UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 I R( >\\ I HH UBkAkY OF 
 
 BENJAMIN PARKE AVERY, 
 
 Gift of Mrs. a VERY, 
 
 just, i8q6. 
 
 Accessions N<>./o3lV tftf Class No. 
 
 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2008 with funding from 
 
 Microsoft Corporation 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/buriedcityofeastOObuckrich 
 
NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY. 
 

THE 
 
 BURIED CITY OF THE EAST 
 
 NINEVEH. 
 
 SHIPPING THE GREAT l:l'I.I. FROM MMRDl'D, AT MORGHII.I.. "N lilt EUPHRATES 
 
 WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 TENTH THOUSAND. 
 
 LONDON: 
 OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY 
 
 193, STRAND. 
 
THE BURIED CITY OF THE EAST, 
 
 NINEVEH: 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF 
 
 THE DISCOVERIES OF MR. LAYARD AND M. BOTTA 
 AT NIMROUD AND KHORSABAD ; 
 
 WITH DESCRIPTIONS OF THE EXHUMED SCULPTURES, AND PARTICULARS OF 
 THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT NINEVITE KINGDOM. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH ONE HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS. 
 
 LONDON : 
 OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY, 
 
 193, STRAND. 
 
.'- 
 
 ilodtyi 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 When the news reached England that Mr. Layard had found 
 the long lost Nineveh, and was opening its buried palaces to the 
 light, very great and general interest was excited. It seemed 
 as if the Nineveh of the Bible were about to be once more re- 
 stored for the contemplation of the Christian inquirer, and the 
 Nineveh of the classics laid bare to modern gaze, to verify the 
 faith of the scholar in the older historians. Mr. Layard's book, 
 when published, realized these anticipations. A city buried for 
 more than twenty centuries offered its remains for comparison 
 with the aspects of modern London or Paris ; and the sculp- 
 tured monuments of a bygone race rose up to offer a contrast 
 with the works of modern art. Whilst this was the case in 
 England, the French were almost equally interested, for they, 
 too, had a diligent inquirer, Monsieur Botta, in Assyria, digging 
 and discovering and sending home the spoils of superb ancient 
 edifices to increase the treasures of the Louvre. The English 
 investigator had worked with limited funds supplied from 
 private sources ; the Frenchman, more fortunate, enjoyed the 
 generous sympathies and liberal pecuniary aid of his govern- 
 ment. Layard's story of his trials and successes was given 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 to the world by the private enterprise of an English publisher. 
 Botta, on the contrary, found his way into print at the expense 
 of the French nation. 
 
 When a series of good cheap volumes was in contemplation 
 for the National Illustrated Library, the popularity of 
 the subject induced an opinion that Botta' s book, published in 
 Paris in a series of huge and costly folios, might form the basis 
 of an interesting work for the English public. Hence, the fol- 
 lowing pages, in which, whilst the labours of the French savant 
 have been freely used, a considerable amount of original re- 
 search has been employed that the volume might be rendered 
 worthy of the place it occupies as one of a cheap and valuable 
 series. 
 
 London, 1851. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 r vge 
 
 The Buried City and its Discoverers, Layard and Botta— Layard's Ancestors— His 
 Parentage and Education— His Early Travels— Proceeds to Asia— Visits Susan— 
 His Excursion in the Neighbourhood of the Tigris and Nineveh— Mosul— Kalah 
 Shergat— Al Hadhr— The River Kartin— A^Tower of Living Men— Returns to 
 Mosul— Proceeds to Constantinople— Sir Stratford Canning .... 9 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Nineveh of the Bible— Nimrod— His Character expressed in his Nomenclature— 
 Babel, Erech, Accad, and Calneh— Their Present Sites— Nimrod's First and 
 Second Kingdoms— Their Localities traced— Nineveh, "that great city"— Its 
 supposed Extent and Population— The Assyrian Kings— Their Wars and Con- 
 quests—The Destruction of the Assyrian Army— Death of Sennacherib— Nebu- 
 chodonosor— The Fall of Nineveh 23 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Nineveh of the Classical Writers— Their Difficulties in the Pursuit of History— 
 Ninus— His Identity with Nimrod— Semiramis— Her Story told by Diodorus 
 Siculus and Justin— The Revolt of the Medes— Sardanapalus, Herodotus, and 
 Ctesias— The Overthrow of Nineveh, and the Rise and Fall of the Babylonian 
 Empire 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Rich and Botta at Nineveh — Rich's Examination of its presumed Site — Assyrian An- 
 tiquities and Inscriptions — Botta appointed Consul at Mosul — M. Mohl — Botta's 
 Researches and Disappointments — Opens the Mound of Kouyunjik— Excavations 
 at Khorsabad— Success of his first Operations— Grant by the French Govern- 
 ment for their Continuance— Difficulties with the Governor of Mosul— The Ex- 
 
 
Vlll * CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGE 
 
 cavations stopped— Turkish Official Delinquencies— Additional Grant of Money 
 —Permission to continue the Excavations— Arrival of M. Flandin— The "Village 
 of Khorsabad purchased — Difficulties attending this Arrangement — Workmen 
 engaged, and the Researches resumed— Return of M. Flandin to Paris— The 
 discovered Relics packed and transmitted to Paris 49 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Banks of the Tigris— The Mounds of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus— Their Extent ■ 
 and Relative Position— The Mound of Khorsabad— Its Situation— The Wall of 
 Nineveh— The Mound of Nimroud— Its present Resemblance to Xenophon's 
 Descriptions— The Mounds of Karamles and Kalah Shergat .... 70 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Layard at Nineveh- His Arrival at Naifa— His speedy Arrangements for Explora- 
 tion, and immediate success— Visits the Pasha of Mosul— The Dangers attendant 
 on his Task— A Shifting of Quarters— His Proceedings Interdicted by the Pasha 
 —Departs from Nimroud — Visits Baghdad — Returns to the Mound and continues 
 his Excavations— A New Interdict— Discovery of the Bas-relief of Nisroch, and 
 Colossal Head— Further Proceedings Stopped, and the Workmen Discharged— 
 Layard and the Sheikhs— Excursion to the Camp of the Shammar Tribe — 
 Gives a Three Days' Feast at Nimroud— Recall of Ismael Pasha, and Appoint- 
 ment of Tahyas Pasha as his Successor— His Attention to Layard— Obstruction 
 to his Operations through the Heats of Summer — Hunting Excursions with the 
 Natives— Despatch of the Grand Vizier of the Sultan— Opening of the Great 
 Mound of Kouyunjik— A rich Collection of Sculptures— Their Embarkation and 
 Transport to Baghdad— Further Interruptions at Nimroud— Layard's Return 
 to Mosul— Re-organization of a Band of Workmen at Nimroud— Layard again 
 among the Ruins— Alacrity of the Arabs— Layard's Impartiality in the Cha- 
 racter of an Arbitrator— Rapid Uncovery of the Buried Treasures— His Exploit 
 against the Thieving Arabs— Embarkation of the Black Marble Obelisk — 
 Examination of the Mounds of Kalah Shergat— The Friendly Jebours— Removal 
 of the Lion and Bull from Nimroud— The various Operations necessary — Pro- 
 cession of the Winged Bull— The Embarkation — Strike of the Jebour Work- 
 men— -Layard's ultimate Triumph— Entertainment to his Faithful Workmen- 
 Farewell to the Arabs 77 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 The Mounds on which the Assyrian Palaces stood— Khorsabad— Its Dimensions- 
 Fortified Enclosure- Salt-swamps within the Wall— Mr. Fergusson's Opinion 
 on the site of the City of Khorsabad— The Construction of the Mound— The 
 neighbouring Swamps accounted for l°a 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER Tin. 
 
 The Palaces of Assyria— Khorsabad, Plan of the Palace— The Winged Bulls at the 
 doorway— Alabaster Slabs— Interior Bas-reliefs— Subjects of them— The only 
 Assyrian Temple yet discovered— Kouyunjik— The Nebbi Yunus— Great Mound 
 of Nimroud and its Palaces, with- their Gigantic-winged Figures— Conjectures 
 as to the absence of "Windows, and Theories thereon— Enormous thickness of 
 the Walls— The upper stories from which the Kings showed themselves— The 
 Fact accounted for that all the Assyrian Palaces have been Destroyed by Fire — 
 Architecture of the Assyrians influenced by absence of Natural Elevations- 
 Contrast between the Ruins of Nineveh and those of other Ancient Cities — The 
 almost total absence of Columns or Pillars accounted for— The early knowledge 
 of Tubular Drain-tiles— Connection between the styles of Architecture of the 
 People of Assyria and Babylonia— Absence of striking architectural effects in 
 the Assyrian buildings— Coloured Decorations— Sculpture the means of attain- 
 ing Structural Effects 113 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sculptures and Sculptured Decorations of the Assyrians— The Bas-reliefs at Khor- 
 sabad— Their Arrangement— The Symbolic Character of the Figures— Details of 
 their Dresses and Adornments — The Emblems borne by them — The Winged 
 Bull— Detailed Description of this frequently-repeated Figure — The Winged 
 Lions at Nimroud — Other Winged Figures— Their Dresses and Emblems- 
 General Effect of these Colossal Decorations 129 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 The Warriors of Assyria — Their Battles, Sieges, and Triumphs, as shown in the 
 Bas-reliefs at Nimroud and Khorsabad — Attack on a Fortress— Group of Prison- 
 ers -The King in his War Chariot— Archers attacking a Fortress— Assyrian 
 Scaling-ladders— Various Bas-reliefs, representing the King in his Car engaged 
 in the Fray— Costumes of the Besiegers and the Besieged— Another Fortress 
 attacked— Dresses and Accoutrements of the Warriors— Continuation of Sieges 
 — Assyrian Archers— Assyrian Battering-rams— The Besieged of the Negro 
 Race— Warriors swimming across a river— Sacking of a Town— Groups of 
 Prisoners brought before the King— Preparations for the attack of a Maritime 
 place— Style of the War-boats— An Assyrian banquet after victory . . . 140 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Assyrian King and his Court— Description of the King's Robes, Jewels, and 
 other Ornaments— Costumes of the Royal Eunuchs— Procession of Present- 
 bearers — Descriptions of the Presents— Procession of Tributaries— Magians, 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 Guards, and Eunuchs— Their Arms and Costumes described— Hunting Scenes 
 —Assyrian Falcon— Target Shooting— The King in his Car attended by Guards 
 —Fishing Temple— Hunting Banquet— Court of Justice— The Fetters of the 
 Prisoners — Crucifixion among the Assyrians 167 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 Religious Worship of the Assyrians— The imperious character of the people, and its 
 bearing on their Religious Sentiments— Probability of their Early Religion 
 being a simple Deism— Worship of the Sun, Moon, and Stars— Worship of 
 Fire— Sacred Symbols— Worship of the Groves— The Fir-cone— The Eagle or 
 Vulture-headed Human Figure— The Winged Human-headed Lions and Bulls 
 — The Chebar of Ezekiel and the Khabour of the Arabs— Assarac— Nisroch 
 — Ashtaroth— Mylitta— Alitta— Place, Form, and Spirit of the Worship— The 
 Lion and the Bull, Emblems of Royalty and Power 189 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Assyrian Art, Industry, Dress, Ornaments, and Equipages — Perfection of the Art 
 of Sculpture in Nineveh— Assyrian Art intermediary between the Grecian 
 and Egyptian— Splendour of Costumes— Warlike Weapons— Extreme Care of 
 Beards -Love of Ornament— Ear-rings— Bracelets— The Style of Art which 
 characterized their Ornaments — Comparison with more familiar forms of Greek 
 Art— Assyrian Industry— The High Degree of Perfection it attained— Ac- 
 quaintance with the Art of Working various Metals— Burnt Clay Idols— Seals 
 of Clay— Funeral Urns— Enamelled Bricks— Altars— Nails— Chariot Wheels- 
 Lap is Ollaris— Glass Bottles— Commerce of Ancient Assyria— Its chief branches 203 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Assyrian Relics in the British Museum— Layard's Contributions— The King 
 in his War Chariot— King's Army— Passing of a River by the Army— King in 
 his War Chariot— Pursuit of the Enemy through a Wood— King in the van of 
 the Battle— Battle Scene, and Route of the Enemy— Eunuch Warrior in Battle 
 —Fortress on an Island— Flight of an Arab on mounted camel— Attack on a 
 Fortified City— Military Operations of this period closely resembled those of 
 the present day— Battering-ram— Final Assault of the City— Abandonment of 
 the City— The Triumphal return of the Victorious King— "The League, or 
 Treaty of Peace"— The return of the Conquerors— Tribute and Prisoners to the 
 Great King— Eunuch and Prisoners— King's Exploits in the Chase— King re- 
 turning from the Chase— A Bull Hunt— King refreshing himself at conclusion 
 of the Sport— A Lion Hunt— The Nimroud Obelisk, and description of its four 
 sides— Incidents and Occupations of Domestic Life— Slave grooming horses- 
 Figures in masks dancing— Man and Camels— Colossal Figure of the King— 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGE 
 
 The Hawk-headed Deity— Nisroch— Winged Priests or Divinities— Colossal 
 Human-headed Fignre— Relics recently lodged in the Great Hall of the British 
 Museum— Winged Human-headed Lion— Winged Human-headed Bull— Cunei- 
 form Inscriptions— Monument from Kalah Sherghat— Slab with Arrow-headed 
 Characters— Mr. Hector's Contributions— The King wearing the Truncated 
 Cap— Provincial Governor— Detached Fragments 230 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 Assyrian Inscriptions and their Interpretation— The Arrow-headed Character— How 
 it came to be deciphered by Professor Grotefend— Suggestions of M. Burnouf 
 and Professor Lassen— Col. Rawlinson and the Behistun Inscription— Process of 
 Analyzing the Assyrian Texts— The Inscriptions at Khorsabad— The Situations 
 in which they were found— Botta's Opinion on these Inscriptions— Major Raw- 
 linson's account of the labours of his predecessors and of himself— The Baby- 
 lonian unquestionably the most ancient Cuneiform Writing — Tablets at the 
 Mouth of the Nahr-el-Kalb— Cuneiform Writing confined exclusively to Sculp- 
 tures and Impressions— The Inscription on the Obelisk found at Nimroud— 
 Major Rawlinson's Translation and Remarks 271 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Botta's Opinions on the Destruction of the Assyrian Palace at Khorsabad . . 300 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Latest Proceedings and Discoveries in Assyria — Language and Mode of Writing of 
 the Ancient Assyrians— Difference between the two Systems of Major Rawlin- 
 son and Dr. Hincks in Interpreting Inscriptions— Intelligence of Layard, 1849, 
 1850, and 1851 303 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Frontispiece, The King, attended by Eunuchs and V? 
 
 Map of Nineveh and the surrounding country 
 
 Portrait of Layard 
 
 Ruins at Al Hadhr 
 
 Birs Nimroud (Supposed Tower of Babel) 
 
 Bas-relief of Nisroch . 
 
 Bust of Herodotus 
 
 Turkish Pasha .... 
 
 The Mound of Khorsabad 
 
 Village of Khorsabad . 
 
 Statue found at Kala Shergat 
 
 The Mound of Nimroud 
 
 Winged Bull .... 
 
 Procession of the Winged Bull . 
 
 Arab Sheikh .... 
 
 Group of Arabs .... 
 
 Doorway of the Palace of Khorsabad 
 
 Plan of Palace at Khorsabad 
 
 Winged Lion, Nimroud 
 
 Side of Doorway at Khorsabad 
 
 Winged Divinity 
 
 Bas-relief of Priests, found at Nimroud 
 
 Winged Divinity .... 
 
 Assyrian Archers 
 
 Fortress taken by scaling ladders 
 
 Attack on Fortress \>y Archers 
 
 Horsemen in pursuit of the Enemy 
 
 The King in his War-chariot 
 
 Attack of a Fortress at foot of Mountain 
 
 inged Figures 
 
 1 
 7 
 9 
 19 
 23 
 34 
 39 
 48 
 49 
 62 
 76 
 7? 
 89 
 100 
 104 
 112 
 113 
 116 
 120 
 128 
 129 
 134 
 139 
 140 
 143 
 147 
 149 
 150 
 152 
 
XIV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 T.KOV. 
 
 Battering-rams .152 
 
 Attack of Fortress upon a Hill 154 
 
 Warrior in Chariot 155 
 
 Prisoners guarded by Eunuchs ] 59 
 
 Warriors and Raft 162 
 
 Servants carrying Wine to the feast of Victors 164 
 
 Assyrian Lyre 165 
 
 Assyrian Banquet 165 
 
 Assyrian Warrior 166 
 
 The King, Magian, and Attendant Esnuchs 167 
 
 Fly-flappers 171 
 
 Eunuchs and Present Bearers : . 173 
 
 Eunuchs with Throne, &c. - 174 
 
 Groom with Horses, &c. c 177 
 
 Assyrian Hunters 183 
 
 Eunuchs carrying Game 183 
 
 Assyrian Archers Shooting at Target 184 
 
 Attendants on the King while Hunting 185 
 
 The King in his Hunting Chariot 185 
 
 Assyrian Fishing Temple 186 
 
 Assyrian Parasol 188 
 
 The Sacred Tree 189 
 
 The Sacred Tree : : 202 
 
 Head-dress of Winged Bull from Khorsabad 203 
 
 Assyrian Vases 209 
 
 Assyrian Head-dresses 209 
 
 Assyrian Shields 210 
 
 Assyrian Bow, Arrow, and Quivers : 211 
 
 Assyrian Helmets and Head-dress 211 
 
 Assyrian Swords and Mace 212 
 
 Assyrian Ear-rings 213 
 
 Assyrian Bracelets . 213 
 
 Bronzed Lion 218 
 
 Burnt-clay Idols * 220 
 
 Section and Plan of arrangement of Funereal Urns 222 
 
 Assyrian Ship ' 229 
 
 The King in his Chariot, attended by Warriors .230 
 
 Passage of a River by the Army of the Great King and his Allies • 232 
 
 The King's War-chariot in the Boat 233 
 
 The Victorious Army pursuing the Enemy through a Wood 234 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. XV 
 
 P\GE 
 
 The King in the Van of the Battle 335 
 
 Fortress on an Island 237 
 
 Arab on Camel pursued by Assyrian Horsemen 239 
 
 Assailants under cover of Breast-work 241 
 
 Final Assault upon the City 242 
 
 Abandonment of the City 243 
 
 The Triumphal Return of the King to his Camp 243 
 
 Women on the Battlements watching return of Conquerors 245 
 
 Procession conveying Tribute and Prisoners 246 
 
 Lion Hunt 248 
 
 Bull Hunt 
 
 249 
 
 The King Drinking after the Chase . 250 
 
 Nimroud Obelisk, the Front 251 
 
 Nimroud Obelisk, Left Side 254 
 
 Nimroud Obelisk, the Back .256 
 
 Nimroud Obelisk, Fourth Side 257 
 
 An Assyrian Kitchen and Domestics 258 
 
 Assyrian Groom and Horses 259 
 
 Masked Figures Dancing 259 
 
 Officer Receiving Captives 260 
 
 Assyrian Standard 2/0 
 
 Slab with Cuniform Inscription to face 2166 
 
es the space within which the ancient Nineveh, with its 
 suburbs, were supposed to have been included. 
 
ACSTEN HENRY LATiRI 
 
 THE BURIED CITY OF THE EAST 
 
 NINEVEH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Buried City and its Discoverers, Layard and Botta— Layard's 
 Early Career and Travels. 
 
 Far away— a thousand miles — from the highways of modern commerce, 
 and the tracks of ordinary travel, lay a city buried in the sandy earth 
 of a half-desert Turkish Province, with no certain trace of its place of 
 sepulchre. Vague tradition said that it was hidden somewhere near the 
 river Tigris; but for above two thousand years its known existence in 
 the world was as a mere name; a word. That name suggested the idea of 
 an ancient capital of fabulous splendour and magnitude; a congregation 
 of palaces and other dwellings encompassed by walls and ramparts, vast 
 but scarcely real. 
 
 Old writers — men who lived a thousand years before our times, yet a 
 thousand years after many of the things they tell about— spoke of the 
 
10 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 buried city as one in their days known only by tradition, and as one 
 the fate of which had long been sealed— blotted out of the world it had 
 once helped to sway— and the very site of which could not with certainty 
 be told. 
 
 More than two thousand years had it thus lain in its unknown grave, 
 when a wandering English scholar and a French savan urged by a noble 
 inspiration sought the seat of the once powerful empire, and searching 
 till they found the dead city, threw off its shroud of sand and ruin, and 
 revealed once more to an astonished and curious world the temples, 
 the palaces, and the idols; the representations of war, and the triumphs 
 of peaceful art of the ancient Assyrians. The Nineveh of scripture, the 
 Nineveh of the oldest historians; the Nineveh — twin sister of Babylon — 
 glorying in a civilization of pomp and power, all traces of which were 
 believed to be gone; the Nineveh in which the captive tribes of Israel 
 had laboured and wept, was, after a sleep of twenty centuries, again 
 brought to light. The long lost was found. The dead palaces were 
 exhumed; the strange huge sculptures were dug out; and their inscrip- 
 tions were deciphered. The proofs of ancient splendour were again 
 beheld by living eyes, and by the skill of the draftsman and the pen of 
 the antiquarian travellers, made known to the world. 
 
 And the strange and stirring story of how courage and learning; 
 talent and enterprise ; patience and industry, rescued from the earth 
 these treasures of a long gone people — giving proof of a great civiliza- 
 tion existing in the earliest stages of the history of the human race,— it 
 is the intention of the following pages to tell. 
 
 Every romance has its hero — and the chief hero of this romance of 
 antiquarian discovery is Layard. — And since we shall have to say so 
 much about his achievements, we may as well commence with a sketch 
 of his personal career previous to the period at which he began his labours 
 at Nineveh. 
 
 Austen Henry Layard is the descendant of a French family, who, 
 many generations since, embraced the Protestant faith, and who were 
 in consequence compelled to fly from their native country when Papal 
 influence succeeded in obtaining the revocation of the edict of Nantes. 
 The family seems to have been long distinguished for mental talent and 
 independent — some branches of it were among the earliest supporters 
 of the persecuted Albigenses; but notwithstanding their known leanings 
 towards unorthodox religious opinions, they appear to have received both 
 honours and profitable grants from the kings of France. But when 
 the day of trial arrived they had their share of miseries. In the 
 slaughter of the Huguenots two members of the family were slain; 
 but a third, more fortunate, succeeded in escaping to Holland, where 
 the Layard s commenced a new career. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 11 
 
 Their first appearance in England was under William of Orange, 
 and in the list of those who held command under that Protestant Prince 
 when he fought the battle of the Boyne will be found the name of the 
 founder of the English branch of the family. 
 
 Previous to the revocation of the edict of Nantes, the name had 
 been Raymond, but Layard was taken as a sobriquet when its owner 
 fled from France, and has since been retained by the descendants of the 
 religious exile. The mental characteristics that secured them distinction 
 in Holland prepare us to find that the family throve in this their 
 adopted country, and the grandfather of the discoverer of Nineveh, the 
 Rev. Dr. Layard, became Dean of Bristol. The Dean had two sons ; the 
 second— Henry Peter John Layard — held an important civil post in 
 Ceylon, where, between the years 1820 and 1830, he distinguished 
 himself by his great activity in the dissemination of the scriptures 
 among the savage tribes of that part of the world. He is described 
 as a man of much classical learning and of cultivated tastes. Like all 
 persons engaged in official occupation in the East, Mr. Layard required 
 an occasional recourse to the more genial climate of Europe. During 
 a visit to Paris in 1817, his wife gave birth on the 5th of March to 
 Austen Henry Layard, the man whose name will henceforth be identified 
 with Nineveh. 
 
 With these few preliminary sentences about his family, we pass on 
 to speak more exactly of the circumstances and education which pre- 
 pared Layard for the career in which he has since signalised himself. 
 His father's tastes, and the beautiful climate of Italy, induced the 
 family to fix their abode in that country ; hence the early youth oi 
 Layard was passed in Florence and its neighbourhood. In the midst 
 of charming scenery, and in a place surrounded by historical associa- 
 tions, — rich also in works of art — and well supplied with ancient 
 libraries, the future traveller and antiquary began his education. 
 Italian became to him a second mother tongue, and his father took 
 care that his talent should also be employed in the acquisition not 
 only of the languages of Greece and Rome, but of the more modern ones. 
 The clever boy could scarcely live in Florence without imbibing some 
 artistic feeling, and young Layard, it would appear, without any 
 elaborate efforts, laid the foundation of that skill as a draftsman so 
 useful to him afterwards at Nimroud. 
 
 Though long resident in Italy, Mr. Layard was unwilling his son 
 should lose the characteristics of an Englishman, and hence young 
 Layard was subsequently sent to England for further education. A 
 relative suggested the law as a profession, and under favourable circum- 
 stances its study was commenced, but legal fetters were too harsh 
 for the feelings of a youth nurtured in Italy and already thirsting for 
 
 a 2 
 
12 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 a life of adventure. In the summer of 1839 he joined a friend, and they 
 set out together on a visit to Russia and other northern countries. 
 Without any very definite plans he journeyed in succession through 
 various states in Germany, paying special attention to those on the 
 Danube, mastering not only the German language itself, but several of 
 the dialects of Transylvania, in Montenegro. He remained some time 
 in Dalmatia, assisting in the latter semi-barbarous locality a young 
 territorial chieftain who was endeavouring to improve the condition of 
 his people. From Montenegro he travelled through Albania and Rou- 
 melia, and not without perilous and troublesome adventures made his 
 way to Constantinople, which he reached about the latter part of the 
 year 1839. 
 
 Having by this time seen all that was most remarkable in Europe, 
 a new field seemed opening upon him full of interest in Asia. His 
 experience as a traveller had rendered him hardy, and equal to the 
 emergencies of European journeyings, but new languages and new 
 habits — a more perfect reliance upon himself — were requisite before 
 he could plunge into the half wild life led in Asia Minor and other 
 countries of the East. But the true spirit of the traveller and inves- 
 tigator was in him — and undaunted by difficulties he went to work to 
 learn the languages of Turkey and Arabia. He studied the manners — 
 adopted the costume— and was before long able to lead the life of an 
 Arab of the Desert, and travelled frequently alone in Persia, in Meso- 
 potamia, in Khuzistan, and elsewhere, visiting all the spots most 
 renowned as the sites of by-gone cities. Some records of these wander- 
 ings found place in the journals of the London Geographical Society, 
 and to these we may turn for a few particulars. In a communication 
 which Layard made to that association relative to some ancient sites, 
 under date, Karack, Dec. 31, 1840, he says : 
 
 " I have succeeded in reaching and examining Susan and some other 
 places of interest in the Baktiyari mountains, to which attention was 
 drawn by Major Rawlinson. I left Ispahan in the middle of last Sep- 
 tember, in company with Schiffeer Khan, a Baktiyari chief, and reached 
 Kala Tul by a road through the mountains, having crossed the highest 
 part of the great chain of Mungasht. The road we followed is not the 
 Yanhai Atibeg, mentioned by Major Rawlinson ; that road we were 
 unable to take on account of a blood feud existing between Schiffeer 
 Khan and a neighbouring tribe. 
 
 My first expedition, on reaching Kala Tul, was to Manjanik. [ 
 visited them on two or three different occasions, and can safely say that 
 there are no mounds of any consequence. There are, indeed, the ruins 
 of a city of some extent ; and as these ruins resemble those of the 
 Sassanian cities which I have seen, they probably are of that period. 
 
OF THE EAST — NISEVEII. II 
 
 The plain of Mel Amir contains ruins of two descriptions, the 
 ancient mound and the Sassanian ruin. There are also several cunei- 
 form inscriptions in the neighbouring mountains. The Shikafti Salman, 
 mentioned by Major Rawlinson, is to the west of Mel Amir, and not on 
 the road to Susan. Adjoining the natural cave, are four tablets with 
 sculpture ; and there formerly existed extensive cunei-form inscriptions, 
 one of which only I was able to copy ; the others are completely effaced. 
 The sculptures appear to me to be of a very ancient date, and the 
 character used in the inscription is very complicated. Two colossal 
 figures appear to represent priests of the Magi ; between them is a 
 natural recess in the rock, which may have been used as an altar. In 
 the same plain, and on the road to Susan, there are other sculptures, and 
 very extensive inscriptions, which I have not yet had time to copy. The 
 plain is called Hong. 
 
 The plain of Mel Amir is separated from the valley of the Kuran 
 by a ridge of hills of a considerable height. There are two roads across 
 these hills to Susan. The distance may be between fifteen and twenty 
 miles. I had much difficulty in reaching Susan, the neighbourhood of 
 which is inhabited by a tribe of the Dinaruni, notorious for their preda- 
 tory habits. Unfortunately 1 was robbed on my way thither of my watch, 
 compass, and many other things which would have proved exceedingly 
 useful to me. 
 
 I have experienced the difficulty of obtaining correct information as 
 to things and places from Persians ; and I am not surprised that Major 
 Rawlinson should have been misled by their exaggerated accounts. At 
 Susan there are scarcely any remains which would indicate the site of a 
 large city ; and those ruins which do actually exist are all confined to 
 the°northern bank of the river. I do not doubt, however, that a large 
 city did once exist here ; but there are no mounds of any size, or columns, 
 or even hewn stones and bricks. On either side of the river, which enters 
 and leaves the valley of Susan by narrow and almost impassable gorges, 
 there are the remains of ancient roads, and the river was formerly spanned 
 by a bridge, four buttresses of which remain and attest the stupendous 
 nature oAhe building. The tomb of Daniel is neither of white marble, 
 nor are there any sacred fish : it is a comparatively modern building, of 
 rough stones, containing two apartments. It is regarded with great 
 veneration, and is always known by the name of Gebr Daniel Akbar, or 
 the greater Daniel, in contradistinction to the one at Shus. ^ There is an 
 inscription near the tomb, which, however, from the extreme jealousy and 
 suspicions of the people, I was unable to see. The story of the black 
 stone of Shus had reached them, and they conceived that I wished to 
 carry off their talisman. I trust, however, to be able to visit the place 
 under more favourable auspices. 
 
U THE BURIED CITY 
 
 In another number of the Society's transactions, we find a paper by 
 Mr. William Francis Ainsworth, in which he gives notes of an excursion 
 in the neighbourhood of the Tigris and Nineveh— Layard being one of the 
 party. The travellers started from Mosul, and made their way down 
 the stream to Kalah Shergat where the ruins of an ancient Persian city 
 are still visible. In this excursion Layard passed the spot where his 
 future excavations were to be made, and where he was to unveil 
 Nimroud, and so raise a lasting monument to his own fame. Kalah 
 Shergat it may be premised lies some forty miles from Nimroud, on the 
 bank of the Tigris. It displays the third great mound covering ruins 
 of Assyrian palaces. Mr. Ainsworth thus speaks of the journey, and 
 of the circumstances under which Layard joined the party who made it:— 
 "The accidental arrival of two English travellers, Messrs. Mitford 
 and Layard, at Mosul, enabled us to make up a strong party to visit 
 the sites of the ruined cities of Kalah Shergat and Al Hadhr. 
 
 The party consisted of the above-mentioned gentlemen, Mr. Pvassam, 
 and myself ; and we were accompanied by an Arab of Tunis, of whose 
 courage we had had proof in crossing Northern Mesopotamia, when he 
 was in the service of Mohammed 'Ali ; but being worsted in an engage- 
 ment between the Shammar Arabs (the men ' without bondage') and the 
 irregular troops of Ibrahim Pasha, which had recently taken place, he 
 had abandoned his horse to save his life, and sought refuge at Mosul. 
 We had also with us a khavass from Mohammed Pasha of Mosul. 
 
 We started on Saturday, April 1 8th, 1840, travelling at first across the 
 cultivated alluvial plain south of Mosul, named the Karakojah. At this 
 season of the year barley was in ear, and beans in flour ; fig, almond, 
 and mulberry trees were in full bloom, but the pastachio as yet only 
 budding. On the sandy deposits of the river the water-melon had put 
 forth its cotyledons. Doves and quails had returned a few days before 
 from their migrations. As the river was high we were obliged to turn 
 up the rocky uplands west of El Seramum, an old country residence 
 of its Pashas. 
 
 The rocky acclivities and stony valleys of the Juba'ilah were now 
 clad with a beautiful vegetation. Grass was abundant, and the green 
 sward was chequered with red ranunculuses and composite plants of a 
 golden-yellow hue, which enliven at this season of the year by their 
 contrast the banks of the Tigris and the Euphrates, wherever they are 
 stony. Crossing the Juba'ilah, and leaving the village of Abu Jawari, 
 ' the father of female slaves' to our left, we descended upon another 
 alluvial plain, such as, on the Tigris and Euphrates, whether cultivated 
 or covered with jungle, is equally designated Hawi. The present one 
 was cultivated, and contained the two villages, both inhabited by Arabs, 
 now pasturing their flocks. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 15 
 
 At the end of this plain the ground rises, and at this point are the 
 baths and a village, the latter inhabited by a few Chaldees, settled here 
 by the Pasha of Mosul to cultivate the land. The thermal spring is 
 covered by a building, only commodious for a half savage people, yet 
 the place is much frequented by persons of the better classes, both from 
 Baghdad and Mosul. Close by is a mound about bO feet high, called 
 ' the mound of the victor,' from a tradition of an engagement having 
 taken place in this neighbourhood. 
 
 On the following morning leaving Hammam 'Ali, we crossed an 
 extensive Hawi, near the centre of which is the village of Safatus, in- 
 habited by the! Arab tribe of Juha'ish, or ' of the ass's colt.' We then 
 turned off to the right to the ruined village of Jehe'inah or Jehennem, 
 ' Hell or the Lower Regions,' which name excited our expectations, but 
 we only found some old houses of a better class. Our road continued 
 for three hours over verdant prairies, on an upland of gypsum, with some 
 tracts of sandstone, when we arrived at Pteed-V alley, the banks of a 
 sluggish stream being covered with that plant. We roused an old sow 
 from this cover, and captured a young pig which it was obliged to leave 
 behind. As the animal went grunting down the valley it stirred up 
 several others with their young ones, which we hunted down, catching 
 two more, one of which we liberated, as two were quite enough for our 
 wants. We approached the Tigris, a few miles below the tomb of Sultan 
 'Abdullah, which was the extreme point reached by the Euphrates 
 steamer in 1839, and passing an abundant rivulet of waters which 
 filled the air with the odour of sulphuric acid, we came to a level 
 naked spot, inclosed by rocks of gypsum, on the floor of which were 
 innumerable springs of asphalt or bitumen oozing out of the soil in 
 little circular fountains, but often buried beneath or surrounded by a 
 deep crust of indurated bitumen. A little beyond these pits we found 
 other springs, giving off an equal quantity of bitumen. These are the 
 only cases I know of springs of pure asphalt in Western Asia. 
 
 On the succeeding day, starting over a low range of hills of 
 red sandstone, we entered upon an extensive Hawi, over which we 
 travelled two hours to a red cliff. The banks of the Tigris were well 
 wooded and picturesque ; extensive tracts of meadow- land were bounded 
 by green hills, and terminated in islands of several miles in length, 
 covered with trees and brushwood, amid which winded the rapid Tigris, 
 in a broad and noble expanse, visible as far as the eye could reach. 
 The quantity of large wood near it is greater than on the Euphrates, 
 and the resources for steam navigation are very great. 
 
 Passing the cliffs of red sandstone, from which point to the Harmin 
 the Tigris follows a more easterly course, we came to a valley with a 
 brackish rivulet, coming from the Wadi-I A 'Inner S teep cliffs advanced 
 
16 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 beyond this to the banks of the river, and obliged us to turn inwards 
 upon the uplands, from which we first gained a view of Kalah Shergat, 
 situate in the midst of a most beautiful meadow, well wooded, watered 
 by a small tributary to the Tigris, washed by the noble river itself, and 
 backed by the rocky range of the Jebel Khanukah, now covered with 
 broad and deep shadows. In three hours' time we arrived at the foot of this 
 extensive and lofty mound, where we took up our station on the northern 
 side, immediately below the central ruin, and on the banks of a ditch 
 formed by the recoil of the Tigris. 
 
 Although familiar with the great Babylonian and Chaldean mounds 
 of Birs Nimroud, Mujallibah and Orchoe, the appearance of the mass of 
 construction now before us filled me with wonder. On the plain of 
 Babylonia to build a hill has a meaning ; but there was a strange ad- 
 herence to an antique custom, in thus piling brick upon brick, without 
 regard to the cost and value of labour, where hills innumerable and 
 equally good and elevated sites were easily to be found. Although in 
 places reposing upon solid rock (red and brown sandstones), still almost 
 the entire depth of the mound, which was in parts upwards of 60 feet high, 
 and at this side 909 yards in extent, was built up of sun-burnt bricks, 
 like the 'Aker Kuf and the Mujallibah, only without intervening layers 
 of reeds. On the side of these lofty artificial cliffs numerous hawks and 
 crows nestled in security, while at their base was a deep sloping de- 
 clivity of crumbled materials. On this northern face, which is the most 
 perfect as well as the highest, there occurs at one point the remains of a 
 wall built with large square-cut stones, levelled and fitted to one another 
 with the utmost nicety, and bevelled upon the faces, as in many Sara- 
 cenic structures ; the top stones were also cut away as in steps. Mr. 
 Ross deemed this to be part of the still remaining perfect front, which 
 was also the opinion of some of the travellers now present ; but so great 
 is the difference between the style of an Assyrian mound of burnt bricks 
 and this partial facing of hewn stone that it is difficult to conceive that 
 it belonged to the same period, and if carried along the whole front of 
 the mound, some remains of it would be found in the detritus at the base 
 of the cliff, which was not the case. At the same time its position gave 
 to it more the appearance of a facing, whether contemporary with the 
 mound or subsequent to it I shall not attempt to decide, than of a castle, 
 if any castle or other edifice was ever erected here by the Mohammedans, 
 whose style it so greatly resembles. 
 
 Our researches were first directed towards the mound itself. We 
 found its form to be that of an irregular triangle, measuring in total 
 circumference 4,085 yards ; whereas the Mujallibah, the supposed tower of 
 Babel, is only 737 yards in circumference ; the great mound of Bor- 
 sippa, known as the Birs Nimroud, 702 yards ; the Kasr, or terraced 
 
OF TIIE EAST — NINEVEH. 17 
 
 palace of Nebuchadnezzar, 2,100 yards ; and the mound called 
 Koyunjik, at Nineveh, 2,503 yards. But it is to be remarked of this 
 Assyrian ruin on the Tigris, that it is not entirely a raised mound of 
 sun-burnt bricks ; on the contrary, several sections of its central portions 
 displayed the ordinary pebbly deposit of the river, a common alluvium, 
 and were swept by the Tigris ; the mound appeared to be chiefly a mass 
 of rubble and ruins, in which bricks, pottery, and fragments of sepul- 
 chral urns lay embedded in humus, or alternated with blocks of gypsum ; 
 finally, at the southern extremity, the mound sinks down nearly to the 
 level of the plain. The side facing the river displayed to us some curious 
 structures, which, not being noticed by Mr. Ross, have been probably 
 laid bare by floods subsequent to his visit. They consisted of four 
 round towers, built of burnt bricks, which werenine inches deep, and thirteen 
 inches in width outwards, but only ten inches inwards, so as to adapt 
 them for being built in a circle. These towers were four feet ten inches in 
 diameter, well built, and as fresh looking as if of yesterday. Their use 
 is altogether a matter of conjecture ; they were not strong enough to 
 have formed buttresses against the river ; nor were they connected by 
 a wall. The general opinion appeared to be in favour of hydraulic pur- 
 poses, either as wells or pumps, communicating with the Tigris. 
 
 The south-western rampart displays occasionally the remains of a 
 wall constructed of hewn blocks of gypsum, and it is everywhere 
 bounded by a ditch which, like the rampart, encircles the whole ruins. 
 
 All over this great surface we found traces of foundations of stone 
 edifices, with abundance of bricks and pottery, as observed before us, 
 and to which we may add, bricks vitrified with bitumen, as are found at 
 Rahabah, Babylon, and other ruins of the same epoch ; bricks with 
 impressions of straw, <fcc, sun-dried, burnt, and vitrified ; and painted 
 pottery with colours still very perfect ; but after two hours' unsuccessful 
 search by Messrs. Mitford, Layard and myself, Mr. Rassam was the 
 first to pick up a brick close to our station, on which were well defined 
 and indubitable arrow-headed characters." 
 
 Kalah Shergat is associated with the Assyrian city of Nineveh, 
 not only from its position and the character of its remains, but there is 
 every reason to believe that it marks the site of the ancient Calah, one 
 of the cities founded by Nimrod, and alluded to in the sacred writings. 
 Mr. Ainsworth, atter a disquisition upon the early history of these ruins, 
 resumes his narrative of the adventures of himself, Layard, and their 
 companions, who now proceeded in search of the ruins of Al Hadhr. 
 
 " On leaving Kalah Shergat we kept a little to the south. We 
 travelled at a quick pace over a continuous prairie of grasses and flower- 
 ing plants till we arrived at a ridge of rocks which rose above the sur- 
 rounding countrv, and were constituted of coarse marine limestones. From 
 
18 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 a mound, upon which were a few graves, we obtained a comprehensive 
 view of that part of Mesopotamia, but without being able to distinguish 
 the valley of the Tharthar or the ruins of Al Hadhr. 
 
 Opinions as to the probable position of the latter were in favour ot 
 some mounds which were visible in the extreme distance to the south west, 
 and having great faith in the eyes of our Bedwin, who also took this view 
 of the subject, we started in that direction, although the compass indicated 
 a more northerly course. After two and a quarter hours' quick travelling, 
 still over prairies and undulating country, we came to the supposed ruins, 
 which turned out to be bare hills of sandstone, the southern termination 
 of a low ridge. Although pestered by sand-flies, we stopped a few 
 moments and breakfasted on bread and wild leeks, which are abundant 
 every where, and frequently enamel with their roseate and clustered 
 umbels the lichen-clad space that intervened between the dark-green 
 bushes of wormwood. 
 
 Changing our route, we started to the north west, in which direction 
 we arrived, after one and a quarter hours' ride, at a valley bounded in places 
 by rock terraces of gypsum, which indicated a wadi and a winter torrent, 
 or actual water. To our joy we found the Tharthar flowing along the 
 bottom of this vale, and to our great comfort the waters were very 
 potable. The stream though narrow was deep, and hence with diffi- 
 culty fordable ; on its banks were a few reeds and scattered bushes ol 
 tamarisc. We proceeded up the stream in a direction in search of a 
 ford, which Ave found after one hour's slow and irregular journey, and we 
 lost half an hour refreshing ourselves with a bath. We afterwards 
 followed the right bank of the stream, being unwilling, as evening was 
 coming on, to separate ourselves, unless we actually saw Al Hadhr, 
 from the water so necessary for ourselves and horses. The river soon 
 came from a more westerly direction, flowing through a valley every 
 where clad with a luxuriant vegetation of grasses, sometimes nearly half 
 a mile in width, at others only 300 or 400 yards, and again still more 
 narrowed occasionally by terraces of gypsum. 
 
 On the following morning rain overtook us in our sleep, which was 
 otherwise unbroken even by dreams of Arabs, still less by their presence ; 
 indeed we had been hitherto as quiet as if travelling on the downs of 
 Sussex. After holding a short consultation, we deemed it best to keep 
 on up the river, but to travel a little inwards on the heights. This plan 
 was attended with perfect success ; and we had ridden only one hour and 
 a half, when we perceived through the misty rain mounds what we 
 felt convinced were the sought-for ruins. Mr. Rassam and myself hurried 
 on, but soon afterwards, perceiving a flock of sheep in the distance, we 
 became aware of the presence of Arabs, who could be no other than the 
 Shammar, so we waited for our friends and rode all together into the kind 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 19 
 
 of hollow in which Al Hadhr is situated. Here Ave perceived the tents of 
 the Bedwins extending far and wide within the ruins and without the 
 walls. The ruins themselves presented a magnificent appearance, and 
 the distance at which the tall hastions appeared to rise, as if by enchant- 
 ment, out of the wilderness, excited our surprise. We were filled with a 
 similar sense of wonder and admiration ; no doubt in great part due not 
 only to the splendour of the ruins, but also to the strange place where 
 the traveller meets with them — ' in media solitudine.' 
 
 Inquiring of a shepherd for the tent of the sheikh, which we soon 
 afterwards distinguished by its two spears, we rode directly up to it, 
 and in a few minutes found ourselves seated by a spare camel-dung fire, 
 and surrounded by numbers of the Arabs. Happily for us there was at 
 this moment in the encampment an Arab of Mosul who recognised Mr. 
 Rassam, and the reception given to us was at once hospitable and toler- 
 ably frank. Having breakfasted upon newly made bread and fresh 
 butter, the latter a luxury, not to be obtained at Mosul, Ave made our 
 first visit to the ruins." 
 
 Of these the party made an elaborate examination, and Layard made 
 copies of A'arious inscriptions and sketches of some sculptures. Next 
 day they returned towards Mosul, and after a ride of sixty miles reached 
 that place at midnight, but the gates were shut, and their Turkish 
 keeper Avould not open them to the Christians ; avIio had therefore to 
 wait outside Avet and Aveary, till day break. 
 
 These excursions seem only to have Avhetted Layard's appetite for 
 further adventures and discoveries. In 1842 and 1843 Ave find him busy 
 at Khuzistan, and of his adventures there he sent a lengthy description 
 through Lord Aberdeen to the Geographical Society. 
 
 This paper gives glimpses of the history of an interesting portion 
 of our traveller's life, Avhilst to the geographer it has especial value 
 from the exactness of its details relative to a country previously but 
 vaguely understood. Amongst the more dry and scientific details we 
 find little illustrations of the character of the tribes he sojourned with. 
 He lived with those he met just as they lived, and seems to have 
 adapted himself to surrounding circumstances with great readiness. 
 
20 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 With all his experience, and with all his hardihood, he had however 
 difficulties to overcome that would have conquered many less hardy, 
 and risks to run that might have intimidated the most brave. His 
 companions were often the most lawless of the desert tribes ; men 
 owning no absolute authority, and restrained by no sufficient law either 
 of society or honour. He considered this country as very difficult of 
 access, particularly to an European ; and although he twice succeeded 
 in traversing it, partly in disguise, he was plundered by those who were 
 sent to protect him, and narrowly escaped on several occasions with his 
 life. This was the more remarkable, as the Sheikh had frequently courted 
 the friendship of the English engaged in navigating the Tigris, and it 
 was under his protection that he entered his territories. But there were 
 some spots safer and more pleasant than others. It would appear that 
 one Mohammed Taki Khan then exercised a wide authority in the Pro- 
 vince of Khuzistan. Sober and abstemious, and never indulging in 
 many vices prevalent in Persia — he was affable, and mixed with his 
 people as though on an equality with, rather than above them. Layard 
 says that during a year's residence with him, he never saw an indivi- 
 dual receive chastisement, nor did a case of robbery or violence come 
 under his notice, yet, nevertheless, Layard appears to have been a victim 
 to partial violence at the hands of another tribe — for, he says : — "I 
 was attacked and robbed, but by a tribe of Dinamnes, which even Moham- 
 med Taki Khan could never control. He, however, sent to the chief, and 
 insisted that every missing article should be immediately returned ; and 
 I received back the whole of my property. It was my habit to traverse 
 these wild mountains perfectly alone, and never was I attacked or in- 
 sulted, except on the occasion mentioned, when the country was in a 
 state of war." 
 
 In the Province of Khuzistan Layard visited the most important of 
 the rivers— the Karun, which he tells us he examined in the Assyria, 
 accompanied by Lieut. Selby ;" — and he then goes onto pass a 
 fitting tribute to a kindred spirit : — " That enterprising officer (Selby), 
 has conferred the most essential benefits upon English trade, and I trust 
 upon civilisation, by his survey of this river, the Bahmeh-Shir, the 
 Kerkhah, and the Ilai. These are some of the most interesting and 
 useful results of the Euphrates expedition." On the Karfin, Layard 
 states the most important ruins to be those of Susan, believed by Major 
 RaAvlinson to mark the site of the Susa of the ancient geographers. 
 During two visits to Susan, both searched and inquired in vain 
 after inscriptions. He had been informed that there were some sculptures 
 in a cave at a place called Pai-rah — ' the first of the road ' — but was 
 inclined to doubt their existence. One valuable morsel of advice he 
 tenders to those who may revisit these spots. "A traveller who wishes 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 21 
 
 to visit the mountains should have no baggage whatever, or any article 
 that may excite the cupidity of those among whom he hopes to reside." 
 
 The most painful story in the description of this portion of his ex- 
 perience relates to an act of curious barbarity committed by the eunuch, 
 Mo'tammid, upon the followers of Wali Khan, the legitimate chief 
 of the Mainesseni : — " He built a lofty tower of living men ; they were 
 placed horizontally one above another, and closely united together with 
 mortar and cement, their heads being left exposed. Some of these un- 
 fortunate beings lived several days, and I have been informed that a 
 negro did not die till the tenth day. Those who could eat were supplied 
 with bread and water by the inhabitants of Shiraz, at the gate of which 
 this tower was built. It still exists, an evidence of the utter callousness 
 to cruelty of a Persian invested with power. 
 
 In these numerous wanderings one feeling seems to have grown up in 
 the mind of Layard, which overruled, if it did not absorb, all others. 
 It was a desire to investigate or to dispel the darkness which for tens of 
 centuries had hung over the buried cities of Assyria and Babylonia. 
 To use his own words, he "felt an irresistible desire to penetrate to the 
 regions beyond the Euphrates to which history and tradition point as 
 the birth-place of the Wisdom of the West." He had trodden the con- 
 secrated spots where Babylon and Nineveh were supposed to lie. He had 
 walked on the route where Xenophon, and the Ten Thousand had marched 
 twenty centuries before. He had noted a great difference between the 
 ruins in the neighbourhood of the Tigris and those of Greece and 
 Home, and they had given rise in his mind, as he says, " to more serious 
 thought and more earnest reflection" than any others he had met with. 
 Highly excited, and much impressed by the contemplation of these 
 ancient ruins, he formed the determination of thoroughly examining 
 them whenever it might be in his power. 
 
 In the summer of 1842 we find Layard again at Mosul in the 
 neighbourhood of the spot which now formed the one chief object of his 
 thoughts. He was on his way to Constantinople, and he found that a 
 kindred spirit — a Frenchman — was located there, as Consul of Mosul. 
 It w T as Botta, a nephew of the historian of Italy, who, with tastes like 
 Layard, and warm sympathies for literature and art, had commenced 
 excavations in the great mound of Kouvunjik, on which was supposed to 
 have been built the great Palace of Nineveh. Finding little there, how- 
 ever, to reward his research, and being led to believe that if he went 
 to a village four or five hours distant from Mosul he would, at the mound 
 of Khorsabad, be more successful in his search for antiques, Botta took 
 the hint— sent labourers to the village, and within six months had 
 opened to the light an Assyrian building, which, as Layard says, " was 
 probably the first which had been exposed to the view of man since the 
 
22 TI1E BURIED CITY 
 
 fall of the Assyrian Empire." Khorsabad, which lies about ten miles 
 north of Nimroud, was burnt bv Cyaxares, and is supposed to have 
 been the residence of the Senacherib dynasty, but of that more pre- 
 sently. The exposure of the remains of so ancient a place still further 
 Strengthened Layard's desire to follow out his scheme of investigations 
 on the Tigris, and he set out for Constantinople, intent upon obtaining 
 means for carrying out his views. The French excavations had been 
 pursued at the cost of the French Government ; but in England science 
 meets little sympathy from those in power. Layard sought help in 
 vain, until the munificence of Sir Stratford Canning opened a new 
 prospect. In the autumn of 1'845 that gentleman said he would bear for 
 a while out of his private purse the cost of excavations in Assyria. 
 To this noble offer is England and the world chiefly indebted for the 
 discoveries Layard was thus — and thus only — enabled to commence. 
 Sir Stratford Canning had before manifested his love of art, and his 
 public Spirit in obtaining for England the Halicarnassian antiques. 
 The discoverer of Nineveh thus speaks of his first patron's exertions: 
 " I need scarcely remind the reader (says he) that it is to Sir Stratford 
 Canning we owe the marbles of Halicarnassus now in the British 
 Museum. The difficulties which stood in the way of the acquisition of 
 these invaluable relics, and the skill which was required to obtain them, 
 are not generally known. I can testify to the efforts and labour which 
 were necessary for nearly three years, before the repugnance of the 
 Ottoman Government could be overcome, and permission obtained to 
 extract the sculptures from the walls of a castle, which was more 
 jealously guarded than any similar edifice in the empire. Their 
 removal, notwithstanding the almost insurmountable difficulties raised 
 by the authorities and inhabitants of Budroon, was most successfully 
 effected by Mr. Alison. The Elgin marbles, and all other remains from 
 Turkey and Greece, now in Europe, were obtained with comparative 
 ease." Prepared, in the autumn of 1845, by private munificence, with 
 means for the commencement of his long-desired labours, Layard quitted 
 Constantinople for Assyria. Impatience and horse-flesh carried him all 
 the way to Mosul in twelve days. 
 
 Here we may close this sketch of the career of Layard previous to 
 the commencement of his great work. Before entering upon an exami- 
 nation of how he carried that on, it will be necessary to inquire what 
 Biblical writers and classical writers had been thinking and saying 
 about the buried cities in the East, and to examine also in detail the 
 discoveries of Botta, at Khorsabad. Having done this, we shall then 
 be ready to return to Layard's labours at Nimroud. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 23 
 
 ^ 
 
 life 
 
 Bins sniRori), (supposed tower of ba^el). 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Nineveh of the Bible. 
 
 A glance backwards — more than two thousand years — becomes neces- 
 sary, when we ask what Nineveh was understood to be before the exca- 
 vations of Botta and Layard. We have two sources of information on 
 the subject ; the sacred writers and the ancient Greek and Roman histo- 
 rians. Let us examine first, then, the Nineveh of the Bible. 
 
 From the sacred writings we learn that the long forborne vengeance 
 of Heaven, overtaking the impious pride of the antediluvian world, had 
 swept from the face of the earth the numerous tribes of Adam, reserving 
 only the family of Noah, to make him the second progenitor of the 
 human race. The three sons of the Patriarch, conscious of the dignity 
 of their relation to the new world, had gone forth to assume other new 
 sovereignties and people the earth. At this period, within a century 
 after the flood, and while Noah was in the full vigour of his power, 
 his great grandson, the founder of the earliest post-deluvian cities, is 
 introduced on the historic page. 
 
 " And Cush begat Nimrod; be began to be a mighty one in the 
 earth. He was a mighty hunter before the Lord ; wherefore it is said, 
 'Even as Nimrod, the mighty hunter before the Lord.' And the 
 beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and 
 Calneh in the land of Shinar. Out of that land went forth Assliur 
 (Assyria) and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and 
 Resen, between Nineveh and Calah, the same is a great city." 1 
 
 The position of this passage, a circumstantial personal narrative 
 interposed between two portions of a dry genealogical list, and especially 
 the allusion to a colloquial proverb, are remarkable. Moses, the writer 
 
 i Genesis x 8-12. 
 
24 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 of the book of Genesis, is believed to have produced that work while 
 expiating in Arabia his indiscreet display of patriotism by the slaughter 
 of an Egyptian. At all events he wrote some eight hundred years 
 after the events he describes. At that time the children of Israel had 
 dwelt four hundred years in Egypt, and suffered there the most galling 
 slavery. Notwithstanding this, they may have preserved the family 
 traditions, and some fragmentary memorials of nomadic life were 
 probably cherished among them : it is, however, hardly to be supposed 
 that they remembered with equal interest the exploits of a hunter, a man 
 of another nation, regarded as of an inferior race, or at least that his 
 renown should have become a proverb in their intercourse. And yet 
 both the interruption of the genealogy, and the reference to the proverb 
 seem to occur naturally, as if the author felt that those for whom he 
 was writing would feel gratified by an allusion to a fact within their 
 own knowledge. Were this the case the writer must have lived at a 
 point of time shortly after the deluge, say the age succeeding Nimrod : 
 how this could have been, may be thus explained. 
 
 An English scholar, distinguished no less by reverence for the 
 inspired volume than great critical acumen, the late Dr. Pye Smith, 
 took a view of the book of Genesis which would not only explain the 
 peculiar features of this passage, but also heighten its antiquity by several 
 centuries. He was led by internal evidence to regard the earlier portions 
 of that book as consisting of several independent and complete compo- 
 sitions of the highest antiquity and authority, distinctly marked by 
 differences of style and by express formularies of commendment in each 
 instance. These, although not fragments, but so many finished com- 
 positions, he believed were collected by Moses, and under Divine 
 authority prefixed by him to his history, he thought it far from 
 improbable that we have in this the most ancient writing in the world, 
 the family registers of Abraham, Shein, and Noah, and ascending still 
 higher, authentic memorials from the hands of Enoch, Seth, and Adam. 
 In the liffht of this hypothesis, which would assign to the tenth chapter 
 of Genesis a date in the third or fourth century after the flood, the 
 free digression to the achievements of Niinrod is invested with a 
 peculiar interest. 
 
 The qualifications ascribed to Nimrod as "a mighty hunter," or 
 more literally, " a man mighty in spoils," taken in connection with the 
 invasion of Asshur, or Assyria, related in the eleventh verse, sufficiently 
 fix his character. He was born under a patriarchal form of govern- 
 ment, and under circumstances which should have made that institution 
 sacred in his eyes. The second arch-progenitor of mankind was yet on 
 the scene, and the boundaries of the tribes had just been laid down under 
 the most solemn sanctions— but of energetic and imperious character, and 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 3§ 
 
 endowed with physical qualities fitted to execute the impulses of a 
 vehement will, Nimrod placed himself in opposition to the order of society, 
 and endeavoured to subvert the patriarchal institution by setting up a 
 system of chieftainship based upon personal valour and maintained by a 
 series of aggressions on the territories and property of his neighbours. 
 The chase has always presented the likeliest image of war, and especiall} r 
 in young countries has been the training school of individual bravery. 
 The rapid increase of ferocious animals after the flood would secure to 
 the young athlete ample occasion for displaying his prowess, success 
 would ensure him companions, and the habit of combined action engender 
 a consciousness of strength which would not be slow in turning to richer 
 spoils than the skins of beasts of the forest or field. To this violence of 
 character the founder of Nineveh in all probability owes his name. 
 "Nimrod" signifies rebellion, supercilious contempt, and according to 
 Gesenius, is equivalent to "the extremely impious rebel." In endea- 
 vouring to identify him with the hero of local traditions, reasons will 
 be presently assigned for regarding this cognomen as a significant cha- 
 racteristic appellative, acquired by reputation, perhaps even after death ; 
 meanwhile it is clear that the name is totally repugnant to the parental 
 feelings which ordinarily govern the designation of offspring. 
 
 The commencement of Nimrod 's career as a sovereign is described 
 inverse 10, of which the following is a close translation: "And the 
 first theatre of his dominion was Babel, Erek, and Akkad, and Kalneh 
 in the land of Shinar." Although it has been usual to infer from this 
 passage that these four cities were founded by Nimrod, it is equally 
 consistent with its construction that he found them already established, 
 and first gave signs of his aggressive character in their conquest. 
 
 That Babel was the original of the subsequently imperial city of 
 Babylon the identity of name sufficiently proves, the latter being the same 
 word with a Greek ending. We must, however, understand this same- 
 ness of the Babel of sacred and the Babylon of secular history in a sense 
 qualified by reference to that early period which goes back to the origin 
 of permanent dwellings, political institutions, and civil society. Although 
 the capital of Nimrod 's young realm, the metropolis could only be an 
 insignificant town. The mightiest cities of ancient and modern history 
 have been of slow growth, and have arrived at importance from the 
 humblest beginnings. A village in the Palatine hill was the origin of 
 imperial Rome. Paris sprang from a few fishermen's huts, which, in 
 the days of Caesar, had been erected by a part of the tribe Parish on 
 a little island of the Seine. Referring to the analogy of the growth of 
 cities, we can only gather from the sacred record that the enterprising 
 chieftain Nimrod, or possibly the peaceful descendants of one of his 
 uncles, formed a settlement, which subsequently became the capital of a 
 
20 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 mighty empire. The relation of the Babylon of later history to pristine 
 Babel will then resemble that of modern London to the stationary camp 
 of Britons, found by the Romans nineteen centuries ago on the north 
 bank of the Thames. 
 
 Erech, Accad, and Calneh, having probably grown up around the 
 frontier fortresses of Nimrod's first realm, the identification of their 
 sites would serve to define its limits as they existed before the conquest 
 of Assyria had merged the mother country in a superior kingdom. 
 Herodotus, Ptolemy, and Ammianus Marcellinus, speak of cities the 
 names of which, like the Irak of the modern Arabs, are clearly deriv- 
 able from the Erech of Scripture; but do not precisely indicate their 
 position, j 
 
 Colonel Taylor, the late British resident at Baghdad, who devoted 
 great skill and distinguished abilities to the geography of the Baby- 
 lonian region, satisfied himself that the place formerly called Orchoe by 
 the Greeks, and now known as Werka, is the true site of the ancient 
 city. Werka is situated on the Euphrates, eighty miles south of Baby- 
 lon, and is celebrated for the immense mounds of El Assayah, believed 
 to be the ruins of Erech. 
 
 The site of Accad — or Accur, as the best scholars agree to write it — 
 is assigned to the Sittace of the Greeks, the Akkerkuf of the present 
 day. It is distant about nine miles from the Tigris, at the point where 
 that river makes its nearest approach to the Euphrates. A primitive 
 monument found here is still called by the Arabs Tel Nimrud, and by 
 the Turks Nimrud Tepasse, both designations signifying the hill of 
 Nimrod. It consists of a mound, surmounted by a mass of building 
 which looks like a tower or an irregular pyramid, according to the 
 point from which it is viewed : it is about 400 feet in circumference at 
 the bottom, and rises to the height of 125 feet above the elevation on 
 which it stands. The mound, which seems to form the foundation of 
 the pile, is a mass of rubbish, accumulated from the decay of the super- 
 incumbent structure. 
 
 Calneh, or Chalnah, is fixed by the concurrence of a great mass of 
 authority, ancient and modern, oriental and European, at the ancient 
 Ctesiphon, on the banks of the Tigris, about eighteen miles below 
 Baghdad ; the district' surrounding which was called by the Greeks 
 Chalonitis. The prophet Amos 1 speaks of Calnah as forming, in his 
 time, an independent principality, but shortly afterwards it became, 
 with the greater part of western Asia, a prey to the Assyrians. The 
 site of Calnah was afterwards occupied by El Madair, among the 
 remains of which travellers find the ruins of an ancient palace called 
 
 1 Amos vi. 12, b.c. 803. 
 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 27 
 
 Tauk-Kesra, believed to have been the White Palace of the Persian 
 kings, the magnificence of which struck the barbarian conquerors from 
 Arabia with amazement and delight. 
 
 If Nimrod's chief towns are thus correctly localized, his first 
 kingdom— resting on the Euphrates, stretching from Erech on the 
 south to Accad in the north, and guarded in front by the Tigris — 
 must have extended towards the tribes of the east a frontier of 
 about 130 miles. To the sons of Shem occupying the other bank of 
 the river, the seizure of the plains of Shinar by the Hametic chieftain 
 would be a just cause for apprehension; but, with the setting up of 
 Nimrod's kingdom, the entire ancient world entered a new historical 
 phase. The oriental tradition, which makes that warrior the first man 
 who wore a kingly crown, points to a fact more significant than the as- 
 sumption of a new ornament of dress, or even the conquest of a province. 
 His reign introduced to the world a new system of relations between the 
 governor and the governed. The authority of former rulers had rested 
 upon the feeling of kindred; and the ascendancy of the chief was an 
 image of parental control. Nimrod, on the contrary, was a sovereign 
 of territory and of men, just so far as they were its inhabitants, and irre- 
 spectively of personal ties. Hitherto there had been tribes, enlarged 
 families — Society : now there was a nation, a political community — the 
 State. The political and social history of the world henceforth are 
 distinct, if not divergent. The diadem of tradition may have been only 
 a figure of speech ; it betrays, however, the feeling that a natural rela- 
 tion, universally and promptly recognised, had given place to a for- 
 tuitous sovereignty which stood in need of an external mark or symbol 
 to denote its possessor. 
 
 Having consolidated his power in the " land of Shinar," Nimrod 
 pushed his forces across the Tigris into the territories occupied by the 
 Semitic tribe. " He advanced beyond that land into Asshur (Assyria), 
 and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Resen — 
 that, the great city — between Nineveh and Calah." 1 
 
 Asshur, the son of Shem, and the tribe which bore his name, having 
 fixed their habitation in this land, gave it the designation which, 
 whether in the original Hebrew form of Asshur, or the Greek deri- 
 vative, Assyria, it retained long after its original possessors had been 
 swept from its face. How far into this country Nimrod carried his 
 conquests is not to be learned from the sacred narrative ; nor has Assyria, 
 like Babylonia, any great natural frontiers to determine its extent. The 
 site of Rehoboth is so uncertain that it has been shifted everywhere. 
 The magnificent ruins of Kaleh Shergat have been with great proba- 
 
 i Genesis x. 11, 12. 
 
 B 2 
 
28 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 bility identified with the ancient Calah ; and competent judges have 
 satisfied themselves that Nimroud is the ancient Resen : but on these 
 points it is wiser to await the light which the local researches now 
 being carried on will ultimately furnish. 
 
 After the foundation of Nimrod's second kingdom, we meet with no 
 direct mention, in the sacred writing, of Nineveh or its king for a period 
 of fifteen hundred years. This is no proof that the city or empire re- 
 mained unimportant, since the Bible does not profess to contain a sys- 
 tematic history of the world. In the fourteenth chapter of Genesis one 
 " Amraphel king of Shinar " is mentioned, of whom the Jewish archae- 
 ologist Josephus says he was a commander in the Assyrian army. 1 It is 
 probable that he was an Assyrian satrap or viceroy, according to the sub- 
 sequent Assyrian boast — ' ' Are not my princes altogether kings ? " 2 At 
 the closing period of the age of Moses we again meet with traces of Assyria 
 as an independent and formidable state. Balaam, the seer, addressing 
 the Kenites, a tribe of highlanders on the east of the Jordan, " took up 
 his parable," that is, raised his oracular prophetic chant, and said, — 
 
 " Durable is thy dwelling-place! 
 Yea, in a rock puttest thou thy nest: 
 Nevertheless wasted shall be the Kenite, 
 Until Asshur shall lead them captive, "s 
 
 Although the Assyrian kings or their country are not expressly 
 mentioned until the reign of Jeroboam (825 B.C.), we are not left 
 without indications of the state of the kingdom during the latter part 
 of this period. It is a striking proof of the impotence or sloth of the 
 Kings of Nineveh that they allowed the Jewish power to rise under 
 David, and extend under his son Solomon, almost to the banks of the 
 Euphrates, so as to be at that period, if not the greatest, at least the 
 most brilliant kingdom of Western Asia. 
 
 The first returning mention of Assyria or Nineveh in the Bible is 
 in the Book of Jonah. The name of the monarch then reigning is not 
 given, but it is supposed that he was the father of that " Phul," 
 whose invasion of Israel is subsequently recorded, and the commence- 
 ment of whose reign is dated 821 B.C. In the history of Jonah's visit, 
 Nineveh is twice described as " that great city," and again as an 
 " exceeding great city of three days' journey." It had by this time 
 evidently recovered from the blow inflicted by political misfortunes, and 
 was flourishing under regal government. 
 
 The measurement assigned to Nineveh by the sacred writer applies, 
 without doubt, to its circuit, and gives a circumference of about twent} r 
 
 1 Ant., lib. i. cap. ix. ' 2 I s:i iah x. 8. 3 Numbers xxiv. 21, 22. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 29 
 
 miles, as nearly as possible identical -with that laid down by Herodotus. 
 The statement in the fourth verse of the third chapter, that " Jonah 
 began to enter into the city a day's journey" in order to deliver his 
 message, shows that the outline of Nineveh could neither have been 
 foursquare, like Babylon, nor yet a circle. Diodorus corroborates this 
 passage by stating, that although the city was equal to three days' 
 journey in circuit, its length was not less, but rather more, than a third 
 of the circumference; it was of an oblong figure, 150 stadia in length 
 by 90 in breadth. It is a singular coincidence, that a line drawn to 
 connect Khorsabad, Kouyunjik, Nimroud, and Karamles, four of the 
 greatest collections of Assyrian ruins, will define an oblong square, 
 agreeing not only with the form, but also with the measurement, of the 
 prophet and historian. It may be going too far to affirm that we have 
 here the precise boundaries of the old city, but the agreement is deserving 
 of remembrance. 
 
 The twelfth verse of the fourth chapter of Jonah furnishes us 
 with the means of estimating approximative^ the population of the 
 ancient city when visited by the prophet. It is there stated to have 
 contained 120,000 persons who " could not discern between their right 
 hand and their left," — a figurative expression usually understood of 
 young children. As these are, in any place, commonly reckoned to 
 form one-fifth of the population, Nineveh must have contained 600,000 
 inhabitants. This may at first sight appear a disappointing calcula- 
 tion, considering the unanimous testimony of antiquity to the greatness 
 of " Imperial Nineveh, the earthly queen;" but we are not to frame 
 our ideas of the eastern and ancient from the western and modern, or 
 look to our crowded towns and high streets as types of those arrange- 
 ments which three thousand years ago prevailed in Asia. It is not to 
 the existing capitals of Great Britain or France, but those of China or 
 Persia, that we must turn for a counterpart to ancient city life in the 
 east. Oriental cities are always loosely built, and cover a vast extent 
 of ground, in proportion to then* population. Babylon, we know, con- 
 tained within its walls not only gardens and large open spaces for pur- 
 poses of pleasure, but a sufficient quantity of land left for tillage to 
 support the inhabitants in the event of a siege. It may be that the 
 majority of the houses of Nineveh, like those of many eastern cities of 
 the present day, consisted but of one story, so that the number of people 
 spread over a much wider area than in our western towns, where tene- 
 ments are carried to a considerable height, and one house is often made 
 to accommodate several families. 
 
 A still more certain proof that Nineveh's population could never have 
 greatly exceeded the number implied in Jonah's account is furnished by 
 modern statistical science. We know what the resources of our own 
 
30 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 civilization are capable of yielding under fixed conditions; and can state 
 precisely the reasons why neither the populations of Delhi, Agra, Benares, 
 or Gour can rise above half a million. Nineveh stood in a valley not 
 more fertile than those capitals of the Ganges. The organization of 
 roads, canals, and commerce which now enable a single city to contain 
 and subsist a great mass of congregated beings, are of modern invention. 
 To enable such masses to provide themselves with the necessaries of life 
 there must be ten thousand centres instead of one, and immense independ- 
 ence of individual action ; this can only be the offspring of freedom 
 through long ages, and no one of these conditions ever existed in Assyria. 
 None of the historical books of the Old Testament give any details 
 respecting Nineveh, although, as we shall see, its existence is more than 
 once referred to. The prophets, however, make frequent incidental 
 allusion to its magnificence, to the "fenced place," the "stronghold," 
 the " valiant men and chariots," the " silver and gold," the " pleasant 
 furniture," "carved lintels and cedar work." Zephaniah, who wrote 
 about twenty-four years before the fall of Nineveh, says of it — 
 
 " This is the rejoicing city that dwelt carelessly ; 
 That said in her heart, ' I am, and there is none beside me.' " 1 
 
 Language which is strikingly recalled by an egotistical and boastful 
 inscription, by which king Temen-Bar commemorated his triumphs on 
 one of the obelisks lately found at Nimroud. 
 
 For a long series of years the foreign relations of the Jewish king- 
 dom turned upon Assyria, and from the commencement of that period 
 we consequently meet with its empire in the sacred writings. This 
 may be regarded as the second historical period of the Assyrian empire. 
 The first king of Assyria named in Scripture is Pul or Phul, who ap- 
 peared in the countries west of the Euphrates, in the days of Menahem, 
 king of Israel (772 B.C.), upon whom he made war and carried off two 
 tribes of his subjects, finally exacting from the weak monarch a tribute 
 of a thousand talents of silver as the price of his maintenance on the 
 throne. 2 We find the prophet Hosea making frequent allusions to the 
 practice common to both the Hebrew kingdoms of throwing themselves 
 for support on the kings of Assyria. The next Assyrian monarch 
 mentioned by name is Tiglath-Pileser, 3 of whose accession we have 
 not the means of determining the date, although his intercourse with 
 the Jewish nation is repeatedly mentioned. 4 The usurper Pekah, who, 
 by the murder of the hereditary monarch, had established himself as 
 ruler of ten revolted tribes composing the "kingdom of Israel, entered into 
 
 1 Zephaniah ii. 15. 2 Chron. v. 26; 2 Kings xv. 19, 20. 
 
 3 Diglath-pul-Assur, great Lord of the Tigris, called in Aelian " Thilgamus." 
 
 4 Kings xv. 29 ; xvi. -5 — 10; 1 Chron. v. 26 ; 2 Chron. xxviii. 16 ; Isaiah vii. 1 — 11. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 31 
 
 treaty with Rezin king of Syria, with the object of expelling the race 
 of David from the throne of Judah, and to place upon it a tributary of 
 his own. If, as is probable, he hoped hereby to strengthen his power 
 against that of Assyria, he signally failed. Ahaz, king of Jerusalem, 
 whose throne was menaced by the movements of the confederates, 
 called upon Tiglath-Pileser to advance to his assistance, offering him 
 feudal allegiance and the temple treasures as the price of that service. 
 " So Ahaz sent messengers to Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyria, 
 saying, ' I am thy servant and thy son : come up and save me out of 
 the hand of the king of Syria, and out of the hand of the king of 
 Israel, which rise up against me. ' And Ahaz took the silver and gold 
 that was found in the house of the Lord, and in the treasures of the 
 king's house, and sent it for a present to the king of Assyria." 1 
 Naturally willing to interfere in the disputes of his weaker neighbours, 
 the king of Assyria advanced at the request of Ahaz, and laid siege 
 to Damascus, subdued Syria, Galilee, and all the country east of 
 Jordan, and sent the chief inhabitants of Syria to the banks of the Kir 
 or Kiir, — a river which, uniting its stream with the Aras or Araxes, flows 
 into the Caspian in N. lat. 390, — while those of Galilee were transferred 
 to Assyria. This deportation of the Trans-Jordanic tribes was a fore- 
 stalment of the captivity into which the entire kingdom of Israel was 
 shortly to enter, never to return. Tiglath-Pileser soon proved not less 
 dangerous as an ally than he could have been in the character of an 
 enemy. The accumulated wealth of three centuries of prosperous trade 
 was exposed to the view of the wily Assyrian, and with it the weakness 
 of its possessors. The Syrians were subdued ; but Tiglath-Pileser, 
 instead of retiring to his own dominions, hovered dubiously about Jeru- 
 salem, as if in the hope of exacting a larger recompence. 
 
 From this point it would have been easy for him, had he been so 
 disposed, to move against the Philistines and Edomites, who during the 
 Syrian war had invaded the south and western frontiers of Judah, and 
 made themselves masters of its strong cities; but it is said that " Tiglath- 
 Pileser, king of Assyria, came unto him and distressed him, but strength- 
 ened him not ; for Ahaz took away a portion out of the house of the 
 Lord, and out of the house of the king and of the princes, and gave it 
 unto the king of Assyria : but he helped him not." 2 Ahaz and his suc- 
 cessors had now to contend alone with the whole force of the king of 
 Assyria, instead of with that of two petty princes. 
 
 The successor of Tiglath-Pileser was Shalmaneser, called in the 
 apocryphal book of Tobit, Enemessar, who ascended the throne about 
 729 B.C. Ahaz still occupied the throne of David, and Hoshea was 
 
 1 2 Kings xvi. 7, 8. 2 2 Chron. xxviii. 20, 21. : 
 
#55 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 king of Israel. Shalmaneser now resolved to complete the subjugation 
 of Israel begun by bis predecessor. He commenced by exacting of 
 Hosbea a tributary acknowledgment of subjection — " Hosbea became 
 bis servant, and rendered him presents." 1 Growing weary of this de- 
 pendence, the king of Israel attempted to negotiate a defensive alliance 
 with So, at that time king of Egypt, then the only power that could pre- 
 tend to rival the Assyrian, and proceeded so far as to withhold the annual 
 tribute. Upon this rebellion Shalmaneser advanced into Samaria, 
 where he carried on a campaign of three years, finally imprisoned its 
 king, and carried away the Ten Tribes into his own country. The 
 captive Israelites were sent to Halah and Habor, two cities by the river 
 of Gosan, and into the cities of the Medes, a fact which shows that 
 Media was not yet separated from Assyria. In their stead a number of 
 Assyrian families from Babylon, Cuthah, Ava, and Sepharvaim, were 
 settled in Samaria, and, mingling with the few residuary Israelites, 
 formed the Samaritan people whom we subsequently meet in the New 
 Testament. 
 
 Sennacherib, the Assyrian king who succeeded Shalmaneser, appears 
 in Scripture as a worthy follower of his warlike predecessor. 
 
 Since the inglorious reign of Ahaz, the kingdom of Judah had been 
 numbered with the many states which confessed the superior lordship 
 of Assyria. Hezekiah was the first king of Judah in whose patriotic 
 judgment the risks of resistance were preferable to the ignominy of 
 tame and spiritless servitude: " he rebelled against the king of Assyria, 
 and served him not."~ For fourteen years the prudence or disdain of 
 the Assyrian withheld his arm from chastising this presumption; but 
 in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, Sennacherib advanced, pro- 
 bably in the course of that expedition to Egypt, of which Herodotus 
 has preserved the tradition, against the fenced cities of Judah, and took 
 them. The approach of the eastern conqueror opened Hezekiah's eyes 
 to the unequalness of the conquest he had provoked ; and while the 
 Assyrian camp was yet at Lachish, sent thither messengers bearing a 
 most full and complete submission. " I have offended ; return from 
 me: that which thou puttest on me I will bear," 3 was the brief but ex- 
 pressive supplication of the revolted but now penitent king. Senna- 
 cherib received the submission thus tendered, but paid no regard to the 
 conditions by which it was accompanied. In the exercise of his now 
 re-acknowledged power, he appointed to Hezekiah a tribute or indemni- 
 fication of thirty talents of gold and three hundred talents of silver — a 
 weight of bullion which, if found to be of standard fineness, would 
 exchange in " the City" for about .£'266, 850. When to raise this large 
 
 1 2 Kin<ys xvii. 3. 2 2 Kin«rs xviii. 7. so Kings xviii. 14. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 33 
 
 sum Ilczckiali had drained his own treasury, borrowed all the money of 
 the Temple, and even stripped off the golden ornaments, with which in 
 more auspicious days he had overlaid its doors and pillars, to send 
 them to the invader, Sennacherib resumed the campaign, and sent his 
 lieutenants with a large force to require the surrender of the king with 
 his capital. The gasconading communications of these commissioners, 
 as preserved by Isaiah, mark the arrogant and boastful character of 
 the Assyrian people, and agree remarkably with the tone of the inscrip- 
 tions lately brought to light at Nimroud. Rabshakeh pretends that 
 his master is the especial messenger of God, deputed to subjugate the 
 gatffa: he is the great king, the king of Assyria, and is ready not only 
 to conquer the Jewish army, but, in pity to its weakness, to lend Heze- 
 kiah two thousand horses, &c» The signal catastrophe which cut short 
 these insolent boastings, destroyed the Assyrian army, and with it the 
 prestige of the empire, is described with beautiful simplicity by Isaiah: 
 " Then the angel of the Lord went forth, and smote in the camp of the 
 Assyrians a hundred and fourscore and five thousand: and when the 
 morning dawned behold they were all dead men." 1 
 
 "Like the leaves of the forest when summer is green, 
 That host with their banners at sunset were seen. 
 Like the leaves of the forest when autumn hath blown, 
 That host on the morrow lay withered and strown." 
 
 Thus in one night perished one hundred and eighty-five thousand 
 fighting men, a number which, considered as forming but one corps 
 iVarmee of the invading forces, gives an exalted idea of the military power 
 of Assyria at this time. The prophet, in the elevated style of his age 
 and country, states that the enemy were smitten by an "angel of the 
 Lord, " an assertion which by no means precludes the operation of a second 
 cause. The piety of the Jewish prophets was accustomed to acknowledge 
 the divine hand in whatever was greatly beneficial, whether effected by 
 direct interposition or the familiar agencies of nature. Isaiah's words 
 threaten the insolent conqueror with a "hot blast," and Jeremiah 
 speaks of them as being cut oft* by a " destroying wind," or more liter- 
 all v, " a hot pestilential wind:" words which favour the probability that 
 Sennacherib's army was destroyed by one of those hot winds which to 
 this day sometimes envelope and destroy whole caravans. 
 
 Byron has adopted this view in his lines 
 
 " For the Angel of Death spread his wings on the blast, 
 And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed." 
 
 A tradition preserved by Herodotus, who received it from his favourite 
 
 1 Isaiah xxxvii. 30. 
 
34 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 authorities, the Egyptian priests, is too curious in resemblance to the 
 Bible narrative to pass unnoticed. The priests transferring the entire 
 event with admirable patriotism and devotion to their own country and 
 the empire of their own deities, related that after the reign of Anysis 
 there succeeded to the throne a priest of .Vulcan named Setho, who 
 treated the military caste with great severity, so that when Sennacherib 
 advanced into Egypt with his army the soldiers would not go to oppose 
 him. The priest-king in great perplexity repaired to the Temple and in 
 an artless and sublime prayer cast himself for protection on the god of 
 his fathers. The Egyptian, sinking into sleep, received from the god an 
 assurance that he should sustain no injury. Accordingly he took with 
 him such members of the merchant and artisan castes as were willing 
 to accompany him to Pelusium where the descent was expected. When 
 they had arrived there an immense number of mice spread themselves 
 throughout the hostile camp in the night, gnawed asunder the bow- 
 strings, quivers, and shield-straps of the soldiers, so that in the morning, 
 finding themselves defenceless, they disbanded in confusion. 
 
 Such is the narrative of Herodotus, which confused as it is, and evi- 
 dently made up by the priests, is yet obviously connected with the true 
 story. The visit to the temple, the prayer, the vision and deliverance, 
 are, as nearly as possible, alike in both versions, and grammarians have 
 discovered that the title under which the Egyptian 
 god who interposed on this occasion was wor- 
 shipped was also ascribed to the Supreme Deity 
 of the Jews. 
 
 The catastrophe which suddenly terminated the 
 Jewish campaign paralyzed Sennacherib's forces 
 just as a report reached him that Tirhakah, king 
 of Cush, one of the greatest heroes of antiquity, 
 was on his march to attack the Assyrian terri- 
 tory ; this determined the king to lose no time in 
 hastening back to his capital. " So Sennacherib 
 king of Assyria departed and went and returned, 
 and dwelt at Nineveh. And while he was wor- 
 shipping in the house of Nisroch his god, Adram- 
 melech and Sharezer his sons smote him with the 
 sword: and they escaped into the land of Armenia. 
 And Esar-haddon his son reigned in his stead." 1 
 The death of Sennacherib added by the sacred 
 writer immediately after the flight from Judea, for the sake of dismissing 
 the subject, did not actually take place until some time after that event. 
 
 yj ^111111111 
 
 
 
 
 ^Bk^B 
 
 ^ W^Mji 
 
 1 Isaiah xxxvii. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 35 
 
 Such at least is the inference from a curious relic of antiquity which, for 
 another reason, demands notice. In the Armenian version of Eusebius a 
 fragment of the native historian Berosus is preserved. This ancient record 
 states that after Sennacherib's brother had governed Babylon as Assy- 
 rian viceroy the government was usurped by Acises, Merodach, or Belo- 
 dach-Baladan (Isaiah xxxix. 1; 2 Kings xx. 13.), and Elibus or 
 Belibus. But after three years Sennacherib regained dominion in Ba- 
 bylon, and appointed his son Assordan, the Esar-haddon of scripture, 
 to be viceroy there. This fragment of history explains how there 
 could be in Hezekiah's time a king in Babylon to send him presents 
 and letters, although both before and after Sennacherib that city was 
 the capital of an Assyrian province. Berodach-Baladan was one of 
 those three de facto kings ; it ma} be that the misfortunes of the Assy- 
 rian campaign in Judea had tempted the Babylonian revolt, as it most 
 likely did that of the Medes, which happened about this period. In any 
 case, however, common hostility to Assyria would form a natural basis 
 of alliance and friendship between the successful Hezekiah and the 
 aspiring monarch of Babylon. 
 
 The flight of Sennacherib's murderers, who were at the same time 
 the natural heirs of his crown, left the path to the throne open to Esar- 
 haddon, his faithful son. Little is recorded of this monarch in the 
 Bible. His great concern seems to have been to restore to his empire 
 its lost military prestige, in which he was highly successful. One of his 
 first enterprises was r to recover the suzerainty of Syria and Palestine, 
 which seems to have been in the hands of the Egyptians from the time 
 of Hezekiah. His general advanced into Judah, defeated Manasseh, its 
 king, overtook him in flight, and removed him into captivity. After two 
 years' duress Manasseh was permitted to return to Jerusalem and pass 
 the remainder of his life as an Assyrian vassal. 
 
 The empire of Assyria now fades away from the page of canonical 
 scripture and is only to be traced on the transitional ground of the apoc- 
 ryphal writings. The author of the book of Judith preserves the me- 
 mory of Kebuchodonosor, who ruled at Nineveh in the forty-eighth 
 year of Manasseh, or 032 B.C. This king, in the seventeenth year of his 
 reign, and fifty-seven years after the loss of Sennacherib's army, deter- 
 mined to attempt the reconquest of Media, then governed by Arphaxad. 
 Previous to his taking the field he called upon his allies and tributaries, 
 Persia, Cilicia, Samaria, Damascus, kc. t to join him with their forces. 
 An unwillingness to increase the power of their mighty neighbour, 
 the remembrance of Sennacherib's reverses, and probably a confi- 
 dence in the success of Arphaxad induced every one of them to avoid 
 compliance with the request. Kebuchodonosor advanced with his own 
 unaided army, gave battle to Arphaxad on the plain of Ragan, over- 
 
36 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 threw his power, secured Ecbatana, his capital, took him prisoner, and 
 put him to death. 
 
