GIFT OF Mr. E.T.H. Bunje AND RAIGNE O F King HENRY THE EIGHT WRITTEN By the Right Honourable EDWARD Lord HERBERT of btrbnry LONDON, Printed by E.C for Them* Wbitakfr, and are to be fold at his (ho.p D at the Kings Arms in P*ulf Church-yard. 1649. THM3 TO THE INGS Moft Excellent MAJESTY Moft Excellent and moft. Gracious SOFERAIGNE, Prefent here in all hum ble manner unto Your Maiefty a Worke , the Authority whereof is folely Yours : not yet fo much becaufe it tooke its fir ft beginning from Your Majefties partial- lar,and(I may fay) unexpected commands ; but that the parts thereof, as faft as I could fiqifh them^ere luftrated by Your gracious A i Eye, The Epi file ^Dedicatory, Eye, and confummated by your judicious Animadverfions ; befides, the fubftance thereof, in all home affairs hath been drawn chic fly out of your Majefties Records. So that by more then one Title it craves Your Majefties prote&ion. As for the defects 9 1 no way prefume to interefTe Your Majetty in them : let them all fall on my lelfe. Though as I have endeavoured to fet down the truth impartially, 1 hope they will not be fb great or many , as to exauftorate the reft. I am not yet ignorant that the King, whofeHiftory I write, is fubjeft to more obloquies, then any fince the worft Roman Emperbiirs times. But I ftiall little care for cenfure,, as long as the teftimonies 1 ufe doe affure and warrant me : fince I intend not to defcribe him otherwife, either good or bad, but as He really was- Onely where he holds any doubtfull part , \ conceive it 1 will be but juft to give a favourable con.- ftru&ion. For if even private men will expert the like in their owne cafe, it wiH be much more due to Princes: both as a reverence belongs to their perfons , and | that they above all others muft be thought to endeavour the common good , who will fuffer more then any elfe in a generall cala- ! mity. How farre yet I make ufe hereof to : ! affert this King, my free Pen doth every where The Epiftl where declare } Mnce/ give not this inter pretation., where arguments to the contrary con vince me. Never^heleffe^as many things will be required to an intire narration of publique actions 5 in difficult times ; I can not afhrme them, beyond thofe memorials which have beene delivered to pofterity. And if thus they may be obfcure, b againe where they fufficiently appeare in their caules 5 thcir nature yet is often found fb per- plext and intricate,, as it will not be eafie for after times to define their qualities; Few of this fort being fo fincere a as to imploy no in convenience* while the advantage of many is feldome obtained without the detriment of fome. Neither ought this to feeme ftrange , if in the prefent conftitutionof the affairs no better expedient could be offered; Reafon of State pretending no farther, then to procure thegreater good, So that if fome mixture of ill be difcoveredtherein 3 it might yet conduce to the generality the fame reafbn that certaine nodious ingredients , being put into Antidotes D make their ope ration more Powerfull. Which yet my reader I hopewillnpt founderftand ,, as if/ thought aoy rude hand could temper them; Every ill being not proper for this cornpo- fition in this kind , but that onely which is e to the maladie : nor every one a fit Patient, The Epiftle 'Dedicatory. Patient, but thole only who are of infirme, and crazie confutations. So that it will be need full that a carefull and able perfon both difpence and exhibite it. / wifh yet that good Princes may feldom ufe this rruixime, it being (at beft) but a dangerous fufpefted wifdome. Since State-govern men t^w here it is well adminiftredjwill rarely need fuch helps., no otherwife than extreame and laft remedies/Therefore in my opinion,recourfe fhould not be had to them, but where other meanesfailei The praftife of vertuc and piety being alone a juft exercife for a health- full and well conftituted Common-wealth. Neither will there be any danger this way of diftraftion; Thofe caufes which make men good D uniting them beft. Onely /hold it requifite, that a due difpofitiori and order beobferved : no vertue being proper but in its place. Therefore though fome one or o- ther be ftill fo pertinent^as there is no occa- fion totally to recede from them ; yet expe rience teacheth, that neither fortitude hath been alwayes fucceffefull,, nor temperance fafe 5 nor juftice it felfe opportune : the fury and infolence of outragious people having in fome infurrecaions grown to that exceffe, that it hath been more wifdometo paffeby a while, than to punifli them. So that until] a dueeleftion and choice be had, even ver tue The Epiftle Dedicatory. tueit felfewillbe obnoxious. For which purpofe therefore,each of them hath its fla- tionor orbe affign'd. That fo whilft fome defcend, others arifing in the Horizon of government, maymaintaine a perpetuall viciffitude and revolution. There being (/ dare fay) no reafon for any to decline to ill adh or vices, if they comply with the right vertue ; their harmonique fyfteme being fb admirably fram'd 5 that fome one or other will eternally beare a concordant part. Of all which your Majefty being fbgreatama- fter and example 3 that you had rather me rit than heare a due commendation : f fhall only pray that the vertues which are emi nent in your perfoo, maybe fb vifible and exalted,, in your happy and long govern ment., that to all ages you may be renow ned and glorious. Thus in all true devoti on refterh 2'0r *5Maj fifties mo/lfaitbf ull Sub y e3 and Servant. D, HERBERT. I THE LIFE AND RAIGN O F Ki|ig Henry the eighth. Together with which is briefly reprefented A generall Hiftory of the Times. T is not eafie to write that Princes Hi- frory 3 of whom no one thing may con- ftantly be affirmed. Changing of Man ners &: Condition alters the coherence of parts 5 which fhould give an uni- forflie defcription. Nor is it probable that contradictories fhould agree to the fame Perfon : fo that nothing can ftakethe credit of a Narration more 3 then if it grow unlike it felfe^when yet it may be not the Author ,but the Ar gument caufed the variation. It is un- poffible to draw his Pi&ure well who hath feverall countenances. 1 foall labour with this difficulty in King Henry the eighth $ Not yet fo much for the generall obfervation ( among Politiques) that the Government of Princes rarely grows milder towards their latter end 5 but that this King in particular, (being, abour his de- dining age 5 fo diverfe in many of his defires 5 as he knew not well how either to command or obey them) intervened all , falling at Jaft into fuch violent courfes 5 as in common opinion derogated not a little from thofe vertues which atfirft made him brie of the moft renowned Princes of Chriftendom. B His Concil. Trid.l.i. r_ Vid.Confti. June a 8. 1491. 1509. April 22. be Life and His education was accurate 3 being deftined ( as a credible Au thor affirmes ) to the Archbifhoprick of Canterbury > during the life of his elder brother Prince Arthur -^ that prudent King his father choofing this as the moft cheap and glorious way for beftowing of a younger fon. For as he at once disburdned his Revenues , and the publikefroni the charige incident to fo great a perfon,fo he left a pailage open to ambition $ efpecially ever fince Eugenics 4. had declared the place of a Cardinall above all other in the Church. Befides 3 he confidered it would be no little fecurity to his pofte- rity , that this Dignity was conferred on one who had intereft in the confervation of the Crown. By thefe meanes notonelythe more neceffary parts of Learning were infus'd into him, but even thofe of ornament , fothat, besides his being Enable Latinift 3 Philosopher and Divine, ht was ("which one might wonder at in a King ) a curious Mulitia -> i as two intire Nlafies compos'd by him, and often fung in his Chappell, did abundantly witnefle. Thefe were qualities which invefted i.o excellent and well form'd Perfonage , made him every way recommendable. To which a- gaine, great courage and arrive fpirir being added , he feem'd to hold that ftrong temper of Authority , which made hkn efteem'd and redoubted both at home and abroad. Had his age anfwered his youth , orexpecration ? none of hi* predeceflours could have exceeded him . but as his exquefite endowment* of nature enga ged him often to become a prey of thefe allurements and tempta tions ., which are ordinarily incident unto them ; fo his courage was observed by little and little to receive into it fome mixture of felf-will and cruelty. I am the more particular in his defcription^that Princes a&ions are not alwaies drawn from reafon of State , but fometimes even from inclination and humour. They have rn any waies to be wife, and feldome erre while they keepe their eftate and reputation. Nothing is /b'eafieas to raigne., if the body of Government be well framed. Let the eounrerpoifes of tewardand punifliment go aright, the Wheeles of this great clock feldome faile. This King ufed both well as long as his means and completion fuffer'd him 5 though at laft, pafiing thefe bounds on either (ide 3 he cannot be de nied to have fallen into divers irregularities. The time of his birth was June 28. 1491- and of his comming to the Crown April 32.1 $O. when though he might be thought apter fbr delights then bufinefTe , yet, as he followed the advice of able Counfellors 5 fewer errours were committed tben when all things were fwayed by his owne arbitrement 5 for as they were fele&ed ( out of thofe his Father nioft trufted } by the Duichefle of Richmond his Grandmother, ( noted to be a vertuous and pru dent Lady) fo he took their impreffions eafily, both out of a diffi dence of his own ftrength in the mannaging of the weighty affaires of his Kingdome, and a defire he had to be free to thofe excrciies which __-,__ V _ - - m ___^^^^^^^^^^ M _^^ J _ 1 ___ J . J _ ^^ off(ing Henry the eighth. which moft forted with his youth and difpofition. And certainly it was a happy conjun&ure for him, finee, if the firft part of wif- dome confift in an ability to give good counfell , the next is to take it $ the condition betwixt both being ever moft obnoxious to danger. But that their names may be known to pofterity 9 I (hall mention them as they are upon Record. William Warham Archbifliop of Canterbury, z&d Lord Chancellor of England. Richard Fox, Bifhop ofWinchefter , Secretary, and Lord Privy Scale. Thomas toW,Earle of Surrey, Lord Treafurer of England. George Talbotfisxle of Shrewsbury., Lord Steward of the Kings Houfhold. Sir Charles Somerjet Lord Herbert of Gower,Chepftow.px\d Rayl*nd> Lord Chamberlaine. Sir Themes Lovelt , Ma fter of the Wards, and Conftable of the Tower. Sir Henry lljat. Thomas Ruthatt.. Do&or of Law. Sir Edward Toynings^ Knight of the Garter, Controller. Sir Htv*rv*A:far#^afterwards Lord Marney. SirThovtas Darcy,* afterwards Lord Darcy. The frame of this Counfell was of Schollers chiefly,and Souldi- ers. Among the former fort I finde the Archbifhop Warham much celebrated by the learned Erafmttf 5 and of the latter kind, there will be divers mentioned with honour,in the Hiftory following. So that their choice proceeded rather from their fufficiency in the bufinefle they were to difcharge , and care of that authority they muft fupportj then from any private affeftion, Infomuch that not- withftanding the high reverence they bore to their Princes perfon, they were obferved fo to love the profperity of his affaires , as they would not onely impartially advife, but often modeftly con- teft with him in any thing for his good. Befides , among them (though not manyj there were divers able to execute and perform as well as counfell. So that, without divulging any fecret , or de- fcending from the dignity of their place to require advice from their inferiours, they moved in their own Orbe. This held up the Majefty of the Counfell. Onely I finde it ftrange, that among all thefe there was not fo much as one that I may call ftiled from the Common Law} which though I cannot commend, (wifdome evermore beginning at home) yet I doubt not was fo tempered^ as, when any difficulty in this kinde did arife, the Counfell learned in the Law was fent for. However, it feems that King kept them at a diftance to wards the beginning of his Raigne, though towards the middle and latter end I finde fome were (through their great abilities J received into the body of his Councell , yet fo, as the B 2 King The Life and ^ April 25. Hall. King was noted not to admit reafon of law everywhere, for reafon of Swte. Therefore he ufed to take their advice obliquely ^and no otherwife then to difcover how fafe his own defignes were , and fo with leffe danger to vary from them. Which deviations yet he would fo regulate, as his actions at home had ftill, if not their ground 5 yet at leaft theirpretext from the Common-law. Neither was it hard , the praclice thereof having been fb long intercepted in the Civil 1 warres ofLancofter and Torke^ as there were not a few Overtures for the Regall authority, both in his fathers time and his.to appeare in, and enter. The fir ft Office performed by thefe Councellors was mixt be twixt piety to their deceafed Prince 3 and duty to their new , it being the beft continuance of that Regall awthorify which fhbuld never die, to revive the memory thereof in that way onely which is permitted ., being Pornpe and Ceremony. This appeared not onely in a great Funerall 3 but by that magnificent Structure in Weftminfter^ where the Chappell having been finifhed by Henry the feventh himfelfe, had the Tombe afterwards added and perfected by his Executors 1519. Concerning which, though it be reported that the Chappell coft onely icoooli. (or, as others fay, 1400011.^ and the Tombe 1000 li. yet as moneies did runne thenjit might be thought a fumptuous Monument. While the Obfequies and Rites were preparing (the particulars whereof H<*#after his manner relates)King Henry retired himfelfe from Richmond (where his father died) privately to the Tower of London , both that he might with more leafure advife with his Councell concerning the prefent affaires of his Kingdome, as alfo the better to avoyd thofe falutes and acclamations of the people, which could not but be unfeafonable, untill the lamentations and folemnity of his fathers funerall were paft. He thought not fit to mingle the Noyfes. Here then it was in the fir ft place refolved to make good his Authority, as having more undoubted right to the Crown by the union of the White-Rofe and the Red in his perfon, then any King ever delivered unto Ub by warrantable Hiftory. For this end he found or took occafions. In one kinde Henry Stafford, brother to the Duke otBnckjngham ferved for example., who (up on I know not what fufpitionj was apprehended prefently, and committed to the Tower 5 which yet feem'd afterwards fo frivo lous., as,te repaire this difgrace., he was the fame yeere made Earle ofWjltjbire. In the other kinde 5 Docl:or Ruthdl became the objeft, being ( together with one of his Councell ) made the fame day Bimop of Durefmc. Thu? 3 though it feems he hafted to take upon him the reall marks of Soveraignty , yet he fo temper'd them , as to leave his fubjefts in hope of an even hand. Befides that he might fliew himfelfe gracious to his fubje&s, he not onely confirmed the pardon his father gave a little before his death for all offences., fa ve Murder 3 Felony 3 and Trea fon> (to which generall abolitions doe not of Kjng Henry the eighth. not properly reach ) but for further performance of his Fathers laft will caufed a Proclamation to be made 5 that if any man could prove himfelfe to be then wrongfully deprived of his goods by oc- cafion of a certain Commiffion for Forfeitures j He fhould have fupon due complaintj condigne fatisfadion $ whereupon fo many Petitions were prefently exhibited againft Sir RickardEmpfin and Edntnnd Dndly Efquires ( employed lately for taking the benefit of Penall Statutes) that it was thought fit to call them before the Councell, where Empfon fpake to this efFed. Right Honor Me and others here prefent : I Have remarked two caufcs in generall, that move Attention. One is the greatnefTe,the otheris the ftrangenefle and novelty of Argument. Both thefe concurre fo manifef tly in the affaires now queftioned, that I will not much implore your patience. Though on the other fide, confidering my violent perfccution,! cannot but thinke it a favour, that I may fpeak for my felfe 5 but falas) to whom ? That King my Matter, whom I fhould appeale too, as my fupreme Judge and Protedor,abandons me to my enemies, with out other caufe yet, then that I obey'd his Fathers commands, and upheld the regall authority. That people, cm whofe equall try all I fhould put my life, fcek my deftrudion,onely becaufe I en- devoured to execute thofe Lawes whereof themfelves were Au thors : what would have happened to me, if I had difobey ed my King, or broak my Countreys Lawes ? Surely, if I have any wayes tranfgrefled, it is in procuring that thefe Penall Statutes might be ob fer ved , which your fel ves in open Parliament decreed, and to which you then fubmitted, both your Perfons, Eftates,and Pofte- rity 5 and if this be a crime,why doe you not fir ft repeale your pro per Ads > Or if ( which is truth) they ftand ftill in full force and vertue, why doe you not vindicate from all imputation both your fel ves and me ? For who fa w ever yet any man condemn'd for do ing Juftice ? Efpccially when by the chiefe difpencer thereof (which is the King) the whole frame of the proceeding hath been confirmed and warranted? Nay, whoever faw man on thefe termes not rewarded > And muft that which is the life and ftrength of all other actions, be the fubverfion and overthrow of mine ? Have you read or heard in any well govern'd Gountrey, that the infradrors of Lawes made by Publique Vote, and confent efcaped without pu- nifhment; and they only punim'd who labourd to fuftain them ? or when you had not read or heard any fuch thing, could you ima gine a more certain figne of mine in that common- weale ? And will you aloue hope to decline this heavy judgement ? when con trary to all equity and example,you not nely make prefidents for injuftice and impunity^ but together with defaming would inflid a cruell death on thofe who would main taine them 5 as if this might be a fit guerdon for thofe who (I muft tell you) everywhere elfc would have been thought the beft Patriots 3 what can we ex ped then. 1509 April 25. 1.509. Holinfh. April 23, 1503, The Life a then, but a fatall Period to us all ? But let God turn this away, though I be the fjcrifice. Onely , if I muft dye, let me de ire that my enditement may be entred on no Record, nor divulged to for- rain Nations, left if they heare, in my condemnation, all that may argue a finall diflblution in Government , they invade and over come you. Whereunto was anfwered briefely. That he receiv'd a great deale of liberty to fpeak ill, as well as to doe .-That hee fheuld find at laft , he was punifh'dfor paffing the bounds of his Commif- fion from the late King, and in a Law fevere enough to the Com mon and poorer fort of people, to have yet exafted on them mv juftly. The chiefe parts of his accufation (that I can find) were, 1. That he had committed divers perfons to prifon. without fufFering them to anfwer till they had compounded for their fines. 2 . For fearching unduly mens eftates,and bringing them wrong fully to bold under that Tenure they call in Capite ; without that the parties could be permitted to a Traverfe , till they had payed great Fines and Ranfome*. 3. That Wards, being come to full yeares, were not allowed to fue out their Livery, till they had paid an excdfive Compofition. 4. That Oatlaw'd perfons could not be allow d to fue out their Charter of Pardon, till they had paid half the profit of their lands for two yeare, upon pretence that it was according to Law. 5. That he ufurped upon the jurifdiftion of other Courts, in hearing and determining divers matters properly belonging to them. 6. Laftly, that whereas a prifoner being indifted for theft., in the City of Coventry, to the value of one pound, was by the Jury ac quitted, the faid Empfen. conceiving the evidence to be fufficient, committed the Jury to prifon, till they entred into Bond to appear before the King's Councell $ where the matter being againe confi- dered, it was ordered they fhould pay eight pounds for a Fine (which was thought fo heynous, as, at a Seffions being held after wards at Coventry , a particular indiftment was fram'd againfthim, and he found guiky.J How many of thefe Allegations were verifi ed., or how far they might be warranted by the laft King's Com- million, appearesnottome. ' Howfoever, for the prefent, they were * Committed to the Tower. This Empfon, jr ported to be a Sive-maker's fonne in T0rcefter } from this meane beginning, by his wit and indufrry, came to be of Councell to KingH^r^ VII, and Mafter or Surveyor of feis for feits in divers kinds yin which place he ferved as an inftrument, for raifing great fums to the King. Dudley (a Gentleman of Birth,and fuch parts as he was chofen Speaker of the Parliament Houfe* 19 Henry Vll^) .affifting him. Thefe men fcall'd by Tolydort Vir gil Indicts Fifcalef). having, it feemes, exceeded their bounds,' were deteftedof all 5 but efpecially the poorer fort, who found it eafier to hate of K^ng Henry the eighth, hate, then to pay. To fatisfie their complaints therefore, it was thought fit to permit them to the ordinary waycs of Juftice : the Promoters they ufed being fo feverely puniflrd in the mean time., betwixt the Pillory and (name, that they dyed all fa few day es af ter) in prifon, faveone Giovanni Baptijla Qr.intaldi) who, forefee- ing the ftorm^ took Sancluary in fTeftminfter. All clamors being thus filenc'd, the next care was,that the Grown might be put on the Kings head, with that folemnity, which in for mer times was ufed. This was not yet fo fpeeded> but that the King's Counfell thought fit firft to advife with him concerning Marriage. About which many Propositions being made, thegrar ver fort told him, that the fame reafbns which made his wife Fa ther chufe to match with Spaine, (firft by marrying hiseldeft fon Arthur to Katharine daughter of Ferdinand King of Arragdn^ and, after Arthurs death, by treating a match between the faid Lady and Him) were in force ftill. That his pretences being on France,no Alliance could be ufefull on that part. Befides, that betwixt great Eftates adjacent to one another,fuch jealou^es ufetorife^that they may make Peace fbmetimes , but never friend/hip That leagues and confederations have in them the nature of harmonicall accords which jar in the fecond , but agree in the third intervall. There fore, that he (hould match with Sparn^or at lea (V with fomc Prince, that might joyn with him, when there mould be queftion ofoppo- fing France, which, fince the late * union of the Dukedome of Brtttaine^ he was to confider as a potent and dangerous neighbour. As for the houfeof 'Burgundy^ and Low-Country es (which was come to the hands of Maximilian the Emperor, by his match with Mary daughter andheire to the laft Duke called Carol Audax) hee needed not feare anything, unlefle he would willfully provoke them 5 the caufes of love on that part feeming to be perpetuall 5 as being founded upon the mutual! necefiky of thofe Ports and Ha vens, which, upon allfoule weather the Shipping muft refortto, on either fide } and, lately again confirmed by a new contract of Charles Grandchild and heire of Maximilian , with Af *ry the King's Sifter Q which yet held not,^] it was then confidered , whether hee might not immediately take the faid Lady Katharine $ and the ra ther, that the Treaty had not onely been difpen fed within the time of Henry the feventh,his Father^ but fbrne offence lately taken by Fer J/rfW,becaufeit was deferred fo longi{for perfecting where of therefore hee had fent arnp'e Commiflion to his Ambaflador here (as I find by our Records, about thistime$) And to conduce hereunto, was alleaged ( as /W^rehathit) the Law, Dexter.i 5. of marrying the Brothers wife 5 and, to helpe this againe, the Prin- cefle Katharine proteftedher felfe to be a Virgin, offering to be tri ed by Matrones. It was added alfo, that the Lady was prefcnt, and that faved time and charges , befides, (he had given to much proofe of vertue and fweetneffe of condition, as they knew not where 1 5 8. Decemb. 1503, PolyAVirg. Hiftor. Angl. 8 June. 3. June. 2 4. June,2// 2 . who, as he was a ftirring and-warlikt Prelate, and had his ends upon King Henry the feventh, ifi the wars then begun in Italy ^ made no great difficulty to grant it $ and the ra ther, that he could not bee ignorant., that all the children which fhould be gotten betwixt them; would be firme to the Papacy ^ iince^if ever they renounced the Pope's Authority^hey fhould dif- claim the power by which themfelvs were made legitimate, A Mef- (enger therefore having been fent to Rome, Annoi$o%.{Ferdinaii' do's power and mediation concurring J obtained a Licenfe from the Pope, many of the Gardinalls, in vaine, oppofing it 5 whereof more amply., when we fhall have occafion to fpeake of the Divorce. Thus, upon the third oJune> being about fix weekes after his Fa thers death 3 he efpoufed the Lady Katharine. Their Coronation yet was differed till the 24. of the fame moneth. The magnifi cences' thereof, being by H*U^ Hotiinfljed., and others fet downe., are by me purpofely omitted. Not long after the King, who had left off Mourning, was forced to take it again., for his Grand-mother, the Lady Margaret Countefie of Richmond arid Derby , ' a^vertuous Lady^anda' great benefador to both our Univerfities,by whofc ad- vife(as isiaid)cheifely the King's Gounfeilors werechofen : whom fhe fo difpofed 5 as they might deliberate Well among themfelves al- wayes, before they gave their advife to this young King , as not thinking fit (at that age) he ffjomld bediftra&ed by difference of opinions. Neither did' they vary much 5 during her life 5 though, afterward, fome fmothered jealonfies brake out into open fa&ion. Infomuch that Them^ Howard Earl of Surrey , and Richard Fox Bi- fhop oflFinchefter., out of a cem petition for being moft eminent in the King's fa vour : became a t laft not furliciently united between. themfelves. But, as it is a rare-felicity in Princes to make election of able Councellors., fo it is no leflfe to order them aright. For, as 1 fecret combination for their own ends ufually brings them too elofeto one another, fo ambitiout> oppofition keepes them too far off, the true diftance being that only.) which a juft emulation to do their Mailer fervice gives. In which pofture yet unlefle they be Oudioufly Kept 3 with out being fuflered to decline to either extream., many inconveni ences muft follow in the adminiftration of publique affaires. Now though thefe two fas Tolydore relates) had brpnght all bu- finefles within their verge, (William Common chiefe Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber^ and who was next in favour to them, being more attentive to his profit, then publique affaires : ) I doubt not yet, but their fellow Councellors were admitted oft ; though, for not being acquainted, perchance with all the premifes 3 they were hardly k, ; i 'of f(ing Henry the Eighth. hardly able to ground a folid advife. The Bifoop was an old and confident Councellor to King Henry the fcVenth, and knew all the myfteries of State* The Earl of Surrey was (indeed) later in cre dit^ yet a brave and understanding Nobleman, though (as Polydore obferves) his Eftate was much wafted by the Civill wars (hi* "Fa ther /0/j,who was made Duke ofNorfil^ by Richard the third* ha ving been killed in Eofivorth- field on his fide, and the Earl him felf kept prifoner in the beginning of Henry the fevenths Raign JHow- foever, his very place of Lord Treafurer, (which he held erer Since the 16. ot Henry the Seventh) made him much in requeft^as one who both kept and difpenfed that Maffeof wealth,left by Hen ry the feventh , which (if we may beleeve Authors^ was i Soooco pound Sterling. A greater fum (doubtleSfe) then any King of this Realme before had in his Coffers. And fuch as might be thought effectively quadruple to fo much in this Age. Itfeemes yet 3 fo great a part of it was by the Kings order, distributed to divers of the Court-Gallants, that the Bifhop, who was Lord Privy Scale, and did remember how hardly it was gotten, repined thereat, and thereupon did ill offices to the Earle, as if (faith Polydore) he parted with it too eafily, or, perchance, made advantage to himfelf there by. But that we may leave thefe things to the credit ofpefydore (in whom I have obferved not a little malignity,) I find it refolved between them, that, in imitation of his Father (who inftituted firfr a Band of 50. Archers to wait on him) feme Horfe-Guards fhould belikewife ready alwayes, to attend his Perfon. The number propofed was but 50. But, as every one had an Archer, a Demi- lance,anda Cuftrefl(as our HiSrory calls it, but being truly Couftil- lier)orakindofAmbaftus,or Servant belonging to him, betides three great Horfesfor his own ufe, fo it grew to a considerable number : Of thefe Henry Bourchier Earl of Effe x was Captain, and Sir lohn Peachic Lieutenant. But whether this might raifefome jealoufie among the people (which yet my Authors mention not) or that their expence were greater than that it could continue af ter the rate it began, (both they and all their Horfes being trapped in Cloth of Gold, Silver, or Goldfmiths workej I find it diflblv'd at laft, and came to nothing. This yeare a great Plague begun at Calais : which though it con- furrTdmanyPerfons, was not thought fufficicnt yet to keep offan enemy. So that Sir lohn Peachy, with ^oo.men, was fent thither,to defend the place 5 by whofe good order the Town was fecured- Ewpfofi and Dudly being (as is abovefaid) Committed to the Tower } New and ftrange crimes were found and objefted againft them, as appears in their indiftments upon Record, wherein, they are accus'd of confpiracv againft the King and State $ and ? firft,that. during the (icknefie of the late King, in March laft, they fummon'd certaine of their friends to be in Armes at an houres warning $ and, upon the death of the faid King, to hafte up to London. Out of C which 1485. 1500. 1485. 10 July. 1 6. 1503. 1498. '499- Apr-30. 1490. 1498. 1504. 1506. The Life and T^ which c other circumftancesjit was colle&ed by the Jury , that their intent was to feiz on the per fdn of the new King,and fo to afliime the fole government^ when they could not attain this,to deftroy him. Of which crimes, how improbable foevcr, Dudley in his Tryall at Gt|ild-hall in London^ July I *. 1509, and Entpfen at Northampton^ Odob. i' were found guilty by their Juries, and both condemned of Treafon 3 and fo remanded to the Tower. Our King being thus fetled in his Throne, took feverall profpe&s upon all his Neighbouring Princes. In Stt?//rfW(then)Raign'd lames the fourth,being of a middle age^ who was his Confederate by Treaty, and Brother in Law by the Match of Af/*r4re?(whom Henry the feventh gave him Anno 1503.) Howbeit, as he held a drifter Cotrefpondence with France, then flood with the Intereft of our Kingdome 5 fosne Jealoufies of State arofe, betwixt Henry the feventh and him, which yet were paft o- ver a little before our King's coming to the Crown, and the former Treaty Confirmed. In France Louis the twelfth, an old and warlike Prince Raigned, who ftudioufly yet conferred the Peace made betwixt Henry the feventh and himfelfe 1 498, both that he might the better incorpo rate and fettle in the French Crown the Dukedome of Brittnive claimed by him in Anne his wifes right, ( being not only a large ad dition to his Dominions, but of great neernefle andconfequence to this Ifland) and that he might be freer to attend his defigncsin IU- ly (whereof in its due place.) For which reafons alfo he had con cluded (by the meanes of Jamc t the fourth)a League with John King of Denwarfaatid Sweden then powerfull by Sea. by which,that King was bound to affift hirn^ in cafe of Invafion. In Arragon Ferdinand an Antient and Politique Prince ruPd in his own Right,and in Caftjfia by the right oflfabel/his wife, Inheri trix thereof, who dyed 1 504. By this Lady he had one fonne who deceafed 1 497, and 4 daughters. ifabeU the eldeft being married to * Alpbonfo Prince ofFortug*l/>SMd afterwards to Manuel/ King there of,* dyed without Iflue, whereby lone the fecond daughter became Heire ofCaftil/a in the Right of her Motherland had by her hufband P#//f/>(Ton to Maximilian the Emperor)cW/e/ and Ferdinand(Em- perors fucceffivelyj and 4 daughters, Leoneta^ Katharine^ Maryland ifabel. This Philip fhortly after his * coming to the Kingdome of CitftjU<* in the right of lone his wife * dying, and ihe through fome Indifpofition of mind or body proving unapt for Government, Per- ^7^Wreaflum'd his power in regard of the Minority of his Grand- Child Charles. Mary 3 d daughterl to Ferdinand was wife to the fore- faid Manuel King of Portugal!^ in*place of her deceafed fifter. And for the Match of Katharine with England, the following Hiftory will fufficiently fpeak it. In the Empire Maximilian (though chofen only King of the Ro- mans)appcar'd potent 5 both by the Authority dcriv'd thence, and by of J^ng Henry the eighth, by the match he had made with Mary daughter andHeireofC*n>- lus Audax laft Duke of Bur gundy ,bj which not only his eftate there, but all the Low- Countries descended to him. Neverthelefle, as he confidered of what importance it was for his defign's to make a firmealliance with England, He firft offered a League 1 503.10 Hen ry the feventh and (for consolidation thereof) his daughter Marga ret Dowager of Savoy 5 and, when that faild, did procure a kind of Contract r>* of which alfo Maximilian was no lefle glad fas having fecured the Low-Countries thereby) then Louis XII was for Brit- taigne. And they had reafon 5 the adding of the one to France, and the other to the houfe of Attftria being not only the greateft ftrengthning our moft fufpeded neighbours ever had, but a weak- ning of us, while we loft two of our beft and ufefulleft confederats, fo that, the permitting thereof fo eafily, may be thought a greater indulgence than could ftand with reafon of State, had not a con- fumption,and wearinefle^hrough our long civill and inteftine dif- fentions at home occafion'd it For the inhabitants of both Countries wanted not pretext to difpute the right of their Princes : In Portu gal! Reigned Manuel of whofe matches having formerly fpokcn , (hall adde little more, than that he had already made divers difco veries towards the Eaft Jndies. In the Low-Countries, Margaret Dntche/e of Savoy > being by her Father Maximilian appointed Regent thereof, and having alfo the charge of her Nephew Charles his Education fwho was borne at Gaunt i ^oojrecommended to her, fhe many wayes approv'd her- felf a difcreet Lady 5 as appears 3 not only by the bringing up of her Nephew}(to whom in that part of learning caird humaniores Liter -as he (hould,at lea ft, not want occafion, to exercife his charge of Arbiter of their diffe rences. Towards which alfo, becaufe he knew how much our King could contribute, he paffionately defir'd a ftricl: League with him, which likewife wasembrac'd,as will appearhereafter. C 1 v^frTA^-v As II 1509, 1503. Dec. 1 6. 1508, 1501. 1508. 1500. 1508, Dec. . Regni. Jan.2i. The Life and Raigne A s for the Great Turke Ba } azet the fecond, though now grown formidable Enemy to Chrifteadome, our King look'd on him at diftance , and no otherwife then as he flood in Relation to his confederates. Having thus furvay'd the prefent Monarchs in particular,he for- gatnot, to take into his fpeciallconfiderationthe State offerer, which about this time did much inlarge it's Territories , fo that, notwithftanding the oppofition not only of thechiefeChriftian Potentates, but even of the Turks themfelve?,they extended their Dominions every way : Isfomuch, that the PopeyMaxiwilzatg^Fer- cknand and Louis the twelfth had , the laft yeare, being 1 508 , en- terd, at CambrayJttWQ*. League againftthem,the conditions where- ot were , That they (hould not defift untill they had recovered all thofe places which the Venetians had taken from them ^ upon con fidence yet , that the firft Conqueror fhould reftore to any of the confederates that which belong'd to him. And that Loiitr the twelfth fhould be Generall of the Armyes 5 and Per fonally prefent in the Expedition. To which alfo he was the more difpos'd, that the Venetians had gotten from him fundry places belonging to the Dutchy oJ 'Milan. Howbeit as thefe affaires did not directly con- cerne our Ring , fo he tooke the more leafure to attend the event 3 aad to prevails hi mfelfe thereof. By this time it was thought fit, for many reafons^ but efpecially for contenting the Commonalty, which feemed to be wholly al ter 'd by the rigorous proceedings of Henry the feventh, to call a Parliament, which began in 'January .following. Here then Empfon and Dudly , formerly notonlyexpofed to the revenge of all men, but publiquely condemned (as is above related) were attainted of High Treafon. And^ here, I fhall, infequenee of fome before me, touch a little upon the Lawes ena&ed the firft yeare of this King, as far as they may concerne the more Hiftoricall and Political! parts. I find, therefore, divers of thefe Statutes, by which King Hen*-y the feventh took advantage of the People, Repealed, ex plained , or limited. Among which the Benefit of Forfeitures for Penall Lawes was reduced to the Terme of three yeares next pre ceding. Infomuch that the principall fcope of this Parliament feemed to have reference to Empfon and Dudly's buftieffe , which was fo reprefented/by the Lower-Houfe of Parliament chiefely) that the King was willing to reftraine his owoe Authority in fome fort , that he might enlarge the Peoples confidence and afTedtion towards him. Laftly in this kind, fome untrue Tnquifitions founc by Empfon and Dudley^ alfo fome aiTurances of Lands paft to them were annihilated and made voyd. Befides which, 1 find little ma- teriall, fave only that a Sumptuary Law againft exceffe ofAppa- rell was repealed, and a new one, a little more decent fabrogated As now then our King was in high efteeme with his people for Juftice, fo was henolefle redoubted abroad, for the hopes he gave of King Henry the eighth. gave, of being an Aclive and Couragious Prince. All which was the more regarded, that his Treafure was fo great, as he might be thought able, fuddenly , and without the delays ufuall in raifing of moneys, to execute his Defignes. Therefore divers Ambafladours repaired to him frem France^ Denmarke^ Seetlind^ and other places, who were magnificently en - tertained. The bufinefle of the French King(Z.0#/.r the tWelfth)Was chiefly to keepe" good correfpondence between the two Countries, while hiinfelfe went on with hi- wars in Italy. In fequence hereof alfo Tillet faith there was a peace made between England and France this yeere March 2 3. And, whereas at the Treaty of Peace in July 1498. Lo*is the twelfth had given caution unto Henry the feventh to pay that which remained of 745000 Crownes, due according to a Treaty made between Charles the eighth, and the faid Henry, Novewb. 1 492. Now the faid Lori s the twelfth did ilipulate to pay the remainder cf the faid fum. That ofscottandwas Congratulation in King Barnes the fourth his Brother in Law and ii fters name, with confirmation of the late trea ty of Peace^Containingalfo fomepropofitions tendingto the pene trating of our Kings prefent defignes, that they might frame their Counfels accordingly, which was with fome relation to France. That for Denmark? was chiefly to eftablifh a better courfe for trades for which purpofe a * Statute was repealed at this Parlia ment , which did inhibite our men other Traffique towards Den mark? and Jfelandjhen to a place called Northbame. The King finding now all things fafe both abroad and athomej took thofe liberties which became his youth, yet were not his exercifes fportfuil aloe, but had in them a mixture of Letters and Arrnes. Therefore though fome relate that he ufed finging, dan cing, playsng on the Recorder, Flute and Virginals, making Ver- s., and the like : yet his more ferious entertainments were ftudy of Hiftory and Schoole- Divinity, ( in which he efpecially deligh ted,) Jufts, Turneys, Barriers, and that not in an ordinary manner, but with the Two-handed-Sword, and Battle-axe. Thefe,againe, were fet forth with coftly Pageants and Devifes 5 and thofe fo fre quently, that it too! more like a good King, then a good Mafter. Juliw the fecond having recovered what he defired in Italy > by his wars the laft yeere, was contented now to accept the fubmiffion of the Venetians , with whom (his Confederates being not privy thereunto) he made peace Feb. 24.1510. being jealous of the great- nefle of the French in It/dy^ ('with whom he had alfo this quarrell that they defended Alfonfo d' Ejie Duke of F error a again ft him) he endeavoured all he could to oppofe them 5 And to thi pu r pofe he inclined Ferditundby giving him the Inveftiture of N^//e/ 3 King Henry the eighth he follieited by calling to hismiadethe glory of his AnceftorSj&c. and offering him the honour to" be Capulf&aerfit Italici D Our King upon this fends Chriftopher Cambridge Arch- bifhop of Torke to refide at Rome , and treat of thefe matters. In the meane while the Pope and t he Venetians proceed,and attempt Ferarra^Genoua^ and other places. But, as they profpered not, he layes hold on his fpirituall Sword, and excommunicates Efte, with all his Adherents. Louis the twelfth on the other fide cals a Synod of the French Church at Tours in France } where certain Queuions touching the Popes late a&ions and his Authority were propofed, and refolved againft him, and his Excommunication pronounced voyd. It was alfo decreed, that an Admonition fhould be fent to him, to imbrace Peace,and Moderation ; which if he refufed , he fliould be fummoned to call a Free and Generall Councell (accor ding to the Decree of the Councell of Bajile.) LOUK having pro ceeded thus farre,communicated the matter to MaximzliaKfwhom as yet the Pope had aot wonne from him ) and joyning alfo with themfelves the Cardinals Bernardine, Erifonet 3 and others 3 they fummoned a Councell to be had i Sept. 151?. at Pifr , comman ding the Pope to appeare there. While thefe things were doing, the French under Cnaumont^ came before Eononia^ where the Pope now lay fick, and befieged it, forcing him to fuch hard conditions, as upon the comming of reliefe he would not ftand to. How- foever, this befieging of the Pope being given out, founded foill, that our King prefently made a League with Ferdinand for his defence , which was an engagement for greater A&ions hereafter, as we fhall fee in its place. The fir ft day of this yeere, being 1511, the Queen was brought to bed of a fonne, which therefore in the name of a New-yeeres- gifc was by her prefented to the King. But as the Childc lived not fully to the latter end of the next moneth, fo the greatnefleof Joy did more then expire in the ftiortnefTe. Not with (landing which, it is faid the youthfull Parents were foon comforted, repu ting with themfelves, that in Children Cas in Silver ve' els) little is ufuallyloft ? but the fafhion; But it fell not out fo well, for it pleafed God, that no Heires Males fhould remaine betwixt them two. of King Henry the eighth. twp. In the mean time Ferdinand King of An Agon being net igno rant in what eftate his daughter was 5 fertt Ambaffadors to per- forme his dwe Complements on that Occafion 3 and withall to folli- citethe King for Affiftance againft the Moores in A frieze. He had already conquered thofe in the Province and City of Granada ; through the ftreets whereof as he rode triumphantly r 49 2,afiured news of thofe great Riches^ difcovered in the Indies by Colnmbi^^ was brought him. Which I therefore remember, becaufe (toufe the Spafj&h phrafe ) I thinke it the greateft Coyuntura that ever happened 3 he having at the fame time reduced his dominions in spaineto an intirenefle 3 and receirednews of that immenfeTrea- fure in another World. His demand was prefently granted by our King, and the Lord Thomas Darcy fent with 1 500 Archer^ ("the Souldiers then in requeft) to Ferdinand > with whofe helpe he in tended to revenge the loffe received the*laft yeere at Gelvcs'm SarLir) 1 . Howbeit 5 as Itdixs the fecond being much prefled by the French ( whofe affaires profpered in Italy ) required the help of Ferdinand ; gainft them 5 He defifted from his enterpfife^and refol- ved to fuccour the Pope 5 whereupon alfo our men ; richly re war- djdid returne home. In like manner Margaret Regent of the Low-countries obtained of the King 1 500 Archers to allift her againft the Duke of Gueldres, though Confederate of Lewis the twelfth 3 and lamts the fourth. Thefe therefore under the command of Sir Edward Poynings Knight of the Garter, lately * made Warden of the Cinque- ports 3 pre fently after their landing were met by the faid Lady Regent 5 and thereupon united , and recommended with much favour and par ticularity to the reft of her Army; The Exploits done by this brave Cavaliere . and our Englim, I have not exprefly fet downe, both for that the Lady Regent joyn'd not any confiderable forces with them, for the exployticg great A&ions 5 and that themfelves were not free to attem pt any thing by themfelves. Howfoever, I finde they were licenfed to return > (not without great teftimonies of their worth ) and that , upon review of the Troup^ Sir Ed ward Toynings found that not fully a hundred of his men were wanting. The Kings Authority over the Narrow- *?eas ( ftudioufly con fer ved ever by his Anceftors) was about this time fomewhat lefle- ned by the Piracies of Andrew $reton( whom our Chronicles call 'Barton) a Scottifh man. This tffe/0;* , in revenge of his Fathers death , as alfo other Injuries , having in vaine fought redrefle in Flanders for a Ship taken from his faid father by fome Portugal, obtained Letters of Merke from James th 'fourth, upon condition yet, he fbould not exereifc Piracy. Notwithftandhig which 3 fee feized on divers of our leffer Barques ( upon pretence of carrying Portugals goeds)and pillaged them, For remedy of which incon venience, the two fonnes of Thomas Earle of Surrey ( Lord Treafu- rer Feb. June i. Aug. 30. 1510. May. June 9. 1509. 1511 Aug:2, Jan.2. I. dt Serr. May. Feb. 4. 1512. The Life and Tlaigne rer. and Earle Marfhall cf England) were imployed. The youn ger called Edward , being Lord Admirall ., commanding in one Ship ') and Thomas the elder brother^ in another. Thereupon ( in feverall places ., though at one time ) they inverted Bretons two Ships ') which , though the Scottifti Writers make to be farre leffe then ours, maintained a cruell fight : the obftinate Pirate (though fo grievoufly hurt that he died on the place) encouraging his men with his whittle, even to his laft breath. But our Englifh purfued their point fo 3 that at laft they forced thefe Ships 3 and brought them (together with the men that remained) away,, and prefented them to the Kine , who^ upon their fubmiffion, gracioufly pardo ned them > fo that they would depart out of his Kingdome within 20 daies. James the fourth hearing of this, fent to require fatif- fa&ion, as being againft the Treaty betwixt them. But it was an- fwered,That it did not become a King to impute breach of Treaty to his Confederates and Allies, onely for doing Juftice on a Pirate* The MeiTenger, rather filenced with this anfwer, then fatisfied, re- turnes to his King > who, when occafion was offered, failed not to (hew how ill he took the death of Breton. The Pope being freed from fiege at Eononia, proceeds in his wars againft the French } goes in Perlbn againft Mirandola^nd by compofition takes it , but , not long after loofes "Bononi'i to the French, led by O aft on de Foix^ his whole Army being routed- Yet was not this a greater affront to him, then the Councell to be held at Pifa 9 a City now in the hands of the Florentines , whom there fore Julitff prefently interdi&s , and ihortly after expelling Sode- rinvs fGovernour thereof by meanes of Charles the eighth of France*) reftores the family of the .Medrcef, who were formerly ex- pulfed. The Princes alfo and the Cardbals who fummoned this Councell being Excommunicate 3 &c. notwith landing which they proceed. But being fleighted by the Citizens of Pi fa, they tranflate the Ccuncell to Milan 5 but finding no better reiped there, they remove it to Lyons in France } where they fummoned Julivt to ap- peare, and anfwer., and finally fufpended his Authority. Upon this a the Pope thunders againft France, expofing it, (together with Navtrre, whofe King favoured Lewes} totheConquerour, and, to abbrogate the Councell of Lyons , he fummoned another to be held at the Lateran in Rome 3 April 19.1512. Unto this Councell our King fent his Coinmiffi oners , being Sylvefter Bifhop of Worce- er, John Bihp of Rockefter , Thomas Dowra Lord Prior of Saint o/J/,and Richard Abbot of Winchelcombe^ Febr.^. iSI2,as appears by our Records. In this Councell the fentence of Excommunica tion was confirmed againft the Authors of the other Councell, and the Ads of it reverfed. Not content herewith, he fent al fo to Ferdinand, and to King Henry the eighth ( who had already pri vately mediated a League with hirn) to take open Armes, and fall upon France. Not negle&ing together to ufe all meanes for with drawing of Kjng Henry the eighth. drawing MtxJwilian'fiom the French party. For though he had joyn'd with Lewes to call the Councell at />//*, ffirft rough-hew'd at * 70*r.r) and did ftill adhere to him r yet, as the Pope and Fer dinand 5 whom he would not difoblige, offered him more ad- vantagious conditions , he was gain'd at laft to the contrary party, and Lewes en pofed to the danger. The principall Agent which the Pope ufed to our King was Chriftopher Biiwbridge , who had refided a while at Rome } and for this fervicc was thought to deferve the Cardinals Hat, which alfo he obtained in March 1511. In the mean while , the bufineffe being brought to our Councell Table 5 fome fpake in this manner. That a fairer opportunity was never offered, whether he defired to maintaine the Authority of the Pope , or to recover his owne Right in France. That either of thefe were juft cOnfideratiohs.,but both together not to be pretermitted.To further thefe defignes 5 he (hould not onely have the Affiftance and Bleffing of his HolinefTe, but of his Father in law. Befides which,it was poffible Maximilian the Emperour might joyn herein 5 however he and Lewes the 1 2 th , ^ad of late concurred in their defignes. That it was probable, his iibjefts in France retained ftill a due memory not onely of their Allegiance,but of the benefit received from the Crown of England. befides , that in France their neVcr wanted difcontented Perfons, who would joyn with his Forces. And for his Coffers, they were not fo 'full in any Kings time $ to which againe he could not doubt )ut a large fupply would be given by Parliament , which never c aiPd in contribution when there was no queftion of warrewith hat Countrey. As for the Difficulties he mould finde in the i!nterprife . they were not confiderable. Louis the twelfth be- ' not onely deeply engaged in a warre in Italy , but having ihisbeft men there 5 fothat before hecould~^ive order for lis affaires at home , he might be opprefled ; or, when he would eave his pretences on Italy , to look to his own Countrey , that vould yet free the Pope from the danger he w*i in, and con- "equenly give his Majefty the Honour of performing his in- entions. Some yet , that did more ferioufty weigh the bufine(Tc 3 opined hus '> That the Kings Title indeed in France , efpecially to the fie- editary Provinces, was undoubted 3 the occafion fair e } and many ircumftances befides conducing to this great bufineffc : yet that all thefe were not fufficient for the making of a war againft fb po- ent a neighbour } unlefle there were more then poflibility of efFe- ^ing our purpofes. This they might confide r by comparing thefe imes with the former. And ir s when all Guyenne^Anjou^fonrane^s\^i or a long while Normandy was ours 5 And when , befides this, the Duke oiBretagne was our friend , and the houfe of "Burgundy an flured Ally and Confederate to this Kingdom , we 'yet could not advance our defignes in that Countrey , what hope is there new to O attaine 1511 1510. Sept. HidPont. Ciaconii &c. The Life and "Raigne 1511 attaine them > Are we Wronger now then at that time ? or can we promife our felves better fuccefle ? Let it be grantcd^that as many Battels as we have fought againft the French^ have been almoft fo many Victories $ what was this Kingdome the better for them? Who can fay he made a Fortune thereby ? Had we ever a more glorious time then that of Edward the third 3 and was yet the Countrey ever more poore or weary of the wars. If you will not believe our Hiftories, looke even on owr Records , and you will findenot onely how the Treafure of our Kingdome was much ex- haufted 3 but even the people themfelves glutted with their pro- fperity. And (hall we truft now to better daies ? what though with our I2oco. or 15000 we have oft defeated their Armies of 50000. or 6occo? ftandsit withreafonof Warre toexpedl the like fucceile ftill / efpecially 9 fince the ufe of Armes is changed, and for the Bow (proper for men of our ftrengthj theCakever begins to be generally received. Which , befides that it is a more coftly Weapon, requiretha longpradti'e, andm.iybe mannag'd by the weaker fort. Let us therefore fin Gods Name) leave off our attempts againft the Terra firma. The naturall fcituation of Iflands feemes not to fort with Conquefts in that kind. England alone is a ju ft Empire. Or, when we would inlarge our felves., let it be that way we can., and to which it feems the Eternall Pro vidence hath dettin'd us , which is., by Sea. The Indies are difco- vered., and vaft Treafure brought from thenee every day. Let us therefore bend our endeavours t hitherwards } and. if the Spaniard orPortugals fuffer us not to joyn with them, there will be yet Region enough for all to enjoy. Neither will a Piety , equallto that of fuccouring Julius the (econd., be wanting , Since 3 by con verting thofe Infidels to the Ghriftian Religion 3 there will be a larger field opened for doing of good,then by eftablifhing a doubt- full and controverted head of the Church : the Councell of Pifa having determined both to depofe him., and fubftitute an other. .1 But our young King 5 with whom zeale to doe the Pope fer~ vice, and Ambition to recover that Patrimony whereof our King Henry the fixth was in pofleffion , and which our Civill-warres onely loft 3 declin'd this fober advice 5 and adheared to the for mer. , And that.,efpecially 3 for two reafons., urged by way of fup- plemcnt 5 whereof, the one was, that there was new hope Maxi milian the Emperor would be wonne to his fide. The other was 3 that he underftood from Komt 3 the Pope had an inten tion to take away the Stile of C HRisTlA NISSIMV S from the French, (which their Hiftorians confetfe) and tranf- ferre it on him } which he thought would be a perpetuall glory to the Nation. Hereupon it was refolved , together with calling a Parliament, to fend (by John Toung Do&or of Law, and Mafter of the Roules} unto of King Henry the eighth, unto Louis the twelfth a Monitory AmbafTage , requiring him to defift from war agaiaft the Pope. But Louis 9 whether out of his own courage, or that he thought the Emperour aflured to him, or that (indeed) there was no hope of a peace 3 ( he having been pri vately advertifed that our King refolved war ) regarded not at his advice^Our King therefore.that he might have mote then oneTitle to invade France , fent to require his Patrimoniall Inheritance of AnjcUsGuyenne.&c. and, in cafe of refufall, to denounce warre. This then being proclaimed , Leavies were commanded , and mo neys granted by Parliament fwhich began Febr.^. ) were raifed. While thefe things were doing, I fhajl obferve my former method, and by the way touch on the Laws then enacted, which may belong to Hiftory. That becaufe Money, Plate, and Jewels being Tranfportetl out of the Kingdome, had impoverished it 5 a double value fhould be payd by the offenders, There was alfo confirmed an Order formerly taken, concerning Efcheators , Commiffioners , and rinding and turning of Offices 5 which it feems had relation to EmffoH and Dudleys proceedings. Becaufe alfounlawfull Games kept men from mooting in the Long- Bo w,they were putdoton, and Archery commanded. For the bet ter under/landing of which Ad,an.other pad, whereby the Grolie- Bow alfo was forbidden. There were likewife certaine great Priviledges granted to men that went beyond Sea with the King. As alfo Penalties ordain'd for Osrptaines that abridged the number of their Souldiers . or detain'd their wages , as alfo fdr Souldiers departing without Licenfe. At this Parliament alfo the King waspleafcd to reftorejfa& Dudley fonne and heire of Edniund Dudley lately attainted. On whom, towards the end of his Raigne, he conferred the place of Lord Admirall of England^ (hall appeare in this Hiftory. About this time there was oncHierortywoBuonvifoaLucchefie who, being a Bankrupt Merchant, through his friends in Italy obtained fo much favour from the Pope , as to be made a kinde of Agent here. This man being acquainted withall the Popes bufi 1 neile, and upon his Letters of Credence , receiving likewife the Kings and Councels anfwers to his Negotiations, became fo expert in all thofe affaires , that being corrupted by the'French , ( who gave him a Penfion^as I finde in our Records) he difcover'd many things that much concerned either fide. And from hence it arofe chierly 3 that Louis the twelfth wasfoparticularly informed of our defigoes, that he ufed many preventions, as may beobferved in the following Hiftory. The War wkh France being thus determined, it was confulted in what part we fhould begin. And though that ofCal/ais feemed the moit ready way,yet ; becaufe Fer^wWpromffed to joyn with D 2 the 1511 Feb. 4. An.~B.tgni %* Parl. i H.8. 20 .writ 3. June 3. The Life and T^aigne the King in this war, (which was call'd Holy) it was by his confent fefolved to land fomewhere in the Spanifh Dominions 5 and that From thence both their Armies ( being united ) fhould joyntly in vade Guyenne. For better underftanding of which project,! muft obferve, that both the Kings (befides that of vindicating pf jf//f the fecond) had their feverall defignes, as will appeare afterwards. The Generall named by the King was Thomas Grey Marquefle of rfet^ with whom went befides his three Brothers, the Lord Tho mas Howardforme and heire to the Earleof Surrey jhe Lord Brookgi Lord WittoughljyjK\& Lord Ferrars^nd divers Knights and Squires, all of them brave Perfons, and about 10000 Souldiers, among whom I finde in the Spanifh Hiftory , there were about 5000 Ar chers 3 who befides their Bowes and A rrowes ., carried Halbert?, whicrl they pitched on the ground till their Arrows were (hot., and then took up againe to doe execution on the Enemy. An excel- ent part of Military Difcipline , and yet not remarkable by our English Chroniclers. Thefe men about the third, or as the Spani ards have it , the eighth oflune , ( being (hipt in Spanifh Veilels) arrived at Paffage 9 a Port in Guipnfcoa^ where one Fader jque Bifhop ofsiguenea, (an able perfon) attended them. This Biihop after he had aflured them of their welcome, and that the Duke d* Alva 9 Ge nerall of the Spanifh forces, with 1000 barded Horfe, 1 500 Gen- nets or Light- horfe 2 and 6000 Foot would fhortly joyn with them, did much cheere our men after their long Sea -voyage. In the mean while John d* Albret ( King of Navarre in the right of his wife Catharine de Feix) having the Spanifh Army in Arragon on the one fide, and the Englifh on the other of his Kingdom , thought him- felfe in fome ftraits. And the rather , that the Pope having lately excommunicated him., for affifting the French, and by a Bull dated March 1. 1512, expofed his Kingdome in prey to the Conqueror } He fufpe&ed Ferdinand had fome defigne upon him. Neither was he deceived -, For, that he might be drawn away from Louis , or at leaft that a quarrell might be pickt againft him, Ferdinand fends to require that he would declare himfelfe^ pretending fome jea- loufie or his proceedings ever fince L0///'.r the twelfth (who was advertifed of this Holy League, as it was termed ) had required his helpe , or when he would refufe , threatned him with takir g Bearne away , as being a Feud held of France. To comply with Fer before this could be fetled, the French were come to the Confines of both Jurisdi&ions : where the Englifh, being defi- rous to give fome proof of their valour, without any order from their Generall , pafled over the River of Vidaffbna, which di vides Guipufcoa from Guyenne^ to skirmifh with the French. This grew at laft fo hot,that the Marquefie was conftrain'd to pafle over the reft ofhis Army to disingage them, which being done, he retir'd againe to his Campe neere Fentarahia } in good order. Here- u pon the Marqueffe ofDorfet began to complaine, that the delay ofFerdmandhad given the French time to raife thefe Forces to op- pcfe them 5 and together demanded briefly his cleere refolution 3 what he meant to doe in the point of invading Guytnne : But he was anfwered, that. Once the King of Navarre would not admit a way through his Dominions, he muft be fore'd 5 neither did hee thinke that John would take it ill to fuffer a little violence , when it were for nothing elfe, but to (hew the French^ that he did not vo luntarily confent thereunto. The MarquefTe reply ed, that,this be ing no part of his Commiffion, hee muft fir ft acquaint the King his Mafter with it. But FrnfowW finding that both the Frenet) Army increafed, and that the fuffering them to come nearer might fru- ftrate his defignes in Navarre, commanded the Duke of Alba^ with out more delay, to inveft Pamplona thechiefe Towne of Nava rre., entertaining in the meane while John's Ambafladours with hope of an Accommodation, who feemed alfo to beleeve it, untill they heard of the Seige. The induftrious Ferdinandti&t he might draw alfo the Marqueife Dorfet to aflift him, ufed thefe reafons. That the paflage to Bay one by the way of Fuentarabia was narrow having the Sea on one fide, and on the other fide the huge Mountaines of ZI The Life and T^aigne Navarre and Bearne 5 fo that, if they fhould undertake the Seige at B*) one without afluring themfelves of the Countries behind them 3 they might be fhut up on every fide, whenfoever John fhould de clare himfel fe for the French party. Therefore that he fhould pro ceed according to military rules, and prevent this inconvenience by feizingfirftonall the Avenues. The Marquefle of Dorfet here upon calling a Counfell of warre, returned this anfwer } Thathee defired to loo fe no time 5 and therefore thought it the beftcourfe for both to divide the Armies: And that Ferdinand fhould enter Cnyenne by Navarre , while he tooke the way of "Bayom* Yet the King who ftill purfued his Defigne, feeming not fatisfied herewith, defired rather that both the Armies might pafle jayntly through Navarre. The Spanifh marching ftill firft 3 and making way for the Englifh to follow. But the Marquefle of Dorfet anfwer'd againe, he might not tranfgrefle his Commiffion, which permitted him not hofiilely to enter into Navarre upon any termes. Infomuchthat now almoft fix weekes were fpent in thofe Treaties, FYr being come with puiflant forces neere to thofe parts, they made bold to detains the Bifhop, not without terrifying him 3 with worfe ufagef giving leave yet to Sir John Stile to returne. Things being brought to thefe extremities, John King of Navarre thought fit to go to the French Court, to excufe himfelfe for fufTering the Spanifh to be come fo foon Mafters of Navarre. Neither had he, it feemes, any way of f(ing Henry the eighth. way to make thbfo credible, as by permitting the French with the fame facility to feaze on Bwnc. Thu was this King, in fhort time, difpoiielled of all his Eftate ,' only for not knowing how to behave himfelfe D either like a friend or enemy. Now L cuK the twelfth, though not fo much as hoping that the EngHth 3 r,dSpanifh fhould ftand thus devided, yet as he defir'd rather a Warre in that Country, than his owne, fo he prepared as if he were at once to fuftain both their Forces 5 commanding the Duke de Ltwguevilte, to proceed warily. But the difficulty was not great. For though S<*lv'itterra, was kept by John., as long as hee Treated with Ferdinand , yet now he abandoned it to the French., and retir'd hiinfelfe to Paris. Betwixt this Town and Exyone then the French enquartered their Army, though for having 500010 that Gity (daily reinforced by new Levies) it feerrTd not to ftand in fo much need of defence. This while the Duke de Ah a requires an Oath of obedience from thofe ofPaviplrtza, and in generall from the reft of thechiefe Inhabitants of Navarre. They again offer it, upon the tcrines agreed on, which was for foure monethes, and till they had given proof of their Neutrality in thebufinefieof Cu enne. But the Duke replyed, that King lohn being fled away to the French, and therein having declared himfelfean enemy both to him and this Holy- warre, He would now accept no Oath.but that of a fimple Obedience to his King and Mafter : Upon this enfued difputes and diverfities of Opinions ^ All which yet were moderat ed by the Spanilh Army, which did not much infift upoareafon having power in their hands. arre being thus in a manner reduced, Ferdinand fends the all Aquilera to the Marqueffe Dorfet^ protefting that his Ar my fhould pafTe the Mountaines at Saint Ju*n de Pie del Puerto'^ And this he did to try whether it would move him yet to joyne Forces. But theMarqueile, who was informed that the place did lead to ( which remain'd only for an intire Conqueft of the Domi as well as to Bayonc^ thought fit to attend more cer tainty, concerning the way of the Spanifh Army. Ferdinandon. the other fide, taking this as a delay, would not omit the profecuting of his intentions, lay ing (in the menne while) all the fault on the Marquelle (lacknede. E ut no man ought to blame any Generall in this kind, unlefleheknewhis Inftrudrion?. Ferdinand therefore was too forward herein. But the Duke dc Aha who confidered of what moment diligence is in great Affaires,, fends fome away pre- fently to feize on Saint 'junn de Tie del Puerto $ which accordingly was performed ; though the French were now entring that Coun try. To make this good alfo, the Duke himfelfe (by the King his Mafter's CommandmeBO followes with the Body of his Army. And now Ferdinand again fends to incite the Marqueffe. But as the Englifh could not pafle thither ,but by a place calFd My* fa rough and almoft untrodden pafTage) or another way farrc abeut (for ei ther Curita. Sept. Novemb. . - - y The Life and ^Raigne thcr of which, they wanted Horle to draw their OrdnanceJ fo there a new difficulty interpos'd, for joyning the Artnyes. Ho ever, it concern'd Ferdinand (after many delayes) to acquit himfelf fofarre, as to feemeat lea ft roundly togoeon in the invading of Gnyenne. And his Mafter-peice was, together with performing his own 5ntentions 9 now to have brought his offer to our King, with* in the compafle of probability. He confidered alfo, that, alone, he was to weake for the French Forces, fo that he had more then one reafon to fol'icite the Englifh Army, Being in this Pofture, he begins to thinke what remain d to be done : On the one fide, he had the honour of diverting the French from their great defignes in Italy, (for Louis began now to attend his home Affaires) and therein to have freed the Pope. On the o- ther fide, having reduced all Navarre, (only Eftelia excepted , which hetookaftenvardsj and pafled the Mountaines, He feemed in- gaged to fecure his Conqueffo. Therefore he thought on nothing now but going on j tiufting, for the reft, to the Negotiation of Martin de Ampios whom he had fent to our King. And this Manfif we may beleeve the Spanifli Hiftory) obtained that theMarqueffe Dorfet fhould doe whatfoever he was advifed by Ferdinand for the Holy-Gaufe. But, before this In ftruftion could come, theMar quefle, whofaw winter now approaching, and very ne'er 3000 of his Men ficke or dead of diforder, and drinking thofe hot Wines, and for the reft fuffering much for fcarcity of vidualls, and laftly being advcrtifed that the French had fortified Bayoc 9 and planted ! a great Army before it } thought it too late to begin any great En terprise. Therefore hee fent the Treafurcr of his Army, and Sir John Stifeto Ferdinand, to reprefent thofe difficulties, and to ac quaint him with his determination to be gone. At laft, though with much adoe , Ferdinand ( according to an Article of the A- 1 greement ) provided fome Ships for the Englifh 5 But before j they could depart, the Marquefle, betweene di (content and ill diet i fo diftempered himfelf, that he fell fick, the Lord Howard being fubftituted, inthemcane while, for Command of the Army. While yet they made ready for their Journey, Letters came from our King by Windfore the Herald, commanding the A rmy to ftay $ promifing withall to fend a New fupply under the Lord Her bert his Chamberlaine. But the Souldiers fo mutined,that at laft the Generalls were conftrain'd toembarquethemfelves and come home (about the end of November) to England. Whereupon, Fer dinand (who defired now only to maintaine what he had gotten) turnes himfelf toother Arts, labouring(by Maximilians mediation) to withdraw the French from affifting John. The conditions being that Charles Prince of Cajlile their Grand- Child fiiould match with Reyner*, or Rej/neefecond daughter to Louw the twelfth (which yet was but colourable as appeares in their Hiftories) and^ that the French fhould condefcend hereunto, it was no little motive, that they of Kjng Henry the eighth* they had acquired fo much in Bearne j fo that keeping their pof feffions on either part, much Treaty pafs'd, without any other ef fed, than that lohn on both fides was outed : Though, for often- tation, Richard de la role (calling himfelfe Duke of Suffolke) as I find by our Records, was appointed by Louis to attempt the recovery of Patvplon* though in vaine. And thus ended this voyage, to the grief of our King , who feemed fo much offended with the ill luccefle , that hee purpofed once to punifh the principall Au thors oi it. But his Generall excused himfelfe by the nar rownefle of his Inftruftion , and partly layd the fault on Per- dinandjNho being bound by promife to furnifh the Army with ma ny neceflaries,yet failed Laftly they made it appear that Ferdinand never intended any thing but the Conqueft of Navarre, (which therefore hh fuecelfors hold to this day.) ^[Though this voyage were improfperous., yet I find by Tolydortjk&t Sir Edward Howard, who Conducted the Marquefle to Spaine ,having with the Fleet fir ft Cleared the Seas from Enemies , Landed at a little Bay in Erittaine , and Marched feven Miles into the Country, whence ( after burning fome Townes) hee brought away rich fpoyles Not Contented herewith yet^ he put his Men on fhore at Conqnct , and divers other places 5 where the French (till re ceiving the worfe, they at la ft defired a Parley. The fub- ftance whereof was , That the Englifh would leave off this kind of defultory, and Cruell Warre^ which tended onely to the burning of Villages, and ranfacking the poore. But hee replied, Hee was not to take his directions from them. Be- iides ., that it was the part of brave Gentlemen to defend their Country , and not fhamefully to fue for Mercy. After which 3 and a banquet in his Ship, they were difmilled, and our Ad- mirall return'd home, ^f The French, in the meane while, making great preparatives by Sea, Our King thought fit to re inforce his Fleet, adding to Twenty Ships under the Com mand of his Admirall, Five and Twenty more under the com mand of the choyceft of thofe Gallants that attended him placing in the chiefe Ships call d the Regent, Sir Thomas Knevet, Mafterof his Horfe, and Sir lohn Carewin the Soverajgnc^Sir Chat is Brandon . and Sir Henry Guilford went with fixty of the talleft Yeomen of his G uard. Th^ brave Fleet, chancing to meet thirty nine Saile coming out otBreji in Brittajnc, aflaulted them 5 where two of the greatefr Ships oh both fides being grappled, fell on fire by fome accident 9 or as the French will have it 3 by the defperate Courage of Trimaugutt ( barbaroufly , as I con ceive it, ftyl'dby our Chronicles Sir Piers Morgan) 2nd fowere confutned. The Captaime of the Englifli Ship ( being the Regent) and of the French (called the Cordeliers ) together with the Souldicrs in them, perifhed all, fave only a few French who faved themfelves with Swimming. Howfoever, E the 1512, Oftobcr* May. May.aj. Hall. June. i. Aug. io. Bcllay. 1512. 