J c UC-NRLF THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERoilY IN CONFORMITY WITH THE REQUIRE- MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY JOHN BOWEN EDWARDS GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY MENASHA. WISCONSIN 1916 EXCHANGE C ■^li Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/demesmaninatticlOOedwarich ^aifm ^a9kx^^s Hniti^raitg THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY IN CONFORMITY WITH THE REQUIRE- MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY JOHN BOWEN EDWARDS GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY MENASHA. WISCONSIN 191 6 C5^ Mr 'J * e-*2 v^w^'^r « ■» a *''♦. THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE TO MY MOTHER This Paper is Affectionately Dedicated TABLE OF CONTENTS Preliminary Note I Chapter I Local Attachment in Deme and State 1 Chapter II The Deme as a Political Unit 5 Chapter III The Deme as a Religious Center 15 Chapter IV The Deme as a Trade Center 20 Chapter V The Demesman in Drama 24 Chapter VI The Demesman in the Orators 31 Chapter VII The Social Unity OF THE Deme 48 Chapter VIII Thucydides and Retrospect 55 Appendix I The Significance of the Demotikon 58 Partial Bibliography 62 Vita 64 PRELIMINARY NOTE The organization of the demes has been made the object of so much study that enough has been learned about this peculiar insti- tution of the Athenians for one to look for an answer to the question of how it affected the feelings and sentiments of the citizens, to ask about the role of the demesman in the life of the people as well as the importance of the deme in the organization of their government. The deme is a town or ward, the demesman is the citizen who lives in it, and back of the bond between the citizen and his city, appears the basic tie between the citizen and his deme. Thus the first thing to be done is to obtain an understanding of this rela- tion. It is only as the demesman is active in such capacity that he is felt in Attic Hfe, and since actions are best explained by motives and feelings, the relation between demesman and deme would present itself as a feeling of local attachment. In the next place it is necessary to consider the deme again from this new point of view in the four forms of human activity — politics, religion, trade, and society. Since the last of these cannot well be con- sidered until we are better acquainted with the demesmen them- selves it is reserved for a later chapter. The regard of the demes- man for his deme and his view of the demes having been presented, it remains to see how the demesmen conducted themselves in their association both with men and with the gods — for the Athenians,^ as we have heard, were a very religious people — and to secure a definite impression of the character of the demesman. For popular ideals pictured in action one would naturally turn to the field of drama, and for the still more illuminating expression of popular prejudice and of private interest to the field of oratory. In round- ing out the view and to present the demes in their true historical perspective it is indicated how the balance of power shifted inside ^For a time it had seemed that in the Cult of Apollo with its great oracle at Delphi Greek Religion had found a strong centralizing power. But their god had failed them in the crisis of the Persian War and this threw them back upon their local divinities — because the miracle did happen, the Persian host was defeated, and it was a defeat which merely human powers could never have achieved. For this interven- tion of the gods the Athenians, as their agents, had the most reason to be grateful. Theirs was a far different fate from that of their brothers in Ionia — whose gods had not protected them against the enemy, the result being that they were far less con- servative than the Athenians. In fact Ionian philosophers were in danger of being persecuted in Athens because of impiety. PRELIMINARY NOTE the state. The deme-name or demotikon is also discussed, chiefly its use in characterization, thus harking back to philochoria (the feeHng of local attachment) again and finally the social cohesion of the deme is treated, and the demesmen are seen to stand together in the intimacy of kinsmen and neighbors. CHAPTER I Local Attachment in Deme and State In the picture that Plato gives of an ideal society he locates it in Attica.^ In the Laws he places the ideal city eighty stades from the sea, and Athens was just half that distance — as Thucydides had noted ;2 and all through the Laws it is evident that in his description of the ideal state Plato was thinking of his own city no less than of Sparta and comparing and contrasting the two.^ So the famiUar things in our own life inevitably color our ideals — the things that are nearest to us and that custom has made dear. It is not so very remarkable that a man should love his own country, his birthplace especially, and the place known to him as home. For this senti- ment, the feehng of local attachment, the Greeks had a word — philochoria — and in them it reached an intensity which other peo- ples might emulate, indeed, but have rarely, if ever, surpassed. They personified the places they lived in (as who does not?) and these personifications, these genii loci, became like gods to them, and as they advanced in civihzation, their sense of local attachment developed from affection for a particular place to that passion for their imperial city which is so proudly expressed in the large activi- ties of the Athenians of the Age of Pericles. The Age would look to Homer for its ideals — and of his two principal heroes, Achilles and Odysseus, the Athenian would find himself in closer sympathy with the Ionian hero. The Iliad tells of the "wrath of a roving chieftain who would sooner fight in an enemy's country than live happily in his own"; the Odyssey is the story of the homeward voyaging of Odysseus and at the very begin- ning of the story the poet represents him as longing for the sight of Ithaca.^ He spins out the story for the sake of its fascinating adven- tures but he is very honest with his hero and represents his constant purpose as the wish to be at home in his own land once more and the name of Ithaca is frequent on his Hps. There is a physical side to this attachment which is very real and did not escape the poet's notice. Thus in the Odyssey^ the » Plato: Kritias, 110 C, 112 B-D. 2 Thucydides, II, 13. Cf. Plato: Laws 704 B. ^Susemihl: Genetische Entwickelung der Platonishen Philosophie II, 480. Cf. also 477. *Odys. I, 56-59. ^ Odys. IX, 19-27. Alluded to by Lucian in his Patriae Laudatio. 2 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE hero describes his beloved Ithaca as rpryxet' aXX' ayaOrj KovpoTp6(f>os, a rugged isle hut a good nurse of nolle youth. Hellas was not a rich country; and such a circumstance emphasizes the quaHty of its inhabitants. It may even develop a more material side — this also is noticed by the poet. Thus he makes Telemachus in his com- plaint to the Ithacans, assign a double cause to his grief — the death of his father and the continued waste and threatened destruction of his property.^ The patriotism of the Athenians drew its strength from the same source as Odysseus' love for Ithaca. It had its religious as well as its secular side; in some mysterious way one's ancestors continued to dwell in the land, their spirits to watch over their descendants, and in a very clear and practical way the land fed them and afforded a refuge. The influence of philochoria^ on a man's life and his work is shown well enough in the case of the great poets of Athens, who combined their love for the city with the simpler affection which every Athenian felt for the place of his origin. Thus Aeschylus, who was born at Eleusis and grew up there, does not escape the solemn influences of the sacred city. His affection for Eleusis is alluded to by Aristophanes^ but Aeschylus himself never mentions its name.^ Could it have been an unwel- come word to an Athenian audience at one time and so this avoid- ance have become a stage tradition? For he is equally soHcitous to avoid mention of Sparta^'' — and to glorify Argos. Sophocles, who came from just outside of Athens, could not be induced to leave his own city by any of the princes, who invited him to their courts." He drew his most inspiring material from Attic legend. He could have had no such motives as Aeschylus for avoiding mention of his birthplace; and it is in his native deme, KoXcows, that he locates the last of his plays of Oedi- pus. ^^ Throughout this play the altars and gods of the deme are 7 Cf. Plutarch, Demosth. c. 2. « Frogs 886. 'In the plays extant. But one of his plays was called ol *E\evL\aBr)vaio% fiv , . . . . ^Wed. Col. 670. LOCAL ATTACHMENT IN DEME AND STATE 3 praised and in one of the choruses its natural beauties are de- scribed.i^ Athena and Poseidon figure in the play, but Athena is here Athena Hippia; Poseidon, Poseidon Hippios. Euripides also shows, in his patriotism, the same twofold attach- ment. Salamis was his birthplace, and his poetry celebrates the island and its heroes.^^ But he is chiefly an Athenian. One of his plays^^ has to do with the Attic tribes, and the cult of Artemis at Halae. Brauron is honored in a second,^^ and the Herakles cult of the Tetrapolis and the Demeter cult of Eleusis are prominent in two others. ^^ Sparta is tabooed just as in Aeschylus. And Argos is glorified — some of the heroes are even taken away from the Dorian cities and made into Argives. This was the other side of philochoria. You love your own land, you hate your enemy's. If a man is of another country that in itself is a casus belli. It is due to local jealousy. In an oration of Demosthenes^^ this is appealed to in conjunction with local attachment, the orator urging the Athenians in this speech not to degrade their citizenship by conferring it upon Aristokrates. It was among the Athenians that the feeling of local attachment reached its highest form; to them the larger vision came.^^ And the other Hellenes were aware of this. The Corinthian envoys to Lacedaemon in 432, just before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, held up the Athenians to the Spartans as models in this res- pect.^° But this larger patriotism quickly falls away, unless it has the simpler as its foundation. It was not without some political insight that Aristophanes represents in his Acharnians the ab- surdity that arises when the two affections are opposed to one another. Dikaeopolis is so homesick for his deme^^ that he makes a " Oed. Col. 1070. Cf . Pausanias, I, 30. " Euripides: Troad. 801, 1086. Hel 88, 150. I ph. in Aulis 194, 288. 15/ow. 1528ff. " I ph. in Tauris 1453, 1462. ^^ Herakleidai and Suppliants. isDem. XXIII, 211-214. ^^ See the ode on the glories of Athens in Euripides' Medea or the funeral speech of Perikles as reported by Thucydides. 20 Thucyd. I, 70. 21 The deme was XoXXeiSai. Cf . Ach. 406. But the Schol. on 34 says he was a dr]n6TT]s of Acharnae. There is no necessity for assuming any such thing, or that he held property even in Acharnae. The Acharnians merely represent the war party. The Spartans were too close to Acharnae — the events of the play could hardly have been imagined as occurring there. But XoWetSai was an urban deme some distance from the city walls and so exposed to a Spartan raid — or to a sally from the city — in which the Acharnians were shut up. 4 . THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE private peace with the Lacedaemonians so that he may go home and Hve there undisturbed. Proud though each Athenian might be of his city and its glory, contented as he might be with the empire which brought him so convenient a revenue, still the nearest if not the first object of his love was the deme where he lived or with whose members he was associated. The deme was the centre of the Athenian's attachment to the State and as every deme repeated in miniature the organization of the City, participation in its privi- leges and duties was for every demesman a preparation, as it were, for the larger political activities of the imperial city. CHAPTER II The Deme as a Political Unit The character of the deme in its capacity as a political unit is due to the fact that so many of the demes were once village com- munities as to have given them all the stamp of that type. Where- ever you study the origins of an Aryan folk you will find the village community at the basis of its social organization. And here the word drjiJLos itself points to the village community. In Homer it means "Land" and "Folk";i in Attic it means "Canton" and "Community," or "People," and is often equivalent to Kojfirj.^ A brjfjLos consisted of /cXrJpot, the shares of land assigned by lot, and the social history of KKrjpos parallels the political history of drjuos.