese and others that of all those that have exercised Ecclesisticall 
 Jurisdiction in this land, these late yeares, the most noted man and most 
 cried out upon was one Mr Alane Cooke, Chancellor to my Predecessor. 
 Insomuch as he had beene questioned in the Starre chamber, and rather 
 by error in proceeding for the manner or some other cause than the want of 
 matter, escaped the triall. Among the Irish he hath gotten the nick-name 
 of PoukeK And indeed they feare him like the fiend of hell. To his 
 
 1 Puck, Gothic and Icelandic for goblin, fiend: from Scandinavian jj«A;/, 
 'a boy.'
 
 312 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 austerity the abandoning the Country by above 1000 of the inhabitants 
 the last yearei was more imputed than to the liardnes of the tymes. And 
 a principall man of his Majesties Counsell sayd it within these 2 monethes 
 to me, that he had beene more burthensome to that part of the Country, 
 than tiie contribution to the Soldiers. This man, as was told me by others, 
 had a Commission to be my Chancellor : himselfe would not so much as 
 shew it me, or desire that with my good leave he might hold it. Which 
 although it seemed to me somewhat uncivill, yet I was not willing to breake 
 with him or infringe the Acts of my Predecessor, till by the dayly complaint 
 of my neighbors, and some of my Tenants, and of the clergy I was enforced 
 to demand the sight of his Patent. I fownd a vast heape of authority 
 conferred upon him, without due forme, latine, or common sense. One 
 period before the 'Habendum,' consisting of above 540 words, and yet 
 without any one importing a grant, or any other principall verb at all. 
 Nothing left to the Bishop but a meere shaddow of authority. I called the 
 chapter, examined whether they confirmed it or no, which they denied 
 not, accounting it more concerned the Bishop than them, acknowledging 
 that the Bishop's great scale was not put to it : whereupon I accounting it 
 void or surreptitious, or revoking it in case it had any validity, did inhibit 
 Mr Cooke to do anything by vertue of it as my vicar, and the clergy to 
 assist him therein. Upon this he appealed to my Lord Primates Court, 
 from whence I was inhibited and cited to appeare to answer him. He 
 being in the citation styled vicar of the Courts of Kilmore and Ardagh 
 lawfully established ; For this so apparent a forejuJgeing the cause, ere it 
 was heard, I entered a Recusation before a publick Notary, which I sent 
 to my Lord Primate : yet submitting the cause to his owne censure, omni 
 appellatione remold, if my adversary were so pleased. This he refused. 
 Thus did it hang till Hilary Terme. In the meane season, I went about 
 my Dioces myselfe, and sate in myne owne Courtes redressing the disorders, 
 and mitigating the Fees (whereof yet I tooke no peny but sequestred them 
 only) and in a short space have as I hope disposed the people to some better 
 oiiinion of our religion and jurisdiction, than before they had conceived. 
 
 The case at Dublin was divided in pleading by my Counsaile. 1. That 
 no Bishop may grant a Commission longer then during his owne tyme. 
 2. That my Predecessor holding 2 Bishopricks, united only for terme of 
 life, could make no greater estate then his owne. That by his death the 
 Bishopricks were agaiue divided, and anew united by his majesty, so as in 
 them I am not his successor. The other part would make a vicar Generall 
 a standing office, and sayd the Deane and Chapter anciently might choose a 
 Bishop, much more then confirme a Bishop's vicar for life. Especially they 
 urged Precedents in England, and some here. The Lord Chancellor 
 seemed unwilling to have this case determined here, which he sayd was 
 never yet adjudged in England. Those of the Counsayle that are of the 
 profession of the Law required it might be argued againe at the beginning 
 of Michaelmas Terme, which was granted. 
 
 1 See p. 297.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 313 
 
 Since that Mr Cooke hath procured me to be cited againe to the Lord 
 Primates Court, where I appeared July 29, alledgeing that the cause is 
 depending before the Lords Justices and Counsel), and refusing againe 
 the Chancelor Mr George Synge to be either Judge or Assistant therein ; 
 as having beene Mr Cooke's Master and Patrone, and now his familiar 
 freeud, and having discovered some sijleene against me in certaine letters 
 which since this cause came into that court he had sent me. 
 
 Your Lordship hath here the histnricall part of this busines, whereto if 
 I shall be bold to add the Prognosticall, it is this. That although I have 
 his Majesties Patents as large for me as I can desire ; the Canon law as 
 cleare as the suune (whose maximes are these, vlcarius perdit Jurisdic- 
 tionem morte Episcopi : vicarius rem<)veri potest ad libitum Episcopi, 
 etiamsi sit constitutus cum juramento de non revocando : vicarius mortuo 
 Episcopo non potest perficere causas incho'atas vico Episcopo). And de 
 facto Mr Cooke after the death of my Predecessor tooke a new Commission 
 from the Lord Primate to execute the Jurisdiction sede vacanle ; lastly 
 though I have the common law sequall, if this be but a Commission, and 
 as the Lord Cheefe Baron sayd openly, by the Law one Judge cannot 
 appoint another in his steede : yet because in lands and possessions the 
 grant of the Bishop with consent of Deaue and Chapter is good, it will 
 be carried so liere also. I consider my Adversaryes cunning, potency, 
 freinds in all Courts, purse. The Kings Sergeant and Attorney are for him, 
 against his Majesties Patents. Tiie Lord Chancellor liad some tymes a like 
 Commission bestowed upon him by his uncle, as I have beene told by some 
 of the Counsaile. He perswades me to compownd with Mr Cooke, wliich for 
 the incredible scandall that would follow I can never doe^. He (as Mr Cooke 
 in a manor boasting told me) hath nominated him since the Terme to be 
 Judge in a cause of the Admiralty touching a Prize here taken. Add to all 
 these, the confidence of the man that comes and sets himselfe by me, and 
 quarrells with me in mine owne Court, and will sit tliere and aske me no 
 leave. In these respects I give it gone, unlesse it would please his Majesty 
 to interpret his owne meaning in his gracious letters for me, and the 
 Patents thereupon fownded ; or to signifie his expresse pleasure that this 
 cause may be maturely discussed according to his lawes, notwithstanding 
 any examples there or here inuring^ ; or lastly to give order to his learned 
 Counsell, to see to the interest of his Crowne in upholding his Grants and 
 Patents, and by what warrant they are infringed by the pretended Patents 
 of otliers. 
 
 My Lord if this were mine owne particular case alone I should not be 
 so bold as to reijuest your favour and assistance hereunto. But it is the 
 common interest of Bishops, who through their owne sufferance do now but 
 serve for cyphers to make up the wronges and extortions of their officers. 
 They begin to scorne to be our vicegerents. Two citations I have received 
 from my Lord Primates Court, in the former whereof my pretended 
 Chancellor is called vicarius Curiae Kilmorensis et Ardaghensis; in the otiier 
 
 1 inuring, ' occuiriug.'
 
 314 ' LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Diocessios. If they were as anciently constituted only durante beneplacito, 
 they would know themselves. For my part God is my witnes that if I 
 thought I could be excused in conscience for the misgovernment of the 
 people, whom God and his Majesty have comitted unto me, I could easily 
 suffer Mr Cooke to exercise the Jurisdiction, though there be left me 
 nothing but the name of it : but when the blame also and the shame of 
 religion Hes upon it, I hope good men will not account me Pragmatical], if 
 I be sensible, and desire to fulfill my profession made at my consecration, 
 tliat I would be gentle and mercifull for Christs sake to poore and needy 
 people and such as he destitute of helpe. These poore people (to whom to 
 be put into the Bishops Booke as they call it hath beene worse then their 
 imaginary Purgatory) do beseech your Lordship, and by you his Majesty, to 
 pitty them. Religion intreates you to remoove this scandall ; the church 
 to reforme this disorder. I have sayd and done what I can. I leave the 
 successe to God. To whose gracious protection I committ your Lordship 
 and shall ever remaine 
 
 Your Lordships most obliged 
 Will. Kilmoren and 
 Ardaghen. 
 Kilmoren, Aug. 7, 1630. 
 
 To the Right Reverend Father 
 
 in God WilHani Lord Bishop 
 
 of London my Honourable 
 
 good Lord deliver these. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 The Bishop of London {Laud) replying to the letter of the 
 Bishop of Kilmore. State Papers, Ireland; Sept. 11, 1630. 
 
 Salutem in Christo. My very good Lord. I have read over your 
 Lordships large letters, both the historicall and the prognosticall part. 
 And truly my Lord I must needs acknowledge that there arises a great 
 deal of hurt to ourselves, and scandall to our calling by the courses which 
 our under officers take in our Courtes, and the harrowing of the poore 
 people there. And I easily conceive, it must be worse with you than with 
 us, because the State of that Church is somewhat more broken of the two. 
 Your Lordship hath expressed a great deal of care, and a great deal of 
 zeale to that part of the church with which God and the King hath trusted 
 yon, and not witliout a great deal of Judgment. But my Lord we live in 
 Tymes in which the Ch\u-ch is overgrowne not only with Weeds within it, 
 but with Trees and Bushes about it, which though they were sett at the 
 first for a Fence yet, now they are growne up, they drop sowrly upon 
 whatsoever is good in it. 
 
 And now my Lord to descend lower and nearer your buysines, you 
 must first give me leave to tell you I see little hope of any remedy in the
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 315 
 
 thing and waye as you propose. For, if I mistake not, the question is 
 whetlier (in that Church especially) it be titt that Bishopps Chancellors or 
 Vicars Generall should have or hold theyr offices by Patteut during lyfe, or 
 stand only at the Bishop's pleasui*e, and as theyr merit and Justice in theyr 
 Courtes shall deserve. And this being the question I shall promise your 
 Lordship, soe soone as I come to London among my Bookes, to looke into 
 the ancient Canons and Lawes of the Church, both those which you mention 
 and others, but in the mean tyme desyre your Lordship to consider these 
 Particulars following. 
 
 First the Canon Lawe hath been blasted in tliese Kingdomes, soe that 
 any use taken up, of allmost any continuance, will be able to bear head 
 against it. Secondly they answerd you truly, that told you this case had 
 never yet been decided iu England: or, if it were, the Over-ruling was that 
 they should hold for lyfe, for soe the practise goes in all the Cathedralls of 
 England. Thirdly whenever this question shall come on foot, whoever 
 appears in it must looke that all the Civill Lawyers and all the Freiuds 
 they can make, which are many and great, will be sure to oppose it. And 
 they will plead Reason, that where soe great a part of the burden of a 
 Diocess lyes upon them, it will be fitt, if not necessary, they should be 
 invested for tyme of lyfe. Fourthly I think now for many years together 
 the practise througli Christendome hath been (except in some few Exempts) 
 that the Chancellors have held by Fattents for lyfe. Fiftly I would be 
 peremptory against that hold, and all graunts of a Bishop longer then his 
 owne lyfe, if I were sure all Bishopps were and would be such as they 
 should. For otherwise the pressure of the people would be as great by a 
 bad Bishop as by a bad Chancellor, and the scandall greater. Wheras now 
 somtymes a good Chancellor moderates an ill Bishop, though at some other 
 tyme a bad Chancellor troubles a good. Last of all, and which is most 
 forceing amongst us, I doubt it will appear that Fattents for lyfe have been 
 soe long graunted in both kingdomes that the comuion Lawe will make 
 them good, doe you or I or any man else what we can. For to imagyne 
 that all Bishops will agree to rectify such an abuse as is consequent upon 
 these Fattents for lyfe, is mere buyldyng in the ayre. 
 
 For the particular person with whom you iiave to doe, Mr Alan Cooke, 
 I never heard of him before, but it seems by your Letters he knovves very 
 well how to licke his owne fingers. As for Mr Singe I think my Lord 
 Primat (if I forget not one of his letters) hath had as harsh musick from 
 him as another man hath had of his Chancellor; and therefore it is not 
 very probable that your Lordship should fynde any more favour in his 
 Court against Mr Cooke. And for the bringing of your cause to the 
 Counsayle board, though I make noe doubt but you shall there fynde all 
 honorable Justice with favour, yet I fear they will doe nothing in a buysines 
 of this weyght, being alltogether without Example and Precedent here. 
 
 And for the Proposals towardes the end of your Letter which are 
 three, without all or some of which you seem to give your cause gone, to 
 deal openly and freely with you, 1 doe not yet see how they can releyve 
 you. For first for his Majestyes interpretation of his owue meaning in his
 
 3l6 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 gracious Letters for you, and the Pattents thereupon founded : you may be 
 sure he will make noe other interpretation then may stand with his Lawes, 
 neyther may I desyre more. For the second, for his Majesty to signify his 
 express pleasure that this cause may be maturely discussed according to his 
 Lawes notwithstanding any examples in eyther Kingdome, I doubt that 
 the Common Lawe which upon a prohibition will be Judge, will upon never 
 soe mature discussing make good theyr Pattents, unless you can infringe 
 any by some particular Excepticms. And thirdly, though his Majesty 
 should give order (as you desyre) to his Learned Counsayle never soe 
 strictly to looke to the interest of his Crowne in upholding his Grauntes 
 and Pattents etc., which were noe hard matter to obteyue as I conceyve, 
 yet that would be to noe purpose if the Lawe be for theyr Pattents : for 
 then they will easily make that Answer to his Majesty. 
 
 Now therefore upon the whole matter I have but these two things to 
 say. The one is I doe not beleyve you will be able to doe any thing 
 against Mr Cookes Pattent, unless you can fynde that it is drawn against 
 Lawe : (and if he refuse to shew his Pattent, there is means enough I 
 think in the ordinary waye to force him to it,) or unless you can legally 
 prove that he hath carryed himself soe ill, as that he hath forfeyted the 
 Pattent though rightly graunted. The other is mentioned by your self, and 
 it is an offer made by the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, if I understand you 
 right, that you should compound with Mr Cooke, to which you say you may 
 by noe means yeeld for the infinite scandall that would followe upon it. 
 Indeed it is true if you compound with him only to settle his Pattent, and 
 take monye for that, and leave him to vex the People more till he hath 
 made up his monye, it must needs be a very unworthy Act in you, and 
 full of scandall. But if (where you cannot remedye it otherwise) you there 
 compound, and in that Composition bynde up Mr Cooke, that the People 
 may have justice and ease, I doe not yet see what ill is in that, or what 
 scandall can followe upon it. For I shall not advyse the making of any 
 other composition than that which shall be free from corruption on your 
 part, and for the just and orderly setling of your Jurisdiction on his. 
 
 My Lord, my occasions are many and great, yet I have stolne tyme such 
 as I could to give you Answere. The case never fell under eyther my 
 studye or practick consideration, yet I have adventured to wryte freely 
 unto you. You must pardone both the freedon)e and tlie weaknes, the case 
 especially being such as a man cannot tell of whom to aske counsayle : For 
 none can be asked but a Bishop or a Civillian. And if a Bishop be asked 
 he is lykely to say for you, but if you aske a Civillian I am sure he will be 
 for Mr Cooke. And where I now am I can meet with noe experienced 
 man of eyther. In court hast therfore I leave you to the Grace of God and 
 
 rest 
 Your Lordships very loving F'reind 
 and Brother. 
 Fullham house 
 Septemb. 11, 
 1630.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 317 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; falsely accused to the 
 jn'imate of a leaning to popery ; questions about the efficacy 
 of the Sacraments; Nov. 14, 1630. 
 
 [Tanner M8 lxxi. f. 57.] 
 
 Salutem in Cliristo. I haue receiucd (Good Mr Dr) 2 letters from you 
 since my last to you, the one of May 28 the other of Sept. 11. In both I 
 acknowledge your ancient loue, as also in a passage of your letters of May as 
 I remember to my Lord Primate, with whom I was in the latter end of 
 August. He asked me whether in my letters to you I had not made 
 mention of the passages betweene us. I told him that I had signified to 
 you with greefe that some had endeavoured to alienate his affection from 
 me. Therevpon at my going to bed he shewed me your letters, and left 
 them with me. The next morning we walked into the garden, and I told 
 his Grace I could not sleepe till I had read your letters. Whereby he 
 perceived how much I was bound to you. And the rest I would ascribe to 
 your affection to me; one thing I was assured that you had written 
 according to truth that I did truly loue and honour his Grace; which 
 made me the more giieved at the losse of his good opinion. At this I 
 could not refraine teares, which he perceiving sayd there was no cause 
 I should be so grieved. That he did neuer thinck amisse of my intention 
 ec. and with many good wordes confirmed his good opinion of me. I 
 desired still as I had done before to know my accusation. It was in summe, 
 that I seemed to come neare the Papists in certaine Instructions wiiioli I 
 had given touching reading prayers in Irish, about the signe of the Crosse, 
 and the presence of Ciirist in the Sacrament. My words for the former 
 were, that if at the saying the name of the Father and of the Sonne ec. any 
 of the xx^oph' did Crosse themseh-es, the Minister should tell them it was 
 not amisse if they did so, provided they put no confidence in the signe hut 
 in him that died on the Crosse. And touching the Sacrament that Christ 
 was truly present, not to the bread and icitie, hut the wirlhy receiuers. 
 For the first of which I referred my selfe to Mr Perkins Probleu)e, and for 
 the 2d to yir Calvine. He (who as it seemed had not scene my Pa2>er) told 
 me that himselfc had taught the presence of Christs body euen in the word 
 really. We were sooue of accord. I telling him that I had euer jirofessed 
 here, and in England and in Italy, that the differences betweene us and the 
 Church (or Court rather) of Rome, were not in Fayth (which we had 
 common) but in certaine additions forreine to it, which by corrupt custome 
 were crept in, which he acknowledged : and fell into discourse of his 
 Wansted Sermon, and how it pleased K. James. At which discourse in 
 one place I smiled, and sayd. This is not lawfull for me to say. In 
 conclusion he sayd those letters were written in his sicknes, and seemed to
 
 3l8 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 put blame on these that were about him ec. The truth is, they were in 
 answer to those, wherein I had inclosed a recusation of his Court (ex- 
 cepting his owne judgments), and his Chancellor perhaps was about him, 
 who had beene Mr Cooke my pretended Cliancellors Master. And (which 
 I then suspected, and is now broken forth) Mr Barnard his Chaplain 
 Deane of Kilmore, who carried my letters, and brought back the answer, 
 had beene the informer against me. Whose malignity towards me grew 
 because I would not give way that he should by my concurrence haue a 4th 
 Benefice to three which he hath already : my Lord Primate making the 
 motion at my Consecration. I answering, the people being meere Irish, 
 I could not see how he could discharge the duty to them ec. For this, he 
 hatli borne me a grudge, and coming to ray table, and using all outward 
 signes of loue, hath (I beleeue) traduced me to his Lord. Lately he hath 
 gotten the living, as in the lapse, and is presented to it (being of ray 
 collation) and instituted by the Prerogative Court, having (as I heare) 
 compownded under hand with the former incumbent. At my visitation he 
 opposed me openly with a Protestation, because I visited not (forsooth) the 
 whole Diocesse at one meeting, but by Deaneryes. Lastly at our Quarter 
 Sessions in a Sermon he aymed at me personally, in the Judgment of the 
 most understanding of the auditory, for coming neare to Papists, counten- 
 anceing Sabbath breaking and swearing, because 1 acquited one brought 
 into my Court for Sabbath breaking, who had bought skins on the Lords 
 day at night by candle light; and did punish one I2d. for saying in my 
 Court as I remember, hefcyre God you do me wrong ; which I sayd I could 
 not tell whether it were an oath or no. I was and am very glad that his 
 secret malice hath broken out into open opposition. I referred the whole 
 matter to n)y Lord Primate, who examined it, Nov. 5°, and enjoined him to 
 make me amends. I required no otiier but the resignation of the living. 
 But that he will not part from, alleging his charges about the procuring it; 
 halfe whereof I offered to leave, conditionally that some Irishman who was 
 able to discharge the Cure might be presented to it, euen a Convert Frier 
 who is in my Lord Primates house, being a Gentleman of good byrth. Sed 
 venter nan hahct aures. In all this 1 do perceiue the Deuils malice, 
 seeking by all meanes to distract and disharten me in my endeauour to do 
 my duty and the worke of God. But I hope, tlirough the assistance of 
 God, in vaine. For which purpose I still entreate tlie helpe of your 
 Prayers. 
 
 I come now to that point of your letters. Concerning the Efficiency of 
 Baptisme in infants, whereabout also I sawe what you wrote to my Lord 
 Primate. But I shall now reflect only ui)on those to my selfe and touch 
 the principall heads of them. 
 
 First you say If sacraments be meerely obsignatory, and the ablution of 
 the sinnes of Infants in Baptisme only conditionall and expectative, of 
 which they Imiie no henefitt till they beleeue and repent, then Infants 
 baptized dieing in infancy haue no benefitt by Baptisme. This conse-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 319 
 
 quence me thincks is not good. For they are by Baptisme receiued into 
 the visible Church which is a notable Priviledge, of comfort to their 
 Parents, and honour and profitt to them selves. Againe there is presently 
 granted them an entrance into Covenant with God, as was anciently by 
 Circumcision with the God of Abraham, wlierein God promises pardon of 
 sinne and life eternall upon their foyth and repentance, and in this they 
 haue a present right though the accomplishment be difFcrred. Yet if God 
 take them out of the world while the condition is in expectation, most pious 
 it is to heleeue that he takes the condition for performed. Like to him 
 that solemnizeth a mariage with her to whom he was betrothed suh 
 condithme. And sure if the soules of children be endued with any actual 
 knowledge at all, so soone as the;/ leaue the body, it seemes the mystery of 
 Redemption by Christ is revealed unto them, and Fayth is giuen them, 
 wherby they cleave to God by him, the author of their blessednes : although 
 they haue no neede of the obsignation of the promise, whereof they are in 
 present possession. 
 
 Your second reason. Non-elect Infants living shall thus haue no 
 bcnefitt at all by Baptisme. I answer : Where there be divers ends of one 
 thing, the denial! of one is not the deniall of the rest. These Non-elect 
 Infants haue offered by God the same with the other, with the obsignation 
 of the (covenant and aggregation to the Church. The same that he hath 
 also, quifictus accedit eel ponit ohicem gratiae, as to the present possession 
 of it. All that come to the Sacrament, elect or non elect, receiue the 
 pardon of sinne originall and actuall, Sacr amen tally: and who soeuer 
 performes the condition of the Covenant hath the fruition of that whereof 
 before he had the graunt under seale. So as the Sacraments are not 
 nuda et ineflBcacia signa on Gods part to the one or other. 
 
 Thirdly you say What necessity of hajMzing Infants, if their baptisme 
 produce no effect till they come to yeares of discretion I I answer : 
 Though the most princii^all effect be not attained presently, the lesse 
 principall are not to be refused. So children were circumcised, which could 
 not understand the reason of it, and the same also did eate the Passeouer. 
 And so did also children baptized in the Primitive Church communicate in 
 the Loi-ds Supper, which I know not why it should not be so still, de quo 
 alias. 
 
 4. Our Divines (you say) generally hold that the Sacraments do offer 
 and e.xhibitt the grace which they signilie, and in order of nature do 6rst 
 offer and exhibit before they assure and confirme. For 
 
 1. God doth offer and exhibitt Grace promised iu the Sacraments. 
 
 2. We exercise our Fayth, resting vpon God promising and exhibiting. 
 
 3. So we receiue the Grace promised. 
 
 4. Then the Sacrament assures ns of the Grace received. 
 
 And this order you endeavour to confirme out of the definition of a 
 Sacrament in our Catechisme, you declare it in the Eucharist, and bring 
 divers testimonies of our writers to proove it. 
 
 I answer : The Grace which the Sacraments confcrre is of three sorts : 
 The 1st the spirituall things which are proportionable to the outward : The
 
 320 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 2d the effects of those : The 3d the certification of the party in the lawful! 
 use of the outward part of the enjoying the 2 former. As in Baptisme, 
 
 1. The blood and Spirit of Christ, 2. the washing of sinne and new birth, 
 3. The obsignation to the party baptized, that by Christs blooud his sinnes 
 are cleansed. The first of these is signified in that common sentence That 
 Sacraments consist of 2 parts An outward signe and an inward invisible 
 grace. The 2d is the most usuall and common notion of the word Grace, 
 meaning some spirituall favour in order to salvation, promised in the New 
 Covenant. The last is most proi^erly the grace of the Sacrament itselfe. 
 For the 2 former (which our catechisme seemes to reduce to one) are 
 properly the grace of the Covenant, which God doth confirme and scale by 
 the Sacrament. As when the Kings Majesty grants lands and tenements 
 with certaine immunityes and privileges therunto appertaining, as in his 
 letters Patents at large appeareth, and setts to the great seale ; all the 
 grants and articles in the Patent are confirmed thereby materialiter and 
 subjective, but the ratification of the Patent is properly and formally that 
 which the seale workes. Which also according to the forme of the Patent 
 may be simple or conditional, present or ad diem, according as his Majesty 
 is pleased. 
 
 As touching the termes also offering and exhibiting they may be taken 
 Instit. 1. 4. two wayes. 1. Either of the offering and propounding (so doth Calvin 
 c. 17, § 10. take the word exhihet), in the Covenant or institution of the Sacraments, 
 
 2. Or of conferring in the use of them. These things thus premised. It 
 seemes to me that the order is this : 
 
 1. God doth offer his Covenant vnder the condition of fayth and 
 Repentance and therein Christ and his benefitts. 
 
 2. We accept of the Covenant according to the tenor of it. 
 
 3. God doth offer to confirme it with Sacraments proportionall. 
 
 4. We receiue them, and so are certified of the performance of the 
 Covenant and haue the promises thereof conveied by covenant and by seale 
 also unto us. 
 
 Where you say in the Eucharist God doth first offer and exhibit growth 
 and increase of grace, and a nearer and faster Communion with Christes 
 body and blood and all the benefits flowing from thence, and then it is a 
 pledge to assui-e vs thereof ec. It seemes to me that God, having in the 
 New Testament (confirmed with Ciirists blood) offered unto us life, under 
 the condition of our receiving him, would confirme to as many as receiue 
 him that they haue life. Therefore he hath instituted bread and wine the 
 meanes of naturall life in a certaine use to be scales of spirituall life. We 
 now receiving them they are j^ledges vnto us and do certifie us of that 
 spirituall life we haue by receiving Christ. 
 
 Where you say that the instriimentall conveyance of the Grace signified 
 is as true an effect of a Sacrament as obsignation, and is pre-existent in 
 order of nature unto it. I do conceiue that the setting of Christ and 
 his benefits before us in the Gospell (the bread that came downe from 
 heaven) and in the Institution of the Lords Supper in the proportionall 
 creatures of bread and wine, with condition that these worthily received
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 321 
 
 shall conferre those benefits, must needs goe before any obsignation. But 
 then our partaking of these creatures duly giveth unto us the possession of 
 the former by way of obsignation, which in our purpose is the sole and only 
 instrninentall conveiance which the Sacraments have. 
 
 You will aske what is the due participation % That which God requires. 
 There can be required no more of Infants but the receiving of the outward 
 washing in Baptisme. They cannot prooue themselves nor repent and 
 beleeve. Very true. Haue they then that obsignation \ Yes doubtles.se 
 according to the forme of the Covenant. How is that ? That repenting 
 and beleeving their sinnes are washed away. Then because they do not 
 yet repent and believe, nothing jjasses. Yes this passes, the confirmation 
 that this Sacrament giues upon repentance and beliefe of all Gods promises 
 of the N. Testament. The same thing which passes to him quifictus ac- 
 cedit. Who when afterward he doth indeede repent of his fiction, and 
 receiues Christ by fayth, hath also the actuall enjoying of the thing so 
 confirmed to him. 
 
 The opinion of the Franciscanes out of Scotus and Bernard mentioned 
 in the Councell of Trent, seemes to be the true opinion. For they make 
 the Sacraments to be eff'ectuall, because god gives them effectus regulariter 
 concomitantes, and to containe grace no otherwise than as an effectual 
 signe, and that grace is receiued by them as an investiture by a ring or 
 staffe which is ohsignando. Which agrees also with Catharine's opinion 
 de intentione Ministri. And Eisingren^ sayth that God only can giue to 
 sensible signes vertue to conferre grace (Confess, c. 1.). Yet I beleeue they 
 vnderstand the matter otherwise then I haue before expressed. Their 
 opinion is of litle moment either way. Beza^, Ursine^, and Calvin haue 
 no other meaning then I haue expressed. Mr Hooker I haue not. 
 
 Since infants (say you) are capable of Baptisme why not of spirituall 
 ablution of originall guilt which is the thing signified though not of actuall 
 obsignation, of this, since they cannot interpose any impediments ? Ques- 
 tionlesse they are partakers of the actuall obsignation of ablution from 
 originall and actuall guilt (say I) suppose they understand not of this 
 obsignation, nor receiue this ablution otherwise then Sacramentally. As I 
 sayd before, the Counterfeyt convert also doth, though he put a barr to his 
 present ablution of his sinnes, and consequently his o\nie certification 
 therof. 
 
 Where I sayd the true definition of a Sacrament in genere will decide 
 this question, which you grant, and commend it of our Catechisme. I do 
 not disallow it, being well interpreted, but do thinck incomparably better 
 that of the Apostle : That they be scales of the righteousness of fayth. 
 Or if we will include the Sacraments of the state of Grace before the 
 fall. They be scales of Gods Covenants concerning euerlasting happines. 
 If yet more generally we will include the Rainbow, Gen. 9, They be 
 
 ^ W. Eisingren of Spire, in the second half of the 16th century. 
 
 2 Beza (1519—1605). 
 
 2 Zackarias Ursine of Breslau (a celebrated Calvinist), 1534 — 1583. 
 
 21
 
 322 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 t"^ ^t^fi- t ^^^'^^ ^^ Gods Covenants. The definition of Sistus, signum sensibile 
 1 n 2 ' 9t~(itici'>T^ Dei eel ejus effectiim gratuitum ex institutione divind efflcaciter 
 signans ordinatiim ad salutem hominis viatoris, me thincks is a good 
 definition, especially declaring efficaciter as he doth, and in hoc efficaciter 
 (sayth he) includttur tarn certitudinaliter quam prognostice. I know 
 that he acknowledges no Sacrament pro statu innocentiae, but without all 
 reason, and the definition will serve well enough for both states. Where 
 he and the Schoolmen require since the fall some remedy for originall 
 sinne, and I perceiued the same forme in that determination : Certum esse 
 Christum Sacramentum Baptismi instituisse in remedium originalis 
 peccati et reatiis ejusdem veram solutionem. I conceiued you meant to 
 make that the proper end and effect of Baptisme, which seemed also to be 
 implied in the explication of the question in the first sentence, and after. 
 Cumque Baptismus potissimum itutitutus sit ad solatium originalis 
 peccati, &c. You know what it is to demonstrate specially of one sort 
 of Triangles what is true of all, which made me a litle touch upon that 
 point. But verily I thinck this conceit of Sacraments to make them 
 medicines, is the roote of all errour in this matter, and that it is good 
 to take light from the tree of life, and tliat of the knowledge of good 
 and evill, that they are scales only to gods promises. 
 
 In my last to you, as I remember, I gaue you occasion a litle to consider 
 the case of women under the law and of all mankind before circumcision. 
 Methincks it is very inconvenient to say, that the males should have a 
 remedy against sinne and the females none. And the Schoolemen when 
 they will first lay downe their owne conceyt, that such a remedy there 
 must be, and then divine what it must be, they make Bellarmine ridiculous, 
 who from the silence of Holy Scripture herein labours to shew the Scriptures 
 are insufiicient and yet he cannot helpe us heere by any Tradition i. 
 
 This inconvenience is well avoided, by making the Sacraments to 
 conferre grace only by obsignation of Gods promises, and the end of them 
 to be certioration. For so long as God would haue men rest ui^on his 
 meere worde and promise without a scale, his word alone was to suffice, 
 when he gaue a scale, that was to haue validity as farre as he ex- 
 tended it. Now he extended circumcision to all Abrahams seede, males 
 and females, yea to the males and females of all that were adjoined to 
 Abraham though but bought with his money, so as the circumcision of tlie 
 males was an obsignation of Gods covenant to the females also. Lastly 
 in the New Testament willing to make more ample demonstration of his 
 love, and more abundantly to confirme the truth of his promises, he hath 
 appointed both the obsignation of them, and scale common to both sexes 
 and to euery severall person. Wherby he hath not made their condition 
 worse who without contempt do want it, but theirs better which are par- 
 takers of it. Which I speake in regard of the imagined necessity of 
 Baptisme to Infants to salvation, as if it were indeede a medecine to save 
 life, where as it is only an assurance that Christ giues life. 
 
 1 Bellarmine (1542 — 1621) de Christo non Script, c. 4.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 323 
 
 Consider how Baptisrae was giuen to them who had remission of 
 sinnes and the giftes of the Holy Ghost also before ; who therefore could 
 haue no other intention therein, but certification only, and adjoining to 
 the Church : Act 10. 44. 
 
 Consider how it hath force about sinne not only going before it, but 
 following also, yea euen to them that at the tyme of the outward receiving 
 it do ponere obkeni : else such ought to be rebaptized. 
 
 Consider that if the Fayth of the Parents or the Church were effectuall 
 before Circumcision was instituted, for the taking away originall sinne from 
 Infants, or under the law for female children, it is no lesse effectuall at the 
 present under the Gospell. And this, presupposing that some meane must 
 come betweene to make them partakers of Christ. Wherefore the same 
 meane yet standing, the effect of Baptisme needes not to be assigned 
 justification or ablution from sinne, but testification to the receiver, when 
 he repents and beleeues that he is washed from, sinne: 
 
 Consider that if you will averre that Baptisme washeth away otherwise 
 than Sacramentally (that is obsignatorily) originall sinne; yet you nmst 
 allow that maner of washing for future actuall sinnes. And you must make 
 2 sorts of Justification, one for children, another for adulti. And, which 
 passeth all the rest, you must finde some promise in Gods covenant wherein 
 he binds himselfe to wash away sinne without fayth or repentance and 
 sanctification : for that all or any baptized infants in their infancy haue 
 these I thinck you will not say. You seeme also to breake the chaine of 
 the Apostle (Rom. 8. 30) " whom he hath justified he hath glorified." 
 
 Lastly, by this doctrine, you must also maintayne, that children do 
 spiritually eate the flesh of Christ and driuck his blood, if they receiue the 
 Eucharist, as for divers ages they did, and by the analogy of the Passeouer 
 they may (perhaps ought) since they do not ponere obicem contrarlae cogi- 
 tationis et pravae operntionis. And sith the use of this Sacrament toties 
 quoties must needes conferre grace, it seemes it were necessary to let them 
 communicate (and the oftener the better to the intent they might be 
 stronger in grace) which opinion, though St Augustine and many more of 
 the Ancients do maintaine, I beleue you will not easily condescend unto. 
 And I as hardly, that children dicing without Baptisme are damned. 
 Which if Baptisme be the remedy that takes away originall sinne, I see 
 not how you can avoide. 
 
 I am sory that Arminianisme finds such favour in the Low Countryes 
 and amongst our selves, and glad that my Lord of Sarum (whom I truly 
 loue and honour) came of so well in the buisines touching his Sermon. 
 
 Touching the Propositions of Molina^ opposed by the Dominicanes, 
 and the letters of Hippolytus de monte jmIoso, I am glad you haue met 
 with them. For I sent you the originalls which P. Paulo gaue me upon 
 occasion of speech with him touching that Controversy, reserving no Copy 
 to my selfe. The occasion was the contention of the Jesuites and Domini- 
 
 1 L. de Molina (1535— IGOO), de Concordia Gratiae et liheri Arbitrii. The 
 Dominicans attacked it as savouring of Pelagianism. 
 
 21—2
 
 324 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 cans before P. Clement the 8t]i. And these letters were week by week 
 sent from Rome to Pre Paulo of the carriage of the buisines. When yon 
 finde a trusty messenger I desire you to send me them. 
 
 For the Quodliheticall questions, there is no hast. I would joine with 
 it another Tractate about the Valtelline set forth by Sir Robert Cotton in 
 English, (as it is sayd at least) but I cannot yet get the Italian cojjy. I 
 pray tell Mr Buck I wilbe answerable to him shortly for the coppyes 
 of my Lord of Sarum's booke upon the Collossians\ which at length I 
 haue distracted and partly giuen away. Such bookes are not so vendible 
 here. But the lectures you promise to put to the presse wilbe greedyly 
 expected. 
 