1506. April, Sandov. Vidadel Carl.v. The Life and *Raigne the reft of the French were fo terrified herewith, that they made away prefently, fome to Errand fome to the Ifles adjoyning. To repaire this letfe, our King builta Ship, the greateft ever knowne before, though Buchanan and Ltfle fay, that Barnes the fourth,King of Scotland made one, whom the Eoglifh and French King defiring afterwards to imitate, failed fo much, that they were not able to make it fteer. The King finding now that bufinefles were growne to fome ex tremity., betwixt the two Nations, difclofes his defigne of going in Perfon into France., as choofing rather to make warre in his enemies Country, then to attend it at hotne. This alfo that he might the better performe, He is advifed to difcover what correfpondence he might expect from his Neighbours and Confederates. There fore he had fent a good while fince Sir Robert Wingfieldto Negoti ate with Maximilian^ and draw him to his party, neither found hee much difficulty therein : The Emperour being glad that the war like difpofition of our King turn'd it felfe againft France : So that, with affurance of his affeftion, he incourag'd our King to goe on. For Maximilian was now falne off from the Freneh> both that the Pope ftrongly procur d it, and that he thought it beft to adhere ra ther to Ferdinand and his Grand-Child's interefts : For pretext whereof yet alleadging only fome breach of Article of the Treaty of Cambray on Louis his part. The French^ on the other fide, joyning with the Duke of F errant., prepared to defend thetn- felves 3 raifingforthispurpofeajpuiflTantArmy, under the com mand ofGstJion de Foix^ Duke df 'Ne*onrs 9 Governour of Milan^ who (in the name of the Pifan Councell) fought the Battaile of Krf- venna^ which being wonne for his King, he loft for himfelfe, as dying (almoft wilfully) againft a little Body of the Enemies, when the vidory, for the reft, was gotten. Howbeit, theFm*^, un der Monfteur ds la Talijje proceeding took Ravenn^ and divers other places, which they delivered to a Cardinall Legate in the name of the Pifan Gouncel, fo that they were now (together with this City) Mafters of Mil#n 9 Geno%* 9 Eononia., and Florence. Ne- verthelefle, as the Contrary part, led by Raymond de Cardona., f Vice-roy of Naples under Fcrdinand^\\^ in the name of the Holy- League, brought huge Forces into thofe part?, the French were fbrc'd to quit ftll thofe places, within the fpace of two Moneths : (as Sandoval\&t\\ it ; ) Maximilian Sfarza (fonne to Lodovico} whom the French had diverted , being reinplac'd in Milan., to hold it in the name, or at leaft under the prote&ion of thesitijfe.) where upon alfo the Duke ofFerrara (unable any longer to fubfiftj hum bled himfelfe to the Pope, and was pardoned. Maximilian yet, not content with thefe victories, would have added to them Vicenza detained by the yenetians.'Eut they refufing,the Pope 5 whether defi- rous toconfervc Maximilians friendfliip at what price foe ver>(finee he had now difavowed the Pifan Councell ) or that perchance hee thought ----. T _.._._ - " " ~" ^-^ift-Ufc T of t(ing Henry the eighth. thought not himfelfefufficiently re veng'd on the Venetians, joynes in the Enterprife. Ferdinand in the raeane while, (according to his wonted mannerj makes a double treaty.On the one fide therefore,he not only joyn- ed offices with our King to Maximilianfor this purpofe, butincou- rag'd him to repaire the imputation of flacknes laid on the Englifh in their voyage to Spaine, defiring yet that if he fent any Army a- gaine into thofe parts,it might be under the Command of his Ge- nerall While, on the other fide, he feeretly Treated with Louis the twelfth, for the Match above mentioned 5 promifing alfb to af- ti(i him in his affaires in Italy That Politique King's intention be ing, by one meanes or other., to divert the French from aiding King lohn to recover Navarre : (who yet I find * dyed cf grief e not ong after.)Laftly our King remembring how the Scots have ufual- y hoi pen the French, and being informed, befides, that Ionics the Fourth did refent ftill the death oBrcton> and fome other Affronts, be fends Nicholas Weft Deane of Windfor and Doftor of Law, to know how he flood affeded : and the rather, that he was informed .r had an Army on Foot. To which heanfwered. That be loved and efteemed alike, both Henry the eighth, and Louis the twelfth ^ and therefore that he thought it his beft, to be Neutrall in any difference betwixt them. Weft replied, that he might do well to fignifie thus much by Letters* But King lames fM^ that the fending any Declaration of Neutrality under his Hand might ar gue he inclin'd a little to the Englifh fide, and confequently might breed a fufpition -, efpecially when Louis the twelfth could not bee Ignorant of the favourable audience given him, and there withali difmift him. Upon whofe return 5 our King taking this Cautelous anfwer into mature confederation, found it arofe from a private League betwixt L oJits and /4/ae/(which our Records furnifh us) to thiseffed. Becaufethc Kingof#g/rfWv Predeceflbrs have often fough to endammageboth Princes and Realms, therefore they Combine to refift the fame 5 and one to aide the other perpetually againft th faid King. If the King of England fhall at any time wage warre againft the King of Scot rife about the fucceffion, the King of Scots fhall not intermeddle, but E a accept 1516. . May. 2 a. I. II. III. mi. v. Regni 4. Noverab. 4. The Ltfc and *Raigne 1513, "eb.21. [an. accept him who fhall be made King, for his friend, and defend him againfr his adverfaries, if the King of Englandzffift them. And the fame Loutf promifes to doe, if the Scottifh King deceafe without Iffue. This Convention fliall be confirmed by the Pope, and neither of the Contrahents flhall procure nor accept any abfolution from theOath. Our King underftandingthis, Refblv'dto fend his Treafurrr rn as Earl of Surrey into Tur^hire^ and chc Uortherne parts, to have an Army in readinelle, in Cafe the Scots fliould flirrc in his abfence. Together with all this pro vi don, He thought fit to call a Parliament, where., befides enacting divers good La wes fwhere- of 1 fhall hereafter mention fome) He obtained twofifteenesand foure demies. HehadalfoakindofSubikh^calledHeador Poll money, That is, of every Duke ten Markes } an Earl five pounds a Lord foure pounds, a Knight foure Marke 5 every Man valued at eight hundred pound in Goods 3 foure Marks: and fo after that rate till him who had forty (hillings in wages, who paid twelve pence, after which every one who was above fifteen years of age, paid foure pence. Order was alfo given that Bulwarkes, Braye c , and Walls, fhould be rais'd in his Caftles and ftrcng-holds on the Sea fide, wherefoever it was needfull., Jnlitff the fecond, expecting now the fucceflc of that war re hee I had kindled againft the French, * dyes 5 In whofe place was chofen Cardinall Giovanni de Medici^bj the name of Leo the tenth. This Pope, purfuing his Predeceffors defignes., incourageth our Kingto warre againft France. But He having now accompliuYd the Age of twenty oneyears,needed little invitation and the rather that he was aflured by his Ambafladours,Sir Edward Foyningt^itThomfa Bolen, and lohn Toufi^thsLt Maximilian would really performe his Treaty wfth him , Only he fufpefted Ferdinand. Therefore ( T find by our Records) he fent into SpaieWiHiam KnightDodLor of Law 5 com manding him, together with Sir lohn Stile^ to ufe all Arguments to perfwade Ferdinand, that the returne of the Englifh Army was contrary both to his will and command } Offering further, that if he might have afliftance againft France for the conqueft vtGuyenne^ that 100000 Crownes fhould be given in hand to Ferdinand^ and as much more, when it was gotten. For this purpofe alfo promifing pay for 6000 Men at fix pence per diem for fix moneths. But Fer- dinandnovj, to whom nothing was dearer 3 than theConfervation of his Conqueft in Navarre., cunningly declyn'd this propofition , as hoping , by a Treaty with France., to efFecr his purpofes } how- beit he advifed our King to fend his Standard Royall with fome Forces to Guymne^ and to try whether the People would follow it, fince 5 he faid, they were very afFedionate unto him. But our King gathering hence, as well as by (bme private A d vertifements, that Fttdinand Treated (ecretly with France., refolr'd to prefle him to declare of King Henry the eighth, declare himfelfe, and therefore by Letters, >*e 17. he requires Ferdinandto feale a Treaty againft France, to which his Ambafla- dours here had confented. But Ferdinand difa vowing his Ambaf- fadours proceeding, fi nee the Holy League (as he faid) became voyd, upon the return of the Kings Army , difcovers withall that he had made a Truce with France for one whole yeere , which he advifed our King alfo to accept. The Treaty to which Ferdinands A mbafladours entered at this time, was the Treaty here fetdown, which I finde among our Records, and have mentioned , as being full ef defigne,how ever eluded. Thefirft Article of the Confederation made between the Pope, Emperour,Kins of Englandznd ^rrd0,againft Louis the twelfth., was,to be Friends of the Friends,and Enemies of the Eneoiies,8tc. to give mutuall ayd.at the Charges of the Demandant. To denounce Warre within 30 daies after the date hereof, and within two moneths to invade him. viz. The Pope in Provence or Dauphin. The Emperour in fome other fit place. The King of England in Aquitayne ( or Guycnxe) Picarcfy or Normandy. The King otArragon in Beams, Lanquedoc, and Aqnitane. Not to defift from Hoftility,or make any Truce without common confent. That the Subjects of the Confederates 3 ferve not the Enemy under pain of looting life and goods. That the Emperour (if he have not yet done it ) fhall recall the Authority by him given to the Schifmaticall Cardinals , and their Conventicle, and within a moneth after the date of this, fignifying his pleafute to them, (hall Voyd and Nullifie all their proceedings and Ads in the fame. The Pope ihall ( at the requeft of the Confederates^ fulminate his Ecclefiafticall Cenfures againft all that oppofe this League. The King of England fhall give the Emperor (towards the great charges he ftiall be at) i ooooo Crowns. Yet the Emerour by this Treaty will not engage his Grandchild Charles (now under his tuition") into this war with Loujf t But this Treaty being refufed by Ferdinand^ our King proceeds by the helpe of his ether Confederates , to the war with France - y the Pope , for the more declaring himfelfe , both confirming an Excommunication granted by Julius the fecond againft James King of Scots in cafe he fhould break the Peace and Treaty with the King of Ewg/^^and * granting an Indulgence to all that mould aflift King Henry and the other Confederates, againft Lonx and the Schifmatiques of the Councell of Pifa. All things here being thus difpofd for a war , Maximilian with fome patience attends thecomming of our Englifti Anny^ as being confident, however the bufineflefucceeded bet ween the two Na tions 1513. June. 1 7. f I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. March. 1513 April 17. April 17, The Lif e an dons, he could make his advantage thereof. That he might doe this the better, he thought it not amifle to enter pofe fome difficul ties. Neither could he be wholy wonne, till he had obtained of Henry \ 2OOC6 Duckats towards his charge in bringing 000 Horfe and 8coo Foot which (hould enter "Burgogne.ps foon as the King at tempted Ticardy. While thefe preparations were in hand,our King , to take off James 3 fends Do&or Weft againe into Scotland, where in ftead of all other Offices , that King exhorted ours to a peace with France^ promifing on thofe termes his friendlhip.But our King being refol- ved to proceed., thought fit in the firft place to cleare the Sea from the French Navy. And therefore fends his Fleet, being compos'd of forty two Say!e,befides lefler Barques,againft them. The French being informed hereof long before , had gotten one Present , a Knight of Rodes> (called by our Hiftorians Prior John) with foure Gallies to paffe the Straits 3 and come to Vritany^ where many good Ships were appointed to joyn with them. And till they came , it was thought better to keepe within the Haven ofBreft, then to en counter our Navy lying at Anchor in fight of them. Our men therefore refolve to attempt them in the middle of their Defen- is , while they intend this,one of our Ships (under the command of Arthur Tlantaginet) was caft away on a blinde Rock. This ftaid our men a while , at laft they purfue their defigne, and enter the Haven 3 where the French Fleet lay under the covert of miny Platforms that were raifed on the Land. Befides,they had joyned twenty four Hulkes together, with purpofe to fet them on fire, and let them go adrift with theTide,when ourEnglifh (hould approach them , or ( as our Records have it ) to kecpe the fire from theirs . Laftly, they mored their (hips as neer the Caftle as they could, and fo attended Pregents comming. Being prepared thus 3 the Lord Admirall Sir Edward Howard confidering the order in which the French lay 9 thought fit to advertife his King and Matter thereof, advifing him withall to come in Perfon 3 and have the glory of this A&ion.But Our Kings Councell taking this meiTage into confidera- tion^nd conceiving that it was not altogether fear(as was thought) but ftratagem and cunning,that made the French thus attend their advantage , thought the King was not fo much invited to the Ho nour 3 as danger of this Aftion } and therefore rejefted the over ture. Thereupon they write fliarply to him againe (as our Hifto rians fay., though our Records mention not this particular ) com - manding him to doe his duty. Whereof that brave Cavalier was fo fenfible ^ ask caufed him to hazzard his perfon afterwards fo rafhly, that it occafioned his death , the manner whereof was thus, as it is drawn out of our Records : where , by a Letter dated from him, April 1 7, it appeares , That, after he had come before "Breft with his Navy, he fent out his Boats, to make a (hew of land ing $ whereupon the French flocking to the (hore 9 to the number of of Kgig Henry the eighth, of above i Dboofthe Englifh in all the Boats being not above 1 500) he thought fit to land over againft Breft, where he burnt the Coun- trey in the fight of the Caftle , the French (hips (the while) lying beneath it, being defended with their Hulks : And that he thought not fit todoany more, till Victuals came 3 whereof he flood then in need, though he faid he had them at agreatadvantage, their Galleys being not yet come. Together with which difpatchunto the King, he Tent Mr. Arthur rlantxgenet , much difcouraged as he faid by the cafting away Of his Ship 5 and difabled to ferve in any other kind., becaufe his fouldier^'that remained were beftowed elfewhere. After which I finde by another * Letter of Sir Edward Echingham ("who was prefent in the Expedition ) that, Aprils *. fix Galltys of the Enemies.,(being two more then were expeftedj and foure Foyfb under P regent., put into BLnc-feblon-b*y neere Conqnett , * little below Breft 5 which being notified to our Admi rall., he himfelfe, being attended with foure choice Gaptaines 3 re- folv'd to board them April 25. Whereupon entring nimfelfe into one of the two Galleys (which onely the Englifh had at that timej and committing the other to Walter Deverenx Lord Ferrers, he ad vances with two Row-barges and two Crayers 5 in the one of which was Sir Thorns Cheny and Sir John Wallop , in the other Sir Henry Sherborne and Sir William Sidney 3 Tregent (this while) lying betwixt two Rock\. that had Bulwarks on them, full of Ordnance. All which yet could not deterre our Lord Admirall, who there- Fore about foure in the afternoon (the fame day) boarded the Galley in which Pregent was , andenterd it with his Sword and Target, one Carrot, a Spanifh Cavalier and feventeen Englifh more attending him , commanding together his Galley to be fa fined or grapledtohts Enemies, but whether the French hewed afunder the Cable, or our Marriners let it flip for feare of the Ordnance, the Englifh Galley fell off, and this Noble perfon was left in the hands of his enemies 5 Of whom therefore our men could give no other account , but that when he was paft all hope of recovering his Galleys , he took his WhifUe from his neck, and flung it into the Sea. The Lord Ferrers in the mean time (who was in the other Galley) fay Id not to do his part 5 untill having fpent all his mot, and feen the Admirals Galley fall off, he retired , which the Row- Barges alfo did., as not knowing but the Admirall was fafe. The dd newes ofwhofe lofle yet beiiig at length made known 3 it was thought fit to fend to the French Admirall, to know what was become of him. Whereupon SitThotvas cheyny> Sir Richard Corn- TVfitt^ and Sir John Wal/op came to know what prifoners were ta ken 5 to whom Pregent (or Prior John ) anfwered 3 None, but a Marriner a who told him , that a certaine perfon they bore over- bord with their Pikes was their Admirall. Laftly, he added (in the Letter) that the French in Vottrdeaulx had made fix new Galleys, which were fhortly expefted AtBreft, and that our Galleys, 1513, May 6. April 2 2. April 25. The Life and allies, as he faid,could doe the French-men moft difpleafure. Upon newes of our Admirals death , his place was * prefently >eftowed on his brother the Lord Thomas Howard $ who., wifely confidering the advantage of the French Gallies in a Calme , and number of their (hips , and the danger of the Winds for us, if they >lew South- we ft , defired of the King fo many Souldiers as might >oth man the Ships, and make good the Landing. But before he came our Fleet(it feems wanting one to command it)*vas retura'd, and Pregent ( upon notice thereof ) encOurag'd to landina/c, rom whence yet he was quickly repuls'd, without doing more that yeere. And now the Lord Admirall having equipped the Navy ioyall, fcoured the Seas, and fecur'd our Kings intended paflage. The particularities I (hall omit,untill fin imitation ofpolydore) I lave fet down the defcription of Thomas Woolfey fafterwards Car- dinall ) a man at this time beginning to be in fpeciall favour with he King , the originall whereof I muft deduce from his chiefe raifer and founder, Richard Fwc Bifhop otwinckcfter. This Bi(hop, being made principall Secretary and Privy Scale, Became not onely an able but potent Minifler of State 5 having yet difference with the Lord Treafurer ThovtM Earle of Surrey , a Noble-man of great courage and experience in Affaires 3 he flood not fecurc. They had often been reconciled by the King 5 who not onely beft knew, but often fuffered moft for their oppofition. , Yet as the wiping out of blots fometimes makes them greater , fo fa- tisfadions for injuries feldome expiate them fo totally, but that fome imprtfiion remaines. Therefore they flood flill at a di- ftance , in which condition yet they wanted not their advantages on either fide. The Bifhop had abundant matter to fuggeft ; the buge Treafure , which Henry the feventh left being fo ex ha u fled, that it was nowalmoft confumed} while the Lord Treafurer in the difpofing of this young Kings bounty , fo ordered bufineffes, as in facilitating difpatches, he got him many Friends and Follow ers. The Lord Trcafurer, on the other fide, fayd : that nothing being done without the Kings fpeciall order, it was through envy onely the Bifhop thus oppofd him. In thefe termes then they flood flill, without almoft concurring in any thing, but in ex elu ding all others from gaining on the Kings difpofition, which yet they did not fo much by mutuall corifent,as by diminishing in their turns, every body elfe , that was extraordinarily in his good opi nion. At laft the Bifhop thinking how to better his party .brought in this Thorn as Woolfey ., to which purpofe alfo Sir Thomas LoveU Knight,and Mafler of the Wards, affifled him. This man, though of mean birth., being obferved by them to be of a quick and 1 rirring wit, and particularly famous fora Difpatch in Henry the fevendb his time, wherein he ufed extraordinary diligence , was thought a fit Instrument for their purpofes. He was already a Chaplains in Houfhold, and the Almoner, and from thence raifed to the place of of King Henry the eighth, of a G#uflcellor. Being in this neern^fle he knew a^ well how to difcouf fe with the Kiflg in matter of learning, (the King being much addifted to the teadingof T&w< ^///#<*r)as to comply with him in his delights} infomuch, as 1 (faith Polydore) he would (ing, dance,lavigh 3 jeft, and : play with thofe youths in whofe attendance, and company the King much delighted. Briefly, (to;ufeP0/^0m words) he made his private houfe Vohtptatum omnium Sacrarium^ quo Reg^m frequenter 'chcehat 5 He omitted not yet in the midft of all thefe jollities,to fpeak ferioufly y reprefenting fo all bufinefles to the King 3 a3^he got much credit with him. And this.againj was confirm'd by thofe Gallants, who contributed no little thereunto. Where upon he began to tell the King , that he fhould fometitnes follow his ftudies in Schoole-Divinity, and fometimes take his pleafure, and leave the care of publique affaires to him : promifing that what was amifle in his kingdome fhould be re&ified. Likewife, he omitted not to iofufe feares and jealoufiesof all thofe whom he conceived the King might arTecl. Whereby he became fo perfect a Courtier, that he had foon attained the heighth of favour. For as Princes have Arts to govern Kingdomes 3 Courtiers have thofe by which they govern their Princes ., when through any indifpo- fition they grow unapt for affaires. Thefe Arts being hopes and feares, which as doores and paflages to the heart , are fo guarded by their vigilancy ,, that they can both let themfelves in ., and keepe all others out : and therefore may be termed not onely the two ends of that Thred upon which Government depends, but through their dexterious handling, may be tyed .upon what knot they will. Particularly p he defiredto reduce all bufineflTes to himfelfe ^ for which end he fpake in this manner : Sir , Your Highnefle hath now fufficient experience of ftrange effecls which contradidions in Councels bring forth : It is unfafe to believe fingly either of thofe on whofe advice your Highnefle moft relyes 3 and impofiible to believe both. May your High- neile therefore choofe fome one 5 who, being dif- interefled, may have no paffion or thought but to ferveyour Highnefle. All thofe ftrong reafons of State which conclude Monarchy the beft forme of Government 3 make for a Favourite in: the next place. Info- much, that of fupreame Authority, as of thofe Pyramidall heights on which the Statues of Princes were anciently placed , I dare fay, th,ere can be none well raifed,'that from the loweft foundation is not fliarpned by degrees unto its poynt. But, left this fhould be thought looking upwards onely, 'be plea fed a while to looke down , and confider things the other way , and the Profpedive will hold its proportion. Porhoito, 5/r 5 'Jhoulda King cooferve his Power , if he divide and kt it fal 1 at once on .divers inferiour perfons ? Believe me, S?>, to diffufeit ovcr- (uddenly ; is to take a way not onely from the Dignity, but even intirenefle of it.- it being with Authority i: as with a Spring or F Foun- 1 5 ' 3- 1513 The Life an Fottntaine , which, that it may keepe his Courfe and Name, muft be cherifh'd and entertain'd 3 till it grow great , by the Contri butions and Concurrences of thofe lefler Heads that runne into k. Kings muft never defcend but by fteps. The more orders are under them, the higher ftill they ftand. Neither will your other Councellors thinke themfelves much leflhed this way 5 for when they may ufe the ordinary power and fway allow 'd them over their inferiours, they will not thinke themfelves much con- cern'd for the reft. Befides, your People will be glad of it , as knowing which way to addrefle their fuits. To leave them more at large ? were to expofe them to thofe delay es and uncer tainties they would never patiently endure. Againe , it would be unpuffible any other way to keepe fecrecy in bufinefle, ("which yet is the life or Counfell) or almoft to finde out who is the di- vulger. M oreover, when your Highnefle, in fome great and per- plex'd affaires., hath occaiion to acquaint your Councellors onely with forne part of your meaning , what inftrument can be fo apt as a Favorite ? While, if things fucceed ill, or other wife that your Highnefle would not feem to have the advice proceed from you, how eafily may your Highnefle difavow all , and lay the fault on him ? Thus may your Highnefle finde the many ufes you may make of your Favorite. Yet, Sir? let me fay 3 I fhould never advife your Highnefle to fee by his Eyes 3 or heare by his Eares onely. This were to keepe you in too much darknefleand fubjeftion. To prevent this therefore, be pleafd to appoint able Perfons, and fuch as may not know of each other, by whom your Highnefle may be informed , not onely what is done., but even faid vulgarly Thus (hall your Highnefle take order not to be deceiv'd. As for the more doubtfull and intricate pans of bufinefle, which require particular fcrutiny and examination 5 your Highnefle, in my opi nion , may doe well to have three or foure confident Perfons, not yet of the Body of your Councell , with whom feparately your Highnefle may advife 3 before thofe difficulties be brought unto them. This will enable your Highnefle to fpeake thereof when you transferre it to the Body of your Councell, and make you difcern their opinions. Onely, if any thing be determined, let your Favo rite ftill be the chiefe Ador in the execution. Hereof then your Highnefle may pleafe to advife. Neither will I prefume to nomi nate my felfe otherwife: Onely I will crave leave to fay thus much that, when your Highnefle would, out of your own election, think fit to ufe my beft fervice herein, I fhould not doubt but fo to eftabifli andconferve your Highnefle Authority, as to make you the great- eft and happieft Prince living. Neyther (hould I feare to fall when any benefit might grow to your Majefty thereby. The young King being perfwaded thus, without other advice or confederation adopted wooifty^ and thereupon orders him to difpatch his ohiefef affairs. This got him not onely eftimation a nd addrefles, but Pre fent 0/ Kjn% Henry the eighth. Tents and rich Gifts from the greateft Perfons. They again brought him tothatinfolency, that he feemed not onely to forget his birih, (being a R utchers fonnej but all his former friends 5 infomuch as no man (faith Polydore) durft remember him of an ancient acquain tance A Badge or Livery whereof (he faith) appeared in his outward garment, he being the fif ft ( faith the fame Polydori) among all Priefts,Bifhop?, and Cardinals, that ever wore Silke for his upper mo ft Veftment. Yet was it not alone , for as divers other Priefts imitated him , fome envy was raifed on the whole Clergy. But this was when Silke was either more rare , or more efteemed ^ it being in this age fo common , that it is become the wearing of every meane perfon. The Gallants of the Court finding now the Kings favour manifeftly fhining on Woolfey , applyed themfelve much to him. And efpecially Charles Brandon, who,for his goodly perfon., courage , and conformity of difpofition, was noted to be moft acceptable to the King in all his exercifes and paftimes. Notwithftanding all which ( faith Tolydore ) the King fadly exa mined buff nefles him felfe 5 and, kowfoever the chiefe truft was committed co Woolfey $i& not omit yet fas far as his youth would fuffer him) to ufe his own judgement in his weightieft affaires. All preparations for the expedition to France being now ha fte- ned.amongft which that of victualing the Army was (not without a Sarcafme to his birth) 'recommended to Wovlfey , it was yet con troverted whether the King fhould goe in Perfon. They who oppof'd it, urged, firft their due afFeftion to, and tendcrneffe over him; facing further, that , if the King fhould die without iilue, (however the fucceflion were undoubted in his fifter Margaref) yet rhat the people were fo afTeclcd to the houfe of Yorkc^t they might take Edmund de la Tok out of the Tower 5 and fet him up. That the warre in France was not of that confequence (efpecially fince 3 with the death of Julius the fecond 3 it feemed the chiefe caufes of diflention ceafed ) that the King ftiould goe in Perfon, XV* ^^ and diuert his owne Kingdome. On the other fide it wasal'ea- ged.,thatto commit an Army 3 wherein the flower of his Nobility and Kingdome was 3 to any cne Subject, was not onely unfafe, but to the prejudice of many worthy Competitors for that ho nour. That it was no new thing ( whether they regarded the indent Kings of England .> or the moderne Emperor, and two French Kings fucceffively ) to g.oe in Perfon, with a Royall Ar my. That the fame providence ruled everywhere. But it was replied, that, till the King had more Ifliie ( and that Mafculine) it was againfr all reafon of State to hazzard the Kindome to thofe tumults which might follow , to which opinion , as the beft , it is likely the King would have condefcended , had not frefh Let- ter< arrived from Maximilian , in the Popes name exhorting him, fpeedily to come; and promifing that he would not onely give him meeting, but take pay under him. In the meane while it was F 2 thought 1513. The Life and l^aigne 1513 Ap'ril 30- May. June 17. June 21. Hall. I. de Serr. June 30. thought fit that Edmund de la, Tele ( fonne of John de U Pole, Duke of Suffolk? 3 by Elizabeth fitter to Edward the fourth , who had been made prifoner by Wenry the fcventh, and (b continued many yeeres) fhould have his Head * ftruck off} Our King therein but executing what his Father Henry at his departure out of the World commanded, fas Bel/ay hath it.) And true it is that he was of a turbulent and audacious fpirit : but whether any late matter was alleag'd againft him, doth not fufficiently appeare to me, by ny Record. Though fome correfpondence with his younger bro ther Richard de la Pole (who Ifinde by the French Writers com manded 6000 French at the fiege of Therouene ) might perchance accelerate his end. The King refolvd now to goe in Perfon, thought fit yet to fend his Vanguard before. This was commanded by GeorgeTabet Earle of Shrewsbury > High Steward of the Kings Houfhold , who was accompanied with ikowas Stanley Earle of Derby 3 Thomas Docrrra Lord Prior of the Order of Sr Johns , Sir Robert Ratcltfe, Lord F//&- water , the Lord H.ijiings , the Lord Cobham , Sir Rice ap Tho- mas CaptaineoftheLight-horfe, and many other brave Knights and Efquires 3 and the number of above eight thoufand, who came to Calciif in Mid M^.Thefe being followed again with the Middle- ward of about fix thoufand more , commanded by the Lord Her bert , Lord Chamberlaine to the King ( whom alfo the Earles of Northumberland^ Kent., and Wiltshire , the Lords Andley and De~la- ware , the Barons Caroro and Curfon, and divers other worthy Knights and Efquires : accotnpanied) arrived at Calais fifteene daies after. Thefe two Lords attending the Kings further dire&ions, flayd there till June 1 7. when they both in good order of Battell marched towards Therouene , before which Town they arrived upon the two and twentieth following 5 pitching theirTents about a mile off. This Town was fenced with a large Ditch, ftrong Bul- warkes 3 and quantity of great Ordnance, which (hot freihly^ in- fomuch that the Baron of Carovp Mafter ot the Ordnance was the firfl night killed by a Bullet in the Lord Herbert t Tent^ which came fo neere him, that the French (though erroneoufly) write he was ilaine there. The Earle of Shrewsbury planted himfelfe on the North- weft, and the Lord Herbert on the Eaft fide of the Town 3 whence they made their approaches. In the Towne wasaGarrifonof about two thoufand Foot, and two hundred and fifty Lances ^ comman ded by Monfeur Franco* de feligny , and Anthoine de Crequy S T de Tondormyi To relieve them againe, the French raifed a puif- fant Army , to which ten thoufand men under the Duke of Gueldret 3 and fix thoufand more under Richard de U Pole^ brother to Edmund lately beheaded, were added. In the meane while our King, having conftituted Queene Ka- tharitte , Regent, pafleththe Sea to Calais upon the la ft of June$ bringing of Kng Henry the eighth, bringing with him the reft of his Army , which was tranfported with about 400 Saile : Withhimcamealfothe^/wo#-, and new Favorite, Thorns WoolfeyjuhOy for having lived long in that Town under the Treafurer thereof,was pertettly acquainted with the ad- dreffes of it. The King being viiited by the Arnbailadors of the Emperor, the Regent ofFlanders^ and Duke ofBrunfiric^ ftayed here till the 2 1 of July., when, hearing, that the French meant to releiveT/>er0##e : under the Command of Lou if Dncde Longu?v7llv^ and Marquefle de Rotelin> whom le Seigneur de la Paliffi^ as alfo the famous Bayard^ la Fayette^ Ckrmont d Anjou 5 and Bni/e d' 4r,.>boife accompanied, he haltned his departure. His Army confifted of about 9000 good fighting Men, beiidesthofe who belonged to the carriages, which were fume 2000 or 3000 more. Sir Chafer 'Bran don (a little before * Created Vifcount Lijli) had the Vantguard, whom the Earle ofEjJex (Lieutenant Generall of the Spears) ac companied. In the Battaile the King came, having the Duke of Buckingham on the one Hand with 600 chofen men, and Sir Edward Toynings on the other with a many more} Sir Henry Guilford car ry ing the Standard Royall. The Rereguard being com po fed in great part of the retinew of Richard Fox Eifhop ofwinchejler, and Woolj r ey to the number of 8co men was led by Sir William Common. In the fpaces betwixt, the great Ordinance ("among which Bellay mentions thofe call'd the 1 2 ApoftlesJ was drawne^ and part of the Carriages difpos'd. After all thefe yet came Sir Anthony Oughtred an$l John Ntvitte with 400 Spears. T his litt'e but flourifhing Ar my was fcarce entred the Fref/> Con fines neere Ardres, when news was brought that the enemy appear'd. Hereupon Sir Rice ap Tho mas ( who came from iheroutne with 500 Light Horfe to meet the King) joy ning with the Earl ofE/ex and Sir Thowas Guilfordjft\\o commanded 2co Archers on Horfe-backe 3 drew towards the French 9 but they prefently difappeared. As they Marched yet, two Peices of Ordnance mifcarried^the one whereof was * loft, the other recovered in defpite of the French. Upon the fourth of Anguft the King came to Theromm^ before which he caufed a fump- tuous Pavilion to be pitched. Sir Alexander BynarnCaptame of the Pioners, (hortly after caufed a Mine to be made under the Walls$ but the French Countermining, it was well difputed 5 and divers kill'd on both parts. Maximilian being * now come to Ayre^ it was thought fit an Interview fhould be made. But the day be ing very foule, the Ceremony was fhort. About two dayes after, Lyon King of Armes in Scotland., in his Heraulds Coate, comes to the Campe, and defires leave to deliver a Letter * to the King. Gartier brings him in. The King having perus'd the Contents (which were , Expoftulation for fome pre tended Injuries, and thereupon denunciation of Warre unlefle he returned) makes a (harp Anfwer by word of mouth, among other things telling him, that he had left an Ea-rle behind him in the North, July.2l, May.il *JuIy.28. July. 29. Aug. 4. Aug.?. Aug. 1 1. *Dat.Jul-9. .-;- Aag. 12. .12. *Aug.i5, *Aug.i6. Hall. The Life and North, who could very well defend his Kingdome againft the at I tempts of his Matter. But Lyon refund to carry any verball Mef- fage. Whereupon our King thought fit by Letter again to anfwer to this purpofe, That he underflood this expofhibtion to be no thing but the picking of a Quarrell to affift the French, and invade him, in his abfence. That hee wifhed him to call to mind hew KingofN<*fcwrr^forayding the French in the fame manner, loft his Kingdome ; and advifed him to take that for a warning. Laftly, he bid him beailured,that what he did to him or hh Realm now he was abfent, fhould be remembred, and requited againe in like meafure. Before yet thefe Letters could be delivered by Lyon> his King and Mafter James the fourth was killed, as fhall be after wards related. Upon the twelfth G^Auguft Maximilian the Emperor came to the King, in the quality of his Souldier , and therefore not onely wore the Groffe of Saint George, but received his pay duly t which I find, byfome, to havebeenahundredCrownes per dum. Not* withftanding which, that all due refped might be rendered to his Pcrfon, the King gave order to lodge him according to his dignity, in a Tent of Cloth of Gold, for the reft moft fumptuoufly enter taining him the (pace of two dayes that he ftayed in the Campe. Theroiime was not yet fo ftreightly befeiged, but that on the one fide which was toward the River Lys , there was a way open , on which part the French intended to releive it The King therefore commanded five Bridges to be inftantly made over the faid River, by which him felfe with Maximilian Cwho was now *return'da- gainj and a great part of his Army palled*. This was fcarce done, when our Light-horfe brought word, that the French were in fight. Our King thereupon marched towards them. The French at firft came, as if they meant to fight } but, after a flight skirmilh _, fled away in much diforder, which feemed the ftranger, that the fight was between the Horfemen only, and many of the braveft or their Nation were among them } Our Men purlued, and tooke Louis DHcdeLon^HeviUesMarcpaeRe de Rote/in^ Bayard^ Fayette, Clcr- mont^ and 'Buiffh a Amloi*> and brought them away, together with nine Cornets. The Seigneur de la Palrjfe^ and Monfieur d> Imbrecourt were alfo taken, but agreeing for their ranfome upon the place were prefently let free,or, as others fay, efcaped. This Battaile., hapning the 1 6. G^Auguf^ was call'd by the French, la. Journee dcs Efperons^ becaufe they made little ufe of any thing but their Spurs, for the good fuccefle whereof therefore both the King, and Maxi milian the Emperor C wearing ftill his Badge of the Red-Crofie) did upon the place congratulate with each other, and afterwards aflifted at a folcmne Te Dcwn for this eafie Viftory. Neither had the French better fortune, in fetting upon a Convoy going with Provifions for our Army betwixt Guifnes and The- they being repuls'd (as Beffay hath it) and Uonjleur de Henry the eighth. de Tleffis flaine. While the French held Battaile with our King, as is aforefaid, part of their Cavaliery which haddevided it felfe that it might the better bri^g in Provifion, fell on the quarter of the Earle ofshrewfburj , and Sir Rice ap Thomas on the other fide of the watery but they were alfo foone repuls'd, though the Garrifon, and Townes-men taking this occafion, Tallied forth upon the Trenches of the Lord Herbert to make a diverfkm $ For that Lord being prepared to receives them 5 they were quickly beaten in again. Few dayes after the Seigneure de Tontdoring defpairing to keep the place long * yeelded both it, and the Ordnance to the King, upon Condition they might depart with their Arme?, Bagge and Bag gage, and Drums beating in Military Order. Which being done., our King and the Emperor ( who as I find it confirmed in Ancient Manufcripts Diary extant iaour Records, ftill gave our King the precedence) entred the Towne, Aagufl 24. This Gity being gotten, it was now difputed whether our King fhould hold it 5 A queftion which could not but feeme ftrange as well to the Authors of the Counceli as Complices in the hazard 3 efpecially fince it coft fo much, as Gtticciardine doubts not to call it Spefa intoUcrabile et infinita $ Howbeit it was at laft refol v'd that be- caufe it fb confin'd on Maximilians Territories, and that the Carri- fon infefted his fubjecls by frequent incurfions , that at Maxim- HS intreaty, the Town fhould be razed, fave only the Church and Religious houfes, fo much did our King deferreto the Empe- rour Maximilian for being his Souldier and taking pay under him. Befides, our King confidered that to leave any Troops behind would difable his further defignes, for which motives therefore ic gave the Towne to M*xitMilian.> who levell'd it, which yet I find was not fo done, but that the French did fhortly after repaire and put it into defence. From hence then the King C being per- adedtoitbyM4x///7/4JrefolvestobefeigeT^r/^5 But, by the way, being diverted by the PrincefTe Marguarites perfwafions who defired much to fee him at Lite) he pafTed three dayes in her Company, and the many faire Ladies that attended her 5 when re- membring himfelfe, that it was time to vifit his Army (which lay at fome diftance from him ftrongly encamped) he takes leave of the Ladies. Being now out of the Gates a mile or two, fome fuch mifthapnedbothto him and all his Traine, that they had loft themfclves 5 neither could they refolve which way to turne, un- till a Vidnaller coming by chance from his Army, both inform'd him where it lay, and conduced him thither, to the great rcjoy- cing of them all. The 1 5. of Septemb.the Army (which Maximili an had now left, upon pretence of I know not what unfatisfkftion which yet was fhortly repaired, ) fet downe before Tournay, which thereupon was fummoned to yeeld} but the greater part refufing 3 the King encamping on the North, the Earl of sbrenffary on the South, and the Lord Htrkert oa the Weft of the Towne began their Batteries. Aug. 22. Aug.3. ViarjM.S. Aug.2 4 . Aug 27. Sept. 1 2. Diary of Jo. 1*ylr. M, S. Mall. Sept. 1 4. *Fbe Lifemd 'Ratgne - - Sept. 21 Hall. Scpt22. Scpc.23. or. M. S. Latin- Batteries. When upori the 21. a Meilenger ff 6m the Earl of Surrey brought the Gantlet^ or^as *oth"ers iay.the Coat- Armour of lame's the fourth.,as a Token of the Vidory obtained at F/0<&/eThis, as itrejoycedtheKing, fo it put him in mind of the viciflitude of all wordly things. Therefore hetcmper'd his mirth with a ferious con- ilderation of the events to which Wars are fubjed. Howfoever, he caufed Te Dcunt to be fung publiquely the day following, and a Sermon to be preached by the Bifhop o^Rochejier^ who laid all the fault on that King's breach of word. Which day alfo thofe of Tournay capitulated andyeelded to our King, by the name of Roy Tres'Chreflien fas I find in the Originall * contrad) upon condition of fidelity., and prefent payment of fifty thonfand Grownesd? Sole/I^ and a yearly Penfion of foure thoufand pound Tounfois for the fpace often y eares. Whereupon the King, as John Tzylor Do- dor of Law, prefent at the Seige faith in his Manufcript Latin Dia ry, gave them leave to enjoy their Ancient Gu domes and Liber ties 5 upon condition yet they fhould admit a Garrifun. Neither as itfeems could they do otherwife} the French being fo much dif- couraged by their late misfortune, thatthey did not attempt the Septemb. 24 j e j v j n g o f j t Thus^ on ihe 24 of September , our King entred the Town triumphantly. And here, upon confultation what was next tobedone ? it was refolved to fiirceafe the Warre for this yeare. Winter now beginning to enter. Tt wa thought fit alfo, to leave Sir Edward Foynings with a ftrongGarrifon to keep it. Which can not but feeme ftrange 5 to thofe who confider that Theroiiene was razed } fince Therouene was nearer the Englifh pale , and might bee better defended, and would, befides, have kept the paflage open to this. But falfe Counfells are like falfe Gemmes ; which how countefeit foever., have (when they are well fet) one good light to I befeeneby. Therefore Wodfey y ( who was fo much Author of ; this Counfell as he got the Biflioprick of the place thereby) could ! glofe his advife^ with telling the King, he might now have confi- I dence in MaximiliA-n^ as having ferv'd under him. Befides, that the razing of Therouene at his requefr,would put a perpetuall obli- i gationon him. Buta* forTournay^ that it wasfititfliouldbekept, as a trophee of his Vi dories $ and the rather^that C&c. being made Knights G Bannerets 5 Viar.I.f. Oftob. n. 1 Oftob.13. Surita* D'ur.M.S. Aug. Aug. 22, Hall. Aug.27. Sept. 4. Buck. Sept-4. 7 he Life an / Banfle rets > and Sir lohn Maymvaring^ Sir John S*Htb.> Sir I0&# Z>/g- /y, &c~ created Knights. And here the King gave order for fecu- ring Tourney , as well as the reft of his Poflfeffions in thofe parts, which being done, and the wind proving faire 3 bee ihortly came to his Queen at Richmont , who had long ex- pefted Him. Having now related the King's expedition (which I was unwil ling to interrupt by any intervening oecafion)Irnuftreturntothe Narration of that Battaile, which was fought betwixt lames the fourth^ and Thwnas Earl of Surrey^ commonly call'd F/W^-field. This King, retaining in his Mind fome rancour for divers Caufes formerly related, thought he could not any time more feafonably revenge himfelfe, or for the reft give a more acceptable teftimo- ny of his love to Louis the twelfth, then now in the Kings abfence, by invading his flealme.Therefore, having fir ft denounced war by his Herauld, he fent Alexander Lord Humes^ his Chamber laine, to forrage the Borders, which Sir William Kulmrr hearing, ufed that diligence, that he overtooke, and fought with him in his Retrait, fo that he recovered a rich Booty. The King hereup* on in Perfon , with an Army of (my thoufand ( feme write a hundred thoufand } Men , enters the Country , and 3 after a few day es Seige, takes N0r/^#*-Caftle. l-homas ELarl of Surrey here upon haftens his Army, which confifkd of twenty fix thoufand, appointing his Sonne the Lord Admirall to come by Sea 3 and meet him at or neere Alnervjc^ in Northumberland. This brave Lord failed not his * time , bringing /with him alfo about one thoufand Men y of whom when the Earl had taken view, and given orderin what place every one mould fight, hemarrhes towards the King ^ who had removed his Army to an Hill called Tlodden for Flttidoti) on the edge of the mountain cheviot-^ where he ftrongly entrench'd himfelf. The Scottifh writers here relate, that many of their coun try- men (Tor want of Viftualls) fecretly fled home,, leaving th Kings Troops but thin. Our writers, on the other fide, make the Scotti/h-men much fuperior in number. Howfoever, the Earle of Surrey defired nothing more then to fight, as finding the whole Country thereabouts fo forraged and fpoiledthat he could not longfubfift. Thereforeon,s#W he of Kjng Henry the eighth. he would fpare none; but the King only, if he came in his hand?. And to make all this good., that he would be in the Vantguard of the Battaile. Laftly RcugeCroix was charged, if any were reman ded, he fhould f for preventing efpiall) bring him no nearer then two miles unto the Campe^ ' lames the fourth * received this Mef* fage gladly, and as he was a Princeof Great Courage, by his own Hertiuld aflures the Earl, that he did fo much defire to encounter him, that, whenhehadbeeaatc^c/urg/j 3 he would have leftajl bufioeiie for that purpofe: and therefore wimedhimto reftaflu- red, he would not faile to abide Battailetheday named, which was Friday. This being done, th'e Herauld^elivers a p rote fration from his King and Matter, in thefe very words, being in "anfwer to the former expoftulation of the Earles. As to the cau$s alledged of our corning into England, again/I our Bond and promife (as is alleadged,) thereto we Anfwer; Our Brother was bound as farre to us, as wtetohim} and when we fware laft, before his Ambafladour in prefence of our Gouncell, we exprefled efpecially in our Oath,that we would keep to our Bro ther, ifour Brother kept to us, and riot elfe. We fweare our Bro ther brake firft unto us. Andfincenis Breach wee; have required divers times him to a mend. Andlatdy we warned our Brother,as hedftl not us ? orehe brake. And this we take for our Quarrell^and with Gods Grace (hall defend the fame, at your affixed tirne,which with Gods grace we (hall abide. Hereupon the Earle, advancing a came within three miles of Floddon 5 but, perceiving that the King dill kept upon the Hill, which was unapproachable,' Be fent RQH& Croix againe, with a Letter fubfcrib'd by himfelfe D his fonne the Lord Admirall ? and divers other principal Noblemen and Knights, where, in refpe&full termes, they provoked him to defcend from bis fortifications, and fight, in a large Plaine call 'd Mdfiild fwhich y^ between them,) upon Friday following 5 alleadging,for this pur- fx)fe, the promife they received from his Grace heretofore. But no fatisfaclory Anfwer being given to this, and the Heralds being returned on either fide, the Earle removes with his Army tofuch a place, that, if the Scottifh-men would not leave the advantage of their Site, he might cut of their Vichialls, and confequently draw them down, temes the fourth hereupon firing his Hutts, diflodges covertly, by the benefit of the fmoake, and keeping ftill on the higher ground, at laft he commands a ftay. Pfefemly after, the Earl alfo, traverfing fome Boggs,and Marifhes till he arrived to the bottomeofthis Bancke, found the afcent not very fteepe, and thereupon incourageth his men to fight. This done, he marcheth up ^The Vantguard was led by his two fonnes, the Lord Thowas and Sir EdtMnd't the Battaile by himlelfe, and the Rere by Sir Ed ward Stanley. The Lord Dawes, with his Horfe, being appointed a^Referveonalloccafions. The King obferving this well, and Ridging that it was not without much disadvantage that theEng- G ^ -43 Sept.*. Hall. Sept.;, Haff. Sept?. The Life and l lifh came to fight, exhorts his men to behave themfelves like brave Souldiers, and thereupon joynes Battaile. Sir EdwundHowardxt fir ft was in fome diftrefTe, by the fingular valour of the Earles o Lenox and Argntle^ but the Lord D acres coming to his fuccour,as al- fo one Heron, the fight was Renewed 3 The Lord Thomas Howard purfued his point better $ yetfo, as he found a brave oppofition from the Earles of Cr*tf0rd and Monntroffe. The Kings Battaile and the Earles likewise maintained together a long and (harp fight. This while Sir Edward Stanley, by force of Archers, conftrained the Scottish to defcend the Hill, infomuch that, for avoiding his ftorme of Arrows, they opened their Ranckes : and therein Teemed to give one of thefirft overtures for Viftory. The King percei ving the diforder, redoubled his courage, infomuch that our writers confeffc he had almoft overthrowne the Earles Standards. But the Lord Thomas Howtird^ and Sir Edward Stanley^ who had dif- comfited their oppofites, coming to fuccors, and the Lord Dacres alfo flying in with his Horfe, the Scottifh were fo hardly put to it, that, for their laft defence they caft themfelves into a Ring } in that order of fight doing all that raliant Men poffibly could, to defend themfelves. No man yet did in his Perfon more then the King} Infomuch, that preffing on Ml, he was at laftkill'dontheplace, as our writers have it. The Scottifli writers yet fay it was one /- phjnftone, who wearing the fame Armes the King did, was taken for him, affirming further that the King fled over the River 7i?e&/,a was there f I know not how) flaughtered. The fight, continuing three houres, made the event doubtfull, and the execution great. In conclusion, moft of the nobler fort, one Arch-Bifhop, and two Bifliops^ befides four Abbots on the Scottifli fide were flaine there, and about ten Thoufand others. On our fide (fayes Polydore) there died about five Thoufand, others fay fewer , fo that, as it was a Bloody Vi&ory, it might bethought fomewhatuncertaine,till the next morning, when the Body, fuppofed for the King's, and fo ac knowledged by divers of both Nations ( as our Hiftorians fay) was found among the dead Garkafies, having Receiv'd (as our writers have it) a mortall wound with an Arrow, and another with a Bill. The Scottithlay theoccafion of their overthrow chiefcly on fome of their Troopes,that look'd on,and never (b much as gave ftroak. But that we may leave thefe things to their Relations, I find after this Battaile the Scottifli that remained, returned home much grie ved for the unfortunate fuccefle of that day, being Sept. 9. The Earle tooke all the Ordnance, and particularly fcven extraordi nary faire Culverins, call'd the feven filters. And fo after giving God thankes,difmift the greateft part of his Army,and retir'd him- (elfe home, untill newes of the King's coming to Richmont brought him thither, taking order in the meane time, that the dead Body, being embalmed, Ihould be carry ed firft to Nen'.Caftle^ and after to Shenein Surrey:, though, as that King was Excommunicate, it may &f Kjng Henry the eighth. may be doubted, whether it were buried in any Confecrate place 5 fince 1 finde by 'Breve dated November 29. 1 5 1 3, and extant in our Records , that our King obtained a Breve from the Pope , for transferring the body to Saint ?<*ulf in London. Upon condition yet, that the Bifhop of 'London fliould firftabfolvethefaidjf'*^^ and our King Nowzne tpjitff aljqtt.im convenientem foenitentiam adiwpleret. Our Kingnow ( the Parliament frill fitting J eftablifted an Or* der, how the Subjefts he h; ! d in his new Acquifiiions in France might recover their debts from thofe in England, as well as the Englifli from them. Moreover it was enafted, that every Perfort that would fue for the Kings Pardon , upon certaine Articles, mould have it. In this Parliament zlfo Margaret > daughter of George Duke of Clarence 3 late wife of Sir Richard de la Pole Knight, petitioned,That there, by Ad of Parliament ,19 Htnrici 7. Edward Earle of JFrfr- rvicke was declared Traytor. and fo his Lands forfeited 5 it would plcafe the King that me might inherit (as being Sifter and next of Bloud) his state and Dignity, and fo be (Hied Countefie ofsarufft^ which was granted. I finde little elfe memorable this yeere among our Hiftorians, faveonely a Commotion in London-^ which hapned on this manner. The Villages of Jjlington^ Hocl{fton 5 and Shoreditch hiving fo in- clofd their grounds 3 that theydebarfd the Citizens from their accuftomed freedome and exercifes, the Apprentices of London threw down the Hedges and Ditches., after this manner. A Turner running in a Fooles-coat through the Streets , and crying Shovels and Spades, was prefently followed in fuch numbers , as all their incloiures were quickly level'd. For which therefore the Lord Major was, well check'dj and command given him to prevent fur ther mifchiefe. The French King, now finding two principall frontier Townes taken, the flowre of his Chivalry made prifoners, while the reft ran away , his beft Confederate Jamet the fourth kiPd 3 and the chiefe adminiftration of Scottifh Affaires devolved to the hands of Margaret Sifter to King Henry the eighth^ (at leaft untill fhe mar ried againe,) A League, in oppofition to him , fworo by three the moft puiffant Princes of Chriftendome ^ The Pope animating all this againft him , under the odious name of a Schifmaticke , and Iaftly 3 himfelfe farre ftrucken inyeeres , begins to thinke how beft he might come off. And, to this, he had but a Winters fpace 5 for the warre was to begin the next Spring. He negotiates therefore with, the Pope firft. To this end he offers fatisfaftion for his ob- ftinacy 5 Next, he ftipulates to give way to the accomplifliing the Popes dcfignes in Bononia, and elfewhere 3 to renounce the Coun- ce^i of Pifa , and accept that tfLateran , promifing withall to re mand the Cardinall Bernard/ft^ (whom as the Pope defired to have, iNovem.29. Records. Jan.j. Regni 5. M.S. The Life and "Raigne 'April. 15 1 j. have, fo he gracioufly pardoned.) Laftly, whereas great inconve niences might follow, not onely to his Holine(Te : but all Chriften- dpme , if 3 by thefe inteftine warres a paflage were made open for Sclyjne the Turke to invade it, fwho had lately taken eighteene ftrong pi ices neere Presbttrg in Hungary ', ) He promifeth his afli* ftance againft them. All which being taken by the Pope into fe- rious consideration, makes hint Relent 5 and, in fequence thereof, nijt onely recommends Peace and Unity to all Chriftian Princes, and particularly to our King,but 3 fhortly after enters into a League againft the Turke 5 for this purpofe ufing thofe potent Miriifters of his the Church-men 3 who were in favour with their feverall Princes. Louis the twelfth alfo drawes Maximilian off, partly by reprefenting the danger above-mentioned in Hungary , which (neHtLadzjtdtff) moft concern'd him , and partly by according the demands he made about divers pretences inEurgogne^ and laftly urges fome difcontents remaining in Maximilians mind,ever fi|\ceHe7 the eighth and himfelf met laft, (though in effect they were little more then P;//70/,ordinarily hapning on the Enter- view of great Princes,) And for Fe.rdinandhe. was eafily taken off, fo that he might enjoy Navarre,*nd for the reft keep his Authority n Italy. To which therefore Louis the twelfth condefcended 5 p*o- roguing the * laft yeeres Truce with him for twelve Moneths lon- ;er. Laftly., becaufe Henry the eighth was (without all thefe) able aJane to finde him worke 9 he offers his Friendfhip , and Alliance in matching with his Sifter the Princefle? Mary^ thought then one of the faireft Ladies of her time k Tt)'ftpengthen this proposition alfo, he advertifes our King, that Charles Prince of Caflik ( after wards Charles the fifth ) was treating of a marriage with Anne daughter of Ladiflawt King c&Hu.ngAry ^ And when it were in ear- neft 3 that he intended to match wkh his Sifter the Princeffe Uary> that yet ( being but fourteen yeeres old in February next ) he was not ripe enough for her -5 (concealing in the meane time that him- felfe was as much toe old.) He privately alfo acquainted the King how Ferdinand did but deceive him $ as one ., that would at all times be drawn to his Party., when he might enjoy Nawre. Toge ther with whichjit is probable he did revealetheaforefaid fecret Truce made by the Spanifh Secretary (guintana. betwixt himfelfe and Ferdinandfor one yeere wore. An Article whereof was 5 that., during the faid Truce, Louis the twelrth mould not moleft Milan. He told him 5 befidesthatM^x i /iz//4/defigaes were on the Vene tians, and not on France. And that the Levyes in FUnders for the warres propoled againft France the next yeere , were and mould be retarded by the Princefle Marguerite , purpofely, becaufe her Father had other defignes. All which was reprefented to the King by private and confident Meffengers, who under colour of treat ing for the delivery of Louis Due de Longnevillc , and the reft who were Prif oners of warre 3 negotiated this great Affaire. Our K ing here ng Henry the eighth. hereupon ctffdaining $obe twice deceived by his Father i n law ferdinand, and detefting withall the ingratitude and levity of areed a league with Louis the twelfth upon the fe- ' vcnth ofAttgu?. 1514. fortheterm of their joynt lives and one 1514 Aug. 7. yeere after. ~ The erTeci was 3 That all former offences fhould be remitted and abolifhed, Traffique reftored, and all Impofuionspn &*"*** grangers fince fifty two yeeres Jaftpaft, extinguifhed. That no Letf ers of Merque fhould be granted, butagainftthe principall Delinquents , and that onely in cafe juftice were denied. That no Robbers by Land 3 or Pirates by Sea fhould be maintained on either fide. That Rebels and Fugitives ihould not be eatertain'd^ but rendered (within tvrenty daies after Requiiition) to their So- veraigpes. That they fhould be Friends to the Friends, and Ene mies to the Enemies of earh other. That (for mutual! defence pi their prefect Eftates ) Louis the twelfth fhould furnifh at the re quifition of Henry the eighth , one thoufand two hundred Lances by Land, and five thoufand men at Sea, with convenient (hipping. And Henry the eighth ten thoufand Archers by Land , and five thoufand men at Sea, with (hipping,, at the requifition of Louis the twelfth. But if either of the two Kings (hall require ayd of the other for the recovery of his Pretenflons , then Louis- (hall lend King Henry fix hundred Lances onely , and King Henry him but five thoufand Archers for Land fervice } the Sea forces retaining the numbers above mentioned. All this to be at the coft of the Demandant. Yet , if either of the faid Princes (hall be invaded, onely for the caufe of this Confederacy, then the other (hall ayd him at his own charge. If warre be made by common confent, neither Prince may make peace feverally. That the Englifh Mer chants fhould have their ancient Priviledges at Ecurd-^ux reftored. That this Treaty fhould be published and ratified by the Pope, (by whom it was chiefly procufd) with a Claufe of Excommuni cation on the Infraftors. Among the Allies of each Prince , the Scots alfo were comprehended herein , upon condition,that ?fter Septemb. 1 5 . they fhould make no incurfion on the Engli fh by pub- lique Authority } and if any were otherwife made, that fatisfadi- on fhould be fpeedily given. Befides this, the French Writers con- fefle there was a Treaty apart , by which Louis promifed to pay Henry the eighth a Million of Crowns, the faid Henry rendring him an Obligation,by which Charles Duke of Orleans father of the faid Louis , and other Princes of France were bound to pay the faid fumme. For, whereas Charles the eighth , Predeceflburto^// the twelfth, by a Treaty at Eftaples 1 49 2, bound himfelfe and his Heires to pay King Henry the feventh and his Heires the fumme of 745000 Crownes } and, after the death of the faid Charles , Louis the twelfth bound himfelfe and his Heires to pay fo much as re- main'd thereof, and this Bond was twice made by the faid Louis thetwelfth, firft to Henry the feventh 1498^ and after to Henry J u ly 14. the 1498. Tilltt. Grig* Rc. Novern.}. 1492. '/ be Life and 1513. July 21. I 1 ) IO. March 7. 1444. Sept. 14. Tolyd. Virg. Augtift. the eighth, 1510. And whereas (befides this Bond) the aforefaid Charles had bound hiinfelfe to the Lady Margarite Dutchefle of SowwerfetAnno 1444, to pay her a certaine fumme of money, which was not yet difcharged. Therefore, as alfo for confirming the atnity betwixt Louis and Henry , the faid Louis did now bind himfelfe and Heirs in a Bond of a Million of Crowns tobepayd to King Henry the eighth, in his Town of Calais 3 at feverall times, CvJz.^November I. next following fifty thoufand Francs:and May I. next} fo much more 5 and fo till the whole were paid. ( Which Obligation I finde in an Originall thereof, dated Septemb.\$. 1514.) All which minuted by Louis de L0ngHevile(ca\\ed by fome Louis d' Orleans Ducde Longuevtl/e^during his reftraint,was at laft thus fully concluded. The Princefle Mary alfo was to be configned to him, \ ^^ convenient fpeed , Not with ftanding(faith Pvlydorc) the King had fecretly defhn'd her once to another , who though he gave place 3 when it was fo much for her dignity , yet married her not long after. The condition for the Marriage, bewixt the faid Louis the twelfth, and Mary the Kings fitter, were thefe, as we finde them in our Records. That, i. within ten dayes following, Matrimony fhall be con- ! tra&ed by both Perfons by Proxies per verba de pr^fenti. 2 . After the Contract abovefaid, within twomoneths, the King of England I fhall fend and convey her, with Jewels and Houfhold-ftuffe fitting her Bftate, to Abbeville in Frtnce 5 where , within foure daies fol lowing the faid Louis the twelfth fhall fblemnly marry her. i 3 . King Henry fhall give with the Princefle Mary foure hundred ! thoufand Crowns 5 of which fumme (in regard of the tradition of the Lady, her Apparels, Jewels, &c.) Louis will be content to i accept the one halfe, i.e. two hundred thoufand Crowns , and to pay himfelfe the reft out of the moneys which by the late Treaty he is obliged to pay King Henry. 4. Louis fhall affigne to the Prin- cefle Mary a Joynture as great as any Queen of France (and namely as Queen Anne the la ft Queen) hath had. And this during her life fhe fhall enjoy, wherefoever fhe refide. 5. If Lc'uis x die fir ft, then , the PrincefTe Mary during her life, fhall enjoy her Dowry and Joynture, and all Jewels which the Queenes of France have ufed to enjoy after the death of their Hufbands. 6. If Louis furvive the faid Princefle , then he fhall have and enjoy her Por. tion 3 Joynture, Jewels, and Goods , according to the Cuftome of France. While thefe things were in agitation, the King (who called to minde many that had ferved him with much Fidelity , Courage., and fuccefTe in his late occafions and enterprises J) thought he could not doe any thing more juftly and prudently , then to be- ftow-fotpe condigne Recom pence upon them } It being fuch a Myftery of State as not onely gives the greateft luftre of Regall Authority, but of that confequence, as being ufed well, there will be of King Henry the eighth. be little need of punifbmenr. The reward to thefe brave Gava- liers he had felefted out for this purpofe , the King thought good to inveftin honour chiefly. Therefore upon the fccond of Febru ary, Thorns Earle of Surrey was by him created Duke of Norfolk? :, (a Title* before conferr'd on John his Father by Richard the third, and then againe extinguifhed.) His eldeft fonne, the Lord Thomas Howard alfo being fubftituted Earle of Surrey. Together with which he had an augmentation of Armes for his Atchievement \r\Flodden-ftt\d. Sir Charles Somerfct alfo, being in Elizabeth his wives right 3 (who was daughter and Heire to Willi am Herbert, Earle of Huntington) Lord Herbert ofchepflow^ Gower , and Rag- land^ was created Ear^e of Worcefter. Sir Charles Brandon , Vif- count Lift? was now alfo created Duke of ' Suffolke 5 And Sir Ed ward Stanley , not long after made Lord Mounttagle. Laftly, Thomas Woelfey Bifhop of Teurnay , was conftituted Bifhop of Lin colne. The King , being at fome reft now fromtranfmarine Affaires, begins to look towards Scotland 5 upon which he had many ad vantages For as the two Prinees., left by King James , wete very young ^ his fifrer Queene Margaret f their mother) in Eftate of adminifhing all the Affaires there 3 the chiefe and moft aftivepart of their Nobility kil'd 5 there wanted not many oc- cafions to prevaile himfelfe of 5 whereupon alfo., either by gentle meane> or otherwife by force , he refolr'd to procure an intereft in the Government of that Kingdome. To this it conduced not a little 3 that thofe Nobles which remained, betwixt Envy and Ambition , were diftrafted among them- felves. The Queene forefeeing well, that, in this ill condi* tion of Affaires 5 many inconveniences might follow, in a Coun- trey, whereof (by fpeciall Claufe of a Teftament made by the King before the laft expedition,,) fhee was declared Re gent, as long as flhee continued unmarried, fends to the King ber Brother, to crave his ad vice and affiftance, befeeching him withal 1 5 that he would defift from Hoff ility. The King mofc ge- neroufly anfwered, that, if the Scots would have peace, he would keepe peace; if they would have warre, hee would ikewife have war. Thus were all things compofed for the pre- fent , and Janes the fifth ( being not two yeeres old ) in Parlia ment declared King, in February 1 5-^. Yet as,not long* after, (he tooke to W\ifoznAArchib*ldDoia>%laffe Earle of Anguis (one both for birth and other perfections the eminenteft (lie could choofe inthatCountrey ) fbme Innovations and troubles enfued* For while DorvgLffe laboured by his private Power to fupply that Authority, which by marrying him, (he feemed to have loit , the Kipgdome was broken into fa&ions. The favourers of Dowglajfi alieadgcd, there was no of her way to keepe peace, but by fubmit- H ting 1514. Feb. 2. Aug.6. 50 The Life an * March 13. Lefa. March 1516. 1515. ting all to Qyeen Margaret $ for , finee the King of England did therefore onely defift from purfuing his Victory , becaufe the ad- miniftration of Affaires was in his Sifters hands *$ it were beft to leave them there } to ere& any other forme of Govern* rnent , were to draw the Englifh in againe , And when all their forces united were not able to refift him abfent , what might they attend from him prefent ? Efpecially , when not onely their chiefe ftrength was left in the late Battaile, but Henry mould finde a party with his Sifter^ (both in her owne name,and in the King her Sonnes ) would make for him. The other fa- Won C whereof Alexander Humes was chiefe ) urged the An cient Cuftome of Scotland., which in thefe cafes., befayd, did alwaies choofe fome Proteftor or Vice- Roy. Neither did it hinder 3 that they had hitherto deferred fo much to the Vertues of the Queen, that, as long as poffibly there was pretext for it, by the Kings Teftament , they had admitted her for Re gent: for now, fince by marriage of Dowglaffe > (he had vo luntarily relinquifhed that Power 5 that the Countrey there fore mould re fume their wonted Right and Priviledges. For , if in the mod quiet and ferene times, women had beene excluded from Government, how much more now ? Yet was not this the onely reafon that moved Humes. For, while hee doubted lead the ancient followers of his Houfe mould by the Power of Doroglajje be now drawne from him, he left nothing unattempted that might diminifh and weaken either him or the Queenes Authority. Therefore he recom mended every where John Stewart Duke of Albany , Coufin- German by the Father to 'j antes the fourth 5 who., though then in France , was yet of great efteeme at home. This, againe, was feconded by the Arts of the French, who could by no meanes fuffer the good Affe&ion of that Nation to be divided, much lefle drawn 1 om them. Howbeit Louis thought not fit openly to difcover himfelfe 3 as fearing to offend our King, with whom he was now contracting a (trait League and Affinity. Therefore hee would not fuffer the Duke to come into Scotland , though not long before * elected Governour , by the Queenes confent/ as was pretended ; which yet may be doubted 5 She protefttng * to our King , afterwards 3 it was extorted from her. ) Howfoever , after the death of Louis Hee was fent over, (as (hall be fhew'd hereafter ) well furnimed both with Men and Money, to take Pofleflion of the chiefe Government of all things x during the minority of the Prince. While bulineffes were now in preparation for Peace and Ally- ance betwixt our King and Louis the twelfth , it was thought fit, for difcharge of the Kings engagement a#d honour B to fend to Flanders^ f %L n g Henry the eighth, Flandres , to difcover how in thofe parts their afTeclion ftood to wards the match propofed betwixt Prince Charles and the Prin- cxfieMirys and withall to require men for the warre intended the next Spring* But , Charles having already broken two Articles of the faid Treaty of Manage, one whereof was 3 that when he came to fourteen yeeres of age hefhould (end a Proxy into England tocontradt the Princefle pe r verba de prsfint? 5 the other, that at a day appointed hefhould come himfelfe to Calais to efpoufe her , And our Ambafladours , finding for the reft no thing but delay, and irrefolution } the King would no longer omit to give order that his Sifter fhould neither be Weighted , nor his Affairs otherwife fufFer detriment. Therefore,after a fhort pro- teftation , whereby the fault was laid on them 5 (without yet, that any intention was difclofed for difpofing the Princeilc Mrfryinany other place, or of making a League with Louis the twelfth ) the King proceeds more roundly in his bufi- neffe. Before yet this could be effected , Present with his Gal' lies comming to Suffix , by night., and landing there , after a feort ftay was driven backe, and in the retreat, (hot in the face with an Arrow. Sir John Wallop hereupon being fent into Normandy,, burnt divers (hips, and one and twenty Villa ges , landing many times in defpight of the French , which feemed the more ftrange , that his Souldiers exceeded not eight hundred men. The French alfo appearing in fome numbers neer the Englifh Pale,Sir ikemts Lovel/was fent with certain Troops to Calais^ for the better ftrengthing of the place $ and the rather that Richardde la Pole was now gathering forces for fome great de- figne. But before hee could doe any thing, the Treaty and Peace was made} Among the Articles whereof, though the re manding of Richardde la Tole was proposed, yet Louis would never con fent to it 3 but fending him out of France gave, him an yeerelyPenfion. Louis dt L&ngueviUe having now power from his King tocon- traft Marriage par parole de preCent with our Kings Sifter , She alfo feet * her procuration to the fame efFed , the Ceremony whereof was folemnly held at the Ccleftins in Park 3 Septemh. 14. News whereof was no fooner brought 3 but our King , together with the Queen conducing her to the Sea-fide bid her farewell , and recommended her to the Duke of Norfolkes care. Shortly after which 3 landing at Etulogne , and being met by fome principall perfons deputed by the King, fhe was attended on, and guided towards Abbeville , In the way to which, the old King on horfe- backe met and faluted her , and afterwards retired himfelfe privately , while Ihce was received into AbbeviSe with much Pompe. Where, on Saint >?*// day , ottibtry. (hee was in Perfon married to Leuis the twelfth j who , after beftowing many Jewels on her , and rich Prefents to thofc who,came along^ H 2 difmitfed 15,8. May. June. Augllft22. Sept. 14. 5*4 May 18. 1514. Hall. Novem.5 . The Life and Tfyigne. difmiffed all,fave a few Officers and Attendants., amofigftwhom I finde M r ^ s AnncBotten daughter to Sir Thovtas ?0#?0,as one.How- beit, cccafion was given of bringing over fome of our prime No bility and Cavaliers to Paris, not long after. Francois de Val&is, Duke G^Angonkfme and next Heire male to the Crown ( having in M*j before married Clonde eldeft daughter to Louis the twelfth by Anne who was Inheritrix of Bretagne) de- fired now 3 in the Kings declining age 5 to give fome proofeof his valoiar. Therefore 5 before the Englifa departed from Abbeville, he caufed a Jufts to be proclaimed , which 3 for being fo extraor dinary ( the perfons and manner confidered ) I thought worth the relating. The effeft thereof was , that, in November enfuing^, he, with nine Ayds 3 would anfwer all Comers, that were Gentle men of Name and Armes, on Horfe-backe and on Foot. The Laws on Horfebacke were , that with fharpe Speares they fhould runne five courfes at Tilt, and five more at Randon, being well Armed and covered with pieces of Ad vantage for their beft de fence. After this to fight twelve fhoakes with fharpe Swords. This being done , he and his ayds offered to fight at Barriers with the fame Perfons , with a Hand-fpeare and Sword. The condi tions were , that if any man were unhors'd , or feFd fighting on foot , his Armour and Horfe (hould be rendred to the Officer of Arme?. That for this purpofe an Arch Triumphant (hould be fet forth, at the Tournelles 9 neere Rite WM.Antoim in Farts, on I which foure Shields fhould be placed. That he , who would toiich any of them muft firft enter his name and Armes. That he, who touched the fir ft, which was Silver, (hould run at Tilt, accor ding to the Articles. Who touched the Golden Shield, fliould run at R.andon,as above mentioned. He that touched the black Shield (hould fight on foot with Hand-fpeares and Swords for the one hand} fixfoynes with the Hand-Speare, and then eight ftroaks to the moft advantage ( if the Speare fo long held, J and after that twelve firoakes with the Sword. He that touched the Tawny Shield,(hould caft a Speare on Foot with a Target on his Arme, and after fight with a two-handed Sword. This Proclamation be ing made, the Duke of Suffolk? } and MarqueiTe Dorfet^and his four Brethren, the Lord Vinton, SirE^.Nevife^Sir Gi!esCa$elI,T:kcw 14. not without fufpition of Poyfbn, our King having lately * given Woolfey the Bifhoprick-of LincolneJ&e furrendr^d it now, and * took the Arch-Bifhoprick cfcTor^e ^ and, not fatisfied herewith, afpir'd alfo to be fuccelTor in the Cardinall- fliip;wherein,becaufe it feems, he conceived that Adrian Bifhop of Bath had not ferved him faith fully, he oppos'd him in the Colleftorfhip., and put Poly dare Virgil (his Subcollefter) in the Tower (from whence he came not * fud- dainly, nor without the Pope's mediation) He ufed therefore, be- fides his ordinary meanes and friends in Rome., the help of Francis 5 who, for the more obliging of him, fent firft Newes, that, in Sept. this yeare, his fuitc was granted^ and the Title of sanfta C*cili he held alfo in Commtndnm the d Abbey of Saint Albont, and many other Ecclefiafricall preferments, and had the difpofing ol moftof the Benefices that fell voyd. Alfo., fliortly after his be ing con ftituted Arch-BiQiop of Tor^e, William tVarham Arch-Bi- (hop of Canterbury , reffgning to the King voluntarily the place of Lord Chancellor, and retiring himfelte from Court, by reafon of his age, ( or perchance fome difcdntent) to a private life, that Place was conferred on him. Thus were dignities and wealth heaped fofafton Woolfy, that, being in his nature infolent, hee grew at length intolerable. Neither could thofe excellent parts, wherewith he was endowed, exempt him } In fo much, that not onely much Arrogance, but extreame Vanity was ob- ferved in him, whereas yet nothing commends Church-men fo much as a pious Modefty : All degrees of Perfons, but efpecially theirs, being like Coines or Meddalls } to which, ho wfoever vertue give the ftampeand impreffion. Humility muft give the weight. Yet this Cardinall, contrary to all example, is noted by Polydore to have ufed (like and Gold in his outward Veftments and even fad dies : Hecaufed alfo the Cardinalls Hate to be borne by fome prin- cipallPerfbn before him, on a great height, ( Loco cttjnfdam Idoli ^r/,)and D when he came to the King's Chappell, would admit no place to reft it on, but the very Altar 5 He had befides, his Sar jeant at Armes and Mace, and two Gentlemen carrying two Pillars of Silver, befides his Grofle bearer 5 concerning which it is obferved, that he did beare the Crolle of Torke fomewhat to the prejudice of that of Canterbury^ which perchance might be fomecaufeofdif- contentment to the Arch-Bifhop Warham. In- conclufion^ all -his Actions were fiich as argued a haughtier fpirit than could become inhis Place fas Petydore will have it.) The Pope, being intenti ve now to a Warre again" ft the Turke,- * requires ay de from the-Englifti Clergy, denring our King to give his afiiffonce therein ^ which they yet ( in their * Sy? nod^ deprecated, alleadging (by Letter to t'he Pope datfcd N0ve#rber 25. 