^ The double aspect of the village community reflects itself in the character which has already been given to the philochoria of the Hellenes. There is a rehgious and secular side. The village com- munity consists of a group of families united by the assumption of a common kinship, and of a company of persons exercising a joint sovereignty over land.^ It is a form particularly adapted to coloni- zation.^ When such a group under its hereditary chieftain takes possession of any land, this land can become private property only by the leader's making a division of the arable land and assigning it to his followers according to prowess, dignity or lot. In Attica the poverty of the soil or rather the lack of any large, continuous territory tended to hold the various httle groups apart; when a val- ley filled up, a colony would be sent out, as often as not by sea. It is easier to rule a large number of men than a small number; in the former case the chieftain can become intimate to only a few; in the second, the smaller the group the more each member of it feels his own importance. This is why democracy can develop so much more rapidly in small and isolated communities, where the necessity for the centralization of power is not so evident. Wher- ever large groups of men have lived in close association there has Uliad III, 50, V. 710. XVI, 437. Od. I, 103. XIII, 266, 322. XXIV, 12. 2 Isocr. VII. 46. ' Mangold in Curtius Studien VI, 404. Boisacq. Diet. Etym. de la langue Grecque, s. V. ArjfjLos. L. Meyer, Handhuch der Griech. Etym. 1, 233. * Maine: Village Communities, p. 10. 5 Wallace: Russia, c. VI, p. 107-126. Earle: Land Charters and Saxonic Docu- ments, Introd. xlix. Tacitus: Germania c. 36. O THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE been a rapid and irresistible trend towards monarchy. But in such a community as might settle in some valley plain of Attica it is reasonable to suppose that when the land came to be distributed, the fighting men of the group would not be neglected and a more equitable distribution^ would be made, though the chieftain might reserve the best for himself and a part of the pubHc domain would be given to the ancestral god. The village community when it first appears presents four char- acteristics; 1) kinship; 2) government by a council; 3) land held in common; and 4) a common worship.^ In its initial development the first and last are important, but as the influence of kinship decHnes as a principle in social organization before that of geo- graphy the second and third receive greater emphasis. In the Attic deme is shown a stage in this transition towards the geographical organization of society but all the early characteristics of the vil- lage community remain. 1 . There is the fiction of kinship maintained by a general group. 2. The government is by an assembly (ayopa), and by a head- man or drjfxapxos one of whose duties is to see that no boundaries are transgressed, i. e., to maintain the integrity of the kKtjpol. 3. The common land does not extend to all the lands the Sr/juorat own but there are some lands held in common, the deme treasury is administered for the advantage of the community, resi- dents in a deme of which they are not members are taxed, and the deme is a corporation in the eyes of the law. 4. There is a common cult. Every deme has its hero or ances- tral god. Attica is thus full of holy places. In the City the same four ideas are to be traced. 1 . Ion was the mystical ancestor. 2. The government rested originally with the /3aa-tXeus and the BovXr}, then with the BovXr) and only with the complete democracy did the 'EKKKrjaia become powerful. 3. The theory of communal ownership remained. Distribu- tions to the public were not uncommon, such as the OecopLKov, which has a communal basis. ' From the same root as vkfjua, which means to distribute, and especially to dis- tribute land for pasturing cattle, comes vofios, which in Attic means law, human and secular law as opposed to dtfus. Noiuos is the "square deal," the "principle of equity." 7 W. W. Fowler : The City State of the Greeks and Romans, p. 33. THE DEME AS A POLITICAL UNIT 7 4. The City had its cult in the worship of Athena, Zeus and Apollo. That other gods were worshipped as of almost equal importance only goes to show the composite character of the popu- lation of Attica. The religious side of local attachment appears in the attempt which the village community made to extend that community into the world of the dead. It was natural to think thus^ and it led to some curious developments which will be taken up in the chapter on the deme as a religious center. In two ways this affects the pohtical relation between the deme and state. The deme legends which present a picture sufficiently confusing have all felt the effect of the desire of the Athenians to glorify their City. In the case of Homer this was probably at the expense of the historical renown of some of the demes.^ And yet the deme cults were objects of con- cern to the City also, as well as every private cult, to see that they were continued. The protection of the gods was necessary to the prosperity of the state and it was part of a citizen's patriotism to assist in making this a certainty. The Hellenes believed, therefore, that the State grew up out of the family; for they found in the organization of the family, the clan, the deme, the city, analogous institutions. Thus Aristotle writes :^° "That society which nature has established for daily support is a household (oIkos) . . . But the society of many households for mutual and lasting advan- tage is called a KojjjLr)^^ or village, naturally composed of members of one family, whom some call dfjioyaKaKres . . When many villages join themselves perfectly together into one society that society is a state." When Attica emerges from the confusion of legend and myth into history, we find a highly organized social structure built on the principle just quoted from Aristotle. It is not necessary to go into the past which lies back of that structure much farther than Thucydides has done^^ j^ his account of early Attica, in order to sRohde: Psyche I, p. 5. ff. 9 See Leaf's note on Iliad II, 552 (edition of 1900). ^"Aristotle: Politics i, 2, 6, ff. The Greeks believed, then, that the State arose from the household, developing through the village community. Cf. Elwood: Soci- ology and Modern Social Problems, p. 98. "We must reemphasize, therefore, the fact that the family is the central institution of human society, that industry and the state must subordinate themselves to its interest." ^^ Pohlman: Gesch. d. Soz. Frage u. d. Sozialismus in d. Ant. Welt, I, 10. 12 Thucyd. I, 2. 8 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE understand it. It was less exposed to attacks from without, he said, and so retained its original inhabitants. Each wave that swept down the Greek peninsula drove refugees into Attica, and so the population is composite, ultimately increasing to such an extent as to be obliged to send out colonies to Ionia. Now that last is the one doubtful point about his explanation. But it was impera- tive to account for the lonians in some way and they chose to make Attica rather than an Ionian Hellas the mother country of the colonies of Asia Minor and the Islands. ^^ However fascinating the early history of Attica and its inhabi- tants, especially the Pelasgians, may have been^^ it is not possible to give any solution of the many questions with which the obscurity of that early history is shrouded. The original inhabitants of Attica were, says Herodotus,^^ the Pelasgians. And remains of the Pelasgians are to be noted in the chthonic cults in Attica, the num- erous non-Hellenic place names, the traces of the castle and houses on the Acropolis, the beehive tombs of Menidi, Thorikos, Eleusis, the remains of Spata, Aphidna, Brauron,^^ the legends of the Amazons and the traces of matriarchy in the institutions and language of Attica.^^ The lonians and Pelasgians, fused into a composite race, formed the population of Attica. Two other waves of immigration, or invasion, the Achaean [this is the story of Eurystheus. They were driven back. Strabo IX, p. 377] and perhaps a Dorian [There are Dorian cults in Attica^^ — especially in the Tetrapolis, where Hera- ^3 It is probable that it was the other parts of Hellas rather than Attica which sent out lonians to Asia Minor — Boeotia for instance. " Ridgeway: Early Age of Greece, p. 139. 15 Hdt. I, 57. Cf. T. W. Allen in Class. Quarterly 3, 223. 1" Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study oj Greek Religion, p. 261; "Of the many survivals of matriarchal notions in Greek mythology one salient instance may be noted. St. Augustine, telling the story of the rivalry between Athena and Poseidon, says that the contest was decided by the vote of the citizens, both men and women, for it was the custom then for women to take part in pubhc affairs. The men voted for Poseidon, the women for Athena; the women exceeded the men by one and Athena prevailed. To appease the wrath of Poseidon the men inflicted on the women a triple punishment, they were to lose their vote, their children were no longer to be called by their mother's name and they themselves were no longer to be called after their goddess, Athenians." See St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei xviii, 9. The ques- tion was raised by Bachofen: Das Mutterrecht (1861). " Hall: The Oldest Civilization of Greece, p. 41. And Alcibiades claimed descent from Eurysaces, son of Herakles. J. H. S. V, 34. Abbott, Hist, of Greece I, 280. THE DEME AS A POLITICAL UNIT 9 kles was a chief god.] recoiled upon themselves. There were many back eddies in the stream of these migrations and the early inhabi- tants were never so completely subdued as the Helots in Laconia, but the newcomers rather combined with them on more equal terms, adopting freely their religious and social institutions. It is the testi- mony of both Herodotus and Thucydides that the historical con- tinuity of the population of Attica was unbroken by either Achaean or Dorian invasion.^^ The patriarchal principle of course prevailed; but traces of the other survive.^^ Whatever may have been the earlier history of Attica the legends seem to recognize certain geographical divisions, and it is along the old lines that the party divisions arise after the unifi- cation of the country and the centralization of power at Athens. The demes sink from any political importance, except as members of conflicting leagues in the legendary period of Attic history, and it is only with the organization of Cleisthenes that they receive again an importance commensurate with their origin. In order to break up' the party strife of the people of Attica the state is to be settled upon its original foundations? Not altogether. The geo- graphical or local principle is to supplant in a measure the gentile. Aristotle's account is as follows: "Accordingly when, at this time, he [i. e., Cleisthenes] found himself at the head of the masses, four years after the expulsion of the tyrants, in the archonship of Isag- oras, his first step was to distribute the whole population into ten tribes^*^ in place of the existing four, with the object of intermixing the members of the different tribes, so that every person might have a share in the franchise. From this arose the saying ^do not look at the tribes,' addressed to those who wished to scrutinize the list of the clans.21 Next he made the Council to consist of five hun- dred members instead of four hundred, each tribe now contributing fifty, whereas formerly each tribe had sent a hundred. The reason why he did not organize the people into twelve tribes was that he might not have to divide them according to the already existing trittyes; for the four tribes had twelve trittyes; so that he would not have achieved his object of redistributing the population in 18 Ridgeway: Early Age of Greece, p. 140, Hdt. I, 56, 58. VIII, 44. Thucyd. 1, 2. 1^ Jane Harrison: Prolegomena, pp. 262, 273. Themis, pp. 386, 498. 20Botsford: The Athenian Constitution in Cornell Studies IV, 197. Francotte: La Polis Grecque, p. 45. 21 "Those who wished to find out about a man's birth." 10 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE fresh combinations. Further, he divided the country by demes into thirty parts, ten from the districts about the city, ten from the coast and ten from the interior. These he called trittyes; and he assigned three of them by lot to each tribe in such a way that each should have one portion in each of these divisions. All who Hved in any given deme he declared fellowdemesmen to the end that the new citizens might not be exposed by the habitual use of the family names but that men might be known by the names of their demes and accordingly it is by the names of their demes that the Athenians speak of one another. He also instituted demarchs who had the same duties as the previously existing Naucrari — the demes being made to take the place of the naucraries. He gave names to the demes, some from the persons who founded them since some of them no longer corresponded to localities possessing names c "On the other hand he allowed everyone to retain his family and clan and religious cult according to ancestral custom. The names given to the tribes were the ten which the Pythia ap- pointed out of the hundred selected national heroes." "By these reforms the constitution became more democratic than that of Solon ... In the archonship of Telesimus they, for the first time since the tyranny, elected the nine Archons by lot out of the five hundred candidates selected by the demes, all the earlier ones having been elected by vote."