 And now I come to your latter letter of Septem. 11 especially, as to 
 the report of Dr Hoyle. The Lord is my witness I neuer thought, neuer 
 spake (much lesse pro condone) that which he charged me with all: viz. 
 that the difference betwixt the Church of Rome and us was only in tnatter 
 of Ceremony, and I do thanck you that you haue giuen me your testimony 
 to my Lord Primate in that behalfe. But I haue heretofore suffered at 
 Dr Hoyles hand or toung rather (god forgine him) undeservedly, all be- 
 cause there beeing maintayned in our chappell in my presence — and he 
 being moderator of the disputation — very wicked, blasphemous, and scan- 
 dalous assertions and he being silent at it, both in the course and end of 
 the Disputation, I did according to my oath and with the consent of the 
 fellowes censure it. And verily the question which he then allowed to be 
 disputed of, if he had beene so discreete as all men wish he were, should 
 not haue passed, viz. Sancti in gloria sunt aeque pari atque ipse Christus, 
 but this was the best of 5 or 6 which he let passe. Thereupon the next 
 Disputation I did shortly censure them and bi'ought the Respondent ad 
 palinodiam. Afterwards Dr Hoyle in a common place vpon that in the 
 Revelation, "come out of her my people," laboured to shew the Church 
 of Rome to be no true Church, and ran into the refutation of all the 
 pointes of Arminianisme, useing the same forme that I had done in the 
 censuring the former, viz. It is false and erroneous that, ec. After the 
 place of the Provost being either voyd or to be voyded, he prayed publickly 
 in his Clmrch that God would send to the College a good head, no Armi- 
 nian ; no Italianated man, ec. I complained hereof to my Lord Primate, 
 who I thinck spake to him his minde. But what he effected I know not. 
 God knowes I am wronged. Touching my Lord Primate him selfe, he 
 hath lately used me with all demonstration of loue, and written to me 
 with this subscription; Your owne Jac. Arm.^ I would entreate you in 
 your next to thanck him and to assure him that [I] am satisfied of his 
 good mind toward me which I desire him to hold donee me gessero secus. 
 And for conclusion Good Mr Dr, I know I haue neede of that same pru- 
 dence which you mention more now then euer, and withall of patience, 
 having in this place suffered more than euer any where else, and of them 
 
 ^ John Davenant, Bp of Salisbury, 1621 — 1641. 
 
 " James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh, 1624 — 1656,
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 325 
 
 most of all who are of myne owne profession. God grant lue both, and 
 keepe yoii with your wife and family as my selfe, who am and shalbe while 
 I aiu 
 
 Your true and faythfull freend 
 
 W. Kilmor & Ardagheu. 
 Dublyn, 
 Nov. 14. 1630. 
 
 Concerning that you write of Dr Masons report from Mr Cr[oft ?] I 
 never heard word. The English * * * * * is now witli me 
 in Ireland when ***** uour. to accomodate as well as I 
 can * * * [the Chance]llor hath brought our cause into my Lord 
 Primates Court, and hath libelled against me, that / seeke to mote out all 
 the Professors of the Civill and Canon Law. They have here setting out 
 a booke in defence of that profession in answer to Sir John Davis preface 
 before his reports of the Irish Cases^ : whereof yet I haue scene but 3 
 sheets: a sorry thing it is like to be^. 
 
 To my Reverend and very 
 
 loving fieend Mr Dr Warde 
 
 Master of Sydney Colledge in Cambridge 
 deliver these. 
 
 Leave this letter at Mr Francis 
 
 Burnetts in Lombai'd-streete at the 
 
 signe of golden fleece. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 To the Bishop of London {Laud). 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, December 1630.] 
 
 Right Reverend Father, my Honoui-able good Lord. 
 
 1 have received your Lordships Letters inclosed in those of Mr 
 Hamilton which after long errors as it seemeth came to my Registers 
 hands, who sent me them hither this Termc. In every line of them I reade 
 your wisdome and love to me. And in truth the declining the ordinary 
 way of the Pacquett I interpret as your favour, that would let me know 
 your minde without noise, and as tymely as might be. My Lord, I did 
 begin to draw in myselfe even before I received your Letters. For having 
 beeue cited againe to my Lord Primates Court, and received there an 
 infamous and calumnious Libell, whereto I have made my persouall answer 
 
 1 Sir John Davies, Kt. (1570—1626), Solicitor-General in Ireland, 1604— 
 1607. Reports of Cases in Laxv in the King's Courts in Ireland 2nd to Qth of 
 James, Dubl. 1615. The first reports of Irish cases. 
 
 2 The MS. of this postscript is torn.
 
 326 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 upon mine oath, I did forbeare to presse for a heareing at the Counsayle 
 bord this Terme, where I perceived well I should have no sentence. And 
 if my Lord Primate be so pleased, he may decide the case by the canon 
 Lawe. If he put it over to the Common Lawe I am advised to send the 
 case into England and require the opinion of Lawiers of that profession, 
 which I have done by Sir Thomas Jermyn. I did by my Lord Primate 
 offer Mr Cooke the yeares profitts, which was rejected with great indigna- 
 tion. Your Lordship hath beene a true Prophett concerning your bringing 
 all the Civilians and Canonists upon my topp, for Mr Cooke libelleth 
 against me that I seeke to roote out all the professors of that learning. 
 On the other side it is given out by some inconsiderate and appassionato 
 people, that I incline to the Popish side and that 1 should say x)ro condone 
 that we differ only in ceremonies. This is written to me from thence. 
 Wherein God knowes I am wronged. Howsoever I shall endeavour to do 
 what good I can, at least to do no evill, nor put impediments to Gods 
 worke. My Lord I must not forgett your scant tyme, and more important 
 occasions. Wherefore with only thankes for the continuance of the un- 
 deserved love, and that frulte of it your large and free letters, I humbly 
 require the blessing of your praiers and do rest 
 
 Your Lordships loving Brother and 
 humble servant 
 
 Will. Kilmore and 
 
 Ardaghen. 
 Dublin December 6, 1630. 
 (Addressed) To the right Reverend Father 
 
 in God my verie good Lord 
 
 and Brother the Lord Bishop 
 
 of London these. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 To the Bishop of London {Laud). 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, May 1631.] 
 
 (Indorsed) May 10, 1631. 
 
 The land of the Bishop of Ardagh lett in Fee farme to Robert O Ferrell, 
 
 &c. 
 
 Right Reverend Father my Honourable good Lord, 
 
 That which I heeretofore threatened, to be troublesome to your 
 Lordship about the setling of the disjointed state of these two Bishopricks, 
 which by your mediation his Majesty hath conferred upon me, I should not 
 certainely so soone have taken in hand, if I had not beene urged by the 
 present occasion. But this giving no respit, and enforceing me to have
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 327 
 
 recourse to your favour, I am bold to use it to the full, that I may not be 
 often importunate. My present case is this. Lisagh Ferrall sometime 
 holding tho place of the Bishop of the See of Ardagh (for he never had 
 orders, as is acknowledged by his owne freends) granted in Fee fernie to 
 the use of his naturall sonue Robert O Ferrall, the Castle of Glinne, and 
 twelve cartrones of land, lieiiig hard by and in Ardagh, and being not 
 only the corps but the verie soule of that See, insomuch as when he had 
 done it, he boasted he had marred it for ever being a Bishoprick agaiue. 
 The same lands were againe granted by Robert Draper his successor to 
 Robert O Ferrall himselfe Anno 1608. My next Praedecessor Thomas 
 questioned tliese grants ; and might easily while the matter was fresh have 
 overthruwne them. But he brought it to this agreement that Robert 
 Ferrall sliould surrender his Fee Fermes, and take a lease for 3 lives : for 
 which agreement he gave also 43/t. Thus it lay 17 yeares, and nether were 
 the fee fermes surrendered nor the lease sealed. Since my comming to be 
 BLshop, almost by miracle this agreement came to my knowledge, and the 
 verie writing itselfe at length came to my hands. I brought the cause to 
 the Counsell bord, and in Michaelmas terme had an Order (with the 
 consent of Ferrall himselfe) that the former agreement should be per- 
 formed. In the meanewhile that the cause was in suite, and after that 
 Ferrall had condescended before witnesses to stand to the former agi-ee- 
 ment, one Sir Thomas Gary a kinsman of the late Lord Deputyes, and 
 Master of the Chancery (the same man that would have gotten the Patent 
 of the Advowsions of his Majesties gift in Ireland; came betweene as an 
 euterloper, to deale with Ferrall for his interest. He tampered with me, 
 assaieing to bring me to yeild, that the Fee Farnies might be continued 
 still, with encrease of the rent, yea doubling it. lie offered to build the 
 Church &c. Or else he would have the 3 lives to be turned into a lease of 
 100 yeares. Or that there should be a grant of certaine yeares after the 
 3 lives, if it were but 21 yeares. At last, that I would give my consent 
 under my hand that he should deale with it. I told him I was to hold me 
 to my agreement which was the grownd of my suite. That I would have 
 nothing to do more but coufirme the Lease to Robert Ferrall, for 3 such 
 lives as he should name. And in conclusion he sayd that Robert Ferrall 
 and he were gone through, and he named the 3 lives, 2 of his owne children, 
 and another. The first day of Hillary Terme when Ferrall ought by the 
 Order to have given up his Fee fermes and make me an assurance, he 
 came not, nor all that Terme after. He sayd he had sent them to Dublin. 
 Now at my comming to tins Towne he sayth he is ready to do as he was 
 ordered: and hath indeede surrendered his Fee Fermes into the Clerke 
 of the Counsells hands. But where he was also to make me a good estate 
 free from all incomberances, there comes a servant of Sir Thomas Caries 
 and shewes a lease of a 1000 yeares from Ferrall to his Master, also a release 
 or surrender to me, provided that I should make the Lease for 3 lives of 
 such persons as his Master did name &c. Sir Thomas himselfe is gone 
 into England, and (as I was by good information advertised) to see if he 
 can by any devise establish his Lease of a 1000 yeares, either by entitling
 
 328 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 his Majesty or how else, I cannot imagine. Ferrall sayth, this Lease was 
 but a Mortgage, and the money was brought to Sir Thomas at the day and 
 was not received, but he was desired to keepe it in his hand still. As for 
 Sir Thomas Caryes release or surrender, it cannot be good to me, who have 
 no estate. And Ferrall cannot make me any estate free from incomberance, 
 whiles that lease of 1000 yeares is in being. Your Lordship may by this 
 narration see the reason I have to make hast, to implore his Majesties 
 gracious favour, both for release of his title (though 1 know not of any in 
 the world) and licence of having againe my land being alienated in fee from 
 the church, a rent only of Ali. ster. reserved. With this occasion also 
 I desire the renewing of the letters formerly granted to my Predecessor : 
 and \vill by Gods helpe endeavour to establish Ardagh into a Bishoprick 
 apart, as farre as the present matter will allowe. I meane by lajing out 
 the Lands and rights of it, recovering the Site of the Bishops house there, 
 and building the church as I shalbe able. It is most true, that this might 
 better be done by giving to this See a proper Bishop ; and on that condition 
 I will most willingly resigne it : neither do I know any man in the world 
 so fitt for it as Mr Dr Richardson, who hath already the principallest 
 benefice in that Dioces, and is a man of meanes, freends, and ability every 
 way to wade through the suites wliich he must enter into. But because 
 I know not how his Intentions and affections stand hereunto, and methincks 
 I do undervalue him when I mention him to so meane a condition, and in 
 the meane space something must be done, I humbly beseech your Lord- 
 ship to procure his Majesties Letters in conformity with this Petition, 
 which, whether this See remaine still in my charge or be recomended to 
 him or any other, shall I hope availe to the good of the church, the 
 furtherance of religion, and the glory of God : which be the ends I am 
 assured your Lordship propounds to your selfe in all your actions^. 
 
 Concluding I beseech God long to continue your Lordship a worthy and 
 able instrument to worke to them ; wherein is included your comfort, 
 honoui* and happines. So I rest 
 
 Your Lordships loving 
 Brother and Servant in Christ 
 William Kilmore and 
 Ardaghen, 
 Dublin this 10th of May 1631. 
 
 To the Right Reverend 
 
 Father in God my Honourable 
 
 good Lord and Brother 
 
 William Lord Bishop of « 
 
 London deliver these. 
 
 1 Two documents referring to these transactions are printed in Appen. I., II.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 329 
 
 XLVI. 
 
 B\) Bedells letter to Dv Ward; remarks uii Ward's "Readings" ; 
 difference between himself and Ins chancellor; miscellaneinis 
 matters; Feb. 17, 163|-. 
 
 [Tauner MSS lxxi. f. 111.] 
 
 Saluteui in Cliristo. 
 
 Good j\Ir l)r I luuie rccciuoil 2 hirge and wcllcoiiie letters fruiii you, 
 the cue in August last, with the letters of Hippolytus de monte peloso, 
 together with your answer to the observations that I wrote to you 
 touching that i>oint of the efficacy of the Sacraments yet (as you write) 
 imperfect, by reason of the approacliing Connneucenient. The other since 
 Christmas, wherein was the good newes for the King of Swedens successe. 
 I thanck you for them both, and have diff erred hitherto to answer, as 
 hoping to receiue your compleate replication for which I will be beholding 
 to_you. In your readings where as you write you sustaine that Grace in 
 conversion giveth not only posse but also t6 velle, I would desire to know 
 whether you make that to velle all one thing with to hepyelv ; or an act 
 preceding it ; and infallibly produced by grace and perfected ; or, else, 
 post iuspirationem boni aft'ectus, exspectet Diviua gratia cooperationem 
 voluntatis, saltern suspirantis et anhelantis ad to evepye'iv. Let this to 
 ivepyfiv be coiiceiued to be the first act of beleeving though I thinck the 
 place [Philip. 2. 13] speake of subsequent obedience. Whether then doth 
 Grace infallibly worke this credere in Christo by the inspiration of a full 
 will so to do .' Or else thus, (1) by shewing the necessity and excellency of 
 Christ puts in a desire of him, (2) which the will of him that after truly 
 beleeves, cherishes, and calles therupon ayd from God : like to the father 
 in the Gospell, Credo Domine, succurre incredulitati meae, (3) and 
 thereupon God giues to credere, ec. Herein I desire to receiue your 
 resolution. Touching your Quaere, whether the Church may not as lawfully 
 enjoiue to adore Christ at the holding up the Crucifix in divinis as at the 
 name of Jesus : It seemes not, for the perill of Idolatry. For by how 
 much more expresse the Image is and liker the prototype the more is the 
 weake understanding in danger to dote vpon it. The name of Jesus is an 
 Image I will not deny ; but not so lively. But as it were no sinue if upon 
 euery tyme the name of Jesus is named the miude and soule did adore 
 him : no more if euery tyme the eie did see an Image of him, if there 
 were no hazzard of surreption of the afl:'ection to the rejiresentation itselfe. 
 You haue my oi)inion, let me also haue yours. Touching your feare of the 
 Gout ; it is a signe you grow rich. We here haue Spiders enough, what so 
 euer you say of Ireland there ; and howsoeuer they say here they be not 
 veneuious, I dare not warrant it. For my part if lack of exercise do bring 
 the gout, I haue no feare of it, being almost perpetually in journies. The
 
 330 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Spiders in the meane while take their pleasure in my study amongst my 
 bookes impune. 
 
 Touching my Lord of Berry's opinion about Fayth. I am resolved for 
 mine o^viie persuasion : and ere the booke came out I did signifie to him 
 what I thouglit thereof. I haue too many irons in the fire to enter into a 
 debate with him thereabout, and it is but a nxvoKoyia wherein Fayth 
 formally standes, so long as both assent and affiance are granted to be 
 necessary. 
 
 I come to your 2nd letters where in first for the point of my Chancellor, 
 it is not as you haue heard referred to Arbitrators, but to Delegates. 
 I make accoimt he will obtayne his place and cause. Gods will be done. 
 Touching my sonne your Godsonne indeede I wrote so, / will send him to 
 you. This Midsomer he is to take his degree of Bachelor of Arts, after 
 which I shall resolve ether to send him presently or perhaps bring him the 
 next yeare if we live so long. I shall haue then important occasion of 
 coming into England about the greatest part of my estate, which I left 
 there ingaged for my Sisters sonne to redeeme his land from a forfeyture, 
 and reserve it for him till he should come to be of age. Touching 
 Lincolniensis his propositions before Pope Innocent, I pray see what you 
 can doe. I pray send me your answer of the animadversions upon your 
 sermon. And desire Mr Buck to send me some Coppyes of the Quodli- 
 beticall questions, for as yet I haue receiued none. At my comming away 
 1 receiued of him 12 Copies of my Lord of Sarisburyes readings vpon the 
 Colossians. Which I endeavoured to sell whiles I was in the College, but 
 could not. I haue giuen them away all save 2 and appointed aboue a yeare 
 since that 3/i. should be satisfied him for them, which 1 had a bond should 
 be payd me in London for so much lent here out of my purse. But Mr 
 Burnet nor Dr Despotine (who is now in London) could get the money, 
 Notwithstanding I have written to Mr Burnet to pay him out of other 
 money which I am to receiue of Dr Aylett sometyme your pupill there. 
 There is an Appendix of the history of the interdict set forth in English in 
 the end of a Sermon of Dr Potter at the Consecration of the Bp of 
 Carlisl, which if I could get in Italian I would put in Latin, and add to the 
 History. I pray desire Mr Buck to send me some Copies by Mr Burnet, 
 and a note of them what they come to, and of all reckonings which I will 
 discharge ad vltimum quadrantem. I haue not heard a long tyme from 
 Mr Mawe. I pi-ay write me whether he be yet in Cambridge or no. Thus 
 in hast with my harty prayers for yovi (which I desire you would requite 
 with the like) 1 recommend you to the grace of God with Mris Warde and 
 all yours ; and shall euer remaine 
 
 Your assured loving freed, 
 
 W. Kilmore and Ardaghen. 
 Dublin this 17th of 
 
 Febr. 1631. 
 
 My Lord Primate is now in towne, with whom I am almost a dayly 
 guest, neither are we unmindfuU of you. He is, God be thancked, in very 
 good health.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL 331 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 Bp Bedell's letter to Dr Ward; continued opposition of his 
 chancellor ; recommends Mr Copiyiger for the vicarage of 
 Preston; May 30, 1673. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxxi. f. 189.] 
 
 Salutem iu Christo Jesu. 
 
 I haue no better collour to lay vpon my long forbearance to write to 
 you (Good Mr Dr) then the dayly expectation of the accomplishment of 
 your promise touching your more large Vindication of your arguments 
 of the Efficacy of Baptisme which you reuewe still in your letters which 
 I haue receiued ; & in your last by my Lord of Ardagh. Wherein also you 
 giue me hope of the advertisement what hath passed betweene you and 
 the Deane of Cassells. I did thinck that the multitude of your occasions 
 might be the reason that you deferred the performance thereof, and me 
 thought it should be uncivill to call vpon you for it. Which made me more 
 backward to write. But if this excuse will not serve me, 1 have another, 
 that being to write as our old freendship and your desire requires, how 
 things stand with me; and not being able to write what I would, or what 
 you would willingly reade, 1 held it better to be silent : so should I neither 
 grieve you nor offend any other. But this sullennesse must not endure 
 allwayes : I do every day profitt (I hope) in the Schoole of Pacience, and 
 learne to kisse the rod. For my affaires therefore, thus they are. After 
 my cause betweene my Chancellor and me had received a deadly wound by 
 the hand, that afterward would have cured it and could not, my adversary 
 brought a Commission to certaiue Delegates here out of England; who 
 takeing compassioa of the lingering death of it, cutt the thi-oate of it at 
 once, pronouncing both of the Appeale and principall cause (which they 
 never heard) and condemned me iu lOO/i charges; which yet they write 
 my Chancellor had promised them never to require peny of, so he might 
 enjoy my freendship and his place without interruption. I committed the 
 cause to him that judgeth righteously : and since that medle not much 
 with Jurisdiction, which before with some toyle of body and charge 
 I exercised in diverse parts of my Diocesses, and mth some ease to the 
 people in the matter of their Fees, who now are retourned in statu quo. 
 And because I fownd my suites for the rights of the Bishoprick of Ardagh 
 had so cold successe, as in three yeares I could not get so much as a place 
 where to set my foote in that Diocesse ; although the leases were made 
 contrary to an Act of State, and were upholdeu by forgery and perjury, 
 for which I was enforced after a suite at the Counsell Table to begin anew 
 in the Chancery and Castle chamber (which answers with us to the Starre 
 chamber with you), I accounted it my best course to quitt that Bishoprick 
 to Dr Richardson (who had the best living in it) and good frcends, and an
 
 332 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 able purse, to see if he might obtaine more right then I could. And to 
 tell you the whole truth, I was loth myne owne example should serve 
 for a pretext to the detestable practise of many of our Nation, who have 
 gotten 4, 5, 6 — 8 benefices a piece and commonly Vicarages, and which 
 is yet worse maintaine no Curates, unlesse it be sometymes one for 2 or 3 
 livings, by meanes whereof the Popish Clergy is double to us in number, 
 and having the advantage of the toung, of the love of the people, of our 
 extortions upon them, of the very inborne hatred of subdued people to their 
 conquei'ors, they hold them still in blindnes and superstition, our selves 
 being the cheefest impediments of the worke that we pretend to set 
 forward. This was the chiefest reason of my resignation. And it is most 
 true that I did write once or twice to my Lord of London in this purpose, 
 occasioned so to do by this, that having by suite at the Counsell bord 
 obtayued tiie reassuring to that Bishoprick of a Castle and 12 Cartrones' 
 of Land (which was granted away in fee ferme for euer) upon the grant of 
 a lease for 3 lives, one Sir Tho. Cary, a kinsman of the late Lord Deputy and 
 Master of the Chancery, had like an interloper put himselfe betweene, and 
 gotten a lease for a thousand yeares of the party, after that I had an order 
 at the Counsell bord. Wherein my Lord of London shewed his zealous 
 affection to defend the Churcli from spoile, and his favour to me : for he 
 opposed Sir Tho. to his face in England, and procured me the Kings letters 
 iu such forme as I desired, and (though with great charge by the reason 
 of the sending out a licence of Mortmaine) I assured that land againe to 
 the Church. 
 
 Having got sealed to it this fruite, I resigned it^, and since that tyme 
 keepe here at Kilmore, studieing to be quiet and to do myne owne buisines, 
 as the Apostle adviseth. It is true, that whether it be out of the sweetnes 
 of ease after former travell, or my retourning ad ingenium, now that I am 
 freed from enforcement to the contrary, I do litle or nothing in respect 
 of what I threatned. And this lasiues (which you know in me of old) you 
 must take for one cause of my long silence to you. Touching the Propo- 
 sition of Pacification in Germany, I did indeede write something to 
 Sir Natl). Rich, occasioned by his sending to me a printed sheete of a 
 Probleme to that purpose, which I doubt not but you have scene. And 
 I required of Sir Natb. this only that he would conceale my name : for 
 the rest making what use of it he would. I suppose he guessed by our 
 inwardnes that he did not breake mine injunction in comunicating it with 
 you, but I should have violated myne owne lawe if I had done it. The 
 matter is of great importance, and when you were at Dort, I thinck I did. 
 write to you, to try if you might make any introduction to it. I am sure 
 I spake with Deodati thereabout at Cambridge. And I was bold to write 
 to my Lord of London about it. Who answered me verie worthily and 
 Christianly, that he would employ his uttermost forces and endeavours 
 thereto. 1 have received a letter from Mr Durce in this purpose, and I do 
 
 1 A Cartrone is a quantity of some 60 to 80 acres, English. 
 
 2 The Bishopric of Ardagh. See Life, pp. 52, 102.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 333 
 
 not doubt but you haue better intelligence of the proceeding thereof than I. 
 Here I will make bold to iutreate you to bend your thoughts a litle this 
 way ; or rather not a litle, but earnestly, or wholly. For a better Propo- 
 sition was not made in Christendome since you and I were borne. And 
 one thing (in my poore opinion) we should abide, viz. to drive at too much 
 exactnes in opining about tlie causes of difference of one man from another 
 in Conversions; which may me thinckes be well left at that old stay, Per- 
 ditio tua ex te; salus ex me. But this by the way. One other matter 
 there is whereto, if I had your abillityes and formerly layd grownd.s, and 
 opportunity of books, my fingers itch to be laying hand, which is, the ancient 
 govcrmnent of the Church and execution of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall ; 
 which in our tymes alas, especially in these parts, is no other then a meere 
 nuiulination, serving to litle purpose but tlie oppression of Clergy and 
 people. And albeit all good men cry out vpon it, and there be who lay the 
 blame upon Bishops, yet for our lives we can not tell how to mend it. 
 At my request thinck also hereupon. I remember that wlien I was at 
 Venice I receiued a large letter from you about the ancient Codex Canonum, 
 and once at Cambridge you shewed me the booke : and the Ecclesiastical! 
 lawes made in King Edwards tyme (as I thinck) by vertue of an Act in 
 King Henry 8 his dayes, that 32 jiersons should examine the Canon law 
 and set downe what should stand and what should be cassed. I did not 
 then much apply my niinde to this thought, as litle thincking it would ever 
 much concerne me more then to suffer with pacience some wrong. Now 
 I do conceiue it imports me (if I may) to helpe to prohibit it to be done. 
 To do any, by Gods gi-ace, I hope never to consent. 
 
 I have beene mooved once or twise by my Lord Primate to set forth 
 a part of my Conference with Mr Alablastcrs Proctor who vndertooke the 
 opjnigning my answer to his 4 Demands (it was as I since vnderstood 
 one Paul Washington sometymes of Christs Coll. ; and now calleth 
 himselfe Paul Haris, the same that wrote the rayling libell against his 
 Graces Wainsted Sermon \ and hath beene the cheefe Opposer to the 
 Regulars" here). The demande is why it .should not be lawfull to pray 
 to Saints. I haue forborne for these reasons to set it forth. The matter 
 is stale, being performed almost 30 years since. Mr Alablaster returning 
 to us againe^, it should be in a sort a traducing of him. To sever that 
 Tract from the rest were a kind of yeilding they had reason in the other 
 three. To set forth all drawes vpon me a necessity of replieing to his 
 rejoinder about the first Demand. Wherein there is nothing but words, 
 and a Catalogue of all the bitter and uncivill speeches that he could finde 
 and rake together betweene Lutherans and Calvinists. But that which 
 
 1 See pp. 298, 317. A sermon preached by Ussher before James I. 
 
 2 The Carmelite friars, who bad ventured to establish themselves at Dublin 
 on the accession of Charles in the belief that toleration of Catholics was to be 
 granted. A furious outcry arose among the Protestant clergy, the house was 
 seized, and the friars driven out. 
 
 3 W. Alabaster of Hadleigh had become a Eoman Catholic, and then re- 
 joined the Protestants.
 
 334 LTFE AND DEATH 
 
 most of all mooues me (or rather holds me) I am purposed, with Gods 
 assistance, to set forth the Bible in the Irish toung, which I liaue procured 
 to be translated, and am now causing to be written out faire. I should 
 (by publick appeai'ing in print against that Article wherein all here are 
 so strongly perswaded) hinder that workes acceptation with many : who as 
 I am assured would stand more indifferent, if not inclinable therto, for the 
 opinion they have that I am a well wisher to their side, which conceit I had 
 rather yet nourish. Therefore I am rather inclined to forbeare and 
 prosecute that which I do conceive may be of more profitt. 1. the setting 
 forth the Scriptures, wherto I purpose if God send me life to add some 
 Homilies chosen out of the Fathers. And I have already Chrysost. 3fl Horn, 
 in Lazarum, and Cyprian on the Lords Prayer turned into Irish ^ And 
 I would entreate you as you meete with any of that kinde which might 
 serve that turne, you would aduertise me : especially about Justification or 
 Conversion of a sinner or preparation for Death, or any other importante 
 point which you conceive is fully and shortly and popularly handled. 
 
 I haue thus shewed you how things stand with me heere. Vnlesse 
 I shall ad, that I have incurred some blame for putting my hand to a 
 Petition of the Gentlemen Freeholders and Ministers of the Country where 
 I live; upon whom there being now about a yeare since imposed a con- 
 tribution to the upholding the Army, and the Soldiers brought vpon them 
 by a Popish Undersherifte, they drew a letter to the then Lords Justices 
 wherto they required iny hand. I excused my selfe both by the matter; 
 and forme being undutifuU. But they urging me, I reformed it, and 
 subscribed it. The summe was to desire them to forbeare to impose 
 the Contribution till they should signifie to his Majesty those considerations 
 which were annexed. The Lords Justices then being, and the Counsaile, 
 did not Censure me or any of the Petitioners. But the now Lord Deputy 
 since his comming hath at sundry tymes shewed his displeasure against 
 me. And I have received letters from Mr Vicechamberlaine, and after 
 from my Lord of Canterbury, wherby I am advertised that his Majesty is 
 enformed that I opposed his service. I have made my defence both to 
 the Lord Deputy and to his Grace of Cant., and shewed according to the 
 truth, that I neyther opposed the upholding the Army, nor the forbearing 
 to require the Recusants Fines, nor the applotting moneys upon all the 
 subjects indiflferently to that end (which were applotted and payd before 
 our petition) but thought fitt to joine with the County to giue them content, 
 being that very day to lay above lOOOZ* upon them toward the repaire of 
 tlieir Churches, by vertue of his Majestys Commission to me and many 
 of the principall of those directed. In truth I made no doubt but the 
 Army would well enough be upholden, and by ioining with the countey 
 I had them pliable to ioine with me for the Churches, and besides kept 
 them in good termes for the forme of their petition, whereas in some other 
 Countyes the petitioners were clapt vl]), and after sundry Moneths im- 
 prisonment bound over to answer the matter in the Castle Chamber. 
 
 I See Life, pp. 55—6, 131—135.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 335 
 
 What the successe will be of my defence I know not, It availes yet litle 
 or nothing here. For my part 1 am prepared in omnem cventum. And 
 I hope the wisdome and integrity of my Lord Deputy (who indeede hath 
 made a very noble beginning of his government herc^) is such, as howsoeuer 
 he makes shew of a severe judge in my case, now he understands it to 
 the bottome will not wrong innoceucy. I have not yet scene him : for at 
 the first I abstained ft-om his presence out of desire that he should spend 
 some of his displeasure upon my name which he did upon all occasions. 
 After there was a report spread of my death; which had almost beene 
 verified on Michaelmas day by my swounding at Church in tyme of 
 prayers. Since which tyme I have beene for the most of this winter crasy, 
 and troubled with a Catarrhe into my breast, joined with an Ague, and 
 so hath my wife also: althougli now God be praised we are both well 
 recovered. Touching my eldest sonne, your Godsonne, I do tlianck you 
 very hartily for the kinde and freendly offer of entertayning him. Which 
 I shall perhaps accept. He hath beene hitherto as idle as his Father, now 
 I hope dotli begin to fall to his studyes: and his yeares require it, being 21 
 complete. But if it be the will of God, I could wish that, as God hath 
 brought me into this Country, so my children sliould be planted here, and 
 endeavour to open the eies of some part of this nation. For which purpose 
 I traine them up as I may, to understand the Irish toung. Yet the expence 
 of a yeare or two in that University, especially vnder your eie would much 
 improove them. And I do resolve hereafter if you continue there to have 
 them one after another as it were to travell thither, though animo re- 
 vertendi. And now that I am at Cambridge with you, I must not forgett 
 our good Father Mr Dr Chaderton, nor Mr Dr Sancroft, the only two 
 besides your selfe that I had knowledge of whiles I lived there. I pray 
 remember me most hartily to them both desiring them to reniember me in 
 their prayers; the which office I do also binde my selfe to towards them, 
 and the dayly diminished number of my freends in England. God grant 
 us all that we may finish our course with joy, and when the will of God 
 shalbe, rest in his peace. To the which wish I ad no more: but with my 
 respective rememberance to Mris Ward, do rest 
 
 Your most loving Brother 
 and constant freend 
 
 AY. Kilmoreu. 
 Kilmore Feb. 
 2« 163|. 
 
 I send you here, that which a good while since I wrote in answer to 
 your last paper touching the Efficacy of Baptisme: which I did keepe 
 by me exspecting your larger prosecution of this matter. I do it riot to 
 put you to the trouble of further Replication in that argument. But (that 
 which even now sub styli acmnine comes to my minde) you that are 
 so strong for the Efficacy of the Sacraments euen to those that understand 
 
 i Wentworth (Strafford) who came as Lord Deputy in July, 1633.
 
 336 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 not, how is it that you are not as resolute for the Efficacy of the word to 
 those that heare and understand it? But you seeme to make it as a thing 
 at the presence whereof God worketh Grace, but transcendently, and 
 beyond the nature of the meane it selfe. Unlesse perhaps I mistake your 
 opinion. 
 
 At my comming from Cambr. hither I received from Mr Buck yonr 
 Printer ] 2 Copies of my Lord of Sarisburies Preelections vj^on the Epistle 
 to the Coloss. to sell for him. Which I did endeavour the best that 
 I could to do : but the most of them I could not sell but gave them away to 
 sundry as I had occasion. I did agood while agoe make over to Mr Francis 
 Burnet 3/t. for some of them and have lately given order for 20s. more. 
 I pray speake with him, and know if he have received the mony or no. 
 I never yet heard what he did with the Quodlibeticall Question of P. Paulo. 
 If he haue any Copies of the History of the Interdict and there be no dispatch 
 of them, and the sayd Question, I will do my best to helpe him to sale 
 of them. Mr Burnet wrote to nie that he payd him the 3/i. by Mr Wm. 
 Welbore of Cambr. I pray certifie me if he be satisfied. 
 
 Mr Buck sent a many of the Quodlibeticall questions printed, and a letter 
 unto you. He receyved from him Ui. 
 
 Febr. 2, 163|. 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 Bp Bedell's letter to Br Sam. Ward; Oct. 11, 1635, containing 
 Notice of William Bedell, his eldest son. 
 
 [Tanner MSS ccxc. f. [94] 95.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Your last letters to me, good Mr Dr., I received at Dublin being then 
 at Supper with my Lord Primate in Parliament time, who likewise im- 
 parted to me some passages of yours to him : by which I perceived some 
 heaving at you, in respect of your Archdeaconry. I ho[)e it was but to 
 shew what might be done, and so to encline you to more dependance then 
 formerly, which when nothing is required prejudicial to the Truth, I know 
 your wisdome will not stick at. 
 
 The business of the pacification how it proceeds, I doubt not but you 
 understand better then I, as being nearer to Mr Hartlieb from whom We 
 have all our Intelligence here. Touching the Communication of properties, 
 I am glad you liope so well to accomodate the parts. The objection out of 
 my answer to Harris, touching Christ understanding all the prayers that 
 are made to him in one instant, and presenting them to God, I have 
 thought on heretofore, and as I remember about 30 years since considered 
 what Zanchius yeilds in tliat point which I could not approve. Why should
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 337 
 
 it not be suflBcient, that Christ appeareth in Heaven for us as our Iligli 
 Priest presenting the prayers of the Saints (mingled with the incense of 
 his obedience) to tlic Father. Vet not understanding as man all prayers, 
 all hearts, all estates, and circumstances of those that pray, but oidy such 
 and so many as the divine nature doth impart to his humanity. For tliat 
 he should iino actu intueri omnia and recommend the different prayers 
 and deprecations of the Saints on Earth to the Father in so many Thousand 
 varietys uno acta, it seems impossible to a finite Nature. That of Oral 
 Manducation (otherwise than in a Sacrament) of the body of Christ is 
 wonderfully hard to reconcile : in the unworthy esiiccially. Some prop<).si- 
 tions may be agreed upon unto which preachers and Teaciiers may bo 
 confined. Touching the efficacy of Baptisme you indeed may give them 
 content; but take heed you do not as much discontent our owuc. In the 
 point of free will and grace I conceive they must as you say hold that 
 positive diff"erencing one man from another is from special grace, Init tiiat 
 in the Ministry of the Word, God giveth the outward sound onely to the 
 Reprobate, without the Spirit, and the Spirit also to the elect I tiiink they 
 will not liold. 
 