1515. ) that -they w^re exhaufted 'through their Contribution to the Warre of France, at the ifrftigatiefokW J*tiu* the fecond 5 remonftrating further, thatpfe^^ deeree* of the Councell of Conftancc , the Pope could tmpbfe no Tri butes on the -Church, bvit in cafe of neceffity, aiid by a Gene- rail Councell. The twelfth rf this Moneth the Parliament" ^te againe^ wherein^ amou^other Acl% forther^ Otder Was ^ven 5 for pre- jy I venting 15*5. November. a 1518. b 1522. c 1528. d 1521. PoljtL *Nov. 12. Vov. 25.. Vovemb.i2. Regn. 7 . The Life and T.{aigne venting Tillage to be turned into Pafture. A repeale of Licen- fes alfo to (hangers for carrying in of Gafcoigne and Gnyenne wines., or Tholoufe Woad was enacled. Which was much to the encreafe of our Shipping. A time was alfo prefixt, with in which all Motions, Suites., Bills, Enditements or Informati ons popular (hall be fued, either for the King or Party, and this fetled a great deale of quietneffe, The Adi concerning Labourers wages , made the yeare preceding, was alfo repea* ed, for as much as concerned certaine Labourers in I*m- don. Towards the end of this Parliament., Sir Edward Toynings defiring to be difcharged from his Government in Tournay^ and the adjoyning places of Moruigm and Saint Amand^ Sir William Blunt^ Lord Mountjey was fubftituted $ who appoin ting Sir Sampfyn Norton to bee his Mar (hall , fo offended the People., that they rofe .in Armes : Neither would they bee quieted, till the fajd Sir Swpfen was banifhed for e- ver. But, it finings returned to his Gounfellor's place, divers others -went away from it. For, befides the Arch- Bifliop Warkam., Bifhop Fox^ offended with the Cardinall, retired himfelfe 5 defiring this onely of the King, that ^ee would not fu(fer the Servant to bee greater then his Matter. To which the King anfwcred prefently , that it (hould be his Gare,. that thofe who were his .SubijtSs ftiould obey and not Command. Then ihomas Duke of Norfolk? craved leave to goe to his County houfe. For^ as the Kings coffers were much exhauftedby his late warres and Triumphs, fo not finding it eaiie to fup ply thofe vafc ex,pqnces , which -f in Pageants anddevifes) increafed daily, hee wifely withdrew himfelfe: Charks Duke of Suffolk^ alfo 3 not long after following them.: For, ; having borrowed Money of the Kin^ for his Journey into France, and being unable (through the Cardinal's oppofition) to obtaine remiflion thereof, o^jQ^herwife.tppay it prefently , bee retir'd into the Country .5. fo that the Gar- dinall had his free fcope and liberty to fway< all things,' un der Colour of doing the King fervice. For, whatfoever ,hee Wient about,, that was his Pretence , though (for ,the : mpft part) in labpuring to Reforme, hee did nothing but Innovate. Hence nuaqy Clamors arofe among the People. ,i , who capable of, almpft nothing but tbeir owne Antient fejctenoie indwre-a change, though for their bettsri0g tage./ gei^ewasit, thacthey thought none fouuQ among 4v^ffJ, as thofe. wh0 traduced the prefent Government 5 nor fo wjfo, as thofe, wheif^eftedmoft, .though Jbeyand^Ujptobabality.Thepe was yet occafion enqugh to feare Woolfiy $ being obf^rved to h^ve that Afcend^nt over the King's difpofirion,' ^ he. 'knew not* how ofKjng Henry the eighth. 5'5 1513 wayes he ftill introduced fomething for his own ends $ fo no man ftudied them more. One example whereof I will here infert.The Cardinall, having for his firfr Bifhopricke, that ofTournay, was not yet without an ancient Competitor, one Louis CuiUan a French-man, to whom it formerly appertained : This man, grudging tobethusdifpolfeft, obtaines from the Pope a Bull, whereby he was reftor'd to that place, (as farre as words could carry it,J) with a Claufe ofvfque ad Invocationem Erachij S to proteft againft this ftrange and inordinate March.' Bull, (ashetermesitinhis Letters O commanding them withall (hot without fome threats ) to labour that it might be recall'd, as tending not only to the railing of Sedition in that City, and Quarrells betwixt him and the confining Princes ; but to the wrong- full difplacing of the Cardinal^ who, being fubrogated to the o- ther as well in conformity to the right of his King, as upon the contumacy or negligence of the other ("who had not as then done his Homage and fealty for his Temporaries) could not now be re- mov'd without much fcandall. Before this, the Cardinall had de- fired Francis to beftow on Guillart fome other Bimopridc : but Francis delaying to give, fatisfaftion herein, fo incenfed the Cardi nall, that he became his fecret enemy afterward, 'as Folydorc hath it.)Hereupon he intimates to M4*7**///*# J that,notwithftanding the * late League betwixt England and France^ there was probability, the King would not fuffer Fr^wetogrow greater by the acquifiti- on of Milan * ( Maximilian therefore fent, in the name ofsforza Duke.of Afr/j, QneAnchiftesFis-Cflttte, a Milanefe^ to implore our King's afiiftance againft Francis^ in men or money. Of which al- fo there was fome hope fecretly given by Woolfcy.} However, our King (in fo great a caufe) would refolve nothing, without com- ' municatingthe bufinefle firfl to the ancienteft and wifeft of his Counfellors. Therefore recalling Warhtni^ Fox^ the Duke ofNor- folke? Lovell) and divers others, he demanded their opinion in full Counfell 5 where Woolfiy fpeaking firft, alleadged^that Francis had Novemi> - already broken the Treaty, by favouring Richard de la rrte a Fugi tive and Tray tor } in affifting thofe Scots, which opposed his Sifter Queen Margaret^ And in contriving a fecret League wth that Nation, to the prejudice of that into which they lately entred withE#/*W. Befides, that Francis with-held fome goods and Jewells of Queen Mary. That when all this were otherwife, yet it flood not with reafon of State to fuffer France to grow any grea ter. Laftly, he faid all this might be done warily, and without effu^on ofEnglifhbloud, only when he would but privatly affift Maximilian. This was no fooner uttered, butT/w***Bifhopof I 2 Durefae ApriI-5. 1515 6o The Life and A; IS. Virg. Durefute rifeth up, and, not only confirmes the Cardinalls fpeech, but extolls it with fome palpable flatteries. Neither muft it feeme ftrange,that the Church* men concurr'd in this Vote 5 it being like ly that (befides Cardinall Wooiftfs particular animofity againft Francis the fir ft ) Ze^the tenth had a hand herein, as knowing how much fafer it was for Italy, that a fingle Duke fhould governe Mi- Lm, then fuch a potent Prince as Francis the fir f\) all the others at the Table yet were of another opinion. Among whom therefore a reply was made to this effeft. That to breake a Treaty or Leagueffolemnly fworne)did feem a ftrange Counfell in any, but efpecially in a Divine. That, for their parts, they conceiv'd the violating of publique faith was to call God and man in judgement againft them. They would not deny yet, but juft cau fe of diffolving Leagues might be given. But then that the wronged party ought both to proteft the fault and denounce wane. That, if any other Courfe fhould be allowed a- mong Princes, and Eftates, there were no ground for upholding truth and Juftice , without which yet the Law of Nations and even Mankindeitfelfeeouldnotfubfift. That therefore it were good tOyiexamine the grounds of the proceedings mentioned. In which though it could not be denyed but Richard de la Pole was admitted ftillin France 5 yet, whether as Traytor to his Country, or a Perfon that came thither only for fafety of his life, might be que- ftion'd. That if the Spies, they had on Richard, (aid true, his de- figne was only togoe into Italy with Franc fr thefirft, and then there could be no dacger on his part. And for the other point, which was affiftingthe Scottifh f aft ion againft Queen Margaret, or contriving a fecret League which might be a prejudice to the for mer, much might be faid -, yet if biUiaefies were well examined., both theTreatyes of Francis might confift^ This latter with Scot- Lmdbemg provifionall only, in cafe we fhould come to a Rupture with France. They would not deny yet, but herein an advantage was taken by the French, fomewhat againft the Lawes of honour. But that we might make a benefit thereof. For, while Francis was in Italy, and farre remote from Scotland, it was eafie for his Ma je- fty> under colour of refiftingthe new Faction fet up by the French in Scotland^ to be more then reveng'd. For ; whether in his Sifter's name or his own, it was not hard to reduce a devided Country to his devotion. And that this might be thought a greater addition to him, then Milan to the French, when yet they could obtain it$ that to take any other courfe, was to feek caufes ofquarrell, with out colour, either of reafon or Juftice 5 to draw the French on himfelfe 5 to interrupt his way to Scotland, which now lay open 5 and laftly to make him loofe credit both at home and abroad. The King, who knew the oppofition among his Counfellors, feemed to temper the diverfity of opinions in a middle way ; yet fo 3 as 3 in effe&, he inclined to the Cardinall. Therefore he faid , he oj ^ng Henry the eighth, hee would hinder the ddignes of Francis^ without comming yet to a maaifeft Rupture 5 whereof alfo occafion was given, For as Francis being * Confederate with Charles 3 fnow fixteene y ceres old, and taking on him the Government of the Low-Coun tries} as alfo with the Venetians, had renewed a war in Italy, and after a bloudy Battell at Marignan , had compelled Maximilian 8 form to refigne his right to Milan^nd accept a Penfion in France } So our King , who fuipefted this great addition to Francis might bedammageable to him, refolved fecretly toaffiftthe Emperor, with whom alfo the Pope and Ferdinand joynd 3 for the defence of Italy i and oppofition of the Invaders. Returning for this pur- pofe by Richard P^ce (late fervant to Cardinal! B atabr zdge ., and., for the prefent Secretary of State) not onely a huge fumme of Moneys but giving him Commiffion to treat both with the Em peror and Francefca Sfirza 3 brother to the late Duke of Milan^ concerning the loane thereof 3 and a ftrift League upon certaine conditions. Among which it was agreed , That, if Milan were recovered ,.fuch a yeerely tribute or Penfion fhould be payd our King as this fupply of Money did deferve , Wdolfey not Forgetting alfo, (after his ufuall manner ) to capitulate for an Annuall pay ment of ten thoufand Duckats to himfelfe. Hereupon , Pace, levying for the Emperors fervice certaine Regiments of Snijje, (who willingly entred this warre , both as they were obliged to the confervation of Sfirzaf intereft, and as they defired to re venge their loffe at Uirignan^) the Emperour in perfon marcheth towards Milan. Neither did it hinder him 3 that the Pope was fallen away to Francis 9 and had appointed an Interview at Eonor nia.) for the accommodating of their mutuall affaires 5 the Pope promifingP/zr^/^and Piacenz,a toFrancjf^ and he, on the other tide , ftipulating to recover Vrbin for the Pope., ( as indeed fol lowed the next yeere. ) Where alfo an Agreement called the Con cordat was made, which the French Writers obferveas derogatory to the Pragmanke Sanftion, and the Liberties of the Gallicane Church. Beinj? thus upon his way, Charles Duke ofBourbcn, who was appointed by Francis to defend his Acquisitions in //^ 5 fends to his King forreliefe, preparing in the mean time to defend himfelfe the bed he could. But Maximilian being now in a faire way of obtaining his defires , retires fuddenly into Germany 5 nei ther could he alleadge other caufe of it , then a fimple diffidence of the Suiffi^ (as Tolydore hath it 5 ) though Guicciardine tels ano ther reafon j which was 5 that Maximilian receiving no fupply of money from England \ and being not provided himfelfe to pay them, was forced to defif 1. This encouraged the French and V*e- netian to proceed in their defignes of befieging Erefcra , which they got ') but being repulsed at Verona , Maximilian takes heart againe, and fends Matteo Cardinall of Scdun(ov Sttten) into Eng land, to negotiate for a fupply of money,and withall to excufe his late *April. Novemb. B^ecords. Dccemb. 1 1. 516 May. Oftob. May 17. June. Novem.2, Decetnb. Jan.2| 55- Life an lateRetrait, both for his diftruft of the Sniffe^ as alfo becaufe they openly refufed to fight againft fome of their Countreymen, who were under Bourbon. Befides , as he had long entertained our King with a hope that he would refigne the Empire to him, fo on this occafipn (as 1 finde by an Originall from Sir Robert Wingfield, dated 1 7 May i 5 1 6.) he renews the propofitions } offe ring, befides to give him the Dutchy of Milan *> for the more aflii- rance whereof, defiring our King to paffe the Seas to Calais , and fo to take his way through the Lens-countries , till he came to the City of Triers 5 where he 5 together with the Ele&ors would meet, for performance of the aforefaid Resignation of the Empire , which alfo being done , he propofed that an Army from thence fhould invade France , while our King with one thoufand Horfe, and one thoufand Archers fhould pafle through Germany to Coyre^ and fo over the Lake v^Como to the State and City of Milan ^ where having repos'd a while, Maximilian promifed to goe along with him to Rome , to fee him receive the Imperiall Crowne; which being done , hefaid, our King might choofe whether he would make an honourable Pence with France , or warre, for re covering his right} which., he faid_, the Pope and all Chriftian Princes could not but like well of. And thus fawingfidd^ To whofe relation though our King gave as much credit , as a pro- feffion often made by Maximilian could merit; Yet as he confi- dered withall , that there was much impi-obability in the offer, and the Aftion it felfe in a manner without Precedent , and,how- foever, that he (hould engage his Kingdome for the Affaire of the Empire, (it being then fo fcant of moneys, as Maximilian was nick-named Pochi-D/na-i.') So by his anfwer in June following, he wilhed Wingfiddto tell Afi iximiliAn t that though he thankfully accepted thofe offers , yet that he defired they might be kept fecret untill the French were driven out of It*lj< For which pur- pofe 3 (as well as the reafons berore fet down ) I finde he promi fed Maximilian fome more money , exeufing together the for mer defeft of payment, with laying the fault on fome Gcno'ua Mar- chants. Befides, at the Cardinall ofsedttns intreaty in the Empe rors name, he entred into a ftri& League with Maximilian , which yet, beeaufe itlaftednot, I (hall not particularly mention. For Maximilian^ confidering how little truft he could repofe in our Cardinall for the obtaining of money , and ( for the reft ) being weaned with the wars, firft makes a Truce with his adverfaries, and particularly the Venetians 5 after which , for a fumme of money being two hundred thoufand Ducats , he reflores Verona. unto them 9 and then makes a Peace. To which purpofe the death of Ferdinand did ferve , who departing this life in the be ginning of Anno 1516, did free himfclfe rather then the world, from not a few troubles , whereof he was the firft procurer and Authour. This Prince (leaviog to his Succeflbrs the ftyle of Ca tholico) of Kjng Henry the eighth. thohco) wa< thought the moft a&ive and politique of his time. In fomuch that he hardly took reft, or fuffred it in others. No man knew better bow to ferve his turne on erery body , or to make their ends conduce to his. But while he efcapcd not the opinion and the name of falfe 5 (which yet his Countrey writers palliate no other wife then with calling it Saber-rtynar') he neither com- plied with his dignity, nor indeed the rules of wifdome } true rea- ton of State conhiting of fuch folid Maximes, that it hath as little need of deceit as a fiire game at Chefle of a falfe draught 5 there is no ufe of it , therefore,, among the wifer fort 3 as being oneiy a fupply of ignorance among the ruder and worfe kind of Statef- men. Befides, it appeares fo much wor fe in publifjue affaires then private , as it is never almoft hid or unrevenged. Reputation againe is ftill loft thereby 3 which yet how much it concerns Prin ces , none can better tell then -> fuch as imagine them without it. This is ftrange of him 3 that being of Vaft poffeflions 3 enriched much from the Indies, profperous in almoft all his attempts , of a frugall difpofition, and Jong life v (for he attained fixty three) there was hardly yet found in his Goffers enough to difcharge his Interring, though not very fumptuous } That I may fay nothing of his debts. His Will and Teftament declared his daughter Jvana ofCaftik to be his heire. Onely becaufe of her defeft of wifdome, and herfonnes young Age., He appointed the Cardinall Ximenes Archbifhopof Toledo toGoverne., till the faid Charles came to Caftil/a. He left alfo to Ftrwnde 5 brother to Charles, great pof- fdlions and Legacies ., as loving him inwardly beft ^ both that be ing born at Alcalt 1503^6 was a na five of Spaine^ (which his bro ther was notj and that he gave much hdpe of towardlinefTe, and befides bore his, name. Infomuch that, could he have contriv ; d it handfomely , it is thought he would have made him his Heire in Sprint, fundry particularities whereof, concurring much with tts Sp^nifh Hiftory,being advertised to our King by Sir Jthn stile hisAmbaHadorrhere ; Our King and Queen (asthey had before done for Lo'ui < \he twelfth ) caufed a folemne obfequie for him to be- kept in the Carhedrall Church of Saint Pauls in London. But they mourned not long > the birth of our Princeffe Mary following fhortly after, upon the eighteenth of f ternary \ $-. Ferditmnd thus dead^ cb^ks 5 who thought himfelfe as capable of governing CtftiUa as he was of the Lore- countries (which Maxi- wi//^/?thelaft y-eere put into his hands-) fends immediately to Spaine^ to claw the Right and Title 5 which alfq was acknow ledged ^ yet fo a as it was thought fit to publifb it together with his .Mothers 5 fothat it ranne thus , Donna Juana, and Dan Carlo-* , Qyteea and KugpfCaftiUt, Leo*> and Arragon., &c. Navarre(v/h\ch W^s.9w incorporated to them ) being not forgotten^ He deter mined alfo in perfon to goe thither. For which purpofe , as well as the better fecuring the Low countries in his abfence , he paft fe- verall 1516 1503, Sandov. Feb. 18. 1516. May 20. 1515. The Life and *Rai verall Treaties with Francis and our King^The former was conclu ded at Heyon^ Aug.\^. where it was agreed^That within fix Moneths following Henry < Albret (Jehan Albret^ and Catherine his wife being newly dead J (hould be reftored to the Kingdomeof N4- varre 9 oratleaft fufficient content given him otherwife 5 And if not, that it (hould be lawfull for Francis to affift him. That Charles (hould marry Loiiife daughter ofFraftcfr, (then not a yeere old) who in confideration thereof (hould renounce his claim to Naples 3 and accept a Penfion of one hundred thoufand Crowns yeerely. That the Venetians giving the Emperour two hundred thoufand Ducats he (hould deliver them Vcnora.. Befides which, their Orders ofChevalry were fent to each other, and an inter view appointed, which yet tooke no more effeft than the Treaty itfelfe. The latter League was formed at London^ O&oberzf. betwixt Jeane and Charles of Caftile^ the Emperor Maxzvtzlz attend our King, to this effeft. That the Confederats (hould defend one another, and bring Ayd by Land at their OwneGofts, fbeing required) within a moneth after conaplaint^againft the enemy. If the enemy have Port- Townes &c. then the warremall be alfo made by Sea, by them both, and the Fleet fupplied if it be di- minifli'dj&c. That no peace (hall be made with the enemy, or Truce 3 but by mutuall confcnt. Place alfo was left for other Princes whatfoever , to come into this League within eight Moneths , by the confent of all the Con federates. That Leo the tenth fhall be comprehended in this League , if he will excommunicate the Perfons and States that (hall moled: the Confederates 5 and that he enter within fix moneths: That the Sniffe (hall be admitted, if they will $ fo that they bind themfelves to ferve under the Confederates , and not under any other Prince 5 And 5 on thofe conditions to have Penfions. I muft now returne to the bufincde of Scotland, (Intermitted a while, that I might not breake the context of my Hiftory,J and therein call to minde , how John Stewart Duke or Albany , having been recall d home, was prefently upon his arrivall (which was May 20. 1515.) declared Vice-Roy 3 till the King came to full age. Neither did it hinder, that he wa s born in the time of his Fa thers baniftiment $ and, for the reft, fuch a ftranger, that he could not fpeake the Countrey Language. Foras'afingularopmionof his worth went before 3 arid the recommendation t>f the French accompanied him 3 fo was he faluted with that untverfall applaufe wherewith new comers that have given hope of thernfelvc^arc ufually welcorn'd. The bufinefles of the Countrey were yet fo ftrange to him , that he was inforced toufe the diredions of o- thers. In this number, one John Hepbnrne did 'much appeare; "His J fy*g Henry the eighth, firft advife was , that he fhould not punifh the Delinquents, both as they were many 3 and well allyed 5 and as it would game him ftrong Enemies. That he had more ufe of the peoples affections , then to alter them at his firft entrance. That therefore rm chiefe endeavour fhould be, to make good his Authority } neither fhould hee opprefle any ; but thofe who were in eftate to oppofe him $ amongft which three were moft confiderable , Archibald DatgUJ* was one, bcfides that he had married the Queene 3 was a perfon much in favour with the People. Secondly ., Alexander Humes , a bufie 3 potent , and able Lord. Thirdly , Andrew whofe Riches were fuch, as alone would fuffice for -a great defigne. The Vice- Roy, taking this advice into confederation, thought not fit yet to begin with Dwglaffe, left theQ-jeene, for protecting him fhould draw the Englifh into ScotUnd^ which he mo-ft doubted. Befides 3 he was fo gracious with the grcateft part of the Kingdome , that he was to be undermined rathrr then aiTauked. And for Forntan , he thought it was nothing but his wealth that made him envied. Oaely Humes he thought it not amifletoqueftion; as having between vehement fufpitions , and fome proofes, not a little matter againft him. Humes having fome notice hereof, changes his party, and now ftrives to combine with Dowglaffe , and the Queen. Therefore he laments to them the fortune of the King , who was fallen into the hands of one, who befides that he was a ftranger to his Countrey , might be fufpe- ^ed for attempting on his Perfon, as being next Heire to the Crowne, after the King and his brother. That this was the more probable, becaufe his Father Alexander (as the Scottith Wri ters have it J had taken the like courfe with his eldeH: brother James the third , whom he would have difpoflefr. of the King- dome. That there was no way to avoyd thefe dangers , but to fliewith her fonnc into England, (-to which alfo our King had perfwaded her privately, ) and recommended the reft to his This advice Cwhether fpoken by Hume; todifcoyer the care. Queenes defignes , and thereupon to make his advantage with the Vice-Roy , or that he did indeed thinke this to b^ the beft way for the Kings fafety,J was brought beforehand to the Vice-Roy 5 who believing it eafily , thought fit to feize on Ster- Img-ctiftlt) in, which the young King and his mother were, and to put a Guard on them , yet admits fome 3 who were of great credit, to give by turnes their diredions for the young Kings education ? and ufeth briefly fome fuch providences as might ar^ue all was done with a good intention; among which the taking an Oath of Fidelity to the young King, was moft remarkable. This while Humes , with his brother WiUi*n* , re- fufing to obey a Citation to the Parliament, and being there upon profcribed , fled to England 5 Dottglaffe alfo taking the K Queen Aug. IQ. 1515. Tuly 12. Such. 66 1515. . 12. 1515 Oftob. Novemb. Jan. Queen with him followed (hortly after 9 flaying yet at caftle in &orlkiaftketfond by our Kings command 5 till further order was given. It appeared not yet , whet her this were an e- fcape in them, or that the Vice-Roy were under-hand con- fenting to their departure , onely to be freer for his defignes. FJowfoever, he fent inftantly to our King, to cleare himfelfe Fiom all finifter praftifes againft the Queene. He alfo labours the friends of Donglajje and Humes to draw them home , promi- ing for this purpofe all the good conditions that could be re quired. Humes takes the invitation, and returnes 5 Dwglajfe alfo f considering the Queene was with Ghilde, and neere her and therefore unable to remove any way farre) makes time ufc of this occafion to fett'e his Affaires at home. The Queene., in themeane while, being * brought to bed of a daughter 5 (whom fhee called Margaret} by eafie journeys comes to the Englifh Court in the next Spring 1516. Yet were not bufinefies in Scot land fo quieted v for Alexander Hnntes having fubmitted himfelfe ( as aforefaid ) to the Vice- Roy, who gave him to the cuftody of his brother in la w^ James Hamilton Earlc of Arran ., upon paine of death yet if he fuffered him to depart 5 fhortly after by repre- fenting to Hamilton fome neerneiie of blood on his part 9 which might enable him to be Vice-roy 3 perfwaded the Earle to efcape away together with him^ while the Vice-roy being not grieved (perchancej thus to be quit of thofe hefufpefted moft, feemes nowtobeat reft. Onely he would not omit to take this ad van tage againft Hamilton 5 therefore he battered and tookehis Caftle^ Hnmes in the meane time ravaging the Countre}^ about Dttxbar. The Vice-roy hearing this , returnes to his wonted invitations of both him and Hamilton to come backe. Hamilton accepts it firft, and Humes after ; but HWJKS being fummon'd agait;e to come to the Parliament , thinks fit (for redeeming his former fault when he laft abTentdfd himfelfe) to appeare. He pcrfwades his brother WiUiam*\fa to goe with him, though many of their friends op- pos'd it; for as his brother wasequall with him in power and Authority , fo the keeping him backe would have conduced per chance to the fecuring of both. But he ? confident of good ufage, neglt^es the advice, and comes with his brother to Court 5 where being fciz'd on , they were committed to divers prifons , for crimes obje&ed againft them} and particularly a gain ft Alexan der , who was thought to have ufed fome treachery inflodden* Battell , if not to havekill'd the King. All which though hee conceived either fuggefted malicioufly againft him, or at leaft by a long inter rrriflion to have been antiquated and forgiven, yet prevailed not , his Head and his Brothers being ftrucke off in 0&&* her r 5 1 6. Shortly after which (as Lejle&r hath it)the K" ings younger Brother dyi;-g the Duke of Albany obtained in Parliament to be declared next heire. Which being done> he enters ( in January following ofKjng Henry the eighth. following^ into a League with Frtncis , and fo * returned to that Countrey 5 onely that he might manifeft his pretences were with out any Ambition which might derogate from his Loyalty. The Queen of Scots comming to London^ May % 1516. was much welcom'd by the King, the Queen , and her Sifter Queen Mary^ who all enjoyd therein a happinelTe rare for Princes in that kinde, which was to fee one another after they once difpos'd of a- broad? The King for the more honour of her comming^eomman- ded a Jufts, in which Sir Wittitm Kingftone was., both himfelfe and horfe, overthrown by him. This yeere alfo thofe who managed any money for the Kingpin the wars 5 or otherwife 3 were by the Cardinals command cal I'd in queftion. Among whom fome by bribery, and fome by cun ning efcaped 5 others being condemned in gre^tfummes} fothat the Cardinall might be fa id to have in him fo much of a good fer- vant, as he willingly fuffered none other to deceive l.^tVlafter. To accompany this feverity alfo , he cau fed Per jury tq berigo- roufiy punifhed 5 wherein I can never enough commend' him 5 All other Treacheries extending for the moft part 3 but to the de priving of Life 3 Pofleffions, or good Name 5 bu^ this fuch a one, as without much labour may take away all together.* Some Courts alfo wereeretfted in the favour of poore peotole, againft the oppreffion of the Great } which at the beginninphvere much frequented, butatlaft, the people receiving many delays and unfatisfadions in their fuites 3 every one left them , and weit to the Common- Law: as fearing, under this pretence , an Innova tion. I muft not deny unto the Cardinall yet 5 the attribute of Juft, in all affaires of publiquc Judicature , whereof, ( if we may be lieve AuthorsJ he was ever apparently ftudious. Therefore, where diforders were committed., he feverely punilhed , unlefle the parties found means to make their private peace. I will conclude this yeere with a Patlage out of our Records. L^continuing ftill the Couneell ofL^/er^WjamongothcrReforma- tions , propofed that of the Calendar., inviting ( for this purpofe) our King ., to fend fome of our moft learned Divines andAftro- nomers thither , but as it appeares not what anfwer our King re- turn'd to this Breve, dated luly 10. 1 516, fo neither ftiould I have inferred any thing hereof, but that it feems they were not fuffici- ently fatisfied concerning the Principles from which the calcula tion fhould be deduced. About this time a Ryot and Sedition in England hapned in this manner. Some Citizens and Apprentices of London of the poorer fort , being offended that all their chiefe Cuftomers were wonne from them by the diligence and induftry of ftrangers 3 and ( for the reft) pretending to have received from them divers Con tempts, Affronts and Injuries , found fome occafions , and tooke others, to make an Infur re&ion againft them 3 and the rather, that K 2 the 1516. * June. 1517. May 3. May ip. Hail. July April 30. HaV. May i, May 4. Hall. The Life and*Raigne. l\o the feditioub Sermons of one Doftof Kele 5 by the Inftigation of John Lincolne a Broker, had not a little incited th^rn : who taking Texts ( as neere as he could finde in the Scriptures ) tothis pur- pofe, traduced the fence thereof even to encouraging the people to a Gommotion.The beginning of this yet was not fo witty as the Uft, neither ended it fo well. For two Apprentices playingonely at Buckerels in the ftreet , late on Af^eve, contrary to the Lord Mayors command , (" who upon notice taken of the Citizens in tent, was charged by the Kings Couocell to require ., under great penalties , all Houfholders to keep themfelves and their fervants within doores from nine over-night till fevcn of the clocke the next morningj an Alderman came to arreft one of them ; but the faid Apprentice thinking therein that an ancient Cuftome for taking liberty at that time more then any other, was infringed, cryed Clubf. Hereupon, they came forth in fo great numbers, that the Alderman fled. The Apprentices being encouraged herewith , and for the reft finding themfelves in a greater multi tude, then to doe nothing , brake open fome prifons , and tooke out divers perfons 3 committed thither for abufing and hurting of ftrangers. Neither could the Mayor or Sheriffes then prefent, hinder this 5 Nor Sir T#y which they confirmed the League at * Nay- 0#, and " Bruxells^ refolv'd on a warre again ft the Turke 5 fas it was now projected in the Councell ofLateran,) and appointed an inter view for all three in April or May following. Place alfo was left for the Pope to enter as Protector thereof; and for King Henry. This being advertised to our King, made him thinke how to de fend Teurnay^ and therefore caused a Cittadell to be built there 5 not neglefting together to prevail^ himfelfe of the Pope's mediati on for a Generall Peace. Which, as it was willingly imbraced, fb our King was intreated to fend him two hundred thoufand.Duc- kats ( on fecurityj for that Warre, which yet it was thought the Pope woul d em ploy for fomt affaires in Italy. Whoalfofenta Croifade and Indulgences into Germany ? England y and many other places: The conditions of which were. That, whofoever per formed certaine Religious Rites , and paid certaine fums of Mo. ney, (hould have their finnes forgiven. Neither was there, in the ufeof thefe Indulgences., that diftinftionof Perfons or fins made, which from fo grave a Paftor might beexpefted,(b that (promifcu- oufly ) all men, who would come to the price, fas fome Authors have it ) were not only promifed everlafting bliffe, but made ca pable of delivering the foules of others out of Purgatory. When thofe Indnlgenses firft came forth, no divine worlhip in the Weft parts of Europe, but what the Church of Rome prefcrib'd, was pub- liqucly knowne. For though fome oppo(ers of the Papal! Au thority had appear 'd long fince, yet wanting thole fupporters who might eftablifh and uphold their dottrine, it quickly failed. Some of their impreffions yet were deriv'd to Pafterity 5 though info oblcure of I\jng Henry the eighth* obfcure and perplexed a manner,that they ferved rather to fhevv er- rours, then redifie them;iormingCfor the reO)no eminent and vifi blebody, or at lea ft no other then fuch as quickly difappear'd. Sa that all tho r e, who for the prefent diilented inwardly from any o- pinion commonly taught, kept yet the unity of the Church. Of which kind * hough ( I doubt not ) there were many., yet by difrin- guilhing in private only the good doctrines from the ill, they both conferv'd their confciences., avoyded Schifme> and maintained to wards God, and among them felves an uniformity 5 being therein not unaptly compared to fheepj and other Creatures, whoin pa- ilures --, where both wholeforne, and hurtfull hearbs grow, choofe yet only the better fort. While thus, they might not only reach to Antiquity in all times, but univerfality in all places , fince not the men ( who may erre, but the doctrine giveth the true denomi nation unto the Church. It w l! be enough therefore that there wasalwayesaCatholique, and avifible doftrinein the more im portant parts thereof. And thus were all controversies ( f-.vc thofc which the fubtilties of the Schoolmen brought forth) decli ned. Neither did menthinke themfelves bound to fmdy the in tricacies, andfophifm.es of Authors, in matters impertinent to fal vation -, but were contented with a (ingle faith in God, the com fort of a good life, and hope of a better upon true repentance --, ta king the reft for the moftpart upon the faith of the Church. By which meanes as Peace was generally conferved , fo it was not doubted by thofe who fearch'd into the primitive times, but that together divers new doftrines ( it not errour*) were crept into the Church difciplinc. Among which fome., yet, might havebeene moreexcufable., had not they notbeene fo fevercly commanded, that the common fort under flood them for little ieife then necefia- ry Articles of faith While thus they were held in much fubjedi- on ? as being n'ot Me fuiriciently to diuinguUh the true and elienti- all parts from thofe that were added only for convemency or Or nament. Eut as learning now ( die benefit of Printing^ became publique, fo almoftnll raen, either through reading or converfu- r on> were literate. Inforriuch 3 that they durft lookc into trw prin ciples of Religion, and take upon them to difculie the partb there of Among thcfe, none was more famous then one Martin Lutker, an Hermit Fryar about thirty two yeares old, hviug about this time at WiUnktrg upon the Elbe 3 within the Dominicns t&YreJt- riekf Duke of Saxony. This man., having obferved clivers things, not mention d is the Bcleefe^ call'd symbolvm A^ftolorum^ to be in troduced lately examines all ^ beginning firft with the Indnlwncts that came out this yeare, though fomodcflly, as he advertised only his fuperiour the Arc^rBifhop of Mayentz, of fome abufe therein, and pray 'd Reformation, not omitting together, as he was of an acute, but vehement wit, to fet forth ninety five con* clufions, and preach publiquely 3 agamft them, (which yet hee fubmit- 1517, .Continent. The Life and 1517. Aug. Concil. Tridl.i. fubmitted to the Pope by Letter dated in Ittne T $ f 8 ) Maximilian \ alfo, forefeeing whither thefe divifions might tend, (and thera therthat he found them favoured not onely by Frederic fa Duke of Saxony but divers other great Perfonages) wrote to the Pope 3 de- firing him to moderate things fo,as allcaufe might be taken away ? not only of difputations, but concerning impertinent points of Re ligion. But as the Pope, about thofe times, had., ( betwixt pub- lique affairs and private liberalities)fo exhaufted the ecclefia fricall Revenue, as it wasneceffary to fupply the wants thereof by extra ordinary meanes, hepurfued his defigne ufing therein much the help of Lorenzo Tuccj Cardinal Sanftoruw the fourth } who, finding the Schifme of the Councell of Pife fo farre extinguifh'd, as the Roman Church needed not feare to reafTume her former Authori ty, confirmed the Pope therein. So that, though for not above foure hundred yeares, they had taken on th^m this and divers au thorities., not known before, he perfwaded their continuance, leaft any thing of that kind mould feeme invalid, orufurped, E- fpecially, where the pretence wa, if not the fame, yet of a like condition. Whereupon looking further into Records, and fip.d- ingthat Vrbanihe. fecond, had not only given Indulgences to thofe, who went Perfonally to the War of the Holy Land , but thai: his fucceflbrs had beftowed them on fuch, who being not able to goe would maintaine a Souldier there , And laftly having difcovered that they were granted even againft thofe that weredifobedientto the Roman Church^ and alfo to thofe who gave Money for build ing or repairing Churches in Rottte> 8cc He neither queftioifd their Right, nor Leo contradifted it ; both as he had many needy kinf- men and favorites, and as it maintain'd his Authority- Where upon, awaragainfc the Turkes, being projefted, He fent forth thefe Indulgences., granting, befides^ the liberty of eating Eggs and White-meats on Faftingdayes, of choofing their Confeflbr, and fome fuch habilities. Had this yet beeneall, lefTe fcandall had followed. But without regard to the end for which they were given, He 3 by way of anticipation, beftowed onfeverall Perfons the Money to be levyed } Affigning^ among others,to Magdalen his Sifter, and wife to FranccfeoCibo( naturall Sonne to Pope Innocent the eighth) all that quarter from Saxony to the Sea Side. And the rather, that in Contemplation of this Marriage, himfelfe had been made Cardinall at fourteen yeares old 1 489, and therein given a beginning to the Ecclefiafticall greatnefle ofthehoufe ofM^/c/. Befides, he was indebted to Cibo for his entertainment at Genona^ at what time he was forced to fly the perfecution of Akxandir\\\z fixt. They again Committing this bufinefie to Arembuldo aBifbop, but a Covetous perforij much rapine wasufed: The Indul^en c sf (as is faidj being generally granfed to fuch as gave moftfor them. And as this caufed much offence, fb againe the Fryars Her mits, ( by whom they were ordinarily difpenced) were not a little troubled, of King Henry the eighth. troubled, that the Dominicans had now charge thereof. All which, together with thefinfull and inordinate life of certain Commiffio- ners deputed under Arenbuldo^ for thole Levyes, together with the fo notorious a Sale ofi twenty Cardinal! fhips ( as sW^Whimfel diflemblesitnot)^w#0 1 5 i7.bcingnotified,occafion'dthefe follow ing revolutions, which take up a great part of this Hiftory. For 5 as thefe//^/ I would I could fay we were^already faHeaAinder fome dife(teem,whcn by our enjoyningbf eaue fafting. Prayer and fome little Almes, men findc they fuffer no more than what they would gladly endure to finne again 5 for who is the leaner or poorer for | our penancesMetus not then make the Myfterics of Salvation mer cenary, or propofe everlafting happinefieon thofe terms, that it may beobtein'd for money, which we find fo feldom yet without deceit or mifchief. Let mens fins rather lye again ft them ftill then open fuch eafie wayes to remit them '> And take this advice in good part,fince it fo much concernes us all. Whateffecl yet this Advife tookewill appear hereafter. ' The diflentions of ittly being for the prefent compoa'd, Francif L firft Sand. 1350 1518 The Life and ^ai fir ft thought himfclfe at leafure, now to refent our Kings afli- fling of Maximilian. But (faith Polydore) becaufe he coniidered as well 9 that hee fhould get nothing that way, and that withal 1 hee was informed this bufineffe coft our King fo much., that the lofle thereof might be taken for a refonable Revenge 5 (for I find in our Records that in one year it coft our King fi ve hundred thoufand or fix hundred thoufand Ducats, ) He diflembled the matter. There fore Converting Malice into Guile,his only labour was how to cor rupt the Cardinally whom at length,between Bribes and flatteries, hee fo dexterpufly won, that hee dur ft commit his defignes to him. Thefe yet were fuch.as the Cardinall would not abruptly difclofe to the King. Therefore he faid not much at a time of them,nor with out making the King firft fome Prefent $ which yet ( faith ?elyd0re) was but part of that which Francff gave him, fo that while the King confidered the workmanfhip or rarity of the Gift, he would Con vey his meaning, and give thcfe impreffions he moft defired fhould remaine in the Kings mind. At thefe opportunities, he made no dif ficulty to fay , that Francff fought to him by Letters earneftly ( concealing in the meanc while, his large bribes ) and that all this did reHeft on his Majefty whom that King did addrefle hinifelfc to, by his mediation. That others perchance would fupprefle and hide thefe things, as being enough to breed fufpition, but that hee would ever proceed clearly and o- penly with his Majefty. According to which liberty hee would take the boldneffe to advife, That, fince the French King did fue to His Majefty in fo fubmiffe away, as to be gin at his fervants, that hee could not but thinke hee was in earneft : And for Maximilian ( as being often difoblig'd) little helpe, or indeed; truft could be expected. Our King alfo considering that fb much hereof was true, that if hee could not make friendfliip with Francn , it were not amifle yet to avoyd Warre, embraces the motion. Of which Wodfty makes his advantage 5 and brings againe another Mef- fage from Francis^ to fuch eSed, that our King faid openly, that hee faw well now Woolfy would governe them both. The French King, having obtained this intereft in the Car dinall , befides new Gifts y fends him divers Letters 9 ter ming him therein! D.0v*in*t. and Pater^ and his advices Oracles, till at laft hee: thought hee might open unto him his Defigne of having Tfiwrnay redeHvered for a certaine fumme of mo ney. Wet^fey promifeth his affiftance , and hereupon brings the bufineile to the King, and from thence, by his Com mand, to the Gbuncell : where hee openly declares, what vaft fummes it had coft the King to winne Thercnene and Tournay 5 in the former of which yet hee had got nothing but the gratyfying of an unthankiull Perfon, which was the: other little elfe but a number of unufefull, n of KJmg Henry the eighth. unufefull and fufpe&ed fubje&s 5 who that they might bee kept in order and obedience, would coft more then they were worth. The charge of the Garrifon alone being above twelve thoufand pound yearly } befides that of Convoyes , and Ammunition. That, after all this expence, yet, wee could hold it no longer then it pleafed either of the two Princes, be tween whofe Dominions it flood 5 fince being fo remote from the Englifh Pale , it was improbable that from thence wee could fuccour it $ fo that it were better to let it goe fairely, as for a fumme of Money, or the like, then to ftrive to hold it under fo weake and dangerous a Title, as the fufferance of his Enemies^ One of which, being Francis^ he thought by therefti- tution thereof might be obliged to be his friend, and the affront he might receive through the taking it by force, avoyded. Neither could Maximilian take it ill in point of Juftice, if we reftor'd to Francif a Towne formerly in his pofleffion. This being done, that it were moft expedient for all Chriftendom to joyn in League with one another, and againft the Turke, who lately had made himfelfe formidable. Thefe reafons were valid e- nough,had they not come from fbfalfe a ground as the corruption ofthe Cardinall } (which Polydore continually inculcates : ^here- fore they were embrac'd by all, but efpecially the Bifhop of Durham, now Lord Privy-Seale 5 only it was required, how much that money was, and of what kind thofe conditions were ? whereupon it was declared, that if it pleas'd the King tohearethe Ambafladors of Francis, he had already demanded leavefor them to come over, which alfo he had reafon to endevour; for as I find by our Records, He and Nicdas deVitteroj the French Refident, had in a manner concluded the bufinefTe in private already. This being granted, GniUattme Gwffier Scignieur de Bonivet and Admirall of France, and Ejtinne dt rencher Biftiop of Paris * came, with an unruly number for an Ambailade, (their Traine being twelve hundred) unto Greenwich^ The French yet, betwixt Pride and diffimulatien, thought fit not to begin at the bufinefle they mo ft defired to effecl. There fore their firft overture was a propofition for a League in Generall betwixt all Chriftian Princes againft the Turke, pro- jc&ed by the Pope the yeare before. That the Authors hereof fhould be both their Majefties. That the Pope, Emperour, and King of spaine fliould be admitted here unto, as principall contracTx>rs , ( if they defired it, ) within a certain time, and their Allyes and Confederates as com prehended only. This being taken into confideration, up on the fecond of otfcber 1518. a League was conclu ded $ which , for being fingular in it's kind and an excelieat Precedent for peace to the future Ages, I (hall more at large recite, both out of our and the French Records 5 and the ra- L 2 ther 1518 July. 9. Records. * Sept. 30. 1517. March. 1 6. 1518 and ther that it feetnes to have been the rule by which our King frame4 his Aliens many y-eares after., as will appeare in this Hi/ r ory. That perfect friendfbip aud amity fhould continue for ever be twixt them, and their fucceflors, by Land and Sea vCwherein like- wifeall their Subjects and Allyes were to becomprifed.^Thajt they fhould be the friends of the friends, and the enemies of the ene mies of each other ^ in fomuch, that, if any of the faid Confederats, or other being a ftranger to them, (hou'd invade any of the faid Confederats prefent Dominions, they (hould give the faid Affai lant an Admonition to defift and make reparation 5 which if he did not, within the fpace of a moneth accept, they ftould declare themfelves his enemies, and two moneths after, both by Sea and Land, make warre againft him, at an equal! charge , allowing for this purpofe free paflage through each other* Dominions, paying only for what was taken. That ifcivill warresdid arife in any of their faid Countries, none of the Confederats fhould meddle } unleile the faid drill wars were kindled and maintained by fooie for raigne Prince. That no one of the Goefederats fhould fuffer their fubjecls to bear Armes againft the other, or (hould levy any forces of ftrangers, to beimployed againft the faid Confederats $ upon paine of being held a violater of the faid League 5 which not- withftanding (hould hold firme among the reft. T hat none of the faid Confedarats (hould take the vafTall or fubjccl: of the other into protection, without the confent of the King to whom formerly he owed obedience : That all Rebel^Traytors, or fufpefted of high- treafen, and fugitives (hould not be received, cntertain'd or fa- vour'd, in any of the Dominions of the faid Confederats : but that, after twenty dayes warning and requifition.they (hould be reman ded. That the Pope ftould have notice ofthis League^ upon con dition yet, thatj if he accepted thefe Articles within four moneths after, he (hould be a principall contractor in this League, and name his Allyes alfo. That all the Princes before named fhould, within the fpace of four moneths, be received as principall Con tractors 3 if they defire it, otherwife not, without declaration and requeft to the faid two Kings. That any other King, Potentate, or chiefe Lord might upon his fuite, be admitted to have the be nefit of this Confederation, but not as a principall Contractor. Laftly, That, howfoever other Princes (hould obferve or accept the faid Treaty, that yet it (hould remaine inviolable betwixt them two. L eo the tenth hereupon, though more defirous of a Generall Confederacy againft the Turke, accepted this League, as un Intro* dufHon therennto upon the Lift of December following;, naming to gether feme lefler Allyes whom he defired might oe comprise!, the Venetians having: been nominated already both by Hsnry and Francif ; upon mature deliberation alfo ^Charles King ^ spatne en tered into it, and the rather that Maximilian the Emperor, con- ceiv'd of Kjng Henry the eighth. 77 ceiv'd that all Ctmftian Princes might the fooner be difpo^d thereby to war ?gainft the Turke.Though as he died fhortly aftw, the League fcemd reftraind chiefly to Henry > Franci.*, and Charley and particularly to the fir ft contractors, though *K* with fuch confidoooe,and fervency as it iirft began. To reinforce this Treaty alfo, (which was but an latrodn&ion to another) Francis did prcpofe a match betwixt the Dolphin his forine, and the Princefle Mary* which accordingly was* concluded two dajes after, upon thcfe conditions. That our King Should give with his dai*ghter 393000 Crownes, and Francis as great a Joynture as any King of that Coajnrey ever t^ave. That within foure naoneths theponfal fhould be made by the two Kings in their Childrens rurme. That if the Dol phin died before this marriage , the next forine of Franc if (bould take the Princefle on the fame conditions. And if the Princefle died firit , the Kings next daughter (if he had any ) fhould be given. For further Teftimony o this deftred A%ance, our King conde- fcendedalfo torePforer/Krw^, Mortttgne^ and Saint Arnwd^ and the Territories adjacent^ upon the payment of fix hundred thou fand Crownes , at certaine termes. For which payment , as alfo performing of the marriage 5 fufficient hoftages fhould be delive red to the laid Francis. That yet out of this fumme the faid Fran cis might detaine 3 3 3000 Crownes , for the aforefaid Dowry of the faid Princefle Hory^ ia cafe (he did not Inherit the Crowne of England That the faid Ficnch King fliould pardon , and take into his favour all the Inhabitants of the faid City of Tournaj, and places adjacent, referving to them ail ancient priviledges} and that King He ry mould thereupon rolea.ft the Oath of obedience they had made him. That, whereas tifoe Citizen* of Tourmy did yet owe to King Henry twenty three thouiand livres , which now the French King had ftipulated to pay , he fhould fubftitute the French King to receive it of them againe. That King Henry might carry from Tcurnay all the Artillery, Munition, and Inftruments of war, either ofFenlive.ordefenfive^iduals^&c. That in cafe the Marriage intended mould take no efFed, by the default of Francis^ that then Twmay fhould be delivered back againe to King Hsnry or his Heires 3 together with the profits received in the mean while, without any deduction for reparation of the faid place. And that the Inhabitants thereof fhould be difcharged from all fuperiority or Oath of Obedience made or acknowledged to the faid French King : Upon condition that the faid King Hwy flxxuld reftore the faid French King the fumme of fix hundred thoufand Crownes 3 or fo much as he fbould receive thereof. But if the Impediment for Marriage fhould happen on the part of King Hrnry, thac r ben, upon payment of the intire fumme of fix hundred thoufand Crownes, Tournay mould rernaine to the French King. And herein our Records and d* G iltct do fb concurre > as the chicfe difference feems 1 * r' an J Tilkt. r uly 16. 1517. fillet. The Life and T^aigne Decem.14. Dccemb. ip. 1519. Feb.8. feemstobeonelyabout the fumme of 500000 Grownes., which our Records fay was the -penally on either ride, for non perfor mance of the Marriage. There was arlfo at the fame time a Treaty concerning the Admiralties in both-Kingdome?, having relation to one made the yeeve precedent J?ify 16. and that of 'A-pril 5. 1515. BT which it was agreed ,' that all fuits 5 upon occaiion> -of depredation by Sea 3 might, frrrn the Ordinary Judge be remo ved to London before the Admirall and Vice* Admirafl 3 or their Deputies , and the Mailer of the Roll? of England^ And ttRousn before the Admirall and Vice- Admirall of France., their Lieute nants 3 and the firtt Prefident of the Parliament in Normandy $ who, upon appealeofthe parties on either fide ,, were bound to give a definitive fentence within the fpace of one yeere } which in cafe of neceffity might be executed by ftrong hand , or maine force. The faid A ppeales yet might be brought before the Kings Councell on either fide, there to be determined definitively within the fpaee of fix moneths.&c. All things being thus fetled for future quietnefle , the Princcile M .iry was promfed and*be- troathed to the Dolphin in Saint Pauls in London. And the Earle of Worcefter., with "Nicola* Weft now Bilhop of Ely 3 and a Traine equall to that of Ecnivet \ ' were fent to require performance from Francis., who 1 'thereupon t- took e h^s Oath 3 gave eight Hoftagcs for payment on theRenduion of Tovmay 3 and contracted the Sponfals in the name of his Tonne. In fequence whereof, Febr. 8. following.the Earle ofWorctfter delivered Iwrnay^ though not un willingly, fince it was tn Kings- pleafure ? yet with fo much fcru- ple (having been by the name of Lord Herbert at the taking there of ) as he would not fuller the Mv'efchrtldeChaJiittontventevit with Banner difplayed; b where her Hufband met her at Berwick?'-) yetfo, as there was not thence forth that intire love formerly obferved betwixt them. Our AmbaiTadors being ftill in France, the Bifhopof Ely went to fee the Queen at Awboift^iom whence he certified our King, that he faw the Dauphin ( now al- moft a yeere old)and imbraced and kitted him. Four daies after the above mentioned Treaty , being the eighth of October 151 another was concluded for an interview betwixt the Kings accom panied with their Queenes , and Madame Loiiife the mother of Francis, and their Houfhold Officers. The time appointed was the la ft of July 1 5 f 9, at Sandjqfteld in Ticurdy, or fome other Neu- trail place, according as their Deputies on either fide fhould ad- vife^which upon the firft at April following were to meet together for this purpofe. W 7 hile affaires pa ft thus with France and Scotland, the Pope fent wtntiup Canffcgiut Cardinall as Legate, hither ^ to procure a ge- nerall League among ChriftianPiirtces(oratleafta quinquenriall Truce J for a war againft the Turke. Befides, he gave him Au thority to demand a Tenth from our Clergy .,as alfo a Commiflion (fpecified in a Bull) wherein Cardinall Woolfy and Himfelfe had Legatine power to vifit MonaftcrieS. This Legate ("called by Ta- iore, Inter Juris-confttltos Jure- confab ij/itnut ) comming to Calais was-defired by ourCardiaall to ftay there, as our *Hiftorians write tillhefiad procured from Rome that Woolfy might be joynd in the forefaid Commifiion with him , But 5 as I finde in our Re^ cords and rolyd0re^\mt\\\ he had obtained from the Pope, that Ha drian dt'Cafttffothe Cardinall f now inPrifon for a conspiracy a- gainft t he Pope ) might be devefted from the Bifhopricke of Bath, and the dignity conferred on him 5 of which alfo he bad the grea ter hope , that the Pope fas I finde by our Records ) had con- demn'd him for the faid Confpiracy. Befides, it was the care of our Cardinall , to fqffer none to have accefie to our King , whom, ic had not firft obliged. Therefore our Cardinall prefented him, together. with a promife to affift him for the Bifhopricke of Salif- *rywheriit fhould fall 3 fome red Cloth to apparell hisTraine, which otherwife were but poorely cloth'd. To fuitthis alfo the * night before bis comming to London, he fent him twelve Mules, with empty Coffers fairely covered 5 fome of which yet were overturned and broken in his patiage * through the City , to the great (hame pf(ffajvgi&. Who finding at la ft his demand for a enth rejeded by our Clergy, advertifes the Pope, and proceeds to the otter point of vi/iting Monafteries. But our cunning Car dinall thinking himfelfe able enough to difcharge this O^ce alone, (while Cawpegiifs ftayd in England) difpatche's lokn Clarke Doctor of Law to the Pope 5 both to give account of this btafineffe , and to 79 1518. May 1 8. 1517. Oaob.8. June 29. *H*B. Aatiq.'Brit. Poljtt. July 28. July 19. *Dat. June 10. 1519. *Ike Life a Volyd. Virg. to obtaine the whole power for himfelfe. This Clarke comming to Rome negotiated by our Kings commandment, fowell on the Cardinals behalfe,that he obtained from the Pope a * Bull,where- y (Campegiv* being now revolted) he was made Legat a Latere, and enabled to vifit not^nely Monafteries, but all the Clergy of England , and difpencewith Church Lawes for one yeere next enfuing the date thereof. yVhich though it gave him great power, miniftred much offence 5 as abridging the Bifhops power , and candalizing the whole Clergy , who were fo defarcfd by the Cardinals information , that they were termed Dati in reprobum few; arid the like , intheoriginall Bull among our Records^ which I (hould have inferted in toto contextu^ but that it is too ong and infamous to the Hierarchy , and all Religious perfons- And now (faith Tolydere) the Cardinall his pride did fo prodigi- oufly increafe , that on folemne Feaft daies, he would fay Made after the manner of the Pope himfelfe; notonely Bifliops and Abbots ferving him therein, but even Dukes and Earles giving him Water and the To well. Befides , not contented with the Croffe of Torke to be carried before him , he added another of his Legacy, which two of the tailed Priefts that could be found j carried on great Horfes before him. Infomuch (as Pelydore faith) it grew to a Jeft , as if one Crofle did not fuffice for the expiation of his finnes. All this yet was but a kind of prelude to that which followed. For,ereting a particular Court of Jurifdidion, which he called the Legats court, and placing in it as Judge one lohn Allen Dodtorof Law, thought to be a perjur'd wicked perfon 9 all manner of Rapines and Extortions were committed there. For making enquiry into the life of every body , no offence efca- ped eenfureand punifhment, unleffe privately they gave money 5 of which they found two commodities : one that it did coft leile, the other that it exempted them from fliame. Thus as the Rules of confcience are in many cafes of a greater extent, then thofe of the Law , fo he found meanes to fearch even into their fecreteft corners. Befides^under this colour he arrogated power to call in queftion the Executors of Wils, and the like. He fummond alfo all Religious perfons of what fort foever before him , who, cafting themfelves at his feet, were grievoufiy chidden , and ter rified with ex pulfion 3 till they had compounded. Befides, all Spirituall Livings that fell were conferred on his creatures. The Archbifhop of Canterbury underftanding how all orders were thus Ranfack'd by the Cardinall, goes to the K ing, and acquaints him with it. The King replies, that hefliouldnot have heard hereof but by him v adding, that no man is (p blinde any where, as in his owne houfe$ Therefore, I pray you, faid he, Father, goeto Wwlfey , and tell him , if any thing be amiffe , that he amend it. This grave perfon hereupon admonishes him , and afterwards particularly told him, that in medling with the laft Wills and Tefta- of Kjng Henry the eighth. Teftament of the dead , he afium'd a power , not fo much as claimed by the Pope him felfe, and for difpofing fome Benefices' in the gift of the Nobility , and other great Perfon?, he thought he ufurped too much upon them. All the ufe Woelfty made there of was to hate the Archbifbop , with whom he was formerly offended } onely becaufe (as Polydore hath it J he fry led himfelfe in the fubfciiption of his Letter 6//*ft*tf F rater Cantuarjenjis. Yet leaftthcArchbifhopfhould doe him ill Offices, hetemperd his fpeeeh for the time. But fhortly after his Agent lokn Allen being accufed by one lehn London a Prieft , it appeared fufficiently that all the former Allegations againft Woolfcy were true ;, which made our King rebuke the C arinall fo (harply, that after that time, he became, if not better , yet more wary then before 5 At this time alfocertaine abufes about Sanftuaries were taken away by the Kings Authority in fequence of a Bull granted to that purpofe by ljtfs the fecond 1 504. June 1 9. to King Henry the feverittu Let us turne our eyes on forraine bufinefles , now fomewhat intermitted. Charles intending a journey into Spjine, the French King offerd him the convenience of paffing through Francs., and Hoftages for fecurity, together with the Keys of the Cities he fbould goe thorough -, but Charles (as our Ambafladors write) re- fufcd : faying, if he landed any where it fhould be in England- Ac cording to which Refolution, taking (hip, he came to Spline Aug. 25. 1517. as S*ndoval hath it, (our Records fay he fet not to Sea till Sept.%.) where he found things much difcompofed, through thefeverity of theOardinall Ximenes. Befides, there wanted not fufpition that many would have fet up his brother Ferdinand againft him , whom 1 therefore he fhortly after fent to Flanders. Howfoever Xrwenesdyed, not without probability that he was poyfoned, though by whom is uncertaine. Charles his firft Art was calling a Cortes or Parliament in Caflitta and Leon, which palled not without trouble 5 there being no little conten tion whether the People (hould firft fweare obedience to Charles, or he the obfervance of their ancient Laws, Liberties, and Privi- ledges, which yet atlaftwas fo tempered, as they came neerein time together ; though, for conferving the rXoyall dignity, fome particular pcrfons were induced to fweare firft. He alfo eaufed Joufts and Tourneyes to be held according to the manner of that age : Into which SandovaU faith , fixty Cavaliercs entred , their Lances pointed with Diamonds , who alfo encountred fo roughly that moft of them were overthrowne and fore hurt, and twelve Horfes killed 5 Though yet this was little in regard of a Joufts that * followed 5 at which feven of the Adors were kill'd outright , wherein nevertheleffe Charles , though very young , appeared, breaking three Lances infoure Carieres. After this, eftablifhing fome Laws., and obtaining fome money from his people, he went , where he called a Cortes likewife 3 and fhortly after, M heariag 1517. Auguft. Sept. 7. 1517. 1518. Jan. 1518. March 4. 1517. 1518. Aug. May ao. June 20. Jim. 28. Sandov* The Life and l&i (hearing, that fince the death of Home Barbar0J/a(\vho from a low fortune & birth made himfelf firft a formidable Pirat,then*King ol ArgiefyHariadin Barbaroffa, his brother, fucceeded in that kingdom^ and in the exercife of Piracy,) fent Don Httgode Moncada Vice-toy of Sicily to Argid , with as ill fuccefle as their expeditions thither have commonly proved. Not long after which, newes was brought him of thedeathof0//eof Fmw^whom by the Treaty oiNoyon he mould have mnrried , and of the fieknefle of Maximi lian $ who, now growing old and infirme, determined to make one of his Grandchildren Emperor : Aflembling for this purpofe a Diet at Augsbnrgh^ and propofing particularly Ferdinand^ as believing the Electors w6uld fooner cnoofe him 3 then greaten any other Prince with that Aceeffion. But as he alone could not dif- pofe this bufinefle , foboth Francis and Charles were earned in it. Our King alfo not omitting to difcover how Germany ftood affe- &ed to him. And the rather, that the Pope, as Ifinde by our Records, did encourage him thereunto. Maximilians death upon a diffentery January 1 2. 1519, enfuing this while , Richard Pace was * fent to Germany by our King 5 who , in his * difpatches cer tified with what Ambition Frauds and Charles afpired to this Dig nity, faying ncverthelefle , that the Electors of Mtyentz, Cekn and Tryers ftood fo affected, that if our King had put in fooncr 9 and before they were engaged, he thought his Ma jefty might have carried it, fince the Popes Nuncio there affirmed ftill he had Commiffion from hisHolinefletoafiifthim$ as being defirous it were beftowed on any rather then either charks or Franc // 3 but e- fpecially on Charles. Though at Iaft 5 finding that betwixt money gi- ven,and Forces raifed byC^r/e/,he would prevaile^his Holinefle thought fit to comply , and give his affent : and the rather , that the Duke of Saxony < y whom the Electors once nominated, refwfed it. Whereupon Jttne 28, 1519. Charles- was publiquely chofen at FrttHcfarti News whereof being brought to Barcetfcna, at firft rejoyced, but after wards troubled him f as confidering what a burden he had undertaken , efpccially in a time when the Turke made his approaches againftChriftendome. Yet, were not thefe all his cares , For , as his Clergy in Spaine was fo offended at the demand of a tenth of their Revenue towards a war againft Infidels, that there was Ceffatio a Divinis ( as Sandoval hath it) for above Four monethsin all the Kingdom^And as the people againe began a dangerous infurre&ion for the cofervation of their liberties fwhick endured fome yeeres following , with more method then in fuch popular Commotions are ordinarily foundjfo he had much to doc at nome. Befides the people inAuftria began another no leflc dan gerous in 'thdfe parts, and of little lefle continuance. Againe,Fra- WT, who was now in good correfpondence with our King, prcfled thei'e()itOTidnofNrttirre, according to the Treaty of Neyeit, and ray fd him troubles in Naples and Sicily. All which important affairs yet ofKjng Henry the eighth. yet were pretermitted,onely to comply with the Ceremony ( for it was no more ) of receiving the Imperiall Crown, fo fecure was he of all things but his Title 5 onely in themidftof thefe afflictions, the happy newes of the difcovery, and begun-Conqueft of Mexico^nd NuevaPjpattna arrived , which though worthy a parti* cular Relation, I fhall not infer 1 , left I fhould too much increafe the bulke of this Hiftory. Though for giving a tafte thereunto, I (hall not omit to tell my Reader, that Hernanclo Cortes., undertaker thereof, going with about foure hundred Spanim foot, and fifteen horfe,and feven little field-Pieces,into many populous,but diverf- ly affefted Kingdomes, did fo dextefoufly behave himfelfe , that, playing the part fometimes of an Ambaflador, and fometimes of a Souldier,he prevayld himfelfe of all. And.in conclufion,notwith~ ftanding the oppofition both of his Countrey-men and Enemies, layd a foundation of a greater Dominion then any man before him did. Before yet I come to the aftions of the new Emperor J (hall exhibite thedefcriptionof Maximilian I have collected out of feve- rall Authors. This Maximilian^ being King of the Romans^ and called Empe ror , though never Ci own'd by that Title, gave much occafion of difcourfe concerning the reafon thereof 3 fo me fay ing, he declined the charge and hazzard of going into Italy for receiving the Impe riall Growne at the Popes hands , others believing, that according to his often profeflion, he meant fir ft to be Emperor of Conjianti- nople^ which he faid was his moft lawfull Title. As for his educa tion, he was a Prince brought up in much ignorance, yet ftudious to repaire that defeci by converfation with the more learned fort. His bounty was obferved fuch , that it extended even to the difa- bl ing him in the purfuitof hisdefignes$ wherein he made a Roy- all vertue criminal!. He had treated with the Princes of his time, with fo ill fuccefle , that he knew not in what pofture tokeepe himfelfe 5 being in the fame danger for the moft part , whether, his faith were broken or theirs This made him devout even to fuperftition. For his interprifes in the war, as they were many , fo they ended differently, he getting fometimes more by a bad peace, then a juft war. His (pare time he imployed in Poetry,writing the Hiftory of his life in Dutch verfe 5 which booke by Pedro Mexiais called Teurddntf) and another called Puerto de la Honra. One of his chiefeft happineffes was, that his Pofterity came to enjoy fome of the greateft and beft parts of Europe. He was of the Order of the Garter,and his Obfequy was folemnly kept in S c Pauls by our King and the Knights of that Fellow (hip. I muft remember now , that at the conclufion of the Treaty with France, ottober 8. 