^^ The unit of the State is to be no longer the yevos but the StJ/xos. In the yevos the religious principle prevails, blood determines status; in the dijfios the power of wealth owned by plebeians can make itself felt. Herodotus sums up the situation with a little more emphasis on rd yivri'P "The power of Athens had been great before but now that the tyrants were gone it became greater than ever. The chief authority was lodged with two persons, Cleisthenes of the family of the Alcmaeonids, who is said to have been the persuader of the Pythoness, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, who belonged to a no- ble house but whose pedigree I am not able to trace further. How- beit his kinsmen offer sacrifices to the Carian Jupiter. These two men strove together for the mastery and Cleisthenes, finding himself the weaker called to his aid the common people. Hereupon, instead 22 Aristotle: 'kd. ttoX. 21 and part of 22. Kenyon's translation, 1891, pp. 37-41. ^ Hdt. V, 66. Rawlinson's translation. THE DEME AS A POLITICAL UNIT 11 of the four tribes among which the Athenians had been divided hitherto, Cleisthenes made ten tribes and parcelled out the Athen- ians among them. He likewise changed the names of the tribes; for whereas they had till now been called after Geleon, Aegicores, Argades and Hoples, the four sons of Ion, Cleisthenes set these names aside and called his tribes after certain other heroes, all of whom were native except Ajax. Ajax was associated because, although a foreigner, he was a neighbor and an ally of Athens. . . . Cleisthenes . . ., having brought entirely over to his own side the conamon people of Athens whom he had before dis- dained gave all the tribes new names and made the number greater than formerly: instead of the four Phylarchs he established ten. He likewise placed tendemes in each of the tribes; and he was, now that the common people took his part, very much more powerful than his adversaries. "^^ The political importance of the gentile cults was a thing of the past. The cults continued but participation in a yevos was no longer a requisite to citizenship. The tide towards democracy had set in. Thus the Alcmaeonidae brought in the demes to help them against a rival ylvos — and what was to be the price? Equality in the courts comes first — that the people had already. It was no new thing and by now attendance was rather lax. Political equality and a sort of participation in the public cults must consequently be given to the commons. In its locality each old yevos had been supreme, for as a rule the units of the state had coincided with districts controlled by the established cult organizations which were based on the tie of blood. Consequently the franchise was ex- tended, the phratries were rearranged, and the importance of locali- ties shifted. Before Cleisthenes family and locality had been com- mensurable. Old Style:- Before Cleisthenes — Kinship 4 (})v\ai 12 cfyparpiaL 30 yevrj ? oIkol 24 Hdt. V, 69. See chapter vii, note 48. 25 Loeper: Die Demen und Trittyen Attikas. A. M. XVII, 319-433. Territorial 4 0uXat 12 rpLTTves^^ 48 ? vavKpapiaL K\rjpoL 12 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE The yevos originally occupied a definite territory (5?7/xos) and lived in a KioixT). For defense or aggression only adjacent yivr] could com- bine. Thus the phratries were modeled after the yevr) but on a larger scale with common cult and common ancestor. The phylae would be the link between the phratries and the State and would only seem to be like the others. They would be changed with pretty nearly every reorganization of the constitution. The eponymi of the four tribes were the four sons of Ion — but if there is fact back of the tradition nobody knows what it is. The tribe was wholly an artificial body long before Cleisthenes. He could change it as he liked, it would make little difference. But the phratries and yevrj which were associated in the common worship of deified ancestors were in their religious and secular association so combined as to be highly disadvantageous to the political prospects of the new faction of the shore in whose ranks were many plebeians and which naturally inclined to rest, on wealth rather than blood, all claims to privilege in the State. So Cleisthenes did not simply break up the factions; his reorganization of the constitution made his own faction supreme. The Eupatrids of the shore demes were wise enough to throw in their lot with the democracy. In the new system the tribes were ten, the naucraries fifty, the trittyes^^ thirty — for here the new system bites into the old. Each of the old factional districts was broken up into ten parts, which were called trittyes, and then the phyle was made up of three of these parts, one from each district. There the importance of the trittyes might well have rested except that their subdivisions, the demes, were given a place in the scheme which made them its chief support. Citizenship was made to depend on registration in the deme. The clan registration was retained but its importance largely restricted to the religious side. Church and State were separated; for admin- istrative — political — purposes, only the deme was recognized by the State. Everyone who could, hov/ever, kept his name on the roll of the clans. It was a social distinction only, of a fast disappearing consequence. The gentile and local divisions were originally commensurable because out of the local community of several famiHes grew their mythical if not also to a considerable extent their actual kinship. Through this community of blood the Hfe of the clan might con- 2" The Aeolic form rpiinrhs brings us to the Latin tribus. Cf. Dio C. Fr, I, 1. Szanto in Hermes, XXVII, 312-315. THE DEME AS A POLITICAL UNIT 13 tinue undiminished, for the dead were thought to return in the course of fate.^^ The gentile principle is not done away with in the new system but it is extended to a wider application — the State takes up the function of the yepos more and more. But the old divisions were crystallizations and could not flow into the forms of the new system. The new divisions of the State were secular in purpose, administrative and territorial, but it was not possible to do away with religious sanction and so the fiction of kinship was continued. New Style:- Arrangement by Cleisthenes — Kinship 4 r) wapapofxcop. It may for all that give an ampler and truer picture of Attic life. Thus in the Achamians the func- tions of the demesmen are mostly set forth. It was not a new thing to name a play after a deme.^ EupoHs wrote a play called Arjfxoi which probably meant the country demes;* and Aristophanes has thus honored the largest of the demes, Acharnae, which was in view of the city up towards Parnes. A country deme, the Acharnians were opposed to the poHcy of Peri- cles which kept them tented in the city. They might be supposed to favor a more active poKcy. The hero of the play, old Dikaeopo- lis, is true to his local attachment, his philochoria. The discontent of the country demesmen^ at the desolation of their deme is expressed by Dikaeopolis in the opening lines of the play. With some insight into the character of the country Aristophanes has him get to the Assembly long before time for the session to begin. cLTro^Xeiroiv is tov aypbv eipr)V7]s epccv, arvyccv p,kv aarv, tov b'eixbv drjfjLov toOQv, OS ovdeTCOTTor' elwev, ixvSpaKas irpio), ovK o^os, ovK eXaLOV, oW fJSet irpioi), dXX' avTos ecfyepe iravTa xw irplcov awTJv. vvv ovv arexvois yjko} TrapeaKevaafxePos ^oav vTOKpoveiv, \oibopeiv tovs prjTopas eav TLs aXXo ttXtjv irepl eiprjvrjs Xcy??- As nobody does speak on the subject of peace the good burgher makes a private peace with the Lacedaemonians. It is too late to get any others to share in this.^ The Acharnians whose deme has already been laid waste by Archidamus and his army are bit- terly opposed. They stand for the larger patriotism in contrast to the short-sighted philochoria of Dikaeopolis. They came near catching Amphitheos who brought the treaty back to DikaeopoHs from Sparta, as he relates to the old yeoman in a passage in which the poet pays the deme a compliment.^ 3 Tragedy deals with individuals; comedy is inclined to deal with types, groups* corporations. A guild which develops certain pecularities becomes a fit subject for comedy; so will a community. Eupolis named a play after the Prospaltians, a deme with a reputation for litigiousness. Suidas and Etym. Mag. sv. 5pvaxapvev. For plays with deme names see Haussoulier La Vie Municipale en Attique 198-199. « Koerte in Hermes XL VII, 305. ^ Of whom the Acharnians were the most considerable. Acharnians 9. « The Acharnians are representative of the war party. Cf. Thucyd. 2, 20. ' Cf. Acharnians 177 following. 26 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE kyo) iiev 8evp6 croi Girovbas 4>ep(jiv eairevdov ' ol 6' dacjipovTO irpea^VTai Tives 'AxapfLKol, (TTLTTTOl yepOPT€S, TpLPLVOL, drepdfjLOves, MapadcovofxaxcH', (Tipevda/iPLvoL. Here they are called 'AxapPLKol.^ A few lines back it had been 'Ax ap J'e'as. the ordinary form of the demotikon. As they are the chorus DikaeopoKs himself has occasion to address them. He makes use of a high-sounding patronymic based on the demotikon, 'AxapvrjldaL.^ But he does not long maintain such a respectful elevation. In a few hnes comes the more frequent 'AxoLpvLKoi,^^ which the chorus repeats in surprise at his insolence. Clearly the patronymic pleased them better. But for all that this same chorus addresses the Muse as 'AxapviKr}.^^ DikaeopoKs has betrayed the State. He has made peace with an enemy. The chorus exhort one another, appealing as demes- men,^2 ^q destroy the traitor. And DikaeopoKs reKes on the same relationship for his defence — he takes a demesman of theirs as a hostage. This hostage is very appropriately a Xap/cos, for the Acharnians were charcoal burners, or rather the charcoal burners who came into Athens were Acharnians. The city-man's point of view must not be forgotten in comedy. The Acharnians are all devoted to their demesman, Larkos the Acharnian, and when DikaeopoKs threatens to kill the hostage they are in great distress, cos dTTcoXojueo'^' * 6 \dpKos 8rjiJL6Tr}s 65' ear' ejuos dWd 1X7} Bpdarjs 6 jueXXets. jUTySajucos, w pi7)ban(x}S.^ And another tie endears Larkos to them. He is their ri\LKL6)Trjs as well as their SrjuoTrjs.^^ Thus between their indignation at DikaeopoKs the traitor and their affection for Larkos their demesman, his hostage, the Achar- nians are checked, but it almost cost Larkos his Kfe, as DikaeopoKs remarks blaming them (Ach. 349); 'oXt7ou T* cLiredavov avOpaKes HapviiaLOi Kal ravra 5ta rrfp droTiav rdv drmoTcov. 8 A. J. P. XXXI, 443. ^ Acharnians 322. ^° Acharnians 324, 1808. Cf. C. W. Peppier: The Termination -kos in Aristoph- anes in A. J. P. XXXI, 444. " Acharnians 665. Cf. Pindar Nem. II. It was a warlike deme. See also page 55 and Siiidas s. v. Spvaxo-pveO. ^Acharnians 319. ^^ Acharnians 333. " Acharnians 339. Cf. Plato: Theages 121 D, Apol 33 E. THE DEMESMAN IN DRAMA 27 Before he addresses the demesman in defence of his policy Dikae- opolis wishes to dress himself up, olov adXicoTarov, so as to work upon their sympathy. So off he goes to find Euripides and knocks at his door. There is no answer. He calls out, giving his name — — At/catoTToXts KoKet ae XoWeidrjs — with the demotikon}^ Another demesman, Lysistratos of Cholargos, is called a dis- grace to his deme — Auo-tcrrparos rev dyopd XoiXapyecov opeiSos — ^^ A deme, then, can be sensitive to the reputation of one of its mem- bers. The Athenians were extraordinarily sensitive to public opin- ion and the character of the citizen, or rather his lack of character, was felt to reflect upon his deme. But the deme, too, may judge character and the citizen's reputation depended in the last analysis upon his standing in his own deme. From going to the older mem- bers of the deme to ask if they know the man about whom one may be seeking information^^ to presenting them in court to testify for or against a citizen in whose case he may be actively interested the opinion of the demesmen is of the highest importance. It is the basis of pubHc opinion among the Athenians. The deme is the unit; political status depends upon a man's standing in his deme. A demotikon can be used in characterization as in the episode where Derketes of Phyle^^ whose oxen have been driven off by the Boeotians comes to Dikaeopolis for peace ointment. The play concludes with the triumph of DikaeopoHs, who in tipsy revelry mocks the war-like Lamachus, exulting in the success of his treaty with the Lacedaemonians. But the poet has been more considerate of the Acharnians than of other demes in other plays. It seems that he inclines to treat the shore demes with less kindness. When the demes are mentioned by Aristophanes it is for one or more of the following reasons : 1. In characterization. To introduce the characters. Here the demotikon}^ 2. On account of some local cult or custom.