 Returning from Ecbatana, Nebuchodonosor celebrated his victory 
 by a feast at Nineveh, which lasted one hundred and twenty days, and 
 then prepared to chastise the countries which had refused their assist- 
 ance while his success was doubtful. The power of Nineveh was now 
 in its zenith, and to this period the graphic description of the prophet 
 applies : — 
 
 ' ' Lo, the Assyrian was as a cedar in Lebanon, 
 With beautiful branches, and with a shadowing shroud, and of an high stature, 
 And his top was among thick boughs. 
 The waters made him great, the deep set him up on high : 
 It brought his streams about his plantation, 
 And sent forth its little rivers 
 Unto all the trees of the field. 
 Therefore his height was exalted 
 Above all the trees of the field ; 
 
 And his boughs were multiplied, and his branches became long, 
 Because of many waters, when he shot forth. 
 
 In his boughs all the fowls of the heavens made their nests ; 
 
 And under his branches all the beasts of the field brought forth tbeir young ; 
 
 And under his shadow dwelt an assembly of great nations. 
 
 Thus was he beautiful in his greatness, in the length of his branches ; 
 
 For his root was by many waters, 
 
 The cedars in the garden of God could not hide him : 
 
 The fir trees were not like his boughs, 
 
 And the plane trees were not as his branches, 
 
 Nor any tree in the garden of God 
 
 Was like unto him in his beauty. 
 
 I made him beautiful in the multitude of his branches, 
 
 So that all the trees of Eden, 
 
 Which were in the garden of God, envied him." 1 
 
 From this hour, however, the glory of Assyria began to decline. 
 The invasion of Judea by Holofernes the Assyrian general followed 
 immediately upon the subjugation of Media. After long marches and 
 numerous conquests that commander was disastrously beaten and slain, 
 and his army put to the rout. How long Nebuchodonosor maintained 
 himself on the throne is not known, but the effect of his military mis- 
 fortunes on the renown of the Assyrian name is not doubtful. The 
 empire, surrounded by younger and ambitious kingdoms, stood in need 
 
 1 Ezekiel xxxi. 3—9. 
 
OF THE EAST — XIN'EVEH. 37 
 
 of all its ancient prestige to secure it against aggression, and its main 
 arm)' was now disorganized and conquered. 
 
 The alliance of Cyaxares, son of Arphaxad, with Nabopolassar, the 
 revolted satrap of Babylon, and their combined attack upon Assyria, 
 will be noticed with the testimony of secular history in the succeeding 
 chapter. The fall of Nineveh, which took place twenty-eight years 
 after the rout of Ilolofernes' army, was anticipated by the Jewish 
 captive Tobit, long a resident of that capital. Some of his latest in- 
 structions to Iris family are : " Go into Media, my son, for I surely 
 believe those things which the prophet Jonas spake of Nineveh, that it 
 shall be overthrown. " "And now, my son, depart out of Nineveh : bury 
 me decently, and thy mother with me, but tarry no longer in Nineveh." 
 
 While reading the details of the destruction of Nineveh, preserved 
 by the secular historians, the predictions of the Hebrew prophets are 
 forcibly suggested. An inundation of the Tigris swept away twenty 
 furlongs of the city wall: " With an overwhelming flood will he make 
 an utter end of the place thereof." " The gates of the rivers shall be 
 opened, and the palace shall be dissolved." " Nineveh is of old like a 
 pool of water." 1 The despairing monarch perished in the conflagration 
 of the imperial residence. M The fire shall devour thy bars." " There 
 shall the fire devour thee." 2 The spoil was divided between the con- 
 querors: " Take ye the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold; for 
 there is no end of the store and glory of all the pleasant furniture." 3 
 
 The ruin of the proud city, long the terror of nations, is celebrated 
 by the prophet Ezekiel in bold and striking language: — 
 
 1 ' Thus saith the Lord Jehovah : 
 
 Because he was high in stature, 
 
 And set his top among the thick boughs, 
 
 And his heart was lifted up in his height ; 
 
 Therefore I delivered him into the hand of a mighty one of the nations, 
 
 That dealt hardly 'with him : I drove him out for his wickedness. 
 
 And strangers, the terrible of the nations, cut him down, and left him ; 
 
 Upon the mountains, and in all the valleys, his branches fell ; 
 
 And his boughs were broken by all the streams of the land : 
 
 And all the people of the earth went clown from his shadow, and left him. 
 
 Upon his ruins dwelt all the fowls of the heavens; 
 
 And upon his branches were all the beasts of the field : 
 
 To the end that none of all the trees by the waters 
 
 Exalt themselves for their stature, 
 
 Neither set their top 
 
 Among the thick boughs." 4 
 
 1 Xalium i. 8 ; ii. 0, S. 2 Naliuin hi. 13, 15. 3 Nahuin ii. 9. * Ezek. xxxi. 10, 14. 
 
38 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 The history of Assyria, interesting in the highest degree as forming 
 a very principal part of that of the ancient world, appeals even more 
 directly to our sympathies. Assyria was the primitive country of the 
 Hebrew nations. It was out of that country that Abraham came : and 
 it was in bondage in the land whence their forefathers emigrated that the 
 Jewish people closed their career as an independent nation. All their 
 relations of affinity, of race, or religion, were with Assyria. They spoke 
 a cognate language, had the same customs and feelings. On every 
 occasion of revolt they turned to the idols worshipped in Nineveh or 
 Babylon as their gods. The monuments, hieroglyphics, and inscriptions 
 of Egypt have been ransacked in vain to find analogies illustrative of 
 Jewish history, customs, and feelings ; the similarity was not more than 
 exists, and must always exist between the Eastern people. The case is 
 very different when we turn to Assyria : there is scarcely a fact, or an 
 expression in the whole Bible that is not made clear by the knowledge 
 we have already derived, or may hope hereafter to obtain from the dis- 
 coveries in this long-forgotten land ; and they promise to supply us with 
 exactly what we wanted to enable us to understand and realize what we 
 there find written. For it is one of the peculiarities of the Jewish history, 
 and certainly not one of the least singular, that all we know of that race is 
 derived from their written books. Not one monument, not one sculptured 
 stone, not one letter or inscription, not even a potsherd, remains to 
 witness by a material fact the existence of the Jewish kingdom. No 
 museum ever possessed a Jewish antiquity, while Egypt, Assyria, Greece, 
 and all the surrounding countries teem with material evidence of former 
 greatness, and the works of the people that once inhabited them. 
 
 " But if so singularly deficient in this respect, the Jewish history is 
 far more complete in every other than that of the surrounding nations of 
 antiquity ; for we now possess, not only her written chronicles, but what 
 we may consider as her literature, while neither Assyria nor Egypt can 
 boast of a single book that has at least come down to our day, or of 
 whose existence we ever heard from any credible source. What there- 
 fore is deficient in one, the other must supply ; and this Assyria does 
 for Judea : and now Ave shall be able to restore her forms and modes of 
 utterance, with a certainty and distinctness of which none could have 
 had a conception till these recent discoveries were made." 1 
 
 1 Fergusson's " Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis restored." 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 39 
 
 HERODOTVS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Nineveh of the Classical Writers. 
 
 The object of this chapter is to sketch out all that can be gathered 
 of the history of Nineveh and its empire from the " classical " writers, not 
 despising the aid of those historians of antiquity whose testimony is 
 trustworthy, even though they may not usually be honoured with that 
 distinctive epithet. A brief glance at the subsequent fate of the country 
 will appropriately bring us to the examination of existing ruins. 
 
 The story of Assyria, as collected from uninspired testimony, has been 
 often told, and generally with success, as long as one or two authorities 
 only have been consulted ; it is when we come to compare and attempt 
 to harmonize the scattered and often incidental notices of many ancient 
 writers that the difficulty commences. The causes of the vagueness and 
 discrepancy which mark the statements which have come down to us are 
 obvious. The ruins of Nineveh were as completely ruins in the emphatic 
 historical sense of the word to the ancient classical writers, as are now 
 the Roman remains at St. Alban's to the freeholders living there at the 
 present day. We gather from all of them that it was one of the oldest, 
 most powerful, and most splendid cities in the world ; and that it perished 
 utterly many hundred years before Christ. Babylon then became the 
 capital of the Assyrian empire, and the charm of power passed finally 
 from the Tigris to the Euphrates. On examining their details, we find 
 names confounded, incidents transposed, and chronology by turns con- 
 fused, extended, or inverted. Difficulties of another and more peculiar 
 kind beset this path of inquiry, of which it will suffice to instance one 
 illustration — proper names, those fixed points in history, around -which 
 
40 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the achievements or Bufferings of its heroes cluster, shift in the 
 Assyrian nomenclature like quicksand. Both men and gods were 
 designated not by a word composed of certain fixed sounds or signs, 
 but by all the various expressions equivalent to it in meaning, whether 
 consisting of a synonyme or a phrase. Proper names were not distin- 
 guished phonetically, but by sense, and our Layards, and Rawlinsons, 
 must settle the vocabulary of the language before we can tell how 
 many of the proper names which have come down to us belong to one 
 individual. 
 
 After this premonition, we shall trouble the reader no further with 
 technical considerations, but at once set out to track the stream of 
 history, grateful even for the starlight in which much of the journey is 
 to be accomplished. Thankful indeed we may well be when we remem- 
 ber in the face of what obstacles the information we inherit was collected. 
 
 Let our readers just fancy the difficulties under which an " ancient" 
 laboured in getting a history together — when records were few, and 
 histories to consult rare, and communications between places difficult. 
 The most enterprising of them travelled for the purpose, and of course 
 had to derive their information from what they were told on the spot. 
 Thus, Herodotus, the Father of History, constantly repeats stories oi 
 fabulous origin, and mixes up what is evidently true with what his 
 supereminent sagacity must have taught him was ridiculous. Fancy 
 the present age destitute of printing, and paper dearer than velvet : 
 a historian travelling from here to get an account of the recent con- 
 tinental revolutions would clearly bring back a good supply of " Miracles 
 of Rimini," and would be told that Mazzini was an ogre, and Kossuth 
 perhaps had two heads ! 
 
 All ancient tradition ascribes the foundation of Nineveh to one 
 Ninus, the commencement of whose monarchy is dated by Diodorus 
 tin- Sicilian quoting Ctesias, more than 1000 years before the Trojan 
 war ($183 B.C.). As Herodotus, generally a safe guide when he per- 
 sonally undertakes the responsibility of his stories, is silent on this 
 point, and the reputation of Ctesias is somewhat cracked ; x it may be 
 as well to fortify his authority. 
 
 Africanus, quoted by Syncellus, states that the foundation of the 
 Assyrian monarchy took place 2284 B.C. The Armenian historian 
 Eusebius places it 1300 years before the fortieth year before the first 
 Olympiad, or 2110 B.C. iEmilius Sura, quoted by V. Paterculus, says, 
 it was 2145 B.C. By far the most distinct evidence on this subject, is 
 contained in the extract from Polyhistor, found in the Armenian 
 
 1 Aristotle says of this author, that ho is utterly unworthy of credit ; Plutarch a-- 
 Onaei him of falsehood, aud Aulus Gellm* writes him down a knave. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEIT. 41 
 
 Chronicle, which is, with good reason, believed to be an extract from 
 the work of Berosus the ancient native historian, of which we shall 
 have more to say. This Chronicle contains a table from the dynasties 
 of the old Assyrian empire, assigning the date to each, and the addition 
 of the figures gives the epoch 2317 B.C. as that of the foundation of 
 the first monarchy. He thus attains a date fixed within certain limits, 
 and not differing materially from that of the Biblical Chronology. 
 
 It will continue to be an interesting question, until the monuments 
 and inscriptions of Nineveh set the matter at rest, whether the Ninus 
 of classical antiquity can be identified with the Nimrod of sacred 
 record. We saw in the preceding chapter that the latter word was 
 probably an opprobrious appellation, and not a proper name. Scrip- 
 ture offers, therefore, no insurmountable opposition to the acceptance 
 of the hero of profane testimony. The Biblical name Nineveh signify- 
 ing " abode of Nin," perhaps contains the root of the founder's name, 
 which, when increased by the Greek or Latin termination on, or us, 
 would give the N?iw, or Ninus, of the historians. The best authority 
 we have on this subject is that of Berosus. This historian, who was a 
 Babylonian, and a priest of Belus, and lived in the time of Alexander, 
 wrote a history of his native country, from its first settlement. Frag- 
 ments only of his work have come down, quoted by later writers, but 
 since he may be supposed to have been well acquainted with the 
 records of the Temple, and as his order was distinguished for its 
 earning, his statement must be entitled to respect. Berosus states 
 that Ninus, or Nimrod, using the words interchangeably, was the first 
 king of Nineveh, and thus shows that, in his day, but one person was 
 understood under these separate names. In the traditions of his own 
 country, the fuunder of Nineveh was identified with the Greek Orion, 
 and the horse and dog in the constellation bearing his name were 
 associated with him. While this combination sustained the idea of 
 him as a great hunter, the appellations assigned to him, Al-Gebir, 
 the mighty, (synonymous with his Hebrew designation, Gibbor), com- 
 pleted the corroboration of that part of his scriptural character. 
 
 As we shall not again meet with Ninus in the primitive authors, 
 a Latin historian may be permitted to inform us what his country- 
 men thought of their precursors in conquest. Justin, the Roman 
 historian, who abridged the History of Trogus Pompeius in the 
 second century, in the reign of Antoninus, gives a little account of 
 him in the commencement of his work. lie says, that at first the sole 
 wish of the early kings was to guard their own confines. But, " first of 
 all," says he, "Ninus, King of the Assyrians, changed this old, and, as 
 it were, hereditary custom of these nations, by his lust of empire. He 
 first brought wars against his neighbours, and conquered the people as 
 
 c » 
 
I J THE BURIED CITY 
 
 yet unused to resistance to the very boundaries of Libya," — which name 
 was anciently applied, by-tbe-by, to all Africa. " There were indeed 
 (adds he) more ancient than he, Sesostris in Egypt, and Tanaus King 
 of Scythia ; of whom, one brought war into Pontus, the other even to 
 Egypt. But they brought distant wars, not neighbouring ones : they 
 sought not empire for themselves, but glory for their people ; and con- 
 tent with victory, abstained from government ; Ninus confirmed the 
 magnitude of his domination by continual possession. His neighbours 
 therefore being subdued, when by accession of strength he was stronger, 
 he passed to others, and every new victory being the instrument of the 
 next one, he subdued the whole of the East. His last war was with 
 Zoroaster, King of the Bactrians, who is reputed to have been the first 
 to invent magical art, and to observe the principles of the world and the 
 motions of the stars. Having killed him, he died himself, — leaving a 
 boy Ninyas still in his childhood, and his wife Semiramis." — (Book I. 
 c. i.) So far Justin, who, as our readers will perceive — even in our 
 translation — affects here and there a certain sprightliness of epigram- 
 matic expression, and skips over the victories in a lively way enough. 
 
 It is probable, however, that he has attributed some of the exploits 
 of the founder of the Assyrian empire, which subsequently spread over 
 Western Asia, to the builder of Nineveh, who established there his king- 
 doms, unless he is speaking of a Ninus II., as some have supposed. 
 
 With Ninus is associated a name famous all the world over, that 
 of his wife, queen, and widow, the great Semiramis. Her's was a 
 stock name of allusion and quotation among the old writers. As might 
 be expected, we find all sorts of monstrous fictions about her: her beauty 
 has been brought against her calumniously, and her genius interpreted 
 into magic. Such were the misfortunes of being a great woman in 
 antiquity ! Let us listen again to Justin. 
 
 " She, not daring to give up the government to a boy, nor herself 
 openly to take it— so many and such great nations being scarcely likely 
 to obey patiently one man, not to say a woman— pretends that she is 
 the son of Ninus instead of his wife ; a boy, instead of a woman; for 
 lir Btature was mediocre, her voice sufficiently delicate, and the quality 
 of her lineaments similar to the son. So, she covers her arms and legs 
 v - ,(l1 coverings, her head with a tiara; and, lest she should seem to have 
 some dark design hy this dress, she orders her people to assume the 
 
 dress and ornament g ne then carried on great 
 
 exploits ; by the magnitude of which, conceiving that she had overcome 
 envy, she confessed her disguise. Nor did this take away from her, her 
 regal dignity, but increased men's admiration ; because she, a woman, 
 had excelled not only women, but men, in valour. It was she who 
 built Babylon." 
 
 • 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 43 
 
 The ancient author, who is fullest on the subject of Semiramis, is 
 Diodorus Siculus — Diodorus the Sicilian, who was a native of 
 Agyrium, and lived in the last half century before Christ, being a 
 contemporary of Cicero, Csesar, Pompey, Cato the younger, and the 
 great men of the last days of the Republic. 
 
 Diodorus gives us a long story which we need not be very credulous 
 about :— How Semiramis was exposed when a child on a rock in Syria- 
 how she was kept warm in this condition by a miraculous flock of 
 pigeons— how two or three of them fed her— how she grew up in charge 
 of the king's superintendent, and being loved by a great officer of king 
 Ninus's, married him, and at his death charmed the king by her beauty 
 into marrying her. Of course, all that is true of this account is the 
 bare fact of her marriage with the king. Gentlemen of a certain 
 school would speak with much contempt of the wonderful part of the 
 story ; but we, seeing in it only a natural and honourable tendency on 
 the part of our Asiatic brothers to endow with religious beauty what 
 they could not thoroughly comprehend, will pass on. 
 
 The concurrent stories of antiquity are in favour of the greatness of 
 her exploits. Justin says that she was the only monarch who ever 
 penetrated to India before the time of Alexander. Diodorus says that 
 having resolved to conquer India, she ordered her troops to rendezvous 
 in Bactria (the ancient name of part of Persia). " She there," says he, 
 "found herself in want of elephants, on which occasion she hit on an 
 ingenious expedient." She resolved, it would seem, to make some 
 "sham," or what the theatres would call "property" elephants. 
 To this end she provided " three hundred thousand black oxen ;" dis- 
 tributed the flesh among an enormous number of mechanics, and 
 ordered them to sew up straw in the skins in an elephantine form. In 
 each of these she put a man to govern it, and a camel to carry it, 
 by which means the deception was complete. Her ingenious Majesty, 
 however, was defeated by the Indian king, and had to return with 
 scarcely a third of an army. Nevertheless, in the course of a reign of 
 forty-two years, this queen helped to consolidate the oldest empire of 
 which we have any record. It was told of her, that after her death, she 
 was changed into "a pigeon:" her memory has been changed into — 
 what ? The sum of the matter is, that at the bottom of all strange 
 narratives, there does lie this fact, that a great queen did rule over 
 Assyria, when the stained and broken stones now in our Museum 
 were fresh and new. 
 
 Concerning the successors of Nimrod, or Ninus, or the warlike 
 kings who extended their sway over Western Asia, we know almost 
 nothing, until the revolt of Media, which is believed to have taken 
 place about 700 years B.C. Herodotus says nothing of Assyria, 
 
 c 2 
 
44 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 until he begins to relate how Media became a nation. Thus, he says, 
 when Bpeaking of an event which happened 711 B.C.— that the 
 Assyrians had ruled the Upper Asia 520 years before that: again, 
 he talks of the Assyrians of Nineveh ivho formerly ruled all the 
 turrounding nations. Further on, he speaks casually of the " Tigris 
 on which Nineveh once stood." This little mention we see, at once 
 establishes its locality, and great antiquity. For Herodotus wrote 
 B.o, LBS, and had travelled in Asia. He mentions his intention of 
 writing how Nineveh was taken "in another place." But this "other 
 place," unhappily, is nowhere extant, any more than the town itself, 
 and it is uncertain whether he ever executed the intention at all. Hero- 
 dotua aeems to have had no knowledge of the existence of the Assyrian 
 state before the extension of its dominion over Upper Asia. That the 
 Assyrian kingdom may not have been known much beyond its limits, 
 until the time of its greatest prosperity, is highly probable, and this 
 may account for the silence of ancient history, as well as that of the 
 Jewish writers, which we noticed in the preceding chapter. We shall 
 not detain the reader by an attempt to construct a chronological table 
 from the mere dynastic lists which have come down in the writings of 
 Greek and xYrmenian historians. Such a task, however valuable as an 
 exercise of the inventive faculty, would weary, without enlightening. 
 The foundation of an Assyrian monarchy about two thousand years 
 before Christ, the existence of two distinct dynasties in Assyria, the 
 first without doubt that of Nimrod and his successors, and the second 
 probably that of the Khorsabad king, is pointed to by the testimony of 
 ancient authors and of Scripture, and is in accordance with the evi- 
 dence of the recovered monuments. 
 
 'lh.' historical period, properly so called, of Assyrian history begins 
 with the revolt of the Medes and the fall of the empire. Of this event we 
 have two accounts from Greek authors; that of Ctesias is, in substance, 
 as follows : — " The successors of Ninus had suuk into a state of sloth- 
 fulness and debauchery, which rendered them not only incapable of any 
 : or worthy deed, but at the same time a disgrace to their sex and 
 to their race. These womanly habits so excited the contempt and per- 
 haps the ambition of Arbaces, the commander of the Median contingent, 
 which annually came from that province to do duty in the capital, that 
 he con-] »'r,d with Belysis, the Babylonian, and the commanders of the 
 other forces, to dethrone Sardanapalus, the slothful possessor of the 
 throne of Ninus. With an energy, however, which the previous descrip- 
 tion nt the historian would scarcely have led us to expect, the king 
 
 ned the command of the forces that remained faithful to him, and 
 <!> teated the rebels in three several actions ; but lulled to security by his 
 
 iss, he was surprised at night by his enemies whose forces had been 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 45 
 
 recruited by some Bactriana who were coming to join the king, but were 
 seduced by Arbaces from their allegiance. The consequence was a total 
 defeat of the royal army, which enabled the rebels to lay siege to the 
 capital ; they do not, however, seem to have had the power of taking 
 it, had not the river undermined a considerable portion of the wall, which, 
 falling, left a breach in the fortifications. Being warned by a prophecy 
 that the city must fall when the river becomes its enemy, Sardanapalus 
 burned himself with all his valuables in his palace, and the city sur- 
 rendered to Arbaces. In gratitude for his assistance Belysis was 
 appointed king or rahat of Babylon." Such is the account of Ctesias. 
 In which of the palaces Sardanapalus buried his friends, treasures, 
 eunuchs and mistresses is uncertain ; but the destruction of Nineveh 
 does not seem to have taken place at this time. Diodorus makes Hero- 
 dotus say that between the two events an interval of several generations 
 occurred, and Ctesias gives the reigns of five kings besides Arbaces who 
 reigned on Sardanapalus 's throne. 
 
 The account of Herodotus, which is supposed to contradict that of 
 Ctesias, is, that after the revolt of the Medes, each people governed 
 themselves, by their own laws, for a period of time which he does not 
 define, till Deiokes, a Median, remarkable for his integrity and strict 
 justice, procured his election as king, by his own countrymen ; aud 
 neither carried on foreign wars, nor have we any hint of his interfering 
 with the neighbouring states. His son, Phraortes, however, was more 
 ambitious ; and after subduing the Persians, he turned his arms against 
 the Assyrians of Niveveh. This shows plainly that Nineveh was still a 
 state governed by its own kings, and sufficiently powerful to resist the 
 Median king, who was slain by them in battle and his army defeated. 
 
 His son, Cyaxares, succeeded ; and desirous of avenging his father, 
 again made war against the Ninevites, but was interrupted in his ope- 
 rations by the Scythian invasion. " This kept him in check for twenty- 
 eight years ; but on their losing their power through their licentiousness 
 and misrule, Cyaxares returned to his war with the Ninevites, and this 
 time with success, having defeated them, and taken their capital, which 
 he must have nearly destroyed ; at least we hear no more of it in history 
 after this date." 
 
 Thus far Herodotus, who, so far from contradicting Ctesias, confirms 
 and completes his statement, provided we bear in mind that Ctesias 
 speaks of the advance and victory of Arbaces, and his establishment on 
 the throne of Nineveh, and Herodotus of another Median, who more 
 than a hundred years after arose in their native country, and gathered 
 strength sufficient to overthrow the elder race. 
 
 The warlike character of the four kings, whose victories are recounted 
 in Scripture, has led to the exceedingly probable opinion that they were 
 
 c * 
 
46 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 not predecessors of Sardanapalus, but monarcbs of the dynasty formed 
 by Arbaces. The Median king Phraortes is the Arphaxad slain by 
 Nebuchodonosor, as related in the previous chapter. Herodotus states 
 that Cvaxares, his son, was assisted in the expedition which destroyed 
 Nineveh by Labynitus, king of Babylon, probably Nabopolassar, the 
 Ahasuerus of Tobit. The date of the final overthrow of Nineveh 
 admits of accurate determination. Herodotus has told us, that Cyaxares 
 was interrupted in his preparations by the Scythian invasion, which 
 lasted twenty-eight years from the battle of Rhajan, 034 B.C., to 607 
 B.C. ; and that after their expulsion Cyaxares invaded Assyria : it follows, 
 therefore, that the overthrowing of Nineveh could not have occurred 
 before 606 B.C. We gather from Scripture that Nineveh was standing 
 in 609 B.C., but had fallen in 605 B.C. ; the dates, therefore, are as 
 nearly as possible coincident. 
 
 From this time we hear no more of Nineveh or the Assyrian state, 
 and Babylon became the seat of the imperial power. The grand era of 
 Babylonian greatness commences with Nebuchadnezzar, who succeeded 
 his father shortly after the overthrow of Nineveh. Most of the great 
 works for which his capital became famous, are due to him or to 
 Nitocris, his queen. It is under this monarch that the Chaldeans, an 
 old but hitherto powerless race, appeared in the scene as a great and 
 warlike nation. It was they who invaded Judea, and carried away its 
 people into captivity. Under Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon became the 
 mistress of the East, and its vast power caused the jealousy of sur- 
 rounding nations. Pharaoh-Necho was the first to take up arms against 
 him, and after meeting with a rebuff in the kingdom of Judah, joined 
 battle with the Babylonians under Nebuchadnezzar at Carchemish, was 
 defeated and driven out of Asia. It was immediately after this that the 
 Chaldeans inarched upon Jerusalem, dethroned the king whom the 
 Egyptians had set up, and carried away a great number of prisoners, 
 among whom were Daniel and his three friends, Hananiah, Mishael, 
 and Azariah. At Jerusalem, revolt and reconquest succeeded subjection 
 so frequently, until at length the country was scarcely worth possession. 
 The conquest of Egypt seems to have been the crowning work of 
 Nebuchadnezzar's active life ; and on his return to Babylon, that 
 monarch appears to have spent the remainder of his reign in improving 
 and beautifying the city. Of the story of the Hanging Gardens, familiar 
 to every reader, it is unnecessary to speak ; the grandeur of the city 
 has been a constant theme for poets. 
 
 The Chaldaeo-Babylonian empire comprehending all Western Asia, 
 as far as the Mediterranean, never exceeded the limits it attained under 
 the rule of Nebuchadnezzar, and on the death of its founder it began to 
 decline. The book of Daniel relates how it fell under his third or fourth 
 
OF TIIE EAST — NINEVEH. 4=7 
 
 successor, before the assault of Cyrus the Mede. Xenophon gives us 
 the military details : — ■ 
 
 " He came at last to Babylon," (Institution, Book VII.) "bringing 
 with him a mighty multitude of horse, a mighty multitude of archers 
 and javelin men, but slingers innumerable!" He made preparations 
 as if to blockade it, and the " people," says the historian, "laughed," 
 for they knew that they had provisions for twenty years. It was then 
 that Cyrus discovered, with a flash of genius, that great plan of ruining 
 them which has always been so celebrated. 
 
 " He, Cyrus, dug round the wall on every side a very great ditch, and 
 they threw up the earth towards themselves. In the first place, he built 
 the turrets on the river, laying their foundations on palm trees that were 
 not less than a hundred feet in length ; for there are some of them that 
 grow to a yet greater length than that ; and palm trees that are pressed 
 bend up under their weight as asses do that are used to the pack-saddle. 
 He placed the turrets on these, for this reason, that it might carry the 
 stronger appearance of his preparing to block up the city.'" 
 
 Of course this stratagem divested the minds of the city from his 
 real design. They laughed louder than ever— but— " the ditches were 
 now finished,'" says Xenophon. 
 
 The ditches lying there— gaping, as it were, like graves for the 
 town— the Babylonians had a great festival. Cyrus, then, when it grew 
 dark, "took a number of men with him, and opened the ditches into 
 the river, When this was done, the water ran off in the night by the 
 ditches, and the passage of the river through the city became passable.'''' 
 
 Cyrus marched in— gained possession— and thus Babylon was taken, 
 538 B.C. Cyrus spent the seven winter months there then, the climate 
 being warm. 
 
 Babylon now remained subject to the Persian power, which dated 
 from this period a vast predominance in Asia. The army assembled in 
 that city, at the close of the year in which it was taken, consisted, 
 according to Xenophon, of " 120,000 horses ; 2,000 chariots armed with 
 scythes ; = and 60,000 foot." Cyrus's empire at this period of glory was 
 " bounded to the East," to quote the same writer, " by the Red Sea : 
 to the North by the Euxine (Black) Sea ; to the West by Cyprus and 
 Egypt; to the South by ^Ethiopia." We may now therefore look 
 back on Babylon as the winter quarters of the " Great King." 
 
 Soon after the death of Cyrus there began dissension and degeneracy, 
 and already his great structure of conquest began to crack at the 
 extremities. During the two centuries which had elapsed since the 
 taking of the city by Cyrus, the Persian power had fluctuated. Under 
 Xerxes they invaded Greece in the most famous expedition of all antiquity, 
 and were defeated and destroyed by land and sea— so that the attempt 
 
48 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 of their monarch became a proverbial illustration of the insanity of 
 ambition. 
 
 Babylon of course fell under the sway of the all-conquering Alex- 
 ander. " He traversed the whole province of Babylon," says Plutarch, 
 which immediately made its submission. It was in this famous city that 
 the great hero died of a fever, brought on by eastern habits." 
 
 The Seleucidae for a time made Babylon the seat of an empire, 
 which succumbed in power to the Romans, never having played a con- 
 spicuous part in the world's affairs. After this time, Babylon was of 
 course only a distant and insignificant fragment of the Romans' empire 
 of the world, and grew dimmer and dimmer in fame and importance. 
 
 Since these revolutions, new Eastern empires have risen and died ; 
 and Empire has been travelling Northward less splendid — but cautious, 
 practical, and industrious. Meanwhile, Nineveh and Babylon have 
 sunk below the very earth's surface, as it were in a quicksand; and the 
 representative of Ninus and Belus is a Pasha, ruling with the two great 
 objects of a Turkish ruler in these times — Pipes and Tribute ! 
 
or THE EAST NINEVEH. 
 
 49 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 I\ICH AND BOTTA. AT NlNEVEH THEIR AdVEN- 
 
 TUKES AND RESEARCHES. 
 
 IMMENSE accumulations of bricks and rubbish marked the presumed 
 sites of Babylon and Nineveh ; but, although used during a long course 
 of ages as quarries from which the modern inhabitants of the country 
 drew the materials necessary for the construction of their towns, no 
 vestige had been disclosed of the monuments that they must have 
 served to support or cover. These two localities, when carefully explored 
 by such observers as Niebuhr and Claudius James Rich, had not allowed 
 them to distinguish any other traces of buildings than a few portions 
 of different walls, of which they could not understand the plan. Rich 
 was the East India Company's resident at Baghdad, and most meretori- 
 ously employed his leisure in the investigation of the antiquities of As- 
 syria. He gave his first attention to Babylon, on which he wrote a paper 
 originally published in Germany — his countrymen apparently taking less 
 interest in such matters than the scholars of Vienna. In a note to a 
 second memoir on Babylon, printed in London in 1818, we find Nineveh 
 thus alluded to by Rich who speaks from then recent personal observation. 
 He says, " Opposite the town of Mosul is an enclosure of a rectangular 
 form, corresponding with the cardinal points of the compass ; tbc eastern 
 and western sides being the longest, the latter facing the river. The 
 area, which is now cultivated and offers no vestiges of building, is too 
 small to have contained a town larger than Mosul; but it may be sop- 
 posed to answer to the palace of Nineveh. The boundary, which may 
 be perfectly traced all round, now looks like an embankment of earth or 
 rubbish, of small elevation ; and has attached to it, and in its line, at 
 
50 THE BURIED CITT 
 
 several places, mounds of greater size and solidity. The first of these 
 forms the south-west angle ; and on it is built the village of Nebbi Yunus 
 (described and delineated by Niebuhr as Nurica), where they show the 
 tomb of the prophet Jonas, much revered by the Mohammedans. The 
 next, and largest of all, is the one which may be supposed to be the 
 monument of Ninus. It is situated near the centre of the western face 
 of the enclosure, and is joined like the others by the boundary wall ; — the 
 natives call it Kouyunjik Tepe. Its form is that, of a truncated pyramid, 
 with regular steep sides and a flat top ; it is composed, as I ascertained, 
 from some excavations of stones and earth, the latter predominating 
 sufficiently to admit of the summit being cultivated by the inhabitants of 
 the village of Kouyunjik, which is built on it at the north-east extremity. 
 The only means I had at the time I visited it of ascertaining its dimen- 
 sions was by a cord which I procured from Mosul. This gave 178 feet 
 for the greatest height, 1850 feet the length of the summit east and 
 west, and 1147 for its breadth north and south. In the measurement of 
 the length I have less confidence than in the others, as I fear the straight 
 line was not very correctly preserved ; and the east side is in a less per- 
 fect condition than the others. The other mounds on the boundary wall 
 offer nothing worthy of remark in this place. Out of one in the north 
 face of the boundary was dug, a short time ago, an immense block of 
 stone, on which were sculptured the figures of men and animals. So 
 remarkable was this fragment of antiquity that even Turkish apathy 
 was roused, and the Pasha and most of the principal people of Mosul 
 came out to see it. One of the spectators particularly recollected, among 
 the sculptures of this stone, the figure of a man on horseback with a 
 long lance in his hand, followed by a great many others on foot. The 
 stone was soon afterwards cut into small pieces for repairing the build- 
 ings of Mosul, and this inestimable specimen of the arts and manners of 
 the earliest ages irrecoverably lost. Cylinders like those of Babylon, 
 and some other antiques, are occasionally found here ; but I have never 
 seen or heard of inscriptions. From the assurances given me by the 
 Pasha of Mosul, I entertain great hopes that any monument which may 
 be hereafter discovered will be rescued from destruction. A ruined 
 city, as Major Rennel justly observes, is a quarry above ground. It is 
 very likely that a considerable part of Mosul, at least of the public 
 works, was constructed with the materials found at Nineveh. 1 Kouyunjik 
 Tepe has been dug into in some places in search of them ; and to this 
 day stones of very large dimensions, which sufficiently attest their high 
 antiquity, are found in or at the foot of the mound which forms the 
 boundary. These the Turks break into small fragments, to employ in 
 
 1 This is partially contradicted by Botta. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 51 
 
 the construction of their edifices. The permanent part of the bridge of 
 Mosul was built by a late Pasha wholly with stones found in the part of 
 the boundary which connects the Kouyunjik with Nebbi Yunus, and 
 which is the least considerable of all. The small river Khausar traverses 
 the area above described from east to west, and divides it nearly into 
 two equal parts ; it makes a sweep round the east and south sides of 
 Kouyunjik Tepe, and then discharges itself into the Tigris above the 
 bridge of Mosul. It is almost superfluous to add that the mount of 
 Kouyunjik Tepe is wholly artificial." 
 
 Rich made Nineveh the subject of a further paper, but all the results 
 he arrived at were that a granite lion at Babylon, the fragment of a 
 statue at Kalah Shergat, on the banks of the Tigris, and a bas-relief 
 at the mouth of the Nahr-el-Kelb, near Beyrout, were productions of 
 Assyrian art. Rich, as we just found him saying, had heard of an 
 immense bas-relief which had been dug out of a mound situated near the 
 village which still bears the name of Nineveh ; but he had not seen it, 
 and was only able to regret its destruction caused by Mussulman igno- 
 rance and fanaticism. All, he and others had really discovered in the 
 way of Assyrian antiques, might have been packed up in a box a few 
 feet square ! In the various museums of Europe a small number of seals 
 and cylinders, covered with mythological emblems, were carefully col- 
 lected, which were believed to prove that the Assyrians were acquainted 
 with the process of working the hardest materials, but, generally, little 
 calculated to give us a just idea of the skill it has since been found they 
 had acquired in the art of representing objects. In a word, it may be 
 said that though we had some belief in the existence of Assyrian art, 
 Assyrian architecture and Assyrian sculpture were totally unknown 
 to us. 
 
 As to inscriptions we were no richer than in the works of the Assy- 
 rian artists. The European museums possessed none but those im- 
 pressed upon the bricks which had been .obtained from the mounds of 
 Babylon and Nineveh. The chief of these was an inscription engraven 
 on a stone sent to London by Sir Harford Jones, and preserved in the 
 museum of the East India Company ; and one upon a small block of 
 basalt in the Cabinet des Antiques of the National Library of Paris, known 
 by the name of Caillou de Michaud. The mottoes of a few cylinders and 
 some insignificant fragments completed all our riches in this depart- 
 ment. Copies of inscriptions were more numerous, but they all came 
 from monuments situated beyond the limits of Assyria, properly so 
 called. M. Schulz had collected a considerable number on the banks of 
 the lake of Van, and the Assyrian transcriptions of the inscriptions of 
 Persepolis had also been more or less faithfully copied. Unfortunately 
 the subjects of these inscriptions, Armenian as well as Persian, were, 
 
52 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 most frequently, but the reproduction of one another, and, consequently, 
 even if we had been able to read them, they would not have furnished us 
 with very varied information. Besides, the writing of the Assyrian inscrip- 
 tions found in different places was sufficiently different for us, with some 
 reason to doubt that they all belonged to the same people; they offered 
 but limited means of comparison, and hence were little fitted to serve 
 as materials for study; and, lastly, historical science would have gained 
 but little if we had succeeded in deciphering them. 
 
 It may, then, without exaggeration, be asserted, that up to within a 
 short time, we possessed nothing which could add to what the ancient 
 writers had handed down to us concerning the history and the arts of 
 Assyria. It was, however, evident that so powerful an empire, and one 
 which had lasted so long, could not have disappeared without leaving 
 some trace; and it was to be hoped that when favourable circumstances 
 should allow the ground to be more attentively explored than it had 
 hitherto been, we should succeed in discovering monuments, which, if 
 carefully studied, would fill up an important gap in archaeology; and 
 thus, when M. Botta was sent by the French government, as consular 
 agent, to Mosul, his friend M. J. Mohl strongly advised him to make 
 researches on the spot that history and tradition both agreed in pointing 
 out as the site of Nineveh. 
 
 His success surpassed his hopes. His labours, which were at first 
 fruitless, soon led to the discovery of an immense monument, to be com- 
 pared with regard to richness and ornament to the most sumptuous pro- 
 ductions bequeathed to us by Egypt. For the first time the arts of 
 Assyria stood revealed ; and it could be seen that there was no exag- 
 geration in the accounts which sacred and profane writers had given of 
 the antique civilization of which all trace seemed to be lost. 
 
 Botta, in the narrative of his researches at Nineveh, which has been 
 published in several handsome folio volumes, through the liberality of the 
 French government, after summing up the amount, or rather the defi- 
 ciency, of our knowledge of the great Assyrian cities before the period of 
 the recent excavations, prefaces his adventures at Khorsabad by an account 
 of the circumstances that led him to the neighbourhood of that place. 
 
 The French government, it seems, having come to the conclusion 
 that it was advisable to send a consular agent to M6sul, chose Eotta to 
 fulfil that office. Before his departure for the town in question, which 
 was in the beginning of the year 1842, Monsieur J. Mohl, the accom- 
 plished translator of " Firdousi," called his attention to the archaeolo- 
 gical interest of the place, and strongly pressed him to make excavations 
 in the neighbourhood of his future residence ; as it was well known that 
 the documents furnished by the ancient authors, as well as local tradi- 
 tion, confirmed by traces which were still evident, agreed in placing the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 53 
 
 ancient capital of the Assyrian monarchy on the eastern bank of the 
 Tigris opposite Mosul. 
 
 Botta promised Monsieur Mohl that he would not forget this good 
 advice, but he felt that before being enabled to keep his promise the 
 definitive establishment of the consulship at Mosul must place at his dis- 
 posal both more considerable pecuniary resources, and more powerful 
 means of action than he then possessed. In the meanwhile he employed 
 himself in collecting every small object of antiquity which appeared to be 
 at all interesting, and made the necessary inquiries for pitching upon a 
 favourable spot for really serious researches. 
 
 Botta was not as fortunate in his acquisition of antiquities as he 
 could have hoped from the report of Rich. That accurate and learned 
 observer had had the good fortune to purchase in the neighbourhood of 
 Mosul several objects of interest, and Botta had, in consequence, pictured 
 to himself the locality as a most fruitful mine. A residence of several 
 years had caused him to entertain a different opinion. Mr. Rich being 
 the first to enter upon the still virgin ground, had at once collected all 
 that chance had amassed in the hands of the inhabitants during a long 
 series of years, and no conclusion as to the real abundance of objects of 
 antiquity to be found in the neighbourhood of Mosul could properly be 
 drawn from this fact. With the exception of a few fragments of bricks 
 and pottery, Botta had never been able to collect anything in the way of 
 antiquities which he could be sure were indigenous (so to speak), and as 
 he spared neither time nor expense to procure them, he had good reason 
 to believe that they were not common ; the cylinders in particular, 
 those relics of Assyria, so curious on account of the emblems with 
 which they were covered, were very rare at Mosul, and out of all those 
 which fell into his hands there was not one that he knew of which had 
 been found upon the territory of Nineveh. All those which he could 
 trace — and this was the case with the greater number — had been brought 
 from Baghdad, and consequently from Babylon and its neighbourhood. 
 The source of the others was unknown. The same held good with the 
 Assyrian seals ; almost all of them came from Baghdad; and in the fol- 
 lowing pages the reader will find that this carefulness of small objects of 
 antiquity was confirmed by the researches made by BottaatKouyunjik 
 and Khorsabad ; for during the whole period of the excavations not a 
 single cylinder was discovered. Our antiquary draws attention to this 
 fact, because it is one that was scarcely expected, and which will, per- 
 haps, modify the received opinions regarding the real source of these 
 engraved mythological stones. 
 
 The success of Botta' s inquiries with a view to find a fitting spot for 
 his researches was not more encouraging ; and the reports of the in- 
 habitants furnished him w r ith nothing certain on this head. The spot 
 
5 4 THE BUE1ED CITY 
 
 which appeared to offer the greatest chance of success, and to "which he 
 naturally first directed his attention, was the mound on which is built 
 the village of Niniouah, then believed to be the last remnant of the 
 immense city of which it preserves the name, for it was there that Mr. 
 Rich had observed subterranean walls covered with cunei-form inscrip- 
 tions — too valuable a sign to be overlooked. The number and import- 
 ance, however, of the houses with which the mound was covered did 
 not allow of Botta making any researches. Every attempt of the kind 
 was repelled by the religious prejudices of the inhabitants, for it is there 
 that the mosque of Nabi-Younes is built. According to the tradition 
 of the place, this mosque, as its name implies, contains the tomb of the 
 prophet Jonas, and the ground is regarded as sacred. He was thus 
 obliged to look for some other spot, but in the vast space covered with 
 the traces of ancient edifices which surround the village of Niniouah, 
 there was nothing that could guide him with any degree of certainty. 
 A great many erroneous opinions have been disseminated with regard 
 to the actual condition of the ruins of Nineveh : they have been repre- 
 sented as a mine in constant requisition for supplying bricks and stones 
 for the erection of the houses of Mosul, and thus assimilated to the 
 ruins of Babylon, which have for ages furnished, and still continue to 
 furnish, the necessary building materials for the surrounding towns, 
 " Such, however," says Botta, "can scarcely have been the case at 
 Nineveh at any period, and very certainly it is not so in the present day. 
 The reason is plain : all that exists of the ruins of the ancient city, 
 boundary walls, and mounds, is formed of bricks which were merely 
 baked in the sun : these bricks have been reduced by age into an earthy 
 state, and consequently cannot be used again." Botta goes on to say, 
 " There can be no doubt but that in the construction of these ancient 
 buildings more solid materials, such as stones and kiln-burnt bricks, 
 were sometimes employed, and this accounts for their being accidentally 
 discovered ; but they were merely employed as accessories — the mass of 
 the walls was composed of unburn t bricks. Thus, in this particular, 
 there is not the least similarity between Nineveh and Babylon: the ruins 
 of the latter city offer an immense quantity of excellent bricks ; they 
 have, consequently, been capable of being used as quarries, but the 
 masses of earth, which are the only remains of Nineveh, could not be 
 employed for a like purpose. It would, besides, be difficult to understand 
 why people should trust to chance for obtaining a few rare materials, 
 when quarries of gypsum, which are far less expensive to work than a 
 series of uncertai n excavations would be, are situated at the gates of Mosul. ' ' 
 Botta furthur tells us that it was only in the immediate vicinity of 
 Mosul, and very often within the city itself, that the inhabitants had 
 sometimes looked for materials : they had found there, at the depth of 
 
OF THE EAST NINEVEH. 55 
 
 a few feet, the remains of ancient buildings ; but, in spite of all his 
 researches, he could not observe a single sign which would allow of his 
 assigning these remains to a period anterior to the foundation of the 
 present town. Never, to his knowledge, had these operations brought 
 to light ancient bricks or stones with cunei-form inscriptions, with both 
 of which the inhabitants are at present well acquainted, and of which 
 they would certainly have brought him the smallest remnant, had they 
 found any; he was therefore convinced that the walls existing under 
 the ground in the interior of Mosul, or near the city gates, were com- 
 paratively modern, — either the foundations or the subterranean apart- 
 ments 1 of the houses which were ruined at a time when the city, as was 
 still the case but a few years ago, occupied a much more considerable 
 space than it does at the present day. 
 
 As regarded the ruins situated on the eastern bank of the Tigris, 
 Botta says he never heard in the course of a residence of several years, 
 that any excavations were made there for the purpose of obtaining 
 building materials ; nor had he ever seen in the houses at Mosul the least 
 trace of antique remains, although he took particular pains to discover 
 them. The walls were not, as had been reported, built of brick and 
 coated with gypsum, and he did not find a single instance where such 
 was the case: The walls of all the houses are formed of gypseous or 
 calcareous stone, rudely joined with plaster, and the same plan prevails 
 in the vaults of the largest edifices. A few old mosques only are con- 
 structed of bricks, but their form, their size, and the absence of any 
 cunei-form inscription, prove that those bricks do not come from the 
 buildings of Nineveh. He mentions another fact, in order to show 
 how little the inhabitants of Mosul are accustomed to look for, in the 
 neighbouring ruins, the materials they may require. The Pasha of 
 Mosul, being desirous of constructing ovens for the use of the garrison 
 of that town, hastened to Botta for the bricks which the works under- 
 taken at Khorsabad had brought to light. It is very certain, argues the 
 French antiquary, that if, as has been reported, the Pasha had possessed 
 an abundant supply at the gates of the town, or if it had been easy to 
 obtain them, he would not have sent a distance of four leagues for them. 
 
 Not having, therefore, any precedent to guide him in his researches, 
 and not daring, he says, to open the mound of Nabi-Younes, Botta 
 selected the mound of Kouyunjik as the spot for commencing opera- 
 tions. This mound is situated to the north of the village of Niniouah, 
 
 1 In the houses of Mosul, as well as in those of Baghdad, there is always a subter- 
 ranean apartment, called in those parts, Serdub ; the inhabitants retreat thither, in 
 summer, to pass the hottest hours of the day. In order to be rendered inhabitable, these 
 apartments have to be coated with thin slabs of Mosul gypsum, and the walls are, 
 besides, constructed with the greatest solidity, since they have to support the whole weight 
 of the superincumbent buildings. This fact may explain their preservation underground. 
 
56 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 to which it is joined by the remains of an ancient wall of unburnt 
 bricks. It was evidently an artificial mass, and, to all appearance, for- 
 merly supported the principal palace of the kings of Assyria. On the 
 western side, near the southern extremity of this hill, a few bricks of a 
 large size, joined with bitumen, seemed to be the remains of some 
 ancient building. It was at this spot that Botta commenced his re- 
 searches in the month of December, 1842. 
 
 The results of these first works were unimportant, but they were 
 not, however, without interest, if compared with the discoveries subse- 
 quently made. The workmen brought to light numerous fragments of 
 bas-reliefs and inscriptions, but nothing in a perfect state was obtained 
 to reward the trouble and outlay. In spite, however, of the unfavour- 
 able prospect, for three months these almost fruitless researches were 
 continued. 
 
 Botta's proceedings had meanwhile attracted attention. Without 
 exactly knowing what was their object, the inhabitants were aware 
 that he was in quest of stones bearing inscriptions, and that he bought 
 all that were offered. In consequence of this, and as early as the month 
 of December, 1842, an inhabitant of Khorsabad had been induced to 
 bring him two large bricks with cunei-form inscriptions, which had 
 been found near the village, and offered to procure him as many more as 
 he wished. This man was a dyer, and built his ovens of the bricks 
 obtained from the mound on which the village was built ; reckoning, 
 however, on the success of his first excavations, he did not immediately 
 follow up this faint and solitary hint. Three months later, however, 
 about the 20th of March, 1843, being weary of finding in the mound of 
 Kouyunjik nothing save small fragments without any value, he called 
 to mind the bricks of Khorsabad, and sent a few workmen to sound the 
 ground there. Such was the manner in which he was led to a discovery 
 which surpassed all hopes. 
 
 Three days afterwards, one of Botta's workmen returned from Khor- 
 sabad with the intelligence that they had dug up some figures and in- 
 scriptions; the description, however, which he gave was so confused, 
 that the antiquary himself would not run the chance of making a 
 journey for nothing; and he did not go to verify in person a fact of 
 which he was as yet incredulous, but contented himself with sending 
 one of his servants, and ordering him to copy a few of the characters 
 of the inscriptions. In this way he acquired the certainty that these 
 inscriptions were cunei-form, and hesitated no longer to proceed person- 
 ally to Khorsabad, where, with a feeling of pleasure which the reader 
 will easily understand, he saw, for the first time, a new world of antiqui- 
 ties revealed to him. 
 
 His workmen had been fortunate enough to commence the excava- 
 
OF THE EAST NINEVEII. 57 
 
 tions precisely in that part of the mound where the monument was in 
 the most perfect state of preservation, so that he had only to follow the 
 walls which had already been discovered to succeed most certainly in 
 laying bare the whole edifice. In a few days all that remains of a 
 chamber, with facade, covered by bas-reliefs, had been discovered. On 
 his arrival at the scene of action, he immediately perceived that their 
 remains could form but a very small portion of some considerable building 
 buried in the mound, and, to assure himself of this, he had a well sunk 
 a few paces further on, and instantly came upon other bas-reliefs which 
 offered to view the first perfect figures he had seen. He found, also, on 
 his first visit, the two altars, and those portions remaining of the facade 
 which jutted out above-ground at the other extremity of the mound. 
 Finally some one who accompanied him drew his attention to a line of 
 mounds which formed the grand enclosure. 
 
 In a letter dated the 5th of April, 1843, he hastened to announce the 
 success of his first operations to Monsieur Mohl, and to send him a 
 plan of all that had as yet been laid bare; adding some copies of dif- 
 ferent inscriptions, and some drawings. The latter were undoubtedly 
 very defective, but they possessed at least the merit of naivete. The 
 letter was laid before the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres in 
 Paris, July the 7th, 1843, and was subsequently printed in the Journal 
 of the Asiatic Society of that city. 
 
 Notwithstanding some difficulty, occasioned by the unfavourable 
 disposition of the Pasha of Mosul and the fears of the inhabitants of the 
 village, Botta caused the works to be continued with a degree of activity 
 continually increased by the abundant harvest which they yielded, and 
 on the 2nd of May, 1843, he was enabled to send to Monsieur Mohl a 
 second letter, more important than the first, and accompanied with fresh 
 inscriptions and drawings. At this period the excavations had laid bare 
 doors and chambers, and portions of another wall ornamented with bas- 
 reliefs were discovered. Botta's second letter addressed to Monsieur Mohl 
 was, like the first, communicated to the Academy of Inscriptions and 
 inserted in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Paris. 
 
 Up to this epoch the works at Khorsabad, as well as those in the 
 mound of Kouyunjik, had been carried on at Botta's ex] tense, and the 
 smallness of his personal resources threatened soon to put an end to 
 them, even though that learned friend had been kind enough to come to 
 his assistance. But the attention of the learned world had, in the 
 meantime, been greatly excited by the account of the first fruits of his 
 labours, and they had obtained for him the means of continuing those 
 researches, the subsequent success of which was certain. On the demand 
 of Monsieur Mohl, whom Messrs. Vitel and Letroune kindly hastened 
 to support with their intiuence, the French government decided on giving 
 
58 THE BURIED CITT 
 
 a fresh proof of that generosity with which it is always so ready to 
 facilitate scientific researches. By a decision of the 24th of May, 1843, 
 Duchatel, Minister of the Interior, placed at Botta's disposal a sum of 
 3000 francs, that he might thenceforward carry on the works with more 
 activity and on a more extensive scale than before. 
 
 Botta had, however, to contend with fresh obstacles at every step. 
 The marshy environs of the village ot Khorsabad have a proverbial re- 
 putation for insalubrity — a reputation which was fully justified by his 
 own personal experience and by that of the workmen employed. They 
 all, in turns, felt its dangerous effects, and, on one occasion, the anti- 
 quary himself was very nearly falling a victim. But this was the least 
 of his difficulties; the unfavourable disposition of the local authorities 
 was one which caused even more uneasiness, and one which was most 
 difficult to surmount. It is a well-known fact that the Moslems, too 
 ignorant themselves to understand the real motives of scientific researches, 
 always attribute them to cupidity, which is the only spring of their 
 own actions. Not being able to comprehend that the siuns laid out 
 are for the purpose of obtaining ancient remains, they believed that the 
 search was for treasures. The inscriptions, copied with so much care, 
 are in their eyes the talismanic guardians of these treasures, or point 
 out the spots where they are concealed. Others, who no doubt think 
 themselves more cunning, fly for the explanation of these researches to a 
 still more eccentric supposition; they imagine that their country for- 
 merly belonged to the Europeans, and that these latter search for their 
 inscriptions in order to discover therein the title by which their rights 
 are proved, and by the help of which they may one day or other lay 
 claim to the Ottoman Empire ! 
 
 These absurd prejudices could not fail to influence the avaricious 
 and suspicious mind of Mohammed Pasha, who was then governor of the 
 province of Mosul, and it was not long ere he began to grow uneasy at 
 the researches, although he had, at first, authorized them. Taken up 
 with the idea of the treasures hidden in the ruins which were being 
 brought to light, he at first confined himself to having the workmen 
 watched by guards, and when the slightest object formed of metal was 
 found in the course of the excavations it was seized and carried to him. 
 These relics he submitted to every possible kind of proof to convince 
 himself that they were not gold; and then fancying that, despite this 
 watching, the men who were employed might still succeed in keeping 
 from him objects of value, he threatened them with the torture to make 
 them reveal the existence of these imaginary treasures. Several of the 
 workmen were, in consequence, on the point of leaving such service, 
 notwithstanding all the assurances of protection Botta could give them, 
 so well did they know the cruel disposition of Mohammed Pasha. Each 
 
OF THE EAST NINEVEH. 59 
 
 day threatened some fresh combat, and Botta, who had continually to 
 recommence his negotiations, would, perhaps, have been driven to 
 throw the matter up in disgust had he not been encouraged by the cer- 
 tainty of the extreme interest of his discovery. The works, however, 
 although often interrupted by these petty annoyances, gradually ad- 
 vanced until about the commencement of the month of October, 1843, 
 when the Pasha, in obedience, perhaps, to hints emanating from Con- 
 stantinople, formally prohibited all further search. Some pretext or 
 other was necessary, but a Turkish governor is never at fault in this 
 respect, and the following is the one he invented : Botta had built, with 
 his express permission, a small house at Khorsabad, in order that he 
 might have a place to stop in when he visited the ruins. The Pasha 
 pretended that this house was a fortress erected to command the country ; 
 he informed his government of this grave fact, and the innocent re- 
 searches of the zealous antiquary suddenly assumed the proportions of 
 an international question ! 
 
 Botta lost no time in taking measures to obtain the removal of this 
 prohibition. On the 15th of October, 1843, he despatched a courier to the 
 French ambassador at Constantinople, informing him of what had oc- 
 curred, and begging him to apply to the Sultan for such orders as might 
 be necessary to enable him to continue without impediment the works 
 which were, at that period, being executed at the command and expense 
 of the French government. While awaiting the result of the steps 
 taken by the ambassador, he had the greatest difficulty in prevailing 
 upon Mohammed Pasha not to pull down his house at Khorsabad or fill up 
 the excavations, which he affected to believe were the ditches of the pre- 
 tended fortress. At last, however, he granted the persecuted savan a 
 respite, in the hope that his falsehoods would gain credit at Constanti- 
 nople, and that the Sultan would approve of his conduct. The means 
 which he employed for this purpose were very curious, and affords an 
 illustration of the way in which the Turkish government is continually 
 being deceived as to what takes place in the provinces of the empire 
 The inhabitants of Mosul knew, from long experience, that Mohammed 
 Pasha shrunk from no means by which he might attain his ends, and 
 fear rendered them obedient to his will. He first obliged the Cadi of 
 Mosul to go to Khorsabad and draw up a false account of the extent 
 of the pretended fortress ; this report was sent to Constantinople, ac- 
 companied by an imaginary plan, calculated to inspire the most horrible 
 ideas of poor Botta's hut. He then had a petition against the continu- 
 ation of the researches drawn up, which he compelled the inhabitants of 
 Khorsabad to sign; this petition also was sent to Constantinople. 
 During all this period Mohammed Pasha never desisted from his protesta- 
 tions of friendliness towards Botta ; he assured him that he was a com- 
 
THE BURIED CITY 
 
 plete stranger to all the difficulties that impeded the scientific work, and 
 gave him, in writing, the most favourable orders, while he immediately 
 afterwards threatened the inhabitants with the bastinado in case they 
 were unfortunate enough to obey him. One single trait in this long 
 comedy will show the manner in which Mohammed Pasha played his part. 
 " I told him one day," says Botta, " that the first rains of the season had 
 caused a portion of the house erected at Khorsabad to fall down." 
 " Can you imagine," said he, laughing in the most natural manner, and 
 turning to the numerous officers by whom he was surrounded, " anything 
 like the impudence of the inhabitants of Khorsabad ? they pretend that 
 the French consul has constructed a redoubtable fortress, and a little 
 rain is sufficient to destroy it. I can assure you, sir, that were I not 
 afraid of hurting your feelings I would have them all bastinadoed till 
 they were dead ; they would richly deserve it, for having dared to accuse 
 you." " It was in this manner," continues the justly indignant Frank, 
 " that he spoke, while he himself was the author of the lie, and his menaces 
 alone were the obstacle which prevented the inhabitants from exposing it." 
 
 At the expiration of a little time however, Mohammed Pasha perceived 
 that-the shameful tricks he was carrying on did him more harm than 
 good. His position was no longer sure, and as he desired a reconcilia- 
 tion Botta was in full hope of obtaining permission to continue his ope- 
 rations, when the Pasha's death, which took place in the interval, 
 afforded him the wished-for opportunity. But by this time he knew the 
 intentions of the French government, and was expecting that the 
 draftsman he had asked for was on his way to Mosul. He had found 
 how quickly the sculptures lost their freshness when once exposed to the 
 air, and thought it better to await this gentleman's arrival, as he could 
 then copy the bas-reliefs as they w r ere dug out. Besides this he had no 
 doubt but the French ambassador would obtain such orders as would 
 effectually prevent all future annoyance, and he, therefore, did not think 
 it advisable to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by the Pasha's 
 demise, He was desirous not to commence until he had obtained the 
 means of continuing the work without fear of interruption, and with 
 every chance of turning it to account. During the interval of delay he 
 finished the copies of the inscriptions already discovered, and conveyed 
 into the court-yard of his house at Khorsabad all the bas-reliefs which 
 he judged worthy of being sent to France. 
 
 Up to the period of his researches being interrupted, he had brought 
 to light a large number of monuments. He had opened a door, and at 
 the feet of one of the winged bulls which ornamented it, had found a 
 bronze lion, the only one remaining of all which must formerly have 
 ornamented the doors. While the workmen were digging to lay the 
 foundations of his house, they had discovered the head of one of the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 61 
 
 bulls of another door : and this single fact would have convinced him, 
 had he not been before satisfied, that the whole space was full of ancient 
 remains. Lastly, the accounts received from the inhabitants of the town, 
 allowed no room for doubting that there were also ruins buried at the 
 place where, at a later period, he found the small monument of basaltic 
 stones. He possessed, therefore, the most unmistakeable signs of the 
 existence of archaeological treasures throughout the whole extent of the 
 mound, and his conviction on this head was so great, that he invariably 
 expressed it in his letters to his friend Mohl. 
 
 The Paris Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres, had followed 
 the progress of Botta's discoveries with the liveliest interest. The cer- 
 tainty there was of arriving at still greater results than those already 
 obtained, had induced them to second the demand he had made for 
 an artist who was better qualified than himself to preserve, by an 
 exact copy, those sculptures which it would be impossible to send to 
 France. This demand had been granted, and by decisions of the 5th and 
 12th October, 1843, precisely at the period that the Pasha of Mosul was 
 stopping his researches, the Ministers of the Interior and of Public 
 Instruction had adopted measures for furnishing him with means of termi- 
 nating his undertaking in a manner worthy of the French government. 
 A fresh sum of money was placed at his disposal for the continuation of 
 the works, and, on the suggestion of the academy, Monsieur E. Flandin, 
 a young artist, who, conjointly with Monsieur Coste, had already been 
 employed on a similar mission, was selected to proceed to Khorsabad to 
 copy the sculptures already found and which might yet be discovered. 
 At the same time, the ministers decided that all the sculptures which 
 were in a state to admit of their removal should be conveyed to France, 
 and that a publication dedicated especially to the purpose should make 
 the world acquainted with Botta's discoveries. 
 
 But we must return to Khorsabad. Botta still had to obtain the 
 consent of the Porte, and those who are ignorant of the resources which 
 Ottoman diplomacy derives from falsehood, would hardly imagine all the 
 difficulties that the French Embassy had to overcome in order to prevail 
 upon the Divan no longer to feign a pretence of a belief in those phantom 
 fortifications, said to have been erected by the Consul of France at 
 Mosul. Some more real obstacles, however, founded upon certain pecu- 
 liarities of the Mahometan law, were added to this ridiculous pretext. 
 The village of Khorsabad was built over the monument it was desirable 
 to lay bare. To do this, it was necessary that the inhabitants should 
 remove to some other spot, and pull down their old houses. But the law 
 permits no encroachment upon lands suitable for cultivation, and, con- 
 sequently, the space destined for the new village could not be taken from 
 the grounds of this description around the mound. 
 
62 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 But the perseverance of the French Amhassador, Baron de Bour- 
 queny, finally triumphed over the reluctance of the Porte. By virtue 
 of a special agreement, the inhabitants of Khorsabad were authorized 
 
 VILLAGE OF KHORSABAD. 
 
 to sell their houses and to locate themselves temporarily at the foot of 
 the mound. Botta's house, which bad been the cause of so many dis- 
 putes, he was allowed to retain until the conclusion of the works. The 
 researches were permitted on condition that the ground should be re- 
 stored to the state in which Botta found it, in order that the village might 
 be rebuilt on its former site, and a commissioner was sent to Khorsabad 
 from the Porte in order to avoid any fresh difficulties. This arrange- 
 ment, however, rendered almost interminable by the unwillingness of the 
 Divan, had taken up several months, and it was not before the 4th of 
 May, 1844, that Monsieur Flandin could reach Mosul, bringing with 
 him the firmans which had been asked for seven or eight months pre- 
 viously. 
 
 Nothing now prevented the resumption of the works. Botta had at 
 disposal funds sufficient for clearing the whole building; the artist 
 Flandin had arrived to copy the bas-reliefs, besides affording other 
 active and cordial co-operation. The necessary measures for immediately 
 commencing the works were taken, and they were pushed on briskly. 
 In the first place, it was necessary to clear the ground of the houses 
 upon it ; this was an easy task, and there was little difficulty in satisfying 
 the humble proprietors, who themselves desired the removal of the village, 
 and were but too happy to effect it at the expense of the stranger-anti- 
 quary. But Botta had likewise to indemnify the proprietors, or rather 
 the tenants of the ground on which the new village was to be built, and 
 their expectations were so exorbitant that they would have swallowed 
 up a great part of the sum placed at his disposal, if the new Pasha, by 
 accidentally reminding him of one of the peculiarities of the Mahometan 
 law, had not himself supplied the means of obliging them to moderate 
 their demands. A short digression on this curious subject will afford 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 63 
 
 an interesting and exact idea of the difficulties with which the pur- 
 chaser of the village of Khorsabad had to contend before he could com- 
 mence his excavations. 
 
 It has been said that the village and the surrounding grounds were 
 the property of a mosque, and consequently could not be sold without 
 infringing the law, which does not allow the sale of any property which 
 has become wakf: this is an error. The houses belonged to the peasants 
 who lived in them, but the ground on which the village was built, as 
 well as the ground in the neighbourhood, was owned by several indivi- 
 duals, each of whom had a greater or less share of the profits. But 
 these persons were not the real proprietors, for in Mahometan countries 
 there is no real property, but a simple right of possession paid for every 
 year by a ground-rent. All the soil intended for cultivation, with the 
 exception of the gardens and orchards, belongs to an abstract being, 
 the Iman, who represents the Mahometan community, and is himself 
 represented by the sovereign. The latter being, as it were, nothing 
 more than a guardian, disposes of the ground in favour of the interests 
 of the community which he represents, but cannot alienate it by a com- 
 plete sale. He can never concede more than a temporary grant in return 
 for an annual rent or service. Sometimes, it is true, these grants were 
 transmitted by means of inheritance or sales ; but this was an abuse, a 
 real infringement of the law. In this manner the Viceroy of Egypt, 
 Mohammed Ali, was able to recover without difficulty from the usurpers 
 of the public domain the possession which long abuse had perpetuated 
 in their families ; and during Botta's residence at Mosul this example 
 was followed without any more ado, by the Turkish government. In 
 1845 the Porte revoked all the old grants of land in this province, and 
 commanded that for the future they should be annual, and sold by 
 public auction. 
 
 Such was the state of matters at Khorsabad. The seven individuals 
 who owned the ground between them— the principal of whom was Yahia 
 Pasha, a former governor of Mosul — had no right of real property, but 
 merely a right of possession perpetuated by abuse in their families ; this 
 furnished a weapon against their cupidity. "When Botta was treating 
 before the Pasha for the purchase of the house, the accredited agent of 
 these persons had the imprudence to claim an indemnity for the land 
 they stood on. The Pasha replied that they had no right to any, because 
 the Sultan alone was lord of the soil, and disposed of it as he cho>e. 
 This was a hint for the plundered antiquary. Relying upon this argu- 
 ment, he easily prevailed upon the proprietors to accept with gratitude 
 a reasonable indemnity which he would, had he chosen, have had the 
 right to refuse. They themselves, however, felt so clearly how little 
 their demand was really founded on right, that they refused to give him 
 
 D 2 
 
64 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 a receipt, and begged him to be silent upon the matter for fear their 
 conduct should reach the Pasha's ears. 
 
 To return to Botta's narration. The misfortunes of others now 
 placed at his disposal the number of workmen necessary for the speedy 
 clearance of the rest of the monuments. A few months previously, the 
 fanaticism of the Kurds had finished by triumphing over the resistance 
 which the courage of the Nestorians had for ages made against them. 
 Intrenched in the lofty mountains where the Zab takes its rise, these 
 Christians, who were the remains of one of the most ancient sects that 
 separated from the Catholic church, had been, up to that time, enabled 
 to escape from the Mahometan yoke ; but in 1 843 their own internal 
 divisions weakened them so much as to incapacitate them from contend- 
 ing longer against the continually increasing power of their enemies. 
 After a courageous but useless resistance, some Nestorian tribes were 
 destroyed by the Kurds : and in order to escape a general massacre, a 
 great number of these Christians, following the example of their patri- 
 arch, Mar-Shimoun, took refuge either at Mosul, or in some of the 
 villages of the neighbourhood, where they could at least be certain of 
 safety in exchange for their independence. Previous to this event Botta 
 had been charged with distributing among these unhappy Christians 
 the direct assistance of the French government, — not the first relief 
 afforded by that power to the victims of fanaticism in the east. The 
 continuation of the researches at Khorsabad placed at their author's 
 disposal new means of alleviating the misery of these Christian refugees; 
 whilst he turned their work to account, and found among them a whole 
 population of workmen at once robust and docile. Their assistance 
 was the more useful, as it was almost impossible to procure the requisite 
 number of workmen among the inhabitants of the environs. Being 
 employed in their habitual occupations they could not come and work 
 at the diggings, or if they had consented to do so they would have made 
 their employer pay too dearly for their services ; besides their demand 
 for high wages, the natives had certain singular superstitions which 
 inspired them with repugnance for this kind of work, and this influence 
 was trebly powerful when it was proposed to interfere with the village 
 of Khorsabad itself. They said that they were afraid it would bring 
 misfortune upon themselves and their families. As regards the Nesto- 
 rians, although they suffer a great deal from the climate of the plain, so 
 different from that of the high mountains they had inhabited until then, 
 they worked with great spirit, and many of them were enabled to return 
 to their own country, carrying with them savings which made them 
 much richer than they had ever been before. 
 
 All obstacles having been removed about the middle of the month of 
 May, 1844, Botta once more proceeded with his researches, so long 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH 65 
 
 interrupted by the circumstances just related ; nor did he pause in his 
 labours before the end of the month of October in the same year. As 
 Monsieur Flandin was first obliged to copy the bas-reliefs discovered 
 before his arrival, the works progressed, in the beginning, but slowly; 
 but the scientific labourers were able gradually to increase their scale of 
 operations, until at last they had almost three hundred workmen in full 
 employment. During these six months, all had but one thought — 
 which was, to join all efforts to turn Botta's discovery to the best pos- 
 sible account. Accordingly, they worked together with the most cordial 
 understanding. Monsieur Flandin used to copy, with the greatest care, 
 the bas-reliefs as fast as they were uncovered ; to measure the building 
 and draw up a definite plan of it ; while Botta, on his side, was occupied 
 not less actively, in transcribing the numerous inscriptions which covered 
 a part of the walls. It is true that both had to suffer much, but they 
 were amply recompensed for it by the results and the nature of the 
 work; for the reader will easily believe that it was not without a feeling 
 of delight that they were able, from hour to hour, to go and observe 
 what the pickaxe of the workmen had uncovered, and to endeavour to 
 guess the direction of the walls which were still buried, to realize the 
 scenes they would offer to view, and even to divine the signification of 
 the bas-reliefs as they were successively brought to light. 
 
 But a detailed account of the difficulties as well as pleasures of these 
 searchers into the secrets of a buried city would interest the reader but 
 little, even had we space for it ; we abstain, therefore, from giving a 
 minute description of the progress made, day by day, in the works, of 
 which we wish to show the ultimate result. Botta, however, finds space 
 to acknowledge the zeal with which Flandin joined him in completing 
 the exhumation of the monument he had discovered. Being less accus- 
 tomed than the consul himself to the miseries of eastern life, Flandin 
 felt more keenly the inconveniences of a prolonged stay in a miserable 
 village, beneath a burning sky ; and his health suffered more than once 
 in consequence. But his courage never failed him, not even at a most 
 serious conjuncture, when the Consulate of Mosul, and the existence of 
 the whole Christian population, were for a moment endangered. 1 II is 
 share in the undertaking was not limited to the execution of the artistic 
 portions with which he was more especially charged. Botta's official 
 
 1 In the month of July, 1844, the Dominican Missionaries settled at Mosul, having 
 had a house repaired in order to add it to their original monastery, were, as Botta had 
 formerly been himself, accused of wishing to erect a fortress. The weakness of the 
 new Pasha, who had just succeeded Mohammed Pasha, having encouraged the populace, 
 this ridiculous accusation occasioned a serious riot, during which the monastery was 
 destroyed, the church pillaged, and one of the missionaries assassinated. This circum- 
 stance, as he could easily foresee, produced similar feelings in the inhabitants of Khorsa- 
 bad ; and it was only the firmness of Monsieur Flandin which could keep them in 
 check, until such time as the assistance, which he had hastened to send him, arrived. 
 
66 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 duties not allowing him to remain constantly at Khorsabad, be relied 
 upon Flandin to superintend and employ the work-people ; and the artist, 
 thus left in charge, discovered certain objects which would otherwise, per- 
 haps, have escaped notice,— such for instance, as the little statues in 
 terra-cotta, hidden under the pavement, and the sepulchral urns. Thus 
 these two Frenchmen worked in concert with each other, and, if there is 
 any merit in the operations which led to the complete exhumation of the 
 monument of Khorsabad, Monsieur Flandin can with justice lay claim 
 to a part of- it. 
 
 At the period when Botta was obliged by Mohammed Pasha to suspend 
 the works, he had only to follow into the interior of the mound the walls 
 already laid bare. The work then completed naturally pointed out the 
 direction their further labours should be made to take. They pursued 
 this indication until all traces disappeared. The monument, however, 
 had formerly extended further, and for some time they still followed the 
 brick walls, but the coverings of sculptured slabs no longer existed ; and 
 various signs clearly proved that, even in the most ancient times, a part 
 of the monument had been intentionally destroyed, and the solid mate- 
 rials carried off to be employed somewhere else for other purposes. In 
 the hopes, however, of still meeting with the lost trace, trenches were 
 opened at various points of the mound ; but it was in vain, and they were 
 at last obliged to renounce the hope of seeing a new store of riches added 
 to those they had already found. At the end of the month of October, 
 1844, Botta considered that the exhumation of all that remained of the 
 palace of Khorsabad was complete, and therefore put a stop to the works. 
 
 By this time Monsieur Flandin had finished his drawings, or at 
 least those which it was indispensably necessary to finish on the spot, 
 and he was enabled to quit Mosul on the 9th of November, and to proceed 
 to Paris to submit his work to the Academy there, and to the admiration 
 of the public at large. Arrived there, a commission was named by the 
 Academy to draw up a report upon Monsieur Flandin's drawings. 
 Through the medium of its reporter, Monsieur Raoul Rochette, the 
 commission rendered a tribute of deserved praise to the labours of the 
 artist, and suggested the propriety of issuing, in a special publication, 
 Flandin's drawings, as well as the explanatory matter Botta might 
 bring with him, for the study of scholars and artists. In a meeting of 
 the 16th of May, 1845, the Academy adopted the conclusions of the 
 commission, ordered the report to be printed, and thus gave both Botta 
 and his artistic coadjutor the first reward of their labours, by publishing 
 the results of them in a series of magnificent folio volumes, with the 
 public approval, and at the public expense. 
 
 Flandin, as we have seen, had been enabled, in the beginning of the 
 month of November, 1844, to leave Khorsabad and return to France, in 
 
OF TIIE EAST — NINEVEH. 67 
 
 order to enjoy that repose of which he stood so much in need, after 
 six months of suffering and fatigue. But Botta's own task was not so 
 soon ended. In the first place he had to complete his copies of the 
 inscriptions — a work that had been commenced a year before Monsieur 
 Flandin's arrival at Mosul ; was continued during the whole period of 
 his stay, and which occupied several months more after his departure. 
 Besides this, in conformity with the orders of the government, Botta and 
 Flandin had chosen together the most remarkable and best-preserved 
 pieces of sculpture to send to France; and after Flandin's departure 
 Botta was left alone to prepare and pack these precious relics, to get 
 them conveyed to Mosul, and thence to send them to Baghdad. All the 
 difficulties which had stood in the way of this had been overcome. The 
 Porte had at first imposed certain restrictions on the removal of the 
 sculptures, but had ended by yielding to the persevering efforts of the 
 French Ambassador, Baron de Bourqueny, who had shown the most 
 unceasing and lively interest in the exhumation of Nineveh. He ob- 
 tained the necessary orders, and Botta was at liberty to remove all 
 objects deemed most worthy of removal to France. 
 
 Now a new species of difficulties arose. Neither the needful ma- 
 chinery nor workmen accustomed to the kind of operations were to be 
 had. The object was, to convey, for a distance of four leagues, a 
 number of blocks, some of which weighed as much as two or three 
 tons. Botta had to invent everything, to teach everything — and, above 
 all, not to despair of success after many fruitless attempts. Much 
 against his will, he was obliged to saw up into a number of pieces 
 several blocks, the weight and size of which would have rendered the 
 carriage, if not impossible, at least too dear. As regards the packing, 
 as it was impossible to procure cases sufficiently strong, he was obliged 
 to adopt the most simple plan, and contented himself with covering 
 the sculptured surfaces of the bas-reliefs with beams, which were fast- 
 ened by screws to corresponding pieces of wood placed upon the oppo- 
 site side of the stone. These means of protection fortunately proved 
 to be sufficient- 
 
 The most difficult part of the whole affair was the conveyance of 
 the blocks. Great trouble had to be taken to get a car built of suffi- 
 cient strength, and Botta was even under the necessity of erecting a 
 forge in order to construct axle-trees strong enough to support so heavy 
 a load. The reader may fancy the kind of workmen available for the 
 task by one fact — these axle-trees took six weeks to make ! 
 
 Patient perseverance secured at last the necessary car, but then an 
 almost equal amount of trouble had to be taken for finding the means 
 of dragging it. The Pasha of Mosul had at first lent some buffaloes 
 used to work of this description, but, from some inexplicable whim or 
 
68 TIIE BURIED CITY 
 
 other, lie took them back again. Botta then endeavoured, but in vain, 
 to employ oxen, and at last was forced to have recourse to the thews 
 and sinews of the Nestorians themselves. In addition to all this, the 
 road from Khorsabad to Mosul being soaked through with continual 
 rain, had no firmness, so that the wheels of the car, although they 
 were made very broad, sank into the mud up to their axles. In several 
 places it was necessary to pave the road, or to cover it over with planks. 
 Two hundred men were scarcely sufficient to draw along some of the 
 blocks. " The difficulties were indeed so great, that more than once,';' 
 says Botta, " I feared I should not be able to transport, that year, the 
 most interesting blocks, because they happened to be also the heaviest. 
 I had no time to lose ; although a great amount of rain obstructed my 
 operations at Mosul, by a most unfortunate contrast very little snow 
 had fallen in the mountains during the winter of 1844-45, so that not 
 only was the Tigris far from attaining its usual height, but it began to 
 decrease much before the accustomed time. It was necessary, however, 
 to avail myself of its rise in order to send to Baghdad the objects which 
 I had determined to transport to France, for the carriage of the sculp- 
 tures required rafts of unusual dimensions, and a delay of a few days 
 might oblige me to wait until the next year. By dint of great exer- 
 tions, I succeeded in surmounting the obstacles and terminating these 
 wearisome operations before the Tigris had finished falling. In the 
 month of June, 1845, eight months after my researches were ended, all 
 the sculptures had been removed to the side of the river, and, by means 
 of an inclined plane formed in the bank, embarked on the rafts. This 
 last part of my task was, unfortunately, attended by a sad accident. 
 The men were employed in embarking the last block, and had already 
 placed it upon the inclined plane : in order to move it, one of the Nestori- 
 ans, in spite of my reiterated warnings, persisted in pulling it from the 
 front ; it was impossible to stop the course of the ponderous mass 
 already in motion, and the miserable workman was crushed between it 
 and the blocks previously on the raft. This was the only accident I 
 had to regret during the whole duration of the works." 
 
 The Tigris is navigated by means of rafts constructed of pieces of 
 wood, which are supported by inflated skins ; the largest can carry 
 great weights. These rafts (which are called by the natives haleh) are 
 well adapted for descending the stream, which in summer is very shal- 
 low ; but they are of no use for going up. When the rafts have arrived 
 at Baghdad, they are broken up, the wood sold, and often at a profit, and 
 the skins brought back to Mosul to serve again for the same purpose. 
 Such were the means that Botta successfully employed for transporting 
 the sculptures down the river towards the sea — the rafts of the required 
 solidity being secured by the use of timber of a large size cut in the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 69 
 
 mountains, and a number of skins proportioned to the dimensions of 
 the raft. 
 
 Not content with giving to his countryman Flandin all the credit 
 due for the assistance he rendered on the works of Khorsabad, we find in 
 Botta's book a paragraph of grateful praise awarded to a more humble, 
 yet scarcely less valuable assistant whom he found on the scene of ope- 
 rations. "As my principal object," says the savan, "in writing my 
 introductory chapter, was to do justice to those who assisted me in my 
 labours, the reader will, I hope, pardon me for naming the chief of the 
 workmen, Naaman ebn Naouch, who, from the commencement of my 
 researches in the mound of Kouyunjik up to the termination of the works, 
 never failed to give me convincing proofs of two qualities which are very 
 rare in his country — namely, intelligence and probity. It was he whom 
 I charged to go and explore Khorsabad, and it was he who discovered 
 its hidden treasures. Since that time his activity and his spirit of 
 invention were of the greatest assistance to me when in a difficult posi- 
 tion ; and it is certainly to him that I owe the fact of my having been 
 able to surmount the difficulties I met with during the removal of the 
 sculptures." 
 
 Some time elapsed before all the sculptures obtained from the mound 
 at Khorsabad had been successfully landed at Baghdad, and confided 
 to the care and intelligence of the French Consul-General there, who was 
 charged to forward them to their ultimate destination. For several 
 months he had them, so to speak, under his protection; for the wants of 
 the service did not allow a ship of war being sent earlier, and the few 
 merchantmen visiting the Persian Gulf could not have taken charge of 
 such a cargo. It was only in the month of March, 1840, that the 
 wished-for vessel, the Cormorant, could reach Bassora. The consul then 
 experienced as much difficulty in shipping these ponderous masses on 
 board the barks of those parts as had before been felt in sending them 
 as far as Baghdad; but he eventually succeeded, and had them carried 
 down the Tigris to the place where the vessel awaited them. In the 
 beginning of June, Lieutenant Cabaret shipped them without accident, 
 and setting sail for Bassora, arrived in December, 1846, after a favour- 
 able passage, at Havre; where, at the close of the year were landed the 
 first collection of Assyrian antiquities that had ever been brought to 
 Europe. They now form one of the attractions of the noble museum in 
 the Louvre. 
 
"0 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Banks of the Tigris, and Sites of the Assyrian Temple Palaces. 
 
 "VVe have introduced Layard ; have gone over what records, scrip- 
 tural and classical, are left to us of the early history of Nineveh; have 
 glanced at the labours of Kich, and described those of Botta. It 
 may now be well to trace more exactly the topographical features of 
 the locality where the modern searches have been made for the dis- 
 covery of the buried Assyrian city. 
 
 Flowing down the sides of the mountains in which it takes its 
 rise, the Tigris still for a while meanders at their base, and then being 
 enlarged by the tributary waters of the Peechabeur, it washes the 
 western extremity of the mountain of Gako. From this point it 
 stretches away from the hills in which it had its birth, leaving be- 
 tween them and itself a plain which gradually widens, until, opposite 
 Mosul, it shows a broad expanse. 
 
 This plain is far from being flat, and presenting the alluvial cha- 
 racter offered by Mesopotamia in the lower part of the course of the 
 Euphrates and the Tigris ; it is, on the contrary, extremely undulat- 
 ing, and deeply furrowed by the water-courses which, running down 
 from the mountains and following the general inclination of the 
 ground, flow towards the river. The principal of these streams is 
 the Khauser, which rises to the north of Mosul in the mountains, 
 and empties itself into the Tigris after having traversed the bound- 
 aries of the ancient walls of Nineveh itself. 
 
 It will greatly facilitate the subjoined description if the reader will 
 at once fancy himself transported, across the desert or up the Tigris, 
 as he may please, to the city of Mosul. He is invited thither, not to 
 gaze on its old walls, which withstood the fierce Saladin's hosts ; or 
 its streets, which Genghis Khan once deluged with blood, nor to 
 watch the many caravans which enter and emerge by its eight 
 gates ; nor to mark the manners of its large and motley population. 
 Mosul is the point de depart of Assyrian research ; we will there- 
 fore at once cross the Tigris, here four hundred feet wide, by the 
 ricketty bridge of boats, and thus gain the eastern side of the river. 
 
 Arrived here, the first objects that strike us are two shapeless 
 mounds, standing due north and south of each other, on a level tract, 
 and separated by the Khauser, a mere rivulet. They are the mounds 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 71 
 
 of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus. The former, also locally styled the 
 Kuala, or Castle of Ninawe, rises steep from the plain to the height 
 of 43 feet, and has a level summit, on which here and there 
 an Arab cottage may be seen. This is one of the largest of the 
 Assyrian mounds, having an extent of 7800 feet circumference. 
 When first seen it appears to be a natural eminence ; but on nearer 
 examination traces of building are observable, and the whole surface 
 is strewed with fragments of pottery, covered with beautiful wedge- 
 shaped writing bricks, pieces of pavement, and here and there a 
 remnant of a bas-relief. The southern mound, Nebbi Yunus, 
 or the Tomb of Jonah, is about 50 feet in height, and extends 
 430 feet from east to west, by 355 feet from north to south. 
 Here stands a building once a Christian church, dedicated to 
 the divine messenger sent to Nineveh, now a Mohammedan 
 mosque, but still reverenced as the tomb of the prophet. These 
 two eminences are connected on the side nearest the Tigris by 
 a rampart and fosse, which run beyond them, turn to the east, 
 and circumscribe an area having the form of an oblong square. 
 The rampart consists of sun-dried brick and earth. It varies in 
 height from ten to twenty feet, has here and there been broken 
 through, but continuous traces remain, the whole bearing a strik- 
 ing resemblance to the Roman entrenchments still extant in our own 
 country. 
 