1518. it was agreed betwixt both Princes, that there fhould be an interview in Inly 1519, which yet tooke not effecl: , becaufe of the death of Maximilian^ and the occafion s enfuing formerly mentioned 3 therefore it was put off till 1 5 20 5 M 2 both 2L 519, Hall. The Life and Hai 1519. \ecords. June. Lift. both Kings in the mean while agreeing not to cut off th-^ir beards, till they fa w each other. Francis having alfo now a fecond fbnne, defired our King to give him his name 5 which our King accepted kindly, calling him Henry 5 ( afterwards King, and fecond of that nams.) Neyther did he omit any thing , which might argue his refpeft. Therefore he follicites our Gardinall ( whom he called his Father and Coufin) frill with gifts , ftnds Prefents to the Prin- ceffe Mary ^ and leaves nothing unattempted which might fecure him on that fide, knowing well how puiflant an enemy he had pro voked. Charles on the other fide, confidering how much it con cerned him to keep the Cardinall at his devotion , countermines Francif in his own way. On which occafion I fhall obferve, that, as fincethe difcovery of the 7^e/,Coyn hath been much more plentifull,fo greater matters have been done in thefe latter times by Bribes, then by the Sword 5 Thofe who have money ( that is to (ay , a feed which will fpring any thing in corrupt minds ) fin ding meanes, either in the Authors or theAdors in bufineffes, to difpofe them to their ends , or at leaft to make advantage oif the intelligence they receive from them. Francif fufpeding what might follow hereupon, provides betimes to keep the Scottiih his friends 5 therefore though it was his motion formerly to comprife the young King and that Nation in generall within his League with England , yet now he ftrives as much to withdraw them : Therefore when our King Tent to require their Oath there unto , they refufed 5 fo that all that bufineffe ended in a Truce onely for one yeere. And here I muft not omit to relate the Car dinals extr came Ambition, who ^having a defigne to make him- felfe Pope , did ever comply with thofe , who he thought might : be his beft afiiftants. Therefore now that Charles was grown the more potent , and that, befides it was rnanifeft , that , to which party foever our King inclined , He would turne the Ballance, he ! hoped by favouring Charles to obtaine his defire. Neither wanted he contirauall Prefents on his part equall to, if not exceeding the others 5 fo that now he rejected the affiftance of Francis , though offering him the voyces of fourteen Cardinals ( as I finde by our Records J and applies himfelfe to Charles 5 Nevertheleffe the de figne for the Interview with Francis continued 5 which being mi nuted by our AmbafTador Sir Thomas Eolen , was continued bv his Succeflbr in France Sir Richard Wingfeld^ among whofe Difpat- ches C extant in our Records) I finde this paffage in a Letter to the King March 1 6. -* c I have prefented to the French King the :f Sword, for the nimble handling whereof he hath nor knoweth "no feat, but thought it not maniable: Andcall'd the Admiral cc to him, andcaufed him to feelethe weight thereof, who mew'c" cc him that he had feen your Grace Weild one more pefant :c But for fuch promife as he had made your Highneile , he might cc not difcover it 5 faving that it was by meanes of a Gantfec. The French of King Henry the eighth, cc French King defires one of thofe Gantlets,, and he will fend your cc Grace fuch a payr of Cuirafles^ as your Grace hath not feene.the " fecret whereof is for the eafie bearing of fuch weight, as refts up- which is commonly born by the (boulders, and cc in this Cuirafe the ftoulder beares no burden. All which I have fetdown, to awaken the induftry of thefe times in fuch Invent! ons.l will come now to the order of the Interview, remitted both by our King and Francis unto the Cardinally direction- Who ac cordingly, upon the 12 of March 1 5 20, declared this order. That, in Jregard his King was to pafle the Seas, to his danger and Coft, and fhould leave his Kingdome, only to do Francis Honour: there fore that the Interview mould not be in a Neutrall place 9 but that King Henry 5 hi* Queene , and the Queen Dowager ol France fhould come to Guifnes^ and the French King , his Queen, and Madame Louyfe his Mother to Ardres^ before the end of May next '> and then that, before 4 of June folio wing, King Henry (hould goe halfe a League towards Ardres^ without pafling yet the li mits ofGuifnes or the Enlifli pale, and there, in fome open place, neere the Confines of the French. ( which (hould bedeclar'dby deputies on either fidejthe faid French King parting From Ardres the fame day, and houre, and coming to the faid place ("where no Tent was to be pitched) (hould meet the faid King Henry with in his own Territories, and there (hould falute one another, and fpeake together on Horfe-back, as long as they pleafed. This be ing done, that the French King (hould returne te Ardres ,and King Henry to Guiefnes. The next day that the faid Kings (hould meet fome Newtrall place, to be nominated by their Deputies } n where, after falutations on both fides. King Henry (hould goe to Ardres to fee and dine with the Queen of France, and his Mother, and the French King to Guifnes^ to fee and dine with the Queen of E#g/dW,and Dowager of France. That the faid enterview fhould be celebrated with Tourneyes and lottfts., and exercifes of Armes^as well on foot, as on Horfe-back, in fome place chofen by the faid Deputies, betwixt Wre.r} which (hould be ditched, fortified, and guarded by an equall number of Perfons to be ap pointed by the faid Kings. And that, during the faid exerciies ofArmes, the Qiieene's and their Traine might familiarly con- verfe together, in the evening (till returning to their feverall lodg ings of Ardres and Gttifnes. That the honour and precedence?, (hould be given to them dill, who came to fee the other. That the number of the Perfons and Horfes permitted to be at this En* terview fhould be figned in Certaine Rolls by the faid Kttigs, tfnd (Lould not be increafed without mutuall Confent. That two Gen tlemen with an equall number of followers (hould watch contimi- ally upon the high-wayes, as well for furety of the faid King's Perfons; as for the fafer condii&ingthe viftualls. And that thefe every night fhould$ive account, to their feverall Kings'and oun* fellors, April. The Life a cellors, of their charge. That the Souldiers of the Garrifons of Eouloigne and Calais fhould not come neare, without ex preffely- cenfe of both Kings. I find alfo that it was agreed that the num ber of ftrokes at Tourney fhould be determined by the Ladies 5 who therefore were requir'd to come thither from all places, that could furnifh beauty., and worth enough to deferve fo much honour. This being Concluded., the Earle of Worcefier on our Kings part, and Men/cure fie chftillon on the part of Francis., layd out the ground for thefe Triumphes, betwixt Guifncs and Arclres^ but within the Englifh pale. While thefe Magnificences were pre paring, much difcourfe paft betwixt both Princes, and the Am- bafladors refident in either Court, concerning the Ancient formes ufed at great folemnities. Among which it appears, in a difpatch c&Wingfeild''s. J that Francif told him, how hee had heard that our Edward,; ( I thinke he meant EduwWthe third, ) was ufed at fuch times to have his meat carryed up by Cavaliers on Horfe-back} But to let thefe things pafle, and come to our Hiftory, I find Fran- ex purfucd ftill his point, and is fo confident now of the Cardi- nalls favour, that he dur ft make an overture to him., for reftoring CaUff y and all the other Townes in the English pale, for a certain fum of Money. Neither was it ill entertain'd by the Cardinally though the difficulty of effecting it did fomewhat deterre him. For as the narrow Seas have been ( time out of mind) under the Juris- didionofthe Englifh, and thatour Ships, in making and keeping he paffage over 3 were a kind of Bridge, fo it could not but feeme rrange,to every man well-afFedted to his Country, that any Moti on (houldbe made, whereby wee might loofe the further end thereof, and therein deprive our felves of a landing place. There fore the Cardinall did not thinke fit to propofe the bufinefie at once, nor without difcovering firft, how it would take with the zenerall fort. For this purpofe, then, he would caft out thefe words in his ordinary fpeech, and at his table} wheafoeyer there was queftioa of forraigne bufinefie. What have we to doe with thisC*/rf/r, that lyes in the Continent, and cofts us more then it is worth I would we were honeftiy rid of it. ^f The time now drewneere, when, according to the Agreement, the two Kings were to meet betwixt Guifnes and Ardre. This alfo was feconded much by the Cardinal^ who bet ween Pride and Vanity, defir'c to fee thefe two together , whom hee was generally thought to governe. He knew alfo his Prefents would not be little therefore he perfwaded our King to build fbme fuch houfe neare Ctfjjnss^ as might be worthy the reception of two fo great Princes. Toper- forme this, twothoufand Artificers were appointed. TheModell whereof is ftill extant in Greenwich, among thofe many rare Pi ctures, which the moft vertuous Prince, King Charles my good King and Mafter hath- The Gardinall alfo fummons the prime Nobility to attend the King this journey, with that fplendour which of Kjng Henry the eighth^ which might become Perfons of their dignity. Some of the more thrifty fort yet , and efpecially the Duke of "Buckingham repin'd hereat, lay ing the fault of this expenceon theCardinall chiefely, who hearing thereof, for this as well as fome other caufes, here after mentioned, refolv'd his ruine . Charles the Emperour hearing now of thefe preparations for the Enterview, thought fit perfonallyto treat with our King, con cerning the breaking it ofF 3 as well as all other friendfhip with Fran cis . For thofe Ambafladors whom he had fent before to the Eng- lifli Court for this purpofe, had fayled,our King alleaging to them for all other Reafons, his promife given. Neither could they deny, but the engagement was deepe$ for a King of Armes had been in the Englifti Court on the part of Francis, with a Proclama tion , declaring that, in Inns next, the two Kings, Henry and Fran- c-jf, with foureteene Aydes, would., in a Campe betwixt Ardre and Guifnes^ acfwer all Commers that were Gentlemen, at 7/7*, Tenr- ney^ and Barriers. Tbe like Proclamation was made by Clarenceanx in the French Court. And yet thefe defies ftopt not there, for they were jfent by our King to the Lon>-Cevntrier> Burgundy, Ger wany^ and by Franeit into Sftine., and Italy. And now our princi pal! Noblemen had made themfelves ready to attend the King. A- mong wtora, none was fo gorgeous as the Duke of Bucl(ingh*rt* 5 who, finding the King yet not ready to let forth, went before to fee fome Lands he had in Kent. But his Tenants exclaiming there againft one Charles Kneuet his Steward or Surveyour, for exading on them, the Duke diicharg'd him > This pcice of Juftice yet proved afterwards the caufe of his overthrow, as fliall be declared in his place , fo fatall was it to that houfe of the * Stafford* to fuffer by their fervants. Our King rinding now the time of meeting to grow neere, comes to Canterbury May 2 5 , intending there to pafle his Whtifontide. This while Charles the Emperor had fo laycd his journey from Spaine, that thcday following, himfelfe accompa ny ed with divers, not only Lords but faire Ladies comes unexpe- dedlytoto?>-. Our Cardinall hearing this, ported away pre- fently, to afliire him of his welcome. Our King alfo the next day after, very early, came to Dover Cattle, where the Emperour waslodg'd, who met him on the ftayres, where being faluted by our King, and afterwards recoodu&ed to his Chamber, Chiles continues his Dcfigne to.breake this Interview, as well, as all other correfpondence with Francis : For both Charles and Frtncjf had great E^fignes at that time 5 .Fta#cis defir'd to hold the territory of M//<2f, and to recover .Naples, (which the French having * once got un4er Charles the eighth, didagainefo fuddenly* loofe, that it feemUqo place there, was ftrong enough, either to hold them out pr keep them in ) BefideSjhe pur-pos'dto re-eftablifli Henry J Albret ingdofneofN^^r^, according to the Treaty of Wyrfft* A- the Duke ofGwldrts, being taken under his protection, he could 1520, Y.I. Rich. $. May 26. Serres. 1495 1520, 1515- May.2/. *May. 29. May. 30. *May. 31. June. 4. The Life and could doe no leife then defend him againft Charles, who la boured to bring that Province into fubjeftion. But efpecially, the right he conceived to have in the Dutchy of 'Burgundy, he defired to con- ferve, againft the pretences of Charles } who, on the other fide, endeavoured to oppofe him in all thefe places 5 and was, befides, of fended that Fm^a-jdeclining an Accord made before in*? thecaftingof Hand-fpeares or Darts,with the Target,and fighting with the two- handed-fword. At which exereife likewife much cocnmendations was given to either King. For Celebrating the fe Magnificences al fo, the Cardinall folemnly fung an high Mafle, being attended in the moft Pontificall manner. At the Clcrfe whereof, he difpenced the treafure of the Roman Church ( being the Indulgences granted by Leo the tenth) unto the two Kings, who that day dyn'd together by themfelves,thcir Queens eating together alfo in an other room: This being done,they both turn*d to Barriers where our King^with a few ftrokes,difarm'd his adverfary. The next day our King, with iiis Sifter Queen Afor^,went m Masking Apparel 1 to fee the French Queen at Ardrts^Francit likewife going to the Englifh Queen. At the return they alighted,and after many Complements, Embrace^ and rich Prefents to each other, bidadiew the twenty fourth of Ittne. Petycbrc obferves yet 3 that there was fome abruptnefle in of King Henry the eighth. in the farwcll , and faith France told our King, that our Nation did not well comply with the French in their mutuall vifits. But our King putting this off difcreetly, their difcurfe paffedno fur* ther. And perchance the occafion of this Mal-entcndtt, was, that the French gave forth;, Calais fhould be delivered up for Money. The next day the King and all his Traine departed to C^jr 3 givir>g licenfe unto many thereto rename unto England. Upon the 10'- of Inlyr> the Emperour being at Graveling (with his Aunt the Lady Margaret) our King (at their Requeft) admits another Interview- To this purpofe going towards Graveling, the Emperour -met him the way, and concmdred him thither, giving for the reft to the Englifn all that good entertainment fo little a place could affor'd, The next day, the Emperour and his Aunt the Lady Margaret went with our King to Calais 3 where much Maskings, and Magni ficences paffing, bufinefles yet were not forgot. For our King(to- gether with Monfieur de-la-Roche, employ'd for Francis ) read and offer* d to charles,(nuvf Emperour) the Tripartite League, figned betwixt them formerly $ requiring him to enter thereunto by tbe name of Emperour fas I conceive it. ) Rut the Emperour having formerly fign'd the League by the name of Charley and be- fides defiring more the accomplifhing of his deffgnes in //?/?, and elfe- where, then to confirme that agreement, fo deferr'd or avoy- ded this propofition } that I find not what effeft it prefcntly tooke. But it is probable he was not willing to engage our King any fur ther in the affaire?, betwixt himfelfe and Francis^ as thinking that he was alone too ftrong for his adverfary . He would alfb have gone out of Towne that night, being, the third after his coming^ but our King ufing a courteous kind of violence to make him ftay , the rumour went among the Emperours fervants, that he was de- tayn'd} but the next dayclear'd this: for the Emperour, being conduced fome part of his way towardj Graveling^ was courte- oufly bid farwell, and prefented with a brave Courfer richly trap ped. The French King hearing ofthefekind paflages, and re- membring particularly thatckarles, byhisfirft agreement had conftituted our King, Arbiter of all emergent differences., tooke this Interview extreamly ill 5 and the rather that he heard fonre muttering of a Match propofedby the Lady Margaret^ betwixt the Emperour and the Princeffe Mary, though a child. Which yet was a tniftake it being not treated of ferioufly fas the Spanifh wri ters have it ) till neare two years after 3 and not before the French had both broken the common League, and given new provocati ons by their practices in Scotland* Our King having now'ho more to doe at Calais , tooke the firft faire wind, andj with all his Trayne, came fafely into England. I (hallreturne now to the bufineffe of iKtBe^ \vhoittL*0 cited to Rome 1518. giving * order alfo to Cardinal! Cajetan his'Legat in to oppofehis doftrine, not oihicdbg Lti*s td'thH pU^ N a pofe, 1520. E, Mall. July le. Jaly n *Aug. 23. 1518. oz Life I Skid. 1518. oftob.1?. 1518. Nov. ii. Sleid.C.L. 1518. *Nov. 28, March. 3. pofe, both to Fredericke Duke of Saxony , and to the fuperiour of he Augujiinesin. Germany. Whereupon Cajetan.> in divers confe rences at the dyet of Augsburg^ labours to convert him, but in Atlaftlf/>er, being threatned by Cajetan in the Pope's name. He appeales to him, in the forme ufuall in thefe Cafes, tan- a Tonti fee minus edo&o ad tandem reffiim e'JoctndwJs\\t deiires, with all, he might anfwer for himfelfe \t\Germany ^ and that cau- ion might be given for his fafety , fince, what was controverted yhim, did not appear as yet to be pofitivelydefin'd any way by the Church. Le& s this while., to make good his Authority * grants which no man ftiould rejeft unlefle hewould be vaine. new excommunicate, 8cc. Luther rinding, thus, no hope of alteration, and befides that he was branded with the name of Hereticke, * ap peales from Leo to a Generall Councell 5 yet writes to the Pope, fi 5l9) a very fubmiffe. Letter, wherein he protefrs 5 Thathee was never intended to fall away from the Church. That all hee faid, was chiefely intended againft thofe who abufed the power oi Indulgences--) concerning which therefore he would fpeake no more, To that his adverfaries were likewife filenced 5 briefely, that hee would omit nothing, which might concerne Peace in Religion. Maximilian dying about this time, Luther had fome Refpite Mens eyes being turned more on him, who was tofueeeed Maxi- milian^ then any other Argument. Befides., he feemed now un willing any longer to difpute the Pope's Authority, to which hi adverfaries envioufly reduced aU the controverted points. Yet a Ulricu* ZningliM appeared about this time at Zutick> to confen with Luther in many things, and that a Letter o^Erafmuf alfo, da ted 1 5 1 9, did much encourage him, fo he began to recover force That of Erafmttst extant 1. 6. Epjftol. ) telling him , he had fome favourers in the Low-countries^ but many in England., aod among them divers principall Perfons 5 that yet he fhould do well to ufe modefty and difcretion } Chrift having thereby both inflituted his Do&rine, and his Apoftle F*#/deftoyed the Jewifii Law, only by referring the Do&rine and Precepts contained therein unto Atte- gorie. That he fhould doe well to fpeake againft thofe rather who abufed the Papall Authority, then againft the Pope himfeife. In conclusion, that hee fhould take heed of doing any thing out of anger, hate, or vaine glory. Philip Melantkon alfo, a learned pious, a,d charitable man, did many waves fecond Luther. Con cerning ai whom, and many more famous Schollers,. who lived af that time,, it may be obferved, that had they agreed among themfelves, and not ambitioufly affefted (angularity in fome one poiqt or other, they might have found more followers of their Do&rine, and confequently hayeoblig'd the Pope, either to -cut off foiaae points as fuperfluous, or to have recommeKd!ed them with more indiffererlfcy to the People. Howfoerer, aB tbefe per- fi?ns concurring with l&thsr in great part, gave hiui uuat courage, that ng Henry the eighth. that whereas at firft he difputed chiefly concerning Purgatory, true Penitency^or Pennance, ) the Office or duty of Charity, and Indulgences and Pardons,he began no wto queftion the Popes'Au- tho r ity : Images in Churches, the Celibate of Priefts } and fome other points tending hereunto. As this yet got him great fame s fo it procur'd him many Enemies 5 before whom , that he might give an account of his Dodrine , he comes to Conference at Leippqtte, 1519. accompanied with rhilip Melantthon, where John Eccius op- pofd him,defiringto begin his difputation at the Popes Authority 5 but Luthtr^ conceiving this was to make him odious, labours to de cline the queftion => for the reft 3 thinking fit onely to fend unto the Pope} to whom,about the beginning of 1520., he writes to this ef- fed.Thatj though he appealed from him heretofore to a General) Councell, it was not with an ill minde , as having in his continual! Prayers follicited the Almighty for him. That he could not deny himfelfe to be fharpe and cenfoiious enough 3 when offence was given 5 yet that he ever thought well of his Holinefle in particular, onely it grieved him that he lived in fo wicked a Court as that of his at Rome^ which he faid was now become another Babylon or So- dome, that he being amidft fuch people , as a Lambe amongft Wolves, it were pitty he mould any longer refide there. That it were better for him therefore to leave all , and defcend to fome fimple Parfonage or Living, or otherwife to maintaine himfelfe with what he had gotten already, then to hazzard himfelfe to fuch Peftilencies and Infedions $ That, in this advice , he did but imitate 'Bernard 3 who did deplore the eftate of Eugenics ^ when Rome was far purer then at this day. In conclufion he recommends to him his late Booke entituled De libertateChrifiiana. Butwhat- foever L others advice was, I cannot believe him fo fimple , as to fuppofe his words had either the power or Spels to call the Pope kom his feat, or that tendernefle of confcience to live among wic ked perfons, was enough to make him forfake, together with his charge, alt hts dignities and honours 5 therefore I believe he meant this, as the Pope himfelfe underftood it , onely for a Pafquill or Satvre$ which made htm alfo ailemble the Cardinals, andconfult with them herein 3 who all condemned Littke>> , yet not fo, but it was wifhd by fome, a Reformation of divers abufes had either preceded L;/f/jerr admonition 3 or at leaf! accompanied it at that time , when in humble and modeft termes he fubmitted himfelfe to the Church. That their arrogatiagfupreame power in tempo- rail things, had made divers Princes difalfeft their Government, who yet embraced their Dodrine. Tbat, therefore , it was not fafe to fuffer them to have an Author for Jeferting theChurcti, who had already fought occafions for it , in the late Couneell of PiC^ and elfewhere ^ Neither was it a good Argument, to fay that Lu- tktr was a dangerous perfon 5 fince, the more hurt he could doe., the lefle he was to be forced to extremities 5 as Having betwixt his wit IOJ SleM. 1519. July. 4. April 6. The Life and Itaigne 1520, June 15, *Jan.6. 1521 *April 1 6. *Miy8. 10. 1515. 1516. wit and favourers, enough to trouble all things : Briefly, that, to avoydhis venom pus Doftrine , the beft way was not to urge him to caft it forth , but rather ( if it could be done handfomely J to quiet him by beftowing fome Ecclefiafticall preferment. But fo haughty were the major part of the fpirits in this Aflcmbly, that rejecting this Politique advice,thcy condemned Lntkers bookes to the fire y but Luther growing hereupon but more fierce , was at length Excommunicated , and his Bookes burnt. He, on the o- ther fide, ftriving to revenge this , at Witenberg in a full Aliembly of Schollers burnes * the Booke called J#s Pontificium } warning men befides to take heed of the Papall Government,and Dextrine*, appealing againe to a Councell. Charles Bunder ftanding thefe paf- fages, was much troubled^ as forefeeing the following diffentions. NeverthelefTe. he tempered bufinefiesfo, as he held the Pope thereby in fome fufpence > Therefore he would not precipitate his fentence againft Luther, or fo much as cenfure him, till he were publiquely heard. For which purpofe, (after his being* Crownd folemnly at Aix.} He aflembled a Dyet at * Worwls^ whether he called Luther , giving him a fafe Conduct alfo, to goe and returne. Whereupon Luther * came in his Fryers habit, but refufingto re tract his opinions , he and his favourers were* profcribed by De cree or Edict. Howbeit, as jthis did rather punifh then convince him 5 Our King (being atjeafure now from warres,and for the reft delighting much in learning)thought he could not give better proof either of his zeale or education, then to write againft Luther. To this alfo he was exafperated, that Luther had , oftentimes fpoken contemptuoufly of the learned Thomas of Aqftine , who yet was fo much is requeft with thfc King } and efpecially the Cardinal!, that ( as Potydore hath it ) he was therefore called Thomijlicys. Our King hereupon compiles a Booke > wherein he ftrenuoufly oppofes Luther in the point of Indulgences , number of Sacraments , the Papall Authority, and other particulars, to be feen in that his worke , entituled De fept. Sjcrimentif ? a principall copy where-, of, richly bound, being fent to Leo, I remember my felfe to have feen in the Vatican Library. The manner of delivery whereof (as I finde it in our * Record) was thus , Doctor J&hn Clarkg Dean of Windfor our Kings Ambaflador, appearing infullConfiftory, the Pope , knowing the glorious Prefent he brought , fir"ft gave him his Foot, and then his Cheekes to kifie } then receiving the Booke> he promifed to doe as much for Approbation thereof to all Chri-, ftian Princes (which our King much defired) as ever was done for Saint AttgHJlines or Saint Hieromsf workes , afiuriag him withall that the next Gonfiftory he would beftow a publique Title on 01 King : which having been * heretofore privately debated among the Cardinals, and thofeof Protestor 3 or De fen for Rewan* Eccle f. , or Sedis Apojlolic< , or RexApeftolicitf , or Qrthedoxut , pro duced, they at laft agreed on -DEF&NSOR FIDET. A Tranf- Henry the eighth. 105 Tranfcript of which Bull (but of an Originally/^ P/#w0inour Re cords; I have here inferted. LE O Epifcopus Servus Scrvorum Dei, Chariflimo in Chrifto filio, Henric Angliac Regi, Fidei Defenfori, ialutem & ampliflimam ben. Ex iupern difpofiti- onis arbitrio, licet imparibus meritis,llniverfalis Ecckfix Regimini prxfidente?, ad hoc cordis noftri longe lateque diffundimus cogitatus, ut Fides Catholica, fine qua nemo proficit ad falutem, continuum fufcipiat incrementum , &utea,quxpro cohibendis conatibus illam deprimere, aut pravismendacibulquecommentis perverterc & deni- grare molientium, fanl Chrifti fidelium prxfcrtim dig- nitate regali fulgcntium do&rina funt difpofita 5 continuis proficiant increments , partes noftri minifterii & ope- ram impendimus efficaccs. Et ficutaliiRomani Pontifi- ces prxdeceflbres noftri Catholicos Principes , prout rerum & temporum qualitas exigebat , fpecialibus favo- ribus profequi confueverunt, illos prcefertim qui, procel- lofis temporibus 5 & rabida Schifmaticorum&Hxretico- rumfervente perfidia , nonfolum in fidei ferenitate & devotione illibata,facro-fanctx Romanx Ecclefias immo- biles perftiterunt , verum ctiam tanquam ipfius Ecclefix legitimi filii, ac fortiflimi Athletx Schifmaticorum & Hacreticorum infanis furoribus fpiritualiter & tempora- liter fe oppoiuerunt : Ita etiam nos Majeftatem tuam, propter cxcelfa & immortalia ejus erga nos & hanc landhm fedem, in qua permiflione divina fedcmus, opera & gefta condignis & immortalibus prconiis& laudibus erTerre defideramus , ac eafibi concedere, Propter qux invigilare debeat, a grege dominico Luposarcere, &pu- trida membra, qux myfticum Chrifti Corpus inficiunt, ferro& materiali gladio abfcindere,&nutantiumcorda fidelium in fidei foliditatc confirmare. Sane cum nuper dilcftusfiliuslohannes Clarke, Majeftatis tuxapud nos Orator, inConfiftorio noftro coram Venerabilibus fra- tribus rioftris San&x Romanx Fcclefix Cardinalibus, & Compluribus aliis Romanae Curix Prxlatis, Librum, qucm The Life and T^ai quern Majeftas Tua Charitate , qux omnia fedu!6 & ni- hil perperam agit, fideique Catholicac zelo accenfa & de- votionis erga nos & hanc fan&atn fedem fervore inflam- inata contra erroris diverforum htfreticorum fxpius ab hacfancia fede damnatos, nuperque per Martinum Lu- therum fufcicatos & innovates tanquam nobile,& falutare quoddam Antidotum compofuit , nobis examinandurn, &deindeauthoritate noftra approbandum obtuliflet, ac luculenta Oratione fua expofuifTet Majefiatem tuam paratam ac difpofitam efle, ut, quemadmodum veris rationibus & irrefragabilibus facrae Scripturae ac Sando- rum Patrum authoritatibus ? notorios errores ejufdem Martini Lutheri confutaverit 5 ita etiam omnes cos fcqui & defenfare prsefumentes totius Rcgni viribus & annis pcrfequatur ; Nofquc ejus libri admirabilem quan- dam & cxleftis gratir rore confperfam doftrinam dili- genter accuratcque introlpexiflTemusi Omnipotent! Deo, a quo omnc datum optimum & omne donum perfefium eft, immenfasgratiasegimus; qui optimam&ad omne bonum inclinatam mentem tuam infpirare^ eique tantam gratiam fuperne infundere dignatus fuit, ut ea fcriberes, quibus fanSam ejus fidem contra novum errcrum dam- natorum hu)ufinodi fufcitatorem defenderes, ac reliquos Reges& Priucipes Chriftianos tuo exemplo invitares, ut ip(i etiam Orihodoxx fidei & Evangelic^ veritati in pe- riculum & difcrimen adduda?, omni ope fua adefle op- portuneque favere vellent. ^quum autemeflc cenfen- tes^eos, qui pro fidei Chrifti hujufmodi defenfione pios labores fufceperunt, omni laude &: honore afficere 5 vo- lentefque non foliim ea qux Majeftas tua contra eun- dem Martinum Luth^erum abfolutiffima doSrina nee minori eloquentia fcripfit, condignis laudibus extollere ac magnificare, authoritatequc noftraapprobare&con- firmare y fed etiam Majeftatem ipfam tuam tali honore ac tituio decorare , ut noftris ac pcrpetuis futuris tem- poribus Chrifti fideles omnes intelligant, quam gratum acccptumque nobis fuerit Majeftatis tuac Munus , hbc prxfertim of f(ing Henry the eighth. pradcrtim tempore, nobis oblatum : Nos 5 qui Petri,quem Chriftus in Ccelum afcenfurus vicarium fiium in Terris reliquit , & cui curanl gregis fui commilitjveri Succeflbres iumus > & in hac fandU fede, qua omnesdignitatesac tituli emanant, fedcmiis, habita fuper his cum eifdem fra- tribus noftrismatura delibcratione, de eorum unamini confilio & aflenfu,Majeftati tux titulum hunc,(viz.) Fidci Defenforem donare decreviraus, prout Tc tali titulo per praefentes infignimus j mandantes otnnibus Cl.rifti tidelibus 5 ut Majeftatem tuam hoc titulo noininent 5 &,cura ad cam fcribcnt, poft diftionem v Regi, adjungant, Fidei Defenfori. Et profct6 5 hu)us tituU-excellentia & dignitate ac fingularibus mcritis tuis diligcnter perpenfis & confi- deratis ? nullu n ncquedignius ncquejVlajcftati tux conve- nientius nomcn excogitare potuiflemus :' quod quoties audies & leges, toties propriae virtutis optimique merui tui rccordaberis i ncc hujufmodi titulo intumciccs vel in fuperbiam elcvaberis 3 fed folifa tua prudentia humilior, & in fide Chrifti 5 ac devotione hujus fan&x iedis a qua exaltatus fueris, fortior & conftantior evades , ac in Domino bonorum omnium largitore Ixtaberis , perpe- tuum hoc &immortale gloria? tux monumentum pofte- ris tuis relinquerc,illifque viamoftcndere, ut, fi tali titulo pfi quoque infignin optabijnt, tali etiam opera officere )rxclaraqueMa;eftatis tuae veftigia iequi ftudeant , quam ?rout de nobia & dominica fede opcimemerita eftjima cumuxore acfiliis 5 ac omnibus qui a te &abillis naicen- ur, noftra benedidHone, in nomine illius a quo illam con- cedendi potcftas pobis data eft, larga & liberal! manu Denedicentes, Altiflimum ilium , quidixit, pcrmeRe- ges Regnant, & Principes imperant, & in cujus manu corda .funt Regum, rosamys & obfecratirus , ut earn in r r o r r r i uo iancto propoiito connrmet , cjiiique devotionem nultiplicet, ac pr claris profanfta fide geftis ita ilia- tret , ac toti Orbi terrarunt confpicuam reddat , ut udicium quod de ipfa fecimus, earn tarn in&ni titulo , , r ir ' i- rr decorantes, anemmefalium^utvanum ;udican poilit: O demum 10 1521 io8 *Ihe Life an demun^Mortali* hujus vita? finite curriculo , fcmpitcrnx illius gleriae confortem atquc participem rcddat. Dat. Roniae apud San&umPetrum,Annoincarnatio- nis Dominicx Millefimo Quingentcfimo Vieefimo Pri- mo. Qyinto Id. Ofiobrig , Pontificatus noftri Anno SJono. X Ego Leo X. Catholics Ecclefw Eptfcopws fi. Ego F. tt- S. Enfebii Presb. Cardinalis fo. JLgoA.tt. Sant For it was impoffible to ob lige him 5 efpecially, where he found fo advantageous an occafion i to diffent. For as he watch'd over the Earle ofDefmond, his per- petuall adverfary 5 fince the divifion of Lancafter and Torfy, (in which his Anceftors were on the fide of Lancajter^nd the K.ild*res and Defoonds on that ofTar^O he difcovered more favours done the prefent Earle of ftefaond^ f whom he called a Tray tor ) then he thought due to him } Infbmuch that he complain 'd to the Cardinall 3 who thereupon fcnt for Kildare. Though folydore faith, he came voluntarily into England to match with fome Englifli Lady, and there behaved himfelfefounrefpe&fully to the Gar- dinall, that he was caft into Prifon. But whatfoever thecaufe was, his charge was be flowed on the Earle of Surrey , who going to Ireland in April 1 5 2 o a reduced the Earle of Defaondvu\& others to obedience. The Duke ofBitcfynzhaw being thus expofed and unfriended, the Cardinall treats feeretly with Knevet, concerning him 5 who thereupon difcovers his late Matters life 5 Gonfeffing that the Duke 5 by way efdifcourfe, was accuftorned to fay, how he meant fotoufethematter, that, if King Henry dyed without ifTue, he would attaine the Crown, and that he would punifh the Cardinall. Befides, that he had fpoken hereof unto George Knevet Lord Aber- gavenny , who married the faid Dukes daughter. By what meanes yet the Duke intended particularly to effect thefe defignes , I doe not finde exactly fet downe by Charles Knevet. Neither doe the Aiuhors 3 who write hereof relate his Pedegree. Onely our He ralds fay , he was defeended from Anne Plant*genet daughter of Thomas of Woodftock,e> fonne to King Edwardthc third. How farrc this yet might entitle him to the Grown in cafe King Henry fhould havenoiilue, I have neither leifure nor difpofition to examine. I (hall onely therefore, for fatisfaftion of the Reader, feJecl: fome principall points out of his Indictment 5 leaving the Reader , for the re(r,unto the fearch of the Record : In which , th/ei points that in my opinion made moft againft the Dfuke, were .3 Kir ft, That at O 2 *feve- 1521. Camp.Hift. offreland. 1504. 1513. Campion. Hift.Irel. 1520. April. no 15 12. April 24. & July 22. April 2 6. & 1517. July 20. **5'5- April 1 6. Life and 'Raigne March 20. * Feb. 20. I r t *5ir *Feb.2. i< 10 *W " 15 i* Sept, 10. April 1 6* 1512. * 1513- * feverall times he had fent to cne Hopkins a Monke in the Priory of Henton^ to be informed by him, concerning the matters he ima gined ^ and that the Monke fhould returne anfwer , The Duke ihould have all 5 and therefore fhould labour to procure the love of the people. 2 That the Duke * afterwards fhould goe in pcrfon to the faid Hopkins , who confirmed the faid prediction , adding, that he knew it by Revelation. Whereupon the faid Duke ihould a;ive him feverall Rewards. 3 That he ihould * fpeake to Ralph kvily Earle oweftmerUnd^ (his fonne in law) that, if ought but oodcometo the King, the Duke of Buckingham fhould be next m blood to the Crown 3 the King having as yet no iffue. That.to comply herewith , he did many things which argued Ambition, and 'defire to make himfelfe popular. That he * faid to one-Gilbert, bdk Chancellor 5 that whatfoerer was done by the Kings Father, wasidone by wrong} murmuring withall againft the prefent Go vernment. 4 That the faid Charles Knevet^thsit if he had been com mitted .to the Tower, (whereof he was in danger upon occafioriof one Sir William Bnlnter) he would ha AC fo wrought, that the prin cipal doers thereof mould not have caufe of great rejoycing. For he would have playd the part which his Father intended to M,veput in practice againft King Richard the third at Salts bury ,who iniK&e eafrieft fuit to come into the prefence of the faid King^which [uH if he might have obtained , he having a Knife fecretly about him , would havethruftit into the body of King Richard^ as he bad made femblance to kneele downe before him. And that , in fpeaking thefe words , he malicioufly layd hands on his Dagger } fwearing, that, if he were fo evill us'd , he would doe his be ft to accomplifh his intended purpofe. 5 That* being in fpeech with Sir George Nevilt Knight, Lord Abegavcnny , he faid , that if the King died, he would have the Rule of the Realme, in fpight of whofq- eVer faid the contrary 5 fweariog,that if the Lord Abergavenny re- eai'd this he would fight with him. This I conceive to be the fubftanee of the moft fpeciall Articles in the Evidence 5 which the Courteous Reader yet may doe well to confider more at large, as they are extant on Record. How far yet thefe particulars were proved.and in what fort, my Authors deliver not. Onely I finde (out of our RecordsJ that the Duke of Buckingham being com mitted to the Tower April 16. did under his own hand declare to SirThowas 0we?# Gonftable of the Tower, the paflages be- twhct him and Hopfynt 3 in this manner : That is to. fay , that the Summer before our King made warre in France , Hopkins fent for him 5 but, not being able to goe, he commanded one Detucovr> his Chaplaine , to repaire thither 5 howbeit, thatH^- ktns faid nought to him 5 yet that himfelfe came the next * Lent } where, in Shrift, the faid Monke told him , that our King ffeould win great honour in his journey to France $ and that if the King of Scots came to England then 3 he fhould never goe home againe. And oft(ing Henry the eighth. And that, when he asked Hopkins how he knew this, he faid ex dr.o habeo : A nd that Hap fans demanding afterward, what Children the King had had. He told the number 5 and that Hepfyn* fhould fay thereupon, I pray God his ifiiie continue 5 for that hee feared God was not contented, becaufe he made no reftiturion according to his Fathef s Will, charging the Duke further to advife the King's Councelltemake reftiturion. Further,That he told his Chancellor thofe words, and at his returne out of France^ came to Hofkjns a- gaine, and (aid , he had told him true : Alfo, that fanother time) he came to Hopkins^ together with his fonne SUfford^ and the Earl QiWcffimcrlind, and that Hopkins asked who he was, and there upon tiiould fay, that fomeof his bloud or name fhould prove Great Men. And that, after this, Hopkins mould fend to the Duke, to pray him,accordingto his promife,tohelp their Houfe(being at Hcnton in sotnMtrfetft)ire)to make their Conduit 5 the ten pounds 2 formerly- given -by him, being fpent. And more then this he con- feiYd aot. Notwithstanding which., when the Indiftment was open ly read, -the Di*ke faid it was falfe, untrue, confpir'd, andforg'd, to bririg him to his death ;, aUeadging (as he was an eloquent Per- fonj marry reafon to falfifie the Indi&ment:, the King's Attorny on the other hde 9 producing the Examinations , Gonfeffions, and proofes of witnefies* The Duke hereupon deiiredthe witnefles which were Knevet^ Gilbert, Delacour^ and Hopkins ^ to be brought forth. Thefe confirming their depofitions, the Duke was tryed by his Peeres, fbeingaDuke, aMarqueffe, feven Earles, and twelve Barons) before the Duke of Ne/rfol^ who was for the time made Lord High Steward of England. They condemning him 3 the Duke of Norfolk? delivered his fentence, not without teares. To which he replyed, My Lord ofNorfelfy, you have faid as a Tray- tor fhould be (aid unto, but I was never none. But, my Lords., I nothing maligne for what you have done to me, but the Eternall God forgive you my death., and I doe. I fhall never fue to the King for Life : Howbeit, he is a gracious Prince, and more Grace may come from him, then 1 defire* And fo I defire you, my Lords, and all my fellowes, to pray forme. Whereupon hee was brought back to the Tower. Where all the favour he received was a Mef- fage from the King, declaring his fentence was mitigated fo farce, that, inftead of receiving the death of a Traytor, he ihould have only his head * cut off. Thus ended the Duke of EHck^ngham^ much lamented by the people, (who libell'd the Cardinall for it, calling him Carnificis fiUum,) as being thought rather Crtnrin*U through folly and raih words, then any intention declared by overt Aft again-ft the King's Perfon 5 and therefore not uncapable of his mercy ^ which alfo it wa:s thought would not have been denyed, had he fued for it in fitting terms. But fince at his Arraignment, he did, as it were, difclaime his life , he would not obtrude it, and therefore only caufed a Letter of comfort to be written to the Dutchefle 3 III HaS. Holinfhgad. May. 1 3. V. May 17. HZ 1501. 1514. May 18. 1519. 1500. 1515, The Life and l^aigne Dutchefle, and Lord Stafford. Yet the Tragedy ended not fo^ for though George Lord Abergavenny, after a fewmoneths imprifon- ment, was, through the Kings favour, delivered, yet Hapfynf, after a ferious repentance that he had been an Author of fo much inifehiefe, dyed of griefe . And here I muft obferve that toge ther with this Duke., that great place of High-Conftable-of-Eg- /<*Wremaines extinguished, unleffe fome extraordinary occafion revive it. I ihallreturne here to fpeake of Charles the fifth, who having, as isfayd, kcept a Diet at Wormes , did now Leavy Forces. And the rather, that he heard warre was intended againft him by S&ly m*i& who, being 3 Martiall Prince, and Crowned the very fame day at C&nflantinople, that Charles was at Aix, feemed to have fooiev ' at of the fame Afcendent, however they differed in their Interefts. Befides, it was obferved, that as Charles the fifth was the eleventh Emperour from Alberts, in whofe time the houfe of the 0//0/tf*#.f began, fo Sudiman (or Self man) was the eleventh Prince of his Race. Howfoever, on their occafion much of their Subjects bloud was fpilt,and more would have been,had not Fran- cff turned the Armes of Charles upon himfelfe. The Gaufes of diflention betwixt Charles and Francis, were, Firft, That Claude El- deft daughter ofLoux the twelfth, and Anne ofBrettgne having by a folernne* Treaty been accorded to charlts, Franc if yet * obtained her, and thereby eluded his hopes of "Bretai^ne. Secondly , their mutuall Ambition for the Empire. Thirdly, ill-Offices done by their Courtiers betwixt them. Fourthly, but chiefely, the in compatibility of their demands for their Ancient Right j whereof Ifindthefemofturged. Homage for F Understand Art0jf.> required by Francis , as being held anciently of the Crown of France $ which Charles yet refufed, faying, that, fince thatEftate was devolved to an Emperour, it was in a higher dignity, then could be fub- mitted to any Inferiour. But to this again Frahcif replyed, that it derogated from no body to give what was due. Befides, that the Title of a King was greater and more Auguft then that of an Emperour , both as the power is more abfolute in it felfe,and that it depends not on the Election of others 5 for which purpofe a paf- fagewasalleagcdout of Matth.Parif^ when the Empire having beene offered to Robert, brother of Saint Louis > the Gouncell of State refus'd it, for this reafon , faying further, it wa* enough that Robert was brother to fo great a King. For which Caufe alfo, the French obferve, that none ever a fpir'd to it of the Line of the Ca- pet's^butFrancff. Againe, they differ 'd about Milan, of which Louis the twelfth having gotten the * Inveftiture, Francit did in purfuit of his Right, expell Maximilian Sfirzajwhofs Brother and fucceflbr yet was protefted by charier, and reinplaced. Moreover, the Duchy of 'Bwgnndy was queftioned by Charles. For though eleventh had united it to his Crown, and that, for Title i thereunto, of Kjng Henry the eighth. 1516. thereunto, it was alleaged, that Ithn King of France had given it to his younger Son Philip , to hold to him and his heires Males on ly^ and that Cbdrkslzft. Duke of 'Burgundy^ having but one onely daughter, it therefore reverted , yet Charles underftanding the bu- fineile otherwife claimed it by a long fucceffion of his Anceftors in Burgundy. Thefe fo many pretences on either fide engaged the t wo Princes into per petuali warres ., whichbegan thisyeare. For Fr*nck.> infixing full upon the Treaty ofNeyen , prepared to re cover Navwe ') And to this he thought the Comunidadoes or In- furreftion/ in spaine (begun -i 5 1 9, and continued ftillj would con duce. For as the people held their Ittnta or Aflembly for redrefie of their grievance?, lie conceived fome might be drawn to hi? par ty. But he was deceiv'd, for they mutincd not for his fake,but their, own, as appeared i pretending for their chiefe grievances out f ,that their King lived inforraigne parts, and tranfported their Money for his occafions there, and beftowed divers great Places in Spaine on ftrangers. So that, though they continued their demaunds with much infolency and boldneile, they peril fred neverthelefle in their love to their Prince and Country, without admitting a Treaty with Francis. AH which yet could not preferve them. For, though they proceeded with morefobriety and correfpondcnce, then hath been obferved in any popular Infurredlions, (as Sa ndoval relates it at large) they were divided at laft, and overthrowne by the name of Rebels , Their Actions being fo bad and dangerous, as their in tentions could not excufe them. - Howfoever, frtncis thought fit to make ufe of this occafion, and therefore, before their defeat^he levyed Forces > and, not long after, fent Andre dc Foix, Seigneur de Afftrrant, and Brother of the famous Lantrech^ to Navarre. Where a March, war began, that 3 in divers places, lafted 38 yeares following ( as *W0Wobferves it jand coft the lives of above five hundred thou- fand men 5 the French fpeake of a far greater number. Their firft Progrcile was happy 5 for, in leffc then 1 5 dayes, they tpgke N^- varre. But as they would goe further to Catalunna^ and befiege L&- ironno(oT Gr ap pertaining to the Emperor^he nothing doubted 3 but that the French had affirtcd him herein. Howbeit, Francjf> confideringit wasnot convenient to begin a war foneer home j & befides 3 being ad vifcd by our King to keep the Peace 3 (ignifies his diflikc to Fleuranges>who thereupon* license! his Forces. Notwithftanding which, Charles commands //?>/ Ceunt* of Naffit&io goe with an Army againft Robert de It Mar fa not omitting withall todifpatch an Ambaiiador to Fraud*.) with Inftructions, to protefr^ that Francis had firft broken the Treaty of 1 518, by ayding Robert dc la Mar%. He fent word to our King alfo of this proceeding. Who taking the matter into confederation, pronounced fentence againft Francis, as the firftlnfra&orof their Tripartite League : which being maturely pondered by Franci;^ fwho knew wel! 5 how much it concerned him not to provoke our King, who ( by an expreile Article ofthe faidTreatyJ was to fall on the firft that contraven'd) made him afterwards excufethc matter., and undertake that Robert fhould defiftfromhoilility. This was not yet fo accepted by ck*rles 9 as to delay the fending of his Army, under Henry de Ntijfam (and not Fmncefco Sichixo as lovift-s hath it) to feize on the Dominions of Robert^ who accordingly tooke divers places. But Rebert going to the Emperor hereupon., obtained a Truce for fix weekes, Henry ofNajfaiv in the meane time putting Garrifons in the places he had wonne. The Emperour yet, not difmiffing his Forces, but proceeding hoftilly, our King takes notice hereof, and offers Woolfy , as his Lieutenant, to Compofe their differences. For Francis had now ArnVd ^ as rinding that; under colour of Private quarrells, -Tournnfin was invaded 5 howbeit Wolfy was not thought'byFr^ww a competent Judge A both as fome jealoufies had paftfbimerly betwixt our King and him (as is above related) and that he&ne w wolfey depended wholly upon Charles for the Pa pacy. Therefore he not only dcclin'd fas much as he couldj the , butihortly after difpatch'd the Duke of Al bany cf Kjng Henry the eighth. ban) into Scotland. Howfoever 5 *FW/ej came 2 Augnjt 1 5 2 1 to Calais ^ and treated of an accommodatiorl^not neglcding together to write to Charley to make-no Peace with Frtncfc during the treaty. And I doubt not but our King did gladly arbitrate this bufmeflfe } both as it argued his authority, and gave him meanes to choofe his friend, when otherwife he could not reconcile them Upon the part of Franctf came the Chancellor of France ( Antoinc duFrat) lohndt Selvefa Monfcur dr. Pa/zffe M*refchall of France, with foure hundred Horfe. The Emperor not failing on his part likewife to fend Con- digne Agents, being Mtrcnrintts Condz de Gattinara his Chancellor^ and Monjicnr dc B&rgloes^nd others. The Pope had likewife a par ticular and coMCcal'd Nuntio, there being Hitronymo de Ghinnnciis Eifhop ofAfcoli 5 though, as he pretended to be without Autho rity, his bufinefle it feem'd was for the prefent rather to efpy and obfcrve the proceedings there 3 then to advance the Peace, as did appeare afterwards. Many things were reprefented to the Cardinall on both fides. The Emperor demanded, among other things, R.eftitution of the Dutchy of 'Burgundy and abolition of the homage he owed to the Crowne of France for the Lew-Countries. Francis again not only refufed this, but requir'd that Navarre might bee reftor'd to Henry Sonne of King John\ and a Penfion of one hun dred thoufand Ducats paid him for the Kingdom of Naples .> accor ding to the former Contract at Noyon. But to this againe^^r/e/ his minority wa^ alleaged as an excufe^ though a weak one in Princes} theybeingnot conlidered under the notion of their Age but Dig nity. Furthermore, Charles groundedhis Title to Naplssby his Mo ther Queene lo*ne ^ Daughter and Hey re of Ferdinand^ fo that to have paid this money would have weak'redhisClaime^and for Navarre^it was too commodious for him to leave it 5 efpeci- ally when he thought Francis did no lefle in.with-holding Burgun dy. Howfoever s that F ranch himfelfe had firft broken thefaid Treaty ofNoy&n, by protecting the Duke ofGucldres, an A ntient enemy of the houfe of Flanders. And for the abolition of homage, the French Chancellor on the other fide, particularly faid , it was not the work of a Treaty, but a Petition , and therefore not to be handled at this time, when there was queirion of right onlyiBefides this, the Dutchy of Milan bred no little altercation among them. In conclufion, their demands were fo obftinate, and minds fo averfe from Peace on either fide ? that the Cardinall eould or would do no good. Hereunto, alfo, did concurre a clofe and private convention betwixt Lee -and Charles ^ mediated ty the Nuntio -5. and a confidence that Charles had, ("by- the Cardinal's mean's) that^in cafe of rupture our(King would incline to hiin,as having more pretence to his antient Dominions of Francs then to any thing in theZ.*>-C08#fr/e/. Again, Charles renew'd hispromife to give him hisbefl affiflance to: be eleded Pope, wheA Leo fhould dye 5 which prevailed more then any other gift. Although (to P ufe 1521 Aug. 2. Dupkix. Aug. Sept. oaob. May. ufe Polyderes words) fpeaking of both Princes, at this time 3 Vter- qHCtjtfffrvorem cerMiwlargitionibvs qutritabat. This hope of the Papacie therefore comforted our Cardinal!, now it was likely he fhould loofe one of his cuftomers. ^ The King of 'Hungary at this time, finding that Solyman ( who inherited his Father's malice) did much gain upon Chriftendome fas having lately gotten Belgrade in Hungary) and knowing there was no way to defend himielfe., without an Union betwixt Chriftian Princes , fends an Ambafla- dour, fb opportunely, as to find our Cardinall at C*A/*f , Treating of this univer fall Peace. But fuch was the animofity of thefe two great Prince*, that the pious confederation of repelling the Turke could not prevaile with them. So that the Cardinall, by this time, finding fmali hope of reconciliation, advertis'd our King thereof, and crav'd his refolution $ unto which he much pre- par'd him by giving intelligence of what had pa ft. Togainethis fpace alfo, he told the French, he would goe in Perfbntpr?s 9 and negotiate by word of mouth with the Emperour. Our Car dinall departing hereupon, the Emperor met him by the way, ( a mile out of Town,) accompanying this honour with all other de- j monftrations of affedHon to him Scour Nation. After thirteen dayes j Treaty, and agreement what was to be done in cafe of Rupture^ i ( which our Gardinall perceived now could not be aroyded,) hec . rcturnesto cW^Jr, where the French Ambafladours impatiently at tended him,he doth not yet difcover his difpair of fuccefle to them, and much lefle difclofeth his private Treaty with the Emperor, but mediates ftill a Peace, yet fo,as to promife lefTe hope of it then j before, fince matters were conieto fuch extremities on both fides. \ For not only le Seigneur de Liques^ a Subject of the Emperors, upon private quarrell with the Cardinall of Bourben, had now furprifed AmAitd and Mortagne. in ficArdis^ and the tonrgonians Arclres^ (which they Rafed J But the Connt de N thought to have the leading of the A. vant guard (rather then the Duke de Alanzon^ brother in Law to the KingJ an error was committed which coft him dear, as fhall be told in its place. Not withftanding which,/r^, that he might leave no thing unattempted, fends to the Emperor, the L ord of Saint Johns ^ , and Sic iho. Bul/en,&nd to the French King fly ig then with a great Army neer C*#*r/yf)the E. ofrr0>Yf/2er,and Bilhopof Klj/i^y whom he obtained that the Emperor fhould raife the fiege ofTixrjMj ? be- ; fore which his forces now were 3 aod that he fliould recall his Army in the Milanvfff, and that Francis fhould likewilc retire his, and the reft of K^ng Henry the eighth, reft mould be referr'd to our King. But the taking ofFt/entarahie by Bdtinivet intervening Francn refufed to render it,and fo the Trea ty brake off. Whereupon our Cardinall f who now had heard from our King) gives a kind of fentence : in the bufinefle. The effed: hereof was } that the French King being guilty of the firft breach our King was bound by the Common Treaty to affift the Emperor to which alfo he was the more difpofed that the fecret practices o the French in Scotland haddifobligedhim, fome hopes of Accomo dation yet were reprefented 3 in cafe the Emperor and Francis migh be reconciled } but fmall appearance hereof being given,the Gardi nail concluded a Treaty with the Emperor and Pope againft th< French,the Pope entring it on condition that the Emperor flioulc reftore to him Parma and Fttcenza^nd ayd him, afterwards,againf the Duke ofFerrar*. The effeft of the Treaty was this. Becaufe the expedition againft the Turk cannot be undertaken, untill the Pride and Injury of the French be fuppreffed , Therefore between the Pope,Emperor 3 and King of England, by their feve- rall Ambafladors, thefe following Articles are concluded. This Treaty fhall not derogate from any former, and it (hall ex tend not only to the prefent poffeffions of the Contrahents, but their future Acq uifitions. That, when the Emperor (hall pafleover into Spaine to provide himfelfe of men and money, and quiet his people (which thall be the next Springjthe King of England ( upon a moneth's warning) (hall give him a ConVoy of Ships through the Channel^ with at leaft three thoufandfighting-men 3 with Aitillery,, &c. together with leave to land at Dover,: or Sandwich > And after honourable entertainment, fhall conduft him himfelfe to Fal^onth^ or fome other fuch place. In regard whereof, if the King of England (hall have occafion to pafle over to France, the Emperor (hall doe the like for him, till the Charge be equall on both fides. The Contrahents (hall declare themfelves enemies to the French, and by May fhall be in Armes 3 (viz. ) The Pope in n Italy, with aftrongArmy} without Italy, Cenfurif Eccleftaftjr.tt. Secondly 3 the Emperor with ten thoufand horfe a & thirty thoufand Foot, or more, on the Confines of spaine, at which time the Lorv-Cwntries and other Dominions of the Emperor, (hall declare themfelves enemies to the French, and Commerce ceafe. Thirdly, the King of England fhall paffe the Sea, with ten thoufand Horfe, and thirty thoufand Foot or more, to invade France on the Coafts next to him. And he hath liberty given to hire Horfe-men out of Germany ) and Foot (if he will) of the Emperor's Subjeds. And, if theKingofE#/4JK/, upon a Battaile to be fought, (hall ftandin need ofayd, the Emperors Lieutenant., being inform'd of it. (hall (if it be poffible) help him. That, before the Moneth of March abovefaid, the King ofEng- and the Emperor fhall by Sea infeft the French, each with P Q three 1521 Nor. 24. Records. Novcmb.24. I. II. III. nir. n8 v. VI- VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. Life and 'R three thoufand fighting-men, and other ProYifions proportiona ble^ joyning their Forces upon occafion, and not recalling their Fleet's^ but by common eofcfent 5 which if they chance to be im paired by fight, or fowle weather, they are to repaire within a moneth. Neither fhall one make any appointment, or Treaty, or Truce, with the Common enemy 9 but by the eonfent of the other. That, if, by thread of this prefeni Nweaiber, therebeno Peace made, betweeBe the Pope, Emperor and King of Fran^ or that the French King iliallafreft begin the war : Then the King of Engl*ndOM\\i at the coming of the Emperor into England., de clare bimfelfe enemy to the French, and within a moneth after cer- tifie it to the French King; In which cafe the Fleet prepared by the King of England , for the Convoy of the Emperor, after his landing in Spaine, fball, together with the Emperor's Fleet , turne ihemfelves again ft the French, foinfefting him by Sea. Alfoby Land each Prince ftiall have Forces againft all Invafion both of the French, and other Princes 5 wherein they (hall ayd one another. To facilitate thefe defignes, as foone as ever the war (hall be be gun againft the French, the Pope ftiall (end out his Cenfuresa* gainft him, fubje&ing all his Dominions to the Iitterdift $ and cal ling the Secular Arme againft him, (hall warne the Emperor (as the Protedor and Advocate of the Church,) and alfo the King of England to war againft him, as enemy of the Church. That the Emperor and King of Englaydtake on them the Prote- ftion of the Pope, and Family of Medic&s^ againft all whatfoever. And, on the other fide, that the Pope undertake the Prote&ioa of them with their confederates. So that it be riot permitted that one of them ftiall name for his confederates the enemy of the other. The Suifle are named confederates on all fides, and fare to be difpofed either to enter this League, or hold themfelves Neutrall, That the Emperor and King of Ew^/^Wfhall in their Dominions, as they have begun, proceed againft thofe, Article fide Catholica wale fenfire videninr, or t hat feeke to wrong the Authority of the Apoftolique See. And that, in the Lands and Pofleffions whieh the Emperor, and King of 'England (hall gaine from the French, the Pope (hall enjoy all Privil edges, Right$ 3 and Authority 9 due to the See Apoftolique. Thatj after the war with the French they (hall Invade the Turk. They (hall not Treat from this time apaxt with any Prince in prejudice of this League. That, notwithftanding the Emperor hath agreed Marriage with the King of France his daughter } and the Dolphin with the King of E0g/ the King on the other fide* beftowing on him the, Abbacy of Saint Albums , towards his charges in this journey. The warre thus continued the Empervur tooke Tournay^ to the no little fcaodall of Franc jf^vtho was yet obliged to continue his pay- tfients for it to our King. On the other fide 5 Francis prepares an Army for Italy $ for though the Marefchall Thomas de Foix (Scig- nenr de Lefcun ^ and brother to Odet de Foix Seigneur de Lautrecn) had now for fome time commanded Milan > yet as he grew odi ous, through his manifold oppreffions, the people fought occafion to revolt. Which the Imperial (Is under Ferdina nd d? A vahs Mar- queileof Fe/f* underO anding, requir'd the Popes afliftance^who., in cohformity to his league, fent forces , whereof Profpero Colonna was chiefe. His firfc a&ion was the befieging of Parma , which Lefcun defended, untill his brother Latttrech comming with an Army of twenty thoufand SuiiFe , feven or eight thoufand Vene tians , befides French , to relieve him v the Army of the League rofe, and retired. But Lwtrech afterwards remaining idle for fome few daies,fixteen hundred of the Suide being not well payd , and for the reft gained by the Cardinall de Medicis to the contrary party forfook him and ferv'd Colouna fwho thereupon marching toMilan ("whether Lantreckhad retired himfelfe) tooke it eafily, the Gaftle yet holding out^ howbeit Ltutrech efcaping \oConto with foure thoufand SuiflTe, and fome Venetian?, and from thence to the Territories of the Republica $ whereupon Pavia and Palm a yeelded, and Crevtdna , all fave theCaftle. When the Veneti- an^fearing the itorme might fall on themfelves , defired Lavtrrch te depart 5 who being alfo torfaken of his foure thoufand Suifle, got 1521 XIII. Hall. *Aug. *Novem. 13 Oftob. Novem-23- IZO *Dccemb.i. 1522, The Life got into the Caftle of Cremona , and fent his King word of the ill fuccefTe. Which the Pope alfo hearing , and being afTured toge ther that Sfvrza fhould be reftored to Milan 9 was fo overjoyed, that he * died thereof: (fo can every Paffion in his turn kill)though feme fufpefted he might die of poyfon. I will conclude this yeere with the invention of Muskets 5 which Bel/ay faith were firft ufedin this warre. The Cardinal! of Yorkt finding occafion now faire/ends Doctor Richard Pace., Deane of Saint Pauls to Rente , toerfay if by any meanes it were poffiblc to make him Pope. He writes alfo to C/ter/e/ 5 remembring him firft of his promifejnext it was reprefented how unjuft it would be in him, openly to have a Pope of his own nominating , there being fo many bufinefles of his to be deter mined in the Confiftory 5 that the particular utility which would redownd to him thereby , ought not to be layd in ballance againft the Univerfall dilhonour that both he and the whole Chriftian Church would fufFer in fuch a faftious and fcandalous Eleftion : efpecially,when his bufinefTe might be done in a more ;decent and fafe way. For if the Papacy were conferred on him^his Imperiall Majefty might be confident he fhould finde the fame faithfulnefle he had experience of in the la ft Treaty. Since therefore this was the beft expedient for giving himfelfe Reputation , and fecuring his affaires , that he fliould not faile herein. For as it was the place of Henry the eighth to be Arbiter of Chriftendome, it would be his to be the chiefe Inftrument thereof. For which purpofe alfo , he fhould be ready ever to difpofe King Henry to hold good correfpondence with his Imperiall Majefty. Neither muft he thinke that being Pope, he would alter this language 5 it being manifeft, that the keeping up of the Authority of Charles in It*lj 9 was the onely way to confer ve peace in it, which our King defired. Some of thefe reafons alfo Taee was defired to fcatter amongft the Cardinals at Rome , to whom he was charg'd to reprefent how much occafion of Calumny, the Lutherans and other Enemies of their Religion would finde 9 if an unfitting phoyce were made at this time. That this muft follow if any belonging either to Charles or Frauc is were ele&ed, befides that it would make their diffe rences ir reconcile able. Or when otherwife the Papacy fell into the hands of one who could not uphold and maintaine the Au thority of the See , as an Italian or fome other not ftrongly fup- ported perfon $ that then it muft become a prey to the ftrongeft. That the fole way to remedy thefe inconveniencies was to choofe him, who had a King able and well afFe&ed to maintaine Religion and Peace in thefe dangerous times. Our Cardinall alfo did not forget Francis 5 to whom, if not favour, yetatleaftindifferency was promifed, incafc he were Pope } and that this was more then he could hope for any other way. But before Pace could come to Rome Adrian Cardinall oFTortofa , heretofore Tutor to Charles, offing Henry the eighth. I and for the prefent refiding in Spaine , ( where he had the quality j i c c&Governddorde CaJiiUa) was*choien Pope, though not with ; Jan.?. ' fuch an Univerfall confent } but that (as I finde by our Records) ; our Cardinall had fometirnes nine, and fometimes twelve, and fometirnes nineteen voyces. Guiccardine feems much to wonder ! at this election , fcurriloutty terming him not onely rontifice Bar- \ bare, becaufe he was a Flemming,but alledging divers other inca pacities in him for that place. But the wifer fort did not thinke (b^ Ckarler having given thofe teftimonies of his good affection to the peace of Italy (efpeeially by his generous reftoring of Milan to Franecfco sforz,* ) that they nothing doubted but he would p ove their beft Patron and helpefor the expulfion of all ftran- gers Howfocver, that Adrian , being of a moderate and calme difpofition, would prove no Incendiary. Pace , though he heard by the way that Adrian was chofcn , yet holds on his journey , as having fecond inftru&ions to countenance his imployment , when the firft fucceedednot $ Therefore,departing from Ro&eto Venice about July this yeere, he mediated a peace betwixt Charles and the Venetians , ( who had hitherto held with the French, Jremon- ftrating to them the many reafons which they had to joyne with the Emperor and King of England again ft Francis , who had firft broken the common Peace made 1 5 iS, wherein the faid State of Venice was comprifed , and thereby bound to fall on the Infra&or thereof,6cc. But the Venetians, being engaged to Francis^took time onely to advife thereof. Adrranbeing thus chofen , *j*lioCardimdde AW/V//,whoafpired ! to the Papacy, was highly difcontented, Infomuch that for faking ! the rmperiall party , he joyned himfelfe with three thoufand Foot ! and two hundred Horfe, to the French. Francifio M*tia alfo, who ; (upon Leo's death) had recovered Vt'bin , adhering to them, fo j that; with the addition of iixteen thoufand Suifle newly leavyed, and fome Troops Lavtrcch the Mxrefchxll tie Foix brought, the French had a confiderable Army , with which he befieged Pavta. ' But Frofyero CotM*aeomming with the Imperiall Forces to relieve , it , Lantrcch raifing the fiege offered battell 5 which yet the Impe- rialifts would not accept. This while Montmortncy having taken Novara , returned $ fo that the French now purfuing their point, the Imperialifts were forced to get themfelves within a ftrong Re trenchment at Bicocca. And here either fide attended their advan tage 5 the French hoping to drive the Imperialifts away by famine, .*ndtheyagaine, that the Suifle for want of pay would defert the ; French. That of the Suifle faccecded fir ft 5 for demanding either ; to have their pay, or leave to depart^or atleaft order to fight, the j French, who wanted money, chofe this latter , as thelefle incon- *venience, and fo gave * on. But being repulfed with great lofle, *At>riI 27. the next day the Suifle returned, and the reft of the Army retired I towards Lodi and Grtmon*) and laftly to the Venetian Territories, while IZZ 1522 **illet, ft. eutil. Scif. L The Lif e an while the Imperialifts, making ufe of their vidory. got both thefe places, the Caftle of Cremona, onely excepttd 3 which held out for thefpaceof one whole yeere, though the Caftle of Milan yeelded prefently . Laittrech thus rinding all things defperate , retires to Frattfc, laying the fault upon his not receiving pay for his Soul diers } which yet, the French fay, was not for want of order from the King, but through the covetoufnefle of his Mother Louiffe^ or the default of fome Officers. And now the Imperialifts, loofing no time, marched toGenotia'-, in which were two fadioris , thofc of the family of the Pnfthi, Adorni^nA Spin&la>bcing Imperjalifts, and thofe of the Fregofi and Dsriit^ French. That of the Frcgofi governed now. Howfcever the Imperial ids Centred and fack'd that rich City $ which yet they quitted , when they had .depofed the Fregff/i, and fet up the Adorni. Fr^nccfcosforza was feflored alfo to that of MiUn , the Emperournotrefervingto himfelfe fo much asone place in that Countrey. And fo.Coknna con eluded the war for this yeere of 1522. Neverthelefle the Treaties with the Venetians proceeded, which at lafttook efFecr,as fkall be more particularly related. The proceedings betwixt our King and Charles were not kept fo fecret but that they became fufficiently known to Franc fs^vf^o would not yet inftantly take police f them i, as being more un provided then fuddenly to bring mattersto extremity. Therefore he continued awhile his fmooth Letters to the Cardinall. At laft,. betwixt impatience,and the order he hoped to give in ScotLmd and /re/tfWtofindeour King enough to doe, he began to declare him- felfe. Therefore, his Subje<5h having made fome depredations on the Englifh Merchant 6 , and fatisfaclien thereupon being requird, he delayd if not denied reparation; Thefe particular offences were accompanied with a rnaine breach of Treaty , as our King coneeiv'd. For the Duke of Albany, who fhould have continued in Franc> was now after five yeeres abfence, returned to his charge of Scotland* as (half be told more -largely hereafter. Our Engliih forefeeing thus a ftorme likely toenfue, retire themfelves betimes from France 5 the Merchants withdrawing their goods from the Port-Townes, and the Schollers iheir perfons and Studies from Paris. Anne Bolcn alfo(who is faid by the French* writers to have lived in that Court ever fince fhe * came over with our Kings I ifter untill this timej quitted it now, and returned to Englund^ where (he did partake afterwards more good and ill r fortune then (he could reafohably imagine. Our King alfo writ to Francis iharp- Iy 3 telling him that howfoever he excufed himfelfe for fending over the Duke of Albany 5 yet that he knew well, nothing was done therein without his dire&ion $ and that it was the manner of hisCountrey, aliud c IQJH molirj, alindfyccicjiiwulationis ojlenttre (as Polydore hath it,) reproaching him alfo with breach of his Oath. Francis much raorcd with this rough expo ftulation , ob- jtfteth offing Henry the eighth. jeftethto KingH^wry the fecret Treaty at Bruges with the Empe- rour 1 52 1 3 requiring King Henry to declare himfelfe. Befides^he caufed all the Englifhmens goods that remained to be feized on, through hi^ Kingdome. and efpecially thofe at Bourdeaux , which feemed fo much the unjufter 3 that divers of our Merchants had not onely bought Wines there with ready money , but payd Cu- ftome for it. Cur King hearing this, commands the French Am- baffador tohishoufe, feifeth on all other French and Scottilli 'here, and commits the better Perfons for a time, oruntillthey had payd a pecuniary mulct, the poorer fort being exempt yet upon ten daies imprifcmnent. The Vice- Admirall Sir Wittiam Fitz-wiUiavts ( being in January laft recalled from his Ambafiage in France 3 and Sir Thomtf Cheney fent in his place ) alib was com manded to Sea with a ftrong Fleet, to fecure our Merchants and take what Freneh he could. Moreover , becaufe the French de nied the reft of the money due, and detained the French Queens Dower, our King caufed the French Hoftages to be kept under an honourable yet fomewhat ftrifter Guard then before , without ufing further rigour. And a whereas Francis had defired him to declare bimfelfe. King Henry fern over Clarencewx his Herald , in the end ofMirch , with his declaration ^ whereby it was fhewed, that becafe Francis was the Infraclor of the Common peace , the Kingof F.mgUnd muft take the Emperors part againft him. Upon this, Ambafiadors were recalled on both fides , and warre expe cted. Howbeit-.astheLord^^ Sir Edtvard Peytt/ngf , Sir John Peachy , and Sir Edward Bel&ap , all brave Captaines dyed about this time, (not of Poy fon given at * Ardres ( when the Interview was ) as fome would have it 5 but of a Peftilentiall Ayre , as //^relates 5 } fo our King left thofe whofefervicc he nowmoft needed. And becaufe Krng Henry meant to fet to Sea a Royall Fleet, the Earle of Surrey (as being Admirall of England") was recalled from his charge in Jrefand^ where having, among other fervices repref- fed the irruptions of the O-Ncjlcs and 0~Carrols^\\e fo govern'd the Land, that he both did his Prince an acceptable ferrice 5 and gain'd the love of the Civill people of that Gountrey j leaving(after a Par liament he held there from June 1521, to the end of Mar eh 1522,) Pierce 'Butler Lord Debuty,who yet kept not long pofTeffion of this Honcur 5 a fhall be fhewed in its due place The Cardinal!; about this time , whether for oflentation of his power^ or redeeming the peoples favour, caufed the preachers at St. Pauls Crofle in London to publiQi , that all thofe who would eate white-meats that Lent enfuing , fhould without paying any thing, be exempt from punifliment and finne. But the people unwilling to be caught by thofe baits, fo contemptuously rejccled this offer, that the Cardinall might eafily judge how ungracious he was with them. But as the manner of the moft fubtile fort of CL Favourites March 6. April. March. May. 1520. Jan 1522, 1513. May 26. *May 28. * June i. Jun.6- * I. .Speed in . VI. June 8. Jim. 1 9 Record. Treaty of Windfor. 1518. The Life and T^aigne Favourites hath been not to ftudy fo much good as great Actions, as hoping thereby to amufe and entertaine their Princes , fothis Cardinality the perpetual! variation fhe feem'd tocaufe)inthe ffaires ofChriftendome, held not onelythe mindr> of the peo ple in attention and fufpence 5 but made his councels more con- ! iderable to the King, then if he had purfued any one way. The a ft change, whereof he was Authour, hadits chiefe overtureat Bruges , where, among other things 3 the Emperour refolved to repaire to England to fpeake with our King more particularly., concerning the generall affaires of Chriftendome, and to treat a match betwixt himfelfe and the Princelfe Mary > daughter to our King. And finally (which our King tooke for a fingular honour) tobeinftalled perfonally of the Order of the Garter atJF/W/0/-, while himfelfe fate there as chiefe. For after his * retayning Maximilian the Emperour in pay, the next great teftimony of refpecl: this world could give him (he thought) was s that fo brave and great an Emperour as Charier , fhould, in fo bufie and difficult times undertake a voyage , to be admitted into that mo ft Noble Fellowship. Into which alfo Ferdinand his brother , afterwards Emperour , was elected the Jaft Saint Georges day (-wz,.) April 23, 1522, and had the Order and habits fent him to Norewberg, where, being the Emperours Lieutenant, he held a Diet that yeere. And now, for the more magnificent reception of the Emj^ror, the Marqueffe Dorfet was fent to Calais , and the Cardinall to Dover j whither, upon the 26 of May 1522 ( being about the time his forces entred and facked Genoua) the Emperour arrived. The Cardinall fir ft afliired him of his welcome, which our King, fol lowing * prefently afterwards, confirmed. From hence the King conduced him to * Greenwich . where the Queen (his Aunt) with much joy attended him. Hence againe the King 3 riding in great pompe through L ondon., conducted him to his lodging in Black: Fryer r, : his Traine being placed in the * new beautified Palace at Eridewett. To relate the Jufts and other fol enmities on this occa- fion , or to tell how often Dukes , Earles , and Lords gave water to theCardinall at an High-Made inPW/, (where the Princes were on Whitfunday) is not my intention. Onely for the rarity I cannot omit that on Tune 19. the Emperor wearing the Robes of the Order, and fittinp; in his Stall at Windfor , accompanied the other Knights in all his Ceremonies and Rites ufuall at that time. Which being done, both he and our King received the Sacrament together , and fwore upon the holy EvangeMs to obferve the League concluded betwixt them, which was to this effecl , as ap- peares by an Original^ fubfcribed and fealed by Charles. Whereas there was lately warre begun betwixt us Charles , and the King of France , and fbyvertue of a League concluded be tween us and King H*w%and the faid King of Francs) both we and Francis 3 by our Letters , required Aydeof the faid King Uenry^ one i %i n g Henry the eighth, one again!