^^ ^^ Acharnians 406. Cf. Clouds 134, 156; Wasps 81; Peace 190, 918; Birds 645; Thesmophoriazusae 627, 898; Lysistrata 852; Ekklesiazusae 979. ^^ Acharnians 855. " As in Lysias XXI. ^^ Acharnians 1023, 19 Acharnians 406; Clouds 134, 210; Peace 190, 918, 919; Birds 645; Lysistrata 852; Thesmophoriazusae 620, 898; Wasps 233. ^^ Knights 773, Birds 395, Frogs 503, 651, 1093. 28 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE 3. On account of some local peculiarity or accident of location. ^i 4. To recall the glories of the Persian Wars, when Athens was the saviour of Hellas. 22 5. To make a hit of some kind, mostly at the expense of the demes.23 The use of the demotikon in introductions is a mark of the sub- stantial democrat. Athens had become bourgeois and it is note- worthy that many of these characters are men of demes lying in or near the city, in some cases having country residences. They always announce themselves by their demotika. So Strepsiades, when he comes to the school of Socrates,^^ announces himself as et5cows vlbs 'STperpiddrjs KiKvvvoOep, and Trygaeus calls himself 'AdjjLovevs,^^ in the Peace. Euelpides in the Birds^^ is EL;eX7r[5?7s KpLcodev who lives apparently in 'AXt/xoDs,^^ and Kinesias introduces himself as Haiovidris Kiprjalas.^^ In the Thesmophoriazusae^^ Mnesilochos, who is disguised as a woman, answers Cleisthenes' question as to *'her" husband's name by saying; tov belva yiyvcoa- K€Ls, TOV e/c Kodcx3KL8oip; and Kritylla styles herself KptruXXa 7' 'kvTiBeov TapyrjTTodev.^^ In the Wasps^^ Strymodoros is addressed as CO 'ETpvfJi68o)pe KovdvXev ^eXnaTe avvbLKaarcbv and asked about Xdj8r;s 6 ^\vevs, if he has come yet? In all this the iroKtrai know each other by their deme names. The deme is the social unit of the Polis. The relation to one's demesmen is a narrower circle and only when an outsider refers to it will a demotikon be used, as where Lysistratos is called the reproach of his deme.^^ j^ address- ing one another, or in speaking of their relations to their demes- men, members of the same deme will be satisfied with 8r}fWT7js.^^ ^^ Knights 320; Birds 496; Lysistrata 1031; Frogs 477; Thesmophoriazusae 998; Plutus 720. ^^Acharnians 697; Knights 560, 781, 1331; Clouds 400; Birds 868; Wasps 711; Thesmophoriazusae 806. ^Knights 79, 895; Birds 476; Frogs 429; Peace 190, 919; Lysistrata 850. 24 Clouds 134. 25 Peace 190, 919. 26 Birds 645. 27 Birds 496. 28 Lysistrata 852. The official character of all this is shown in 895. Cf. Hdt. VI, 109. Aristotle, A(9. ttoX. 34, 27. Dem. XX, 146. LIX, 72 Aesch. Ill, 115. 29 Thesmophoriazusae 620. ^° Thesmophoriazusae 898. »i Wasps 233. ^^ Acharnians 856. ^Acharnians 319, 328, d>?>Z, 348; KnigUs 320; Clouds 209, 1206, 122L 1322; Peace 918; Lysistrata 685; Ekklesiazusae 1023, 1115; Plutus 255, 322. THE DEMESMAN IN DRAMA 29 The deme is no longer a village community though in the country the demesmen may engage together in their farm work.^'^ In the ninth oration of Isaeus^^ the demesmen are all out in their fields at the same time and in the Plutus 8r]fjL6raL is linked with tov ivoveiv epaaral. The demesmen are held together by their common cult, their common duties to the State, their local nearness, their ayopd, or deme-meeting. Sometimes their agora must have been a very informal affair; the deme came nearer the freedom of the family than the Assembly of the Citizens. And agora meant market as well. Barter goes on there. It thus becomes the place where the demesmen settle local affairs. Prices are fixed at this or that [although, of course, there are no fixed prices] and what a man is comes out in this public life. The demesmen are the bystanders. Now a neighbor may not always know what goes on next door but the demesmen will know what goes on in the market place of his own town; the affairs of the deme will not be too complex for him to comprehend and to remember, if occasion require it. If a man is in trouble he appeals for help first to his neighbors and kins- men and then to his demesinen,^^ 03 yeiroves Kal avy yep els Kal drjfjLOT at, for the neighbors will be likely to be nearest, the kinsmen most concerned for his safety, the demesmen most interested in the maintenance of public order. So if he wants judgment or an opinion he will appeal to his demesmen. ^^ Judgment is sometimes given unasked, and a man may himself be the object of the criti- cism of his demesmen^^ or may become absurd or hateful to them. But to make an enemy of one's demesmen is an offence against the social order. In the Clouds, Pasias bewails the fact that he has made an enemy of his demesman — when he had only tried to collect an honest debt.^^ A man's chief support in the politics of the city is his demesmen. His aim is to keep his demesmen his friends and to make friends in a large deme which has a correspondingly larger representation in the Boule and so more weight in the State. A man's duty is to benefit his demesmen^° and he naturally looks to '' Plutus 254. 35 Isaeus IX. 18. ^ Clotids 1322; Lysistrata 685; Ekklesiazusae 1115. The neighbors are called in in case of fire. Thesmophoriazusae 240. ^'' AcharniansZ\9,322>, 38 Knights 320. 39 Clouds 1221. " Peace 919. 30 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE the demesmen for a return.*^ The very acme of devotion is shown by the Acharnians for their demesman Larkos.^^ And old Strep- siades in the Clouds when shown a map of Attica refuses to beHeve that it is Attica unless he can see KiKvvva and his demesmen^^ Friendship may arise largely through habitual association and this may be residence in the same locality. It is very difficult to be friends with people you rarely meet; but friend and demesman are by no means synonymous. ^^ " Ekklesiazusae 1023. Plutus 254, 322. ^'^ Acharnians 332, 348. ^Clouds 210. ^Knights 320; Clouds 1206, 1221; Wasps 233; Ekklesiazusae 1023; Plutus 255. And see Chapter VII, note 40. CHAPTER VI The Demesman in the Orators In Aristophanes the gentile side of the deme relationship^ is not so prominent as in the Orators. Thus in Antiphon the demes- man appears contrasted with the Krjdearrjs.^ The passage gives two reasons why one man should help another. Phanostratos who is of the same deme as the accusers, is related by marriage to the defendant and has been entrusted with a charge in which both are interested. The way drjfjLOTrjs is here balanced with KrjdeaTrjs might almost be taken to indicate that the two bonds are of about the same weight; the h'qjjLbT'qs being descended from a common ances- tor, this is a tie which has to be recognized. In Antiphon's time it must certainly have stood more on a par with relationship by marriage than it did later on. Antiphon was one of the leaders of the Four Hundred. His deme was Rhamnus, a northern deme and a shore deme. Most of the leaders of the Four Hundred, where their demes are known, come from inland and northern demes. Thrasybulus, one of the leaders of the democracy, came from Steiria, a shore deme, and Theramenes who went over from the oligarchs to the democrats was of the same deme. Andocides was a man who betrayed his demesmen (for the eratpta, headed by Euphiletos consisted chiefly, if not wholly of Kydathenaeans) in the interests of his family — crvyyeveis — under pressure from the State. He does not, therefore, dwell on the deme relation. The philochoria of the demesman appears only once^ and this is a case where deme and Polls were practically the same, since Kydathenaeon was situated in the heart of Athens. The demotikon figures in its legal function. In taking testimony it is essential that the court know where the witness comes from. Thus it is on the declaration made by a slave of Pherekles of Thema- kos that Andocides bases his plea for his father's innocence.^ ^ For it quickly took on that in imitation of the ykvos which it supplanted. 2 Antiphon VI, 12; Cf. Lysias XIII, 55. 3 Andocides I. 5. 4 Andocides I, 17. Cf. Dem. XVIII, 129. 32 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE The Other demesman mentioned is Alcibiades of Phegous — and to avoid confusion with Alcibiades of Scambonidae.^ But he was of the same tribe as Pherekles. Andocides being an oHgarch would naturally incHne to intro- duce men by the father's name. Thus the father's name occurs twelve times in his speeches to the demotikon^s twice. And when he does bring in the demesman he does it rather informally — the article occurs with the demoHkon; and the official style omits the article.^ Lysias was "a metic and a democrat in sympathy. For him ToyiTTjs comes first in the scale, and drjfxoTrjs may even stand above (xvyyevrjs, Krjdearrjs, yevvrjTrjs, eralpos. The demotikon will be used more than the father's name.^ In the speech against Eratosthenes one demesman appears. He belongs to Lamptrae, a shore deme, and is violently opposed to the oligarchical club of Kritias and Charicles (XII, 55).^ In the speech against Agoratos^ we meet Hagnodoros of Amphi- trope, a shore deme of Antiochis, who is a demesman of Mnesis- tratos whom Agoratos had accused and a Kr)8e(TTr)s of Kritias, one of the Thirty. Through his alliance with the oligarchical leader Hagnadoros is able to get Mnesistratos off, Mnesistratos becomes an informer and when the democrats return they put him to death. But Aristophanes of Cholleidae was spared, although he had once gone surety for Agoratos and had plotted to effect his escape.^'' How does the use of these two demotika differ from the simple name? The men are not exactly principals in the case; theirs is a minor part. In each instance there is a story back of it into which the speaker does not go. The chief character of the episode is introduced and its denouement given all in the same sentence. The relation of Agoratos to his deme is why that demotikon is used.^^ He has cheated the State, for he uses the courts, sits in the assembly, and conducts public prosecutions, being registered by ^ Andocides I, 65. Antiphon, frag. Ill, 8. See page 50. « For Andocides see above. Lys. XXX, 10; XXXI, 16; Isocr. XVIII, 10; Dem. XXI, 103, LVII, 37, 3S; Aesch. I, 43; Hyp. V, 9; in Isocr. XVIII, 22, the article is put in to avoid hiatus. ' Lysias VI, 54, where the father's name cannot be avoided. 8 Lysias XII, 55. 9 Lysias XIII, 55. 10 Lysias XIII, 58. "Lysias XIII, 73. THE DEMESMAN IN THE ORATORS S3 fraud in the deme Anagyros. He is really a slave and has no right to pass himself off as an Athenian. The citizenship was given by the democrats to slaves and foreigners of every description who paid for the privilege, if we are to credit Andocides/^ From this and XXIII and Dem. XLIV we see how easy it was to register fraudulently in a deme. The penalty was to be sold into slavery. As many of the offenders were slaves anyway this was no great hardship. And if the demesmen could be bribed to admit a man^^ it would be to their interest to protect him. The deme which thus allowed fraudulent registration was most apt to be a shore deme/^ just as the deme here is a shore deme. Mantitheos of Thorikos for whom Lysias wrote a speech is one of the Horse Guards and might be suspected of ohgarchic sympa- thies.^^ So he alludes to his pubhc spirit^^ and proves that he deserves well of his demesmen. ^^ He refers to one of the generals as ''that high and mighty Steirian,"^^ meaning of course Thrasybulus. A man's good character as a citizen, one begins to see, depends on his relation to his deme and to — not the Polis — but the demo- cratic party. The prime requisite is to be evvovs . . . too u/xerepoj ifK'qBei}^ The tyranny of Demos has begun. Not only can a deme be bribed but the speaker of Lysias appeals to the cupidity of his judges. ^^ His character as a citizen depends further on the associations he has formed with men of other demes. Thus, in trying to save the property of Aristophanes^^ from confiscation by the State, a KTjdearrjs of his, who has married his sister, has to show that all the family are good democrats. So he does not fail, in mentioning the men who married his sisters, to give their demotika,^^ Philomelos of Paeania and Phaedros of Myrrhinus, and he himself had married the daughter of Kritodemos of Alopeke. The obHgations of the Kr]8eL\os Kai eTTLTrjdeLos Mei'e/cXet. They were not then of the same deme. In oration III, as well as oration I, this narrative use of the demotikon is not found; they were not the first speeches deahng with those cases and the stories had already been told. Thus the estate in oration IV had already been in litigation six times; the estate in oration V had been up before, but the relationships are given in the narrative.