 For the antient government of the Church, lamentable is the Mart of 
 all Spiritual Things that is made by our decretalists ; who have engrossed 
 all Jurisdiction to themselves, and left to the Bishops and Ministery nothing 
 but the name (to comply with their extortions) of Ecclesiasticall Govern- 
 ment at this day. Of the books which you name I have not one, but only 
 Balsamon upon Photian Nomocanon in the Bibliotheca Patrum. If you 
 can help me to the Councells the best edition, I desire you so to do: or 
 signifie to Dr Mawe at London where and how they may be had, with 
 any other books of this Argument. 
 
 Concerning the Quodlibeticall Question I never yet saw one of them. 
 If they had been delivered to Mr Burnet I think I should have received 
 them. I am sory our Mother the University is troubled with such novell 
 phantasies', But these things fiiU out utcernatarfrurnentoraingyaeltas 
 et levitas palearum as Vincentius Lerinensis speaks. I am right glad to 
 hear of Dr Chaderton and l)r Sandcrofts welfare. Remember me to them 
 both, and to Mrs Ward. Since my last to you, I have sent before my 
 second and best beloved Son from the College at Dublin to a higher 
 university as I hope, God bring me well to him. It was little after 
 Christmass last, my self was then and afterwards very crasy and so was 
 my wife, and still continues^. Your Godson I have conferred a Benefice 
 upon, whereupon he is resident and I hope he will prove a good Minister, 
 and an honest man. I pray give him some direction for the course of his 
 studies, for I never yet knew how to study. You as being able in your 
 
 1 Fuller (HUt. of the University, p. 232) says about this time ' it now became 
 the general complaint that many in the University, both iu Schools and pulpits, 
 approached the opinions of the Church of Kome nearer than ever before.' He 
 specially mentions the introduction of organs into chapels. 
 
 - John Bedell died at the end of 1G34. 
 
 22
 
 338 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 course cau save him a great deal of time and paines which he else may 
 loose with little profit. I would desire you to certifie me, how you stand 
 with my Lord of Derry. I have forborne to enter into streighter termes 
 with him (though having received some Courtesies from him) till I should 
 hear more from you, especially because he seemed to some to overtopp my 
 Lord primate here, although some think that was by direction fi*om others. 
 Many more things I could write to you of touching our affairs in 
 Convocation, but I was not there at the conclusion ; and how things passed 
 I doubt not but my Lord Primate hath certified you. I am constrayned 
 here to break off, recommending you to the gracious protection of the 
 highest I am and shall be while I am 
 
 Yours in all true affection 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Kilmore Oct. 11, 1635. 
 
 Exd. To my very Reverend and Loving Friend 
 
 Mr Dr Ward Master of Sydney College 
 deliver these. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 Bp Bedell to Dr Ward; literary and theological; 
 Aug. 18, 1636. 
 
 [Tanner MS lxx. f. 96.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. 
 
 Your letters sent to me by Mr Ilowlet, Good Mr Dr, were pre- 
 vented by the newes of them : which my Lord of Derry sent me while 
 Mr Ilowlet remayned with him. I thanck you for the Table of Codex 
 Canonum and for that other advertisment toucliing my Lord of Derry. 
 I shalbe very glad to have so good a neighbour as Mr Hewlett, either to 
 my selfe or your Godsonnc, for their benefices confine, though in diverse 
 Dioces. As touching the Codew Canonum I had read what Le Chassier 
 writes in his Consultation to a Gentleman of Venice (which is amongst the 
 Venetian writings in Italian) and begun to make a Table out of him of the 
 titles of the Codex Canonum. Wherein some scruples I have, too long now 
 to set downe. I hold that promise of Justellus and the rest, which you 
 promise to send to Dr Mawe for me. Touching that you hold that the 
 spirit is given with the word, so as there is no defect ex parte gratiae 
 divinae, I am very glad, that we accord herein : for I have met with some 
 who make the defect of concourse of the Spirit the proper reason of the 
 lawe of conversion in those that haue the meanes. To whom I cannot 
 assent. But if this be admitted, consider if it will not follow that if pre- 
 venting grace be common and alike, God do not expect some exercise on 
 the part of him that is called (whereto he is enabled by the same grace) 
 whereui>on he doth positively difference one man from another, leaving
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 339 
 
 those that are wanting to them selves, and to the grace received uncon- 
 verted ; and going on to convert and save the other, not for the merit of 
 their exercise and cooperation bnt because sucli is the order tliat liiniselfe 
 hath appointed. Verlnaa sajrieiUi. I write in exceeding great hast and 
 purposely did confine my selfe to these streights of Paper that I might 
 not enlarge, yet I can scarce breake oflF. The Lord of his mercy perfect 
 the work that he hath begun in us and by us : and preserve us to his ever- 
 lasting Kingdonie. Amen. 
 
 Your most affectionate and 
 
 loving Brother and freend 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Kilmore IS Aug. 
 1636. 
 
 Remember my harty salutations to Dr Chaderton and Dr Saucroft, 
 and Mris Ward, to whom with your selfe my wife do hartyly recommend 
 her selfe. 
 
 R: you take here for gi-anted that preventing Grace is common and 
 alike; whence it may seenie will follow, that God doth expect some 
 exercise on the part of them that is called, wheruiion he doth positively 
 difference himself from another. But I deny preventing Grace to be a 
 like to them which are converted, and those which remayne unconverted, 
 which I can no waves admitt of: for it is most cei'tayn, that he who is 
 converted infallibly receyveth greater grace than he who is not converted. 
 Neyther doth God expect any exercise on the part of them that are called, 
 wherupon he doth positively difference one man from another. But God 
 doth by his greater Grace difference one man from another, not exijccting 
 the concourse of his will which is converted, but effectually in it working 
 the act of conversion, as it is defined agaynst Fansh * * Com. 4. Conoilij. 
 Aransic. 11. vid. lib. chart. LXi. p. 85. 
 
 To Archhifihop Laud. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, September 1G37.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 
 
 I have beene long silent. I desire your Grace to impute it to any 
 cause rather then coldnes in my dutifuU aft'ection. In truth I have still 
 expected, according to your last, your thoughts about our University 
 Patent and Satutes : and did not think it good manor to sollicit you, 
 remcmbring your employments and scautncs of tyme which your Lordship 
 also mentioned : and withall that possibly (nay likely) the gentlest cor- 
 rection of my impertinencyes might be your silence. Meanewhile I have 
 
 22—2
 
 340 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 with my great satisfaction seenc those of the College and had the content 
 to be present at the first publishing and putting them in execution. I 
 wish and do hope that it shalbe healthfull and happy to this Church and 
 Kingdonie. I have also had my part in the gratulation and obligation to 
 your Grace for his Majesties Letters in favour of my Lord of Ardagh and 
 nie, about our Leatrim landes^ I do hartily thanck your Grace for them ; 
 and for him, and that Bishoprick, which through his industry is now as 
 good as this or better. And I wish the example of dissolving Pluralityes, 
 both in Bishopricks and other Bcclesiasticall dignities and charges, may 
 spread further. I was hartily glad to find your Graces judgment so 
 expresse of the banefullnes of them to this Church. 
 
 My Lord Deputy since his comming hath endeavoured to put some 
 remedie, both in the generall visitation by the viewing of Facultyes, and 
 cassing such as were abusive ; and at his going into England by his 
 letters sent to the high Commissioners requiring them to proceed against 
 non-residents. Accordingly certaine instructions and letters were sent 
 to the severall Bishops of the Kingdonie enjoining them to call the 
 MmiMers to a aetled Residency. But when the disease is inveterate 
 and the continuall causes thereof stronge rooted, ipsa saepe remedia 
 vertunt in tnorhum. It may please your Grace to be informed of a 
 case or two that have hapned in my Dioces. By vertue of these 
 Letters, besides my Pastorall duty I called to residence amongst others 
 of my clergy one Mr N. Barnard Deane of the rurall Deanery of Kilmore, 
 vicar of the parishes of Kilmore and Ballintemple and Kildrofarten, 
 Rector of Kedy ; all of the Bishops collation. He was resident upon none 
 of them all. But since my Lord Deputyes comming, takeing a new title 
 of the Deanery from the King, without mention of the rest, he hath ob- 
 tained a parrish Church in Drogheda called St Peters to be united to it 
 propter tenuitatem. And yet his former livings are better worth then 
 300/t. per annum. He was enjoyned Residence by a day. And having 
 answered Interrogatories, upon his other witnesses being produced, fearing 
 tiie successe would no more appeare, but hath resigned those livings 
 into the Kings hands and exchanged with Dr Jones the Deane of Ardagh. 
 By which nieanes I am not only deprived of my right of collation but 
 Institution also, and I feare my successors shalbe of the Patronage of 
 them for ever. I did petition to my Lord Deputy to stay the scale till 
 my right were shewed, and amongst other proofes shewed the Deanes 
 ownc oath acknowledging the benefices of Kilmore, Ballintemple, and 
 Kedy were conferred upon him by my Predecessor, but it availed not. 
 
 The other case I must fetch a litle higher. And it is like one of those 
 that Gratian is wont to faine that he may the more handsomely come to 
 the questions he meanes to handle. But here shalbe nothing fained. 
 Neither shall I neede to say Quidam Episcopus. Thomas my Predecessor 
 having purchased a proportion of land in two parrishes, adjoining to the 
 See of Kilmore (and one of the churches standing on the Bishops mensall 
 
 1 See Appendix II.
 
 OF H^ILLIAM BEDELL. 34 1 
 
 land) did with the consent of the 3d part of the chapter grant double 
 advousions of the vicarages of tliose parishes to John Creenhani gent, his 
 brother in lawe, in trust to the use of his ownc wife and cliildren. After 
 his death the vicar also dies; and John Creenhani ])resents unto one of 
 them one Wni l>ayly new made Deacon out of the Dioccs, without letters 
 dimissorie from me. But not willing to enter into suites of law, the 
 young man being as 1 conceived of good hope, I admitted him with the 
 oath of perpetuall and personall residence. "Within onemoneth he jmrchased, 
 as it should sccmc by false suggestion that the said vicanige was scarce 
 sufficient to finde him foode and clothing (though it be worth oO//, per 
 annum), a Dispensation to hold 2 more, so as they were within 80 mylcs, and 
 so as he should be resident upon any one of the three. Then is he made 
 Presbyter out of the Province and the tyrae of ordination, without letters 
 dimissorie of his Bishop, by the Bishop of Kilfanora, father in law to my 
 freendly Chancellor Dr Allen Cooke, by whose counsaile all this matter was 
 carried. Presently after he biings a Presentation to the 2nd vicarage but 
 shewes nor mentions any Faculty, and refuses to resigne the former, where- 
 upon he was not admitted. Mr George Synge Chiuicellor to the Lord 
 Primate, and sometymes Dr Cookes Master, was that year to visit the 
 Province. To him he sjieeds him, and bringing a presentation from Mr 
 Grenham as' Patron, obtaines an Institution as from the Lord Primate; 'ad 
 quem omnis et omnimoda jurisdictio spiritualis et Ecclesiastica quae 
 ad Episcopum Kilmoren ratione visitationis tiicnnalis et Metropoliticae 
 notorie dignoscitur pertinerc,' these be his words. And yet this was the 
 14th of February, before any intimation of any visitation, which was not 
 holden till Hepteniber after. This Institution, with mandate ad inducendum 
 to the Archdeacon, was to the Vicarage of Dun. But Mr Bayly never 
 comes to the Archdeacon, but getts himselfe inducted by another into 
 the vicarage of Dun. The Bishop sending for him admonished him of 
 this intrusion and sundry tynies told him that for his unlawfull taking of 
 Orders he was suspended ipso jure. After he puts himselfe into Protection 
 of the Lord Primate (with this condition that after harvest he should 
 resigne) to be his household Chaplaine. The tyme came he resigned not, 
 and was rejected. Then he made a journey into England, where he was 
 wont often to relate that he hath an uncle, of his Majesties bed chamber. 
 And being still charitably admonished by his Bishop (yet not judicially) at 
 last he appealed against him : which appeale was so powdered with false 
 Latin, as any man might soone know the Cooke that dressed it. For 
 example — officiimi pastoralem — sententiam suspensionis prolidistis et 
 leyintis, sen saltern legere and protulcre comminastis and the like. He 
 liad liberty to prosecute but did not. At the visitation being presented 
 for Non Residence, and I called upon by the Lord Deputy as before, he 
 answered to Interrogatories and acknowledged upon his oath in his 
 personall answer that in two yeares he had not any house seate or chamber 
 wlierein he might be resident by the space of one moneth. The Bishop 
 admonished him peremptorily to be resident upon his former benefice by 
 a day certaine and to resigne the other. He did neither. The Bishop
 
 342 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 deprived him of that he had intruded unto. He appealed : but prosecuted 
 not before the Metropolitane, but brought an Instrument out of the Pre- 
 rogative and faculty Court which they call a double quarrell : it was easy 
 to trace his Counsell by the false Latin. But besides that there was a 
 disloyall phrase in it, viz. vobis igitur conjunctim et divisim committimus 
 firmiterque et stricte regio nostro nomine praecipendo mandamus, in the 
 person of the Lord Primate, &c. The Bp petitioned to the Lord Deputye : 
 and by his Lordships direction appeared under protestation, but refused 
 to deliver the instrument unlesse his Lordship should so command. They 
 let this processe fall. The 2nd tyme he is cited under the addition of 
 Episcopus Lismoren instead of Kilmoreu. That also was a matter of 
 merrynient. They send out a third citation : he came and refused their 
 Jurisdiction. They demurre whether they would deferr to it or no. He 
 was cited the 4th tyme, he deduceth the causes of his former Recusation 
 in 24 Articles, offering to proove them before Arbiters or the President of 
 tluit Court their Delegant. They fine him in 200^/. As he was purposing 
 to petition to the Lord Deiiuty, my Lord of Derry interposed himselfe, 
 tookc up the matter, and decreed an Amnesty betweene us. 
 
 Your Grace hath not yet all : Mr Bayly by Petition to the Lord Dei>uty 
 obtaynes, as in his Mnjesties disposing, tlie Living of one Mr Mortach King: 
 the same man that hath translated the psalms into Irish first and after all 
 the old Testament. The colour is that his wife is a Papist, and his children 
 popishly educated. His wife at the tyme when I conferred the living upon 
 him came to Church in my view sundry weekes ; now is revolted and his 
 greatest crosse: so unreasonable a woman, as I have often thought her 
 possessed by a wicked spirit and set on by Sathan, to vexe him and disgrace 
 liis person, worke wherein I am sory to see Mr Bayly joine. 
 
 But touching that worke, whatsoever become of Mr King, I hope it 
 shall not miscarry. God hath stirred up the Spirit of Sir George Ratcliffe 
 to undertake the charge, which hath boene the only lett of printing it. I 
 humhhj desire your Grace to take notice of Sir George his noble offer, and 
 to encourage him herein. To returne ; your Grace hath in these 2 cases, 
 quemadmodum datur to attempt to reforme non-residence: and by this, 
 I know your wisdome will perceive a great deale more of the state of the 
 Church here, which you required once to be informed of. Before I con- 
 clude, me thincks I should not do well either civilly or Christianly, if 1 
 shoidd not congratulate with you about your spite and opiwsition of lewde 
 gracelessc men, that make religion the maske of their malice. At least 
 I cannot but rejoice to have had some part with you in the same kinde of 
 suffering, and for the same cause. When I was a minister in Suffolke I 
 placed the Communion Table in the upper end of my Chancell ; and when 
 I came to this Cathedrall, finding the Bishops seate erected in that place, I 
 sayd at the first sight, Ileere will I never sitt: and rendered for reason 
 that it was the ancient place of the Altar, and how Archbishop Cranmer 
 your Graces predecessor was traduced for sitting on a scaffold in Com- 
 mission in such a place; which occasioned some to give out that I would 
 pull downe the Bishops seate, to set up the high Altar, &c.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 343 
 
 I beseech God to ciicuiinige and strengthen your Grace that you may 
 holde on in a streight course through good report and evill; remembering 
 that it is the Lord to whose judgment we stand or fall. So craving the 
 blessing of your praiers, I rest 
 
 Your Graces loving Brother and Servant 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Sept. 2". 1637. 
 
 (Indorsed) Received Septemb. 20. 1637. 
 From myc L.B. of Kilhnore. 
 
 LI. 
 
 Laud's ansiuer to preceding letter. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, October 1637.] 
 
 I am very glad that yoursclfe and my Lord of Ardagh have rcapt any 
 benefit thanks-worthy for your Lcatrim Lands. As also that my Lord of 
 Ardagh hath so well improoved his Bishoprick to make it almost as good as 
 yours. And I wish as heartily as you, that there were a dissolving of 
 riuralityes, especially in Bishopricks. But as the tymes are, this cannot 
 well be thought on, till the Meaiies of the Church there be so settled, as 
 that men may be able to lyve in some sort answerable to the dignity of 
 theire calling. For Poverty drawes on contempt ; and contempte makes 
 Clergie-men unserviceable to God, the Church and the Common wealth. 
 But as things shall grow better there (which I hope, and endeavour) I will, 
 during the poore remayuder of my life, take the best care for it that I can. 
 And I will not fayle to iuable a Residence of the Clergie, and afterwards 
 to require it, as far as lyes in mee. For I got my Lord Deputy at his 
 being the last yeare in England, to write those letters you mention, con- 
 cerning the severall Bishops calling theire Clergy to Residence. For His 
 Majesty must never look to have superstition abated in that Kyngdome, till 
 there be a more able and residing Clergy. 
 
 Your Lordship sayes, and truly, that in some Inveterate Dioceses the 
 Remedyes doe often turne unto as bad or worse maladyes. But I conccave 
 that to bee, either when the body is incurable, or the Remedyes mistaken 
 or ill applyed : which later I hope is your case in Ireland. For God forbid 
 that Church should be an Incurable Bodye. And this I see playidy by 
 both the cases which you put to mee. Concerning both which, I will study 
 the best Remedy I can ; and if I finde any lie apply it too. But this 
 (I say) I see already, that some of your Church Oflicers which should helpe 
 to remedy Abuses, doe both let them in and countenance them. And
 
 344 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 I thiiike ill this your first fayre coniplayiit sliould be made to my Lord 
 Primate of Armagh, wlio (I assure myselfe) will joyiie with you for any fitting 
 remedye. And I shall not fayle to joyiie with you both so far as shall be 
 thought fit to call in my assistance. And this is all, which at the present 
 I shall say to your two cases, till I may get more tyme and leasure to looke 
 better into them. For I assure your Lordship that this Summer I have 
 known noe vacation. 
 
 LIL 
 
 To xircJibishoj) Laud. 
 [State Papers Ireland, November 1638.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Most Reverend Father, my lionoured Lord and Brother, 
 
 My last to you were about a twelve moneth since by my soiine : 
 who having licence of me to be absent only for 3 monthes, hath partly by 
 occasions of buisines, and partly by reason of sicklies remained in England 
 ever since. In those lettres I signified to your Grace, in a case or two in 
 mine ownie Dioces, the successe of the inhibition of Pluralities and Non 
 residence here. While there are that can grant these, and there comes, 
 imus et item alter jtretium poUicens, lit est ingemum omnium Jiominum,, 
 accquunt conditionem — yea they grant benefices not yet voide. As in the 
 latter of the two cases that I reported to your Grace the last yeare. After 
 that 1 had deprived Mr Bayly of the benefice into which he first intruded 
 himselfe : and excommunicated him for his second intrusion into that of 
 Mr King (the Translator of the Bible into Irish) when being admonished 
 pereniiitorily he refused to quitt it. He petitioned against me to the 
 Lord Dejuity, and the matter was referred to my Lord of Derry. Before 
 whom he alledged this title for his Majesty, that one John Patricks 
 sometymes Instituted thereto, was not made Minister within a yeare: by 
 meanes whereof the benefice fell in lapse, to the Archbishop first, and 
 after to the Crowne. And although the sayd Patrickes were never 
 questioned, and since his death the Church hath beene twise or thrice 
 filled againe, yet for that Xullum tempus occurrit Regi, the Kings title 
 which he had was good. To this I answered, that whatsoever his Majesty's 
 title were (which I would not oppose or examine) he ought not to have 
 intruded himselfe hy a super-institution till the Church were voided. 
 Accordingly my Lord of Derry did order that Mr King should enjoy the 
 profitts of his Living for the tyme past, and Mr Bayly be left free to 
 prosecute him where he pleased : and upon eviction or deprivation of him, 
 should hold it peaceably for the tyme to come. And that I should not
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 345 
 
 collate any other Clcrke or doc any further act to his prejiulicc, yet so as 
 Mr Bayly should renew his titles to the Crowne within sixe nionethes after 
 the avoidance. Mr Bayly continueing still in his intrusion and excom- 
 munication calles Mr King into the High Commission Court, and prosecutes 
 him criminally, as a man unlearned in Holy Scripture and divinity, notable 
 to read praiers, neglecting his cure, not conforming his wife and children 
 to the religion established, and in his hart aflfecting superstition more 
 then ye truth &c. with many more like Articles such as malice can suggest. 
 Mr King was at the begining of this information iiromoted against him, 
 at his benefice in this Dioces, sick of the fluxe. There came a letter to 
 him from the Lady Lambert then in Dublin, very earnestly requiring him 
 to come to testifie his kiujwledge in a cause that much imported his sonne, 
 the Lord Lambert now living in England, for that he had bcene Agent and 
 receiver of the rents of the old Lord Lambert. In great weaknes and 
 with great danger he went to Dublin, where he was tampered withall by the 
 sayd Mr Bayly, and a servant of the said Lady Lambert, and letters from 
 herselfe, promising him a competent satisfaction, if he would resigne his 
 Benefice. He weake in body and minde and purse, not having as he 
 protested money to fee a Proctor or Advocate to speake for him was 
 l>ersuaded : and sent a resignation to the High Commission Court. Mr 
 Bayly also drew a letter with his owne hand (which he caused Mr King to 
 subscribe, and send to me) wherein he prayeth me to ohso/rc him (thus he 
 writes the word thrice in 4 lines) that they might live in unity &c. I pro- 
 tested to Mr Bayly, that this transaction would be Hinioniacall. And 
 I still told Mr King that he would be beguiled. But he not making his 
 defence was sentenced to be deprived, degraded and fined 100//. as I was 
 informed. At my next comming to Dublin, I persuaded him to send his 
 defence ; he did not. When ye cause was called, I signified the whole 
 processe was voide, being at the promotion of the desjioyler, and he ex- 
 communicate. "Where some bote words passed. I professed that I came 
 to discharge my duty to (iod and his Majesty ; without complieing with 
 other mens wrongs, and held it my duty to informe that Court (whereof 
 myselfe was a member) of the truth of the cause. The sentence was only 
 yet pronounced not decreed to be executed, and I was glad I had dis- 
 charged myne owne conscience. For before tiie next Court day I was 
 necessarily to leave the Citty, having appointed certaine dayes and places 
 for the expediting a Commission which I had procured for the Exchanging 
 of the inconvenient Cleblande in my Dioces with some of those which by 
 your Graces good meanes were to be iissurcd to this Bishoprick. In my 
 retorne homewards from this buisines upon the 2.3rd of June, I met upon 
 the way Mr Bayly with a Countryman of his, the Archdeacon of Ardagh, 
 who had newly inducted him into Mr King's benefice, and excused him to 
 me that he did not purpose to offend n>e, but accounted himselfe bownd to 
 obey my Lord Primates mandate &c. For this being the yeare of his 
 visitation his Grace had given Institution to Mr Bayly with a mandate to 
 any beneficed Presbyter in the Province, in the Archdeacons absence or 
 refusall, to induct him. I wished it might be happy to Mr Bayly and all
 
 346 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 that had a hand in it. Within a few dayes Mr King, being attached by a 
 Pursivant to be carried to Dublin, came by nie, and shewed how being sent 
 for by Mr Bayly to a neighbors house, under colour to receive a Letter 
 from the Lady Lambert, he had beene arrested and haled to horseback, 
 not suffered to go to his owne house so much as to take linnen &c. He 
 shewed me the letters of the Lady and other formerly received all 
 cautelously written in generalityes. I accompanied him with a few lines to 
 Sir George Ratcliflfe, by whose meanes and by the Lord Dillons he was 
 permitted upon suretyes to goe downe to his children in the Kings 
 County to appeare the first Session this Terme. Not long after, Mris King 
 his wife came to me, attended by a Constable as upon a warant of the 
 peace. The cause as she related was ; Mr Bayly with 4 other horsemen 
 had driven away her Cowes from the Gleabe land, and in the bickering 
 about them stricken her servants, left a mayd in that case that for 2 dayes 
 she did neether eate nor drinck, and now one of his company had swome 
 the peace against her. This matter I could not deale with, having found 
 the favour with my Lord Deputy not to be putt on the Commission of the 
 peace. But the tyme being neare when the Lord Primates trienniall 
 visitation was to take an end (which continued from February till 
 September) I called a chapter of the Clergy, wherein this with some other 
 buisines concerning the whole Diocesse might be considered. What passed 
 there your Grace shall perceive by thinclosed herewith. By the consent 
 of the whole company I decreed a Processe for Mr Bayly to answer 
 Articles, which he did with much tergiversation and ^Equivocation : yet so, 
 as he could not deny his manifold contempts. For which as I wfts ready 
 to pronownce the sentence of Excommunication against him, he produced 
 a box with three instruments. One a Deprivation of Mr King by the High 
 Commission dated 15" Junij. The second a Dispensation wherein being 
 absolved from all censures, vel a jure vel ab homiiie iiiflictis vel infligendis, 
 he hath faculty granted him to hold with his former benefice the vicarage 
 of Templeport (that of Mr King) together with a third within the distance 
 of 30 miles, with a clause of permutation, and to be resident ujjon which of 
 them he pleased. This was dated 14" Junii before the benefice was voided. 
 The 3rd was an Institution to Templeport (as upon the King's Mandate of 
 presentation therein recited) bearing date 1.5" Junii, the same day in 
 which Mr King was deprived, and there was indorsed on the back of the 
 induction aforesayd by an Archdeacon of anotlier Dioces. This Institution 
 was from the Lord Primate in this stile. Jacobus miseratione divina 
 Armachanus Archiepiscopus totius Hiberniae Primas et Metroi^olitanus 
 ad quem ouniis et omnimoda Jurisdictio spiritualis et Ecclesiastica quae 
 ad Episcoi^um Kilmoren ratione visitationis nostrac triennialis et Metro- 
 politicae jam pendentis notorie dignoscitur pertinere — Data 16° Junii, By 
 which it may appeare this buisines was not slept in. I had no leisure 
 to read over these Instruments, but perceiving the tenor of them, and 
 assuring myseJfe they (jnce no factdiij fur Juture shine, I proceeded to 
 sentence Oct. 3°. Upon the !)th day of the same as I was sitting at Table 
 with the Sheriffe and Justices of the County, and amongst others Dv Allan
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 347 
 
 Cooke my pretended Vicar, the Arcliiteet of all the opposition that ever 
 I have fownd since I came to be Bishop, Mr Bayly read an Appcale which 
 he would not deliver to nie, nor any coppy thereof. 1 told iiiiu 1 would 
 deferr to it, and accordingly I wrote to my Lord rrimatc inclosing my 
 sentence, ami submitting tiie cause. I received at the ne.\t Court an 
 Inhibition and Citation to appeare before him or his vicar at Drogheda. 
 The next day as I was returning homeward L>r Cookes man shewes me 
 another whereof he gave me no coppy. It was upon an Appeale from our 
 Diocesan Synode against me and the Archdeacon : a copi)y whereof I tnoke 
 at my being at Drogheda the Sth day of this moncth of September. 
 I instantly reqiiired his Grace, that according to the canons, tiiese causes 
 might be heard in the Synode of the Trovince. At the leastwise that he 
 would heare them himselfe in person. Which when he seemed resolved 
 not to do, I entered a recusation of his vicar generall as Mr Cooke's 
 familiar friend, and formerly recused in my suite with him ; and who had 
 3 yeares since intruded Mr Bayly into a Church of my Collation, as I heere- 
 tofore certified your Grace. Tlie next day, which was ye first Session of the 
 High Commission Court, Mr King appeared and by his Petition presented 
 to the Court the causes of his former not appearing: 1. His infirmity of 
 body. 2. That he was informed lie needed not appeare to the information 
 of one that had despoiled him. 3. That Mr Bayly had by covenants and 
 agi-eements with him induced him not to appeare, and in fine beguiled 
 him. It was objected that where he pretended sicknes he could for all 
 that follow a suite in Chancery. Mr King denied this. The matter was, 
 he had beene examined before Dr Cooke in the cause of the Lord 
 Lambert aforesaid. I prayed the Court to consider that in his disease of 
 the fluxe he might well have so much respitt as to give a testimony and yet 
 be inable to prosecute a suite in this Court touching his benefice : I related 
 also that I had informed the Court that the promoter was a despoiler and 
 excommunicated for his spoileing, and therefore the sentence since read 
 for the execution of Mr King his deprivation, could be of no force. After 
 many words nothing was done. The jjoore man yet remaines under arrest ; 
 so weake in body, and dejected in minde and empoverished in estate, as 
 well by the want of the fruites of his living as his wifes continuall jiroliing' 
 from him, as it is mervell he lives : Mr Bayly his adversary confidently 
 affirmed to my Lord Primate (as before to me) that he was dead, and the 
 truth is there hath wanted nothing on his part to ertect it. 
 
 By this relation your Graces wisdonie will perceive much more of the 
 state of the Church here then 1 have delight to reijresent to you. It was 
 the speech of one of our Reverend Colleagues in the high Commission to 
 me this day, that looke how much we advance in meanes so much we go 
 downe in manors. To retorne to my first purjiose. What likelyhood is 
 there of redrcsse in ye matter of Non-residence and Pluralityes whenas, if 
 they were all now dissolved, we have a forge that can (and will for money) 
 presently make as many more % Or how should it seeme unfitt that one 
 
 1 To in-oll or 2»'ol is to inoicl in the sense of ' to rob ' (Fr. proie).
 
 348 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Gierke should have two or three vicarages of parochiall Churches, when 
 as a lay man hath as many or more of Diocesan? as of Dublin, Clogher, 
 Kilmore, Ardagh ; and besides all these is oflBciall to the Ai-chdeaconry of 
 Dublin, Judge of the Admiralty, Master of the Chancery, princii)al Advocate 
 of the high Commission Court, one of those of the Prerogative Court and 
 Soveraigne of the Towne of Cavan. For this is the stile of the Venerable 
 and egregious man Mr Dr Cooke, as he qualifieth himselfe in the inhibition 
 under his owne hand which I saw at Droghedagh. What order or peace 
 can be in the Church when we have super-institutions one after another 
 practised plotted countenanced : Simouiacall collusions not detected but 
 palliated 1 All Episcopall rights under collour of visitation for 6 or 7 
 moneths usurped every three yeares, and some of their owne Clergy set ui^ 
 to play the Bishops, while they serve for cyphers 1 
 
 As for our Presbyteriall Conventicle of Kilmore, as it pleaseth my vicar 
 to call it, I did never thinck that malice could have beene so bold, or 
 ignorance so blind as to set tooth in it. Having besides Holy Scripture 
 and the ancient use of the church, the continuall practise of the Churches 
 in England, and here in Ireland. This meeting in the Dioces of Norwich 
 where I lived we called the Seiiie. And the same word is used in the 
 Statutes of this realme, in the 28. Hen. 8 Chap. 13, where Bishops are to 
 inquire of such as uphold the authority of the Pope, in their visitations 
 and Seines, And in the Statute of 2 Elizabeth for uniformity of common 
 praier, they are to enquire of the breakers of that act in their cisitations 
 and Synodes. Yea in the Patent which my Vicar gat of my Predecessor 
 there is this expresse reservation, reservato itidem nobis et successor ibus 
 nostris jure deprivandi et ad Synodos convocandi. And in the In- 
 hibitions of the Archbishop of this Province, he or his officers rather as 
 I conceive it (by what right I know not) forbid us during the tyme of his 
 visitation legem Diocesanam exercere. Another matter it is, if we have 
 made any decree or rule against Lawes divine or humane ; which I hope 
 our Dr cannot shew. How consonant our canons are to Antiquity, may 
 appeare by those quotations which I have set under each of them since 
 they have beene quarrelled ^ 
 
 And for conclusion I humblely represent it to your Graces judicious 
 censure, whether the ancient practise of the Church since Christs tyme (how- 
 soever of late interrupted by a few usurping Vicars) that Bishops with their 
 Clergy should menage Ecclesiasticall affaires, whether I say this ought to 
 take place or the new endeavour of arrogant Actuaryes, and tlieir Clerkes 
 (for such are those we have to dcale with here) that oppressing the laity 
 domineering over the ministry, do now seeke to pull downe theii- Prelates 
 also, by dependency upon whome they have hitherto raised themselves. 
 One thing more, whether of these is like to be the fitter expedient for the 
 attayning of that uniformity in Church government in all these Dominions 
 
 ^ The Synod appears to have only met once, 17 Sej^t. 1638. The decreta 
 are printed by Mr Wharton Joucs in his Life and Death of IVilliam Bedell 
 (Camden Society), pp. 162 — 168, with the authorities quoted by Bedell in support 
 of each clause.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 349 
 
 which his Majesty scenies to aynie at and all good men desire ? I beseech 
 
 your Grace to pardon this tedious scribling ; and to account me still, your 
 
 most bownden and affectionate 
 
 Servant in Christo Jesu 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 
 Dublin, 
 
 Nov. 12, 1638. 
 
 (Addressed) To the most Reverend Father in God 
 
 my ever honored Lord and 
 Brother William Lord Archbishop 
 of Canterbury Primate of All Kngland. 
 
 (Indorsed) Rcce. Decemb. 29, 1638. 
 
 LIIL 
 
 To ArcJihishop Laud on Episcopal Synods. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, December 1G38.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. 
 
 Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 
 
 The fardell rather then Letter which I sent to your Grace at my 
 comming up hither, was scarce a shipbord, when I received your Graces of 
 the 30th of October 1637, by a sjieciall messenger from my sonne. Who 
 being after the receipt thereof twise relapsed into his ague was advised by 
 his Physician not to take his jorney till the Spring. I am very glad that 
 your Grace doth not despaire of the recovery of our Ecclesiastique body, 
 and will put your healthfull hand thereto. According to your discretion (as 
 it fell out before I received it) I dealt verie earnestly with my Lord Primate 
 at my being with him Nov. 7", and had a large promise, that he would use 
 his uttermost endeavour to remedy our disorders, and especially in the 
 matter of Facultyes. He required me also to consider of other particulars. 
 By my last, your Grace will more clearely see our estate, and prescribe 
 what is fitt. 
 
 Touching Mr King, it fell out as I feared, that his worke would suffer 
 with him. 1 have addressed myselfe to my Lord Deputy as you may see by 
 the inclosed, which Sir George Radcliff undertooke to deliver. Your Grace 
 shall thereby fully understand his case. 
 
 Concerning my bringing into the Castle chamber and Premunire for 
 our Diocesan Synode, the bruite is much ceased, since men have a litle 
 looked on their bookes. A Prelate of great note said to one of my Clergy 
 here ' If we might hold a Diocesan Synode why not a Provinciall ? and if 
 that, why not a Nationall?' The argument indeede is a minore ad majus, 
 but affirmative. Yet touching Provinciall Synodes ; enjoined by the canons 
 of the universall Church, allowed by the Lawes Imperiall, and those of other
 
 3 so LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Christian Countries, practised by your Grace's Predecessors in England, 
 and by the Ai'cli bishops of tliis kingdome, yea (as I am informed) by the 
 Popish titular Clergy here at this day, I cannot conceive what jealousy of 
 state there should be against them, being sufficiently limited by the Act of 
 Submission of the Clergy, and subordinated to the Crowne. And if there 
 be any scruple in the law touching the assembling of Suffraganes by their 
 Metropolitane, for causes merely Ecclesiasticall, his Majesty by his Roiall 
 authority declaring his pleasure therein might (if in his high wisdome he 
 should tliinck fitt) take away all doubt, and restore the ancient Order of the 
 Christian Church, and bring much ease to his Subjects, without neede of 
 other extravagant courses. These conceptions I humbly submitt to your 
 Graces mature judgment. To returne to Episcopall Syuodes ; among other 
 things since I came to this place I have mett with a just Treatise De 
 Synodo Episcopi. In that great worke of the Tractates of the Doctors, 
 printed at Venice in 16 Tomes, it is Tome 2°. The Authors name is 
 Henricus Botteus, he wrote as may appeare Part 3a No. 74 the yeare after 
 Rome was sackt Anno 1527. Among others these are his Positions. That 
 such a Synode est dejure divino. And Papa non potest Episcopis auferre 
 potestatem faciendi suas Synodos. Item Episcopus nmi debet petere 
 licentiam ah Archiepiscopo pro congreganda sua Synodo. Synodus est 
 praeparatorium ad cisitationeni, et quaedam visitatio generalis &c. 
 Episcopus omittens convocare Synodum debet puniri suspensione &c. 
 And it is very likely that those that penned our late canons, or those from 
 whom they were taken, had this in their mindes when they appointed that 
 the constitutions lawfully enjoined by the Bishop of the Dioces in his visita- 
 tion, should be observed &c. But I forget myselfe and your Graces many 
 employments. 
 