}; the other ; and the faid King of England in the begin ning of this v/arre , to compofe thefe differences , fent to Calais the mo ft Reverend Father in God Thomas Cardinall ofTor^e^ as his Lieutenant} before whom when many difputes had been on both (ides , who firft began the warre , and it was found that the fiult was in the French King 3 and that he firft began with us, not in Luxemburg!) onely 5 by Robert de la M^rch fuborned by him, but by his Captaines alfo in Navarre , and hired forraigne Soul- diers which were not his Subjefts to breake the publique Peace, contrary to the Treaty of Londan^ wherefore, when the moft rvevenred Father aforefaid could notefFed at Calais either Peace or Truce under any honourable conditions,the faid King of Eng land underftanding, as well by the relation of the faid moft Reve rend Father , as by the Letter of Francis King of France , written to his Orators and Captaines (which were (hewed to the faid King of #g/rfW 3 )that the faid Francis had broken both the Treaty utLondon, and all other Treaties and Agreements of affinity con cluded between them , Not onely by fending the Duke of Albany into Scotlaxd( which was again ft his Oath given) but alfo denying the King of England his Penflons,and violating his Subjects againft the League : The faid King of England hath refolved hereupon to Jcnd us ayd againft him , according as he is bound by the Treaty of London. And therefore upon Treaty of a perpetuall and ftri&er Confederacy between us and the faid King Henry , as alfo of a marriage with the Prineefle Mary , (we being on both fides free from all agreement made heretofore in this kind with the French) have concluded both League and Allyance inminncr following: The faid Emperor (hall not contraft any marriage with any woman., while the faid Prineefle Mary is under age, but (hall tarry for her , and when (he is ripe marry her } As foon as (lie is twelve yeeresold, he (hall fend a Proxy to contract with her a marriage per verba de pr who tranfport her. Q 2 Her 125 The Treaty of Alatri- mony. II. III. inr. iz 6 V. VI. The Treaty of Peace and Con fe deration. I. II. The Life and T^ai in. Her Dowry which King Henry fhall give with her, (hall be 400000 Orownes $ whereof fhall be paid the firft halfe the day of marriage . or within eight daies after 5 and the other halfe within a yeere folio wing, Charles giving Acquittances. Yet, if the faid Princeffe (Tor want of ifTue male left by King Henry ) fhall fucceed in the kingdome of England > then nothing fhall be payd for Dowry with her , and whatfoever fhall have been payd, fhall be reftored to the Executors of the king of England. It isalfo agreed , that out of the fecond payment of the latter moyety (as abovefaid ) of the Dowry, the king of Englandimy deduft all mo neys which are due to him, and formerly borrowed of him by the faid now-Emperor or his Grandfather Maximilian, if rhey fhall not be payd before. And the faid king of England fliall re ft ore to the faid Emperor the deeds of Obligation, and the Pledges for the fame. But if the king of England have a fonne, then the whole Dowry (above affign'd) fhall be paid , and fhall be increafed to a Million of Crowns , by the addition of 600000 } which 6oooco fhall be paid(after the 400000 are paid)yeerly by 200000 Crowns per annum^or her Joynture,thc Emperor (hall afligne her in Lands and Cities 50000 Crowns of ycerly Rent cleare $ and particularly for a part thereof, fuch Towns as the late Lady Margaret of Eng- land had for Joynture iniht Low-countries $ thereftm/>d/7*e} to enjoy as long as fhe lives. If fhe die before the Emperor her Huf- band without Children, then all her Jewels, &c. fhall remaine to the Emperor. The Emperor binds Himfelfe, his Heires 3 and his Dominions, unto the king ofEttglandJiis Heires and SuccefTors, under the pain of 400000 Crowns , that this Treaty of Marriage fhall not be hin- dred on his part. In like manner the king of England binds him felfe. That this Matrimony may be more firme and certain , a Treaty of League is renewed. That all former Treaties fhall remaioe in force. They fhall be Confederate ftri&ly for the confervation of all their Dignities, Titles, Rights, Sec. howfoever, and by whomfo- ever impeached ; To have the fame friends and enemies,&:c. And, when one is invaded , the other fhall ayd him totti virity , as he would defend him felfe. And becaufethe king of England hath entertained the Emperor, and given him leave to paflc through his Countrey into Spaine 3 to provide the better for recovery of his Rights againft franc xr, and hath tranfportcd him over into England by a Fleet of 3000 men : ThereforCjin requitall, the Emperour,when King Henry fhall pafle over to Calais, or any other port,in expedition againft the French, will provide and lend him at his ovrn coft a number of Ships or VefTels to tranfport his Souldiers, Horfe, and Munition, till the Charge equall the Cofts which king Henry beftowed on the Empe ror in this kind. To of t(tng Henry the eighth. To recover fuch Lands as the French King detaines from both, each Prince, before the end of M*y i 524.01 fooner,fhall leavy Ar- mies^thus:, (w'z.)the Emperor in Perfon with ten thoufand Horfe, and thirty thcufand Footer more, with competent Ammuniti on, lhall invade France on the Coaft of Spaine. And, at the fame time, all the Dominions of the Emperor fhall declare and wage warre againft Francit. Alfo, the King of EngUnd by the fame time (M<(>' 1524.) fr all palle the Sea in Perfon, and, vvithtenne thoufand Horfennd thirty thoufand Foot, or more, and Ammu nition. Sec. (Ball fall on France^ on what part he (hall fee moft convenient. And becaufe the King of EtfgUxdbttb not of his own fo many Horfe.the Emperor will provide him Horfe ffo hee pay themjand Foot ( if he need.) If the King of Englanabc com ing to a Battaile with the enemy, and fend to the Emperors For ces, being neerc at hand, toafiifr. him, they fhall come and ayd him, unletle there be a juft impediment. Warre fhall be made by Sea, (viz,.) the Emperor in his Navy fhall furni(h three ihoufand fighting men, The King of England fo many likewife to infeft Francis his Dominions fever-ally, or jornt- ly. They fhall not r evoke or diminifh their Fleet without con- fent but reinforce it, if impaired. Neither (hall defiir from Hoftility without confent of the other. Each fhall give the other free parfage through his Country. The King of EttgUnd Oiall maintaine and keep two thoufand fouldiers in the borders ofCalatf, and the Emperor as many in Ar- 70^3 which fhall make Roades into France, andrepell the Invafi- onsofthe French, either fmgly or joyntly. Becaufe the French ufe much the German Souldiers, therefore each Prince, to divert them from the French, fhall entertaine as many German foot as he can 5 and within two moneths next fol lowing the Emperor fhall renew and publifh the Imperiall Edicb, whereby all Germans are (under pain of being accompted Rebels, and confifcation of their goods) forbidden to fcrve under the French. And the Duke of Lorraine (hall be admoniftied not to fuffer any Germans to pafle through his Country to ayde the King tfFrancc^ Ifhedoe^ then thefe two Princes will account him their enemy. If either -of the two, recover from France places belonging to the other, he (hall, upon requifition , reftore them, within a moneth 5 And, to prevent ambiguities and quarrcls 5 each Prince be fore May 1524. fb all declare his pretences. Alfo , if either Prince have an intention to recover any other Rights, againfr other with-holders , As if the King ofEnglaxcl will fubjed Scotlmd unto the Kingdom e of England, or reduce Ireland to due obedience } or the Emperor recover Gneldres or Frife 9 or punifti any Rebell 5 or, if either the Scots trouble and invade Eng- hnd^ or the Gtteldres the Dominions of Charles 5 each mall give ayde to other. To 522. mi. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. The Life and TZaigne XII. XIII. xmi. XV. 1518. June 19. To confirme this Treaty ;, It is agreed, there fhall be mutuall In telligence between the two Princes, and all things done by com mon confent } So that neither fhall Treat with Francis or any other Prince, without the knowledge am' confent of the other, to the prejudice of this Treaty. And, ifany former Treaty made^be pre- judiciall to this, they fhall be counted of leile value and force then this. Both Princes, appearing before the Cardinal! of Tflrke as Judge, in what place he fhall choofe, fhall voluntarily fubmit tohisjurif- diftion as Legat, and confeflmgthemfelves to be bound to cbferve this Treaty , fhall require the laid Legat to pronounce the fentence of Excommunication ugainft them, if they violate the Articles thereof. If the PrinceiTe Mary dye,and fo this marriage take no effefr.and it happen that the King of England have a Tonne, and the Empe- I ror by fome other wife have a daughter, vet t Converfo , Then Affi nity (ball be contrafted by means of thofe two. This Treaty, tillittakeits effecl, and be put in execution, fhall be kept fecrct from the French. It was agreed alfo that this Treaty fhall be fignified to the Pope ; Adrian the fixt, and he be intreated to enter into it, and held as a principall Contrahent, if he accept it within three moneths. The Venetians., if they will accept this Treaty within three Moneths, fo, as (according as they ought by the Treaty of London^, they will for fake the French , and declare them felvesagainft him, fhall be . comprehended. The Suifle fhall have this Treaty fignified to them, and be pradifed to renounce the French 3 or, at lea ft, to be New- trail None fhall be comprifed in this Treaty , which is enemy to either of the two principall Contrahents : for the reft, each may name his friends. The fame day that this Treaty was fworne, Charles gave his oath alfo to another agreement, caird the Indemnity 5 which was an Obligation, whereby he bound himfelfe to fave King Henry harm- lelTe for all the fums of money and Penfions, which were or fhould be due to King Henry from Francis^ (upon former agreements be twixt them,) and now were or fhould be with held by thefaid Francis , upon denunciation of warre againft him. This was fworne in the prefencc of, Thomas Cardinal!* Ekorac. Legat and Chancellor of England. Mercurinttf \Comes Gattinaci*. 'Baro Ozane & Terrugie. Petrw de Moca Epjfcopus Pakntin. Johan nes Aleman. Thcnta* Bifliop of Durefae- Lord Privy-Seale. Cuthbert Tov/i*/lDo&or of Both Lawes, Eledt Bifhop of London > Vice-Chancellor of England. Laftly, Charles wanting money for his prefent occafions^ our King f upplyed him abundantly upon aflurance given him of repay- ment 4 ofl\ing Henry the eighth. merit, chark r ha vingdifpatched his affaires here, and comman ded his fleer, confifting of 1 80 fayle^o meet him at Scutbkdtxpten is * accompanyed by our King to IPincbefler. Before, yet, they de parted, it was refolved betwixt them, tomakeufeoffome Vene tian Galleys ( then Riding in our Ports, J upon pretence of eon- veying the Emperor to Spaine. Which proceeding yet, Icaftit (hduldbe thought abrupt, and prejudicial! to our League with that State, \vas"bylnftrudrions from hence to Pace (his Majefties Amballadour refident there) excufed in great part, by alleadging, that ifthey would make good the confederacy entred into , 1518. they muft not take it ill , that their Galleys were imployed againft the French, as theftrfc violaters and difturbers of the publique Peace. And when they would not joyne, it was but a juftpunifh- ment for their falling off. Which yet was not to be under flood in that Rigour j but they fhouldberefror'dinduetime $ asineffecll find f hey were ihortly after. This being done , Charles having ta ken"^ leave of our King 3 goes to Southampton^ and attends a winde and the Convoy of our Admirall , who for better complying with the common caufe, according to the League 1518. wadikewife conftituted his , the Pattent whereof for the rarenefle as well as Honour of the Perfon, I have caufedtobefetdown. A R O L U S Quintus, Divina faventc Clementia c- -'leciusR.omanorumlmperator, Temper Auguftus, ac Germanix, Hiipaniarum, Utriufquc Sicilian, Jerufalem, Hungarice ? Dalmati3c,Croatix &c. Rex, Arch idux Auftri*, Dux Burgundix, Brabantia!, Comes Habfpurgij Flandrix, Tirolis &c. Cum ita fit quod Sereniflimus & potentiffimus Princeps Henricus Ocfcavus Aaglix & Francix Rex, Fra- ter, A vunculus , & Confxderatus nofter chariffimus, pro cjus Jure Fxderis quod cum eo nobis inter-ccdebat, nuper Franciico Francorum Regi, tanquam Fxdcrum qux cum nobis ambobus habebat violator! 3 Bel- urn jufte indixeric, caufamque fuam cum noftra, qui ab eodem Rege Gallo invafi fuimus , conjunxerit, Claifemquc ob id maritimam inter caeteros Belli ap paratus inftruxerit 5 cui prxfecit IlluftriflimuConfanguinc* um noftrum chariffimum Thomam Comitcm Surrium , Ordinis fui GarteriiMilitem, Admiraldum Anglic, Wal- liXjHiberni*, Normanix, Vafconix, & Aqiiicania?; nof- queparitereiKdem communem lioftem Gallum armisc- tiam 1522. * June 22. July i. The Life an tiam maritimis urgere (ut par eft ) decreverimus, junfia ipfa noftra cum prafati Sereniffimi Avunculi noftriClaf- j fe, reputantefque turn jam di&i ejus Admiraldi infignem | Bello peritiam, forticudinem, atque alias fingulares virtuteSjOii merito multa majora onera committi poflent, | turn qu3s Conjunftis viribus armifque geruntur multo me- ; lius uno duce, uno Capitc regi quam pluribus : Ea- jproptcrnoa absre duximus, fi&noftr ipfiusClaffiso- nus, Bcllique maritimi provinciam eidcm Anglic Admi-j raldo dcftinaremus. Itaque in vim prxfentiuiU Litera- | rum noftraru,prxdiSo Illuftrffimo Thomx Comiti & Ad- ! miraldo 5 acClaffisprxdili Regis Avunculi noftriCapita- Generali eandem damus & concedimusauthorita- neo tem, plenamque & omnimodarn poteftatcmfuperClaf- fein noftram maritimam, omnefque ejus Capitaneos, Mi- lites, & Claffiarios, cujtifcnnqueTituli funt gradufve& conditionis, quam ipfe Admiraldus fuper Regis fuiClaf- fern habet, tarn in honorandis Militibus, Equeftriquc dignitatequosdignoscenfueritinfigniendis, e contra ve- ro malefa&oribus puniendis, qtias eis voluerit legibus fta- tuendis, eorumque Canfis cognofcendis , quam in caeteris omnibus & finguhs faciendis & cxecutioni mandandis, juxta authoritatem eidem a pradi&o Rege fuo conceiTam, ac quemadmodum alias fpe&at ad officium uniusmariti- mx Claflis Capitanei ieu Generalis praefe&i, ipfiufve prae- difti Admiraldi fingulari prudentia? convenire in omni bus vifum fuerit, atque expedire. Mandantes ob id, atque exprefle committentes univerfis & fingulis Capita- Vice-Capitancis , Locumtenentibus 5 Baronibus, nes Nobilibus, Militibus, Magiftris, Naviculatoribus, Claffi- ariis, carterifque Militibus omnibus tam equitibus quam peditibu?, in Clafle ipfa noftra exiftentibus, autfuturis, quod eidcm Comiti Admiraldo & Capitaneo genera li ac eyusinhacpartcfufficienterDeputato intendentcs, auxi- liantes, & obedientes fint, in omnibus prout decet, con- trafacicntibus debita poena non carituris. Harum Tefti- monio Literarurn manunoftra fubfcriptarum ? noftriquej Sigilli | of f^ing Henry the eighth. Sigilli appenfione munitarum* Dat. in Urbe Londinenfi. Die VIII. Menfis Junii, Anno Domini Milleiimo Quingentefimo Viceiimo Secundo, Regnorum noftro- rumjlomam tertio, Cxterorum vero omnium Septimo. Per Imperatorem I. ALEMAND. CHARLES. The Earle, having accepted hereof by our King's confent, did, upon June i %. land his men in Normandy neere Cherbourg and after having deftroyed the adjoy ning Country, (fparing only Religious houfes, ) he returnd to Portland ^ whence fetting Sayle againe, hee lands., July i . at a place neare Morlais in Bretaigne. and with feven tboufaod men marcheth thither;, where our Matter-gunner having difcharg d a Peece fo fortunately., that he broke the ^wicket, fome of our men entered in the fmoake and open'd the Gate 5 whereup on the reft following, the Town was quickly fack'd, and burnt, and a rich Booty carry ed to our Navy. After which the Earle commanded fixteen or feventecn French Ships f he found on that Coait) to be burnt: And fo, leaving his Vice- Admirall to fcowre the Seas, he made certain Knights for their good fervice, and re- rurn'd to Sotitha&pton whence he conduced the Emperor to Spain who taking Ship Inly 6. arrived Jufy 1 6. at Sant-Avcter. ^[ The Englifh Garrifon, this while, in Galais and Gmfnes, and the French in/tf/we/and Bcukngm were not idle, but took many occafions of invading each others Frontiers., among which one, related by Hall and Hol/wfieadSeemes fo memorable^ that I have thought fit to in- fertit. Three-hundred French horfe lying in Ambufcado neere Guifnes* and fending fome horfe before to draw out the Englifh : a little band of eight Archers iflued forth, and maintained a skir- mifn 5 at laft twelve Demy^-Lances ( which Hall faith were all Welch- men, )came to their refcue^the French perceiving this,ifTue forth with all their Horfe 5 but our Demy-Lances charged them with that courage, that* killing and hurting divers, they opened their way to the Town: ^[ The^e fo many oecafions of making warre , enforced the King to make ufe of his fubjefts afFcftions -, whereof that he might take the better notice, he caufed a Generall ivluder or defcription to bemadeCthis fummer) of all his King dome,commanding (as Stow hath it out of a * warrant directed to a Conftable of a hundred) that they iliould certifie the names of all above fixteen yeares old } and that they fhould repaire to a certain place afilgned , with their Armes , and declare what their names are, and to whom they belong , and who is Lord of every To wne or Hamlet, and who be Stewards, as alfowho be Parfons of the R Town, 1522 June 13. July i. July 1 6. March. 27.. an Aug. Towne, and what their Benefice is worth, and who be owners of every Parcell of Land within the faid Precincls, and what is the yearly value of every man's Land , as alfo the Stockeonthe Lands, and who is owner thereof, alfo, what ftrangers dwell there, and of what occupation they are 5 alfo the value and fub (la nee of every perfon being above fixteene yeares old, as well fpirituall as temporall 5 alfo, what Pcnfions goe thence to Religious or Spi- rituall men. Which being certified againe, the King ("as Telyd&re faith) rejoyced, as finding his Kingdome fo wealthy. Howbeir, as he was not ready yet for a Parliament, he * borrowed of the Citi - zens of London twenty thoufand pound , and fent Privy Scales to divers other rich perfons of the Kingdome , In feqaence where of, he demanded a Loane fas I take itj of the tenth of the Tem- poralty , according to the true value of their Eftates , to be em ployed in the Warres, and a fourth of the Spiritualty. But as this caufed much grudging, fo the Londoners (particularly^ * al- leaged fo many reafons why they could not, upon Oath, give ac count of their goods, and wealth, efpecially as long as fo much of their Stock was in other mens hands, that the Cardinall at la ft ac cepted their valuation of themfelves, upon their fimple honefties. All which extraordinary wayes of furnifliing the prefent ne- ceffities yet ended in a Parliament the next yeare, as fhall be told in it's place. The King having thus yet gotten fome Money, denounced open warrc to Francte 9 unlefle hee made Peace with the Pope and Emperor. In fequence thereof Commanding the Earle of Surrey ( and not the Duke of Suf- folke, (as the French have it) after his attempts by Sea, to goe over to Calais and with convenient Forces to joyne with Horence tf Esmond ^ Count de Bure 9 Generall of the Emperors Troopes. Thefe meeting together betwixt Ardres (lately de- molifrroV) and Saint Omar ^ fpoyl'd and burnt all the villages ia their way till they came to Hefdin^ in which Odewt Seig neur de Biez, with a ftrong Garrifon , Commanded. But Au- tumne being now farre come on, and the weather very unfea- fonable, they could onely take the Towne, the Caftle being ftronger, then that it was thought fit to attempt it. They marched therefore towards Dourlanf.^ .which they tooke 5 and burnt, with all the adjoyning Villages. The feafon continu ing ftill very fowie, and our men falling generally fick, the Army diBblv'd, and the rather^ that the twoGeneralls could not agree about their defignes. Before yet the Earle of Surrey departed^ he burnt Marquife, and fome other places neare the Engliih Pate ; which being done, hecamehoinc, and gave our King account of his journey. Whereupon alfo Sir Thomas Bolen, and Ri chard S 'amp- fon Doctor of Law were fent to Charles m Spame , to advii^what further was to be done. The Duke of Albany 3 whom wee left in f ranee 9 was now recall'd of Kjn% Henry the eighth. recaird by more then one voyec. For he was not onely fent for by the vote of the Nobility and People of Scotland, but Qucene Margaret her felfe invited him. Befides, it is probable, that Francis did rot unwillingly connive at his departure, as ho ping he would find our King enough to doe at home. The caufe why the State defired his return was, that their King was fo young and fome of their affaires were difcompofed. But Queene Mar garet had alfo her reafon. For, being offended with the Earle of Anghif for forfaking her at H^rbottle 1516, and fcandaliz'd much at the love he now bore to a certaine Scottifli Lady, file had endc- voured, by the Duke of Al'**nfs meancs, to procure a Divorce ztRomc, alleadging, among other caufes., that fhe heard, her Hu band James the fourth was living three years after Fhddenfield) anct therefore not dead when (lie marry ed him, ( fo much did that bruit prevaile. ) But becaufe our King againe oppofed this,(as I find by our Records, whence I have the whole paflage ) nothing was prefencly done, though afterwards, new motives appearing, (he was divorced from him, as will appear in it's place. The Duke, being now generally * welcom'd 5 banifhed the Earle ofAngxtf with his brother George into Fr Thus, upon Saint Johr Bjpttfts * day ( the more to defpight the Knights ) this great Army entered thelfland, ( the Turkf himfelfe following in perfon a moneth after ) and continuing the fiege till Chrifcmas, upon which da}' Solymanw\t\\ great pompe entred Rhodes , being yeelded upon competition by Thillip de Villiers a French-man, Great Mafierof that Religion. Shortly after which, he, together with thofe Knights that remained, failed towards Rome^ and other parts of Italy ^ where comfortlefle and Errant they continued till by the interceffion of Clement the feventh ( fometimes Knight of that Order ) and the favour of Charles^ they * obtained Malta, where they now refide, In November this yeere, a Diet being held at Nuremberg , Adrian fends to the Princes of Germany , requiring them pafiionately to fuppreffeIf/.>T, according ; to the decree at Wormbs'-> confeffing nevertheleile many abufes in Ecclefiafticall Government, info- much , that he doubted not to give Cheregat his Nuncio Inftru&i- onstofay, Jnhac fantfdfede aliquot jaw Anni* mttlta abdwiiian fuiffi., which he therefore promifed.by degrees to redreffe. But the mefiage pleafed neither fide : the Cardinals at Rome difliking Adrians free declaration 5 and the Princes there, as little appro ving the flow and indireft courfes taken for reforming the many enormities then ufed in the Roman Church, as may appeare by their Centum Gravtmins, \ the particulars whereof I have thought fit to infert , not with defire to affront any , but onely that, pur- fuing my intentions , the Reader may finde briefly a true Hiftory of the time*. The fubftance of the Centum Gravamina, offered to Pope Adrian by the Germans, wastothiseffed: That the Church hath both commanded and forbidden divers things the Scripture did not : As certaine Obftaeles of marriage, differences of meat 5 &c all yet to be redeemed formoney. That people, who otherwife might juftly marry, were yet forbidden it at certaine times , when yet both Ecclefiaftieks and Laicks tooke then their C^rnall liberty. Nevertheleffe that for money this reftraint might be difpenced with. That Indulgences ( called there f**p*fi* r *% an( i pardon for fin, not onely pa ft but future , did caufe all Impiety and wicked- nefle,whi!e men believed, Modo tinnttt dextr* , they fhould have pcrfed freedome from all. That the money for Indulgences,5cc. was not employed the way it was promifed 5 that is to fay againft the Turkc, but to wards thtir friends and kindreds expenceand luxury. That yet the Pope, Bifhops,and other principall perfonsof the Clergy referved fome cafes to themfelves , which none other can difpence with., and that this againe coft them much. That * June 2 4, Decem.25. Novcmb. 1521. I. U. III. iiu. v. VI. VII. VlTI. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XIV. XVII. XViII. *Fke Lif e an That the pardon of finnes for future times , brought in all mif- chiefe,as Per jury. Homicide 3 Adultery, and the like. That certaine Preachers (called stationarit) went up and down the Countrey, preaching the lives of fome holy men or Saints , as Valentine^ Hubert ^&c. promifing the dm pie people, that if they vowed themfelves to thofe Saints, andpayd fuch an yecrly Tri- bute,they mould be free from fuch difeafes, as they named. That the Fratres Mendic^ntes^ called Terminarii^ confumed the Almes that the podre fhould have. That, at the infra nee of Ecclefiafticall Perfons, divers Layicks were cited to Romero anfwer concerning bufinefTes not belonging to that Court, as namely matters of Inheritance 3 Gages, and That even Layicks , upon their Oath that they cannot hope for Juftice in Germany before their ordinary Judge , might bring their caufe to Rome, though otherwife it were proved that Juftiee were done,and the party perjured. That certaine Judges called Confirvatores , which were appoin ted by the Pope to determine the caufes of eertaine Ecclefiafticks, did under colour thereof trouble all other places of Judicature, and derogate from the Temporal! Authority,excommunicating all that would not obey them. That certaine Delegates and Commiflaries of the Pope were often appointed to determine the fecular caufes of any perfon whatfoever 3 and to denounce Excommunication if they dif- obeyed. That the Pope , by exempting certaine Monafteriesfrom the jurifdiftion of their Bifhops and Ordinaries , went about to draw an immediate dependance upon the Church cRome } to the dimi nution of the Tmperiall power. That the right of Patronage belonging to divers Lay ick and EcclefiaOicall perfons was (under colour of prevention) ufurped by the Pope and hisLegats, when Benefices were vacant 3 and that they did conferre them ufually upon Courtiers and their Favourites. That thefe men either dying at Romz , or in their way thither, their Offices and Benefices were conferred ufually by the Pope, to the detriment of the true Patrons. That divers undue means were praftifed to prove men amply- Beneficed to be Courtiers 3 and dependants on Cardinals. Thatgreat Benefices or Ecelefiafticall promotions could not be confer 'd on able perfon^ 5 unlefTe Penfions were fir ft given out of them to the Courtiers and Officers of the Pope. Th it, under pretences of making Benefices litigious" 1 ., the faid Courtiers and Officers drew thenee great Penfions $ and if the ordinary Statutes of Chancery ferved not 5 they formed and re formed them as they pleafed , alfo the Incumbent dying during this ofKjng Henry the eighth. '37 this pretended controverfie^the faid Pretenders invaded the Bene- fice,to the wrong of the Patron. That the Collation of Deaneries, and other Ecclefiafticall pro motions was often taken from the right Patrons by the Pope, efpecially if the former pofieflors were Courtiers. That in granting Benefices they ufed many Arts to get money, under the names of Refervations, Permutations, Sur rogation s 3 8cc. to the dammage of the Patron. That Courtiers often having Benefices in Germany confer'd on them , farmed them out to'ftrangers who cannot fpeake the Lan guage. That Archbifhops and Bifhops were bound by their Chapters to beftow the beft vacant Benefices , with Cure or without it , a- mong themfelves onely, to the fruftntingof many able Perfons. That the houfes. belonging to fueh Benefices were fufTered to fall , and the people untaught., and the Statutes of Founders not obferved. That divers Abbeys, and Religious houfes , being delivered in rswmcndawto Cardinals, and Bifhops 3 did not feed DOW above five or fix perfons, whereas heretofore they nourifLed forty or fifty. That, whereas there were divers Collegiate Churches in Ger- A'/.w? /into which none but Princes, Earls,Barons 3 or at leaft Gentle men ought to be admitted } that no w Courtiers, though inferiour perfons,were received into them for money. That, whereas in the beftowing of Benefices divers ancient Pri- viledges and Immunities belonged both to Ecclefiafticall and Layick perfons., they were now by the policy of the Roman See, eluded or infringed. That 3 whereas Annats werepayd to the Pope byEcdefiafricks, and whereas the Princes of Germany did alfo pay them for divers yeeres , upon condition the money might be imployed in warre again ft the Turke ; Now becaufe they uncbrftood the money was otherwife difpofed of, they defired henceforth to be eafed of this great burden. That Ecclefiafticks doe cot pay their due parts,either for a war againft the Turke , or other publique affaires , whereas having fo great a portion of Revenue in Gcrmnnyjksy feould furnifh their reafonable fhare^ And in this cafe the Church-Oraanuents and Treafure are not to be fpared^eaft they come all together into t)be hands of the Turke. That, whereas Ecclefiafticall perfons , being by talking Occleis exempt from fecular juftice 5 doe thereupon take moreireedomc to commit Adultery, Murders^Rapine, and evea Goyrtiag moneys, to the no little fcandafa of Religion, and derogation of the fecukr Authority; 2nd that their Superiours likewife never puniii them,, but being firft degraded, (to which yet much oeroraony andtime is 1522 XIX. XX, XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. xxxv. xxxvr. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLHI. XLIV. XLV. The Life and 'Raigne is required,^ and that the faid Superiours by their Chapters 3 are joundnotto punifli them otherwife. And whereas the leaving thefe crimes unpunifhed may caufe fedition and tumult in the Layity.,as finding the Ecclefiafticks have not parity of punifhment with them: Therefore ., they defired that Ecclefiafticks and Layicks may equally fufFer for crimes of the fame nature , And that no Order may priviledge them from the Magiftrate. That whereas Banns and Excommunications ought to be ufed onely when men are convifted of Herefie $ that yet Laicks incurred this punifhment for fraall faults,and fo were driven to defperation, nd excluded from Divine fervice. That divers alfo, who were not properly interefled in the crime of the Excommunicated perfon., did yet fuffer as Complices j and all this onely that more money might be gotten That when the Prieft or Ecclefiafticall perfon was killed by chance, the whole Town or Village was interdicted, till aompen- ~ation were madcjand no regard taken of the occafion given. That Holidaies were in fuch number in Harveft time, that peo ple could not get in their Corne in due feafon , whereas , yet in- umerable mifchiefes were then done , rather then Gods fervice xequented according to the firft Inftitution. That the Revenues of the Knights of the Teutonicke Order, deftin'd for war againft the Turke , were applied to Cardinals, Archbifhops, and Bifhops^ which were neither Germans, nor of the faid Order, contrary to the firft Inftitution. That Arch-Bifbops, Bifhops, and other Prelates obtained from Rome Confervators and Delegates 3 whence fo many grievances follow to the Layicks. That Layicks Goods and Inheritance might 'come to Ecclefia- fticall hands by purehafe, or otherwife 5 but that Ecclefiafticall Goods and Inheritance might never returne to the Layicks. That when Ecclefiafticall perfons, having Inheritance defcend- ing upon them , did die inteftate , divers Biftiops did claime that Inheritance themfelves 3 to the prejudice of the next right heires. That, whereas the profits of certaine Lands and Pofleflions temporall , were fometimes cafually transferred by Layicks to Ecclefiafticall perfons _, they laboured to retaine the faid Lands as their owne forever, by fubmitting them to Ecclefiafticall Ju- rifdiftion. That Bifhops would not confirme the Foundations of Ecclefia fticall Benefices^ unlefle the Founders gave them the firft beftow- ing thereof. That they were forced to purehafe the cohfirmation of them for great funas of money. That 5 when by a Lay perfon any maa were prefented to a Benefice 5 he could not be inveftcd therein , till he had paid as much of f(ing Henry the eighth, much a^ a yeeres profit, or two, to /the Bifhop. and his Of ficers. That Bifhops raife extraordinary Subfidies on the Priefb under tbem/o that they. cannot. livid unlefre they get money againe from* the People. Jnfomuch that they will adminifter no Sacrament un leile fome money be given. That many are.made Priefts who have not meanesto maintaine the charge , to the derogation of their Dignity , whHe they exer- cife fome fordid Trades $ And that they who can get fixvoyces for a Cer:ificate obtaine Orders., when yet thofe Attentions were corruptly gotten. That more is exafted from the People for the Consecration o Churches then is needfulH And that,though Layicks beftow divers, gifts on the Church, as Aha r pieces &c.yet money is required for their consecration. That if two or more fight in the Church-yard with their fifb,to the drawing of never fo little blood , the Town muft pay for the new confecrating thereof. That Suffragans ufed tobaptize.Bels, under pretence of dri ving away Divels and Tempefts } And, for this pu? pofe , did in vite many rich Godfathers , who were to touch the Rope while the Bell was exercifed 3 and its name invoked , (unto which all the people muft anfwer. ) And that a Banquet was ufed to .be made hereupon, atthecoft of the Layicks , amounting in little Tovvns to a hundred Florens , whither the Godfathers were to come and bring great Gifts^Scc. whereas they defired that the faid Bels might 'be baptized not onely by Suffragans , but by any Prieft, with Holy- water ,' Salt, and Herbs 3 without fuch Cofts. That , if in any DioceiTea folemnity for a new Saint were fre quented, the Bifhop ufed to take to himfelfe a third or fourth part of the offering, which yet ought to have beene employed in warre againft the Turke. That, whereas fome Nunneries were governed byProvofts, the Bifhops refufed to accept the faid Provofh till the Nuns had given them monejf.Tj fi iThat when any Abbot or AbbefTe was chofen,thcy muft be con- fecrated anew by th^JB"agans , (though otherwife they were capable of the charOTWibaifeafrs made , and great (ummes paid That alfo many Ofhces'wer* inventerf|n the Court of R0me 9 fo that Bifhops could not emfer their crrarge without paying great Fee?,which againe they were forced to get of the people as they could. That Ecclefiafticall Judges commonly werePerfons of an idle life, and intentive wholly to gaine. That though the Plantiffe be Ecclefiafticke, and the Defen dant Layick , and that by the Law , Aftor Ret forum feqtti S 1521. XL VI. xLvir. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. LV. LVI. The Life and ^ J iVIL .111 1.1X. LX. LXI. LXII. LXI II. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. Met , yet the caufe -was revoked ftill to the Ecclefiafticall Court. That thoiigh Jufrice be neither delayed nor denied in Ci vil! Courts, yet the ./ Eeclefiafticall perfons drew matters of debt into their Courts , and oppreficd men by their rigid cen- Ifures. That, whereas Citations and Monitories are granted agalinft Layicksjin many cafes, which are known not to belong to Ecole 1 - (lafticall Jurifdi&ion, yet that the Perfons fo cited 3 either can get no remedy herein , or that.before the Civill Magistrate can avoke the caufe/o much time and money is fpent, as is intolerable to the poo-re fuitor. 1 hat Ecclefiafticall Judges drew many eaufes to their Court, which belonged not to it, As Ravifhmentsof Virgins, fome cafes concerning Baftardy, &c. which yet they could not be drawn to remit to the ordinary jurifdidion. That , when a man were wrongfully called before Ecclefiafti call Judges, and at la ft, after much charges difniifled, yet unlefie his adverfaries Proctor were fatisfied to the full, he ran the danger of Excommunication. That Layiks , though by long prefcription they payd nei ther great nor fmall Tenths , out of certaine of their Lands, yet received Citations from Ecclefiafticall Judges , and were con {trained to pay , under the penalty of Excommunication } not daring to appeale to Rome , for feare of more cxceflive charges. That all belonging to Ecclefiafticall perfons laboured alfo to take the advantage of the Ecclefiafticall Courts , when they had any fuite againft Layiks. That, on occafion of injurioui words onely, Ecelefiafticall perfons drew the fuit to their Courts, and fuffered not the lawfull Judge to determine it. That, in all eaufes where Oathes are interpbfed, Eeclefia fticall Judges ufed to avoke them , upon pretence that matter of Oathes were not otherwife to be decided : which at laft yet would wholly fruftrate Secular Courts , there being fo many cafes where in Oathes intervene. That, when their judgements concetfrtk their Ecclefiafricall fuperiors, they dare not exercifeit, biify ^P>,Jet them run againit the poorer fort. That they have inveneeu.many Reformations , Ordinances, i Laws ; and Statutes wholly differing from the ufuall and Common I Law} which yet tend not fo much to the good of the People , as their own private gaine. That , it being agreed by the Canons of the Fathers.that Spiri tual! panilhments fhould be inflicted for Spiritual! andmanifeft finnes, Ecclefiafticall Judges and Officers yet did extewd and aggra vate ng Henry the eighth. vate thefe punifhments fo farthat Layicks were forced to rcdeeme them with money. That men and women , being falfely accufed , yet upon their purgation ? they were fo farre from receiving fatisfaftion 3 that they were forced to pay for Letters of Abfolution } And Oaths, befide.v taken of maliciou- and wicked women,upon words fpoken when they revile each other} which made them often incur per jury. and occalioned much offence. That, when buimefie of Matrimony hath proceeded fo farre, that one of the parties pretended a Contract, which the other denied , and that fome Guifts as Eatnefts of Marringe had palled betwixt them , the Ecclefiafticall Judges yet fepararing the parties : keepe the Guifts for theinfelves 3 as forfeit or ef- cheated. That, whereas there are certaine caufes fo belonging to both jurifdictions , as they are determinable by that Court which fir ft queftions them (as manifeft Per juries, Adulteries ? 8cc.) yet the c- clefiafticall Judges forbad the Civill to meddle herein. That , upon pretences of Layicks, that they cannot obtaine of the Secular Magifrrate execution of Juftice, Citations wereufu- lally granted from the Ecclefiafticall Court, or Breves to the Secular Judges , warning them in the fpace of a moneth to end the faid caufe , or otherwife that they would take order , when, yet,the caufe being brought before them Depended often the fpace of three yeeres without that they would grant the like power to Secular Judges. That Ecclefiafticall Judges, under colour of prefcription, arro gated much to themfelves, when as yet no prefcription can availe ! aguinft the Pope and Emperor. That offenders, after private confeffion, being required to doe publique Pennance before all the people, are compelled alfo to pay money to Ecclefiafticall Officers. That , inftead of forbidding Ufury 3 they permit it for money given them 5 and that for an Annuall Revenue paid, they permit Clerks,Religiou? and S^lar perfons to live publiquely with their Harlots and get childrerSff That , if one of the tnarryed couple take a journey either to the warres , or to performe a Vow , to a farre Countrey, they permit the party remaining at home, if the other flay long away , upon a fumme of money payd , to cohabite with another . not examining fufficiently whether the abfent party were dead. That Synodall Judges , going to poore Towns and Villages every wheie, draw Annuall Tribute thence 3 or Excommunicate , them, when they cannot pay : And that they draw money weekly ' in many places,from Bakers^BrokerSjButcherSj&c.under tte fame penalty. S 2 That LXVIII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. Lxxn. LXXIII. LXXIV. IXXV. LXXVI. LXX1X. LXXX. LXXXT. LXXXII. LXXXIII. LXXXIV. LXXXV. LXXXVI. LXXXVII LXXXVIII LXXXIX. xc. The Life and TZaigne That they fend Inhibitory Letters to Layicks, forbidding them to proceed in their fuit, before the Seculnr Judge $ whereby they are forced to fubmit to the Ecclefiafticall Court , or otherwife to appeale to Rome* That many,not being able to endure the charges of Law in thefe kinds.are forced to make fome bad bargaine and compofition, be ing not able to ftand out. That whereas Ecclefiafticall Judges, by giving Oathes to the Advocats and Proftors attending in their Courts, did make them obnoxious , it was manifeft their Clients could have little hope of affiftancej when the caufe any way concern'd the fakl Judges or their Superiors.Neither was there any remedy for this,but by their admiffion of forraigne Advocates , to whom yet fo fhort a time was allowed for bringing them to the Barr as they could not ea- (ily come. That the poorer fort, being not able to pay their Duties to the Parfon, were often denied the Communion. That Labourers in time of Vintage were Excommunica ted , unleffe they tooke fuch Seafons as the Ecclefiafticks pre- fcribed, upon pretence that their Tenths might fuffer dammage thereby. That Synodall Judges,goingProgre(Te yeerly under pretext of Vifitation,and inf&Hng punifhment on ofrenders,tooke onely oc- cafion to exaft money. That the Canons of Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches., who had power tochoofea Prelate or Superiour, would not elect him,untill he firft promifed and bound himfelfe not to contradict them in any bufineffe, (how fowle focver 5 anddifl]oneiV) and that if they offended, he ihould not puniih them. That Livings belonging to Bifhops, Monafteries.Scc. were fet forth to Vicars , at fodeare Rates , that they were forced to get money againe from the poore for Confeflions, Anniverfaries, Obits, &c. That, though Priefl-s by their Foundation ought to (ing fuch a MdiTe on fuch a day., yet they wilUiave money therefore. Befides ., with one MaiTe they thinlKRo ferve divers Bene fices. That if any of their Pariflaioners^for marriage or other occafion quitted his houfe or dwelling, hemuftpay fomuchtothePrieft for Teftimonials,or be Excommunicated. That whereas 3 by the Popes Canons , they onely are denied Chriftian buriall., who without taking the Communion 3 died in any notorious and mortall finne, yet their Ecclefiafticks extended the Law further , and denyed buriall to men deceafed by chance, as drownd or killd,untill fuch money were payd. That many Priefts 3 and otherEcclefiafticall Perfons mixt thern- felves with the multitude 3 dancing and difguifing themfelves, wearing ofKjng Henry the eighth. 14,; wearing Swords, with which they made affrays^ and hurt people, I and yet con drained them to pay. That in mod: places, Bifhops, and their Officials not onely to- \ lerated Concubinage 5 upon paying money in the morediflblute fort of Monkes,but exafted it alfo in the more continent } faying, it was now at their choice whether they would have Concubines or no. That at the Dedication^ of Churches, petmiffion was given to theChiplaines and Priefts to fet up Tavern8 3 Dice,Cards,&c That , at the point of death , they perfwaded men by flattery and fiftions , to give their Goods from their Children unto them. That Mendicant Frier- drew many Caufes to Rome unjuftly, to the grievance of the Layicks 3 getting alfo fo mueh money , that they had lately bought three Cardinals Hatts for their Generals at a huge Rate, and that they much molefted Nunneries. That the Legats and Orators of Popes made Baftards and o- thers borne ex dsmnata coito to be legitimate^to the no little wrong of the right heires. And that they made alfo certaine Vifcount Palatines as their Subftitutes , having power alfo to legitimate and admit Baftards to fucceffion , And to make Notaries , when yet fotne of them are fo ignorant, as they know not what belongs to a Notaries place. Befide^ the faid Legats goe about to abfolve men from their Oathes, Pads, and Obligations , with permiffion j to treat de now j then which nothing yet repugned more to equity ! and juftice. Befides, that they endeavoured to take Livings from the true Patrons, and beftow them as they pleafed. That.becaufe Religious perfons fucceeded Secular men in their Inheritance, and not vice verfa ; there could be no equality^unleffe that before any entered into a Religious life a they renounced their fucceffion in Temporall eftates. That the chiefe part of thefe grievances having been reprefen- ted in the late Diet at Worwbs to the Emperor by the Lay-States., againft Arch-biftiops^imops., and other Ecclefiafticall perfons, that yet no remedy ei^ied. And that therefore all the Secular States of the Roman HRpire renewed now their Petition to the Pope that his Holineffe would reforme thefe abufes. That there are many Grievances more intolerable then thefe, which the faid Secular Eftates of the Roman Empire could (hew, but (for brevity) didforbeare, as hoping that when thofe were taken away,the reft would follow. Wherefore,by way of finall Petition the faid Secular Eftates of the Roman Empire,both of the higher and lower fort, did befeech his Holinefle to take away, amend and abrogate the faid Grievan- j ces ) or otherwife that themfel ves would take fuch courfe as fhould beexpedieatfor the remedy thereof. S 3 While XCXI. XCX1I. XCX1II. XCXIV. xcxv. XCXVI. XCXVII. XCXVIII, XC1X c. *44- 1522. The Life and 1523. April 15. Pvegn.i 4 . April 29. While, that his Holinelie might take the better notice thereof, they thought fit to digeft their grievances into thefe Heads , and fend them to his HolinefTe. ThefeAbufes and Grievances (which., as much as through the obfcurity of fome termes ufed there 3 was poflible. I have endea- . voured faithfully to abbreviate) being publifhed, Luther became i inoreobftinate, repenting now his fubmilTion at Worw&es^- Info- much that at Wittenberg , he doubted not to abolifh the old MatfC; and to frame a new Liturgy, &c. Of which more here after. Our King finding now his extraordinary waies for levying mo ney to faile, or at leaf! having refolved to determine them in a Parliament, fummon'd it to be held in the Black-friars in London upon the fifteenth of /4pr7/,inthe fourteenth yeere of his Raigne. And here the Cardinall tooke order that the Spiritualty fhould lead. The bufinefle of Subfidy , therefore , being brought into the Convocation -Houfe, found afaire way forihemoft part. Yet Richard Fox Bifhop ofiritickcjier., and John Fijher Bifliop of Roche- fter, and one Philips oppofed it. But theCardinall 5 filencing fome, and caufing others to abfentthemfelves., prevailed at laft. Info- much that one halfe of the Revenues fpirituall for one yeere, was granted payable in fiveyeers following. Hence the Cardinall went to the houfe of Commons, where in an elegant Oration _, breach of Faith was layd to the charge of Francte the firft, upon the League fworne for the generall Peace of Chriftendome. Befides, default of payment fbrtftfltHKx^ and other things were objeded 5 fo that the King could doe no leffe in this publique caufe, then joyne in war with Charles the Emperor againfthim. And becaufe the charge thereof was caft up to DCCC thoufand pounds 3 it was required, that the aforefaid fumme might be raifed out of the fifth part of every mans Goods and Lands to be payd in foure yeere?. This being faid, the Cardinall departed The next day Sir Tho- *to& Merc, fSpeaker of the Houfe) inforced this demand, demon- ftratinghow *i:W3snot much on this occa^n, to pay foure ihil- lings in the pound. But the Houfe of Corrmions anfwered, that though fome were well moneyed, yet in generall the fifth part of mens Goods was not in Plate or Money , but in ftocke or Cattell. And that to pay away all their Coyne would alter the whole frame , and imercourfe of things. For 5 if Tenants came to pay their Land-lords in Corne and Cattell onely 5 and the Land lord agajne could not put them off for thofe things he had need of, there would be a flop in all Traffique and Merchandize, andcon- feqnently the flapping of the Kingdom mud decay ; And the Na tion it felfe for want of money, grow in a fort barbarous and ig noble. To this was anfwered. That the Money demanded ought not to be accounted as loft ; or of Kjvg Henry the eighth, or taken away, but onely to be transferred into others hands of their kindred or Nation 5 Herein therefore,that no more was done, ! then that we fee ordinarily in Markets 5 where, though the Mo ney change Matters, yet every one is accommodated. Howfo- ever, that no man ought to refufeunto him that fighteth for the honour andfafety of his Countrey, fo much as will maintainehim; Imce he denies it not even to his labourer. That thofe who are impli yd, muft have been fed when they ftaid idle at home, and y et that they ask'd no more now, to give theuttermoftproofeof well-deferving Patriots. Howbeit, you may reply, this will ex- haufttheCoine from the poorer fort $ but, to avoid thisobjefti- on,let the richer go themfel ves. Let them (hew, in defending their Country, that they merit the better and greater parfs there of. Our Ring will not deny them this Honour. Or, when they woulddeiire to be exempt, and lay the burthen and hazard upon others, let them not grudge yet the giving fopoorea fcipend , as (bmeoftheirfervants, at home, would fcarcely take to ftand bare- headed to them. Neither are they to value themfelves more then others, becaufe they have larger Pofieflions, unlefle they im- ploy it to the publiqut good ; fince, in ancient times, and even true Reafon of State, they deferved not fo much, whotill'dand manure! a Country, as they who defended it. Nor is it well (aid of you, when you objeft that this will carry the Money out of England, and leave it in France $ for doth it not carry the men too, and fo in effeft prove but the fame expence ? Not with (landing, if you be fo obftinate, as to beleeve that making warre in a Country brings money to it, doe but conceive a while, that the French had invaded us. Would the money they brought over, thinke you, enrich our Country ? (hould any of us be the better for it ? Let us therefore lay afide thofe poore fcruples, and doe what may be worthy the dignity and honour of our Nation. When you did conceive the word that can fall out, you fhould yet eat your Beefe and Mutton here, and weareyour Country Cloth $ while others, upon a fnort allowance, fought, only that you might enjoy your families and liberty. But I fay confidently you need not fearethis penury or fcarcenefleoR0ney ; the intercourfe of things being fo eftabliuYd throughout the whole world, that there isaperpe- tuall derivation of all that can beneceiTary to mankind. Thus your Commodities will ever find out Money 5 while, nottogoefarre, I fliall produce our own Merchants onely, who, (let meafliire you,) will be alwayes as glad of your Cornc and Cattell, as you can bee of any thing they bring you. Let us therefore (in Gods name) do what becomes us, and for the reft, entertaine fo good an opinion of our Souldiers, as to beleeve, that in ftead of leavingour Coun try bare, they will adde new Provinces to it, or, at leafr, bring rich fpoiles and Triumphes home. At la ftj after fome debate and contention, it was agreed by the Commons 152*. The Life an [22 Commons, that every man of Eftate of twenty pound yearly and upwards, (hould pay two (hillings in the pound 5 and from twenty pound a ycare downward to rourty (hillings, one (hilling in the pound } and under fourty (hillings every head of fixteene yeares ! old or more 11 ould pay foure pence jn two years. The Cardinall hearing no more intended, fecm'd much troubled, and therefore, j coming to the Lower Houfe of Parliament, He told them, that he ! < defir'd to reafon with thofe who oppos'd his demands 5 but being anfwer'd, thatit was the order ofthat Houfe to heare, and not to | reafon, but among themftlves, the Cardinall departed. Yet by j the liberall Motion of fome of the Lower Houfe , thofe of fifty I pound Land and upwards, were induced to give one (hilling more, (being three (hillings in the pound J for three yeares to come, which at length being continued to the fourth yeare, and exten ded to thofe who were worth five pound ingoods, was all that could be obtained. The more famous Statutes enafted this Parliament, fourteene, and fifteene Reg. Henry the eighth, were thefe. That our Merchants might have eight dayes preferrence before (hangers, for buying of broad white-wollen Clothes, brought to Elafk&ett'tfbty in London , unlede in Faires, Ports, Creekes, &c. That (hangers ufing a handy Craft, (hould take no Appf entifes,nor 1 above two Journey-men, unleffe they were the King's Subjefts. That they fhould be under the fearch and reformation of the Wardens and Feilowfhip of Handy -Crafts , and one fubftantiall j Stranger, to be chofen by the faid Wardens. That they (hould caufea Marke to be put on the Wares, and workman (hip, to be knowne thereby. That, if they were falfely and deceitfully made, ! they (hould be forfeit. That this Provifion (hould extend to j (hangers, living in other Townes than London. That, if (hangers' were wronged, they might feek their remedy from the Lord \ Chancellor and Treafurer of England, or the Jufticesof Affize in! the Counties where they liv'd. That,during this Parliament, their j Apprentifes or Journey-men might continue as before, and fo to endure till the laft day of the next Parliament. This Aft yet was not to extend to (hangers of Oxford^ CtUfbridge^ andtheSanftuary of Saint Martini le Grand'm London. That, if the Officers refufed to put a Mark on the Wares, or workmanfhip of Joyners, Black- Smiths, &c- being (hangers $ That then it was lawfull for the (hangers to fell them without the faid Marke. That Lords aad o- j thers the Kings Subjefts of an hundred pounds yearly might take! and retaine frrangers. being Joyners, and Glafiers, for their private fervice, this Aft notwithftanding. That Englifh men living un- 1 der forraigne Princes, and being fworn to them, (hould pay fuch i Cuftome to our King, Subfidy and Toll, as other (hangers of j thofe parts doe. And that the Governour of the Merchant Adven- \ turers, or the King's Ambafladors in Forraigne Countreys, (hall . certifie ofKjng Henry the eighth. certifie their names to the Chancery, to the intent that order may be given therein to the Kings Officers in Havens, Ports,and Creeks. Yet if any fuch Englifh-man , did rcturne to inhabite here, that then he fhould be reftored to a 11 Liberties of a Subject. AColledgeof Phyficians (among whom was that famous and learned L'mak^r^ chiefe Phyficianto the King) was creeled, and certaine authorities and Priviledges granted to them. Moreover the Statute of V I. Hen. VIII. XIII. for mooting in Crofle-Bowes, or Hand-Guns was difpenfed with in men of one hundred pound per annum. That Coyners who make Money in any Mint in England, fhould Coyne of every hundred pounds of Gold 3 twenty pound into halfe Angels or peeces of xl. pence, and ofevery hundred pounds worth of Bullion, Plate or Silver, a cer taine portion into Groats, Two-pences, Pence> Halfe-pence, and Farthings (the Farthings to have a Marke different from the Half pence.^ T hat they who bring lefle then TOO pounds in Bullion or Plate to the Mint, (hall have the tenth part thereof in Halfpence and Farthings. That this yet fhall not extend to the Mint-mailers of York 3 Durham, or Canterbury. Concerning which Law, it is worth the noting, that though it was for the benefit of the Sub jects, ro have fo much of the fmalleft fort of Coine^yet by reafon of their littlenefle., it is all worne out. That they which be in the Kings fervice in warrcs may aliene their Lands, for performance of their wills, without any fine for Alienation. And, if any of them dye in the Kings fervice in War Feof-feesor Executors (hall have the wardfhip of his Heire and Lands. I find alfo in this Parliament, an Adi: for Attainder of the Duke i#gbAr. And an other for the reftitution of Henry Lord S/*jfW,fonne to the faid Duke. Alfo an Aft pafs'd that the King (hall/or his life have Authority :>y his Letters Pattents at his pleafu re to Reverfe, Repeale, and Annull, all attainders of high Treafon, and to reftore their leires, Sec. While thefe affaires at home were in agitation, the Cardinall fending Thomas AnnibaU Do&or of Law ) to Pope Adrian then in aixe^obtaincd the continuance of his Legantine Power for five yeares more, which yet (Taith Tolydore) he made fo veniall,as if,to recompence the heavy Loanes and payments he had impos'd on the people, he would take order to difcharge them of their finnes ataneafierate. The King having fenr divers times into Scotland, to require that lis Nephew lames ^ might have exercife of that Regall Authority which was due unto him, and the Duke of Albany difchar'd from is place oiyice-Roy^ receiv'd fo uncertaine and dilatory Anfwers, that he thought fitto defift a while from his defignes in France., and to purfue this. Therefore he makes a particular difpatch to Sir Thomas 5*3 w.s. U.S. March. 22. V. f irg. 14.8 March Aprill. Aug. 10. Sept. 24. The Life an Thomas J50/e#, Treafurer of his feoufhold, and M r . Richard Con Deane of his Chappell, i efident then in spaine, requiring them to excufe him, if he did not proceed fo roundly to the execution of the Treaty at Windfor, Cformerly mention'd) fince,for defence of his Nephew, he was conftrain'd to take in hand the bufinefTcof Scotland^ yet that he would, in good time, performe all that could be required on his part. Together with which they were charged 3 to intimate forne jealoufies he had of a neare Alliance propos'd be twixt Charles and Francis , whereof he would gladly be clear'd. ^refently after which, he fent the Duke of Surry ( Lieutenant of the Borders) commanding him to joyne with Marquefie Derfit, ( Warden of the Eaft and middle Marches J and Lord Dacres War den of the Weft Borders of Scotland. Thefe Lords,havinc gather ed together convenient forces, took ledworth ^ and 3 making fre quent incurfions, did great harm to that Country ^ without other intention yet ( as the Scottifh have it, ) then to reduce that Nation to a better intelligence with England. Hereupon, the Duke of Al- hanj) who was in France^ prepares to return to Scotland. Our King, advertised hereof, fends out his Navy to intercept him. Sir William fzwiUiams with 36 great Ships, coafting France., and Anthony Tointz, with a convenient Navy, guarding the Weftern Seas. While tzwiflzawf attended this occafion, hedifcover'd twelve French iips> in which the A i ch-Bifhop ofclafco and divers others of qua- ity were, whom the Duke of Albany had fent before him into Scot land. Gi ving Chafe to thefe, two of them were caft away neere the Havens of Diepe and Boulogne. After which 5 FitzwiUiams, leaving part of his Fleet to fhut u p the French Ships, f which were fled into thofe H avens)proceeded himfelf along the French Goafts, Landing in divers places and wafting the Country ; till at laft hee came to Trepan, a Town ftrongly fituatedand Garrifon'd with three thoufand Men , which Fortifications our Men (though a far lefie number) gain'd, together with divers peeces of Ordnance, chafing the French that remain'dto the Town, yet finding it was not their bufineffe to layafiege at this time, they only burnt the fuburbs 5 and the Ships they met in the Haven.and fo return 'd. The Duke of Albany, knowing how narrowly he was watch'd by the EngHfh, had caus'd all provifion for his returne unto Scotlandto be conceal'd,and made it to be voyced abroad,that he had no purpofe j to ftir out of France this yeare : which our King underftanding, i call'd home his Fleet. But it was no fooner in harbour, then Alb*ny hafting together his Men and Ships,fet faile at Brefl $ and , paffing along the Weft Coaft of England, landed in the Ifland of Arraine Sept.iq.to the great joy of the Scots,and With him came Ri 'char dde- \ la-Pole and three thoufand French. When^/^w? came 5 the minds of the Nobility were divided, fome favoured the Englifh , fome the French : It being difputed much before the eommicg ofthe Governor 3 to whether fide it were beft to adhere . Tke of Kjng Henry ihe eighth* The favourers of the Englifh Party (which were many,)alleadg'e the conformity in Pcrfon, Manners, Language, and^Lawes be twixt the two Nations 5 Their living and neighbour-hood within the fame liland ^ the Power the Englifh had, not only to doe more good or hurt, but fooner then the French could prevent them : That the Engliih were Matters of the Seas 5 and thereby, able to flop, and interclude all fuccouthat could come to them from a- ny other place. Laftly, divers Letters were produced, written from our King to the Nobility of ScotLmd^ wherein he did offer both to maintaine Peace there, and to confinne it, by givingthe Princeile Afrr; his daughter in mariage unto J^mes his Nephew,fince he had vehement fufpitions that Charles intended a match elfe- where. Thofe who favoured the French (whereof many (faith the fame Author) were gained with large gifts,and Penfions , or were fuch 5 as, bting of mtane fortune, defir'd to make their advantage in the pubHque troubles) replyed hereunto. That credit was not eafily to be given to the fpecious pretext of a new Allyance, the former having fucceedcd no better :, efpecially, when all things in England were ordered chiefely Ex ArbitrioThcwt Woolfri Cardinalis pravi jwbitiop^ as Buchanan hath it.) That,the occafions of falling out betwixt potent neighbours, being frequent } friends were to bee fought out in any other place. Howfoever, their ancient Ally, ( the French) was to be acquainted herewith , and DO time to be loft for preparations to defend themfelves. Thefe, though but cavils of the more tumultuous fort, being joyned to the rancor of others, prevailed fo with the heady multi tude, that, in the Parliament which the Governor fummon'das foone as he came to Scotland) it was prefently refolv'd, that he ihcuki raife a puitlant Army. Thefe being gathered, march to a Wooden Bridge over T wede, neare Mul-Reffe, which leads to Eng land T here the Duke pafs'd over the greateft part of his forces , in tending the reft (hould follow; but becaufe divers muttered againir. the caufelefneile and danger of this attempt, he thought it his beft Courfe, prefeotly to bring them back againe. Paffing thence, hee commanded Siege to belaid to the Cafrle of Wtrkc^ lately fortified by the Earle of Sttrry. Some French here, that ferved on the Scotti(h fide, found meanes to enter the bafe Court, in which the Cattell and Corne of the neighbour-hood in dangerous times were ufually kept. But the Englifh, for all other manner of repulfe, fetting fire only to the hay and ftraw there,fmoked out the French: Hereupon a Battery was planted againft the Walls, and a fufficieajt breach made ; where with an affault was given by the French arid others, but being beaten back with the loife of many, and the Earl of Sttrry being with a great Army not farre of the Duke defifted and retired, doing no more with his Army for that yeare , fliortly after which by the mediation of Queen Mar^aret^ Truce was con cluded. 1523. Buck. 21 Vovcmb'ii, 150 7 be L'fe and fillet. June. 1520- k June i 5 Aug.2 4 . * Sept. 20. eluded. And thus our King quitted himfelfe of the troubles which Francis ftirr'd againft him, in Scotland. Let us now looke on Ire land^ for there alfo Francis had his projecls. And 7V#e/ fet down a Treaty between Francis and Jantes, Earl of Defmond'vb June 1523. But, as it took no efFeft, by reafon of Francis hh bufineficin other parrs, fo it haftned the fecond troubles of the Earle of Ki'ldare, who though he had freed himfelfe of his imprifonment in England . by the favour he got upon his match with Elizabeth Gray, Sifter to the Marquefle Dorfet, and fo was remitted home to his former charge , (Pierce Butler being uponforne Accnfations put out) yet, : being Kinfman to Dcfwond, he could not fo behave himfelfe, butthat his illwillers found Arguments to traduce him 3 But of this inks place. While thefe things were doing, the Kingdome of Denmark fuf- fer'd a great change. For Chrijhrne the fecond fncceeding his Father John, Anno 1514. the Swedes not long after rebell'd, making Steno stura their Head, who yet being flaine in Battaile and the Swedes overcome, Chrjftierne commands his body to be difmrerrd and burntswhich w th other cruelties, made the Swedes take arms againe, under Gaffiavui Erixon, whom they made their King, and feparated themfelves wholy ; from the Crown of Denmark? CLri- Jiierne having thus loft Sweden, and incurrd the hate of the Danes by his Tyrannicall Government, fearirgconfpiracy at home, and warre from abroad , left his Kingdome to be invaded and taken by hisunckleFr^/er/V^DukeofHtf//?^ (whom the I#/w^r/aydedin the enterprize) and, flying together with ifabell, fifter to Charles the Emperor and his three children, Tone Sonne and two daugh ters) as voluntary Exiles from their own Country, went firft to Flanders, and from F 'lander /with a * fmall Traine came hither. Their misfortune yet did not hinder them to find a reception wor thy their degree $ our Queene, being Aunt to his, taking particu lar companion on them. After all manner of Royall Entertain ment, therefore, for the fpace of about three weekes that they ftay'd, and divers rich Prefents be/lowed upon them, they thought fit, upon fome hopes given them of recovering their Kingdome, to depart hence againe into Flinders. The Duke of Suffolk?, being attended by the Lord MonUcutt, Lord Herbert, Lord Ferrers, Lord Morncy, Lord Sands, Lord Berk: ky,Lor&Porvys, and divers other Knights and Gentlemen, and an Army of fix hundred Demilances,two hundred Archers on Horfe- back.three thoufand Archers on Foot,and five thoufand Bill-men, befides two thoufand 8c fix hundred Prifoners came to Calais. To thefe again the Duke added one thoufand & feven hundred more, taken out of the Garrifons thereabouts. With this little Army he marched into the Enemies Countrey, taking all places that rcilfted him by the way. At * laft Florence d ' Egmond Count de ~Bnre Gene- rail to the Emperor, joyn'd his Forces 5 fo that in all they made a- bout ng Henry the eighth. Oftob. 20. about twenty thoufand men, yet as it was now about the latter end 1522 of September , and the weather prov'd very unfeafonable, it was difficult to performe any great action. King Henry yet would have them begin with Boulogne 5 but the Imperials faid it was impregna ble, and that for entring France., it were better tocoaft the River of S0we^ which they did, their defigne being to come to a Battell, as being advertised that the French had long fince atten ded their comming. But finding no Forces in the field, they befieged Bray on the River Some. In this Towne, Monftcur Ancoine de Crecjtti^ Seigneur de Tont*D0rmy commanded , with a ftrong Garrifon '-, But a breach being made by our Men, and violently ailaulfed, Ancoine de Crequz 3 having fet fire on the Towne , fled over the Bridge, with the men that remained, draw ing fb me Boards after him ;, bnt our men lay ing on other Planks 3 and geting over^ chafed him, and kilfd divers of his Men. When they returned, they found little fafe from the fire, but feme Cellars of Wine, which jn that Cold and wet time, was a great reliefe. From hence, pafling over Some^ they marched to wards Roje, raking by the way fome iefler places. This Towne be ing fummond, and promiilng to yeeld, Sir Richard Cormvatt wjth foure hundred men was fent to take pofleffion of it. Thence the Army marched towards Mentdidier^ whereby the way Mwjteur de Tont-Dorntj meeting with fome of our horfe fcatter'd, put them totheworft. Butatlafi:, more of our men comming, his horfe was kill'd under him, and he 3 mounting oa an other, was conftraind to flye. Monfteur de Barnieuttes and de-Candles yet flood the fhock, to favour the retreat of the reft j which part while they performed bravely, cur men overthrew and took them prifoners, with fome others of note. From hence then they went to Montdidier^ in which Monfieur de R&che-baron^ with about 1200 men, commanded. But, after fome foure houres battery of our Cannon , they capitulated and yeelded. The Duke with his Army had now pafs'd the River of 0j//e D and was come within eleven Leagues of Parti^ without that he met with any notable encouter. The Parifians hereupon were much troubled. Neither could the comming of Monfteur de Ven- dofixe, with fome Forces, exempt them altogether from feare. But the time of yeare being far fpent, and the weather falling out to be fo extreme cold 2 that almoft all the Corne in France was frozen and fpoild that yeare, (as the French confeife,) our men were forc'd to returne. Befides, the Lady Regent in the Low-Countreys withdrew pay from her Souldiers, and let all the charge fall upon King Henry. It was not therefore mifdoubt of any attempt of the French, (whatfoever they bragge 5x ) they having no Army in the field, but onely the caufe formerly alledg'd that made them retire. They took yet the Caftle ofBouchain near the Emperor's Territories,be- fore they departed, which yet together with the other places, was prefently recovered by the French. Our King, hearing now the Ar* T mies Vnpkix. The Life and 'Raigne mies werediffolvd,feem'dto bemuchincens'd : hi intention being to keepe and fortifie the places that were taken Therefore he had commanded the Lord Montjoy with fix thoufand men to reinforce the Troupes. But,before the Kings pleafure could be certified to France , The Dukefwho by reafon of the foule waycs left his great Ordnance in the To wne of Valenciennes) was come, with the reft of his Army 3 to C*/<**ff, where he thought good to ftay^ill the Kings anger were appeas'd, by the reprefenting of thofe important and necefTary caufes, that made him defi ft from any other enterprize this yeare, wherewith therefore the King at la ft being intirelyfa- tisfied, he was received into his former grace and favour. Francif finding now two of his Armies diflblvedand ruin'd, re- folves in Perfon to bring a third. For as he found his Auxiliaries more than the French forces could command, and that, together, they had not their pay in due time^e intended now to remedy thefe faults .But this voyage fueceeded worft of all. So little can interve ning Accidents., but efpecially thofe of warre, be prevented by hu mane wifdome. Being on his way now as farre as Lyons, he heares three Armies were preparing againft him , one on the part of our King, for Picardy 5 an other on the Emperors part ; fo.r burgundy and Champaigne ; and a third on the Spanifh fide for Fttentarabye. That on the Englifh fide yet aftonifh'd him moft, as fufpedling he had given our King enough to doe in Scotland and Ireland. Therefore 3 fee ftayes at Lyons^ and fends Bonivct before with the greateft part of his forces., confining of the flowre of the Nobility of France $ In which alfo Rich rdde la f o/e(return'd now from Scotland) was 5 and referve? the reft for the moft urgent occafions. Only, he wanted C/)^;7^/Dukeof/?^rW 3 whom Ifindfo confiderable a Perfonat this time 3 both with our King and the Emperor, as I have thought fit to fpeake of him, with much particularity The caufes of his dif- c ^ntentmentfas the French writers have it) were many. That, being of great bloud and excellent parts., he was excluded from the Kings fecret Counfefl. That 3 having done ill Offices to Francis in the time ofLoiix the twelfe 3 Francif challeng'd him to a Duell, (which unkirdnefle yet, Francis commingto theGrowne effaced by giving him the Place of Conftable.) That he was denyed tohave Kewe^Sifter to Queene^7/,i^ : when yet fhe defir'd to Marry him. That (as is before mention J dJ the King gave the Vantguard from him, being Conftable 3 to the Duke tfAlancon. That having lay'd out much Money for the warres of Jtafy out of his purfe, the King not only refus'd to pay him 3 but detained fome Penfions and Rents 3 which were due to him for divers y cares. That a Procefle or Law-fuite was brought again/} him, about the Duchy tf Bourbon, being inheritance devolv'd to him, in right of Snfan his wife lately dead. That J %i n & Henry the eighth. That Louife the Kings Mother, pcrfccuted him, becaufe he re- fus'dto marry her, and was a Sutorto Rftrcc. That the Chancellor and others opposed him., for the fakeo LoHrfe, who was in greateft authority. Thefe again bing induftrioufly fomented by Adrian de Croy^Seigneur deBeaMraJn^onthe Emperors part, and William Knight^ Doftor of the Law, Refident for our King with the Lady Margaret, anc laftly by Sii'.Iohn Ruffe #,who in difguifed habit often Treated with him, Cas I find by our Records^ made him finally Revolt. Neither did our King make difficulty to appear herein. Francit having not onely fupportcd Richard de la Pole, but Treated with Defiond'-> fo that finally, conditions were agreed on with 'Bourbon^ to this efFed} That he (hould marry Ltonora^ Sifter to the Emperor, and wife to E Mamtell King of Portugal/ lately dead. That he ftiould be King of fome part ofFrMnce^ aflbone as Francis was outed. That the Emperor fhould have "Burgundy^ znddrtojf, and our King Normandy and Guyenne, and the Title of King of France*, and that, befides, he fhould renounce all the claime the French pre tend to Jt4y. This yet was not keptfoclofe, but fome notice of it came to Franc if, who thereupon with a fingular Franchife/did vifit him, at Mfilins^ faining then to be fick., and difcover'd the intelligence given him; promifing yet that all ftiould be forgotten upon his confeffion, and ailurance to ferve him faithfully in his warres 5 giving further more his Royall word, that the inheritance now in quefrton fhould be reftorcd 3 when it were by Lawevifted. B^r^thus fur- pris'd, & counterfeiting his weaknefle ftill, confefs'd he was indeed fought to , but would never condefcend to any difloyalty. The King hereupon departed well fathfied in apparance^ but as the Procefle or Law-fuite went on, and fome fecret Guards were put on him ^ Eonrbctj^ ofFended 5 efcnpes in a difguifed habit to Genciia : whither the Seigneur de Beaurain came from the Emperor to offer him his choice,whether he would command the Imperiall Army in 7/^or come to Spaine (where Charles had newly extinguished a Rebellion in Mdllorca^ and given order to befiege fuentarabie.^ But Eeurb&n chofe to command the Army 3 both as it was more gene- rous 3 and as he did thereby comply beft with both Princes^o whom he was oblig'd ( as I find by our Records,) to furnifh five hundred men at Armes, and tenthoufand foot , for performing the Agree ment betwixt them. But Frrfw^had alfo other ftrong oppofiti- ons 5 for though he labour 'd to retaine the Venetians $ yet as that State confidered Italy would be quietter when Francefce sforza held ^ then if it came under the domination of the French 5 they ea- Whereupon a League was entred into 3 betwixt the Pope, the Em peror, Ferdinand,FranctJco Sforz^^ \ulio de Medicis^ the Florentine^ T 2 thofe 1523. Matry. Sept- Decemb. 