^i In oration VI the narrative demotikon occurs again.^2 Philoktemon of Paeania adopts his friend Chaerestratos. Oration VII is not the first speech but a defence. The characters have all been made known to the judges already and there is less occasion for demotika. But for all that the speaker tells the story 'ApxeSajuos yap 6 irainros ovfxds ej Ol'ou, the unusual position of the demotikon referring to the "cause celebre" in which Archedamos had defeated Eupolis.^^ The inheritance in oration VIII has been the subject of previous speeches; the present speaker therefore traces the cabal to defraud himself and his brother. It all began, he says, with Diokles of Phlya.^ In oration IX where we find an old feud there is no introductory demotikon. In oration X the speaker begins the narrative by showing to whom he traces his claim and in oration XI, a case which had been in court before, the names alone are used in setting forth the relationship. But in the Demosthenic corpus there is a speech on the same estate as oration XI in which^^ the speaker with a kind of exasperation starts in and 3^H. E. Seebohm: Structure of Greek Tribal Society, p. 83. 40 Isaeus II, 3. 4^ Isaeus V, 5 and 26. 42 Isaeus VI, 3. 43 Isaeus VII, 7. See Wyse's note. 44 Isaeus VIII, 3. 45 (Dem.) XLIII, 19. THE DEMESMAN IN THE ORATORS . 37 tells the whole story all over again; and there the demotikon is found. A family maintains itself by marriage and, failing children, by adoption. As the State is interested in the perpetuity of every family, these are matters of pubhc importance and receive official recognition and legal sanction. The demotikon is in place wherever a marriage or an adoption is referred to and the parties require an introduction. In oration II three marriages are mentioned; 1. Menekles to the younger daughter of Eponymos of Acharnae; 2. the son of Eponymos, whom Menekles had adopted, marries the daughter of Philonides; 3. the daughter of Eponymos after her divorce from Menekles is given in marriage to Eleios of Sphet- tos.^^ In oration V, the four daughters of Menexenos of Kydathe- naeon are married to Polyaratos, Demokles of Phrearros, Kephiso- phon of Paeania, Theopompos,^^ and Dikaeogenes marries his sister to Protarchides of Potamos. In oration VI, Euktemon of Kephisia marries the daughter of Meixiades of the same deme^^ and later on threatens to marry the daughter of Demokrates of Aphidna.^^ In oration VII, the two daughters of EupoHs marry Pronapes and Aeschines of Lousia.^*^ In oration VIII, Kiron gives his daughter in marriage to Nausimenes of Cholargos.^^ In ora- tion IX, Euthykrates of Araphen marries the sister of Hierokles of Iphistiadae^^ and in oration X, Aristarchos of Sypalletos marries the daughter of Xenaenetos of Acharnae.^^ A glance at the stem- mata of orations XI and (Dem.) XLIII will show to what an extent marriages took place in the same deme and even in the same family. Thus where the demotikon is not given to one of the par- ties allied by marriage or an adoption the probabiHties favor their being both of the same deme. A transfer of property is also a matter of public interest. Thus in oration II the purchaser of a field forming a part of the disputed estate is introduced by the demotikon}'^ ^'Isaeus II, 9. It is probable that Menekles, Philonides and Leukolophos all belonged to the deme Acharnae. "7 Isaeus V, 5, 26. " Isaeus VI, 10. 49 Isaeus VI, 22. 5° Isaeus VII, 18. " Isaeus VIII, 8. «2 Isaeus IX, 22. ^3 Isaeus X, 4. " Isaeus II, 29. 38 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE In these inheritance cases two principles seem to contend with one another. The very first oration sets them forth. The old laws of property have begun to pass out, it is an age of transition, the new are not without their points of doubtful interpretation. It is possible for property to be separated from the family. And the demesman is in all cases a very important figure since the deme- tie looks both ways, retaining the fiction of blood relationship. Thus in adoption, the adoptive son is introduced to the phrateres, the demesmen and the orgeones. Of such all may be called as wit- nesses.^5 In one case the adopted son is presented to the gennetae and the phrateres but not yet enrolled among the demesmen. ^^ In oration IX, a man making his will consults his crvyyevels, (^pdrepes, drffioTaL. In Dem. LVII, 24, one finds four — avyyevels. eXi]s. (Dem.) LIX, 75. Dein. I, 71. 44 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE Inside this came the claim of the deme. An estate ought not to be inherited by a man of another deme and tribe. ^^ yiQ^^ horn. another deme were obliged to pay a tax to the deme in which they held property ^^ and taxes were assessed by demes.^^ On the death of its owners an estate could revert to the deme and estates owned by the deme could be leased to members of that deme or to others for certain specified periods. ^^^ Thus the family, so far as property is concerned, is a unit in the deme just as the deme is a unit in the State — this is the secular side; but it is the first obligation of the family to maintain its cult from the proceeds of its estate and here the phratry is the link. The behavior of the demesmen in Isaeus has been true to these two principles and has brought them out with greater distinctness. So with the rest of the Orators we find the same leading factors. Thus Lycurgus in the prosecution of Leochares tells how he dis- posed of his estate when he fled to Megara and deserted the State. The men who take over this estate are given a demotikon — Antigenes of Xypete and Amyntas who might have been of the same deme, as he married his sister, and again Timochares of Acharnae and his brother-in-law Lysikles. The money is sent on to Leochares in the care of Philomelos of Cholargos and Menelaos. And there are no more demotika mentioned in this speech. But the oath which was taken by every Athenian when he was entered upon the register of his deme is given in § 77. The men mentioned in connection with Leochares are from city and country demes. Their politics it is easy to comprehend. Isokrates mentions two demesmen: Nt/co/xaxos Bar^^ei^ and $tXcof' 6 Ik KotXrys.^^ The official form is used in the first and the popular in the second (to avoid hiatus?). There is a lacuna after the first but the second was a formal defendant in a case which the State did not prosecute. Wherever a man is mentioned in con- nection with the law his demotikon is appropriate. The epideiktic orator will, therefore, make little use of the demesman. 92Dem.XLIII, 64. 93 (Dem.) L, 8. Cf. Aristophanes, Knights 925. w (Dem.) L. 8. »5 Roberts-Gardner: Introd. Gk. Epig. II, p. 371, no. 129. wisocr.XVIII, 10, 22. THE DEMESMAN IN THE ORATORS 45 Demosthenes uses the demotikon with as much variety as Isaeus. It occurs most of course in the private speeches, ^^ for in the dehbera- tive speech there is Httle place for the demesman except where he is introduced or characterized by his demotikon, since the public speech is concerned more with the business of the State and as TToXtTT^s the citizen can be directly related to the State. The demotikon Haiavitvs, in Aeschines' oration against Ktesiphon, illustrates this^^ and the three demotika in Demosthenes' reply are significant.^^ Philokrates, the Hagnusian, is mentioned as an asso- ciate of Aeschines — but "he has nothing in common with me," the orator is quick to say.^^^ Again, Aeschines and the speaker are contrasted by their deme names, there being in this a sort of char- acterization. The demotikon is personal anywhere, as is shown from Aristophanes; its application may often become personality. The demesman appears in Demosthenes in lists — the simplest way of introducing names. The fact of the Ust insures the short form; the father's name may be omitted. The tribes listed their members by demes. The official form is, therefore, the short form, since the State uses the tribe as an administrative unit wherever feasible. When the tribe is concerned with internal affairs a man will have his full name but neither the law nor business took cog- nizance of such niceties. So arbitrators, ^^^ judges^^^ and witnesses to a deposition,^^^ though in legal forms the freer form with the article may be retained.^^^ In his public life the Athenian is still a demesman whether a candidate for office^^^ or a member of the Boule.io^ Members of the Boul^ would be designated by their " The relative occurrence of deme names and demotika in Demosthenes is shown in the following table: Deliberative Public Prosecutions Private Speeches brjuoTLKb. 3 23 32 Demes 21 15 4 dTjixoTrjs 1 18 9« Aesch. Ill, 171, 172. 99Dem. XVIII, 21, 129, 180. "oDem. XVIII, 21. "1 Dem. XX, 146, XXI. 83; XL. 16. 102 Dem. XXXIX. 10. ^03 Dem. XXVII, 14. But esp. LIV. 31. '^ Dem. XXI, 62, 64, 103; XXIV, 139; XXXIX, 37; XL, 16; LIV, 31; LVII, 43, 68, 69. i<» Dem. XXI. 200. io« Dem. XXII, 40; XXIII, 13; XXIV, 71; XXXIX, 10. 46 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE demotika}^'' In fact this might be one of the chief uses of the deme-name.^°^ In private Hfe marriage and property are, as we have seen in Isaeus, of the most concern to the State. Demosthenes is not so full as Isaeus of information in these things; just as in Isaeusdemes- men are mentioned in accounts of marriages ;^09 and in business deals the demesmen figure also, for these might come up before the courts [a possibility not to be neglected] for interpretation. ^^^ In public life the demotika are of less consequence and appear chiefly in introductions. A demesman who is involved in a law-suit or a pubHc prosecution is made known to the larger audience as it were; this audience is the city at large, the TroXtrat. Thus the demes- man is introduced in a narrative, in a short allusion to an episode, or the allusion may have characterization for its purpose. ^^^ Orations XXXIX and XL present two demesmen of Thorikos contending for the same name — and the same estate^^^ — ^cmd oration LVII gives the history of a cabal gotten up against a former demarch of Halimus by the men of his deme to oust him from the citizen- ship.i^^ ^ cabal of this kind would not have stood such a chance of success in a larger deme^^* but the smaller demes were more exposed to corrupt practices. In military and naval affairs, as in taxation, Demosthenes like Isaeus shows the deme as the administrative unit. By demes the men are enHsted and contributions levied. Thus catalogues of the demesmen and returns of sailors are made by the demarchs and bouleutai^^^ — and a trierarch draws his supplies from his own deme as a rule.^^^ Aeschines in his Oration against Timarchos has given us a series of episodes linked together to give a characterization of Timarchos. "7 Dem. XXII, 40. Cf. Lys. XXX, 10. "8 (Dem. XXI, 62.) 109 Dem. XXII, 60; XXVII, 4. Dem. XXIX. 48. Dem. LVII. 38. 41. "oDem. XVII, 56;XL, 6: '''Episode Dem. XXI, 62, 64, 174, 208 (?); LIV, 7, 10. Narrative, XLI, 3; LVII, 37. Characterization, XVIII. 180. "2 Dem. XXXIX. 6. "3Dem.LVn. 8. 1" Dem. LVII, 56, 57. 115 [Dem.] L. 6. 11^ [Dem.] L. 7. This trierarch is disUked by the men of his deme and they fail him. But he owns property in three demes and the State assesses him threefold. Cf . Aristoph.: Knights, 925. THE DEMESMAN IN THE ORATORS 47 In each of them a demesman may appear if not already known with his demotikon}'^'^ In Hypereides it happens that we find reference made to demes- men to whom the Athenians had meted out quick justice, or should have done so in the opinion of the speechwright. These references are legal allusions, references to some ypa(j>ri irapavbyioiv}^^ But the demesmen appear also in a business capacity, going security for a friend^^^ or taking charge of a written contract.^^^ And in oration IV a demesmen of Aphidna is reproached for being an oligarch and a traitor, when he belongs to such a deme which enjoys special immunities from the State, and he ought to be all the more worthy of such ancestors as Harmodius and Aristogeiton. Deinarchos introduces the demesman in episode ^^^ and uses the demotikon also in mentioning members of the BouM.^^^ 117 Aesch. I, 41, 43, 53, 54 (Hegesander is known), 56, 62, 63, 64, 65 (he calls a witness), 98 (a demesman purchases a piece of property), 100 (a man of Timarchos' own deme is called upon to testify against him), so too 104, (the witness here is his uncle), 110, 114. (Cf. Dem. LVII and Lys. XXIII), 156 (introduction of demesman), 157, 158 (legal — reference to a suit before the Archon), 172. "8 Hyp. I, 26, 13; III, 3, 26. Cf. Ill, 12, 34; IV, 35. ii^Hyp.V. 9, 20. 