 That I cannot forgett, humbly to thanck you for the care you expresse of 
 me and this See in your Letters of the 20th of November touching my 
 Lord Lambert and MrCulmes leases. I have never forslowed a day to advance 
 the meanes of this Bishoprick, though 1 have not had the like successe with 
 others in this so favourable a tyme of my Lord Deputyes government. 
 These 4 yeares I have had a suite at the counsaile bord about 2 leases 
 made by my last Predecessor to the use of his wife and children, against the 
 Proclamation in the tyme of King James, the Act of State touching Bishops 
 Leases, and the Patent of the See. And these three points are expressely 
 acknowledged to be so, in an Order of the bord of the 20th of February 1637, 
 whereui it was referred to my Lord of Derry to certify which of the parcells 
 were mensall,and which not. His Lordship fownd no tyme to do this till 
 the 7th of June, and then did it so, as he shewed himselfe more than an 
 Advocate to the other part. And when I shall get a conclusion in that 
 buisines God knowes. 
 
 The leases of my Lord Lambert and Mr Culme were referred to my 
 Lord of Derry. Touching the former, nothing could be done, no Agent of 
 iiis appearing with plenary power to deale for liim. Thereupon I was 
 inforced to obtaine a Letter missive for him into England, which he would 
 never be spoken withall to receive. Upon which I gat a rule that he
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 351 
 
 should send an Agent, otherwise the Board would proceede. The authority 
 of his Agent was discussed. This Ternie he hath answered, and I have 
 replied. Touching Mr Culmes lease my Lord of Derry set downe an order 
 in it, but so as he seemed desirous rather to accommodate others than this 
 See. For where certaine lands lieing by tlie Bisliops mansion house and 
 parts of the Termon of Kilinore (both by the grand office and Patent) were 
 leased away as distinct Tenuous to the use of Bishop Drapers wife, and his 
 Gierke, faine would I have had these at least reserved from any further 
 extent of tyme. I could not obtaine it, yet neither have the Tenants ever 
 payd me a peny of the increased Rent, nor tendered me any leases to 
 renew. But that which hath peremptorily hindered the renewing of these 
 leases, and my passing also the Lands in Leitrini by Patent, for which by 
 your Graces favour I obtayned his Majesties Letters, is this. The ministei*s 
 being called to Residence petitioned to the Lord Deputy, shewing the incon- 
 venience of their Glcbelands, lieing sundry miles distant in other parishes, 
 and desired that according to the directions of King James, there might be 
 exchanges made with some part of the Termon lands, lieing about the 
 churches " And that till such exchanges were made, no leases of the Termon 
 lands within the Dioces should be confirmed to any of the Tenants." This 
 Petition was referred to the Lord Primate ; and the Bishop of Derry who 
 returned their opinions in favour thereof, concluding in these fornuxU words 
 — " And whereas in the said countyes of Cavan and Fermanagh some of 
 the present Tenants may perhaps be obstinate to consent to the sayd 
 exchanges, we conceive that if upon tlie defects that are found to be in the 
 grand leases, now tendered to be confirmed or renewed, there be a stay 
 made thereof, with a clause in the Commission to certify such as shalbe 
 refractory to accept just recompence in the lands to be exchanged, this 
 impediment shalbe the more easily removed." How necessary this story 
 was, I have found in expediting these Commissions these 2 yeares past. 
 Which having now through Gods goodnes performed, returned, and 
 obtayned publication of, the 5th of this instant Deceuiber, I will goe on in 
 the prosecution of the rights of this See with checrefulnes. In the meane 
 tyme, me thincks I am hke the poore beast, that travelling in a rough and 
 unbeaten way as fiist as his leggs can carry him, is at once curb'd with the 
 bitt, and jiut on with the spurres because he makes no more speede. I 
 beseech your Grace to pitty these plunges I am putt to, and to make me 
 partaker of your praiers who am, 
 
 Your Graces most bovvnden and affectionate Servant 
 in Christo Jesu, 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Dublin Decemb. 
 
 the 20. 1638. 
 (Addressed) To tlie most Reverend Father in God 
 
 my verie good Lord the Lord 
 Archbishop of Canterbury 
 his Grace deliver tliese. 
 (Indorsed) Rece. Janua. ult. 163|.
 
 352 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 LIV. 
 
 Bishop of Londonderry {John Bramhall) to Archbishop 
 
 Laud. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, April 1639.] 
 
 May it please your Grace 
 
 Concerninge the Acts of my Lord of Killmoores Diocesan Councell 
 my Lord Primate hath Declared himself to me with some passion against 
 them. And ia the Appeale concerninge the same (My Lord of Killmooro 
 exceptinge against his Chanceller) he earnestly intreated me to he his 
 delegate, which I declined because I had declared myself to my Lord of 
 Killmoore formerly. But my Lord Primate will be in Dubline this weeke 
 And then your Grace shall receive an intimation of his concurrence as you 
 direct. 
 
 Since Mr King was sentenced by the unanimous votes of all the Com- 
 missioners, and himself had voluntarily submitted in open Court (as great 
 cause lie had), yet 1 have received the most bitter letter from my Lord of 
 Killmoore ascribinge all the Acts of tlie Courte to me, and accusinge me to 
 have drawne that confession and subscription from him by duress. I con- 
 fess I was at first a little moved with it. But now I am resolved out of the 
 uprightness of mine owne conscience to make myself a garland of his 
 invective flowers. The peace of the Church and the meritt of the man shall 
 weigh downe his passion, since whether his conscience did incite him, or 
 whether he is afraid I will seeke to right myself, he hath bene with me and 
 used much more respective both words and lookes than at any tyme these 
 six moneths past. Though my other imploiments would not then permitte 
 me to speake any thinge of these matters. 
 
 The Bi.shopjj of Clonferte hath presented to your Grace the state of his 
 see. I confess in most cases there are no demonstrative proofes on either 
 syde. In many the Bishopps proofe is more probable. And though the rule 
 be melior est conditio possidentis, yet where the doubt is whether a free 
 rent or a farme rent, it can hold no place. There are two questions, the one 
 concerninge the rents which the Bishopp receives as farm rents, the Tenents 
 pay as free rents. To proove them to be free rents they neither shew ward- 
 shipp nor marriage nor reliefe, some of which are necessary and infallible 
 badges of all estates in fee, yea very seldome they produce so much as 
 a deed or an office. On the other syde the Bishopp shewes his cosherings
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 353 
 
 and refections' — an old Irish imposition upon Tencnts. And many times 
 his rentroli or the composition boolte in gencrall. 
 
 The other question is concerninge tlie composition booke which is now 
 licld an authenticke recorde, which in many cases finds tiiat the Bishoi)p 
 liath so many quarters of hind in such a proportion, not naminge them, but 
 indefinitely and in gross. Now it falles out tiiat the Bishopp liatli rent out 
 of so many quarters but the land is denied to l>e his. The liishopp is able to 
 proovc that since the coniixjsition was taken he never had rent out of any 
 otiier quarters of land (as they call them) in that proportion nor ever 
 pretended title to any ; and therefore conceives that of necessity this must 
 be his land found by the composition booke. It is true the Commissioners 
 do promise that in the conclusion tliey will consider it the Bishoppricke of 
 Clonfert, as great reason there is: for he is for the benefitt of plantation to 
 resigne to the Incumbents his 4« episcopalis, that is the 4th part of sdl 
 tythes within his Diocess, without which the Incumbents can not subsist, 
 and indowe it with lands at such rents as other planters pay. But this 
 I conceive to be worse for the Crowne, than to give him his riglit out of his 
 owne lands. For the IJishopp shall recover the whole lands where the 
 Kinge shall have but a fowerth parte, except in case of fractions wliere the 
 Kinge shall iiave all, and then the Bishoppes are persuaded to wave all 
 claime and depend upon his Majesties goodness and my Lord Deputies to 
 come in as other planters doe. I am very fearfuU to be seene to have any 
 hand in this business. And if some of these things be pressed it will be 
 remembred who it was that urged them at the board. My humble advise 
 with submission to your Grace is 
 
 1. That you desire Sir Geo. Radcliff to tlianke the Commissioners in 
 your name for their respects to the Bishopps and Church of Connaght in 
 this plantation. 
 
 2. That you moove him effectually to deale with the Commissioners 
 and particularly with the two Judges, The lord cheefe Baron and the lord 
 chiefe Justice. 1 . That where the Bishoppes title is equally prt)bable he 
 may be preferred. 2. That where the composition booke findeth for the 
 Church in generall, it may be interpreted to have found in particular, unless 
 it shall appeare that the Bishopp hath or hath had since the composition 
 any other land in that proportion. 3. That where the lands questioned 
 are fractions, the Bishopp may be admitted to hold either them or other 
 lands equivalent t(j them (as the conveniency of plantation shall require) at 
 such rents as other undertakers, and to pay to the Crowne. 4. That where 
 there shall want convenient meaues some lands may be assigned to an Arch 
 Bisshoppricke or Bishoppricke in lieu of their 4« episcopalis, yet still at such 
 rents as other pLmters shall pay. I beseech your Grace pardon my pro- 
 lixity, it is the Bishopp of Clonfert that writes all this not I. 
 
 1 desire to tender my humble thankes to your Grace for the two letters, 
 and especially for your booke, concerninge which if the Romanists deale 
 
 ' Coshering, an old feudal right in Ireland of a lord to lodge and be fed at 
 the house of a tenant. 
 
 23
 
 354 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 ingenuously they will acknowledge that your Grace hath cleared that for 
 both sides which formerly was sufficiently explicated by neither parte, and 
 principally in your learned and judicious discourse concerninge the last 
 resolution of faith. 
 
 Almighty G od longe preserve you to us So praies 
 
 Your Graces most faithfuU 
 and 
 Obedient Servaunte 
 
 J oh. Derensis. 
 Dubl. Apr. 20, 
 1639. 
 
 (Indorsed) Re. Mali 3° 1639. 
 
 Lord Derry concerninge the 
 State Bishopprick of Clonfert. 
 
 LV. 
 
 Bp Bedell to Aixhbishop Land. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, May 1639.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 Most Reverend Father my honoured Lord and Brother. 
 
 In the middest of your manifold cares for the publick good, 
 give me leave to call your thoughts a litle to our Ecclesiasticall disorders in 
 Ireland : Which I cannot shortlier do, than by continueing the story of our 
 Seine of Kilmore, about which I was aj^pealed by my vicar t(^ my Lord 
 Primate. About the middest of March, Dr Teate one of my clergy at our 
 first gi-eeting told me he was sory to heare the ill newes. This was, that 
 your Grace had written to my Lord Primate, that by the judgment of 
 Lawiers in England we had by our Synode incurred a Praemunire. He told 
 me his Author, who heard it of the late Deane of Kilmore, now living at 
 Drogheda and often at my Lord Primates Table. Within a few dayes 
 
 1 had a new occasion to try out the truth of this report, being served with 
 
 2 citations and inhibitions from Delegates, upon two new Ajipeales of 
 Dr Cooke and Mr Baily from the Lord Primate (as denieing them justice 
 at my unjust procurement) to the King in Chancery. I made a journey to 
 Droglieda and there first mett with your Graces Booke, which with great 
 content I read over. Wherein I was glad to see the passage of Gerso 
 pag. 15.3 touching Diocesan Synodes. And much more, the rejection of 
 that absurdity of making Reformation the founding a new Churcli, whicli 
 makes some trouble us with that idle question: Where was the Church 
 before Luther? and sets others as fondly a worke to assoile it. But most of 
 all it rejoiced me to see the gates of the Catholick Church layd open, not 
 knowing any bounds but the Faith once delivered to the Saints. The
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 355 
 
 blessed meeting of Truth and Peace sincerely sought in a faire and worthy 
 way, which I liave ever greivcd to be so litle frequented. 1 forget my 
 purpose, but I should more forgctt mysolfe, if I should not expresse the 
 true sense <>f my ininde touching your Gnices worke. 
 
 To retorne, 1 fownd it was a false allarme that had beene raised against 
 our Synode, as from your Graces pen. Whereof my Lord Primate assured 
 me, by shewing me the very Letters that accompanied your Booke. In- 
 quiring further concerning these second Appeales, I found the incredible 
 boldnes of Dr Cooke and his client, tiiat durst attempt witli a slander, and 
 to his Majesty in Chancery, to dcspoile the Lord Primate of his jurisdiction. 
 I obtained of his Grace an authenticall certificate of the truth, insteedc of 
 Epistles Refutatory, with which I petitioned to his Majesty in Chancery 
 for a Supersedeas to those abusive Commissions. The Court referred the 
 consideration heereof to the Lords Cheefe Justices, and the Lord Chcefe 
 Baron who calling to their Assistance 4 other Judges, heard it the -ZOth of 
 this moneth. I tooke 3 maine exceptions to these Commissions. 1. That 
 where the Statute of Appeales provideth for the remedy of the Subjects in 
 their just and lawfull causes for lack of Justice, here was no such lack, as 
 well appeared under the hand and scale of the Lord Primate the Judge 
 a quo, who was shamefully slandered to have denied that which he gave. 
 2dly. That where by tlie Statute they should have remedy by Appeale to 
 the King in and for all manor of greefes and causes, as they were wont to 
 have to and from the Bishop of Rome, I shewed by the expresse words of the 
 Decretall (C. Cordi est de Appell' in sexto), that he that appealed to the 
 Pope, imlesse he did assigne the cause of his greevance befoi-e the Judge 
 a quo in scriptis, and demand Epistles, reputahitur non-appiellans ; 
 neither of which had beene here done. 3dly. There is a clause inserted in 
 these Commissions, which destroieth them. For the Delegates are com- 
 manded, to proceede in the causes of Appeale, omisso AjJiyellationis 
 articulo, which is impossible. And by this new clause, the wrong done to 
 the Lord Primate should be smoothered, and never so much as mentioned. 
 There were other excei^tions ; as this, that in these Commissions there was 
 no clause of Quorum ; any two of the 20 Delegates might do any act, any 
 three might definitively sentence. The Judges have not yet retourned their 
 Answer, but as farr as I conceive by speech with some of them, they are of 
 opinion that these points cannot now be remedied in Chancery, but are to 
 be considered by the Delegates themselves, who have diflferred the hearing 
 of these causes till the beginning of Trinity Terme. How they shall pro- 
 ceede upon this last insoluhile I cannot conceive. Once I shall have reaped 
 this fruite of my paines, that I have laid open this abuse, and made it 
 notorious. Not without some indignation (I beleeve) to such as shall 
 observe. That whereas anciently (as your Grace shewes) from a Patriarch 
 there lay no Appeale, now the Primate of the Realme shall by one, sometyme 
 his Vicars Clerke, and another his owne Chaplaine, be aiipcalcd from ; not 
 only frivolously, and without due forme, but calunniiously. And being 
 cited to appeare by a Master of Arts and Bachelor of Lawe, when he comes 
 there, it shall never appeare whether he be wronged or no. 
 
 23—2
 
 356 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 Here I cannot but remember the answer of the Lord Cheefe Justice of 
 the Common pleas, when I entreated him to be present at the liearing of 
 the cause, being himseife a Delegate. He said it lay in the Bishops tiieni- 
 selves (of which order he saw divers in these Commissions) to remedy these 
 disorders, it being their common cause. But I have found by experience, 
 that sucli as are by their owne eminency out of danger, do not sociably as 
 they might concurre to help their neighbours. If it might please your 
 Grace to stirre them up, to repaire these breaches and outlets, whereby 
 affaires Ilcclesiasticall are daily carried out of their ancient channell, you 
 sliould procure much peace for the present, and hinder the overflowing of 
 disorder in this Church, which otherwise posterity is like more to regrett. 
 
 For my part, hasting daily (almost with equall pases to your Grace) to 
 the i)eriode of mans life, I have this comfort, that to my best understanding 
 I have endeavoured to secke Truth and order in the house of God in the 
 footesteps of Antiquity and way of peace. With the zeale whereof if I have 
 beene over carried, I humbly desire your Grace to shew me mine error ; 
 and to assist me against my malicious oppugners. So craving the blessing 
 of your prayers I rest 
 
 Your Graces most obliged and 
 
 most affectionate Servant, 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Dublin May 24, 
 1639. 
 
 I have sent herewith the copies of Dr Cookes Commission, the Lord 
 Primates Epistles I'efutatory, and my Petition. I beseech your Grace to 
 pardon this inforced troublesomnes. 
 
 (Addressed) To the most Reverend Father in God 
 uiy honoured Lord and Brother 
 William Lord Archbishop of 
 Canterbury his Grace these. 
 
 (Indorsed) Dat. May 24 
 llec. June 
 
 ■4 I 
 22 j 
 
 1639. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 Bj) Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; continued opposition to 
 Ids chancellor; recommends Mr Copinger for the vicarage 
 of Preston; May 30, 1639. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 113.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 My last to you, Good Mr Dr, were by my sonnc Wm your Godsonne: 
 to whom I gave in speciall charge that he should visit you, which he tells 
 me he endeavoured to do, but missed of you. After falling into a dangerous
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 357 
 
 sicklies, wherein \\w\\ recovery lie relapsed twise, and liaving inaried 
 a wife in Norfolke, lie is now letounied into Ireland. There is nothing 
 displeases me more in all his jonicy, than that he missed to receive your 
 advices and directions for the course of his studyes. and of his life. Which 
 if you will supi)ly by writing (if it should not be to much to your trouble) 
 I should account it a speciall kindnes. He is in the Miiiistery, and hath 
 a Pastorall charge in my Dioces, to which being now rctourned, he is to 
 begin as it were a new life. God grant it may be to his glory, and the good 
 of his Church. 
 
 In your last to me, you gave some aduertisment how I might find the 
 Codex Canonum both in the first and latter lynes, and you gaue also some 
 information of the disposition of him concerning whonie I wrote to you. 
 I have since had many experiences of him and (I know not for what cause 
 but) have founde him the most adverse to me in all occasions, wherein he 
 might have stood me in stead that might be. This sheet of paper would 
 not contayne the particulars. I see well so that he may please his Superiors, 
 he litle respects any other thing,- — the charjicter that as I remember 
 P. Paulo sets on Cardinall Montain. I have retayned my ancient freedome 
 both in speaking and writing to him, for which he told me at cur last 
 meeting he had a quarrell to me. I told him againe I was so bred, 
 as I could not, aliud in corde clausum, aliud in lingua promptum gerere : and 
 desired him to use the same ingenuity towards me. j\Iy Vicar Dr Cooke 
 hath againe fallen foule upon me. The occasion was a Chapter or Diocesan 
 Synode which 1 held at Kilmore in Sept. last. He appealed me to the 
 Lord Primate and from him he hath appealed to the King in chancery, 
 and brought the cause to Delegates. ^lost slanderously laying the cause 
 of his grievance to be, that my Lord Primate would not giue a Citation 
 and Inhibition for iiie, whereas he had both, as my Lord Primate hath 
 certified under his hand and scale. The i)rinie Delegate is he of whom 
 you and I looke for no other but he will continue constant in his course. 
 Pacience. I received some Moneths since a letter from Dr Iloldsworth, 
 by which I vnderstood that one Mr llyece of Preston being gone to God, 
 had left diuers Feoffes, of which I am one, in trust to convey the Rectory 
 of that Parish with the advowson of the vicarage to Kmmanuell College, 
 according to a draught which he left with me before my comming away 
 from England. He desired me to make a letter of Attorney to some 
 frecnd to execute the trust in my name. 1 sent him one to you. !Now 
 I liaue since received sundry letters from sundry freends there (Sir Thomas 
 Jcrmyn among others) in favour of one Mr Copinger, who as they say was 
 nominated by Mr Ryece in his life tyme, who is commended to be an able 
 and honest man. Wherein besides the will of Mr Ryece the donour, 
 and the possession of the parts (though perhaps we in the eye of law have 
 the right of presentation) methincks should take place: and if you mccte 
 not with greater reason to the contrary I pray do Avhat you can to establish 
 Mr Copinger there. 
 
 I sent to Dr Mawe a litle before his deatli 20//. signifieing to him that 
 I desired he should bestowe some part of it in such bookes as you sliould
 
 358 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 be pleased to send me. Since his death I haue received letters from 
 my Brother Bowles, that the wyddow being but poore entreates to retayne 
 it to her owne vse: and the truth is I thinck it is as good to grant in 
 kindnes that Avliich a man cannot get, as struggle to no purpose. I have 
 condiscended to her request. I verely expected to receive information 
 by my sonne, whether you had appointed any bookes for me, and where : 
 and to whom you would haue the money payd. But he fayling heereiu 
 I must enti'eate you to aduertise me by your letters to Mr Philip Bowles 
 merchant at his house in Lyme-streete by whom I shall not fayle to send 
 answer with money, and thancks. The buisines in Scotland hath I do 
 beleeve put an end to Mr Durers negotiation for peace. Sith where so ever 
 he comes it may be sayd to him, Medice cura teipsum. Concerning this 
 and all other things when your haue a trusty messenger let me heare from 
 you at large. 
 
 The Provost of the College (now Bp of Corke) hath used me with 
 nuich respect. I have heard there was some difference betweene him and 
 you; if it be not to your trouble let me understand the particulars. Pardon 
 this scribling to my great hast, who am this day with my sonnes takeing 
 our jorncy to Kilmore. My Lord Primate is here, and very well: at our 
 meetings we remember you still : who as 1 hope are not vnmindfull of us 
 at the throne of Grace, where we may dayly meete notwithstanding any 
 distance of sea or land. lu that desire on your part and promise on myne 
 owne, I rest 
 
 Your old and true freend and 
 loving Brother 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 Dublin May 30, 1639. 
 
 To my Reverend and worthy freend Mr Dr Warde Master of Sydney 
 College in Cambridge deliver these. 
 
 May 30, 1639. 
 
 LVII. 
 
 Archbishop Laud to Bedell. 
 
 [State Papers Ireland, 28 June 1639.] 
 
 My very good Lord, 
 
 I have receaved your Letters of May 24 and am very sorry to heare, 
 that you are so troubled with your Chancellor and Dr Baylie and their 
 appealing from my Lord Primate to the King in Chancery, as if his Grace 
 had denyed them Justice. But when I have sayd to your Lordship that 
 I am sorry for itt (as indeed I am, and heartily) I know not what els 
 to say to you or to doe in the Busines. For though according to the Papers 
 you have sent mce inclosed, I see there is a great deale of hard measure
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 359 
 
 oflercl to the J)cclesiasticall jurisdiction, and a groat dealo of unworthy 
 carriage toward my Lord Primats person and Integrity: yet a« tlie lawcs 
 and constitutions of tliis Kingih)me are and ; 1 beleve) of that also, I doe not 
 yet see what remedy you will have. For if Cooke will be so unworthy as to 
 slight and passe by the Church-Jurisdiction, by which he lives, the Lawyers 
 tell mee, He may to the Chancery if he will. So that now I know noe 
 helpe for you, unlesse the Chancery would be so Honourable as to dismisse 
 it and send it back to my Lord Primats Court. 
 
 Your Lordship seemes further to bee troubled about a letter of mine 
 written (as you are told) to my Lord Primate. In which 1 should say you 
 were in a Praemunire about your Diocesan-Synod ; but that at your 
 couuning to Drogheda, you understood by my Lord Primate himselfe, 
 there was noe such letter written to him. The truth is my Lord I never 
 writt soe to him, nor to any man els. But hearing much speech about 
 your Synod, I did write to my Lord of Derry aljout the beginning, that 
 out of my love to you, I was in very good hope you had been so watchfidl 
 over your proceedings, as that you had prevented the Danger of running 
 into a Praemunire by medling with any thing about matter of Religion 
 without being authoriz'd soe to doe under the Broad Scale. For soe 
 (if I much mistake not) is the Statute with us in England, and that con- 
 cerning the Convocation or Provinciall or Nationall Synod. And thiu 
 much or to this effect I then writt. And if the Statute bynde up a Pro- 
 vinciall Synod from soe doeing, I doubt it will not be interpreted to leave 
 a Diocesan free. But this I writt for the Law as it stands with us. But 
 how the Law is with you I know not. 
 
 And now my Lord upon the whole matter give me leave without offence 
 to say thus much to you: What my Judgement is concerning Diocesan 
 Synods, and upward from them to the Greatest Generall, since you have 
 read my Book att Drogheda, you cannot but see. And that is cleerely my 
 Judgment concerning Synods, and the Power of the Church in them being- 
 taken universally and in abstract. But when, and where these Synods 
 shall be limited by the Statute Lawes of anie kingdome, there I conceave 
 the Law must bee submitted unto, till itt may be help't. And therefore 
 the Power of a Diocesan Synod will be founde one thing in one Kingdome 
 and another in another as the severall lawes are respectively ; which what 
 they are in Ireland I know not. 
 
 Besides my Lord this is a very considerable thing for a Diocesan Synod 
 in any Kingdome, that is well and uniformly govern'd in Church businesses : 
 Namely, that it conforme itselfe in all things to that which is Provinciall 
 or Nationall in that kingdome. For otherwise, the Practise of the Church 
 will be very different according to the different Canons in every Diocesse. 
 And that (especially in such Broken tymes of the Church as wee live in) 
 will be very apt to breede Schisme and Division among the People. Many 
 of them being notable, and to(j many of them being frowardly unwilling to 
 distinguish inter Credenda et Credibilia; and in agendis very unwilling 
 to be restrayned by anie Ecclesiasticall Orders in any one Diocese from 
 that which is left at liberty in all the rest of the Kingdome. And therefore
 
 360 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 though the Canons you made (a copie whereof I thanke you, you formerly 
 sent niee) be grownded upon good and ancient Authority quoted by you : 
 yet how they will fitt to the commanding circumstances of hie et nunc 
 in relation to all other parts of that Kingdome, I doe hereby pray you 
 to consider as i^rudently as religiously; and that for Peace and unity sake, 
 to which uniformity is not the last helpe. And this my Lord is all I shall 
 say in the Busines, with my hearty desire, that you would pardon my 
 freedome occasion'd by yourselfe, and your Lettres. For otherwise I have 
 worke enough att home, without looking over Sea to seeke more. 
 
 As for your three maigne Exceptions taken to the Commissions, I cannot 
 say upon any knowledge of myne, that they are not strong. And yet I feare 
 you will finde that the Lawes and customes of that Kingdome will over- 
 rule them, if the Judges Delegates thinke your Exceptions contrary to 
 them, or anie way impeacliing them. And I am sure you know abundantly, 
 that the Canon Law is very much weakeu'd in these later tymes in these 
 Kingdomes. 
 
 The last Clause of your Lettre troubles me as much as anie of the rest. 
 For if the Lord Clieefe Justice of the Common pleas did tell you that 
 it was in the Power of the Bishops themselves to remedy these Disorders, 
 they are much to blame that doe not joyne to doe itt. And if they among 
 you, which by theire owne emiuency are out of danger, doe not sociably 
 concnn-c to helpe their neighbors, they are in my poore opinion much more 
 to blame then other men. And whereas you adde further That I should 
 doe good service, if I would write to them to repaire these Breaches, though 
 my occasions presse mee very sore and heavily ; yett I shall not refuse to 
 doe itt, if you will tell mee what I shall write and to whom. And withall 
 leave it to mee to write noe more then my owne Judgment shall ai)prove. 
 So to Gods blessed pi-otection &c. 
 (Indorsed) June 28th 1639 
 A Copie of my Lettres to the Lord Bp of 
 Kilniore in Answer to liis of May 24 
 1639. Concerning 
 
 1. His Chancellors Appeale from 
 Lord Primat to the chancery. 
 
 2. His Diocesan-Synod and 
 Praemunire. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 The Bishop of Londonderry (John Bramhall) to Archbishop 
 
 Laud. 
 [State Papers Ireland, August 1639.] 
 
 May it please your Grace, 
 
 What necessity doth, it excuseth. I broke my Icggc fyve weekes 
 since by the fall of my horse. This hath freed your Grace from the im-
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 361 
 
 portunily of my k'ttci's -so loiigc. Now I hope I ;un in a fairc way of 
 recovery, and Immhly tliankefnll to (jod for it as a great blessingc. 
 I thanke CJod the Jiis.slioppricke of Killnioorc is settled by tiio autliority 
 of the councell board witliin a weeke before the expinition of the fyve 
 yearcs, with apparent rehictancy on my Lords part, and yet I am persuaded 
 inward content, I am sure to the great advantage of him and his suc- 
 ccssours. 
 
 My present condition kept me from my Lord Trimatc since the receite 
 of your Graces letter, but certainly he will write his opinion freely con- 
 cerningc the Diocesan Synod so as my Lord of Killmoore may not know 
 of it. 
 
 I Inunbly thanke your Grace for the Bishopp of Clonfert. Not he only 
 but all the rest of the Bishojjps in that Province and their successours will 
 have cause to pray for your Grace and bless your memory. I have in- 
 treated Mr Raileton to moovo your (!race if there should be any stoj)pe 
 for a letter for a license of Mortmaine for the Bishopp of Downe. His 
 Majesty is no way concerned in it in his particular interest. All the 
 difterence was betweene subject and subject. They had first found offices 
 to intitle the Kinge to these lands and tytles which did truly belonge to 
 that Bishopprickc, and then past them by Patent from the crowne (the 
 then Bishopp sometimes conscntinge often connivinge). The present 
 Bishopp petitioned to my Lord Deputy, his Lordship referred it to me, 
 I called before me the parties, heard the difierence, and found the right 
 clearly on the Bishopps syde (savinge those corrupt and unconscionable 
 offices which they had taken). But pressinge some of them with pointc 
 of honour, others of conscience, they all consented every man for 
 liimself to surrender their estates to the Church and accept leases at 
 valueable rents. This 1 thought the plainest way to free the Church from 
 all pretended claime of their heires ; for otherwise the lease would have 
 operated no otherwise then by way of estoppell, as the lawyers speake, 
 duringc the continuance of it. And this is the only cause why we desire 
 a license of mortmaine, it being indeed the whole livelyhood of that See. 
 
 1 have one thing more to represent unto your Grace wherein I humbly 
 crave that liberty which you have hitherto ever alU)wed me^ 
 
 ***** 
 * * * * * 
 
 Your CJraces most faithful! 
 and obedient Servaunte, 
 
 John Derensis. 
 Aug. 7, 1639. 
 
 1 The remainder of the letter is about the Bp of Eoss and the fitness of 
 Scotchmen for the Irish Ejiiscopate.
 
 362 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 LIX. 
 
 Bp BedelVa letter to Br Sam. Ward; Oct. 15 and 22, 1639. 
 [Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 138.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. Good Mr Dr, my loving Brother, your letters of 
 Aug. 14" came to my hands Sept. 27°. I thanck you for your care and paines 
 taken for me theerein. I will at my comming up to Dublin make over 
 the money as speedily as I can. I have now of this Argument only these, 
 Joverius, and Caranza, and Theodoras Balsamon vpon the Nomocanon of 
 Photius in the end of the 6t Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum. Justellus 
 liis Codex Canonum Univers. Ecclesiaj I have seene ; with a few notes in the 
 end. Whether it wilbe oper(e pretium to have those 4 Codices Canonum 
 which you mention besides the Councells, 1 rcmitt to your judgment. 
 
 I am glad the buisines of Preston is so well accommodated. I had 3 
 or 4 letters from Mr Copinger of London touching his Brother, one of 
 which I thinck I sent you. Touching my Lord of Corke^, I never changed 
 a word with him about your difference: but (as I wrote in my last) he 
 hath profered, yea performed much kindness to me. And if you do send 
 any thing to him, I will vndertake to consigne it to his hands. 1 do much 
 approove his reformation of the manners of the College, emprooving the 
 rents, enlargeing, and beautifieing the buildings. In the service of God 
 many account he hath brought in too much ceremony, others esteeme the 
 condition of this Country and tyme do require it: and I thinck it may do 
 more good here than in England. 1 shalbe very glad to see your writings 
 for mine owne information in this point. It is now ten yeares agoe, that 
 my now lord of Ardagh ^ being with me, we had speech touching the question 
 whence the Efficiency of Grace is in Conversion : and at his request I did 
 presently write downe in a piece of paper Theses, or queres rather, about 
 that Argument. Which he communicated as I vnderstood with Bp Down- 
 ham: and there were 2 or 3 writings interchanged betweene us, whereof 
 my Lord Primate had the copies. 1 do not know whether my opinion 
 seeme erroneous or no, but since my last answer he suffers me to enjoy 
 it peaceably. I do here send you the copie of the first Queres, desiring 
 your serious censure of them. The rather, because they come very neare 
 to the pointe; Vtrum homo ipse operetur telle in negotio conuersionis. 
 
 My cause with my chancellor is this next Terme to be heard by the 
 Delegates. What the successe wilbe God knowes. I did write to my 
 Lord of Cant' reflecting upon his booke, and the passage of Gcrson pag. 
 153 touching Diocesan Synodes. I had a kind answer from him, acknow- 
 ledging there is a great deale of unworthy carriage towards my Lord 
 Primates person and integrity, &c. but so as he promiseth no great helpe. 
 
 1 Chapell, Bishop of Cork and Eoss. 
 ^ Dr John Richardson, Bp 1G33.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 363 
 
 I shall suft'er with much content w hatsocncr happens : having (us I wrote) 
 this comfort, that I have to my best understanding endeavoured to seeke 
 truth and order in the house of god in the foote stepjies of Anti(iuity, and 
 way of peace. Thus with my harty salutations to Mris Warde and to 
 Dr Chaderton together with your selfe, I committ you to the gratious 
 protection of God and rest, 
 
 Your most loving freend and Brother 
 
 W. Kilnioren. 
 Kllmore, Oct. 15'' 1639. 
 
 The messenger by whom 1 send these to London, is one of my Tennants 
 here. lie retournes hither betwixt this and Christnias. If you thinck 
 good to send any thing hither, direct it to Mr Philip Bowles in Ijynie 
 strecte, and he shall call for it at his retuine. I could never yet see the 
 Quodhbeticall question. If Mr Buck have any of them left and of the 
 history of the Interdict, I pray send me halfe a dozen. 
 
 iSince the writing hereof this bearer resolves to stay in England so as 
 you cannot send by him. 
 Oct. 22. 1639. 
 
 To the right Worshipfull my Reverend 
 and loving freend Mr Dr 
 AVarde Master of Sidney Coll. 
 
 in Cambridge deliver these. 
 
 LX. 
 
 B'p BedelVs letter to Dr Sam. Ward; Jan. 31, 16f§. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxvii. f. 166.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo. 
 
 Good Mr Dr, I received by this bearer your letter of the 20th of 
 December. I am ashamed that having put you not only to the troid)le 
 but the charge also, of the bookes whereof you sent me a Catalogue you 
 have not yet received satisfaction for them. I made over in Micliaelnias 
 Terme moneys to my Brother Philip Bowles to pay for them, but I do and 
 must acquite him of blame heerein that you are not payd, for the Bill was 
 not to be payd vpon sight but at 3 moneths day. I hope ere you receive 
 these that debt is discharged, though the obligation I have to you for this 
 and many other kindnesses can never be cancelled. I hope when my 
 Lord Primate shall have received my Lord of Sarum his booke 1 shall get 
 a sight of it. 1 do honour and reverence that your worthy Colleague and 
 what so euer proceedes from him. For my selfe I am questioiud by my 
 Vicar for a Synode holden of my Clergy An". 1638 and first appealed to 
 my Lord Primate ; Then froin him (by a most false suggestion as denieing 
 liim justice) to Delegates, and as the matter is yet carried like enough to
 
 364 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 fall iu the cause. Our Decretalists do here rule the rest at their pleasure 
 and will never cease till they have ruined vs with themselves. And our 
 Order being by their only occasion become odious and insupportable, yet 
 will still uphold them. Gods will be done. Quicquid erit, siiperanda 
 onxnis fortuna ferendo est. I cannot now enlarge as I desire, being to goe 
 to the high Commission Court, where I am a Commissioner: an honour 
 whereof I am not proude as I was never ambitious of it. We add dayly 
 fewell to the fire. God be merciful! to us. To whose gratious protection I 
 committ you, Good Mr Dr, with my sister your wife, and rest 
 
 Your most loving 
 
 Brother 
 
 W: Kilmor. 
 