154- II. ugne $ 2 3 f hofe of is ' /e#rf, Lucca^ and G,enoua 5 and the Venetians , place being I Jeftalfo for our King; By which it was concluded, among other things, that the Venetians fhould furnifti fix thoufand Foot, and one thoufand two hundred Horfe 5 whenFr*#f/c in re- Oecenomica prKdtffisfubfervituri. SumniA tot jut nuweri^ Clxxxvi. AjfigftantHr item annuatim non mediocre* pecuniarum Sttmm^^ t*ir- tim in p.xcipiendif Convivio extraveif infttmcnd*^ T&nim in E Itemtfy- nasjingulif anni quart* trngandt. Prstcrfumptw t^Hit intantafamiliam-diesoccttrrttttt) &fant ncceffaria. ofKjng Henry the eighth. I finde alfo, that about 1 524, he fought in Italy and elfewhere, for able men to be his Readers. Among whom at this time the Excellent John Indovitttf Vives (a Spaniard) was fentto him to be Profeffbr of Eloquence in Oxford. And,for Books,he fent to have the rarer fort copied, out of the Popes Library. Thefe fo great preparations made the Cardinall ufe many rigo rous means of getting moneys , as by vifitation of Religious hou- fes,&c. and at laft by the mine of divers. To performe thi? yet, he was to obtaine theconfent of the Pope and his King. The rea- fons reprefented to the Pope, were I fuppofe of this nature. That his Holinefie could not be ignorant what divers efFefts this new invention of Printing had produced. For as it had brought in and reftored Books and Learning , fo together it hath been the occafion of thofe Sects and Schifmes which daily appea red in the World, but chiefly in Germany $ where men begun now to call in queftion the prefent Faith andTenents of the Church, and to examine how farre Religion is departed from its Primitive Tnftitution. And, that which particularly was moftto be lamen ted, they had exhorted Lay and Ordinary men to read the Scrip tures, and to pray in their vulgar Tongue. That, ifthi^were fuffered, befidesall other dangers, the common people at laft might come to believe that there was not fo much ufe of the Clergy. For if men were perfwaded once they could make their own way to God , and that Prayers in their Native and Ordinary Language might peirce Heaven, as well as Latine^ how much would the Authority of the Made fall ? how prejudieiall might this prove unto all our Ecclefiafricall Orders? That there were many things to be look'd too in thefe Inno vators, but nothing fo much as this } fince it was cleare, that the ceeping of the Myfteries of Religion in the hands of Priefts, had ueena principall means in all ages, of making the Priefthood Sa cred and Venerable. That thefe Myfteries and Rites therefore, as the greateft fecretand Arcanum of Church-go vernment 5 Qiould preferved. Nay, that the Clergy ftiould rather fly to Tropes and Allegories, if not to Cabale it felfe, then permit that all the rts of Religious worfhip , though obvious 3 as to fall eafily within common under (landings, fhould be without their Explica tion^ fince it might well be queftioned whether the Eflence of Religion CconfifHng in the Dodrine of good life and Repentance) might be held fufticient alone to exereife even the moft vulgar capacities 5 unlefle frequent Traditions concerning former timeSj and fuch obfcure paffages as need interpretation, did concur. In which (rate of things therefore , nothing remained fo much to be done, as to prevent further Apoftacy. For this purpofe , fince Printing could not be put down , it were beft to fet up Learning eainft Learning} and, by introducing able perfons todifpute, to fufpend the Layity 3 betwixt feare and controverfies. This, at worft 523 *Tbe Life worft yet , would make them attentive to their Superiors and Teachers. All which being maturely weiged by his Holinefle, it was not doubted but he would advife , and commend to all Chriftian Princes , the erefting of new Colledges and Seminaries for the advancement of Learning; and here in England particu larly, where many favourers of Luthers Seft } but efpecially of ZHingliut\& appeare. Yet becaufe his Holinefle by our Ambaf- fadorsat#/>$ and to believe, that all things being rightly confidered, the fall of thofe few, might be a meanes to keep up the reft,efpecially fince, in this Kingdome the number of them was thought exceffive. To the King 5 As he needed not toufe thofe Motives, fo he difcreetly conceald fuch as might difcover the fecrets of Ecclefia- flicali Government. For certainly , what fault foever might be objected to the Cardinal^ hefeem'd frill a devout fervant to his Religion, as afpi ring thereby unto the Papacy. Therefore., he faid little more unto the King, then that it was fit fo learned a Prince (hould advance Learning , and maintaine that Faith, whereof the Pope had made him the Defender. For this pur- pofe, he {hould advife him to found more Colledges. Yet be- eaufe his warres and other Occafions had fo exhaufled hisTrea- fury, he would aske no more., then that the care thereof (hould be committed to him } who, if his Highneflefo thought fit, would onely fupprefle forae little and unneceffary Monafteries , and im ploy the Revenues to this ufe. King Henry alfo confidering, that if, for his urgent oceafions , he were neceffitated at any time to feize on the other Religious Houfes , he might this way difcover how the people would take it, grants his requeft. Our King thus concurring with the Pope , who, in favour of the Cardinal! gave way to this fuppreffion, that overture was firft made , which be ing purfued afterwards by the Kings fole Authority , became the finall Ruine of all Monafteries. Clement of Kjng Henry the eighth. the feventh hearing of the preparations of thefe great Princes,had fcnt in the beginning of this -ye ere an exprefTeLegat, which was the Archbifhopof Capua ^ with inftru&ions to procure an Union betwixt them againftthe Turke. He had already been with franc-is awd the Emperor, without effecting any thing} and was now come to our King} but finding the fame difficulties, he was, forced to neturne, without other fatisfa in particular now ufed, have J>een reputed in all times a valiant con- ftant Nation. All which I have the rather obferved, that the fuc- ceiie which Francis had not long after, might feemelefTe ftra^ ge unto the Reader. T he Nobility that came with him were indeed principall ptrfons.>Henrj d 1 Albert > (the Titular King ofNavtrre*) the Dukes of Lorrains , Longm-vitie^ Alancon and Alhanie^ (who, the Spring; before had \zhsc9tland., upon promife made him by the Nobility, that nothing (hould be innovated there , till his re- turnej TheCountesof St.Prf*/, VaHdemont^Haval^ the Marfhall ofFoixy Cbabanes , and Mountmorancy 3 the Admirall de Bonivet (chiefe Authour ofthis Counfell)/* Seigneur de Fkurangesje Vidame deChartrcs^ 'Buiffy d* A vibrdife , Richard de la Pole^ and many Other brave Gentlemen. The manner which Fr^wmufed in befieging Pavir feem'd to take up more time then /rood wi h the feafon^being now Winter) and the advantage he had over the Imperialists, who were neither in number nor vertue fufficient to repell him. This leafure the Pope made ufe of to mediate a peace , by the means of the Bi(hop of Verona ,and(when that could not be done)to keep ranch yet iu good terms with him , promifing him , therefore indifferency at leaft, both as he was Comwunis Pater^nd as he conceiv'd him the ftronger. But, finding that the Treaty of Accord took no efFeft, was perfwaded by the French Ambatfadors ( refident with him ) to make a League with Francis. The perfwalions the French ufed, werepromifes, and certaine propodtions of peace, upon fuch conditions as fhould be very advantagious to both. And thus at laft the Pope by the fecret intervention of To. Matthei the Biffeop of Verona , made peace with the French, encouraging them together (Taith 5e# and raifed twelve thoufand men. During thefe paffages in Italy , the affaires of Scotland feemcd to change forme , for the Duke of Albany being now fo far diftant romthem, the prime Nobility of Scotland (notwith (landing the prornife exafted of them by the faid Duke , when he departed, 'which was in May 1524, promifing to returne in &ptae6fr*icit) inclin d to the Queens fide. So that prefently after they began to confult of making peace with England^ which becaufe they knew King Henry would never grant , as long as they acknowledged the Duke of 'Albany Governour, (for fo he had lately intimated) they agreed to abbrogate his Authority , and to inveft the young King in the exercife of his Regall power. To this purpofe , the Queen of Scots wrote to her brother King Henry to affift his Nephew herein , who fent to the Borders his Lieutenant 3 T/>/>te,a C?tf7p///r0rf#,feazed on him. But the King declaring himfelfe, and faying he yeilded to the Emperor^Vrbieta without offering any violence 9 received him as his prifoner. The Kings leg yet lay under his horfe , Urbicta thinking by this means he was lure from efca- ping/uns to fuccour his Alfercs , who was then in danger of being killed, defiring the King onely to take notice that he wanted two teeth beforehand that he would remember it as a mark that he took him fir ft. With that one Djeg0deAviIjcaune. > tQwhom the King alfo naming himfelfe, and faying he was already yeilded to the Empe- rotjDiego demanded, whether he had given any age thereof? The King faying . None was required, Diego laid hold on his Sword, (which was bloudy) and his Gauntlet, and therewithall delivered him from his Horfe, by the help of one P/ta^who for his pains took his Order of St Michaelfrom him. This fo much.troubled the King, that 5 not knowing how to help himfelfe, he offered a great reward to the Souldier to let it alone, which yet the Souldier denied, fay ing he would carry it to the Emperor.The King being now on foot, divers fouldiers came in, and as they obferved fome contention among thofe that took him , would without further enquiry who he was^have kill'd him. But one Monfenr de la Mottc for Por^perante^ as the French have it, a French manj) comming by chance thither, kneeld to him, and killing his hand with all reverence, made them know how rich a prize they had^ot amongft them $ The King yet caus'd him to rife, faying onely, that he fhould behave himfelfe like that man he had ever efteemed him. Herewith, a great concourfc flocking in, the King WJS perfwaded to take off his Helmet , which was no fooner done, but every one tooke a part of a great Pennache (or Feather) he wore thereon, others more prefumptuoufly , cut out pieces out of a Coat of Armes or Sobra- vefte he wore over his HarnefTe. At all which this magnanimous V 2 King 1525 Sanday. 166 Sandov The Life and *Raigne. March jo. < 2 < King (hewed no other countenance, then that of fcorne, as know ing fufficiently, that in defpight of fortune , his valour had made him comply with his dignity. The chance of thofe whodeferted the King was various $ many were killed, fothers, thinking to paffe the Tefin were drowned , among whom fix thoufand Mercenaries, ( the moft part Suifle) are accounted. Henry de Albert, thinking to fave himfelfe by flight, was taken. And now the bruit being gene ral! that the King was made prifoner 5 divers French 3 who might have efcaped, out of a fingular piety to their King, returned , and yeelded themfelves, faying, they would not returne to France and leave their King behind them. Thefirftof the chiefe Commanders that came in, wastheMarqueffe^Pe/fdr^ after him Gvafto^^. others f at laft "Bourbon being armed Cap a Pee^nd with his Sword all bloudy in his hand , comes towards the King , who hereupon de '; manded his name: Being told, he ftept (if one may belkve the Spa- 1 niard my AuthorJ a little behindethe Marquefle^ Pefcara. He alfo I perceiving the King troubled , goes to 'Bourbon , and (after he had \ told him that the King was there) demanded his Sword 5 which "Bourbin without moreadoe rendered, and thereupon, running to theKing,and lifting up his Beaver , cafr himfelfe on his knees, and humbly demanded his Royall hand tokifle $ which yet the King refufed. Hereupon Bourbon> with teares in his eyes, faid, Sir,if you would have followed my counfell, you fhould not have needed to be in this efrate, nor fo much bloud of the French Nobility fhed as ftains the fields of Italy. The King hereupon turning his eyes to hea- ven 3 now replied only, Pacience,fince Fortune hath failed me.Fur- ther difcourfe was hindred by the Marquefle ofFefcara, who, defi- ring the King to mount on horfebacke, conducted him towards Pa- via. But the King intreating he might not be kept prifoner in a Town before which he had lately fo puiffant an Army , they brought him to a Monaftery ad joyning. Henry de Albert the Comte i of St. /W , and divers other prifoners being delivered to feverali j Cuftodies. From hence the King was remov'd to aftrongCaftle called PiciquJton 5 and there kept with a great guard of Spaniards under Hernando de AUncon^ till other order came from Cktrles 3 to whom, immediately after this vidrory, a MefTenger was fent , to acquaint him with the fuccefle. In the mean time Francis was ufed with all refped. For more oftentation whereof, Charles de Laney brought (before SupperJ the Ba^on , the Marquede of Gujfte the Ewer,and "Bonrben the Towell; mikh courtefie he requitedj by in viting them to fit at the Table with him. After which, requiring fome money might be furniflied to him for play, he pafs'd away the time the moft cheerfully he could. Charkt was at Madrid when this great news came to him. The (cnce he fhewed of it, was fuch as became a wife Prince , and one that was not himfelfe exempted from a Quartan. He compared theaffli&ions of Fortune with thofe of nature, and found the diffe rence cf Kjng Henry the eighth. rence fo little , that he thought hiinfelfe to want even the advan tages of Liberty as much as a prifoner. For , if he confident Francis, as in the cuftody of his Guards, he lookt upon himfelfe as in the cuftody of his Phyfitians , and confin'd to his Chamber by a flronger hand then that which held Francis. Moreover, he faid, it was not for Chriftians to rejoyce for their Vidories againft eachother, but onely againft Infidels. Our King was not advertifed hereof fooner then the ninth of March. When. a Meflenger from the PrincelTe Marguerite, Gover- nefleof the Low -countries , informed him of all the particulars. Charles dcLaney not omitting alfoto* write to him thereof (as I finde by our Records.) This being brought to Counfell , it was thought fit the King mould comply with his Confederate Charles., in giving fome publique demonstration of joy. Therefore the King going to St. Pattls 3 and caufing a Mafle to be fung in a more folemne manner then ordinary , feenvd to celebrate the vidory, though inwardly not fo well fatisfied thereof. For, as he confi- dered charhs grown now to more greatnefle then flood either with reafon of State, or due terms of neighbourhood, 'He delibe rated with his Councell what was next to be done. Whereupon it was thought fit to fend immediately Ambafladors into Spaine, with charge to reprefent unto the Emperor 5 how that this warre being made at a common charge, it was reafonable the fruit mould redound to both. That the part his Highnefle pretended to, was Inheritance in France, which he defircd (upon fome fitting Treaty with Francis} might be reftored. To \vhich his Highnefle doubted not but the Emperor would afford his beft affi (lance $ as well be- caufe it was juftinit felfe, as that it was according to their late Treaty. Or,if this could not be attained by faire means,to require the Emperor, by vertue of the faid Treaty, to proceed in levying Forces to make war in Fr*n-ce> wherein his Highnefle would like- wife concur. Neither could his Highnefle doubt that the Emperor would refufe to embrace this motion , fince the benefit hereof would finally accrue to him $ for as his Highnefle waspurpofed to ratifie and make good the intended match betwixt the faid Emperor and the Princefle Mary , who was heire not onely to the Crown of England^ but to his Titles in France , fo all at lafl would devolve on him } which therefore might be thought fo beneficiall and advantageous, as he ought not to thinke it much to deliver up Francis to his Highnefle haacls 3 upon configning of the faid Princefle to his.Efpcciallyjfince by an exprefle Article of the fore- faid Treaty., they were bound mutually to deliver all ufurpers upon each others flight. All which being founded upon a folemn agreement, confirmed by Oath,could not feem infolenr, what in- difpofition foever might be found in the Emperor to accomplish "^ Notwithstanding which, if(asitwasmoftlikely > ) this propo- it. (ition (hould take no effect 3 and that the Emperor would derive V 3 the '<*7 1525. March . Feb. 2 4, March 22. Records. The Life and f Raigne 1525 March. thetotall benefit of his prize upon himfelfe} that hisHighnefle yet might make fo much ufe thereof, as with more juftihcation to take that order which pertain'd to his prefent occafions . and the peace of Chriftendome. This advice being approved by all, a Difpatch was made, and given to CntbertTonJlalI (Bifhopof London jtoA. Lord Privy Seale) and SirRichardWingfeld Knight, fentthen to Spaine $ wherein alfo an Interview betwixt our King and the Emperor was propofed. In which further it was offered, that the Princefle Mary mould be given into the Emperors hands upon fitting conditions. Many other particularities conducing to the ends above-mentioned were fpecified therein ; though for the reftitfeem'd not probable to fome of our Counfellors, that the Emperor would accept them , as being refolved (what promife or advantage foever was prefentedtohim) to fufTer none elfe to partake of the profit or honour he had acquired in his Vi&ory. This propofition finding no reception in Spaine^ but what was be fore imagined. Our King returns to that brave and wife refolution he had formerly taken , to make himfelfe Arbiter of Chriften dome, and to fall on him who interrupted the publique peace. Many reafons alfo of great moment concurred to this Refolution. For the Lady Margarite ( Regent of Flanders ) who ought by the late League to have raifed forces againft the French, began already to treat with them concerning an accomodation. Befides , the Flemings being grown (bong by Sea, had not onely very infolent- ly treated divers of our Merchants , but , contrary to a Remon- ftrance made in that behalfe, had inhanfed our Coyne,and there by fecretly derived great fummes into their Countrey. Againe, when demand was made onely for repayment of that money which was lent the Emperor in his greateft necefiity , nothing yet was returned but a dilatory and frivolous exeufe, Neither was our King ignorant of the Treaty which the Emperor had already begun for the ranfomming of Francis. Nor of a match purpofed \vithD0Htta ifabella 7/*/^/<*of Portugall , which reflected on his daughter-- reputation. Laftly, the Popes Breve_, reprefenting the danger of Ghriftendome through the profperity of the Turke , (who had now taken Belgrade , and Rhodes^ and thereby opend fe- verall wayes to Italy and Germany) and , together , exhorting all Chriftian Prirces to joyne againft the Common Enemy,had fo pre- vaild with our King, that he thought fit to layafide all Ambition to recover his inheritance in Frame* and to indeavouran univer- fall Peace. In the furtherance of which gooddefire, as the re membrance of the kind interview betwixt him and Francis did operate not a little , fo the reputation thatFr^r// had gotten by his courage fhewed in this lateadion, had kindled in the minde of our generous King a compaffionate zeale for his delivery. Therefore, at the requeft of the Kings mother of Frame (who by the mediation of Giovannijoa^im had much difpos'd our King to of I\ing Henry the eighth. to returne to his ancient friendfhip with Francis*) Hcfent to Ctttber 20ff/?rf#Bi(hop of London, and Si* Richard Wing field Knight his Am baiiadors in sprint > to intercede for the delivery of Francis $ who had begun the way already in a particular Letter to Charles $ where after an excufeof his not fooner writing, becaufe they who hac charge of him would not permit it,he faid that the greateft comfort he found in this his miferable condition., was, that he had fallen in to the hands of fo generous a Prince, who therefore would no force him to any thing, which might bee unjuft to require or impofiible to performe. That hee hoped therefore fuffi cient fecurity would bee accepted for his delivery, finc< thereby, infteaci of detaining an unufefull Prifoner, hee ftioulc make a King his flave. Howfoevcr, that it was more profit to have him a faithfull friend, then to fufFer him to dye defperate. None yet was fo vigilant and intentive either for his delivery^ or the Ge nerallgoodoftheKingdome, as Madam Loiiife his mother f Re gent oi France} who, by many forcible and reiterated Ambaflades and Treaties, drewmoftof the Chriftian Potentates and tvepub- liques to favour the deliverance of her Sonne. Through her care a! lo Andrea Dori* ( Generall of the French King's Galley s ) recon- du&ed the Duke QfAlie**f, who, though farre ingaged in the Ene mies Country did yet, without any confiderable loileofhisrnen, returne to MJrfeil/ef, April 25. The Emperor now rinding that all the chiefe Princes and E (rates in Chriftendome would puiflantly labour for the delivery ol Francis ,fent Adrian de Croy Seigneur de Beaurain with certain propo- fitions dated March 25.1525. unto him. Whereof this is the Summe. That an unverfall Peace and League fhould be concluded be twixt all Chriftian Princes, and fecurity on every fide be given, for the continuance thereof. That either of them two, with twenty thoufand Foot, and five thoufand Horfe (hould invade the Turk. That, for further fecurity, the Delphin fliould marry with the Princefle Maria (daughter to the King of Portugal/, and the Queene Leonora.^ and the Dowry (hould be a mutuall difclaime in each o- thers Inheritance. That the King of FMefhouldreftore and leave theDutchyof ~Burundy in that eftateand manner as it wasinthetimeofc/wr/e/ the laft Duke thereof} And Theriuenne^ Hefdin^ and all that was u- furp'd in Artois (hould be redeliver'd. That Charles Duke of Bourbon (hould reinjoy his former eftate, and (particularly)have the County of Provence conferr'd upon him, which thereupon he fliould hold under the Title of King thereof. That the King of Sw^AWlhould have all reftor'dthat apper- tain'd to him, or otherwife was agreed upon. That all the followers of the Duke of Bourbon (hould be reinte grated in their former pofTefflons. That 1525 April. 25. 1525 The Life an That the Prince ofAurange, Don Hugo de Mencada, the Seigneur de Bonzt> and cP Autroy^ fhould be fet at liberty., and all reftor'd to the Prince Q^Attrange., which was taken from him in the warres of Brittany. That Madam Margarite, Aunt to the Emperor, and La Reyna German*, fecond wife to Ferdinand ofspaine, with divers other Princes and great perfons (particularly nominated in the faid Ar ticles) fhould be righted in their juft demands, for reftitution in all things taken fince the warre. That all Commerce betwixt the fubjefts fhould be renewed hereupon. That the chiefe Parliaments of Paris and elfewhere in France^ fhould fatisfiethe agreement. That the King himfelfc, being at liberty^ fhould,with all due fo- lemnity5Confirmeit 3 asalfothe>^/^/wasfooneashe came to the age of fcureteene. When thefe Articles wereprefented to Fraud? ^ fomeofthem fo difpleas'dhimthatheis faid in a fury to have drawne his dagger, and fpoken thofe words. It is better for a King of France to dye after this manner. Infomuch that HernandodeAlancen who was pre- fent., ha ftily took it from him. Yet, to gratifie the Emperor, hee gave order that the Prince of Aurange^ and Don Hugo de Mo ncada fhould be fet at liberty, Mcncada camming to Court, brought two Letters one from the King, the other from Madame Louts ^ hi* Mo ther, by which fas alfo by the intervention of the Arch- Bifhop of Ambrun^ and Philip Chabot Seigneur de Brion^ (who were deputed Atnbaffadors upon this occafion) thefe conditions following wereofFered. That Dona- Leonora (Sifter to the Emperor,and Relidtto the late King of TortugalT) fliould not be given in Marriage toBourbon. fhowfcever promifed himj but to the King of France., and the / finta Dona Maria., her daughter 3 unto the Dolphin. That the Dukedom oKBurgundy fhould be held by Franon^ as the Dowry totheQueeneIetf#0r* 5 and fhould be left to the He ires- males betwixt them. Ifno fuch iflue yet fhould happen, that the Dukcdcme ftould then defcend to the fecond fon of the faid Em peror f If the Emperor fhould have no Sonnes, but daughters, that then the fecond Sonnc of the King of France fhould marry one of the faid daughters, and have Burgundy for her Portion. That Francis would renounce all the right and intereft hee had in Millan^ Genoua^ and Naples, together withall debts and Penfions that could be demanded on that occafion. That hee would releafe the fuperiority and dominion that hee pretended over Flanders, and Arton^ . and for this purpofe would obtaine the confent of all the E Hates of France. That he would re (lore Hesdin SLudfekfttaj. That, for the Lands he held neare the River ofsowe, he would pay the Emperor a juft price. That, Henry the eighth. That, when the Emperor fhould goe to his Coronation into It A- 1 4 a 5 /7' 3 or otherwife that if he or his brother Ferdinad fhould make war he would pay halfe the charges of his Army, and goe along it Perfon. That , if the Emperor would paffe into Italy by Sea, he woul command all his Galleys to attend him at Barcelona. That, if the Emperor would make warrc againftthe Infidels in Afrjquc^ or Greece^ would pay halfe the charges of the Anny 3 anc attend the Emperor in Perfon. That all the Emperor had Capitulated with the King of England^ and all that was due by way of borrowing orPenflon tothefaic King, fhould be paid and aceomplifhed, in fuch manner that the Emperor might be altogether difcharg'd, and free thereof. That he would reftore to the Duke viBourbon, all his Eftate,anc pay him his Penilons, and moreover give his daughter in marri age to him, together with fuch a Portion as was fitting her degree and quality, and that when any Army fhould be rais'd by him for the Emperors fervice,the faid Duke fhould beGenerall, in cafe the King went not himfelfe in Perfon, and that all former diflervices and unkindneiTes fhould be forgotten. That fufficient fccurity by the Parliament of Paris ftiould be gi ven of thefe particularities. Upon Mature deliberation taken concerning thefe proportions, The Emperor replyed, that theDutchy of Burgundy was his Inheri tance, and therefore not to be difpos'd of, or alienated according to any mans fancy or arbitrement. Concerning the marriage proposed between Francis and Leonera his Sifter 5 That he could refolve no thing without theconfentof Bourbon* to whom he was promifed. That for the bufinefles of Italy ,he would innovate nothing, but ra ther keep all quiet. As for Naples, fince Fr tacit had no right there unto, there was no occafion to make ufe of hi< difclaime. That it would content him much to have Burgundy reftor'd in the fame manner that his great Grand Father Charles injoyed it. And that he accepted well of his Shipping, when he would thinke fit to goe and receive his Crown in Italy. The French on the other fide in- ftead of Bnrgundy offered great fummes of moneys but Charhs in- fifting ftill upon Burgundy, nothing was concluded. So that., lea ving Madrid ',the Emperor went to hold his Courts (or Parliament) at Toledo , where, among other things, it was Petitioned by the E- ftate* airembled, that the Emperor, being now of age to marry, fhould take to wife Donna ifabclla Infanta of Portugati \ and not the Princefle Mary our Kings daughter. While affaires pafled thus betwixt harhs and Fr/wcif, Our King, who knew he mip.ht have ufe of money on thefe occasions, and fhowfoever)did well under ftand that the maintaining of a fure Peace at home,, was almoft as coftly, as the making of a warre a- broad, advifed with his Counccll how to provide himfelfe. Yet JZ1 1525, April]. HaL May 8. The Life and astheCardinall had undertaken the King ftiould never want , as long as he might mannage the publique affaires } So they gladly difcharged themfeives on him. But Princes ought to take heed, into whofe hands they commit their extraordinary power, leaft it hazard their ordinary ,it being the Clue of that Labyrinth of State, which ought not rafMy to be put into anothers hand. Neither fhould they inforce any thus violently 5 when bufineflfe may be doneinacalme and gentle manner. The Harmony of Govern ment confiding in fuch a delicate proportion, that no one part can fafelybe drained higher , unlefle the reft may well be tuned and accorded thereunto. This appear 'd in the Aclions of this yearc, (being the feventeenth of the Reigne of our King,) when, Com- miffioHs being granted forth into all the Counties of Englmd^ for the levying the fixth part of every lay-mans goods, and the fourth of the Clergies 5 The people, in generall took it fo ill, that it was like to have grown to a Rebellion 5 alleadging, Firft, That thefe Com millions were again ft the Law. Secondly, their own pover ty, and that the King, fince the foureteenth of his Reign, had of them twenty fifteens. But as this feem'd to be done, without that the King was fully informed thereof, fo when the fequence appeared, it was refolved to difavow the whole proceeding. Our King therefore, by Letters fent through all the Counties of Eng land, declar'd, he would have nothing of them but by way of be nevolence : This got the Cardinall many a Curfe 3 and the King as many Bleffings. Not with (landing, under this Title of Benevolence he required great fummesof all his Subjects, and particularly of the Citizens of London. But one of their Lawyers anfwered, that by the Statute, i*.Ri. tertri, Cap. fecund*, Cuch Benevolences i were forbidden. But it was replied , That Lawes made by ufur- I pers oblige not Legitimate Princes. That Richard the third, was not only a Tyrant, but a Murtherer of his own Nephews, and therein more fit to fuffer by the Law, then to make any. There fore his intentions, were, only by popular and licentious wayes, to obtain the favour of the Commonalty, as having no other means to fubfift. That our King, being the true and undoubted heire of the Crowne, could betyed hereby no further then it pleased him- felfe 5 it being abfurd to think, that a Statute invented by a fadious affembly, andapprov'd no otherwife then by aCriminallinthe higheft degree, fliouldbinde an abfolute and lawfull Monarch, wherefore if they had no better evafion, it were not fit to maintain this. Thereupon the Cardinall purpofing to examine tht in one by one, concerning what they would give, hee begins with the Lord Major : But the Major defiring leave not to declare himfelfe fully 3 till he had fpoken with the Common-Councell of the City, the Cardinall wifht him and the reft of the Aldermen to come to him privatly, and give what they would. In the Country yet, (where they feem'd more obfrinatej fome Ring-Leaders of the peo pie ofKjng Henry the eighth. people (who had taken Armes) upon the perfwafion of the Duke ofNorfoltg and Suffolk^ fubmitted themfelves, and were brought to London, and there imprifoned. The King yet, perfifringinhis intention nottopunifeany on this occafion, ^as being advertis'd that the Common fort of his fubje&s excufed themfelves by their want of meanes,- and not ofaffedion to fupply his MajefKes occafi- ons) brought the matter to the Counfell- Table, where the Cardi nal^ by way of Apologie^ faid, that he had done nothing herein, without advifing fir ft with the Judges, who affirm'd positively, the King might lawfully demand any furmne by Commiffion, and that the Counfell of State confirmed this courfe. But the King faying that he was made beleeve his Subjects were richer then indeed hee found them by this Commiffion , all the fault was laid on the falfe informers, and Pardon given to all thofe who had denyed the for mer Benevolence. Hereupon the offenders were brought to the Star-Chamber 5 where, after a fharp charge laid againit them by the Kings Counfell-Learned, the Cardinall faid, That, notwith- ftanding their grievous offences, the King, in confederation of their poverty, had granted them his gracious Pardon, upon Condition, that they would give in, fureties for their good behaviour hence* forth. Eut they replying, that they had none$ The Cardinall firft, nd after him the Duke of Netj&tfy faid they would (land bound for them, wherewith they were difeharged. The Cardinal) who, by a Concurrence of the Papall and Regall authority, had fuppretfed divers Monafteries, and given that Ter ror to thereft, that he drew large (ummes from them, would not yet defift fo 5 but continued ftill his purpofes of converting the pro- its ofall thefe, which by any colour, might be reputed Supernu merary, unto other ufes, among which while he reduced the Mo- Suffcx, A difguifed company, in ftrange vi- la ~ors, taking the Channons along with them, reimplaced them, and b departed; promifing,at the ringing of their Abbey-Bell,to come at all times to their fuccours. But thefe Apparitions did not long :iauntthehoufe$ for the King's Counfell, under (landing hereof "o examined the Channons ? that they at laft confefled the Authors, who therefore were fent for, and grievoufly puniflicd. TJie Car dinall thus every way eftabliffiing his authority, was thought by this time, between vifitations, making of Abbots, ProbatsofTe- ftaments, gr anting of Faculties, Licences, Difpen fa tions, and ma ny other way es, befides the great Penfionshehad from Forraine Princes, to have made his Treafury equall to the Kings ( Not with- (landing the fummes he often tranfmitted to Rowe-^) in which way of inriching himfelfe,one John A Hen Dodor of Law, his Chaplain, accompany ed with a great Traine, and riding from one Religious houfe to another, in a kind ofperpetuall progreflfe, or vifitation, did the Cardinall no little fervice. But as this at laft became a pub- lique grievance, fd the King tooke notice of it 3 in fo ftarp a man ner 1525 Hall. Hall. Hall. The Life an ner, that the Cardinall was enforced, not only to excufe himfelfe with much fubrni(Iion 3 but to promife never to do fo any more^pro- tefting with all that he had made a Laft Will.or Teftament, where in he had left a great part of his Eftatc unto his Highnefle. Upon which fubmiffionof theCardinalls (as I take it) the King fenthim this Letter, written all with his own hand, as we find it in our Re cords. As touching the matter of Wilton^ feeing it is in no other ftraine then you write of, and you being alfo fo fuddenly (with the falling Ilck of your fervants)afraid, and troubled, I marvaile not that it over- flipped you as it did. But it is no great matter, /landing the cafe as it doth; for it is yet in my hand, as I perceive by your Letter and your default was not fo great, feeing the Eledion was but con- ditionall. Wherefore, my Lord, feeing the humblenefle of your fubmiflion, and though the cafe were much more hey nous, I can be content for to remit it, being right glad,that, according to mine intent, my monitions and warnings have been benignely and lo vingly accepted on your behal fe, promifing you, that the verv af- feftion I beare you caus'd me thus to doe. As touching the hel pe of Religious Houfes to the building of your Colledge, F would it were more, fo it be lawfully 5 for my intent is none, but that it fhould fo appeare to all the world, and the occafion of all their numbling might be fecluded and put away 5 fbr,furely, there is great murmuring of it, throughout all the Realme, both good and bad. They fay not that all that is ill gotten is beftow'd upon the Colledge, but that the Colledge is the cloake for covering all mif- chiefes. This grieveth me, I allure you. to heare it fpokeri by him, which I fo intirely love. Wherefore , me thought I could doe no lefle,then thus friendly to admonifh you. One thing more I per ceive by your own Letter, which a little rre thiuketh toucheth Confcience, and that is, that you have m>. i ved money of the Ex* empts for having of their old Vifitors. Surely, this c..n hardly be with good Confcience. For, and they were good, why fhould you take money > and if they were ill, it were a finfull ah How- be it your Legacy herein might, peradventure, spud Homines be a j cloake, but not apudDeum. Wherefore, you, thusmonifhedby him who fo intirely loveth you, I doubt not, will defift, not onely from this, ( if confcience will not beare it) but from all other things, which fhould tangle the fame 5 and.in fo doing, we will (ing, Te Laudant Angeli atqxe Archangeli^ Te Laudat Qmnis Spirit w. And thus an end I make of this, though rude, yet loving Letter, defiring you as benevolently to take it, as I doe meane it, for I enfureyou (and, I pray you thinke it fqj that there remaineth, at this houre, no fparke of difpleafure towards you in my heart. And thus fare you well, and be no more perplext. Written with the hand of your loving Soveraigne and Friend, HENRT R. One of K^ng Henry the eighth. One of the liberties which our King took at his fpare time was to love. For, as all recomendable parts concurred in his Per- fon, and they., againe, v/ere exalted in his high dignity and valour, foit muft feeme lefle ftrange, if amid the maay faire Ladies, which liv'd in his Court, He both gave and received temptation. A mong whom, becaufe Mifrrefle Elizabeth Blunt, daughter to Sir lohn Ehmt Knight, was thought, for her rare Ornaments of nature, and education, to be the beauty and Miftrefie-peece of her time, that entire afTeftion part betwixt them, as at laft (he bore him a Sonne. This Childe, proving fo equally like to both his Pa rents, that hee became the beft Embleme of their mutuall af- feftion, was call'd Henry Fitz,-Roy by the King , and fo much avow'd by him, that having now attained the age of Six years, Hee was made Knight publiquely, and the fame day created Earle of Nottingham^ Duke of Richmond and Sonterfct^ and Lieutenant Generall beyond Trent, and Warden Generall of the borders of Scotland, and * fhortly after Admirall of Eng land. After which, hee was firft bred up together with Henry Earle of Surrey, in the Caftle of Windsor (which the Earle elegantly defcribes in a Sonnet extant in his workcs) from whence (November 1532.^ they went both together to Study at ?*.-, which acquaintance and friendfhip was indear'd againe by a match of the faid Duke with Mary the Earles Sifter ; by whom yet he had no iflTue. Howbeit, I find, hee was very perfonable and of great expectation, infomuch that hee was thought, not only for nabi- lity of body, but mind to be one of the rareft of his time, for which reafon alfo he was much cherifhed by our King, as alfo be caufe he had no iiTue Male by his Queene 3 nor did^ perchance, ex peft any. The Cardinall had now built his faire Palace at Hampton- Court. But as hee wifely confidered, that it would but adde unto that envy for which hee had already fuffered fb much , He gave it the King, who, in exchange, permitted him to live in Richmond Houfe. The Credit that Luther, at this time, had gotten among thofe Germans, who were either weary of their obedience to the finder parts of Ecclefiafticall Government, or defirous to reforme the errours and abufes of it, (now fo generall, as even Pope Adrian himfelfe confeffed that many were crept into Rome ) had prevailed farre. Yet as others examined which way hee tooke to make his Reformation, fo they thought Religion yet not fo exaclly formed, but that it might bee caft in a better Mold. Therefoie not onely Hnldrjcuf Znin^litff , at T.urich^ beganne a Reformation fome- what varying from that of Luther -, but one Muncer in the confines of Turingi* , having invented a Doftrine, opoofite X enough 1525 1519. Juce.iS. 1532; Novenib. 15*5 1534* June 7. The Life an enough to the Church of Rome, yet differing from the other Reformers in many things., Publifhed it with much ap- plaufe of the inferior fort. Foi, as he fain'd hee had power r rcm God to depofe Princes , and fubftitute others., and that, againe, Hee taught., All goods fhould be Common, and di vers other Articles tending to Popularity , He was followed by huge multitudes. To temper yet this licentious Dodrine, He Preached Aufterity of life $ councelling Men to Prayers, Fa ilings, and all other devotions 5 which might argue. His in tention was *iot fo much to invade other Men's pofleflions, as to eftablifh a Moderate Equality. Thus did hee feafon falfe- boods with Truths, and ill with good, while the vulgar fort, who could not diftinguifh betwixt them, admired, and follow ed all. To remedy thefe fo dangerous affemblies and opini ons, the chiefe neighbouring Princes raifed fome Forces f, and prevailed fo farre , that , at laft , they diffipated , and kiil'd their whole Army- Neither was it difficult , they , for their beft defence, finging onely a Pfalme , (whereby they invoked the Holy Ghoft) while Muncer (who it feemes trufted lead to bis own DoftrineJ fled away 5 yet being purfued and taken, together with his Companion phifir , they fhortly after loft their Heads. His Seel yet tooke not his end fo 5 as being re vived againe, in part, not many yeares after, by lohn ofLeyden and Kuipper Doling, who, to his other impieties added this, that in a throng of people, being borne upon mens Shoulders, he would breath on them^and bid them receive the Holy Ghoft. Such was the generous difpofition of our King, that not onely for Tr^nck then a Prifoner, but the expulfed King of Denmark?^ Chriftiern, he interceded with his beft Offices. Therefore, this yeare, he fent Henry Stan dffi Biflnop of Saint Afaph, and S\? Henry 'Raker Knight toperfwade his Subjects to recall him home ; whence yet nothing had chafed him fo much as the guilt and horror of fhedding fo much bloud there (fo great a perfecuter is Cru elty of it felfe : ) But the angry Danes obftinately denyed. The next inftance then was, that at leafc his Sonne (who was Ne phew to Charles) might fucceed. But this alfo was refufed 5 They alleadging they dur ft not commit the fupreame power over them' felves , into the hands of one 3 who, they thought would imitate and revenge his Father. The French King being weary of his reftraint in //^/y.had defirec he might be removed into Spaine ^ both as he hoped the Emperor might be perfwaded to come to fpeech with him there^ as that he reputed change of Prifon to be a fecond liberty. Charles dt Lanoy alfo concurr'd in this requeft , as fearing he might : be taken out of his hand. Having obtained this favour , he founc not yet the Emperor fufficiently difpofed to fee him. though other- wife Henry the eighth. wife he could notcomplaine of being either debar'd the pleafure of hunting, or any other reafonable exercife. Finding yet ftill that the Emperor dideftrange himfelfe fomuch, as not to vouchfafe him one vifit, he fell tick 5 for he did not think that his misfortunes had made him forfeit his dignity $ or that, for being a Prifoner of war, he had extinguished his Title to be a King. Charles under (lan ding thi , whether out of compaffion, orfeare of looflng Francis.) refolves to goe to him at the Alcazar de Madrid, where, coming to his chamber he embrac'd Francif^ who faid prefently Mon-ficur^ veys aqiti vueftro efc hv0j The Emperor anfwered again No Sinojbuen herntAtio^y Atnigolibre. The King replied No Sino^ vttesfrocfclavo. The Emperor anfwered againe , No Sino^ lilrcamigo^y btten hern?*- nt)'-> and thereupon wiftit him to have a care of his health, which hemuchdefired, and that his bufinefles would fucceed well. The Emperor not thinking this curtefie fijfficient, returnes to fee him the next day again } which fo comforted Francis^ that he amended fuddenly. Whereupon the Emperor refolved to returnetohis bufineiles at Toledo. But Madame Marquerite Duckejfidc Alancen^ Sifter to Francn^ hearing of his ficknefle, madehaftetofeehim. Whom therefore the Emperor courteoufly entertained, and ac companied to her brother's lodgtng^where,after manyaffe&ionate proteftationSj he left them together, and fo held on his Journey to T0 W<^whcther Midar/tede AlanconjbQt many dayes after, followed him,mediating flill the delivery of her brother. To whom fhe de- fir'd the Emperour to give his Sifter Leonora^ upon the conditions above-mentioned , and that the King, her brother, would provide for Eourbon a match equall to this^wherein fhe was thought to have intimated her felf, as being newly made widow by the death of her husband,the Duke ^Alincon. As for the right of "Bur gundy fhe defi- red it might be determined by way of juflice before the 1 2 Peers of FM*rd;but the Emperor difliked this,faying,that he was conten ted that learned perfons in the Law on both fides flhould treat here of, and that the Pope ftould be Umpire 5 but Madame alfo did not approve this. The French writers adde, that promife was made by Francis at this time alfo,that the KingofF/TgA/W/hould receive in- tire fatisfa&ion. Madame dc Aldncf.n^ finding at laft how little her in- treaties prevail'd, defi red lea veto return, and by the way to fee her brother, which was granted. Here then was proposed how he might efcape,which was at laft refolv'd, by changing cloathes with a Negre, who carried Wood and Coales to the King's chamber, and blacking his face with Cole-dud. Which invention as it is like enough to be a LadieV, and fomewhat better then the lending him her Maske, I have thought fit to give her the ho nour of. This plot was kept fecret , onely betwixt the King, his Sifter, one Clement chappionhis Chamberlaine, and an other Trcafurer. But Monfetir de la Reche^ot ftriking th\sCh*pp*0non fome occafion, he, as being difcontented and without remedy, X a flyes deSeir. 178 1525. The Life am flyes to the Emperor, and difcovers all. The EmperoYyet would not fuddenly beleeve it^ nor without better inquiry in to the bufinefle } as not thinking ("if one may beleeve theSpa- nyard my Author) that the King of France would, in fuch an undecent and unworthy manner , procure his liberty. There fore, in favour of this conceit of the Emperor's, hee fo reprefents the crime, as if Francif ought to beleeve, that it was more Ho. norable for him toftay in prifon } thenefcape it 5 howfoeverit feemes his ancient courage was fo farre from being abated^as it in- crea,fed rather by his clofe keeping. Therefore he fent Monjieur fie Montmorancy to tell Charles ^ that he was refolved toindureany thing fooner than to reftore#r<7#Wj/, or yeeld through conftraint that which did not become him, fo that he defired onely to know the place of his Imprifonment^ and number of his attendants. The Emperor anfwered, that he was content to appoint him a place, and to nominate thofe that fhould guard him 5 for the reft, pro tefling that it griev'd him much that Francis fhould refufc to doe that for the Ranfotne of his pei fon, which he was bound to doe, for the fake of Juftice only. But ample Commiflion and confent be ing come from Madame the Regent and Parliament of parti to tranfaft a further agreement , Francis demanded that he might \\weDonna Leonora^ and, for her Portion, the Counties of Mtfc&n and AuxcrC; promiiing, in confederation thereof, to reftore the reft of Burgundy.* But to this demand of Leonora^ C harks anfwered a*- gaine that being obliged to the Duke of Bourbon, he could do no thing therein without acquainting him firft : yet, tofatisfiethe King, he fent to Bourbon^ to let him know how much it con cerned hiirL that Francis might have Leonora, But Bourbon (it is doubtful! whether out of his former contumacy andftubborn- nefle, or out of a violent affeftion to the Lady) anfwered, that hee had loft great pofleffions in France^ only to have the Honor to match in that neereneffe of bloud to the Emperour.This feem'd much to trouble Charles } at laft, fending for Bourbon ,he of- fer'd him,in recom pence of Leonora the Inveftiure.jof Milan^ which Bourbon accepted, the writings or Patent for which my Author fay- eth he faw in Simanca, not cxprefling in the meane while, how this concurr'd with the Inveftiure, which, a little before, he faith, the Emperour gave to Francefco Sforza.To reconcile which difficulty I (hall produce (but of a difpatch extant in our Records)the reafon, as I conceive iti for though Charles had (together with the pofTeffi- on) granted Sfirz,/tthe Inveftiture of Milan 3 yet it was upon condi tion, that Sfarza fhould pay him twelve hundred thouiand Crowns towards his charges, and that the faid Inveftiture fhould remaine in the hands c&Laney^ till the warre ofltafy were ended. But Sfor&a finding this too hard, joyned with the adverfe Party, and gave oc- cafion to the Emperor to beftow the Invefriture on Bowkon. And he had reafon to be content therewith 5 For Donn* Zww^V^hearing of offing Henry the eighth. of this competition about her, decided the controverfie in favour of Francis ? fending word to the Ernperour, that fte had rather be a Queene of France then wife to Bourbon. This while^the Pope,the Venetians,and Princcsof Italy on the one fide Leagued together for the defence ofjtaly againft the Emperor inviting alfo our King into the treaty^our king on the other,media- ted for Francis '-, neither did it diminifli the fulpition Duke ofvendofme, Duke of Lon- gkeville, Contte Saint Paul, MY.de Lantrech, Mr. ds Montmorancy, Mr.de Preffi^ Comte dc Malevfe, and Comte de Bryan, as alfo the principall Cities, ?arif^Ly 0ns, Orleans^ loloja^ Amiens, Riuen&c. fhall, un der the Obligation and forfeit of all their goods, fweare hereunto, toobfervethi- Treaty, within three Monethes ;>fter the date here of, (in which alfotheirhteires and fucceflbrs fliallbe comprehen ded ) giving, for thi< purpofe, a Bond with their Seale annexed, to be fent to the King of England, within three Monethes. Moreover certaine Bonds were given for the debts and moneys hereafter fpe- cified. viz. Two Millions of Crown?, at the payment of fifty thoufand Crownes at a time in Calais, The firft payment to begin within fourty dayes after the Treaty. The fecond the firft of No- ^ew^rnextinfuing. The next the firft of May following, andfo from terme to terme, and yearetoyeare, till the whole be fatis- fied to King Henry or his fucceflbrs. After the payment of which, the faid King Henry mail, duringhislife fand no longer ) receive yearely the fumme of 100000 Crownes. This Treaty was concluded Aug. 30, by the Commiffionerson both fidesztfz,. for our King, WiUiam Arch Bifhop ofCxnt. Thomas Car/if Ebor. Thomas Duke ofNorfilfy, Henry Marque(Ieof.xw, Charles Earle of Worcester, Nzche/asftifhopof Ely, andSirT/^^^f Moore. For the Regent of France, were lohn "Brinon, Premier Prefi- dtnt de Roiien, and Giovanni Joachim Seigneur de Fanlx,Mr. de Hoftel to Lcuife. And was * proclaimed in September 5 and^ in oftober lohn . - .^ Taylor J %i n g Henry the eighth. Taylor Doctor of Law,and Sir William Fit^WiUiam were fent into France , to take the Regents Oath. By another Treaty this yeere at Lyons ., I finde the Regent obliged herfelfe to pay all the Arre- rages due to Mary our Kings fifrer out of France^ by reafon of her marriage with Louis the twelfth, as alfo to fuffer her to enjoy the profits and rents of all the Lands left her in joynture^according to the Treaty o8nb. 8. 1514. Francej co Sforza being informed now that a ftrong League was intended by the Pope, Venetians , and divers others , againft the Emperor, was perfwaded to enter into it , upon pretence that by their affiitance he might fufficiently defend hisCountrey. But this was his ruine^for the Marquefle of Pefcara understanding here of or (as others lay) fuppofing it onely, queftions him 5 but ^Sforz* denying conftantly that ever he gave his confent thereto, the Marquefte demanded the Caftle of Milan and Cremona for fecurity. Rut Sforza utterly refufingthis, the Marquefie of Pefcara tooke Mi/an and laid ficge to the Caftlefwhich onely remained to Sforza) and after Pefcara s death (which happened by ficknelle) the Duke ofB0Hrb byCafodt KUCHA Efperattca, and fo firft compafled the Globe , Juan Sebaftia* de CAHO a Bisfayan being Pilot. The other (hip was taken by the Portugutz,. Yet, as the Continent towards that Sea was unknowne (till, Francefc* Picarro living at Panama ( being the furtheft part of Land, where it is narrowcft, betwixt the North Ocean and 'the Mar del Zur) firft attempted the * difcovery of that Coaft , bending at laft to Per, which afterwards he * Ranfackt , For landing his men at a time when there was diflcnfion betwixt Guancar the lawfull heire, and AtA\>A\ivA his younger brother , he made his advantage thereof, to the overthrow of both , and of Atabaliva firft , in this pretext. Picarro having his Forces in a readine{Te,fcnt a Dominican Frier, with a Crofle in one hand, and a Breviary in another , who (as the Spanifti writers have it) told Attbaliva (then in the head of his Army) that God was Three, and yet One , and that he made the World of nothing, and that he fent his Sonne down to be born of a Virgin, and to die for our firvnes upon a Groflfe, like that he bore * and that he rofe the third day; and left Saint Peter his Vicar, and the Pope his Succeflbr , who had given the Emperor that Countrcy , if he would not belive this , commanding him alfo to make War,and deftroy him & his Religion. lAtabaljva^viho though full of fuperftitious worfliip', did yet venerate a fupreme Deity (confeflfed in thefe parts by the name ofyiracochA&rBaracochaji* in Mexico by that of TV f/>. and in GnatiMala by that ofCab0vit 9 m Nueva Efpantta by that of Tecahuvaguawaorcceti^ and together acknow ledged Vertue and Vice, Reward and Puni(hment, after this life., as believing the foule Immortall 5 found this Ambaflage ftrange, and faid,he believed no Power on earth was fuperiour to himfelfe, yet that he would be glad to hold friendfliip with the Emperor $ and for the Pope,he wondred at him, becaufe he gave that which was none of his. As for his Religion, he would not difputc it,fince it was fo ancient,and received in his Countrey. And,for wor (hip ping of Ghrift that died, he faid., he thought he had done better in worfhipping the Sunne and Moon that never died , as believing (which I finde by the Hiftory of the Incas , written by one of that Blood-Royall) that the Sunne did goe about the World on Gods Garci laflo dt Vega. ' errand. Laftly, he demanded , who told him that God had made the World on that fafiaior*? To which the Dominican anfwering, the Breviary, and together putting it in his hands 5 Atabaliva tur ning over a few leaves (as if heexpcdcd fome fuch exprcffion from thence ) but finding he underftood nothing, threw it away, wherewith the Dominican exclaiming that the Gofpell was on the ground, and demanding vengeance, ricar difcharged foinc great Ordnance, and his fmall (hot again ft him, wherewith the terrified Indians of Kjng Henry the eighth. Indians fled, and Attbuliva was taken prifoner. AtabtHv* hereupon offers for his ranfome as much Gold and Silver as would fill a great Sala or Roome whe^e they were, which being accorded and al- mofi: performed in effed, P/^rrhimfelfe came at laft to ill deaths, as the Spa- nifh Writers obferve. Howfoeverforthe prefent, the Spaniards proceeded in their Cruelty to others, of all forts, efpeciallyof the Blood- Royal 1 5 and got infinite Treafure, their Temples being planked with Gold, and their graves full of Treafure and Riches^ which were buried with them. But I doubt I have infifted too long upon thefe Barbarifmes. The yeerc of our Lord r 5 2 6 was now entered when Charles re quired hisGouncellto advife him whether it were beft to deli ver Francis } and if fo , upon what terms t Charles de, Laoy Vice- Roy of Naples did not thinke fit the Emperor fhould lofe the be nefit of fuch a prize , Therefore, though he perfwaded the deli- vei y of Franc ff , yet he wiflit that the moft advantageous condi - tions that could be made thereof mould be taken fuddenly 3 and before the League, which was now forming againft him, could be concluded. That, this being done 3 the Emperor was more free to provide for the buimefle of Germany^ to refift the Turke , and to fupprede Barbarexa and other Pirats that infefted his Seas. Ci thers , and among them Gattinara the Chancellor, faid,that there was lefTe danger of Francis being in prifon then abroad 5 efpccially, (ince it did not appeare fufficiently , the new League would be broken off, when Francis had his liberty _, but rather firengthned and confirmed , as being not directed fo much for the delivery of Francises oppofed to the greatneileof Charles. That many things might be done while Francis was unfetled, which wou'd take no elTccl when he were reftored to his former eftate. Therefore, his befrcourfe were to finde fomemeanes to reverfe thec jldren of his Prifoner , and other affaires in Frrfm being in prifon would not make reflitutionof Eur^ttndy^ he would muchlefledoe it when he were free. Hernanflo de Vega, faid , that Francis was very well in Madrid. To which, Gattinara replied refolutely. there might be ufe both of detaining and letting him goe } onely, fince he faw fo little hope of perfor mance fwhat fecurity foever were given ) he thought it beft ei ther to let him goe freely , and therein put a perpetual! Obliga tion upon him, or to keep him ftill where he was. This was a wife advife. The Emperor yet chofe rather to adhere to them who coun- 1525 1526 *Tbe Life an Jan. 14. counfelled him to prevaile himfclfe of the occafion. Therefore, confidering Francis offered his two Sonnes for Hofbges, while himfelfe going to France, mediated with the Efiates for reftoring "Burgundy : and that, without this perfonall interceffion there was little hope of any fatisfa&ion or peace -, he thought it beft to de liver Francis, as that which at leaft would declare to the Chriftian World, that he defired the quietnefle thereof. So that upon the fourteenth of January a Treaty (called the Concord of Madrid) wasconcluded,the Tenor whereof according to the mod: fubftan- tiall Articles is here fet down. Charles the Emperor,and on his part Charles deLanoy Vice-Roy ofNaples, Hugo de Moncada , and Juan Aleman : And Francis le Roy Tres'Chrifticn^nd on his part Francis Archbifhop of Ambrun^ and Jean de Selue Primier Preftdent du Parliament de Paris 3 and Philip Chabot, having Commiffion from Madame LeuiJJ'e Regent of France^ in vertueof the power given her by Francis ^ before his imprifon- ment ( thought therefore Authenticke ) did upon the day and yeere above written Treat, Accord , and conclude thefe Articles following : 1 . That there (hall be a good and fecure Peace and Confedera tion eftablifhed between the twoPiinces , fo that they (hall be Friends to the Friends, and Enemies to the Enemies of each other, for the mutuall defence of their Eftaresand Kingdoms. 2. That Traffique and Commerce (hall be renewed betwixt their Subjeds on either fide , upon payment onely of their ancient Cu- ftoms$ and tlm the Sea (hall be fecured from Pirats. g.ThattheDutchy ofBurgvndy 3 together with all the rights, members and dependances, Aall in the name of Him, his Heires, and Succeflbrs, be reftored within the fpace of fix weeks after the Frrf#aV.notwhhftandingany Decrees of Parliaments, pretence of delivery of theSalique Law, or other elaime whatfoever. 4. Becaufe yet/or the better performance of thefe things which are required, the French King alleageth it is neceflary that he (hould prefently repaire home , it is therefore concluded , that upon the tenth of March next the faid French King fhall be fet free in that part of France which ad joyns to Fuentarabie } upon condi tion ne verthelefTe , that at the fame houre and in ftant , (the num ber of Attendants on both fides being equall) the Dolphin his eldeft foune, and Duke of Orleans his fecond fonne, or ( inftead of the faid Duke) Monjteurde Vendofme^Iohn Duke of Albany 3 M0nfieur de St. Pel, Monfleur de Guife , Monfieur de Lautrech, Monjteur de la Val, the Marquis de Salnces^Monjteur de Rieux,the greatSenefchal/ofNer- ntandyjke MarefchalldeMontmorancy ^Monfleur de Brion.and Monfleur de Aubigny> fhould be delivered to Charles as Hoftages till all con ditions were performed 5 which being done, that within the fpace of foure weeks a Ratification by the Parliament of Paris , and all the other Parliaments of the faid Kingdome fhall be delivered unto -- - g-nnin- i urn ofl\mg Henry the eighth. unto Charles? whereupon the faid char Its -doth fweareand pro- mife upon the Faith of a Prince to return the faid Hoftage^, upon condition yet that the third fonne of Francis , being Duke de An- goulefatc D (hould at the fame time be given to Charles , to be kept and brought up in Ms Court, and with him. And the French King doth furthermore promife ? in cafe thefe things were not perfor med, ('that is to fay.,the reftitution of Burgundy ', and the reft in fix weeks, and the Ratification in foure more enfuing) to returne pri- foner to Charles. And, for this purpofe, as he had fworne already, fo when he is at liberty, he (hall renew and conflrmethe faid Oath, before fuch Commiffioners as Charles (hall appoint. And that upon his faid returne to Charleses Hoftages fliould be delivered. 5. That Francis, for Hirnfelfe,hi< Heires, and Succeilbr^ihall re nounce his wh<*le right, claime, and intereft, in all the Kingdomes, Eftates, Lands. and Seigneuries,which are now in the pofleffion of Charles, and efpecially in the Kingdome of Naples , as well for all propriety therein , asanypedlfon or payment demanded for the fame. And that the Invelliture thereof, given by the Apoftolique See to his Anceftors or him , as alfo all Capitulations made to this effect heretofore , fliall not be available for the faid Kingdome of Naples, or for the Eftates of Milan, Gcnoua^Afti , and their depen dencies. And that the Grants or Writings to this pur pofe , whe ther Pontificiall or Imperial!, or onely between him and Fr*ncs r co orza* fhould be delivered to Ch dries. And that Francis (lialljfor [iim,his Heires,and Succdlbrs, renounce all his demand or claime to F Understand all other pUce^ thereabouts, now in the pofiedion of C"^r/e/ 3 together with all fuperiority over them. In lieu where of, the faid Charles promifeth to relinqui(h his Title to Terone. ntdidiei\ the Counties of Bozthngxe., Gttines^Ponthhu , as alfo all the Cities,Townes, Seigneuries on both fides of the River of S&nte^ now in the poflefllon of Francis^ referving onely the Countries of ihonois^ Auxerrois, and Bar far la Seine , which fliall be difpofed of particularly hereafter. And that all other Lands, Townes 5 and Seigneuries not mentioned in the prefents., fhall be reftored to the Lftate in which they were before the Wars. 6. That, in performance of the League defenfive betwixt both ^rinces, they fhall fuffer no hoftile Forces to paffe through either of their Countries, to the hurt or prejudice of the other, and that either Prince being invaded, may have of the other five hundred -lorfe and ten thoiifand Foot , with convenient Artillery (or any efle numberjat the charges of the demandant^and,for the offenfive League 5 that it fhall extend no further then to their joy nt Enemie? 5 and by the mutuall advice and confcnt of both. 7. That a marriage fhall be had and made betwixt f rands and Leonora, a difpenfation for that purpofe being fir ft obtained , and that (he ftiall be delivered to Francis at the fame time that the Ho ftages (hall be reftored by sharks. 8. That 185 1526. 1526. The Life an 8. That her Dowry (hall be two hundred thoufand Crownes de Soldi 5 bcfides her Arras (/. a fldgt given in Sfainc where mar riages are recorded) which did appertaine to her upon her firft marriage. 9. That, befides the aforefaid fumine, theEmperour out of his abundant love to his fitter Leonora , (hall beftow the Counties of MafconoK>AuxerroJf 3 *n& the Seigneury of Bar fur la Seine on her, and her heires males onely. 10. That the Queene Leonora (hall renounce all rights of Goods or Heritage that might defcend to her from the part of her Grand father Maximilian^ her father King rkilip^oi Queen Joane her mo ther, fave onely the collaterall fucceflion , in cafe the faid Charles or his brother Ferdinand (hould die without iflue. 1 1. That the faid Queene Leonora (hall receive from Francis Jewels to the value of fifty thoufand Crownss to remainc to her 3 her heires and fucceflbrs. i a. That if the faid Francis jfcti Leonora (hall have iflue male betwixt them, the eldeft (bnne (hall be Duke of Alancon^ and have in poflefiion the Dutchy thereof, conferrd on him by Francis^ and dn his mothers part the above-mentioned Counties of Mafconois, Auxtrrois , and Bar far la Srine^ and that his other fonnes (hall be provided for according to the degree, referving ftill the right be longing to the Dolphin. And that the daughters (hall have fuch portions as the Kings of France ufually give. 13. That , in cafe Francis die before Leonora, (he (hall have for Arras fixty thoufand Livres Tournois of &ent 5 yeerly to continue, during her life onely. 1 4. That , in cafe Leonora furvive Francis 3 it may be lawfull for her to returne to Spaine^F landers > or Burgundy, and carry with her all her Goods and Jewels ^ and that before the folemnity of the faid Marriage, the feale of the faid King and Dolphin , and of the eftates and principall places of the faid Kingdomeof France^ to gether with due acknowledgements and obligations mall be given, to the intent they may be forc'd to the accompliftiment thereof, both by way of Excommunication 5 and alfo by Arrefts , and de taining of all perfons of the faid Kingdome , of what quality foever. 1 5. That a marriage (hall be folemnized between Francis the Dolphin, fonne and heire to Franc? ^and Donna Maria daughter to Leonora, and her firft husband Manuell ' 5 in words defutnro^ when the faid Lady (hall attaine to feren yeeres of age. and by words depr*- fenti when (he (hall be twelve. And that her brother Don Juan King of Portugal! (hall give his confent thereunto, with fufficient provifi- on for her Dowry. 1 6. That the faid Infanta Maria (hall at twelve yeers of age be conduced to France, and configned to Francis. 17. That Frantir (hall ule his beft means todifpofe Henry aT Al- of Kjng Henry the eighth. together with his Brothers and Sifters to renounce their Title to Navarre , or when they could not procure any fuch dif- claime, not to aflift htm or them in their pretences. That Francis likewife (hall ufe his beft meanes to difpofe the Duke of Gneldrcs to leave f after his life ) the Dutchy of Guddrts and County of Zutphen to Ch>rles , or when he could not procure this, to aflift cW/e called upon for fathfacHon inthefe particulars, Francis {hall take the bufineffe on himfclfc, and defend it as his owne, without that Charles (hall be any way molefted therein. a i. That, becaufe this particular Treaty is made in the way >f a Geoerall League , intended to be agreed on and concluded icreafter againft Turkcs 5 Infidels , and Heretiques j therefore, Y that .87 1526. July 19. 1522. i88 [526. The Life and *Raigne that fupplication fhouid be made in both their names unto his j Holineile , that he would write unto all Chrifmn Princes and j Effotes to joyne herein 5 as alfo to Authorize a Cruzada for; the faid Enterprize 5 to endure at leaft for three yeeres next enfuing, not exempting Ecclefiafticall perfons from it. And, if need be 5 that Charles and Francis fhouid go in perfon to this Holy warre by Sea 3 that then they (hall joyne and unite their forces together with thofe of the great M after of the Knights of I Saint John of Jerufalem , and lliti CbelMifeJf $ or., if the danger ap- j peare not fo great, as to require their prefence in the faid Warre., I that then a Generall for conducing the faid forces mall be ap- [ pointed by Charles 5 or, if otherwife it mould be thought neceflary j themfelves fhouid goe in perfon,that then Ambaftadors and Com- miffioners fhouid be appointed to refide in each others Domini ons for the determining of all differences that fheuld arifein their abfence. 22. That, becaufe Charles Duke of Bourbon , together with di vers of his Friends, Allies, and Servants, did fora while abfent themfelves from France , and the fervice of Francis , and that for this caufe the Dutchies ofBourbon.Auvergne., Chajielerautjhe Coun ties of ClertKont.&c.hi&d been taken away from them, it is agreed, thatFraw/j prefently,oratfurthefi in-fix weeks after his delivery, (hall redore unto the faid Duke of Bourbon., as well as to all the reft of his Friends, Allies, and Servants, (whether Ecclefiafticall or fecular) their former pofleffions , together with the juft value of all the Goods that have been taken from them , as alfo the Wri tings or Deeds by which the faid Poffeflions were formerly held, and alfo the true profit of the faid Lands and, Pofleffions , during their abfence,and to (lay all fuits and proceedings againft them on this occafion. Furthermore, that tbe faid Duke fhall not be con- ftrained perfonalty to appeare in the French Court, but that he mayadminifter, and difpofe of all his E date and Poffeflions 3 by fufficient Deputies and Officers appointed thereunto , and receive the Revenues thereof, in fuch place as himfelfe fhall chufe, when it were out of France. And that the faid Officers fhall not be mo- lefted in execution of their charge. And, as for the Right the faid Duke oi Bourbon pretends to the County of Provence., and the De pendencies thereof, it is agreed that a juft and equal! hearing and decifion thereof fhall be permitted and given before competent Judges , whenfoever the faid Duke (hall recommence his former fuit therein 5 and that the faid Duke, his Friends, Allies, and Ser vants, may without prejudice to their Rights or Pofleffions fbiy or continue in the fervice of the Emperor. And that, for performing of allthefe particulars abovementioned , Frames fliall give good and fufficient warrant and aflurance , according to form of Law, and the terms ufuall in this cafe. s^.That of Kjng Henry the eighth. 22. That , before the fifteenth of February next all prifoners on both fides, and particularly rhilibert Prince of Anrange lhall (without paying any Ranfome) be fetfree and returne to their feverall Counties, unlefle their Soveraignes by mutuall confent doe otherwife determine. 24. That all Rebels and Fugitives on either fide lhall be re manded, fonely thofe in the Dutchy of Milan , Genoua, and County of Afti cxcepted) who fhall be freely pardoned, and within fix Moneths reftored to their former Eftates. As for thofe who are charged with heynous crimes of that nature, as they cannot be returned home , without fcandall and inconve nience , it is agreed, that upon a Moneths warning they fhall de part from thofe places to which they are retired, upon the penalty of being apprehended , and fent to their lawfull Soveraigne or Superior. 2$. That all Prelates and Ecclcfiafticall perfons, asalfoall Subjects , of what condition foever, fhall on either fide returne to their former Places, Eftates, and Pofleffions, notwithftan- ding any Confifcation , Guift , or Alienation thereof whatfo- ever. 26. That, becaufe in the Cortes of Caftitta , the Gonfuls and Univerfity of Burgos had complained or divers loffes they had received , contrary to fome ancient Priviledges , ( both before and fince thefe warrcs ) which they pretend to hold from the Aneeftors of the moft Chriftian King as Duke ofBrzttanj, it is therefore agreed , that upon verification of the particulars 3 the faid priviledges (hall be confirmed, and a friendly end made , or otherwife Juftice done on the offenders. 27. That, becaufe the Clothes made in Cdtalnnna, RoftU$n t Ctrdenna , and other places of the Cro wne of Arragen , are not permitted to be carried through the Territories of France into other Countries without danger of Confifcation -, it is therefore agreed , ifcat paying their ancient Cuftomes 5 they fhall have a, free way id paffage, both by Sea and Land, along all the French Dominions. 28. Becaufe Madame M {'andnototherwife x ) be received thereinto at any time within the fpace of fix moneths next enfuing. 42. Item ) that F rant is being fet at liberty, (hall in the firft Towne he (hall come to within his Kingdome, give Letters Pat- tents for the ratification of this Accord , and fend them to Charles. And that the Dolphin, when helhall attaine the ageoffourteen^ (hall likewife ratifie them with a folemne Oath , in which he fhall renounce all advantages., which by minority of age he might take hereafter to infringe the faidOath. 43. Item 3 that both Charles and Francis (hall ratifie this pre- fent Capitulation and Agreement, and all that is contained there in, (each for his part) before AtnbafTadors appointed for this purpofe '-, and efpecially Francis 3 when he is free in his King- dome 5 (hall fweare folemnely upon the Evangelifrs in the pre- fenceof the true Crofle, tokeepe and hold all thu is contained in the faid Capitulation 3 and that both of them (hall fubmit themfelves herein to the Ecclefiafticall Jurifdiclion andCenfure, even to the Invocation of the fecular power to con ftraine them $ And that they fhall appoint their feverall Pro&ors to appeare for them in the Court of Rvme , and before the Pope, where they fhall voluntarily accept the condition and fulmination of the faid Cenfures^ in cafe of Contravention $ And that neither of them (hall demand or fue for abfolution of this Oath or Cenfure $ or if they doe 3 that it fhall not be availeable without the confent of the other. 44. Item., becaufenoman may pretend ignorance 3 it i- agreed that this Peace (hall be publifhed before the fifteenth of February next, both in the Dominions of Charles and Fravcis, and efpecially in the Frontiers 3 and fuch other places as have been accuftomed in the like cafe. This was Signed : Fraucoir^ Carles de Ldnoy 3 DdnHugade Moncada^FrJncois Archevefque de Ambrun 3 Jean de Seine. Chabet. The Treaty betwixt them being concluded in the manner above-mentioned., the Aichbifhopof^^rw*, for the laft Scale Y and Jan, 14. The Life and TZaigne 1526, Sandov* and folemnization thereof, faid MafTe. This being donc,Fra*cis comming to the Altar , and putting his right hand upon the Book of the Evangelifts , (which the faid Archbifhop heldj did fweare by the Sacrament^and the holy Evangelifts, not to break this capi tulation all the daies ofr his life , nor to give counfell or favour that any other (hould breake it. The like Oath was taken by the Vice- Roy of Naples y Don Hugo de Moncada > and the Secretary Akman in the Emperors name. (For the Emperor in perfon did not thinke fit to ballance his free Oath, with that of Francis, then in re- ftraint.) This being performed on both fides, the Vice-Roy took the Faith and Tltyto owenaie (being a kinde of homage) otVrancit, who as a Prince and the moft Chriftian King promifed and gave his fidelity and Royall word to returne into Spaine a prifoner within the fpace of fix moneths , in cafe he did not accomplish all that was there capitulated betwixt them, giving his hands there upon to beheld betwixt thofe of Charles de Lanoy.T\n$ being ended with much feerning content on all parts, the Emperors Commiffio- ners went to Toledo 5 whereupon relation to the Emperor of what was done , it was thought fit to fend the Seigneur de Pratt , Che valier of the To7Jend? Or whohadbeenin England , and was now his Ambaffador in France to meet with the French King at B^ona^ and there to require of him, according to the Articles , a new and more ample ratification of his Oath. Some few daies after this Treaty ( commonly called Concerdia de Madrid} Charles de Lanoy having power and Commiffion from the Queen Donna Leonora > privately contracted a marriage with Franc Jf in her name, and then having Commiffion from him again, went to the Queen Leonora and contracted a marriage with her in the name of Francif. After which time the Emperor treated no more with Francis as a prifoner,but a neere Ally,in fo much that at the next vifit^he offered him the right hand. Tobferve yet the Em peror would not permit Francis to enjoy Leonora hisfiftertillhe had fully accompli fhed the Concord betwixt them. Neither did he,in his laft words to FrancitJ being then licenfed to depart)feem fo fenfib'e of any thing,as of her honour. At which time alfo (for further obligation of Francis unto this agreement; I finde by sa- doval, he demanded of Franc ff whether he remembred well al that was capitulated betwixt them . he got haftily upon a Turkifh and fwift horfe-, and fuddeiily putting Spurs to him ( if we may believe r Sandwxiy -atnd calling one of his Armes over his head 3 and crying le fuis k R for a conclullon, pofitively anfwered, that it was not in his powet todifmember any part from the Kingdome, without confent both of the fame part, and the whole Kingdomc, And therefore, with many loving words, defired that his Ranfome might be changed to fome equivalent fumme of money. But Charles 1 would by no meanes hearken thereunto. Therefore, as he had by Treaty happily detained the Qiieene Leonora from paffing mte France > fo he determined rather (at what price foeverj to take off thePope, Venetians, and Francifco /Jwz,<* 3 and the Florentines ffofti a League they were entering into with Engl*rtdto\& France agakift hirri 5 then to decline anyway the leaft Article of the late Concord andA- greement. This League (called Clementina & Sanftijfiw*} was begunfas the French hav it) by the infngation of our King, during the hnprifon- ment of FrsntK^ but not perfectly concluded, tilt about two Moneths after his delivery. To give this a more aufpicatebeginr- ning. the Popc(a5theSpanifh Hiftoryhathit ) Tent to- theFreftdfejCwafe The fcarcity whereof alfo was the excufe his people made, for not furnifhing thofe Contributions, he demanded. Hereupon our King inquires into the caufes- Among which be- caufe fecret tranfportation of Money was thought one of the grea- teft, he advifes concerning the i einedy. All his Counfellors yet did not concurre in the fame opinion 5 for fome affirm'd, no Mer chant would carry away Coine unleile he found gaine by it 5 And that this, returning home againe, inrich'd the Country. Others faid, there were fubtleties yet, which., if order were not taken, would draine n way our moneys infenfibly, it being manifesto all, that would take the paines to confider it, that, unlefle the Commodities and Coine of our Country kept both Standard and proportion with thofe, with whom we Traffiqued^there would be lofle. That the Crafty Flemrnings, therefore, when they defired to raife the price of their Commodities, inhanfed likewife the va lue of our Money, efpecially Gold 5 /lea ft our Merchants mould be difcouraged to buy, when they find the price of the Commodity fo much rais'd. The confequence whereof was, that our Merchants defired, by ftealth.,to convey over their Money in Specie, as having, thereby, the benefit of the inhancing 5 whereas, if they received it in the Low- Countries by Bill of credit or exchange, they fhould not only loofe this benefit, but pay fomewhat to thofe which fur- nith'd them. Agaiae 4 that when our Merchants had occafion to returne from the Low-Countries 5 they were not fuffered to carry back their Moneys in Specie, but were forc'd to take Letters of Exchange for them in England, by which they loft againe. Thus, notwithstanding all Prohibitions and Searches, great fums were conveyed over, to the impoverifhing of the Kingdome. The one- ly remedy whereof therefore was., tocrjup our Money at home, to the fame Rate that it paffeth at a broad, which will both keepe our Money from Tranfporting, and make the Exchange without lofle : Neither was there other meanes to prevent thefe Inconve niences " which had now extended fo farre, that our Gold was as frequent and currant among our Neighbours, almoft, as at home , Whereas yet, little, 0r none of their Gold was to be found in our ordinary payments. Befides, they made an other advantage here of : For as their Standard was bafer then ours 9 fo they Coined our Gold of K^ng Henry the eighth. Gold ag^ine, and made no little profit that way. Thus did out , neighbours many wayes procure the wealth of their Country and damage of ours 5 and would do more, when timely order were not taken. Which our Hiftorians have thought worth the fetting downe, and my felfe have the more infifted on, both to (hew the rate of Gold and Silver in thofe times, and to help the Reader to underftand the fecond enhanfing under this King Anno i 544. Thereforethus I collect. The Angell-Noble of Gold was hither to in waighr - of an ounce, in eftimation fix (hillings eight pence of Silver, which Silver was two ounces. Thus the proportion of Gold to Silver was twelve to one. Againe, an ounce of Silver (or halfe-AngeUJ pafs'd for three (hillings foure pence 5 fo twelve ounces (or a pound) was ju ft forty (hillings, which is two pound, as we commonly count our Money. But Henry the eighth now, by Proclamation advancing the va lue of both (one tenth partj the Angell was rayfedto feven (hil lings four pence (which was the rate at which it pafs'd in the Lew- Conntryes.