120 Hyp. V. 9. i2iDein. I, 23! 122 Dein. 1, 38 (Thrason of Erchia is mentioned in company with three other citizens. It can hardly be that the demotika are omitted because these men were so well known. Otherwise — cf. sec. 43 — how many men must have been well known. In sec. 58 Polyeuktos of Kydantidae is evidently a fiovXevrris; and possibly so was Thrason, as well as Kephalos of Kollytos, who is mentioned in company with Archinos. CHAPTER VII The Social Unity of the Deme It appears, then, that the reorganization of the Athenian consti- tution by Cleisthenes, though a piece of party politics as well as the work of an astute statesman, was a shifting of the foundations of government from the gentile towards the geographic principle. The effect of this upon the Hfe of the citizens has been indicated from the picture given by Aristophanes and the Orators. It remains to see more definitely what the effect of the local principle is upon the demesman in his capacity of citizen and private individual and to illustrate the application of this principle by some cases in which the demesman plays a conspicuous role. There is more in the deme than its religious, poHtical and commercial sides: it has a social unity and the tie which unites the demesmen is a social bond. Demesmen who lead the common life, who have so many mutual interests and obligations, will not only feel a very keen interest in the welfare of its members and the prosperity of their deme but the State through its courts is able to insure for every citizen the per- formance of those social services that he owes his deme if he is to be a TroXiTrjs xpv^tos The demesman is bound to his deme from birth till death, and even after death. For membership in a deme is a social bond which rests upon the twofold basis of the gentile fiction and the local fact. A citizen is born in the deme of his father. He is educated with the other boys of his tribe. ^ As an ephebe he is enrolled in the Xrj^Lapxi-Kdv ypafx/jiaTelov and is entitled to in- herit in the deme — he becomes a citizen. On the deme registra- tion depends his right of military and public duties and privileges. His services to the State are directed by the deme and the tribe, both the services of his person and his property, the tribe concern- ing itself chiefly with the person, the deme with the property. When a citizen enters upon any public office as he comes from a deme it is important that the deme be known i^ his military service is a public service of as much consequence as his presence in the Court or the Assembly.^ 1 Dem. XXXIX and XL. 2 Arist. "A^. TToX. 63. 3Lys. XVI, 14; XX, 23; XXXI, 16, 18. Isaeus II, 42. Dem. XLVII, 22: L, 6 and 7. THE SOCIAL UNITY OF THE DEME 49 The demesman received from the State a part of the public wealth in public distributions/ the decopLKov, ixiados eKKKrjaLaaTLKos and iJLLados huaariKos. And other distributions could be made in the marketplace of the demes.^ Before the courts the demesman is known by his demotikon.^ It is chiefly as principal in some suit that it is most essential for him to establish beyond the shadow of a doubt his status as a citizen and member of a deme.^ It is in some public prosecutions that he appears most concerned with public affairs,^ but as a witness he is of the greatest service^ and he is much consulted on questions of citizenship.^*^ In the business world the demesman is equally at home. He buys and rents lands and houses/^ his name is required on con- tracts^^ and enters into loans and debts, whenever the history of the transaction has to be given. ^^ He may go surety for a friend, who is most probably of the same deme,^^ although the business world less than the political is affected by the obligation of the local principle. In it a i\os need be neither Krjdearrjs nor drjfjLOTTjs, it is a field in which men consult their own advantage and a (jylXos is eTrtriySetos. One indication of the solidarity of the deme, which resists the disintegrating effects of this commercial spirit, is the prejudice against the ownership of land by an outsider.. ^^ He is therefore compelled to pay a tax on all property he may come to possess in the deme. His interests may often be different or even directly opposed to those of the community. Then, too, a man will hesitate to part with his ancestral estate since on his deme, and his registration in it, * Arist. 'Ad. TToX. 27, 4; 28, 3. Dem. XLIV, 37, 38. Hyp. I, 26, 13. 5 Roberts-Gardner, Introd. Gk. Epig. II, 211. « Dem. XXXIX, 10, 37. Father's name here also. 7 Isaeus III, 2; VIII, 3. Dem. LVII. 8 Dem. XXI, 103. Aristoph. Wasps, 895. Arist. 'AB. to\. 31, 4. 9 Isaeus II, 45; VI, 10. Lys. XXIII, 4; XXXI, 16. Dem. LVII, 21, 23, 24, 40, 69. Arist. 'Ad. iro\. 59, 12. On witnesses in general see Isaeus III, 19 ff. and cf. Lys. XXIII, 3 £f. Also Isaeus IX, 18, where the witnesses will not testify against a demes- man. lOLys. XXIIL '' Isaeus II, 29. Dem. LIII, 13. Aesch. I, 98. Hyp. V, 3. »2Hyp. V, 8. " Dem. XXXVII, 4. 1* Isaeus V, 18. " The basis of this is the gentile principle and their association in the local cult. 50 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE depends his citizenship. When a demesman wastes his paternal inheritance, as Timarchos of Sphettos did,^^ or sells it outright, as Leokrates did,^^ he is a bad citizen, unmindful of his duty to the State. So the demesman will rather endeavor to increase his prop- erty in the deme^^ and when he is obhged to adopt a son will prefer one of his own deme and so, too, in a wilP^ his object will be to have a kinsman and demesman inherit.^^ But this is not always the case and it came about that since the demes are divisions of the citi- zen body as well as local districts they could include residents from other demes in their property census. A certain Aristophanes of a city deme, possibly Kydathenaeon, has a small property at Rham- nus.2^ Hagnias of Oion owns land in Araphen,^^ Phaenippos who has been adopted by his father-in-law, a demesman of Kolone, owns property in Kytheros,^ ApoUodoros, son of Pasion of Acharnae, is returned in three demes,^ Timarchos of Sphettos owns property in Alopeke, which probably came from his mother's family,^^ and Alcibiades of Scambonidae has property in Erchia.^^ But as a rule the demesman aims to retain his estate in his own deme, although he may threaten to marry or to adopt a son outside the deme in order to annoy his relatives.^^ Outside possessions are secondary. The deme links him to the State and he will make that bond as secure as he can. For he inherits the obUgations of his oIkos to the State as well as the property^^ which may descend with the name.2^ For the kXtjpos is ultimately a part of the pubHc domain and belongs to the State, which makes possible the security and " Aeschines I. " Lycurgus I, 22, folw. " Isaeus VIII. 35. Dioklea of Phlys is trying to get control of an estate part of which is in his own deme. Cf. VIII, 3. ^' Isaeus VI, 3. But adoption is not limited to demesmen. Roberts-Gardner II, no. 384. 20Dem. XXVII, 4; XXXVI, 8: XI, 64, 111; XLIV, 26, 28. 21 Lys. XIX, 28. 22Dem. XLIII, 70. 23 Dem. XLII, 5. The father-in-law's deme was Kolone or Kolonai, not Kolonos. ^* Dem. L, 8. His father willed his widow to his demesman. XXXVI, 8. 25 Aesch. I, 107. 2« Plato, Alcib. I, 123. Cf. Thucyd. VI, 92, in which Alcibiades speaks of his "love of country." 27 Isaeus VI, 22. 28 Dem. XLIV. Isaeus VII, 30. Lysias XIV, 30. 29 Isaeus II, 36. THE SOCIAL UNITY OF THE DEME 51 prosperity of the oIkos^^ and Pasias in the Clouds^^ is really over- zealous about this — being perhaps a new citizen. Being as has been seen neighbor and friend, the demesman is often appealed to and for everything from criticism and advice to sympathy and assisitance.^^ Thus Admetus is afraid of what his demesmen will say;^^ and there was a moral obligation to help a fellow demesman. ^^ Upon a man's activity in such matters depends, his standing in his own deme and in the State. As Cimon had shown by his generosity to his demesmen, this was the avenue to political influence.^^ Demesmen and tribesmen will be active in their mutual interests, ^^ the goodwill of the men of one's deme is highly desirable and it is a contemptible thing to give evidence against a fellow demesman.^^ Two of the best qualifications of a friend are that he is one's ri\LKL6)Tr)s and drjfxorrjs — like the XapKos in the Acharnians, as well as the more serious Krito to Socrates. ^^ And there is a reverse to the picture. One's very worst enemies can be one's demesmen^^ and the most annoying can be one's neighbors,'^*^ so that a feud in a deme is likely to become a very Hvely affair."^ 30 Lys. XIV, 30. 31 Aristoph. aoM^5, 1219. 32Aristoph. Acharnians 318, 327, Clouds 1328. Lysistrata 685. Ekkleisazusae 1023, 1115. Plutus 254, 322. Cf. Lys. XXVII, 12. 33 Eurip. Alcestis 1057. The effect of btjubTai here may be comic. 34 Lys. XIII, 55. Dem. XL, 52. Cf. XXXV, 6. Arist. 'Ad. wo\. 27, 14. Aesch. I, 63. Plat. Theages 121 D. Plut. Cimon X, 482 35 Aristoph. Peace 919. Clouds 1210. Lys. XVI, 8. XX, 2, 12, 13. Aesch. II, 150. Plat. Theages 127 E. Arist. Ad. ttoX. 27; Plut. Cimon X. ^'^ Aristoph. Acharnians 332. Lys. XXVII, 12. (Tribesmen). Dem. L, 21, 47, XXIX, 23. 37 Dem. LII, 28. 38 Plato Apol. 35 D, Laches 180 C and D. 39 Isaeus XII, Aristoph. Clouds 1219. 4" Isaeus IX, Dem. LVII, and Plato in his Laws 843-844 gives careful directions for legal remedies to prevent the annoyances caused by neighbors. Cf . Hesiod, Works and Days 335-361. *i Even between certain of the demes there appear to have been feuds at one time due chiefly to the rivalry of the great families for political ascendancy as the deme is often controlled by one family (J. H. Wright in Harvard Studies III, 71 and VIII, 20). The feud of the Lycomidae and the Alcmaeonidae led to enmity between Phlya and Agraule and the feud of the Alcmaeonidae with the Paeonidae set their demes at variance (the Alcmaeonidae controlled more than one deme). That these feuds were between neighbors and kindred clans far from diminishing rather increased their bit- 52 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE A further indication of the solidarity of the deme appears in the use of the demotikon in characterization. Characterization rests on the local principle. The states of Hellas are characterized according to local variation. ^^ ^^d it is very often to make unfa- vorable comparisons as the stories about Seriphos show.^^ Loca- tion and the character of its registration will determine the charac- ter of a deme and the reputation that will attach itself to the mem- bers of the deme. Thus Potamos, Suniun and Halimus were not in good repute. The Acharnians are noted for their bravery in war,^^ the Prospaltians for their Utigiousness/^ and perhaps its informers had given to Aixone that reputation for a deme of slanderers which Laches wished to disclaim. ^^ That such a char- acterization is common enough is shown by the deme Kompase which Aristophanes invents for Proxenides the Braggart. ^^ And one may infer from the fact of such plays as the A^/xot of Eupolis and the ArjfWTaL of Hermippos that a general character was recog- nized as belonging to the demes. LocaHty determined this. For the distinction aimed at was a distinction between city and country. terness. Thus the Peisistratidae whenever they conquered the Alcmaeonidae razed their dwellings and dug up their graves (Isocrates XVI, 25). Pallene and Hagnus were hostile demes in the time of Theseus (Plut. Thes. 13 and for discussion A. M. XVI, 206). With the new order of Cleisthenes it was harder for the old feuds to persist between demes. Rather they are moved inside the deme where in the fiercer political rivalry between individuals if two men happen to be of the same deme it will sharpen their enmity or strengthen their friendship, depending, of course, upon the character of the deme. Thus Isocrates and Xenophon, who were of the same deme, Erchia, must cer- tainly have disliked each other but their dislike is restrained (This was consonant with the character of the deme as well as with their own. Cf. Young, Erchia 48. For the literary feud between them see Ivo Bruns, Das Liter arische Portrat der Griechen 126 ff., 132 ff., 138. See also Teichmiiller, Litterarische Fehden im 4. Jahrhundert vor Christus) . With Cleon and Aristophanes, who were of the deme Kydathenaeon, the hos- tility is somewhat more evident (Bruns, op. cit. 173-176, 428.) and it was a man of his own deme, Demades, who endeavored to supplant Demosthenes of Paeania in his lead- ership of the Athenians and who was one of the leaders of the opposing party. *2 Dion. Hal. Ars. Rhet. XI, 5. On all this see Haussoulier La Vie Municipale en Attique. 