 We will now proceed to the Mound of Khorsabad, distinguished 
 as that in which the first Assyrian relic was discovered. Like that 
 of Nimroud it is perfectly visible through a telescope from the 
 loftiest houses in Mosul. Lying some distance on one side of 
 the principal route which leads from Mosul to Diarbekir, it is 
 not surprising that the village of Khorsabad, from its situation 
 and slight importance, had received but little notice from European 
 investigators. Chance seems to have conducted Mr. Rich there, 
 during a journey which he made from Mosul to the convent 
 of Rabban-Ormuzd ; and after visiting the ruined convent of Mar- 
 Matteh, he regained the plain by traversing the first chain of hills 
 which separate the waters of the Gomel from those of the Khauser. 
 Following the base of the hills, he says that he saw several mounds 
 situate near each other, and particularly one of considerable size with 
 a flat top. There is little doubt but this was the mound of Khorsa- 
 bad, for the village called by Mr. Rich, Iman-Fadla, is certainly the 
 village of Fadlieh, situated at the foot of the mountain at half a league 
 from Khorsabad ; the position of the place, the mention made of 
 gardens in this locality, and still more, a comparison of the names, 
 can leave little doubt upon the matter. 
 
72 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Niebuhr, also, followed the route of the Desert to the west of the 
 Tigris, on his way from Mosul to Mardin ; he, consequently, did not 
 pass near Khorsabad ; but the name of this village did not escape 
 his researches, which were always so precise and exact : he has given 
 a list" of the villages situated to the north of Mosul and to the east of 
 the river ; in it is found the name of Khastabad, which is one of the 
 variants still in use for Khorsabad. This latter name, in fact, not 
 being Arabic, and suggesting no meaning to the inhabitants, is written 
 and pronounced by them very variously. 1 According to them, the 
 word means dwelling of the sick, a term which perfectly agrees with 
 the insalubrity of the neighbourhood. 
 
 Two roads lead from Mosul to Khorsabad, passing rather to the 
 north or the south of the mount of Kouyunjik. In following the 
 northern route, it is necessary to traverse the Khauser near its mouth, 
 and then to recross it a little distance from Khorsabad. This passage, 
 which is not always easily effected during the floods, is avoided by 
 keeping on the eastern bank of the Khauser, to the south of Kouyun- 
 jik ; and this route was that which Botta generally took. The 
 traveller enters the boundaries of old Nineveh by one of the 
 cuttings made through the wall between the village of Niniouah 
 and the mound of Kouyunjik, and emerges from thence at the very 
 point where the river, turning round the mound, cuts the eastern 
 rampart to penetrate the enclosed space : in this spot it is that a few 
 
 1 Botta says it ought to be spelt and pronounced " Khouroustubaz, with 
 a dhamma on the Jcha and the ra, a sefcoun on the sin, and the two points on 
 the ta." Yacouti, in his Turkish Geographical Dictionary, says, " This is a 
 village to the east of the Tigris, forming a portion of the district of Ninoua. 
 "Water is plentiful there, and there are numerous gardens watered with the 
 surplus of the waters of the Ras-el-Na'our, which are called Jara'at. In 
 this neighbourhood there is a ruined ancient city called Saro'un." With 
 regard to this city of Saro'un, Yacouti speaks of it in the same dictionary 
 as follows : " Sar'oun, with afatha on the sad and a sekoun on the ra, was 
 an ancient city in the district of Ninioua, and the best of the district of Mosul. 
 It is ruined; ancient treasures are believed to exist there, and some indivi- 
 duals are said to have found sufficient to satisfy them. There is a story on the 
 subject of this town mentioned in the ancient chronicles." It was Rawlinson 
 who pointed out this curious citation, which is all the more interesting 
 because, while fixing the real orthography of the name of Khorsabad, it 
 proves the falseness of an etymology already proposed, the historical conse- 
 quences of which were of some importance. The name ofKhourousbad might 
 very well be decomposed into Khourous and abad, and thus signify the 
 dwelling of Cyrus; but the presence of a t and an z in Khouroustabaz renders 
 this derivation impossible. As to the existence of an ancient town named 
 Sar'oun on this spot, the present is not the fitting time to discuss the question. 
 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 73 
 
 remains of masonry in the bed of the river would seem to indicate 
 the existence of an ancient bridge or rather of some work destined 
 to support the continuation of the wall, allowing at the same time a 
 free passage for the water. From this point the road turns gradually 
 to the north, parallel with the left bank of the Khauser, and then, 
 after having traversed a deep ravine which ultimatelyjoins the river, 
 it separates from the road to Bachika, at the foot of the eminence 
 on which the ruined village of Hachemich is situated. 
 
 At this part of the road are remarked, at the base of the eleva- 
 tions by which it is bounded on the east, those masses of concretions 
 which Mr. Rich looks upon as the remains of ancient masonry. On 
 the way from Mosul to Zakho masses of conglomerations precisely 
 similar are found in the ravines which cut the plain transversely as 
 they descend from the mountains ; and there is no reason for believ- 
 inir that the origin of those which border the valley of the Khauser is 
 different. 
 
 From the village of Hachemich up to Khorsabad, the road pre- 
 sents nothing remarkable ; it gradually nears the chain of the moun- 
 tains, by traversing a vast undulated plain. The soil of this plain is 
 capable of cultivation, but not a single tree breaks the monotony of 
 it; and as soon as the sun, whose power is in this country felt at a 
 very early period of the year, has dried up the vegetation, nothing 
 can be more mournful to behold or more wearisome to traverse, than 
 this long succession of fields lying fallow or despoiled of their crops. 
 The road after having traversed the bed of a torrent, rises gra- 
 dually by a gentle undulation. On arriving at the culminating point, 
 the traveller, for the first time, perceives Khorsabad, situated in a 
 plain comparatively very low, the verdure of which, in summer, 
 forms an agreeable contrast with the general aridity of the country ; 
 he then descends into the plain, and soon penetrates into the ancient 
 fortified enclosure by passing through an opening from which a little 
 stream gushes forth ; and lastly, he traverses the marshy land which 
 occupies a large portion of the space contained within the old wall, 
 and reaches the village, which before Botta's researches was built 
 upon the very summit of the mound. 
 
 Travelling thus from Mosul t<> Khorsabad, it is remarkable that 
 no trace of the wall which, according to historians, ran round Nine- 
 veh, is any where visible. From the point at which the traveller 
 emerges from the great enclosure which surrounds Kouyunjik and the 
 mound of Niniouah, to the village where the French uncovered an im- 
 portant monument, nothing is seen which could indicate the exist- 
 ence of any ancient buildings ; the undulations of the plain are evi- 
 dently natural, and caused by movements of the soil on far too grand 
 
74 TIIE BURIED CITY 
 
 a scale to be attributed to the hand of man ; nowhere do we see those 
 tumuli, which, in the East, are certain signs of buildings buried 
 beneath, and a series of which would mark out on the ground a line 
 of walls. Neither on the other route which leads from Mosul to 
 Khorsabad, by passing to the north of Kouyunjik, and, from thence, 
 stretching out towards the village, and a considerable distance to the 
 west of the other road, can any trace of the ancient wall be met with. 
 
 " It is," says Botta, " a well-known fact, that walls of unbaked 
 bricks, such as those which must have surrounded Nineveh, leave 
 behind them traces which, in some degree, are indelible : we have a 
 proof of this at Mosul itself, where those which formed the enclosure 
 of Nineveh are still perfectly distinct, and could not be mistaken by 
 any one. Since, then, no similar vestiges are found further on, must 
 we conclude that the enclosure in question was that of the city itself, 
 and that the palace of Khorsabad was placed at a great distance 
 beyond it?" How far subsequent discoveries confirm this opinion we 
 will not now stay to inquire ; but one word may be said ad interim. 
 Khorsabad, if a chief palace of the lords of Nineveh, will doubtless be 
 within the boundaries of that great city in days when, to be isolated, 
 was to be in danger. St. James's Palace cannot be said to be within 
 the walls of the city its owner rules over, but who will say that that 
 palace is not in London ? 
 
 The low ground in the middle of which Khorsabad is situated is 
 open completely to the west only ; since to the south it is bounded 
 by the elevation of the plain, which it is necessary to traverse to reach 
 it • to the east arise the calcareous mountains, separating the basin of 
 the Tigris from the valley of Gomel ; and to the north stretches a 
 chain of hills, through which the Khauser passes. Towards the west 
 only can the eye wander without hindrance, over the plain watered 
 by the Tigris, beyond which are seen the mountains where dwell the 
 Yezidis— the Devil Worshippers — of whom Layard writes so amus- 
 ingly and well. 
 
 The low position of the ground, and the great quantity of streams 
 which unite there, afford the inhabitants of Khorsabad great facilities 
 for watering their plantations — a circumstance which accounts for 
 the freshness of this little canton in the midst of the general aridity. 
 They cultivate a few fields of cotton, vegetables, &c; and in such 
 countries, the smallest patches of verdure upon the scorched-up soil 
 offer an agreeable resting-place for the eye. Unfortunately the low- 
 ness of the position, so advantageous for cultivation, is attended by 
 the evils inseparable from it in a hot climate ; for the superfluous 
 waters not finding an easy means of exit, form marshes in the en- 
 closure, and at different points round about the mound, thus render- 
 
OF TIIE EAST — NINEVEH. <0 
 
 ing the air daring the summer very unhealthy. This insalubrity is 
 still more increased by the bad quality of the water for drinking. 
 In spite of this inconvenience, we may suppose that this plentiful 
 supply of water was one of the motives which induced the kings of 
 Assyria to build at Khorsabad so considerable a palace. 
 
 Returning from Khorsabad to our starting point, we now take a 
 direction south-south-east from Mosul, to visit the great mound of 
 Nimroud, about eight miles from Kouyunjik. Embarking on a raft, 
 we soon reach the mound of Yarumjeh, on the left bank, which we 
 cannot, however, stay to notice. The flood-current of the Tigris has 
 made havoc with this mass, and cut it down to a precipice, exposing 
 its artificial construction. Where the soil has been removed by the 
 waters, remains of buildings are exhibited, such as layers of large 
 stones, some with bitumen on them, with a few burnt bricks and 
 tiles. Passing this point, the Tigris follows a winding course to the 
 Zillr, or Dyke of Aaware, a dam of solid masonry which crosses the 
 bed of the river, a narrow passage being left on the east bank. The 
 stream, when full, rushes over this obstruction with great impetuo- 
 sity, and its roar may be heard for several miles. The work is called 
 Zillr-el- Aaware, from the noise made by the water breaking over it; 
 it is also styled Sull-el-Nimrod, a local tradition ascribing its erec- 
 tion to the great chieftain. At a short distance below the dyke, and 
 contiguous to the river, the lofty cone and broad mound of Nimroud 
 break, like a distant mountain, on the sky. It occupies the north- 
 west angle of an elongated platform, and is strewn with broken pot- 
 tery and fragments of bricks, both abundantly inscribed with the 
 cuneiform character. The sides are steep, and the top very small. 
 The platform of this peculiar pyramid extends a thousand feet in 
 length by five hundred in breadth. It is alluded to by Xenophon 
 as, in his day, an ancient ruin ; and the pyramid which he describes 
 leaves no doubt as to its identity. It is familiar to Englishmen as 
 the scene of their countryman Layard's greatest discoveries, and the 
 mine whence the Assyrian treasures of the National Museum have 
 been dug. 
 
 A fourth locality remarkable for its Assyrian mound is Karamles, 
 about as far from Nimroud as Khorsabad is from Mosul. No exten- 
 sive excavations have been as yet carried on in this mound ; but a 
 platform of brickwork has been uncovered there, and its Assyrian 
 character completely established by the inscriptions discovered. 
 
 Mr. Layard has called attention to the fact, that a line drawn to 
 connect these four mounds will define an elongated square, corre- 
 sponding in measurement to the description of the ancient historians. 
 A little more than forty miles in a direct line to the southward 
 
76 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 of Nimroud, but this time on the right bank of the Tigris, there exists 
 another mound, covering the ruins of Assyrian palaces. The place 
 is now called Kalah Shergat, and probably marks the southern 
 limits of the early Assyrian monarchy. The mound is but partially 
 artificial, as it rests on a chain of low hills, which here run down close 
 to the bank of the river. Layard explored this to a considerable ex- 
 tent, but with little success as far as architectural remains are con- 
 cerned. He, however, disinterred a sitting statue, a rarity of Assyrian 
 art, and ascertained that the mound contains ruins of the earliest 
 period— that is to say, of the Nimroud dynasty. Other mounds sit- 
 uate within the limits of the Eastern kingdom are no doubt graves of 
 buried cities; and judging from the success which has attended exca- 
 vations made up to this time, we may, without incurring the censure 
 of being too sanguine, expect that they too will yield a rich harvest 
 when they find explorers like Layard. Till then we will leave them 
 to sleep in their earthen shrouds. 
 
 STATUE FOUND AT KiHE SHERGAT 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Layard at Nineveh. 
 
 Let as now rejoin Layard at Nineveh, and see how lie wrought at 
 the ruins of Nimroud, a palace infinitely larger than the one of 
 Khorsabad, which had occupied the time of M. Botta. 
 
 The sun had set a full hour on November 8, 1845, when the raft 
 which bore Layard and his assistants neared the dam which crosses 
 the Tigris, opposite Nimroud. To disembark its freight was a work 
 of small difficulty ; a few mason's tools secreted in a valise, and a few 
 guns, wild boar spears, and other hunting weapons, (which, having 
 been ostentatiously displayed during the voyage had now fulfilled 
 their uses,) were nearly all that encumbered the journey. The little 
 party walked to the village of Naifa. Not a creature was to be seen, 
 no light appeared, no sound was heard ; even the inevitable dogs of 
 Arab villages, upon this occasion were silent. Our travellers had, 
 indeed, entered a world of ruins. The raft appeared now their only 
 resource, when suddenly the glare of a fire revealed a miserable and 
 solitary hut. But it was an Arab hut, and the Europeans were wel- 
 comed. The host was the plundered Sheikh Awad, needy, active, and 
 intelligent, with a world of local information, familiar with the ruins. 
 and learned in all the traditions of the country. Layard saw that he 
 was just the man for the occasion ; so, seated on a corn-sack on the 
 ground, he at once acquainted him with the object of his journey, 
 held out the prospect of long and regular employment, if successful, 
 
78 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 and offered him the post of foreman to the works, with a regular 
 salary. The poor man brightened up with these expectations, and 
 entered into the business with all his heart. He would have enter- 
 tained his guest all night with stories of Abraham and Nimrod, and 
 the pristine kings of the land, but at Layard's especial request, set 
 out, then and there, to a neighbouring village, to procure workmen 
 to assist in the excavations to begin at sun- rise. 
 
 And now Layard turned on his sack to sleep. But what sleep 
 was there for his excited brain ? It was not the wretched hovel 
 with its gaping crevices, bare earthen floor, and naked walls, nor the 
 mangy greyhounds, or haggard Arabs who crowded the apartment, 
 that hindered his slumbers. The impatient imagination hurriedly 
 paced through long drawn underground passages, explored chambers, 
 visited palaces, admired sculptures, and exercised itself on inscriptions 
 without end. Again he stood on the mound of Nimroud ; the Arab 
 vanished, the green grass was gone, all was animation and motion. 
 
 " The days of old return ; — I breathe the air 
 Of the young world ; — I see her giant sons 
 Like to a gorgeous pageant in the sky 
 Of summer's evening, cloud on fiery cloud 
 Thronging npheaped, — before me rise the M-alls 
 Of the Titanic citj T — brazen gates — 
 Towers — temples — palaces enormous piled- 
 Imperial Nineveh, the earthly queen ! 
 In all her golden pomp I see her now." 
 
 Startled into consciousness by a loud voice, Layard found himself still 
 on the sack, with Awad at his side, telling him that the sun was up, 
 and six Arabs were outside the hovel, ready to work under his 
 directions. 
 
 For the third time Layard now beheld the lofty cone and broad 
 mound of Nimroud, as it broke like a distant mountain on the morn- 
 ing sky. A twenty minutes' walk brought him to its principal mound, 
 strewed with fragments of brick and earthenware, inscribed with the 
 wedge-shaped characters of ancient Assyria. The Arab assistant gazed 
 with unintelligent wonder at the movements of the stranger, but soon 
 learned to select and gather the objects of his search. In the forenoon 
 of the first day, our explorers discovered the entrance of a chamber, 
 of which ten uncovered slabs formed the top, and a bas-relief; and 
 by nightfall a Avail covered with numberless inscriptions had been 
 laid bare. This was an encouraging day's work ; it had demonstrated 
 the existence of large buildings and sculptures in the mound. Layard 
 now thought he might venture to set up an independent household at 
 
OF THE EAST— NINE VEIL ~ J 
 
 Naif a, so he chose the best hovel in the deserted village, propped up 
 its falling 1 roof, patched its crevices with mud, and removed into it 
 from A wad's hut. A Wiltshire farm labourer would not probablv 
 be willing- to change his dwelling for that of which Layard took pos- 
 ■ >sion on the night of that memorable ninth of November, but it 
 secured the privacy of its occupant, and shut out the cold night winds. 
 
 When Layard set out for Nirnroud next morning, his working- 
 corps numbered eleven men, having been reinforced by Turcomans 
 who had been allured by the prospect of regular pay. The results 
 of this day's work were no less satisfactory to the explorer than those 
 of the preceding. The poor sheikh fancied he had this day divined 
 the secret of his employer's researches. That any one could be 
 attracted to that desert spot by a few stones was above his compre- 
 hension ; but a few morsels of gold leaf found in one of the chambers 
 explained the mystery. Calling Layard aside, he confessed, with 
 feelings compounded of admiration and benevolent pity, that the 
 children of this world were wiser than the children of light. " Wal- 
 lah !" said he, " the Frank knows that which is hid from the true 
 believer. Here is the gold, sure enough," handing a few fragments 
 of gold leaf wrapped in dirty paper, " and please God, we shall find 
 it all in a few days. Only do not say anything about it to the Arabs, 
 for, asses as they are, they cannot hold their tongues." The gold wa> 
 returned to the surprised Arab, who expressed in pious exclamations 
 his wonder at these strange proceedings, now more unaccountable 
 than ever. 
 
 Five days were thus passed, each awakening new hopes in the 
 mind of our explorer ; but here it was necessary to pause, survey the 
 field, and either abandon further search, or proceed on some firmer 
 basis. The excavations at Nirnroud had been commenced not only 
 without the permission but without the knowledge of the local au- 
 thorities. Mohammed Pasha, governor of Mosul] in whose pro- 
 vince Layard was working, was a terror even to the most obedient 
 of his subjects ; his rapacity was unbounded, and it was possible that 
 the suspicion of buried treasures at Nirnroud, might haunt his mind 
 as it had done that of Awad the sheikh. The superstition of the 
 people, who believed the mound to be graves of ancient idols, which 
 it was their duty as good Mahommedans to break as soon as discovered, 
 threatened to increase the difficulties of the enterprise. The supplies 
 of money which were to sustain the undertaking were only guaranteed 
 for a limited period. Their continuance was contingent upon a fan- 
 prospect of success, and at present no sculptures had been discovered. 
 
 These considerations were well weighed by Layard, but they did 
 not slacken the ardour of his application. As a first step he repaired 
 
80 THE EURIED CITY 
 
 to Mosul to inform the Pasha by his own lips of the doings at Nim- 
 roud, and, if possible, obtain his formal sanction. The wily ruler 
 affected ignorance of the excavations, but in reality had had a spy on 
 those works, who had watched them day by day, and sent to Mosul 
 with his reports, portions of the gold leaf found in the Assyrian 
 chamber. He forebore either to sanction or object to the continuance 
 of the researches, and Layard left him with the conviction that the 
 old man would seize a convenient opportunity for obstructing his 
 proceedings. 
 
 After a short sojourn in Mosul, Layard returned to Nimroud, 
 having hired a number of Nestorian Chaldeans to proceed thither, 
 and join his corps, and directed the opening of a number of mounds 
 in the neighbourhood by one or two selected agents. The gang of 
 workers now numbered thirty men, by whose aid Layard next 
 sought to examine the south-west ruins, and, if possible, discover 
 their plan. This was a work of great labour; for the soil, mixed with 
 sun-dried and kiln-burnt bricks, pottery, and fragments of alabaster, 
 offered great resistance to the tools of the workmen, and had to be 
 carried right out of the mound. The Arabs could not be trusted with 
 the pick-axe, for using which they were not sufficiently robust, and 
 this labour was exclusively performed by the newly engaged Chal- 
 deans. No spade could be thrust into the heterogeneous rubbish, 
 which the Arabs were, therefore, compelled to collect as they could 
 into baskets for removal. By so wearisome a process, were the re- 
 mains of Assyrian art at length brought into the light of day. 
 
 During the three weeks in which he had pursued his researches 
 in Nimroud, Layard had encountered the most imminent peril from 
 the predatory tribes which then roamed the district. He had the 
 satisfaction of seeing wounded prisoners, who had crossed the Zab to 
 plunder him at the Mound, brought in now and then by the gen- 
 darmerie of the desert; but the danger was so great that he was 
 compelled to shift his quarters from Naifa to the large village of 
 Selamiyah, where, joined by his workmen, he was three miles from 
 Nimroud. At this village he was fain to spread his carpet in the 
 low mud hut of the petty officer of the place. Here he passed the 
 night under a table, a valuable piece of furniture in a dwelling, where 
 the roof, formed of boughs and reeds, is not adapted to keep out the 
 torrents of winter rain ! A trench conducted round the site of the table 
 to carry off accumulating waters made our hero's dormitory one of com- 
 parative luxury. 
 
 Layard was working in the rain with his men on the afternoon of 
 the 29th, when a stroke of a pick-axe suddenly disclosed the first of 
 the long-wished-for bas-reliefs. Excited with the discovery, he 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. SI 
 
 returned to his domicile, and was meditating on his success, as an 
 officer from the Pasha arrived. The excavations at Nimroud were to 
 be discontinued. Losing no time, Layard proceeded straight to his 
 Excellency, who assured him that he had given no such orders, was 
 surprised that any one had dared to pretend his authority, and pro- 
 mised to send an order to Nimroud, commanding assistance, rather 
 than interruption, to the explorers. Layard returned to Mosul, 
 having formed a very decided opinion of the Pasha's good faith, and, 
 in the middle of the night, learned from the local officer that a second 
 despatch had just arrived from Mosul, interdicting, in still stronger 
 terms, the resumption of the Nimroud excavations. Irritated, but 
 still determined and politic, Layard returned next morning to Mosul, 
 ao-ain saw the Pasha, and this time learned from his own lips that he 
 was not to proceed with his work. His Excellency had learned, with 
 deep regret, that the place of the excavations had been used as a 
 burying place by the true believers. To disturb their tombs was 
 contrary to law. The Kurds and Arabs (beasts as they were !) were 
 already complaining. Layard was his Excellency's dearest and most 
 intimate friend : if anything happened to him, what grief would he 
 not suffer; his life was more valuable than old stones. No, he could 
 not be allowed to proceed. 
 
 Finding that the old man was not to be turned from his resolu- 
 tion, to which he had been led by the Cadi and some European resi- 
 dents at Mosul, from whom better things might have been expected, 
 Layard feigned acquiescence in his answer, and merely requested that 
 an officer might be sent with him to Nimroud, under whose inspec- 
 tion he might copy a few inscriptions, and draw the sculptures 
 already uncovered. This officer, or Cawass, proved a most convenient 
 personage. His presence relieved Layard from the interference of 
 the local authorities, while his own compliant temper induced him 
 readily to countenance the employment of a few workmen, who, while 
 ostensibly guarding the sculptures, carried on a portion of the works 
 as before. Layard contented himself with opening a few trenches by 
 way of experiment, and uncovering a few sculptures for the sake of 
 satisfying himself of their existence, and prepared to suspend las 
 labours until a superior order could be obtained from Constantinople 
 to protect him from further petty interruption. AVhilc thus engi 
 he learned that the " tombs" which Mohammed Pasha had made the 
 pretext for interference had been dug by his orders, and for this 
 especial occasion. The wily Turk had prepared the graves, that Ins 
 people might find them, and quote their presence as a reason for stop- 
 ping Layard. On the 18th of December, having covered up the sculp- 
 ture, our discoverer took his departure from Nimroud. 
 
82 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 After paying a hasty visit to Mosul, and satisfying himself that 
 the researches could not be immediately resumed, Layard visited 
 Baghdad, to see what arrangements could be made for the future 
 removal of the sculptures to England, an end of which he never once 
 despaired, and also to obtain the opinion, on various subjects, of 
 Major llawlinson, celebrated as the diseoverer of the mode of reading 
 the arrow-headed inscriptions. He reached Baghdad on Christmas Eve, 
 1845, remained there a few days, and then returned to Mosul, where 
 he found Ismail Pasha, a liberal and courteous governor, occupying 
 the pashalic of the now disgraced Mohammed. Layard was received 
 by the Pasha with affability, no opposition was offered to the conti- 
 nuation of researches at Nimroud, and the commander of the troops 
 of Selamiyah received orders to protect workmen there engaged. 
 
 On the 20th of January, 1846, Layard returned to Nimroud with 
 a party of Nestorian Chaldeans, whom he had taken into employ- 
 ment. The returning security of life and property, which had 
 brought the ploughman and the sower back to the fields, and even to 
 the mound itself, enabled him to take up his quarters at the village of 
 Nimroud, and thus reside at the scene of labour. On revisiting the 
 works, he found that the stones had been removed from the pseudo- 
 graves, and good care had been taken that some, which had better 
 claims to be respected, should not in future give occasion to ob- 
 struction. 
 
 Layard had scarcely recommenced operations at Nimroud, when 
 he heard that his old adversaries at Mosul had been agitating the 
 population with lying stories against him. It was now pretended 
 not only that he was digging and carrying away treasure, but that 
 the inscriptions for which he was searching were wanted in order to 
 prove that the Franks were the original owners of the country of 
 which they were intriguing to regain possession. Layard was sum- 
 moned to Mosul, and had an interview with Ismail Pasha. The 
 governor protested that he regarded not the tales of the leading 
 agitators, but he was young in office ; and although he should shortly 
 deal with them in his own way, he would ask Layard, as a personal 
 favour, to suspend the excavations for the present. Disappointed 
 and full of regret, our explorer returned to Nimroud, to contemplate 
 idly the extraordinary building the nature of which he had believed 
 himself on the eve of discovering. 
 
 The remainder of January and the first half of February were 
 spent by Layard in forming plans, visiting and conciliating the 
 neighbouring Arab sheikhs, and listening to their traditions. About 
 the middle of the latter month, judging that he had sufficiently satis- 
 fied the Pasha's wishes, he renewed his experiments at the ruins 
 
OF TI1E EAST — NINEVEH. 83 
 
 proceeding at first with great caution, employing but few men, and 
 confining himself to the exploration of such parts of the mound as 
 appeared to contain buildings. A trench was opened, and some new 
 chambers were added to the already discovered building. Hitherto, 
 however, inscriptions which had not been read, and bas-reliefs too 
 far decayed to be removed, were all that had been discovered. A ravine- 
 apparently formed by the winter rains, which ran far into the mound, 
 attracted Layard's attention, and he formed the fortunate resolution of 
 opening a trench in its centre. In two days this measure was re- 
 warded by the discovery of the beautiful winged human figures — one 
 with fir cone and basket, the other with the gazelle and flowers ; 
 and, besides these, the remarkable eagle-headed figure which has since 
 been known as Nisroch. 
 
 But a richer reward was in store. On the morninsr succeedino- 
 these discoveries, Layard was returning from a visit to a sheikh, when 
 he met two Arabs urging their mares to the top of their speed. On 
 approaching him they stopped ; '•' Hasten, O Bey," exclaimed one of 
 them, " for they have found Nimrod himself. Wallah, it is wonderful, 
 but it is true ! we have seen him with our eyes. There is no God but 
 God ; " and with this pious exclamation they galloped off to tell the 
 news to their own people. On reaching the excavations, Layard 
 found that all the labourers had suspended their exertions, and were 
 gathered round an object covered with a hastily constructed screen. 
 It was a gigantic human head, sculptured in full out of the native 
 alabaster of the country, and was at once assigned by Layard to a 
 winged bull or lion, the remainder of which was still buried in the 
 earth. The effect which the sight of this colossal figure had pro- 
 duced on the Arabs, Layard beheld with regret. One man had 
 thrown down his tools, and scampered off to Mosul as fast as legs 
 could carry him, upon the first glimpse of the monster. The Arabs, 
 who came thronging to the pit, regarded the figure with horror, and 
 repeated their ejaculations as long as it remained in their sight. 
 The Sheikh of the tribe had a very strong opinion on the matter. 
 "This is not the work of men's hands," he exclaimed, "but of those 
 infidel giants of whom the Prophet — peace be with him ! — has said that 
 they were higher than the tallest date tree, this is one of the idols 
 which Noah — peace be with him! — eursed before the iiood." And so 
 thought all the rest. 
 
 The fruits of tliis pious horror were soon apparent. The popula- 
 tion of Mosul was in commotion. The fugitive from Nimroud had 
 raised a feeling of consternation among the inhabitants, who believed 
 his tale that Nimrod had appeared. Layard's old adversaries, the 
 Cadi, the Mufti, and the Ulema, again met, and proceeded to Ismail 
 
84 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Pasha with a formal complaint, representing the proceedings at Nim- 
 roud as a profane violation of the precepts of the Koran. As all they 
 knew of the facts had been derived from the terrified workman, 
 their statement was not remarkable for distinctness, and as for the 
 o-overnor, he hardly knew whether Nimrod was a true believer, or an 
 infidel dog. However Layard received a message, desiring that the 
 excavations should be at once stopped, a communication which 
 brought him again to Mosul, and subsequently caused the dismissal 
 of the workmen at Nimroud. 
 
 For the third time had the researches been interrupted, and always 
 at a critical moment, by the hostile prejudices of persons at Mosul. 
 It was in vain to resume the work until the sensation had somewhat 
 subsided. A vizirial order from Constantinople had been asked for, 
 but when it would arrive was uncertain. It only remained to make 
 the best use of the interval until the period when the trenches might 
 again be opened with safety. The policy of the new governor had 
 brought back to the neighbourhood of the ruins many of the Arab 
 tribes who had fled from the exactions of his predecessor. Besides 
 the general necessity of winning the goodwill of the Mussulman 
 population, whose prejudices had more than once thwarted Layard's 
 plans, it became exceedingly desirable to secure the friendship of the 
 various sheikhs, whose amity would be a guarantee that the thiev- 
 ish propensities of their followers should not be exercised upon the 
 stores and appliances of the exploring expedition. He had already 
 assured himself of the protection and active assistance of Abd-ur- 
 rahman, sheikh of a tribe renowned for habits of plunder, and during 
 the month of March received and entertained the various chiefs of the 
 Jebours, one of whom became a most useful acquaintance. A silk 
 dress, an embroidered cloak, and a pair of capacious boots of coloured 
 leather, formed a present which quite captivated these sons of the 
 desert. The intimacy thus sought was not without its drawbacks. 
 Layard's " house" was seldom without its sheikh with his dozen atten- 
 dants, their horses tied at every door. The renown of his hospitality 
 even brought parties of Kurds from their mountains, anxious to give 
 the " Bey," as they called him, an opportunity of confirming his repu- 
 tation, by the presentation of suitable gifts. Layard found it 
 necessary to discourage the advances of these distant gentry, and 
 learning* that Sofulk chief of the great Shammar tribe, who would 
 probably become his near neighbours in the summer, was encamped 
 on the west bank of the Tigris, and within easy distance of Nimroud, 
 he determined to organize an expedition to his tents. The caravan 
 fitted out for this purpose moved across the meadows of the Tigris, 
 now covered with luxuriant vegetation, and flowers of every hue. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. S5 
 
 Layard, and the most vigorous of the party, urged their horses 
 in pursuit of the gazelle, or the wild boar skulking in the long grass. 
 The exhilaration of field sports has often been extolled. Layard him- 
 self has described in exciting language the joy which thrilled through 
 his veins during this ride, and ascribed it to the air of the desert in 
 spring, and the feeling of freedom which arises from contemplating 
 that boundless expanse which there stretched around him. Many 
 who have followed his adventures will probably be of opinion that it 
 was the long preparation of labour which on this occasion sweetened 
 the air, and gave elasticity to his spirits. 
 
 On the third day, the main body of Sofuk's tribe was reached. 
 The plain seemed to swarm with moving objects. The tribe was 
 moving to fresh pastures. As far as the eye could reach, to the right, 
 to the left, and in front, still the same moving crowd, wide spreading 
 flocks of sheep and camels, long lines of asses, and bullocks laden with 
 black tents, huge cauldrons, and variagated carpets ; aged women and 
 men no longer able to walk, tied on the heap of domestic furniture ; 
 infants crammed into saddle-bags, their tiny heads thrust through the 
 narrow opening, balanced on the animals back by kids or lambs tied 
 on the opposite side ; horsemen armed with their long spears scouring 
 the plain, colts galloping fantastically amidst the throng. Such was 
 the crowd through winch our party had to move for several hours. 
 The camp of the Shammar Sheikh was at length discovered, pitched 
 on a broad lawn, in a deep ravine. The party were received with 
 Arab courtesy. The usual meal — boiled fragments of mutton swim- 
 ming in melted butter, was soon served, in wooden bowls and plat- 
 ters. The usual compliments and presents were interchanged, and 
 friendship was established with the Shammar. Two days were spent 
 in the encampment, with the exception of an excursion to the ruins of 
 Al Hadhr, and the party set out to return. The Shammar guides 
 declined to enter Mosul with our friends, having a rather heavy ac- 
 count to settle with the merchants of the city, whom they had 
 plundered in sundry forages. On their dismissal, Layard presented 
 each with a dress of silk, and henceforth his safety in the land of 
 Shammar was certain. "Wallah!" exclaimed the men, "your 
 camels shall be as the camels of the Shammar. Be they loaded with 
 gold, they shall pass through our camp, and the people shall not touch 
 them." 
 
 We have now to accompany Layard to Ximroud, whither he has- 
 tened on his return to Mosul. Little progress had been made during 
 his absence, only two men having been left to clear away the rubbish 
 from the sculptures. One of the large figures had tumbled over on its 
 side, and leaned against its neighbour. A number of small ornaments 
 
86 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 had also been discovered ; but, upon the whole, the site was much as it 
 had been left on the departure a few weeks before. Layard now 
 conceived the design of enlisting the sympathies of a number of the 
 inhabitants at Mosul, and at the same time gratifying the Arab tribes 
 encamping near the ruins by an entertainment. Many of the Chris- 
 tian families of Mosul were anxious to see the sculptures whose fame 
 had been spread over the town and provinces. A large party was 
 accordingly invited, and the day after their arrival, all the Arabs of 
 the district, men and women, were bidden to the feast. The Pasha 
 had lent white pavilions, which had been pitched near the river, on 
 a broad lawn carpeted with flowers. In these, the ladies and the 
 dark aristocracy were received : whilst the commons of the desert 
 and their attendants were accommodated in black goat hair tents. 
 The horses of the tribe were picketted with Layard's on all sides. 
 First came old Abd-ur-rahman, sheikh of the Abou Salman Arabs, 
 tricked out in all the finery he could collect, and mounted on a white 
 mare. He wore, over the usual kerchief, a white turban edged with 
 long fringes, a long robe of red silk hung from his shoulders, and a 
 pair of bright yellow boots made him the envied of every Arab. A 
 band of Kurdish minstrels hired for the occasion advanced to do 
 honour to the old chief as he neared the scene of preparation. His 
 horsemen, who had adorned their spears with tufts of ostrich feathers, 
 hereupon grew frantic with joy, and urging their mares to the utmost of 
 their speed, engaged in mimic war and filled the air with their cries. 
 The sheikh by this time arrived at the tent, dismounted, and took his 
 place in the post of honour appointed for guests of his rank. Two other 
 tribes arrived on foot with similar demonstrations of joy, and were 
 followed by the wives and daughters of the sheikhs, with their trains 
 of handmaidens. 
 
 To feast this crowd, which increased as morning grew later, four- 
 teen sheep were boiled. These, when ready, were placed on large 
 wooden platters, which after the men had satisfied themselves, were 
 passed on to the women, and thence to the attendants. At the con- 
 clusion of the banquet, the party adjourned to the large space which 
 had been left vacant in the centre of the front of the tents for 
 dancing ; those who did not choose to take an active share in the 
 diversion seated themselves on the grass, and formed a large circle 
 round the dancers. The solemn sheikhs surveyed the scene from 
 their divans. The Arabs entered with the greatest enthusiasm into 
 this amusement. Forming a circle and joining hands, they moved 
 round at first slowly, making a shuffling motion with their feet, and 
 twisting their bodies into various not ungraceful attitudes. As the 
 music quickened their gestures became vehement, and the movement 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 87 
 
 more lively ; they stamped with their feet, yelled the cry of their tribe, 
 and gave themselves up to the most extravagant excitement. 
 
 When these exertions had exhausted the first set of dancers, two 
 warriors, armed with shields and naked scimetars, appeared in the 
 circle to exhibit the sword dance. The effect of the music was so 
 exciting on the performers, who were of different tribes, that the 
 spectators grew apprehensive of fearful consequences, and at length 
 interfered to disarm the combatants. Their swords were replaced by 
 short staves, with which they belaboured each other, to the infinite 
 delight of the crowd. The women entered fully into the spirit of 
 these proceedings, and, on every successful hit, raised the peculiar shrill 
 cry called tahlel, the effect of which on the Arab is described as most 
 electric, exciting him beyond all control of his actions. The per- 
 formances were kept up with variations the greater part of the night 
 in the light of the moon. The next day the grave old Abd-ur-rahman 
 would be satisfied with nothing less than leading off a dance with 
 Layard, in which they were joined by some five hundred warriors and 
 Arab women. 
 
 Three days thus passed earned for Layard all that consider- 
 ation among the Arabs which he had promised himself. Henceforth 
 they were devoted to the great and generous " Bey," and whenever 
 he had occasion for their services, he felt the value of the feeling 
 towards him which his kindness had produced. 
 
 Ismael Pasha had now been recalled from Mosul, and early in 
 May a fine old Turkish gentleman entered the city as his successor. 
 Tahyas Pasha enjoyed a good repute for benevolence and justice, and 
 was' moreover a man of considerable information on subjects connected 
 with the literature and history of his country. He received Layard 
 with every mark of attention, and at once permitted him to proceed 
 with the excavations. A great source of difficulty was now dried up. 
 But the removal of all fear of interruption on the part of the authori- 
 ties, placed in a stronger light another inconvenience — the smallness 
 of the means at Layard's command, forbade him to resume operations 
 on the same extensive scale as in the February preceding. He re- 
 turned, however, to Nimroud, and selected from the labourers those 
 who had distinguished themselves by energy and ability, and thus 
 formed a small but effective working party. 
 
 Writing of this period, the middle of May, Layard says :— 
 
 " The heats of summer had now commenced, and it was no longer 
 possible to live under a white tent. The huts were equally unin- 
 habitable, and still swarmed with vermin. In tins dilemma I ordered 
 a recess to be cut into the bank of the river, where it rose perpendicu- 
 larly from the water's edge. By screening the front with reeds and 
 
88 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 boughs of trees, and covering the whole with similar materials, a 
 small room was formed. I was much troubled, however, with scor- 
 pions and other reptiles, which issued from the earth forming the 
 walls of my apartment ; and later in the summer by gnats and sand- 
 flies, which hovered, on a calm night, over the river. Similar rooms 
 were made for my servants. They were the safest that could be in- 
 vented, should the Arabs take to stealing after dark. My horses 
 were picketted on the edge of the bank above, and the tents of my 
 own workmen were pitched in a semicircle behind them. The change 
 to summer had been as rapid as that which ushered in the spring. 
 The verdure of the plain had perished almost in a day. Hot winds, 
 coming from the desert, had burnt up and carried away the shrubs ; 
 flights of locusts, darkening the air, had destroyed the few patches of 
 cultivation, and had completed the havoc commenced by the sun. 
 The Abou-Salman Arabs, having struck their black tents, were now 
 living in ozailis, or sheds, constructed of reeds and grass along the 
 banks of the river. The Shemutti and Jehesh had returned to their 
 villages, and the plain presented the same naked and desolate aspect 
 that it wore in the month of November. The heat, however, was now 
 almost intolerable. Violent whirlwinds occasionally swept over the 
 face of the country. They could be seen, as they advanced from the 
 desert carrying along with them clouds of sand and dust. Almost 
 utter darkness prevailed during their passage, which lasted generally 
 about an hour, and nothing could resist their fury. On returning liomc 
 one afternoon after a tempest of this kind, I found no traces of my dwel- 
 lings ; they had been completely carried away. Ponderous wooden 
 frameworks had been borne over the bank, and hurled some hundred 
 yards distant; the tents had disappeared, and my furniture was 
 scattered over the plain. When on the mound, my only secure place 
 of refuge was beneath the fallen lion, where I could defy the fury of 
 the whirlwind ; the Arabs ceased from their work and crouched in 
 the trenches, almost suffocated and blinded by the dense cloud of fine 
 dust and sand which nothing could exclude." 
 
 With his reduced working corps, and in face of the hardships and 
 privations just noticed, the excavations were carried on with great 
 activity. New sculptures and bas-reliefs of increasing value and 
 interest, among them the winged human figure, with the fir-cone and 
 the winged human-headed bull were brought to light. But the pro- 
 gress was slow ; speculation outran the movements of the workmen, 
 and Layard was glad to accept, now and then, an invitation to join 
 the hunting excursions of the natives, and thus beguile the hours. 
 In one of these intervals of leisure, he was sleeping in Sheikh Abd-ur- 
 rahman's tent, intending to hunt gazelles with him before dawn the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 89 
 
 next morning, when he was awakened by an Arab, who placed in his 
 hands several letters from Mosul, among which was one bearing the 
 
 WINGED BU1L. 
 
 
 seal of the Porte. By the light of a camel's-dung fire, Layard read 
 the despatch of the Grand Vizier of the Sultan, authorising him to 
 continue his excavations, and remove any objects he might discover. 
 This comprehensive order effectually removed one of the greatest 
 difficulties of the undertaking ; and, although pecuniary means were 
 still wanting, Layard made arrangements for rendering the researches 
 more extensive and effectual. 
 
 The great mound of Kouyunjik, with which most travellers had 
 identified the site of Nineveh, had not yet been opened by Layard. 
 Its vicinity to Mosul would have brought his movements there directly 
 under the eye of the inhabitants, and exposed him to continual petty 
 annoyances from the Cadi and Mufti. The Grand Vizirial order had 
 now removed this objection, and he determined to open trenches on the 
 southern face of the ruins, where the mound is highest. Here the 
 source of the previous opposition soon betrayed itself. The national 
 jealousy of Europeans had allied itself with Asiatic prejudice, to 
 obstruct the progress of Layard's researches. The only opposition 
 made to the commencement of excavations at Kouyunjik, proceeded 
 from the French Consul, M. Botta, who claimed the ruins of Assyria 
 as French property. This extraordinary claim was not recognised, 
 and Layard continued the researches for about a month with small 
 success. He soon returned to Nimroud, and increased his corps of 
 workmen, by hiring about thirty Arabs. 
 
 A rich collection of sculptures in an excellent state of preservation 
 
90 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 soon rewarded this renewal of operations. Kings, priests, griffins, 
 eunuchs, and the sacred tree, were among the discovered figures. 
 As chamber after chamber was uncovered, the Arabs were struck with 
 amazement, and expressed their feelings by extravagant gestures and 
 exclamations of surprise. When a bearded man was found, they 
 concluded at once that it was an idol, or Djin, and cursed and spat 
 upon it; if a eunuch, they pronounced it a beautiful female, and 
 kissed or patted the cheek. The ardour of the master extended to 
 the men, who, in a short time, sympathized with Layard in the inter- 
 est excited by new discovery. When a fresh sculpture was discovered 
 they would strip themselves almost naked, give their long hair to the 
 wind, and rush like madmen through the trenches with the baskets 
 of rubbish, making the vaults resound with their cries. 
 
 It Mas now time to take some steps for the embarkation of such 
 sculptures as could be moved, and their transport to Baghdad, pre- 
 paratory to their removal to Bombay. It was in vain to think of 
 moving the gigantic lions, or the other larger sculptures, with the 
 means then at command. Layard, therefore, determined to send 
 only a few slabs, and such of the sculptures as could be moved with- 
 out much difficulty. These having been removed from the trenches 
 with levers and the ill-made native ropes, were packed in felts and 
 matting, and screwed down in cases, remarkable rather for strength 
 than finished workmanship. They were removed from the ruins to 
 the Tigris in buffalo carts, and then placed on a raft formed of the 
 inflated skins of goats and sheep, fixed to a square framework of 
 poplar beams. The cargo reached Baghdad by this conveyance, and 
 were thence transferred to Busrah in boats, whence they were sub- 
 sequently shipped to Bombay. 
 
 Again was the work of excavation interrupted at Nimroud — this 
 time, however, by a new and less exceptionable agency. The heat 
 had become intolerable, the thermometer ranging, even in the shade 
 of the trenches, from 112 to 117 degrees. The hot winds swept over 
 the desert like a furnace -blast, and made continuance at the works 
 impossible. Layard, whose health had begun to suffer from exposure 
 to the sun, and from incessant application, determined to try the 
 effect of a week's residence in the underground apartments of Mosul, 
 hoping, at the same time, to have another opportunity of examining 
 the mound of Kouyunjik. After spending a short time in his 
 retreat, and satisfying himself that it was not then desirable to spend 
 more time at that excavation, he returned to Nimroud in the 
 middle of August, restored by rest, and again attempted to renew 
 the excavations. The heat, however, was still too violent for labour, 
 and brought on a return of his former indisposition, and he resolved 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 91 
 
 to suspend his "exertions, and visit the cool mountainous country of 
 the Chaldean Christians till September. 
 
 When Layard returned to Mosul from visiting the Chaldean 
 Christians, and the Devil worshippers, a new prospect was opened 
 before him. A letter which awaited him there brought intelligence 
 that the British Museum had received a grant of funds for the con- 
 tinuation of the researches commenced at Nimroud. The grant was 
 miserably inadequate, being less than that assigned to M. Botta for 
 the excavations of Khorsabad alone, while it was to include private 
 expenses, those of carriage, and the innumerable charges which must 
 be incurred in a strange country where such a work is to be carried 
 out. Layard was, however, determined to go on, and endeavoured to 
 take the meagreness of the supplies as a compliment to his economical 
 skill ; for it appeared that, notwithstanding the niggardliness of the 
 dole, the highest expectations were formed of the results of his under- 
 taking. He had expected that the aid of a draftsman— so 
 important where every day's labours were revealing sculptures and 
 inscriptions too far decayed for removal — would have been afforded 
 him ; but in this he was disappointed. It was only by drawings that 
 a record of very many Assyrian antiquities could be preserved, and 
 Layard, while lamenting his want of knowledge and experience as 
 an artist, made up his mind to do his best; and copied, as care- 
 fully and accurately as he could, the figures before him. Besides 
 drawing all the bas-reliefs discovered, and copying the innumerable 
 inscriptions, he took casts of a great number of the slabs and sculp- 
 tures. No shops nicely furnished with every appliance for taking 
 casts were accessible. But ingenuity supplied the lack of convenience : 
 common brown paper was made into a kind of paste, and mixed with 
 a glutinous powder derived from a root found in the desert, and with 
 this moulds were made, from which plaster casts have since been 
 taken in England. This was itself a work sufficient to claim the 
 collective energies of an ordinary man. But it was the least part of 
 the labour imposed on Layard. None but he could preside over the 
 removal and packing of the sculptures, overlook the diggers, carry on 
 the necessary communications with the authorities, and hold inter- 
 course with the inhabitants. The division of employments naturally 
 indicated by these multifarious kinds of duty, would have involved an 
 outlay in which the whole grant must have been expended, before 
 the excavations were commenced. Layard had but one object— to 
 procure for the British nation as extensive and complete a collection 
 of Assyrian antiquities as he could possibly collect ; and he resolved 
 to devote his whole time to the undertaking, and to make every 
 sacrifice to insure its success. 
 
92 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Once more it was necessary to organize a band of workmen at 
 Nimroud. Corn was scarce, and Mosul was filled with Bedouins, 
 ready to gain a subsistence by labours which they would ordinarily 
 spurn. By engaging these wanderers, and selecting but one work- 
 man from each family, Layard drew around Nimroud their tents and 
 families in a sort of encampment, and thus acquired a certain gua- 
 rantee against the depredations of their plundering brethren. For 
 the work of digging and plying the pickaxe, about fifty of the more 
 robust Nestorian Chaldeans were hired, and these, too, took their 
 wives and families with them to Nimroud. Awad, Layard's original 
 foreman, still remained at the works ; a skilful and intelligent marble 
 cutter from Syria was discovered and retained ; and a carpenter and 
 two or three artizans of Mosul became superintendents. 
 
 The winter season was fast approaching by the time that these 
 arrangements were completed. At the end of October, Layard was 
 again among the ruins. A mud-brick house was raised on the spot, 
 to shelter him and his servants, and another was reared on the 
 mound for the Nestorians and their families. The Arabs were divided 
 for purposes of defence into three parties, each well armed, and 
 posted at the entrances of the principal trenches, around Layard's 
 dwelling, and on the bank of the river. For purposes of labour the 
 workmen were divided into bands of eight or ten Arab basket 
 carriers, and two or four Nestorian diggers ; it was the super- 
 intendent's duty to keep them to their work, — and to give Layard 
 notice when a slab was approached, or small object exposed to view 
 which he might desire to assist in removing. He scattered a few 
 Arabs of a hostile tribe amongst the rest, in order to learn what was 
 going on, — what plots were brewing, — and thus detect attempts to 
 appropriate any stray relics discovered. As he was directed to bury 
 the building with earth, after he had explored it, — to avoid expense, 
 he filled up each chamber with the rubbish taken from those sub- 
 sequently uncovered, having first examined the walls, copied the 
 inscriptions, and drawn the sculptures. On the first of November the 
 excavations were begun on a large scale, and the working parties were 
 distributed over the mound. New chambers were rapidly explored 
 and bas-reliefs of the highest interest daily discovered. Battles, 
 sieges, victories, triumphs, banquctings, and sacrifices were now beheld, 
 sculptured on innumerable slabs, and an obelisk of black marble 
 covered with inscriptions seemed a still greater treasure. This 
 precious relic was instantly packed for transport, and not left un- 
 guarded by night or by day, until it was safely placed on the raft for 
 Baghdad. The month of November, 1846, was amongst the most 
 prosperous and fruitful in events which Layard spent in Assyria. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 93 
 
 Everv day produced some new discovery. The Arabs entered with 
 alacrity into the work, and soon felt greatly interested in the results. 
 Within a few weeks they were so well organized, that there was no 
 difficulty in managing them ; even their private disputes and domestic 
 quarrels being referred to their employer, — as they found that this was 
 cheaper than litigation, and that they received an ampler measure of 
 justice than could have been expected from the Cadi. The principal 
 quarrels, over which his jurisdiction extended, related to property 
 abstracted by the Arabs from one another's tents. Such cases were 
 disposed of in a summary manner, with the aid of hand-cuffs ; but 
 the domestic dissensions were of a more serious nature, and their ad- 
 justment offered far greater difficulties— as they related, of course, to 
 the women. As soon as the workmen saved a few piastres, their 
 thoughts were turned to the purchase of a new wife, a striped cloak, 
 and a spear. To the first, the old wife naturally raised objections; 
 then the fathers and brothers were dragged into the affair, — from 
 whom it extended to various branches of the tribes. At other times, 
 a man repented of his bargain, and refused to fulfil it : or a father re- 
 quired a higher price for his daughter : or a workman returning 
 hungry from his work, and finding his bread unbaked, or the water- 
 skin still lying empty, or the bundle of faggots for the evening fire 
 yet ungathered, would, in a moment of passion, pronounce three times 
 the awful sentence, and divorce his wife, — or, avoiding such extrem- 
 ities, would content himself by inflicting summary punishment with 
 a tent-pole. Layard's impartiality in the character of an arbitrator, 
 made his court famous, and others beside his own people besought his 
 intervention. The women looked up to him as their especial pro- 
 tector. The number of their domestic quarrels had been greatly 
 reduced, and they were relieved from many hardships. The future 
 filled them with apprehensions, which on one occasion were thus ex- 
 pressed by a deputation sent to return thanks after an entertainment : 
 
 " O, Bey ! we are your sacrifice. May God reward you ! Have 
 we not eaten wheat bread, and even meat and butter, since we have 
 been under your shadow. Is there one of us that has not now a 
 coloured handkerchief for her head, bracelets and ankle-rings, and a 
 striped cloak ? But what shall we do when you leave us, which God 
 forbid you ever should do ? Our husbands will then have their turn, 
 and there will be nobody to help us. " 
 
 The meals of the Arab workmen were brought to them at the 
 mound by the younger children, and rarely consisted of more than a 
 loaf of millet bread and a little water ; yet they were merry and 
 jocund. During the short time they had to rest, one told a story, 
 which, if not concluded at a sitting, was resumed on the following 
 
94 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 day. Sometimes a pedlar from Mosul, driving- before him his donkey 
 laden with rasins or dried dates, would appear on the mound, where 
 Layard would buy up his store and distribute it amongst the men — 
 a largess that would excite a degree of satisfaction and enthusiasm 
 which any one not acquainted with the character of the Arab might 
 have thought more than equivalent to the consideration. Of an 
 evening, when the day's labours were concluded by Layard, a dance 
 would be commenced ; itinerant Kurds, with their pipe and tabor, 
 would generally be present; travelling Arabs would join the party, 
 and the amusement would continue through a great part of the night. 
 The repast on these occasions was frequently supplied at Layard's 
 own charge. The Arabs would, in return, invite him to their feasts, 
 the whole banquet, perhaps, consisting of half-a-dozen raisins or 
 dates spread out upon a corn-sack to make the best show, a pat of 
 butter, and a flat cake. But it was sincerely offered; and the poor 
 host, as he turned his dirty headkerchief and cloak to look smart, 
 was as proud of entertaining his guest as if it had been impossible to 
 doubt that he was conferring, as well as receiving, honour. By such 
 means Layard tried, and successfully, to create a good feeling amongst 
 all, and to obtain their cheerful co-operation in his work. 
 
 The Nestorians seldom left the mound on which their residences 
 were built, and whither they had brought their wives and families. 
 Sundays, holidays, and festivals were kept by these people on the 
 ruins with the strictest regularity; and a Christian congregation 
 might be seen, on such occasions, kneeling bareheaded to worship the 
 true God, under the great idols before which Pagans had bowed for a 
 different purpose three thousand years before. Between the Mussul- 
 man and Christian workmen, frequent disputes arose, which led to 
 the drawing of swords and priming of matchlocks; but the firmness 
 of the employer in a short time repressed this disorder. Layard 
 himself was usually stirring by day-break, and reached the mound 
 betimes after a hurried breakfast. By day there were directions to 
 be given to the diggers ; particular spots required visitation ; here, a 
 little engineering skill was required in the removal of a sculpture ; 
 there, the deficiency of some material was to be compensated. When 
 his assistance was not required in the works, Layard was copying 
 and moulding inscriptions, or drawing sculptures and bas-reliefs — 
 works which were finished and compared in the quiet of the village, 
 often at the midnight hour. Such was the manner of life at the 
 excavations of Nimroud. 
 
 The large band now at work rapidly uncovered the buried trea- 
 sures; and, by the end of the second month, a sufficient number of 
 bas-reliefs were collected to load a second L ' aft for Baghdad. Layard 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 9-3 
 
 proceeded to Mosul, bought spars and skins for a raft, and mats and 
 felts for packing the sculptures, and returned to Nimroud, leaving 
 the raftsmen to bring the purchases by water. On their "way, having 
 found it necessary to halt for the night, they were plundered by 
 Arabs ; and the mats, felts, and cordage were carried off. This was a 
 proceeding which Layard was determined should not become a pre- 
 cedent. He applied, in the first place, to the authorities, and received 
 the usual answer — an excuse for inaction. In three or four days he 
 learned who were the robbers, and determined to make them feel 
 that they were not to carry their incursions into his quarters with 
 impunity. Taking with him two trusty Arabs, expert at their weapons, 
 he came upon the guilty sheikh in the midst of his followers, and 
 politely asked for the missing articles, some of which were hanging 
 up in his sight. When the sheikh and his party had stoutly denied 
 the possession of the goods in question, one of Layard's two attend- 
 ants handcuffed the old man in a moment, and, jumping on his horse, 
 dragged him out of the encampment at a most uncomfortable pace. 
 The suddenness of the performance paralyzed the by-standers, who 
 were well supplied with arms. The sheikh was carried to Nimroud, 
 where he thought it wiser to make a full confession, than journey to 
 Mosul and confront the Pasha. Next morning an ass appeared in 
 the court-yard, bearing the missing property, with an added kid and 
 a lamb, as a conciliatory offering. The sheikh was liberated; and 
 Layard had no subsequent reason to complain of him or Ins tribe. 
 
 By the middle of the month, the second load of sculptures, in- 
 cluding the black marble obelisk, with two female divinities, and the 
 kneeling winged figures, were ready to be sent to Baghdad. The 
 wheels of the Pasha's old buffalo-carts again creaked under the monu- 
 ments of Assyria, and, on Christmas day, 1846, Layard saw them 
 safe on board the raft, watched them out of sight, and galloped off to 
 Mosul, to enjoy the festive season with such Christian companions 
 as he could find in that remote corner of the globe. 
 
 With the commencement of the new year Layard was again work- 
 ing at the mound of Nimroud. In the four following months he ex- 
 plored almost the entire north- west palace, opened twenty new 
 chambers and halls, and discovered innumerable slabs and sculptures 
 of considerable interest and importance. The means at his disposal 
 did not warrant him in searching for objects which he could not hope to 
 carry away. He therefore spent the greater portion of his time in 
 exposing the monuments previously discovered. An opportunity now 
 offered of examining the mounds of Kalah Shergat, ruins rivalling 
 those of Nimroud in extent, but which the reputation of the vicinity 
 as a rendezvous for plundering parties had preserved from the spolia- 
 
 p 2 
 
96 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 tion of the traveller. The long drought at Mosul had now, however, 
 driven many of the Jebour tribe, friends of Layard, towards those 
 ruins, and he resolved, to profit by the circumstance, to visit them 
 under that protection. 
 
 Accompanied by a few picked guards, Layard rode to the ruins along 
 the edge of the jungle. Hares, wolves, foxes, jackals, and wild boars 
 continually emerged from the brushwood, in which they disappeared 
 again as soon as the dogs of the party gave chase. Some Jebour workmen 
 set about opening trenches, and their superintendent organized a 
 system of defence, with scouts and sentinels, armed with matchlock 
 and spear. There was reason for believing that these demonstrations 
 were intended as much to impress Layard with the risks incurred by 
 his workmen, and so to enhance the market price of their services, as 
 to awe the Arabs. However, it soon appeared that the neighbour- 
 hood was in a very unsettled state, every man looking out for oppor- 
 tunities to secure his neighbour's property. 
 
 Having hastily examined the ruins, Layard retired to his tent, 
 which the Arabs had pitched in a secure place in the jungle. The 
 night was cold and damp, and the Arabs, collecting brushwood from 
 the jungle, kindled a blazing fire. When supper was ended, a 
 storm came on, the wind blew in fearful gusts, the rain descended in 
 torrents, the thunder kept up an incessant peal, and the lightning 
 illumed the surrounding desolations. When the storm had subsided, 
 the fire, which now blazed high, threw a lurid glare on the scene, 
 amidst which the vast old mound rose like a mountain against the 
 dark sky. The wail of the jackal, and the dismal screech of the owl, 
 were mingled with the shrill cry of the Arab, and all were at times 
 drowned in the reverberations of the distant thunder. Perhaps so 
 many signs of desolation never met in one association before. 
 
 Layard remained at Kalah Shergat but a few days, and returned 
 to Nimroud, having left a superintendent to continue excavations at 
 the former place. In less than a week he was compelled to recal this 
 party, as the Jebour tribe was forced to leave Kalah Shergat from 
 want of pasturage. The desert to the south of that town was only 
 frequented by predatory bands, and the position of the workmen, thus 
 isolated, became daily more insecure. Layard renounced the excava- 
 tion of these mounds with great reluctance, having satisfied himself 
 that they contained many objects of interest, if not sculptured slabs. 
 A sitting figure discovered there has since been removed to England, 
 to join the Nimroud sculptures in the British Museum.* 
 
 Nimroud, and even Mosul, were now becoming unsafe residences, 
 
 * See Engraving, p. 76. 
 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 07 
 
 as the predatory Arabs, pressed by the famine, were pitching their 
 camps every day nearer the town. This circumstance induced La- 
 yard to undertake the removal of the larger sculptures as early as 
 possible, and their embarkation for Busrah before he should be com- 
 pelled to leave Ximroud. The drought had prevented the formation of 
 the marsh which ordinarily intervenes between the mound and the 
 river in the spring, while the stream itself was unusually favourable 
 to raft navigation. 
 
 Having decided to attempt the removal of the lion and bull, two 
 of the best preserved of the many sculptures which lay around, La- 
 yard formed various plans for dragging them to the river, and em- 
 barking them on the rafts. Many of the propositions of the natives, 
 unused to deal with large weights, were most amusing. It was at 
 length resolved to build a cart of the greatest possible strength, of 
 such materials as were to be obtained. The poplar wood of the place 
 was too soft and weak for this purpose, and a carpenter was accord- 
 ingly commissioned to proceed to the mountains, and fell mulberry 
 timber, and convey beams and slices of it to Mosul. This wood was 
 ready by the month of March. A pair of strong iron axles were 
 fortunately met with at Mosul, Each wheel for the carriage was 
 made of three solid pieces of mulberry nearly a foot thick, which were 
 bound together by an iron hoop. Three strong wooden beams were 
 laid over the axles in the direction of the draught, and cross beams re- 
 tained these in their position, and strengthened the frame. A pole 
 was added, furnished with rings to admit a rope by which the men 
 and animals employed might draw the carriage. 
 
 The natives came in crowds to admire this wonderful machine. 
 and the Pasha's artillerymen, supposed from their familiarity with 
 gun-carriages, to be authorities on the subject, delivered a continual 
 series of lectures on the nature and property of the vehicle to the 
 curious bystanders. Such was the excitement while the cart stood 
 still in its shed; but when the news spread that the mysterious 
 engine was about to move out of the town, all business was suspended. 
 The Pasha's officers of state left the palace, soldiers stole from their 
 posts, merchants deserted the bazaar, and half the population assem- 
 bled on the river banks to witness the singular phenomenon. The 
 cart was to be got over the " bridge*' of Mosul, a chain of rude boats 
 overlaid with planks and earth. A pair of buffaloes and a crowd of 
 Chaldeans and Arabs accomplished this task to the satisfaction of the 
 multitude, and the cart, without accident, rolled heavily down to the 
 ruins. 
 
 The bull was now to be raised from the spot where it had so long 
 quietly rested, and to be placed on the carriage which stood at the 
 
fr8 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 edge of the mound on the plain below, a distance of two hundred feet. 
 For this purpose it was necessary to make a road through the mound, 
 and a trench was cut fifteen feet wide, and in some places seventy 
 feet deep. Around the bull a large open space was formed, so that 
 the energies of the workmen might have free scope. The figure was 
 to be lowered from its pedestal on its back ; but this was a work of 
 no small difficulty. During its descent from the standing to the 
 recumbent posture it could only be sustained by ropes which might 
 break, and involve the destruction of the sculptures. Although ropes 
 had been sent for from Aleppo across the desert, the best of them 
 were too small to be relied on. A stout hawser had been obtained 
 from Baghdad, made of the fibres of the palm ; and two pairs of 
 blocks, and a pair of jack-screws had been borrowed from the stores 
 of the Euphrates expedition. These were all the resources at Layard's 
 command for removing the bull and lion. 
 
 By the middle of March the earth and rubbish had been cleared 
 away from the bull, which was now retained in its place only by 
 beams which sprang from the opposite side of the excavation. Well- 
 greased sleepers of poplar were laid down on the ground parallel to 
 the sculpture, and over these several thick rollers on which the object 
 was to be lowered. A deep trench had been cut in the solid mass of 
 of masonry at some distance behind and above the bull, and the square 
 block thus exposed formed a sort of column to which the ropes used 
 for lowering the bull might be fixed. Two of the pulleys were se- 
 cured to this mass of earth by a coil of ropes, and two others to the 
 bull to be moved, and between these two points the tackle worked. 
 On each side of the bull stood a strong party of Arabs, holding the 
 ends of the ropes, and behind it some strong Chaldeans were directed 
 to hold strong beams which they were to withdraw gradually, and so 
 take the strain off the ropes as far as possible. Besides the workmen 
 before engaged, a number of the Abou-Salman Arabs were present 
 with their Sheikh Abd-ur-rahman, and a considerable number of 
 volunteers from Nimroud and Naifa. The men being ready, and all 
 preparations made, Layard stationed himself on the top of the bank 
 of earth just behind the bull, where his eye and voice could command 
 the workmen, and ordered the men to strike out the supporting 
 wedges. Still the bull remained erect. A rope having been passed 
 over it, five or six men tilted it over. The Baghdad hawser stretched 
 with the strain, and wore its way into the block of earth around which 
 it was carried, but the smaller ropes did their work well, and the bull 
 began to descend slowly towards the rollers. The critical moment 
 would arrive as soon as the mass should be half lowered. The Chal- 
 deans were at the beams, performing their task coolly and with care. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 99 
 
 The Arabs, wrought upon by the scene, and stimulated by the Kurdish 
 pipers, were half frantic with excitement. They had flung off their 
 loose garments, their long matted hair floated in the wind, and now 
 they raised their war-cry, and indulged in the wildest gestures. 
 Their women, who had gathered on the sides of the trenches, com- 
 pleted the work by giving the maddening tahlel. From this moment 
 no superior order was heeded or even heard. The Cawasses plied 
 their whips, and Layard having cried in vain, pelted the noisiest with 
 clods and morsels of brick, but to no purpose. As the bull neared 
 the rollers, the beams could no longer be used, and the entire strain 
 was thrown on the ropes, which stretched and creaked more and 
 more. Just as the bull was within four or five feet of the rollers, they 
 all broke together and the bull was precipitated to the ground. The 
 Arabs behind it fell together in the contrary direction, with the ends 
 of the broken ropes in their hands, and rolled over one another in the 
 dust. A silent moment of suspense followed. Layard leaped into 
 the trenches, expecting to see the bull in fragments. It was entire 
 and uninjured ! The Arabs, seeing the bull safe, rushed from the 
 trenches, seized by the hands the women who were looking on, 
 formed a large circle, and yelling their war-cry with redoubled energy, 
 commenced a mad dance. Grave old Abd-ur-rahman was carried 
 away with the excitement, and insisted upon leading off the debkhe. 
 Layard was too deeply moved to imitate his example, but saw that 
 it would be in vain to oppose these proceedings. While the Arab 
 excitement exhausted itself, he led back his Chaldeans to the trench, 
 and prepared to move the bull into the road-trench which led to the 
 edge of the mound. 
 
 A sort of tram- way was laid down to the end of the track, over 
 which the bull was to be dragged on rollers. These preparations 
 ended, the sun began to decline, and further labour was deferred till 
 the morrow. 
 
 The Arabs dressed themselves to return to the village, whither 
 they marched, preceded by the musicians, singing their war songs, 
 throwing their spears into the air, and flourishing their swords and 
 shields over their heads. A feast had been prepared at the village, where 
 sheep were killed and boiled whole, and hastily devoured. Dancing 
 succeeded, and no Arab slept at Nimroud that night. The morrow was 
 not thought of. Layard's remonstrances were answered with the 
 war-cry and extravagant antics, meant to demonstrate the gratitude 
 of the shouters. 
 
 Morning came, and the Arabs, still singing and capering, started 
 for the trenches. The labour was simple. The bull, which had fallen 
 on the frame, had only to be dragged forward on the rollers. 
 
100 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 These were removed in front as the sculpture advanced, and thus 
 the journey to the end of the trench was speedily accomplished. 
 When the bull arrived at the sloping edge of the mound, a cavity was 
 cut to admit the cart, into which the sculpture was lowered by still 
 further digging away the soil. The bull was now ready to be dragged 
 to the river, and the buffaloes which v. ere at first procured refusing 
 to pull at the weight, the Arabs and Chaldeans, assisted by the 
 villagers, in all three hundred men, drew the cart. In front was 
 
 PROCESSION or THI 
 
 i'lXSJtl) BULL. 
 
 Layard, to point out the road ; the Kurdish drummers and fifers 
 followed, blowing and beating with might and main ; the Cawasses 
 and superintendents led the team, and the procession was closed by 
 the women, who kept up the enthusiasm of the men by their shrill 
 cries. A body of horsemen hovered on the outskirts, and exhibited 
 their delight by performing feats of agility with their spears. 
 
 On reaching the village of Nimroud, the procession was brought 
 to a sudden halt. Two wheels of the cart were seen buried in the 
 ground. The Arabs pulled and yelled in vain, and the ropes were 
 broken in the attempt to extricate the vehicle. The wheels had sunk 
 in a concealed corn-pit, in which some villager had formerly stored 
 his grain. Layard was compelled to leave the sculpture on the spot 
 for the night with a guard. He had scarcely, however, retired to 
 rest when the whole village was thrown into commotion by the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 101 
 
 reports of fire-arms and the war-cry of the Jebour. Some adventur- 
 ous Bedouins, attracted by the ropes, mats, and felts with which the 
 sculptures were invested, had fallen on the workmen. They were 
 beaten off, but left their mark ; for a ball indented the side of the 
 bull. Next morning the wheels were raised by means of levers and 
 boards ; the procession was again in motion ; the Arabs pulled and 
 yelled as before ; and, after some temporary obstructions, the bull 
 was placed on the platform from which it was to slide to the raft, 
 Here a small camp of Arabs was formed to guard the bull until its 
 companion, the lion, should be in like manner brought down, and the 
 two embarked together for Baghdad. 
 
 By the middle of April, this second sculpture had been brought 
 down to the river amid the same shouting and festivities, and lion 
 and bull were, side by side, ready for shipment as soon as the 
 necessary arrangements could be made. On the 20th of the month, 
 Layard determined to attempt the embarkation of his treasures. He 
 had encountered infinite difficulty in procuring a raft capable of 
 sustaining the journey with a burden so unusually heavy. No 
 mechanic of any character in the East will construct any work 
 otherwise than his fathers did before him; and had not fortune 
 thrown in Layard's path a Baghdad raft-maker so heavily in debt, 
 that a desperate undertaking seemed preferable to the prison which 
 yawned for Mm, it is impossible to say how long the lion and bull 
 might have gazed on the voyagers of the Tigris. The raft, buoyed by 
 infiated skins, was at length, however, completed and laid alongside 
 the platform. The high bank of the river had been cut away in a 
 sloping direction to the water's edge, and the two sculptures were so 
 placed on beams that, on the withdrawal of two wedges, they would 
 slide into the centre of the raft. 
 
 On the morning appointed for the embarkation, Layard learned 
 that a general strike for higher wages had taken place. Owing to 
 the drought, the surrounding country was a barren waste, and the 
 wandering population had been compelled to leave the district. The 
 labourers had chosen the time fixed upon for embarking the sculptures 
 under the impression that Layard would be reduced to compliance 
 with their terms from the impossibility of obtaining any other assist- 
 ance. In fact, in a few more days, the workmen at Nimroud would 
 form almost the entire population of the neighbourhood. The vil- 
 lagers had diminished ; the Abou- Salman were fast starting ; and if 
 these Jebours departed, Layard would be left not only without the 
 means of carrying on the excavations, but destitute of all protection 
 against the numerous parties of Bedouins who were preparing to pass 
 the river for purposes of plunder. A better time for the demands of 
 
102 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the Jebour could scarcely have been chosen. They were persuaded 
 that Layard must comply with their demands, or leave the lion and 
 bull where they were. But he was determined to do neither. 
 
 The Jebour workmen had struck their tents, their donkeys were 
 loaded, and, with the exception of half a dozen more grateful families, 
 all were apparently about to depart. This demonstration was lost 
 upon Layard. Aware that one or two dronish sheikhs were at the 
 bottom of the movement, he ordered their seizure, and prepared to 
 dismiss the rest. The party at length, with gloomy looks, set in 
 motion, continually looking back for some messenger to solicit their 
 return. They took care to encamp for the night within sight of the 
 village, and Layard, with his Chaldeans and a few Arab families who 
 remained, put themselves in a posture of defence. 
 
 As old Abd-ur-rahman's tribe was still within reach, a message 
 was despatched to him, requesting the assistance of some of his Arabs. 
 Work was also offered to a rival tribe of the discontented Jebours 
 who were encamped at no great distance from Nimroud. 
 
 A strong working party was thus formed ; and the Jebours, per- 
 ceiving the utter failure of their plans, repented, and offered their 
 services at any price. All their overtures were declined, and prepara- 
 tions made for embarking the sculptures without their assistance. 
 
 An inclined plane, reaching from the figures to the river, was formed 
 of beams of poplar wood, which were well greased. The large raft, 
 supported by six hundred skins, was brought close to the bank ; the 
 wedges were removed, and the bull was slowly lowered into its place. 
 The lion was next placed on board a second similar raft. In a few 
 hours the two sculptures were properly secured, and by nightfall they 
 were ready to set out on their long journey. Strange was the destiny 
 of these images. They had adorned the palaces of Assyrian kings ; 
 had been objects of wonder, and perhaps of worship, to thousands ; 
 had been buried, unknown for ages, beneath a soil trodden by Per- 
 sians under Cyrus, by Greeks under Alexander, and by Arabs under 
 the first successors of the Prophet. They were now to visit India, to 
 cross the most distant seas of the southern hemisphere, and to be finally 
 placed in a British Museum, possibly, in some fortunate age, to con- 
 found the conjectures of antiquaries concerning the manners and reli- 
 gion of this island. 
 
 Returning to Nimroud, Layard met a party of the lately refractory 
 Jebour, who were now lavish in professions of regret for what had 
 passed, the blame of which they laid on the sheikhs. Selecting from 
 the supplicants the few men whom he required, and administering a 
 little wholesome discipline to the captive sheikhs, who had been the 
 cause of the mischief, he dismissed the remainder of the tribe. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 103 
 
 It was now necessary to take every precaution of defence against 
 the incursions of the Bedouins, who roamed the neighbouring villages, 
 and often reconnoitered the mound and camp. Loop-holes were 
 opened in the walls of Layard's house, and patrols were posted at 
 night to guard against attack, but no assault was made upon the expe- 
 dition, although petty thefts were of nightly occurrence. Now, a donkey 
 was carried off, and now a tent was missing. To the Arabs creeping 
 out of their hiding-places like jackals, after dark, nothing was too 
 small or worthless to escape notice, and the disappearance of an old 
 corn-sack, or a copper pot, often threw the whole encampment into 
 commotion. The plundering parties increased in number and bold- 
 ness, until at length a small Arab settlement, not far from Nimroud, 
 was attacked by a band of horsemen, who murdered the inhabitants, 
 and carried away the sheep and cattle. After this, the workmen at 
 the mound protested in a body against any longer residence in a 
 vicinity so dangerous. Finding that the men could not be kept much 
 longer together, Layard prepared to bring the excavations to an end. 
 Many portions of the ruins remained exposed, and these he now 
 began to cover up with the previously-excavated rubbish. Without 
 such a precaution, the sculptures would have suffered not only from 
 the effects of the atmosphere, but from the spears and clubs of the 
 Arabs, who are always ready to curse the idols of the unbelievers, and 
 knock out their eyes. When Layard had thus far provided for the 
 safety of the treasures, a small surplus of money remained at his dis- 
 posal, which he proposed to devote to an examination of the ruins of 
 Kouyunjik, opposite Mosul. By the middle of May the work at Nim- 
 roud had been finished, and Layard's little furniture, fastened on the 
 backs of donkeys, was on its way to Mosul. Its owner reined up his 
 horse, took a last glance at the ruins, and followed it thither. 
 
 The cursory examination of Kouyunjik completed, Layard's la- 
 bours in Assyria were now drawing to a close. The ruins at Nimroud 
 had been covered up, the sculptures taken thence were on their way 
 to England, the inscriptions had been carefully copied, and it only 
 remained to wind up affairs, take leave of friends, and turn Iris steps 
 homewards after an absence of several years. Before his departure, 
 he was desirous of giving an entertainment to the workmen who had 
 remained faithfully by Iris side during his labours. A little village 
 not far from Mosul, was chosen for the scene of festivity, and tents for 
 the accommodation of guests were pitched. The feast was of the usual 
 character, and at the conclusion of the entertainment, Layard addressed 
 the workmen, inviting any who had been wronged to come forward 
 and receive such redress as it was in his power to afford, and expressing 
 his satisfaction at the successful termination of their labours without a 
 
104 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 single accident. Sheikh Khalaf, answered for his companions. They 
 had lived he said, under their employer's shadow, and, God be praised, 
 no one had cause to complain. Now that he was leaving, they should 
 leave also, and seek the distant banks of the Khabour, where at least 
 they would be far from the authorities, and be able to enjoy the little 
 they had saved. All they wanted was each man a teskere, or note, 
 to certify that they had been in his service. This would not only be 
 some protection to them, but they would show his writing to their 
 children, and would tell them of the days they had passed at Nimroud. 
 Please God, Layard should return to the Jebour, and live in tents with 
 them on their old pasture grounds — where there were as many ruins 
 as at Nimroud, plenty of plunder within reach, and gazelles, wild 
 boars, and lions for the chase, After Sheikh Khalaf had concluded, 
 the women advanced in a body, and made a similar address. He gave 
 a few presents to the principal workmen and their wives, and all 
 were highly satisfied with their treatment, 
 
 On the 24th of June, Layard set out with a large body of horse- 
 men, to return to Europe ; all the European residents of Mosul rode 
 out with him to some distance from the town. At the foot of the 
 bridge of boats were the wives and daughters of his workmen, who 
 clung to his horse, many of them shedding tears as they kissed his 
 hand. The greater part of the male Arabs insisted upon journeying 
 with him to the first halting-place, the village of Tel-Kef. In this vil- 
 lage supper had been prepared for the party, which sat on the house- 
 top till midnight. The horses were then loaded and saddled, Layard 
 bade a last farewell to the Arabs, and started on the first stage of the 
 journey to Constantinople. 
 
 'D v 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 105 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Mounds. 
 
 The architecture of the Assyrians, as illustrated in its only relics, the 
 great Temple-palaces, cannot be understood without some preliminary 
 reference to the nature of the mounds on which they were built. The 
 monumental, royal, or sacred character of these edifices demanded 
 that they should possess all the advantages of an imposing site ; but 
 the principal settlements of the Assyrians were on the flat alluvial 
 plains watered by the Tigris and the Euphrates. On all sides a vast 
 expanse, unbroken by a single eminence, stretched out, the nearest 
 elevation occurring at the foot of the Armenian hills. If the temples 
 of gods, or the palaces of the kings, were to be rendered more conspi- 
 cuous than the humble edifices by which they were surrounded ; or if 
 the castle, or permanent residence of the garrison, was to be built so 
 as to afford the best means of resistance to the enemy, then the ab- 
 sence of natural elevations rendered it necessary to construct an arti- 
 ficial platform. The eminence was not hastily made by accumulating 
 a heap of earth, but regularly and systematically built of brick. Hence 
 the origin of these vast structures, which arrested the attention of 
 Xenophon, and still astonish the traveller by their extent and so- 
 lidity. 
 
 As no mound has hitherto been so fully explored as that of Xhor- 
 sabad, and moreover, since no other gives us so much insight into the 
 plan of the cities, as well as the temples of the Assyrians, a descrip- 
 tion of its configuration and structure will best give an idea of all the 
 mounds. 
 
 The following are the dimensions of this double mound, taken as 
 correctly as the unequal inclinations and the irregularities would 
 allow : — 
 
 Length from north-west to south-east . . 983 feet. 
 Breadth of the large rectangle . . 983 „ 
 
 Breadth of the little rectangle . . . 590 „ 
 
 The common summit is nearly flat, although not everywhere of 
 the same level. The north-west portion, forming what we have 
 termed the lower rectangle, is the more elevated, and always pre- 
 
106 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 serves the same height. Within a line which would pass over the 
 mound, and sever the two mounds, the level gradually sinks towards 
 the east, so that the south-east side is much lower than the north- 
 west. About the middle of the south-west side, in the right angle 
 formed by the junction of the two portions, there is a little cone, 
 which is the most elevated point, and commands all other parts of 
 the surface. The isolation of this mass, in the midst of the plain, 
 rendered its aspect sufficiently imposing ; but it is impossible to give 
 the exact elevation : Botta says that it exceeded forty, and certainly 
 did not exceed fifty-one feet in height. This cone is surmounted by a 
 small square tower, altogether modern, and differing in nothing from 
 the actual style of buildings now in use in these parts. 
 
 Near the northern angle of the mound is a well, which, from its 
 being situated on the bank of a river, seems useless ; this well is be- 
 lieved to be an ancient work. The bottom of it is paved with a stone 
 with seven holes, through which water of the greatest freshness 
 gushes forth in abundance ; this water, according to the inhabitants, 
 is much more healthy than that in the neighbourhood. It has a taste 
 slightly sulphurous. The fact of the above-mentioned stone at the 
 bottom of the well induces the belief in its antiquity, for it is a trouble 
 that no one in these countries would, now-a-days, take. It is possible 
 that the ancient inhabitants, like the present ones, believing in the 
 salubrity of this water, thought of bringing it by a subterranean con- 
 duit from the adjacent mountain. 
 
 The summit of the mound offers nothing worthy of attention ; the 
 village, placed upon the highest portion, and embracing the large 
 cutting of the north-west side, covered most of the ruins ; the largest 
 level part of it, which gently slopes down towards the interior of the 
 enclosure, was cultivated, and differed in nothing from the soil of the 
 neighbourhood. 
 
 Besides the mound of Khorsabad, Botta distinctly traced the walls 
 of the city forming nearly a perfect square, two sides of which are 
 5750 feet, the other 5400, or rather more than an English mile each 
 way, all the four angles being right angles. One of its sides extended 
 in a line drawn from the north to the west corners of the large mound, 
 so that it would have cut off the smaller mound, had it not been 
 broken into, so as to allow the small mound, with its palace, to rise 
 in the gap. It is probable that at the points where the line seems to 
 be interrupted, the city wall was turned, so as to run round the little 
 mound, as it is impossible to suppose that the palace was left the most 
 exposed part of the city. 
 
 The fortified enclosure of the mound of Khorsabad forms a large 
 and very regular rectangle; the wall surrounding it, and which, 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 107 
 
 at the present day, looks like a long tumulus of a rounded shape, is 
 surmounted, but at irregular intervals, by elevations which jut out 
 beyond it, inside as well as outside, and indicate the existence of small 
 towers. The direction of the rectangle is such, that its diagonals are 
 directed towards the cardinal points. 
 
 The northern angle of the wall is, like the other three, a perfect 
 right-angle. From this point the wall stretches very regularly to the 
 south-east, becoming more elevated and distinct; as we advance it 
 assumes the aspect of a large causeway, a great number of fragments 
 of bricks being observable on the soil. At 490 feet from the angle 
 a narrower wall springs out into the interior, runs to the north-east, 
 and terminates in a rounded eminence, which seems to point out 
 the place of a tower ; there is a similar, but more considerable, emi- 
 nence on the boundary wall itself. And lastly, farther on, a cutting 
 is visible, through which a little stream penetrates into the interior 
 of the enclosure. The wall then continues in a straight line to the 
 eastern angle, and is remarkable for nothing besides another tower. 
 The north-eastern side has, therefore, three towers, if we include that 
 which terminates the accessory wall. Beyond the cutting that affords 
 a passage for the streamlet, the exterior ditch begins to be distin- 
 guished. On this base rises a brick wall. As many as twelve regular 
 layers of it were counted in a total height of 6 feet and a half. The size 
 of these bricks is similar to that of those composing the mass of the 
 mound, and they are not, any more than these latter, separated from 
 each other by strata of reeds, nor united with bitumen or any other 
 kind of cement. 
 
 The wall which forms the south-eastern side is very distinct ; this 
 is also the case with the ditch which bounds it for its whole length. 
 The wall offers nothing else remarkable, except an external enlarge- 
 ment and two towers. 
 
 The southern angle, like the rest, is a perfect right-angle; on 
 coming up with the ditch it ceases to be distinct, so that it appears to 
 bound only two sides of the enclosure. At some distance from the 
 southern angle, the south-western side shows traces of some rather 
 remarkable accessory constructions. A wall springs out from it into 
 the interior, and forms a square. One of the sides of this square, in 
 which no signs of any opening are visible, is formed by the wall of 
 the enclosure itself, which is considerably widened at this point, and 
 assumes the aspect of a mound, jutting out on the exterior, sending 
 into the plain two long prolongations or counterforts. This plan is 
 very similar to that of the mound at Khorsabad itself; and the resem- 
 blance would be complete, if the internal square, formed by the acces- 
 sory wall, were filled up instead of containing an empty space. Several 
 
108 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 excavations were made on this spot, but without success : all that was 
 found were some stones without any inscriptions or sculpture, and 
 some fragments of bricks. In its actual condition, it is impossible 
 to say what this kind of enclosure, without any outlet, and itself shut 
 up in the great enclosure, could have been. The south-western side 
 of the latter contains nothing else remarkable except two towers, 
 placed so as to divide this side into three pretty equal portions. There 
 is also here another cutting, through which the streamlet which enters 
 the enclosure through the north-eastern side escapes. It is through 
 this cutting that the road passes which leads from Mosul to Khor- 
 sabad. 
 
 Setting out from the western angle, the wall returns to the north- 
 east, and forms a part of the north-west side; it gradually sinks 
 towards its termination, leaving an opening between the mound and 
 itself. Near its termination a small eminence points out the place of 
 one more tower; and, lastly, there is a cutting. Through this a 
 stream, which detaches itself from the small river, passes, and unites 
 itself with the stream that traverses the enclosure. This same river 
 runs parallel to the whole north-western side of the enclosure, gra- 
 dually flowing nearer to it, so as to pass very near to the western 
 angle, round which it turns by making a slight bend ; it is a branch 
 of the Na'our, and employed in watering the country, so that it is 
 often dried up when its waters have been diverted upon the sur- 
 rounding fields. 
 
 It is evident, from the description just given, that the outward 
 wall of Khorsabad exhibits traces of eight towers. Besides these 
 there are several similar mounds scattered here and there in the 
 plain. Among others, one of considerable dimensions. The isolation 
 and conical shape of these little elevations do not allow a doubt of 
 their artificial origin. They probably contain remains of ancient 
 buildings. 
 