} And, confequently , an ounce of Gold eftimated at forty foure (hillings, and an ounce of Silver three (hillings eight pence, and a pound weight at forty foure (hillings, the proportion being (utfttpra) twelve to one. The fudden benefit of this appeared fuchj that, in November following, there was another enhanfing of one forty fourth part. So that the Angell was feven (hillings fix pence, the ounce of Gold forty five (hrllings 3 and the ounce of Sil* ver three (hillings nine pence. And, bythefe meanes, much of our Gold (as our Hiftorians obferve) was brought back again. But Annoi^n^. rhefe Mettalls were againe enhanfed one fifteenth part. So Gold came (from forty five (hillingsj to forty eight (hillings an ounce 5 and Silver ( From three (hillings nine pence an ounce) to foure (hillings, anda pound waight of Silver was forty eight (hillings. This while Solymnn brought two hundred thoufand men into Hnngary^ with which (neere Buck) he wholly defeated the Army of Lorvis King thereof, being forty thoufand, and conftrained him toflyeaway : till, by thefallofhisHorfe, having his Legge in- gaged, he was drown'd in le(Te then a fpan-deep of water and mud, fo that it concern'd all Chriftian Princes to make Peace, but chiefely the Emperour , whofe Sifter King Loiiit had marryed , and whofe brother Ferdinand in the right of his wife, Annc^ Sifter and Heire to the faid King of Hungary and Bohemia claimed to fuc- ceed in both Kingdomes. Francif, being not Ignorant hereof, thought fit to prevail e him felfe of the occafion. Therefore hec fent in September i 526. the Arch-Bifhop of Bovrdeaux (with whom alfo the Nunt io and Venetian Ambaffadours joyn'd offices) to defire the Emperor to fend back his Children, and to accept fome honeft tvanfomeinMoney; promifing, withall, his love and friendfliip. But Charley now incenfed, told the Arch-Bifliop, that,if he would have 201 1526, Sept. Novemb. Sept. 20Z The Life and 1516. have his children, he muft, according to his Oath and promife, return prifoner himfelfe^ (adding, that his Kingdome could not hinder him herein, however he pretended they would not confen totherefritution of Burgundy.) Wherein yet ^ heftiould but imitate the example of King John his predeceflor 5 who, being prifoner in England, and permitted togoe home upon the like termes, die (when he was not able to pay his Ranfome) moft faithfully return again, and yeeld his body unto cuftody, where he dyed. Then taking the AmbafTador afide, fas Sandov^l hath it) he bid him tell the French King his Matter, that he had done Lafchement and Afr/- chpmw&rt, in breaking the Concord of Madrid, and that, if hecde- nyed it, he would make it good in perfon againft him. But Fran cis wanted not courage to reply in the fame Language, as will ap- peare afterwards. In the meane time, as hee thought it concern'd him to defend his reputation in any probable way, rather then to confeffe in himfcli fo notable a falfhocd , he caufed an Apology ( penned by the Chan cellor of France) to be publifhed, and fent to all Chriftian Princes, the effect whereof was. That the Emperor had fir ft broke the confederation of* Noyo in denying the Tribute due for the Kingdome of Naples jkc reftitu- tion of Navarre, and divers other Rights. Befides, that hee had made warre in Milan, which was his by inheritance, the Conceffion of Popes, and Donation in* Fend by Maximilian the Emperor. And, which was worft of all,had enticed his Vaflall the Duke of Bourbon, to rebell againft him, and invade Provence. That^ thereupon, hee had, indeed, drawne his fword, and chas'd the Imperiall Army from before MarfciSes, and followed it to Italy, where hee was un fortunately taken Prifoner} yet that he had protefted tothofe,who kept him there, that, if the Emperor requir'd unjuft or unpoffible things, he would not perfortne them, but rather that hee would revenge himfelfe, when he was free. That, as he doubted, leaft, through his abfence, fome troubles might arife at home, hee had procured his liberty the beft way hee could. In the whole frame whereof, ifanythingweretobedifliked, it muft be rather impu ted to the Emperor, who demanded unreafonable conditions, than to him who found no other meanes to efcape. Notwithstanding, that, at his returne, he had for the fatisfa&ion of his Honour, re quired of his chiefe Nobility and Counfellors, what he ought to | do, both according to equity, and the maintenance of his Royall j Dignity, who, upon mature deliberation, anfwered: That infolent j Pa&ion* and Contracts, which comprehend in them notable dam- mage, and detriment to the Contractor, as being imposed on him, j from one more powerfull, ought to be held as violent, and invo- j luntary, and therefore in theinfelves voyd. Befides, that, when i he was facred at Rheims, he was then fworne not to Alienate any : Patrimony of the Crown, from which oath therefore , as being formerly of K^ng Henry the eighth. formerly made, and more Obligatory , he could by no means depart 5 efpecially, when the Inhabitants of Burgundy (which was the Country demanded] would not confent thereunto. Wherefore, if the Ernperor prefled him to any thing contrary to thefe Duties and Obligations , hee muft think 14 was not without a fpeciall providence from above, that he recovered lis liberty. For how could the Emperor be ignorant , that ie was tyed by the greateft bond of Religion, not to violate the Right of his Crown ? Or how could he beleive, that the Prefidents of the Parliaments of France would confent hereun to, when they had taken their Oaths to the contrary ? How- r oever, that none could think him falfe or perjur cl, as long as the Hoftagss (" as the Counter- value of all that was capi tulated) had beene deliver'd to the Emperour. Neither was it enough to fay, that, in demanding Burgundy, the Empe rour did but require his own 5 fince that Dutchy was (long ince) annexed to Normandy^ and incorporated into the Crown of France by King lohn^ and confequently governed by the Tame Lawcs $ Among which the Salique being principall, the Emperors Title, as being claimed from a daughter, was excluded. Furthermore, that this affaire had been Com municated to fome out of this Kingdome, who underftood well what was to be done in fuch Ga fes, and that he had re ceived much Comfort, In conclufion, as there remained no* thing elfe for him to do, fo he had offered a Condigne Ran- fome in money, and other good Conditions, which might both redeem his deare Children, and teftifie the defire hee had to recover his lately married wife, who was alfo detain ed from him 5 yet that hee was ftill refufed. All which premises being duly confidered, he appealed to all Chriftian Princes , and Potentates 3 as his Judges and Prote&ors 9 whe ther the fault were his, and not rather the Emperours, who 3 by his injurious and impoffible demands , had fruftrated him- fclfe.Thusfas many thought) did Francif ftrive to elude his Oath with reafbn of State , and to cover the breach of his Faith un der a pretext of impoffibility . without making any good ex- cufe at all ( that is extant ) for his not returning , f though more eafily palliated then the reft) both as fufpition of ill ufage Blight be held a kinde of naturall defence and evasion in this kinde , and as his Ringdome would .lefle confent here unto, then to any other condition. And certainly, had the Emperour fufficiently eonfidered all thefe Circumftances, he would have followed their counfell 3 who advifed him , either to detaine Francis till he had made fome advantage thereof, or clfc have let him go freely. Neither feould the Clementine League (begun during the unprifonment of Franc jf^) havcde- Z terr/d ZO} 1526. 1*26. The Life and 'fytigne Aug.8. April 2 8. terr'd him 5 as being not concluded fo much in favour of Francis- , as dire&ly againft him., whofe greatnefle did then | many waycs appeare. So that to let Fmxcjf goe , was but to fortifie his adverfaries againft himfelfe. Hee thought fit yetj to command an Anfwer to this Apologie $ wherein the Title, by which hee claim'd all his doubtfull pofleffions, (e- fpecially that of Naples and Province 1 ) is fet downe, and the Fault layd on Francis 5 with as much bitternefle as the caufe requifd, all which is fet downe by Smdovtl. Francis^ finding now there was no other was to recover his children, but by force, makes all the friends he can : wherefore, a- bout the end of July^ fending fome Ambafladors to our King, a League was concluded, 8. of Attguji, Anno I 5 2 6. by which both Kings did oblige themfelves reciprocally, not to Treat or agree apart , or feparately with the faid Emperor, concer ning the restitution or the two children of Franctf^ (when yet they were freely offered) nor the money due from the Em- perour to our King $ but joyntly and together. And, as for all other bufinefles, they mould pafle without derogation or prejudice to their former Treaties, which were underftood to remainc entire. And that neither of the faid Kings fhould, in any kind , aflift the Emperor, when he were invaded by the other. The perfons who chiefely procured this Treaty, were OuvAnni loakim (now ftyl'd Meunfieur de VattxJ and le an Brinon the Premier Prefident of Rouen 5 who, being (as is before faid) difpatcheci by Francis^ came to King Henry A- pril 28. and, being admitted, the Prefident, in an Eloquent Oration in Latine 3 before our King, fet in his, Throne, and attended by the Ambafladors of the Pope, the Emperor, V( nice., and Florence (who at this time laboured to draw him in to the League of Italy) profefied publiquely , that it was the King's goodncfle meerly that made him abftaine from France at this Seafon 5 the occafion of invading it being fo faire, du ring the Imprifonment of the King his Mafter. This being ended. Sir Thomas Moore,, in the fame Language , wittily an- fwered him : Concluding at laft, that fince they acknow- ledg'd this goodnefle in the King, it fliould be an obligation on him to continue it $ wherewith the Ambafladors departed, much fatisfied. Our King alfo, confidering the difficulties hee found to procure Money, divided his time, betwixt bufinefles at home and his pleafures, not neglecting yet the publique weale of Chriftendome 5 For which purpofe, he fent Sir lohn WaHo^ not only to the Princes of Germany , exhorting them to joyne againft the Turke, but to Mary Queen of Hungary^ to comfort her for the lofle of her Husband, adding with all fuch a fupply of money as might teftifie his Zeale to that Caufe fl/^gHenry*/* < Caufe was greater then their?, who by kindred and neighbor hood to the danger, were more concerned therein. The Array of the late League having now begun a Warre, with feme doubtfull fuccetle, in Italy , the Pope, for his jufttfcation, thought fit to write unto the Emperor, 23. lune 1526, a kind of Apolcgie for his taking Armes 5 alleadging, that as he wus Pater coKunnnis^ he thought himfelfc bound, by a'll the wayes he could, to procure a gtnerall good be fore any Particular, exhorting him for the reft, to moderate his imnaenfe Ambition, to give Peace to Italy > pardon to Fr*n- cefco sforzaDuke of Milan , and contentment to all the confe derates in their jtift demands. To which Charles fharply an- fwered (by Letter Dated 17. September following) laying the fault of that diflention among Chriftian Princes f which had given occafion to the Turke to conquer fo much in Hnn- %ary,} from himfelfe, and on the Pope ch-iefely , telling him, among other things, that 3 regularly, hee ought not to draw his fword, when even it were againft the Enemies of our Faith. Then, taxing him. as if hee were ungrateful!, falfe, and an Incendiary, he declares how much he had done for the peace of jf^/r, and the Chriftian World, and among o- thers, for francsfa sforza, proceeding thence to a bitter ex- poftulatkm with the Pope, as is more at large fet down by Sattcloval '-, by whom alfo I finde, that Charles follicited all the Cardinals, openly, to call a Generall Councell for the good of ChriftendoBae, (as of themfelves, J when, otherwife, the Pope would not confent thereto. This while Don Hugo ds Mdncada., comming into Italy to of fer fome conditions of Peace unto the Pope and finding they tooke no efFcft, Treated fecretly with Powpeo Cardinal de Colonna^ and others of that Family 5 who fuddenly, with three thoufand men onely 3 or as others fay fix thoufand,entred Rome, facking part of it. and caufing that terror to the Pope that be fled to the Cafile of Saint Angela. Neither could hee free himfelfe, till hee had agreed with Moncadu for a Truce of foure monethes with the Emperor , and the withdrawing his Forces out of LoaA&fa And a Pardon to all the Colonmft. Whereupon Monc.tda alfo withdrew his Forces out of Rome. Our King, being not yet inform'd hereof, had fent to Charles, to offer his beft indeavours to the mediating of a Peace be* twixt all Parties, protefting, that if he accepted his goodwill herein, he would difclaimeall intcreft in the Clementine League, although that Ambafladors from all the Confederates were at that iaftant, in his Court fufficicntly authorized to induce him into it. The Emperer hereupon fends inftru&ions to his AmbaiTadors fvelident in England, to Treat accordingly of an Z 2 end 5 1526. June 2 3 Sept. 17* Sand* Sept. 20. Sept. 22, The Life an Jan. 14. 1527. '493- 1527. Jan. 21. end , to which purpofe alfo he difpatches Den Hugo de Men- j doz,a, who came to Court January 14. to Treat hereof. How- j beit, as matters were likely to be fpun out into a greater \ length then flood with his Mafters occafions hee fhortly after j broke off the Treaty. One Article whereof concerning the Spiceries of the E^~Indies, I have thought fit to menti on with particularity. For whereas by the decifion of Pope Alexander the fixth 1493. the Eafl-Jndies were given to to the PortHgdlls, and the Wefterne to the Spaniards, fo that the fir ft Bound was a Line drawne from North to South , di ftant from the 1 (lands of Capo Verde the fpace of foure hun dred miles Weftward (all on this fide being allotted to the Portugal!, the other fide being permitted to the Spaniard*) this Line yet in favour of the Portugalls ("who by their riches, power at Sea, and Conquefts in Africa had made themfelves much redoubted) was afterwards extended to eight hundred eighty miles Weftward $ whereby betwixt thefe two Neigh bor Princes alone a new World with the immenfe wealth be longing to it, was divided j yet with this honour to the P due to the faid Henry., by Obligation, and Treaty of the xxx. Augvft. 1525. or of that which fhould remaine to be paid after his deceafe} moreover the faid Francis bound himfelfe, and his Succef- fors. Kings of France^ to give of the Salt of Eronage yearly, as we! to the faid Henry ^as to his SucceflTors,to the value of 1 5000 Crowns, as is above mentioned. Furthermore, it was agreed, that, if any thing were attempted by any Subjeft or Ally of the faid Kings con trary to this third Treaty, that their Peace and Amity fhould no yet be broken, but that the offenders and Delinquents only ftioulc be punimed. and in every one of the faid three Treaties, an ex- prefle Article was inferted, that the precedent Treaty of August 30. 1525. fhould be by them confirm'd, and, nowayes,infring'd,or diminifhed. Laftly, by Letter or Agreement apart, bearing Date likewife 1527, the faid Kings declared, that they would have them- felves held, underftood, and reputed as one and the fame, and that either ofthem fhould be ftill concern'd in the other. Thefe Trea ties being concluded and*fworne, (yetfo as the Bifhopof Tarbe made not a few doubts concerning the PrincefTe Maries Legitima- tion^) which we (hall finde afterward occafioned the devorce 3 they were difmift, and Honorably rewarded, and afterwards (as I findej fentby Franc jf to Spaine. While thefe things pafled, the Pope,aflbone as the Imperials had quitted Reme^ and left him at his liberty, fends to our King a Letter, of Rjlng Henry the eighth. . 34. complaining of the indignities offered to his Perfonby r, and the Colonntp^ defiring his Grace to fet his hand to the revenge of it, and defence of the Apoftolique See. Moreover he told our Ambafladors, fas they writej that if the King of Eng land., by whofe incouragement (he faith ) he entered this Labyrinth, will yet effectually affiit him, and the French King, amend his for mer flacknefle, ckc. he will do as hee did before, notwithfrandine this late agreement with Mottc^da^ to which he holds himfelfe not bound, becaufehewasforc'dtoit. Whereupon our King in Ne- vetabfr, fent him about thirty thoufand Duckats fora prefent. The Pope thus being heartned , cites the Cardinall Colonna to appeare at Rome upon paine of deprivation of his dignity :he, on the other lide threatning to call a Councell againft him, and depofe him as a Simoniac , 1 he Pope, hereupon, gathers an Army^nd with about ten thoufand men , led by the Centcdt Vandtmont , brother to the Duke of Lorraine (to whom the Pope now pretended to give Naples as the right of his family) enters the Kingdom of Naple^ takes divers places belonging to the Colonmf^ and approcheth the very Gates of Naples. But now new fuccours comming from Spainc, the Pope wasdiftrefledand glad to Treat againewJth Laxajthc Vice-Roy, and to give the Imperialifts fixty thoufand Duckats, whereupon al- r o it was agreed that the Armies fliould retire on either fide, and a Ceffation of war fhould be accorded , for eight moneths. But the Pope rinding this accord alfo too difadvantageous fas having dif* arnTd himfelfe thereby, and difcontented both the French and our King) intends to difavow it, and to provide himfelfe of Money) by creating 1 4 Cardinals, for which he had three hundred thoufand Duckats,But Bourbon prevented his attempts .For being actually ge- nerallofthelmperialls ( who for want of pay, were to be main- tain'd with Pillage) he takes a pretext to invade Rotm'it felfe ; For (as the intelligence in our Records hath it) comming neare that City May 5. He fent to the Pope for leave to pafle through it, and his Territories into the Realm of Naples^ and to have vidualls for his Money $ But the Pope denying it, Bourbon refolves to afiault Rome, which Renzo de Ceri an old Commander defended. But Bonrbtn laving an Army of thirty thoufand Men, noon May 6. 1527. Mar- ches direftly to the walls $ where carrying a*Ladder before the reft of the Souldiers with which he meant to feale the Town, a fbot dirdhim 5 which kind of death fome writers fay, hecall'dupon lim felfe, by a kind of Imprecation $ when the laftyeare, being at Milan, he made the Citizens buy their quiet at a great price, wifbing ic might be (hot to death the firft time, he went to the Field if they Tiould be oppreffed any more, by fuch payments, which yet hee breed them unto foone after. Bourbon being thus dead, rhilibert d* Chaakn, Prince ofJurange, threw a Cloakc over, his Body, as fearing it might difcourage his Souldiers. But they whether out of Z 5 in- 1527. Septcmb. 1526. Feb. March. Record. May $. May. 6 Belly. 15*7 Sand* May l. GreBier. dirept. GtticciarcL L.i8. June 5. Guicciard. June. Sjndw. The Life and H indignation for this loffe, or greedinefle to fack the Towne, entefd it with fury $ killing in the way divers Biftiops, and furprizing fome i Cardinalls that were flying to the C&ft\cSznt Angela j The Pope ond Renz>o dc Cen. being already retir'd thither with feventeene Gardinalls, and the Ambaffadorsof Engltnd^ France, Venice^ and Florence, and about five hundred Souldiers. The Prince of AH- rang* (who now tookeupon him the charge of Generall) did all that was poflible to reftraine the Souldiers, from their frequent Mur- thcrs and Pillage. Not with (landing which, their impetuofity was fuch, that (without making difference, betwixt holy places an pro- phane) they Ranfack'd the City for the fpacc of fix or feven dayes, killing above five thoufand Men. Not content with this yet, they laid Siege to the Caftle, and brought the Pope to fch neceffity, that to free himfelfc from further danger, He and thirteen Cardi- nalls, that now remained with him, agreed, That foure hun dred thoufand Duckats fhould bee paid to the Army within twomoneths, and that the Caftlc of Saint Angelo^ together with thofe of -0/?/4, and Civica^ yecchia^ and other places, mould be delivered into the hands of the Imperialifts. That the Pope with the faid Cardinals mould rcmaine in gthe Caftle, ill part of the Money were paid, and good Hoftages given br the reft. Which being done, that he fhould goe to Gajeta, or fome other place in the Kingdom of #*;>&/, there toexpedthe Emperors plea fure. Hereupon the Guard and fervice of the Popes Perfon was Committed to Hernando de Alancon and viftualls put into the Caftle (where the Pope remaind under fome rcftraint not free from danger^) though otherwife reverenced in all ap- parance, according to his dignity, And now the Cardioall Jenna , and others that fided with the Emperor began to Treat Concerning a Generall Councell, Conformable to a late Bull of Pope luliw the fecond , by which it was de clared , that a Pope might bee deprived from his Place , and an other fubfrituted, when there were Caufe for it f And thev pretended to prove this Pope a Simoni^c.) / It was now the begmine of lune \ 527. when the Emperor being at Vdledolid took notice or this fuccefle, divulg'd already overall Chrijiendomc. Neverthelefle he (hewd not any other fence thereof, thenfuchas might beexpecled from one to whofe ambition and power nothing could fecm either great or new. Yet as he knew that all Chriftian Princes muft needs be highly intereflTed in the impri - fonment of the head of their Church , fo he thought fit to fatisfie them herein. Among all which none feem'd fo confiderable as our King. To whom therefore in a letter dated from ValledolidjL Au.\^ He made a kind of Apology for thefe proceedings 5 beginning firft with giving an account thereof, then demanding our Kings advice / thereupon of Kjng Henry the eighth. thereupon declaring alfothc caufcs why his Army could not be withheld fiom invading of Rome. Yet fo, as hedifclaimcd any part, either the counfeling or authorising thereof. Not withftanding which fas God could draw good out of eYill) fo he hoped a benefit might redownd to Chrjfttndomt thereby . Wherefore 3 that he fliould intreat him again, as his good Unklc and Brother , that he would fend his Opinion what further was to be done in this cafe. And particularly, that he would afiift him againftthe Enemies of our Faith ; againft whom , when their inteftine Wars were cornpos'd, he refolved to imploy his Blood and Life. He forgot not alfo,upon the* inftanceof ours and the French Ambafladors for the Popes liberty to * write gently unto his Highne(Te,offering his love and friendfhip in cafe he defired it. Buttothechiefe Officers of his Army, by his Agents An- tunjo VcyeleyjxiA Francefco de les Angeles General! of the Francifcans, he fent Inftruaions , which for fome fpace amufed them. For he commanded to fet the Pope at liberty , yet fo as together they Chould provide, that from a friend he fhould not become an enemy. The Prince ofAnrange., Hernando de Almcon^ and fome other princi- pall Commanders met hereupon 5 where, after a long confultation, how to reconcile and interpret this Riddle,they refolved at lafl^hat to defpoile the Pope firft of his Money 5 and then to deliver him, was the be ft way to comply with their Inftruftions. After therefore ha ving extorted great fums, not onely for the Emperors Occafions, but their own 5 he was difmilTed out of the Caftle of S r Angel^ as (hall be told in its place. Yet fo,as they fuffcred him not to depart out of their reach 5 neither indeed did he think fit to do otherwife } fo that although by the former Convention he was to be removed to GaJerajen Miles diftant thence } or fome other place belonging to th e Kingdom of Naples Cwhither not onely the burning of his Pallace , Library and Records did feeme to compell him , but the Peftilence then raging in that City 5 Cwhereof alfo Charles de Lanoy Vice-Roy of Naples died } into whofe charge therefore Hugo ckMottcacia) mueh againft the Popes will fucceeded^J yet, faith Guircardine ^ with much diligence, intreaty 3 and Art , hee procured to ftay in Rome. From whence upon the firft furrender of the Caftle hee complained fas I finde by our Records ) to our King and Cardinall $ protefting that all the helpe and fuccour hee could expeft in this extremity, was from hence 3 and therefore implored his affiftance. Which Petition therefore hee caufed to be feconded by the thirteene Cardinals then with him , and to be difpatched hither by Gre gory de Cafafo , our Kings Agent in Reme^ and now returning to England. This while the Ambafladors of our King in Spai*e mediated po tently for delivery of the Hoftages upon more reafonable terms then had been hereunto propofed 5 and in conclufion fo prevailed, that 1537. July 26, Aug. 2. June 6. I The Life and l 1*27. March 14. Skid lib-6. Hill. May 3. May 29, 'fillet. that (as Sadcv.il\\z\\\ it) Charles protefted to our Amba{Tadors,that for his fake onely he would relinquifh his demand for the reftitution of Burgundy, in which the difficulty of the peace confifted. Adding further,that for the fame reafon, he would accept , as well for the ranfome of thetwofonnes of Fr as for the recompence of the great expences he was at for breach of the Concord QiMtelrid, the fum onely which Fr tin-is had offered voluntarily long before to Ckitrks de Ltutrech , (who was now defigned by Francis to purfue the warre therej and imployed to hinder the Popes paflage^ -In -which affaire alfo, fome Princes of Italy might be drawne to concurre , when his Highnefle would write to them $ AH which was the rather to be fpeeded , that the Bifliop of Worcefter had written from Spaine, that the Emperour went to fow divifion betwixt him and fraitck. This Letter was fe- conded by another of the fame date , which yet contained onely an overture for a meeting betwixt Madame Lo'uife anc himfelfe, on the one part, and the Emperour on the other, at Perfignan 5 wherein all thefc difficulties fhould be refolved Moreover, by a Letter dated from AbbeviKe the 91 of July > he certifies the King , how Monjicur dr. Bottdans had propos'c oo the Emperours part , a match betwixt the Duke of Rich- ng Henry the eighth. ^ naturall fonne to our King, and the daughter of Por tugal! with Mil/an for Dowry ^ which yet fas being colourable oney ) he thought fit fhould not be much infifted on. Onely, becaufe it was neceffary to kccpe good correfpondence with the Emperour, hce thought it not amifle to entertaine fpecch thereof. And together (by a Letter thefirftof^*/Z) tode- fire our Amballadors inSpaine, to quench all Rumors concer ning a Divorce bruited now betwixt our King and the Queen} and to allure the Emperour, that the firft originall thereof arofe oncly from the objeftion which the Bifhop ofTsrbe ( when he was lately in England ) made 9 concerning the Legitimation of the Princeile Mary. At laft , Franeif 5 together with Madame Lcuijje his Mother , comming to Amiens , the Cardinall with all his Traine fets forth from Abbeville-^ whereof notice being given, Franc tf being Royally attended , meets him a mile and halfe out of the Towne , And , after Proteftations that he owed hi* Liberty chiefly to our King, conducted him to his lodgtng. Shortly after which, the Cardinall obtaining Au dience 3 declared his bufineile., confifting principally in three point?. Firft, To require the Refolution of Francis concerningthis Alternative of the Marriage a little before mentioned. Secondly, To advije concerning the meane* of making Peace with the Emperour ; upon fuch tcrmcs as the reftittt- tion of Fr ncis \M Children might be procured. Thirdly, To determine bow the Pope might be delivered out of Captivity , (for which purpofe our Hiftorians fay, that the Cardinall carried over with him 240000 li. ^of our Kings Treafure.) To the firft, it was anfwered,TL# the Duk@ ^/Orleans more fating iayeers)Jlotild be recommended to the frinceffe Mary. To the fecond, That Francis for reebtaining of his Chil- drcnjvould^among other thingsjrenounce his claime in Milan. To the third, Little more was faid, then that the Pope (as foon aspoffible .jhould be fet free, by Mediation^ Force. Befides which points, an interview was propofed onourKin^s part , betwixt him and Francis 5 but Francis excufing himfelfe by reafon of the great Charges he muft be at till his Children were redeemed, the motion was urged no farther. After this , Francis brought our Cardinall to Cemfeigne 5 from whence he wrote to the King , that howfoever Francis did 7/7 1527 Aug. i. Aug. 4. a/? 1527, Aug. 18. did promife to renounce Milan -> yet , that it was beft not o- verftriftly to tie him to it untill his MighnefTe difcovered whe ther the Emperour would really conferre it in Dowry upon the match formerly intimated. The King receiving thus much fatisfaftion by the Cardinals Negotiation, writ a Letter with his own hand , acknowledging therein the good fervice he had done him and the Kihgdome divers waies^ and particularly in three Treaties, concluded Augufi \ 8. i $27, which^ by the French and our Records, I finde thus related. The firft Treaty was concerning the PrincefTe Mjry^ who ( according to the reference formerly made ) was to marry the Duke of Orleans 9 referving notwithftanding unto a further time , the particularities of her Dote , Dowry , Tranfporta- tion of the faid Duke into England ', the charges of his Family, and the like. Furthermote it was declared , that if the faid marriage, either by death, or confent of both Kings, or any other accident , tookc no effect , That yet the other Treaties betwixt the faid Kings (being of the thirty of Anguft 1525. ! and of the laft of April 1527.^ fhould remaine in full force. I The interview of the two Kings , which (the laft of April') was agreed to be at Calais , was remitted to a further time. The contribution, to which the faid Henry obliged himfelfe for the warre of Italy., was exprefTed to be twenty thoufand Efctfs de Soleil for June ? and for July thirty thoufand , and for every of the Moneths of Angnft , September , offober , thirty two thoufand two hundred twenty twoCrownes. Upon con dition yet , that the faid Contribution fhonld be abated pro- portionably, if the number of Souldiers imployed in the faid warre were diminifhed. That, after the faid Moneth of 0# Woeljey prepared to returne. Whereupon Fr4*7.r not onely richly prefented him , but conducted him through the Towne, and upon his way about a mile, being accompa nied with the Titular King of Navarre, the Popes Legate, and his prime Nobility. The Cardinal! now hafting homeward, came to Calais, where having eftabliflied a Maxt, hee arrived at Court toward the end of September 3 where much demon- ftration of affection was given him by our King. To corre- fpond with this AmbafTade, Francis fent Anne de Montm&rnncy Grand-Maiftre , John dn Beflay Bifhop of Bayonnc^ John Brinon the Primier Prefident de Rouen , and le Seigneur de Hnmieres 3 as his AmbalTadours to ratifie the (aid League here. Thefe, with divers other Cavaliers , ( being in all about fix hundred horfej were conducted to London , Q&obtr 20. and lodged in the Bi fhop of London* Pallace. ' After which , Audience being given Novem. 10. them , they were Novcmb.io. entertained by our King at Green wich with aFeaft f the moft furaptuous, faith "BeHay, that ever I faw ) and then with a Comedy , ia which his daughter the PrincefTe was an Adtor. On this day alfo the King of England received at the hands of Montmerancy 3 the Order of S c Michel $ And Francis D with no lefle folemnity, that of the Garter, in parts. For which purpofe, our King had fent over Arthur rUntagenet Vifcount Life ( naturall fonne to King Edward the fourth,) Sir Nicholas Carcw Matter of his Horfe, Sir Anthony Browne , all Knights of thk Order , and Sir Thomas Wriothejky Garter-Herauld .Both Princes likewife giving their Oath and Scale fwhich was in Gold ) for the katification of the late Treaty. Charles , being not ignorant of thefe Treaties , thinkes fit to prevent the execution of them , by a timely confent unto all that could in reafon be expefted from him. Therefore at Pa- lenti^ septcmb.i 1 }' he offered this Agreement unto the French 3 Englifh, and other Ambafladours refiding in his Court, which alfo for the prefent they feemed to accept. That the Article for the reftitution of burgundy fhould be rafed out of the Con cord of Madrid., referving ftill to the Emperour his Right. That Fracff fhould pay for the ranfome of his fonnes , the two Millions f Grownes which were offered. And that out of them fo much mould be allowed , as would pay our King Furthermore , that Francis fhould take upon him to fatisfie Henry , as well as to keepe Charles indemnified from the Ob ligation, Sept. 15 Sand* of Kjng Henry the eighth. ligation 3 by which hee tyed himfelfe in London by particular Treaty, which was, that he fhould pay unto Henry the an cient penfion which Francis payd him } together with any o ther fumme that Francis fhould refufe to pay onely becaufe he faid Henry had declared himfelfe his enemy. That the French fhould oblige themfelves to reftore Gtnoil* , and all the reft that they had taken in Lombard) t before the Hoftages were rendred. That in the particular of the Duke of Milan> Chirles fhould nominate and appoint certaine Judges , who (hould determine the caufe betwixt them. And that if hee were not found culpable, then his eftate fhould be refrored to him, and the invefriture given hiin, otherwife, that theEm- perour (hould difpofe thereof as Lord of the Feud. That, in all the reft, the Concord of Madrid fhould be obferved, fa* ving in fome few points of fmall importance. When thefe Articles were approved on both fides., the AmbalTadors of France faid , that they wanted fufficient Authority from their King to figne them, which yet they promifed to fend for, and procure. And fo the conclufion of peace at this time was deferred on their parts. Charles not much troubled herewith, returnes to his former Arts of dividing our King from Fran cis. Therefore he fends privately to the Cardinall (now re turned from France') offering him, befides hi? ordinary Pen- fion 5 large fummes for this purpofe. Notwithftanding which (Taith Tolydore} becaufe he had denied him the Archbifhoprick of Toledo., to which (if we may believe the fame Author) he vehe mently afpired, he was found inexorable. This yeere our King fent out two faire flips to difcover new Regions, then daily found out by the. Pprtuguez and Spaniard, though , as no fuccefJe followed thereupon, I doe not finde the defigne purfued. This while , Monpcur de Ljutrech made ready an Army of twenty fix thoufand Foot, and two thoufand Horfe, for the affaires of Italy.? and, about 7/y, pafled the Alpes.> Wherewith the Clementine League fwhofe Forces were eleven thoufand Foot, and about one thoufand fix hundred H or fe) being much encouraged, an Anfwer was fent to the Propofitions made by the Emperor , to the Ambafladours of the League, at Palentia. For which purpofc a Secretary of Francis came the twelfth of De- ember 1527 to. Burges "f where Charles then was,) publifhing by the way that he brought a finall Refolution of Peace ? when yet indeed he brought Order onely to defie Charles., as will appeare afterwards. Yet , to fhew fome dcfire of Accommo dation , the Ambafladours of England and France defircd , two points of the; Treaty of Palentia. fhould be altered in this man ner. The firft was , that Francefco sforza (hould be reftored to his May Jo. July. )eeernb r i2. 4* The Life and *Raigne his Eftate? and., afterwards., juftice done concerning the com plaints made a gain ft him. The other was, that the Hoftages fhonld be remanded 3 before Francis mould deliver vp Cen&ua, or Afli ? or withdraw his Army out of Italy. And to induce Charles hereunto 3 it was offered by the French 3 to put fecu- rity into the hands of our King., for the payment of three hundred thoufand Duekats to Charles 3 in cafe of not rendring the faid Townes, and withdrawing his Army. Charles re plied 3 that though all this was Innovation upon the Treaty of Talent ia 5 yet 3 to fhew his defire of peace , he wonld put fe- curity for payment of fo much money into the hands of our king ^ in cafe the French would agree to performe that which was concluded on their part , But the French AmbafTadour faying , he had no Order to make any other end , then what was propofed , this great affaire remained fufpended. Our Ambaffadour perceiving this , proceeds upon his Infrru- clions, and makes foure demands. The firft was 5 That without any delay ., Charles mould pay to the King his Matter all that was lent him heretofore. The next was. That he fhould pay him a penalty of five hun dred thoufand Ducats 3 becaufe he did not marry the Prineefle Afar;v 3 as was agreed. The third was , that he fhould fatisfie for the indemnity he undertooke to difcharge 3 upon the Declaration that our King made of war againft Francis, (whereof mention is made former ly) which from the time it was due 3 was foure yeeres and foure moneths. Fourthly 3 that he mould deliver the Pope } and make him fatisfaftion for the lofle and dammage he had fuftained. To which Charles anfwered 3 That hee marvelled why the King fhould prefle him fo much, fince hee never denyed the Debt ; and that 3 if they required from him the Money 3 they fhould give him the fecurity he entered into for the payment thereof. But our Ambaflador faying 3 that they were kept a- mong the Archives and Records of England 5 and that , for the reft , they were fufficiently Authorized to give him an Ac quittance 5 Charles knew not well how to argue the matter fur ther. As for the penalty of Marriage and Indemnity 3 he faid hee would fend an exprefTe Meflenger into England, to ac quaint our Ring with the Reafons why he did not hold him- felfe bound to give any fuch fatisfa&ion. And for the deli vering of the Pope , he faid Order was, and fhould be given. And indeed, I finde that about this very time, the Pope reco vered his liberty. Which becaufe it was occafioned by the pro ceeding of the French in Italy 3 let us looke backe awhile on thofe affaires. The Of Henry the Eighth. The Army of the League formerly-mentioned, being commanded Dy Odet de Foix Seigneur de Lautreeh ( an able Generall ) great hope was conceived j Both as he was fupported by our King, and Francis, and the Venetians, at a common charge ; (whereof our Kings part, ac cord ing to the French Hi ftory, was 60000 Angelots tic moneth ; as that the Imperiall Army, which fackt Rome, was much confumed with the Plague. By Sea alfo, A^rea Doria of Genoua, who had the command of the French Kings Gallies,abraveCommaiider,was appointed with a ftrong Fleet to fecond him ; who, accordingly, fo fcour'dallthecoaft of Genoua, that no (hipping on thofe quarters durft appeare. This caufed great fcarcity of viduals there ; which be ing advertis'd to Doria, and afterwards to Lautreeh, hee fends C*fer pregofo with aooo men thither ; who, together with Doria, fo prcft that City on both fides, that, at laft,it yeilded ; Whereupon Theodora de Trivulci was made G ovcrnour of it, on the behalfe of the French King. After this, Lautreeh took ( in the name of Sforza, and for his ufe) Alexandria, the Country of Lomtline, the Cities of yigueua Biagraf, and Nffiarra, and befieged Pavia, to the great difpleafure o Antoio de Leyva ( then Govcrnour of Milan ) who wanting fouldier for himfelfe, would yet fpare fome for defence of that Town. Thi did not hinder Lautreeh yet to make a breach and enter ir, at the fe cond afTaulr, where, in revenge of the King his Mafters misfortunes,he permitted his Army toexercife all manner of licentious cruelty ; And now Milan it felfe ( which remained only to make an intireconqueft of thofe parts ) began to (hake; neither could it have refift^d long, but that a Myftery of State preferv'd it. For, as Lautrecb's chiefe dcfigne wasonWdpki (to which hee knew yet Sforza and the Venetians would not eaGly concur )fb he thought fit to leave this ftrong place intire, as well to keep them in exercile, as to draw from them a grea ter dependcnceoa the King his Mafter. For he underftood well, that when he had put a Garrifon in it in the name of Sforza, that hee and the Venetians would fooner have excluded him from his further paf- f4ge to Maple!, thea ?ivcn him any afliftance ; which would have fru- "trromi- fes. Howfoever,*#fra/> thought fit to purfuehis point 5 whereof Charles being advertis'd, refolv'd by a timely and voluntary discharge of the Pope out of prifon, to prevent compulflon. Therefore hee fends a particular difpatch to Don Hugo dtMoncada, to (et him free upon thefe conditions ; That the Pope (hall not oppofe Charles in the affaires of Milan and Naples. That he fhould grant him a Croifade in Spaine^ and a Tenth of all Ecclefiafticall livings in all his Kingdomes. Thar oftza and Ciittaveccbia fhould remain in the hands of Charles, for fecuriry hereof. That he (hould configne to him la Civita Cafe/Una, and rhe Caftle of Furl/j giving Hoftages till it were done. That hee fhould pay prefently to the Almaines 77000 Duckats, and to the Spaniard 3 5000 ; and thaf,i 5 dayes aftet his departure out of Rome^ he fhould pay as much again to the AlrriainSjand within three months after give the reft, being in all about 300000 Duckats; and to deliver Hoftages for performance hereof. Upon which Conditions he was to be fet at liberty D ecembtr lo. But the Pope prevented this, by efcaping, in the habir of a Merchant, to Monte fiafcone^ and thence to Orvieto^ the night before they promisM to deliver him. His Hoftages yet, the Cardinalls of Cefis and Orfim^ remain'd till the money were payd ; for obtain ing of which, he was forc'd to have recourse to undecent wayes, making ( as Guiccardinehtfh it) divers Cardinalls for money, which, otherwise, deferv'd not that honour. He alfo gave the Spani ards licence for the alienating of Ecclefiafticall goods and poflefli- ons ( and particularly in the Kingdome of Naples , to the value of 600000 Crownes, as our Records fay ) giving therein a beginning ( as fomeobferve) to that liberty which was after wards taken in di vers places. But neceffity is a violent Counfellour. Howfbever, the 5 ope was glad now, not only to finde his perfon free frm Guards, but Of Henry the Eight. nit fafe from attempts. TheCardinallC0/pcn the finifter and perverfe information of his Cardinal!, whou unmea- furable Ambinon and CoveioufneiTe was fuch, that, becaufe hee re- fus'd to employ his Army in Italy lor the making him Pope by ftrong hand,( which alfo he had procur d the King his Mafter TO write for, and himfclfehad intreated by forae Letters written by his own hand Andbecaufealfohe would not fatisfie him in other his inordinate andunreafonab'e defires, he had many times declared, that he would give that difturbance and impediment to all his bufinefTcs, rhst for this hundred ycares the like had not been feen 5 fo thar he would make him repent it, when the Kingdome of England fhou.'d be hazarded thereby. And certainly, if the King your Mafter will believe the evillcounfellof the Cardinal!, it will be the right way to bring that to pafle, which he faid, and confequently to be the ruine of your King and Mafters Dominions. All which being confidered, hee protefted he was not the Author of theevills might follow hereupon. Finally, for the buiinefle of the Merchants, hee referred him to a further Treaty. Thefe Anfwers were read unto the fa id Kings of Armes by Juan Aleman Seigneur de Bouclans, and then given unto them, tobecarryed to cheir feverall Kings and Mafters, in Burgos 27/4/2.1528. Where withal 1 they had their fafe Condufts to depart. Thus did Clarettceattx, in fteadof fatisfaion for the Money, and kindnelTes done to Charles, return with a Reply full of offence and evafion, unto his King and Mafter. Of which our King yet rrndc no other account, than fuch, as became one, who holding himfelfe free fromallcuifesof fufpition and calumny, defpifed whatfbever in ei ther kind was objected agninft him ; tf nee, having inviolably kept his in rertion and oath or falling on that Prince, which moft imcr- rupted the publike Peace, he thought it now his part, to joyn zgainft Charles. For though in the beginning he interceded only for a Peacf, betwixt him and Francis, ( refufing therefore to bee the chiefs and Prore&or of the Clementine League) yet finding now, that the Generalls and Army of Charles proceeded to fuch an enormous cut- rage, as to take and hold the Pope prifoner, he thought he couJd do no lc(Te, than ufe all means that might conduce to his delivery, and the reprefling of the exorbitant ambition of Charles, who was thought not Of Henry the Eighth. ?-*/ ^ notobfcurely to afpire to an univerfall Monarchy. As for the littld cavillsand puniglio? 5 concerning the receiving of Giovanni Joakim, or the giving a civilleare ro a propofition of marriage in Sm/W,and the like, as^hey were nor, before fome Contraventions of the part of Charles , fo no effed did follow thereof in thofe times when Charles moftfufpeacdthem. Though, when our King wasmform'd that Charles did, after his Treatie at mwlfor, give and receive over tures of Marriage in more than in one place,it could not feetne ftrange if he tooke the fame liberty. As for the opening of the Letter?, our Cardinall by particular diipatches to Doftor Sampfon Refident in Spaine, had, a good while fince, fo cleered his King from any fmi- fter intention therein, that it ought not to have been further men- tioo'd. For though, indeed, a ftranger patting the Watch about London at an undue time of night, and in a fufpefted manner, had fome Letters taken from him, which afterwards were opened by Sir Thomas Moore, and delivered tothe Cardinall ; yet the faid Let ters, which (as it appear'd afterwards) came from Mounfieur de Praet, (who departed fecretly out of England, without taking leave either of our King or his Counfell, and were written in Ciphrc, and contained many dangerous falfhoods) were, in due time, ported to the Emperour, whereby alfo he might perceive what ill offices his faid Ambafladour did, and the fault laid on de Praet, who chofe ra ther to ufe his owne Authority than to demand a PafTe, in a time when he knew they could not otherwifebe Convey 'd, which like- wifewastheexcufe for intercepting another MeiTenger, who car- ryed Letters to the Lady Margaret in Flanders, of the fame Tenor , which yet (lie received prefently after. And for theexcufesnotto pay the Money rcquir'd of him, or the penalty above mentioned, they were but Art", by which others might learne to deceive him in the fame kind, and which therefore might mftruft Fraacis to do the like. Our Cardinall being thus incens'd againft Charles, thought fir, af- well in defpite of him, as for the afTertion of his Kings proceedings, publiquely to give account in the Starchamber of the whole State of this bufmerTe ; adding withall, that our King was refolv'd to make Warre againft Charles. In the delivery whereof, though he did ex aggerate the aions of Charles, even to the making him criminall of w ha tfoever either by the Law of God, or man he could be guilty; yet our Merchants, who, thereupon ^ (hould neither vent their chief Commodities in the Low- Countries, and Spaiae, nor Sgaine re ceive from thence fupplies of fome Commodities they ftood in need of, would no way approve this Warre -, as that, from which they faw neither profit nor honour likely to enfue; efpecially, when they heard, the Pope was delivered from his Imprifonment. Neverthe- JefTe, rhe Cardinal!, purfuing his intentions, ( as the Emperour had done Firft in Sp&ine to the Englifh and French,") feizeth on the goods of the SubjeSs otcharles, and fhortly after on the perfbn of his Arrr bafl'ador Don Hugo dsMendo^a, upon notice given, that our Am- Bb baftadour Records. Apt'.. 9. OClob, mu. The Life Hall. Hdl. >afladour was ftaid in Spaine. The Coiifequtnce of this, was, that our Merchants prefciuly found the like meafure in ihe Low- Conn- tries, to the great prejudice of that Entercourfe and Commerce, which for many ages had pafs'd betwixr both Nations. Upon newes yet, that our Ambaffadours were well ufed in Spaine^ Hugo de Men- do^a was not only fet at liberty, but perfvvaded, by feme, that the De fiance which ClarenceauX had made unto Charles, was by him baftc- ned, at the motion only of the French AmbalTadcur. For which prefumptuous aft, he fhould therefore fuffer death, afToon as he re- turn'd to Calais. Hugo de Mendc^a, ghd hereof, fends a difpatch, by poft, into Spaiae, acquainting Charles with all thefe particularities* But as the Cc#m>rpaftby Sayone^ the Governour thereof opened and Coppyed thefe Letters, which afterwards he fhew'd Clarence- 4x, as he return'd homewards. Claremeaux^ at firft, fecm d much aftonifh'd,bur,atlaft, confidering he had good warrant from rhe Cardinal), for all his" proceedings, he recolk&s himfelfe, and con tinues his Journey. He did not thinke fit yet to con;e to Cd/d/.v,bur, taking Ship at Beulogne, and landing at )e, he fccretly pofted to Hampton Court, where the Ki-ng was $ ufing fuch means there, that he obtained fpeedy acceffe to him, fhewing, arr.ong other things, three Letters frorri the Cardinall, authorizing this Defy toCtar/^.H affuredhimalfoofthegoodufagehe had received there; in fomucb, that (notwithftanding all thefe Rough paffrge?,)he had been rewarded with a Chain of 700 Duckars. Laftly, beLftcw'd the Copy ofthofe Letters the Governour of Bayoxe had intercepted : which fo ftartled the King, that he protefted again ft the Cardinall, as cne 5 that not on ly ufurped to much upon the Regall Authority, bur reprefented things much otherwife than they were, unto him. The King, here upon, fent for the Cardinall, and layes thefe infolencies and prefump- tieus to his charge in fuch a manner, that, howfoever the C rdinall excus'dhimfelf,the King was obferv'd to miftruft him ever after wards. The matter hereupon was brought to the body of the Coun- fell; where, notwithstanding the Cardinall alleged that nothing was done, but what was conformable to the Kings intentions, as he conceiv'd them ; yet,becaufe in a Matter of this high confequence, he had proceeded too fingly, without advifing with the King and Counfell, hewasreprov'd. In fequence whereof a Ifo (notwithftan- ding this defigned Warte) fome overtures were m ide for keeping the Commerce betwixt us, and the Low-Country- men ftill open, if it could be fairely done. Therefore the Dutchmen were Licenfed to de part home, the Spanyards yet being not permitted to goe, till it ap- peard'd,how our Merchants were ufed there. The Lady Margaret Regent of the Low-Countryer, being in form 'd hereof, doth, in Exchange of this curtefy, difmifle our Eng- lifh likewife, yet reteineth their goods, untillflie might heare how the Spanyards were ufed in England^ But together adures them, that, when flic isfatisfied thereof, all things fhould be fafely reftored. And Of Henry the Eighth. 195 And now our Merchants (who ufed not the Trade to the many Nor- thcrne and remote Countries they now frequent) forefceing the con- fequence of thete Warres, refused to buy the Cloathes that were brought to /4f >- Countries,^ now foconfirm'd androorcd in their hearts, that 1 afTureyour Grace, that, next their Soveraien Lord, they would foo- neft live and die with you. In which regard hce hoped, thar no New Allyance could corrupt and change this fo long fetled and inveterate , Bb 2 ^ Amity Amity. Which yet we fay not out of Fear, as being t Vcll furnifhed "or War, but out of that true affe&ion,which we have ever born you. rherefore, though we offer you choice of War, or Peace, yet the Em- perour intends no more herein, than to leave you the abitrement of >oth. And thus much I will confelTe out of my Inilrudions, that if you choofe War, we have yet Commiffion in ficting Termes to fue Peace ; And, if you choofe Peace, we have likewife Commiflion to thank you for it, and to offer both us and ours at your command. Hugo de Mendo^ to (econd this, faid, that, of very right, the Empe- rour and his Dominions ought to have your love and favour before the French King and his Nation- Since the French had never applyed themfelvesto you, but in the time of their neceflitie'j whereas the love on our part hath been ever inviolable. This was an age, in which much Honour, and fome Good-nature was to be found. Therefore our King, returning ro his forner affc&ion to Charles (and the rather that he found fo much was deferrd ro his mediation, in the affaires of Franc ^,as is above related) and,befidef,having an eye on the bufinefifes of Scotland ( as will appear hereafter )and 5 howfoevcr,being defirous to confervehis Style and Dignirie of ArbJrer, told them, that, as he welJ pcrceiv'd the intent of their comnrng, fo he would be well advis'd, how to make rhem a fitting anfwer ; hying, that, in the mean while he was content there (hculd be a Truce for a time ~, wherewith the Flemilb Ambaffadours returned home, weli-fatisfied that they had obteined this refpite. The King, hereupon, advifeth with his Coun- failors 5 among whom, though thole, who adhered to woolfey, d perfwade a Warre, yet the greater part (who did fecretly difaffed rhe Cardinall) told the King, That the Refultance of Warre in the Low -Countries could be nothing but a grievance to his Subje&s, a decay of Trade, a diminution of his Cuftomes, and addition to the greatnefle of Franc e, who would have the advantage of all that was undertaken in thhkind.Which being duly confidered,it was thought fit to make an abftinence from Warre for eight moneths, and untill it appeared (upon confultation betwixt the Empcrours Amba(Tadours 3 and his) how a Generall peace might be made. Hereupon Letters were tent, not only to Spaixe, and Flanders^ but to France, manife- fting the reafons, why the King had, for a while, fufpendcd this Warre. In which Eftate alfo the bufinefle continued, till anfwer was brought from forraigne parrs. The Biftiopof B ayonHejtefident here on the part of the French King, was no fooner advert iz'd hereof, but he demanded audience ; which being obreined,he faieth, That, though he doubted nor, but his High- nes did well remember the late League, concluded betwixt him and his Brother the French King, which alfo was ratified and confirm'd by the three Eftates of the Rcalmeof France, by venue whereof you have an Annuall Penfionand Tribute to a great valrepaidto you, in confidcration whereof, you have prorms'd to defend the faid Realrae againft all perfons 5 yet,becaufe it is well knowne to many, that Of Henry the Eighth. that the Emperours Ambaffadours have laboured the contrary, dif- pofing your Highnes (all they could) to infringe 'the faid League, 1 th night it my parr to put your Higneflfe in mind thereof, affuting your Highnefle, for the reft, that, whenfoever you fhould begin to make a Wtrre upon the Empcrour and his Subjects, it would be a perpetuall Obligation, not only on him, but on the whole French Nation. The King replied hereunto, that, thdugh it were more ea- fie to enter into Warrcs, than to end them with Honour and profit, yet that he would pre/crvc inviolable the League anl Amity be twixt his Brother of France^ and himfelfe. So that thfe King, your Mafter, needs not doubt, but that I will defend hi* Country to the urtermoft of my Power ; Though, I muft tell yoti, that> when I could procure him an Honourable,and advantagious Pe^ce,! fhould think I had deferv'd afwell of him this way,as any other. VV her with the Am- bjffadour departed well-contented, yet fo, as he was in fome more, uncertainty concerning the intended Warre. Therefore, he folli- cires the Cardinall, as his -vlafters beft ftiend, to haften the Forces which our King hjd now MI readinefTe for a Warre with the Low- Countries ; But, as the favour of the Cardinall began now fome- what to decline, fo found he not that expedition which he was wont to receive in his addrefles. Howfoever, the Warte betwixt the French and F lemmings continued. In which this memorable acci dent is recorded. That a French Ship lying at Margate, being fet n by a F lemming, and finding her felf too weake, the wind being air for the River of Thames, packs on all her Sayles, and makes or Londoft. The Flemmihe, as eagerly purfuing her, overtakes and x)ardsher neer the Tower-Wharfe, which Sir Edmund tvalfingbam, -leutenant of the Tower, perceiving, calls his Men together, and fei- ed on them ; where, though the Flemming boldly challenged his prrze, yet the Kings Counfell, confidering, that (in this place) both of them were under the Kings prote&ion, it was thought fit to dif- miflethem freely on cither fide^ It appcares before, how Gujenne, King of Armes, charg'd him- elfe With a Meflftge from [Charles tbd Emperour unto the King his Mafter, conreifiirig an affront and kind of challenge, which the faid Charles had formerly declared to the Archbifhop of Bourdeaux. Gur f having now performed his part 5 Francis could no longer for :are to rake notice of it. Yet, becaufe it feemshe did not fufHcient- lv apprehend the relation Which the faid Archbifhob of Bottrdeaux * i I made thereof, he requires of him more ample and cleere informati on .The Archbifhop hereupon writes to Charles^nd craves,that,under his hand ; he would fet downc what he told him by word of mouth ^ for the reft, making fome exfufe, that he did nut remember it bet- ter. Charles anfwershim,and repeats the words 5 Shortly after which, Francis dif patches G uytnnt with a Cartell 5 in the delivery whereoi I fhsll fet downe the formes were ufed, the example being fo rare. Quyttme hiving obteined a fafe condudl from Charles, who alfo comma ndec Hall. Halt. /ie and %(eigne 15*8. fftfie 8. commanded one Montafoo, a Gentleman, for his more fequrity^ by the way, to accompany him,, comes to Mon^on in Arago^ where Charles then was, 7. of June 1528. Havinggotten audience the next day, Charles fitting in his Throne, and being well attended by his prime Nobility and Prelates, expels him. Guyeme comming here upon to the lower end of a great Hall, puts on his Coate of Armes, and after five low obeyfances made, cafts himfelf on his knees before' Charles, and fpeaks thus. S *W, I befeech your Majeftie, that^ continuing the good ufage I have received hitherunto, you will give me leave to perfornie that, that be/ongs to my office, and that, this being done, I may have leave fafely to returne. (C^y/^ anfwered 5 King of Armes, doe thy duty a and my will is, that thou be alwayes well Treated. Then Guye/me.^ riilngup, did; Sire^ The King my Mafter, being advertifed of the words you commanded me to tell him, and of that which, before and after, you have fpoken again ft his Honour, defires fo much to juftifieit, be fore all the world, (as in truth he rpay^) that he hath commanded me, for anfwer, to prefent you this Writing, fubfcnbed with his owne hand, which when your Majefty fhall pleaie to perufe, you will find, how intirely hee fatiifies all. Moreover, your Majeftie will bee pleafed to give mee leave to returne to rhe King my Mafter, for I have no further Commiifion. This being faid, he feenvd to offer a paper unto .Charles. Before ycr Charles would takeit,hefaid, King of Arcne<,ha'ft thou i cmrrrfllon from thy King to reade this writing thou bringeft ? Guye^e anfwered, rhat he had.Then Charles fayd,Kirig of Armes, I have heard that which you have faid,and will looke on the writjng.which you have brought, and will doe in fuch fort, that my honour fhall be prefervcd. And, for the KingyourMafter^ he will have enough ro doe to keep his, it being a thing in a manner impoflible. As tor that which concerns my }uftice,my Chancellor here fhall -deliver it. Then the Chan cellor fayd, His Majeftie, holding himfelf to the Protcftations made heretofore on his part, protefteth here againe, that, for any thing that either now, orhereafter, he fhall fay, or doe, he doth not intend to prejudice or derogate from the Rights that belong unto him by the Capitulation of Madrid' and that, notwithstanding any breach on this particular occafion, it fhall r-emainc in full force and effeft. And that this Proteftation fhall be underftood, as diftribured and reparted in all the proceedings, that fhall hereafter pafle in this matter. When the Chancellor had fpoken this, the Emperour faid ; King of Armes, although, for many reafons, the King your Mafter be not capable of doing any A& in this kind, either againftme or anv elfe, et, for the good of Chriftendome, and avoyding of mnre effufion f blood, and for giving an end to thefe Warres, and for no other eafon,! doe inable him for this purpofe$ wherewith he tooke the paper *- -- - -- Of Henry the Eighth. paper that Gujtnnt held in his hand. Then Guyennt faid to him; Sire^ If the Antwer that your Majefty (hall fend to the King my Ma- fterbethe fecumy of the Field, Or Fighting place, and' that you plea fe to give ;t me, I have Commiffion to bring it, and nothing elfe. Therefore^ your Majefty wilibepleafed not to force me to a" ny thing elfe, but the faid fecurky of the Field, in which the King my Matter will afforedly preient himfelf 5 with thofe Armes with which he intends to defend himfelfe. And forme,yourMajefty will be pleafed to let me depart. Charles anfvvered $ Your Ma'lcr ought not to prefcribe me what I am to doe ; I will doe what I have faid; for which caufe, afivell, as that fomething may be in this paper, to which I may reply by feme particular MeflTenger, I charge you to procure him, a fafe cor,-duA, fmce you would not come without minc$ which Guygnne promifed 5 wherewith the Emperour calling JUAK Akmanjtis Secretary, charg'd him to Record all that had been done there. After which Guyeftae (who feem'd to have taken his leave) faid; Sire, I have another pa per to prcfent your Majeftie by the hands of Seigneur A Ittndn your Secretary, if your Majeftie be pleafed to command him to receive it } which Ch Aries like wife permitted. Whereupon all the pr inci pall per fons prefent, and kft- ly Gujenneitio^ fubfcnbcd their names unto the Record. This be ing done, the Eroperour commanded his Secretary AhmAK to read in an high voyce the Cartell delivered by Guyetwe. 4 The Car tell tf Francis the Fremb King to Charles the WEe Frawif by the grace of God King of France, Lord of Genoua^ &c. To you Charley by the fame grace, Chofen- Emperour of the Romans^ King of Spaing. We let you know that be ing advertis'd, how, in certeine Anfwers given to our AmbaiTadours and Kings of Armes, ( which for negotiating a peace \ve fcnt unto you) you, definng without reafon to excufc r your felf, have accufed us, (dying, that you have our Faith plighted to you, and that here upon cone raven ing our prom ife we a re departed out of your hands and power. For defending of our honour, which herein is, much a^ gainft truth, impeached, we have thought fit to fend you this Car- tell; by which although we fay, that no man under reftraint can plight his Faith, and that, though this excule is very fufficicnt, yet, as wedefiretogivefasisfaction to every one, and afwell to Our own honour, which we have kept, and will keep (God willing) to the death $ We let you know, that, if either you have already, or fhall hereafter lay to our charge any thing which may touch 'cur Faith, or Liberty, or that we havcdoneany thing, which a Cavalier that loves his honour ought not doe; Wefay'unto you, that you have Lyed in your throate, and f hat as many times as you {hall fay ir, you Lye. Being refolvM to defend our honour to the laft period of our life, 1 And' The Life an 1528. ii a 8. Ruords. And fince, againft Truth, you have layed this Imputation on us, writenot to us any more, but affaire Us the Field, and wee will bring the Armes ; Protefting that, ifj after this Declaration, you write to any part, or fpeak any words againft our honour, the lhameof de laying the Combat (hall bee yours , fince, being come to thefe termes, all caufe of writing ceafeth. Dated in our good Town and C ity o/Taris Mart.2%* 1527. before Eajter. Underneath which was plac'd the little Seale of Francis in Wax. This being the fubftance of Francis his Cartell, was communica- red beforehand to our King, who advifed him only f as I find in our Records ) not to give the Emperour that harfh word of the Lye. In the Paper delivered to the Secretary Aleman^ a Relation was made of fome paffages bet ween Francis, and the Seigneur de Grawvele, Am- bafladourof Charles refiding in the French Court, in which Francis pretended to excufe his breach of promife, by the conftraint and ne- ceffitie he was in, faying, among other things,thajt he yeelded not him- felfe to the Emperour, and therefore that he could not accufe him of Breach of Faith. It was alfo declared there, how Francis caufed the Cartell above-mentioned to be * read publikcly before the Empe- rour's Ambaffadour. Moreover., Francis laboured to avoyd the im- DUtarion layd on him by Charles for defying him now, when yet he bad made fix or feven years war without fending any fuch Defy.To which therefore he an fwerd^ that the Ambafladcurs of Charles lad defied iim firft, at Dijon, and therefore it would not fecm ftrange if hee de- iended himfelf. The reft was little more than fome proteftations a- ainftthe late Imprifbnment of the Pope, the deteyning of fcis two Sonnes for Hoftages, fome Complement for Henry King of England^ "ome excufes for not having anfwerd this bufinefle (boner; among which, the following, being fomewhat extravagant, feems worth the relating : For, whereas Charles objected againft him, that he kept his >romife in Madrid better to Francis^ than Francis had done to him, icfaid he did not remember to have promifedany thing there; for, concerning the Concord of Madrid^ he faid,it was fet down it Wti- ing ; howfoever that he held himfelf fufficiently difcharged from ft, n regard he was not at liberty when he Signed it, nor afterwards fet rce upon his word : ( which, in that cafe only, hee thought himfelf xmnd toobferve,) for the reft, profefling, he could call to mind no- hing that might oblige him, but only that he faid he would in ferfbn aflfift Charles againft the Turk, which hee was ready to do likewife with all his Forces alluring further, that Charles ftiould not fo fcon iave his foot in the ftirrop for this purpofe, but he would be before iim in the Saddle. To all which the faid AmbafTadour replied, hee adnocommifrion to heare, or Treat of thefe bufinelfes 5 and there- ore defired leave to depart, and fafe-condu, the Emperour his Ma tter] Of Henry the Eighth. fter having repeal'd him. Whcreunto Francis anfwered, that the Emperor his Ma fter had forcd him to thefe courfes, and that he didefteemehira fo gentile a Prince, that, when he ftiould tinder- ftandthisanfwcr I make him, hee would anfwer thereunto like a Gentleman, and not like a Lawyer: becaufe, if he did otherwHe, he would fend a Reply to his Chancellor, by an Advocate, a perfon of his quality, and an honefter Man than he. For your particular, I have thought fit to let you knotf, that I fhall caufe you to be accom panied to the Frontiers of my Dominions, to the intent that I may receive my Amba(Tadours at the time that I difraiffe you* This was Signed by Robertet Secretary to Francis. Hereupon Charles refblves, by Burgundy his King of Armes, to fend his Reply unto Francis bearing date June 24. 15 atf . The Car tell and reply ofCharles the Emperour } to Francis the French King. Cffarlesby the divine Clemency, EmperouroFtheowj, King of Germany and of Spaine, &C. I doe let kaow to you Frauds, by the grace of God, King of France, that, upon the VIII. of this Moneth of Jf, I received by Gujenne^ your King of Armes, your Cartell, dated Mart. 28. which from a remoter place than Parif might have come hither in a (horter time ; and conformable to that, which on my part was faid to your King of Armes, I Anfwer to that which you fay, That in certain anfwers given by me to the Ambaf- fadours and Kings of Arme?, whom for negotiating a Peace yon fent unto me, in which you allege, that, for excufing my felfe, without caufe, I have accufcd you ; I reply, that I have not feen any King of Armes on your part, but him that came to Burgot^ to denounce War againftme. And as for my felfe, having errd in nothing, there is no need to excu ferny felfe. But for you, it is your owne Faults that accufe you. And whereas you mention the plighting of your Faith to me, you fay true, when you underftand thereby the Capitulation of Madrid; where it appeares, by certaine writings fubfcribed with your owne hand, that you would returne to be my true prifoner, in cafe you did not accomplifh all, which by the faid Capitulation was promifed. But, that I ftiouldfay as you mention in your Cartell, that you, having plighted your Faith unto me, did, contrary to your promife, goe away, and efcape my hands, and power, they arc words which I never faid, becaufe I never pretended to hold your Fakh,fbjas not togoaway,but to return in the form that was agreed. And if you made this good, you fhould neither be wanting to your Children, nor that which you ovre unto your honour. And to that you fay,that,for defence of your honor(vvhich in this cafe fhould,much apainft truth, be impeach'd,) you have thought fit to fend your Cartell, by which you fay, that although no Man under ward or reftraint can p^gfa Cc his 1518 The Life an 1528. his Faith, and that this excufe is very fufficient ; Notwithftanding as you deilrc to give fatisfaftion to every one, and as well unto your own honour, which you fay, you have kept, and will keep (God willing) unto the death, and thereupon doe let me know, that, if ei ther I have already, or {hall hereafter lay to your charge any thing which may touch your Faith or liberty, or that you have done any thing which a Cavallier that loves his honour ought not to doe, you fay that I have Lyed in my throat, and,as many times as I (hall {ay it that I Lye. And that you are refolv'd to defend your honour to the laft period of your life : To this I Anfwer, that,confidering the forme of the Capitulation your excufe for being under reft raint can have no place, but, fince you make fo fmall account of your honour, I doe not wonder that you deny your (elf to be obliged toaccomplifh your prooiife j for your words cannot vindicate your honour. Therefore I have faid andwill fay (without Lying,) That you have done Lafchement anc Mefcbament, in not keeping the Faith you gave me, according to the Capitulation of Madrid. And, in faying this, I doe not charge you with things fecret, or impoflible to prove, flnce they appeare Writings, figned by your hand, which you can neither excufe, nqi deny: And if you will affirme the contrary, (fmce I have releafec and enabled you only for this Combat) I fay, that; for the good o Chnftendome, and for avoiding the efrufion of blood, and for put ting an end to this Warre, and to defend my juft demand , I fhall in my perfon maintaine again ft yours, that, that, which I fay, is true. But I will not returne to you the Language you give me,$ fmce both your Aftions (without that I or any elfe fpake of them \ make you a Lyar,and that it is more eafy a far off to talk in this man ner, than neer at hand. And, as for that which you fay, that, fince, againft Truth, I have lay'd this imputation on you, that from hence forth I ihould wrke no more, but that I fhould allure you the Field, of the Field, and that I am content to allure it on my part, by all the reaibnable wayc s that can be devifed ; And, for this e#e& , and for the better expedition thereof I doe now name the place for the faid Combat, to be upon the River, which paffeth between Fuen~ tarabie and A ndaja, in that parr, and after that manner, which by agreement on both fides, (hall be thought moft fecure and conve nient. And, it feems that in reafon you ought not to refufe this^ or fay it is not fecure enough, fmce there you were fet Free, upon gi- viagyour Sonnes for Hoftages, with your Faith and promife to re- tume. And confidering as well that in the fame River you -did en* truft your perfon, and your Children 5 You may be confident now to hazard your owne only, Since I will as well hazard mine. And means (hall be found out that, Notwithftanding the Situation of the the place, neither of us (hall have advantage of the other. And for this purpofe, afwell as for the election of Armes, (which I pretend of righa to belong to me and not to you) And becaufe in the Con- clufion of this bufmes no trifling or delay may bee admitted, we may fend Gentlemen ^ on both parts to view the faid place ; with fufficicnt power to Treat and agree, afwell concerning the fecurity of the Field, as the choice of Armes., the day of Combat, and the reft that belongs hereunto. And, if within the fpace of XL. dayes after the delivery hereof, you neither anfwer nor advertife me of your intention herein, it will fufficiently appeaie, that the delay is on your part, which therefore fhali be imputed, and Jayd to your charge, together ^vith the default of not having accemplifti'd that which you promi fed in Madrid. And whereas you proteft, that if, after this Declaration, I fay or write words Contrary to your honour, that the fhame of delay of Combat fhall be mine, fince when mat ters are brought to thefetermes, all Caufe of writing ceafeth : your Protcftations might have bin well fpared; fince you cannot forbid me to (ay Truth, though it grieve you. And that afwell I am af- fur'd that the fhame of delaying the Combat will not reft on me,fince all the World may Witnefle the defire I have to fee an end thereof. At Mon^on in Aragon June 28. 