196-200. *3 Aristophanes, Acharnians 542, Plato, Rep. 329 E. ^ Pindar, Nem. II. Aristoph. Acharnians 675. *^ Plato, Cratylus 396 D. Suidas and Etym. Mag. v. TlpoairaXT. See M. Carroll, The Athens of Aristophanes in Studies in Honor of Professor Gildersleeve, p. 244. *« Plat. Laches 197 C. Harp. v. Ai^o}prj(TLv Suid. Al^coj/eta. *^ Aristoph. Birds 1126 and Schol. on same. There is characterization also in Lys. XVI, 15. Dem. XVIII, 180. Aesch. Ill, 194. THE SOCIAL UNITY OF THE DEME 53 ArjfxoL probably meant the country demes,^^ ArjfjiOTaL the country demesmen. The feeling of the social bond of the deme is very much alive in the sketches of Attic Hfe given by Plato in his dialogues. One man who claims descent from the founder or apxny^T"n^ of his deme writes a poem to show what good friends his noble ancestor used to be with Herakles, which was, as we have seen quite in line with the religious character to which the deme aspired in imitation of the 7eVos;^^ the association of the demesmen in a common cult is a means, it is to be presumed, of their becoming better acquainted with one another ;^^ a man who has neglected to consult his demes- man in planning his son's education is advised to correct the omiss- ion f^ and Socrates points to his friend and demesman in court with his other friends there present as witnesses of his entire innocence and respectabiUty.3^ That a citizen is honored by his demesmen is mentioned as of equal importance with the fact that he is hon- ored by the city too;^^ ^^d another citizen, whose demesmen have been to town and brought back to him all the latest news, can- not rest until he shall have found a sophist to make him wise *8 Aristophanes, Ootids 966, seems to indicate that certain parts of the city were called Kufxai. and their inhabitants KoiixtjraL So, too, Lys. 5. Sauppe {De demis urbanis Ath. p. 11) cites this and also Isoc. VII, 46, from which it seems the city demes were called /cw/xat, the country districts brjixoi. Of course, technically, the demes were in the city as well as in the country, but in popular speech the city dis- tricts being really all inhabited in all their parts could very properly be called KcoAiai; whereas the country districts included villages and village domain imder the one word S^juos- The city districts were actually Kco/xat; the KOinti and the bi}nos of the country did not coincide. See p. 5. Haussoulier explains that the Kw/xat are sub- divisions of the city demes, quartiers as the French say, and that they made it easier to police the city (La Vie Municipale en Attique, p. 183). Cf. Photius, s. v. Kcb/xTji/. In a decree of the deme Scambonidae (See Roberts- Gardner, Introd. Gk. Epig. II, 211) a KufjLapxos is mentioned, and the editors note that Attica was divided into Kw/xat as well as demes, adding, Why not say that the words were interchangeable? But Scam- bonidae was a city deme, and it seems reasonable to suppose that the city demes were first organized as demes by Cleisthenes and the country demes politically defined as elements in the government. Then the city districts could very easily continue to be called Kw/xai rather than Sijixoi, and SijfjLOL would more naturally be taken to refer to the country demes. See Dyer, Ancient Athens, page 108 and Botsford, Athenian Constitution, pp. 83 and 85-86. " Lysis 205 D. See further A. Lang, The World of Homer, pp. 154-160. 50 Laches 180 C. ''Laches ISO D. « Theages 127 E. 54 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE also.^^ And the deme is, in Plato's mind, an essential element in the ideal state; for he thinks that the number of phratries should be commensurate with that', of the drjfxoi and Kcojuat,^^ and that the citizen should be designated by his father's name, tribe name, and the name of the deme to which he belonged.^^ 53 Theages 121 D. " Laws 746 D. ^' Laws 753 C. CHAPTER VIII Thucydides and Retrospect In Aristophanes the demes are seen from the Theatre, in the Orators from the Bema — both inside the State. To give the pic- ture its proper historical perspective a view from the outside is demanded. Such is to be found in Thucydides who wrote his history from the outside. It is the citizen, not the demesman, who plays his part in the stirring, bitter story. So Thucydides does not use the term drjiddrrjs at all nor the demotikon with proper names ; the ethnikon was naturally more in keeping or else the father's name. The story was written for all Hellas, not merely for an Attic audi- ence. Local poHtics, local distinctions would have been out of place. Besides, the deme arrangement in the first place was not only a division of the land of Attica but of the citizen body. It is true that the first enrollment had been made according to resi- dence but each citizen's descendants remained in the deme in which he had been registered, no matter what their residence might be. During the Peloponnesian war the citizens became still further separated from their demes; the demotikon had become practically equal to the gentile name, which it had originally dis- placed. There are several demes mentioned but it is their military impor- tance in nearly every case and the largest of the demes, Acharnai, naturally receives most attention, from the Lacedaemonians as well as the historian.^ This is also the sole demotikon used and it is the deme which is meant. Thucydides mentions the following demes: Acharnae 6, Dekeleia 14, Eleusis 5, Thorikos 1, Thrioa 2, Kerameikos 2, Kolonos 1, Kropidai 1, Marathon 4, Oinoe 7, Peirai- eus 30, Prasiai 1, Sunium 2, Phaleron 1 — 14 localities. This in- cludes six of the twelve fortified posts in Attica — Oinoe, Eleusis, Anaphlystos, Peiraeus, Sunium, Thorikos, Rhamnus, Aphidna, Phyle, Dekeleia, Anagyrus, Panakton (this is not a deme). It includes also the chief secular deme, Peiraeus the port of Athens, and the chief religious deme, Eleusis. Acharnai and Thrioa, Kropidai and Oinoe are demes that fall in the way of the Lacedaemonian invasion, Dekeleia the invaders 1 Thuc. II, 19, 2. 20, 1, 5. 21, 2. 23, 1., the deme. II, 20, 4. 21, 3., the demes- men. In the fourth century this deme supplied 22 /SouXeurai (out of the 50 of its tribes). I G II, 868. 56 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE fortify in the second part of the war, following the advice of Alci- biades and establishing a garrison there so that this deme gave its name to that part of the war, there is a special assembly of the people at Kolonos, Marathon is still a magic name to invoke the spirit of the Mapado)PoiJLaxoLi who drove back the Persians, Phaleron and Peiraeus are the termini of the Long Walls, and the Peiraeus figures in still more important connections, Sunium, Thorikos and Prasiai are given a certain prominence by the activities of the Spartan fleet, and the Kerameikos here is the Outer Kerameikos where the State honours its heroic dead. It is only in connection with the Peiraeus that anything basic is to be found. Thucydides' own deme, Halimus, lay next to it and he must have known the Peiraeus and disliked it for what it represented.^ But his history is coldly impartial. It was the beginning of the power of Athens,^ the dream of Themistokles made actual; if the Athenians everywhere else met defeat they could go down to the Peiraeus and stand off the whole world. Themistokles came from a shore deme, Phrearros down by Sunium. The Lace- daemonians are encouraged to make their attempt on the Peiraeus,* the capture of the Long Walls and the Peiraeus^ dates a part of the history. When the Athenians hear of the defeat in Sicily their first anxiety is for the Peiraeus;^ when the Four Hundred are in power at Athens the fleet at Samos is eager to sail at once to the Peiraeus' to restore the democracy,^ and the oUgarchs fortify Eetioneia, the mole of the Peiraeus^ so as to admit the Lacedae- monians. The City and the Peiraeus are the rallying points of the opposing factions but they clash first at the Peiraeus,^^ the new fortifications are demoHshed and it is only on the approach of the enemy that the Athenians forget their domestic strife.^^ Even the loss of Euboea would not shake them so deeply as the capture of the Peiraeus.^^ 2 For he hated Cleon the chief exponent of its policy. A. J. P. XXIV, 376. 3Thuc.I,93.3, 5, 7. *Thuc. 11,94. 1,2,34. 6 Thuc. V, 26, 1. « Thuc. VIII, 1, 2. 7Thuc. VIII,82, 1, 2. sThuc. VIII, 86, 4. 9 Thuc. VIII, 90, 3. "Thuc.VIII,92, 6,9, 10. 11 Thuc. VIII, 94, 3. 12 Thuc. VIII, 96, 3. THUCIDIDES AND RETROSPECT 57 For a deme to rise to a position so overbalancing in the State was something on the consequences of which Cleisthenes had not reckoned. And the country demes were at the same time dimin- ished in importance by the devastation of the Peloponnesian War and the flight of their inhabitants to the City and the shelter of the Long Walls. There must have resulted confusions in the deme registers and the tie between deme and demesman weakened and the country demes had largely lost their position in the State as a conservative factor in Athenian life. A rapidly increasing prole- tariat and unlimited democracy really meant the end of the demes- man as an institution. To Xenophon who wrote a continuation of the history of Thucydides the term drjjjiOTrjs had come to mean countryman and the larger poUtical importance of the demes dechned. It is clear enough from the narrative of Thucydides how the Peiraeus which had begun by being only the commercial outlet of the City, fostered by its trade-guilds, its population augmented by ever larger numbers of metics, came to control ultimately the poUcies of the State. The drama of the Peloponnesian War might be viewed from a seat in the Theatre at Munychia. APPENDIX I The Significance of the Demotikon Before Cleisthenes the Athenians were known by their father's name and patronymic, or clan name, if they belonged to a noble gens. In the second Nemean Pindar gives the form TtjuoSiy/xos TifMovoov T LjjLodrrfJLidrjs^ and as many of the demes received their names from their dominant genos,^ for many Athenians like AvKovp- yos ' ApLaToXf}8ov BovTabrjs^ and the Aa/ctdSat there was really no change of name beyond the omission, only in official mention be it noted, of the father's name.^ And there were at least thirty- two such demes in Attica.^ Besides -drjs the most frequent suf- fix was -€i>s. Therefore Aristophanes uses it when he coins a demotikon Kofxiraaevs.^ Other demotikas are formations in -tos, e. g., 'kcfyibvatos, liorafXLos.'^ In the case of some demesmen the adverbial form is used, e.g., Kokoivrjdev, not KcoXcu^^a tos ; in the case of others the preposition, e. g., e^ Otov, and where women are mentioned the demotikon given is that of the father or hus- band.^ By making the name of the deme part of the name of the citizen it was easy for any man to make good his claim to be an Athenian by giving his demotikon, even though the name of his father [if he happened to have one and if he were an ex-slave he would not have an Athenian father], might be foreign or unfamiliar. Thus was accom- plished the purpose of Cleisthenes [notice the demes in -ibrjs are chiefly inland or city demes] IVa firj Trarpodep irpoaayopevopres e^eXeyx^o^i' Tovs veoTroXiras, and the patronymic was replaced by the demotikon.^ The official style [name and demotikon] is often used by the orators and it is only in the fourth century that the father's name gains a place in official forms.^^ In the inscriptions name and * Cf. Plato Hipparchos 228 B. Peisistratos son of Hipparchos of the Philaedae. « Cf. A. J. A. 1889, 313, citing Topffer Attische Genealogie p. 289. Cf. also C. W. Peppier, Comic Terminations in Aristophanes, (J. H. U. Diss.) p. 46. 3 The genos changed its name to 'Ereo/SouTdSat. * Cf. Wyse's note on Isaeus VI, 9. ' Cf. C. W. Peppier: Comic Terminations in Aristophanes ( J. H. U. Diss.) p. 46. « Arist. Birds 1126. Cf. Philol. XX, 587-616. 'IsaeusV, 26;VI, 22. 8 Schoeffer art. ^rjnoi, in Pauly-Wissowa V, p. 7. ' Schoeffer: A^/xot in Pauly, Wissowa V, 6. "Aristotle 'AB. HoX., c. 22. APPENDIX 59 demotikon is the regular official designation of the citizen. In private life the Athenians preferred to use the father's name and it is amusing to note that the clerks, who had the business of edit- ing official notices, would give the other names in the records according to the law laid down by Cleisthenes but would put in their father's names when they mentioned themselves^^ — outside the body of the notice, however. In comedy the characters intro- duce themselves with the demotikon but in address it is rare, though sometimes in non-official language the demotikon alone is used. From Plato it seems that the form of address current in good society was w ttoI 'AKovfjLevov.