 The openings which give access to the enclosure are five in 
 number, and they arc all situated in the north-western portion. Three 
 of them seem to have been intended to afford the water a free passage. 
 It is at present difficult to say whether they date from ancient times 
 and, consequently, are a part of the primitive plan. If, as M. Botta 
 supposes, tliis vast enclosure was destined to contain the gardens 
 of the palace constructed upon the mound, we are justified in sup- 
 posing that some of these cuttings were made in order to give passage 
 to the water necessary for horticultural purposes, and without which, 
 in this country, vegetation is out of the question. 
 
 The ground comprised within this vast enclosure is generally ho- 
 rizontal; at some points, however, it is rather depressed, and the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 109 
 
 waters collecting' there form swamps. The nature of the plants in 
 these swamps indicate the presence of salt, and those portions of them 
 which are dried up by the heat of the sun during summer are covered 
 with white efflorescences. It was this portion of the road comprised 
 within the enclosure which offered the greatest obstacles for the 
 transport of the sculptures ; for, although the ground appeared firm 
 and solid at the surface, at least during' the hot season, it formed 
 nothing more than a thin crust, covering the water or mud, in which 
 the wheels of the waggon sank so deeply, that the most strenuous 
 efforts were required to extricate them, 
 
 Mr. Fergusson gives it as his opinion that at first sight it might be 
 supposed that the enclosure, formed by what he presumes to have been 
 the city walls, was only a paradisus, or park, attached to the palace ; 
 the immense thickness and solidity of the wall, however, he thinks, 
 entirely destroys such a theory ; and he goes on to state that it does 
 not require walls 45 feet thick, and more than 30 feet in height, 
 to enclose game ; whereas, too, if they were meant for defence, there 
 must have been inhabitants to defend them, for a mere guard could 
 not man a wall more than four miles in length. He considers, there- 
 fore, that there are good grounds for considering this mound as the 
 site of the city of Khorsabad, and as such it would, allowing fifty 
 square yards to each individual, contain a population of between 60,000 
 and 70,000 souls, a large number for a city in those days. The perfect 
 facility with which the city walls can be traced, as well as those opposite 
 Mosul, Mr. Fergusson considers, is in itself quite sufficient to refute the 
 idea of those who would make the old city extend from Nimroud 
 to Khorsabad, for neither between nor beyond these ruins, nor 
 connecting them in any way, can any trace of walls or mounds be 
 found. He also observes, that if they can be traced so distinctly in 
 these two localities, traces of them would be found elsewhere had they 
 ever existed ; and considers that till they are found, we are justified, 
 even from this circumstance alone, in assuming what every other con- 
 sideration renders so probable, that they never existed, but that these 
 were two independent cities, and quite as large, too, as the country 
 could well support. 
 
 The terrace on which the palace itself stood was, as nearly as can 
 be ascertained, square in general plan, and measuring about 660 feet 
 each way, and projecting about 500 feet beyond the line of the walls 
 of the city into the plain. It was not, however, bounded by straight 
 lines, but, like that of Perscpolis, broken by angular projections and 
 indentations, which it is now impossible to follow, as the revetement 
 wall has only been uncovered in two places, while at the northern 
 angle of the palace, and for some way on each side of it, the mound 
 
110 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 has been entirely removed, either from having its foundations sapped 
 by the overflowing of the brook that runs so close to it, or because its 
 stones have been removed by the peasantry, having been found par- 
 ticularly accessible at this point.'' 
 
 The surrounding plain offers hardly anything worth notice, except 
 that, opposite the mound, and on the other side of the little river, 
 there arc some undulations in the soil, which indicate, perhaps, the 
 existence of ancient works. 
 
 Such is the actual condition of the mound, which serves as a base 
 for the Palace of Khorsabad, and of the wall intended to enclose its 
 dependencies. Botta, being deceived by external appearances, thought 
 for a long time that the mound was simply an accumulation 
 of earth which had been brought there for that purpose, but ex- 
 cavations made at different places showed that it Avas a mass of 
 bricks baked in the sun, and placed in regular layers. These 
 bricks, unlike those baked in kilns, bear no inscriptions, nor is 
 there any signs of chopped straw visible in their composition ; the 
 layers are nowhere separated, as at Babylon, by strata of reeds, nor 
 are they united by any cement, either bituminous or calcareous. The 
 bricks seem to be united merely with the same clay which was used 
 to make them, so that, at present, they can be distinguished from 
 the strata of the soil by the regular and often different-coloured lines 
 only perceptible on the sides of the opened trenches ; when the sides, 
 however, have been a short time exposed to the action of the atmo- 
 sphere and of the sun, these lines disappear, and nothing is then left 
 to distinguish these masses of unburnt bricks from the surrounding 
 earth. 
 
 The reader will easily conceive that an earthy mass, composed of 
 brick merely dried, would not long have withstood the action of the 
 elements and lime. It would not have been long before the upper 
 portion sank and fell in. To obviate this result, which would soon 
 have assisted in the ruin of the palace, the mound was surrounded 
 with a very strong supporting wall, which served as a coating to the 
 mass of bricks. This wall was constructed of blocks of a very hard 
 calcareous stone, obtained from the neighbouring mountains. 
 
 During the long succession of ages posterior to the ruin of the 
 Assyrian Empire, and the destruction of the Palace of Khorsabad, 
 the stone coating, in spite of its solidity, fell necessarily into ruin, or 
 was perhaps demolished, in order that the remains of it might be 
 employed for other purposes. Nothing, then, any longer supporting 
 the mass of bricks, the upper portions, as a natural consequence, sank 
 in, and in this manner, doubtlessly, the slopes were formed. 
 
 This wall, 46 feet thick, consisted of a mass of unburnt bricks, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. Ill 
 
 supported on a base of stone rubbish covered externally with a coat- 
 ing of calcareous stone. This basement was not high ; the internal 
 stone rubbish being composed of irregularly shaped stones, piled 
 together without cement. The blocks of the outward coating are cut 
 only on their external surface, and on the sides which touch each 
 other ; the internal extremity next to the rubbish is rough. 
 
 The trench opened outside the wall laid bare the ruins of another 
 structure, which must have occupied the bottom or the external bank 
 of the ditch. Perhaps there was a door at this spot, and the structure 
 in question was the remains of a causeway intended to serve as a 
 means of passage across the ditch. 
 
 This mass of unburnt brick wall was not buried suddenly ; before 
 being so it must have remained during several ages exposed to the 
 action of the atmosphere and the rain, it must therefore have fallen 
 to decay and sunk down gradually, as must have been the case, also, 
 with the great enclosure of Nineveh itself. It is to the gradual 
 sinking of this earthern wall, which in some degree shifted its base, 
 that must be attributed its present engulphment, and the great breadth 
 of the tumulus which marks its place. In proportion as the summit 
 was decomposed the detritus grew up at the base, until the summit 
 was reduced to the level of the heaps of earth produced by the decom- 
 position of the wall, and piled up on every side. This natural dila- 
 pidation must have then ceased, and the last rows of bricks, being 
 protected by the rubbish, have been preserved up to our day. 
 
 On beholding these vast structures of brick, we naturally ask our- 
 selves, whence the earth employed to form them could have been 
 procured ? It appears that the swamps in the enclosure, and those in 
 the neighbourhood, indicating, as they necessarily do, depressions on 
 the surface of the soil, furnish us an answer to this question. These 
 swamps, it is true, are now-a-days far from deep, and the ground 
 almost everywhere appears to be of the same level ; but it is easy to 
 conceive that they have been gradually filled up by the detritus of 
 plants, and the accumulation of mud brought down by the various 
 streams, and the extreme antiquity of these monuments allows quite 
 time enough to render this explanation plausible. Besides this, the 
 ditch, although hardly visible now, may formerly have been very 
 deep, and the earth which was taken out of it was, doubtless, enough 
 to build the wall. It may be added that, at a little distance to the 
 north of Khorsabad, there are vast moving bogs which, in all proba- 
 bility, also owe their origin to the extraction of the earth necessary to 
 have made these bricks. 
 
 We set out by stating that the mound of Khorsabad might be re- 
 garded as a general type of the artificial platforms of the Assyrian 
 
112 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 plains. Having described that eminence, it only remains briefly to 
 notice those of Nimroud, Kouyunjik, and Nebbi Yunus. 
 
 The mound of Nimroud is not less clearly defined than that of 
 Khorsabad. A long- line of consecutive narrow mounds, having the 
 appearance of walls or ramparts, stretches from its base, and forms a 
 vast quadrangle. In the north-west angle rises the high pyramid 
 which Xenophon marked, and near which his ten thousand encamped. 
 In the middle of the west side of the mound, is the celebrated north- 
 west palace, where Layard drew his stores of treasure. Behind this, 
 in the south-west angle, is the most recent palace hitherto laid open. 
 It is principally built of slabs taken from previously existing edifices. 
 In the next angle, and diagonally opposite to the pyramid at the 
 north-west corner, is an unintelligible building to which no name has 
 yet been assigned ; it is usually called, after the angle in which it was 
 found, the south-east edifice. A fourth building lies deep in the centre 
 of the mound. Of these the north-west is the only one which has been 
 explored to any extent, and of this no plan can as yet be drawn. The 
 shape of the platform is modified by three ravines which run into it — 
 one between the south-west and south-east edifices, a second to the 
 north of the latter building, and the third immediately to the north of 
 the old palace, a part of which has fallen into it. 
 
 The mounds of Kouyunjik and Nebbi Yunus have not been ex- 
 amined in detail, their locality and external appearance has been de- 
 scribed in a former chapter, and their construction in general does not 
 differ from those of Khorsabad and Nimroud. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEYEII. 
 
 113 
 
 DOORTYAT OF THE PALACE OF KHORSABAD. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Palaces of Assyria. 
 
 Having traced the external configuration and defences of an As- 
 syrian city in one of the most favourable specimens of their remains, 
 we may now proceed to examine more closely the public edifices, 
 which are the only structures that remain in these ancient ruins. 
 As in no buildings of any age or country have carved figures borne se 
 large a share in structural art, it will be impossible to speak of Assyrian 
 architecture without trespassing at times upon the region of sculpture. 
 The reference, however, will be but incidental, in order to allow us 
 to examine the second subject in the succeeding chapter. 
 
 The palace of Khorsabad offers the greatest facilities for consider- 
 ing Assyrian architecture ; for although it has been injured like the 
 other palaces, its features have not been entirely obliterated by the 
 fire which destroyed it : it has also the great advantage of standing on 
 a mound of its own, unmixed with buildings of a modern or earlier 
 date. Moreover, it is the only one of the Assyrian palaces that has 
 been thoroughly explored and excavated, and of which we have a 
 full description. The wall of the mound of Khorsabad has already 
 been mentioned. We have seen that the sides of the city do not face 
 the cardinal points, but the angles point nearly to them. The wall 
 which looks to the north-west is broken in the centre, and in the gap 
 stands the single palace. 
 
 The mound, or terrace, on which the palace stands was square 
 
114 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 in its outline, and measures about 600 feet each way. It is not 
 level with the face of the city, but projects about 500 feet into the 
 great Assyrian plain. This terrace was not bounded by straight lines, 
 but its border presented a series of angular projections and indenta- 
 tions, of which, however, only a trace here and there is to be detected. 
 What may once have stood on the lower and larger mound is matter 
 of conjecture, since the only traces of building found on it are those of 
 a gateway. Possibly the houses of the palace guard and the inferior 
 officers and attendants may have stood here ; but it is just as likely 
 to have been a garden, as that is almost a constant adjunct to an 
 eastern palace. The gateway, however, is still traced there; and 
 whether the palace were approached through gardens or the houses 
 of attendants, the existence of this portal seems to indicate the chief 
 entrance from the city, the more especially as the principal facade of 
 the palace fronts this way. 
 
 About 100 feet inwards from the edge of the mound, M. Botta 
 discovered a platform 50 feet broad, which rises in front of the chief 
 entrance to the palace, and is built with kiln-burnt bricks, supposed 
 to have formed the Propyl®. On its outer edge Botta found the 
 remains of a splendid bull. Each side consisted of two winged human- 
 headed bulls, standing back to back, and between them a gigantic 
 human figure strangling a lion in his arms, the whole group being 
 fifteen feet in height. The same figures were repeated on the other 
 side, but between the two groups stood two other winged bulls, 
 looking outwards, designed on a yet more gigantic scale. How the 
 ascent from this platform to the palace was effected must be conjec- 
 tured, as Botta did not explore this spot for the broad flight of stairs 
 which the analogies of Persepolis make it almost certain existed 
 there. A people like the Assyrians, who built their palaces on 
 platforms, must at a very early period have turned their attention 
 to the ornamentation of their terraces ; and probably this will be 
 found some day to be the most striking feature of the edifice. 
 
 We now ascend to the upper platform, on which stood the palace 
 itself, and take a survey of the buildings of which it was composed. 
 These, as will be seen by reference to the plan, are divided into 
 three groups — the harem court of the palace, the palace, properly 
 so called, and the temple. These names are to a certain extent 
 speculative, since a great deal still remains a blank. We cannot feel 
 thoroughly sure of any general appropriation of these buildings until 
 the mound is further excavated. 
 
 The harem court is supposed to have been the private portion of 
 the palace, as distinguished from that used for purposes of state. 
 Only two of its external facades now exist, or at least have been 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 115 
 
 uncovered by excavation. These are the north-east and north-west 
 fronts: the first forming one side of the space which we have called 
 the external court ; and the second visible from the temple court, as 
 shown on the plan. In the centre of the north-east front of this 
 group, the plan shows one of the most splendid portals of the whole 
 edifice, consisting of two advanced pedestals, on each of which stand 
 two winged human-headed bulls, back to back, and between them 
 a giant strangling a lion. In the gateway, between the pedestals, 
 two larger bulls are seen. The whole of the wall, as well as 
 that of the palace which it joins, is lined with, slabs of gypsum 
 about ten feet in height, and covered with sculptures. The figures 
 are larger than life, and show the king in procession with his prin- 
 cipal officers of state, and attended by eunuchs and soldiers. The 
 north-west facade towards the temple court is much less magnificent 
 than this, and possesses five doors. Of these the principal one is 
 adorned by a pair of bulls. In the chambers into which these 
 doorways opened nothing but mud and mud-brick was found, so 
 that their form could not be traced. In the centre of this block 
 of building, and nearly equidistant from its sides, is found a court- 
 yard (the harem court in plan), proved to be such by its pavement of 
 kiln-dried bricks, which are never used in the interior of rooms ; and 
 the presence of the winged bulls, which is never met with guarding 
 internal communication between apartments ; and by its freedom 
 from the action of fire, which marks all the interior faces of the 
 room yet discovered. The whole building thus circumscribed forms 
 an oblong square of about 300 feet by 400. 
 
 Of this court-yard the plan shows the only three facades that 
 have as yet been discovered. Each facade has a portal adorned 
 with a pair of winged bulls : one of these led to the temple court ; 
 another conducted to a range of apartments, separated from each 
 other only by walls of sun-dried bricks, without the usual panel- 
 ling of alabaster slabs ; while the third portal of this group was 
 in the area of the principal facade, but so arranged that it was 
 impossible for persons in the outer court to look into the interior — 
 a fact which favours the belief that this was the harem of the palace. 
 A highly decorated but gloomy exterior, with the outer portal 
 sufficiently magnificent to mark the residence of the monarch, but 
 to which none are admitted but those who share the privacy of the 
 king, is the idea prevailing in the harems of all the palaces of the 
 east. The rooms of this harem, like every other, were compara- 
 tively small and mean, occupied by the wives of the king, their 
 women and attendants, and some eunuchs. As it grew impossible 
 to trace the distinction between the mud-brick walls and the mud in 
 
116 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 which they were buried, M. Botta gave up the unprofitable task of 
 further exploration in these apartments. 
 
 The palace, properly so called, occupies the northern angle of 
 the plan, and rears its external front of 150 feet in length on the 
 
 PLAN OF PALACB AT KHOKSABAD. 
 
 north-west side of the outer court from the angle where it joins the 
 harem wall. In the centre of the facade is an entrance-gate (leading 
 to K), formed by two bulls ; the projections on each side of it are 
 ornamented only with human figures, like the whole of this facade, 
 and not by double bulls, like the harem portals. 
 
 Behind these bulls was a great door opening to the passage K, 
 ten feet in width and fifty-five in length. Both sides of this passage 
 are covered with bas-reliefs of rows of tribute-bearing people, with 
 scribes and attendants ; and between and below them a long inscrip- 
 tion, which contains an epitome of all the wars of King Ninus. Being a 
 passage and the principal entrance to the palace, it is paved neither 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEn. 
 
 117 
 
 with sun dried nor baked bricks, but with large slabs of stone. It 
 is still further distinguished from all the other apartments by ex- 
 emption from the action of fire. 
 
 On each side of the portal that ends this passage, from the 
 external court to the large opening, which we will call the pa- 
 lace court, is a small doorway, that on the right leading to two 
 apartments (marked O and N), "which Botta called the detached build- 
 ing, considering it as separated from the rest of the palace by the 
 passage. These apartments were panelled with sculptured alabaster ; 
 their former length, owing to the ruined state of the building, 
 undeterminate. The left hand doorway leads to a small room 
 (I) which may have been a guard chamber ; and this again opens into 
 another (F), one of the five large rooms in the palace, each of 
 them being about 118 feet long, and varying from 33 to 22 feet in 
 width. At the back of this room, and parallel to it, are two smaller 
 chambers (marked L and M in plan), to which access is obtained 
 only by one door in the centre of the room last mentioned. Rows 
 of bas-reliefs were ranged round the walls of these apartments. 
 
 But the grand suite of the palace consists of three rooms 
 (marked B, E, and H), which are by far the most splendid of any 
 to be found in the whole of this group. The principal of these, H, 
 is approached by three doorways ; one in the centre, adorned by 
 two colossal winged bulls within the entrance, and two pairs, stand- 
 ing back to back on the outside : the side doorways are adorned 
 by winged figures, both human and hawk or eagle headed. The 
 walls are covered to the height of ten feet or more with sculptured 
 slabs of alabaster, and every portal is guarded by mythic figures, 
 in character resembling those of the facade, but of more colossal 
 proportion, and, if possible, a yet more dignified aspect. The inter- 
 nal bas-reliefs extend to 2500 feet in length ; those on the outside 
 measure 1500 feet, so that their total length extends to four-fifths of 
 a mile. These sculptures exhibit the history of the achievements, 
 and, indeed, of the feelings and aspirations, of the king under whose 
 directions they were executed. War is the favourite subject repre- 
 sented, and this not by general and typical symbols, but with painful 
 historical minuteness. The treatment of the captives is barbarously 
 exhibited; one poor fellow, for instance, being flayed alive; others 
 are suffering decapitation. Domestic state is alternated with foreign 
 enterprise : the larger bas-reliefs representing the king and his 
 officers of state receiving tribute and homage. Many are of a 
 religious character ; some are occupied by subjects of the chase ; and 
 others represent banquets, and processions of present-bearers, with 
 thrones, chariots, furniture,— in a word, all which the king prized 
 
118 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 or felt an interest in. And yet this last expression is too large : for 
 no Assyrian women are ever introduced into these decorations. 
 Females never appear here but as captives, or interceding for mercy 
 from the walls of some falling city. The queen, so constant a feature 
 in the sculptured state of Egypt, is absent from the walls in which 
 Semiramis should have resided. 
 
 Above the sculptured slabs, the courses of sun-dried bricks, of which 
 the walls are composed, are traceable to the height of three feet, 
 making the total height of the walls about thirteen feet. Among the 
 rubbish at the base of every wall in these chambers are found frag- 
 ments of kiln-dried bricks, painted or enamelled on one of their 
 faces. These, which represent architectural ornaments, honeysuckles, 
 scrolls, &c, beautifully coloured, have fallen from their original posi- 
 tion above the sculptures. 
 
 One building only remains to be described to complete the survey 
 of the Khorsabad structure ; this, which is supposed to have been 
 the temple, was situated deep in the interior of the palace. As 
 this is the only trace of an Assyrian temple yet discovered, it would 
 be by far the most interesting portion of the structure, were it not 
 the most ruined. Unlike the rest of the palace, every part of the 
 temple, terrace, pavement, and sculptured panels, is constructed 
 of a black stone. The elevation of this building, on a level six 
 feet above the harem court and palace, was probably the cause of 
 its being ruined more than any other part of the edifice ; for the 
 builders of the neighbourhood are well aware of the superior quality 
 of this black stone to the softer gypsum of the palace. It also stands 
 much nearer the edge of the mound, and is thus more accessible to 
 depredators than its companion buildings. The supporting wall of 
 the terrace is furnished with a cornice, the only one yet discovered in 
 Assyria. On the platform is a room 40 feet long by 33 wide, and in 
 its centre a raised square block, intended to receive a statue or altar. 
 The walls of the apartment are only indicated by two fragments of 
 sculpture on one side, which present the usual group of two-winged 
 figures making offerings to the emblem of the deity, called the 
 Sacred Tree. 
 
 Such is an epitome of the architectural discoveries at Khorsabad, 
 which has been called the Windsor of the Ninevite kings. The size of 
 the city walls permits us to allow it a population of 50,000 or 60,000 
 inhabitants. 
 
 It is now time to notice the results of excavations at Kouyunjik. 
 Unfortunately, that great mound has been so inadequately explored, 
 that we are unable to restore the plan of its buildings. The excava- 
 tion of the mound did not come within the limits of Dr. Layard's 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 119 
 
 means ; he, however, discovered ruins, which were evidently those, 
 of a palace of great extent and magnificence. From the size of the 
 slabs, and the number of their figures, the walls when entire and 
 painted must have been of considerable beauty. The dimensions of 
 the rooms — one of which was 200 feet long and 45 feet wide— must 
 have added greatly to the general effect. The palace rose nobly above 
 the river, which swept round the foot of the mound on which it was 
 built. The mound itself is 7800 feet in circumference, and conse- 
 quently about four times the extent of that of Khorsabad. Excava- 
 tions are still going on there ; and it is stated that a palace of the same 
 age as that of Khorsabad has been found buried beneath another 
 built by the dynasty of Arbaces the Mede. 
 
 The Nebbi Yunus has never been dug into, and probably never 
 will be while in the power of a Mussulman race, who hold the pro- 
 phet Jonah in the highest veneration. 
 
 The great mound of Nimroud, whose ruins are finally to be 
 noticed, contains three palaces. That called the north-west is by far 
 the oldest monument of Assyrian art, and carries us back eight hun- 
 dred or a thousand years earlier than the foundation of Khorsabad. 
 The plan of this palace cannot as yet be restored, owing to its proxi- 
 mity to other buildings. It is probable that all its sculptured cham- 
 bers have been explored ; but there are the painted ones, of which we 
 know neither the extent nor the position. We may, however, describe 
 what has actually been laid bare. The only part of the palace which 
 can be regarded as a main front faces the north ; this has, however, 
 partially fallen into the ravine over which it stands. In the centre of 
 the mound lies buried a palace built by the son of that monarch who 
 founded the principal palace. It is ruined less by fire and time than 
 by wilful depredation, and many of its stones have been transferred, 
 to be employed in the construction of a subsequent edifice; and many 
 others packed for removal, as if the spoiler had been interrupted in 
 his work. The third great edifice of Nimroud, called the south- 
 west, from its being situated near that angle of the great mound, 
 differs greatly from any that have been discovered elsewhere ; but 
 still its plan is not known, for, with the exception of a great hall, 
 165 feet long by G2 wide, the whole has been injured by fire, pro- 
 bably when Saracus, following the example of Sardanapalus, de- 
 stroyed himself on the invasion of Cyaxeres. 
 
 It would answer no purpose to describe again the appearances 
 common to all Assyrian palaces; we will therefore take a rapid 
 survey of the north-west palace of Nimroud, and conclude this 
 chapter by pointing out some of the distinctive peculiarities of the 
 architecture of these edifices. 
 
120 
 
 TIIE BTJKIED CITY 
 
 A descent of about twenty feet from the level of the existing 
 mound of Nimroud brought the explorers face to face with a pair 
 of lions, winged and human-headed, forming a portal through which 
 they passed, to enter the remains of the principal hall, where they 
 found themselves surrounded by sculptured gigantic winged figures, 
 some with the heads of eagles, some human. To the left was another 
 portal, also formed by winged lions ; beyond this was a winged 
 figure, and two slabs of sculptured bas-reliefs. Further on no 
 
 ■WINGED LION, NIMROUD. 
 
 traces of wall were discovered ; but on the opposite side, instead of 
 sculptured slabs, a mass of solid brickwork was perceived. The 
 bricks, however, were of unbaked clay, and could be scarcely dis- 
 tinguished from the surrounding soil. The ground here was strewed 
 with numerous slabs, which had fallen from their places, and which 
 comprised representations of chariots and horsemen, battles, sieges, 
 &c. About a hundred feet further on, another portal formed by 
 winged bulls, in yellow limestone, was reached. Passing by this 
 opening, a winged figure, holding a beautiful branch or flower in 
 his hand, and apparently offering it to some deity, was the next 
 object to arrest attention. Beyond this sculpture, eight spirited 
 bas-reliefs were found. Among them were representations of the 
 king chasing and killing the wild bull and the lion, and battering 
 down towns. At the end of this hall an elaborate sculpture showed 
 two kings, attended by winged human figures, standing beneath a 
 divine emblem, and the sacred tree between them. In front of this 
 was the great stone platform, where the king, seated on his throne, 
 received ambassadors and courtiers. To the left was a fourth out- 
 let from the hall, formed by another pair of lions. On this side the 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 121 
 
 ruins are bounded by a ravine; but returning and passing through 
 the portal, guarded by the yellow limestone bulls before men- 
 tioned, a large chamber surrounded by eagle-headed figures was 
 entered. The remainder of the chambers, of which there were 
 dozens, repeated these sculptures, and mythic animals and human 
 figures, in endless combinations, continually supply fresh objects of 
 curiosity and surprise. 
 
 The absence of windows in all the palaces yet discovered has 
 been the occasion of many ingenious and some curious conjectures. 
 M. Botta says, that when he first discovered the Grand Hall at 
 Khorsabad, he fancied himself in a tomb or crypt. The inner rooms 
 communicate with each other only by the doorways; and the 
 chambers next to the outer walls are not perforated, except at the 
 portals. Mr. Layard has suggested that some of the rooms, espe- 
 cially if devoted to religious purposes, were artificially lighted ; and 
 the others, he conceives, may have received daylight through open- 
 ings in the roof, which during winter may have been closed by can- 
 vass, or some such material. This explanation, however, supposes 
 a roof; and hitherto no such covering has been found. M. Flandin, 
 the artist who accompanied M. Botta in his labours at Khorsabad, 
 and who differed from his friend in considering the edifice a palace, 
 vaulted all the rooms with unheard-of numbers of hypothetical 
 bricks ; and as the employment of sun-dried bricks was out of the 
 question for roofing rooms 33 feet wide, he imagined that they 
 were kiln-dried, and had disintegrated. Mr. Layard, in his larger 
 work, has suggested that the greater part of the roof was taken off; 
 but such a mode, by admitting the direct rays of the sun in summer, 
 and torrents of rain in the winter season, would render the building 
 uninhabitable. 
 
 Tehe best theory which has yet been proposed to meet this diffi- 
 culty is that of Mr. James Fergusson. He believes that the thick 
 brick walls were carried up to the height of the slab at the back of 
 the great bulls, or say 18 or 19 feet, which, with a low parapet, 
 would make the part covered by slabs half the whole height. Above 
 this, the top of the wall must have been paved with some substance 
 capable of resisting the influence of the weather— kiln-burnt bricks 
 or tiles, or still more probable, wood. According to this suppo- 
 sition, therefore, the upper half of the wall is gone, and its flooring 
 with it. Now the walls as they remain are 16, 18, and even 21 feet 
 wide ; when floored or paved, their upper surface would then form a 
 platform. On this Mr. Fergusson conceives that two rows of dwarf 
 pillars stood— one on the inner, one on the outer edge of the wall, 
 rising to a convenient height, and supporting over each wall a flat 
 
122 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 terrace-roof of mud, plastered on the uppersurface. But as no horizon- 
 tal timber could carry such a roof over a space of 33 feet, he conceives 
 that all the larger halls had two rows of pillars down their centres; 
 the smaller ones, perhaps, one row; and the narrowest none at all. 
 
 This system appears to meet all the exigencies of the case. It 
 admits a sufficiency of light into the apartments to enable the spec- 
 tator to see the sculptures and paintings perfectly, and to read the 
 inscriptions. At the same time it excludes the direct rays of the 
 sun, an exclusion which would be compatible with an ample eleva- 
 tion of the roof above the walls, if the small inner parapet were 
 Slightly heightened. By the use of curtains, moreover, sunlight might 
 be tempered to any extent. The rain, again, would be shut out, as 
 the heaviest storm could not beat in at so great an angle. Another 
 striking peculiarity of these palaces, viz. the enormous thickness of 
 the walls, is thus at the same time accounted for. 
 
 In this view of the case, the palace had an upper story, not in 
 the sense of one floor built over another, but still an upper story, 
 as nearly as may be equal in extent to the floor or area of the apart- 
 ments. The ground-floor thus arranged was composed of rooms of 
 great height, perfectly lighted, and much better ventilated than our 
 proudest edifices, while, from the immense thickness of the walls, 
 they must have been warm in winter and cool in summer. From 
 these galleries, probably, the king shewed himself to his subjects. 
 An eastern monarch cannot walk on the same floor with the people ; 
 he must not come into contact with the pmfanum vulgum. The 
 sculptures contain numerous representations of the king, covered 
 with a canopy on occasions of state, and this raised platform and 
 canopy supplies just the situation indicated. In the neighbourhood 
 of Nineveh modern houses may be seen, in which light is admitted 
 in a way similar to that suggested ; traces of it, indeed, may be £>und 
 wherever an eastern people are driven to construct with wood. 
 
 In which of these palaces Sardanapalus burnt himself with his 
 wives and followers is not ascertained. All the palaces have been 
 destroyed by fire : a fact for which there is no difficulty in account- 
 ing if we admit the mode of construction just explained, but very 
 difficult to account for if there was no second story or gallery. With 
 wooden pillars standing on the floor, supporting a wooden roof and 
 galleries floored with wood, there are fifty ways of supposing their 
 destruction. On the other hand, if there were only the solid walls 
 as we see them, complete without the aid of timber, they could not 
 be burnt, even with a flat wooden roof. No one has yet discovered 
 a burnt temple in Egypt or Greece. 
 
 But these palaces or temples are buried as well as burnt, and ne- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH, 123 
 
 vertheless they stand on mounds. A wooden roof stretching over 
 them at the present height of the walls might have injured the sculp- 
 tures on which it fell while in a state of combustion, but would have 
 gone but a little way towards burying them. Sun-dried bricks 
 might have been hardened by the heat, but certainly would not have 
 fallen for some time. The sculptures would thus have been exposed 
 to the violence of the elements and of man. But if we suppose a 
 roof so solid as has been described, with its pillars and galleries, the 
 falling materials and rubbish would have pretty nearly filled the 
 rooms up to the height of the sculptures j successive rainy seasons 
 would consolidate the mass, which would increase as the walls came 
 down. 
 
 It was seen, at the commencement of the last chapter, how much 
 the architecture of the Assyrians was influenced by the absence 
 of natural elevations as sites of their monumental edifices. The 
 scanty materials to which the choice of the Assyrian builder was 
 limited had an equal share in determining the features of their con- 
 structive art. Had this people— so fertile in invention, so skilful in 
 the arts, and so ambitious of great works — inhabited a country 
 abounding in marble, like Persia, or costly stone and granite, like 
 India or Egypt, they would no doubt have produced works as vast 
 as the pyramids, and symmetrical as the rock palaces and temples. 
 But the genius of Assyrian architecture was compelled to adopt the 
 mud of the plains of the Tigris as the chief material of its great 
 works. This soil, rich and tenacious, the builders moistened with 
 water, and, adding a little chopped straw, to hold it more firmly 
 together, formed into squares, which they baked in the sun. The 
 intense heat in the summer completed this process by the second or 
 third day. Of the ordinary dwellings of the Assyrians we have 
 now no relic ; rains, inundations, and time have disintegrated the 
 materials, and restored them to their parent soil. But sun-dried 
 bricks, although the principal, could not, for various reasons, be the 
 only earthy material employed in the larger edifices of Assyria. 
 The earliest of these appear to have been of a monumental character, 
 commemorating great events in the history of the nation ; it was 
 necessary, therefore, to use some substance on which figures and 
 inscriptions could be carved. The Mesopotamian plains contained 
 a coarse alabaster, or more properly, a carbonate of lime, in suffi- 
 cient quantity for the purposes of ornamental architecture. It was 
 easily worked, and in colour and aspect agreeable to the eye. The 
 walls of the temples having been constructed of sun-dried bricks, 
 were panelled with slabs of this stone placed upright against them, 
 and kept in their places by iron copper, or wooden cramps or plugs. 
 
124 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 The corners of the chambers were generally formed of one stone ; 
 the slabs were not sculptured until after they had been fixed. 
 
 One of the opening passages in Layard's book refers to the striking 
 difference between the ruins of Nineveh and those of other ancient 
 cities. "The graceful column rising above the thick foliage of the 
 myrtle, the ilex, and the oleander; the gradines of the amphitheatre 
 covering the gentle slope, and overlooking the dark-blue waters of 
 a lake-like bay ; the richly-carved cornice or capital half hidden by 
 the luxuriant herbage, — are replaced by the stern shapeless mound 
 rising like a hill from the scorched plain, the fragments of pottery, 
 and the stupendous mass of brickwork occasionally laid bare by the 
 winter rains. He has left the land where nature is still lovely, where, 
 in his mind's eye, he can rebuild the temple or the theatre, half doubt- 
 ing whether they would have made a more grateful impression upon 
 the senses than the ruin before him. Those of whose works they 
 are the remains, unlike the Roman and the Greek, have left no visible 
 traces of their civilisation or of their arts: their influence has long 
 since passed away. The more he conjectures, the more vague his 
 results appear. The scene around is worthy of the ruin he is con- 
 templating: desolation meets desolation; a feeling of awe succeeds 
 to wonder ; for there is nothing to relieve the mind, to lead, to hope, 
 or to tell of what has gone by. These huge mounds of Assyria made 
 a deeper impression upon me, gave rise to more serious thought and 
 more earnest reflection, than the temples of Balbec or the theatres 
 of Ionia." 1 He could not be other than impressed by the very wide 
 difference between architectural remains displaying columns and 
 those which displayed none. Mr. Sydney Smirke read a paper on this 
 subject at a meeting of the Institute of British Architects, the substance 
 of which may be here given. He observes that there appears to have 
 been an almost total absence of columns at Nineveh. Layard gives us 
 a representation of one instance occurring in a bas-relief found in the 
 ruins at Khorsabad, which he presumes to be of later date than those 
 at Nimroud; and in the slabs in the British Museum one example 
 occurs, wherein three pillars are introduced, but of proportions so 
 slender as to lead to the presumption that they were of wood ; a suppo- 
 sition the more probable, as they appear to support, not a horizontal 
 entablature, but the framework of a kind of tent. It is worthy of 
 remark, that these pillars have as their capital the horns of the goat 
 so arranged as to suggest at once the Ionic capital; and the Khor- 
 sabad example is also of this type. The absence of columns may 
 possibly be due, in great measure, to the flat alluvial character of 
 the district between the Tigris and the Euphrates, which furnished 
 1 Nineveh and its Remains. By A. H. Layard. Vol. i. pp. 6, 7. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 125 
 
 the soft alabaster of which these slabs are formed, but no hard 
 building stone suitable for columnar architecture. Rooms, however, 
 thirty-five feet and forty feet wide, such as occur in the palaces 
 explored by Layard, would not have been roofed-over without a 
 greater degree of constructive skill in carpentry than we have any 
 reason to suppose was possessed in these early ages. Perhaps, there- 
 fore, the horizontal beams of which the roof was formed may have 
 been supported by wooden pillars which are now perished, or which 
 may have been burnt when these temples were sacked, — a fate which 
 most of them have probably undergone. That pillars were used to 
 support the roof timbers is the more probable, as it appears that the 
 apartments were lighted from above by apertures in the roof, which 
 would interrupt the continuity of the timbers, and render interme- 
 diate supports absolutely necessary. It may be asked, why assume 
 that the Assyrians were ignorant of framed trusses, by which the 
 widest spans might be roofed-over without the assistance of inter- 
 mediate supports? We cannot prove the non-existence of trusses, 
 but we certainly have no evidence that such artificial contrivances 
 are of this remote date. We see no indication whatever of pitched 
 roofs in any of the sculptures before us. Even in the Lycian ex- 
 amples we do not find, until we come down to the Greek period of 
 art, any example of a pediment, which is but the gable end of a 
 pitched roof. These Assyrian palaces, then, had, it is presumed, flat 
 terraced roofs, as we know the Egyptian buildings had; it is the 
 present fashion of the East, and that it has ever been so there is 
 abundant proof in the Scriptures. It was a law of the Jews that no 
 roof should be built without a parapet, so that those walking thereon 
 might be rendered safe. In the sculpture before us are various repre- 
 sentations of small domestic buildings; they have no sloping roofs, 
 but are rounded at top, as if formed of slight timbers bent round, 
 which were probably wattled over and covered with mud, like the 
 wigwams of the present day. 
 
 The occurrence of circular-headed openings in the fortified build- 
 ings of Assyria, as plainly represented on these bas-reliefs, dissipates 
 at once all ideas, formerly pretty generally entertained, of the com- 
 paratively recent discovery of this principle of construction. Layard 
 mentions a brick vaulted chamber which he brought to light among 
 the ruins at Nimroud, and other similar discoveries are reported to 
 have been still more recently made by him. It seems a reasonable 
 conjecture that the arch may have been first used in an alluvial 
 country like that part of Assyria, where abundance of bricks were 
 made, and where the difficulty of transporting from remote di.-tances 
 large blocks of stone, fit to form a straight lintel over a wide bear- 
 
126 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 ing, would render the substitution of an arch turned with bricks or 
 small stones peculiarly convenient. 
 
 We may notice that tubular drain-tiles were used in removing the 
 rain-water that fell through the openings in the roofs on to the pave- 
 ments of the several apartments. That so obvious and simple a con- 
 trivance should have been resorted to by a people possessing great 
 dexterity in the fabrication of fictile ware, and living in a district 
 where the common soil of the country furnished the materials to their 
 hand, seems so natural as scarcely to justify more than a passing 
 remark ; yet, is it not curious, that now, in the nineteenth century, 
 and in England, a tubular draining tile is one of the most recent of 
 novelties ? 
 
 A thin stratum of bitumen is mentioned by Layard as occurring 
 under all the floors, and passing, as he observed, under these sculp- 
 tured slabs of alabaster with which the inner face of the walls was 
 lined. He was unable to account for this; but the architect will at 
 once perceive that this was a precaution taken to prevent the damp 
 from arising from the earth under the pavement, and destroying the 
 paintings, and endangering eventually the alabaster itself. 
 
 Reverting, again, to the representations of Assyrian castles on the 
 slabs referred to, it must not be passed unnoted, that the crenel- 
 lated parapets have battlements generally pointed or notched, as if 
 to facilitate the use of the bow and arrow. Here also we find an 
 analogous case in the friezes of the Lycian temple, discovered by Sir 
 Charles Fellowes, and now deposited in our Museum. Castles are 
 there represented with embattled parapets very similar to these in 
 Assyria, and not unlike examples still subsisting in the East. 
 
 It has long been a subject of speculation, what style of architec- 
 ture characterised the first temple of Jerusalem. Mr. Smirke says, 
 tl I think that it may be not unreasonably presumed, that the mag- 
 nificent ruins now brought to light, after an interment of two or 
 three thousand years, afford us a far better clue than any we have 
 ever yet possessed ; a much more intimate connexion existed, both 
 geographically and politically, between the inhabitants of Palestine 
 and the people of Assyria and Babylonia, than with the Egyptians, 
 from whom they were separated by the Arabian desert. Perhaps, too, 
 the marbles under discussion will be admitted as evidence of an ear- 
 lier civilisation of art among the former people, and therefore of their 
 greater influence in matters of taste. We have indeed the evidence of 
 the Scriptures that Solomon sought his artists — his ' cunning work- 
 men' — in the region north of Judea ; Hiram of Tyre was his worker 
 in metals, and his best carpenters were Sidonians. With how deep 
 an interest, then, these considerations seem to invest the sculptures 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 127 
 
 from Nimroud! When, to use the eloquent words of Layard, we re- 
 flect that ' before these wonderful forms, Ezekiel, Jonah, and others 
 of the prophets stood, and Sennacherib bowed ; that even the pa- 
 triarch Abraham himself may possibly have looked upon them ; ' 
 that works of such extraordinary interest and value should, after the 
 lapse of thousands of years, have found their place in our national 
 repository, is indeed a matter of just pride and congratulation." 
 
 In the Assyrian palaces we find none of those architectural 
 effects which depend on the size of the whole building or the mas- 
 sive solidity of its materials, which variously strike us in a Greek 
 or Egyptian temple, or a Gothic cathedral. The size of such 
 buildings as have hitherto been found is small, the material of 
 which they are composed absolutely mean, and they never arrived 
 at any expression of power and stability. As some compensation 
 for this deficiency, the high terraces, the massive and broad base 
 on which the buildings stood, must have given to the whole an ex- 
 pression of power and solidity to which the architecture of the palace 
 had no claim. 
 
 As to what are called aesthetic effects, depending upon beauty 
 in the form of the whole and its parts, such as the pillars, the roof, 
 the walls, and other essential members of the structure, it was ne- 
 glected more in Assyria than in any country with whose arts we are 
 acquainted. They compensated for this by the use of a greater 
 amount of coloured decoration than is to be found elsewhere. The 
 Greeks probably tinted their sculptures, but the Assyrians, we antici- 
 pate, made out their ornaments and dresses as fully in colour as we do 
 in our paintings ; the walls, too, above the sculptures must, from 
 the debris found on the floors, have been adorned with figures, 
 either enamelled or painted in the richest colours on tiles, and this 
 would necessitate the painting of the roof and its supports for the 
 sake of preserving harmony of effect. To us, who are accustomed to 
 colourless stone architecture, this mode of building and decorating 
 seems anomalous; but eastern architecture in all ages and countries 
 has been more remarkable for its colours than its forms. We sec this 
 on the Indus, as well as in the Alhambra. This extensive em- 
 ployment of brilliant colouring enabled them to dispense to a 
 great extent with form and shadow, and trusting to ornament to 
 render that pleasing which had no pretensions to either beauty or 
 design. 
 
 But greater than all was the influence of the great idea of these 
 buildings, the effect of sculptured decoration. All here is animated ; 
 a plain slab, any common mechanical arrangement, is unknown. 
 If a doorway is to be formed, a winged bull is chosen where we 
 
128 
 
 THE BTJUIED CITY 
 
 should employ a plain block of stone ; instead of the tower or other 
 ample form for the side of a gateway, double bulls are placed back 
 to back, so as to hide the plain parts of the stone to which they are at- 
 tached. All the returns and angles of the walls, which in other 
 styles are masses of stone, or pilasters, or rustication, are here 
 always some form of animated nature. 
 
 The art of the Assyrian builder thus belonged rather to sculpture 
 than architecture. The idea of attaining structural effects through 
 sculpture was perhaps the young world's first conception of art. It 
 was an aspiration, since forgotten, to a perfect and glorious style of 
 architecture. As such it failed ; but looking on those noble works, 
 the great winged bulls, grander in conception and bolder in execu- 
 tion than any similar achievement of the Greeks, the question arises, 
 had the Assyrians but been better draughtsmen and a little more ideal, 
 what sort of architecture might have been prevalent in Europe now ? 
 
 SIDE OF DOORWAY AT E.UORSABAD. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 129 
 
 WINGED DIVINITT. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sculptures and Sculftured Dkcorations of the Assyrians. 
 
 Whilst as we have seen the chief buildings of the Assyrians were very 
 simple in their architecture, their ornamentation seems to have been 
 rich in the extreme. At the palace of Khorsabad, for instance, the 
 whole of the lower part of the walls, to a height of more than nine 
 feet, was found to be covered with slabs of gypsum, on which either 
 bas-reliefs had been sculptured, or cuneiform inscriptions cut. This 
 kind of decoration was lavished to such a degree, that there was not 
 found, in the whole extent of this outward casing, a space of three feet 
 square, which did not bear sculptures or lines of characters. 
 
 It is in these long series of bas-reliefs that we are to seek for a 
 knowledge of the acts, the customs, the manners, the costume, and 
 appearance of the ancient Assyrians. In them the sculptor tells the 
 story of the life of his countrymen — their battles, sieges, triumphs, 
 exploits in the chase, and religious ceremonies. 
 
 Before beginning any description of these bas-reliefs, we should 
 perhaps explain the manner in which they were found to be arranged. 
 The slabs of marmoriform gypsum on which these Assyrian figures 
 are sculptured, are, as may be remembered, above nine English feet 
 in height, and from three to nine feet in breadth, varying according 
 to the place they occupy, or the subjects and personages represented. 
 These slabs, the vertical joints of which have evidently been basilled 
 behind on purpose, were found very carefully placed next to each 
 
130 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 other, and thus constituted a series of long surfaces, covering the 
 whole extent of the facades and chambers, and interrupted only by the 
 angles or the embrasures of the doors. Generally speaking, the sub- 
 jects are not confined to the dimensions of the slabs, but are continued, 
 without interruption, the whole length of the walls of a chamber or 
 facade. We find figures cut vertically by the line of junction of two 
 pieces of the casing, so that it may be presumed that they were sculp- 
 tured after these pieces had been placed. In no instance is the casing 
 formed of two slabs put one above the other ; it invariably consists, 
 from top to bottom, of one sole block. 
 
 On the facades, the figures being of a colossal size, were found to 
 take up the whole height of the casing, so that there was but one row 
 of bas-reliefs. This, however, was not always the case in the interior 
 of the buildings. In some chambers there were two zones of bas-reliefs 
 placed one above the other, and separated by a band of cuneiform in- 
 scriptions. In every case there was a skirting of about four inches 
 in height, at the bottom of the casing, while a similar kind of moulding 
 ran along above the slabs. There was no frame at the vertical edges 
 of these, unless the subject terminated, as at the openings for the 
 doors ; in a case like that, the slab was bounded with a slight ledge, 
 which, like the skirting and the moulding above, project equally with 
 the figures. 
 
 Although in these places where there were two zones surmounted 
 by little bas-reliefs, the same subject is often uninterruptedly con- 
 tinued through, several slabs, the band of inscriptions which runs the 
 whole length of the chamber was divided near each joint by a vertical 
 line, and it was evident that the lines of writing commenced and ter- 
 minated the edges of each slab ; in fact, it could not be otherwise, for 
 if that were not the case, it would have been necessary, in order to 
 read the inscriptions, to follow the lines from one extremity of the 
 chamber to the other, a length sometimes of more than a hundred feet. 
 This would have rendered then* perusal impossible, and we can there- 
 fore understand why the text should be divided. 
 
 Such was found to be the general plan of the ornaments. Let us 
 now examine some of them in detail, chiefly occupying ourselves, how- 
 ever, with descriptions of the constantly recurring symbolical figures 
 that were found at the doorways of the different apartments, and leav- 
 ing the continuous rows of bas-reliefs, to be described in subsequent 
 chapters. 
 
 Turning first, then, to the palace at Khorsabad to a facade formed 
 by a central building and two wings, at right angles, we find one 
 of these wings very short, the other extending much further, and 
 nearly reaching the edifice supposed to have been a small temple. Both 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 131 
 
 these wings are unfortunately in a very ruinous state ; but it is pos- 
 sible to perceive, however, from the ensemble of the bas-reliefs which 
 decorated the facade represented, both on the right and left, that a 
 double procession of personages was represented, bringing presents to 
 the king, whose figure is sculptured on each side of the central door. 
 This subject is also found at the grand staircase of the palace at Per- 
 sepolis, and is one for which the ancient Assyrians seem to have had 
 a great predilection, for it is often met with on the walls of their re- 
 cently exliumed monuments. 
 
 The centre towards which all the figures are turned is this grand 
 central door ; and, consequently, they are walking on each side in a con- 
 trary direction. All are of gigantic stature, so that they take up the 
 whole height of the gypsum coating. Although the subject, both on 
 the right and on the left is the same, the details are different. On the 
 right of the door, looking towards the monument, the suite of persons 
 is much more considerable. The centre door has piers formed by hu- 
 man-headed bulls, looking towards the south-west. 
 
 In the recess formed on one side, by the jutting out of the pier of 
 the wall, and on the other side, by the projecting of the fore part of 
 the bulls, there were three small bas-reliefs in too dilapidated a state 
 to be described. All that could be discovered was that, like those at 
 the other doors, they represented personages either furnished with 
 wings, or holding in their hands the symbolic flower, of which we 
 shall have to speak by and by. The recess on each side was paved 
 with a stone, on which a small bronze lion was fixed ; the only one 
 that remained was found at the feet of the bull on the right. Above 
 this lion there was a stout bronze ring fixed in the wall ; and as the 
 little statue had also a ring in its back, it is presumable that a chain 
 formerly passed from one ring to the other, so as to represent a 
 chained Hon. 
 
 On each side of the anterior widening of the bay there were two 
 symbolic figures — eagle-headed personages, such as were often found 
 near the doors of Assyrian buildings ; similar in character to those 
 frequently engraved on Babylonian seals and cylinders, and about 
 which we shall have more to say in the Chapter on Religion and 
 "Worship. 
 
 With the exception of the wings and head, the whole of the body 
 of this figure, which is considered to represent Nisroch, one of the 
 chief Assyrian divinities, is that of a human being. The right hand, 
 which is raised and advanced forward, holds the fruit of a conife- 
 rous plant, which from its oval form appears more like a fir-tree than 
 a cypress. The left hand, which hangs down, holds a basket or 
 pannier having a handle ; this pannier seems to have been cylin- 
 
132 THE BURIED CTTY 
 
 drical in shape, and had evidently been made of switches or platted 
 fibres interwoven like basket-work. 
 
 Judging from the form of the beak, the head is that of a bird of 
 prey ; the upper mandible is very much curved downwards at its ex- 
 tremity, and near the fang is seen the characteristic teeth of this class 
 of birds. The beak, from its length, appears to be rather that of a 
 vulture or eagle than that of a falcon or hawk. The eye also is that 
 of a bird, and the artist has not forgotten to mark the little circle of 
 feathers which more or less surrounds this organ in the animal of 
 which he was representing the head. 
 
 A series of upright feathers form a comb that extends from the 
 beginning of the beak to the bottom of the neck ; this comb dimi- 
 nishes in height as it goes back, and at its base there is a row of 
 crockets or little valutes, intended, no doubt, to represent the curling 
 of down or hair, as will be seen by other examples. This bird's head 
 is, besides, furnished with hah* formed of separate bands, terminated 
 by a row of curls. Two similar rows also cross the bands horizon- 
 tally, in order, doubtless, to indicate that there were several layers 
 superposed. 
 
 One of the w T ings hangs down, the other is raised in the air : it is 
 easy to distinguish the large feathers, the down, and the small fea- 
 thers which clothe the tips of the wings. 
 
 The dress of this figure is very simple, appearing to consist of a 
 tight tunic, which reaches from the neck to just above the knees, 
 while the narrow arms of the garment hardly extend to the fold of 
 the elbow. The bottom of this kind of tunic, the opening through 
 which the head passes, and the extremities of the sleeves, are orna- 
 mented with embroidery work representing rosettes, each surrounded 
 by a square. A large girdle binds the loins. On comparing two of 
 those figures, one of which presents its right and the other its left 
 side to the spectator, it is apparent that this girdle or sash is com- 
 posed, for a length of once round the body, of a simple band, orna- 
 mented on the edges with a narrow embroidery, but that it was 
 continued by a network of the same breadth partly covering it. The 
 cords of this net finally unite and form a band, which served, no 
 doubt, to keep the whole together, but it is impossible to see how it 
 was fixed. A large band appears to hang down from this girdle ; it 
 is, in the first instance, enriched with the same embroidery of rose- 
 work which is seen upon the edges of the tunic, but when it appears 
 below, between the legs, it divides into four cords, each of which is 
 knotted near the end, and beyond the knot forms a small tuft. Such 
 is the arrangement visible upon the bas-relief which shows the right 
 side of the figure ; but on the bas-relief which shows the left side 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 133 
 
 the arrangement is slightly varied, inasmuch as the portion of this 
 band which is ornamented with rose-work is furnished, with a fringe 
 hanging down behind, whereas on the right side the fringe hangs 
 
 down in front. 
 
 Besides these garments, these symbolical figures wear some re- 
 markable ornaments. Around the neck is a necklace composed of 
 round beads, which are alternately large and small. This necklace 
 is terminated by a bead larger than all the rest, and having on its 
 surface a small flower, rather like a fleur-de-lis. The whole appear- 
 ance of the ball that thus terminates the necklace reminds you some- 
 what of a pomegranate with the divisions of the calyx reversed. 
 The wrists bear magnificent bracelets, formed of a triple ring, which 
 is enriched inside and outside the wrist with a double rosette. Other 
 bracelets clasp the arm near the elbow-joint; they consist of a spiral 
 going twice completely round the arm. They seem to have been com- 
 posed of metal wires, not twisted together, but simply placed in juxta- 
 position, and bound at intervals by other wires which surround them. 
 It has been doubted whether the tunic and girdle composed all 
 the dress, or whether all that is visible below the girdle is superposed 
 on the tunic ; that it is, in fact, a piece of cloth thrown around the 
 loins, and thus kept up by the girdle, and that the sort of fringed 
 band which hangs down between the legs is but the border of the 
 extremities of this piece of cloth. It is known that this fashion of 
 covering the middle of the body was in use among the ancient 
 Egyptians, and that it is still practised in many parts of the East, 
 as Arabia and Upper Egypt. 
 
 A peculiar class of figures, the character of which is invested with 
 much uncertainty, is frequently met with on the bas-reliefs at Khor- 
 sabad and Nimroud. One of these, found at Khorsabad, seems to be a 
 magician, or priest, holding a symbolic flower in his left hand, which 
 hangs down, and carrying apparently a wild he-goat on his left arm. 
 The costume of this figure is composed of the robe scooped out in front, 
 under which appears the end of the tunic. The head, of which the hair 
 and beard repeat the type which so frequently occurs, is bound with 
 a band of flattened rings. These are joined by the longer sides, and 
 gradually diminish in size from the forehead to the occiput. In the 
 middle of the forehead is a large rosette, another on the ear, and a 
 third behind the head at the point where the knot of the band ap- 
 pears to be ; this latter is terminated by a tuft. The ear-rings are 
 similar to those of the colossal figures strangling lions. The symbolic 
 flower is very distinct and partly developed. The stem is divided 
 into three peduncles, the two lateral ones bearing buds, and the 
 centre one a full-blown flower. 
 
134 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 The animal which the figure holds looks like a wild he-goat or 
 ibex. This supposition is at least allowable, to judge from the more 
 slender and wilder outline, as it were, of the body, and from the size 
 and form of the horns. The wild he-goat is very common in the 
 mountains which bound Mesopotamia, and the curve of the horns 
 tallies exactly with those of the animal in these bas-reliefs. Lastly, 
 the upright position of the ears, the form of the hoofs, and likewise 
 of the tail, prove beyond a doubt that it was not a she-goat which the 
 sculptor wished to represent. 
 
 Traces of colour were still very apparent. As is invariably the 
 case, the hair, beard, eyebrows, and the circuit and the pupils of the 
 eyes of the figure, were black ; as were likewise the hoofs and tail 
 of the he-goat. The diadem encircling the brows of the figure was 
 
 red ; the stem of the 
 
 flower was the same 
 
 colour ; so were the 
 
 edges of the calyx 
 
 and of the petals of 
 
 the corolla ; while 
 
 the rest of them, and 
 
 of the calyx, were 
 
 blue. 
 
 A pair of figures 
 
 closely resembling 
 
 that just described, 
 
 and evidently re- 
 presentations of the 
 
 same or a similar 
 
 personage, was dis- 
 covered at the en- 
 trance of one of the chambers of the Nimroud palace. The main 
 point of difference consists in the figures found at Nimroud being 
 winged, which is not the case with that we have described from 
 Khorsabad. In the Nimroud bas-relief, resembling this latter figure 
 the most closely, the arm of the priest is raised, while in place of a 
 flower, he holds an oar of corn in his hand. The companion figure 
 also carries a fallow-deer instead of a wild goat. 
 
 The winged bulls with human heads, forming the piers of door- 
 ways, are amongst the most remarkable of Assyrian antiquities. 
 The body of this symbolical figure is that of a bull walking. The 
 tail, which is very long, is terminated by a tuft of hair, which seems 
 twisted into parallel rolls broken by horizontal rows of curls. Lines 
 of rolls arranged in the same manner fall down the back to represent 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 135 
 
 the hair of the chine; patches formed of numerous regular series of 
 curls cover the hind-part of the thighs and the flanks. Lastly, the 
 hair of the dewlap is represented by the same method ; that is, by a 
 broad band of horizontal rows of curls. 
 
 Up to this, everything tends towards, if not a faithful reproduc- 
 tion, at least an exact observation of Nature ; but all the remainder 
 is fantastic. Open wings spring from the shoulders, and stretch back 
 above the back beyond the hind-quarters of the bull ; the result is, that 
 the shoulders of the animal are covered with feathers, as is likewise 
 his breast on both sides of the dew-lap. The large feathers of the 
 wings are not rounded off and curbed at the top like those of similar 
 bulls discovered at Persepolis, but stretch almost horizontally in a 
 double row, and end in an obtuse point. 
 
 Except the ears, which are those of a bull, the head is completely 
 human. The hair and the beard are treated in the same fashion as 
 in the bas-reliefs ; the former falls in a mass of curls upon the shoul- 
 ders, and the latter hangs down upon the breast. On this human 
 head is a kind of tiara nearly cylindrical, and covered with rosettes, 
 which form a very distinct band round the top. This tiara is ter- 
 minated by a crown of palms or feathers, and girt at the base by a 
 double pair of horns which surround it ; the points of these horns 
 curve round, and end midway in front of the tiara. The ears, to 
 which we suspended spindle-shaped ear-rings richly chased, are di- 
 rected forwards, and lie close against the tiara. 
 
 It must be remarked that to some of these bulls in bas-relief found 
 upon the walls, and presenting their breasts outwards, the sculptor 
 has given five legs, so that they might appear complete from what- 
 ever point they were viewed. When the spectator looks at them 
 full in the face, he sees the breast supported by the two fore-legs 
 placed parallel to each other ; and when he is in the bay, he sees 
 the animal walking upon four legs. 
 
 Such are the bulls which covered the bays of the great doorways ; 
 the arrangement of them is the same everywhere, and there is no 
 difference between them, save in the size and number of the pairs of 
 horns which bound the tiara ; sometimes there are two, sometimes 
 three of these. The bulls fixed upon the exterior, and on the sides 
 of some of the doors, are similar to those of the piers; the only dis- 
 tinction is, that their head is turned at right-angles, so as to look out- 
 wards instead of in the direction of the wall on which they are fixed. 
 
 In the palace of Nimroud these bulls were occasionally replaced 
 by winged lions with human heads, similar to those of the bulls, ex- 
 cept that the horns were omitted. As many as six of these human- 
 headed monsters often graced one doorway. Two of them formed 
 
136 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the pillars, and two others were placed on the anterior front of each 
 of the lateral piers. These exterior bulls were sometimes separated 
 by a colossal figure of a man strangling a lion, the chief character- 
 istics of which will be described presently. 
 
 Speaking of the facade where these figures appeared, it is evi- 
 dent, says Botta, on what principle they had been arranged. Every- 
 where, save in the recesses produced by the projection of the bulls, 
 and the piers of the door-ways, the figures were larger than life, 
 and we meet with but one exception to this rule. Near the door- 
 ways the decoration is in every case symbolical; it is always com- 
 posed of human-headed bulls and winged personages ; sometimes 
 bird-headed, and carrying various emblems. On the rest of the 
 walls are most frequently scenes from the life of the sovereign who 
 built the monument: he himself is often represented, and in almost 
 every case long processions of personages, more or less varied, direct 
 their steps towards him, to bring either presents, tributes, or sou- 
 venirs of his victories. In the chambers, it is true, we sometimes 
 meet with the same style of decoration; but in general the sculptures 
 there possess less solemnity, and have less connection with public 
 ceremonies and beliefs, than with scenes of the political and private 
 life of the sovereign. 
 
 A winged figure, apparently belonging to the religious group, is 
 seen in some cases waiting, as it were, upon the monarch. An 
 example occurs in the bas-relief from the Nimroud Palace which 
 forms the frontispiece of the present volume. The chief character- 
 istics of this figure are the round cap and horns which closely re- 
 semble those of the winged bulls and lions discovered at Nimroud. 
 On one of the Nimroud bas-reliefs two figures, similar to those we 
 have described at length, are represented in kneeling attitudes be- 
 fore the ornament styled the sacred tree. 
 
 The dress is a fringed scarf, which passes over the left shoulder 
 and falls upon the hip. Under this scarf there appears to be a long 
 robe of a peculiar cut, drawn tight round the neck, while the arms 
 are very short. From the middle of the body it has a large semi- 
 circular opening scooped out which enables us to perceive the lower 
 edge of another vestment that goes no further than the knees, and 
 which must belong either to a shorter tunic, or more probably to a 
 piece of cloth thrown round the loins. 
 
 The hollow and the bottom of the robe are richly ornamented 
 with a double line of rosettes and with long fringes, besides which 
 the whole circumference of the anterior opening is bordered with a 
 double cord, the knotted extremities of which expand into a tassel. 
 That portion of the under tunic has only one line of rosettes, from 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 137 
 
 which hang a series of tufts. Sandals complete this costume. The 
 wings of these figures are like those seen on the shoulders of the 
 symbolical bird-headed personages; farther, the attributes also are 
 alike ; they are the fir-apples and little basket. Other personages, 
 dressed like the preceding ones, were observed ; but their heads were 
 simply encircled by a band, ornamented with rosettes. Their right 
 hands were raised in the air ; and in the left, which hang down, they 
 hold the triple symbolic buds, previously mentioned. 
 
 Other figures, exactly similar, are seen with four wings, and with the 
 usual attributes of the fir-cone and the basket. These Mythological per- 
 sonages indicated the existence of a doorway, near where they were 
 found standing. A door was accordingly discovered close to where the 
 figure we have just spoken of was fixed : two human-headed bulls formed 
 the piers. A figure with four wings, and the fir-cone and basket, served 
 as a companion on the other side of the door. Near this procession of 
 figures, was found the most magnificent doorway of all in the Pa- 
 lace of Khorsabad. It had for piers two large human-headed bulls 
 more than fifteen feet high. The exterior side of each of the piers of 
 this gate, which extended on each side beyond the bay, was covered 
 with two bulls, whose bodies were in profile, but whose heads were 
 turned to the spectator. The bulls of each pair were turned in an 
 opposite direction, so that their breasts formed the angles of the piers, 
 but their wings and tails did not touch each other (as was the case 
 at another door-way), but they were separated by large symbolical 
 bas-reliefs, representing personages strangling lions. These two 
 figures, which stand out in much bolder relief than any of the others, 
 and are, in some parts, actually in high relief, resemble each other 
 exactly, it will therefore be quite sufficient to describe merely one. 
 In this we see a man strangling a lion ; the head is bare, the hair 
 is flattened down at the top of the head, and ornamented in front 
 with large curls converging forward, while behind, it is terminated, 
 as usual, by a thick chignon of regularly formed curls, which fall 
 down upon the shoulders. The beard is arranged in a similar man- 
 ner to that of the king, that is to say, it is disposed in regularly 
 formed curls on the cheeks and chin, and falls down on the breast in 
 a mass of parallel rolls, divided and terminated by horizontal rows of 
 curls. The principal garment seems to be the robe scooped out in 
 front, which is worn by other figures generally symbolic : its sleeves 
 are short, and that of the right side only is bordered with a row of 
 rosettes. It is easy to see, on this bas-relief, that the hollowing runs 
 under the scarf, and is continued above it. The scarf itself is bordered 
 with a double row of rosettes, intermixed with concentric squares, 
 and passes over the right shoulder ; it is also furnished with long 
 
138 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 fringes, which fall over the hips. The sides of the hollowing and the 
 lower edges of this long robe are ornamented with fringe, and a hem, 
 formed by a double cording, terminated below by a knot and tassels, 
 rims along the two anterior edges. Underneath the robe is seen a 
 portion of another garment, which might be taken for the bottom of 
 a tunic coming down to the knees only ; but it appears evident that it 
 is only a piece of cloth wrapped round the loins, and bordered with 
 rosettes and fringe. Besides the fringed bottom of this cloth, another 
 line of fringe and rosettes is seen, extending obliquely across the 
 stomach ; this can only be explained by the supposition of a piece 
 of cloth, as just mentioned, wrapped round the loins, and one of the 
 upper corners of which is attached to the girdle. A like arrangement 
 would produce, at least, an effect exactly similar : this is one of the 
 reasons which induce a belief that the lower parts of the garment 
 perceived are distinct from the tunic, or shirt, and really belong to a 
 piece of cloth thrown over the loins in the fashion of the ancient 
 Egyptians, and of the Arabs of the present day. In other repre- 
 sentations of the same figure the costume is somewhat different. For 
 instance, instead of the long robe, there appears to be a simple short- 
 sleeved tunic, ending above the knees, and encompassed by a girdle 
 at the waist ; it is slit open from the girdle to the bottom, and through 
 the slit appears a band, formed by four parallel cords, tied together 
 two and two, at their lower extremity, and terminating each by a 
 tassel. The figure we have been describing has ear-drops enchased 
 with various ornaments. The bracelets of the elbows are spirals, the 
 extremities of which are furnished with palm-leaves, composed of 
 rounded radii ; those of the wrists are plain open rings, the ends of 
 which do not join, and have the same ornaments as the first. On 
 the feet are sandals with elevated quarters, these are kept on by thongs 
 passing over the instep. 
 
 The left arm of the figure is passed over the neck and breast of a 
 lion, which it holds by one paw, and seems to squeeze rigorously. 
 The right hand holds an instrument, the handle of which is terminated 
 by a calf's head, and which is doubly curved, somewhat in the fashion 
 of an S stretched out a little. As this instrument is flattened and 
 made thin at the edges it is probably a weapon. 
 
 The lion's body seems to be crushed by the force with which the 
 arm encircles it ; the claws are contracted, and those of the hind-legs 
 seem to claw hold of the dress ; the expression of the head agrees 
 with the pain felt by the animal. The mane, like that of the lions 
 found in Mesopotamia, is short, and appears to be represented in a 
 conventional manner, by two rings of locks of hair round the head, 
 and by rows of imbricated lozenges on the shoulders. This, by the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 139 
 
 way, is the manner in which the ancient Assyrians were in the habit 
 of representing the hair of animals. 
 
 These figures, which formed a portion of a range of bas-reliefs 
 illustrative of the king and his court, are supposed to delineate the 
 exploits of gladiators attached to the regal abode ? 
 
 From the foregoing we may judge of the effect which must have 
 been produced by these long processions of colossal figures ; by these 
 winged priests or divinities, these immense human-headed bulls, which 
 were fixed at the principal doorways, and by the large statues strang- 
 ling the lions. Vast in conception, these sculptures are marvellous in 
 execution, and give a wonderful idea of the ancient people, by whom, 
 in the infancy of the world, they were perfected. 
 
 In the course of the excavations a slab was found in this long 
 series, illustrative of the Assyrian monarch and his court, on which 
 there had evidently been a figure with four wings ; but the bas-relief 
 had been effaced with a hammer, evidently on purpose. This mu- 
 tilation certainly dated from the time when the Palace of Nineveh 
 was fired and destroyed. With what view it is of course impossible 
 to say, but it was scarcely with that of destroying a religious emblem, 
 since many similar figures had been left intact. The man who levelled 
 those blows of destruction little thought that his sin against Art 
 would be recognised and denounced, more than two thousand years 
 after he had ceased to be ; and that, at a lapse of so vast a period, this 
 ancient city would be exhumed by the industry and scientific zeal of 
 a northern people, whose curiosity to investigate the ruins of Nineveh 
 was only equalled by their veneration for what was discovered 
 amongst them. 
 
140 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 : WM(SMk^ 
 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Warriors of Assyria ; their Battles, Sieges, and Triumphs. 
 
 Among the scenes represented in the bas-reliefs found at Nirnroud 
 and Khorsabad, none more frequently recur, or are more curious and 
 interesting, than those which illustrate the appearance of the war- 
 riors, and show the modes of warfare of the ancient Assyrians. A 
 very complete series of these sculptured decorations, representing 
 the triumphs of the Assyrian armies in numerous battles and sieges, 
 and the subsequent feastings with which they appear to have cele- 
 brated their victories, were discovered ranged along one side of the 
 palace of Khorsabad. From a careful examination of these bas- 
 reliefs, and those described in the chapter upon the Assyrian relics 
 in the British Museum, much insight will be gained with reference to 
 the extent of military strategy in vogue among the most warlike 
 nation of antiquity. Of this present series, the first bas-relief which 
 we shall select represents the attack of a fortress. This strong- 
 hold is formed of two towers surmounted by triangular battlements, 
 on each of which is seen a man: one holding up his arm to hea- 
 ven in despair, while the other hurls a javelin with his right hand, 
 and with the left covers himself with his shield. Two warriors, 
 much larger than the fortress, are kneeling before the towers ; 
 one is aiming an arrow at the besieged, while he is protected by 
 his companion who holds a square shield over his head : they 
 are both dressed in a fringed tunic, which reaches beneath the coat 
 of mail that covers their breasts, and their heads are protected by 
 pointed helmets. We shall again meet with these costumes on 
 better-preserved bas-reliefs, and we will describe them in detail by 
 and by. Behind the kneeling warriors are two others standing, one 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 141 
 
 of whom is also aiming an arrow at the fortress ; he is likewise 
 protected by a large shield that his companion is holding before 
 him. The other has a long robe fringed at the bottom, and his 
 breast is covered with a coat of mail. 
 
 On a neighbouring slab we see two kneeling warriors, turned 
 towards another fortress : they are in the same attitude as the pre- 
 ceding ones; but the shield, with which one of them is attempting to 
 protect the other, is not square but round, and is ornamented with 
 several circular bands of various designs. Before them there must 
 have been a fortress, of which the base only is given : this base is 
 apparently placed on a hill, at the foot of which there is a little sol- 
 dier kneeling down, and who appears to be letting fly an arrow. 
 
 Near the war scenes we have a bas-relief which evidently repre- 
 sents a group of prisoners under the guard of an individual dressed 
 in a tunic, and having in his right hand a long stick, with which he 
 seems to be pushing those who walk before him. The first three 
 figures are women ; they are attired in long tunics with short sleeves. 
 The first has a little bag in her hand, the second is leading a naked 
 child by the arm, and the third is carrying a long bag or leathern 
 bottle on her shoulders. Another man is seen, dressed in a long tunic 
 fastened by a girdle ; his back is covered with lozenges or imbricated 
 scales, which were at first taken for feathers. Other bas-reliefs, in a 
 better state of preservation, shew, however, that this was the manner 
 in which ancient Assyrian sculptors represented the hair of animals, 
 as did also the Persians at Persepolis. It is therefore the skin of 
 some animal that covers the back of this personage, who has on 
 small boots reaching to the calves and open in front, where they are 
 laced by transverse cords. The figures walking before him are 
 simply clad in tunics descending to the knees. 
 
 Scenes of active war come next. The king is seen in a car 
 drawn by two horses, and followed by a horseman. This bas-relief 
 was the first that Botta found in a tolerable state of preservation, 
 and was the one which inspired him with a presentiment of the im- 
 portance of the monument he had been fortunate enough to discover. 
 Three individuals are standing in the car. First is seen the king, 
 who, despite the corroded state of the surface of the slab, appears to 
 have had on his ordinary costume, the tiara and fringed mantle ; 
 one of his hands being raised, while the other holds the bow. Behind 
 him is a beardless servant, probably a eunuch, who holds a parasol 
 over the monarch's head. Beside him is the driver, whose arms, 
 stretched out, grasp the reins and the whip. 
 
 The car is square, and the pole which springs from beneath is 
 fastened by a rod from the upper part. The wheels have thick 
 
142 THE BUIMED CITY 
 
 fellies and thin spokes. The trappings of the horses in the original 
 appeared very rich, because the colours were sufficiently well pre- 
 served to be reproduced ; there is a plume on the head of each 
 horse, and an immense tassel suspended under the jaw to a strap 
 passing behind the ears ; a large band formed by three rows of 
 fringe covers the breast, and from the extremity of the yoke hangs 
 an ornament, also composed of three rows of fringe, which falls 
 over the Hanks ; the reins, which are at first single, afterwards 
 separate into three thongs, two of which are in the hands of the 
 driver, while the third is attached to the front of the car, no doubt 
 for safety, in case the others should fall from the driver's hands. 
 It is not easy to see on this bas-relief how the yoke was placed on 
 the horse ; but this will be more evident on other bas-reliefs of the 
 same chamber: all that can be distinguished on the present one is 
 a band passing under the horses' necks, by the aid of which the car 
 must have been drawn. Finally, it must be remarked, that though 
 there are but two horses, three plumes are represented: the one in 
 the middle was, without doubt, placed on the end of the pole, where 
 we shall presently see ornaments still more remarkable. 
 
 The horseman w r ho is following the car is, as far as can be judged, 
 dressed in a tunic : his quiver is visible, and he holds in his right 
 hand the bridle and a lance. The horse he rides is harnessed like 
 the others; however, the ornament on his head is not a plume, but 
 a sort of horn bent in the front. The colours of this bas-relief, as 
 just stated, were still very apparent. The king's tiara was red, as 
 well as the wood of his bow ; the driver's whip, the reins, and the 
 various straps of the harness, were of the same colour. The tassels 
 on the breast and flanks were alternately red and blue. The band 
 covering the forehead of the cavalier's horse was stippled with red 
 and blue, a* was also the head-ornament. 
 
 All that could be distinguished on a slab adjacent to the one just 
 described were some figures, one of whom, a eunuch, clad in the or- 
 dinary costume, is apparently writing with a stilus on a long band 
 which he holds with the other hand. This, at least, was what was 
 perfectly visible when the bas-relief was dug up, a considerable 
 time before any artist could sketch it. It is probable that this 
 eunuch was noting down the number of heads which are seen cut 
 off and piled up before him. 
 
 Near to this is a warlike scene, extending over six slabs. Arch- 
 ers are engaged in the attack upon a fortress. One, who is kneel- 
 ing and letting fly an arrow, wears a beard dressed in the Assyrian 
 fashion, and of great length : he is clad in a short-sleeved tunic 
 fringed at bottom, and his sword is hung on a baldric passing over 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 143 
 
 the rio-ht shoulder. Above his head is seen a shield, which appears 
 to be carried by a warrior placed before him. Next comes a eunuch 
 in a long robe, with his breast covered with a coat of mail ; and then 
 a soldier who holds straight before the eunuch a long shield or kind 
 of fascine. 
 
 The fortress appears to be surrounded by a ditch or a river, the 
 water being represented by undulated lines, broken now and then 
 by spirals. The lower wall, which is embattled, supports another, 
 also embattled, and likewise fortified with square towers. This wall 
 seems to surround a hill, on the slope and summit of which are 
 built a few isolated houses or edifices ; on the tops of these latter, 
 tongue-shaped flakes, painted red, seem to be intended for flames. 
 The towers are pierced with square windows ; the doors, on the con- 
 trary, are evidently arched : this is a fact worthy of attention. A 
 short inscription engraved upon the top of the hill, which is sur- 
 rounded by the wall, is certainly the name of the besieged place. 
 
 Of the personages composing the picture, some represent the be- 
 siegers, and others the vanquished. The latter are seen in various 
 situations raising their arms to heaven. One of them, transfixed 
 with an arrow, is falling from the summit of the fortress ; and 
 below, around the walls, there is a row of poor wretches stripped of 
 their clothes, and empaled through the neck on stakes driven into the 
 ground. 
 
 The besiegers, many of whom, as is likewise the case in Egyp- 
 tian bas-reliefs, are represented as of much greater stature than their 
 adversaries, mount by means of ladders to the top of the walls, where 
 some have already arrived. To the left, are seen three of them as- 
 cending one after the other. In their right hand they hold a lance, 
 and in their left a large round shield, with which they protect them- 
 
 12 
 
144 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 selves, and which appears covered with regularly-disposed plates. 
 They also wear a sword suspended to a belt, crossed on the breast 
 by another, so as to resemble exactly the belts of modern soldiers. 
 These warriors are dressed in tunics coming down to the knees, and 
 fastened round the waist by a girdle; they wean- helmets, the crests 
 of which are in the form of a horn bent forward, and very like the 
 ornament seen on the horses' heads. By the means of other ladders 
 placed on each side of the towers, smaller soldiers, dressed and armed 
 in the same manner, are mounting to the assault by a different way. 
 
 The king, in a chariot drawn by two horses, is going towards the 
 fortress; and so also is a warrior, in a car. The principal personage 
 is bare-headed, and has his hair dressed in the Assyrian style. He 
 wears a tunic, bordered with rosettes round the neck and opening at 
 the sleeves; his bow is stretched, in order to let fly an arrow at some 
 horsemen who are before him. By his side is the charioteer, holding- 
 triple reins in each hand. The harness of the horses, which are gal- 
 loping, is exactly similar to what we have already seen. 
 
 The car itself is, like the others, square, and borne on wheels 
 having eight spokes ; it also offers a few remarkable peculiarities. 
 At the top of the rod, which appears to be fixed on the right side of 
 the body of the car, there is a disk, on which are several emblems, 
 and which was no doubt intended to serve as a standard. At the 
 bottom and in the interior of this disk there are two lions' heads, 
 joined by their occiputs ; a horizontal wing projects from the mouth 
 of each. From the line of junction of these two heads springs a ring, 
 the upper part of which confounds itself with a tress composed of 
 four cords, which, united in the middle, afterwards rise, at the same 
 time diverging from one another to the summit of the disk. It ap- 
 pears that the ring and wings form a similar emblem to that so often 
 reproduced at Persepolis, and on Babylonian cylinders, above the 
 heads of the principal personages, and which have been explained 
 in such different ways. Below the diverging cords, and walking 
 upon the horizontal wings, are two bulls, with nothing fantastic in 
 their shape. Lastly, between these two cords, and extending by a 
 whole head beyond the circumference of the disk, is a personage clad 
 in the scooped-out robe and the scarf. On his head he wears a tiara 
 surmounted by a fleur-de-lis, and furnished by a triple pair of horns. 
 This personage is bending a bow, and seems to be shooting an arrow 
 in the same direction as that of the car. 
 
 The top of the rod which supports the disk is ornamented with a 
 double upper jaw of some fantastic animal ; the teeth appear to be 
 those of some carnivorous beast, but one who has a horn in the mid- 
 dle of its forehead. Underneath these two jaws are two rings, to one 
 
OP TIIE EAST — NINEVEH. 145 
 
 of which is a cord or plait, which is fixed below another ornament or 
 standard. This latter appears to be fastened on the pole between the 
 two horses. 
 
 This last ornament is shaped very like the steel of a hatchet, with 
 its edge upwards and its point turned downwards. On it is a sym- 
 bolical personage, with some animal's, probably a bird's, head : it 
 is, however, different from all that has yet been described, as it has 
 no wings. It is, besides, dressed in a different manner, wearing the 
 scarf and the scooped-out robe. It appears to be running in the 
 same direction as the car, holding in each hand— the right stretched 
 out before him and the left raised behind him — some object, the 
 form of which, with the exception of the ring, which is wanting, is 
 that of a cross with a handle. Two jaws of some animals, with one 
 horn in the middle of their forehead, are placed at the point where 
 this reversed hatchet joins on the rod. 
 
 Two horsemen are seen riding, or rather flying, before the car. 
 They belong evidently to some different nation, for they appear clad 
 in a simple tunic, over which they wear, on the back, the skin of 
 some animal, as is shewn by regular lozenges. Besides this, the 
 horses have no kind of ornament, and their riders appear to have 
 no saddles. 
 
 With but few variations, we see the same scene reproduced again 
 and again. The whole, without doubt, is meant to represent a battle 
 fought under the walls, before the taking of the fortress. 
 
 In a similar scene to the preceding, the king is in the car; the 
 driver is also there, as well as two warriors, having their heads 
 covered with pointed casques, and carrying bucklers. Before the 
 horses of the car, which are galloping towards the fortress, is a 
 horseman, covered with some animal's skin, and falling backwards. 
 On the background of the bas-relief, under the horses' bodies as well 
 as over their heads, are the wounded and dead in various attitudes. 
 Their position in the picture is doubtless due to the sculptor's inten- 
 tion of representing the ground strewed with the dead. Not being 
 able to do so agreeably to the laws of perspective, he preferred 
 placing them in impossible positions to not having them appear 
 at all. 
 
 In another group, the horseman flying before the car is in a dif- 
 ferent attitude. He is turned round to menace with his lance those 
 who are pursuing him. His horse has a few ornaments, especially a 
 sort of horn, curved forwards, on the head. 
 
 Again, we have the same scene, with the exception of a few de- 
 tails. The king, or personage with a tiara, has no scarf; he has 
 merely a tunic, and his sword appears to be suspended to a belt 
 
146 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 made of several rows of globules or pearls. The soldiers' shields, 
 placed beside him in the car, are the only things that can be distin- 
 guished. One of these shields has a large rosette in the middle ; the 
 other is ornamented with a circle of rosettes, beyond which there is 
 another composed of flowers and buds, connected by segments of 
 circles. On the other side of the car there appear to be two quivers, 
 one of which is perpendicular, along the anterior edge, and the other, 
 which is oblique, is maintained by a wide band, loaded with various 
 ornaments. The vanquished, as in the preceding bas-reliefs, wear 
 animals' skins on their shoulders: one, who is under the horses, is 
 lying on his back ; another, in the air, is pierced with an arrow. 
 The horseman who is flying before the car is trying to extract a 
 javelin that has entered his back. 
 
 Close by, archers are seen standing, and aiming arrows at a for- 
 tress. One of them is bearded ; the other is a eunuch. Both are 
 dressed alike. They have a long robe fringed at the bottom, while 
 their breast is covered with a coat of mail formed of long horizontal 
 rows of plates united by a tissue. At their side are other soldiers, 
 who protect them with rather a long shield, which they hold upright, 
 resting the lower extremity on the ground. 
 
 Now let us turn to the town against which the attack is directed. 
 It is built upon a hill, on which is marked a road conducting to the 
 principal gate. There is, first, one bounding-wall, which is battle- 
 mented ; and, next, another, which is fortified with towers, above 
 whose summit appear two or three flat-roofed houses. A few of 
 the besieged still defend themselves with their lances, and cover 
 their bodies with square shields : the surface of these is reticulated, 
 most probably to represent metallic plates. Others of the besieged, 
 placed upon the lower walls, appear already to despair of the defence. 
 The costume of these individuals appears to consist merely of a simple 
 tunic, scooped out between the clavicles. Their hair is arranged al- 
 most in the same manner as that of the Assyrians, but it is simply 
 girt with a red band ; it is also shorter, and does not fall upon the 
 shoulders : the beard is short and curled. A few corpses are stretched 
 on the flanks of the hill on which the place is built. 
 
 Among the besiegers there are two archers whose costume is new 
 to us. All the upper portion of their bodies, as well as their legs, 
 is bare, and they have only their waist covered with a piece of fringed 
 cloth, which is very evidently wrapped round their body; this piece 
 of cloth is held in its place by a large girdle ; the sword is attached 
 to a narrow baldric, passing over the right shoulder and traversing 
 the breast, which is besides crossed by a cord, of which it is impossi- 
 ble to divine the use; the bow and the wood of the arrows are painted 
 
Or THE EAST— NINEVEH. 
 
 14' 
 
 red ; the iron is painted blue. The beard of these two archers is 
 shorter than that of the Assyrians, and simply curled; they no doubt 
 represent auxiliary troops. Before them, on the contrary, is a kneel- 
 ing warrior, who seems a true Assyrian, to judge, at least, by his 
 hair and beard. He has a casque with a curved crest, and furnished 
 with a flap which covers the ears. Other soldiers, represented 
 smaller, are kneeling near the gates, and covering themselves with 
 their shields, while they try to set the place on fire by means of 
 torches ; indeed the flames, which are painted red, are very plainly 
 perceived beginning to consume the gates. 
 
 One portion of the adjoining slab completes the preceding scene, 
 the other part appears to belong to the following tableau ; in the 
 one archers are seen advancing towards the fortress we have been 
 speaking of, whilst in the other is a horseman turning his back on 
 the place in question, and shaping his course towards another for- 
 tress, to which we shall shortly refer. Among the first personages 
 there is one who, kneeling and letting fly an arrow, appears to 
 belong to the same nation as the archers mentioned in the preceding 
 paragraph. The upper part of his body is naked, and his hair and 
 beard are cut short; his belt and the band round his neck are painted 
 red ; his quiver is blue ; he is protected by a shield that a soldier 
 holds over his head. The soldier has a pointed helmet ; his tunic is 
 short ; and between his legs is seen the fringed appendage to a 
 piece of cloth which is wrapped round his loins; his sword is sus- 
 pended to a belt painted red; the bow hanging from his shoulder, 
 and the javelin that he has in his hand, are of the same colour, while 
 his quiver, on the contrary, is blue. 
 
 Behind these warriors stand two other personages. One is a 
 . eunuch, dressed in the usual robe, with his breast and stomach 
 
148 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 covered with a coat of mail. His companion, who is bearded, also 
 wears a pointed helmet, but has only a short tunic under his coat of 
 mail. In one hand he holds two javelins, while with the other he 
 maintains the shield upright on the ground before the eunuch. 
 Here finishes one warlike episode, only for another to begin. 
 The personage on the recent bas-relief whom we have not yet 
 described is a horseman ascending a hill, which is continued on the 
 following slab. His head-dress is Assyrian, and he appears to wear 
 half-boots, above which the leg, as far as the bottom of the tunic, 
 seems to be encased in tight-fitting chain-armour. The horse is ca- 
 parisoned as usual, but it is plain that he had a saddle, or at least a 
 shabrack similar to the ones used now-a-days. It may also be re- 
 marked that the horseman rides without stirrups. 
 