 Jan. 31. 1639. 
 Dublin. 
 
 To my Reverend and loving- 
 Brother Mr Dr 
 Warde Master of Sidney 
 Colledgc iu Cam- 
 bridge deliver these. 
 Jan. 31. 1639. 
 My Lord of Kilmores letter. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 Bji Bedell's letter to Dr Sam. Ward; remarks 011 Mr Hordes 
 hook, " God's love to mankind" and the Bislwp of Sarum's 
 answer ; the case of Archibald Adair, Bishop of Killala; 
 Apr. 23, 1640. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxv. f. 64.] 
 
 Salutem in Christo Jesu. 
 
 I have at length received the bookes which you sent me (Good Mr Dr) 
 and I thanck you much for yoiir paines and care iu that behalfe. I hope 
 you have received the money for them from my Brother Bowles, whereof 
 1 wish to hear in your next. I have scene also since my commiug to 
 Parliament, both Mr Hords booke Gods love to mavkind, and my Lord 
 of Sarums full answer thereto. Mr Horde takes reprobation to be all one 
 with predamnation ; which, if it should be without respect to sinne, would 
 lie open to all those arguments which he brings. But taking it for Pre- 
 teritio or Neglcctio there is no one of them fastens vpon it, especially 
 takeing man as presented to God in the fall. It came to my minde in the 
 reading these bookes (which also I imparted to my Lord Primate) that 
 there is difference betweene your non decernere se daturum gratiam, 
 and decernere se noti daturum. The formei" putts nothing at all touching 
 the reprobate, tlie latter seemes to shutt them vp iu vnbeleefe, as Mr fiord
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 365 
 
 accuses, since every good and perfect gift comes from God alone. But it 
 would be considered whether the former of these do merit the name of n 
 decree; or be to be accounted any part of Prtcdesti)iutioii, since it doth 
 not foreappoint any act of God, or end of the creature. And if all that 
 God doth not decree to do lie decrees not to doe, it seemes his whole 
 power is exhaust or barred by his decree, and he can do nothing de novo, 
 which seemes inconvenient. These things I doubt not but you, and my 
 Lord of Sarum have thought of: but pardon my dulnes; and in your ne.\t 
 shew me your judgment. And as ycmr bookes (which 1 yet liave not sent 
 to Kilmore) giue occasion, resolve me in one doubt from them upon oc- 
 casion of the H. Conunissions proceeding against the Up of KiUallu, a 
 Scottishraan, for certaine rash w(H-des by which he was supposed to 
 favour tlie Covenanters. I chanced to veiw in the College library here, 
 Justellus his Codex Canonmn Universalis Ecclesipe, where out I had here- 
 tofore taken a note touching the proceeding against a Bishop. It was out 
 of the I. Councell of Constantinople Cap. 6. And shewing it to my Lord 
 of Corke, we both went with it to many of our Commissioners, mett that 
 moniing ere we went to Court, and disswaded the censuring of the Bishop 
 as being contrarj' to that Canon: and as tymes and things now stood 
 inconvenient. We prevailed nothing: the Bishop was sentenced to be 
 deprived of his Bishoprick, deposed or degraded, fined ^1000, imprisoned 
 during the King's pleasure, etc. 
 
 Now since the arrivall of my bookes, I perceive that both in the Roman 
 Code and in that of Dionysius, this (Janon is wholly wanting. And in the 
 Councells at large To. 1° it is put in as it is said out of Balsamon, What 
 should be the reason of this difference betweene the Greekes and Latines 
 (for Zonaras hath it as well as Balsamon and Photius Nomocan. Tit. 9 
 Cap. v°) I cannot conceive. Especially since Dionysius translated the 
 Canons as he professeth in his preface sicut hahetur in Gvcecd authoritale. 
 And yet this Canon, with 2 more the last of that Councell, he mentions not. 
 That which doth more increase the marvell is that in the Latin bookes the 
 Canon, that tlie Bp of Constantinople should have cequall Primacy with 
 the Bp of Rome because it is the younger Rome, is expressed, which yet 
 the Latines deny to have beene accepted by the Bp of Rome. 
 
 I find in the African Code, Can. 128 and 129, some thing like to the 
 beginning of that Canon of Constantinople, concerning those that may not 
 accuse: but that the matter should be heard by the Bp of the Province 
 is not added as in the other. And by Can. 19. it was to be brought to the 
 Primate of the Province (as it should seeme) whatsoeuer was layd against a 
 Bishop, and be determined by him or Judges named by him. I am inclined 
 to thinck, the three last Canons of the Councell of Constantinople as they 
 arc now in the first Tome of the Councells were not in the Collection which 
 Dionysius translated, whosoeuer the Collector was, but why they were 
 omitted, I cannot ghesse at the reason. 
 
 By chance looking on the African Councell in the Roman Code, page 
 245, 1 found a place in the Canon De Episcopis Numidiai which me thought 
 bare no sense: I turned to it in the African Code, pag. 237, and found
 
 366 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 that insteede of, — ad sanctum senem Xantipjjum defer rem, it is corruptly, 
 cum ad sanctum senem sancti spiritus deferrem, and so ia Biunius' edition 
 p. 750, e, but p. 725, it is Xantippum. Such like errors by comparing these 
 3 Codes together (for they are the same copy with that which is in the end 
 of Dionysius' exigiius) may be corrected, and sometymes the Greeke trans- 
 lation will lielpe thereto. I doubt not but you have observed such like 
 errors in the words, and some other things in the matter: if it please you 
 to impart them I shall acknowledge it as a great kindnes. In the Frencii 
 Councells I like well Sirmondus his ingenuity that acknowledges the 
 Bookes of Carolus M. de rmaginibiis against the 2d Nicene Councell, 
 and that of Ludovicus Pius in the Councell of Paris not to be forged by 
 us; but his cautelousnes in suppressing them together with P. Hadrians 
 Answer to the former, I cannot praise. These could not be denied, but it 
 was not necessary (he meanes safe) to set them out. Yet Biunius sets 
 forth the answer of P. Hadrian which is often (nay almost alwayes) so 
 litle to the purpose of the Reprehension, as I beleeve Sirmondus was 
 ashamed of it, and Binius would not expressely mention the booke which 
 he answered, but in tliis generally — qua confutantur illi qui Synodum 
 Nicenam secundam opipugnarunt. Both of them observe that in the 
 Comoedy, Loquitur faucula. 
 
 Tl)is precept I litle observe my selfe in giving the raines to my pen in 
 an argument wherein you have beene long conversant, being but a novice 
 in it my selfe. But having some idle howres since the ende of the first 
 Session of Parliament, I have a litle begun to looke into these bookes, and 
 accordingly make them the subject of my writing to you. I will now 
 breake off for very shame; and with my harty salutations, to your Consort 
 and Reverend Dr Chaderton, I committ you to the gracious i^rotection of 
 God and rest. 
 
 Your assured loving fieend and 
 
 Brother W. Kilmoren. 
 
 Dublin Aprill 23. 
 1640. 
 
 Remember my service to my Lords of Exeter, and Sarum whom I 
 hartily salute in the Lord\ 
 
 ^ Samuel Ward, of St John's, Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity and 
 Fellow and Master of Sidney (1609 — 1643) died about three years after the receipt 
 of this letter. His learning and his curiously morbid character are described 
 by Mr Mullinger, University of Camhridcie from the Roijal Injunction, p. 490. 
 
 Fuller, who was his pupil, speaks warmly of him. History of the University, 
 p. 234. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter at this time was the celebrated Joseph Hall, trans- 
 lated next year to Norwich. The Bishop of Sarum was John Davenant, 
 Margaret Professor of Divinity and like Hall one of the delegates at the Synod 
 of Dort. He published among other things ' Animadversions ' on the book of 
 Horde's. Ob. 1641.
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 367 
 
 LXII. 
 
 Bp Bedell's letter of religious consolation to his sister, 
 July 13, 16-iO. 
 
 [Tanner MSS lxv. f. 9G.] 
 
 Loveing and Dear Sister, 
 
 I have receiv'il your letters whereby I perceive the Constant 
 remembrance you have of me (for which I thank you) and the continuance 
 of Gods-mercyes to you in respect of your outward estate, in which regard 
 I truly rejoj'ce, and according to yoxu' request, humbly and heartily joyne 
 with you in praysing his holy name. 
 
 Two things you complain of, one that goeing to see my Son, and his 
 wife, (an office of love, in the performance whereof you accounted your self 
 in Gods wayes) you receiv'd soe sore a blow, as you did without finding any 
 particular cause thereof. The other your Avonted coldness and deadness 
 under the means of grace soe long enjoy'd. Wherein you requii-e of nie 
 some helps of power and consolation. I woidd I were as able as I am 
 bound and willing to afford it you. I will endeavour upon the encourag- 
 ment which your faith and prayers give me : and God I hope without me 
 shall speake peace unto you. And first I account 'twas wisely done, to 
 enquire of the cause and to find out if perhaps there were any particular 
 sinn that might occasion that correction ; and to consider whether you 
 were in Gods ways or noe, since this is often an occasion of his crossing us. 
 Yea although the way we walke in be good (as was that of Balaam allowed 
 by the Lord), sometimes yours may be some crooked aflection which may 
 make it displeasing to God, and our way is not then right before him. But 
 tho' as you write we have Sinn enough at all times to provoke him yet 
 (as I know you have heard and learn'd) his correcting hand is not allways 
 upon us for sinn. This the story of Job doth plainly set forth, and particu- 
 larly that in the constant performance of these dutyes, of sanctifieing his 
 Children and oS"ering sacrifice for them according to their number, such 
 calamities befell them. It is true that sometimes for remedy of security, 
 and that deadness whereof you complain, God striketh us ; as to those that 
 are in a swound we give a hard blow to call life again, neither doe thoy take 
 it ill at dearest friends or parents hands, when they come to them selves 
 and understand the reason of it, yea this is great mercy not only in respect 
 of those who are suftei-'d to sleep into death, but those allso who are 
 permitted to fall into some fearfuU sinus (as David's case sliews\ which 
 kind of falls doe a great deal more breake the bones, than any bodily rush 
 against a post can doe, yet was not the rowseiiig him from security the 
 cause of Jobs afflictions, as 'tis plain, by that profession which he makes in 
 the end of the 3rd Chapter. ' I was not in safety, nor had I rest, nor was 
 I quiet, yet trouble came': by which he intimateth that he was not in that
 
 368 LIFE AND DEATH 
 
 lethargy of worldiiigs, that put away from them the Kvill day. More neer 
 he was to the confidence of David, Psal. 3U. 6, " I said in my prosperity I 
 shall never be moved, Lord by thy favour thou hast made my mountaine to 
 stand strong," suitably whereto he professeth Chap. 2.9. 18 'then I said I 
 shall dye in my nest, and shall multiply my days as the sand ' ; for in this 
 presumeing and rejoyceing in the present feeling of (lod's favour is allso a 
 certain spirituall security in the prosperous estate of the soul ariseing from 
 the pei'formance of Dutyes : whereupon we think God owes us thanks and 
 forget the lessons of our Saviour, ' When ye have done all these things say 
 ye are unprofitable servants &c.' He that considereth the verses goeing 
 before and the rest of the Chapter following, shall find that Job was too 
 bold on his innocency, as Elihu taxeth him (Chap. 23rd) ; lor remedy of 
 this as well as the tryall of his patience, and propounding it as a pattern to 
 posterity it might please God to afflict him, and in like manner he dealeth 
 with his Children at this day. As in the naturall body a veine is opcn'd to 
 prevent or remedy plurisies, and a sound part is lanced for the cureing other 
 parts affected. 
 
 To returne to you (Good Sister) you see what is to be said in your 
 former case. Neither is it necessary that accident should befall you for 
 any particular sin ; nor that you should therefore doubt you were out of 
 Gods ways. Possible it was to awaken you out of your dullness and dead- 
 ness whereof you complain, possible to correct some overweening in respect 
 of your performance of good dutyes ; certainly to trye your faith and 
 patience, and make you perhaps an Example in them to others. And if in 
 the search you shall not be able amongst all these to resolve concerning 
 the particulars, yet in the generall resolve with the prophet, ' I know o Lord, 
 that thy judgments are right, and that thou in faithfullness hast afflicted 
 me.' Touching the second complaint of coldness and deadness in respect of 
 the time and means of Grace, I have heretofore signify'd my mind, and 
 promi.s'd some remedyes to be used in this Case, to which I cannot add 
 much. This only, if by occasion of that sore blow which you had, your 
 prayers be more fervent, your humbleing your self under Gods hand, your 
 weariness of the world and desire of a better life encreased, doe not that 
 wrong, I say not to your self, but God your heavenly physician as to com- 
 plaine still, and say you are never the better. The prosperity or (to use 
 your word) the flourishing of the soul, doth not stand in comfortable 
 feeling. Either these be the flowers, yea fruits of the Spirit, or I must say 
 plainly farewell my part. Wheiefore by my advice (Good Sister) change 
 your complaineing style into humble thankfullness, and say with the 
 Psalmist, ' The Lord hath chastened me sore, but he hath not given me 
 over to death, Open to me the gates of righteousness, I will goe into them 
 and 1 will prayse the Lord ; And thou art my God and I will prayse thee, 
 thou art my God and I will exalt thee. Give thanks unto the Lord for 
 he is good for his mercy endureth for ever.' I remember that to this 
 purpose I commended to you the 119 i)salm, I would have you joyne to it 
 the often use of the 116, by the reading, singing, and meditation whereof 
 you may stirr up your self to that thankfullness which is meet, of the same
 
 OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 369 
 
 purpose also are psalm 103 and 8(j the prayer of David, and psalm 145 his 
 prayse. And because you require my prayers let me require you and all 
 my friends in those parts, to perform the like duty to me. More need had 
 I never, being not only in worldly matters unjustly siwyld and unkindly 
 us'd by my pretended friends, but opposed and affronted in the perform- 
 ance of the Dutyes of my calling, every way distracted and resisted, 
 abandon'd of those that I would have thought should have stood with me. 
 I i^ray God it be not layd to their charge. 
 
 Let your prayers be that the Lord would strengthen me and deliver me 
 from every evill work, and preserve me to his heavenly kingdom, to whom 
 be glory for ever and ever Amen. 1 doe heartily resalute the good Lady 
 Spring and her children : Mr Burrowes and his wife, with all the rest of 
 our friends there. The Lord give us peace outward and inward, have us in 
 his gracious protection, soe I rest 
 
 Your Loveing Brother, 
 
 W. Kilmoren. 
 
 Dublin 13 of July, 
 1 640. 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 William Bedell the younger to Br Ward (12 June, 1643). 
 [Tanner MSS lxii. f. 109.] 
 
 Reverend Sir, 
 
 I have received yours of the first of this instant Month. In which 
 you justly blame me of forgetfullnesse of those many obligations where by I 
 stand oblidged to you, both in respect of my deceased Father and my selfe 
 and mine owne particular. I desire to give you a breife account of my 
 present condition ; which is not settled as you have heard. After I had 
 some while rested me in Essex, at my Fathers brothers house, after my 
 long and dangerous journy out of Ireland, 1 came into Suffolke, and being 
 with an auncient freind of my Fathers (Dr Despontine) I was desired to 
 preach at Whepstead by some of the Parish who had knowne my Father. 
 Now the Minister of this Towne, one Mr Hinde, had a little before left his 
 place in this manner : He furnished him selfe with an horse and Pistols 
 and a Sword and borrowed some mony, and takes his journy with purpose 
 after some weekes to returne ; for what reasons I can not certainely say, 
 but for some cause or other he is not yet retourned. In his absence (which 
 hath beene since Christmas) I have at the entreaty of the Parish sup- 
 plyed his place, and upon their Petition to the Parliament I am appoynted 
 to serve the Cure and to be payd for my paines out of the benefits of the 
 living till Mr Hinde appeare. This is my settlement ; and truly 1 confesse 
 you may well marvell that you were not consulted with. But for your 
 satisfaction, First, the thing was suddaine ami miexpected. Secondly, the 
 
 24
 
 370 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 People were wholy unprovided of a Minister, so that I could never be at 
 mine owne disposing since I first preached among them. And lastly I was 
 certainly informed that you were not at Cambridge, so that 1 knew not 
 whether to goe unto you, and withall I neither was furnished with horse nor 
 Mony. Thus you may in part, understand my case. As for that poynt in 
 your letter touching my Father's Death, I can not at large satisfie you 
 Yet thus nuich in short : He dyed in the Rebels hands, but had courteous 
 useage, in comparison of what other Englishmen found. I shall give you 
 the full relation shortly (if God please). For those writings your letter 
 mentioneth, I thinke I heard my Father speake of them. But what became 
 of them or of the Bishop of Corke him selfe I know not. Sir, the truth is, 
 all my Fathers bookes and Papers are with the Rebells. And although I 
 had some pi-incipall labours of his, I durst not bring them (being to passe 
 among the Rebells and being liable to be searched at their pleasui-e) except 
 I would extreamely have hazarded my life, which without that was in 
 danger enough. For Conclusion, I am glad to heare of your health, and I 
 shall shortly by Gods help see you. But as for your Imprisonment ^ and the 
 cause thcrof, which your letter expressed, they are matters above me. 
 Therfore I can but desire God to direct you and to fit us all for times of 
 suffering. Which I shall dayly doe in my poore prayers. Thus craving 
 your Blessing, I rest 
 
 Your dutyfull Godsonne, 
 
 William Bedell. 
 Whepstead 
 
 June the 12th, 1643. 
 
 1 Ward was with other Heads of Houses imprisoned in St John's College in 
 the spring of 1643 for refusing to supply money to Parliament. He died some 
 few months after his release, 7 September, 1643.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 On the Ejfficiency of Grace. 
 
 [Dr John Eichardson, Dean of Deny, afterwards Bifghop of Ardagh, wrote to 
 Bedell on the subject in 1629, instigated it is said by Ussher and others, 
 in order to elicit Bedell's sentiments. Eichardsou's treatise and corre- 
 spondence are omitted, but Bedell's treatise in reply is here subjoined. It 
 was sent Oct. 11, 1630.] 
 
 The purpose of St Augustine in the hooke '■ De correptione et Giritia' 
 is by you most rightly conceiued to be, the satisfieing the douht how Grace 
 and Reproofe can stand together. In the greatest part of tlie booke he 
 digressetli to other questions. But where he speaketh to the purpose of 
 that question, he is as full and direct for reducing Efficiency to the meanes, 
 (including the Grace of God) and deficiency in those that haue the nieanes 
 to default of Mans will, as may be desired. As for that opinion which 
 you say */ St Augustine had held, his solution had heene easier, viz. that 
 it is in mans power and choice to make that Grace which the Meanes 
 carry with them efficient or not efficient ; that is none of mine. I neiier 
 said, I neuer thought it. No it is in God's power and free choice, in and 
 by the word (some part whereof is Reproofe) to make it efficient ; and in 
 mans power and for the free choice of his enthralled will, by being wanting 
 to the etfectuall meanes, to make it deficient, and finally (if God be not 
 more mercifull to him) to make himselfe guilty of condemnation for 
 unbeliefe. Unto this default doth St Augustine reduce the want of Grace 
 and efficiency to God by the meanes and praier, as Cap. 3, 'O homo in 
 prcBceptione cognosce quid debeas habere, in correjJtione cognosce tiio te 
 vitio non habere, in oratione cognosce unde accipias quod vis habere. 
 And Cap. 5. Tuum quippe vitium est quod malus es etc. Timor correpti 
 hominis vel pudor vel dolor, cum salubriter stimulat (agit) ut rogetur bonus, 
 et ex malis qui corripiuntur bonos facial qui laudentur. And Chap. 6, 
 shewing that reproofe is profitable, both to the unregenerate, and regenerate. 
 To the one, ut ex dolore correptionis volicntas regeneration is oriatur, si 
 tamen qui corripitur filius est jrromissionis, ut strepitu correptionis 
 forinsecus insonante et flagellante, Deus in illo intrinsecus occulta in- 
 spiratione operetur et velle.' To the other that by reproofe they may 
 receauo compunction, and retourne to theire former workes from which 
 
 24—2
 
 372 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 they are fallen. ^Sed per hominem correptio siue ex charitatefit siue non 
 Jit, tamen ut correptio prosit non nisi per Deum Jit! Chap. 14. 'Cum 
 homines per correptionem in viam justitice seu veniunt sen revertuntur, 
 quis operatur in cordibus eorum salutem nisi ille qui quolihet plantante 
 atque rigante et quolihet in agris atque arhustulis operante dat incre- 
 mentum Deus, ciii volenti salvum, facere nullum, hominis resistit 
 arhitrium.' Marke how he compares the concourse of Gods working with 
 the reproofe, to that with planting and watring, and the workes of 
 husbandry. The conclusion of the whole booke is, ' Nee gratia prohibet 
 correptionem, nee correptio negat gratiam, (& ideo sic est precipienda 
 justitia, ut a deo gratia, per quam id quod precipitur Jiat, Jideli oratione 
 poscatur.' 
 
 These passages in reading ouer the booke once againe I obserued by 
 occasion of your reflecting upon the niaine project of the booke, wherin I 
 did not obserue anie one sentence against my defence, 
 p. 2. Your Demand, wJiat the speciall concourse of God is and whether it 
 
 will not fall in with that Physicall Act of God which I and others reject? 
 I would I could satisfie; But, I do 'quaerere et pulsare tecum': God open 
 to us both. I suppose wee may haue some light from Gods generall and 
 common concourse, to conceiue what this speciall is. The Apostle speakes 
 of that, In him ice Hue and mooue and are. Acts 17. 28. Out of which 
 place it seemes plaine, that God not only supports his Creatures in their 
 being and formes, but workes with them according to their several Natures ; 
 as with the sunne to shine and runne his course, the fire to burne, the eye 
 to see, the trees to grow and beare (if they be planted, watred, and pruned), 
 which is St Augustines similitude ; and before him St Pauls and our Lord 
 Jesus Christs. But now if the sunne stand still, or goo back, if the fire 
 burne not, if the eye see not (as those of the Disciples at Emaus) it is 
 because God deines his concourse, and creates a new thing ; supporting 
 notwithstanding the being of the creature, which if he denie, it retournes to 
 his former estate of nothing whence by Creation it came. This example of 
 Gods comm,on concourse, may well serue to shaddow out his speciall in 
 the supernaturall life, being, and motion of the new Creature also ; which 
 after it is once constituted, God concurres with it, and all the means of 
 the preservation of it, assists it, and both by objects supernaturall and 
 impulses quickens and mooues it, and finally conducts it to the supernaturall 
 end therof. 
 
 But we are now in a point of deeper Contemplation, viz. that of the 
 makifig this New creature, which our Saviour calls Regeneration : wherein 
 for the manner (as you say wonderfully well) how God workes by his grace 
 upon the soule it passeth m,ans understanding. Generally it seemes we 
 may say, it is according to the manner oftnans nature, reasonable, in those 
 that are of yeares by teaching. And we may helpe our selues by the 
 example of the natural generation, as our Lord Jesus Clirist teacheth us 
 in the place you quote. There is a seede which small in bulke, being deter- 
 mined by the forme of the gcnerant, and acc()mi)anic'd witli a power of 
 life, falling into a convenient place with Gods common concourse, there is
 
 APPENDIX. 373 
 
 brought forth a new forme, which with Gods assistance day by day 
 ftishionoth all the parts till they be compleate. 
 
 Behold an Image of our new birth. He that begctteth is God, as 
 St John often speakes : The seede is the worde, the wombc is the soule, 
 the new creature the man regenerate, or xpirituall man. It is true that 
 here the wombe is like vnto the dead wombe of Sarah ; but (that which is 
 in this similitude singular and unlike,) the seede quickens and disposes the 
 dead wombe to receauc, and so (euermore with Gods concourse) a new 
 forme is infused, su})ernaturall iis the concourse it sclfe wixs. There, an 
 abort or false conception falls out sometymcs ; which is neither from the 
 generant nor of the seed, nor defect of Gods concourse, but of tlie wombe. 
 In like manner here ; the seede of God abideth not in some that receiue 
 it, 1 J oh. 2. 24, 27, and 3. 9. 
 
 As to the distinction of A uxillmn speciale into Habituale et Actuale 
 and this latter into Prcevium and simultatieum. Bellarmine as you know 
 denies Aaxilium S2)eciale to be Habitum infiisum aut jiermanentem quali- 
 tatem, and makes the Genus of it Actio or tnotio. And he doth divide 
 Grace into 2 sorts : 1, Perrnanens. 2, Aaxilii specialis. So as if we follow 
 him we may cutt of HabitualeK Howbeit sustentatio habitus may be 
 reduced ad habituale auxilium and sujypeditatio objectorum, ad actuale. 
 The sorts of ' Actuall ' seenie to be in diuers termes with the same mean- 
 ing distinguished into Excitans et adjuvans, operans et cooperans, 
 prcevium et subsequens. The former is sometymes called impulsus and 
 illapsus. The latter, sustentatio et corroboratio subjecti inter agendum. 
 
 Both these may be either Immediate or Mediate. The former when the 
 creature is mooued immediately by God, using thereto no ordinary nieanes. 
 The 2nd is when God mooues, but by meanes and according to their fittnes ; 
 so as there is not only the presence of the meanes, but their faculty and 
 helpe to tlie motion. But as the end it selfe is supernaturall, so are the 
 meanes, together with the influence ; wliich makes the whole to be called 
 Speciale auxilium. All which are contrary in Generali auxilio. 
 
 Auxilium Generale rediwitur ad Gratiam Creatlonis. Speciale ad 
 Gratiam Redemptionis. This is that for the present seemes to nic. Ilelpe 
 you for your part. I retourne to your letter. 
 
 It is Semipelagianisme (you say) to affirme ''meritis orationum' or p. 3. 
 'fdei tradi gratiam ' euen ' ex congruo.' It may be you doe conceiue with Do Jus- 
 Bellarmine meritum, de congruo to be fownded in aliqiul dignitate <)2)eris, ^^^^- ^- 1" 
 for if with Durand and others you take meritum congrui, quando merces 
 non debetur ex natura operis, sed redditur solum, ex liberalitate dantis, 
 in your next wordes you confesse this is orthodoxe doctrine. I add this 
 worde mereri in St Augustine and other Ancients is so taken, yea for lesse 
 than so, euen to win acceptation, as in the booke De Predestinatione which 
 you cite straight after, Quis dicat eum qui jam coepit credere, ab illo in 
 quem credidit nihil mereri'/ And Prosper''^: nonnidlis meriti luiberi 
 
 1 De Gra. et Lib. Ar. 1. 7. c. 2. 
 
 - Prosper Aquitanicus, Episcopus Ehegiensis, de Gratia Dei et libera 
 arbitrio adv. Collatorem, Basel 1.528.
 
 374 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 potest petent is fides, gucerentis pietas, jiulsantis instantia. [Collat. cap. 3.] 
 But let us avoide the ambiguity of the word, and say that to Fayth and 
 Prayer there is giuen more grace, and giuen freely out of Gods free 
 Grace ; this I think you will grant to be orthodoxe. 
 
 If yet (say you) that prayer he a j^rayer of Grace, and exclude 
 Conatus natural, bonam voluntatem naturalem, accordmg to the 
 Fathers and the Councill of Orange, — I goe with you hand in hand, 
 and foote by foote. And so let us proceede Avhere we left before, 
 p. 4. ' By your Lordships words — ' The meaning which you conceiue (by my 
 
 words as you say) to be mine I disclainie and detest. Neither can I 
 sufficiently wonder out of what wordes of mine it could be conceiued : I 
 will not father such a misbegotten Monster. I spake not, nor ^Tote of 
 men in the state of Nature corrupted, putting to the strength of Nature, 
 or not using that strength of Nature. I spake no word of grace oflFered 
 but expressely to some degree giuen. I neuer accompted that Grace suflB- 
 cient to tnake them beleeve and obey, and that by reason of that (I know 
 not what) Grace so offered fayth and obedience are the gifts of God. My 
 words were that Justifieing Fayth is a free gift of God, transcendent to all 
 former Grace, &c. This which you make to be my meaning, is the marrow 
 of Pelagianisme : omitting therefore this meaning which hath ovhiv vyUs. I 
 say againe, " The distinction of sufficiency and efficiency of grace must be 
 maintained, since it appeares Grace is not Efficient de facto to some to 
 whom it is to some degree giuen ; and yet they are condemned for not 
 obeying and beleeving the Gospell." This is all that I here said. 
 
 The discourse is this. These that are condemned for not beleeving had 
 sufficient Grace, Some that had not Grace Efficient are condemned for not 
 beleeving. Ergo some that had not Grace efficient had sufficient Grace. 
 And consequently these are not all one. Heere the conclusion of the 
 Argument sheweth the Justice of these mens condemnation. Which to 
 declare (considering that Fayth is the gift of God, which men cannot haue 
 of themselves) was the maine project at the first intended, 
 p. 5. In this meaning d;c.] Tliis monstrous meaning, put it to what death 
 
 you please, you shall not displease me. As for the first opinion which 
 Bellarmine rejects, it is the same which I rejected as meere Pelagianisme. 
 
 I come to your answers to the texts brought to prooue that some which 
 had not Efficient Grace had sufficient, where I can scarce persuade myselfc 
 you do cordially oppugne this assertion, but let us consider what you say. 
 
 To that Essay 5, ' What could have beene done more (you answer) 
 by a vinedresser in regard of outward meanest' But this vinedresser 
 in the Culture of this spirituall vine useth inwai'd meanes as well as 
 outward. Which if you do not grant, you ouerthrow the frame of the 
 parable : and deny that his husbandry is as eflfectuall to cause his vine to 
 beare good fruite (if it were not nought) as that of the ordinary husband- 
 man. Compare tliis with Joh. 15. 2, 3. 
 
 2, 3.] More (you say) he could haue done, as he makes his new 
 Couenant, Jer, 32. 40, &c., and if absolutely he woidd, he could of stones 
 haue raised up Children to Abraham. Very true ; and therefore he
 
 APPENDIX. 375 
 
 speakes according to the ordinary course of his tlcaling witli mou to bring 
 them to obedience, which is upon the fiiythfull and diligent use of former 
 grace, to giue more. Assuredly if they had brought forth friiite it must 
 liaue bccue of his gift, as Moses speakes, Dent. 29. 4, notwithstantling neuer 
 so sufficient meanes. Yet sayth he the lord hath not giuen yoa an heart 
 to parceiice and eaves to heare unto this day. And yet the lord asketh, 
 Cliap. 5 : Who shall giue that there were such a heart in them that they 
 would feare me and kcepe my covenants, v. 29. A plaine argument, that 
 his purpose is not to giue it by his infinite and absolute power to all those 
 that he hath giuen meanes sufficient unto, but to such as by former grace 
 use the same well. 
 
 To the place Matt. 23. 37 : you say, volui secundum modum ct monsu- p. 6. 
 ram dispensationis, gratiae secundum ordineni administrationis divince 
 in coUigenda Ecclesia (Nee ego plus postulo). 
 
 As to that distinction of Jerusalem, and her Children, to Avhich you 
 would haue a sound answer, &c. I atn affraid it is but a quirke. Jeru- 
 salem and her Children, are the City and Inhabitants, as in Luke 19. 44, 
 and he speakes (if there be any difference) of both : ' ye would not etc' 
 Compare it with Isai. 49. 5. 
 
 3dly, 4thly.] God would by xcay of command and imitation, and Christ 
 would as the Minister of Circumcision. This is the same interpretation 
 that I would choose. For Gods invitation is serious and frequent : and 
 Christ's ministry (if euer any mans) effectuall and sufficient, though fms- , 
 trated by the perversenes of the people. Rom. 10. 21. 
 
 To that Math. 11. 21.] The text sayth not, tliey tcould haue done more V- ^• 
 then Chorazin did, but plainely specifies repentance, euen that for the 
 want whereof he upbraideth these Citties, t. 20. That the repentance of 
 Ninive teas not outward only but true is plaine by Jonah 3. 10. God saw 
 the changing their workes. If Sodomes repentance should not haue beene 
 true (at least in a regardable nomber) it coiUd not haue beene excused from 
 destruction. Gen. 18. Your discourse that if God had giuen {antecedently) 
 any speciall grace to Tyre and Sydon tchich teas not vouchsafed to those 
 of Chorazim and Bethsayda he could not have upbraided them : And that 
 therefore it must be graunted that God should giue no more grace to the 
 one then the other, is very sownd and strong. But the feare that, if this 
 place be meant of true rejjentance they should difference themselues, is 
 ueedelesse. It slialbe God that still shall ditfcrence them, giuing to the 
 one according to his promise, and free purpose, the grace of Fayth and 
 conversion vpon their diligent use of the meanes, and sorrow, confession, 
 and prayer of pardon : leaving the other in their unbelcefe for their not 
 improoving the meanes as (hey might, as you well acknowledge. Or if we 
 will seeke the roote of this difference in the subject, it is Chorazin and 
 Bethsaida that difi'erence themselues to destruction in that grand point of 
 repentance, and Tyrus and Sydon should haue had nothing which they had 
 not receiued. 
 
 As to the place 2 Thess. 1. 8.] They shalbe condemned (you say) for p. 8. 
 not obeying so much as they might 1 accept this answer. And here 1
 
 376 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDEIL. 
 
 demaund, how they might 1 By the streingth of Nature ? I trow you will 
 not say so. It remaincs therefore by the power of the precedent Grace 
 giuen them through the meanes : whereto they were wanting, and so put a 
 barre to themselues from Gods further bounty. Consider the use of the 
 words v-naKovew and viraKor], Rom. 6. 17 and 10. 16, and Acts 6. 7, and 
 Rom. 1. 5, Id, 26, and many like places. 
 
 Your second answer, which reduceth the justice of their condemtiation 
 fur not heleeving to the obligation of Creation to heleeue whatsoeuer 
 should he so revealed as the Gospell now was, I do not well understand : 
 By Creation they were bound to beleeve nothing in this kind, but that 
 which should sufficiently be confirmed to them to be from God, if you 
 grant they had thus much ; you haue shewed they had sufficient Grace 
 to make them euen according to the law of Creation justly condemned 
 for unbeleefe. If by the preventing Grace of God in the use of the 
 meanes they were not thus farre elevated out of their naturall impotency, 
 the proper reason of their condemnation is no more then for originall 
 sinne. 
 
 3. 4.] Thirdly, you say, so great judgment was due upon their sinnes 
 by the law — so as this is but like the threatening of the Infants of Nineveh 
 for not repenting, and of the posterity for the ancestors sinnes, the j)unish- 
 ing the people for Achans theft and for Dauids adultery, there being 
 cause enough for parte punishments beyond that which is alledged, I 
 answer the sinne of 7iot obeying the Gospell, is in the text alledged, as 
 the reason in parte at the least) of so greate judgment. It is neuer said, 
 that the 120000 infants of Nineveh should have perished yor not repenting. 
 Nor of the posterity that they shall be punished for their fathers sinnes, 
 unlesse they fulfill the measure of them. The words of the Apostle are 
 not a threatning but a foretelling of the unavoidable judgment of them 
 that having the Gospell obey it not, whereto the cause of Achan and Davids 
 numbering the people hath nothing like, unlesse you reduce all perhaps to 
 Adams sinne. But refusing the Gospell doth aggravate the condemnation 
 of those that obey it not [Math. 10. 15, Act. 13. 51]. If those that refuse it, 
 haue no more grace then those that neuer heard, it is not a favour to oflFer 
 it, but rather a judgment. I conclude still as before. Those to whose 
 coneersion and obedience God could doe no more according to the ordinary 
 course of his dispensation of grace in the gathering his Church; whom 
 he seriously and frequently invited by the most powerfull Ministry that 
 euer was ; Those that had such meanes as would haue brought Tyre and 
 Sidon and Sodome to repentance; Those that are condemned for not 
 obeying the Gospell — had sufficient Grace ; some that neuer have Efficient 
 Gra^e are such. Ergo^ 
 
 Concerning Freewill how it hath part of the worke, all the goodnes 
 soicndnes and spirituall life in it being in solidum to be ascribed to 
 Gods working by the word and spirit, — sith we agree, it is but vaine to 
 
 ^ Ergo : some that never have efficient grace have sufficient grace, and may 
 be condemned. See p. 374.
 