^^ The personal name, father and 111, G.I, 45 and 61. ^^ VJilsLmowitz: Aristoteles u. A then II, 172. In the dialogues Socrates sometimes uses the demotikon. This is capable of two interpretations, a mock pomposity or a mark of familiar discourse. Callicles of Acharnae addresses him by his demotikon in retort {Gorgias 495 D), and it might be noted in this connection that for all his readiness to speak of his friend Krito as being of his deme, Socrates never mentions his own deme, as Laches does in the passage considered above (See Chap. VII, note 46). There is characterization here, and there may be in the greeting directed to AppoUodorus when he is called a Phalerian by the friend who overtakes him as he is returning from Phaleron to the city {Symp. 172 A). The demotikon is punned on in one passage {Phaedrus 244). It is all very free and easy; the demotikon occurs in the conversational parts of the dialogue, in the narrative which gives the setting, or may even become a part of the stage directions, as it were. But when an Athenian has to be introduced to a foreigner or is mentioned to him or addressed before him the demotikon is avoided and he is presented as one of the natives {Phaedo 59 B, Protag. 316 B) or the ethnikon may be used {Cratylus 429 E). Out of 23 demotika considered, all but 4 were from country demes, and of these only 2 were within the walls of the city, Kerameikos and Kydathenaeon {Symp. 173 B, Protag. 315 D). In Socrates' circle a man from a city deme would hardly require the demotikon for identification; a family would be better suited to the taste of the com- pany. If, however, he does have the demotikon, it is reasonable to suppose that his family is not so well known to Socrates and his friends. In the case of men from the country demes, if some member of the man's family is the better known, whether father or son, that name may be used with the demotikon to reinforce it; but this is generally in reply to some special inquiry {Theaet. 144 C, Lysis 204 E, Cratylus 396 D, Phaedrus 244 A, Apol. 33 E). This is the same form of name as if the patronymic were still used {Hipparchus 228 B.), is naturally used in speaking of friends or citizens of family, and it is in quite a different vein that Socrates refers to Meletus when one of his friends asks him what he is doing at the Archon's {Euthyphro 3 B.). The demesman may be cited as authority for some story about to be told {Symp. 175 B, Cratylus 396 D.), but in nar- rative the simple demotikon may be all that is required {Euthyd. 273 D, Symp. 176 D, Protag. 315 D.). In passages where a number of names are given the greatest variety is shown {Lysis 203 A, Rep. 328 B, Gorgias 487 C, Protag. 315 B. and C. Menex. 236.), now a demotikon between two father's names or two demotika with the father's name between them, or demotikon between ethnikon and father's name or father's name and demotikon. 60 THE DEMESMAN IN ATTIC LIFE son, is more purely personal than, say in Boeotia, where the patrony- mic was retained.^^ And though the patronymic is used in Homer much in address in Attica it might not be regarded so seriously — if only because it was Boeotian. Thus we find Dikaeopolis calling Acharnians by a high-sounding patronymic^^ and in an oration of Lysias a slave is addressed in contempt as NtKO/xaxtS^ys,^^ his name being really Nt/cojuaxos. In Attic there is this light use of the patronymic in contrast to the dignity it might derive from religious myth. The Athenians preferred the more personal form of address. You call a man by his father's name,^^ his son's name,^^ his brother's name,^^ sometimes in compliment, at others using a name already famiUar to the circle. The son's name especially was complimentary and one is reminded how Ulysses chose for the title by which he would be known that of the father of Telemachos.^^ And there are certain citizens of a leading family who are so often mentioned with only their father's name that their deme is not known.2^ The associations of the demotikon are democratic, of the father's name aristocratic; thus the two Thucydides are dis- tinguished by their father's names, the two Thrasybuli by their demotika and Alcibiades the son of Kleinias was not to be confused with Alcibiades of Phegous^^. But there was another difference. As the demes were a local institution of Attica and were not found elsewhere outside of Attica the demotikon had no great significance. When Herodotus, for instance, calls an Athenian by his demotikon it merely indicates that the historian has been consulting an Attic source,22 perhaps copied an Attic record, and in one instance he puts in 'Adrjvalos tls right after the demename to show that it is an Athenian. 23 Outside of Attica the demotikon is strange. When 13 Meister. Gr. Did. 1. 196. 1* Aristophanes Acharnians, 322. w Lysias XXX, 1 1 . Blass, A tt. Bered. I, 463. i« Plato: Lysis. 203 A, 204 E, Protag. 315 C. Rep. 327 A. "Plat.: Apol. 22 E. 18 Plat.: Apol. 33 E. "Homer: Iliad II, 260. Cf. also Euripides: Iphigeneia in Tauris, 687-712. 20 Wilamowitz Aristoteles und Athen II, 172. The family of KaXX^as b 'IttovIkov held two very important offices — one that of irpd^evos at Sparta, the other that of d^dovxos at 'E\evaLs. Could it have belonged to the deme KvSadrjvatov? 21 Plato,:^/a&. 1, 113 B. Andocides I, 65 and Antiphon f. 8. Harp. s. v. 'AX/ci/3ta5i|s. 22 Hdt. VIII, 93. VI, 131, is cleariy from an Attic record. 28 Hdt. VIII, 84. This to show that Ameinias Palleneus is from Pallene the Attic deme and not Pallene of Thessaly (Thuc. 1, 56, etc.). APPENDIX 61 the Athenian made himself known to a larger public it was by his ethnikon, 'kS-qvaios. So Thucydides began his history and so Pheidias signed his statue of the Olympian Zeus.^^ Another Atheni- an sculptor signed his work at first with his demotikon, 'kyKv\7)B€v. Then it was set up at Oropus which proved to be outside of Attica. The inscription accordingly shows 'A^T^z^atos over an erasure.^^ Where several men of the same deme are mentioned the demoti- kon naturally takes the plural,^^ though it happens that most occur- ences of the plural demotikon refer to the deme as a locality rather than to the body of the demesmen." What can be learned from their use of the demotikon about the temper and spirit of the Athenians? They were exclusive^^ and never lost the sentiment of nobility. And the demotikon enabled the Athenian to indulge that sentiment of nobility as the old clan name or patronymic never could have done. The demotikon served to mark off the true citizens of the Imperial City from the slaves, metics, and other foreigners who were drawn into the vortex of the Peiraeus and against whose fraudulent admission into the registers of the demes such vigilance was ever necessary .^^ Within the body of the citizens aristocracy could not be checked, was sure to reassert itself, and the father's name took its place alongside the demotikon. 3*^ Thus in the fourth century a man was named by his demotikon, which ranked him as an Athenian, and by his father's name which served to distinguish him among the citizens. 24 Paus. V, 10, 2. Strabo VIII, 353. Plato, Profag. 311 C. Isocr. XV, 2 (?). This was the fashion followed by the Humanists. ^ This is Loewy's theory. See Inschriften der Griechischen Bildhauer 127, A. But no. 126 'AyKvXfjdev. Of 59 occurrences of the ethnikon, only 6 are exceptions and the editor in each case disposes of them; of 57 occurrences of the demotikon, all belong inside of Attica. 26 Dem. XLII, 28. 27 Thuc. II, 21. Dem. XLIV, 21. 26, 28, etc., LVII, 56. 28 Thus I. G. 1. 2 is an inscription containing a decree of the Scambonidae about the care of the sacred rites and shows that the demesmen of Scambonidae excluded metics from their public sacrifices. Beginning with exclusiveness in religious matters (note how the Eteo-Boutadai changed their name) the Athenians extended it to social and to economic interests. 29 See chap. VI, note 13. ^° Wilamovitz calls attention to the names in the four inscriptions, I. G. IV, 117. II, 1685, II, 2002, and II, 2330. In these four cases, he explains, the father has only the demotikon, the son follows the fashion of the fourth century and consequently unless the custom changed with this generation the father was a new citizen. If the father was a new citizen, however, we would rather expect the omission of the demotikon. See Wilamovitz, Aristoteles und Athen II, 169-185, the chapter on The Athenian Name. PARTIAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Beloch. Die Attische Politik seit Perikles. (1884). Boisacq. DicHonnaire Etymologique de la langue Grecque. Botsford. The Athenian Constitution in Cornell Studies IV (1893). Biichsenschutz. Besitz und Erwerh im Griechischen AUerthum. (1869). Buermann, H. Drei Studien auf dem Gebiet des Attischen Rechts in Jahrh. f. Phil. Suppl. (Fleckheisen) IX, 617. Busolt. Griechische Geschichte. (1885-88). Calhoun, G. M. Athenian Clubs in Politics and Litigation, Bulletin of University of Texas, Jan. 1913. Carroll, M. The Athens of Aristophanes in Studies in Honor of Professor Gilder sleeve, p. 244. Croiset, M. Aristophanes and the Political Parties at Athens. Dittenberger. Die Kleisthenische Phylen, Hermes IX, 385. (1875). Diimmler. Kleine Schriften. (1901). Earle. Land Charters and Saxonic Documents. (1888). Famell. Cults of the Greek States. (1896). Ferguson, W. S. The Athenian Phratries in Class. Philology, (1910), p. 257. Ferguson, W. S. Hellenistic Athens. (1913). Francotte. La Polis Grecque.. (1907). Fowler, W. W. The City State of the Greeks and Romans. Fustel de Coulauges. La Citi Antique (1878). Gilbert. Greek Constitutional Antiquities. Bowler & Nicklin hand. (1895). Gilbert. Die Altattische Nomenverfassung in Jahrh. f, Phil. Suppl. (Fleckheisen) VII. Grote. History of Greece. Haussoulier. La Vie Municipale en Attique in Bih. Scales Frangaises d'Athdnes et de Rome. Fasc. 38. Hicks and Hill. Greek Historical Inscriptions. (1901). Jevons. Kin and Custom in Journal of Philology, XVI, 103. Kenyon, F. G. Translation of Aristotles Constitution of Athens, (1891). Kretschmer. Einleitung in die Geschichte der Griechischen Sprache. Lang, A. The World of Homer. (1910). Leake, W. Topography of Athens and the Demi of Attica, (1841). Loeper, R. Die Trittyen und Demen Attikas in Athen. Mitth. XVII (1892),319-433. Loewy. Inschriften der Griechischen Bildhauer, (1885). Maine, Sir Henry. Village Communities in the East and West, 1876. Maine, Sir Henry. Ancient Law. Mangold. Art. Arjfjioi, in Curtius Studien VI, p. 404. Milchhoefer. Untersuchungen iiber die Demenordnung des Kleisthenes, (1892). Attika and other articles in Pauly-Wissowa Real Encyc. Vols. I and II. von Premerstein. Phratem-Verbande auf einem Attischen Hypothekenstein in Athen. Mitth. 1910, p. 103 ff. Poland. Geschichte der Sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der A ntiken Welt, (1912) . Roberts-Gardner. Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, (1887-1905). Rogers, B. Aristophanes Comedies. Rohde. Psyche, (1898). BIBLIOGRAPHY , ^ !'\ \ ,, .W' '-. ' \ '-. J "' i I /&3 Sauppe. De demis urhanis Athenarum, (1846). Savage. The Athenian Family (J. H. U. Diss., 1907.) Schoffer. Art. on Demen in Pauly-Wissowa, V. s. i. Seebohm, H. S. Structure of Greek Tribal Society. (1895). Susemihl. Genetische Entwickelung der Platonischen Philosophie., (1855). Szanto. Die Kleisthenischen Trittyen in Hermes XXVII (1892), 312-314. De Sanctis. Atthis. Tarbell. A Study of the Attic Phratry in Am. Journ. Arch. V, 135. Whibley. Political Parties in Athens during the Peloponnesian War, Ed. 2, (1889). Wilamowitz-Moellendorf. Aus Kydathen in Phil. Untersuch. (1880), 1-3. Aristoteles und Athen. (1893). Young, C. H. Erchia, A Deme of Attica. Gargettos in Studies in Honor of Henry Drisler. Zimmem. The Greek Commonwealth. (1911). VITA John Bowen Edwards was born at Alderson, West Virginia, October?, 1883. His preliminary education was received at the Westminster High School. He attended Western Maryland College for three years and received the degree of A.B. in 1903. In 1904 he entered the Johns Hopkins University for graduate work and pursued courses in Greek, Latin and Sanskrit. He took up his work again in 1907 with additional courses in Archaeology and in 1908 was Fellow of the American School at Athens. In 1912 he returned to the University and held the Greek Fellowship for the years 1912-14. He wishes to express his gratitude to his friends at the University and especially to Professor Gildersleeve, Professor Robinson, Pro- fessor Smith, Professor Bloomfield, Professor Miller and Professor Vincent for their many acts of kindness and assistance. He is con- scious of the deepest obligation to Professor Gildersleeve at whose suggestion this study was undertaken, and to Professor Robinson, who has been most kind in his suggestions and criticisms of both the manuscript and the proof. UNIVEESITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW Books not returned on time are subject to a fine of 50c per volume after the third day overdue, increasing to $1.00 per volume after the sixth day. 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