 The rest of the hill, the extremity only of which was visible on 
 the right side of the preceding bas-relief, is seen on the adjoining- 
 one. This hill is strewed with the slain, some of whom have their 
 heads cut off. The king, in his car drawn by two horses, advances 
 towards the fortress, which is built on a mound isolated by a valley- 
 It should be observed, that as the king in this bas-relief is not in 
 action, he wears the fringed cloak, which is not the case when using 
 his arms ; and for this same reason he is now accompanied by the 
 servant carrying the parasol. Besides these two circumstances, there 
 is little worthy of remark on this bas-relief, of which nearly the whole 
 details are to be met with on others. The tiara of the king is painted 
 red, as well as the parasol, which is surmounted by an ornament 
 similar to a fleur-de-lis, and which is so often seen. 
 
 The body of the car is ornamented with broken lines, which, 
 by crossing one another, form squares, in the centre of which are 
 smaller squares. The harness of the horse is the same as that already 
 seen; the tufts of the plume, as well as the tassels of the breast and 
 flanks, are alternately red and blue. This is also the case with the 
 imbricated scales that cover the forehead. The extremity of the 
 yoke is distinctly visible ; it is curved like a hook or horn, to which 
 is suspended the ornament that hangs upon the horse's belly. An- 
 other bas-relief shews an entire yoke with the ends curved, and dis- 
 plays how it was placed. Behind the car is a cavalier, and before 
 it a warrior on foot, holding a large round buckler in his left hand, 
 and in his right a lance or javelin. His casque is pointed. The 
 breast of this personage, as may be seen, is painted red ; but whether 
 this is meant for the colour of the flesh or of the tunic, we are at a 
 loss to say. However this may be, the fact should be noticed that 
 there is no trace of colour below the girdle, which is another reason 
 for believing that the lower portion of the garment does not belong 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 140 
 
 to tne tunic, but that it is a cloth fringed or unravelled at the bottom, 
 and wrapped round the loins, where it is made fast by the girdle. 
 The king and the warriors with him are evidently going towards 
 the fortress separated by the valley. 
 
 On the next slab is seen the continuation of the hill strewed with 
 dead bodies, and the fortress surmounting it : the fortress has but 
 one row of towers, on which the besieged are beheld in attitudes of 
 despair; all of them wear an animal's skin on their back. Under a 
 doorway, or in a niche, is a personage dressed exactly like the 
 Assyrian kings : he wears the tiara and the chasuble-shaped mantle : 
 it is difficult to explain why he should be placed in this situation. 
 His position favours the idea that, having penetrated into the for- 
 tress, he is giving, from the doorway, the signal for discontinuing 
 the combat which is taking place at the foot of the hill. 
 
 - 
 
 
 }''*:.--, 
 
 
 
 
 The remainder of the bas-relief represents episodes of the battle. 
 Two horsemen, with the pointed casque, are pursuing an individual 
 dressed in an animal's skin, who, struck by a lance, is falling before 
 them ; the legs of the horseman are distinctly covered with chain- 
 armour, and they are shod with half-boots laced in front. 
 
 Again we have the king in his car drawn by two horses gal- 
 loping, and trampling under foot a man falling backwards. The 
 latter belongs, no doubt, to the same nation as the besieged, for he 
 is dressed in the same manner : he has on his back an animal's skin, 
 as have also the two individuals who follow the car ; one of them 
 appears to be wounded, and supports himself by clinging with his 
 arm round the body of his companion, who is looking back and 
 trying to defend himself with his lance against the enemies who are 
 pursuing him. 
 
 As the king is represented in the act of fighting, he is not ac- 
 
150 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 companied by the eunuch carrying the parasol, neither does he wear 
 the fringed cloak. The only personages with him are the driver 
 and a soldier, who both wear a pointed helmet. The soldier appears 
 to be carying two shields, one to defend his sovereign before, and 
 the other to protect him behind. 
 
 The combat still continues. Two Assyrian horsemen gallop and 
 pursue, or trample under their horses' feet, individuals dressed in 
 animals' skins. The ground, as in the preceding bas-reliefs, is 
 strewed with corpses. The horsemen wear pointed helmets, short 
 tunics, stockings formed of rings of mail, fastened by garters, and 
 boots laced up in front. 
 
 We now come to a bas-relief found on the side of a doorway, and 
 
 which is very remarkable. The king is in a car, which is running 
 over a warrior in a short tunic, who has an animal's skin upon 
 his back. The ground is strewed with corpses. The car seems to 
 be coming down from a mountain, on which is a kind of monument 
 of a very singular appearance, the nature of which it is difficult 
 to guess. The wall (if indeed it be a wall) does not seem to be 
 perpendicular, but, to judge from the profile, hangs over very 
 much on the outside ; the summit is crowned by battlements like 
 little pyramids formed of steps; the whole has a shape something 
 like a corbel. From the upper edge of this edifice rise eight thick 
 diverging rods, apparently cylindrical, and terminated by sheaves, 
 painted red, and which, we may suppose, were intended to represent 
 flames. 
 
 We find on other slabs a further series of warlike pictures — an- 
 other series of combats. Two archers stand up wearing the pointed 
 casque, and both having their chests covered with chain-armour ; as 
 usual, one is a eunuch discharging an arrow, and the other a bearded 
 
OF THE EA.ST — NINEVEH. 151 
 
 personage. To protect the former, the latter is holding a large buckler 
 as tall as a man, and resting upon the ground. We can see that this 
 buckler was carried and kept upright by a handle. Behind the archers 
 is a car, and in it one man, who must be the driver waiting for his 
 masters, who have got out to fight. They are attacking a fortress 
 built on the summit of a little hill. It has three tiers of towers, 
 one above the other, and the first enclosure seems to stretch to- 
 wards the right at the foot of the mountain. On the left also are 
 seen two towers, likewise connected with the main body of the 
 place by a wall. Lastly, at the foot and on the fore part of the 
 hill are a few isolated houses; the windows are always square, but 
 the doorways, on the contrary, are arched, and close by means of 
 two flaps. 
 
 The most remarkable points in this representation of a town are 
 the singular objects which crown the upper tier of towers; on three 
 t)f them are stags' or does' horns very well drawn, and easily recog- 
 nisable. To judge from comparing them with the height of the men 
 beside them, these horns are much too large to be natural ; but we 
 must not rely on proportion, for in their representations the ancient 
 sculptors increased the size of those objects to which they desired to 
 call attention. It is, therefore, very possible that these were real 
 horns thus placed upon the towers : but it is very difficult to explain 
 for what purpose. Perhaps they were the national emblem of the 
 people attacked in this town by the Assyrians. At the present day, 
 no kind of stag or doe exists either in Mesopotamia or the mountains 
 which surround it. 
 
 The besieged resemble, by their costume of animals' skins, those 
 already seen. The greater part, despairing of being able to de- 
 fend themselves, raise their hands to implore pity from their van- 
 quishers; the others are still attempting to defend themselves with 
 their lances, and are hiding themselves behind square shields. The 
 besiegers are like those already met with several times; their helmets 
 are surmounted with crests bent forward like a hook, and have flaps 
 that cover their ears. Their tunics descend to the knee, and they have 
 straps crossed on their breasts, with a large round plate where the 
 straps pass over one another. Unlike the shields of the besieged, 
 those of the Assyrian soldiers are round; some of them, already ar- 
 rived at the summit of the hill, are trying at the foot of the first 
 enclosure to set fire to the gates with torches. 
 
 At the top of another slab is seen the attack of a fortress, which 
 has only two rows of towers, and is built upon a small hill at 
 the foot of a mountain situated behind it. A river, in which fishes 
 are visible, flows in front of the scene. The besieged, as usual, are 
 
152 
 
 THE BU1UED CITY 
 
 covered with skins, and protect themselves with square bucklers. 
 Some have their hands upraised in despair ; others are discharging 
 lances against their assailants; while several are seen precipitated 
 from the walls of the fortress. Among the besiegers are some that 
 evidently belong to foreign, and probably auxiliary troops. These 
 have no other dress but the piece of cloth rolled round their loins ; 
 their beard is short and curled; their hair, gathered up behind, is 
 held fast by a simple band. Having no shields, they fight exposed. 
 The foremost of these figures has seized with his right hand one of 
 the enemy by the hair of his head, while in his left he holds a 
 knife, with which he appears to be about decapitating him. His 
 two companions are discharging their arrows at the fortress. 
 
 On this bas-relief we perceive, for the first time, two warlike 
 machines often met with in other bas-reliefs — namely, battering- 
 
 hO 
 
 W 
 
 
 — ipg> 
 
 ^LSCT" W*^ 
 
 U£> 
 
 Vn % -ff- vlin iW- 
 
 rams. They move upon four wheels, and to advance one of them 
 to the walls a flagged road has evidently been made. The whole 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 153 
 
 nachine is covered with a roof, which envelopes it on all sides, and 
 vhich appears to be regularly ornamented. This roof is very much 
 aised in front to elevate the point of suspension of the rams, and 
 hus give them more force; the rams are provided with lance-headed 
 txtremities, and it is plain they have already effected a small breach 
 n the wall. 
 
 The siege of another fortress, having a single row of towers, 
 milt on a hill, next attracts our notice. The besieged appear to 
 )elong to a different nation from those whom we have heretofore 
 net with; and, judging from a very well-preserved head, they 
 nust be negroes. Their noses are flat, their lips thick, and their 
 lair short and woolly. They are clothed in short tunics, and do 
 lot wear the characteristic skins of the other people so often repre- 
 sented. Their arms are lances, and they have no shields to protect 
 :hemselves with. The besiegers are Assyrians. There are two cou- 
 ples of archers; one of each is kneeling, the other standing. Each 
 couple is composed, as usual, of a eunuch drawing the bow, and 
 )f a soldier covering his companion with 'either a round or square 
 shield as tall as a man, and resting on the ground. In this bas- 
 relief the long shield has its upper extremity bent back, in order 
 to shelter the combatants more efficaciously. Judging from the 
 reticulated lines upon it, this shield must have been covered with 
 metallic plates. 
 
 We have next a similar scene of the two horsemen; one is a 
 eunuch, the other is bearded, and both wear pointed helmets. On 
 this bas-relief it is still more apparent that the enemy are negroes: 
 the physiognomy and hair of the one falling before the horsemen can 
 leave no doubt respecting the race to which he belongs. It is seen 
 that, like his companion, who is standing and defending himself 
 with his lance, this individual has no beard. Both are clothed in 
 short tunics, and their girdles, indicated by undulated lines, seem to 
 be made of cords. A river with fish in it flows at the bottom of the 
 scene. In the angle of the bas-relief there is an Assyrian warrior 
 kneeling down and shooting an arrow. As this figure turns its back 
 to the preceding ones, it is connected with the scene sculptured on 
 the following slab. 
 
 This represents the attack of a town or fortress built upon an 
 isolated hill, at the foot of which commences or terminates the river 
 that we saw at the bottom of the preceding slab. The fortress has 
 only one row of towers. It is impossible to distinguish the character 
 of the people within the building ; but, judging by the absence of the 
 buckler, it is presumable that they were the same as the preceding. 
 All doubt, however, will be cleared away as soon as we can read 
 
154 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Assyrian writing, for near the fortress is a short inscription, giving, 
 most likely, its name. 
 
 Besides the kneeling warrior whom we have seen in the corner 
 of the preceding bas-relief, three others form part of the besiegers. 
 They are all Assyrians, as is shewn by their arms, their garments, 
 and the manner in which their hair is dressed. Their shields are 
 round, and covered with plates ; on their breasts they wear the 
 crossed braces, with a large plate at the point of intersection. They 
 have no chain-armour, but the upper part of their tunics appears 
 covered with regular rows of square plates : three rows of these same 
 plates ornament the lower edge as well. 
 
 Three other personages are seen upon this slab ; but, as they are 
 turning their back upon the besieged place, and shooting their arrows 
 in an opposite direction, they belong to another scene, the principal 
 portion of which is upon the following slab. Besides this, they have 
 no longer the river with fish in it at their feet ; by which fact a 
 different locality is indicated. These three warriors belong to the 
 auxiliary troops already mentioned. Their bodies are bare, their 
 loins only being surrounded by a piece of cloth held fast by a girdle. 
 Their arms consist of a short sword hung on a baldric, and a bow, 
 with its extremities terminating in birds' heads. Their beards are 
 shorter than those of the Assyrians, and do not fall in a square mass 
 upon their breasts, but are rounded off, and terminated by a row of 
 little plaits. Their hair, on the contrary, is long, and falls simply 
 upon their shoulders, without being gathered into a thick chignon 
 of regular curls. 
 
 Another attack comes next of a place inhabited by a different 
 people, and built upon a hill, surrounded at the base by a wall forti- 
 fied by towers. The battlements are, in every case, pointed, the 
 windows square, and the doorways arched. The inhabitants, who 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 155 
 
 defend themselves with bows and not with lances, like those repre- 
 sented on the preceding slabs, appear to be clad in a robe, with a 
 hood covering their head. These personages have a Jewish physiog- 
 nomy ; but it is easy to be deceived by trusting to such appearances. 
 
 Presently, on a roadway, is a battering-ram beating a tower 
 already partly demolished. The point of the battering-ram is sharp 
 and painted blue, which indicates that it was iron ; the covering of 
 this machine is itself overlaid with quadrangular plates, like those 
 on the shields of the Assyrians. 
 
 After the battering-ram, we again have a king or warrior in a car 
 drawn by horses at full gallop, and running over various enemies. 
 
 The king has not got his tiara, but a pointed helmet, like his com- 
 panions the driver and the soldier with the shield. The bas-relief 
 being in a bad condition, it is difficult to make out the details ; but 
 it would seem that the vanquished are again different from any 
 we have as yet seen. They have a short beard, and no hair visible 
 upon the top of their head ; they are clothed in a tunic descending 
 only to the middle of their thighs; their legs are encased in short 
 boots ; their shields are of a pointed oval, and their sabres bent so as 
 to resemble a Turkish yatagan. One of these vanquished people is 
 under the horses' feet, while another appears up in the air, through 
 faulty perspective ; a third is flying before the car ; lastly, two of 
 them are standing face to face with their enemy, and protecting 
 their bodies with their shields, as if still wishing to defend them- 
 selves resolutely with the help of their lances. 
 
 Two horsemen, galloping and armed with lances, are seen tram- 
 pling under their horses' feet enemies whose accoutrements consist 
 of a curved sabre, an oval shield, and a lance. The only difference 
 between this last nation and that represented on the opposite side of 
 
156 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the doorway, consists in the fact, that the personages belonging to 
 the latter wore caps, while those belonging to the other had nothing 
 but simple bands for head-dresses. But this difference is perhaps 
 merely apparent, and arises from the better preservation of the bas- 
 relief, on which the details are more distinct than on the other. 
 
 Such is a summary description of an upper and lower range of 
 bas-reliefs. They are, as has been seen, all historical, and represent 
 conquests and battles. At least three nations appear distinctly on 
 them as vanquished by the Assyrians : individuals whose physiog- 
 nomy and hair induce a belief that they are negroes ; those who wear 
 the hood ; and, lastly, those whose arms consist of a curved sabre 
 and the oval buckler. Let us hope that our progress in deciphering 
 the Assyrian cuneiform character will, by enabling us to read the 
 inscriptions which accompany the bas-reliefs, throw a positive light 
 upon these facts of the history of a people so interesting yet so little 
 known. 
 
 Another scene has yet to be described. Three warriors are repre- 
 sented as swimming across a river to a castle. One has his shoulder 
 pierced with arrows shot by enemies upon the bank. The action of 
 the shooting figures is w T ell varied and very spirited. The swimmers 
 are leaning their breasts against blown skins — just in the way used 
 to-day by the fellahs on the Tigris and Euphrates. The waves are 
 represented by such waving lines as might be made by drawing a 
 comb over sand, and fishes are shooting through them. The castle 
 has quite a modern look, too, with its towers and battlements. 
 Women appear over the battlements holding up the palms of their 
 hands, — either in supplication to the deities or welcome to the 
 fugitives. 
 
 On another slab the sacking of a town is represented. A number 
 of figures are carrying off, at full speed, sundry articles pillaged from 
 the buildings exhibited on the relief which immediately adjoined it. 
 The first figure holds in his hand a vase with a handle ; the last, who 
 wears the pointed conical cap, with lappets for the ears, carries on his 
 right shoulder a large vase, supported on a stem of unusual length. 
 Another figure has slung across his back a buckler of a conical shape, 
 painted and ornamented in the centre with a lion's head. Similar 
 bucklers are represented suspended from the walls of edifices about 
 to be pillaged. It will be recollected that, in the Temple of Solomon 
 at Jerusalem, bucklers of gold were preserved, which were carried 
 away by Shishak king of Egypt (2 Chron. xxii. 9). Upon the same 
 relief a still more curious scene is represented. Two eunuchs are 
 occupied in weighing in a pair of scales a number of objects, the 
 nature of which cannot be discerned, but are doubtless meant to re- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 157 
 
 present part of the recent spoil. The beam of the scales is straight 
 and suspended on a support, probably a tripod, the stems of which 
 terminate in lions' feet. This apparatus is again placed upon a sup- 
 port resting on legs, carved to represent bulls' or goats' feet, which 
 are terminated in their turn by the reversed cones which occur so often. 
 The eunuchs are habited in their long robe, but without the fringed 
 scarf, which they only wore on full-dress occasions. In the right- 
 hand corner of the frieze, beneath the eunuchs just described, three 
 individuals, each armed with a hatchet, are busy hacking at the 
 limbs of a figure, from which they have already separated the arms, 
 which either represents a living man or a statue. These executioners 
 wear the same head-gear as the pillagers ; the figure itself is clothed 
 in a long robe, with a pointed cap descending to the neck. The most 
 probable interpretation of the matter seems to be, that they are 
 breaking up a statue composed of one of the precious metals, and 
 that the eunuchs are employed in weighing the fragments as they 
 are delivered to them. 
 
 We next see the results of the fray. Prisoners, evidently belong- 
 ing to one of the nations of which the preceding slabs have shewn 
 the disasters, now appear. Their nationality is recognised from the 
 animals' skins they have on their shoulders. The first figure is a 
 man carrying a leathern bottle on his shoulder, with a smaller one 
 in his hand ; these bottles are fastened in exactly the same way as 
 those now used in the East to contain oil, honey, or to carry water 
 on a journey. Behind this individual there is a naked child, who is 
 looking up as if to implore the protection of a man walking behind 
 the first one. In this bas-relief there are also other figures, which 
 all appear as if they were being driven by an Assyrian warrior, 
 wearing a pointed helmet, and armed with a bow and sword. We 
 see also prisoners before the king. The latter is robed in his usual 
 rich costume; behind him is the eunuch with the bandalet and the 
 fly-flapper ; kneeling before him are two prisoners with fetters on 
 their hands and feet : they belonged, doubtless, to the nation whose 
 disasters were so frequently represented. They have, in fact, their 
 shoulders covered with a skin, and wear small boots with turned-up 
 points. Their girdle, also, is indicated by undulated lines, which 
 are apparently meant for cords. Another group represents other 
 prisoners also chained and clothed in the same costume; besides 
 this, the short tunic worn by this people beneath their skin cloaks 
 is very evident. Behind these prisoners is a eunuch or some other 
 personage clothed in the Assyrian fashion, and, no doubt, conduct- 
 ing them before the king. There is a band of inscriptions along the 
 bottom of the two eunuchs' garments and of the prisoners' tunics. 
 
158 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Some other prisoners are discerned, led by an archer; they wear 
 a short tunic bound with a girdle, which appears formed of small 
 cords, or a plait. Their shoulders are covered with animals' skins, 
 and their legs with halt-boots, having turned-up points. The one 
 who walks first has a small leathern bottle in his hand. The last 
 appears to be a woman, to judge at least from the cut of the robe, 
 which is very similar to those worn by other female prisoners on 
 these bas-reliefs. This woman is carrying a child on her shoulders. 
 
 Prisoners come also led by eunuchs. The captives' beards are 
 short, and their heads bound with bands; their hair hangs on their 
 shoulders in parallel and vertical rolls, instead of being like that 
 of the Assyrians. Their dress appears to be composed of a long 
 robe, ornamented at the lower edge with rounded fringe. On their 
 backs and shoulders they have cloaks also fringed, which, from their 
 appearance, must have resembled the abbaies of the Arabs ; that is, a 
 sack slit up in front, and open at the sides to allow the arms to pass 
 through. The girdles of these captives are, like those of the people 
 clothed in skins, indicated by undulated lines, from the side of which 
 hangs an ornament like a key, or watch appendage. They have 
 fetters on their feet and hands, and are in a supplicating attitude. 
 A bearded guard is seen with four captives before him ; two are 
 standing and two are kneeling ; all of them have a ring passed through 
 the lower lip ; to this ring is fastened a rope, which, as we shall see, 
 the king holds in his hand. One of the prisoners appears to have a 
 cap with a flap hanging down behind ; but this possibly may merely 
 be something produced by the corroded state of the slab. Besides the 
 long robe fringed at the bottom, they all wear a kind of chasuble. 
 There is an inscription at the bottom of the guard's or magian's gar- 
 ment, who is standing behind the captives. On another bas-relief is 
 sculptured the king, holding in his hand the cord fixed to the 
 prisoners, and pointing his lance atone of those who are kneeling 
 before him. As usual, he is followed by his two characteristic ser- 
 vants, the eunuch carrying the fly-flapper, and the other with the 
 bow and quiver. 
 
 Again, the same scene is repeated, but in an inverted order. 
 The captives kneeling before the king are not of the same nation 
 as the preceding ones ; for they have the skin, cloak, and turned-up 
 half-boots. Behind them are four eunuchs guarding them. A long 
 band of inscriptions extends over all the lower portion of these per- 
 sonages. 
 
 Three prisoners belonging to the besieged people are being led 
 into a fortress, one of whom is evidently a woman, dressed in a long 
 fringed robe, coming down to her ankles ; on her shoulders she 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 159 
 
 appears to have a small cloak, which perhaps forms part of the hood, 
 that is also fringed, and hangs behind her head like a point or tail, 
 only allowing her face to be seen. She has a little leathern bottle in 
 her hand ; her feet, like those of the other prisoners, are bound with 
 
 
 
 sandals exactly similar to those seen in Sennaar and Arabia. The 
 sole is maintained in the middle by a band fastened on each side of 
 the foot to a strap that goes round it, passing behind the heel ; an- 
 other strap secures the anterior extremity of the sole by passing be- 
 tween the toes. A second female, clothed in the same manner, is seen 
 carrying a naked child astride on her left shoulder, just as Arabian 
 women do now. The child's body is certainly naked, but it has a 
 small hood : this is one of the reasons which incline us to think that 
 this head-dress did not form part of the robe, but was merely placed 
 above it. Before this woman is a eunuch with a pointed helmet, rais- 
 ing his mace in his right hand. This eunuch does not wear his usual 
 civic attire, but is completely armed : the coat of mail is seen on his 
 shoulders, from one of which his quiver is suspended, and he holds 
 his bow in his left hand ; his legs are covered with a tissue of close 
 rings of mail, over which are his half-boots laced up in front. Three 
 personages walk before the eunuch ; they are three men belonging 
 to the same nation as the women ; their dress is exactly the same, 
 and their sex can only be distinguished by their physiognomy and 
 their beard: the latter is shorter than that of the Assyrians; their 
 hair cannot be seen, as it is hidden by the hood. We shall see these 
 prisoners conducted into the presence of the king. 
 
 The king is in his car, preceded by two guards ; before him is 
 a eunuch preparing to kill an individual whose head is enveloped 
 in a hood, and who, consecpaently, must belong to the same nation 
 as the preceding prisoners. The king wears his ordinary costume, 
 
 j 2 
 
160 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 and, as he is not in the act of fighting, is accompanied by the servant 
 carrying the parasol. The horses' trappings offer nothing new ; only 
 as the details are in a good state of preservation, we have a perfect 
 view of the hook at the extremity of the yoke, to which hook is 
 attached the tassel that hangs upon the horses' flank ; it is also evi- 
 dent that the bridle passed into a ring inside this hook, and, after 
 traversing it, divided into three thongs. 
 
 The two guards, who are standing before the car, hold their arms 
 stretched out and lowered before them. Perhaps this attitude was 
 intended to intimate to the prisoner that he was to kneel down 
 and undergo his fate. The dress of these warriors is simple : they 
 appear to have merely a tunic tied by a girdle, but it is evident 
 that, besides this, they wear a piece of cloth wrapped round their 
 loins; otherwise it would be impossible to account for the appear- 
 ance of the fringe, which hangs obliquely before and behind. 
 
 The eunuch is in his war costume, every detail of which can be 
 beautifully made out. He has on a pointed helmet ; a tunic fringed 
 at the bottom comes down to his knees, and his breast is covered 
 with a cuirass, formed of a tissue which is covered with regular rows 
 of juxtaposed scales; the cuirass, like the tunic, has fringe round 
 the bottom. His legs are defended, not by chain-armour, but by a 
 stocking covered with imbricated scales ; over this defensive armour 
 are boots laced in front, and reaching up to the knee-pan. The 
 eunuch holds the beard or throat of the prisoner with his right hand, 
 while with his left he draws his sword from its scabbard, as if wait- 
 ing for a sign from the king to use it. The unhappy prisoner has 
 fetters on his hands, which he appears to raise in a supplicating 
 manner. 
 
 The bas-reliefs give us, amongst other things, a pictorial history 
 of the preparations for the attack of a maritime place, that could not 
 be approached without constructing a bridge or dike. Numerous 
 boats are seen bringing the necessary materials, and on one slab is 
 seen a fortress, placed on a mountain, at the foot of which the dike 
 is already begun. Above there are other fortresses : but it is evident 
 that the attack is not directed against these, as the boats pass before 
 them without stopping. 
 
 The boats are all of the same form, but some are distinguished 
 from the others by a mast having a top. The stern and head appear 
 rounded, and rise, with a marked elevation, terminating at the prow 
 with a horse's head, and at the poop they spread out, so as to look 
 something like a fish's tail. The horse's head has, like those we have 
 already seen, a thick band of imbricated scales. 
 
 Five of these barks cany a mast supported by two stays, one of 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 1G1 
 
 which is fastened forward under the neck of the horse's head, and the 
 other aft, at the beginning of the fish's tail. The tops at the mast- 
 heads are of two descriptions : there are some which are rounded and 
 wide above, with the shrouds of the stays seen round them ; while 
 there are others, on the contrary, which appear square, and where the 
 stays, of which the shrouds are not visible, run to the angles of the 
 quadrangle. From this we are justified in believing that these quad- 
 rangles are not tops ; that the tops are hidden, and that the square 
 which conceals them is a sail ; and then, the stays just spoken of would 
 be nothing more than the braces of the sail. This doubtless appears 
 very small, but it is evident that ancient sculptors paid as little at- 
 tention to proportion as they did to perspective ; the bas-reliefs 
 themselves are a proof of this, and the smallness of the sail is not a 
 sufficient motive for rejecting the supposition just made. 
 
 Each craft is manned by four or five rowers with short beards, 
 clothed in a tunic, and having their heads covered with caps. They 
 appear to row with oars flattened at the extremity, which are plunged 
 in the water and curved like an obtuse sickle. Although the tholes 
 of these oars are not shown, it does not appear that the rowers use 
 them like paddles ; neither are we justified, from the position of the 
 arms, in saying the rowers used their oars as we do, that is as levers 
 supported on the side of the boat. There is no rudder visible, and it 
 is probable that one of the rowers, the one who is stationed at the 
 stern, steered the boat by means of his oar. At the top of one bas- 
 relief, this steersman or master, is seen fixing to the stern-post, the 
 rope which runs to the angle of the square-top ; this action strengthens 
 an opinion that these quadrangles are sails. In such a case, the 
 master or helmsman would be employed in trimming them. At the 
 bottom of the same bas-relief, this same master appears again, dressed 
 somewhat differently, and directing the landing of the cargo, of which 
 we will now speak. 
 
 All these barks, with the exception of a very few, of which Ave 
 will say a few words presently, carry squared planks, some of which, 
 tied to the stern-post by a cord, float at the stern ; while others, four 
 in number, seem to be supported by the acroteria above the heads of 
 the rowers. As, however, nothing is to be seen which would keep 
 these pieces of wood in this position, which would, moreover, have 
 compromised the safety of the craft, unless we suppose them dispro- 
 portionately wide and deep in comparison to their length, we arc inclined 
 to believe that this is to be regarded as another intentional instance of 
 faulty perspective. We shall see battle-scenes in which the dead are 
 represented above the heads of the living warriors. In the present 
 case, it is possible that the sculptor wished to show the beams placed 
 
162 
 
 TIIE BURIED CITY 
 
 in the boats themselves, or at the sides. It is not, perhaps, without 
 use to remark, that the planks at one end have a hole bored in them, 
 and that through this the rope passes which binds them to the stern- 
 post: this hole is apparent, even at the end of those winch are above 
 the acroteria; and, at the present day, the planks which come to 
 Mosul from the mountains of Kurdistan are pierced in the same 
 manner at one of their ends, — a rope being passed through the hole 
 to drag them through the forests to the places where they are made 
 into rafts, in which form they float down the Tigris. 
 
 The war-boats of the bas-reliefs thus laden are all turned towards the 
 same point, that is, towards the fortress to be attacked. This strong- 
 hold appears to be on the summit of a mountain, on which a road is 
 traced. Unfortunately, the upper half of the slab, which shows this 
 warlike story, is wanting ; but, judging by what remains, it is pro- 
 bable that the sea or river, on which the scene takes place, stretched 
 above the fortress. From this we may conclude that the sculptor 
 wished to represent it isolated in the midst of the waves. At the 
 foot of the mountain a straight row of posts is seen, which indicates 
 that the dike or bridge is begun : a similar row, placed a little above, 
 shows that the place was to be reached from two points. Near the 
 mountains, on bas-reliefs, are seen sailors occupied in unloading the 
 
 boats of pieces of wood : some raise them on their shoulders, and 
 push out one of their ends ; while others, who are on land, are har- 
 nessed to a cord, which is passed through a hole in the other end. 
 
 None of these barks with cargoes have a mast ; others, on the 
 contrary, which appear empty, have not only a mast with a top or 
 sail, but are all going in an opposite direction to the first ones: they 
 arc sailing from the fortress. The simplest explanation that can be 
 given of this fact is, that the masted boats have left their freight at 
 
Or THE EAST — NINEVEn. 163 
 
 the foot of the fortress, and are returning, perhaps, to fetch others ; 
 as the holds or the acroteria are no longer obstructed by the pieces of 
 wood, the sailors have been able to set up the masts, which they use 
 to accelerate their speed. This appears the more probable, because 
 these empty boats differ neither in form, dimensions, nor the number 
 of rowers, from those that are bringing the materials : the first ones, 
 then, cannot be taken for men-of-war, serving, as it were, for convoy- 
 ships. 
 
 The fortress which seems to be the object of the expedition, un- 
 fortunately no longer exists, the top of the bas-relief being destroyed ; 
 the two others, before which the fleet is passing, appear, like the first, 
 to be isolated in the midst of the waves, for the striated volutes that 
 represent them, are seen both above and below the towers. One of 
 these castles is on the summit of a little mountain, the other seems to 
 be built on a foundation regularly constructed with squared stones ; 
 both have rows of towers superposed. 
 
 In the water which covers the space of these five bas-reliefs, nu- 
 merous animals are seen swimming, some of which appear natural, 
 while others are certainly symbolic. Among the latter is the bull 
 with a human head, similar to those met with at the large door- ways 
 of the Assyrian temples : at the bottom of the bas-relief there is 
 another bull, whose body is naturally formed, but he has wings, and 
 is galloping. The most remarkable, however, of these fantastic 
 beings, is a personage with a human body, and a fish's tail ; he is 
 similar to the figures often engraved upon the Babylonian seals and 
 cylinders, and occurs twice. The beard and hair of this monster are 
 arranged like those of the king, or the winged figures ; on his head 
 he wears a rounded tiara, with double bull's horns at the side, and 
 surmounted by the Jleur-de-lis ; one of his hands, which is open, is 
 held up in the air, while the other, which is also open, is held down. 
 All these symbolical figures are looking towards the fortress, and 
 appear to be accompanying the flotilla. 
 
 Among the creatures are fishes, tortoises, crabs, lizards or cro- 
 codiles, and shells of various forms. The characteristics of these 
 creatures are not sufficiently distinct, or sufficiently exact to en- 
 able us to say with certainty whether the scene of action is a river, 
 or the sea. The latter supposition is the more probable one. In the 
 first place, the way in which the water is represented, shows that the 
 waves were rough, and does not at all resemble the manner adopted 
 by the Assyrian sculptors in representing rivers on other bas-reliefs. 
 For this purpose they engraved longitudinal and parallel lines, sepa- 
 rated, now and then, by a few spirals, which ran always in the same 
 direction ; in the present instance, on the contrary, we see lines and 
 
1G4 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 spirals crossing 1 each other in every direction, without the least indi- 
 cation of any current. The form of the shells is rather that of sea- 
 shells ; the long fish, which may be taken for eels, are found in the 
 sea as well as in rivers ; and, besides this, the one seen in the mid- 
 dle of one of the bas-reliefs, has a beak, which makes him look 
 like a hippocampus. ' Lastly, the tortoise, which occurs several times, 
 cannot be the tortoise of the Euphrates, the Tigris, or the Nile, which 
 has a carapace without scales, while ours has very regular, and very 
 apparent ones, which causes it to resemble those that supply the 
 ordinary tortoise-shell. On the other hand, there are, in our bas- 
 reliefs, several saurian s, with squamous skins, and, in the seas of the 
 old world, none of that family exist, whereas, besides the crocodile 
 several kinds of lizards inhabit the banks and waters of the Nile. 
 This question is therefore undecided, and, unfortunately, will always 
 remain so, for the inscriptions which the fortresses probably bore 
 have disappeared. 
 
 The five bas-reliefs representing the sea scene just described, form 
 a series by themselves, by no means the least interesting of those 
 discovered. 
 
 But enough has been said of these bas-reliefs. The battles fought 
 and won, the prisoners secured, and some of them punished, the vic- 
 tors, in true classic style, sit down to a great feast. As the scenes 
 of this banquet differ very little on the various slabs discovered in 
 the ruins, it is not desirable to describe them one after the other. A 
 genera] sketch of the whole feast will be best, just indicating es- 
 pecially where any remarkable peculiarities exist in any individual 
 bas-relief. 
 
 The guests are all seated at table ; servants are seen employed in 
 obtaining water or wine from a large vase, to carry to the f'easters. 
 
 The persons charged with this task are eunuchs, unarmed, but in their 
 usual dress. To carry the liquid they have little pails, with their 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 165 
 
 bases formed of lions' heads, similar to those represented in the pro- 
 cessions of the facades. One of the eunuchs, with a fly-flapper in 
 his hand, precedes the others. 
 
 Musicians are seen, clad in a short tunic held fast by a girdle ; 
 their head-dress is different from that of the Assyrians, as is like- 
 wise their beard ; the latter is short and simply curled, while the 
 former is all drawn back and cut horizontally above the shoulders, 
 where it is terminated by a single row of curls. The instrument on 
 which these musicians are playing is placed against the body under 
 the left arm, and appears to be held fast by a broad band passing 
 over the right shoulder. It is a kind of lyre, with 
 a square body and lateral branches ; the latter being 
 connected with a cross-bar, to which are fixed the 
 cords, which seem to have been rather numerous ; 
 we can count eight at least, and in the part which 
 is corroded away there is room for three or four 
 more. This lyre, like our own harp, was played 
 by both hands at the same time, one being placed on one side and 
 the other on the other. Exactly similar instruments may be seen in 
 Nubia and Dongola at the present day ; and the physiognomy, the 
 head-dress, and even the costume of the musicians, still occurs in 
 our times in these same countries ! 
 
 We again also behold two eunuchs, one of whom has the fly- 
 flapper; then come two bearded servants, with Assyrian head-dress 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 and costume. In their right hands both have a mace ; and with the 
 left they hold up a vase, rather broad at top, and shaped like a lion's 
 head at bottom. 
 
 The guests are seated on high stools, four at each table; they are 
 evidently Assyrians, dressed in the long robe and fringed scarf; some 
 have beards, the others are eunuchs. All the guests, according to the 
 
166 
 
 TnE BURIED CITY 
 
 antique custom, are eating with their fingers ; some hold up goblets, 
 with bottoms shaped like lions' heads, as if drinking some one's health. 
 The tables are evidently covered with a cloth. The stools are adorned 
 with bulls' heads ; the feet are like cones formed of rows of imbrica- 
 ted scales, or of gradually decreasing rings, such as are sometimes 
 seen on English tables. It is impossible to guess what were the ob- 
 jects placed on the tables, all these bas-reliefs having been greatly 
 damaged by the action of fire and of the other elements. On one, 
 the feathers or the tail of some bird may be plainly perceived ; but 
 every where else these objects are at present indiscernible. 
 
 The representation of this banquet extended over the whole of a 
 tier of bas-reliefs placed near a series illustrating warfare ; the battle 
 and the feasting being thus placed side by side — the one being the 
 reward which awaited the victors in the other. 
 
OF THE EAST — 2JINEVE1I. 
 
 1G7 
 
 THE KING, MAGIAN, AND ATTENDANT EUNUCHS. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 The Assyrian King and his Court. 
 
 As might be expected in the decorations of a palace, we find in the 
 Assyrian remains frequent representations of the monarch in regal 
 costume, attended by the chief officers of his court. At times he holds 
 his right hand in the air, whilst an eunuch carries the fly-flapper and 
 bandelet behind him ; at others his left hand rests upon the hilt of his 
 sword, and -with the right he holds a long stick, on which he appears 
 to lean. His hair is arranged in the same manner as that of the 
 eunuchs, and his long beard is dressed with the same minute care. 
 His whiskers are curled in little curls, and his moustache, which is 
 cut clean off above the lip, is similarly curled at the corners of the 
 mouth. Numerous and regular curls cover his cheeks, and the part of 
 his beard which hangs down is divided into tightly twisted cords, 
 broken by three horizontal rows of curls, and three similar rows are 
 found again at the bottom. This arrangement, more or less carefully 
 carried out, occurs in all the male figures which have not, like those of 
 the eunuchs, lost the signs of their manhood, and may be considered 
 as an ancient proof of the care that the Orientals always took, and still 
 take, of their beards. 
 
 The king is crowned with, a tiara of the form of a truncated cone. 
 As the tiara appears to take the |form of the head, we may suppose 
 that it was made of some flexible material. From the centre of this 
 kind of crown rises a small cone, and the whole exactly resembles the 
 caps worn by the Persians of the present day, which, as we are aware, 
 are formed of black skin with the fur on, and have on the top a little 
 cone of printed stuff or red cloth. But the tiara of the Assyrian kings 
 
1G8 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 was assuredly not composed of animals' skins ; for on a companion bas- 
 relief there are bands of red ornaments painted upon it. Two bande- 
 lets, which also are red, spring from underneath the back of the tiara, 
 pass over the shoulders, and hang down behind the back : they are 
 terminated by a woollen flock or fringe. 
 
 Although the figure of the king occurs often, it is somewhat diffi- 
 cult to make out clearly the form of his garments, First of all, he 
 has a long tunic covered with regular rows of squares, in the middle 
 of which are rosettes : the bottom of this garment is bordered with 
 a fringe terminating in four rows of pearls. Over the tunic is thrown 
 a kind of cloak, the arrangement of which appears to be explicable in 
 one manner only. 
 
 The mantle must have been composed of two pieces, one in front 
 and one at back. These pieces were rounded off at the bottom, and 
 sown together, leaving an opening however through which the head 
 might pass ; each of the upper corners of these pieces is stretched out 
 in the form of a band or thong, the front one being thrown back- 
 wards over the right shoulder, and the posterior one being cast for- 
 wards over the left shoulder. 
 
 On comparing two sculptures, in which the king is clad in the 
 same dress, but in the one shows his right, and in the other his left 
 side, it will be seen that the explanation just given is very satisfactory. 
 In both views, in fact, the mantle appears to be scooped out at the 
 side as far as the top, while each half is rounded off at the bottom. 
 In one case we see the corner of the posterior half stretching out and 
 passing over the right shoulder ; in the other, where a more front 
 view of the body is obtained, the posterior appendage is remarked 
 falling forward at the same time that the angle of the anterior half 
 is seen stretching out to pass over the left shoulder. In the latter 
 case, the right arm seems as if it passed through a short armlet, or a 
 hole made in the stuff, and not between the two pieces, as it does on 
 the opposite side. Such a plan may possibly have been adopted, in 
 order to avoid the derangement of the mantle by the more frequent 
 movements of the right arm. 
 
 The embroidery of this royal mantle is as rich as that of the tunic 
 which it covers ; the material is covered with large rosettes, which 
 have smaller ones in their centres ; all the edges are bordered with 
 a scries of little rosettes, contained in squares. This is the case, too, 
 with the opening of the arm, as well as that through which the neck 
 passes. Lastly, a long fringe sets off the borders of the two halves, 
 and extends even to the extremity of the appendages, which here 
 appear reduced to the mere border of little rosettes. 
 
 To complete the description of this Assyrian regal costume, it must 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 169 
 
 be added that the feet are shod with sandals, having an elevated quar- 
 ter, painted with red and blue stripes alternately. At the anterior ex- 
 tremity you perceive a ring through which the great toe passes in 
 order to fix the sole ; which is also, by the by, kept in its place by 
 a cord passing over the foot and traversing alternately two holes in 
 the inside and three on the outside of the quarter. Sandals precisely 
 similar are still used at the present day in Mesopotamia, and par- 
 ticularly in Mount Sindjar. 
 
 The costume of the sovereign represented in another sculpture 
 deserves notice. The ear-rings are simple enough : on each side 
 of the ring there are three little globules, and a stem, which is 
 •nearly spindle-shaped, and ornamented simply with a few knobs. 
 The bracelets for the wrists are, on the contrary, very rich. They 
 are formed of a plate, on which regularly-marked divisions appear to 
 indicate the existence of joints calculated to produce flexibility. This 
 plate bears a number of large rosettes touching each other. They 
 are composed of an external ring, and then a first circle of small 
 leaves, in which is a second ring surrounding a small rosette, in the 
 middle of which rises a projecting globule. The bracelets, which 
 clasp the arm above the elbow, are spiral, formed, as usual, of wires 
 bound together. 
 
 The sheath of the sword is very remarkable. To judge by its 
 prismatic form, we may presume the blade resembled those of our 
 own swords, but it is much broader. Near the end, there is an orna- 
 ment composed of two lions couchant, who embrace the sheath with 
 their paws, at the same time throwing their heads back. 
 
 Standing behind the king are two beardless personages, who, 
 from the roundness of the features, and the absence of any beard, 
 might, at first sight, be mistaken for women, but who are intended, 
 in fact, to represent eunuchs. One of those represented here holds 
 in his right hand a fly-flapper over the head of the king, while in his 
 left he has a bandelet. Behind this eunuch there is another carry- 
 ing, probably, the insignia of royalty — the bow, the quiver, and a 
 mace or sceptre. 
 
 These two eunuchs, like all those we shall subsequently see, are 
 dressed in the same manner. In the first place, they wear a long 
 tunic drawn tight round the neck, and falling down to their ankles ; 
 the sleeves terminate above the elbow. The bottom of this tunic is 
 richly ornamented; it has a border of rosettes contained in squares, 
 while from it hangs down a row of tassels or tufts, very similar in 
 their arrangements to that of the trimmings of furniture now-a-days. 
 This kind of fringe is itself terminated by three rows of little balls, 
 intended, no doubt, to represent pearls or ornaments of that descrip- 
 
170 TEE BURIED CITY 
 
 tion. On the feet are open sandals, embracing- the heel, and leaving 
 the metatarsus and toes exposed. 
 
 Above the tunic is thrown a broad scarf, from which hangs a long 
 fringe, which reaches the knees, where it terminates in an even line, 
 leaving the remainder of the tunic exposed as far as the lower border. 
 This scarf crosses the back and the breast, passing over the right 
 shoulder and under the left arm. As it is oblique, the fringe which 
 hangs down from it ought, if it were everywhere of equal length, to 
 hang obliquely as well ; and we find this to be the case, for one row of 
 fringe which seems to be superficial, but from beneath this hangs down 
 another row, and terminates horizontally about the knees. It must 
 therefore be admitted, that two sets of fringe are attached to the scarf, 
 the upper one being of an equal length all the way, and the lower one, 
 on the contrary, increasing in width as the scarf rises towards the 
 right shoulder. The latter set of fringe seems to be fastened to the 
 girdle, which appears above the scarf on the loins of the eunuch carry- 
 ing the fly-flapper. This is the simplest manner of explaining these 
 two layers of fringe, one of which terminates obliquely and the other 
 horizontally. Be this as it may, however, this kind of shoulder-belt 
 is always richly embroidered ; that of the eunuch carrying the quiver, 
 has three lines of rosettes in squares; that of the other eunuch has three 
 rows of concentric squares. 
 
 The hair of these personages, like that of all Assyrian figures, is 
 arranged in a most curious manner : it appears carefully combed down 
 upon the head, but spreads out upon the neck into a sort of chignon, 
 formed of a mass of curls which rest upon the shoulders. We shall 
 often meet with this style of wearing the hair, which latter, in all cases 
 where the colour has been preserved, is always painted black. 
 
 The ornaments of these two eunuchs are alike ; they have each two 
 pairs of bracelets, one pair at the wrist and the other round the arm ; 
 those round the arm are spirals formed of wires and attached to one 
 another by other wires. The bracelets of the wrists also are com- 
 posed of a parcel of wires, but they are not spirals ; they form circles, 
 broken by lions' heads, the muzzles of which touch. 
 
 Besides these ornaments for the arms, the eunuchs of the bas- 
 reliefs wear others, which seem to have been very general among the 
 Assyrians — they have ear-rings. They are rather simple, but, like all 
 Assyrian car-rings, their shape somewhat resembles a cross. To the 
 ring is fixed a stem more or less ornamented, while two lateral 
 branches, the form of which varies, branch off either from the stem 
 or the ring itself. 
 
 The objects which the first eunuch holds are, as before mentioned, 
 a fly-flapper and a kind of bandelet. The fly-flapper, like the parasol, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 171 
 
 appears to have anciently been one of tlie insignia of royalty in the 
 East. The handle terminates at the bottom with a.lion's head ; at the 
 
 upper extremity it spreads out 
 into a kind of flower with nume- 
 rous sharp petals. This flower 
 seems the same one that we shall 
 often see, either in the king's 
 hand or in the hands of others. 
 From this flower there springs 
 out a tuft of feathers. The ban- 
 delet, which is held by the eu- 
 nuch in the other hand, grows 
 wider towards the bottom, and 
 terminates in fringe that is paint- 
 ed red ; it is double, or rather folded in two, and the handle thus 
 formed goes round the thumb. 
 
 The other eunuch carries weapons : the bow is slung on the left 
 arm, and appears angular rather than curved, its two extremities ter- 
 minating in birds' heads, emblematic probably of the rapidity of the 
 arrows ; in this bas-relief the bow is painted red. The quiver is hung 
 under the left arm, by a band which passes over the shoulder, and is 
 subsequently fixed to two rings. Judging by a detailed sketch of the 
 ornaments with which the quiver was covered, its form appears to 
 have been square. A series of broken lines borders the lower extre- 
 mity, while at the opposite one are seen the feathered shafts of the 
 arrows. Along the upper side is a kind of beading, formed of wires 
 bound together at intervals by other wires. The end of this sort of 
 cord extends beyond the feathers of the arrows, and is terminated by 
 a ball surmounted with a little flower, of which we have a specimen 
 on the handle of the fly-flapper. It is difficult to say with certainty 
 what this cord was, but probably it is nothing else than a parcel of 
 bowstrings intended to be at hand in case of need. The ornaments of 
 this quiver and the little tassels which adorn it were painted red. 
 The mace has a cylindrical handle ; the head is formed by a ball sur- 
 mounted by a crown and the jaws of a lion ; the hilt is thinner than 
 the other part of the handle, and appears to have been encircled with 
 thin cord, in order that it might afford a firmer hold. There is 
 also at this extremity a loop, intended to be passed refund the wrist 
 and thus prevent the weapon's escaping from the grasp. The exist- 
 ence of this appendage induces the belief that this stick was used as a 
 weapon, for, without it, we should have been at liberty to suppose 
 that it was a sceptre. The dress of the king need not be described. 
 Opposite the king, on the same bas-relief, there stands another 
 
1 'l 2 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 bearded personage whose right hand is opened and raised, while the 
 left rests upon hjs sword hilt. The hair and beard of this person, 
 who has been termed a magian, are precisely similar to those of the 
 king. The head is bare, but, in spite of its present ruined condition, 
 it is plain that it was surrounded by a band, from which, as from the 
 king's tiara, two red fillets, terminated by fringes, descend. 
 
 The dress of the magian is exactly similar to that of the eunuchs 
 before described. It consists of a large tunic, fringed at the bottom, 
 and with short sleeves ; above this a broad scarf, with long hanging 
 fringes, is cast obliquely over the left shoulder. The scarf is edged 
 with a triple series of little rosettes placed in squares, and very evi- 
 dently, like the fringes, passing over the sword, to which it acted, 
 perhaps, as a baldrick. The sandals are similar to the king's, except 
 merely that they are painted blue. 
 
 The ear-rings are much effaced, though we are still able to dis- 
 cover that they were shaped nearly in the form of a cross. A circle, 
 adorned with three large rosettes, forms the bracelets for the wrists ; 
 those for the arms are spirals of wire. The sword hilt is exceedingly 
 rich ; at the top of it is a hemisphere, and then a ball between two 
 flat disks ; lastly, the two upper jaws of a lion, placed near each other, 
 embrace the blade, and terminate the hilt at the point where it presses 
 against the opening of the sheath. 
 
 In another bas-relief we have a eunuch clothed like the preced- 
 ing ones. There is a difference, however, in a few details. The 
 handle of the sword is similar to that of the king : that is, at the 
 top of the scabbard it is ornamented with two lion's jaws embracing 
 the blade ; further, it does not appear to be suspended to the scarf, 
 under which it passes, as usual, but seems to have a peculiar belt 
 passing over the right shoulder. On the breast are seen the remains 
 of a band, ornamented with three wide rows of pearls ; the middle 
 row is broken from time to time by round plates formed by these 
 globules or pearls. This eunuch has his right hand raised in the air, 
 and appears to be beckoning on some personages who follow. 
 
 We now meet with figures bringing presents to the king, 
 to whom they are directing their steps, summoned or introduced 
 by the eunuch just mentioned. On this bas-relief there are two 
 eunuchs, dressed, like all we have as yet seen, in a long tunic with a 
 long-fringed scarf. The first one is carrying two hemispherical vases 
 without any ornament. The ' second is likewise carrying two vases, 
 but of a totally different form ; they are cylindrical, terminated at the 
 bottom by a lion's head, and furnished with a moveable handle, which 
 is fixed to the edge by two rings. On considering the undulated 
 outlines of these latter vases, and how little fitted is the head, winch 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 173 
 
 forms the bottom, to serve as base, it would seem that they were 
 really the necks of young lions, the skin of which was tanned, and the 
 mouth closed up in some manner or other, to render them fit to con- 
 tain liquids. There is one thing certain, and that is, that the outlines 
 of these singular vases are precisely such as a cylindrical vessel of 
 flexible leather would take, when partly filled with fluid, and sup- 
 ported by a stiff handle fixed to two points of the opening. This sup- 
 position has nothing absurd in it, since, in the East, even at the present 
 day, skins and leather bottles are commonly used to send wine in, or 
 to cool water, according as they are or are not permeable. 
 
 These personages offer nothing remarkable, with the exception of 
 their bracelets, which are of a shape we have not yet met with. Those 
 round their wrists are simple rings, not soldered, and even half open. 
 Exactly similar ones may be seen at the present day on the arms of 
 Arab women. 
 
 Immediately following we have two eunuchs moving towards the 
 king, like the preceding ones, and carrying on their shoulders a car, or 
 rather arm-chair, placed upon two wheels. The following is the manner 
 in which this sort of carriage is constructed : — The back is straight, and 
 rises above the arm, which seems round, and is bent in such a manner 
 as to join the anterior leg, which is square. Between the arm and the 
 seat, there are three little bearded figures, wearing a sort of tiara, gar- 
 nished at the side with double bulls' horns. Between the seat and a 
 cross bar which connects the back leg with the front one, is the little 
 figure of a horse richly caparisoned, who seems to push forward with 
 his chest the leg against which he leans. The bar on which he stands 
 is covered with ornaments resembling jteur-de~lis, placed base to base, 
 and thus connected by a ligature ; and lastly, the legs terminate in 
 a conical mass formed of rows of scales, like those of a fir-cone, and 
 becoming smaller as they near the point. 
 
174 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 It is difficult to say how this chair is placed upon the carriage. It 
 is plain that the back legs may have been placed upon the axle-tree, 
 but the front leg appears to be borne by the pole ; this, however, is 
 impossible, since the pole was a simple one, and necessarily fixed in 
 the middle of the axle-tree. 
 
 The wheels have eight thin spokes, but the tire-iron is, on the con- 
 trary, very thick. To judge by the size of the eunuchs who carry 
 them, these cars must have been very small. As for the pole, it is at 
 first straight, but afterwards curved and terminated, on a level with 
 the arm of the chair, in a horse's head, as much ornamented as that of 
 the horse placed under the seat. This pole, when placed between two 
 horses, must have rested upon their back, by means of a cross-bar 
 finished off at each end by a gazelle's head. Nothing is wanting, for 
 the sculptor has even represented the reins, in the shape of three cords 
 going from the yoke to the axle. 
 
 There is nothing else to be remarked in this beautiful bas-relief, at 
 present in the Louvre at Paris. The eunuchs are dressed as usual, 
 their ear-rings only have a new shape. 
 
 Two eunuchs without swords are seen, in another bas-relief, carrying 
 a richly ornamented seat or throne. The back is not much raised, 
 and is surmounted by a bearded figure, whose costume is similar to 
 tnat of the personages we shall describe by and bye. The head of this 
 figure is covered with a tiara, surmounted by a double pah- of bulls' 
 
 horns, or crescent, in the middle of which is perceived the usual Jlcur- 
 de-lis. Four similar figures support on their heads the arm of the 
 throne, which is very low ; they appear to walk with their right hands 
 raised. Lastly, two other personages, standing on a thick transversal 
 bar, seem to bear the bottom of the throne on their raised arms and 
 open hands. They are clothed like the preceding ones, but they have 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 175 
 
 no tiara, and their heads are encircled by a diadem or band, orna- 
 mented with rosettes. Further, a little lower, another transversal bar 
 is sculptured with double volutes, united back to back by ligatures. 
 
 The absence of the sword is the only peculiarity in the costume of 
 the eunuchs who carry the throne ; the rings on their arms are simple 
 spiral stems, and the bracelets on their wrists are also simple rings. 
 
 Other eunuchs succeed them, carrying a peculiarly constructed 
 table. Their costume offers nothing new ; the table, on the contrary. 
 is very remarkable. Its top is flat, but it is rounded underneath ; 
 this form, together with its square legs, makes one think that it was 
 perhaps a large vase. The legs are terminated below by strong lions' 
 paws, and seem placed on a plate which is itself supported by cones 
 covered with imbricated scales, and resembling fir apples. A strong 
 bar joins the legs above the terminal lions' paws. On this bar there 
 are two bearded figures, furnished with tiaras ornamented with horns 
 and surmounted with fleurs-de-lis ; they are turned towards one an- 
 other, and their right hands are raised above their heads, to support 
 the rounded under part of the table. These two figures are separated 
 by a round fluted leg, which is from time to time encircled by rings 
 ornamented by a row of scales of the fir apple. This leg extends from 
 the centre of the upper plate to the lower. 
 
 The dresses of the two following figures, who carry a car, 
 differ materially from the preceding. They appear to have a tunic 
 with very short sleeves, falling to their knee-pans ; an ample 
 girdle encompasses their loins, and a piece of fringed cloth is per- 
 ceived hanging between their legs.- Such is the appearance pre- 
 sented; but, as it is very difficult to conceive what this fringe 
 can be, if the costume is reduced to so great a degree of sim- 
 plicity, it would seem that what appears to be the bottom of the tunic 
 is, in truth, the fringed end of apiece of cloth twisted round the loins, 
 and retained in this position by the girdle. It can be seen, in fact, 
 that the fringes hang down from a similar edging to that of the bot- 
 tom of the tunic, — that is to say, one formed of rosettes in squares. It 
 is even possible for us to suppose that this supplementary piece of 
 clothing is placed under the tunic, as is still the case, at the present 
 time, in Yemen, where the inhabitants wear under their shirt a long 
 napkin thrown around their loins ; the legs and feet are bare. 
 
 The bracelets are very simple ; on the arm, they consist of a spiral 
 stem, and on the wrist, of rings without any ornament. The ear-rings 
 have a stem terminated by a small cone. The sword, the hilt of which 
 is decorated with lions' jaws, is hung on a large baldrick ornamented 
 with three rows of pearls, the middle row of which is broken by four 
 plates of similar globules. The hair, as usual, is collected in a mass of 
 
176 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 curls upon the shoulders. The beard is arranged like that of the king, 
 except that the terminal tresses are shorter, and have only two hori- 
 zontal rows of curls. 
 
 The car which is carried by these two individuals is, unfortunately, 
 mutilated, and the ornaments which formerly decorated it are no 
 longer distinguishable. The body of the car is square, strengthened 
 in front by a strong piece, from the bottom of which the pole rises 
 obliquely, then forms an angle, and becomes perpendicular to the 
 body. From the top of the anterior piece there descends a shaft 
 which joins obliquely at the angle made by the pole, which is 
 straight for the rest of its length. 
 
 The yoke, which is very much twisted, is straight in the middle 
 where it joins the pole; it then presents on each side two semicircles, 
 each separated by a straight portion, and, lastly, at each extremity 
 there is a hook turned the opposite way to the semicircles. Accord- 
 ing to this arrangement, it is allowable to suppose that there was, 
 under the yoke, room for four horses, one under each semicircle; and 
 this appears the more probable, as these hollows appear to be furnished 
 with a pad ; in this case, the half rings which seem to close them 
 would represent the thongs which passed under the neck of the 
 animal to support the yoke. We may also suppose that there was 
 room for two horses only. Their neck would then be placed under 
 the straight portion, separating the semi-circles on each side, and 
 these, being closed by the half rings, would serve as ties to the yoke. 
 As for the wheels, they have eight thin spokes, and very broad tire- 
 irons, and appear larger in proportion than those of the arm-chairs 
 already described. 
 
 The bas-reliefs we have just spoken of were all found in the same 
 facade. The figures of which we are now about to speak follow the 
 preceding ones, and, like them, appear to be bringing presents 
 to the king. 
 
 First we have a bearded personage leading four horses. He is 
 dressed like the preceding ones, with the exception of his tunic, which 
 is simpler, and without embroidery on the sleeves. Between his legs 
 the end of a piece of fringed cloth is also seen. 
 
 The four horses are placed very evenly abreast, their heads and 
 legs being all in a straight line, and in the same position, as is also 
 seen on ancient medals. By a peculiarity, difficult to account for, 
 on the part of their sculptors, who have not spared their work, the four 
 heads are distinctly seen, but there is only one breast, and the num- 
 ber of the legs is but eight. Further, it is impossible to understand 
 the position of the individual who is leading the horses. His right 
 hand holds the bridle on the right side of the neck of the first horse, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 177 
 
 and yet his body is, at the least, on the left side of the second horse, 
 since his legs are partly hidden by those of the animals. It cannot 
 be supposed this is an error ; consequently, we must conclude that 
 this manner of representing such subjects was conventional. 
 
 The caparisons of the horses are extremely rich ; over the chest 
 passes a band, fixed to the withers, with a double row of tassels, which 
 appears to be terminated by small pearls hanging from it. Another 
 embroidered band comes from the top of the head, and supports, 
 under the jaws, a tassel formed of three tufts placed one above the 
 other, and terminated also with pearls. The head carries a plume, 
 likewise of three tufts, on the top of which is a globule. The bridle 
 appears to be formed of the same pieces as ours, made more than two 
 thousand years since. The head-stall is trimmed with rosettes ; a 
 thick band, formed of imbricated scales, passes over the eyes, and, 
 where it joins the head-stall, terminates in a small double-tufted 
 tassel. The leather strap which supports the bit, and that which 
 passes over the nose, are ornamented with rosettes; as for the bit 
 itself, it is fastened to the bridle by three branches forming the radii 
 of an arc. The tail of the horse, which is very long, is tied up in the 
 middle by a broad strap. 
 
 Near where this last bas-relief was found was a door giving access 
 to a chamber. This doorway differed from the rest,, as it was not 
 covered with slabs of gypsum, but the mass of the unburnt bricks of 
 the wall remained exposed to view. There were, as usual, before it, 
 two holes for idols, and on the left side was a strong stone ring let 
 into the ground. It is impossible to say for what it was used. A\ e 
 might perhaps suppose that it served to tie up the horses, as it re- 
 sembles those still employed at Mosul for that purpose; but the 
 nature of the pavement of the esplanade hardly admits of this c-xpla- 
 
178 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 nation ; the bricks were too tender to resist the shock of a horse's 
 hoof. Time, however, may account for their softness. 
 
 Near this door was represented an eunuch dressed like the rest, 
 and carrying one of the vases with a lion's muzzle for base, such as 
 we have already seen ; with one hand he supports it, and with the 
 other he covers up the opening. After him came two eunuchs, in 
 their ordinary dress, carrying a table. The bracelets on the wrists of 
 these personages are, like those on the arms, formed of wire trans- 
 versely bound together. The table they are carrying is flat at top, 
 and is ornamented with lions' heads at the angles. Paws of the same 
 animal terminate the legs, which are square, and marked transversely 
 with four rows of triple grooves. These legs are connected by a bar, 
 on which are sculptured double volutes, placed back to back, and at- 
 tached to each other by bands with vertical grooves. The whole is 
 supported by imbricated scales. 
 
 Following are seen two eunuchs, in their ordinary dress, and 
 with bracelets. The first one is carrying a stool, or rather a small 
 table, of the same form as that just described, but much less wide. 
 That which induces the belief it is a table, and not a seat, is, that 
 its height is the same as that of the object preceding it, which 
 could not be the case if it had been used as a seat. The eunuch 
 who is following behind carries in his two hands, which are raised, 
 a large round vase, with a very simple border and no ornament. 
 Both of them, instead of having the scarf and the bottom of the 
 tunic embroidered with series of rosettes, have bands of rosettes inter- 
 twined with concentric squares. 
 
 We will now glance at a phase of bygone life revealed to us by the 
 excavations ; one of which reminds us that, in ancient as in modern 
 times, the chief business of the monarchs was the levying and re- 
 ceipt of taxes. We have lately seen on one wall the king conquer- 
 ing a country, — slaying its warriors, destroying its strongholds, 
 and carrying off its men and women captive. On the opposite side 
 is sculptured the sequel of the campaign, — the conquered bring to the 
 conqueror an annual tribute. Botta found these slabs of unusual 
 height, covered with these processions of tributaries making their way 
 to the king. One of these two personages carry in each hand a 
 small model of a fortress, the emblem, doubtless, of some conquered 
 town. The beard and hair of these individuals, as well as their 
 dress, differ from what we have as yet beheld. The hair is not 
 gathered up in a mass of curls upon the shoulders; it hangs 
 down in regular rolls, cut circularly at the same height above the 
 neck. The hair of the beard, curled on the jaws in rows of curls, 
 hangs beneath in short rolls, like those of the hair of the head. The 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 179 
 
 beard does not fall down upon the breast, like that of the other per- 
 sonages, but it is cut off level with the shoulders. 
 
 The cap that these figures wear appears to be formed of bands 
 crossed on the temples, and widening on the front and back of the 
 head. We see vanquished personages and prisoners wearing a similar 
 head-dress ; and it is, perhaps, important to remark that this head- 
 dress is nearly similar to that of foreign people represented in some 
 Egyptian bas-reliefs, and accompanied by a hieroglyphical legend, 
 which proves them to be Scythians. 
 
 The dress appears to be a tunic, ornamented near the bottom with 
 a slight band of circular fringe ; at the bottom is another band of 
 fringe, which is much longer and triangular, or pointed. A sort of 
 cloak, open up the sides, and covering the back and front of the 
 body, appears to be thrown over the tunic. The lower edges, as well 
 as those of openings up the sides, are bordered with a band of circular 
 fringe ; and at the angles there are little tassels, formed of three tufts. 
 The covering for the feet consists of a sort of half boot, open and 
 laced in front. The ears and arms are without ornaments. 
 
 The little fortresses that these figures hold in their hands have 
 but one row of towers, connected one with another by walls. The 
 embrasures and windows are distinctly seen. A similar object, at 
 the beginning of the Nineveh researches, was mistaken on a badly 
 preserved bas-relief for a cage. 
 
 Two persons next follow, each of whom is carrying in his hands 
 a round vase, or a sort of bowl ; and after them two similar figures 
 to those, carrying sacks or leathern bottles on their shoulders. With 
 their left hands they grasp the necks, which are also tied with 
 strings ; their right hands support the bottoms. 
 
 A man next appears, leading two horses, the trappings of the 
 horses being like those already noticed, with the exception that the 
 plume differs in not being composed of tufts placed one above another. 
 A stem, fluted transversely, supports a crescent, with the points turned 
 downwards; from this spring radii representing feathers; while a 
 sort of fasces, ornamented with similar feathers, surmounts the whole, 
 and appears to terminate the stem, which seems to be the fixed head- 
 stall of the bridle. 
 
 All these figures are walking towards the king ; others that we 
 are about to see belong to a similar procession, and direct their course 
 towards another kingly figure, originally standing near a doorway, and 
 probably a representation of the same monarch, or one of the same 
 dynasty. Let us glance at the people who approacli him. First 
 we have a eunuch carrying a round vase, which he holds with his left 
 hand, and appears to be covering with his right. Two eunuchs come 
 
180 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 next, the first of whom carries a vase with a bottom formed of a lion's 
 head, and the second a round vase similar to that of the preceding 
 bas-relief. These eunuchs have no swords. Two eunuchs then ap- 
 pear, with folded hands, and without swords. 
 
 Other eunuchs follow; the first, with a sword hung at his waist, has 
 the left hand hanging down, and the right raised in the air ; the next 
 is without weapons, and has his hands folded. Two eunuchs without 
 swords, and carrying a table, are the next in order ; to these succeed 
 two bearded guards, dressed, like the eunuchs, with the fringed tunic 
 and the scarf, and holding lances in their left hands. 
 
 An eunuch next brings by the handles two vases with lions' heads. 
 Before him is a guard, with his hah' and beard dressed in the usual 
 manner : he is clothed in a tunic, with short sleeves and coming down 
 to the knees, where it is bordered with a row of rosettes ; a scarf or 
 belt passes over his shoulder, and seems to support his sword ; this 
 scarf is, like that of the eunuchs, embroidered with two rows of 
 rosettes, but it has no long fringe. The warrior has his bow slung on 
 his left arm, and his left hand carries a mace. On his right side is 
 the quiver, the arrows of which are not seen, because its extremity 
 is hidden by a piece of cloth that hangs down. The colours had 
 remained very evident on this figure : the scarf and quiver were 
 painted red ; the bow was blue ; the hair, beard, circuit, and pupil of 
 the eye were black, as usual. 
 
 Guards and eunuchs succeed each other, some of them seeming 
 to beckon on those who follow, that all may pay their court to 
 the monarch, who is the point of attraction. Some are armed 
 with swords, some carry quivers, bows, and maces, others have the 
 crossed hands of men full of thought, and displaying the habit and 
 aspect of peace. Here and there we see a magian with his head 
 bound with the band ornamented with rosettes, and having the 
 bandelets hanging down from it. He leans one hand upon the pommel 
 of his sword, and raises the other in the air. Behind him is a eunuch 
 with his right hand hanging down open. Another magian carries a 
 triple flower-bud. 
 
 In one instance, standing before the king, is, first of all, the ma- 
 gian, one of whose hands is resting on the pommel of his sword, 
 while his left is open, and hanging down. Behind him is an 
 eunuch, whose right hand is open and raised, while his left also 
 rests on the handle of a sword. In another of the bas-reliefs are 
 two figures, the first an eunuch with his hands crossed, and the 
 second a bearded personage, dressed exactly like the eunuchs, with 
 his hands in a similar position. But the best view of the king and 
 court may be had by the examination of the processions, which ex- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 181 
 
 tend over all one side of an esplanade. One represents the king, in 
 his usual costume, raising his right hand and holding in the other 
 the symbolical flower, no longer as a bud but full-blown. Behind him 
 is the eunuch with the fly-flapper and the bandelet. A magian and 
 eunuch stand before the king. The eunuch appears, by raising his 
 hand, to announce the arrival of the personages who follow. An 
 eunuch and a bearded guard, both dressed in the same manner, look 
 with folded hands at the king. Another bearded guard stands next 
 with his hands folded ; behind him is an eunuch, who, with his right 
 hand raised, and thrown backwards, seems also to beckon to the per- 
 sonages who follow. 
 
 The first four are dressed in long robes fringed at the bottom edge; 
 their backs are covered with small cloaks, which are square at the bot- 
 tom, and edged all round with a border of rounded fringe ; they appear 
 to wear boots, as their toes are not seen ; and have on calottes or caps, 
 which appear to be formed of bands crossed on one another. Their 
 hair is short ; what is seen of it falls on their necks in vertical rolls ; 
 their beards are arranged in the same manner, except that there are 
 four rows of small curls on their cheeks and chins. 
 
 The first of these personages carries in his left hand four rosettes, 
 similar to those so often seen on bracelets ; they appear to be fixed 
 on a plate by a band which covers them ; but perhaps the sculptor 
 merely wished to represent a box, which he left open at the sides, 
 in order to allow the objects which it contained to be seen ; the 
 naivete of these ancient sculptors authorises this supposition. The 
 two personages that follow carry ear-rings and finger-rings enclosed, 
 like the rosettes, in a box, or simply put upon a plate. In another case 
 we see only an individual holding a bowl or round vase in each hand. 
 
 The following figures are dressed somewhat differently ; instead 
 of a square cloak, they have a sort of cope bordered with rounded 
 fringe falling before and behind : we have already met with this 
 kind of dress. It is plain that all these individuals belonged to the 
 same nation. Three of these persons with the cope carry a bowl 
 in each hand ; the two following carry leathern bottles upon their 
 shoulders ; the last figure is so dilapidated, that it is impossible to 
 determine the objects he carries in his hands. 
 
 In a third procession, which extended all along an extensive wall, 
 there is one of these figures whose dress cannot be the cope worn by 
 the others, but rather a small square cloak, coinciding perfectly 
 with the form of such a cloak as is worn by the abbaie of the Arabs, 
 open in front, and with short sleeves. The two anterior edges of 
 this kind of cloak were fastened by means of a cord or small chain, 
 one of whose ends, furnished with a cross-bar, is passed through a 
 
182 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 ring fixed on one of the edges. It is a singular fact, that it is precisely 
 in this manner that the Arabs of the present day fasten their abbaie, 
 only, according to their fashion, the cord is placed nearer the neck. 
 
 On other bas-reiiefs we have the representation of a very inter- 
 esting procession of tribute-bearers to the king. As usual, eunuchs 
 are acting as introducers, and beckoning on the individuals who are 
 following. First of all come horses led by unarmed personages ; the 
 latter all wear tunics descending to the knee, and have animals' skins 
 on their backs ; their boots are open and laced up in front ; their 
 heads are encircled by bands ; their beards are short, and, like their 
 hair, hang in parallel rolls. The skins, which serve them as cloaks, 
 are represented in a very evident manner: the tails are seen on the 
 necks of the individuals ; the front paws are, consequently, on their 
 hips, and the hind paws are turned up on their shoulders ; the hair, 
 as usual, is represented by striated lozenges ; but in some cases irre- 
 gular circles indicate that the artist wished to represent panthers' 
 skins. The harness of the horses differs in nothing from what we 
 have already seen. Besides the individuals leading the horses, there 
 are others walking in a supplicating attitude, or carrying little fort- 
 resses. Some are also carrying lances. 
 
 The range of bas-reliefs that were placed above the preceding are 
 rather more varied in character ; they also represent different person- 
 ages bringing tributes or presents to the king, each group being in- 
 troduced by a eunuch. A few of these individuals carry models of 
 fortresses ; others, bowls or leathern bottles ; and others, again, lead 
 horses or camels. As these latter animals have only one hump, it is 
 plain that they are not the camels of Bactriana, but of Africa or 
 Arabia; it must also be remarked that they are female camels ; in 
 the East, these are always more highly esteemed than the male. 
 
 The tribute-bearers on the upper tier are of a different nation to 
 those of the lower bas-reliefs, for their dress is of another character : 
 they wear a long robe, fringed at the bottom, and over it a kind of 
 chasuble ; a few, however, seem to have round their loins nothing 
 but the usual piece of cloth trimmed with fringe, the end of which 
 hangs down between the legs. The heads of all the individuals with 
 the chasuble are very weM preserved, and, with the exception of two, 
 have the crossband cap or calotte ; these wear caps with the points 
 curved backwards, and their beards are longer and dressed in the 
 Assyrian style. 
 
 Numerous as are the bas-reliefs representing the wars of the king, 
 his conquests, his captives, and his tributaries, we have yet another 
 series to examine, which will give us an idea of another, but no less 
 interesting, phase of ancient Assyrian life. The series we now refer 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEYEII. 
 
 183 
 
 to consists entirely of subjects representing civil life. Of the two 
 rows of bas-reliefs of which they are composed, the lower one is a 
 suite of hunting scenes, the upper one represents a banquet. Let 
 us begin by a description of the lower bas-reliefs. 
 
 Two horsemen are seen galloping in the midst of trees ; both are 
 clothed in simple tunics fastened with girdles ; they wear stockings 
 made of rings of mail, and boots laced up in front. The first has 
 a lance, the second is flogging his horse with a whip that has three 
 lashes. The harness offers nothing remarkable. Some birds are 
 seen flying through the trees ; judging from the two long feathers in 
 their tails, they belong, probably, to the family of katas, so com- 
 mon throughout the East. In front of them we have a con- 
 tinuation of the forest, in the middle of which are two men on foot, 
 one of whom holds a hare and the other a bird. Further on is seen 
 a horse without a rider ; on its head there seems to be a bird of 
 piey, which seems, by the shortness of its beak, to be a falcon. 
 
 The next bas-relief is much dilapidated. All that can be seen 
 is a man walking between the trees, and carrying in his hands ob- 
 jects that it is not possible to distinguish. Two eunuchs clothed in 
 
184 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 their ordinary attire, each of whom is carrying a bird and a hare, 
 come next. The birds, as well as the trees, are painted blue ; the 
 pyramidal form of the trees, and the manner in which the branches 
 are arranged, show them to be cypresses or fir-trees. 
 
 A slab, of which, unfortunately, a fragment only remains, dis- 
 plays a bird pierced with an arrow. There is also a disk, in the 
 middle of which it is easy to distinguish the figure of a lion, in 
 which arrows are implanted. This may not have been the repre- 
 sentation of a real lion, but a target for the archers, for the repre- 
 sentation of archers practising is seen on the adjoining slab, where an 
 eunuch evidently appears to be aiming at a disk placed on the top 
 
 of a mast or stick, and in the middle of which there is a large 
 rosette. Behind this eunuch is a bearded man, who has in one 
 hand a whip and a hare, and in the other the bridle of a horse with- 
 out a rider. On the right is another figure, turned in a contrary 
 direction to the preceding persons, and who forms part of the king's 
 suite. This attendant has his mace on his shoulder, and one of his 
 hands is resting on the pommel of his sword. By comparing his 
 dress with that of the man placed behind the eunuch, an evident 
 proof of what has been several times asserted will be obtained, 
 namely, that there was a piece of cloth wrapped round the loins above 
 the tunic; for on the one, the fringe rises obliquely; on the other, the 
 first threads of the fringe are distinctly seen tied to the girdle which 
 fastens the cloth. On looking at these figures, it is evident that the 
 interior and hidden end of the cloth was also fringed ; and the bot- 
 tom of the tunic is perceived in the angle formed by the crossing of 
 the two extremities. This fact appears remarkable, because the 
 same kind of attire is now found in Arabia, and because it was for- 
 merly used by the Egyptians. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 185 
 
 Three horsemen gallop after the car of the king. The first two 
 are eunuchs, and the scene is still in the midst of trees. Then comes 
 
 the king himself in his car, drawn by two horses at full speed. He 
 is accompanied by the driver and eunuch, holding the parasol over 
 his master's head, and, as he is not in action, he wears his fringed 
 cloak. The tiara and parasol are painted in red stripes ; the flower in 
 the king's hand is painted blue. The handle of the driver's whip is a 
 gazelle's foot ; and in this respect resembles some of our own hunting- 
 
 whips. Three guards, carrying lances, walk before the car. This 
 closes, thus far, the hunting scene. We now turn to another, and, 
 perhaps, still more interesting subject. First are seen four guards 
 carrying maces on their shoulders, marching towards a palace or 
 temple, built on the bank of a river containing fish, and on which 
 are boats. This edifice is raised on a square base ; the facade is 
 composed of two pilasters, without ornaments, at the angles, and 
 of two columns with rounded bases. The capitals, which are 
 
186 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 heavy and massive in proportion to the rest, are formed of several 
 rows of mouldings surmounted with thick volutes, above which $re 
 smaller ones. The abacus is like a staircase turned the wrong 
 way. The entablement, which has convex edges, is surmounted 
 with battlements, like those seen at the present time on Arabian 
 walls and monuments. There are neither doors nor windows. It 
 is impossible to understand the course of the river that flows at 
 the foot of the monument. It appears to be divided into two parts, 
 since the trunk of a tree which passes before the upper part is seen 
 to terminate in the lower one. Near this trunk a dike seems to 
 extend to a bridge of boats ; and it would appear that the artist 
 wished to represent a staircase leading down the monument, or per- 
 haps another bridge of boats extending across the first arm of the 
 river : these last, however, are only conjectures. Besides the trees 
 like cypresses, other very different ones are seen, scattered over the 
 background of the bas-relief; these latter have very stunted trunks 
 and gnarled branches painted red. The branches appear to bear 
 leaves and fruit ; at least they have rounded appendages painted 
 blue, and others, more elongated, painted red. 
 
 On the next bas-relief we find a hill covered with pines or cy- 
 presses ; and at the top of the eminence is a kind of altar. This little 
 monument is raised upon a square base : the shaft has six flutings, 
 and the entablature eight ; the whole is crowned in the middle and 
 at the angles with step-like battlements. These details are not un- 
 important, as they tend to show the similarity between this altar and 
 the one engraved on the Babylonian stone known as the Caillou de 
 Michaud, preserved in the Cabinet of Antiquities of the Bibliotlteque 
 Nationale at Paris. Adjoining these sketches of the king and his 
 followers enjoying the toilsome pleasures of the chase, was found a 
 series of sculptures delineating the banquet that awaited the hunters 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 187 
 
 on their return home. The personages are seated upon stools, which 
 do not differ from those previously described ; the tables also are like ; 
 there is only one which merits a separate notice : it is supported 
 by two gazelles' paws intertwined, and is like a French folding- 
 chair. 
 
 The next scene in this sculptured history of long by-gone men 
 and their every-day manners and customs, displays what seems to be 
 the chief magistrate sitting in judgment upon criminals. 
 
 Two guards with long beards carry the bow and quiver, and hold 
 the mace horizontally in their left hand, while they raise their right, 
 which is shut. The king, attended by his servant, carrying the fly- 
 flapper, and attired in his usual state costume, is seen with a prisoner 
 before him, kneeling, and on whose forehead the king rests the tip 
 of his lance. Two other prisoners, standing behind the first, are 
 stretching forth their hands like supplicants : all have a hook in their 
 lower lip, to which is fixed a cord, whose other extremity is held by 
 the king. On looking at this scene, it is impossible not to recollect 
 an image often employed in the Bible, and especially in the pro- 
 phecies of Ezekiel (chap. xxix. 4), where God, addressing one of 
 the Egyptian Pharaohs, says : u And I will put a hook in thy 
 jaws." As far as the dilapidated state of the bas-relief will enable us 
 to judge, these prisoners appear to be clothed in a long robe, fringed 
 at bottom ; their heads are covered with a simple cap, or rather with 
 that kind of cap which is formed of cross-bands, and which we have 
 already often seen. Their hair escapes from under the back part of 
 the cap, and forms a chignon, terminated by several rows of curls ; 
 their beards are short, and hang down under the chin in parallel 
 rolls. 
 
 Behind the prisoners, and turned towards the king, is the ma- 
 gian, with his right hand opened and raised in the air ; his head, as 
 usual, is bound with a band ornamented with rosettes; from the 
 band two cords or bandelets, trimmed at the end with fringe, fall 
 down upon his back. Along the bottom of all these persons' gar- 
 ments there runs a line of inscriptions, and there were, besides, a few 
 lines of writing above the heads of the prisoners. 
 
 We have a second view of the king sitting in judgment, in which 
 an eunuch raises his arm, either to beckon forward or to draw on by 
 the beard (for the subject is not quite clear), one of a group of pri- 
 soners. These have fetters on their feet ; their beards are short and 
 curled; their hair is also short, and they wear calottes; they are 
 dressed in tunics descending only to the knee, and over which they 
 have cloaks made of animals' skins ; they have boots with turned-up 
 points. On their heads are some lines of inscriptions, mostly effaced. 
 
188 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Another captive is seen, dressed in the same manner, walking with 
 his hands expanded in a supplicating posture. Behind him is a 
 bearded guard dressed in a short tunic, with naked legs, and his 
 arms and wrists encircled with bracelets. He is armed with a bow 
 and sword, and has a quiver suspended to his right shoulder; at 
 least, the pendent tuft of the cloth that covers the bottom of the 
 arrows is perceived. 
 
 All these seem to be representations of prisoners in course of trial, 
 or awaiting the execution of their sentences. Soon we have the sub- 
 sequent scenes ; and amongst the first comes a bas-relief showing that 
 the horrors of the cross were employed by the people of Nineveh. 
 
 A bearded personage in a short tunic, who has a rich baldric and 
 spiral bracelets, is seen placed behind a man crucified horizontally, 
 and fastened in this position by the feet and hands. The prisoner is 
 naked j his hair and beard are short; he seems to have round his 
 wrists and legs rings, which are fixed with nails to a wall. But if 
 this were the case, it would then be impossible for the Assyrian guard 
 to be behind him. The guard appears to grasp in his hand a hook 
 or some other curved instrument, with which he holds himself in 
 readiness to flog the man who is crucified. 
 
 UJJJXki 
 
 ASSYRIAN STA.NDJl.RD. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 
 
 189 
 
 THE SACRED TREE. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Religion and Worship of the Assyrians. 
 
 Among the mingled impressions which a contemplation of the history 
 and monuments of Assyria leave on the mind, one of the strongest and 
 most clear is a sense of the excessively egotistical and imperious 
 character of its people. From Nimrod, whose name is a synonym of 
 disdain, to Sennacherib, who defied both heaven and earth before 
 Jerusalem, the Assyrians appear in history as a domineering and in- 
 solent nation. The sculptured walls of their edifices witness to this 
 trait of character ; no representations are repeated there so often, or 
 under so many varieties of scene and incident, as those which exhibit 
 the Assyrian as exulting over some fallen antagonist. The subjects of 
 the oldest sculptures of Nineveh are the slaughter of the king of beasts; 
 and the latest efforts of Assyrian art represent the morrow of victory, 
 not so much by triumphal processions, as by the decapitation of cap- 
 tives, and the humiliation of the conquered. The inscriptions hitherto 
 deciphered support this character, and exhibit the Assyrians as the 
 most arrogant and boastful people of the Ancient World. 
 
 It is proposed in the following chapter to inquire in what forms of 
 belief and worship the Assyrians reconciled this boundless self-suffi- 
 ciency with the religious principle of our common nature, and how 
 this proud people acknowledged that subjection to a superior and 
 divine power which no people, barbarous nor civilized, has yet with- 
 held. On this subject, as on all that concerns Assyria, our knowledge 
 
190 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 is still but rudimentary, but it is rapidly increasing, and gives promise 
 of approaching harmony and form. The additions which M. Botta and 
 Mr. Layard have made to the materials for a history of Assyrian reli- 
 gion could not have come to us at a more suitable period, when, thanks 
 to Sir William Jones, M. Kemusat, and M. Schlegel, and an illustrious 
 corps of French savans, we are enabled to contemplate them by the 
 light of Hindhu and Egyptian mythology. The close connection of 
 Assyria with those most ancient nations is one of the most fertile pro- 
 ducts of scientific research, and gives us good ground to hope that we 
 shall yet be able to contemplate with certainty, from a distance of 
 more than three thousand years, the ancient faith of the post-diluvian 
 world. Meanwhile, taking such aids as we can find, let us proceed 
 to collect and compose the scattered indications of Assyrian belief and 
 worship. We shall not perhaps find a theology, but we may be able 
 to ascertain the elements, tendencies, and spirit of this, by the testi- 
 mony of tradition, the parent of the ancient human religions. 
 