 APPENDIX. Z77 
 
 multiply words. As to that you add {and by other's meanes besides) I will 
 not contend : although I think it might be well defended that by the 
 word and spirit alone the soule is converted, howsoeuer other meanes 
 may helpe to dispose thereto. 
 
 In the Description of Sufficient Grace, I take the tcarmes sufficient to 
 Conversion, and to inexcusablenes for lacke of Concersion as ^Equipollent. 
 For wee seeke the reason why a sinner is Condemned for not beleeving ; 
 seeing he cannot beleeue but by the gift of God. Where 1 said that Grace 
 is sufficient, that reduces lacke of fayth to the deficiency (f mans tcill, in 
 such Acts as by former Grace fie coidd per forme. 
 
 Here you object sundry thinges: 1° g". Gratia habilitat tantum. 
 R. Negatur consequentia de (Jratia universe. Quod si de ista Gratia 
 prpecedanea ad conversioneni de (pui iani loquimur intelligas,sive sit conser- 
 vatio habitus supernaturalis, sive impulsus, quis dubitat quin saepenumero 
 nullum actum educat : quod tute paulo ante confessus es. 
 
 2°. g°. hominis Arbitrium liberam est in iis {omnibusque consequenter 
 operationibus Gratice) agere et non agere. R. Certe ad agendum liberum, 
 ad bene agendum non nisi quatenus liberatunique ; addo, modo operationes 
 consequentes quas dicis, non excedant vim & facultatcm gratiae antece- 
 dauese. Keque tute hoc negaueris, si tibi constas. 
 
 3°. Ergo op>era antecedentia ex gratia & libero Arbitrio, seu elicita 
 ex Gratia per istiusmodi liberum, arbitrium, merentur saltern ex con- 
 gruo consequente conversionem. R. Aufer istam verbi vel invidiam vel 
 ambiguitatem ; et die clare, vt ante scripsisti impetrant & consecpiuutur 
 ex mera gratia & liberalitate Dej. Hsec quoque responsa mihi occurrunt 
 in prsesentia ; sed videro, vel potius tu videris. 
 
 Where you say the texts of Scrijjture whereupon I call the word the p. 10. 
 matter and forme of the new man <is he is converted, imjmrt only the 
 instrumentall Efficiency of it. I cannot be of your minde: who will say 
 the seede in naturall generation is an Instrument only ? Doth the instru- 
 ment abide in the worke ? These similitudes be not bare words sed quibus 
 res subsunt, as I conceiue it. 
 
 Where you say, the liuely operation of Gods spirit is included in tJie 
 'Word, non exoranda semper <& ubique. But when and where God 
 opens the hart, as in Lydia, and as many as are ordained to life Act. 13. 
 It is true that the spirit doth not alwaycs convert and <]uicken in tlie 
 ministry of the word : no not euen towards the Elect, yet fur my part 
 I think the word is neuer unaccompanied with the powerfnll operation 
 of the spirit, euen to those to whom it is the sauour of death to death. 
 It is not like to a lancet covered with a sponge, to be put forth upon 
 occasion. It doth ordinarily accompany the arrowes of Christ, that they 
 fall sharpe euen into the hearts of the Kings enemies. 
 
 In the case <f 2 alike capable, &c. (you add) et in se wqualitcr dis- 
 positi et receptibiles, (and I meant no lesse) we do not vary about the 
 subjects. Neither do we vary about the meanes, viz. the word with Gods 
 speciall concourse which what I conceiue it to be, I have set downe 
 before.
 
 378 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 In tlie 2d man also we agree, the defect is in the subject But here you 
 add, siich a Defect as is in it selfe irrecoverable. I do not uuderstand 
 
 p. 11. your nieauing, Such you say as was in Pharaoh, Simon Magus, <&c. 
 differing only in them in greatnes of Degrees : Nay heerein excuse me ; 
 these be no fitt examples of the ordinary Deficiency of the subject. These 
 were hardened, as being giuen ouer to a reprobate minde. Nemo de 
 repente Jit improhus"^. But say, such as in some that beleeued not, at 
 Pauls preching Act. 28. 24 who notwithstanding by reasoning among 
 themselves v. 29 by conferring againe with St Paul, and searching the 
 Scriptures (as Act. 17. 11), by praying to God for his Grace, might after 
 be disposed to conversion, and Gods healing. For still the word is that 
 which must remooue the Defect, and not the naturall abilitie of their will, 
 howsoeuer their Industry come betweene. And if this be yovu- meaning 
 when you say the former Defect teas in it selfe (i.e. by themselues, by natural 
 strength) irrecouerable, as farre as I see we agree. But what now if this 
 2d man be none of Christ's sheepe, be not giuen him of the Father, be 
 not severed, as St Augustine speakes, from the Masse of Perditiofi ? Verily 
 he shall perish in his sinnes ; and the maine cause of his damnation shalbe, 
 because he obeyed not the Gospell; and the stopping of his mouth, and 
 making him guilty before God, is, because being inlightned, and perhaps 
 convicted of the truth of the Gospell, he did not (as by the power of those 
 Degrees of Grace he might) humbly desire further grace of God; as you 
 say before, he obeyed not so much as he might. This is the condemnation, 
 the greatest and justest cause of condemnation, as our sauiour sliewes 
 Joh. 3. 18, 19. But saving Fayth is the gift of God; yea but had he not 
 beeue wanting to himselfe and the meanes, God would haue giuen him 
 that also. Heerein I hope we shall agree also at length. 
 
 p. 11. 3] the 3d section, you grant the word is light, and truth, yea exceeding 
 
 righteous, and true icith Gods S2)ecial concourse such as you haue 
 expressed. This addition what it imports in your meaning i know not, for 1 
 do not find that expression. But be it what it wille, it is alike superflous, 
 as to say the suune is light, or the earth stable or man a reasonable soule, 
 with Gods common assistance. For as those creatures are so by their 
 formes (though to their being it is necessary that they haue Gods assist- 
 ance) so is the word light in it selfe and truth too, though to the light 
 and certainty thereof God himselfe concuire, which he doth so constantly, 
 that heaven and earth shall pass ere one jote thereof passe away. The 
 passage of Prosper is very true, but litlc pertinent to the purpose, as farre 
 as I conceiue. And for that which you add touching the Gentiles, be it true 
 that TO yvaarov tov 6eov appearing in the creature was not able to free 
 them fi-om the hold of unrighteousnes. The word of God is more potent. 
 Consider Psal. 19. 
 
 Where I gaue the terme willing to naturall weaknes, I tooke it for 
 voluntai'y, and such as the subject is tcell contented icithall, whicii is some 
 what lease then wilfull and purposed. I followed herein your owne words 
 
 •' Nemo repente J'uit tuiyiasimus. Juv. ii. 82.
 
 APPENDIX. 379 
 
 iu tlie ri)rincr paper. iSo also in that speech of Derils. For as to men, farre 
 be it from lao to say, that the jyower of acceptation of Gods offers and 
 promises is in our sole strengt/i, or that the icord of God, and icill of the 
 naturall (yea or regenerate) mmj produce grace ; or that, initlunx jualiji- 
 cationis et salutis nostra? sit a nobis ; or that we discerne our selucs {in 
 melius). "What soeuer is done by the power wliich the word and spirit puts 
 in us I account to be done by the grace of God ; and he it is that 
 diflFerenceth by Grace. 
 
 4] The ]) raises of the word of God (you say) are not simply and abso- p. 12. 
 lutely true of it in it selfe, hut hy reason of tlce inward cooperatioti (f the 
 Spirit beyond all that potcer and efficacy tchich is in the worde. 
 
 Giue me leauc here to vse that of Elihu. At this my hart tremblelh 
 and is mooued out (f his 2)lace. What I is not the word of God light in it 
 selfe ? truth in it selfe, simply and absolutely ? Is there some way, 
 respect, or condition (without the transcendent cooperation of the spirit) 
 ^vith which it hath anie darknes or falsehood in it \ Is it but true per 
 accidens ? for that is the opposite to per se. And remember that in our 
 purpose wee take the worde not for letters and syllables, or phrases and 
 sentences, but doctrines, assertions, discourses, promises, threates : euen 
 that which St Paul calleth the truth according to Godlines. How do our Whitak. 
 men say of the worde written, Scripturas per se veras esse etffde jjlenas ? ^"^• 
 Evangeliuni est polentiani Del ad salutem absolute, viz. semper et in sese „ i\-^[ 
 consideratum. Beza ad Act. Cal. Mompet, p. 76. How doth TertuUian 
 say of the same, Qui audierit inveniet Deum; qui etiam studuerit intelli- 
 gere, cogetur et credere I How do we urge the people to reade them and 
 credit them, if they be not true in tlmnselues ? and how shall they be 
 justly condemned which obey not the Gospell, if it be not the truth ? And 
 in deede this is 8t Pauls owue phrase concerning unbeleeuers, Rom. 2. 8, 
 that possibly neuer haue that transcendent cooperation of the Spirit which 
 you couceiue. Consider the like phrases : Gal. 3. 1 and 5. 7 ; Eph. 1. 13 ; 
 CoL 1. 5; 2 Thess. 2. 10, 12; I Tim. 2. 4 and 4. 3 ; 2 Tim. 2. 15, i8, 25, 
 3. 7, 8 and 4. 4; Tit. 1. 1, 14; Heb. 10. 26; Jam. 1. 18 ; 1 Pet. 1. 21 ; 
 2 Pet. 1. 12, with many more. Good Mr Dr, consider of this matter well : 
 for in deede this your assertion crosseth the Streame of the Scriptures, 
 and yet it follows uppon the reducing Efficacy or Efficiency to a tran- 
 scendent Act, beyond the power of the word. Neither can you avoide by 
 this defence, but the icord of truth shall haue less truth in it selfe than 
 anie proposition in Euclide. Unlesse of those also you will say, they are 
 not true in themselues without Gods common concoiu-se. 
 
 As to the text Esai. 30. 21, That there is a voice of the spirit besides p. 12. 
 the voice of the hearers, no man I think will deny. And that often (euen 
 beyond the word) Gods Sj)irit doth by immediate impulse or restraint 
 keepe the faythfuU in the right way. But doth this prooue that the word 
 in it selfe is not simply and absolutely truth or light, but by reason of that 
 inward cooperation ? 
 
 John 6. 44. These that come to Christ mitst learne of the Father who 
 doubts \ But doth Bellarmine (whose authority is neuer much with me.
 
 380 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL 
 
 especially where I professe to dissent from him, as in the roote of efficiency 
 I do), doth Bellarmine, or can any man thence inferre, Efficientiam non 
 habere pro causa efficaciani disciplinse, sed transcendeutem actum Doc- 
 toris? whereas to the contrary by the words audiuit et didicit, it is 
 necessarily included that God converts by hearing and learning. 
 
 The doubt wJiether God doth ordinarily concurre speaking to tlie 
 heart that which man speakes to the eare, may be cleared methinckes by 
 those texts that make the resisting the ordinary Ministry of the tcord to be 
 resisting of the Spirit, as Acts 7. 51 and Gen. 6. 3. And where the power 
 of the word is mentioned, as Psalm 1.9 and 45. 5 ; Heb. 4. 12, so Heb. 6. 4. 
 As for a ux ilium, concur sus generalis, that hath place only in nature. 
 Where the meanes and end are superuaturall the concourse is speciall. 
 
 And so (as I conceiue it) doth God ordinarily concurre with his owne 
 ordinances : else I see not how he should not delude men in his invitations 
 and promises to the use of them. 
 
 Where I said the worde, euen as it is the subject spoken by m,an, is as 
 well able to convince as any demonstration in Euclide ; you say I seeme to 
 separate it fro'in that speciall concourse of God It selfe. I answer. I do so 
 indcede cogitatione ; as your assertion also doth : and your former distinc- 
 tion of the worde of God spoken by man and the word of God as the 
 spokesman. But in deede, and exercise, they are not separated ordinarily. 
 And in the mention of a Demonstration of Euclide when I say It Is con- 
 Bincing in it selfe, I do likewise set apart the consideration of Gods common 
 concourse. For my purpose is to consider quid sit a parte rel, et non ad 
 homlnem. As a Demonstration in Euclide is consequent and the conclusion 
 true, though no created understanding did contemplate it, and gods com- 
 mon concourse doth not make it true, but shewes it only to him that 
 considers it, and judgeth from the principles ; So in the Demonstrations of 
 the Spirit, the speciall concourse of God's Spirit doth not make the truth, 
 but shew it ; where God hath vouchsafed to giue the habit of the principles 
 by the supernaturall meane of the worde. This was that I meant to say. 
 pp. 13, 14, As to the testimonies which you heaj^e up to prooue Consensum veritati 
 15. nobis a Deo darl and That we cannot apply or dispose our selves to Grace, 
 
 or make saving use of the meanes of Grace, The Fathers Arguments, texts, 
 and authorities to that purpose, That Naturall strength cannot beleeue and 
 glue assent to the mysteries of Christian religion &c., of all this I am most 
 firmely persuaded and there is not a .syllable which I will not subscribe 
 unto. I could also be copious in this kinde, but let us retournc to our 
 purpose, 
 p. 16. Tlie advice that Similitudes deceiue us not I do as wilHngly take as 
 
 give, and on the other .side let us take hoed that we fancy not differences 
 in those of Gods owne making, where none are. Bread, m,llke, oyle, and 
 seed (you say) with Gods concourse haue an inward faculty. But it 
 seemes not to be so with the word ; it being an arbitrary Instrument and 
 no naturall cause. This diflference is not sound. For surely that is a 
 naturall cause, and hath an inward faculty which it i)leased the Almightie 
 Author of nature to appoint : without whose arbitrary appointment bread
 
 APPENDIX. 381 
 
 could not nourish, and when it should please him otherwise, Non ex solo 
 pane eivit homo &c. And in like manner that hatli an inward faculty as a 
 mpernaturall cause to reach to a supernaturall effect, which the same 
 God appointes so to be ; he concurring by his Gracious and speciall assist- 
 ance ; as t\\e foolishnes of preaching to saue them that heleeiie. 
 
 Yea but, Verbum non semper habet conjunctam slbi operationem p. IC. 
 Spirltiis, sjiyth ArnoM Corvinus No more hatli bread, water, clothes and 
 wages, gods common concourse, Ilag. 1. C, 9 : like to which case is that of 
 those that are giuen up to be hardned according to that of the Prophet 
 cited by our Saviour. By hearing you shall heave and not rnder- 
 atand, etc. 
 
 Where you say by a Tropicall speech the Effect of the principidl Agent p. IC 
 is giuen to the instrument, when the word is .s-aid to beget, nourish, and 
 saue us. Indecde if the Acts of the piincipall Agent be reported of the 
 meanes it cannot otherwise be, but a tropicall speech. But the word is not 
 said to begett us, but the Father of lights with tJie word of truth. And 
 when the Holy Ghost speakes thus Jam. 1. 17, who dares now put to that 
 guesse without, beyond, besides, not by any inherent vigor of the word but 
 by an outward and concomitant force. The like speeches are else where 
 as 1 Pet. 1. 23, 1 John 3. 9, ec. As to the terme nourishing, it is most 
 properly rei)orted of the meanes, as milke, or stronge meate. Who euer 
 deduced this to the causes instrumentall ] Otherwise the principal) giuer 
 of nourishment I confesse may be said to nourish, as Joseph nourished his 
 Father and family, and our Heauenly Father giues us the true liread 
 of Ileauen ; but this is still in the word and sacraments the meanes of 
 nourishment. 
 
 Concerninge Esai. 5. Where you here add, that wee miuft take heede p. 16. 
 that wee limit not the poicer of God. He doth not limit it, that confesseth, 
 if he would use his absolute and unresistible power, without any dutie or 
 condition in the creature, he could easily do all that it pleased him, to make 
 Israeli fruitefidl, and all that heare to beleeue : But, where as the lord 
 excuseth himselfe and layes the blame upon the vine, where lie accuseth 
 and coiidemnes the unbelievers, — who seeth not from hence, that he did 
 not withdraw the ordinary concourse of his Spirit, but tliat Sjjirit was 
 resisted ? 
 
 As to the trebling of the spirit of Elias, it would not alter the ca.se. P- 17. 
 For this were infinitely lesse then that which was performed to Jewes 
 in the Ministry of our Lord Jesus Christ, who had tlie spirit without 
 measure. But the manner of dispensation of saving Grace to them that 
 are called, was alike, as in the Ministry of other Prophets. 
 
 But Actually (you say) lie doth m,ore to the saluation if the Elect than 
 he did to those Jewes ! What is that to the purpose to proue that 
 Potentially if I may so speake he did not enough for the former ? 
 
 By this phrase of speech (you say) God only intends to set forth the 
 greatnes of those m,eanes which he used to them, whereof they made no 
 good use at cdl, but the contrarie. And tJierefore in that regard it m-lfe 
 they were justly inexcusable. Add for not heleevi^ig, though not liaviug
 
 382 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 saving fayth giuen to them. Wherein do we then differ ? For this is 
 all my defence, 
 p. 17. In this place (I said) you loere more liherall then I desired. I pray 
 
 mistake me not, I intended not to put you to proofe of that you affirmed, 
 but shewed only that you had no reason to appose me, your selfe confessing 
 more then I said, yet for the thing, I will neuer asseuere that a speech 
 neuer so wise in it selfe and apt to 7nooue icill mooue neuer so wise a man 
 without Gods common concourse. No more will Gods worde though it be 
 his wisdome without his speciall concourse. Here I am glad to finde that 
 you acknowledge the word iw it selfe euen without the operation of tJie 
 H. Ghost to he the wisdoine of God. There is the same reason of the 
 truth and light &c. And now me thinkes, we have enterchanged 
 places : you speake for me and I for you. Mirum ni imprudentes idem 
 dicamus. 
 p. 17. You add, the words of God are powerfidl in themselues if they had 
 
 a Jit subject. At auditor forsan non attendit, forsan intellectum ridet. 
 What other thing said I in my first Paper % The tnotiues rsed in the word 
 are such as haue euen in right judgment jwicer to mooue and persuade. 
 But through the indisposition of the Auditor or reacMessenes often per- 
 suade not. I add now, that all this was well enough knowne to God ere he 
 appointed this meanes ; and with all this the meanes, if they may be 
 permitted to haue their worke, are powerful] to iulighten, purge and 
 perfect : including still the concourse of Gods spirit, 
 p. 17. Yea but this power to mooue is pro susceptibilitate Suhjecti jwo capaci- 
 
 tate hominis Naturalis. They mooue in that Sphcere. But as farr as 
 Gods word is supernaturall, as in matters and mysteries of Fayth etc., 
 elevandas sunt potential animas virtute aliqud supernaturali ut red- 
 dantur susceptihiles. Heere I could haue desired you had not presumed 
 so much of my capacity but had declared your meaning more fully. If I 
 conceiue your meaning aright, it is this : The Scrip)tures (so you seeme to 
 take the loord of God) in matters morall and naturall are able to mooue 
 a naturall man, but not in the mysteries of Fayth. This is beyond the 
 Sphsere of their actiuitie, unlesse first the powers of the soule be elevated 
 by some supernaturall power to make them capable : such you conceiue to 
 be the transcendent concourse of Gods spirit beyond the Scrip>tures. To 
 this I say. (1) Illumination and conviction must goe before all motion, as 
 in oratory, delectare et docere, before monere : (2) In naturall thinges what 
 motion you meane I know not. In Morall and divine thinges the word 
 ' Psal. 19. written (or understood rather) is able to iulighten ; (3) and (diligently con- 
 8 and sidered) to convict the understanding, that it is from God : still Avith Gods 
 
 119. IdO. gpj^gjyyg concourse; (4), when this is done, I make account that eleuate sunt 
 24, 25. aninipe facultates virtute supernaturali fidei dogmatica?, ut jam susceptibilis 
 sit motionis Spiritus Sancti, ut quod ipse Scripturie docent, deum invocet. 
 Neque hie opus uUa motione Physica aut ipsum transcendente, sed con- 
 cursu tantum cum verbo. 
 p. 18. 1, At nos (inquis) de qualitate operantis Spiritus conjunct^ cum 
 
 verbo etiam nuin qua'rimus. 2. Et in quibus mensura gradiu/ue tali
 
 APPENDIX. 383 
 
 et tali operatur. R. Ego pro mea virili ad istam investigationem quod 
 potui contuli, Tu si quid indagaris, adjuva in partem. 
 
 3. If such an operation be ordinarily joined to the icord, then 
 among all the hearers of the word Quis te discernit ? Then principium 
 discriminans non est in salvante sed salvando : and so forth out of 
 Prospers Epistle : save that in the comma, divinw voluntati humana 
 roluntas praefertur, you leave out impie and againe in the close malU ; 
 where Prosper hath, a se ipse iuchoare male creditur. Sir 1 acknowledge 
 your discreete charity in avoiding hard tearmes. But put them in hardly, 
 you shall not offend me, if you apply them to those of whom Prosper 
 speakes. Looke a litle before, and you shall find they were the grossest 
 sort of the remnant of the Pelagians in France who held that by mans 
 naturall faculty (which they styled initiall grace) through asking, seeking, 
 and knocking he may come to saving grace, and (as in this sentence is con- 
 tained) originaliter malus receptioneni huni non a sumnio bono sed a se 
 ipso inchoare {male say I with Prosper, and impie) creditur. But this is 
 not our case : we suppose that a man hath receiued supernaturall Grace, 
 not only to understand the Gospell, but to call Jesus the Lord, which he 
 could not do but by the Spirit of God. 
 
 You will aske still, if this concourse tcith the word be ordinary, Quis p. 18. 
 discernit? I answer, "in pejus se discernit qui spiritui sancto resistit : In 
 melius, qui non resistenti, sed ex gratiee precedentis dono petenti, pro 
 mera et indebita sua liberalitate cumulatiorem gratiam donat." 
 
 The place Acts 6. 10, where it is said of those that disputed with p. 18. 
 Stephen that they were not able to resist the wisdome and spirit by which 
 he spake, was brought to shew that those that resist the tcord resist the 
 spirit. You thinck, it seemes rather to make for t/ie irresistibility <f the 
 spirit in the Ministry of the word, and worke of concersion. This 
 cannot be ; for these are the same men which suborned false witnesses 
 against him, v. 11. 2ly you add, that in deede that place spea/ces not of 
 conversion but of Conviction by Argument in Stephano, — Diuinity dispu- 
 tations. The place mentions neither Conversion nor conviction, but shewes 
 that the Jcwes opposing St Stephen in disputation opposed also the spirit 
 by which he spake : which notwithstanding was too hard for them, and albeit 
 they could not but be vanquished, yet they made resistance still, by 
 suborning false witnesses &c. This was resistance to the spirit, both as to 
 Conviction and to Conversion. 
 
 To the other place Acts 7. 51, you answer granting the Jewes resisted 
 the H. Ghost sjjeaking in the mouth of the Prophets and working upon 
 them too but in an inferiour degree as you shew out of Corvinus. Which 
 is the selfe same thing that I affirmed. 
 
 To deny that to be in the poicer of the word ichich ])roperly belongs to p. 19. 
 Gods most excellent majesty is no abasing (you say) of the excellency or 
 majesty of Gods word. The word in it selfe strictly considered Juith not 
 power to enlighten purge and perfect the naturall man dead in sinne. 
 Here (1) you must first be entreated not to be so strickt in the consideration 
 of the word, as- (cleane besides the state of our question) to strip it of the
 
 384 LIFE AND DEA TH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 concourse of Gods spirit working, as your selfe euen now confessed, upon 
 the auditors though in an inferiour degree under the last effect. 
 
 (2) Secondly consider I beseech you that, which you have acknowledged 
 before, the word euen without the operation of the holy Ghost to he the 
 wisdome of God : and by like reason you must confesse it is light, truth, 
 desirecMe, euen in it selfe, considering it as stricktly as you can devise. 
 Thirdly remember I pray that which you well acknowledge after, the faylh 
 p. 25. of Assent, which some call historicall or dogmaticall, is a supernaturall 
 
 Grace wrought by the Ho. Gost, so as he that hath attained that gift hath 
 something supernaturall ; and hath heard in jmrt the voice of the sonne of 
 God to quicken him though he be not yet perfectly quickened. When wee 
 speake of such a man, and of the power of the word to him, with the con- 
 course of Gods spirit, what loosenes in disputing is this, to bring in the 
 consideration of the word in it selfe strictly without the operation of Gods 
 Spirit in a raeere naturall man '] 
 
 Yea, but, to enlighten purge and perfect are supernaturall Actions, 
 and the word with the speciall concourse of Gods Spirit is a supernaturall 
 Agent : by it selfe, is a supernaturall meane which God hath chosen to 
 worke upon the Naturall man by it, to quicken him, and giue him spirituall 
 life, and not only to worke at the presence of it, but to worke by the power 
 of it. 
 p 19, It is tfie spirit of truth (you say) and not the word of truth as the 
 
 subject spoken by man that leads us unto all truth. (Jood Mr Dr, be not 
 of the number of those that oppose things subordinate. It is the Spirit of 
 truth, in and by the word of truth ; as appeares by this, that he leades into 
 truth, by calling to remembrance the words of Truth. J oh. 14. 26. 
 
 Our Saviour (you say) after he had. opened the Scripture Luk. 24. 2,3. was 
 faine to open their understandings that they might understand the opened 
 Scriptures v. 45. This interpretation is not agreeable to the analogy 
 of Faith, or reason. For if there were any difference in tyme betweene 
 the opening of the scriptures and the opening of the understanding, this 
 must go first ; else the labour would be lost to open the scripture while the 
 understandinge was shutt. But the next wordes do cleare all, and shewe 
 how he opened their understandings, to understand the Scripture by saying 
 to them. Thus it is written and thus it behooued Christ to suffer &c. 
 Soe, by the opening the Scriptures themselues with accurate comparison of 
 them, he opens their understanding, as before in the Chapter vv. 25. 26. 
 27. 30. 
 p. 19. David, though he had Gods statutes, thought he had not a sufficient 
 
 light in them for this blindnes, but prays God to open his eyes, that he 
 might understand these enlightning statutes themselues .; And if this were 
 necessary for him, being in some part light in the Lord, how necessary 
 tlien is it for them who are yet darknes and not light. Against whom is 
 this spoken 1 
 
 Not against me ; who do require prayer euen of those that are en- 
 lightned, no lease then you : and do acknowledge that to the opening the 
 eyes the supernaturall act of the Holy Ghost is absolutely necessary to
 
 APPENDIX. 385 
 
 them that are darknes as well as you. One thing I will entreate you to 
 niarke, that eueu this opening that is desired is still subordinate to the 
 word : as is cleare by the words following that I may behold wonderoiis 
 things out of thy laic. Compare it with v. 130. 
 
 Though the tcord he powerfull by a transcendent act of God, yet p. 19. 
 Tullyes offices nor any other humane icriting is halfe so pmcerfuU as the 
 worde of God, is euen in it selfe. Honcsta oratio : in respect of that 
 which others speake, depressing the word to exalt that transcendant act 
 which they imagine, yet in my opinion the comparison is too unworthy ; 
 not only of the halfe but the thousand and ten thousand part. For of 
 that which is finite to that which is infinite there is no proportion. 
 
 Without the transcendent act of tlie Spirit, the word cannot do all the 
 whole worke of conuersion, shall it therefore be able to do nothing at all 
 that appertains unto it? This deniaund I suppose you make not to me, 
 but to the depressei's of the worde, to giue me content. I could haue 
 desired you to specify what this your non-nihil is, which the word can doe 
 without the transcendent act of the Spirit, either to the worke of Con- 
 vei-sion or that which appertaineth to it. To the contrary I defend that 
 the word with the concourse of the spirit in and by it, is able to do the 
 tchole tcorke of Omversion and saluation, the demonstration whereof is 
 made by S. Paul. 2 Tim. 3. 15. 16. 
 
 In the place of 1 Cor. 3. 6 it seemes to me that you doe not rightly take p. 20. 
 the terms proportionall. For Pauls planting and ApoUos watring are 
 not correspondent to the word, but only to the labour of the Ministery 
 in the word. The word is the plant or seede it selfe: the planter awe? Mark 4. 14. 
 waterer are both nothing, as it foUowes in the next verse. As for Plato 
 and Tally neither is their doctrine the seede, nor their labour any part of 
 this husbandry, yet by your opinion that the Grace of conversion is 
 transcendent to the meanes, you haue shewed no reason hitherto, why 
 Tullyes oflBces may not as truelie be said to convert as Paules Epistles, if it 
 could please God to concurre thereto. 
 
 Yes, for the word is of that sort ofm,eanes which is fitted for t1ie worJ^ p. 20. 
 as a knife to cut, and a medicine to heale, and is so fitted farre beyond 
 Tallies offices. This in deede is somewhat ; though to be farre beyond 
 TuUies offices is infinitely short of the fitnes of the word. For that is 
 absolutely fitt so as nothing is lacking : TuUies oflBces contrariwise absolutly 
 uufitt as a sawe to cutt a mans meat, poison for Physick. Let us not 
 speake, to halves, and mince the matter on this fashion ; but give glory to 
 Gods wisdome, and power, which if it haue made choice of this meanes, as 
 you confesse, certainly it is perfectly able to attaiue the end for which it is 
 destinated. 
 
 Nay (say you) / would not haue you imagine that I grant the icord is p. 20. 
 so icell fitted for the supernaturall worke as the meanes fore mentioned 
 are for their natural! operations. To the contrary I affirme that it is 
 more fitted then these are : No knife so powerfidl to cut, us. the word, 
 sharper than any two edged .tword : no medicine so able to cure the body, 
 as the word which liath life it selfe in it. No meate, no Manna so able to 
 
 25
 
 386 LIFE AND DEATH OF WTLLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 preserue, aud continue naturall life, as the word contayning (which is the 
 prose used by our Sauiour, John 6. 64) the bread of life that came downe 
 from heauen. And consider if it be not absurdity in terminis, that God 
 making choice of naturall meaues to naturall ends, they should be fully and 
 perfectly able to their ends : but choosing a supeniaturall ordinary 
 meanes to the greatest worke of saluation, this should not be so well fitted 
 as the other : Especially the Lord himselfe witnessing to the word of his 
 grace that it is hvva\i.ivov aaxrai, Tcis ^vxns v^av (Jam. 1. 21). 
 
 But so tee must wholely exclude Gods speciall concourse by the spirit, 
 working (as you conceiue and thinck wilbe found true) beyond the poicer 
 which is in the tcorde). What necessity ? More then we do exclude Gods 
 common discourse working when it pleasetli him beyond the ordinary 
 poicer of naturall meanes. As to the repast of Elijah a barly cake and 
 a cruse of water, he did concurre in such sort, as he went in the strength 
 of that meale forty dayes aud forty nights, 1 Kings 29. 8. 
 
 P- 20. But yQn prooue this exclusion, because, That speciall concourse is Gods 
 
 act; not included in the tcorde but transcendent aboue the letter of the 
 tcord. Heere I thinck you retourne back againe to the ordinary concourse 
 of Grace with the word : and possibly I did mistake your meaning in the 
 former sentence, and there also you meant of this. I answer First you are 
 too strickt and cautelous, when you put insteede of the word the letter of 
 the XDord. The word, as I said aboue, is not in letters or syllables : but in 
 notions, doctrines, exhortations, as the Scriptures still use the tearme 
 (Acts 2. 41, 4. 31, 8. 4, 14 and chap. 14. 3). The Lord gaue testimony to 
 the word of his grace with signes and wonders. Secondly as to the 
 term included, neither I nor any man of the least capacity can accompt 
 Gods act to be included either in letters, or wordes, or conceipts of any 
 creature ; or meane naturall, or supernaturall, as ointment in a box ; or 
 a quality in the subject or as heate in pepper. This is the meaning of that 
 terme when we say the word is eflfectuall, including Gods concourse by 
 his spirit, and raeate nourisheth including Gods common concourse, 
 not severing or excluding but presupposing Gods assistance, and as 
 it is Acts 11. 21. Gods hand, with those that minister the word: as 
 the hand must be with the sawe, otherwise it cutts not, how fitt soeuer 
 it be. 
 
 p. 20. "When you add,— T/wsi if I include it in the word itself e and make 
 
 it no transcendent act beyond it, then I hold the Holy Ghost doth there- 
 fore concurre only ^ith the worde in speciall manner, because it tvas at 
 the first penned and indited in speciall manner by the Holy Ghost ; He 
 working no more afterwards at the paste deliuerie of tJie word than 
 men absent or deceased at the reading of their workes. This consequence 
 I do deny. For although I should speake of the word indited and i^enned 
 (as I haue often said I do not) yet to euery use of the word, I account the 
 Holy Ghost cooperates more or lesse, euen as the smith doth with the 
 hammer that he hath forged. And I demaund of you, if because Gods 
 common concourse is included in the use aud worke of naturall meanes, we 
 must say it is because he created them at the first, but at the present v^e
 
 APPENDIX. 387 
 
 concurres no more then men absent or deceased do at the reading of their 
 workes ? 
 
 But if I make it to be any new operation of the Holy Ghost then the 
 word hath not that potcer included in it se/fe— Concerniuge the meaning 
 of that terme I shall not neede to use words. The sawe hath a power of 
 cutting in it selfe, which yet is not operatiue without the hand. There- 
 fore when we say it is operatiue, we include the handes assistance and 
 influxe. 
 
 And as for tliat other tratiscendent act of God (the si^okesman which P- 21. 
 you conceiue) no question but all the acts of God by meanes or aboue 
 meanes are free and just (yea mercifuU) workes of his Grace, which were 
 no grace if it were not euery way free ; without merit of any man and 
 freely communicated as the word it selfe. 
 
 The issue which you make ; vizt that the imicer of the icord (f God is P- 21. 
 not so m,Hch questioned in it selfe as in the subject in whom it workes, 
 I do not well understand. Questioned it seemes it is, in it selfe, but not 
 so much. And in truth the consideration of the subject cannot be 
 excluded in the inquiry of the power of it in it selfe, since it is chosen 
 as meanes to worke upon this subject. The .subject (you say) may sleight P- 21. 
 it, and gainstand it without any aba.nng of the excellency of it : which is 
 very truelie said of you, and therefore much more giue way to it, and the 
 operation of it with out any such abasing; nay with glorifieing the worde 
 of the Lord as S. Luke expressely hath it. Acts 13. 48. 
 
 But if it shall be in the power of the subject tcholly to giue ^cay to the 
 operation of it or not, this is both a great abasing the Word and also 
 a presumptuous adrancing the corrupt nature <f man, for so all shalbe 
 left first or last to the will <f man. That it is in the power (or iinpotency 
 rather) of mans corrupt will to resist the worde and spirit of God, not 
 working out of his absolute will, but by way of perswasion, is a thing 
 cleare in Scripture, Acts 1.3. 45, 46, and it is a thing so manifest in 
 experience, as I cannot but marvell if you denie it. Againe, that after the 
 receipt of some degree of j9re^*e;;^/«^^ Grace it is in the power of mans 
 will (so farre forth by that Grace enlarged) with Gods concourse to giue 
 way to the further operation of the Word and Spirit ; yet to performe 
 some act, not exceeding the measure of Grace receiued, in order to further 
 Grace, is no presumptuous aduancement of corrupt nature but an humble 
 glorifieing of restoring Grace. And as all deficiency is thus reduced 
 to mans free will, so all goodnes, soundness, efficiency to the free grace 
 of God. 
 