 We have already seen that the monarchy which grew up around 
 Nineveh was established in the age immediately succeeding that of 
 Noah, from whom its founder was only three generations removed. 
 This proximity to the great patriarch determines in a great measure 
 the conditions under which the religion of Assyria would take its rise. 
 To the tribes whose grandsires descended on Mount Ararat from the 
 Ark of the Deluge, the great doctrine of the unity of God, and the 
 chief perfections of the Divine nature, must have been traditionally 
 familiar. It is thus in the highest degree probable that the earliest 
 religion of the land was a simple deism. The analogy of all history, 
 however, makes it equally probable that it continued in this pure form 
 but for an exceedingly brief period. The spiritual character of the 
 Deity rapidly fades from the mind, which seeks to mirror its concep- 
 tions in some object more readily apprehensible by the sensuous imagi- 
 nation. Accordingly, an ancient tradition states that Nimrod himself 
 sought such a type of the spiritual attributes of the Deity in fire, which 
 he instructed his people to worship. The negative evidence of the 
 monuments of Nimroud, however, disfavours this tradition, which is 
 internally improbable, being opposed to that slow development which 
 marks the progress of idolatry in every heathen nation which has once 
 declined from the spiritual idea of God. Far more probable is it that 
 the Sabcanism, or the worship of the heavenly host, of which later 
 Assyrian mythology contains so many relics, became at a very early 
 period the prevalent religion of this people, and the original form of 
 their idolatry. While all history, sacred and profane, witnesses to the 
 extreme antiquity of this worship, and assigns its birth-place in the 
 Assyrian plains, its simplicity and comparative purity make it just such 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 191 
 
 a religion as we should expect to find bridging- over the interval be- 
 tween the worship of the true God and the anthropomorphism of later 
 idolatry. It is not to be supposed that when men began to adore the 
 celestial orbs, they wished to forget or deny the existence of a Supreme 
 Being; but, judging humanly, and seeing him not, they began to sus- 
 pect that he was too high or too distant to concern himself in directing 
 the affairs of this world. They imagined that he must have left these 
 unworthy cares to powers which, although vastly inferior to himself, 
 were incomparably superior to man in nature, and in the condition of 
 their existence ; and these they sought and found in the most glorious 
 objects of the universe. Or, if the attributes of the Deity were to be 
 typified — if the apprehensive faculties of man demanded more obvious 
 symbols to convey ideas too abstract to be seized by the unassisted 
 intellect, what more appropriate objects could have been chosen than 
 those bright luminaries whose procession and influences were enveloped 
 in mystery, although they were constantly present ? The Arabian 
 Emir Job, whose epoch was probably anterior to that of Moses, early 
 recognised the seductive influence of the impressions of these glorious 
 bodies, as seen in an Eastern firmament : — 
 
 u If I beheld the sun when it shined, 
 Or the moon walking in brightness ; 
 And my heart hath been secretly enticed, 
 Or my mouth hath kissed my hand ; 
 This also were an iniquity 
 To be punished by the judges." 
 
 Job, xxxi. 26-28. 
 
 To the Sabcan worshipper, before his religion had become cor- 
 rupted, the idea of representing God under a human form, or of 
 ascribing to him human wants, or a human will, was abhorrent. 
 When he worshipped, he stood in the virtual presence of his God, and 
 saw with his eyes the actual object of his adoration. He could not 
 conceive that the sun, or the moon, or the planets, which he daily 
 saw dwelling in heaven, could reside on earth in houses built by- 
 human hands, or that any spot of earth could be more sacred to them 
 than another, for they shone alike everywhere, and on all. The 
 Sabean could worship everywhere ; best, however, in the open air, 
 and best of all on the highest places, whence the heavenly orbs could 
 be most easily and longest seen. In the open country, it was the 
 hill ; in towns, the roof of every man's house was his praying place. 
 
 In its known astronomical character, the Assyrian religion was 
 closely allied to that of Egypt ; but while the sun was the chief object 
 of worship on the banks of the Nile, the sun, moon, and stars—" the 
 
 12 
 
192 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 host of heaven" — were adored by the people of the Chaldean and 
 Assyrian plains : — 
 
 " The planetary Fire 
 
 With a submissive reverence they beheld ; 
 
 Watched from the centre of their sleeping flocks 
 
 Those radiant Mercuries that seemed to move, 
 
 Carrying through ether in perpetual round 
 
 Decrees and resolutions of the gods ; 
 
 And, by their aspects, signifying works 
 
 Of dim futurity to man revealed." 
 
 On the Babylonian cylinders and monuments, the sun, moon, and 
 stars constantly occur, and often seven stars, arranged more in the 
 manner of the Pleiads than the Great Bear, but probably the latter. 
 
 It is probable that this simple and direct adoration of the stars 
 soon gave place to a ritual worship, addressed to beings more earthly 
 and human in their conception. We have the evidence of existing 
 monuments that this decline had taken place when the north-west 
 palace of Nimroud, the oldest yet discovered, was built. Whether the 
 number, character, dominions, and functions of the gods were at this 
 time as fully recognised as we know they were at a later period, is 
 uncertain. We know, however, that Assyrian mythology retained its 
 astral character to the last, and we shall presently see relics of this 
 feature strangely mingled with grosser conceptions of the godhead. 
 
 One of the earliest developments of the Sabean system was the 
 worship of fire — doubtless as a type of the mysterious Divine energy. 
 The traditions of the introduction of this worship by Ninus proves 
 that it had, at least, a high antiquity. M. Botta discovered an altar 
 at Khorsabad, constructed in every respect like those used in Persia 
 at a historical epoch when we know that fire-worship was the chief 
 religion of the country. In another sculpture from the same ruins, 
 two eunuchs are seen, standing before an altar, performing some 
 religious ceremony. They bear the square basket carried by the 
 winged figures on the older bas-reliefs. The cone on the altar is painted 
 red, and resembles a lambent flame. In the ruins of Kouyunjik, a 
 curious representation of the same ceremonies has been discovered. 
 Two eunuchs arc standing before an altar, on which is the sacred fire, 
 and two serpents are attached to poles, suggesting, by their attitude, 
 the popular representation of the brazen serpent set up by Moses in the 
 wilderness. A bearded figure leads in a goat ; but the form and size 
 of the altars do not favour the idea of an intended sacrifice. On 
 cylinders of the same period, emblems and ceremonies of the Assyrian 
 fire-worship are also found, closely resembling those afterwards in use 
 amongst the Persians. It were easy to call this adoption of a type 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 193 
 
 a conniption of religion ; and yet we find that, while the Assyrians 
 were thus worshipping, the Jewish nation were serving the true 
 Deity under a typical system appointed hy Himself. And if a symbol of 
 the Divine presence were to be chosen, what more fitting than that under 
 which Jehovah revealed Himself to Moses at the burning bush? 
 
 By adopting flame as a sign of the Divine presence, the Assyrians 
 had exchanged the ideal for the symbolic, and henceforth we meet 
 with a variety of constantly-recurring types. Two of these, from 
 their great antiquity, and the prominent position invariably assigned 
 to them in the Nimroud sculptures, merit our earliest notice. They 
 are — the emblem generally known as the small human figure with 
 the wings and tail of a bird, and enclosed in a circle : and the em- 
 blem generally known as the sacred tree. Both are found in the 
 oldest Assyrian sculptures yet disentombed. 
 
 Of all the mythic forms discovered on the Ximroud bas-reliefs, 
 the winged figure in the circle is the only one to which the king is 
 seen paying direct adoration. This figure might be taken to repre- 
 sent the god of war, since it is generally seen with a bow, which it 
 sometimes holds relaxed in the left hand, and at others bends against 
 the king's enemies ; and is, moreover, furnished with the sword or 
 dagger worn in the girdle. It is, however, equally possible that these 
 attitudes may merely represent the guardianship of this deity over 
 the king and nation on occasions of danger. When introduced pre- 
 siding over a triumph, its right hand is stretched out, as commanding 
 the scene ; and when over a religious ceremony, it carries a ring, or 
 extends the right hand and arm. The figure has the same carefully- 
 trimmed beard and bushy curled hair as is found in the larger sculp- 
 tures, and the head is surmounted by a cap or helm, before which are seen 
 sometimes double and sometimes single horns. Occasionally the human 
 form, and also the circle, are dropped, and the emblem becomes a 
 winged globe or disk, sometimes plain, and sometimes ornamented 
 with leaves, like a flower. It is never represented above any person of 
 inferior rank, but appears to watch over the person of the monarch, who, 
 it may be, was typical of the nation. The king is generally standing 
 or kneeling beneath this emblem, his hand raised as if in prayer. 
 
 While the sacred symbol just considered, was always placed over 
 the king's head, the second emblem, the sacred tree, is uniformly 
 found before the worshipper, whether king or priest. The tree In 
 question is purely conventional in its conformation, having no specific 
 resemblance to any known vegetable product. It is adorned with 
 flowers, sometimes of five petals, and sometimes like those of the 
 Greek honeysuckle. It is represented of every size, and is generally 
 included in a kind of shrine. Mr. Layard, who supposes that the 
 
194 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 winged figure was the only object of direct worship, presumes that 
 this tree was regarded as a mere type ; while Mr. Fergusson imagines 
 that the tree alone was worshipped, and expresses no opinion con- 
 cerning the winged emblem. There is no reason, however, for sup- 
 posing that the worship of one excluded the adoration of the other. 
 A dual supremacy is suggested by the male and feminine characters 
 of the idol gods mentioned in the Old Testament, which we know 
 were chiefly those of the Assyrians. When, at the conclusion of this 
 chapter, we attempt to identify the deities of Assyrian worship, we 
 shall adduce reasons which favour the conclusion that these two 
 represented — 
 
 u They who, from the bordering flood 
 Of old Euphrates to the brook that parts 
 Egypt from Syrian ground, had general names 
 Of Baal and Ashtaroth ; that male, 
 This feminine." 
 
 This sacred tree is invested with peculiar interest from the light 
 it promises to shed upon one of the darkest, and at the same time 
 most frequent, allusions to the idolatry of Western Asia to be met with 
 in the Old Testament writings. Hitherto, we have had no informa- 
 tion, which can be deemed at all satisfactory, respecting the object called 
 in our translation the " grove" or " groves," which the Israelites are 
 constantly accused of worshipping. Gesenius, perhaps the greatest 
 critical authority that could be quoted, scouts the idea that Asheerah, 
 the original Hebrew word, means a grove ; he translates it " fortune," 
 or else, leaving it untranslated, as a proper name, he identifies it with 
 Ashtartc, or Asteroth, the wife of Baal, anything, in short, but grove. 
 The Rev. David Margoliouth, another excellent philologer, states — 
 apparently without being aware of the nature of this Assyrian emblem 
 — that Asheerah was a symbolical tree, representing the host of hea- 
 ven. He translates it by a word which, like the equivalent of 
 Gesenius, means a benefit, but adds that the Jews knew full well that 
 it ought to have remained untranslated as a proper name. The pas- 
 sages in the Bible referring to the worship of the groves equally prove 
 that a group of trees is not referred to, but just such an emblem or idol 
 as this. In Judges, iii. 7, it is said, " The Children of Israel forgot the 
 Lord their God, and served Baalim and the groves ;" two coeval objects 
 of worship which could be worshipped in common, are thus presented. 
 The same fact comes out yet more clearly from the following passage : 
 — The " prophets of Baal four hundred and fifty, and the prophets of the 
 groves four hundred, which sat at Jezebel's table" (1 Kings, xviii. 19). 
 In the next passage, the idea of an avenue of trees is grossly incon- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. ld-y 
 
 gruous with the incidents with which the groves are associated: — 
 " They also built them high places, and images, and groves, on every 
 high hill, and wider every green tree " (1 Kings, xiv. 23). It is fur- 
 ther said, " They made them molten images, even two calves, and 
 made a grove, and worshipped all the host of heaven, and served 
 Baal" (2 Kings, xvii. 16). The account of Manassclrs proceedings, 
 contained in the twenty-first chapter of the same book, is still more to 
 our purpose. In the third verse it is said, " He made a grove," in the 
 seventh verse, " And he set a graven image of the grove that he had 
 made in the house," i.e., in the Temple of Solomon. Josiah afterwards 
 cleared the house of this and other idols, and it is said that he " brought 
 forth out of the Temple of the Lord all the vessels that were made for 
 Baal and for the grove, and for all the host of heaven." If for grove 
 we substitute Asheerah, the passages become full of meaning, and we 
 understand the allusion to the sacred vessels brought out by Josiah. 
 In the sixth verse of the twenty-third chapter it is said that Josiah 
 fetched the grove itself out of the temple, burnt it at the brook Kedron, 
 stamped it small to powder, and scattered its dust to the winds, a scries 
 of actions in which the example of Moses, when destroying the golden 
 calves, was closely followed. Isaiah says of an Israelite, " He shall 
 not look to the altars, the work of his hands, neither shall he respect 
 that which his fingers have made, either the groves or the images " 
 (xvii. 8), language utterly without meaning if considered as referring 
 to a group or series of trees, but perfectly intelligible when employed 
 of such a symbol as the present. 
 
 A third symbol, one which has been the subject of the most various 
 conjectures, is what Mr. Layard calls the fir-cone. It is seen in the 
 right hand of the winged human and eagle-headed figures, and the 
 priest appears to present it as he stands before the sacred tree. It has 
 been suggested that the oval symbol is not a fir-cone, but an c^, and 
 emblematical of the fertile, vivifying powers of Nature, which we know 
 were commonly worshipped in Western Asia, as well as in Europe, 
 and generally in a much grosser representation. 
 
 Another type whose signification is full of difficulty is the eagle or 
 vulture-headed human figure. This image is found clothed in a stole 
 falling from the shoulders to the ankles, with a short tunic beneath, 
 •descending to the knee, and tastefully decorated with embroidery and 
 fringes. The curved beak is made of considerable length, and is half 
 open, exposing a narrow pointed tongue covered with red paint. A 
 comb of feather rises from the back of the head, and five wings spring 
 from the back. In either hand is the square vessel and cone. The 
 figure is not only found in colossal proportions on the walls, guarding 
 the portals of the chambers, but it is constantly introduced in groups 
 
196 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 on the embroidered robes. Mr. Layard thinks that it may be iden- 
 tified with the Nisroch in whose temple Sennacherib was worship- 
 ping when slain by his sons (2 Kings, xix. 27), since the word Nisr 
 signifies in all the Semitic languages an eagle. In support of this 
 opinion, he quotes a passage from the Zoroastrian oracles preserved by 
 Eusebius, where the magian declares that " God is he that hath the 
 head of a hawk. He is the first, indestructible, eternal, unbegotten, 
 indivisible, dissimilar ; the dispenser of all good ; incorruptible ; the 
 best of the good, and wisest of the wise ; he is the father of equity and 
 justice ; self-taught, physical, and perfect, and wise ; and the only in- 
 ventor of the sacred philosophy." It is clear that this description can 
 only apply to the Supreme God, under whatever name worshipped. 
 The Dabistan further contains a passage sufficient to set this question 
 at rest. It is there said, " The image of the Regent Hormuzd (the 
 Supreme God) was of an earthy colour, in the shape of a man, with a 
 vulture's face." Now, if this were all, we need only further ascertain 
 what was the name of the chief god of the Assyrian system, and con- 
 clude that this hawk or eagle-headed figure was his image. But, when 
 we come to examine the sculptures, we find even the same figures 
 apparently ministering to the king. The sacred books of the ancients, 
 as we have seen, require the existence of the Supreme Deity under a 
 form like this image, and Biblical scholars, long before the discoveries 
 of Mr. Layard, had concluded that in the Assyrian pantheon, the chief 
 god was worshipped under the form of an eagle. It is more probable that 
 we misunderstood the act which Mr. Layard interprets ministerially, 
 than that a form so exactly corresponding to the indications of history 
 and Scripture should deceive us as to its character. Sometimes the head 
 of the eagle is added to the body of a lion on these sculptures. Under 
 this form it is the Egyptian hicraco-sphinx, and is frequently repre- 
 sented as striking down a gazelle or wild goat. The divine character 
 which we have assigned to the eagle-headed figure is rendered still 
 more probable by the connection of this eagle-headed lion with the 
 gryphon of the Greek mythology, which was confessedly an Eastern 
 symbol connected with Apollo or with the Sun, of which again the 
 Assyrian form may have been an emblem. Whenever these eagle- 
 headed figures are introduced in conflict with other mythic animals, it 
 is always as conquerors. 
 
 The winged human-headed lions and bulls, those magnificent forms 
 which kept the gates of the Assyrian temples, next claim our notice. 
 Not only arc these found as separate sculptures, but they are constantly 
 introduced into the groups embroidered on the robes. Whenever they 
 are represented in contest either with man or with the eagle-headed 
 figure, they appear to be vanquished. Such is also the case on cylinders. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 197 
 
 Frequently a human figure is seen suspending them by the hind-legs 
 in the air, or striking them with a mace. The winged bull with the 
 human head was evidently a purely Assyrian type. What was its 
 position in the religious system we can only infer from the analogy of 
 other religions. The compound nature of these forms place them in 
 nearer relation with the andro-sphinx than with the Egyptian Apis. 
 Types of the union of great intellectual and physical powers they cer- 
 tainly were ; but their position with reference to other symbolical 
 figures would point to an inferiority in the celestial hierarchy. The 
 sphinx, as an architectural ornament, occupies nearly the same position 
 in the edifices of Assyria and Egypt, being placed at the entrances to 
 temples and palaces. Here, although not the objects of direct adoration, 
 they probably awed and instructed the successive races who passed 
 before them. All nations who have attained to a certain degree of 
 civilization have confessed and utilized the influence of architecture and 
 sculpture over the religious feelings in disposing the mind to awe 
 and reverence ; and what more sublime forms than these could have 
 been borrowed from nature by men who sought, unaided by the light 
 of revelation, to embody their great natural conceptions of a Supreme 
 Being ? They looked for a type of spiritual power, and chose the 
 human head ; of strength, and took the body of the lion or the bull ; 
 of ubiquity, and found it in the wings of the bird. 
 
 The likeness between the symbolical figures now described and 
 those seen by Ezekiel in his vision, is too striking not to be noticed. 
 The prophet had himself been a captive in the land of Assyria. The 
 Chebar on which he prophesied —whether it can be identified with the 
 Khabour of the Arabs, flowing through the plains of Mesopotamia, 
 and falling into the Euphrates, or with another river of the same 
 name which joins the Tigris above Mosul — was certainly in the 
 neighbourhood of Nineveh. He had beheld the Assyrian palaces, 
 with their mysterious images and gorgeous decorations, and addressed 
 his language to those whose recollections were similar to his own. It 
 was, therefore, quite natural that, when he sought to typify certain 
 Divine attributes, and to describe the Divine glory, images and forms 
 should occur to his mind derived from the scenes among which he 
 dwelt. Ezekiel saw in his vision the likeness of four living creatures, 
 ^riiich had four faces, four wings, and the hands of a man under their 
 wings on their four sides. Their faces were those of a man, a lion, an 
 ox, and an eagle, precisely the four forms constantly found on Assy- 
 rian monuments as religious types. When the prophet, who pro- 
 bably witnessed the destruction of Nineveh, would describe the power 
 of the same people after the rise of the Babylonian kingdom, he 
 represents it under the figure of an eagle — a most fitting type, if, as 
 
198 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 wo have supposed, that bird wag the chief symbol of the Assyrian 
 god. Predicting the attack on Jerusalem, he says — "Thus saith 
 the Lord, a great eagle, with great wings, long-winged, full of fea- 
 thers, which had divers colours, came to Lebanon, and took the 
 highest branch of the cedar," &c. (xvii. 3) ; and, in the twelfth verse, 
 tells the people that Babylon is the power thus symbolized. The 
 book of Daniel, who was also familiar with the Assyrian sacred types, 
 teems with descriptions of those curious animal and human combina- 
 tions. 
 
 The peculiar usages of the Assyrians with respect to proper names 
 will be a sufficient reason for not attempting to restore a mythological 
 system, complete in the number and relations of its deities, from the 
 names of Assyrian gods which have come down to us in the Bible. 
 Many such are mentioned : Assarac, Adramalech, Anamclech, Nebo, 
 Nisroch, Merodach, Chiun, and Nemphan. These, as well as many 
 names of goddesses, found in the same record, were denominations 
 employed, in different parts of the Assyrian empire, by people speak- 
 ing various dialects, and may, probably, be different appellations of the 
 same supreme deity. Major Rawlinson has shown, in his paper on 
 Assyrian inscriptions, strong reasons for considering Assarac and 
 Nisroch to be one and the same. He has since found inscriptions on 
 the oldest palace commencing with this formula — " This is the palace 
 of Sardanapalus, the humble worshipper of Assarach." He supposes 
 that this was the original proper name of the chief deity of the 
 Assyrian pantheon. Mr. Layard conjectures that he was called Baal, 
 or some modification of that name, which is that of the great god 
 amongst nearly all nations speaking the cognate dialects of a Semitic 
 or Syro-Arabian language. There is nothing inconsistent in these 
 two suppositions. Baal, signifying lord, may have been a name of 
 office or position, so to speak ; by the word Assarac, he may have 
 been connected with the Eponymus Assar ; and the name Nisroch 
 may have been conferred when the hawk or eagle-headed symbol was 
 adopted. Other names may have been attributed, in the course of 
 ages, to the same ideal being by the many dynasties that successively 
 occupied the Assyrian throne. 
 
 At present there appears to be no good reason for supposing that 
 the supreme lordship of Great Baal was questioned in Assyria. r jo 
 him as Baal, Nisroch, or Saturn, we ascribe both the winged figure in 
 the circle and the eagle-headed winged figure. In the first he is 
 represented as the dispenser of human fate, in the second as the bene- 
 ficent author of all good. As the supreme deity, Baal came to be 
 identified with the Sun, when that commingling of Sabeanism and 
 idol-worship took place, of which we have so many traces in the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 199 
 
 Assyrian mythology; in the same character, he is called Lord of 
 Heaven, and represented by a radiant disk. 
 
 We encounter fewer difficulties when we come to inquire into the 
 nature of the female names in the Assyrian theological system. We 
 at once identify Ashtaroth, Mylitta, and Alitta, 
 
 " "Whom the Phoenicians called 
 Astarte, Queen of Heaven, with crescent horns, 
 To whose bright image, nightly by the moon, 
 Sidonian virgins paid their vows and songs," 
 
 with the Asheerah uniformly associated in Scripture with Baal. 
 
 The title, Queen of Heaven, which Milton employs, is one under 
 which she is often mentioned in the sacred volume. The planet which 
 bore her name was sacred to her, and in the Assyrian sculptures a 
 star was placed on her head. She was called Beltis, because she 
 wore the female form of the great divinity Baal, the two, there is 
 reason to believe, having been originally one or androgyne. A bas- 
 relief found at Malthaiyah, near Mosul, represents her standing on a 
 lion, well draped. On Assyrian cylinders of later date, she is repre- 
 sented disrobed, and in a wanton attitude. The worship of this 
 goddess, the magna mater as she was considered, formed, according to 
 the testimony of Scripture and ancient authors, a most prominent 
 part of the religious system of all the Semitic nations, and especially 
 of the Assyrians. The symbols which accompany her leave no doubt 
 that the reproductive principle was worshipped at Nineveh under the 
 most degrading forms. The sacred tree, the " grove" of Scripture, is 
 most likely the emblem of this goddess, and, with the winged figure, 
 make up that double symbolism which the twofold character of the 
 original Baal, and the separate and coeval dualism of the later theo- 
 logy, seem to require. 
 
 The representation in a human form of the celestial bodies, them- 
 selves originally but a type, was a corruption which appears to have 
 crept at a late period into the mythology of Assyria. In the more 
 ancient bas-reliefs, figures with caps surmounted by stars do not 
 occur, and the sun, moon, and stars stand alone. M'Cullimore, in his 
 work on Babylonian cylinders, has given engravings of a god with 
 four wings, each terminating in a star ; and another of a god seated 
 on a throne, with eight stars all around him. The identity of Nim- 
 rod and the constellation Orion seems to countenance the suspicion 
 that the Assyrians had strangely blended Sabeanism, hero-worship, 
 and idolatry in their religion. The Greeks, who borrowed most 
 largely from the Assyrians both in art and religion, may have derived 
 their conception of this god, as they did the Indian Bacchus, from the 
 
200 THE BUIUiO) CITY 
 
 traditions of the great hunter. Homer, describing the heroes seen 
 by Ulysses, when he descended to the shades, says : — 
 
 " There huge Orion of portentous size, 
 Swift through the gloom, a giant hunter flics, 
 A ponderous mace of brass, with direful sway, 
 Aloft he whirls to crush the savage prey, 
 Stern beasts in troops tbat by his truncheon fell, 
 Now grisly forms shoot o'er the plains of hell." 
 
 The objects of Divine adoration among the Assyrians have hitherto 
 occupied our attention. We come now to examine the place, form, 
 and spirit of the worship offered to these divinities. We are accus- 
 tomed to speak of the magnificent buildings of Khorsabad and Nim- 
 roud now as temples and now as palaces, and the varying expression 
 denotes the vagueness of our conceptions of their true character. 
 When we speak of a Greek or Roman temple, there is no ambiguity 
 about the term employed. It was a building simple in plan and outline, 
 meant to contain the image of the god to whom it was consecrated, 
 and was wholly devoted to the religious services connected with the 
 prescribed worship of that deity. A Christian Church, in like manner, 
 was in all ages wholly devoted to religious worship ; a hall, in short, 
 where people might congregate under the distinct ideei that it was the 
 house of God, sacred to the purposes of religion, and, withal, a fit place 
 in which to offer prayer and service. In like manner, the palace in all 
 the countries of Europe is, and always has been, merely a large house. 
 It possesses the same apartments for eating, sleeping, and receiving 
 company, as the houses of the middle and even the lower classes; larger, 
 more numerous, and splendid, of course, but dedicated to the same uses. 
 But in the splendid edifices of Nimroud we certainly find no idol; we 
 have sculptured representations of religious worship, but the symbol 
 by which the deity was adored only forms part of a pictorial scene. 
 
 The stranger, entering for the first time the abode of the Assyrian 
 king, was ushered in through the portal guarded by the colossal lions 
 or bulls of alabaster. In the first hall he found himself surrounded by the 
 sculptured records of the empire. Battles, sieges, triumphs, the exploits 
 of the chase, the ceremonies of religion, were pourtrayed on the walls. 
 Other sculptures represented the king receiving prisoners, making 
 alliances, or engaged in some sacred duty. At the upper end of the 
 hall the king was again beheld, this time in a colossal form, adoring the 
 Supreme Deity, attended by priests or inferior divinities, his robes 
 adorned with groups of flowers, or animals, all painted in the brightest 
 colours. Beneath his feet the stranger saw alabaster slabs, each with 
 its inscription, declaring the titles, genealogy, and achievements of the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 201 
 
 king. Doorways, formed by gigantic winged lions or bulls, led into 
 other apartments, and then again into more distant halls. The ceiling 
 above him is supposed to have been divided into square compartments 
 painted with flowers or animals, while the beams and sides of the 
 chamber were often gilded, or even plated, with gold and silver, and 
 the wood-work covered with costly cedar. Apertures, probably in 
 the side-walls near the ceiling of the chambers, admitted the diffused 
 and reflected light, which gave a majestic expression to the human 
 features of the colossal forms which guarded the entrances. 
 
 Such were the glorious ancient mansions whose character remains 
 so mysterious and uncertain. They contained no god, so far as is at 
 present known, and they were certainly the residences of the kings. 
 They do not, therefore, correspond to the modern idea of a temple. And 
 unless the building discovered by Botta 1 during his excavations of the 
 Khorsabad structure, is admitted to have been a religious edifice, we may 
 almost conclude that these exceedingly religious people were without 
 such buildings. It will help us, perhaps, to a solution of this difficulty if 
 we look a little closer at the character of the king. In modern days, a king 
 is a chief magistrate, in the middle ages he was a leader ; and neither 
 Greece nor Rome ever had a king in the Asiatic sense of the word, at 
 least certainly not after Rome had ceased to be Etruscan. But in Persia, 
 Syria, and indeed throughout the East, not only were all the attributes 
 of government appropriated by the king, but he was also the chief 
 priest of his people, and head of the religion of his country. We should 
 have a far more just idea of the character of this personage if we 
 called him Caliph, or, by permission, Pope, instead of King. A very 
 cursory glance at the Nimroud sculptures will establish the sacred 
 character of the ruler. The winged figures, probably intended to denote 
 priests, minister to him ; the emblem of the chief divinity is above his 
 head, and his only. All his acts, in war and in peace, appear to have 
 been connected with the national religion, and were believed to be imder 
 the special protection and superintendence of the Deity. When he is 
 represented in conflict, the winged figure hovers above his head, bends 
 the bow against his enemies, or assumes with him an attitude of 
 triumph. His contests with formidable animals are designed to typify 
 his superior skill and wisdom, while they denote his strength and 
 prowess. In victory, he poors out a libation into the sacred cup. The 
 embroideries upon his robes have all mythic meanings, and even his 
 weapons, bracelets, and ornaments bear the figure of the sacred ani- 
 mals. Now, with this perfect identification of the monarch with the 
 religion of the country, residence in the temple, or, in other words, the 
 sacred character of his palace, perfectly agrees, and is just what we 
 J See page 118. 
 
202 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 might expect. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that he may 
 have been regarded, as in Egypt, as the earthly type or representative 
 of the Deity, receiving his power directly from the gods, and the organ 
 of communication between them and his subjects. Thus regarded, the 
 residence of this pontiff united the palace, the temple, and a national 
 monument of triumph and conquest. 
 
 Perhaps this view may throw some light upon the character to be 
 assigned to the winged animal figures, which guarded the entrance to 
 the temple-palaces. Throughout all Pagan mythology, the lion and 
 the bull are the emblems respectively of royalty and power, and their 
 allegorical relation to the king, himself a sacerdotal personage, may 
 have clothed them with something of that religious character which 
 there is every reason to believe they sustained. 
 
 We have now seen the various stages of Assyrian idolatry, both the 
 simple star-worship on the plain or mound, and the grosser, but still 
 ideal religion of the fire-worshipper, as he offered his prayers and 
 thanksgiving before a simple altar and a lambent flame. We have at 
 a later period arrived at a worship of a form of human invention, which 
 partook of the human likeness, in the adoration paid to the winged 
 and tailed figure in the circle ; and we seem to have a glance at a 
 complete development of anthropomorphism in the figures standing 
 among the stars, represented in the Assyrian cylinders. The original 
 astronomical character of the theology is preserved through this long 
 procession of idolatry. It is still the Lord of Heaven, the same that 
 we trace in Baal, Assarac, or Adramalceh ; it is still the Queen of 
 Heaven that rules under the various names of Bcltis, Astaroth, Ashccrah, 
 or Astarte. The image of the sun is in the king's hand when he stands 
 beneath the image of the deity, and the moon and stars glitter in 
 his ornaments as he stands before the sacred tree. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 203 
 
 HEAD DRESS OF WIVGED BULL FROM KHORSABAD. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Assyrian Art, Industry, and Commerce. 
 
 The most striking fact we have relative to Assyrian art and industry 
 is our knowledge of the perfection to which the art of sculpture had 
 attained in Nineveh, at an epoch which cannot possibly be more 
 recent than centuries before the Christian em, and which in all pro- 
 bability is much more remote. Upon the character of the sculpture 
 let us first proceed to make a few observations. 
 
 Assyrian art appears altogether distinct from that of every other 
 contemporary people, although some resemblance may certainly be 
 found in the first essays of all nations. Man is everywhere the same, 
 and everywhere he must have followed pretty well the same course 
 when endeavouring to represent, by the means of painted or sculp- 
 tured imitations, the objects that he beheld, or the important events 
 which he wished to hand down to posterity. In those ages of sim- 
 plicity and ignorance, too, man's superstitious instincts ruled with- 
 out dispute; and we must not, therefore, be astonished if, in some 
 points, the sculpture of Nineveh reminds us of that of Egypt or of 
 the first ages of Greece, without appearing, on that account, less 
 original. 
 
 From the very beginning of their attempts, the Greek sculptors 
 knew how to appreciate and represent physical beauty ; no conven- 
 tional rules stopped them in the route they were destined to follow ; 
 they quickly freed themselves from the bonds which. shackled them, 
 and only retained sucli of the conventional forms as were calculated 
 
204 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 to add to the perfection of nature, without idealising it too much. 
 The Egyptians, on the contrary, tied down by a system of theocracy 
 which regulated every action of their life, could never shake off the 
 prescribed rules ; their sculpture was always influenced by them, and 
 their productions, even in the time of the Romans, are but imperfect 
 copies of the works executed during the reign of the most ancient 
 Pharaohs. Thus, at the present day, the painters who decorate the 
 Greek or Armenian churches bend to consecrated rules or habits, 
 and are content to copy and reproduce the old Byzantine types in 
 all their stiffness and naive simplicity. 
 
 As we now behold Assyrian art, it is exactly intermediary be- 
 tween the Grecian and the Egyptian; preserving, in a greater degree 
 than the former, the conventional and hieratic forms, without bowing 
 to their yoke like the latter, which it greatly surpasses by a more 
 careful study of nature. By comparing the modes and details of 
 execution, the reader will easily he convinced of the truth of these 
 assertions, and appreciate the degrees of relative perfection in the art 
 of these three nations. 
 
 The Egyptians, like all other people in their infancy, attached 
 importance to the exterior line only, to the silhouette of the objects 
 they wished to represent : in their paintings and sculptures they 
 made simple strokes of astonishing boldness and distinctness, by 
 which both proportions and action were rendered with great perfec- 
 tion. But here their science stopped ; and in later times, as in the 
 most remote, they never thought of completing these silhouettes by 
 an exact representation of the anatomical details ; their finest statues 
 are, in this respect, as defective as their bas-reliefs and paintings. 
 Wishing, besides, first in their primitive and then in their conven- 
 tional naivete, to make everything apparent which seemed capable 
 of rendering a figure easily recognised, they never failed to represent 
 in profile certain parts of objects, and particularly of animals, which 
 ought, from the attitude, to have been represented in full ; and vice 
 versa. Thus, human bodies seen in profile would have appeared 
 incomplete to them, and so they always placed them full face, doing 
 the contrary with respect to the feet, which they seemed to under- 
 stand easier in profile ; in drawing a cow, they always represented 
 the side, but never failed, however, to give the two horns, though 
 one must have been hidden while the animal was in this position. 
 The rules of perspective are not better observed : all the necessary 
 details for characterizing objects are always made visible, even when 
 they could not be regularly perceived. Lastly, always sacrificing 
 the truth to the desire of hiding nothing of what, in their eyes, 
 appeared the most important, the Egyptian sculptors have carefully 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 205 
 
 avoided crossing the figures by accessory objects which would have 
 hidden any part of them ; for the same reason they have, in their 
 representations of battles, given larger proportions to the conquerors 
 than to the conquered. 
 
 Most of these characteristics are found in Assyrian art as well ; 
 but they are less strongly marked, and the careful observer can per- 
 ceive that the art is emerging from its state ot infancy. The bodies 
 are no longer all full face, if we may so express it, and have less con- 
 ventional stiffness. The figures consist no more of mere outlines ; 
 the heads are well modelled ; and the anatomical details of the limbs, 
 the bones and muscles, are not only accurately indicated, but ren- 
 dered with evident exaggeration, as if the artists, who were beginning 
 to feel the value of these hitherto neglected details, wished to put 
 them prominently forward, even at the expense of truth. The reader 
 need only compare some Egyptian figures in the British Museum 
 with some of the Assyrian bas-reliefs in the same establishment, to 
 convince himself how superior the latter are as representations of real 
 life: but, on the other hand, they are decidedly inferior in justness 
 of proportion and purity of drawing. In the Assyrian bas-reliefs, 
 the figures are generally too short, and the artist has not always 
 succeeded in endowing them distinctly enough with animation 
 
 In both schools animals w r ere represented with more fidelity than 
 men. The reason of this is, doubtless, that in this branch of his art 
 the sculptor was not shackled by rules or prejudices of so precise a 
 description ; but even in these cases we meet with a deeper study of 
 nature at Nineveh than in Egypt. Let any one compare the small 
 Assyrian bronze lion and the bodies of the winged bulls with similar 
 animals sculptured on the banks of the Nile, and it will be seen how 
 much the former are superior to the latter. The muscles and bones 
 of these symbolic bulls are admirably modelled, although, it is true, 
 a little exaggerated; but as to the little statue of the lion, the Greeks 
 and Romans have most certainly produced many works which are 
 very far from equalling it. Since we are again mentioning these 
 human-headed bulls, let us mark a peculiarity which proves how 
 tenacious these ancient sculptors were of having the objects they 
 represented appear perfect from whatever point they were contem- 
 plated ; for this purpose, they gave these animals five legs, in order 
 that, whether seen in profile or in full, they should leave nothing for 
 the mind of the spectator to supply. 
 
 It is, therefore, by a more exact study of Nature, and by a greater 
 attention to fidelity of form, that Assyrian art appears to surpass the 
 Egyptian, the perfection of which in other respects it does not 
 reach. In these same qualities, too, it resembles Grecian art 3 and 
 
206 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 on the bas-reliefs at Nineveh may be seen, as it were, the first essays 
 of that system which, brought to a state of perfection by an intel- 
 ligent people, deeply enamoured of physical beauty, produced the 
 chefs d'eeuvre leagued to us by Hellenic antiquity. There is, how- 
 ever, between these two schools the whole distance which separates 
 the results obtained by the first timid efforts of a novice from the 
 perfection attained by genius favoured by the most fortunate circum- 
 stances ; and whatever partiality we may entertain for Assyrian art, 
 we are far from putting it on a footing of equality with that of Phidias 
 and Praxiteles. 
 
 After having compared the art of the Assyrians with that of con- 
 temporary nations, it will not perhaps be out of place to compare it 
 also with that of a people who succeeded them in the empire of the 
 world — the ancient Persians. 
 
 The sculpture of Persepolis is seen accurately in the drawings 
 and plaster casts at present at Paris, and these are sufficient to show 
 its characteristics. The Persians certainly borrowed this art from 
 their predecessors the Assyrians, but it only degenerated in their 
 hands. There is the same difference between the bas-reliefs of Per- 
 sepolis and those of Khorsabad as between the Egyptian bas-reliefs 
 sculptured in the time of the Ptolemies and those of an anterior age ; 
 the falling off" is the same in both cases. To be convinced of this, it 
 is sufficient to look at the figure of a man leading a horse, modelled 
 at Persepolis ; it will then be seen, that if the school of sculpture is 
 the same as at Nineveh, the drawing is less pure and the forms 
 heavier, while the anatomical details are altogether wanting or badly 
 indicated ; it is, in fact, but a clumsy imitation of immeasurably 
 superior models. 
 
 Though the sculpture of the Assyrians was in some respects 
 superior to that of the Egyptians, and though it incontestably sur- 
 passed that of the Persians, their architecture, judging from our 
 present knowledge of it, was much inferior to that of both these 
 people. While describing the edifices found by Layard and Botta, 
 we cannot fail to remark how much the simplicity of their con- 
 f struction contrasted with the richness of their decorations ; mud 
 walls, covered with sculptured slabs of gypsum, and a roof probably 
 made of wood. How meagre ! This poverty at Nineveh could not 
 be owing, as at Babylon, to the want of solid materials proper for 
 building. Besides, when it is seen that the Egyptians have fetched 
 and worked immense blocks of the hardest substances, it cannot be 
 supposed that the Assyrians, who were more numerous and powerful, 
 could not have used the same means ; and it becomes most difficult 
 to account for their relative inferiority with respect to architecture. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 207 
 
 Perhaps it is only apparent, and after discoveries may possibly vet 
 show us that architectural art at Nineveh had made as much progress 
 as other arts. 
 
 The edifices discovered by Layard in the mound of Nimroud are 
 of precisely the same character as those at Khorsabad, and are built 
 in the same manner. It has, no doubt, been remarked that the 
 external and internal bas-reliefs bore evident traces of colours. 
 The Assyrians, then, employed the style of decoration which appears 
 to have been used by all the people of antiquity ; and we ought, 
 besides, to have expected to find it at Nineveh, for the Bible expressly 
 mentions it in a passage which seems to be a description of the sculp- 
 tures that we have seen. The apostacy of Jerusalem is compared with 
 the debaucheries of a painted courtezan (Ezekiel, xxii. 14, 15). This 
 remarkable piece of evidence, added to the traces of colour still sub- 
 sisting, proves without doubt that the Assyrians were accustomed to 
 paint their bas-reliefs. But another important question now pre- 
 sents itself. "We did not find on the sculptures of Khorsabad any 
 colours but red, blue, and black, and these merely on the hair, the 
 beards, and a few accessories. Must we, in the first place, believe 
 that these were the only colours employed, and, in the second, that 
 they were only used in those places where we found their traces, 
 while the remaining portions of the figures and the background of 
 the bas-reliefs were entirely colourless? We are without facts to 
 enable us to give a decided answer; but it appears probable that the 
 colours were more varied, and that the whole surface of the bas- 
 reliefs was covered with them. Thus, on the enamelled bricks there 
 are other tints than red, blue, and black : we found yellow, white, 
 green, &c. ; and there is no reason why the Assyrians should have 
 used these latter colours to enamel their bricks, and not have em- 
 ployed them to paint their sculptures. It is much more natural to 
 suppose that the portions not at present coloured were coloured for- 
 merly, and that this was done with some substances which, being 
 less lasting than the others, had been destroyed, either by fire at the 
 time of the conflagration, or by time and the elements. This, how- 
 ever, is but a conjecture ; and, consequently, not wishing to have 
 anything hypothetical introduced into this work, Botta insisted 
 that, in restoring the facades and the chambers, no colour should 
 be employed where he had perceived none. INI. Flandin would 
 have acted otherwise, because he believed that he had found a proof 
 of the former colouring of the whole surface of the slabs, and prin- 
 cipally of the figures. The following are his reasons for this belief. 
 They had found at Khorsabad a head, on which not only was the 
 black colour of the hair and the beard perfectly preserved, but 
 
208 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 there was, besides, a yellowish crust spread over the whole surface. 
 Flandin thought that this yellow tint had been purposely applied to 
 represent the colour of the flesh. Botta examined this fragment 
 carefully at Khorsabad before packing it up, and afterwards at 
 Paris, where it is at present ; and it appeared certain to him that 
 the bistre tone of the surface was purely accidental. The head was 
 bound with a red band, part of which had been carried away ; a por- 
 tion also of the cheek was wanting. Now the places thus left empty 
 by the missing fragments were covered with the same yellow crust 
 as the face itself. This would not be the case had the colour been 
 purposely applied, for then there would have been none in the 
 mutilated parts. It cannot be said, either, that these mutilations 
 existed at the time that the stone was sculptured, and that the places 
 in question were painted like the rest of the head, because, in that 
 case, the broken portion of the band would have been painted red, 
 and not yellow. It is most likely, therefore, that this tint was 
 accidental, and that it was owing to some incrustation or other — a 
 supposition which is rendered still more probable by the unequal and 
 wrinkled surface of these portions of the face. This fragment, how- 
 ever, is at present in the Museum at Paris, and the colours have not 
 been injured by the voyage. Savants and artists can examine it for 
 themselves, and decide to their own satisfaction the point in dispute. 
 It is unnecessary to assert the perfection of the arts at Nineveh, 
 since we have just seen the proof of it; yet we must call attention to 
 the splendour of the costumes, the richness of the ornaments, and the 
 good taste of the details, because these facts are new to us. We can 
 now better understand what the Sacred Books say of the splendour 
 of the court of the Assyrian kings, and the effect that it must have 
 produced on the Hebrew people. But let us give a few details on 
 this head, and pass in review what these newly-revealed facts have 
 taught us. 
 
 We have already remarked that the architecture of the palaces of 
 Nineveh was not so perfect as that of Egypt at the same epoch; yet 
 it is not the less certain that the Assyrians, by the dimensions of 
 their buildings and the richness of their decorations, equalled, if not 
 surpassed, all that the various people of antiquity ever built. The 
 ensemble of their edifices must have been as imposing as it was 
 magnificent; and the effect that must have been produced by their 
 paintings and sculptures well corresponds to the idea given by the 
 descriptions in the Bible of the court of the kings of Assyria. Their 
 furniture, by the richness of its nature, differed completely from 
 what is now seen in the East; for the Assyrians used arm-chairs 
 or stools, and ate, like us, off tables: the representation of the ban- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 209 
 
 quets allows of no doubt with respect to this. 1 It will be seen, from' 
 the detailed descriptions we have already given of some few articles 
 of furniture, that the tables and chairs were ornamented with as much 
 richness as taste, and, what is very singular, with the same objects as 
 our own furniture is now — that is, with lions' feet, animals' heads, 
 &c. These models might be studied and copied at present with 
 advantage. The vases of different kinds, already minutely described, 
 were not less remarkable for their elegance. 
 
 The dresses also, at least those of the personages attached to the 
 court, furnish us with the proof of a state of great luxury 2 ; they were 
 generally ample and flowing, but differed in form from those of the 
 Egyptians and the Persians. They consisted of tunics or robes vary- 
 ing in length, of mantles of diverse shapes, of long fringed scarves, 
 and of embroidered girdles. Ornaments were scattered with pro- 
 fusion over these dresses, some of which appear to have been emble- 
 matical of certain dignities or employments. Thus the double mantle 
 with the points thrown over the shoulders is never worn except by 
 the king, and that on state occasions only. This principal personage, 
 
 too, is the only one who wears the pointed tiara, which resembles 
 
 in shape the Persian cap of the present day. Other shaped head- 
 
 1 See page 165. 2 gcc detailed descriptions, page 168. 
 
210 
 
 THE EURIED CITY 
 
 dresses were appropriated to the priests, or, perhaps, to the symbolic 
 personages, who alone wear the robe scooped out in front, and the 
 tiara girt with horns. The eunuchs, who, as might have been 
 expected from the frequent mention of them in Holy Writ, appear so 
 often, always wear the long robe, and have nothing different from 
 the guards or from the principal personages. 
 
 The warlike weapons in use among the ancient Assyrians have 
 been described from time to time in a preceding chapter. Many of 
 these, however, were richly ornamented, and require some present 
 allusion on this account. The shields and bucklers, for instance, were 
 
 ASSYRIAN SBItLDS. 
 
 often of the most enriched character, and it is supposed that these 
 were formed occasionally of the precious metals. The tall oblong 
 shields, however, that were used during a siege to protect the entire 
 person of the besieger from the spears and arrows of the enemy, were 
 constructed either of wicker-work or of the hides of animals; and 
 even the circular bucklers, which were chiefly used by the charioteers, 
 would frequently be made of small pieces of wood or leather, care- 
 fully joined together. The ornamentation of the Assyrian bows was 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 
 
 211 
 
 confined chiefly to the extremities, which were formed to resemble 
 the head of a bird. The quivers, however, were more elaborately 
 decorated, and were slung over the back by cords attached, as repre- 
 sented in the engraving. 
 
 ASSYRIAN BOW, ARROW, AND QUIVER*. 
 
 The helmets of the Assyrians were of various shapes, and some 
 were particularly elegant in form, so much so that they furnished 
 models to the Greeks. Herodotus describes them to have been made 
 
 1->STR1AN HELMETS 
 
 HEAD-DRESS. 
 
 of brass; those, however, which were discovered in the ruins appear 
 to have been iron, occasionally inlaid with copper. The Assyrian 
 swords and maces were often richly decorated, as will be remembered 
 
212 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 by calling to mind the descriptions of them given in a preceding 
 chapter. The sword hilt was generally ornamented with several 
 lions' heads, arranged to form both handle and cross-bar. Figures 
 of lions were also introduced about the scabbard with a boldness and 
 originality that were productive of the most successful result. The 
 remainder of the sheath was frequently elaborately embossed or 
 engraved. 
 
 ASSYRIAN SWORDS AND MACE. 
 
 Like all Orientals, the Assyrians appear to have taken extreme 
 care of their beard, which, to judge by the bas-reliefs, they allowed 
 to grow long, and arranged in so regular a manner, that the repre- 
 sentations of it might almost be regarded as merely conventional- 
 Their hair was not less carefully attended to, and was always ga- 
 thered up on the shoulders in an enormous chignon formed of regular 
 rows of curls. Their eyelids, according to the ancient and universal 
 custom of the East, were stained black with kohl. Their arms and 
 wrists were encircled with bracelets of various forms, but always very 
 graceful and of the purest taste. The men also wore ear-rings, vary- 
 ing in the richness of their design, but most of which might serve 
 even in the present day as models for similar ornaments. 
 
 In Mr. Smirke's interesting review of the Assyrian Sculptures 
 he has some remarks on the style of ornamentation generally 
 apparent in these bas-reliefs, that may be introduced here with 
 advantage. "The love of ornament/' he says truly enough, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 213 
 
 u which distinguishes all Eastern nations at the present day seems 
 to have equally prevailed among the ancient people of whom 
 representations are now, for the first time, brought before us in these 
 
 ASSYRIAN EAR-RINGS 
 
 interesting remains. Very few female figures occur ; but scarcely i 
 male Assyrian figure is represented, whether priest or warrior, with- 
 
 ASSYRIAN BRACELETS. 
 
 out large ear-rings, and most of them have necklaces, bracelets, and 
 armlets. It is to be remarked, however, that not a single case 
 occurs, amidst all this display of personal jewellery, of a finger-ring; 
 the entire absence of this ornament in sculpture, wherein details of 
 this nature are so elaborately and carefully attended to, leads to the 
 conclusion that the finger-ring was an ornament then unknown. 
 
214 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 "The apparel of the Assyrians appears by these sculptures to 
 have been almost always richly fringed, with wide borders orna- 
 mented with figures of men, animals, and foliage. The caparison of 
 their horses is most gorgeous ; every strap of their head and body 
 housings is enriched ; to the chariot horses there is usually seen 
 attached, apparently either to the extremity of the pole or to the 
 trappings of the neck, and to the front of the chariot itself, a long 
 fish-shaped piece of drapery, fringed and embroidered. Layard is 
 at a loss to designate this object. Perhaps, ' The precious clothes 
 for chariots,' alluded to by Ezekiel as being obtained by the people 
 of Tyre from Dedan, may have reference to this singular piece of 
 horse-furniture. 
 
 " The same love of ornament above alluded to is apparent in their 
 pavilions, of which there are specimens in these sculptures ; also in the 
 fashion of their armour; the hilts, handles, and sheath-ends of the 
 swords ; their knife-handles, their slings, and their quivers. There 
 are in the British Museum some lions' feet of bronze, apparently be- 
 longing to furniture, which formed part of Layard's collection at 
 Nimroud, and are equal to Greek workmanship in execution. 
 
 "The style of art which characterises all these ornaments offers 
 us," continues Mr. Smirke, "a subject of curious inquiry. What 
 relation does it bear to other styles? To what extent is it original? 
 And to what extent does it appear to have influenced other succeed- 
 ing styles known to us ? Major Rawlinson, who has fortunately 
 succeeded in mastering to a great extent the difficulties that have 
 hitherto hidden from us the knowledge handed down in the strange 
 characters that cover these and other remains, entertains no doubt 
 that the earlier ruins from whence these sculptures have been de- 
 rived, bear the extraordinary date of twelve or thirteen centuries 
 before the Christian era. This sculpture, therefore, is probably as 
 old as most of the Egyptian antiquities we possess ; yet the style ot 
 the ornaments, although certainly partaking somewhat of Egyptian 
 character, is in many respects widely different from it. The borders 
 of the linen wrought in successive stripes, and those stripes sub- 
 divided into a succession of squares, is certainly an Egyptian pecu- 
 liarity, prevalent in this Assyrian costume. Indeed the people ot 
 the two countries, though widely separated from each other, may 
 probably have interchanged commodities, and goods of so portable 
 a kind as bales of linen may well have found their way from Egypt 
 to Assyria. We have the incontestable and contemporary evidence 
 of Ezekiel, that Egypt furnished 'fine linen with embroidered work' 
 to the merchants of Tyre, who, it may be presumed, supplied the mar- 
 kets of Nineveh. There seems, therefore, no reason to be surprised 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 215 
 
 at finding Egyptian patterns worked on the dresses of the personages 
 so carefully represented on the walls of the Ninevite palaces, nor can 
 any conclusion be safely drawn from that circumstance that there 
 was any identity of design between the works of the artists of those 
 two countries. It may, however, be here observed, that in the trap- 
 pings of their horses there is a somewhat strong resemblance between 
 these examples and those afforded by the Egyptian paintings in the 
 British Museum. 1 The honeysuckle ornament so abundantly used 
 in the sculpture before us is," says Mr. Srnirke, "nowhere seen in 
 early Egyptian work. Nor are there any traces of resemblance 
 between Assyrian and Egyptian design in the beautifully and freely 
 drawn figures of animals so profusely introduced into their work by 
 Assyrian artists. We seek in vain here for those stiff and formal and 
 very peculiar ornaments round the neck, consisting of a continued 
 repetition of strokes of the pencil, which we see constantly recurring 
 in Egyptian work, especially in the mummy-cases. The Assyrian 
 artist seems to have completely relieved himself from the rigid con- 
 ventional manner of the Egyptian, and to have acquired considerable 
 facility and freedom of execution. Examine the slightly -etched 
 figures of winged bulls and other animals pervading the dresses of 
 almost all the larger figures on this sculpture, and we find them 
 drawn, or rather sketched, in a style that would do credit to the best 
 artists of the present day ; and when we consider the enormous 
 extent to which this mode of decorating the walls of their buildings 
 prevailed, not only at Nineveh, but at other buried cities which have 
 been recently explored in the same country, it seems fair to presume 
 that these trifling and subordinate details now adverted to must 
 have been the work of common and ordinary artisans. 
 
 M Let us now compare, " continues our artist, " the ornaments 
 under review with the more familiar forms of Greek art : and here I 
 think we find so strong an analogy, and in some cases such a striking 
 resemblance, as to force upon us the conclusion, that the artists 
 of Greece derived far more of their art from the banks of the Tigris 
 and Euphrates than from the banks of the Nile; and Egypt must, I 
 think, relinquish a large portion of the honour that has been so long 
 accorded to her, of having been the mother of Greek art. The 
 honeysuckle ornament, already alluded to as occurring abundantly in 
 this sculpture, is both in form and treatment almost purely Greek. 
 The Guilloche scroll, so characteristic a Greek ornament, occurs, 
 very accurately chased, on the scabbard of one of the swords ot the 
 
 l An architect from Vienna informed Mr. Srnirke that the caparisons of these Assyrian 
 horses strongly remind him of those now used in the southern provinces of the Austrian 
 empire, and the adjacent part6 of Turkey. 
 
216 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 Assyrian warriors. An ornament much resembling (although not 
 identical with) the labyrinth fret also appears etched as an orna- 
 ment on a dress. The classical enrichment commonly called the 
 bead and reel is here of very common occurrence. The running 
 ornament of animals and foliage grouped together, constantly occur- 
 ring in this costume, is a perfectly classical feature. 
 
 " I purposely confine my observations to the style of ornamentation 
 visible in these works, and forbear to enter into any similar compari- 
 son between Assyrian and Greek sculpture in its higher qualities, for 
 such an inquiry properly falls rather within the province of the 
 sculptor ; but were I to do so, I apprehend we should arrive at the 
 same result. It needs not the professional eye of a sculptor to see in 
 the attitudes and drapery of the figures a regular and progressive, 
 although perhaps a slow, development of art, from these marbles, 
 through those of Asia Minor and Sicily, down to the works of Phidias. 
 Whilst inviting attention to the germ and gradual growth of that 
 beautiful system of decoration which has been handed down to us 
 by the Greek artists, and has been the object of imitation during suc- 
 ceeding ages, not excluding even the mediaeval ages, I am tempted 
 to suggest whether much of it, perhaps almost the whole of it, may, 
 not have had its origin in the use of sacred emblems or in the repre- 
 sentation of sacred objects. The bull was deified in the earliest ages, 
 and we see it carved in profuse variety as an ornament on these mar-, 
 bles. It occurs abundantly in the sculpture of Asia Minor, and in 
 classic art became a favourite ornament. The lion also furnishes 
 us with another very familiar instance of an animal deified by the 
 Egyptians, and introduced by the artist in every variety of form as. 
 an ornament. The honeysuckle, which, under the wonderful influ- 
 ence of Greek taste, became so beautiful and so universal an orna- 
 ment, is here found many centuries before the birth of Greek art as 
 representing the sacred tree before which the Assyrian priest is per- 
 forming his religious rites. The fir-cone, which plays so prominent 
 a part in classical decorative sculpture, is in these marbles almost 
 always held as an offering in the hand of the priest. The lotus is 
 another familiar instance. We find it first the object of worship in. 
 Egypt, but afterwards converted into one of the most beautiful of all 
 the forms of antique ornament. The rosette, or patera, is perhaps 
 one of the most universal ornaments in the whole range of art. It 
 occurs in the paintings of the Egyptians, and is carved on Hindoo 
 sculpture ; it was embroidered on the garments of the Assyrians, and, 
 ornamented their armlets, bracelets, and even their whip-handles. 
 Nor on the sculptured remains of Persepolis is it wanting. The 
 rosette is painted on the fictile vases of all ages, from the earliest to 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 217 
 
 the latest, and has ever been one of the most common of all the orna- 
 ments of architecture. May I not venture to claim for this form, 
 also, a sacred origin ? The winged circle was the emblem of the 
 deity in Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia. It occurs frequently in the 
 marbles before us, and is usually filled in with what has the appear- 
 ance of a rosette; but when the circle is large, we find the inserted 
 figure to have a star-like form, or a radiation of tapering flames : may 
 this not be supposed to typify the sun, the great and earliest object 
 of idolatry ? Is it not at least a plausible hypothesis that this figure, 
 whether it be a conventional representation of the sun or a star, may 
 in the course of time have assumed, in the hands of the artificer, the 
 varied and beautiful ornament with which we are so familiar V s 
 
 In some things, Assyrian industry had attained a high degree of 
 perfection. The Assyrians were able to work the hardest as well as 
 the softest substances, with a view to their employment in building or 
 other purposes. This is proved by the jaspar or crystal cylinders, 
 and by the bas-reliefs sculptured on gypsum or siliceous basalt. They 
 were acquainted with glass and various kinds of enamels. They could 
 bake clay for bricks or vases, the quality of the clay varying in fine- 
 ness according to the purpose for which the vases were intended. 
 Thus the bricks employed in building were simply burnt in the sun 
 or slightly baked, so as to remain tolerably soft, while those intended 
 for paving were excessively hard. Thus, again, the large funereal 
 urns were of but middling consistency; while, on the contrary, the 
 cylinders of baked clay on which were any inscriptions were manu- 
 factured out of a very fine and very hard kind of earth. Lastly, the 
 art of varnishing pottery, and covering it with paintings by means 
 of coloured enamels, was known at Nineveh. 
 
 The Assyrians were also acquainted with the art of founding, of 
 working, and even hammering out various metals. This branch of 
 manufactures had acquired great perfection among them, as can be 
 seen by the little statue of the bronze lion, the nails, calf s head, &c. 
 The metal most frequently used appears to have been copper, as was 
 the case with all people of antiquity: this fact is easily accounted 
 for, with respect to Mesopotamia, by the proximity of the celebrated 
 mines of Argana-Maaden, situated near Diarbekir, in the lesser 
 chains of the mountains that border the plain on the north. These 
 mines, even now, not only supply the whole of the Ottoman empire, 
 but considerable quantities of metal are also exported from them. 
 Iron appears to have been used more rarely; but this metal oxydizes 
 quicker than copper, and cannot resist a long sojourn underground ; 
 it is perhaps on this account that it was rarely used for the fabrica- 
 tion of those objects to which it is fitted. Lead was evidently known 
 
218 
 
 THE BURTED CITY 
 
 to the Assyrians, for the bronze lion was fastened with this metal to 
 the stone which formed its base. It is now known that there are 
 lead-mines in the mountains of Kurdistan, at a little distance from 
 Mosul. 
 
 It was natural to expect that when the buried city was exhumed, 
 great number of small objects would be found interesting, from the 
 materials of which they were made or the uses to which they were 
 formerly applied : the excavations, on the contrary, have been in 
 this respect very unfruitful. The reason of this is probably to be 
 attributed to the fact, that the edifices were pillaged before being- 
 destroyed by fire. The despoilers, whoever they were, would 
 naturally carry off everything of any value or interest, prior to com- 
 pleting their work of devastation by setting fire to the place. This 
 explanation appears the more probable from the fact that Layard, 
 while excavating the mound of Nimroud, found a number of curious 
 little objects in a monument that had not undergone the action 
 of fire, while he found nothing in another which, like that of 
 Khorsabad, appeared to have been purposely destroyed by that 
 element. 
 
 If the palace of Khorsabad was pillaged, it will easily be con- 
 ceived that at the time of its destruction everything in it that was 
 made of precious metal was taken away first. But what is more 
 extraordinary is, that neither a single cylinder nor a Babylonian seal 
 (to use the customary expression) fell in Botta's way at Khorsabad. 
 We must not, however, be too hasty in forming from this fact con- 
 clusions about the country where these amulets were formerly manu- 
 factured, for Layard found some at Nimroud, which, as we know, 
 is but a short distance from the mound that Botta opened. 
 
 Amongst the things that Botta's people did find was a bronze 
 lion. This little statue was found fixed to a flagstone that paved the 
 
OP TIIE EAST — NUTEYETT. 219 
 
 recess formed by the projection of a winged bull and pier on the 
 right side of a doorway. There had been similar ones not only on 
 the other side of this doorway, but at all the grand entrances of the 
 monument, for the flagstones on which they had been iixed still 
 remained. The present statue is the only one that had not disap- 
 peared ; and nothing proves more than this fact with what avidity 
 everything of any value was carried off when the edifices were de- 
 stroyed. This lion is represented in a quiet posture, with his fore- 
 feet stretched out, on a square base, beneath which there is a stout 
 conic stem that entered a hole in the pavement. The animal's 
 posture is perfect, and his head full of expression. With the excep- 
 tion of the mane, which forms a sort of pad round the neck, there is 
 nothing conventional in the workmanship : it is a true picture of na- 
 ture. This can be seen from the manner in which the fore-feet are 
 executed, and even from the exaggeration with which the sculptor 
 has rendered the flatness of the posture, so remarkable in animals of 
 the fells family when they crouch in this manner. The statue is 
 massive, and cast in a single piece, with the plinth and ring in the 
 middle of the back. 
 
 Another relic was a bronze calf's head. This is not cast, but 
 beaten out with a hammer. It must have been adapted to the 
 angles of a seat or table, for we have seen similar ones represented 
 as ornaments of the furniture in one of the Assyrian banquets. Even 
 the little holes are seen through which pass the nails that must 
 have served to fasten it to a piece of wood. As a representation of 
 nature, it is less remarkable than the lion, yet it is not without 
 some merit as a work of art, for a certain appreciation of reality is 
 observed in it. The only conventional points about it are the mane 
 and hair of the jaws, which are represented by straight rows of rolls 
 terminated by curls. This little work is interesting, for it shows 
 that the art of hammering out and welding metals was known to 
 the Assyrians at a very distant epoch. Several fragments belonging 
 to similar heads have also been found ; this proves that they must 
 have been often used. 
 
 Small burnt-clay idols were found in narrow recesses hidden under 
 the pavement of the courts, either before the doorways or at some 
 other parts of the walls. These statuettes were certainly symbolic; 
 for some represent imaginary beings, and others wear attributes 
 similar to those of the figures placed near the doorways. Some have 
 the mitre encircled at the bottom with a double pair of horns; they 
 have one arm crossed on the breast, and appear to hold a rod or 
 stick, which is now too imperfect to allow of its use being discovered. 
 Others have their hair rolled in large curls, like those of the large 
 
220 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 figure strangling a lion. There are some whose bodies are human in 
 the upper part, but terminate with bulls' legs and tails. Lastly, there 
 is one which, by its long ears, rather resembles a bat than a lion 
 or jackal. It is needless to repeat that similar figures are often seen 
 on the cylinders and Babylonian seals. 
 
 These statuettes are made with the same clay of which the bricks 
 were formed; it is only slightly baked; consequently, it possesses 
 little consistence, and it is difficult to conceive how it has resisted 
 not only the damp, but the weight to which it has been exposed for 
 so many ages. 
 
 Besides these idols, the antiquity c c which is incontestable, since 
 they were found beneath the very earth of the mound, a small ram's 
 head was discovered in the earth, dug up during the excavations at 
 Khorsabad ; it was made of clay, and was beautifully executed. 
 Lastly, while digging at the foot of the mound of Kouyunjik, the 
 workmen laid bare some rude representations of animals in baked 
 clay. These figures were so barbarous, that they were at first mis- 
 taken for the productions of some Arabian peasants, and conse- 
 quently they were not preserved. Subsequent discoveries rendered 
 this a matter of regret, since there was reason to believe, from the 
 after-discovery of the idols buried at Khorsabad, that these barbarous 
 figures perhaps dated from the Assyrian epoch. 
 
 During the very first excavations at Khorsabad, the workmen 
 found a considerable number of balls of clay, hardened by the action 
 of fire, and on which was seen the impression of an emblem that is 
 frequently observed on the cylinders, and which is also found at Per- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 221 
 
 sepolis: it consists of a man disembowelling a lion that he holds by 
 the mane; the man's hair and beard are arranged in the Assyrian 
 manner. This little scene is framed with a border, outside of which 
 there are some cuneiform inscriptions, differing from the other spe- 
 cimens. These little inscriptions have not been made with a seal, 
 but have evidently been traced with a style on the clay when wet. 
 The balls, which are of a very irregular shape, were simply kneaded 
 with the hand, for, the opposite side to that on which the seal is 
 cut, still bears the marks of the fingers, and even of the pores of 
 the skin ; lastly, they have always a hole pierced through them, and 
 in this hole there are still found the remains of charred twine. This 
 circumstance is another proof, added to the rest, that the city was 
 destroyed by fire. The fact itself may be easily explained in the 
 following manner : these balls of clay, which were hung up by a 
 piece of string in different situations, must have been calcined, and 
 the string burnt inside the hole, where the remains of it were dis- 
 covered. 
 
 But what can have been the use of these seals of clay ? It is plain 
 they were not objects destined for any very long term of service, for 
 they must have been used before their calcination, while the clay was 
 yet soft, otherwise the string would not be found burnt inside the 
 hole. The most plausible explanation, probably, is, that they served 
 as a means of knowing whether certain doors had remained shut, 
 and for this purpose the Assyrians sealed up their doors with these 
 balls. This is the more probable, as the Bible teaches us that the 
 kings of Assyria were, in certain cases, in the habit of doing so. 
 
 Funereal urris were also found. These urns or jars were buried 
 in the mounds, and were found standing in regular rows. They 
 are oval and elongated in shape, terminating at the bottom in a very- 
 narrow foot, and widening out at the mouth. The only ornament on 
 them is one rim or fillet round the neck, and another round the base. 
 These urns are made of baked earth, and have no cover; they are 
 about four feet high, and their greatest diameter is about two feet 
 and a half. They were, when found, entirely filled with a clayey 
 earth, in which was found a great many fragments of bones, that 
 appeared calcined. Although there is no reason to doubt that the 
 bones were those of the human skeleton, -no single fragment was 
 found considerable enough, or in a sufficient state of preservation, 
 to give direct proof whether it belonged to man or some other 
 animal. 
 
 Enamelled bricks were discovered. In noticing the mode of 
 building pursued at Khorsabad, it was evident that, above the coat- 
 ing of gypsum slabs, there had been several rows of kiln-burnt 
 
222 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 bricks, the united surfaces of which must have represented subjects 
 analogous to those which were sculptured on the lower part of the 
 walls. Unfortunately, only a few fragments of these were found : 
 
 SECTION AND FLAN OF THE ARRANGEMENT 0» 
 THB FUNEREAL URNS DISCOVERED BY M. BOTTA. 
 
 tS£*\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 they are sufficient, however, to give an idea of this kind of decora- 
 tion. On each of the bricks, portions of human forms or orna- 
 ments are depicted, and their assemblage produces the figures or 
 details that we have seen so often ; including the king, with his red 
 tiara, winged personages holding the basket and fir-cone, cars, goats, 
 rosettes, traceries of palm-leaves or symbolic flowers. On these 
 fragments are also found portions of cuneiform inscriptions, painted 
 either yellow or white. The ingredients of these bricks are very 
 coarse, and they appear to have been but slightly baked, for they 
 possess very little consistence. The painted surface seems to have 
 been rendered even by means of a layer of fine clay, over which 
 was a coat of lime or plaster. The colours seen on these were white, 
 black, red, olive-green, grey, and yellows of various shades. 
 
 Altars must next be mentioned as amongst the discoveries. Two 
 blocks of calcareous stone, cut in the shape of altars, were lying on 
 the ground at a few steps from the mound of Khorsabad ; their 
 trunks are triangular; the tops of the angles are cut off, and termi- 
 nate with lions' feet, very well sculptured ; above and below which 
 there is a flat band ; the angles beneath the feet are round like 
 columns, instead of being flat. The whole stands on a plinth, which, 
 together with all the rest, is formed of one single block. A cunei- 
 form inscription is engraved on the circumference of the slabs. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 223 
 
 These remains are called altars ; since no better explanation of their 
 form could be given. Both were exactly alike. 
 
 Nails of various forms were found in the earth that filled the 
 chambers; and fragments of copper utensils were also discovered. 
 Of the nails, some are small, and similar to those we call brads ; 
 others were much bigger, and were square, with round heads, like 
 those used to nail ship's planking. All had probably belonged to 
 the roof; for some appeared to have undergone the action of fire, 
 and were partly melted, being made of bronze. 
 
 Besides these nails, the ring which was fixed in the wall above 
 the small bronze lion, already mentioned, was found. It was se- 
 cured in the wall by means of a strong square rod, annulated 
 at intervals, so that it might not be torn out of its place. All 
 these objects are exceedingly well made, and much superior to any 
 similar articles that could be manufactured in the East at the pre- 
 sent day ! 
 
 A few words must now be said of the fragment of a small circle, 
 whose use it is not easy to guess. There is no doubt that this frag- 
 ment formed the portion of a wheel, or something similar, for on 
 its concave side the roots of the spokes are still to be seen ; but it is 
 too small and slight to authorize us in believing that it is part of the 
 wheel of a car. If the reader, however, will again look at the 
 wheels represented on the bas-reliefs, he will perceive that they 
 were, in truth, very little, and the spokes remarkably slight ; a 
 circumstance that would induce us to believe that these latter were 
 formed of metal. We cannot believe, it is true, that fellies as nar- 
 row as those of the fragment in question could ever have supported 
 a car without sinking into the ground ; but the bas-reliefs again 
 furnish an answer to this difficulty. We can see by them very 
 distinctly that the fellies are formed of two superposed circles, the 
 external circle being united by broad flaps to the internal one. 
 It is very allowable to suppose that the Assyrians, finding great 
 difficulty in uniting with precision the different parts of a wheel, 
 thought of casting in one piece the interior portion, that is, the nave, 
 the spokes, and the first circle of the felly, and then completing it 
 by another circle of wood, thicker and broader than the first, in 
 order to increase the diameter of the wheel, and prevent its cutting 
 into the ground. This would explain the bas-reliefs; and the frag- 
 ment in question might really have formed part of the wheel of an 
 Assyrian car. 
 
 We may pass over, as possessing no interest, a large number of 
 large thin plates of bronze, but must not omit mentioning the small 
 models of arms discovered in one of the pits containing the idols of 
 
 K 2 
 
224 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 baked clay. In this place were little lance-heads of bronze, with a 
 handle hollowed out for the insertion of another one of wood. Some 
 thin little crescents of the same metal, also furnished with a small 
 handle, were likewise discovered. We may boldly assert that 
 these playthings could have been of no use, and were doubtless 
 thus buried by the side of the idols solely with some symbolic 
 intention. 
 
 A piece of lapis ollaris, flat and sculptured on several sides, was 
 found near Amadia, a town situated at a distance of fifteen hours' 
 journey to the north of Mosul, in the first range of the mountains of 
 Kurdistan. One side represents two symbolic figures lying one on 
 the other, each of whom is encompassed by a cording in the form 
 of a frame. The heads of these figures are human, with no beards, 
 and rather effeminate. Their head-dresses, which are Assyrian, are 
 encircled with bands ; their bodies resemble that of a lion or feline 
 animal, rather than that of an herbiverous one, and wings complete 
 their fantastic appearance. 
 
 The other side is also divided into two compartments. In the 
 lower one there is a he-goat, or rather a she-goat, lying down and 
 looking back; in the upper one there are two of these animals, 
 also looking back, and standing with their fore-feet on a stem or 
 trunk placed between them. On each of the lateral sides is seen 
 a personage whose form is entirely human : he has no beard, and 
 is dressed in a long robe fringed at the lower edge, and over which 
 he wears a cloak like a sort of pelisse, but rounded at the bottom. 
 Underneath, it is furrowed with oblique lines, which, by crossing 
 each other, form lozenges. Lastly, the top is bored with three holes 
 that penetrate nearly to the base. It is very difficult to discover 
 what could have been the former use of this stone. 
 
 While searching near the mound of Nebbi Yunus, on which the 
 village which now bears the name of Nineveh is built, the work- 
 men found a small glass bottle ; it was round, short-necked, and 
 had a large mouth. The glass, which was extremely thin, was 
 white, and dotted with little black specks melted up with the in- 
 gredients, so as to resemble certain Venetian or Bohemian glasses, 
 that are manufactured with pencils of different colours. Unhap- 
 pily, this bottle, after lying for twenty centuries safely in the earth, 
 was broken in the hands of a careless fool who was pretending to 
 examine it. 
 
 Here it will not be out of place to add a few words on the com- 
 merce of ancient Assyria. With the exception of some isolated pas- 
 sages in Scripture, we must entirely depend for the sources of our 
 information on this subject upon writers who nourished later than the 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 225 
 
 age of Cyrus. But it must be borne in mind that the Orientals can 
 preserve a traditional policy, undisturbed and unaltered, for many 
 generations. This characteristic attachment to peculiar customs is 
 exemplified in the well-known proverb, " The laws of the Medea and 
 Persians alter not." When the intrepid founder of Islam affixed to 
 the Caaba at Mecca the few verses which announced a total revolution 
 in the fundamental dogmas of the Arabian creed, the genius of the 
 Oriental was less shocked than by an attempt, at a later period, and 
 when Mahomet had reached the height of his power, to effect a slight 
 alteration in the domestic code. This national repugnance to innova- 
 tions of every description would have been shared with equal zeal by 
 a despotic government, who would have watched with suspicion the 
 feeblest attempt to disturb the prestige of hereditary privileges. The 
 conqueror would soon perceive the advantages to be derived from the 
 permanent and profitable employment of the people ; the wants of the 
 vanquished would become in time those of the victor, and dues or pre- 
 sents could be exacted without difficulty, either from native or foreign 
 merchants. We may, indeed, fairly conclude that less mischief was 
 inflicted on commerce by mere changes of dynasty and conquests so- 
 called, than by those fearful anarchies which, at a later period, caused 
 a total suspension of the commerce of Persia. As the more recent 
 dynasties were built upon the same foundations with their predeces- 
 sors, so their commerce must also have retained the same general cha- 
 racter ; its principal seats remained unchanged, and the countries in 
 which they were situated were at all times adorned with rich and 
 flourishing cities, which, after the most cruel devastations, rose unim- 
 paired from their nuns. With these preliminary considerations before 
 us, it is easy to understand that when the sceptre of Assyria passed to 
 the hand of the intelligent and active Persian, very little, if any, change 
 took place in the social condition and pursuits of the people ; and we 
 may reasonably conjecture that their commerce and manufactures were 
 rather extended than diminished by the infusion of a fresh stimulus to 
 industry and exertion. At a very early period the sextile fabrics 
 Assyria were celebrated all over the civilized world : the raw material 
 required for these manufactures, viz., flax, cotton, wool, and perhaps 
 silk, were either not the produce of then* soil, or certainly not in suffi- 
 cient quantity for then own consumption. This fact alone implies the 
 existence of a very extensive shipping trade with the East. Accordingly, 
 we find the prophet Isaiah (xliii. 14) alluding, in the eighth century 
 before our era, to their maritime power — "Thus saith the Lord your lie- 
 deemer, the Holy One of Israel, For your sake, I have sent to Babylon^ 
 and have brought down all their nobles and the Chaldeans, whose cry 
 is in their ships." Again, the poet ^Eschylus says in " The Persians,' 
 
226 TIIE BURIED CITY 
 
 " Babylon, too, that abounds in gold, sends forth a promiscuous multi- 
 tude, who both embark in ships, and boast of their skill in archery." 
 
 These allusions are illustrated by some curious slabs described by 
 Layard. In a bas-relief from the centre palace at Nimroud, vessels 
 were represented with a mast, and with a carved prow and stern, both 
 ornamented with the head of an animal or bird, probably in metal. 
 They were impelled by long oars, and the blade projected at an angle 
 with the handle ; the mast was retained in its position by ropes. 
 Although these ships were near a castle, it is obvious, from the size of 
 the fish, and the peculiar character of the marine monsters, that the 
 sea, and not a river, is represented. A considerable advance in the 
 knowledge of ship-building is indicated by the sculptures, both at 
 Khorsabad and Kouyunjik. At the latter place, they were found in 
 the greatest perfection, and exhibit an indisputable proof of the inti- 
 mate acquaintance of the Assyrians with a sea-faring people. 
 
 We must now take a rapid survey, as far as our limits permit, of 
 the chief branches of this widely-spread traffic : and first of manufac- 
 tures. Amongst those who traded in " blue clothes and embroidered 
 work " with Tyre, Ezekiel (xxvii. 24) enumerates the merchants of 
 Asshur, or Assyria. In these stuffs, gold threads (Pliny, viii. 48) were 
 introduced into the woof of many colours, and were no doubt the 
 " dyed attire and embroidered work " so frequently mentioned in Scrip- 
 ture as the most costly and splendid garments of kings and princes. 
 The cotton manufactures were equally celebrated and remarkable, and 
 are mentioned by Pliny as the invention of Semiramis, who is stated 
 by many writers of antiquity to have founded large weaving establish- 
 ments along the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates. The silken robes 
 of Assyria, the produce chiefly of the looms of Babylon, were renowned 
 long after the fall of the Assyrian empire, and retained their hold on 
 the market even to the time of the Roman supremacy. Frequent al- 
 lusions are found in classic authors to the brilliancy and magnificence 
 of the Babylonian carpets, which were embroidered with symbolical 
 figures, together with animals and flowers of a conventional form. 
 One of these covered the tomb of Cyrus, when visited by Arrian (vi. 29), 
 who gives a minute description of it. The country was characterized 
 by Ezekiel (xvii. 4) as " a land of traffic, a city of merchants ;" and we 
 can gather, even from the scanty materials at our command, that the 
 Assyrians carried on a very considerable commerce with India, Syria, 
 and thence to Asia Minor, and even parts of Western Em-ope. Their 
 mountains furnished a copious supply of the precious metals, copper, 
 lead, and iron, in great abundance, which are still found in large 
 quantities at no great distance from Mosul. 
 
 The tribute obtained by the Egyptians from Mesopotamia consisted 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEYEII. 227 
 
 of vases of gold, silver, copper, and precious stones ; and similar articles 
 were offered as presents by the Prince of Syria to David (2 Samuel, 
 viii. 6 ; 1 Chron. xviii. 10). The most extraordinary traditions were 
 preserved in antiquity of the enormous amount of gold collected at 
 Nineveh. Every one will recollect the statue of solid gold raised by 
 Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel, iii. 1 ). " Take ye the gold, take ye the silver,*' 
 says the prophet Xahum (ii. 9) ; the riches of Nineveh are inexhaus- 
 tible, her vases and precious furniture are infinite, copper constantly 
 occurs in their weapons, and it is most probable a mixture of it was 
 used in the material of their tools. They had acquired the art of 
 making glass, an invention usually attributed to the Phoenicians. 
 Several small bottles or vases of this substance, and of an elegant 
 shape, were found at Nimroud and Kouyunjik. The well-known 
 cylinders are a sufficient proof of their skill in engraving gems. Many 
 beautiful specimens of carving in ivory were also discovered — an 'inte- 
 resting illustration of a passage in the chapter of Ezekiel (xxvii. 6) to 
 which we have before referred, when the company of Assyrians are 
 described as the makers of the ivory benches of the Tyrian galleys. 
 Some tablets of ivory from Nimroud, are richly inlaid with blue opaque 
 glass, lapis lazuli, &c. Herodotus (i. 195) mentions the delicately- 
 carved heads of walking-sticks, in the shape of an apple, a rose, a 
 lily, or an eagle : some of these are still extant. To these the gems, 
 the silk, cotton, ivory, and sugar-cane of India, and the spices of 
 " Araby the blest," must have added their luxurious tribute. Indeed, 
 a hasty glance at the map is sufficient to show that the country was 
 favourably situated for commercial enterprise. Enclosed by two 
 mighty rivers, which flow without interruption to the Persian Gulf, it 
 presented one vast unbroken level, everywhere intersected by canals, 
 which gradually decreased in size till they became mere ditches. The 
 banks were covered with innumerable machines for raising the water, 
 and spreading it over the soil. The aridity of the climate rendered this 
 constant irrigation absolutely necessary ; but here, as in Egypt, the 
 labour of man was rewarded by a luxuriant crop, such as the most 
 fertile valleys of Europe never produce. 
 
 " Of all the countries I am acquainted with," says Herodotus, 
 (i. 193), " Babylon is by far the most fruitful in corn ; the soil 
 is so particularly suitable for it, that it never produces less than 
 two hundred-fold, and in seasons remarkably favourable, it sometimes 
 amounts to three hundred. The ear of the wheat, as well as the bar- 
 ley, is foui' digits broad, but the immense height to which the cenchrus 
 and lesamum grow, although I have witnessed it myself, I dare not 
 mention, lest those who have not visited this country should disbelieve 
 my report." The fig-tree, olive, and vine, according to the same autho- 
 
228 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 rity, were not found at all ; but their place was supplied by an abun- 
 dance of date or palm trees, which still grow in large quantities on the 
 banks of the Euphrates. The former statement must, however, be 
 taken with some qualification, as the vine occurs on the sculptures 
 from Nineveh, and Rabshekah expressly describes his country to the 
 Jews as a " land of corn and wine, a land of bread and vineyards, a 
 land of olive-oil and of honey (2 Kings, xviii. 32). Of all other lofty 
 trees, the country was entirely destitute ; and this paucity of timber 
 must have had a sensible influence upon the navigation and domestic 
 architecture of the inhabitants. 
 
 Here we may borrow the words of Professor Heeren, to whose valu- 
 able work on the commerce of the principal nations of antiquity we must 
 refer the reader who requires a more elaborate discussion of this interest- 
 ing subject. " Situated," he says, " between the Indus and the Mediter- 
 ranean it was the natural staple of such precious wares of the East as 
 were esteemed in the West. Its proximity to the Persian Gulf, the great 
 highway of trade, winch Nature seems to have prepared for the 
 admission of the sea-faring nations of the Indian seas into the midst of 
 Asia, must be reckoned as another advantage, especially when taken 
 in connection with its vicinity to the two great rivers, the continua- 
 tion, as it were, of this great highway, and opening a communication 
 with the nations dwelling on the Euxine and the Caspian. Thus 
 favoured by Nature, this country necessarily became the central point 
 where the merchants of nearly all the nations of the civilised world 
 assembled ; and such, we are informed by history, it remained, so long 
 as the international commerce of Asia flourished. Neither the de- 
 vastating sword of conquering nations, nor the heavy yoke of Asiatic 
 despotism could tarnish, though for a time they might dim, its splendour. 
 It was only when the European found a new path to India across the 
 ocean, and converted the great commerce of the world from a land- 
 trade to a sea-trade, that the royal city on the banks of the Tigris 
 and the Euphrates began to decline. Then, deprived of its commerce, it 
 fell a victim to the two-fold oppression of anarchy and despotism, and 
 sunk to its original state of a stinking morass, and a barren steppe." 
 
 To this animated picture of the ancient splendour of Assyria, it 
 will be interesting to contrast, in conclusion, the description given by a 
 modern writer, an excellent authority, Mr. Kinncar, in Ins Geographical 
 Memoir of Persia. " Mesopotamia," he says, " is perhaps one of the 
 most interesting countries in the world, and those who have had an 
 opportunity of contemplating its present desolate condition, and of 
 comparing it with the glowing descriptions which the writers of anti- 
 quity have left us of the wealth .and fertility of that celebrated region, 
 will perhaps be led to reflect on the instability of human grandeur, and 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 229 
 
 feel impressed with the painful truth, that the most polite and flourish- 
 ing kingdom in the universe may, in the course of a few years, be 
 reduced, by the weakness and depravity of its government, to extreme 
 wretchedness. 
 
 " The mighty cities of Nineveh, Babylon, Sileucia, and Ctesiphon, 
 have crumbled into dust ; the humble tent of the Arab now occupies 
 the spot formerly adorned with the palaces of kings, and his flocks 
 procure but a scanty pittance of food amidst the fallen fragments of 
 ancient magnificence. The banks of the Euphrates and Tigris, once 
 so prolific, are now, for the most part, covered with impenetrable 
 brushwood ; and the interior of the province, which was traversed and 
 fertilized by innumerable canals, is destitute of either inhabitants or 
 regetation. Few countries in the East are blessed with a richer soil, 
 3r capable of being cultivated with so little exertion. The Tigris and 
 Euphrates, which are never more than fifty miles apart, approach, in 
 ihe latitude of Bagdad, to within twenty-five miles of each other, and 
 ifford an inexhaustible supply of the finest water. They rise twice 
 i-year, and as the water is then nearly on a level with the surface of the 
 )lain, the irrigation so indispensable to countries like this, is effected 
 frith, the utmost facility. But the insecurity of property renders these 
 id vantages of no avail under the stupid despotism of the Turks : the 
 cultivators, liable at all times to have their fields laid waste, avoid, as 
 nuch as possible, all sorts of labour." 
 
 ASSYRIAN SHIF. 
 
230 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The Assyrian Relics in the British Museum. 
 
 Those readers who have gone with us through the preceding pages, 
 descriptive of what is left to us of Assyrian art, will turn with double 
 pleasure towards those chambers of our National Museum which 
 contain our share of the relics of ancient Assyria, — our spoil ga- 
 thered amidst the ruins of the buried city. Our friends the French 
 are proud of the sculptures obtained by Botta, and now in the 
 Louvre ; but we may fairly and successfully challenge a comparison 
 with them by pointing to the British Museum. No one can visit 
 that establishment without being reminded of the importance and 
 interest of our Assyrian acquisitions ; for the Great Winged Bull and 
 Lion, which now grace the entrance hall there, attract the immediate 
 notice of all who come near them, and by their size, their antiquity, 
 and strange story, induce those who might otherwise pass on to 
 other objects, to stop and inquire for the companion antiques; — and 
 these, once seen, cannot again be forgotten. 
 
 Let us now, then, devote a chapter to the Assyrian relics con- 
 tained in the British Museum. By doing so, we may at once render 
 our present work more complete, and fit it for the companionship of 
 those who, after perusing this account of the labours of Layard, 
 may think fit to go in search of the antiquarian treasures he acquired 
 for the Museum of his country. It may be premised, though, that 
 whilst this book is passing through the press, the authorities of the 
 British Museum are yet undecided how the Nimroud marbles are 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 231 
 
 to be ultimately arranged, and that, meanwhile, the larger number 
 of them occupy an apartment underground, whilst another part are 
 ranged against the walls of a mere temporary passage. In our 
 descriptions we shall to some extent follow the writers of articles on 
 the same subject in the Athenceum and the Illustrated London News. 
 The Assyrian collection in the British Museum was not all con- 
 tributed by Layard ; a portion of it is due to the exertions of another 
 Englishman, Mr. Hector, of whom more presently. Let us, how- 
 ever, first consider the most important, or Layard contributions, 
 taking them in the order best adapted to obtain a distinct impres- 
 sion of the varied character of this collection. 
 