 As to that Avhich you add of the installing <f free will in the Porters P- 22. 
 office of letting in Gods grace : It lieth not in the power of mans Free 
 will to open the dore to Gods calling before it be enlarged also by the 
 Grace of God so to do. When it is opened, it can also knock that God 
 may open. Here I would entreate you to signifie that opinion in your next 
 concerning the text Joh. 10. 3, To him the Porter openeth; whom you 
 take there to be the Porter. Compare it with Reuelation 3. 20. 
 
 You sayd the word has no power to charme the deafe Adder being 
 
 25—2
 
 388 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 spoken neuer so wisely. I admitted this, when it cannot patiently he 
 heard. Now you say, the Psalmist describes not in the 58 Psalm the 
 singidar and notorious obduration and obstinacy of some particular 
 persons, but the common impiety of the wicked. Here I craue leaue to 
 dissent. The Prophet speakes of notorious and desperately wickea men, 
 as is plaine by the 2nd verse, that ^crought wickednes with the hart, and 
 whose hands did weigh or ballance violence ; which seemes to be a 
 metaphor from them that poize the dart or other like weapon ere they 
 throw it, And after, in the rest of the Psalme, he doth bitterlie curse 
 them ; an argument of their finall incorrigiblenes. Tremellius expounds 
 this verse de obstinato eoruni studio seipsos confirmandi in malo. And 
 these are in the 1 verse manipulus D^X a pack of vnjust men. As for 
 that which he sayth they degenerate or turne strange from the womhe; 
 it is brought in by way of a prouerbe as we say, it soone prickes that 
 wilbe a thorne. 
 
 p. 22. Hearing in that place, you say, imports not a patient lending of the 
 
 outward eare, but an obedient opening of the inward eare of the heart. 
 TIte wicked will most of them sit in Gods house like his owne people. 
 Herod will heare John Baptist willingly yet he himselfe was that deafe 
 adder — In that sense the prophet takes the word hearken in that place. 
 That this place speakes not of the outward eare only, but the inward also 
 I do easily grant, and was never of other minde ; but the understanding 
 hath inward eares besides those of the heart. Did our Sauiour when he 
 said He that hath eares to heare let him heare, meane it thus, he that hath 
 an heart to obey let him obey? The patient eare is that which giueth 
 attentiue heede to the things spoken, marking and weighing what is said 
 although it be harsh and offensive. 
 
 p. 22. Your demand ; Or els may we thinck that the very patient hearing of 
 
 it (the word) will serue the turne ? Hath the word that power, or man 
 dead in sinne rather that power, as upon the patient hearing <f the word 
 to raise himselfe up to newnes of life is strange to me. Did I euer say 
 that the very patient hearing would serue the turne ? or that m,an dead 
 in sinne hath j)Ower vpon the patient hearing of the word to raise him- 
 selfe to newnes of life 1 
 
 The power in the voice of the Sonne of God, Joh. 5. 25, is able to raise 
 the dead, The patient heareing of this voice puts a man more under the 
 influence of that power, than him that cannot endure to heare it ; And if 
 the Poet durst promise touching Morall discipline 
 
 Invidus, iracundus, iners, vinosus, amator : 
 nemo adeo ferus est ut non mitescere possit, 
 si niodo culturae patientem accommodet aurem^ 
 
 Shall I be aff'rayde to promise so much of Gods schoole in the use of his 
 worde by the concourse of his spirit ? 
 p. 22. As to the place Joh. 8. 43. Here (you say) our Saviour by hearing, 
 
 meanes obeying (non aKoveiv at inrciKovtiv) as himselfe uses it afterward 
 
 1 Hor. Ep. I. 1. 38.
 
 APPENDIX. 389 
 
 verse 47, He that is of God heareth Gods words, i.e. obcyeth : ije therefore 
 heare them not, i.e. obey them not, becaicse ye are not of God. Giue nic 
 leaue here likewise to dissent from you. Our Saniour speakes of the 
 patient hearing of his doctrine. It had beene ava norafio!. ^ to say, ye do 
 not imderstande because you cannot obey. But that is right order, ye do 
 not understand ye cannot heare. See Occumonius, Augustinus, Jansenius, 
 Osiander, Deodati : whose wordes I will set downe. I know you will 
 understand them ; percJie vnstra malign ita non vi lascia esser attenti 
 e docili alia mia dottrina. And no otherwise would I intei-j^ret the 
 47th verse ; nor that which is there quoted 1 Joh. 4. 6. Not that to heare 
 doth not so signifie as you expound ; and that often, as 1 Sam. 15. 22, 
 yOK' ' to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken then the fatt <f 
 rammes,' but because in these places the other which is to attend may 
 suffice. 
 
 Nay, say you, a patient outicard hearing they gaue to this speech PP- 22, 23. 
 it seJfe, and many more of our Saviours. Bat for true and sacing 
 hearing, i.e. obeying, our Saviour denies thetn poicer thereto. And so this 
 place makes against Freewill. I answer, 
 
 The hearing, they gaue to speech was not very patient, as appeares by 
 the 48 verse. But if you niarke the text before verses 39 and 41 you shall 
 see they had a hateful! minde to him, and cutt him off in the niidest of his 
 discourse, not suffering him to bring his purpose to an ende : as they did 
 St Stejihen, and St Paul, also Acts 22. 22. As for the word Sumo-^e 
 Clirysostom and Oecumenius tell us that t6 jxtj Swaadai is put for to nfj 
 dikeiv. So long as envy and a murtheriug minde governed them, they 
 could not with i)atience heare his Speeches, nor consequently understand his 
 language, Xakuw. Thus it seemes to me, neither am I alone in the vnder- 
 standing it thus. 
 
 You add, Jf you icill understand it of an outward patient hearing p. 23. 
 only, then it quite overthroices all naturall abilities to receiue the tcord by 
 Fayth. For if he cannot so much as endure to heare it with the eare, hoic 
 can he entertayne it into the heart ? If we runne icith footemen and are 
 wearied, how shall ice runne with horsemen and not be tyred? How 
 I do understand it, I haue shewed. And let it hardly ouerthrow all 
 naturall abilityes to receiue the Word by Faith. That which is impossible 
 to man is possible to God. Some of these when they had lifted up the 
 Sonne of m,an, verse 28, knew him to be the Sonne of God ; and, which is 
 more, their very crucifieing him becomes an argimient to induce them to 
 beleeue in him (Acts 2. 23). Gods purpose according to Election breakes 
 through all these difficultyes. 
 
 Yet (say you) / see not by your tenet that God doth anie thing more p. 23. 
 for the Elect then for the rest. Yet I signified both in speech and writing 
 different enough, and you your selfe obserue it in the next wordes. God 
 opens the eares of his elect, and he will certainly do it ; and this si)eciall 
 grace I plead for, as well as you. 
 
 ^ i.e. a reversing of natural order, Eurip. Medea, 408.
 
 390 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 23. This grace (you say) necessarily converts, and leaues not the worke 
 
 to the arbitrary pleasure of the parties will, as my speciall concourse 
 doth; which (you say) / make generally to accompany the outward 
 Ministry of the word, and so leaue cause to thinck that the salvation 
 of the Elect may he uncertaine. Here I would first demand, Whether 
 do you denie that there is such a speciall concourse of God with his worde 
 as we haue spoken of, or that it doth ordinarily accompany the outward 
 Ministry thereof 1 And if not, why do you call them mine, and assay now 
 and then to make head against them, which are your owne as well as 
 nfiine 1 If you do deny these, let that be our first issue ; as in reason it 
 ought, If you doubt only of the extent, and effect of this speciall concourse, 
 let us seeke together ; and possibly by our humble subjecting our selues to 
 the meanes, and that very concourse, this goodly sparke of heauenly light 
 shall shine vnto vs. To the matter in hand, This {inyne or as I had 
 rather say Gods) speciall concourse, which I thinck we both do confesse, 
 leaveth not the worke of conversion to the parties arbitrary pleasure, 
 otherwise then thus, that when he is converted, he is voluntarily and 
 freely converted. It was expressely set downe in the First Paper, that 
 the Grace of Justifieing Fayth (which I account all one with the Grace 
 of conversion) is a free gift of God transcendent not only to Gods former 
 concourse but also to the former habits of Fayth of Assent, and illu- 
 mination. And how can that be uncertaine, which God out of his vn- 
 changeable purpose will giue ? Unlesse perhaps you respect the dutie of 
 calling vpon God, or making request of the Grace of conversion, which 
 they may neglect as well as those do that are not elected. But herein 
 stands the speciall mercy of God to them, that he doth not cease by his 
 word and the concourse of his Spirit thereto, and to the Grace already 
 receiued (afflictions many tymes helpeinge hereunto) to excite and moue 
 them, till at length notwithstanding all their naturall deafenes, blindnes, 
 recklessnes, and dulnes, he prepares their wills in such manner as they 
 desire the Grace which he hath purposed to giue them. In this point see 
 the suffrage of our Brittish Divines at the Synode of Dort, Art. iii. 
 De antecedaneis ad conversionem, Thesis vii., whose oi:»inion in this whole 
 matter I do not vary from any whitt at all, as you may perceiue in that 
 whole title. 
 
 . 24. The words in your first notes, upon which I reflected were these : How 
 
 can any get Faith by praying seeing he cannot pray unlesse he first haue 
 Faith ? lie must h(.tue what he askes, or else he cannot gett it. The 
 encrease of Fayth and other Graces may be gott, but not the begining of 
 Grace, for then the action of a man without Grace might procure Grace. 
 These were your wordes and thus pointed. To which I answered, that 
 Fayth of Assent to the Pi'inciples of Christian doctrine is in deede, 
 necessary to invocation, as the Apostle shewes Heb. 11, but this is not 
 justifieing Fayth. This you grant now. But you say a man cannot by 
 that Faith or the prayer of that Fayth get justifieing Faith. Why so ? 
 Because God heares the Prayers of those only who are justified. This
 
 APPENDIX. 391 
 
 Assertion I thinck to he utterly untrue, against the iioly Scripture and p. 24. 
 euident reason. You confirme it with this discourse : 
 
 The person must first be 2)leasitig to God in Christ before the prayer P- 24. 
 be pleasing. God had respect to Abel and his offering. First Abel, t/ien 
 his offering : and the person cannot he pleasing but in the Sonne in 
 whom he is well pleased. And we cannot be in the Sonne but h/ a 
 justifieing Faith. And therefore by the Prayer of Faith nut jnali- 
 fieing, tee cannot get justifieing Faith. Thus you. 
 
 But first That the jiraycr should be pleasing to God, and be heard or 
 graunted of God, are not all one, or convertible. 
 
 The prayer of the Israelites asking a Iving was heard of God yet it was 
 not pleasing. Agaiue there is a double kind of pleasing both of persons 
 and praiers ; one complete, another in some respect ; as nam.ely in that it 
 is in order and tendeth to that ichich is complete, which we may call of 
 acceptation. I say then that before the person or prayer be completely 
 pleasing, they may be allowed with some acceptation, as was the yong man 
 and his answer, whom our Sauiour is said to haue loued, Mark 10. 21, and 
 that other to whome he said that he was not farre from the King dome 
 of heauen. Chap. 12. 34. Ahabs humiliation was so farre forth accepted 
 of (rod as to prorogue the execution of Gods vengeance upon his house. 
 The state of heauen and earth in the eude of euerie one of the 5 daies, 
 was good, but incompleately ; in respect of the goodnes and approbation of 
 the 6th day : And thus in the new Creature the hearing the word, con- 
 ferring of Scripture and (after illumination and Assent) praying for Fayth, 
 or Christ's grace, do please God before a man be justified ; in as much 
 as they tend to justification ; though not in that sort and degree lus the 
 prayers of a man that is already justified. Consider with me the historic 
 of the Conversion of 8t Paule ; he was stricken from his horse, blinded, 
 neither ate nor druncke for 3 dayes ; at last he prayeth ; presently the Lord 
 sends him Ananias, who exhorts him to baptisme, and washing away of his 
 sinnes calling on the name of the Lord Acts 22. 16. This calling on the 
 name of the Lord, and the prayer before Ananias was sent, I demand 
 whether they were out of Justifieing Fayth or no. If so, how are his sinnes 
 yet unpardoned. If not, but of the Faith of Assent only, then, it is cleare 
 that such a prayer may be. Nay more it may be so accepted of God as 
 thereupon he may send a Minister of reconciliation to restore the penitent, 
 and may vouchsafe to bestow upon him the Fayth that justifies, and 
 remission of sinnes. Here I will be bold also to communicate with you 
 another consideration that comes to my minde as I was writing this. The 
 persons of the Elect, before these prayers, are accepted of God out of the 
 grace of Election, whereby they are destinated to Christ. As Christ sayth 
 to Ananias, Go thy way for he is a chosen vessell vnto me <&c. According 
 to which sense the rule may be allowed, the jyerson must be accepted before 
 tlie worke be accepted, Prayer or anie other. 
 
 Your interpretation of Heb. 11. 6 is very sound. Neither did I intend p. 24. 
 to prooue anie more from that place then this, that at least the Fayth of 
 Assent is necessary to Prayer. Not that this bcleefc only icill serue tlie
 
 392 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 turne. He that comes to God (you say) must beleeue that Christ is, and is 
 his. If this be so, then Christ cannot be called upon, or any prayer made 
 unto God pleasing (according to your assertion) till a man haue not only 
 justijieing Fayth, hut Faith of Gods prom,ises or speciall Faith also. 
 Which 1 am affraid is not true. Consider St Pauls example before. 
 
 p. 24. Here you demand — admittinge a man by the Faith of assent, and the 
 
 prayer of it, may get justijieing Faith, how shall a man gett the faith of 
 Assent which you alloic rightly to he called a Grace supernaturall ? He 
 cannot get it hy Prayer for there is no Faith in his Prayer. And if he 
 haue it, why should he come to God for it ? You take it ahsurd to say, 
 a man must haue what he askes, or else he cannot get it, and so set it 
 downe in your former answer (you say) as an ahsurdity, not as a 
 Paradox defended hy you. This absurditie whose so euer it be, is none of 
 mine, who did suflSciently in my first Paper distinguishe Justifieing Faith 
 from the faith of Assent. But to our purpose. Though I did not take 
 upon me at the first to answer euery question, nor did I euer so much as 
 in a dreame say, that a man must gett the Faith of Assent to the 
 Principles of Christian doctrine hy Prayer. It seemes to me that the 
 Apostle satisfies this Demand, when he sayth Fayth is hy hearing, and 
 hear Inge hy the word of God, Rom. 10. 17. 
 
 p. 25. Invocation (you say) is not a icorke of Nature, hut of Grace; God 
 
 must giue the spirit of Prayer to cltange nature, and stirre it up after 
 a supernaturall manner. But Faith of Assent you apjiroved right now 
 to be a supernaturall Grace, wrought by the Holy Ghost : The texts of 
 Scripture Rom,. 8, Zach. 12, 1 Cor. 6, and tlie authorityes of Prosper, the 
 author de vocatitme gentium, Fulgentius, Prosper againe, St Augustine, to 
 
 p 26 prooue that hy Prayer the unregenerate tnan cannot attaine the Fayth of 
 
 Assent, nor hy other endeavour of his owne, as hearing or reading the 
 word (I hope you meane without the speciall assistance of God, else 
 I must tell you this runnes farre wide from Scripture) and all the rest 
 of your discourse till you come to the difl"erences of the Faith of Assent, 
 and justifieing, I read with some patience, marvelling that either you 
 should doubt of my assent to these things ; or if you doubted not, would 
 digresse from our question and paint this Cypresse. 
 
 p. 27, You say a liuely Assent in the imderstanding it selfe to tlie p>romise of 
 
 God in Christ may he truely called justifieing Faith carrieing affiance 
 and trust after it as the inseparable Effect thereof. I am of your mind, 
 for I hold no tropicall speech to be an untrue predication. But that Justi- 
 fieing Fayth properly is in the heart, and hath for the object of it 
 the person of Christ hiniselfe, and is that trust it selfe which you require 
 to follow the Fayth of Assent, was once your opinion, vnlesse my memory 
 do much faile me. Whether the Faith (Heb. 11) he one and the same 
 true Faith that workes all that is there set downe as one soule hath life, 
 sense, and reason; or is nomen JEquivocum, including all the sorts and 
 kinds of it, as the Assent to the Principles of Christian doctrine. Affiance, 
 Faith of promises, and Miraculous acts I will not contend, so longe as wee 
 agree it justifies only as it embraces Christ.
 
 APPENDIX. 393 
 
 That Justifieing Faith is not the beginning of Grace I was occasioned p. 28. 
 to say, by your objecting against the obtaining it hij Prayer; that a man 
 cannot get the begin inge 0/ Grace by Prayer. Now since we are of accord 
 in this point, the objection falls of it selfe 
 
 You admitt that 07ie degree of Grace may obtaine another, but require 
 these two famous tenets of the Fathers^ against the enemies of Gi-ace to be 
 remembred, Gratia wm secundum fnerila datur ; et Gratia ad singidos 
 actus datur. I do firmely hold and beleeue them both. Concerning the 
 former, I shewed my mind before. Touching this latter, I hold it as 
 necessary to all supernaturall motions, as Gods common concourse to 
 all naturall. 13ut whether any habit of Grace (Especially after conversion) 
 abiding in the soule, the Person not withstandinge may not produce an act 
 without some new imjJulse I doubt and rather thincko yea then nay. Neither 
 are such Actions done by the helpe of nature in any degree, otherwise then 
 as the subject which must be the Agent performing these Acts ; all the 
 suflBciency is from God, as the Apostle speakes 2 Cor. 3. 5. 6. 
 
 Wliere you add, against it is an inc<mvenience to grant tluit men in p. 30. 
 grace shoidd get more Grace then others by their owne labours though 
 tliey haue no more grace from God then others. This assertion had need 
 to be declared. For if to get be to obtaine, by the nneere liberality (fGod: 
 and their oicne labours their diligent actions or pacient sufferings, out of 
 the ability which God gaue, and those others be loyterers, which did not 
 employ their talents ; it seemeth to crosse that which you did in the 
 beginning grant to be orthodoxe doctrine and to make men negligent and 
 slouthfuU in the worke of the lord. 
 
 If you mean no more but this, that euery new degree <f grace is a new 
 gifft of God, as well as the first degree was, it were impious to thincke 
 otherwise. And tliis may very well stand with Gods constant rule, Habenti 
 dabitur, i.e. ex gratia praeconcessa plus habere satagenti. 
 
 You add, the Apostle Paul knew he could not labour more then his p. 31. 
 felloioes unlesse he had receiued the oile of gladnes aboue his felhnces 
 where to omitt the phrase, proper to Christ. In the sense which I conceiue 
 you meane, it should be impossible for two that had receiued of God equall 
 Grace, to labour miequally, which I hold to be inconvenient. For if the 
 one worke according to the tallent and ability which God gaue ; and the 
 other be lesse diligent then he ought, (as euery mans hart I tliincke beares 
 him record that wee do not the good, not only which we might, but which 
 we would), there must needes be inequality in the worke. 
 
 Where you say, he adds by way of anticij)ation least anie man should P- 31. 
 thinck he had cause to boast, that the sole and whole cause why he laboured 
 7nore then they, was because it pleased God to giue him more grace to 
 stirre him up to labour. I am of the mind that he speakes this by way of 
 correction, because he might seeme to haue boasted in his owne industry, 
 wherefore he reflferrs (as was fittj all to the Grace of God ; not only stirring 
 him up to labour (as you expound it) but assisting the grace formerly 
 giuen to him, subministring occasions, remooving impediments in the 
 worke. Not as if he had not spoken properly, when he said ' I laboured '
 
 394 LTFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 (or it were not an improper speech to say the Grace of God laboured) but that 
 all his industry was nothing to the worke in comparison of the sufficiency 
 and assistance supplied by God. 
 
 p. 31. Bellarmine, you say, doth not perswade you that St Augustine {Cap. 15° 
 
 De gratia et libero Arhitrio) understands this place otherwise. I do not 
 understand what you meane by otherwise. If you meane that St Paul did 
 not concurre with his Industry to the grace of God in St Augustines 
 judgment reade the place (it is lib. citat Cap. 5°) Non ego ante sed gratia 
 Dei mecuni : id est non solus, sed gratia Dei mecmn ; ac per hoc nee gratia 
 Dei sola, nee ipse solus, sed gi-atia Dei cum illo — Bellarmine adds quid 
 clarius ? and well he might for ought I see. 
 
 p. 31. But you are sure, Faustus the Semipelagian is of Bellarmine his 
 
 opinion tJierein — Wherein ? touching St Pauls meaning and St Augustines, 
 as Bellarmine conceiues it ? What then ? as if the most detestable 
 hereticks might not concurre in the expounding a place of Scripture 
 with Orthodoxall Divines .' — yea but 
 
 p. 31. This assertion (you say), to cse the wordes of Mawentius in Epistola ad 
 
 Hormisdam, Aicgustine himselfe so contradicts ut credos eum jam. tunc 
 non nisi contra scrijjta Fausti rrspondere. Indeed these be Maxentius 
 wordes in his Answer to an Epistle which he accomted to be forged under 
 the name of Hormisda ad Possessorem. But these concerne another 
 assertion, viz. Gratiara cum labore conjungendam, as if Faustus meaning 
 hereby had beene this initium fidei esse a nobis. Which Assertion 
 St Augustine largely refutes (1" lib. ad Hilarium et Prosperum), accord- 
 inge as Maxentius cites his workes ; Nolens ego tatn claris iestinioniis 
 reptignare, <& tamen voleus a seipso sibi esse quod credit, quasi componit 
 homo cum Deo, ut partem, sibi fidei vindicet, atqae illi partem relinquat. 
 Et quod est elatius, priniatn sibi, sequentetn dat illi : & in eo quod esse 
 dicit amboriim jjrimum se facit, jjosteriorem Deum. Tliis is not the 
 Assertion that industry being adjoined to Grace a man may imi^rooue his 
 Talent more to his Masters aduantage then his fellow servants which are 
 not so iiidustrious. As for Faustus, though he were a Semipelagian and 
 more, yet he gives the precedency to Grace. And that made Maxentius 
 thus to object to hiinselfe in the next woriles. Sed Faustus {inquiunt hi 
 qui eum Catholicum conantur defendere) Primas partes non homini sed 
 gratice Dei tribuit. Then follow these wordes — which you shutt up this 
 
 pp. 31, 32. matter with all. Nam Faustus in Q^o ejusdetn libri Capite, cum Apostoli 
 sententiam dissereret, ita ait: Gratia Dei, inquit, sum id quod sum; 
 pritnas jyartes soli gratia) pie subjectus ascribit, media qtiaeque laboris 
 magnitudine et obediential dej^utat ; utrum,que in consummatione mode- 
 ratus gratiam laboremque conjungit. Non dicit, ego sine gratia nee 
 gratia sine me, sed gratia Dei mecum. To which objection he thus 
 answers sed gratia cui hoc loco Faustus primas partes tribuit, non 
 earn qua per Spiritum Sanctum, fit ut verba Dei forinsecus insonanti 
 assensum 2Jra;beamus, et obedientes efficiamur ; sed predicationem divi- 
 norum, asserit eloquiorum, ut videlicet Gratia' sit quod nobis divina 
 eloquia jrraedicantur, nostrum aulem sit ut eidem ptfcf^dicationi consen-
 
 APPENDIX. 395 
 
 tiamiut. But let us not wTonge the Divell. In all that Chapter of Faustus 
 there is not a word to this purpose. And certainly Faustus was not such 
 a babe, as when the Apostle testifies plaiuely, that he had mA his calling 
 or his Gospell from man, nor was taught it, but had it by reuclation 
 from Jesus Christ, to conceiue or affiruie that the grace whereunto he 
 ascribes his labour should be the vouclisafing him the outward hearing of 
 the preaching of the Gospell : that this could he with him and make him 
 labour more tlim all the Apostles besides. 
 
 But thus it often falls out, Nimium altercando reritas amittitur. 
 Maxentius, and his fellow Menkes having beene shrewdly branded by 
 Ilormisda, and finding him in the same Epistle ad Possessorem to 
 toUerate the reading of Faustus workes, labours by right or wrong to 
 prooue him inii>ious, that he may make Ilormisda odious. Whom that wee 
 follow no longer iu vaine, let us retourne into the way, treading backe the 
 same steppes by which he led us out of it. 
 
 Faustus doth make tlie Grace which teas with St Paid to be meere 
 preaching — That is not so, by Maxentius leaue ; 
 
 He challenges part of Fayth, and the first parte to man, and leaues 
 the latter to God: wherein he is so contradicted by St Augustine that 
 a man would beleeue St Augustine had written against him. 
 
 That appeares not to be true neither. 
 
 At least he makes our industry to follow Gods Grace — That may be, 
 for so (sayth Bellarmiue) doth St Augustine. Nay, let not Bellarmine 
 persuade u^ that. Let u^ Jieare St Augustines oicne wordes — ne ipsa 
 voluntas sine gratia Dei putetur boni aliquid posse, continuo eum 
 dixisset, '''Gratia eius in me vacua nan fuit, sed plus omnibus illis 
 laboraci," sabjunxit, atque ait, ^'Nou ego autem sed gratia Dei mecum." 
 i.e. non solus, sed Gratia Dei mecnni: ac per hjc, nee Gratia Dei sola, nee 
 ipse solus sed Gratia Dei cum illi>. 
 
 Hecre giue me leaue (Good Mr Dr) to goe one stepp further ere we 
 shutt up this matter. Suppose that all Maxentius accuses Faustus of be 
 true ; all that Bellarmiue saith of Augustine be false. Say that Augustine 
 confutes iu one place what he sayth expressely iu anotlier, what shall we 
 say to those expresse testimonies that call for our labour industry and 
 diligence after Grace, as 1 Tim. 1. 6, Stirre vp the gift't of God in them, 
 shew the same diligence &c. to the end, with your former worke and labour 
 of loue. Ileb. 6. 10, 11, lift up tlie hands that hang downe, and the feeble 
 knees. Chap. 12. 12, 13, study to shew thy selfe a workman approued of 
 God,2Tim. 2. 15. Indure hardnes as a good soldier, verse 3, &c. ? Whatshall 
 we say to all tliose places where God prooues his Children, as Abraham, Job, 
 Hezechiah, Paid \ If their industry out of the ability which he hath giuen 
 tliem already can do nothing, how can he prooue them ] Nay if he giue 
 them a new impulse, if it be not resistible, how can he prooue them \ 
 If it be, there is place for industry ; and of 2 that haue receiued the same 
 grace to stirre them up to labour, one may employ his Talent ; the other 
 may loyter ; which is the thing that I conceiue you denie, and the Parables, 
 from whence you fech that forme, do euidently prooue, let Faustus, 
 Maxentius, Bellarmine and St Augustine say what they will.
 
 396 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 P- 32. You conclude with <i large passage of Vossius tcho setleth downe as you 
 
 say, the summeof all, with whome heerein you fully content your selfe. I do 
 joine with you, in Vossius determination in every letter and syllable. And 
 sith we agree in the whole sumnie, I hope if we cast it ouer againe, we 
 shall not nnich vary iu the particulars. As for reducing thinges to 
 feicer pointes, it may be done hereafter if we forbeare to draw out of 
 Common places, and draw not other thinges to the points of difference 
 which belonge not to them. 
 
 And for Pelagianisme Semijielagianisme and Arminianisme (to all 
 which I say Anathema) if in your owiie judgment, you doe absolue me from 
 such not only worthlesse, but wicked opinions, do not I beseech you by 
 accumulating testimonies against them, raise a susi)icion in the mindes of 
 those to whose hands so euer these papers do come, that my lippes speake 
 wickednes, and my toung utters deceit : That secretly at least I nourish 
 such monsters, to the quelling whereof your labour is intended. So with 
 all thanckes for your loue and good opinion (which I am desireous to 
 retaine, and answer with the like) I couuuend you to tlie Grace of God, and 
 the Peace, which euermore according to the Apostles rule be moderator in 
 our hearts, and keepe them in Christ Jesus. Amen. 
 
 [W. Bedell] 
 written by Patrick Coddan 
 my Lds Register in his 
 Consistory.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 p. 1 1. 5. Ovid, Trist. 3,4, 25 Crede mihi bene qui latuit bene vixit. 
 
 p, 8 1. 19. The Interdict. See p. 230. 
 
 p. 10 1. 9. Mr Wadsioorth. James Wadsworth a scholar of Em- 
 manuel College (1584), afterwards rector of Pakefield in Suffolk. 
 In 1605 he went to Spain as chaplain to Sir Charles Comwallis, 
 where he was converted to Roman Catholicism. His cor- 
 respondence with Bedell and Hall was printed in 1624, a year 
 after his death at Madrid. He was English Tutor to the 
 Infanta Maria, on the proposed match with Charles. 
 
 p. 15 1. 31. Sir Thomas Jertnin. Father of Henry Jermyn, the 
 celebrated Earl of St Albans, reputed to have married Henrietta 
 Maria after the death of Charles I. 
 
 p. 16 1. 8. Dr Jegon. John Jegon, fellow of St John's, Master of 
 Corpus Christi, Cambridge, Dean and afterwards Bishop of 
 Norwich 1602—1618. 
 
 p. 19 1. 3. Mr Perkins, see p. 4 1. 9. William Perkins (1555— 
 1602, fellow of Christ's College and lecturer at Great St 
 Andrew's, was not only a very popular preacher and teacher 
 among the Puritans, but a voluminous author of Calvinistic 
 Theology. Among other works was that here mentioned — A 
 direction for the Government of the Tongue according to God's 
 Word, Cambr. 1593, 1595. 
 
 p. 25 1. 20. Bedell's Statutes, still preserved in a thin MS. volume 
 in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, with his autograph. 
 
 p. 26 1. 39. Bellarmine. Robert Bellarmine, b. in Tuscany, 1542, 
 Jesuit 1560, Professor of Theology at Louvain 1770 — 1777,
 
 398 LIFE AND DEATH OF WILLIAM BEDELL. 
 
 Cardinal 1559, Archbishop of Capua 1602 — 1605, d. at Rome, 
 1621. He was a voluminous author both of Controversial 
 works against Protestantism, and of sermons and letters. 
 
 p. 28 1. 39. Chimier, a kind of cope, worn by Bishops as a con- 
 vocation robe. Italian zimarra. Till the time of Elizabeth 
 Bishops wore a scai'let chimere over the rochet. It was then 
 changed to black satin. 
 
 p. 29 1. 8. Polonian heels refers to some fashion of boots from 
 Bologna. Thus a Polony is a Bologna sausage. 
 
 p. 33 1. 20. Vergil, Aen. 1, 199. 
 
 p. 37 1. 10. Kerns. Irish ceatharnach, 'soldier.' 
 
 p. 37 1. 35. Dt Bernard. Nicholas Bernard, dean of Kilmore 
 9 Oct. 1627. He exchanged to Ardagh in 1637, became 
 preacher of Gray's Inn 1651, and chaplain to Oliver Cromwell. 
 He published a sermon on the life and death of Archbishop 
 Ussher in 1656. In 1660 he was presented to the living of 
 Whitchurch in Shropshire, and the year before published 
 ' Certain Discourses, to which is added a Character of Bishop 
 Bedell.' He died in 1661. 
 
 p. 38 1. 24. vivit etc. Ovid, Trist. i. 3. 12. 
 
 p. 59 1. 25. The IZrd of October 1641. This was the day fixed 
 upon for the surprise of Dublin Castle. But the lords justices 
 got wind of it and arrested on that morning the leaders 
 McMahon and Lord Maguire. 
 
 p. 85 1. 20. K. James's hook. This was the * Triplici nodo triplex 
 Cuneus. An apologie Jor the oath of allegiance against the two 
 Breves of Pope Paulus Quintus and the Letter of Cardinal 
 Bellarmine to G. Blackwel the Archpriest.' Lond. 1607 ; in 
 Latin, Lond. 1607; i?i French, Lond. 1609. 
 
 p. 97 1. 18. P. Harris. A Roman Catholic priest, who defended 
 the rights of the seculai's against the Franciscans. Among his 
 works was * A book against Archbishop Ussher's Sermon 
 preached at Wansted before James I,' He died about 1635. 
 
 p. 98 1. 25. Capon... Jewel. John Solcot or Capon was translated 
 from Bangor to Salisbury in 1539, and was succeeded by John 
 Jewel in 1559. Jewel died in 1571.
 
 NOTES. 399 
 
 p. 147 1. 19. Lrjsimachus Nicanor, by John Corbet, a Scotch 
 clergyman, who being deposed by the Assembly fled to Ireland, 
 where he published The JEjnstle dedicatory of Lysimachus 
 Nicanor of the Society of Jesus to the Covenanters in Scotland 
 wherein is paralleled our sweet Harmony and Correspondence in 
 Doctrine and Practice. He was killed in the rebellion of 1641. 
 
 p. 161 1. 27. Verg. Aen. i 118. 
 
 p. 165 1. 11. Jeremiah ix 1. 
 
 p. 163 1. 6. ' Livy ix 3 ista quidem sententia ea est quae neque 
 amicos jm7'at neque inimicos tollit, 
 
 p. 298 1. 3. Valtaline etc. A discourse upon the reasons of the 
 Resolution taken in the Valteline against the Tyranny of the 
 Grisons and Ileretiques, translated (from Fathei- Paulo) by Sir 
 Thomas Roe. Lond. 1628. 4to. 
 
 p. 340 1. 6. The Letters Patent are in State Papers Ireland under 
 date, December 1630.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 24, 47, 270, 334 
 A. B. C, or the Institution of a 
 
 Christian, 125 
 Adamson, Mr John, Head of College at 
 
 Edinburgh, 162 
 Adderton, Dr, Preacher at St John's, 
 
 Dublin, 149 
 African Council, 245 
 Alablaster, Mr, 298, 333 
 Alemani, Nicholas, 267 
 AUston, or EUiston, John, a cousin 
 
 of Bedell's, 219, 222, 253 
 Ancona, the Pope's town, 236 
 Andrews, Lancelot, Bishop of Ely, 
 
 254 
 Antipope, 232 
 Aqua-pendente, Professor of Anatomy, 
 
 236 
 Ardagh, Bishopric of, 27, 43, 44, 94, 
 
 102, 297, 340, 343 
 Armagh, Archbishop of, Lord Primate 
 
 of Ireland, see Ussher. 
 Ash, Mr Eichard, 51, 123 
 Augustine, St, 290 
 Austria, House of, 241, 243 
 Avis, Mr, 284, 286 
 Aylett, Dr, 330 
 
 Badoero,Angelo, a nobleman of Venice, 
 
 225, 226, 237 
 Bagshawe, Dr, 221, 222 
 Barker, Sir Thomas, 288 
 
 Barlow, Dr, Dean of Cliristchurch, 53 
 
 Barret, Mr, 261 
 
 Bath, Bishop of, 253, 254 
 
 Baxter, Mr, a minister, 213» 
 
 Bayly, Major, 212 
 
 Bayly, William, 341, 342, 344-347 
 
 Baynes, Mr, 215 
 
 Bedell, grandfather of William, 1, 2; 
 his extraordinary severity, obliged 
 to fly the land for some years on 
 account of his religion 
 
 Bedell, John, father of William, yeo- 
 man ; married Elizabeth EUiston, 
 noted for love of true religion and 
 great charity, 2 
 
 Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore, 
 Ireland, born 1571 at Black-Notley 
 in the county of Essex, England, 
 1, 80 ; sent at an early age to 
 school at Braiutry, with his brother 
 John, 2. His great love of learning 
 and strong memory ; his admission 
 in his 11th year into Emmanuel 
 College, Cambridge, 3, 80 ; obtains 
 a Scholarship, and elected Fellow as 
 soon as he was old enough ; his 
 great proficiency in all kind of learn- 
 ing; his eminent knowledge of Latin 
 and Greek ; his knowledge of the 
 Syriac, Arabic, Hebrew, and Chal- 
 dee tongues ; much esteemed by Dr 
 Chaderton and by Mr William Per- 
 kins; his devotion to the study of 
 
 26
 
 402 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 divinity ; his skill therein commended 
 by Padre Pavilo, the Venetian, 3, 4 ; 
 admission to Holy Orders ; first minis- 
 terial work at St Edmunds Bury in 
 Suffolk, 5, 80; his method, and man- 
 ner of preaching ; his large and choice 
 library, 6; his able maintenance and 
 obedient observation of the doctrine 
 of the Church of England, 7 ; able to 
 preach upon very short notice; greatly 
 reverenced for his imi^artial, grave 
 and holy preaching and conversation ; 
 chosen and appointed Chaplain to 
 Sir H. Wotton, Ambassador to the 
 State of Venice, in the time of 
 the Interdict; promises to return 
 to Bury ; after diificult journey 
 and crossing Alps, arrives safely 
 at Venice ; becomes thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with the mysteries of papal 
 iniquity during transactions between 
 pope Paulus Quintus and the State 
 of Venice; King James much in- 
 terested in the controversy, 8, 9, 81 ; 
 his acquaintance in Italy with some 
 learned Jews ; their reasons for not 
 embracing Christianity in Bedell's 
 letters to Mr Wadsworth ; his ac- 
 quaintance with Dr Jasper Despon- 
 tine, 10 ; he makes Dr Despontine 
 fully acquainted with the state of 
 religion in England ; Dr Despontine 
 returns to England with Bedell for 
 the more free enjoyment of his con- 
 science; Bedell gains much experi- 
 ence and knowledge in divinity 
 and the Oriental languages during 
 the years he remained in Italy; ac- 
 quires the Italian tongue; returns 
 safely to England and to St Edmunds 
 Bury; he and Dr Despontine stay 
 in the house of Mr Nunne ; acts 
 as interpreter to Dr Despontine 
 in the latter's practice, 12, 13, 87 ; 
 marriage with Mrs Leah Maw, a 
 widow, 14, 80; becomes the father 
 of three sons and one daughter, 15 ; 
 after five or six years at Bury finds 
 his voice too weak for large congre- 
 gation ; resolves to leave Bury ; ap- 
 pointed to Rectory of Great Horn- 
 ingshearth, 15, 89 ; still gives Friday 
 
 lecture at Bury, 16; protests against 
 excessive fees for institution to living 
 demanded by Bishop of Norwich, Dr 
 Jegon, 16,90; manner of life at Horn- 
 ingshearth ; love of gardening, 17, 
 156 ; his entertainment of friends ; 
 gift and grace in speech, 18; his ob- 
 servance of the Lord's Day, 19, 154; 
 his sermons and catechising ; his 
 holy example of life and private ad- 
 monition ; his hospitality ; his care 
 in preserving the rights of the Church, 
 20; lawsuit with William Lucas, Esq, 
 a parishioner, with respect to certain 
 pieces of ground in possession of 
 the latter, formerly belonging to the 
 Church, 21 ; this long suit causes 
 Mr Bedell to acquire some knowledge 
 of the law ; sometimes chosen arbi- 
 trator in difficult controversies which 
 occurred in the country round ; chosen 
 to represent clergy of Suffolk at Con- 
 vocation, 22; letter from Sir Heniy 
 Wotton to King Charles I, expressing 
 his judgment of Mr Bedell and his 
 abilities, as some testimony in favour 
 of his being appointed Governor 
 of Trinity College, Dublin, and 
 quoting the high opinion of him 
 formed by Padre Paulo while Bedell 
 was Chaplain at Venice to Sir Henry; 
 his removal to Ireland ; further his- 
 tory of Bedell chiefly derived from 
 his letters to Dr Despontine, with 
 whom he kept up constant corre- 
 spondence; his other writings lost 
 with his library during the rebellion 
 of Ireland ; regards his appointment 
 as Governor of the University and 
 College of Dublin as specially di- 
 rected by the hand of God, he having 
 in no way sought out the advance- 
 ment; His Majesty the King gra- 
 ciously pleased to make Bedell 
 Provost of the College of the Holy 
 and Undivided Trinity, near Dublin 
 in Ireland, 5, 23, 24, 80, 93 ; makes 
 alterations in the Statutes of the 
 College ; his additions called Bedell's 
 Statutes; his strictness m exacting 
 performance of divinity acts, 25; dis- 
 putes arise between the British and
 
 INDEX. 
 