 The bas-relief which we shall first describe represents the king 
 in his war-chariot, with attendant warriors on horseback and on foot. 
 The chariot, which is drawn by three horse?, is almost precisely the 
 same as that of Egypt ; to the sides are fixed, crossways, two quivers 
 full of arrows, each quiver being also furnished with a small bow 
 and hatchet. There also appears to be a richly-ornamented bow- 
 case fixed in front of the chariot and over the horses' backs. The 
 metal bar is fixed to the pole, as in the Egyptian chariots ; and 
 the harness and trappings of the horses are exactly like the Egyp- 
 tian, but their tails are knotted. The horses have beads upon their 
 necks, with cuneiform characters cut upon them, probably a chaplet 
 of amulets, as is still the custom of Oriental nations. In front of 
 the chariot is the king's groom, clothed in a short tunic, bordered 
 and fringed ; belt round his waist, sword suspended from the shoul- 
 ders, sandals upon his feet, but his head uncovered and hair elabo- 
 rately curled. Within the chariot is the charioteer, holding the 
 reins, and with a whip in his right hand. His dress is a tunic, 
 with a sash and belt round his waist, and sword by his side; but 
 he wears no covering on his head, nor bracelets on his arms. The 
 king is in his usual costume. Behind him stands an eunuch, holding 
 a parasol above his head. Above the chariot is a human-bodied 
 divinity, with winns, but without legs ; he wears a cap with two 
 bull's horns laid close round the head. A broad flat ring encir- 
 cles this figure, passing immediately above the feathery termina- 
 tion of his person, and behind and above his shoulders. 
 
 Other bas-reliefs represent portions of the army of the king in 
 various positions. In one of these we have two of the cavalry of the 
 great king, armed with bows and spear, and wearing the conical cap 
 with ear-pieces; coats of mail, or breastplates; their legs encased in 
 chain-armour, over which they wear boots. Each holds the reins of 
 his horse in the left hand, in readiness to mount at the word of com- 
 mand. 
 
232 
 
 TIIE BURIED CITY 
 
 Another frieze displays one of the divisions of the king's army, 
 likewise awaiting the word of command. The appointments re- 
 semble those of the last, excepting that the soldiers carry swords in 
 addition to the bow r and spear. " The horseman lifteth up both the 
 bright sword and the glittering spear" (Nahum iii. 3). The back- 
 ground of these slabs is entirely covered with a succession of regular 
 conical figures, like a diapering, and here and there a stunted tree. 
 The intention is to signify a mountainous and barren country, its great 
 extent being indicated by the whole background being covered, hill 
 after hill filling up the space as far as eye can reach. 
 
 A bowman, with his shield-bearer, is next seen; and behind them 
 is a rank of slingers, bearded, and their robes having a pendent fringe 
 unlike any we have before seen on these sculptures. The slingers 
 are armed with short swords, and each holds a stone in his left hand, 
 ready to supply the sling. The bowman is clad in a conical cap with 
 ear-pieces, breast-plate reaching to the waist, and greaves. His 
 companion, the shield-bearer, is in similar costume, except as regards 
 the greaves and beard. The shield is curved, and the top and bottom 
 are protected by sheaths. 
 
 Three other bas-reliefs give us a novel and most interesting scene — 
 the passage of a river by the army of the great king and his allies. 
 The first represents a eunuch standing on the left hand of the picture 
 between two warriors, with a short whip in his hand ; in front of 
 him are two other soldiers, one inflating a skin, the other standing 
 on the bank of a river, and fastening the end of a similar skin which 
 had been inflated, so as to prevent the escape of the air. Close to 
 the shore a boat is moored, in which one chariot has been placed, 
 and into which another is being lifted. In the stream are seen two 
 warriors swimming ; one on an inflated skin, the other without this 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 233 
 
 assistance. It will be seen that the men are all unencumbered by- 
 clothes or accoutrements, which, as well as the war-chariots, are 
 being conveyed in boats. The second slab shews us the horses, like- 
 wise relieved of all trappings, guided by swimmers, all of whom, 
 whether soldiers or grooms, are supported by skins, which they 
 hold with the left hand, and inflate as they progress, the right 
 hand being used to propel and direct their course. Immediately 
 preceding the boat with the chariots is another rowed by two men, 
 and containing domestic furniture. 
 
 The third slab represents the king in his fully-equipped war- 
 chariot, which has been placed across the centre of a long boat, 
 with high prow and stern. The vessel is steered by a stalwart 
 naked man, with a long paddle ; it is propelled by three rowers ; 
 and its progress further accelerated by two men towing on the 
 shore, or in a shallow part of the stream. The king seems mag- 
 nificently dressed ; has three daggers in his girdle, his sword by 
 his side, in his left hand his bow, and in his right two arrows. 
 Before him stands one of his principal beardless officers, pointing 
 
 with his left hand to the enemy, who, we may imagine, occupy 
 the opposite shore. Behind the king is another eunuch, in long 
 fringed robes, and bearing the usual arms ; his left hand holding 
 his bow, and his right grasping a mace. Standing in the stern of 
 the vessel is a man who holds the long reins of four horses, which 
 are swimming — though the actions of others seem more to resem- 
 ble galloping, while one is starting back. One naked man is swim- 
 ming, supported by the skin which he is inflating. 
 
 If we now suppose the king and his troops to have set foot on a 
 hostile territory, and that they at once hasten to give battle to the 
 opposing army, the next bas-relief in order will be that represent- 
 ing the standard-bearers of the great king, with their respective 
 
234 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 charioteers. Each chariot bears a distinct standard — the foremost 
 one being a bull, and the other two horses. The chariots and the 
 trappings of the horses are the same as before described, excepting 
 that the horses have plumes upon their heads. There are three 
 horses to each chariot, but only six legs are represented ; and the 
 officers are without caps, though, in other particulars, their dresses 
 are the same as on the former slabs. The victorious army is 
 pursuing the enemy through a wood, indicated by the trees and 
 bushes ; and the vulture hovering over the hindmost chariot, and 
 the headless bodies stretched amongst the trees, are sufficiently sug- 
 
 gestive that the carnage has been great. One of the leaders of the 
 enemy is imploring for quarter ; the horses of his chariot are fall- 
 ing, plunging, and struggling in different directions, in admirable 
 opposition to the composed array of the king's body-guard, dis- 
 tinguished by the conical cap and whip-like instrument. The 
 wheels of the chariots of the enemy have eight spokes, whereas 
 the other chariots have but six. 
 
 The next slab is a continuation of the last ; as, without other 
 internal evidence, may be discovered by the exactly corresponding 
 parts of the chariot-wheel in the two slabs. The king, in the van 
 of the battle, is in his chariot, with his charioteer and shield-bearer, 
 who are both uncovered. The chariot, horses, and accompaniments 
 are the same as heretofore detailed. The shield-bearer extends his 
 bossed shield to protect the king, who is clothed in a richly-embroi- 
 dered tunic, the truncated cap, rosette-clasped bracelets, and his 
 bow-arm protected from the recoil of the string by a close-fitting 
 shield, fastened above the elbow and wrist. The left arms of his 
 officers are similarly guarded. The human-bcdied and winged di- 
 vinity before described hovers above the chariot, and sends his 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 
 
 235 
 
 winged arrows against the enemies of the king. Directly in front 
 of the king, a leader of the enemy is falling from his chariot, one of 
 the horses of which is down, whilst the others are still plunging 
 
 and endeavouring to extricate themselves; the charioteer, having 
 lost control, is precipitated in front. Beyond, one of the king's 
 soldiers is about to kill a flying foe, in spite of the efforts of a com- 
 rade to drag him off to the security of the city, the outworks of 
 which extend to the banks of a shallow stream running through a 
 woody country. One of the enemy lies dead, and others are flying 
 before the conquering king, who pursues them to the very confines 
 of the city. The city has embattled towers, and arched gateway 
 likewise embattled, and is protected by a ditch and double wall, 
 from behind the second and inner of which the enemy are discharg- 
 ing their arrows. From the towers they are also shooting arrows 
 and throwing stones, under cover of wicker shields. The last figure, 
 as far as the fracture allows us to see, shews one endeavouring to 
 obtain a parley : his slackened bow is in his left hand, and his right 
 is upraised, bespeaking attention. 
 
 Another bas-relief represents the king in his war-chariot, en- 
 gaged in the fray. The chariot and its trappings are exactly the 
 same as in the bas-relief previously described. The bossed shield 
 of the king hangs at the back, where the spear is likewise fixed in 
 a place appointed for it, decorated with a human head. The king's 
 groom and charioteer appear in the same costumes. The body- 
 guard behind the chariot have bordered but not fringed tunics; and 
 over their shoulders round highly-bossed shields, with a lion's head 
 in the centre. They wear the conical cap, sandals, and enriched 
 swords, and hold the whip-like instrument in their right, and bows 
 in their left hands. Before the king's chariot are two soldiers 
 
236 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 clothed in scale -armour, reaching from the cap down to the ankles. 
 One is pointing his arrows upwards, whilst the other, holding a 
 dagger in his right hand, is guarding his comrades with his thickly- 
 hossed shield : it is remarkable that all the bowmen appear to be 
 accompanied by shield-bearers. A third soldier, wearing a sword, 
 but not clad in armour, is kneeling in front, intimating fighting 
 in ranks : the aim of the whole seems to be at something above, 
 of which, perhaps, the representation is missing, — a surmise sup- 
 ported by the fact that the king is nowhere visible on this slab. 
 A vulture is directing his flight towards the battle-field, where an- 
 other above the chariot is devouring a dj'ing man, who has fallen 
 whilst in the act of flying. He wears the fillet which indicates the 
 enemy. 
 
 The next frieze that arrests our attention is a battle-scene and 
 rout of the enemy. Two of the king's soldiers, wearing the conical 
 cap, and armed with spears, are pursuing a fugitive whose horse has 
 fallen ; behind them is a falling figure ; and flying overhead is a 
 vulture carrying the entrails of the dead in his beak. 
 
 Another bas-relief represents the rout and flight of the enemy 
 by horse and foot, with the dead and dying on the ground. The 
 king's troops are headed by a eunuch and his companion shield- 
 bearer, both on horseback ; and immediately following them are two 
 bearded horsemen discharging arrows at the flying infantry of the 
 enemy. The shield-bearers have their shields slung behind them, and 
 are holding the reins of the horses of their fighting companions, and 
 the manes of those on which they themselves ride. The foot soldiers, 
 wearing the beard and conical cap, and armed with bow, mace, and 
 sword, follow in military order. Under the horse of the eunuch lies 
 a headless body, and suspended from the tasseled breast-armour of his 
 horse is the head of one of the vanquished. Before the foremost horse- 
 man is a foot soldier already wounded, endeavouring to screen him- 
 self with his hand. The bows, quivers, and arms of the dead and 
 dying are scattered over the ground ; and above the combatants 
 hovers the ominous bird of prey. 
 
 In the next bas-relief we see the eunuch warrior in battle. This 
 time the chief officer is represented in his war-chariot with three 
 horses, and accompanied by his charioteer. Highly decorated 
 quivers are suspended at the side of his chariot, to which also is 
 fixed his spear, and his bossed shield hangs at the back. The 
 breast-plate and tunic of the eunuch are much ornamented, and 
 thongs are bound round his left arm to protect it from the recoil 
 of the string when using his bow, from wmich he is in the act of 
 discharging an arrow. Behind the chariot, and with their backs 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 237 
 
 turned towards it, are seen the enemy, one standing, discharging his 
 arrows upwards, and the other kneeling, also using the bow. Before 
 the horses, a man, who has already been wounded by two arrows, 
 but who retains his bow in the left hand, attempts to arrest the pro- 
 gress of the horses, while another, also in retreat, turns to discharge 
 an arrow at those in the chariot; and in front is one of the king's foot 
 soldiers coolly driving his sword into the breast of his foe, whom 
 he has driven back upon his knees. Behind these last is a raised 
 mound or earthwork, upon which two are contending upon their 
 knees, the victor retaining his sword and wicker shield, which he 
 holds between himself and his disarmed adversary, whose bow and 
 quiver have fallen. Above and below are men tailing pierced by 
 arrows, and the battle-field is strewed with the arms of the slain. 
 The bird of prey hovers over all. The king's soldiers, as usual, 
 wear the conical cap — the enemy the simple fillet. 
 
 In the following frieze the direction of the figures is reversed; 
 they face to the left, instead of to the right. The king's beardless 
 officer in his chariot, accompanied by his charioteer, is pursuing the 
 cavalry of the enemy into a river. Four horsemen are represented 
 in active flight, but one attempts to aid a foot soldier who has been 
 struck down, and who is stretching out his hand imploring for suc- 
 cour ; whilst another of the foremost of the fugitives seizes the op- 
 portunity to turn and discharge his arrows at the pursuers ; and under 
 the horses of the chariot is a wounded man endeavouring to with- 
 draw the arrows with which he has been pierced in the side and in the 
 thigh. 
 
 
 - " ■. ' - - . 
 
 Another slab represents a castellated building with tour external 
 towers, round which water is flowing; perhaps h fortress on an island. 
 The foremost tower is occupied by an armed man, holding a bow in 
 his left and two arrows in his ri^ht hand ; on the alternate towers 
 
238 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 behind him is a female figure, raising her hands in an attitude of 
 deprecation. In the stream before the walls of the building are 
 three persons swimming towards it ; the first and third on inflated 
 skins, the present no less than the ancient method of crossing the 
 rivers of Mesopotamia ; and the second supporting himself without 
 the aid of the skins, and apparently struggling against the force of 
 the water. On the bank of the river kneel two warriors wearing 
 high caps, who are discharging their arrows at the swimmers, and 
 have succeeded in piercing the second one in two places. Three 
 trees, — one of them apparently the date-palm, — complete the scene. 
 It is probable that the slab represents the escape of three prisoners 
 from the enemy, who have pursued and overtaken them at the 
 water's edge. 
 
 A fine, though unfortunately broken slab, represents the flight of 
 an Arab mounted on a camel : he is closely pursued by two horsemen, 
 
 whom he seems to be deriding, or from whom he may be imploring 
 quarter. His pursuers ride with their lances directed towards the 
 ground, for the purpose, doubtless, of despatching the wounded, seve- 
 ral of whom are scattered about. The Arab guides his camel by the 
 aid of a halter only. In rendering the attitude of the camel, whether 
 in motion or at rest, the ancient sculptor has been remarkably suc- 
 cessful. There is another slab representing a group of those ani- 
 mals, with a woman, executed with extraordinary truth and power. 
 The student of the military costume of Europe in the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries cannot fail to be struck, continues the writer in the 
 Illustrated News, by the strong resemblance of the dress of the pur- 
 suers of the Arab to the warlike costume of the Norman times in 
 England. The conical-shaped helmet, and the long hauberk de- 
 scending to the knee, are identically the same, as may be seen by 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 239 
 
 comparing these specimens with the effigies on seals of the Norman 
 period, and on the coins of the Norman sovereigns of Sicily. And 
 it is not only in these respects that points of analogy between very 
 distant periods of the world's history may be traced : there are 
 others, a few of which it may be worth while to indicate on the pre- 
 sent occasion, although we give no illustrative examples. They who 
 have seen these sculptures cannot fail to remember that the fortified 
 buildings represented on them curiously resemble, in important re- 
 spects, the castellated edifices of Europe during the Middle Ages : 
 examples of battlements finished by acutely-cusped merlons may 
 still be seen in the north of Italy and other parts ; and it may also 
 be observed, that these Oriental battlements project, as though they 
 were machicolated — a fashion which did not prevail in Europe until 
 the end of the thirteenth century. It is not clear that they actually 
 were machicolated, but they certainly have that appearance. Again, 
 these sculptures shew the early use of a large shield, exactly resem- 
 bling the pavoise of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, under cover 
 of which the besiegers of fortified places advanced to the assault. 
 Such shields as are represented on the Nimroud sculptures appear to 
 have been formed of wicker-work, and were probably strengthened 
 with iron and leather. The sculptures also shew the early use of the 
 scaling-ladder, of the covered battering-ram, and the process of 
 undermining walls. It is not a little curious that one of the slabs 
 represents the besieged using iron or bronze chains to arrest the 
 action of the battering-ram of their assailants. 
 
 We now turn to a bas-relief which represents the favourite incident 
 of an attack of a fortified city. The king, accompanied by his body- 
 guard bearing his arms, and attended by a single eunuch, all on foot, 
 directs his arrows against the city. The king's dress consists of a long 
 fringed embroidered robe, with a shorter tunic, closing in front, and 
 likewise embroidered, bordered, and fringed. He has cords and tassel 
 depending from his girdle, in which he wears two daggers and a sword. 
 He has two arrows in his hand, and wears a cap like a truncated cone, 
 with a point at the top ; a plain fillet passes round the cap, and is 
 tied behind with long ribands. His ear-rings have long pendants, 
 and the bracelets on his wrists are distinguished by rosettes. The 
 body-guard have conical caps upon their heads, surcoats reaching 
 midway down the legs, sandals on their feet, and massive rings 
 upon their wrists. Ear-rings are worn by all in each of the sculp- 
 tures, some being distinguished by three-lobed terminations, some 
 consisting of rings with broad, and others with long, pendants. Each 
 of the body-guard has a round shield upon his left arm, which he 
 holds upraised, to protect the king from the missiles of the enemy. 
 
 02 
 
240 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 One wears a quiver of arrows and a sword by his side, and holds 
 two arrows for the king's use, whilst the other carries the king's 
 javelin, and is without a sword or quiver. The eunuch is clothed in 
 a long elaborately-embroidered robe, fringed at the bottom ; a sash 
 round his waist, over which his sword-belt is buckled ; ear-rings and 
 bracelets, but no sandals. On his left side are a bow and quiver full 
 of arrows, and in his right hand is an instrument like a whip-handle, 
 with a rosette at one end, and a loop at the other. It is worthy of 
 especial remark that, in all the sculptures, the personal attendants 
 of the king, whether his bearded guards or his eunuchs, carry this 
 whip-like implement, and that in no case is a thong attached. Is it 
 an emblem of sovereign power, as in the Egyptian monuments, and, 
 at the present time in the East, when the governor of a province is 
 invariably accompanied by the bearer of the Korbatsh. The eunuch's 
 head is uncovered, and his hair is formally curled. Directly in front 
 of the king is a castle formed of wicker-work, protected in front by 
 projecting shields of some less fragile material. This structure, 
 which runs on wheels, is as high as the walls of the town, and has a 
 lower covered tower, both upper and lower range having three loop- 
 holes for the discharge of the missiles. The upper tower contains 
 soldiers armed with bows, arrows, and stones, and bearing square 
 wicker shields ; one soldier is in the act of throwing a stone, under 
 cover of his companion's shield. The wicker war-engine carries with 
 it a battering-ram, which is doing good work upon the walls of the 
 town, plainly shewn by the dislodged and falling stones. The be- 
 sieged city has embattled walls, with towers at intervals, these towers 
 being higher than the walls. The gateway of the city is arched, the 
 doors opening in the middle, and guarded by towers on each side; 
 and there are loop-holes and windows both in the towers and the 
 walls above the gateway. The defenders upon the walls are dis- 
 charging arrows, with which their quivers, slung at their backs, are 
 amply stocked. They bear the square wicker shield, and are distin- 
 guished from the besiegers by wearing a fillet round their heads, like 
 that worn by a people represented on the Egyptian monuments, in- 
 stead of the conical cap. In the front of the besieged is a magnate 
 of the city, holding a slackened bow in his left hand, and apparently 
 endeavouring to obtain a parley. The peculiar position of Ins right 
 hand, closing it, by bringing the four fingers and thumb together, 
 should be noticed, as the action is still used in the East when atten- 
 tion and consideration are required ; it is invariably accompanied by 
 the word "sabr" — patience. 
 
 Numerous succeeding bas-reliefs depict the same scene as that 
 just described, under every variety of circumstance. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 241 
 
 The first we shall allude to represents the attack on a fortress by 
 the army of the great king, typified by two bearded and one beard- 
 less figure. Two of the figures, habited in long robes, are discharging 
 arrows at the citadel ; whilst the third, who wears a short tunic, 
 holds in his right hand a dagger, and with his left sustains a high 
 movable breast-work, which extends from the ground to considerably 
 above the heads of the besiegers, who are thus effectually screened. 
 Immediately in front of this breast-work are three trees, two being 
 of the palm kind. Only one man is upon the walls, and he is dis- 
 charging his arrows at the besiegers. 
 
 The next slab is a continuation of the attack, and most inte- 
 restingly indicates that the milkary operations of this early period 
 closely resemble those of the present day ; for the assailants are 
 fighting in ranks, under cover of a movable wicker breast -work, and 
 
 immediately before the troops is a war-engine— a battering-ram on 
 wheels, and covered by a hanging. This engine is impelled against 
 the walls up a levelled roadway on the rocky ascent upon which the 
 city is built; and the two spears attached have already effected a 
 breach in a tower, upon the top of which a man stands with hands 
 extended, as if asking for a truce. In front of the walls, and within 
 view of the citizens, are three men impaled, as a warning to the 
 besieged ; and below, as if fallen from the walls, are a dying man 
 and a headless body, the head having doubtless been removed for the 
 purpose~of numbering the slain, as in modern eastern warfare. The 
 shield-bearer, as in the last frieze, is clad in a short tunic, whilst the 
 bowman wears a long fringed dress and a breast-plate : both have a 
 
242 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 form of cap not before shewn on these remains. This slab having 
 been curtailed on the right side, the rearmost figures are only par- 
 tially indicated, and cannot therefore be described; but, like the 
 last, it shews the cramp and drill-holes by which it was secured 
 the wall and to the slabs above. 
 
 The third frieze is unquestionably the final assault upon the city, 
 the citadel of which is strongly fortified by double ranges of embat- 
 tled walls, the lowest even being higher than a full-grown date-tree 
 seen on the outside. The city is built in a plain, and surrounded by 
 a moat. The determined activity of the besiegers is shewn by the 
 artificial earth-work which they have raised to elevate their wheeled 
 tower, and enable it to command the walls ; whilst, farther off, the 
 soldiers are felling the fruit-trees, devastating the country, and 
 advancing with spear and shield. The fight is vigorously main- 
 tained on both sides ; the bowmen in the movable castle, and the 
 besieged beyond the battlements, displaying equal and fatal earnest- 
 ness, as is intimated by the dead falling into the ditch beneath. 
 
 The two next friezes might, in the order of subject, conclude the 
 history of the last described, as it represents a city built in a plain, 
 and may therefore refer to the same conquest. The city contains a 
 high citadel, and the walls are defended at regular distances by 
 towers, both towers and walls being surmounted by battlements, 
 and farther protected by a moat. All the entrances of the city are 
 closed ; but against the principal gate are directed two of the before- 
 mentioned movable war-engines, though apparently inactive, as 
 there is no one to work them ; neither are there any people within 
 the city, where the only thing visible is a solitary date-tree in full 
 bearing. At a short distance outside the walls, and as if issuing 
 from some unimportant gate, is a car drawn by oxen, and conveying 
 a young man, with, for the first time in any of the sculptures that 
 we have seen, a woman and child carrying household utensils. 
 
OF THE EAST — XISEVEH. 
 
 243 
 
 Preceding this, and on another slab, we have a similar car, like- 
 wise occupied by women and children, and drawn by oxen. Other 
 unyoked oxen are seen in front ; and a tree indicates the nature of 
 the country which surrounds the city. Facing the herald, in the 
 upper portion of the preceding slab, are two scribes recording the 
 spoil; whilst a herdsman is driving away flocks of sheep, rams, 
 and goats. In front of all are two men carrying off plunder, but 
 of what nature the obliterations of time do not allow us to discover. 
 The whole design of these two bas-reliefs intimates, as we conceive, 
 the total desolation and abandonment of the city, neither man, 
 woman, nor child being left within it : " And behold this day they 
 are a desolation, and no man dwelleth therein" (Jer. xliv. 2). In 
 the space above the car stands a man attired in the long fringed 
 robe and other particulars of the costume of the subjects of the 
 great king, carrying a wand, from which we infer he is a herald or 
 messenger, and that the evacuation of the city is not a voluntary 
 act, but by command of the conqueror. 
 
 The war ended, another slab shews the triumphal return of the 
 victorious king to his camp. The king is seen in his chariot, at- 
 tended by his chief eunuch ; before him, but aloft, flies the bird of 
 
244 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 prey, bearing a human head in its claw. The chariots are pre- 
 ceded by musicians, and by soldiers carrying the heads of the slain, 
 which they appear to display with exultation. It will be observed 
 that the eagle invariably follows the course of the chariots on these 
 slabs, whether the subject depicted be a hunting expedition or a 
 battle; it was intended, probably, as a type both of power and of 
 destruction, and appears to have been adopted as an ensign by the 
 sovereigns of Persia. The reader of Quintus Curtius will remember 
 that a spread-eagle of gold was placed between the statues of Belus 
 and Ninus, also of gold, on the yoke of the horses which drew the 
 chariot of Darius. In the present example, the yokes of the chariots 
 are undecorated : but the curious form of the poles to which they are 
 attached is well worth observation ; and although the head-stalls of 
 the horses are not adorned with the lofty plumes which distinguish 
 other specimens in the collection, their trappings are otherwise of a 
 most gorgeous character; yet it should be remarked that these trap- 
 pings scarcely differ in any respect from the harness which was 
 used on state occasions in the seventeenth century. 
 
 The next bas-relief represents " the League, or Treaty of Peace." 
 The king having arrived at the frontier of his dominions, has de- 
 scended from his chariot to meet another king, as we infer from the 
 short upper tunic, which nowhere else appears excepting upon the 
 king, and which we therefore suppose to be a royal robe. The two 
 kings are clothed precisely alike, in richly-embroidered and furred 
 robes of the same form; the head-dresses, however, differ; he whom 
 we have hitherto distingushed as the king wearing the truncated cap, 
 whereas the other wears the simple fillet before named. Both kings 
 are on foot, but the conqueror still retains the implements of war, 
 and holds in his right hand two arrows perpendicularly — perhaps a 
 mystical sign of friendship — whilst his adversary raises his right hand 
 in an action of supplication. That the conditions of the treaty are 
 favourable to the conqueror, may be inferred by the surrender of the 
 prisoners, intimated by the prisoner in the conical cap kissing the 
 feet of his king and deliverer. Immediatel y behind the great king 
 are two eunuchs, each holding bows and quivers of arrows and the 
 whip-shaped instrument; one of these holds an umbrella over the 
 king's head. Behind the eunuchs is the king's groom, armed with a 
 sword, and having a quiver of arrows ; he holds the king's chariot, 
 the horses of which, in this representation, have the right number of 
 legs. Beside the chariot stands a body-guard, wearing the conical 
 cap, and holding a javelin; and in the chariot is the charioteer. The 
 king's javelin, with two streamers, is in its appointed place at the 
 back of the chariot. The relative rank and importance of the officers 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 245 
 
 attached to the king are indicated by the height of each individual, 
 each bearing his appropriate insignia. 
 
 The return of the conquerors is seen in the next relief, where 
 women upon the walls of a battlemented city or palace are watch- 
 ing the triumphal procession of the victorious army. As the walls 
 of the city extend entirely across the frieze, there is little doubt 
 that only a portion of the subject is represented. Four battle- 
 mented towers are seen ; and beneath the battlements are circular 
 decorations, which lead us to suppose that the external Avails of a 
 palace, rather than of a city, are intended to be portrayed — a surmise 
 further supported by the appearance of the women, who always oc- 
 cupy the upper stories in Oriental buildings. Upon the walls are seve- 
 ral women considerably disposed to embonpoint : they have the hair 
 flowing over the shoulders, but confined round the head by a fillet ; 
 and their dress consists of a simple robe restrained round the waist 
 by a sash ; their attitudes are various, the first having her arms ele- 
 vated and palms open, the Eastern posture in pronouncing a bless- 
 ing ; the next her hands similarly open, but her arms more ad- 
 vanced ; whilst the third, who stands by herself, has only one hand 
 raised. The actions of the two obviously younger females are far 
 more lively and expressive of interest in what is passing without ; 
 the head of one being turned towards her companion, whose head 
 is raised as if in the act of speaking. In slow and stately proces- 
 sion before the walls march the chariots, drawn by two horses: the 
 first, led by a groom, contains the chief standard-bearer with his 
 standard — an armed figure discharging an arrow from his bow, and 
 standing upon a horse or bull (for the stone is so much abraded as 
 to render it difficult to distinguish which). The second chariot has 
 no leading groom, though it conveys a standard-bearer, the ensign 
 
246 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 of whose standard has been unfortunately defaced. The dress of 
 the men, their arms, and the accoutrements of the chariots and 
 horses, have all been described in former pages. 
 
 The next slab shews a procession conveying tribute and prisoners 
 to the great king after his victorious return. The train is led by two 
 officers of importance, clad in long, fringed, and embroidered robes; 
 swords, with richly decorated scabbards and hilts, are suspended over 
 their shoulders ; and sandals are on their feet. The one is bearded ; 
 the other a eunuch, who wears a piece of embroidered linen folded 
 round his head ; and both have their hands crossed in that peculiarly 
 Eastern attitude of respect remarked upon in previous pages. A 
 double bale of embroidered stuffs is placed above, but not resting 
 on their heads, indicating the spoil they are supposed to introduce, 
 but carried by meaner hands. Next come two officers, similar in 
 all particulars, except that the head of the eunuch has no cover- 
 ing, and that he is situated on the left hand of the bearded figure. 
 Three bars are placed horizontally above their heads, representing 
 probably ebony, or other precious woods — a part of the spoil. Suc- 
 ceeding these is a single eunuch, clothed like the others, and having 
 two tusks of an elephant above his head : his upraised left hand 
 intimates that he is introducing the personage who follows him, 
 evidently a prisoner of distinction, and probably, from his deco- 
 rated diadem, the sovereign of the newly-conquered race. This 
 prisoner is barefooted, and his arms are confined by a cord, held 
 in the left hand of a soldier of large stature, who seems driving him 
 on with his clenched right hand : " I give him a charge to take the 
 spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire 
 of the streets" (Isaiah x. 6). The appearance of this fallen ruler, 
 thus humiliatingly forced into the presence of the conqueror by 
 his barbarous conductor, strongly excites our compassion ; and his 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 247 
 
 whole attitude brings to our mind the passage in Samuel, describing 
 the manner in which Agag approached Saul after the defeat of the 
 Amalekites: "And Agag came unto him delicately" (1 Samuel xv. 
 32). Above the head of the prince are two square baskets, and over 
 that of the soldier a semicircular two-handled basket. Next succeeds 
 a eunuch wearing sandals, but in other respects clothed like the first 
 prisoner, whose chief officer he evidently is; above his head is a small 
 semicircular basket, and his arms are bound together, and secured to 
 the two barefooted and inferior prisoners wearing the short tunic 
 and the fillet round the head. The cord which binds their arms and 
 secures them to one another is held by a second soldier of gigantic 
 stature in the left hand, which likewise holds his bow, the right hand 
 being raised in the act of striking with the staff which he holds in his 
 grasp. Both these large soldiers wear the high conical cap, tunic 
 midway down the leg, and quiver slung at their backs, their bows 
 being on their left hands. 
 
 Another slab represents an eunuch introducing four bearded pri- 
 soners, whose hands are tied behind them. The hands and a foot 
 of another figure are seen behind, shewing that the slab is imper- 
 fect; and, on examination, we find that the side, top, and bottom 
 margins have been chopped off! It is unnecessary to describe the 
 dress of the beardless figure, or eunuch, as it is the same as we have 
 so minutely detailed in former pages ; but his attitude is quite dif- 
 ferent, the left arm being raised, as if commanding a halt in the pre- 
 sence of some superior, who, we may suppose, would be found in the 
 adjoining frieze. The prisoners are simply habited in a short kilt, 
 having neither cap nor fillet on the head, nor sandals on the feet. 
 The whole execution of the work is of the rudest character. 
 
 The four next bas-reliefs that deserve our attention are connected 
 with the king's exploits in the chase. The first slab represents a 
 Lion Hunt. The king is in his chariot, drawn by three horses, 
 which the charioteer urges forward to escape a lion which has al- 
 ready placed his claw upon the back of the chariot, infuriated at 
 the four arrows which have already taken effect. The king at this 
 juncture aims a deadly blow at the monster, whose tail is admirably 
 indicative of rage and fury. Behind the lion are two of the king's 
 bearded body-guard, fully armed, and holding their shields and 
 daggers in readiness for defence in the event of the prey escaping 
 the shaft of the king. A wounded lion prowls crouching upon the 
 ground in front, the agony expressed in its action being well con- 
 trasted with the fury in the former. The tail of the lion has an ex- 
 aggerated representation of the claw mentioned by Didymus Alex- 
 andrinus. The existence of this claw has, until very recently, been 
 
248 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 disputed; but the observations of some modern naturalists have con- 
 firmed the statement which is here incidentally supported by this 
 curious evidence. The king's body-guard wear the conical cap, with 
 a large tassel depending from under the hair at the back of the head ; 
 the charioteer is uncovered, and carries a whip in the right hand ; 
 
 and the king himself is dressed as heretofore described, and is armed 
 with a sword, with a lion's head upon it near the handle. In its 
 place behind the chariot is the king's javelin, decorated with the fillet. 
 The next slab represents the king returned from the chase. 
 The lion is at his feet, apparently subdued, but not dead. He is 
 followed by his out-door attendants, consisting of two warriors and 
 two eunuchs, the former habited in the surcoat, reaching no lower 
 than the knees, and the latter in long, fringed, and very richly-em- 
 broidered robes : they are all uncovered, and carry in their hands 
 the instrument so often mentioned. The king wears the truncated 
 cap, the long fringed robe, and shorter richly-embroidered tunic, 
 with cord and tassels depending. He has a sash round the waist, 
 with a sword-belt buckled over it, and what seems to be the tassels 
 of the sword-belt hanging from the shoulders both before and be- 
 hind ; similar tassels are hanging from the back of the head, under 
 the hair. He wears also rosette-clasped bracelets, plain armlets, and 
 a double necklace. The king's cup-bearer, the sherbetices of our 
 day, meets the king, and has presented to him the cup of sherbet or 
 wine for his refreshment, which the king, still leaning on his bow, 
 drinks, whilst the cup-bearer disperses the flies with the fly-flapper 
 in his hand. Over his left shoulder is a long muslin handkerchief 
 or napkin, embroidered and fringed at both ends, for the king to 
 wipe his lips with after drinking. The cup-bearer is prepared to 
 receive the cup, and holds the napkin forward, in readiness to pre- 
 sent it to the king. This is very interesting, from its exact resem- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 249 
 
 blance to the custom of the Persians of the present day : the hand- 
 kerchief is called el-mahr-rha-ma. Behind the cup-bearer stand two 
 other attendants, with their hands clasped one over the other, in the 
 Eastern conventional attitude of respect approved in our time. Be- 
 hind these, again, are the minstrels playing on instruments with nine 
 strings, which are struck by means of a kind of plectrum, or rather 
 hammer, the fingers evidently being used as stops. Their mouths, 
 in opposition to the firmly-compressed lips of the other persons, are 
 represented open, shewing that they are singing their pceans— songs 
 of rejoicing and gladness — at the king's return. 
 
 A Bull Hunt is the subject of the next bas-relief. The king is 
 attended by his huntsman, who follows the chariot, riding sideways 
 upon one horse, and leading another richly caparisoned with em- 
 broidered and fringed saddle, necklace, and knotted tail, evidently 
 for the king's use in the chase. The king in his chariot, having 
 wounded a bull, seizes him by the horns, and inflicts a deadly 
 wound with one of the daggers that he wears. It is especially re- 
 markable that the king is inserting his dagger precisely between 
 the second and third vertebra?, where the spinal cord is most assail- 
 able, and that he is doing this carelessly with his head turned 
 away, with the composure gained by long experience. Another bull, 
 pierced with four arrows, lies upon the ground. The horns of the 
 bulls are peculiarly short and thick, but only one is represented on 
 any one. It does not, however, follow that unicorns are intended, as 
 
 it may merely arise from the profile representation. In the usual 
 place is the king's spear, like that carried by the huntsman ; it has 
 the addition of a fillet to rouse and frighten the wild bea-t>. The 
 other appointments of the chariot have been already described; and 
 the three horses have again but six legs shewn. The king wears the 
 truncated cap, trilobed ear-rings, bracelets, and armlets; in all other 
 
250 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 respects his dress is the same as before detailed. His charioteer, 
 who drives, is uncovered : he wears rosette-clasped bracelets like the 
 king's, and holds a whip in his right hand. 
 
 The last bas-relief of this series represents the king refreshing 
 himself at the conclusion of the sport. The figure of the king is the 
 same both as regards dress and attitude as that in the bas-relief of 
 his return from the chase just described, and there are many other 
 points of resemblance. In place of the lion, a bull lies dead at the 
 king's feet. An eunuch with fly-flapper also stands before him, with 
 
 other bearded and beardless figures, the two last of which are playing 
 upon musical instruments of the same character as those represented 
 in the other subject. The arrangement of the figures behind the 
 king exhibits a material difference : an eunuch is holding a parasol 
 immediately over the king's head, and next to him are two other 
 eunuchs carrying the king's quivers. 
 
 There is one subject of a lion-hunt which may be described here. 
 A warrior standing in a chariot drawn by three horses, the trap- 
 pings of which are remarkably rich and elegant, is discharging an 
 arrow, whilst the attendant charioteer is driving at full speed; the 
 latter holds the reins in both hands, having, however, a whip with 
 a short lash or thong in the right. The side of the vehicle exhibits 
 the usual decoration, namely, two quivers crosswise filled with ar- 
 rows. The lion lies prostrate at the feet of the horses, pierced with 
 three arrows. It will be noticed in this subject, as also in that of 
 the lion-hunt, that the string of the drawn bow is not represented 
 crossing the face of the archer. The same thing occurs in numerous 
 other examples, which shews that the omission was evidently inten- 
 tional, and most likely from the reason that the expression of the 
 countenance of the figure might not be in any way interfered with. 
 
 We have now to speak of the obelisk, a highly interesting and 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 231 
 
 important feature of the collection, which has been already carefully 
 described by a writer in the Athenaeum ; and we propose to avail our- 
 selves of his description, as it embraces every point of detail of this 
 interesting remnant of antiquity. 
 
 ■|)|S|^\xSjjl ^|lt'L'.|l ^<>^^ ._J I*JJJ 
 
 "The Nimroud obelisk is 6 feet G inches in height; the great- 
 est width at top 1 foot 6\ inches, and at bottom 2 feet; the width 
 of the two sides being somewhat less. It is made of a very de- 
 
252 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 fective piece of black marble, traversed obliquely throughout its 
 length by a broad vein of whitish heterogeneous matter. The bad 
 quality of the marble indicates not only the deficiency of good and 
 suitable material in the neighbourhood, but an extreme paucity of 
 resources in a nation apparently so great ; for to no other cause can 
 we attribute the use of such an unsightly and bad stone for the 
 purpose of so small a monument. We have formerly pointed out 
 that these sculptured remains are far from remarkable for artistic 
 beauty; and this obelisk forcibly illustrates our observation. For, 
 however interesting as an historical document, as a ivork of art no 
 one can rate it highly ; and we ourselves are by no means inclined 
 to place it on. a par with any Egyptian obelisk, or even to compare 
 it with that of the Fayoum, which bears fully as many figures. 
 There is a want of precision in the Nimroud specimen, shewn in the 
 lines intended to be straight and the spaces intended to be equal, 
 but all far otherwise; a repetition and feebleness of invention, and a 
 carelessness of execution throughout, that will ever keep it low in the 
 scale of art. The form of this monument is not, correctly speaking, 
 that of an obelisk; for the top is surmounted by three steps, and it 
 is far from square in plan. The whole of the upper part, including 
 the steps, is thickly inscribed with cuneiform characters. Each side 
 is then divided into five compartments of sculpture, with cuneiform 
 characters between and along the sides; and the base, for 1 foot 
 4 inches in height, is surrounded by entablatures of cuneiform in- 
 scription, containing twenty-three lines. 
 
 The first compartment of sculpture represents the great king, 
 who, holding two arrows, and attended by his eunuch and bearded 
 domestic, the captain of his guard, receives the homage of a newly 
 subjugated province, to the government of which the person standing 
 erect before him is constituted governor. The king seems to be in 
 the act of presenting the arrows and a bow, as insignia of office. 
 High in the background, between the great king and the satrap, 
 are two remarkable emblems: one resembling the winged globe of 
 the ancient Egyptians, the other a circle surrounding a star. The 
 same emblems occur on other sculptures from Nimroud, and near 
 the figures on the rocks of Nahr el Kelb. As regards the meaning 
 of the emblems, we take one to be a contraction for that figure of 
 the divinity which accompanies the king to battle in one of the 
 relievi of the former collection; but why accompanied by the globe — 
 which, in the representation on the next compartment, is on the 
 right instead of on the left side — we are totally at a loss to conceive, 
 unless it be to signify that the presentation of tribute was so vast 
 that it occupied from sunrise to sunset. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 253 
 
 The second compartment comprises the same number of figures, 
 and similarly arranged, excepting that the eunuch behind the king 
 holds an umbrella, and in the place of his satrap stands the cup- 
 bearer with his fly-flap. In this representation the forms of the cap 
 and robe of the person kissing the feet of the king are more dis- 
 tinctly delineated, and furnish matter for consideration in describing 
 another compartment at the back of the obelisk. 
 
 In the third compartment are two men, each leading a camel 
 of the two-humped species. The men wear the fillet round the head, 
 and the short tunic, and are without boots and sandals, the dress 
 being that of a people with whom the king is represented in many 
 of the sculptures of Ximroud to be at war. 
 
 The fourth compartment exhibits a forest in a mountainous 
 country, occupied by deer and wolves. This is an episode in the 
 story related on the monument, intimating the vastness of the do- 
 minion of the king of Nineveh, which extended not only over the 
 people, but over the forest and mountains inhabited solely by wild 
 beasts. Thus in Daniel : " And wheresoever the children of men 
 dwell, the beasts of the field and the fowls of the heaven hath he 
 given into thine hand, and hath made thee ruler over them all" 
 (Dan. ii. 38). 
 
 The fifth and last compartment on this side of the obelisk repre- 
 sents a people with whom we have not hitherto been acquainted, as 
 they have not appeared in any of the former sculptures. They are 
 a short-bearded race, wearing long robes and boots, and a remark- 
 able cap like a bag, the end of which is made to turn back, instead 
 of falling towards the front like the Phrygian. These people appear 
 to be the same as those represented on the north wall of the small 
 temple of Kalbshe as enemies of Ramses II.; but until the inscrip- 
 tions are deciphered, this point must, we apprehend, remain in doubt. 
 In this particular compartment the people carry wood or bars of 
 metal, baskets with fruit, bags and bundles ; but on others the tri- 
 bute offered by the new race — the recent conquest of which the 
 monument appears especially to commemorate — consists likewise 
 of camels, fringed cloths, and vases of various forms and sizes. In 
 evidence of the conquest, the actions of the figures must be parti- 
 cularly noted; the prostrate attitude in the first two compartments, 
 and of those wearing the same costume who head the tribute-bearers 
 in subsequent representations, being all indicative of fear or respect, 
 as exhibited in the bended back and knee, which, as they advance, 
 is exchanged for the prostrate posture of submission and homage 
 yet common in the countries from which the monument is brought. 
 The other people, of which we formerly spoke as contending with 
 
254 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the king in battle, bring elephants, monkeys, and baboons -with 
 human faces. They are clad in short tunics, and wear a fillet round 
 the head, but are bare-footed. 
 
 This completes the description of the front of the obelisk. 
 
 ^y *t»>y .4° pi y\ \Q f n «p -~ $. X ">* Tr 
 
 The first compartment on the left side contains one bearded and 
 one beardless figure, apparently belonging to the suite of the satrap 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 255 
 
 of the great king, together with a groom, in the vestments of the 
 newly conquered people, holding a richly caparisoned horse. The 
 second compartment has a repetition of the bearded and beardless 
 figures, ushering in three of the new race ; the first of whom is 
 in the attitude of awe before mentioned, whilst the remaining two 
 follow with tribute in a richly ornamented box and basket. The 
 third represents a bull decorated for the sacrifice, followed by a 
 straight-horned ox, — as we judge from the cloven hoof, length of 
 ]eg, and position of the horn (not a rhinoceros, as has been surmised) 
 — and an animal of the gazelle class. It is to be observed that these 
 animals are neither led nor held, and that the bull, the leader, is 
 decorated for the sacrifice ; from which we infer that they do not 
 appear as tribute, but as shewing the abundance of food in the 
 king's dominions — and that as it was the custom to sacrifice to the 
 gods the animals intended for the royal table, the bull, the chief of 
 his class, is decorated accordingly. The fourth compartment con- 
 tains four figures of the race, wearing the fillet round the head, and 
 with the feet bare. Two carry bundles, and the two behind bear a 
 piece of fringed cloth slung upon a pole. The fifth again shews the 
 bearded and beardless attendants, and three of the people wearing 
 the fillet, with boots upon their feet. The first is in the attitude of 
 respect, another carries a bag, the third a basket. The inscription 
 beneath contains twenty-seven lines. 
 
 The first compartment on the back of the obelisk exhibits two 
 camels of the Bactrian race ; the first led by one of the newly con- 
 quered people, wearing the peculiar cap and boots, but short instead 
 of long robes ; the second camel is driven by one in a similar cos- 
 tume. The second compartment contains five of the same people 
 clad in long robes, carrying bars of precious woods, vase?, wine-skins, 
 wine-cup, and a long two-handled basket empty. The third com- 
 partment shews an elephant, and two men wearing a fillet and 
 short tunic, and having bare feet. Each man is leading a monkey, 
 the hindermost having likewise a small monkey on his shoulder. 
 The fourth compartment represents five of the same people with 
 long robes and bare feet, — carrying, for tribute-baskets, what ap- 
 pear to be pieces of cloth, wine-skins, and bars of wood or metal. 
 The fifth compartment contains also five of the same people, simi- 
 larly attired, and carrying single-handled and two-handled baskets, 
 and large bundles. The lower inscription on this side contains 
 twenty-nine lines. 
 
 The first compartment of the fourth side contains five of the 
 newly conquered people, capped, booted, and long-robed ; bearing, 
 as tribute, bars of metal or wood, round bundles, and long flat 
 
256 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 baskets with fruit. The second compartment is similar to the last; 
 but the men carry square bundles and bags like wine-skins over 
 their shoulders, and baskets in their hands ; the last, a long flat 
 
 ^?>.V\\5.T/^^t%jiU^ )l\$ l-Y- 
 
 .jWWt&*tt-J/ty'V&X^&'z.V\\\ 
 
 basket, containing fruit like pines. The third compartment con- 
 tains two men, without cap or fillet, barefooted, and clad in the 
 short tunic, guiding two human-headed baboons chained. The 
 
^l^jf^T^E^- ^ y 
 
 -hT « t& & y t ^y^ir 
 
 ^EAtzf ^ tffTEff* TWIT 'S 
 «*JeT •]-'TTI^l| ^iFJ^M 
 
 CUNEIFORM I\-SCRirTIO> 
 
 *B IN THE BRITISH MDSBDM 
 
B 
 
 
 ow 
 
 ■mm 
 
 i& 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 
 
 257 
 
 fourth has four men wearing the fillet and long robes, and bearing, 
 for tribute, ba-kets, long bundles over the shoulder, and bars of 
 wood. The fifth and concluding compartment resembles the last ; 
 
 ,<W '»3,v^\^ ^MiH-'^V^sini! )f 
 
 \ Vx\\1 l!**:^ & 2 $ W W3&M & V£ iftp 
 
 .r.-h>.xy \- -x^n~^.* z* T\. ^r^ Nnr. vrn T .-j..T-T<Tri' iv ( . 1 1 1 
 
 but the tribute consists of baskets, wine-skins, and bundles. The 
 entablature of inscription on this side contains thirty-eight lines. 
 This completes the details of the obelisk. 
 
258 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 One of the most interesting of the Assyrian sculptures in the 
 Museum represents the incidents and occupations of domestic life. 
 The wheel-like figure with serrated projections, on the left of the 
 composition, is supposed to be intended to exhibit the ground- 
 plan of a circular building, surrounded by embattled turrets, in 
 which various culinary processes are being carried on. Of the 
 two upper subjects in it, that to the left shews a female superin- 
 tending the boiling of provisions in earthen pots or jars, of various 
 sizes, supported on frames resembling tripods ; the females to the 
 right are evidently engaged in grinding corn ; the sitting figure 
 is working a hand-mill. Below, two figures are in the act of 
 dressing the carcass of some animal, perhaps a calf or a goat ; 
 wdiile, in the opposite compartment, a baker is seen tending his 
 oven. The whole probably represents the kitchen attached to the 
 
 adjoining pavilion, the entrance to which is between two columns 
 surmounted by goats or ibexes. In front of, or within the pavi- 
 lion, is a slave grooming a horse ; and a group of those animals 
 
OF THE EAST — NIXEYEII. 
 
 259 
 
 are represented loose, some drinking at a tank; they are drawn 
 with great truth and character. In the upper corner, to the right, 
 are two figures dancing, attired in masks resembling the heads 
 
 of lions or leopards ; their performance appears to be directed by 
 an attendant, who is playing on a musical instrument. This group 
 altogether bears a remarkable likeness to the grotesques which arc 
 depicted in manuscripts of the Middle Ages. Below these mum- 
 mers, as they may be called, are four captives, who seem to be 
 pinioned, and are being conducted by a soldier towards the entrance 
 of the temple or palace, in the doorway of which an officer stands 
 ready to receive them. The details of this singular composition ad- 
 mit of a few general remarks, apart from any consideration of the 
 meaning of the subject, to which we shall presently refer. That 
 tripods were used by the ancient Persians for boiling meat, either 
 in metal vessels or in earthen pots (ollce), appears as certain as that 
 
260 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 they were commonly used for the same purpose by the Greeks 
 and Romans, and still later by the inhabitants of Europe in the 
 Middle Ages. A tripod formed of a 
 golden bowl, supported on a three- 
 headed bronze serpent, was found among 
 the spoils of the Persian army after the 
 battle of Platsese. In the present in- 
 stance the shape of the tripods is not 
 well denned; they would almost seem 
 to be utensils supported on four feet; 
 but it is more probable that the primi- 
 tive fashion of three was intended to be 
 represented. It will be observed that 
 the legs of the tripods end in the feet 
 
 animals. The forms of the vessels placed on the tripods, in the 
 example under notice, partake more of the character of those which, 
 in remote antiquity, were made of earth, and not of metal. The 
 hand-mill shewn in the cooking scene is of the earliest form; and 
 as in the East the process of grinding corn by means of such in- 
 struments was chiefly executed by women in ancient times, as it is 
 indeed at present, we are justified in concluding the figures in this 
 compartment to be intended for females. The only male is the 
 baker. The oven to which he is attending is of a peculiar type ; the 
 door was probably in the centre of the upper part. This bas-relief 
 is supposed to represent a castle and encampment. 
 
 Another bas-relief represents a man leading four camels; the 
 dress of the figure is curious : the head-gear consists of a skull- 
 cap fitting clo»e, with a hood or neck-piece, similar to that found 
 in mss. of the middle a<ies as the costume of the lower orders; the 
 tunic, which is simple in form, reaches to the ankle, and is orna- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 261 
 
 merited with a neat border ; the arms are fastened at the wrist ; the 
 feet are bare. In his right hand he holds a cone-shaped water-vase. 
 
 The bas-relief which we have engraved as a frontispiece to the 
 present work, is among the most important of these colossal sculp- 
 tures. It is, however, unfortunately broken into several fragments ; 
 nevertheless the general effect of grandeur combined with minute 
 detail is not at all impaired. It represents the king seated on a 
 stool, holding a cup in his right hand ; he wears the truncated cap, 
 with the fillet tied behind, ear-rings, with the long pendant and 
 drop at the end ; rosette-clasped bracelet ; a necklace of alternate 
 long and round beads ; an under-dress fastened with tassels ; and 
 his robe furred and embroidered, and set with gems at the border. 
 Before the king stands an eunuch with a fly-flapper in his right 
 hand and a cup in his left, while over his left shoulder is thrown 
 the napkin, or el-mahr-rha-ma, before described, for the king to 
 wipe his lips with after drinking. The eunuch wears a necklace, 
 furred robe, and richly-ornamented under-garment ; his head is 
 uncovered, and hair formally curled. Immediately behind this 
 figure stands one of the winged divinities, wearing the horned cap 
 and holding a fir-cone in the one hand and a basket in the other. 
 A military eunuch' stands at the back of the king, with a bow in 
 his left hand and waving a fly-flapper over the king's head with 
 his right. Behind him is another eunuch, and following him is a 
 winged divinity, exactly similar to that on the opposite side of the 
 bas-relief. 
 
 The next bas-relief represents a colossal figure of the king, and is 
 remarkable in every way for the extraordinary handling and minute 
 finish of the sculpture, and for the perfect state in which it has been 
 preserved to us. The king appears to be walking, supported by a long 
 staff held in his right hand, his left resting on the hilt of his sword ; 
 the upper part of his truncated cap and the cone on the top of it 
 are both closely studded with gems ; and his diadem is elaborately 
 ornamented, and tied behind w r ith fillets having three tassels at the 
 extremities. His hair and beard are arranged in more than ordinary 
 numerous minute curls, executed with a finish quite astonishing, 
 most curiously illustrating in this ancient portrait a characteristic 
 that has lived through so many ages in the East, the operations of 
 the dyeing and dressing of the beard being of the first importance 
 amongst the modern Persians. The decorations upon his robes 
 appear to be symbolical and legendary, for the brea-t and sleeves of 
 his tunic are embroidered with the sacred tree, and the hems of the 
 sleeves are further adorned with a border of the stag butting at the 
 honeysuckle. The lower part of his robe is bordered by a fringe, 
 
262 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 and above the fringe is wrought a procession of the king receiving, 
 and his attendants introducing, prisoners. His mantle is fringed, 
 and the hems are embroidered with the lotus and pine alternately- 
 intertwined, and with the human-headed lion, the bull, and the sa- 
 cred tree. He has tasseled cords round his waist ; the extremities of 
 his armlets are terminated by exquisitely-carved bulls' heads ; his 
 bracelets consist of numerous small chains united by rosette clasps ; 
 his sandals are adorned with pearls ; and the point of his highly- 
 decorated scabbard has two fighting lions intertwined in a death 
 struggle, all beautifully executed, and highly characteristic of the 
 animals. 
 
 Other bas-reliefs represent priests or divinities, exactly similar 
 to those described in the earlier chapters of this work. Two of these, 
 of colossal proportions, represent the "Hawk-headed Deity," called 
 Nisroch, being seven feet high. His crest is hanging down behind, 
 and one of the wings from his shoulder is elevated and the other de- 
 pressed. His under-garment, richly embroidered and edged with 
 tasselled fringe, reaches only to his knees ; he has a long robe, simi- 
 larly trimmed, hanging at the back, and apparently passing round 
 in front, the end hanging over the left shoulder : two double cords, 
 knotted at intervals, and with tassels at the ends, hang from the waist. 
 His outer garment is a long furred and embroidered mantle, reaching 
 down to the ankles ; it is passed under the right arm and thrown over 
 the left shoulder ; the handles of two daggers are shewn upon the 
 breast. The vest is fastened round the neck with a pomegranate and 
 tassel. He has a plain armlet on his arm, rosette-clasped bracelets 
 on his wrists, ear-rings, and a bead chaplet on his neck, the centre 
 bead of which is a pomegranate. The riband which ties the fillet of 
 the cap is shewn behind. In his right hand he holds a pine-cone, 
 which he is in the act of presenting ; and in his left, a square basket 
 with a handle. In the sandals, the heel only is protected, the straps 
 passing over the instep : the remains of colouring matter are still 
 upon them. The lower half of this relievo is covered with a cunei- 
 form inscription ; but whether coeval with the sculpture, or placed 
 there subsequently, is a subject for investigation. 
 
 Another figure of " Nisroch" has the eagle head and two wings, 
 the pine-cone in his upraised right hand, and the left hangs down 
 holding the square basket. The hems of his garments in the present 
 example being symbolically ornamented, are deserving of more par- 
 ticular notice. On one hem is delineated the pine-cone and lotus 
 border ; on another the lotus and honeysuckle ; and on a third a 
 battle between Nisroch and the human-headed lion, in which the 
 former is victorious. Nisroch on this embroidered representation 
 
OF THE EAST — NEHEVEH. 263 
 
 has four wings. The extravagant development of muscle in the 
 limbs of this and other principal figures does not, in our opinion, 
 arise in any whim or conceit of the sculptor, but is merely typical 
 of strength, power. 
 
 In another bas-relief is seen a figure with a youthful cast of 
 countenance, habited in a long fringed robe, fitting close to the 
 upper part of his figure. Secured round his waist by tasseled cords 
 is a species of train formed of five rows of feather-shaped fringes, 
 and he is girt with a broad girdle in which are placed three dag- 
 gers. He wears sandals, armlets, rosette bracelets, and ear-rings ; 
 and round his throat is a necklace, and a cord and tassels. Upon 
 his head is the two-horned cap ; and in addition to the ordinary 
 crisply curled hair, is a long bunch, likewise curled, and bound 
 with cords and tassels. His right hand and arm are raised, and 
 the left is extended, holding a wreath of small and large beads 
 placed alternately. The most remarkable features, however, in this 
 sculpture are the representations of four wings, two raised and two 
 drooping ; and on that suspended from his neck are two bands, 
 from the upper of which depend ornaments consisting of rosettes 
 surrounded by a ring; and from the lower, four stars likewise 
 enclosed in rings. This bull-horn head-dress, and the star-like 
 ornaments, suggest some connexion with the worship of the Assyrian 
 Venus, Mylitta or Astarte. Across the centre of the frieze are twenty- 
 six lines of cuneiform characters, avoiding, however, the left wing 
 and part of the right, which are left uninscribed. 
 
 Five other bas-reliefs represent winged priests, or divinities, 
 two of them holding in the left hand a basket, and presenting with 
 the right a pine-cone ; the dress and attitude being precisely like 
 that of the larger divinity we formerly described. Of the remaining 
 three, two only have the horned cap, whilst the third has a circlet of 
 rosettes round the head. The right hand of each is elevated, as if 
 in the act of prayer; and the left holds a branch of five pomegra- 
 nates dependent from one stem. 
 
 In another slab a human figure with two wings, as distinguished 
 for its high preservation and delicate finish as the figure of the king 
 before described, is seen. This figure faces towards the left, and his 
 upraised left hand holds a branch bearing five flowers erect, and <>n 
 his left arm a fallow-deer. His dress differs in no respect, as regards 
 the shape, from that of the other winged human figures ; but the 
 mantle and robe are richly ornamented, fringed, and tasseled, and 
 his minutely curled hair is confined by a fillet with a rosette-furmed 
 ornament in front. 
 
 The next colossal bas-relief has two wings; the dress resembles 
 
264 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 the last, except that a chaplet of roses or rosettes is placed upon the 
 head. He holds a goat on his left arm, and in his upraised right 
 hand he holds an ear of wheat. He faces towards the right. 
 
 Another is a "Colossal Human-headed Figure," seven feet high. 
 The beard is formally curled ; three bull's horns are laid close down 
 upon and round the head ; but in all other respects the dress is the 
 same as in the last. This person is also presenting a pine-cone with 
 the right hand, and is holding a basket with the left. The lower 
 half of this slab is likewise inscribed with cuneiform letters. 
 
 We must now speak of the relics recently lodged in the Great 
 Hall of the Museum. These are a Winged Human-headed Lion and 
 a Winged Human-headed Bull; and they have been so perfectly de- 
 scribed by Mr. Layard, that we cannot do better than extract his 
 description for the purpose of conveying the best notion of these 
 later arrivals. 
 
 First of the Winged Lion : " This colossal figure formed one side 
 of a portal leading from an outer chamber into the great hall of the 
 north-west palace at Nimroud. The one selected stood on the 
 north side of the western entrance. It was in admirable preser- 
 vation, and about twelve feet square. Each entrance to the same 
 chamber, and the entrance to most of the halls of the Assyrian 
 palaces, was formed by pairs of similar monsters, either lions or 
 bulls with a human head and the wings of a bird. There can be 
 little doubt that they were invested with a mythic or symbolic 
 character ; that they typified the Deity or some of his attributes, 
 his omniscience, his ubiquity, and his might. Like the Egyptian 
 Sphynxes, they were probably introduced into the architecture of 
 the people on account of their sacred character. Thirteen pairs of 
 them — some, however, very much injured — were discovered among 
 the ruins of Nimroud. At Kouyunjik five pairs of winged bulls 
 were dug out ; but neither in these ruins nor at Khorsabad was the 
 winged lion found. They differed considerably in size, the largest 
 being about sixteen and a half feet square, and the smallest scarcely 
 five ; and in every instance were sculptured out of one solid slab. 
 The head and fore-part were finished all round, the body and hind- 
 legs being in high relief. The spaces behind the back and between 
 the legs were covered with a cuneiform inscription." 
 
 The Winged Human-headed Bull is thus described : " The figure 
 is similar in character to the Winged Lion, and formed the eastern 
 side of the southern entrance to the great hall in the north-west 
 palace at Nimroud. It was sculptured out of yellow limestone. The 
 human head of the bull forming the opposite side of the entrance is 
 now in the British Museum." 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 265 
 
 The next sculptures are not bas-reliefs, but consist of a colossal 
 human head, with bull's horns and ears, and the cloven foot of a bull, 
 probably belonging to one of the human-headed and winged bulls, 
 which have been so often alluded to. The head is covered with an 
 Oriental turban, with a fillet at the back, and a cord round the fore- 
 head : the horns and ears appear in the turban. It is likely that this 
 is a portrait of the king, as it bears a resemblance to the other sculp- 
 tures, in all of which there is an evident attempt to maintain the 
 verisimilitude of the principal personage. The king's head is placed 
 upon the bull, a noble and strong animal, possibly to indicate his 
 strength, or his having vanquished the wild bull : as the Egyptians, 
 in their Sphyngi, placed the heads of their kings upon their favourite 
 lion. 
 
 The rest of the fragments are enumerated below : A bearded 
 head, with a rose-decorated fillet, the black paint of the hair 
 and beard still remaining; a well-executed head of the king; the 
 king, his umbrella-bearer, and charioteer; head and neck of a co- 
 lossal human-headed bull, with wings. The head and shoulders of an 
 individual of the conquered nations, wearing a turban of three folds, 
 bracelets, armlets, and ear-rings ; he has a short beard and woolly 
 hair; his hands are upraised in the attitude of awe and submission in 
 the presence of the monarch. And, lastly, the head and shoulders of 
 a beardless man, whose robes are richly embroidered. 
 
 Beyond the foregoing antiquities rescued from the soil of Assyria 
 by Mr. Layard, to enrich the Museum of this country, there were 
 several slabs of cuneiform inscriptions ; terra-cotta vases, many of 
 which have a blue vitrified glaze, like that used by the ancient 
 Egyptians ; fragments of bronze platings of arms and legs of 
 chairs ; elegantly carved fragments of sculptured ivory, some of 
 which are gilt ; three engraved rolling seals, one being of transpa- 
 rent glass ; an Egyptian ornament, some cornelian and other beads, 
 a silver ring, bronze nail with gilt head, one small bronze statuette 
 of a sheep, two ditto of stags, and seventeen of crouching lions, 
 varying in size from one inch up to twelve inches in length ; be- 
 sides many minor fragments, such as painted bricks, which formed 
 the cornice above the slabs, the ornaments being handsome rosette 
 designs ; some bricks semi-cylindrical in shape, and some having 
 cuneiform characters stamped upon them, whilst on others the cha- 
 racters are painted. Amongst the stamped bricks, there is one con- 
 taining a most interesting impression, in addition to that of the 
 king, namely, that of the foot of a weasel, which had run over the 
 recent brick before it had left the hand of the fabricator. 
 
 One of the most interesting of these importations is a sitting 
 
266 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 figure in black ba?alt, brought by Mr. Layard from Kalah Sher- 
 ghat. It is remarkable as the only monument as yet recovered 
 from that mound. The statue is of the size of life, but is much 
 mutilated, the head and hands having been destroyed by violence. 
 The square block on which it sits is covered on three sides by a 
 cuneiform inscription, and on one of its sides the learned have read 
 the name of the builder of the old north-west palace of Nimroud. 
 The figure, unlike the sculptures from that palace, is in full, and 
 not in relief, and may have represented the king. Part of the beard 
 is to be distinguished; the hands appear to have rested on the knees; 
 and a long robe, reaching to the ankles, is still preserved. An en- 
 graving will be found on page 7G. 
 
 Another of these remains deserving of especial mention is the 
 slab containing the inscription, consisting of twenty-two lines of 
 arrow-head characters, each character being 2| inches long, and 
 most sharply and beautifully engraved. This inscription is given 
 on the opposite page. 
 
 We will now turn our attention to the valuable addition to our 
 collection, for which we are indebted to the enterprising spirit of Mr. 
 Hector, already mentioned, an English merchant, long established at 
 Baghdad, whose antiquarian knowledge and love of research, says a 
 writer in the Athenaeum (J. Bonomi), induced him to essay some 
 excavations in the neighbourhood of M. Botta's rich, but now en- 
 tirely exhausted, mine. It is not easy for a private individual to 
 succeed in such tasks as Mr. Hector had undertaken ; but he even- 
 tually surmounted all the difficulties in his way, and was rewarded 
 by rescuing these, to us, unique remains (as all the other specimens 
 from Khorsabad are already in the hands of the French government). 
 The importance of his exertions will be justly appreciated by all who 
 know that without them our collection of these historical records 
 would have been deficient in some essential links in the chain of 
 research. As soon as Mr. Hector had secured and packed his disco- 
 veries, he consigned them to the care of Mr. Stirling, of Sheffield, a 
 gentleman distinguished alike for his intelligence and for a patriotic 
 desire to secure to the nation any relics or information of value. Act- 
 ing upon his knowledge of the interest entertained by the public in 
 the subject, Mr. Stirling at once proceeded judiciously to negotiate 
 the sale to the Britisli Museum ; and the Trustees finally paid him 
 400Z. for the curious property entrusted to him. 
 
 The particular remains now under notice consist exclusively of 
 isolated figures, although there can be but little doubt that these 
 figures form portions of groups and of colossal ranges of sculpture 
 similar in character to the smaller friezes from the walls at Jsimroud. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 267 
 
 The most important of these remains are three figures eight feet 
 eleven inches high. The first is that of the king wearing the trun- 
 cated cone-like cap, richly embellished, with the small cone quite 
 perfect at the top, and the two long embroidered and fringed fillets 
 depending from the back of the cap. He has long pendent ear-rings, 
 bracelets with richly-carved rosettes, and upon his arm is an orna- 
 mented armlet lapping over; his beard is very long, and, like the 
 hair, formally curled ; his under-dress, embroidered with rosettes in 
 square compartments and bordered with a tasselled fringe, reaches 
 to the feet; his mantle is decorated with rosettes dispersed at regular 
 intervals over the whole surface, and a fringe with an embroidered 
 heading borders the mantle; he has sandals on his feet, of which the 
 heel-piece is painted in red stripes; his left hand rests upon the hilt 
 of his sword, the two-lion scabbard of which appears at the back; 
 and his right hand is raised, holding a long staff or sceptre. 
 
 The next figure is of the same dimensions as the last ; and it 
 appears that the two slabs adjoined, and probably represented an 
 interview between the great king and, possibly, the governor of some 
 province of the vast Assyrian empire, for his dress is that of an im- 
 portant functionary. His head is uncovered, the hair is elaborately 
 curled, and the beard is of that length and prescribed form which 
 denote a personage of rank. There are also indications of a fillet 
 passing round the head, the two long embroidered and fringed ends 
 of which hang from the back; and he wears highly-ornamented pen- 
 dent ear-rings, a richly-carved armlet lapping over, and bracelets with 
 ten strings connected by a rosette-shaped clasp. The robe, which 
 reaches to his instep, is highly decorated, and has a deep-knotted 
 fringe with an embroidered heading; and over the robe is worn a 
 peculiar article of dress suspended from the neck to below the waist; 
 it consists of a broad band of embroidery like that on the robe, from 
 the whole of which falls a double row of fur or fringe reaching to the 
 knee, and covering the entire back of the figure from the shoulder 
 downwards, forming also a covering to the arm to a little above the 
 elbow. The right hand of the figure is upraised, and the left rots 
 upon the hilt of the sword, which is thrust into the band, and appears 
 under and behind the surcoat. 
 
 The third figure of the same dimensions is beardless, the face 
 full, and the hair formally curled in six rows, in the same fashion as 
 all the other beardless figures. The details of the costume are pre- 
 cisely like the last, excepting that the robe is without embroidery, 
 that the armlet wraps twice round the arm, and instead of being 
 carved all over, is only decorated at each end ; and that the bracelets 
 consist of four rings connected by rosettes. The feet are much muti- 
 
2()8 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 lated, yet there remains an indication of the sandal. The right hand 
 of this figure is clasped in the left, in the conventional attitude of 
 respect mentioned formerly, which would suggest that this person 
 stands in the presence of one of superior rank, and therefore belongs 
 to a group of figures. Of this we are unequivocally assured also 
 by a portion of a fringed garment and part of the scabbard of a 
 sword represented on the same slab before the figure. 
 
 The figures next to be described are three feet three inches in height, 
 two of them apparently representing priests. In the first, the hair and 
 long beard are elaborately curled; around the head is a chaplet of 
 twisted cords and rosettes tied at the back where the tassel is visible, 
 together with the large tassel under the hair. He wears long pendent 
 ear-rings, overlapping armlets wrapped twice round the arm, and 
 bracelets with three rings and rosette clasps. The right hand is open, 
 and raised in the attitude of prayer; and the left is slightly extended, 
 holding an implement like a whip with three tliongs, with a large 
 bead at the end of each, or, as is more probable, a branch of some 
 plant, either a mystic emblem or an offering. The figure is clothed 
 in a short tunic, with embroidery and tasselled fringe, with two cords 
 and tassels depending from the waist; a long robe, with a simple 
 fringe; and passing under the right arm and over the left shoulder, 
 is a deep fur or fringe headed by embroidery, the whole similar to 
 the peculiar article of costume described in the second colossal figure : 
 the feet are broken off. The second priest-like figure resembles the 
 last in all particulars, excepting that the short tunic is without fringe, 
 whilst the upper robe is embroidered above the fringe ; that the brace- 
 lets are simple rings; and that the feet are perfect, and without san- 
 dals. In both these slabs, a perforation has been effected near the 
 upraised hands. The third figure is attired in a long tunic, with 
 embroidered and scalloped fringe, the upper dress being open in the 
 front; the head is uncovered, and the beard is short and crisply 
 curled. The left hand is raised, and holds a sack or water-skin, 
 which the right hand supports at the back. 
 
 The fourth large figure has likewise the head uncovered, the hair 
 confined by an embellished fillet, and the short curled beard. In his 
 left hand he holds a bow, and in his right two arrows; whilst his 
 quiver is slung behind, and his sword is by his side. His fringed 
 and peculiarly ornamental tunic reaches only midway down the thigh, 
 and wraps over in front. 
 
 The remaining sculptures are all detached fragments, as follow: 
 Two colossal horses' heads, richly caparisoned in highly decorated 
 head-trappings, the parts of which resemble those at present in use 
 in the East. A hand is seen holding the horses, but no other part of 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 269 
 
 the figure remains. This is probably a fragment of a similar group 
 to that now in the Louvre, though in this specimen there are only- 
 two horses, whilst in that of the Louvre there are four. 
 
 A fragment containing two human feet and the fetlock of a horse. 
 The foot of the horse, with a portion of the tail, are in front; and 
 immediately behind is a human foot, with a part of the fringed and 
 embroidered robe above it. The second foot, which has a singular 
 fringed garment above, belongs to a distinct figure. Three rows of 
 cuneiform characters in a very perfect state form the base of this 
 fragment. There are other fragments with horses' hoofs and cunei- 
 form characters, probably belonging to the former ; also a few de- 
 tached and unconnected fragments of inscription; two hands and 
 arms with rosette-clasped bracelets, one being of colossal size ; the 
 point of a scabbard decorated with the two lions; and several heads, 
 which we proceed to enumerate. 
 
 First : a colossal human head with a turban, represented by folds 
 laid close round the head; a row of curls appears from underneath 
 the turban at the back, and the beard is short and formally curled. 
 
 Next we have three heads of smaller size, the details of which are 
 like the last. In one, however, the shoulder indicates that the left 
 arm is raised ; and in another, the thumb and palm of the hand are 
 visible upon the right shoulder. 
 
 We have also six heads uncovered, the hair arranged in formal 
 curls at the back. The faces are very full, and quite beardless. In 
 five of the heads the three-lobed ear-ring is shewn, whilst in the sixth 
 it is the long pendant. In one the neck of the robe is embroidered; 
 on another, embroidery is visible upon the shoulder; and on a third, 
 an ornament like a chain of metal plates appears over the shoulder. 
 The remains of colouring matter can be seen upon almost all these 
 heads. Finally, there are two smaller heads with chaplets, ap- 
 parently belonging to priests, and part of a head with a short beard. 
 • All the heads above enumerated, except those of the beardless 
 figures, differ from the attendants of the great king and those who 
 defend the walls of the beleagured cities in the bas-reliefs from Nim- 
 roud, in the form of the head-gear, and also in the fashion of the 
 hair and beard. Besides this obvious variety in the dress, there is a 
 marked difference in the shape and length of the beard and hair, 
 " which," continues M. Bonomi,the writer of this description, " I can- 
 not attribute to the caprice of the artist, for every thing in the East 
 is of ancient and prescribed form. Even the colour of the robe is 
 settled by law; so that fashion cannot exert that capricious influence 
 which she indulges in in the "West. So, likewise, in modern times, 
 no Christian of Damascus would dare to wear other than a black 
 
270 
 
 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 turban, and no Moslem, who could not make good his descent from 
 the Prophet, would venture on a green one. It is to be noted that 
 neither of the persons whom I have designated 'the king' and 'the 
 governor of a province,' have that short regal vesture which we found 
 on the king and his adversary in the Nimroud collection. This cir- 
 cumstance induces me to believe that these figures of the Khorsabad 
 sculptures are not the same persons as those of the Nimroud ; or that 
 the occasion of that particular garment is one of danger, such as the 
 battle and the chase; or else, that the fashion had changed in the in- 
 terval between the period of one set of sculptures and that of the 
 other." 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 271 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Assyrian' Inscriptions, and their Interpretation. 
 
 The wedge-shaped and arrow-headed inscriptions of the Assyrian 
 palaces have been frequently referred to during the progress of this 
 narrative. The adventures and successes of European scholarship in 
 interpreting this writing would entitle the subject to especial notice, 
 even were its contents less important to our future knowledge of 
 Assyrian history. Inscriptions in this wedge-shaped character are 
 found on other monuments than those of Nineveh ; they are met 
 with at Passgardae, Persepolis, Van, and Behistun, and with the 
 external appearance of these Europeans have long been familiar 
 through copies. The wedge-shaped signs of Assyrian inscriptions, or 
 the cuneiform characters, as they are commonly called, are of two 
 kinds : the first form is that of a straight line divided at the top like 
 the notch of an arrow, and ending in a point, so as to resemble a 
 wedge ; others look like the two sides of an obtuse angle. A num- 
 ber of these wedges of larger or smaller size, and perpendicular or 
 horizontal in their arrangement, are grouped to form a letter, and 
 the letters are separated from each other by a particular sign. 
 
 About the beginning of the present century, an unknown scholar 
 studying at the university of Bonn was bold enough to attempt, 
 without the advantages of Oriental learning, to extract the hidden 
 meaning of an inscription copied by Niebuhr from a monument at 
 Persepolis. Men of the most powerful intellect were just applying 
 themselves to discover a phonetic language in the hieroglyphics ot 
 Egypt, with what great results is at this time of day sufficiently 
 known. But the Rosetta stone discovered in Egypt contained a 
 Greek manuscript of the hieroglyphical sentences. Plutarch had 
 dissected the Pantheon, and given the names of the gods ; and Ma- 
 netho had classified the dynasties, and transmitted the names of the 
 kings. Without these helps the meaning of the signs might have 
 remained a mystery to this day. No such aid awaited the young 
 German. The inscription upon which he commenced his labours was 
 written in three languages ; what they were was doubtful, whether 
 either was a known tongue concealed under this curious alphabet 
 was uncertain. The first step, then, was to find out what sounds were 
 represented by these signs, before inquiring what those sounds might 
 signifv when ascertained. All this has been done ; and with so much 
 
272 THE BTJUIED CITY 
 
 certainty, that Major Itawlinson at Baghdad, and Professor Lassen at 
 Bonn, could sit down to interpret the same passage, and furnish read- 
 ings only just discrepant enough to shew that they have not acted in 
 concert. Now, if this be but an accidental coincidence ; if by assum- 
 ing that certain unknown signs are the equivalents of certain known 
 letters, exactly the names which we might expect come out from the 
 process ; if the right letters always occur at the right part of the words, 
 and are found in other words composed of the same elements; lastly, 
 if all that is found in these inscriptions when interpreted agrees with 
 history, and only varies to make it fuller and more exact, — then we 
 have an accumulation of probabilities in favour of the soundness of 
 the principle of interpretation, which cannot be rejected without 
 shaking the very foundations of evidence. 
 
 It was Professor Grotefend, of Bonn, who first led a gallery into 
 this treasury of antiquity by determining nearly one third of the 
 entire alphabet. His first discovery was made in 1801, and pub- 
 lished in a Brunswick literary journal. He afterwards wrote an 
 account of his system for M. Heeren, who published it as an ap- 
 pendix to his History of Ancient Nations. There are on the walls of 
 Persepolis a number of inscriptions, generally short, and almost 
 always written in three languages, all of which are cuneiform, but 
 in each the character forms a different alphabet. The first of these 
 was supposed to be that of the reigning dynasty, viz. Persian. It 
 will facilitate an understanding of the process which Grotefend em- 
 ployed, if we anticipate a subsequent stage of the discovery by trans- 
 lating two of the inscriptions. The first runs thus: " Darius, the 
 great king, the king of kings, the son of Hystaspes, the Achaeme- 
 nian." The second : " Xerxes, the great king, the king of kings, 
 the son of Darius the Aehaemenian." Grotefend had taken for 
 granted that the subjects of these inscriptions were kings, since the 
 writing was found in company with the portraitures of the monarchs. 
 He then observed that the same name (Darius) which commenced 
 the first inscription, and was therefore most likely the subject of the 
 whole sentence, was found in the second, not at the commence- 
 ment, nor in quite the same form, but with a slight difference in the 
 termination. He hence concluded that this king was introduced in 
 some relation to the one who was the subject of the second (Xerxes). 
 He supposed that one king was son of the other, and so accounted 
 for the inflexion, in the second sentence, of the word ultimately 
 translated Darius. Having carried out this principle to all the 
 proper names in the inscriptions, and satisfied himself that he had 
 here a succession of three genealogical names, he proceeded to try 
 and find out to whom these belonged. He turned aside to consult 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 273 
 
 history ; and having, by an examination of all the authorities, satis- 
 fied himself that Persepolis was the work of the Achsemenian dy- 
 nasty, he proceeded to try their names in succession. Cyrus and 
 Cambyses would not fit ; for none of the three names of the inscrip- 
 tions began with the same letter. Cyrus and Artaxerxes were 
 equally inadmissible, as the names in the inscriptions were nearly all 
 of the same length, while one of these was twice as long as the other. 
 The first was composed of seven letters, separated from one another 
 by the point before mentioned ; and to these he gave hypothetically 
 the following value : D-A-R-H-E-U-SCH. This he compared with 
 the equivalent of Darius in Hebrew, Daryavesch, and w T as strength- 
 ened in his conjecture. The name of Xerxes appeared to be formed 
 of the following letters: KH-SCH-H-E-R-SCH-E. The value of 
 these letters having been thus fixed, the first four letters of the 
 word which he thought meant king were KH-SCH-P-H. He was 
 informed that in the Zend, once spoken in the country of the inscrip- 
 tions, KH-SCH-F-I signified king. The proper name of the king 
 and his title having been thus disposed of, Grotefend was led by a 
 concurrence of reasons, apparently trivial when viewed apart, to 
 consider the third word in each sentence which preceded the word 
 u king," as an epithet or honorary title. It had four letters, the 
 first of which, according to the hypothesis, ought to be an E, and 
 the third an R, to agree with the same characters found in the name 
 of Darius. This time he went to the Zend ; and finding that the word 
 spelt E-GH-R-E meant " great," he adopted that reading here. 
 Grotefend had thus constructed a system by which the whole in- 
 scription might be read ; and he soon proceeded to test it in a 
 manner which may be more easily illustrated by the English names. 
 Thus, if the three names were Hystaspes, Darius, and Xerxes, it is 
 evident that the first and second letters of the first name should 
 not occur again ; the third should occur as the sixth of that name ; 
 the t would not again appear ; the a must be the second of the 
 second name ; thep must not occur again, but the e should appear 
 in the third name. 
 
 In its beginnings Grotefend's great discovery was thus a guess, 
 and yet not more a guess than was Newton's idea of the law of gra- 
 vitation, till subsequent application had confirmed it. The professor 
 obtained in this manner the fragment of an alphabet, and ap- 
 proached the true mode of spelling so nearly, that those best quali- 
 fied to form an opinion have never hesitated a second as to its 
 adoption. 
 
 An important step had been taken in the right direction : but 
 here the progress of discovery halted, and it was long doubtful 
 
274 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 whence new light was to arrive. Out of the forty characters, only- 
 twelve, at most, were known. The next great step in the discovery 
 was made by M. Burnouf, who, by means of his intimate know- 
 ledge of the Zend language, interpreted, at least approximately, 
 two short inscriptions from Hamadan in 1836. He also ascer- 
 tained that one of the inscriptions at Persepolis contained a number 
 of proper names, of four of which he was able to fix the true reading. 
 The alphabet was considerably extended by this performance, and 
 confidence in its power was so fully established, that it only needed 
 the application of a critical knowledge of Zend, Sanscrit, and other 
 dialects cognate to the old language of Persia, to solve the difficulty. 
 
 In Professor Lassen, of Bonn, the pupil of A. W. Schlegel, a 
 man of almost universal Orientalism, these requisites were found. 
 Between 1836 and 1844 he published three memoirs, developing an 
 alphabet far more perfect than any which had hitherto appeared, 
 and which nearly perfected the task of alphabetical discovery. 
 
 While the continental scholars were working in their quiet 
 studies on copies of inscriptions more or less accurate, by some 
 happy fortune a young officer of the East India Company's army, 
 not behind any German recluse in antiquarian zeal, was attached 
 to our mission in Persia. Colonel Rawlinson, being ignorant of 
 what was going on in Europe, or of the processes by which Grote- 
 fend had been led to .the discoveries of which he had heard, set to 
 work to decipher two of the inscriptions at Hamadan. He found them 
 in every respect identical, except an epithet, and the groups being 
 arranged, like Grotefend's, genealogically, he applied the same pro- 
 cess, arrived at the same conclusion, and succeeded in reading part 
 of the text of the inscription. Burnouf s work on the Zend now 
 came to his aid, and supplied him with a source of abundant analo- 
 gical aid. The great Behistan inscription, with its 400 lines, was 
 of great service to him, as it furnished him with a vast addition 
 of material for analysis. With these means he constructed an 
 alphabet, differing only in one character from that formed by Pro- 
 fessor Lassen at Bonn. That two men, working at so great a dis- 
 tance, should have discovered one and the same organisation in 
 these signs, is a circumstance in itself sufficient to shew r how sure 
 were the data on which they proceeded. 
 
 One of the cuneiform alphabets had now been read : the language 
 of the text proved to be an old form of Persian easily interpreted by 
 the analogies of modern Zend, and the Sanscrit of the Vedas. The 
 industry and acumen of Major Rawlinson has worked out the pro- 
 blem so far, that further inquiry will relate only to the refine- 
 ments of grammatical criticism. 
 
OF THE EAST — NDTEVEH. 
 
 275 
 
 The same work had now to be performed for the Assyrian texts ; 
 but here, while the process of analysis was essentially the same, its 
 application was accompanied with tenfold difficulties. The Persian 
 alphabet contained forty distinct characters. The Assyrian text ap- 
 peared to contain 600 characters. When Rawlinson had worked at 
 it for some time, he found that some of these were only variants, or 
 slightly deviating forms of the same letter. Some, too, stood for 
 things, and were not alphabetic signs of letters. Others represented 
 syllables ; but after all, there remained 150 apparently alphabetic 
 letters. The value of them having been determined, the language had 
 to be mastered. An unexpected aid was about this time discovered. 
 Just as Arab, Persian, and Turk exist side by side in Mesapotamia 
 at the present day, so did the Assyrian, the Persian or Mede, and 
 the Scythian in the days of Darius. To this circumstance we owe it 
 that any progress has been made in their decipherment. All of them 
 are trilingual ; one written in Persian is addressed to the Indo-Ger- 
 man races ; another was Assyrian ; and the third, which, as yet, is 
 only partially deciphered, is understood to be a Tartar tongue. The 
 Behistun inscription from which Colonel Rawlinson picked out his 
 Assyrian, contains from 80 to 100 proper names, which he could now 
 read in the Persian cuneiform writing ; it was therefore not difficult 
 to construct an Assyrian alphabet pretty nearly accurate. The 
 most frequently recurring words, as father, son, country, rebel, 
 conqueror, and the like, were soon recognised. When the sound had 
 been approximatively determined, it was found that the language 
 was very nearly allied to the Hebrew and the ancient Chaldee. It 
 will not be supposed that even after this discovery, Colonel Rawlin- 
 son's task was henceforth easy. Obstacles lay in his way, which 
 students who learn a language with all the aids of lexicons, gram- 
 mars, and annotated texts, have no conception. Thus, this Behis- 
 tun inscription— Rawlinson's Reading made Easy— is engraved on 
 a rock at an elevation of 300 feet above the plain; and its delicately 
 executed characters had to be read by the aid of a telescope ; besides 
 which, a part of it was peeled off, and irrecoverably lost. The in- 
 scriptions at Persepolis were so short, so crowded with proper names, 
 and so full of repetition, that it was difficult to ascertain what the 
 real language was. In spite of all these impediments, the meaning 
 of about 500 words is certainly determined, and as these contain 
 many substantives, verbs, and adjectives, with probably all the pre- 
 positions, they suffice to explain the meaning of any simple record of 
 events, and such is the character of most of these inscriptions. 
 
 The inscriptions at Khorsabad are never found upon any of the 
 facades, but run along the sides of the chambers, forming a line 
 
276 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 between the upper and lower bas-reliefs. There are also shorter 
 ones engraved upon the bottoms of the dresses of the different figures, 
 and others still briefer between the legs of the bulls at the door-ways, 
 as well as on the large flags which pave the entrance to the doors. 
 Besides these, others, seemingly consisting of a single word, are to 
 be seen over the heads of captives, and the representations of dif- 
 ferent towns. These Botta conjectures to be proper names. Another 
 class of inscriptions was discovered upon the back of the gypsum 
 slabs which formed the panelling of the chambers. Botta at first 
 accounted for this fact by supposing that the remains of some still 
 more ancient building had been employed in the construction of the 
 Khorsabad monument ; but as the inscriptions were always the 
 same, and invariably placed in the very middle of the block, he 
 came to the conclusion that they must represent the name or genea- 
 logy of the monarch who raised the structure, or else commemorate 
 some historical fact. This supposition is strengthened by the cir- 
 cumstance that the inscriptions in question are also cut upon the 
 sides of the stones which formed the angles of the chambers. They 
 Were not executed with the same care and nicety as those upon 
 the walls of the chambers, but were evidently placed in the position 
 they occupied in the same manner, and for the same reasons, that 
 coins and medals are deposited under the foundation-stones of mo- 
 dern buildings. 
 
 The inscriptions at Khorsabad are, without exception, all writ- 
 ten in the cuneiform character, and, with few variations, the same 
 as that employed at Nimroud. This fact fixes the date of the 
 monument anterior to the termination of the Assyrian empire. 
 Botta o-ives at great length a catalogue of the characters he met 
 with at Khorsabad, and also a list of the different groups formed by 
 these simple characters or elements, and finds these groups, includ- 
 ing the variations which he observed in their form, to amount to six 
 hundred and forty-two. The number of simple elements in each 
 group varied from one to fourteen, but never exceeded the latter 
 number. Botta is of opinion that the different groups are not resolv- 
 able into their simple elements, but that each represents a separate 
 sound, as in Chinese : in this view he differs from all other inquirers. 
 At Khorsabad a great many inscriptions illustrate historical subjects, 
 and it cannot be supposed that they always contain the same indivi- 
 dual words. With so small a number of groups, therefore, it is impos- 
 sible each group can have represented a word ; it must evidently 
 have stood for either a letter or a syllable merely. The words, too, 
 generally consist of a number of signs or groups, varying from one to 
 four, from which it may be concluded that the language is syllabic, 
 
OP THE EAST— NINEVEH. 277 
 
 or that, at least, the signs representing- the consonants contain also 
 the necessary accompaniment of vowels. Botta was at first inclined 
 to believe in the co-existence of another system of writing, on account 
 of the complexity of the cuneiform, and also because he discovered 
 bricks, vases, and gems, with inscriptions somewhat resembling the 
 Phoenician character. He accounts for this, however, by supposing 
 that the cuneiform letters may, like the Chinese, for ordinary use, be 
 written quickly, and, as is the case with hieroglyphics, be reduced to 
 such simplicity as to become almost irrecognisable as variants 
 of the normal form. He also suggests as a reason for the two 
 systems of writing, that as the Phoenician-like characters were 
 always found upon small articles, such as gems, vases, cylinders, 
 &c, they might have been the work of foreign workmen, anxious to 
 leave some mark of their nationality, or may have been engraved 
 by the captives who were kept prisoners by the monarchs of Assyria. 
 This may certainly have been the case at Babylon, where many of 
 these objects with the inscriptions in question were discovered, and 
 where there was a constant communication with the Phoenician 
 populations inhabiting the shores of the Mediterranean. 
 
 There is one remarkable fact connected with the cuneiform in- 
 scriptions of Khorsabad. No modification ever, or hardly ever, is 
 observed at the commencement or in the middle of the words. The 
 termination alone is affected. This peculiarity, Botta thought, went 
 far to prove that the language was not Semitic, as in the latter class 
 of languages the changes always occur in the beginning, nor is it of 
 the Arian family, as there are no traces of prefixed prepositions or 
 composed words. 
 
 Having given, we trust, full credit to the acumen of Grotefend 
 and the profound learning and skill of Lassen, we may now devote the 
 remainder of our space to an account of the labours of our own coun- 
 tryman, Rawlinson, of whom every Englishman may well be proud. 
 We shall do this chiefly in his own words, as contained in the Journal 
 of the Royal Asiatic Society. In a memoir prepared in 1839, but 
 not then published, the Major thus wrote respecting the labours of 
 his predecessors. 
 
 "It would be interesting, perhaps, to the lovers of Oriental lite- 
 rature, if I could open the present memoir with a detailed account 
 of the progress of cuneiform discovery, from the time when Professor 
 Grotefend first deciphered the names of Cyrus, Xerxes, and Darius, 
 to the highly improved condition which the inquiry now exhibits : 
 but my long absence from Europe, where the researches of Orien- 
 talists have been thus gradually perfecting the system of interpreta- 
 tion, while it has prevented me from applying to my own labours the 
 
»•* THE BURIED CITY 
 
 current improvements of the day, has also rendered me quite incom- 
 petent to discriminate the dates and forms under which these im- 
 provements have been given to the world. The table, however, in 
 which I have arranged the different alphabetical systems adopted botli 
 by continental students and by myself, will give a general view of their 
 relative conditions of accuracy, and, supposing the correctness of my 
 own alphabet to be verified by the test of my translations, it will also 
 shew that the progress of discovery has kept pace pretty uniformly 
 with the progress of inquiry. 
 
 " Professor Grotefend has certainly the credit of being the first 
 who opened a gallery into this rich treasure-house of antiquity. In 
 deciphering the names of Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, and Hystaspes, he 
 obtained the true determination of nearly a third of the entire alpha- 
 bet, and thus at once supplied a sure and ample basis for further 
 research. M. Saint Martin, who resumed the inquiry on its being 
 abandoned by the German professor, improved but little on the 
 labours of his predecessor; but shortly afterwards, Professor Rask 
 discovered the two characters representing M and N, which led to 
 several most important verifications. 
 
 "The memoir of M. Burnouf on the two cuneiform inscriptions 
 of Kamadan, published in 1836, added several discoveries of interest ; 
 and the recent researches of Professor Lassen supplying an identifi- 
 cation of at least twelve characters, which had been mistaken by all 
 his predecessors, may entitle him almost to contest with Professor 
 Grotefend the palm of alfmabetical discovery. 
 
 " In a very few cases only, which may be seen on a reference to 
 the comparative table, have I indeed found occasion to differ with 
 him as to the phonetic power of the characters, and in some of the 
 cases even, owing to the limited field of inquiry, I have little more 
 than conjecture to guide me. 
 
 " But in thus tracing the outlines of the discovery as far as they 
 are at present known to me, and in thus disclaiming any pretension to 
 originality as far as regards the alphabet which I have finally decided 
 on adopting, I think it due to myself to state briefly and distinctly 
 how far I am indebted for my knowledge of the cuneiform character 
 and of the language of the inscriptions to the labours of continental 
 students which have preceded the present publication. It was in the 
 year 1835 that I first undertook the investigation of the cuneiform 
 character ; I was at that time only aware that Professor Grotefend 
 had deciphered some of the names of the early sovereigns of the house 
 of Achaemenes ; but in my isolated position at Kermanshah, on the 
 western frontier of Persia, I could neither obtain a copy of his alpha- 
 bet, nor could I discover what particular inscriptions he had ex- 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 279 
 
 amined. The first materials which I submitted to analysis were the 
 sculptured tablets of Hamadan, carefully and accurately copied by 
 myself upon the spot ; and I afterwards found that I had thus, by a 
 singular accident, selected the most favourable inscriptions of the 
 class which existed in all Persia for resolving the difficulties of an 
 unknown character. 
 
 " These tablets consist of two trilingual inscriptions, engraved by 
 Darius Hystaspes and his son Xerxes : they commence with the 
 same invocation to Ormazd (with the exception of a single epithet 
 omitted in the tablet of Darius) ; they contain the same enumeration 
 of the royal titles, and the same statement of paternity and family ; 
 and, in fact, they are identical, except in the names of the kings and 
 in those of their respective fathers. When I proceeded, therefore, to 
 compare and interline the two inscriptions (or rather, the Persian 
 columns of the two inscriptions ; for as the compartments exhibiting 
 the inscription in the Persian language occupied the principal place 
 in the tablets, and were engraved in the least complicated of the 
 three classes of cuneiform writing, they were naturally first sub- 
 mitted to examination), I found that the characters coincided through- 
 out, except in certain particular groups, and it was only reasonable 
 to suppose that the groups which were thus brought out and indivi- 
 dualised must represent proper names. I further remarked, that 
 there were but three of these distinct groups in the two inscriptions ; 
 for the group which occupied the second place in one inscription, 
 and which, from its position, suggested the idea of its representing 
 the name of the father of the king who was there commemorated, 
 corresponded with the group which occupied the first place in the 
 other inscription, and thus not only served determinately to connect 
 the two inscriptions together, but, assuming the groups to represent 
 proper names, appeared also to indicate a genealogical succession. 
 The natural inference was, that in these three groups of characters I 
 had obtained the proper names belonging to three consecutive gene- 
 rations of the Persian monarchy ; and it so happened that the first 
 three names of Hystaspes, Darius, and Xerxes, which I applied at 
 hazard to the three groups, according to the succession, proved to 
 answer in all respects satisfactorily, and were, in fact, the true iden- 
 tifications." 
 
 The Major is not able, after the lapse of so many years, to describe 
 the means by which he ascertained the power of each particular let- 
 ter, or to discriminate the respective dates of the discoveries ; but he 
 has no doubt that in 18 he could have explained the manner in 
 which he had identified these eighteen characters before he met with 
 the alphabets of Grotefend and Saint Martin. 
 
280 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 He continues : " It would be fatiguing to detail the gradual pro- 
 gress which I made in the inquiry during the ensuing year. The 
 collation of the two first paragraphs of the great Behistun inscription 
 with the tablets of Elwend supplied me, in addition to the names of 
 Hystaspes, Darius, and Xerxes, with the native forms of Arsames, 
 Ariaramnes, Teispes, Achsemenes, and Persia, and with a few old 
 words, regarding which, however, I was not very confident ; and 
 thus enabled me to construct an alphabet which assigned the same 
 determinate values to eighteen characters that I still retain after 
 three years of further investigation. 
 
 "During a residence at Teheran in the autumn of 1836, I had 
 first an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the labours of 
 Grotefend and Saint Martin. In Heeren's Ideen, and in Klaproth's 
 Apergu de V Origine des diverses Ecritures, I found the cuneiform 
 alphabets and translations which had been adopted in Germany and 
 France ; but far from deriving any assistance from either of these 
 sources, I could not doubt that my own knowledge of the character, 
 verified by its application to many names which had not come under 
 the observations of Grotefend and Saint Martin, was much in ad- 
 vance of their respective, and in some measure conflicting, systems 
 of interpretation. As there were many letters, however, regarding 
 which 1 was still in doubt, and as I had made very little progress in 
 the language of the inscriptions, I deferred the announcement of 
 my discoveries until I was in a better condition to turn them to 
 account. 
 
 " In the year 1837 I copied all the other paragraphs of the 
 great Behistun inscription that form the subject of the present me- 
 moir; and during the winter of that year, whilst I was still under 
 the impression that cuneiform discovery in Europe was in the same 
 imperfect state in which it had been left at the period of Saint 
 Martin's decease, I forwarded to the Royal Asiatic Society my 
 translation of the two first paragraphs of the Behistun inscription, 
 which recorded the titles and genealogy of Darius Hystaspes. It is 
 important to observe that these paragraphs would have been wholly 
 inexplicable according to the systems of interpretation adopted 
 either by Grotefend or Saint Martin ; and yet the original French 
 and German alphabets were the only extraneous sources of infor- 
 mation which, up to that period, I had been enabled to consult. 
 It was not, indeed, until the receipt of the letters which had been 
 sent to me from London and Paris, in answer to my communica- 
 tion to the Royal Asiatic Society, that I was made acquainted even 
 with the fact of the inquiry having been resumed by the Oriental- 
 ists of Europe ; and a still further period elapsed before I learnt 
 
OP THE EAST— NINEVEH. 281 
 
 details of the progress that had been made upon the Continent in 
 deciphering the inscriptions simultaneously with my own researches 
 in Persia. The memoir of M. Burnouf on the inscriptions of Haraa- 
 dan, which was forwarded to me by the learned author, and which 
 reached me at Teheran in the summer of 1838, shewed me that I had 
 been anticipated in the announcement of many of the improvements 
 that I had made on the system of M. Saint Martin ; but I still found 
 several essential points of difference between the Paris alphabet and 
 that which I had formed from the writing at Behistun, and mv ob- 
 servations on a few of these points of difference I at once submitted 
 to M. Burnouf, through the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society of 
 London. The materials with which I had hitherto worked were far 
 from being complete. The inscriptions which I had copied at Hama- 
 dan and Behistun supplied my only means of alphabetical analysis 
 and the researches of Anquetil du Perron, together with a few Zend 
 mss. obtained in Persia, and interpreted forme by an ignorant priest 
 of Yezd, were my only guides in acquiring a knowledge of the ancient 
 language of the country. In the autumn, however, of 1838 I was in 
 a condition to 'prosecute the inquiry on a far more extended and sa- 
 tisfactory scale. The admirable commentary on the Yacna by M. 
 Burnouf, was transmitted to me by Dr. Mohl, of Paris, and I there 
 for the first time found the language of the Zend Avesta critically 
 analysed, and its orthographical and grammatical structure clearly 
 and scientifically developed. To this work I owe in a great measure 
 the success of my translations ; for although I conjecture the Zend to 
 be a later language than that of the inscriptions, upon the debris of 
 which, indeed, it was probably refined and systematised, yet I believe 
 it to approach nearer to the Persian of the ante-Alexandrian ages than 
 any other dialect of the family, except the Vedic Sanscrit, that is 
 available to modern research. At the same time, also, that I acquired 
 through the luminous critique of M. Burnouf an insight into the pe- 
 culiarities of Zend expression, and by this means obtained a general 
 knowledge of the grammatical structure of the language of the in- 
 scriptions, I had the good fortune to procure copies of the Persepolitan 
 tablets which had been published by Nicbuhr, Le Brun, and Porter, 
 and which had hitherto formed the chief basis of continental study. 
 The enumeration of the provinces tributary to Darius Hystaspes I 
 found to be in greater detail, and in a far better state of preservation, 
 in the Persepolitan inscription, than in the corresponding list which 
 I had obtained at Behistun; and with this important help, I was soon 
 afterwards able to complete the alphabet which I have employed in 
 the present translations. 
 
 " On my arrival at Baghdad during the present year I deferred 
 
282 THE BUEIED CITY 
 
 the completion of my translations, and of the memoir by which I de- 
 signed to establish and explain them, until I obtained books from 
 England which might enable me to study with more care the pecu- 
 liarities of Sanscrit grammar ; and in the mean time I busied myself 
 with comparative geography. It was at this period that I received 
 through the Vice-President of the Royal Asiatic Society a letter from 
 Professor Lassen, containing a precis of his last improved system of 
 interpretation ; and the Bonn alphabet I recognised at once to be in- 
 finitely superior to any other that had previously fallen under my ob- 
 servation. The Professor's views, indeed, coincided in all essential 
 points with my own, and since I have been enabled, with the help of 
 Sanscrit and Zend affinities, to analyse nearly every word of the cu- 
 neiform inscriptions hitherto copied in Persia, and thus to verify the 
 alphabetical power of almost every cuneiform character, I have found 
 the more reason to admire the skill of Professor Lassen, who, with such 
 very limited materials as were alone at his disposal in Europe, has 
 still arrived at results so remarkably correct. The close approxima- 
 tion of my own alphabet to that adopted by Professor Lassen will 
 be apparent on a reference to the comparative table. ; and although, in 
 point of fact, the Professor's labours have been of no further assist- 
 ance to me than in adding one new character to my alphabet, and in 
 confirming opinions which were sometimes conjectural, and which 
 generally required verification, yet as the improvements which his 
 system of interpretation makes upon the alphabet employed by M. 
 Burnouf appear to have preceded not only the announcement, but 
 the adoption of my own views, I cannot pretend to contest with him 
 the priority of alphabetical discovery. Whilst employed in writing 
 the present memoir, I have had further opportunities of examining 
 the Persepolitan inscriptions of Mr. Rich, and the Persian inscrip- 
 tion of Xerxes, which is found at Van ; and I have also, in the pages 
 of the Journal Asiatique, been introduced to a better knowledge of 
 the Pehlevi, by Dr. Muller, and I have obtained some acquaintance 
 with Professor Lassen's translations, from the perusal of one of the 
 critical notices of M. Jacquet." 
 
 Respecting cuneiform writing in general, Major Rawlinson ob- 
 serves, that the Babylonian is unquestionably the most ancient of 
 the great classes of cuneiform writing. It is well-known that 
 legends in this character are stamped upon the bricks which are ex- 
 cavated from the foundations of all the buildings in Mesopotamia, 
 Babylonia, and Chaldaaa, that possess the highest and most authentic 
 claims to antiquity ; and it is hardly extravagant, therefore, to as- 
 sign its invention to the primitive race which settled in the plains of 
 hina r. It embraces, however, so many varieties, and it is spread 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 283 
 
 over such a vast extent of countrv, that Orientalists have been lono- 
 divided in opinion as to whether its multitudinous branches can 
 be considered as belonging to one type of alphabet and language. 
 Those who have studied the subject with most care have arrived at 
 the conviction that all the inscriptions in the complicated cunei- 
 form character, which are severally found upon rocks, upon bricks, 
 upon slabs, and upon cylinders, from the Persian mountains to the 
 shores of the Mediterranean, do in reality belong to one single alpha- 
 betical system ; and they further believe the variations which are per- 
 ceptible in the different modes of writing to be analogous, in a general 
 measure, to the varieties of hand and text which characterise the 
 graphic and glyphic arts of the present day. Major Bawlinson, 
 however, can hardly subscribe in all its amplitude to this general and 
 complete amalgamation. He perceives modifications of a constant 
 and peculiar character, which perhaps are hardly sufficient to estab- 
 lish a distinction of phonetic organisation between the Babylonian 
 and Assyrian writing, but which may be held, nevertheless, to con- 
 stitute varieties of alphabetical formation ; and the inscriptions of 
 Elymais, also, from their manifest dissimilarity to either one system 
 or the other, are entitled, he considers, to an independent rank. He 
 then proceeds to exhibit a classification of the complicated cuneiform 
 writing, according to the opinions which he has formed from an ex- 
 tensive examination of the inscriptions ; premising, at the same time, 
 that he sees no sufficient grounds at present to prevent us from at- 
 taching all the languages which the various alphabets are employed 
 to represent, to that one great family, which it is the custom (impro- 
 perly enough) to designate as the Semitic ; and that he leaves un- 
 touched the great and essential question, whether the difference of 
 character indicate a difference of orthographical structure, or whe- 
 ther the varieties of formation are merely analogous to the diversity 
 which exists between the Estranghelo and the Nestorian alphabet, the 
 printed and the cursive Hebrew, or the Cufic and the modern Arabic. 
 The complicated cuneiform character, then, may, he thinks, be 
 divided into three distinct groups, — Babylonian, Assyrian, and Ely- 
 mtean ; and the two former of these groups will again admit of sub- 
 division into minor branches. Of the Babylonian, there are only two 
 marked varieties ; the character of the cylinders may be considered 
 as the type of the one; that of the third column of the trilingual in- 
 scriptions of Persia of the other. The former is probably the primi- 
 tive cuneiform alphabet. It is also of extensive application ; it is 
 found upon the bricks which compose the foundations of the primseval 
 cities of Shin ar, at Babylon, at Erech, at Accad, and at Calneh ; and, if 
 the Birs-i-Nimroud be admitted to represent the tower of Babel, an 
 
284 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 ^identification which is supported, not merely by the character of 
 the monument, but by the universal belief of the early Talmudists, 
 it must, in the substructure of that edifice, embody the vernacular 
 dialect of Shinar at the period when u the earth was of one language 
 and of one speech." But it was not confined, as has been sometimes 
 supposed, to cylinders and bricks. It has the same title as that of 
 the trilingual inscriptions to be considered a lapidary character ; for 
 we have specimens of it on Sir Harford Jones' great slab, published 
 by the Honourable the East India Company in 1803, as well as upon 
 numerous stones and hard-baked pieces of clay that have been disin- 
 terred at Babylon at different periods. Nor was its employment, or 
 at any rate its intelligence, restricted to that immediate vicinity; 
 Rawlinson copied, in the year 1836, a very perfect inscription of 
 thirty-three lines in this character, from a broken obelisk on the 
 mound of Susa; and a black stone, which is engraved with 104 short 
 lines of the same writing, and which is now in the possession of the 
 Earl of Aberdeen, was excavated not long ago from the ruins of 
 Nineveh. 
 
 The second form of this alphabet is the best known, as it is also 
 unquestionably the least ancient, branch of the Babylonian writing. 
 It is employed with little or no variation of type to represent the 
 transcript in the third column of all the trilingual tablets of Persia, 
 and it may, perhaps, therefore, be not inappropriately termed the 
 Achsemenian-Babylonian. By what means it became simplified from 
 the primitive writing, or by how many centuries its adoption pre- 
 ceded the rise of the Achsemenean dynasty, we have no dataat present 
 for determining ; but that it was in use until a late period of the 
 Persian empire, is proved by the inscription on a vase in the treasury 
 of St. Mark's at Venice, which records the name and titles of Ar- 
 taxerxes (Ochus) in hieroglyphics and in the trilingual characters of 
 the Achaemenians. It is curious to remark that although at Perse- 
 polis, at Hamadan, at Van, and at Behistun, this writing exhibits no 
 sensible variety, it may be doubted if a genuine Babylonian monu- 
 ment has been ever met with, of which, the character is precisely 
 identical. The inscriptions published by Rich are certainly a near 
 approximation, and Grotefend observes that the writing upon the 
 stone described by Mr. Millin partly resembles the same type ; but 
 Rawlinson repeats that he is not aware of any legend discovered at 
 Babylon that may lay claim to an absolute identity ; and this is the 
 more to be regretted, as we are indebted to the trilingual inscriptions 
 of Persia for our only key to the decipherment of the Babylonian 
 alphabet, and any variation, accordingly, from the former type se- 
 riously impedes the extension of the inquiry. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. - 85 
 
 Respecting the A'ssyrian character, Rawlinson says : " M. Botta, 
 who has exhumed, under the liberal patronage of the French Go- 
 vernment, the multitudinous inscriptions of Khorsabad, and who 
 will shortly, it is hoped, confer a more important benefit upon science 
 by rendering their contents intelligible, regards the Assyrian writing, 
 wherever it may exist, as of one common and universal type. 1 do 
 not pretend at present to contest this view, as far as it may concern 
 either the language or its alphabetical structure ; but in respect 
 to the configuration of the character, it requires, I think, to be some- 
 what modified. If the permutations of letters occurring in certain 
 words (particularly names) at Van and at Khorsabad, were regular 
 and constant, or if the frequent repetition of those words, either at 
 one place or the other, by a different employment of signs connected 
 the two systems of orthography together, and explained the process 
 of amplifying, abridging, or modifying the respective characters at 
 will, then, by an extensive assortment of variants, the alphabets, per- 
 haps, might be brought to coalesce ; but such I cannot find to be the 
 case. On the contrary, I perceive characters at Van which never 
 occur at Khorsabad, and vice versa; and without impugning there- 
 fore, in any way the possible identity of language, or the probable 
 identity of its phonetic organisation, as 1 have distinguished between 
 the Babylonian writing of the primitive and Achsemenian periods, 
 so do I also recognise a difference between the Medo-Assyrian and the 
 Assyrian alphabets. By the Medo-Assyrian alphabet I indicate that 
 which (with the exception of the trilingual inscription of Xerxes) is 
 exclusively found on the rocks at Van and its neighbourhood, which 
 occurs at Dash-Tappeh, in the plain of Miyandab, and on the stone 
 pillar at the pass of Kel-i-Shin, and which, as far as I can judge from 
 an imperfect specimen of the writing, is also the character employed 
 in a rock inscription on the banks of the Euphrates, between the towns 
 of Malatieh and Kharput. The Assyrian alphabet, on the other hand, 
 appears to be peculiar to the plains of Assyria. In this character are 
 engraved the entire series of the marbles of Khorsabad. Broken 
 slabs bearing the same writing have been excavated from the ruins of 
 Nineveh, and I was also lately favoured with the fragment of an in- 
 scription from Nimroud (perhaps the llehoboth of Scripture), which 
 is unquestionably of the Assyrian type. The bricks, moreover, which 
 I have seen from Khorsabad, Nineveh, and Nimroud, are, as might 
 be expected, impressed with legends in the Assyrian character, and 
 exhibit, in this respect, a very remarkable difference from the relics 
 of the same class in Babylonia. Unfortunately I have never been 
 able to obtain bricks stamped with the cuneiform character from 
 either of the sites, which I suppose to represent the sister capitals of 
 
23G THE BUKIED CITY 
 
 Resen and Calah. Such relics, however, I have every reason to 
 believe, are found both at Shahrizor and at Holvvan, and if, when 
 submitted to examination, the writing should prove to be of the 
 Nineveh type, we then may claim for the Assyrian character an an- 
 tiquity of invention and an extensiveness of employment almost equal 
 to that of the primitive Babylonian. 
 
 " I have already mentioned the disinterment of a stone from the 
 ruins of Nineveh, Avhich exhibits a very long and perfect inscription 
 in the character of the Babylonian cylinders. The discovery of this 
 relic, however, in situ, does not, as it appears to me, necessarily con- 
 found the limits of Assyrian and Babylonian writing. It was pro- 
 bably of foreign manufacture, and may have been preserved by some 
 inhabitants of Nineveh, as an amulet or sacred curiosity. Under 
 any circumstances, it can only be regarded as a specimen sul ge- 
 neris; for the usual writing which is found upon cylindrical pieces 
 of hard baked clay excavated from Nineveh is quite distinct from 
 any variety of character which occurs on similar relics at Babylon. 
 The Assyrian running-hand, as it may be called, is extremely minute 
 and confused, and the letters, by their sloping position, are made so 
 thoroughly to intermingle, that it is almost impossible to discrimi- 
 nate their respective forms. Mr. Rich (Babylon and Persepolls. 
 Plate 9, No. 5) has published a fragment of writing which appears 
 to me to be in this difficult character ; numerous specimens of it are 
 to be found in the museums of Europe, but by far the most interest- 
 ing and perfect relic of the class that has been ever hitherto disco- 
 vered, is a hexagonal cylinder of clay, in the possession of Colonel 
 Taylor, which exhibits on each side between sevev. ty and eighty lines 
 of writing, in excellent preservation, but so ela.crately minute as, 
 I fear, to defy all attempts at analysis. I have, ludeed, a paper im. 
 pression of this curious record, in which the relief of the characters 
 is more clearly marked than on the original cylinder, and yet, al- 
 though I have repeatedly examined it with the aid of a magnifier, I 
 he>itute to say whether it most resembles the writing of Khorsabad 
 or Van. 
 
 '• Before I quit the subject of the Assyrian inscriptions, I must also 
 notice the tablets at the mouth of the Nahr-el-Kalb, in the vicinity 
 of Beyrout. I remember to have seen in Persia many years ago a 
 lithographed sketch of the entire sculptures, executed by M. Bonomi; 
 but, as far as my recollection serves me, there was no attempt in that 
 sketch to delineate the forms of the characters. At present, I can 
 only consult a drawing of the principal figure, made by an Armenian 
 gentleman, together with a few detached specimens of characters ; and 
 I find from the materials that, although the style of sculpture at the 
 
Or THE EAST — XIXEYE1L 287 
 
 Nahr-el-Kalb resembles in every particular the figures at Khorsabad, 
 the letters appear to be of the Medo- Assyrian type; a circumstance 
 which, if it should be verified by more elaborate examination, will 
 have the important effect of determinate!}- connecting the monuments 
 of Van and Khorsabad. At any rate, in a locality accessible at all 
 times to European curiosity, a question of so much interest to histo- 
 rical research ought not to remain long in doubt. 
 
 " It will thus be seen, that the classification which I have adopted 
 of the complicated cuneiform writing embraces the following divi- 
 sions : — 
 
 (Primitive Babylonian. 
 I Achaemenian Babylonian ; 
 | Medo- Assy rian, 
 \ Assyrian ; 
 Elymsean. 
 
 " It is not my intention in this place to discuss the affinities of the 
 respective alphabets. They all possess a great number of signs in 
 common, but there are also certain characters peculiar to each sys- 
 tem, which, as they are constant in their respective localities, can 
 hardly be explained by the caprice or extravagance of the artist, 
 M. Botta has observed, that a person who can read the Khorsabad 
 inscriptions can read every other species of the complicated cha- 
 racter; and I consider his opinions entitled to the utmost respect; 
 but the principle will certainly not hold good in an inverse applica- 
 tion, for my own acquaintance with the Achaenienian Babylonian is 
 of some extent, and yet I have not hitherto succeeded in identifying 
 a single name in the tablets of Van or Khorsabad. 
 
 " I will now add a few remarks on the attempts which have 
 hitherto been made to decipher this interesting character. Ger- 
 many took the lead in the inquiry. In the Mines de V Orient, vols. 
 IV., V., and VI. (1814-1816), there are several elaborate papers on 
 the subject ; and I learn from Professor Grotefend's Essay on the 
 cuneiform character, forming Appendix No. 2 to the second volume 
 of Heeren's Researches (published in 1815), that his own labours 
 were either subsequent to, or contemporary with, those of a host of 
 other archaeologists. The names of Tychsen, Munter, Kopp, De 
 Murr, Hager, Millin, and Wahl are particularly conspicuous among 
 the early inquirers; but I do not perceive that any real advantage 
 resulted from their labours beyond the preliminary, but most ne- 
 cessary, process of classifying the characters. This classification, I 
 understand, has been carried to a much greater extent of late years 
 in England by Mr. Cullimore, and it is probable that Signior Mus- 
 sabini's work, which I see announce! for publication, may contain 
 
 It 2 
 
2SS THE BURIED CITY 
 
 some attempt at phonetic expression. The laborious task, however, 
 on which M. Botta has been engaged during his excavation of the 
 Nineveh marbles promises to be of greater importance to the inter- 
 pretation of the inscriptions than all preceding efforts. Having an 
 inexhaustible field of comparison, he has been employed in con- 
 structing a complete table of variants, the frequent repetition of the 
 same words with orthographical variations of more or less extent, 
 furnishing him with a key to the equivalent signs; and by these 
 means he has succeeded, as he informs me, in reducing the Assyrian 
 alphabet to some manageable compass. My own labours have been 
 restricted to the Achsemenian-Babylonian, as I have found it at 
 Persepolis, Hamadan, and Behistun, and I have attempted nothing 
 further at present than the determination of the phonetic powers of 
 the characters. I have obtained a tolerably extensive alphabet from 
 the orthography of the following names: Achsemenes, Cyrus, Smer- 
 dis, Hystaspes, Darius, Artystone, Xerxes, Artaxerxes, Gomates, 
 Magus, Atrines, Naditabirns, Nabochodrossor, Nabonidus, Phraortes, 
 Xathrites, Cyaxares, Martius, Omanes, Sitratachmes, Veisdates, 
 Aracus, Phraates, Persis, Susiana, Margiana, and Oromasdes ; but 
 I have left the grammar and construction of the language hitherto 
 untouched. 
 
 a * * * It i s natural to infer, from the peculiar form of cunei- 
 form writing, that in all ages and in all countries it must have been 
 confined exclusively to sculptures and impressions. In Babylonia 
 and Assyria there was certainly a cursive character employed in a 
 very high antiquity, synchronously with the lapidary cuneiform. 
 We meet with it occasionally on bricks and cylinders ; and if these 
 relics were insufficient to prove its authenticity, we might refer to 
 the squared Hebrew which the Jews are believed to have adopted 
 in Babylonia, and to have first substituted for the old Samaritan 
 when they returned from the captivity with a language sensibly 
 affected by their long residence on the Tigris and Euphrates. It is 
 probably, however, the cuneiform character of Assyrian type, to 
 which Herodotus and Diodorus allude under the titles of Syrian and 
 Assyrian writing ; and the tablets of Acicarus, regarding which 
 Clemens of Alexandria has preserved so curious a notice, were in- 
 scribed, I should imagine, with the same letters, but of the Achae- 
 menian-Babylonian class. The latest monument upon which the 
 ancient character is preserved is probably the inscription of Tarki, 
 north of the Caucasus, a relic that M. Burnouf has, with some plausi- 
 bility, assigned to the period of Arsacide dominion. In Babylonia 
 Proper its employment could hardly have survived the era of Alex- 
 ander the Great, and as it appears never to have been used in Persia, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 289 
 
 except in connexion with a foreign language, and for the purpose of 
 ministering to the pride of the Achsemenian monarehs, who claimed 
 to have inherited the science as well as the wealth and glory of 
 Babylon, it ceased, no doubt, to be understood to the eastward of 
 the mountains after the extinction of that dynasty. Grecian civili- 
 sation then, as it is well known, replaced for a while Semitic in- 
 fluence in the interior of Persia; and when the Macedonians retired, 
 they were succeeded b} r that tide of immigration from the eastward 
 which for many centuries imposed a Scythic character on the usages, 
 the religion, and perhaps, also, in some degree, on the language of 
 the Parthian nation." 
 
 The great feats of interpretation which such a man as Rawlinson 
 has accomplished should not be suffered to blind us to the fact that 
 our materials for Assyrian history even now, after a partial elucida- 
 tion of such inscriptions as have been found, are extremely limited 
 and fragmentary ; and in their present state convey little that is posi- 
 tive in its results, at least so far as a chronological narrative is con- 
 cerned. The system of Assyrian writing is still extremely obscure, 
 and the language which it records is only partially intelligible through 
 the imperfect key of the Behistun inscriptions. Again, it should not 
 be forgotten, though valuable as are the annals we possess of indivi- 
 dual kings, and important as they may one day become as elements 
 of a complete series, they go but a very little way towards filling up 
 the gap of sixteen hundred years, which must have intervened between 
 the age of Nimroud and the destruction of Nineveh by Cyaxeres. All 
 that we can expect at present is, that the internal evidence of the in- 
 scriptions may supply us with internal evidence respecting the rela- 
 tive position of the different royal families, and the probable interval 
 which elapsed between them. Future discoveries of sculptures, and 
 a farther development of the alphabet are to be expected from the 
 zeal of those inquirers now in the field, and to these we must look for 
 the more complete elucidation of the history of Assyria. 
 
 Pending this development, the date of the chief sculptures can 
 only be conjectively assigned; Major Rawlinson thinks that the Nim- 
 roud marbles now in the British Museum are of a very high antiquity, 
 and far more ancient than the period of the dynasties mentioned in 
 scripture or in Herodotus. By a curious induction too intricate to be 
 explained here, the Major has arrived at the conclusion that the era 
 of the building of the north-west palace at Nimroud, which was doubt- 
 less during the most flourishing time of the Assyrian empire, must 
 have followed closely upon the extinction of the nineteenth dynasty 
 in Egypt, a period which corresponds with the Argine colouration of 
 Greece, and the settlement of the Israelites in Palestine. As the 
 
290 THE KTJRIED CITY 
 
 north-west palace appears beyond all doubt to have been the oldest 
 building in Nimroud, so too the inscriptions are the earliest records 
 in the cuneiform character which have been brought to light. These 
 Major Rawlinson attributes to a king whose name he reads as As- 
 sar-adan-pal, and who he thinks may be identified with the warlike 
 Sardanapalus of Callisthenes. 
 
 But although this Sardanapalus is the first king of Assyria, whose 
 annals have been brought to light, he was neither the first king, the 
 first founder of the city, nor the first great builder in Assyria. In all 
 his inscriptions, Sardanapalus names both his father and grandfather, 
 to each of whom he gives the title of king of Assyria, and when com- 
 memorating the building of the palace of Nimroud, he says that the 
 city was founded by Temen-bar. How many kings reigned in the 
 interval between the two, it is impossible to say at present. The 
 name of the king who succeeded Temen-bar is read Hernenk or He- 
 nenk, a word which resembles the Evechius of the Greek chrono- 
 logers, which they say is the true Chaldean designation of Nimroud. 
 The name of the next king is represented by a group of characters, 
 which Rawlinson takes to mean "servant of Bar," but to which he 
 cannot give any syllabic form. 
 
 We now come to the Assar-adan-pal, or Sardanapalus, author of 
 the inscriptions in the north-west palace at Nimroud. The formula 
 with which all these begin is, " This is the palace of Sardanapalus, the 
 humble worshipper of Assarac and Beltis, kc." After this introduc- 
 tion, the inscription goes on to notice the exertions of the king to 
 establish the Assyrian worship, and then follows, although the con- 
 nexion is not very obvious, what is taken for a long list of geogra- 
 phical names of the nations then tributary to Nineveh. Could these 
 names be identified with certainty, we might be able to determine 
 the extent of the Assyrian empire when they were engraved. 
 
 Thus has Major Rawlinson been sedulously engaged in applying 
 his discoveries to the inscriptions in the old north-west palace at 
 Nimroud. He has read on the black obelisk, from the centre of that 
 mound, a record of the wars and history of thirty-one years of the 
 seventh century before the Christian era; and it is not too much to 
 expect, from his talents and power of application, that, should his 
 life be spared, a most interesting chapter of the world's history may 
 yet be restored. His translation of this inscription is as follows: 
 
 Major Rawlinson, after stating that the inscription on the obelisk 
 commences with an invocation to the gods of Assyria to protect the 
 empire, goes on to say : I cannot follow the sense of the whole invo- 
 cation, which takes up fourteen lines of writing, as well from the ob- 
 curity of the titles appertaining to the gods, as from the lacunae in the 
 
CF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 201 
 
 text, owing to the fracture of the corner edge of the gradines ; but I 
 perceive, I think, the following passages : — " The God Assarae, 
 great lord, king of all the great gods ; Ani, the king ; Nit, the power- 
 fid, and Artenk, the supreme god of the provinces ; Beltis, the pro- 
 tector, mother of the gods." A few lines further on we have "She- 
 nair (perhaps the Greek Semiramis), who presides over the heavers 
 and the earth" (another god wdiose name is lost). " Bar/' with an 
 unknown epithet; then " . . . . Artenk, Lama, and Horus ;" and 
 after the interval of another line, "... Tal, and Set, the attendants 
 of Beltis, mother of the gods." The favour of all these deities, with 
 Assarae at their head, the supreme god of heaven, is invoked for the 
 ^protection of Assyria. Temen-bar then goes on to give his titles and 
 genealogy ; he calls himself king of the nations who worship Husi 
 (another name for the god Shemir) and Assarae ; king of Mesopota- 
 mia (using a term which was afterwards particularly applied to the 
 Euphrates) ; son of Sardanapalus, the servant of Husi, the protector, 
 who first introduced the worship of the gods among the many 
 peopled nations (the exact terms being here used, which answer to 
 the " dah-ydica Tparuwa-zana" of Persepolis). Sardanapalus, too, 
 is called the son of Katibar (or "the servant of Bar"), who was 
 king of Zahiri, which seems to have been one of the many names of 
 Assyria. 
 
 Temen-bar then says : 
 
 " At the commencement of my reign, after that I was established 
 on the throne, I assembled the chiefs of my people and came down 
 into the plains of Esmes, where I took the city of Haridu, the chief 
 city belonging to Nakharni. 
 
 "In the first year of my reign, I crossed the Upper Euphrates, 
 and ascended to the tribes who worshipped the god Husi. My ser- 
 vants erected altars (or tablets) in that land to my gods. Then I 
 went on to the land of Khamana, where I founded palaces, cities, 
 and temples. I went on to the land of Malar, and there I established 
 the worship (or laws) of my kingdom. 
 
 " In the second year, I went up to the city of Tel Barasba, and 
 occupied the cities of Ahuni, son of Hateni. I shut him up in his 
 city. I then crossed the Euphrates, and occupied the citiea of l)a- 
 bao-u and Abarta, belonging to the Sheta, together with the cities 
 which were dependent on them. 
 
 " In the third year, Ahuni, son of Hateni, rebelled against me, 
 and having become independent, established his seat of government 
 in the city of Tel Barasba. The country beyond the Euphrates he 
 placed under the protection of the god Assarae, the Excellent, while 
 he committed to the god Rimmon the country between the Eu- 
 
292 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 phrates and the Arteri, with its city of Either, which was held by 
 the Sheta. Then I descended into the plains of Elets. The countries 
 of Elets, Shakni, Dayini, Enem (?), Arzaskan, the capital city of 
 Arama, king of Ararat, Lazan, and Hubiska, 1 committed to the 
 charge of Detarasar. Then 1 went out from the city of Nineveh, 
 and crossing the Euphrates, I attacked and defeated Ahuni, the son 
 of Hateni, in the city of Sitrat, which was situated upon the Eu- 
 phrates, and which Ahuni had made one of his capitals. The rest 
 of the country I brought under subjection ; and Ahuni, the son of 
 Hateni, with his gods and his chief priests, his horses, his sons and 
 his daughters, and all his men of war, I brought away to my country 
 of Assyria. Afterwards I passed through the country of Shelar (or 
 Kelar), and came to the district of Zoba. I reached the cities be- 
 longing to Nikti, and took the city of Yedi, where Nikti dwelt. [A 
 good deal of this part of the inscription I have been obliged to trans- 
 late almost conjecturally, for on the obelisk the confusion is quite 
 bewildering; the engraver having, as I think, omitted a line of the 
 text which he was copying, and the events of the third and fourth year 
 being thus mingled together ; while in the hull inscription, where 
 the date is preserved, shewing that the final action with Ahuni took 
 place in the fourth, and not in the third year, the text is too much 
 mutilated to admit of our obtaining any connected sense. I pass on 
 accordingly to the fifth year.] 
 
 " In the fifth year, I went up to the country of Abyari ; I took 
 eleven great cities ; I besieged Akitta of Erri in his city, and re- 
 ceived his tribute. 
 
 " In the sixth year, I went out from the city of Nineveh, and 
 proceeded to the country situated on the river Belek. The ruler of 
 the country having resisted my authority, I displaced him, and ap- 
 pointed Tsimba to be lord of the district ; and I there established the 
 Assyrian sway. I went out from the land on the river Belek, and 
 came to the cities of Tel-Atak (?) and Habaremya. Then I crossed 
 the Upper Euphrates, and received tribute from the kings of the 
 Sheta. Afterwards I went out from the land of the Sheta and came 
 to the city of Umen (?). In the city of Umen (?) I raised altars to 
 the great gods. From the city of Umen I went out and came to the 
 city of Barbara. Then Hem-ithra of the country of Atesh, and Ar- 
 hulena of Hamath, and the kings*of the Sheta, and the tribes which 
 were in alliance with them, arose; setting their forces in battle array, 
 they came against me. By the grace of Assarac, the great and power- 
 ful god, I fought with them and defeated them; 20,500 of their men,, 
 I slew in battle or carried into slavery. Their leaders, their cap- 
 tains, and their men of war, I put in chains. 
 
0? THE EAST — NINEVEH. 293 
 
 " In the seventh year, I proceeded to the country belonging to 
 Khabni of Tel-ati. The city of Tel-ati, which was his chief place, 
 and the towns which were dependent on it, I captured, and gave up 
 to pillage. I went out from the city of Tel-ati, and came to the land 
 watered by the head-streams which form the Tigris. The priests of 
 Assarac in that land raised altars to the immortal gods. I appointed 
 priests to reside in the land to pay adoration to Assarac, the great 
 and powerful god, and to preside over the national worship. The 
 cities of this region which did not acknowledge the god Assarac I 
 brought under subjection, and I here received the tribute of the 
 country of Nahiri. 
 
 "In the eighth year, against Sut-Baba, king of Taha-Dunis, ap- 
 peared Sut-Bel-herat and his followers. The latter led his forces 
 against Sut-Baba, and took from him the cities of the land of Beth 
 Takara. 
 
 " In the ninth year, a second time I went up to Armenia and 
 took the city of Lunanta. By the assistance of Assarac and Sut, I 
 obtained possession of the person of Sut-Bel-herat. In the city of 
 Umen I put him in chains. Afterwards Sut-Bel-herat, together with 
 his chief followers, I condemned to slavery. Then I went down to 
 Shinar, and in the cities of Shinar, of Borsippa, and of Ketika, I 
 erected altars and founded temples to the great gods. Then I went 
 down to the land of the Chaldees, and I occupied their cities, and I 
 marched on as far even as the tribes who dwelt upon the sea-coast, 
 xlfterwards in the city of Shinar, I received the tribute of the kings 
 of the Chaldees, Hateni, the son of Dakri, and Baga-Sut, the son of 
 Hukni, gold, silver, gems, and pearls. 
 
 " In the tenth year, for the eighth time I crossed the Euphrates. 
 I took the cities belonging to Ara-lura of the town of Shalumas, and 
 gave them up to pillage. Then I went out from the cities of Shalu- 
 mas, and I proceeded to the country belonging to Arama, (who was 
 king of Ararat). I took the city of Arnia, which was the capital of 
 the country, and I gave up to pillage one hundred of the dependent 
 towns. I slew the wicked, and I carried off the treasures. 
 
 " At this time, Hem-ithra, king of Atesh, and Arhulena, king of 
 Hamath, and the twelve kings of the tribes who were in alliance 
 with them, came forth arraying their forces against me. They met 
 me, and we fought a battle, in which I defeated them, making pri- 
 soners of their leaders, and their captains, and their men of war, and 
 putting them in chains. 
 
 " In the eleventh year, I went out from the city of Nineveh, and 
 for the ninth time crossed the Euphrates. I took the eighty-seven 
 cities belonging to Ara-lura, and one hundred cities belonging to 
 
-9 A THE BURIED CITI 
 
 Arnma, and I gave them up to pillage. I settled the country of 
 Kharmina, and passing- by the country of Yeri, I went down to the 
 cities of Hamath, and took the city of Esdimak, and eighty-nine of 
 the dependent towns, slaying the wicked ones, and carrying off the 
 treasures. Again, Hem-ithra, king of Atesh, Arhulena, king of 
 Hamath, and the twelve kings of the trihes (or in one copy, the 
 twelve kings of the Sheta) who were in alliance with them, came 
 forth levying war upon me ; they arrayed their forces against me. 
 I fought with them and defeated them, slaying 10,000 of their men, 
 and carrying into slavery their captains, and leaders, and men of war. 
 Afterwards I went up to the city of Habbaril, one of the chief cities 
 belonging to Arama (of Ararat), and there I received the tribute of 
 Berbarancla, the king of Shetina, gold, silver, horses, sheep, and 
 oxen, &c. «fec. I then went up to the country of Khamana, where I 
 founded palaces and cities. 
 
 " In the twelfth year, I marched forth from Nineveh, and for the 
 tenth time I crossed the Euphrates, and went up to the city of Sevar- 
 rahuben. I slew the wicked, and carried off the treasures from thence 
 to my own country. 
 
 " In the thirteenth year, I descended to the plains dependent on 
 the city of Assar-animet. I went to the district of Yata. I took the 
 forts of the country of Yata, slaying the evil-disposed, and carrying 
 off all the wealth of the country. 
 
 " In the fourteenth year, I raised the country, and assembled a 
 great army ; with 120,000 warriors I crossed the Euphrates. Then 
 it came to pass that Hem-ithra, king of Atesh, and Arhulena, king 
 of Hamath, and the twelve kings of the tribes of the upper and lower 
 country, collected their forces together, and came before me offering 
 battle. I engaged with them, and defeated them; their leaders, and 
 captains, and men of war I cast into chains. 
 
 " In the fifteenth year I went to the country of Nahiri, and esta- 
 blished my authority throughout the country about the head-streams 
 which form the Tigris. In the district of Akhabi I celebrated (some 
 great religious ceremony, probably, which is obscurely described, 
 and which I am quite unable to render). 
 
 " Afterwards I descended to the plains of Lanbuna, and devas- 
 tated the cities of Arama, king of Ararat, and all the country about 
 the head waters of the Euphrates ; and I abode in the country about 
 the rivers which form the Euphrates, and there I set up altars to 
 the supreme gods, and left priests in the land to superintend the 
 worship. Hasa, king of Dayini, there paid me his homage, and 
 brought in his tribute of horses, and I established the authority of 
 my empire throughout the land dependent on his city. 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 295 
 
 "In the sixteenth year, I crossed the river Zab, and went against 
 the country of the Arians. Sut-Mesitek, the king of the Arians, I 
 put in chains, and I brought his wives, and his warriors, and his 
 gods, captives to my country of Assyria; and I appointed Yanvu, 
 the son of Khan ab, to be king over the country in his place. 
 
 "In the seventeenth year, I crossed the Euphrates, and went up 
 to the country of Khamana, where I founded palaces and cities. 
 
 " In the eighteenth year, for the sixteenth time I crossed the 
 Euphrates. Khazakan of Atesh came forth to fight; 1121 of his 
 captains, and 460 of his superior chiefs, with the troops they com- 
 manded, I defeated in this war 1 
 
 "In the nineteenth year, for the eighteenth time I crossed the 
 Euphrates. I went up again to Khamana, and founded more palaces 
 and temples. 
 
 " In the twentieth year, for the nineteenth time I crossed the 
 Euphrates. I went up to the country of Berahui. I took the cities, 
 and despoiled them of their treasures. 
 
 " In the twenty-first year, for the twentieth time I crossed the 
 Euphrates, and again went up to the country of Khazakan of Atesh. 
 I occupied his territory, and while there received the tribute from 
 the countries of Tyre, of Sidon, and of Gubal. 
 
 " In the twenty-second year, for the twenty-first time I crossed 
 the Euphrates, and marched to the country of Tubal. Then I re- 
 ceived the submission of the twenty four kings of Tubal, and I went 
 on to the country of Atta, to the gold country, to Belui, and to Ta- 
 Esferem. 
 
 1 It was to commemorate this campaign that the colossal bulls found in 
 the centre of the mound at Nimroud were set up. The inscription upon 
 them recording the wars is, of course, far more detailed than the bi-ief sum- 
 mary on the obelisk, and I may as well, therefore, give my reading of it. 
 
 It commences with a geographical catalogue. " The upper and lower 
 countries of Nihiri, the extensive land which worshipped the god Husi, 
 Khamana and the Sheta, the countries along the course of the Tigris, and the 
 countries watered by the Euphrates, from Belats to Shakni, from Shakni to 
 Meluda, from Meluda to Dayani, from Dayani to Arzeskan, from Arzeskan 
 to Juatsan, from Latsan to Hubiska; the Arians and the tribes of the Chaldees 
 who dwell upon the sea-coast. 
 
 " In the eighteenth year, for the sixteenth time I crossed the Euphrates. 
 Then Khazakan of Atesh collected his warriors and came forth ; these war- 
 riors he committed to a man of Aranersa, who had administered the country 
 of Lemnan. Him he appointed chief of his army. I engaged with him, and 
 defeated him, slaying and carrying into slavery 13,000 of his fighting men, 
 and making prisoners 1121 of his 'captains, and 460 superior officers, with 
 their cohorts." 
 
29G THE BURIED CITY 
 
 " In the twenty-third year, I again crossed the Euphrates, and 
 occupied the city of Huidara, the stronghold of Ellal of Meluda; 
 and the kings of Tubal again came in to me, and I received their 
 tribute. 
 
 ,l In the twenty-fourth year, I crossed the river Zab, and passing 
 away from the land of Kharkhar, went up to the country of the 
 Arians. Yanvu, whom I had made king of the Arians, had thrown 
 off his allegiance, so I put him in chains. I captured the city of 
 Esaksha, and took Beth Telabon, Beth Everek, and Beth Tsida, his 
 principal cities. I slew the evil-disposed, and plundered the trea- 
 sures, and gave the cities over to pillage. I then went out from the 
 land of the Arians, and received the tribute of the twenty-seven 
 kings of the Persians. Afterwards I removed from the land of the 
 Persians, and entered the territory of the Medes, going on to Ratsir 
 and Kharkhar; I occupied the several cities of Kakhidra, of Tarza- 
 nem, of Irleban, of Akhirablud, and the towns which depended on 
 them. I punished the evil-disposed. I confiscated the treasures, 
 and gave the cities over to pillage, and I established the authority 
 of my empire in the city of Kharkhar. Yanvu, the son of Khaban 
 (usually written Khanab), with his wives and his gods, and his sons 
 and daughters, his servants and all his property, I carried away 
 captive into my country of Assyria. 
 
 " In the twenty-fifth year, I crossed the Euphrates, and received 
 the tribute of the kings of the Sheta. I passed by the country of 
 Khamana, and came to the cities of Akti of Berhui. The city of 
 Tabura, his stronghold, I took by assault. I slew those who resisted, 
 and plundered the treasures ; and all the cities of the country I gave 
 over to pillage. Afterwards in the city of Bahura, the capital city of 
 Aram, son of Hagus, I dedicated a temple to the god Rimmon, and I 
 also built a royal palace in the same place. 
 
 " In the twenty-sixth year, for the seventh time I passed through 
 the country of Khamana. I went on to the cities of Akti of Berhui, 
 and I inhabited the city of Tanaken, which was the stronghold of 
 Etlak ; there I performed the rites which belong to the worship of 
 Assarac, the supreme god ; and I received as tribute from the country, 
 gold and silver, and corn, and sheep, and oxen. Then I went out 
 from the city of Tanaken, and I came to the country of Leman. The 
 people resisted me, but I subdued the country by force. I took the 
 cities, and slew their defenders ; and the wealth of the people, with 
 their cattle and corn and movables, I sent as booty to my country 
 of Assyria. I gave all their cities over to pillage. Then I went on to 
 the country of Methets, where the people paid their homage, and I 
 received gold and silver as their tribute. I appointed Akharriyadon, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 297 
 
 the son of Akti, to be king over them. Afterwards I went up to 
 Khamana, where I founded more palaces and temples ; until at length 
 I returned to my country of Assyria. 
 
 " In the twenty-seventh year, I assembled the captains of my 
 army, and I sent Detarasar of Ittana, the general of the forces, in 
 command of my warriors to Armenia ; he proceeded to the land of 
 Khamana, and in the plains belonging to the city of Ambaret, he 
 crossed the river Artseni. Asiduri of Armenia, hearing of the inva- 
 sion, collected his cohorts and came forth against my troops, offering 
 them battle ; my forces engaged with him and defeated him, and the 
 country at once submitted to my authority. 
 
 " In the twenty-eighth year, whilst I was residing in the city of 
 Calah, a revolt took place on the part of the tribes of the Shetina. 
 They were led on by Sherrila, who had succeeded to the throne on 
 the death of Labarni, the former king. Then I ordered the general 
 of my army, Detarasar of Ittana, to march with my cohorts and all 
 my troops against the rebels. Detarasar accordingly crossed the 
 Upper Euphrates, and marching into the country, established himself 
 in the capital city, Kanala. Then Sherrila, who was seated on the 
 throne, by the help of the great god Assarac, I obtained possession of 
 his person, and his officers, and the chiefs of the tribes of the Shetina, 
 who had thrown off their allegiance and revolted against me, together 
 with the sons of Sherrila, and the men who administered, affairs, and 
 imprisoned or punished all of them ; and I appointed Ar-hasit of Sir- 
 zakisba to be king over the entire land. I exacted a great tribute also 
 from the land, consisting of gold and silver and precious stones, and 
 ebony, &c. &c. &c. ; and I established the national worship through- 
 out the land, making a great sacrifice in the capital city of Kanala^ in 
 the temple which had been there raised to the gods. 
 
 " In the twenty-ninth year, I assembled my warriors and cap- 
 tains, and I ascended with them to the country of the Lek. I ac- 
 cepted the homage of the cities of the land, and I then went on to 
 Shenaba. 
 
 " In the thirtieth year, whilst I was still residing in the citv of 
 Calah, I summoned Detarasar, the general of my army, and I sent 
 him forth to war in command of my cohorts and forces. He crossed 
 the river Zab, and first came to the cities of Hubiska; he received the 
 tribute of Daten of Hubiska ; and he went out from thence and came 
 to the country belonging to Mekadul of Melakari, where tribute was 
 duly paid. Leaving the cities of Melakari, he then went on to the 
 country of Huelka of Minni. Huelka of Minni had thrown off his 
 allegiance and declared himself independent, establishing his seat 
 of government in the city of Tsiharta. My general therefore put 
 
298 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 him in chains, and carried offbia flocks and herds and all his pro- 
 party, and gave his cities over to pillage. Passing out from the 
 country of Minni, he next came to the territory of Selshen of Kharta: 
 he took possession of the city of Maharsar, the capital of the country, 
 and of all the towns which depended on it; and Selshen and his sons 
 he made prisoners and sent to his country, despatching to me their 
 tribute of horses, male and female. He then went into the country of 
 Sardera, and received the tribute of Artaheri of Sardera ; he after- 
 wards marched to Persia, and obtained the tribute of the kings of the 
 Persians ; and he captured many more cities between Persia and 
 Assyria, and he brought all their riches and treasures with him to 
 Assyria. 
 
 "In the thiriy-first year, a second time, whilst I abode in the city 
 of Calah, occupied in the worship of the gods Assarac, Hem, and 
 Nebo, I summoned the general of my army, Detarasar of Ittana, and 
 I sent him forth to war in command of my troops and cohorts. He 
 went out accordingly, in the first place, to the territories of Daten of 
 Hubiska, and received his tribute ; then he proceeded to Enseri, the 
 capital city of the country of Bazatsera, and he occupied the city of 
 Anseri, and the thirty-six other towns of the country of Bazatsera : 
 he continued his march to the land of Armenia, and he gave over to 
 pillage fifty cities belonging to that territory. He afterwards pro- 
 ceeded to Ladsan, and received the tribute of Hubu of Ladsan, and of 
 the districts of Minni, of Bariana, of Kharran, ofSharrum, of Andi, 
 (and another district of which the name is lost), sheep, oxen, and 
 horses, male and female. Afterwards he went on to a district (of 
 which the name is lost), and he gave up to pillage the cities Biaria 
 and Sitihuria, cities of consideration, together with the twenty-one 
 towns which were attached to them. And he afterwards penetrated 
 as far as the land of the Persians, taking possession of the cities of 
 Baiset, Shel Khamana, and Akori-Khamana, all of them places of 
 strength, and of the twenty-three towns which depended on them ; 
 he slew those who resisted, and he carried off the wealth of the cities. 
 And he afterwards moved to the country of the Arians, where, by the 
 help of the gods Assarac and Sut, he captured their cities, and con- 
 tinued his march to the country of Kharets, taking and despoiling 
 250 towns ; until at length he descended into the plains of Esmes, 
 above the country of Umen.'' 1 
 
 1 (It is extremely difficult to distinguish throughout these last two para- 
 graphs between the first and third persons. In fact, the grammatical pre- 
 fixes which mark the persons are frequently put one for the other even in the 
 same sentence. From the opening clause of the paragraphs, I certainly under- 
 
OF THE EAST — MD8B.TEH. 299 
 
 stand that the Assyrian general conducted both of these expeditions into High 
 Asia ; yet it would seem as if the king, in chronicling the war, wished to 
 appropriate the achievements to himself.) 
 
 It remains that I should notice the epigraphs which are engraved on the 
 obelisk above the five series of figures. These epigraphs contain a sort of 
 register of the tribute sent in by five different nations to the Assyrian king ; 
 but they do not follow the series of offerings as they are represented in the 
 sculpture with any approach to exactitude. 
 
 The first epigraph records the receipt of the tribute from Shehua of Lad- 
 san, a country which joined Armenia, and which I presume, therefore, to be 
 connected with the Lazi and Lazistan. 
 
 The second line of offerings are said to have been sent by Yahua, son of 
 Hubiri, a prince of whom there is no mention in the annals, and of whose 
 native country, therefore, I am ignorant. 
 
 This is followed by the tribute of a country which is called Misr, and 
 which there are good grounds for supposing to be Egypt, inasmuch as we 
 are sure from the numerous indications afforded to the position of the in- 
 scriptions of Khorsabad, that Misr adjoined Syria, and as the same name 
 (that is, a name pronounced in the same manner, though written with dif- 
 ferent phonetic characters) is given at Behistun as the Babylonian ecmivalent 
 of the Persian Mudraya. Misr is not once mentioned in the obelisk annals, 
 and it may be presumed, therefore, to have remained in complete subjection 
 to Assyria during the whole of Temen-bar's reign. 
 
 The fourth tribute is that of Sut-pal-adan, Gf the country of Shekhi, 
 probably a Babylonian or Elymsean prince, who is not otherwise mentioned ; 
 and the series is closed by the tribute of Barberanda, the Shetiua, a Syrian 
 tribe, wdiich I rather think is the same as the Sharutana of the hieroglyphic 
 writing. 
 
 I cannot pretend at present to identify the various articles which are 
 named in these epigraphs ; gold and silver, pearls and gems, ebony and 
 ivory, may be made out, I think, with more or less certainty ; but I cannot 
 conjecture the nature of many other of the offerings ; they may be rare 
 woods, or aromatic gums, or metals, or even such articles as glass or porce- 
 lain. 
 
 With regard to the animals, those alone which I can certainly identify 
 are horses and camels, the latter being, I think, described as " beasts of the 
 desert with the double back." 
 
 I do not think any of the remarkable animals, such as the elephant, the 
 wild bull, the unicorn, the antelope, and the monkeys and baboons, are spe- 
 cified in the epigraphs ; but it is possible they may be spoken of as rare ani- 
 mals from the river of Arki aud the country beyond the sea. 
 
300 THE BL'EIED CITY 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Botta's Opinions on the Destruction of the Assyrian Palace at Kiiorsabab. 
 
 The want of consistence in the materials employed in building 
 the walls of the palace of Khorsabad, says M. Botta, rendered them 
 insufficient to withstand the strain of an arch ; they were, never- 
 theless, able, through their great thickness, to support any amount 
 of vertical pressure. There is nothing, then, in the manner in which 
 the supports are constructed which is compatible with any kind of 
 roof, except with one of wood, for which it is particularly suited. 
 The proofs obtained in the interior of the chambers tend to shew 
 that this was actually the system resorted to at Khorsabad. It is 
 incontestable that, during the excavations, a considerable quantity of 
 coal and even pieces of wood, either half burnt or in a perfect state 
 of preservation, were found in many places* The lining of the cham- 
 bers also bears certain marks of the action of lire. All these things 
 can be explained only by supposing the fall of a burning roof, which 
 calcined the slabs of gypsum and converted them into dust. It 
 would be absurd to imagine that the burning of a small quantity of 
 furniture could have left on the walls marks like those which are to 
 be seen through all the chambers, with the exception of one, which 
 was only an open passage. It must have been a violent and pro- 
 longed fire to be able to calcine not only a few places, but every part 
 of these slabs, which were ten feet high and several inches thick. 
 So complete a decomposition can be attributed but to intense heat, 
 such as would be occasioned by the fall of a burning roof. When 
 Botta began his researches at Khorsabad, he remarked that the 
 inscriptions engraved on the pavement before some of the doors were 
 incrusted with a hard copper-coloured cement, which filled the cha- 
 racters, and had turned the surface of the stone green. He now states 
 that he had not at that time made sufficient observations to enable 
 him to understand what he saw. In giving an account of his disco- 
 veries to M. Mohl, he said that these inscriptions had been incrusted 
 with copper, and that the oxidation of this metal had produced the 
 effect he remarked. This, he admits, was an error, and subsequent 
 observation has shewn that this copper-coloured cement was but the 
 result of the fusion of nails and bits of copper. He also found on 
 these engraved flag-stones scoria and halt-melted nails, so that there 
 is no doubt that these appearances had been produced by the action 
 
Or THE EAST — NINEVEH. 301 
 
 of intense and long-sustained heat. He remembers, besides, at Khor- 
 sabad, that when he detached some bas-reliefs from the earthy sub- 
 stance which they covered, in order to copy the inscriptions that 
 were behind, he found there coals and cinders. These could have 
 entered only by the top, between the wall and the back of the bas- 
 reliefs. This can be easily understood while supposed to be caused 
 by the burning of the roof, but is inexplicable in any other manner. 
 
 But what tends most positively to prove that the traces of fire 
 must be attributed to the burning of a wooden roof is, that these 
 traces are perceptible only in the interior of the building. The gyp- 
 sum also that covers the walls inside is completely calcined, while 
 the outside of the building is nearly every where untouched. But 
 wherever the fronting appears to have at all suffered from fire, it is 
 at the bottom : thus giving reason to suppose that the damage has 
 been done by some burning matter falling outside. In fact, not a 
 single bas-relief capable of preservation was found in any of the 
 chambers : they were all pulverised. Nearly all those of the outside 
 might, on the contrary, have been detached and sent to France ; for 
 though a few were broken, yet the stone on which they were sculp- 
 tured was in a state of good preservation. Is not this the effect that 
 would be produced on an edifice by the falling in of a burning roof, 
 and can this circumstance be otherwise explained? 
 
 M. Flandin, the artist who assisted M. Botta in his researches, 
 was of opinion that the quantity of coals and cinders did not appear 
 so large as might be expected to remain after the burning of a roof 
 as immense as that of Khorsabad. He also considered that the half- 
 burnt beams which have been found in the chambers belonged to 
 the doors near which they were generally discovered. This assertion, 
 however, M. Botta thinks is far from being supported by the follow- 
 ing fact. Before M. Flandin's arrival, M. Botta states that he had 
 found coals, cinders, and the remains of burnt joists ; and in a letter 
 published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Paris, he had parti- 
 cularly noticed this circumstance, as atfording proof that the state in 
 which the palace was found had been occasioned by the burning of 
 the roof. The place in which burnt joists were first discovered was 
 in the centre of one of the chambers, as far from any of the doors as 
 it was possible to be. The wood found there could not have belonged 
 to the doors. With respect to the quantity, it will easily be seen 
 that, after a fire, it will be more or le?s great according to circum- 
 stances that it is now impossible to account for. The relative rare- 
 ness of these remains has doubtless been caused by the quality and 
 dryness of the wood, by the influence of combustion — or the greater 
 or less length of time during which the floor of the chambers was 
 
302 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 exposed to the action of the elements before the palace was ingulfed. 
 What is certain is, that the whole interior of the chambers is cal- 
 cined, while the outside walls are untouched. It is impossible to 
 attribute this effect to any other cause but the burning of a wooden 
 roof; and this supposition is corroborated by indications discovered 
 during the excavations. The supposition of an arched roof, on the 
 contrary, is supported by no evidence, and is incompatible with the 
 nature of the materials employed in the construction of the walls, 
 and with the entire absence of any thing solid among the ruins. M. 
 Botta therefore concludes that there is no cause for doubt that the 
 palace of Khorsabad was roofed with wood. In this opinion he states 
 that Mr. Layard coincides, for that several of the monuments found 
 by him at Nimroud were covered over with pieces of wood, like 
 those at Khorsabad. 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 303 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Latest Proceedings and Discoveries in Assyria. 
 
 At the meeting of the British Association last year (1850), the Rev. 
 Dr. Hincks read a paper on the language and mode of writing of 
 the ancient Assyrians. In this paper the author began by observing 
 that the language and mode of writing of the Assyrians are them- 
 selves two important ethnological facts. The language of the Assyrio- 
 Babylonian inscriptions is generally admitted to be of the family 
 called Semitic. It is in many respects strikingly like the Hebrew,, 
 but has some peculiarities in common with the Egyptian, the rela- 
 tionship of which to the Semitic languages has been already recog- 
 nised. The mode of writing of the Assyrians differed from that of 
 the Hebrew and other Semitic languages, and agreed with the 
 Egyptian in that it was partly ideographic. Some words consisted 
 entirely of ideographs; others were written in part phonetically, but 
 had ideographs united with the phonetic part. As to the part of the 
 writing which consisted of phonographs, Dr. Hincks maintained, in 
 opposition to all other writers, that the characters had all definite 
 syllabic values ; there being no consonants, and consequently no 
 necessity or liberty of supplying vowels. In proof that the charac- 
 ters had definite syllabic values, he handed about copies of a litho- 
 graphed plate, in which examples of various forms of words analo- 
 gous to those existing in Hebrew were collected together. This use 
 of characters representing syllables he considered to be an indication 
 that though the language of the Assyrians was Semitic, their mode 
 of writing was not so. A second proof that the mode of writing was 
 not Semitic, he derived from the absence of distinct syllables to 
 represent combinations of the peculiar Semitic consonants, Koph 
 and Ain. From these facts he inferred that the Assy rio-Baby Ionian 
 mode of writing was adopted from some Indo-European nation who 
 had probably conquered Assyria ; and he thought it likely that this 
 nation had intercourse with the Egyptians, and had, in part at least, 
 derived their mode of writing from that most ancient people. 
 
 This paper having been read, Major Rawlinson observed that 
 Dr. Hincks had stated that he considered the difference between the 
 two systems adopted by Major Rawlinson and himself of interpreting 
 the inscriptions to be, that the one took the signs for letters, and the 
 other for syllables. Now he (Major Rawlinson) by no means ad-. 
 
 s 2 
 
304 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 mitted that he did take the signs altogether for letters. He believed 
 them all to have once had a syllabic value, as the names of the 
 objects which they represented, but to have been subsequently used 
 — usually its initial articulation — to express a mere portion of a syl- 
 lable. He could adduce numerous instances where the cuneiform 
 signs were used as bondjide letters; but, at the same time, the two 
 systems of interpretation might now be said to be very nearly iden- 
 tical : so far, indeed, as he understood Dr. Hincks's paper, there 
 appeared to be only about half a dozen out of a hundred letters on 
 the phonetic powers of which they were not agreed. Our first 
 acquaintance with these Cuneatic writings was of modern date. 
 Certain inscriptions were found in various parts of Persia engraved 
 in three different languages and alphabets, all of which were origin- 
 ally unknown. One of these three forms of writing was at length 
 found out, and by the help of it the others were eliminated. The 
 first mode of writing was the most simple, and being applied to a 
 language which very nearly resembled the Sanscrit, it was the first 
 deciphered. The method of this decipherment might appear to 
 people unacquainted with the subject somewhat marvellous ; but, 
 after all, the process was not so very difficult. The mode of the dis- 
 covery of the letters was simply this : two inscriptions were found 
 at Ilumadaw, one of Darius and the other of Xerxes, which were 
 exactly the same, except where the names of the kings occurred. 
 Consequently, on comparing the one inscription with the other, the 
 exact groups which represented these proper names could be deter- 
 minately identified. The next step was to apply certain names to 
 see if the letters answered ; and the very first attempt was, by a 
 happy chance, successful. That gave the decipherer a certain num- 
 ber of characters, which were then applied to vowels and names 
 found in other tablets and inscriptions, and thus by degrees a com- 
 plete alphabet was formed. It was accomplished with the less diffi- 
 culty, because the language was of the Sanscrit family, which was 
 very easy to read. By the help of this Persian key an attempt was 
 then made to read the inscriptions in the other two languages ; one 
 which had hitherto been called the Median, but which he maintained 
 was Scythic, and the other undoubtedly Assyrian or Semitic. The 
 inscriptions throughout Persia were in these three distinct languages; 
 and he would now say a few words on their ethnological relations. 
 He thought they could trace pretty well the historical period of the 
 introduction of the Persian language. It seemed to be almost esta- 
 blished that the Persians and Hindus departed from a common 
 centre about fifteen hundred years before the Christian era, the 
 Hindus passing beyond the Indus, and colonising Argavertta, whilst 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 305 
 
 the Persians travelled westward into Teherassan. An exact descrip- 
 tion of these migrations of the Persians was given in the opening 
 chapters of the Vendidad, one of their earliest books. Their lan- 
 guage, as it appeared in the Achsemenian inscriptions, had been 
 now very well analysed, and found to be closely allied to the San- 
 scrit, whilst it was also the parent of the modern Persian. Before 
 the race in question entered Persia, a population had existed there, 
 which he believed to be Scythian ; the language of the second class 
 of Cunefinic inscriptions being in fact the language of the aborigines. 
 This tongue was of the same sort as the Mogul and Tartar ; and he 
 believed it to have been spoken by the greater part of the aboriginal 
 inhabitants of Persia. At any rate, it was the native language of 
 the Parthians and the other great tribes who inhabited the north 
 of Persia. There were several proofs of this. Firstly, the people 
 themselves, who engraved the inscriptions in question, evidently 
 recognised a distinction between them and the Persians — an ethno- 
 logical distinction ; for, when speaking of Ormasd, the supreme god 
 of Persia, they called him emphatically "the God of the Arians," so 
 that, even in those early days, the ethnological distinction, the distinc- 
 tion of races, was perfectly well known. Again, he thought that the 
 Parthians spoke the same language. We had very few Parthian words 
 now available for examination; but the name of the Parthian king, 
 Parthamaspate, belonged, at any rate, to the language in question. 
 His own impression was, that hundreds of the languages at one time 
 current through Asia were now utterly lost ; and it was not, there- 
 fore, to be expected that philologists or ethnologists would ever suc- 
 ceed in making out a genealogical table of language, and in affiliating 
 all the various dialects. Coming to the Assyrian and Babylonian 
 languages, we were first made acquainted with them as translations 
 of the Persian and Parthian documents in the above-noticed trilin- 
 gual inscriptions of Persia ; but lately we had had an enormous 
 amount of historical matter brought to light in tablets of stone writ- 
 ten in these languages alone. The languages in question he certainly 
 considered to be Semitic. He doubted whether they could trace 
 at present in any of the buildings or inscriptions of Assyria and Ba- 
 bylonia the original primitive civilisation of man — that civilisation 
 which took place in the very earliest ages. He was of opinion that 
 civilisation first shewed itself in Egypt after the immigration of the 
 early tribes from Asia. He thought that the human intellect first 
 germinated on the Nile, and that then there was, in a later age, a 
 reflux of civilisation from the Nile back to Asia. He was quite satis- 
 fied that the system of writing in use on the Tigris and Euphrates 
 was taken from the Nile ; but he admitted that it was carried to a 
 
30(J THE BURIED CITY 
 
 much higher state of perfection in Assyria than it had ever reached 
 in Egypt. The earliest Assyrian inscriptions were those lately dis- 
 covered by Mr. Layard in the north-west palace at Nimroud, being 
 much earlier than any thing found at Babylon. Now the great 
 question was the date of these inscriptions. Mr. Layard himself, 
 when he published his book on Nineveh, believed them to be 2500 
 years before the Christian era ; but others, and Dr. Hincks among 
 the number, brought them down to a much later date, supposing 
 the historical tablets to refer to the Assyrian kings mentioned in 
 Scripture (Shalmaneser, Sennacherib, &c). He (Major Rawlin- 
 son) did not agree with either one of these calculations or the other 
 — he was inclined to place the earliest inscriptions from Nimroud be- 
 tween 1350 and 1200 before the Christian era ; because, in the first 
 place, they had a limit to antiquity ; for, in the earliest inscriptions, 
 there was a notice of the sea-ports of Phoenicia, of Tyre and Sidon, 
 of Byblus,- Arcidus, &c, and it was well known that these cities 
 were not founded more than 1500 years before the Christian era. 
 We find again certain tribes (the Khita, the Sherutena, and others) 
 mentioned in these inscriptions, which are only to be found in the 
 Egyptian inscriptions of a particular date, that is, during the eigh- 
 teenth and nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth dynasties. 
 The earliest of the Assyrian inscriptions were, iu his opinion, about 
 synchronous with the close of the eighteenth dynasty, and none of 
 the documents which he had yet seen were so late as the twenty- 
 second dynasty. As another proof of the antiquity of the records at 
 Nimroud and Khorsabad, Major Rawlinson referred to the cities in 
 lower Chaldea, and stated that numerous cities had been lately 
 visited in those parts where traces were found of a series of kings 
 extending from 747 before the Christian era to 600 ; but in all these 
 cities and in all these inscriptions they had never found any trace of 
 the names by which the cities were designated in the earlier records. 
 This shewed that the names of these cities and countries had all been 
 changed during the period which elapsed between the Assyrian and 
 Babylonian periods, and consequently placed the former period 
 long before the era of Nabonasser, or 747 B.C. He could not admit 
 the hypothesis of Dr. Hincks with regard to the Indo-European 
 origin of the Assyrians, for their language was as much Semitic 
 as the Hebrew or Chaldean, and the mode of writing was much 
 more Egyptian than Indo-European; the Assyrians he believed to 
 have hardly come in contact with Indo-European tribes. They cer- 
 tainly knew nothing of India — their arms never penetrated eastward 
 of the Caspian Sea. Of course, they came in contact with many 
 Scythian tribes, and more especially with the Cymri ; but whether 
 
OF THE EAST— NINEVEH. 307 
 
 this last tribe had any thing to do with our Celtic Cymri he could 
 not undertake to say ; his own opinion was, however, that they had 
 not. He rather believed that the Celts applied specifically to them- 
 selves the name of Cymri, which was a generic name for Nomades, 
 as a Mogul tribe named themselves Eluth, from Eelyant, the generic 
 name of the wandering tribes of Persia. Major Rawlinson added, that 
 we had every prospect of a most important accession to our ethno- 
 logical materials, for every letter he got from the countries now 
 being explored announced fresh discoveries of the utmost importance. 
 In Lower Chaldea, Mr. Loftus, the geologist to the commission ap- 
 pointed to fix the boundaries between Turkey and Persia, had visited 
 many cities which no European had ever reached before, and had 
 every where found the most extraordinary remains. At one place, 
 Senkereh, he had come on a pavement, extending from half an acre 
 to an acre, entirely covered with writing which was engraved upon 
 baked tiles, &c. At Wurka (or Ur of the Chaldees), whence Abraham 
 came out, he had found innumerable inscriptions ; they were of no 
 great extent, but they were exceedingly interesting, giving many 
 royal names previously unknown. Wurka (Ur or Orchoe) seemed 
 to be a holy city, for the whole country, for miles upon miles, was 
 nothing but a huge necropolis. In none of the excavations in Assyria 
 had coffins ever been found, but in this city of Chaldea there were 
 thousands upon thousands. The story of Abraham's birth at Wurka 
 did not originate with the Arabs, as had sometimes been conjectured, 
 but with the Jews ; and the Orientals had numberless fables about 
 Abraham and Nimroud. Mr. Layard, in excavating beneath the 
 great pyramid at Nimroud, had penetrated a mass of masonry, within 
 which he had discovered the tomb and statue of Sardanapalus, ac- 
 companied by full annals of the monarch's reign engraved on the 
 walls. He ha"d also found tablets of all sorts, all of them being his- 
 torical; but the crowning discovery he had yet to describe. The 
 palace at Nineveh, or Kouyunjik, had evidently been destroyed by 
 fire, but one portion of the building seemed to have escaped its 
 influence ; and Mr. Layard, in excavating in this part of the pa- 
 lace, had found a large room filled with what appeared to be the 
 archives of the empire, ranged in successive tablets of terra cotta, 
 the writings being as perfect as when the tablets were first stamped. 
 They were piled in huge heaps from the floor to the ceiling ; and he 
 wrote to him (Major Rawlinson), stating that he had already filled 
 five large cases for despatch to England, but had only cleared out 
 one corner of the apartment. From the progress already made in 
 reading the inscriptions, he believed we should be able pretty well 
 to understand the contents of these tablets— at all events, we should 
 
308 THE BURIED CITY 
 
 ascertain their general purport, and thus gain much valuable infor- 
 mation. A passage might be remembered in the book of Ezra, 
 where the Jews having been disturbed in building the Temple, prayed 
 that search might be made in the house of records for the edict of 
 Cyrus permitting them to return to Jerusalem. The chamber recently 
 found might be presumed to be the house of records of the Assyrian 
 kings, where copies of the royal edicts were duly deposited. When 
 these tablets had been examined and deciphered, he believed that we 
 should have a better acquaintance with the history, the religion, the 
 philosophy, and the jurisprudence of Assyria 1500 years before the 
 Christian era, than we had of Greece or Rome during any period 
 of their respective histories. 
 
 Intelligence of Layard's more recent movements finds a place 
 from time to time in the newspapers and literary journals of the 
 day. In the columns of the Athenamm a short paragraph every now 
 and then reports progress, leading us to anticipate the period when 
 our national repositories will be enriched by further spoils from 
 Assyria. These reports of progress may be here introduced verbatim, 
 since they contain, in truth, the latest news about the explorer of the 
 buried cities of the East. Let them stand under the years to which 
 they refer. 
 
 1849. " We have already referred to the niggardly grant which 
 the Government has made to Mr. Layard in furtherance of his inte- 
 resting researches at Nineveh ; and we are now glad to think that 
 the friends of this young, successful, and untiring antiquary are look- 
 ing on the grant in the light in which it ought to be viewed — as one 
 unworthy of a great nation in a matter of such remarkable literary 
 interest — and are aiding him from their own private resources. The 
 Trustees of the Museum have talked about an advance of 2007. on 
 the Government grant ; but this, we believe, has been rejected, and 
 Mr. Layard is by this time prosecuting his researches chiefly on the 
 profits of his valuable work, and on the assistance of his relations 
 and friends. When we reflect that the highly interesting and exten- 
 sive collection of Assyrian marbles and ivories now in the British 
 Museum were obtained by Government at a merely nominal price, 
 and that if sold at Sotheby and Wilkinson's they would probably 
 have realised a very large sum — ten times, perhaps, what was given 
 for them (witness the recent purchase of the Stowe mss. for 8000/.) — 
 we must confess to some surprise that Government should have been 
 so niggardly in its second advance. The fine English spirit of research 
 displayed by Mr. Layard, and his known unwillingness to profit in 
 pocket by his discoveries when the British nation is a purchaser, 
 
OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 309 
 
 should have been met by a nobler return than they have yet received 
 from the representatives of the British people."— Jw/y 28. 
 
 1850. " Dr. Layard is prosecuting his researches with energy 
 and success. By letters dated Nimroud, Jan. 7, we learn that he has 
 effected an entrance into a room in the old Nimroud palace, contain- 
 ing an extraordinary assortment of relics : shields, swords, paterae, 
 bowls, crowns, cauldrons, ornaments in ivory and mother-of-pearl, 
 &c. The vessels are formed of a kind of copper, or rather bronze,— 
 
 tsome perfectly preserved, and as bright as gold when the rust is 
 removed. The engravings and embossing on them are very beautiful 
 and elaborate ; and comprise the same mythic subjects which are 
 found on the robes of the figures in the sculptures, — men struggling 
 with lions, warriors in chariots, and hunting scenes. Now, a serious 
 question occurs to us : are these precious relics, when they arrive at 
 Busrah, to be entrusted to any ignorant and careless ship-captain 
 who may be ready to convey them to England ? "We have not for- 
 gotten the fate of the last cargo of curious ivories, glass. &c, which 
 suffered such wanton outrage on the voyage and at Bombay. If the 
 Government really feel an interest in Dr. Layard's proceedings, a 
 vessel should be sent from Bombay expressly to receive his consign- 
 ments ; but we fancy there is little chance of any such step being 
 taken. At Kouyunjik, Dr. Layard has uncovered a very interesting 
 series of slabs, shewing the process of building the mounds and 
 palaces." — March 2. 
 
 " Accounts are stated to have been received, within a few days 
 back, from Mr. Layard, in Assyria, giving intelligence of new and 
 important discoveries in the Nimroud mound. He has made fresh 
 and exensive excavations in parts of the eminence not yet explored; 
 and the result is said to have been the finding of nothing less than 
 the throne on which the monarch reigning about 3000 years ago sat 
 in his splendid palace. It is composed of metal and of ivoiy, — the 
 metal being richly wrought and the ivory beautifully carved. The 
 throne seems to have been separated from the state apartments by 
 means of a large curtain, the rings by which it was drawn and un- 
 drawn having been preserved. No human remains have come to 
 light, and every thing indicates the destruction of the palace by fire. 
 It is said that the throne has been partially fused by the heat." — 
 March 23d. 
 
 " Intelligence from Mosul to the 4th ult. states that Mr. Layard 
 and his party are still carrying on their excavations at Nimroud and 
 Nineveh. A large number of copper vessels, beautifully engraved, 
 have been found in the former; and from the latter a large assort- 
 
310 THE BURIED CITY OF THE EAST — NINEVEH. 
 
 ment of fine slabs illustrative of the rule, conquests, domestic life, 
 and arts of the ancient Assyrians, are daily coming to light, and are 
 committed to paper by the artist, Mr. Cooper, one of the Expe- 
 dition. Mr. Layard intends to make a trip to the Chaboor, the 
 Chaboras of the Romans, and to visit Reish Aina, the Resen of 
 Scripture, where he hopes to find a treasure of Assyrian remains." — 
 April 20th. 
 
 1851. " The funds placed at the disposal of Mr. Layard by the 
 British Government being exhausted, that gentleman has been 
 obliged to abandon several new excavations which he had com- 
 menced at Nimroud and at Nebbi Yunus, and which promised to 
 lead to historical discoveries of the utmost importance. He has now 
 proceeded to Babylonia, for the purpose of examining the various 
 ancient sites that are scattered over that extensive country, and with 
 a view of ascertaining the spots most favourable for excavation. As 
 this object, however, is one of national rather than of individual 
 interest, it is thought that there are many in this country who would 
 regret to see the expenses of the work thus thrown upon Mr. 
 Layard, and who would willingly come forward with pecuniary aid 
 in order to relieve him from personal liability. Mr. Murray, of 
 Albemarle-street, will receive any such contributions, and will take 
 the necessary steps for transmitting to Mr. Layard the sum sub- 
 scribed, to be expended by him during the ensuing winter in Baby- 
 lonian or Assyrian excavation, according as circumstances may render 
 advisable." 
 
 Such, we may repeat, are the latest public notices we find about 
 the explorer of the buried cities of the East. 
 
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