 403 
 
 Lish fellows ; Bedell respected by both 
 sides on account of his moderation ; 
 visitors obliged to intervene, and 
 with Bedell's help the fire kept down 
 for a time, but could not be extin- 
 guished; differences with the Pro- 
 fessor of Divinity, Dr Joshua Hoile, 
 2G ; appointment, after little more 
 than a year, to the Bishoprics of 
 Kilraore and Ardagh, 27, 94, 297; 
 delay in his consecration ; unwilling 
 to adopt the costly garb and the state 
 commonly used by Bishops; walks 
 with one attendant in the streets of 
 Dublin, instead of riding with three 
 or four, 28, 160, 300; scoffed at by 
 another Bishop for his plainness of 
 garb, 29, 181 ; inquires diligently 
 into state of his diocese, and hears 
 complaints ; appoints a visitation ; 
 impartiallj' redresses grievances ; 
 open opposition of his chancellor 
 abetted by some of the clergy to his 
 intentions for reformation ; great 
 unpopularity, 29, 30 ; lawsuit be- 
 tween Bedell and his chancellor, 31, 
 32, 33, 3G, 50, 51, 120, 121, 122, 
 123, 302, 311-318, 325, 32(5; he keeps 
 Courts in all parts of his diocese for 
 redressing grievances, 33, 119, 302; 
 visit to Sir F. Hamilton of Mannor 
 Hamilton, 34, 107 ; misuse of sen- 
 tence of excommunication, 3G, 119 ; 
 Diocesan Synod called, 38, 110 ; his 
 visitations, 38, 115; account of Bedell 
 by Dr Bernard, sometime dean of 
 Kilmore, 37 ; admonishes ministers 
 to provide sufficient curates, 40 ; care 
 in conferring Holy Orders, 42, 105 ; 
 he persuades Dr John Richardson to 
 become Bishop of Ardagh, which he 
 resigns in order to set a good example 
 in the matter of pluralities, 43, 44, 
 102 ; is much troubled by lands having 
 been leased by formerBishops to tlieir 
 kindred, and thus alienated from the 
 See, 98, 99; signs a petition from 
 Protestants in County Cavan to Lord 
 Chancellor of Ireland and the Earl 
 of Cork respecting certain heavy im- 
 positions, 40; accused of opposing 
 his Majesty's service in Ireland; re- 
 
 buked by Archbishop of Canterbury 
 and Lord Wentworth ; letters to the 
 Archbishop and to Lord Wentwortli ; 
 after a time he waits upon Lord 
 Wentworth, 47, 9(5; case of Bishop 
 of Killelagh, 48, 49, 50, 147, 148, 
 149, 150; two great labours under- 
 taken during the later years of his 
 life, the rebuilding of the churches 
 in his diocese, and the translating 
 of the Old Testament into the Irish 
 tongue, 54, 55, 5(5, 131 — 144; out- 
 break of rebellion, Oct. 23, 1641; 
 Bedell visited frequently by the chief 
 of the O'Rellys, 59; great sufferings 
 of the English, stripped of every- 
 thing ; the Bishop entertains and 
 relieves them, 60, 175, 176 ; his cattle 
 stolen by the Irish, who become more 
 insolent in their treatment of hini, 
 61, 62, 189 ; he becomes a prisoner 
 in his own house; offered safe con- 
 duct to Dublin for himself and his 
 family and those who had taken 
 refuge in his house ; stedfastly refuses 
 to quit his post, 63, 64; Edmund 
 O'Relly comes to the Bishop's house 
 and arrests him ; he is taken to Lough- 
 water Castle as a prisoner, where he 
 is treated with much courtesy ; keeps 
 Christmas with his fellow prisoners 
 at Loughwater, 66-68, 189; by the 
 intervention of some special friends 
 the Bishop and his family were set at 
 liberty, 69, 193; no home to go to; 
 takes refuge in the house of Mr Dennis 
 Sheridan; his own house taken pos- 
 session of by the papist Bishop of 
 Kilmore, 69, 70,196; Bedell, through 
 Mr Sheridan's help, is able to pro- 
 cure from time to time some of 
 his own books and papers, amongst 
 others his MS. of the Hebrew Bible, 
 which he left in his will to Emmanuel 
 College, Cambridge, where it now 
 is, 70, 206 ; the greater part of 
 the Bishop's library taken away by 
 various people, or lost, 71 ; outbreak 
 of fever called Irish ague; Bedell's 
 step-son takes it, and Bedell in nurs- 
 ing him catches it himself, 72, 
 198; visited in his illness by Philip 
 
 26—2
 
 404 
 
 INDEK. 
 
 McMuUmore O'Relly, who though 
 a papist and brother to Edmund 
 O'Relly, bore Bedell a great affec- 
 tion, 73 ; Bedell blesses and comforts 
 his sons, 73, 201 ; his death, 73, 202 ; 
 he is buried at Kilmore; great re- 
 spect shewn by his enemies ; a volley 
 fired over his grave, 74, 75, 204, 205 ; 
 the engi-aving of his seal, 75, 161 ; 
 his form of institution to a living, 
 108; his labours for the reformation 
 and instruction of the Irish people, 
 124, 125, 126; his defence of Mr 
 Murtagh King, the translator of the 
 Old Testament into Irish, 136-144 ; 
 is appealed to in controversy with 
 Lutherans in Dublin concerning the 
 Lord's Supper, 146; death and burial 
 of Mrs Bedell, 150, 151; the rebel 
 leaders in Co. Cavan entreat Bedell 
 to mediate for them with the King, 
 178 ; declines offer of popish Bishop 
 of Kilmore to become his protector, 
 181 ; his last sermon, 197 ; his will, 
 206 ; his letters to Dr Samuel Ward, 
 214-226, 251-271; letters from 
 Venice, 226-251; to Sir Nathanael 
 Rich, 271 ; to Dr Ward, 273-295 ; to 
 Archbishop Ussher, 296 ; to Dr Ward, 
 297 ; to Laud, Bishop of London, 
 299; to Dr Ward, 299-303; to Dr 
 Downame, Bishop of Derry, 303-310 ; 
 to Laud, Bishop of London, 311- 
 314; to Dr Ward 317-325; to Bishop 
 of London, 325-328; to Dr Ward, 
 329-339; to Archbishop Laud, 339, 
 344-351, 354; to Dr Ward, 356, 
 362-366; to his sister, 367 
 Bedell, Ambrose, son of the Bishop, 
 
 80, 134, 213, 337 
 Bedell, William, jun. son of the Bishop, 
 Minister of Kinallj', and afterwards 
 of Rattlesden, Suffolk, 80, 194, 
 210, 213, 330, 337; his letter to 
 Dr Ward, 369 
 Bedell, Jolin, brother of the Bishop, 2 
 Bellarmine, 26, 221, 251, 252 
 Belterbert, Co. Cavan, 57 
 Benedictus, a Venetian, 250 
 Bernard, Dr N., sometime Dean of 
 Kilmore, 37, 38, 93, 105, 110, 162, 
 208, 318, 340 
 
 Beza, his doctrine, 217 
 Biondi, Francisco, 265, 266, 267 
 Black-Notley, in Essex, 1, 2, 80, 261 
 Bladen, Mr, bookseller, 129 
 Bondumeira, the house of the, 241 
 Bononia, Pope's University, 231, 246 
 Bootius, Dr, Physician to Earl of Straf- 
 ford and Archbishop of Armagh, 118 
 Borghese, Cardinal, Pope'snephew, 240 
 Boyl, Lord Richard, Earl of Cork, 47 
 Bradwarden, 289, 291 
 Brady, Patrick, a minister, 130 
 Braintree, or Braintry, Essex, 2 
 Bramhall, Dr, Bishop of Londonderry, 
 or Derry, 104, 342, 350; his letters 
 to Archbishop Laud, 352, 360 
 Brent, Dr, Merton College, Oxford, 287 
 Brereton, Sir John, his legacy, 302 
 Brescia, 227 
 
 Brightman, Mr, his book on the Reve- 
 lation, 219 
 Brimigham, Mr, of Dublin College, 296 
 Buchanan, Mr, 107 
 Buck, Mr, 265, 266, 287, 292, 295, 
 
 298, 324, 330, 336 
 Buckingham, Duke of, 271 
 Buckley, Dr, Archbishop of Dublin, 
 
 146 
 Bulwer, a minister, 214, 221 
 Burlacey, Sir John, Lord Justice in 
 
 Ireland, 169, 178 
 Burnet, Mr Francis, a merchant, 268, 
 
 293, 295, 300, 330, 336, 337 
 Burwall, his defence of tobacco, 219 
 Bywater, Mr, 222 
 
 Callum, Mr Arthur, 67, 104, 190, 211 
 Calvin, his doctrine, 217, 317; his 
 
 Institutes, 244, 245 
 Cambridge, 3, 4, 15, 80, 81 
 Canonum, Codex, 224, 333, 838, 357, 
 
 365 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of, see Abbot 
 Capello, Marc Antonio, a friar, 237, 254 
 Caraffa, Thomas Maria, 83, 250 
 Cary, Sir Thomas, 327, 328, 332 
 Casaubon, 257 
 
 Castledine, Mr Richard, 191, 211 
 Castleton, Mr William, 67 
 Cavan, County, 46, 59, 96, 178, 194; 
 
 desolation of, 211 
 Chaderton, Dr Lawrence, first Master
 
 INDEX. 
 
 405 
 
 of Emmanuel College, -1, 80, 225, 
 258, 260, 265, 298, 335, 337, 339 
 
 Charles I, King of England, letter to 
 the King from Sir Henry Wotten, 4 ; 
 appoints Bedell Provost of Trinity 
 College, Dublin, 24, 92, 270; appoints 
 Bedell to the Bishoprics of Kilmore 
 and Ardagh, 27, 94 ; appoints a Com- 
 mission to judge the matter between 
 Bedell and his chancellor, 50 
 
 Chemnitius, his Examen of the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, 244 
 
 Christchurch Cathedral in Dublin, 53, 
 93; sermon in, 208 
 
 Cibo, a friar, banished from Venice, 
 225, 236 
 
 Clochwater Castle, sec Lougliwater 
 Castle. 
 
 Clogy, Alexander, Minister of Cavan, 
 134, 161, 196, 205, 210, 211 
 
 Clonfert, Bishop of, 352, 353, 861 
 
 Coddan, Patrick, Eegister of Kilmore, 
 123 
 
 Cogan, Mr, 254 
 
 Colchester, Suffragan Bishop of, 81 
 
 Comber, Mr, his verses, 224 
 
 Cooke, Dr Alan, Chancellor to Bishop 
 of Kilmore, 31, 32, 36, 50, 51, 120- 
 123, 297, 302, 311-318, 325, 326, 
 330, 331, 341, 347, 348, 352, 354- 
 360 
 
 Coot, Sir Charles, 195 
 
 Corbet, Mr, a minister, 147 
 
 Corby, Captain, 171 
 
 Cotton, Sir Robert, 324 
 
 Covenant of Grace, 303 
 
 Craig, Dr, physician at Venice, 107 
 
 Craig, Sir James, 195, 211 
 
 Cnikanthorpe, Dr, 267 
 
 Cran field, Lord, Lord Treasurer of 
 England, 261 
 
 Cranmer, Archbishop, 342 
 
 Cullum, Sir Hugh, 99 
 
 Culme, Mr, 350, 351 
 
 Cunningham, Mr John, 107 
 
 Dalby, Mr, 262 
 
 Dalmatia, Primate of, Bishop of Venice, 
 
 227 
 Davenant, John, Bishop of Salisbury, 
 
 his book on Colossians, 324, 330, 
 
 336 
 
 Dc Lugues, Mr, 248 
 
 Denham, Suffolk, 224 
 
 Denman, Mr, Master of school at 
 Braintry, to which John and William 
 Bedell went, 2 
 
 Derry, Bishop of, sec Downame and 
 Bramhall 
 
 Despontiue, Dr, Jasper, eminent physi- 
 cian at Venice, 10, 12, 13, 14, 23, 39, 
 43, 52, 53, 87, 256, 258, 259, 263, 265, 
 266, 267, 293, 330, 369 
 
 Dillon, Lord, 131, 142 
 
 Dillon, Luke, 60, 69, 204 
 
 Diodati, John, 92, 134, 248, 249, 254, 
 332 
 
 Divines, the Seven, 82, 84, 85, 230, 
 236 
 
 Doddes, Mr, his book on the Command- 
 ments, 219 
 
 Doncliu, Dr, Archbishop of Tuam, 
 131, 274 
 
 Dort, Synod of, 255, 275, 332 
 
 Downame, George, Bishop of Derry, 
 his letters from Bedell, 303-310 
 
 Draper, Robert, 327 
 
 Drogheda, lawsuit between Bedell and 
 his chancellor conducted there, 32; 
 siege of, 68; Bedell goes there, 271, 
 300 
 
 Dublin, College of, 4, 23, 41, 92, 93, 
 94, 105, 271-274, 278, 284, 296, 299, 
 300 ; Archbishop of, 24, 146 
 
 Dunshocklin, desolation of, 211 
 
 Durand, 290 
 
 Durce, Mr, 332 
 
 Dury, Mr, 145 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen of England, 98, 169, 
 
 170, 270, 278 
 Elliston, Elizabeth, mother of William 
 
 Bedell, 2 ; famous for her charity, 
 
 and expert in chirurgery; her death, 
 
 261 
 Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 3, 70, 
 
 80, 87, 206, 253, 258, 260, 267 
 Erasmus, 82 
 Estey, Mr George, predecessor of Bedell 
 
 in the ministry at St Edmunds 
 
 Bury, 8 
 Eustace, Sir Morris, 131 
 
 Fabricius, Guido, 262
 
 4o6 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Falkland, Lord Deputy in Ireland, 24, 
 
 53 
 Featly, Dr Daniel, 262 
 Ferdinando, Archduke, 243 
 Ferrara, Duchy of, 233 . 
 Firmage, Mr, 224 
 Fitzgerald, Mr, High Sheriff of Monag- 
 
 han, 169 
 Florence, Duke of, 242 
 Florus, monk of Adrumetum, 283 
 Floyd, Mr, 268 
 Forbes, Sir Arthur, 212 
 Fox, Mr, 221 
 Fulgentio, a Franciscan at Venice, 
 
 bitter enemy to Pope and Jesuits, 82, 
 
 230, 231, 244, 250, 275 
 Fulgentio, a Servite at Venice, 230, 
 
 231, 244 
 
 Genoa, city of, 242 
 
 Gerson, John, 218 
 
 Gibson, Capt., 212 
 
 Goade, Dr, 261 
 
 Grace and Faith, question of, 275-286, 
 
 288-291, 303-310, 330 
 Greenham, Mr, of Emmanuel College, 
 
 302, 341 
 
 Hamilton, Sir Francis, fortifies and 
 
 holds castle in County Cavan against 
 
 rebels, 195, 212 
 Hamilton, Sir Frederick, of Mannor 
 
 Hamilton, 34, 107 
 Harris, Paul, a priest, see Washington, 
 
 97, 157, 333, 336 
 Hartlib, Mr, 145, 336 
 Heyman, Sir Peter, a pupil of Bedell's, 
 
 261 
 Hill, Colonel, uncle to Mrs Ambrose 
 
 Bedell, 213 
 Hill, Sir Moses, 195 
 Hinde, Mr, Minister of Whepstead, 369 
 Hoile, Dr Joshua, Professor of Divinity 
 
 at Dublin, 25-27, 324 
 Holland, Earl of, his friendship for 
 
 Bedell, 53 
 Holywood, 221 
 Hordes, Mr, his verses, 224 
 Horniugshearth, Great, in Suffolk, 15, 
 
 16, 21, 22, 89, 259, 278 
 Houorius, Pope, 264, 265 
 Howlett, Mr, 338 
 
 Hudson, Mr, Eector of Belturbet, 176 
 Hunt, Mr, 267 
 
 Ignatius, picture of, 245 
 
 Interdict, Venetian, 8, 87, 88, 263, 
 287, 292, 295 
 
 Ireland; Bedell goes to Ireland as 
 Governor of the University and Col- 
 lege of Dublin, 23 ; his riding in 
 Ireland improves his health, 37; 
 custom of three or more livings being 
 held by one minister in Ireland, 40 ; 
 laws in force in Ireland requiring the 
 Irish to learn the English language, 
 41 ; outbreak of rebellion in, 59, 165; 
 every parish allowed popish priest, 
 every diocese popish bishop, 65, 167 ; 
 state of religion in, 272 ; language, 296 
 
 Italy, Bedell's abode in ; acquaintances 
 made in, 10; return from with Dr 
 Despontine, 12 
 
 James I, King of England, 8, 81, 85, 
 103, 224, 234, 251, 253, 300, 334, 
 350, 351 
 
 Jegou, Dr, Bishop of Norwich, 16, 90 
 
 Jermin, Sir Thomas, friend and patron 
 of Bedell, 15, 27, 53, 90, 94, 266, 
 294, 326 
 
 Jermyn, Mr Ambrose, a popish re- 
 cusant, 221 
 
 Jesuits, 11, 39, 82; copies of 'certain 
 rules of the Jesuits' found in their 
 College at Padua, 225, 228; on side 
 of Pope in controversy with State of 
 Venice, 234 ; Paulo's conference with, 
 245 
 
 Jewell, Mr, 221 
 
 Johnson, Mr, engineer to E. of Straf- 
 ford, Lord Lieiitenant, 109 
 
 Jones, Dr Henry, dean of Kilmore, 
 110, 213, 340 
 
 Jorkin, Mr, pupil of Dr S. Ward, 225 
 
 Justellus, 338, 365 
 
 Keilach, Castle of, 195 
 
 Kehison, 221 
 
 Kells, desolation of, 211 
 
 Kilfanora, Bishop of, 341 
 
 Killalagh, Archibald Adaire, Bishop of, 
 
 afterwards Bishop of Waterford, 48- 
 
 50, 147-150
 
 INDEX. 
 
 407 
 
 Kilmore, Co. Cavan, Ireland; Bishop 
 of, .s(;t' Bedell; Dean of, sec Bernard 
 and Jones; popish Bishop of, see 
 Swivcney 
 
 King, Mr Murtagh, 53, 5(5, 131, 132, 
 134, 135, 136, 141-144, 296, 342, 
 344-347, 341), 352 
 
 Knewstub, Mr, 225 
 
 Lambert, Lady, 345, 346 
 
 Lambert, Lord, 99, 345, 347, 350 
 
 Lancelot, Lord Archbishop of Dublin, 
 one of the Judges in Bedell's suit 
 against his chancellor, 51 
 
 Lanspergius, 221 
 
 Laodicean Synod, 225 
 
 Laud, Dr, Bishop of London, his letters 
 from Bedell, 299, 311-314, 325-328, 
 339, 344-351, 354; his letters to 
 Bedell, 314-316, 343, 358 ; his letters 
 from Bishoj) of Londonderry, 352, 
 360 
 
 Leatrim landes, 340, 343 
 
 Le Chassier, author of Consultation to 
 a Gentleman of Venice, 338 
 
 Legge, Cantrell, Printer to the Uni- 
 versity of Cambridge, 258 
 
 Leo, a rabbi at Venice, 86 
 
 Lewknor, Sir Edward, 214, 222 
 
 Lionel, Duke of Clarence, Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland in 1361, 124 
 
 Lloyd, Mr, Vice-Provost of Dublin 
 College, 272, 284 
 
 Loftus, Viscount, Lord Chancellor of 
 Ireland, 47, 51 
 
 Loughwater or Loughoughter Castle, 
 where Bedell was confined, 66, 67 ; 
 sec Clochwater 
 
 Lutherans, of Dublin, their contro- 
 versy as to the Lord's Supper, 146 
 
 Mac-Guyer a leader of Ulster rebels, 
 
 171, 178 
 Macham, Mr S,, of the Tiger's Head, 
 
 223, 257 
 Mac-Mahune, a leader of Ulster rebels, 
 
 171, 178 
 Mantua, Duke of , his son made Cardinal, 
 
 225, 234, 242 
 Marsilio, 244 
 
 Martin, Dr, Bishop of Meath, 131, 142 
 Martyr, his doctrine, 217 
 
 Matthias, Archduke, 241 
 
 Maw, Mrs Leah, 14, 80 
 
 Maw, Leah, daughter of Mrs Bedell by 
 first husband; marries Alex. Cloghy, 
 minister of Cavan, 161 
 
 Maw, Nicholas, elder son of Eobert 
 and Leah Maw, and step- son to 
 Bedell, 15, 287, 295, 300, 302, 330, 
 337, 338 
 
 Maw, Eobert, Kecorder of Bury, 14, 80 
 
 Maximus, his dialogue, 264 
 
 Maxwell, Dr, Bishop of Kilmore, 102 
 
 Maxwell, M. J., Bishop of Boss, after- 
 wards Bishop of Killala, 148 
 
 Mede, Mr, of Christ's College, Cam- 
 bridge, 275 
 
 Melancthon, his Epistles, 217 
 
 Meuini, Octavio, 263 
 
 Mensal-lands, 99, 340 
 
 Milan, Archbishop of, 227; Duchy of, 
 242 
 
 Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of Em- 
 manuel College, 256 
 
 Mirandula, Earl of, 242 
 
 Modena, Duke of, 242 
 
 Moigne, Bishop of Kilmore, Bedell's 
 predecessor, 98 
 
 Moigne, Mrs, widow of Bishop Moigne, 
 176 
 
 Molina, Propositions of, 323 
 
 Moor, Mr, Minister at Mannor Hamil- 
 ton, 106 
 
 Morley, Sir — , 219, 222, 223, 224, 
 257 
 
 Mortmaine, 274, 332 
 
 Morton, Bishop of Durham, 92 
 
 Morton, Sir Henry, nephew of Sir H. 
 Wotteu, 254 
 
 Mountjoy, Lord, 98 
 
 Murray, Sir David, 238 
 
 Nanglc, Mr James, 55, 56 
 Naples, Kingdom of, 232, 242 
 Navan, desolation of, 211 
 Netherlands, Treaty with, 234, 242 
 Newhouse, Mr, 223 
 Newmarket, 252 
 Newton, Sir Adam, 88 
 Newton, Mr, 219, 220 
 Norfolk, living in, 253 
 Norwich, Bishop of, 16, 90 ; Chancellor 
 of, cites Bedell, 220
 
 4o8 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Nuncio, the Pope's, Bishop of Eimini, 
 227, 230, 237, 241, 245 
 
 O'Conelly, 171 
 
 O'Creane, Dauiel, 129 
 
 O'Ferrall, Eobert, 327, 328 
 
 Orauge, Council of, 276 
 
 O'Eelly, Edmund, chief leader of re- 
 bellion in County Cavan, 58, 60, 61, 
 66, 67, 74, 180 
 
 O'Eelly, Mullmore, High Sheriff of 
 County Cavan, son of Edmund 
 O'Eelly, 74, 169, 180 
 
 O'Eelly, Owen, Governor of Lough- 
 water Castle, 67 
 
 O'Eelly, Philip McMuUmore, a brother 
 of Edmund O'Eelly, 59, 60, 69, 72, 
 180 
 
 Ormond, Lord, 149 
 
 O'Eoruicks, 196 
 
 O'Sheridau, Dennis ; sec Sheridan. 
 
 Padua, 225, 227, 228, 235, 236 
 
 Papilion, Mr, 248 
 
 Parma, Duke of, 242 
 
 Parry, Dr, Preacher at St Patrick's, 146, 
 
 161 
 Parsons, Eobert, his Treatise, 221 
 Parsons, Sir "William, Lord Justice in 
 
 Ireland, 103, 104, 169, 178 
 Paulo Padre (Sarpi), 5, 9, 82, 83, 84, 
 
 85, 92, 208, 224, 231, 236, 244, 245, 
 
 246, 248, 250, 263, 275, 279, 287, 
 
 291, 336 
 Paulus V, Pope, 8, 81, 225, 230, 234, 
 
 237, 239, 240, 243, 244, 250 
 Pelagians, the, 257, 301 
 Perkins, Captain, 129 
 Perkins, Mr William, 4, 19, 221, 223, 
 
 269; his problem, 245, 317 
 Perron, Cardinal, French Ambassador 
 
 at Venice, 230, 236 
 Pickering, Mr, 220 
 Pitts, Simon, 259 
 Placentia, Duke of, 242 
 Plantine, or Lion's Print, 256 
 Plessis, Mr, of Saumure, 248 
 Polonian heels, 29 
 Poma, his escape, 226 
 Potter, Dr, 330 
 Pouke, nickname of Dr Alan Cook, 
 
 311 
 
 Powell, Mr Gabriel, writer of de Anti- 
 christ©, 245 
 
 Preston, Dr, second Master of Em- 
 manuel College, Cambridge, 260, 287 
 
 Price, Mr Thomas, Archdeacon to 
 Bishop of Kilmore, 105, 114, 212, 
 309 
 
 Prinu, Mr, 96, 99 
 
 Psalms, Translation of, into Irish, 296 
 
 Puttock, Mr, 296 
 
 Quodlibetical question, 298, 336, 337 
 
 Eatcliffe, Sir George, 342, 346, 349, 353 
 Eattlesden, Suffolk, 213 
 EebeUion, Irish, 23, 58-71, 165-196 
 Eecusancy, Motives to, book by Bedell, 
 
 261, 281, 288, 295 
 Eeformed Churches, the, 255 
 Eeynolds, Dr, 261 
 Eibetti, a divine, 241 
 Eiee, Mr, 2.S7 
 Eich, Sir Nathanael, 258, 268, 270, 
 
 271, 332 
 Eichardson, Dr John, Dean of Derry, 
 
 is persuaded by Bedell to take the 
 
 Bishopric of Ardagh, 43, 102, 328, 
 
 331 
 Eimini, Bishop of. Pope's Nuncio, 230 
 Eudd, Mr, 262 
 Eudolph II, Emperor of Germany, 
 
 241 
 
 Sacraments, efticacy of, 317-324, 329, 
 
 335, 337 
 Sacrobosco, his book, 222, 223 
 St Angelo, Castle of, 236 
 St Cyprian, his epistle to his brethren, 
 
 245 
 St Edmunds Bury in Suffolk, Bedell's 
 
 first cure, 5, 8, 13, 15 ; letters from, 
 
 214-224, 252-254 
 St Paul, quoted, 13, 41, 51, 64, 158, 
 
 194, 216, 229, 276, 279, 281, 282, 
 
 285, 290, 304, 308, 309, 323, 329 
 Samways, Samuel, 218, 222 
 Sancroft, Dr, 298, 335, 337, 339 
 Sandes, Sir Edwyn, 223, 247, 254 
 Sarpi, Paulo ; see Paulo Padre 
 Savoy, Duke of, his son made Cardinal, 
 
 225, 234, 242 
 Selden, Mr, 261
 
 INDEX. 
 
 409 
 
 Sergins, Patriarch of Constautinople, 
 
 264 
 aheridan, Mr Dennis, 69, 70, 71, 190, 
 
 204, 210 
 Shirley, Su- George, Lord Chief Justice 
 
 of the King's Bench, 50 
 Shxny, desolation of, 211 
 Sowtheby, Mr, colleague of Bedell at 
 
 St Edmunds Bury, 81, 90, 223, 293, 
 
 295 
 Spain, King of, 225, 234, 241, 242 
 Spalatensis, 83, 86, 87, 88 
 Stapleton, his books, 223 
 Strafford, Earl of; see Wentworth, 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of L-eland, 109, 113, 
 
 141, 169, 271, 274, 275, 284, 334, 
 
 335, 340-344, 346, 349-351 
 Sutcliffe, Mr, his answer to Robert 
 
 Parsons, 221 
 Sweden, King of, his success, 329 
 Swiveney, Dr, Popish Bishop of Kil- 
 
 more, 65, 180, 204, 300 
 Swords, desolation of, 211 
 Synge, Mr George, a friend of Dr Cooke, 
 
 313, 315, 341 
 
 Tarah, desolation of, 211 
 
 Tecrohen, Castle of, 195 
 
 Temple, Mr, Fellow of Trinity College, 
 
 Dublin, 268 
 Temple, Sir John, Privy Councillor, 213 
 Temple, Sir William, Provost of Trinity 
 
 College, Dublin, 92, 294 
 Termon lands, 99, 351 
 Tiber, river, 235 
 Tichborne, Sir Henry, Governor of 
 
 Drogheda, 212 
 Tireconell, Earl of, his rebellion, 98, 
 
 169 
 Trent, Council of, 83, 87, 88, 228, 244, 
 
 266, 321 
 Trim, storming of, 195 
 Tuam, Archbishop of, see Donelin, 274 
 Turner, Dr, his pamphlets, 222, 223 
 Tuscany, Prince of, married to sister 
 
 of the King of Spain, 241 
 Tyrone, Earl of, his rebellion, 98, 169 
 
 Urbin, Duke of, 242 
 
 Ussher, James, Archbishop of Armagh, 
 Lord Primate of Ireland, 24, 92, 117, 
 157, 206, 262, 266, 271, 274, 278, 
 
 280, 284, 287, 292, 293, 294, 298, 
 300, 302, 312, 313, 315, 318, 324-326, 
 330, 333, 336, 338, 341, 342, 344-349, 
 351, 352, 354-365 
 
 Ussher, Sir William, 131 
 
 Ussher, Mr, candidate for Provostship, 
 271, 274, 300 
 
 Vatican Library, 267 
 
 Venice, Bedell chaplain in, 4, 8-10, 
 81, 230 ; letters from, 224-252 ; Bishop 
 and Clergy of, 227 ; state of religion 
 in, 229, 239; the state of, 242; Book 
 of Saints of, 245 
 
 Verona, 227 
 
 Vespers, Sicilian, 165 
 
 Viaticum, at Dublin College, 272 
 
 Vicentio, a friar, 237 
 
 Vicenza, 227 
 
 Virginia, desolation of, 211 
 
 Wadsworth, Mr, his letters from Bedell, 
 10; sent to Spain, 81; his apostasy, 
 89 
 
 Walker, Mr, 222 
 
 Walsh, Sheriff, 149 
 
 Wandesford, Christopher, deputy for 
 Earl of Strafford, 169 
 
 Wansted Sermon preached before 
 James I by Archbishop Ussher, 97, 
 298, 317, 333 
 
 Ward, Dr Samuel, Fellow of Emmanuel 
 College, and Master of Sidney Sussex 
 College, Cambridge, 87, 214; letters 
 to him from Bedell on teaching in the 
 matter of ceremonies, 214-219 ; on 
 his answer to the Papists, 220-222 ; 
 on literary matters, 223, 224 ; from 
 Venice, 224-251 ; on Bellarmine, 
 251; from Bury St Edmunds 252- 
 254 ; from Horningshearth, 255 ; 
 literary and theological, 256; Dr 
 Despontine's Treatise, 258-260; pro- 
 ceedings in Parliament and Convo- 
 cation, 261-263; from Hornings- 
 hearth, 263-265; provostship of 
 Dublin College, 265, 268, 270 ; Signor 
 Biondi's enquiry, 207; queries about 
 University of Cambridge ; affairs of 
 Dublin College, 273 ; on Grace and 
 Faith, 275-283; on differences at 
 Dublin College, Tract by Paul Sarpi,
 
 4IO 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 284 ; return to Ireland, 286 ; question 
 of Grace, 288 ; Paul Sarpi's tract, 291 ; 
 farewell on going to Ireland, 292 ; 
 state of Ireland and Dublin College, 
 293 ; state of dioceses of Kilmore 
 and Ardagh, 297 ; Provostship of 
 Dublin College, 299; question of 
 effects of Baptism, 301 ; leanings to 
 Popery, efficacy of Sacraments, 317- 
 825 ; differences with Chancellor, 
 notice of William Bedell, jun., lite- 
 rary and theological, and other 
 matters, 329-339, 356, 362-366 ; his 
 death, 366, 370 
 
 Ware, Sir James, 181, 142, 272 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, 273 
 
 Washington, Paul, a priest, see Harris, 
 
 157, 298, 333 
 Welbore, Mr William, 336 
 Wentworth, see Strafford, 47, 95, 208 
 Whepstead, Suffolk, 369 
 Whitaker, Dr William, author of Dupli- 
 
 catio, 223, 250, 251, 262 
 Wootten, Sir Henry, Ambassador at 
 
 Venice, 4, 8, 24, 81, 86, 93, 208, 288, 
 
 239, 253 
 
 Zanchius, 336 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY J. AND C. P. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Ati^^Ips
 
 UC SOUTHER'. Rt err. ■••L LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 AA 000 979 532 9