1528. This alfo was certified under the hand and Scale of Kurgundy King of Armcs, who, together carryed, in a paper, the fourth Article of the Concord of Madrid. And, moreover, in a publique writing, de- clar'd that his Imperiall Majeftie commanded him, with all {peed, to require an Anfwer thereof. And that he fhould offer his fervice for bringing of it, if F r&nc is fb thought fit .Yet if the faid King would not fend it but by another, then that he {hould afTure Francis^ on the part of his Imperiall Majeftie, that the faid Metfenger might come fecurely 5 Andthatafafe-Conduft fhould be made him if he de- fired it 5 Although bis Imperiall Majeftie did not thinke it necef- fary for a King of Armes, as being a privilegd perfon. And, be- fides this, that he the faid B urgttndj fhould give to Rokertet Secreta ry to the King of France^ or any other, whom the faid King (hould appoint, an Anfwer 3 in writing, to that which Gujenm gave in pre- fence of his Imperiall Majeftie, and, by his confent, to the Secreta ry Aleman. The Tenor of which writing being long, and contey- .n ing little in it, but what is formerly fet downe, I fhall pafTe over. And the rather, that it took no more effeft. NevertheleflTe, I muft not omit to fay, that theexcufe of Francis was not generally appro ved, nor his Carrell thought juft. For if a Prifoner of Warre may avoid his promi (e, becaufe he is under conftraint, it would follow, that few or none would be taken, but rather kild upon the place ; which would make the Warre not only more blocdy arid barbarous, but even deftroy a principall part of that Jus Gentium^ which in thefe cafes hath been inviolably obferv'd in all times* So that if Cc 2 Francis The Life 152,8, Sandov. Francis had excus'd his npt returning by being a publique perfon,and lad faid that his Obligation by Oath,when he was crown'd, unto his people and Kingdome was a greater tye than that of his particular lonour ; And, together , had alleged , that he could not obteine their con fent, either to per forme his prom i/e for reftitucion of Bur- gundy^ or otherwife to goe fingle out of his Kingdome ; It was thought, by fome, he might have Vindicated himfelf in great part, and, indeed^ layi fome imputation on Charles, for demanding things impoflible to per forme. But I come to that which enfued ; accor ding to an Ad which Burgundy gave under his hand and Sealers Au- thentique, for the juftifying of the Emperour his M afters repu tation . This Burgundy ^comm'mgt j Fuentarabie, fends a Trumpet I. July 1 5 28. to Monfieur de St. Bonnet Governour otBayonne^ for the fafe- Condud which Guyenne had promifed. The Governour excufetl himfelf, as not having Commiflion ; yet as Burgundy perfifted in his demand, the faid Governour, about VIII. dayes afterwards, fent him word, that his fafe-conduA was ready, if he brought fecurity of the Field to Francis 5 requiring further to know if his Commif- fion extended to any thing elfe. To which Burgundy anfwer'd, about VII. dayes after,that the Emperour his Matter had commanded him not to declare his Meflage to any,but Francis : and that, therefore, he had difpatch'd a Courrier to his Imperiall Majeftie to know what Anfwer I (hould make, who hath commanded me, hereupon, to let you know, that I doe bring the fecurity of the Field, and other things that concerne the Combat, and Anfwer to the Gartell of the King your Matter. To which, the next day following, the Governour anfvvered againe, thar, if he brought the fecurity of the Field, anc nothing elfe, he fhould advertize him, and he would prefently fenc a Gentleman to Conduft him to the King his Matter. To which about IX. dayes after, B urgundy anfwer'd, that he did bring the fe curity of the Field, and the reft did concerne only the Combat, anc the haftning thereof; which being fb, he faid he ought not tobede- nyed, or prohibited to do his office, fince it was a thing never known, that any (hould fpeake to one, and yet not heare his Anfwer; as ii it were enough, for defending of ones honour, to fend a Cartel!, without doing, or fuffering any thing elfe. For which reafon, and becaufethe Emperour is defirous to fjhew that he is in earneft, he did require him this time for all, that, without more delay, he might receive his fafe-conduft, as Guyenne had in the like Cafe, and thar> if he wcredelay'd, he protefted that he had done all that was conveni ent for the difchargeof the dignity of the Emperour his Mafter, which you know of what importance it is, and fb expected his fpec- dy Anfwer. No atifwer being return 'd hereunto in the fpace oi IX. dayes more, (not withftanding that the Governour had promi fed to fend a Trumpet with an Anfwer) Burgundy thought fit ro re member him of that promife, and therefore fends a Trumpe to Of Henry the Eighth. Z4-3 to which (as the Spam ili Hi (lory hath it) St. Bontt made no o- ther Anfwer, bur bid him returne no more, and that Fueffe con d 7et, as Burgundy would nor depart (Oj at laft the Governour of Bayonne fent him~a Letter Dated AuguftXVlI. 1528. which de- Au Z u $ l i> clar'd, that the King his Mafter was offended with him, for having deferr'd the giving him fare-conduft fo long, which therefore hce prom is'd to fend him when hedefir'd it; which Burgundy requiring out of bund, the Governour fent him. Whereupon Burgundy (who put on his Coat of Armes affoone as he was in the French Terri tories) came to Bayonxe, where he protefted to the Governour, that the demanding fafe.-crnduft fhouldbe no derogation to his privi lege belonging to him as King of Armes 5 and (b, continuing his Journey, he came to Efttmptt, 2. September^ where Guytnne atten- seftember ded hirn ; (hying yet there VII. dayes, before he was permitted to g-e ro Paris, (the King parting all that time in Hunting.) Being at length conduced to Paris, hee would have worne his Coate of Armes, but was not fuffejed, it being cold him, it was Cofa deun San Nicholas de Aldea^ \vhicb I interpret, A thing not to be (hew'd but upon Holy-dayes or in a Countrey Church. But r/z do's thy Mafter thinke to efta- blifh new Cuftorttes in my Land ? I will none of thefe Hypocrifies. He anfwer^l then, m?,I am aflur'd that the Emperour will doe all that a brave and vcrruous Prince ought to doe. The King replied hereunto, that he thought fo well of him, he did believe he would do fo. Where wirh Monfeur de Montmorency, who was the Grand Mai- fire, began ro fay fomewhat to the King, which the fa id King of Armes underftood not 5 but the King pafiionatly replyed, No,No, I will not give him leave, unleflfe I have the furety of the Field 5 with out which (he faid) he ftiou Id returne as he came; and fo bids the King of Armes fpeakeno more unto him. Yet he replyed, S/W, if you will not fuifcr me, I cannot doe my office, nor give you the Car- fell of the Emperour, without your leave, which once again I aske ; and if you will not give it me, becaufe I may not erre in my Rela tion, I pray you give me by writing, that you deny it, refervjng me yetyourfafe-Condu&toreturne. Then France faid, I will that it be given you, wherewithall the Herauld departed. He then folli- *?d Mont morencj^ the Grand Afaiftre, to obra me leave for him once more to deliver the Emperours Cartel 1. Notwithstanding which, he received no other Anfwer, but that the King would grant him r o udience, fince his Commiffion was expir'd. Therefore that he mi^ht depart when it pleafed him. Then Burgundy prorefted that the fault was not in him, and much lefle in the Emperour his Mafter, and rhat the Emperour his Mafter would publifh this in all places where he thought fir. Then the Secretary offer'd him a Relation of thebu- (Inefle, which yet he 'would not receive, in regard feme pafTages were omitted, and particularly thebarfti words, wich the King gave him . Wherewith Burgundy return'd, and, at his comming to Court, delivered this Relation to the Emperour under his hand and Scale: Which alfo I have follow'd, not that I would fhew any partiality to cither fide, but that it is the moft particular, that I could meet with, among the feverall Relations that are extant s and, for the meft parr, agreeing with them. C^/^nowconfidering what remain'dto be done for di/charge of his honour, brought the bufinefTe to his Counfaile of State and W.irre , who all agreed, thatthe Refufall of Francis to heare the Re ply to his Cartell had given end to this bufinefTe; and, for the reft, that ir was fufficient to ccrtifie certain principall pcrfons, both at mr^ and abroad, of all thcfe pafBges. And this was the end of the Cartells and Pundonnores betwixt thefe Of Henry the Eighth. thefe two great Princes , not for want of Courage, (in which both undoubted ! y abounded; but for not being able to agree fufficieutly between themfelves concerning the {.awes of Dyell, of wb ich there fore men fpake, in that age, diver fly, according to their feverall af- fe&ions - y yet fo, as few difinterefied perfons denycd, but that (not- withftanding the pun Dualities of Francis} Char Us had behav'd him- felfelike a Gentile Cavallier. Whilft our King and the French, were in that good intelligence which is above mentioned, it might feeme probable that Scotland fhouJd be quiet : Their beft fupport ever comming from that Coun try. Yet fuch was the power of the Doa>iUjJes at that time, that they feem'd to fway all things. For as they held a 1 rift guard about the King, they made ufe of his authority for their owne ends. And particularly the Earle of Anguis their chiefe. Nevertheleffe, as Queen Margaret had lately obtained at Rome a Divorce from the {aid Earle, and, thereupon, marryed Henry Staart, (Aiortly after created Lord Mejfen,)(hc drew many of the prime Nobility againft him. Who yet attempting the Kings delivery by force, werede* fuly^a. featedneer Litbquo, and t|ie Earle of Lenox flaine. Howbeit the Kng by night flippicg ^w.ay from Angus* to the Caftle of Sterling refolves tofuramona Parliament, and exau#orate the Dovglajjes $ Sending a Letter alfo to our King, to this purpofe, (as our Records tell us.) That the Earle of Angui^ being made one of thechiefe a- bout his Perfon, had wrought the cxclufion of rhc teft, and got the whole guiding of his Perlon for two yearesj in which rime many evill adventures happened. Moreover, that heconfpircd his Slaugh ter. This being done, he appoints the Parliament to be held Scp- temper 4. Where the 1> 0Bg/4/f being now deprived of.their puo- September. 4. like offices and places, nor only refused to come, but indcavoured by all meanes todiflblvethis meeting. Therefore, hearing the King was departed out of 'Edentrcugh } the.y ieot fome Troupes of Horfe to feize on it;which lifcewifc they had perform 'd,but that Robert Maxtfellty tiic Kings Commard, prevented rhcm.HercDpou Annuls retired to his ovyrj Caftle, being about XII1I. Miles diftant. The^King underftan- diag hereof,comes to E^nlrou^b 5 where, by Vote of the Parliament, the E arl of Annuls J3wgt his Brother, Ar/bitaldhis UnckJe, and A- Uxan (ley D rom oW,their dear friend, were Condemned,and theirgoods confiircate,and Proclamation fent forth, that whofoever received them in hG ufe, or other wife teliev'd them, fhould bee fubjcdi to the fame pun ifhrncnt. Shortly after which william (an other Brother of trie 5 arl,andAblbotof /To/jrW)languih'dand at laft dyed of griefe. Into whofe place fucceededa Man, who, to avoid the Crymeof be- inga Simintack. ufedthis Notable trick, as Buchanan hath it. For, '-.,.,,. , . r , ' Such. hearing that the tondirtlliam was at the point of death, he Jayes a great fummeof !Money,^sa wager, with the King, that bee fhould not have the r >onation of the next Abby that fell. The King (though young;) underftood bis meaning 5 and, ashe wanted Money at September 4. Buck. The Life 5*8. Bach. . E.Camp. Hijl. it el. ;:.. at that time, was content to win the wager, and lofe the Abby, The DoKglaJJes defpairing now of mercy, fpoile and forrage the Country even to the gates of Edenbrough^ nor was all their prey by Land ; for a (hip , laden with pretious Merchandize, being driven by a tern- peft on that Coaft, was rifled by them, and the chiefe Merchandize taken away 5 Among which, fbme quantitie of Cinnamon which was left in the bortome of the Ship, being taken, the vulgar fort, not knowing the ufe thereof, burnc it for fewell in their houfes, as Buchanan hath it . The more difcontented fort of the Kingdome hea ring that the DouglaJJes were thus in armes, joyn with them. The King understanding this, and together finding that their Numbers and power did daily increafe, advis'd to raife Forces for taking a Ca- ftle of the Douglafes (For which purpofe he got Ordnance and Munition from Dunbar^ in which John Duke v& Albany late Vice roy held Garrifon. Hee could not yet take the Caftle. Our King hearing of thefeftirs, fends fome Ambafladors in Ofto- ber 1528, to treat of an accommodation 5 Neither was f 'rands averfe, as definng to difpofe our King to a war againft Charles. The difficul ties yetj were fuch, that all that could be obrain'd, was, a Truce for five years more, upon Condition, that the'DouglaJJes fhould deliver their Caftles up,' the King giving them fome other Conditions; Which yet being not in all points ob/erved, they were forced to for- fake their Country, and fly into England^ where our King enterrain'c them with a Penfion, and, at alloccafions, mediated their Reftituti- on ; which at laft ( but not till the death of James the fift) he effe&ec ( as will appear : ) Howbeit Alexander Dromond was received into favour j though, whether for his own merit, or to divide him from the D ougUflei is nncerrain, for James Coluit^ one of their friends,anc the late Abbot of Holy-rood^ notwithftanding (his bought Title) were banifht from Court. The bufinefles of Ireland parted thus. The Earle of Klldare for merly- mcntion'd, being reftored to his place of Deputy, was yet ftil perfecuted by the Earle of OJfay, upon pretext of favouring the Ear of Defmond^ who, upon the Treaty hee made firft with the French King, and afterwards with the Em per >ur to attempt Ireland^ was de clared Trayror. This prevail'd fo farre, t hit Kildare was fent for to rh? Councell-Table 1527. where the Cardinall, his old Enemy, de- clayrocd again ft him. But he wittily and boldly defended himfelfe as our HilWy, and efpccially Campion hath it at large. Howbeit net wis committed, and more Accufations produced againft him ; and particularly, that the Invafiori his Brethren had made.' upon the Earle of offtry, now the Kings Deputy, proceeded from him 5 whereof alfb being con ^ift, he was condemned, and reprived in the Tower. Ai which, the Cardinall offended, fends the Lieutenant a Warrant fo his Execution. But the Lieutenant, favouring Kildare, acquaints our King therewith $ who, thereupon, not only refpited his deathjbut fbme while after pardoned and fent him home to his Country. Checking Of Henry the Eighth. / Check ing the Cardinall in the mean time not a little, for his pre- fumption. I fhall now return tofpeak of the affaires of Religion in Germa ny which Luther more than any of the other Reformers did govern, which credit a Ifo that he might dilate and conferve, he had, a gooi while fince, written to our King, a kind of Apologie for the difre- (pe&full Anfwer made to his Book; offering,for fatisfadion,in fome publike writing to acknowledge (together with his own prefumpti- on ) the Kings fingular worth. In this Letter, among other things, he faies he Undetftood that the King was not the Author of the booke, which, under his name, came forth againft him, but certain Sophi- ftets, who, to infinuate themfelvcs into his favour, had put forth the Work under his name ; and then calls the Cardinall, Anglia peflem. He added alfo,that he was informed ,to his great contentment, ipfum fo faftidire genus illud perditorum hominum, & ad Veri cognitivnem animum adjicere $ After which, he inferts a briefe Retnonftrance of his Doctrines, andbegs a favourable Anfwer. Our King, having re- cciv'd this Letter. Anfvvers it ffrarply, laying Inconftancy and levitie to the charge of Luther, and defending his own Book, and the Cardi nall, whom, ho faith, he fhould love the better henceforth -, and then objects to him his late inte$*m Matrimomum with a Nunne. This Anfwer being alfo fent the Pope, and printed, Luther, who took no thing fo ill at this time, as that he ftiould be thought to change any of his Tenents and opinions, layes the fault on Cbriftierne King of Denmarke y \v\\o had given him hope, that our King, being treated gently andrefpc&fully, would embrace the Reformed do&rine : But now that he repented himfelf of thiseafie Language, though it were not new to him tolofehis labour in this kind 5 for having written fubmiffively and humbly heretofore to the Cardinall Cajetaa, George Dnke of Saxony, and Erafmtt*, he had found no fuccefle thereof, but that they were fo much the fiercer againft him. Howfoever, as his Doctrines had made no little progrefle in Germany, and that divets who did not manifeftly declare themfelves his Followers, did yet con cur fecretly in many of his opinions, Charles, for repreffing thofe Tumults, (which alteration of Religion doth commonly produce) thought fit to call an Aflembly of the Princes of the Empire, to bee held at Spire. For though the Decree made at wvrmls ( where Lu ther was condemned ) did yet ftand in force, the Determinations did not yet appear fo conclu five and fatisfaftory, that either fide feem'd quieted therewith. The Princes meeting at Spire in June 1 5 2 . the Emperours Letters ( dated from Sevil 2jth of March ) were read to them. Wherein he declared, that he would fhortly goe to Rome, to be Crowned, and talk with the Pope concerning a Councill : In the mean time forbidding them to Innovate ought in Religion, but conform themfelves to the Decree of wmrmk. But the Reformed Cities anfwered, that the Exe cution of the Decree of wormbs would hazard a fcdition among the D d people 15*8. Sleid. ijzr, uo. The Life an Skidin. Aur.i. March i ?. people, and that, the Pope now gathering forces agairiil the Empe rour, there was little hope of obtcyning from him a Generall Ceun- cill. Therefore, they defir'd the Emperour to permit a Nationall Councill of Germany, for the fetling of Religion 5 or, if not, at leaft to fufpend the Decree of wormbt^ till a general! Councill be call'd. Things thus tending to an open diffention, tire Turk invading tiunga,- ry on the one part, and the French and Italians Confederating agamft I Charles on the other, Ferdinand^ ( the EmperOurs Deputy in this Diet ) thought fit to condifcend to a Decree to this efre& ; That there was great need of a Councill, either Generator of the German Na tion ; and that it fhould begin within a yeare, which the Emperour was to be intreated to grant. As concerning Religion,and the Decree of trormfa,th&t, till one of thofe Councills bee call'd, every Prince and S ta te (b behave them felves, as they may give a probable account of their Actions, to God and the Emperour. After this, a violent war betwixt the Emperour and French, the fackingof Rome^ and Capti vity of the Pope, ( as is before related ) difcompofmg all things, "he Lurherans ( or as they (tiled them felves the Evangeliques) incrcafcd i a Germany, without that Charles thought it convenient to irideavour their fupprclTion. Till at length, returning to good terrnes with the Pope, and an overture being made for an Accord with the French, he returns to the care of Religion, and, by Letters dated at Valledolid Augujt i . 1528. appoints a Diet at Spire, to Commence in February 1529. where though ( he faid ) he could nor, for his great occaiions, be prefent, yet he had intreated his brother Ferdinand^ Frederick the Palatine, and fomc others to appeare for him . This D iet yet, did not begin till March following : to which the difcreet and peaceable Me- laxftbon was, with much honour, brought by the ble&or of Saxoxy. Many other Princes and great pcrfons alfo came thither 5 among which not a few were unrcfolvcd enough in either beliefe, till con- trovcrfiesin Religion were better difputed, whereof yet they could find no end. For as long as in any Angle of the world there was ei ther a new Opinion, to examine, or Antient errour, to reforme, they wanted not a juftexcrcife for their Curiofity. At laft the former Decree o^Spire 1526. was examined ; In which, becaufe it was then agreed, that, as concerning the Decree of worml^ and matter of Re ligion ( in the mean time) till one of thefe Councills were held,eve- ry Prince and State fhould fo behave themfelves, as they may give a probable reafon of their A& ions, to God and the Emperour; The Emperour now, alleging it was mifunderftood by divers, and defl- ring that this might be interpreted, propos'd the fetling thereof, in this manner. That all, who have obeyed the Emperours Edict at wormls hither unto, (iiould continue to obey ir,untill a Councill were called^vhich was promis d with all fpeed polfible. That they who had Co farreen^ tertain'd any new Dorine,that they could not without danger leave it, fhould yet ftay there, without multiplying Opinions, or printing New OJ Henry the Eighth. New andOffenfive Bookes $ ( according to the Decree at 1524.) That the Antient Tenent about the Euchanft,and the Maflq fhould be held. That they who would goe to the Mafle fhould riot be hindered. That Preachers follow that interpretation of the Scrip tures which the Charch hath received and approved , abftainmg from Controverted points, which fhould be determined by the Councill. In the mean while, that difference of Opinion in matters of Religi on (hould not be a breach of Peace, or occafion of wrong on either fide. That no Prince fhonld receive the fubje&s of the other into his prote&ion. That they who did otherwife, Ihould be under the Bann^ (or profcrib'd.) But the Anabaptifts were more ihrewdly dealt with- all it being agreed, that they, who with pertinacie did maintaia that Do&rine, fhould be put to death. Many things yet were diflik'd herein by the Electors of S&xony and April K. Dukes of Lunenburg^ the Landgrave of Hefsea, and divers others. Therefore they procefted againft it ; and firft they faid, That the formet Diet of Spire was more favourable, as permitting every one the exercife of his Religion, till a Councill in G ermanj^or, otherwife, a General! Councill were call'd , and that there was no reafontovary from ir,unlefTe another more Convenient were Accor ded. ThatjintheAflemblyof Noremberg^ they had deliver'd many Grievances to the Popes Legat, fof which yet no remedy was given, nor, indeed, could be expeded, untill the faid Councill were call'd. As for the Mafle, that it was fufficiently convi&ed by the Minifters of their Churches, and the Eucharift after the true manner teftored. Wherefore, that they could by no means admit, that either they or their Subjects fhou ! dteprefent at the Matte; fince, when the ufe thereof might be received in their Churches, yet if two divine fer- vices, fo diferepant, fhould be Celebrated in the fame place, much ill example and fcandaU muft fo! low. And for the point of the Encha- rift, that though there were difference among the Reformed, yet that none ought to be condemned, unheard. As for the Article, which prefcribeth the Gofpell to be interpreted according to the ordinary and received Doftrineof the Church, that it was well-ftated, when the true- Church were firft defined, untill which, they would labour to interpret one place of Scripture by the other. That the laft De cree at Spire was made for the fake of Peace and Concord, but not this 5 and, therefore, that they altogether protefted againft it. In the meanwhile (untill this Generall or Provinciall Councill for Ger many were call'd ) they promised to doe nothing, that might juftly be reprov'd. As for keeping of Peace, the taking of that which belongs toothers, Anabaptifts, and printing of Books, they faid, they knew very well wfiat was to be done. This Proteftation of the Princes being communicated to the chief Townes of Gtrmtn)^ (among which Strg&wg^ Noremkerg^ Vlm^ Roteling^ Winftim, Memingen^ Lindaw^ Kempt ea, Hail' ^ S&gall^ and divers others are numbred) they all D d 2 joynd t * -~ - -* . * * 23. The Life an i 'fait* Bell. Bell. Febr. I joyndio together, that, the name of Proteft ants tooke thence its o- riffinall : riginall ; which name therefore (properly taken) feems to imply no more, than one refolv'd to embrace the above- mention 'd Tenants, till fome Lawfull Council!, either Generall or Provincial], deter mined the contrary. Ferdinand^ finding matters thus not to fort to thateffe&he defir'd, departs, out of the Aflembly betimes, though much entreated by the Elector of Saxony y and the reft, to ftay, which he refufing, they appeald to, the Emperour, and future Council!. Let us now fee what was done in Italic this while; The Pope, though efcaped, was not yet fuddenly provided with Counfcll or Money. For as the Obligation he had to comply with the League, formd in his defence, afwell as defire of Revenge, made him Cor- refpond with /*j, and for Florence, it was his Native Countrey. Befides,he was fufficiently in formed, that Francis^ when he might have hope to recover his Chil dren by fairc meanes, would not aflift him. Ail which reafons made him fo temporife, even to the giving fufpition of deferting the League, whereof himfelf was Author. Hereupon Lautrecb {hid at Bononia^ attending both Men to reinforce his Army, and further inftrmftions. But as CJw/w and Francis came to no agreement, fo he was commanded to proceed with his Army ; In which Sir Robert Jerningbam^ Gentleman of the Bed- Chamber both to King Htnry^ and Francis^ had the command of 200, Horfe, paid by our King. Whereupon the Imperiallifts, knowing how much it concern 'd them to defend the Kingdome of Naples ^ retir'd thither, with a fmall remnant of their Army. Where they had enough to doe, both as they weretorefift the French, and as the people, defirous of Novel ty (after their giddy manner, when either they thinke themfelves op- preft,orthat, other wife, they hope for a milder Government) were ready to revolt, which alfb appear 'd fb much, that, long before Lau- trech came to divers Townes, they yielded themfelves, fending their keycs a dayes Journey before them. The firft that made headagainft them, was the Prince of Aurange. But as his forces were much in- feriour to the French, he, at laft, retir'd to Naples 5 where yet he was fo hated by Hugo de Moncada^ and the Spanyards, that he was in danger of having the Gates (hut againft him. Lautreck now, purfu- ing his good fortune, befieges Melfi. But as a number of Labourers and Husbandmen, uaapr for war, were (hut in it, fb their fears and noyfes, while the Souldiers defended the Walls, made them retire to the Of Henry the Eighth. ^ / the Caftle, as thinking they had other enemies within. Whereof the French taking advantage, entred, and fack'd the Town, making the Prince of Mel$^ his Lady, and children Prifoners. After which, di vers other places yeeldcd to the French, till they came te Naples, which was April 1 7. or as others fay May I. 1528. And now their Army feem'd terrible $ both as it was reinforc'd by fome Regiments of Suifle and as the Inhabitants of Naples favour'd them. While that of the Spaniards was no greater, than what the walls of Naples, and fome littk places in the Confines thereof did hold. Howbeit,as Lautrecb con (idered that divers brave Commanders for the Imperia- lifts were of this number, he did not think fit to invert the Town by Land, till he had block'd it up by Sea. Therefore Pbilippino Doria, Lieutenant to Andrea Doria, was commanded, with eight Galleys,to ride before the Haven. This troubled much the befieged,for all the hope they had either of Vi&uals or Reliefe was on that part. Hugo de Moncada, confidering this, puts forth with a few Galleys in that Port again ft Dor/4, and begins a furious Fight 5 the fucceffe whereof was, that he loft, at once, both vi5tory and life, and about 700 more with him 5 Alfonfo de Avalos Marquis del f r aflo y Afcanio dc Colonna, and fome others of Note, being taken prifoners. This as it added great Courage to the French,fb it occasioned fome benefits to the Imperia- lifts, both as it tooke away the Competition betwixt Moncada and the Prince of Aurange, ( who now commanded in chief, ) and as it opened a way ( as (hall appeare afterwards ) for gaining Andrea Do- ria unto the Emperours lervice. The fiege continued yet foure Moneths ; Lautrcch, as being Ma- fter of the Field, defiring rather to take the City by famine, than by the ftvord. And now the vi^ftuak were almoft all confum'd ; When the Prince of Aurange thought fit to fend Hernandode Gonzaga with about 5000 Foot, and 700 Horfe, with divers Carts, to forragc anc get provi(ion,but they alfb were defeated, and the Carriages taken from them. Howbeit Naples held out ftill. This while Antonio de Leyva, recovers Paui^Noruarra, and Bia- grts, and divers other places, taken by L autrecb 5 and fo joyn'd with the Duke of Brunfaick, who came with 15000 Germans, anjl 500 Horfe, to ferve the Emperour. The(e two r agreeing together to be- fiege Lodi^ found fuch gallant refinance, that they were at laft con drained todefift,and the rather, that they heard^he Count de St. Paul with a ftrong Army of SuifTeand French, was on his way to reliev< it. Befides, the Germans, who came with Brunftvick, having not thei pay at the time appointed, did for the moft part return, (b that thi French, by joyning with the Duke of #r/#, made themfelves quick lymaftersof the Field, recovering again all the places Antonio d Leyv* had taken, and together with them the Fatall Paruia. But fee upon what Engines Fortune now turn 'd ! Philippine Doria^Vi&ori ous and Triumphant, being come to Surrento, to cure his hurt Soul diera>and rcpairehis Galleys, Lautrecb fends Giovanni Joakim to i requirj April 17. The Life 52,8 SanAov. * April Aug.ij. require the Pfifoners, as being taken in the name, and for the fervice of the King his Matter. Philippine, though receiving this Metfage with great indignation, yet diitembled it for the prefent, faying only, he could determine nothing, without acquainting his Uncle Andrea Doria, whofe Lieutenant he was. But this was only to get time. For he expected a Reward, before he would leave his Prifbners. Which alfo, or at leaft tliehope of it, Lautrecb fhould have given, before hee demanded them . This error therefore coft deare. For ?////>/;/ #0, who took pay chiefly ro give proofe of hisVertue,and therefore would fervebut for a rime ( now almoft expired ) was not to bee treated in this fafhion. As the French found icon after. For, employing his thoughts at this prefent more how to gain his own liberty, than to leave bisPrifoners,He found means to retire himfelf t6 a place of more furety; Where,upon private Conference with his Pnfoners,he found, that he could make more profit of them from the Spanifh, than the French fide. In conclu fion , Andrea D orza alfo being folicited by the Prince of Aurangt to change Mafter ( aflbon as his terme was out) ! ie begins to liften;and the rather that Ib good conditions were offcr'd him from Charles ; and, particularly, an Eftate in the Kingdomeof Naples. Hee would not yet leave the French abruptly, nor before hee had gotten fome pretext for it. Therefore he fent to the French Court, to demand fatisfa&ion for theRanfome of the Prince of Aurangeja- ken before Marftittes, and others during the fiege ofPavza. Hee alfo requir'dthat Genoua might be reftor'd to'itsfuperiorrty over Savona. Which demands being brought to the Chancellor du Prat and dif^ lik'd, it was thought fit to fend Antoine de la Roche- Fouchaul^ with Commiffion to feize oh the Perfon and Galleys of Dorta. Notice whereof being fecretly given him, D oria, leaving the French Galley .o their new Commander, withdrew himfelf with his own, to the Em perour's fervice; who, for obliging him the more, promifed to reftore Genoua his native Country to its former liberty, and to make him GenerallofthelmperiallNavy. Thus did the French lofe Do- r/4, only becaufe they knew not how to ufe him according to his Condition, it behoving them, as he was generous, to have dealt more gentry with him ; and as Mercenary, more cautioufly 5 efpecially, when he might make fo much benefit by revolting to the other fide. While this Treaty was on foot, Pietro Landojwith thirty Venetian Galleys^ blocks up Naples by Sea: fothat now it feem'd impoflible for it to hold out ; yet the hand of God is above all. For a kind oi Peftilcnce, ( which S andoval calls Negra or bhck ) fb univer&lly fei- zed on the French, that they diminifhed daily in great numbers, anc among them * Sir Robert Jerningham: whofe company, therefore, was given to Mafter John Carew, his Lieutenant, who yet dyed there of the fanie difeafe. At laft alfo Lautrech himfelf, ( A brave Com mander, but wkhall noted to be fo opinionate, that he would, alone have the glory ,or fhame of all his aft ions) dyed of the difea(e,and huge numbers of others 5 which fo difheartned the French, that the weak remain- Of Henry the Eighth. 215 remainders, wanting (bcfides their health) Money,viauall,#v .raifed the Siege, and retir'd homewards. And tbus, fucceffively, were two great Armies confum'd with the Plague, without other force ; as it ufually happens, when people, not acquainted with the Temper, Wines, and Fruits of a Country, live liccntioufly. They could not yet retire fo quietly, but that the Imperialifts follow'd rhem,and took divers Prifoners, and,among others, the old and weak Pietro Wavarra. The Marquis ofSalucgs^ who undertook ( after Lautrech) the govern ment, yet held Averfa for fome while though, at Jaft, hee was con- ftrained to yeeld it together with himfclfe. In fcouence whereof all other places rhe French held in thofe parts were furrender'd, fave a few the Venetians fortified. Genouj, alfo wasconftrained to yceld it felf, and duke off the French yoke, by the means of Andrea Doria^ who hearing that the plague had chafed almoft all the Inhabitants thence, enters it by Sea, and forceth Theodora de Tretulci to a Compofition, by which he was to forfakethe Town. The Genottefi^ hereupon, were reftor'd to their former liberty, and Savoaa, not long after, taken by them. The Count St.Paul, finding affaires thus to goe ill on the French fide, thought to repaire them byfurprifing MiUn^ upon in telligence with certain Citizens there. But bringing provifion of Vi- (ftuals only for twenty four hours,and no Artillery, he gave off his en- terprife, and retir'd te> Alex&ndr'iA^ with intention to paffe there the reft of the Winter, 1528. A s the Plague deftroyed the French in Italie, the fwcating fick- nefle confum'd very many in England^ it feeming to be but the fame Contagion of the aire, varied according to the Clime. It was firft known in Engl&nd^ 148^. then 1507. then 1517. and now 1528. when it fo raged, as it kil'd ordinarily in five or fix houres fpace, in vading even the Kings Court, where not only Sir Francis Pointy Sir WiltiamCompto^ and Nh. William Cary (two of the Kings Bed- Cham ber,) dyed of it but the King himfelf was not without danger. la Germany alfb it did much harme, killing many, and, particular ly, interrupting a Conference at Marpurv^ betwixt Lather and //V, concerning the Eucharift. I ("hall now come to the bufineffe of the Divorce $ fo much vexcc by our Writers, that, for fatisfaftion of the Reader, I have extraftec a Relation thereof out of thofe Originalls, and Authentique Re cords, that I fhall prefume to recommend it,for more than an ordina ry piece of Hiftory. Our King had now, for many years, enjoyed the Vertuous Queen KatkeY'ine, without that either fcruple of the Validity of their Match, or out ward note of unkindneffehad paft betwixt them. Neverthe- leiTe, a?, rrefcntly afrcr the Birth of the PrincefTcC who alone of all their Children furvived ) Lufberjind others, controverted the Autho rity, arid extent of the Papall JurifdiAion, fo in this Kingdome, the Difpenfation of Julius the fecond for the aforcfaid Marriage, heing, privately, queftion'd, many of our learned Men concluded it void' Sleld.1.6. The Life 152,8 Hall. Jw'y I? M17. as being granted in a Cafe prohibited Jure D * 1-7/20, and therefore in- difpenlable. This again, whifpercd in (be Eares of many, begot fuch a muttering, as^being brought to the King,made Him think what Hee was to doe. For though Hee knew that a keep; rg of the Succeffion doubtfullwasoneofthe ill Arts by which Princes Conferve them- felves ; jar, as a defire to have Pofkrity, which might fucceed Him in the Crown, prevail'd over all other Confederations, Hee refolv'd to clear this point by all fitting degrees, and the rather, that hee knew the fame objections had been made ( though wrongfully ) to Edward the Fourth, and his Children. And certainly ( as it appears to me by many Circumftances,) ft was, in thebcginning,as much as Hecould, in favour of the PrincefTehis Daughter. So that, although the Bifhop ofTar&e { being fent by Francis 1527. to Conclude the Alternative formerly fet down,) did object openly againft her Legitimation, as being got by the King upon his Brothers Wife, it did not much move Him. But,fceing it now grown a publique doubt, he thought it more nororious, than could be fupprcft. Neither did Hee believe that Charles would be greatly fcandalized at it ; iince, to avoyd the Treaty ofwVW/by^Himfclfe had allcg'd feme-things to this purpofe. All which again (as pofydore relates) was fecrctly fomented by Long land Biiliop ofLincolne ( his Maje'l ies ConfefTor,) at the inftieation of the Cardinall $ who both hated the Hmperour 3 and was averfe from the Queen, by reafon of her reproving his loofe, and inordinate life. Though ( what ever Polydore faith,) it will appear hereafter, that wol- fey indeavour'd not, finally, the Divorce. Howfoever, on fome, or all of thefecaufes, the King was much perplextj as knowing how deeply this affaire concern'd himfelf^ his Pofterity, and Kingdomc. And becaufe, itwaseafie to colled of what Confequence any Rumour this kind might be, He not only fent to our AmbafTadours in Spatae, as is faid before, to filence the noife thereof, but ufed all means pof- fible both to appeafe thofe violent Jealoufies the Queen had con- ceiv'd, and to fatisfie his people, at leaft untill himfelf had looked further into the BufinetTe. In which certainly his Intentions private ly were to proceed ; For befides his difparching his Secretary William Knight, Doftor of Law,to0we?, ( whom yet he commanded to ad- vife\vith our Cardinall by the way, being then in France^) Hee took information fometimes about his prefent Condition, and fometimes ( it is probable alfo) about fuch Ladyes as might furnifh him a choife for a Geniall, and fecond bed . In which number the Dutchefle of Alanwn^ Sifter to Francis, is the firft I find mentioned, whofe Pi- clurc ( as Hall faith ) was fent over, about this time. Neither did the Cardinall, being certified of thefepafTages, omit to comply at leaft in apparance with him, and therefore write to the Kicg, that the beft \vayroobtainhisdefire, was, to tell the Emperour plainly, that un- lefTe he fet the Pope free ( at this time in prifon, as is formerly men tioned ) hee would proceed in the Divorce upon his ovvn,and his Cler gies Authority. After which, he fent for John CAzy,Bi(hop oftiath, (then Of Henry the Eighth. 217 Records* (thenrefident AmbafladourinFrd/zrf) and commended him to the King, as a Perfon to whom hee might difcover himfelf 5 and 3 toge ther, deli ver'd his opinion : Firft, Thar,becaufe the Party would ap peale, the bufinefle could not be determined in England^ unlefle the Pope would give him abfolute Authority, in omMm Cap bus, ( a Mi nute whereof, to be fcnt to Rome, I have feen.) Second ly^ That {"hee fhould be perfwaded, adingre/um Religions. And, laftly, if neither of thofe could be effeAed, it fhould be thought of, Qgidpfiti clam fie ri quoad forum Confcienti* ? Concerning which points, the B'fhop of Bath at his return {peaking, ( as I find in an Originall from the (aid Bifhop tQWolfey ) the King replyed, My Lord of Bath, the BuU is good, or it is naught ; If it be naught, let it be fo declar'd,and if it be good, it fhall never be broken by no by- wayes for me. Whereup on,^ the Bifhop reprefented, that the Popes Captivity hindered all fuits in that Court, and, howfoever, that the ProcefTe would be fo flow, as it could not be determined in fix or feven years. Befkles,thar there mu ft be Three diftinft Sentences given in it, by three divers judges, the two laft to be chofen for the adverse parry. Laftly, that after all this, the Sentence may be recall'd ; Quiafententi a contra M&. trimonium, nunquam tranfitinrem Judicatam^ Adding, in Conclu- fion, as the knot of thebufinefTe, that the party vyould Appeale. To which the King an fwer'd,he thought She would not appeale from the Arch-Bifhop of Canterburyjind thG^ifhopsofRochefter^E/y^nd Lon don ; as for the tedioufneffeof the fuit, fince he had patience eighteen years,that He would ftay yet foure or five more^ fince the opinion of all the Clerkes of his Kingdomc, befides Two l were lately declared for him ; adding, that he had ftudied the Matter himfelf, and Written of if, and that he found it.wasunlawfull,^ J^e^/L 1 /^ and undifpen- fable. BufinefTes ftanding thus, and no probability of the Queens fruitfulnefle, fince the Princeffe Marys Birth, appearing 5 and the ra ther, rhatSpanifh women are obferved to be feldome Mothers of many children ; He refblves to have recourfe to the Pope ; Comfor- ring himfelf, for the reft, that no other difficulty appeared in remo ving all thefe inconvenieuccs 3 than the obtaining a Difpcnfationto diffolve that Marriage, which a Difpenfation only had at firft made. He knew the fame key that lockr,could unlock .Therefore he thought fit to fend to Rome, both to reprefent the dangerous Condition of hrmfelf, hisi{TueandKingdome,andtofolicite the Pope for a Li cence to marry another. And the rather, that fo many Circumftances had made the Bull and Breve, upon which the firft Marriage was grounded, to be fufpe&ed . The profecutin? whereof therefore ( in a Difpatch Dated 2^thof December 1527 ) vvas recommended, by the Cardinall,to Sir Gregory Cafalif, an Italian , Which alfo he was re- quiYd to urge fo farre, as to fay, that our Kirg could impure the pu- nifhment God had layd on him in taking away his IfTue Male, upon nothing fo much, as. the unlawfulnefTe of this Marriage ; which lear ned Men did alfo generally fo deteft, as they held it to be more than E e the Rtcords* The Life he Pope could difpence with ( as I find they dcclar'd afterwards, in a Book,was fent thither.) Wherefore, that he fhould procure a Com- miflion for hearing and determining this Gaufe, to be dire&ed to the Cardinall j or, if that were refufed, to Biftiop StaphyUuf y Deane of the Ruoota, who had been lately in England. Ana that he fhould furthermore fay, that he doubted not, but the Pope would eafiiy *rant it, though againft the will of Charles j fmce hee had granted Charles a Difpenfation and abfolutioa from the Oath which hee had taken to Marry the Princeffe Mary, without fo much as demanding the confentof our King. For facilitating of which bufinefle, Let ters of Exchange to the value often thouiand Duckats were fenr him; As alfo certain Inftruments for the Popes figning, which were, Firft, a Commiffion, in ample forme, to heare, and determine the caufe in England. Secondly, a Decretall, wherein the Pope, upon probation of Carnal] knowledge between Arthur and Katherine, fhould pro- nouncethe Carriage voyd. Thirdly, a Difpenfation for the King to Marry another. Fourthly, a Polhcitanon, that the Pope will nor re call any of thefe A^ls. But it was an ill time for Sir Gregory to Ne gotiate with the Pope ; he being ( as I find by an Or ; ginall difpatch ofDo&or Knight^ Dated from Rome September the 13. 1527.) fo aw'd by Hernando de Alar^on^ that hee durft neither give the faid Knight a publ ike Audience, nor f> much as admit a private McfTage from him, but by the Intervention of the Cardinall Piftni. So that, wliat wifdome or piety foevcrour King might pretend herein,rhe Coi~ juntura cerrainly was no w*y aufpicious. And the rarher,thattbePope, during his Impnfonment in the Caftle of St,Angelo^ had been re- quir'd in the Emperour's name ( as I find by a difpatch of Do&or Knights from Orvieto ) not to grant any Ad concerning the Divorce, nor lo much as fuffer the caufe to be heard before any Judge in our Kings Dominions. I find alfo in the fame Letter that Lorenzo Puc- , Gardinall Sanftorum Qttatuor^being chofen by the Pope for dif- patching our Kings bufinefles, had told Doftor Knight^ that the Commiffion penned here in England^ for the Popes figning, might not p >fle, but that he had minuted another, which the Pope ( though with fome reluftaticn ) had granted^ earneftly intreating our King neverrhelefTe, not to pat it in Execution, till the Spaniards, and Al- maines were gone out of Italie, and himfelf left in his full libertie. To confirme which grant alfb, the fame Do6^or Knight, by a Letfer ( dared J^.pth, 1528.) did certific, that the King's Difpenfation was obtained under lead,asamr-lyas the Minute fent from England did conreine and the Commiulon for the Lord Legate likewife was granted, furficrently, though not according to the forme proposed ; and that it was drawne by the Cardinall 'Sanftorum Quatuor. More over, he tells ( as In the Popes name) that if Monfiettrde Lautrech were come, the Pope thinketh he might, by good Colour, fay to the Em perour, that he was required by the Englifh Ambafladours, and Monfteur.de Lautrech to proceed in the bufinefle. All which particu- laritie Of Henry the Eighth. 119 larides, I have the rather fctdown, that it might appeare, how the difficulties, that the Pope made in this bufinefle, feemed to proceed chiefly from humane confederations. Which alfo is much coafirmed 3y a difpatch from Gregory Cafclis 13 Jan. 1528. where (dn the Popes parr, and in his name ) he faith, that if the Kings Confcience )e fatisfied ( which he alone can beft tell ) his Courfe were Ut ftatim Committatcaufam^aliamuxorem ducat ^ litem fequatur^ mitt atar pro Leeatoftc. and,th.ir this was the oaely way for the King to attain rus deiires: though yet he intreated,this advife might be taken;as proceed ing from the Cardinall Sanftorum qttAtuor y and SimoncltA, and not from himfelf. And this, certainly, as itmaybe thought a pblitique advfe, (b would it have prov'd fafer and eafier for both, than a Com- miflion for two Legates ; which as it took up more time on the Kings parr, fo it caufed a like danger and inconvenience to the Pope. How- [oever, it appeared afterwards, that the King, either out oftcnderneflfe of Confcience, or conftderation of the hazard he (hould run, if the Pope would not confirme this Ad, thought not fit to allow thereof; but chofe rather to demand a largtrCommiffion than that which Do &ot Knight obtained, the procuring whereof alfo hee committed to Stephen Gardiaer^Do&ot of Lzw, and Secretary to wolfey, and Ed- w&rdFox^ Provoil of Kings Colledge in Cambridge^ Not neglefting, in the mean time, both to inftru the Pope in his cau(e 3 and do him all the good offices he could with Chriftian Princes, and States, and particularly the Venetians,concerning the reftitution of Ravenna and Cervia ; though yet it tooke not fuch effed as was hoped. Neither did our King forget, by a Letter of Cardinall trolfeys to the Proto- notary John Cajalif, to defire him to acquaint the Pope with fome domeftique and private paflfages ; which ( though out of the re- fye3 I bear to that vet cuous Qieens memory ) I cannot but men tion (bmewhat unwillingly, yet muft not omit, both for the fake of that truth that ought to be in Hiftory,and as it fccms to contain fbme Motive of the Kings intentions.! fhill fetdown the words in Latinas they are extant in our Record.5t nonnullafeereto SanBo Domino N'o- ftro expoaeada^ & non credenda literif, quas ob CAitfas^ morbofq^ nonnul- los , quibvti^abfque remedio^ Regina labor at ^ & ob anlmi etiam concep- tumfcrupulum^Regia Majeftts nee pot eft , nee vult^ ullo unquam poft- hac tempore^ eattti^ uelut Kxorew admittere^ quodcunq^ evenerit. Gardiner and Fox, receiving their inftru&ioss in Febr. 1528. re- pair'd firft to Francis ; from whom they readily obtain'd a proroife to cooperate pulffancly with the Pope, for effeftuating the Kings defire, asalfoaperfwaforyand menacing Letter in cafe of refufall to the Pope-, For com ply ing wherewith alfo the Bifliop StapbyltH* was fent by him to Rome not long after. Our Ambaffadours having given the King account hereof, proceeded in their Journey to Italic, and comming at laft to Orvieto^ where the Pope then was, they found him lodged in an oldandruinousMonaftery,his outward chamber alto gether unfurnifh'd, aad his Bedchamber- hangings, together with his Ee2 Bed. Jan. Ttbru. Feb.**. The Life an Bed, valued by them ( as the Originall Letter hath it) at no more then twenty Nobler. The Pope yet receiv'd them lovingly 5 though not without the anxiety of one wjio could neither fafely granj^ nor deny the requeft of a Kii$g, to whom he fo mucho.wed whatsoever liberty he enjoyed. Their inftruftioas for the prsfcnt, were only yet, to thank him for the Cpmmifftoia and Difpenfation graqted in this bu- fmeffeto Doctor K#ight,znd after intruded to Gamfara his Agent here (fucceflbr unto Mderior Laxgw^who was firft Authorized by the Pope, to.give Queen Katkerine notice of this atfaire 3 together with the Popes fecret intention, therein.) They added further, that by G&mbarA) asalfoby Sir Gregory Cafalif^ our King had gladly under- 'ftobd; how all defcA.s^poa due rernonftranrc, ihould be fupplied and amended. They were charged alfo, fr< m the Cardinal!, privately, ro protcffc in his name, that he, was no Author of this CounfelJ. After which they were cjefired, by him, to proceed to the merit of the Caufc,aad Qualities of the Gentlewoman (being, as I take it, Mi- fahBolea.) Thp perplexed Pope, who knew well how much the .Spaniard was interefTed herein, heard them, at this time with more feare,'thenat another time lice would have granted their requcft. Therefore, together with an ambiguous Anfwer, which he gave them 'Joy word of mouth, he fent, in Cifcr, a Letter to our King, of fo much irrefolution , that it needed no other cover. Howfoever, as the Commiftion of our Arnbafladours was to flay rill further ordw was given, they feemed to take all in good part. At laft our able Ne gotiators, urging the aforefaid and many other Motives to the Pope, and he again finding the Freqch and Confederate Army puifant and victorious in the Kingdorne of Naples at that time, made no difficulty to grant a full CommifTion to two Legats, to Hearcand Determine the Caufe in England^ being Caccording to the Kings defire) .ml fey ttdCampegius ("not long fmce made Biiliop of Salisbury ) Befides, it feems he granted this following Pollicitation, or promife. Dated at riterbo^July2i. 1528. which yet, being no Originall-peecc, buc an ancient Copy,^extant among Sir R9bert Cottons Records, I (hall men tion but according to the credit it may deferve from the equal! Rea der, only I muft not omit ro fay, that, as divers Originall difpatches, both beforsand after, give forne touches of ir, and that the Date for jthe reft is added, fo it may challenge better credit then to be thought a Minute, and much leflea Counterfeit and fuppofed peece, which alfois the more probable, that the Pope granted ampler Teftimonies than this, in favour of the Divorce; However they were either con- troll'd again, or detain'd in the hands of his Minifters, after that fort, that our King might well take notice, but neither Copy nor advan tage of them. The 'Of Henry the Eig The Potticitation. PrcmdTio. Pontificis in Ncgotio llcgis. mnosC&metK, diw-nit provident* a Hints nommit P apa feptimu* v i -Modernus iufytiamefa* caufft ) ali- quid contra pr&mijfaVet eorum aliqua quovifmodo fatiamus aut attemp- ttmus^ illudpro cajfo, irrito, inani & vacua omnino baberi volumus & bat emus ^ ac ex nuncprout ex tum^ & ex tune prout nunc^caflamus Att- nulUmu^ & reprobamus^nulliufq^ roboris aut efficaci* fore velefleete- bere pronuHCtamus^decernimus^ & declaramus. D atum Viterbio^ die xxiii Julii Milleflimo QuingeftteJJimo VigeJJimoOftaVo: Pontipcatus aoftri Anna Quiff to. It a tfl Clemens Papa feptimtts antediRus. This while, the Queen who underftood well what was intended again ft her, laboured with all thofe paflions which Jealoufie of the Kings affcdion, fence of her own honour, and the legitimation of her Daughter could produce; laying^ in Conclufion, the whole fault on the Cardinall ; who yet was lefle guilty than the Queen thougfer, or Poly dor e would make him . I will not deny yet, but ? out of due regard to his Mafters Interefts ( fo neerly concern 'd in this great affaire ; he might comply with the Kings defires, but to be the fingle Author of a Counfell, which might turn fo much to his prejudice, when the King (hould dye, is more than may cafily be beli'ev d, ef fb cautious a pcrion as#W/J?j. And this Innocence, perchance, was the reafon that he neither fuf peeled himfelf to be fo much abhorr'd of the Queen, nor to ftand in that danger of her pra&ifes 5 which yet procurd at laft his mine. The firftwho gave the Cardinall notice of the Queens dif- pleafure ( as I find by a Letter of his dated at Feverfham 5 July 1527. then in his Journey towards France) was the Arch-BHliop of Can- rbury- the confequence whereof he (b much apprehended, that hee thought fit to ufe all means for fatisfying her. Therefore he prefent- ly labour'd with the Arch-Bifhop to perfwade the Qjeen,that, what- beverfhe heard in this kind, was intended only for clearing the fur- mifes of the Bifhop ofTarbe, formerly mentioned. Hee writ alfo to our Ambafladours in Spain^ to quench all rumours there, upon the fame pretext. But the Qpeen had fcnt thofe Agents abroad, (and, amonft them, one Abel^ her Chaplain ) who both inform 'd her of all that panned, and ingaged the Emperour to affift her to the utter- m^ft of his power. Therefore the Pope ftood more and more fufpen- dedj Of Henry the Eighth. ded. The pace of Campegius (the promifed Legat) alfo appear'd daggering and flow , and al! that might fruftrate the King's in tentions, was fecretly practis'd. This while the Cardinal] , ( who out of the King's defign's would ever produce and fubrogare fome particular end of his own, whereof, either in point of glory or profit, he might make advantage ) had fo difpofed this of the Divorce, as thereby to mediate the Popes entire delivery, not only from the Guards, but even feare of the Emperour. Again, as, during the Popes reftraint,hehad (uno'er pretence that it was the beft expedient for the Kings purpos'd Divorce ) projected a meeting of Cardinalls at Avigwn^ forfetling the government of the Church, where hee him- felf intended to be prefent- So, now, fince the King liked not that courfe, and that the Pope was free, he perfwaded him to ercft fome Cathedrall Churches in England^ at the price of throwing down more Monafteries. Whereby it appears, both how bufie this Cardinall was, and how much he ftudred his own ends. For as hee knew this would pleafethe King ( who began tothinke that Religious perfons might ferve God af well in defending the Kingdome, as praying for it ) fo heaflurcd himfelfthe Authority thereof would be derived on him chiefly, and the Pope, in the mean time, obnoxious- while bse could not but feare how far thofe Innovations might extend. When this projed therefore was mov'd to the Pope, I find by a Letter of the Protonotary John Caf alts, 08.30. 1528. that he anfwered, gravely, le liked the defi^ne well -,but that hee would proceed deliberatly ; )ecaule it was *d perpetttam ret memoriam. Therefore he defired the wo Legats ( for CAmpegiw was by this time come i might be joyn'd n determining this bufineffe, and that All the Revenues of the Mo nafteries, might be conferred on the new Bifhops -, and that the two ^egats, having advi fed with the Pope hereof, fhould afterwards no^ minarethem. So that it feem'd the Pope held it fitting to comply with the King a little at this time, (Ince Gardiner told him plainly, that he had in his Inftru&ions thefe words to rell him, N'ecefje eft fup- imi pro ferenifimi Regis Collegia Mowfteria cujufcunq^ ordinis ^ In conclufion, a Bull was granted for applying the Revenues of fome fmall Monafteries for maintenance of the Kings Colledges in Cam- bridge m&windf or Qzft.]?. ; the Copy whereof is extant in Sir Robert Cottons Library. It may be doubted yet, whether thefe Apprehenfi- ons, that were now, in more then in one kind, given the Pope of our King's declining the abfotute Authority of the Church of Rome, did difpofe the Pope more to oblige or difoblige him. For, though the Pppe had reafon to feare,, left hee ftiould lofe his antient Jurifdiftion in this Kingdome, if he denyed ; yet he might doubt as well, that in adhering too much to that fide, hee might offend the Eruperourfb farre, as to hazard the lofle of his own. He therefore, at once, treats with the Emperour of a perfe& peace and amity, and together of reco vering Cervia and Ravenaa, and of effe&ing certain other defignes which he had in Florence ; and grants (^sis above faid ) in apparence The Life an 1494. Ant.Brti. Sander. Schifin. Angl. a large Comiffion to wolfey and Campegiasi Yet,in effc#,fo reftrain'd as the Emperour might fee it was not out of his power to check, or revoke it. And this was all that Sir Gregory Cafalif, and Stephen Gar diner, after much importunity, could obtein. They moved the Pope alfo to Canonize Henry VI. ( which I find was formerly propos'd to Alexander VI. by Henry VII.) to which the Pope anfwer'd, that if the Arch- Biihop of Canterbury, and Bifhop of tvincbefter ( who had examined the matter in fanibm ) did fend the Procefle thither., as their Commiflion required, the Canonization (hould follow fhortly after. Bufinefles (landing thus 5 our King thought fit to fend Sir Fran cis Bryan, Knight, and Peter Pannes ( an Italian, and his Secretary for the Latin Tongue) to Rome. Their Inftru&ions in generall ( being figned with the Kings own hand) were to diflfwade the Pope from entring into any League with the Emperour, whofe defigne was ( hee faid ) to deveft the Pope of his Means, and Authority, by the forcible bringing in of one Angela a Cordelier to be Pope, who Should not intermeddle with Secular Jurifdi&ion, and the Patrimony of the Church 5 which therefore the Emperour would take to himfelf and ufurpe. For preventing whereof, the King wifhed him to keep a Guard, offering in his own and Francis name, to contribute thereun to. They were commanded alfo, to fearch privately for a certain pre tended Breve, in Rome ( faid to be a Supplement or Confirmation of the Bull of Julius the fecond, and authorizing the Marriage with Queen Katherine) fince it was not to be found in the Kings Records. Furthermore, they were requir'd to discover ( in the name of a third perfon ) whether, if the Queen enter'd a Religious life, the King might have the Popes Difpenfation to marry again, and the Children be legitimate, and what Precedents were for it ? Secondly, whether if the King ( for the better inducing of the Queen thereunto ) would promife to enter himfelfe into a Religious life, the Pope might not iifpenfe nrith his Vow, and leave her there ? Thirdly, if this may not be done, whether he can difpenfe with the King to have Two Wives, and the Children of both legitimate > Since great Reafons, and Pre cedents, efpecially in the old Teftament, appear for ir. All which they were to doe with that fecrefie, and circumfpe6t.ion,that the caufe might not bee publifhed, proponing the King's cafe alwaies there- :ore as another mans. Laftly ( as in all other Inftruftions) fome kind of Menaces were to be added. Bur perfwafions and terrors wanted not on the other fide 5 which did fo much more prevaile with the Pope, as the danger was more immediate and preifing on the Empe- rours part, than on our Kings. Therefore our Ambaffadours were Co farre from obteining any thingj but what was formerly granted in the Commiffion to Cardinall wolfey, and Campegius^ that they found the Pope now more than ever difpos'd to favour the Emperour. Info- much that they obferved daily new delayes, and reftridions in him. Some whereof (befides the evidence in our Records) Sanders doth confefTe, while he faith, that the Pope, by foure (everall M6(Tengers to Of Henry the Eighth. to Carnpegius ( now on his way ) gave him in charge 5 Firft, that hee (hould make eafie Journeys.. Secondly, that, when he came to Eng land^ he fhould labour all he could to reconcile the King and Queen; Thirdly, that, if this could not be effected, he ihould perfwade her td enteraMonaftery, and take on her a Religious life. Laftly, that, when this could beobtain'd, hefhould give no Definitive fentence fortiie Divorce, without expreffe commandement from him, & hoc. ( faith he) fummum & maximum fit tibi Mandalum, Campegtus thus inftruAed, protracts all things, whereat though our King feem'd fcan lali* d, as fufpe&ing it came from unwillingnefTe 5 yet, being an adive Prince, he made ufe of that time, to negotiate in Spaine for recovering the Breve, ( of which above ) commanding the Bifliop of fforcefler, and Doctor Edward Lee^ by all means to procure it. At length (and not before the beginning of October 1 5 2 %;,Campegius com- ming through France, and being conduced thence into England^ by JohaClark^ithopofBatb^ouT Kings AmbafTadour there, came to London. Where, being, by our Cardinall prefentcdto the King, hee publikely acknowledged in the name of the Pope, Cardinall, "Cler gy, and people of Rome, that our King was Liberator Urbis. Shortly after, obtain ing audience of the Queen, he took occa ft on both to ac quaint her with her danger, and to perfwade her thereupon to re nounce the world, and enter into fome Religious life. For which ma ny pretexts vvanted not fas I find in our Records ) ("he having been ob- ferved, fince the Gommiflion obtained, to allow Dancing and pa- ftiraesmore then before. And that her countenance not only in Court, but to the people, was more cheerfull then ordinary; where as ( it was alleaged ) (he might be more fad and pen(5v6 3 : confidering the Kings Confcience was unfatisfied,aod that he had refrained her bed, and was not willing the Lady Princes, her Daughter, fhould come in her company. But the offended Queen, replying perempto rily, that (he wasrefolved both to.ftand to that Marriage the Roman Church had once allowed and, howfoever, not to adcnit fuch parti- all Judges as they were, to give fentence in her caufe. CamMMi&t writes to Rome, both to informe the Pope hereof, and to deiire htther Intensions. Theanfivcr whereunto,the Pope yet fo long deferr'd that very neere fix Moneths pafs'd before the two Cardinalls fate in their CommifTion. This while, the Bifhop ofooreefter, and Dodor 7. , having giveri the Emperouran Overture 6f the Divorce, did, (by a-'Lctter Dated ztSaragofa April 5. I529.)return our King this Anfwer, on the Emperoursparr. That hee was forry to underftand of the intended Divorce, adjuring; our King ( -for the reft) by the Sacrament of Mar riage, not to diflbive it. Or, if he would needs proceed therein, that the hearing and determining of the bufineffc, yet, might be referr 'd to Rome, or a Generall Council!, and nor be decided in' England. Ad ding further, that he would defend the Queens juft caufe. Where with, the pretended-Originall Breve was produc'd. and a traniTumpr, F f v or Oftcfc AffU 1, ^^6 The Life or Copy thereof ( figned by three Bifhops JoflFer'd them, to fend to England $ but the Breve it felf was denyed, for feare ( as he faid ) of mifcarrying. To which our Ambafsadours anfwered, That our King wa 1 s a Prince of that piety, that he ought not to be Adjur'd $ and for the Breve, thar it was a Jewell belonging to the King and his Queen only, and not to be deteined by any other from them. And, for Ap pealing to Rome^ it needed not ; fince Authority of determining that bufinefse, was already given from thence to Cardinall wolfej and Campegiw. Befides, that, in caufes Matrimonial!, the prefence of the parties co be examined, being required for the moft part, the fimpe- rourmight eafily im gine how unfit it was for the King and Queen perfonally to goe to Rome, efpecially at that time. After this, the Emperour commanding the Breve to be read, the AmbarTadours re quired a Notary to be allowed them, for fettmg down the whole paf- (age of this bufineffe, together with their Protections. But no No- rarybut the Emperour's being permitted, the AmbafTadours were forc'd to accept him, defiring norwithftanding their allegations might be fet down apart. Hereupon the Emperour told the Ambaf- fadours 3 that he would fend an exprelfe Meffenger to our King, to in- treat him to continue his Match, and, in cafe of refufall, to proteft again ft the Divorce. Our AmbafTadoursyctperfifted ftill in urging theraperouf 3 forhisowni&e,tofendthe Breve for England; left the Judges, wanting fight thereof, (hould proceed againft the Queen, ororhetwife, that he would fend the faid Breve to the Pope. The Errrperour replied, that therefore he would not fend it. For if it mif- camed,the Judges might then proceed as they would, but for fend ing it to the Pope he would advife. And that, if matters were now as they were heretofore, he would not fear to fend it to England. By a Letter alfo, the twentieth itX'jfmttt^^ they certifie the King, that the Emperour intended to fead both to England and Rome, to Uiake his Proteftations againl this Divorce 5 and that hce would not lend the Originall Breve. Furthermore, that he requir'd our King, according to an Article of a 'former Treaty, to fall upon Francis, a* a perturber of the Publike Peace. Laftly, becaufe the faid Ambafla- dourshad heard, and confider'd, at large, the Breve, they fent their ob- je^ions again ft it. Which, being one of the grounds of the Kings proceeding in this great Affaire, I have thought fit pun&ually to fet down, as they are extant in the Origi nail tetter, wrrtten in Cipher, and .thus to be read, as I find it difcripbePd in our Records. That, where it is pretended^ the Bull and the Breve to be imperratc in one day, cither they were irnnetrare in one fute, and by one man 5 and then it is not to bethought, but that this fute, being of fo great importance, was committed to foch a one, as con Id perceive, that the Bull, not conteiningfo large DrfpenfaHon as the Breve, is fuperflu- ous, C fuppofing the Breve to be necefTary. ) If the one were impe- trate after the other,and the;fures made by one man,it is hard to think that one man, being inftruft in the fute for both, would pur the Difpcn- Aytit 2,0. Oftob.*. aT - - _ -, _1 1 - - - Of Henry the Eighth. Difpenfation of leffe moment in a Bull, and of greater moment in a Breve, feeing the one mightbeasfacilly impetrate as the other, and that the Difpenfation in Lead is more durable to remain, and, That the two Kings were bound to impetrate Bulls, and not Breves, where of he or they that hadfuch CommiCTion, ( as it leemeth ) could not be ignorant. And if thefe futes were made by divers perfons, and by feverall Commiffions, there is no reafon can be alleged ( the impe- tration being in one day 5 ) why to two feverall perfons feverall Ccm- miflfions fhould be given herein,the thing requiring no hafte,the Mar riage following five or fix years after^ but more likely is, if the Breve were then obteined indeed, that it was procured by tecret pradiies, not known to all parties quorum inter er at ffire & conf entire-^ for, both the parties confentin^, I think there can be no fufftcient caufe alleged, why, the thing being done by common confent, the Breve ra ther then the Bull (hould have larger difpenfation ; for what nee ded two divers futes, with divers Commiflions^ if both the parties were agreed upon the futes ? cfpccialJy the impetration of both being in one day. Secondly, fuppofing to be true, that Matter Abd faith, the Qneeri tohavefworn, quod nunquam fuit cognita A Principe Arthuro; the caufe of the impetration for fo much, is vain, (viz.) quod Regina cum Artburo principe matrimonium carnali copula confummaKerit. If this be true, it appeareth that he that fued the Breve had no Commiflion of the parries, for they would not give him Commiffion to impetrate difpenfation for caufe not true. Thirdly, fuppofing to be true,, that Matter Alel faith to me, that the Queen never heard of fuch Breve, before the Empcrours Orators there prefented it to her ; how can it ftand, that is reported in the Breve, quod impetratam eft Breve ad Regin& inftantiam $ Fourthly, if yonrHighnefle had made inftanceand fupplication for the fame Breve, it is not to be thought that it fhould be fo far out of your Remembrance, the caufes of impetration being fuch, as your Bighneffe might and could, anon, reduce it to the fame. Fiftly, if it were impetrate at the inftance of your HighnefTe, and of the Queens Grace, no caufe is, why it fhould be fenc into Sprint to King Fernando^ (as the Empcrou's folkes ftrtt faid,but now fwarve) and not to your Highnefle, and the Queens grace. If any will fuppofe, that it was done by your confent, no reafon agreeth, why you fliould confent thereto, and not ratherkeep it in your own hands, than fend it to the cuftody of another. And yet, if you did confent, it cannot bethought, but that it fhould remain in your remembrance, as the firmity of your Marriage, and difcharge of your Confidence, with other things, touching highly your fucceflion, ftanding therein ; And it may be fuppofed moreover, that fome writing of the Depofite thereof fhould remain there, which is not found. Sixthly, confidering that, the King of moft noble memory, your Father, then alive, your HighnefTe not being at the dare of the Breve i Ff 2 paft The Life 15*9- paft xv.or xvi . years of age, [ for fo the Cifr.e is ^ though a* King Hen ry TOM then but x/V, And fomething more^ I conceive thofe figures nere Ciphers only, (tgni fying bit true age: unlefie perchance the Cipherer or D efcipher did other wije miftafo it ;] It may be well fuppofed that your HighnefTe was not then much to follicite the impctration of fuch things. And that, if any fuch Bteve fhould have been impetrate, that time, that rather it fhould have been done at the inftance of the King, your Father, than of ^your Highnefle. And although then it might have been impetrate in your HighnefTe name, yet it could not have been done there without knowledge and confent of the King yout Fa - ther, and alfo at his fetting forth. And, if any his intervention and confent had been in this matter,, he would net have bound King Fer- nando^ and like wife have been bound himfelf, to get Bulls of Difpen- fation. And furely it may be thought that, if the King your Father confented, Don Fernando of Spain did the fame, fo that it cannot bee doubted, but that as they fa"y here they have two Bulls referved in their Archives, fo fhould alfo rhis Breve have been, which indeed was not there found, as hereafter (hall be (hewed, nor any fuch is found in your Highneffe Archives. Wherefore it may be well recko ned, that there was no fuch obteined by the confent of the King your Father. And fo, Seventhly, maketh the Breve fufpe, that the Emperour s folks fir ft faid, that it was found in Archivif Regum Hifpaniarum^ as appeareth in my Lord Cardinalls Graces Letters, and now,forgetting themfelves, the Emperours Chancellor, and Perenot have confeffed to us, that it was found among the Writings of Do&or de P^/4,\vhich was Orator of Spain^ in England^ in the Kings dayes of tnoft noble memory your Father. Which contrariety maketh to appeare rhat they do not upright. Of a Nephew of Do&or Puella's being there, 1 have written in our Common Letters the fifth of .April jrA how do again : by whom peradventure fome light might be had* Eighthly, who fo contidereth the high renowned wifdome fcf the King your faid Father, and his great fage CounfeU, men of {ingular wifdome and learning for all purpofes, may well conceive, that,or ever any Dilpenfation for Marriage to be had between your Highneffe and the Queen were fent for, that her Grace was examined an ejjet cogni- ta a Privet p Arthuro an non > And thztfifajja eft, that the two Kings would.have provided therefore D ifpenfationem in Bufla y as they were foound . And on the other fide,)/ mgarjit fe fuijje cogmtom^ nihil erat opMsBreviquoad^&c. And for the fecond part ofrhc Breve, I cannot fuppofethat your HighnefTe, in that time, which the date of the Breve pretendeth ( your HighnefTe being :^en not much more then xii.or xv. years of age, and the King your Father living) needed no difpenfation in that party. And if none needed then, why fhould your HighnefTe then make inftance for any, which is fuppofed in the Breve ? Ninthly, if this Breve were impetrate in the dayes of Do.ft.or de Puebla. Of Henry the Eighth. 219 tutbla, ; the being thereof fo long in his hands, and the manner of keeping of the fame,givethnew conjecture that is a thing caffat ; for the thing being of fo much importance, touching fo nigh your HighnefTe and the Queen, why fhould hee keep it ? fpecially fo long ? for he lived in England after the date of the Breve, five or fix years, and dyed there, not long after the King your Father. Who can think that fuch a King, and fuch a Councell, would have fuffered the Breve to be out of their hands, in his hands, aJl that time, if the Breve had been known to them necefTary for this Matrimony,and of any value ? And, as I faid, the manner of keeping thereof feemeth to confirme the fame ; which manner of keeping I conjecture of two things^One, that it was not kept in a cafe of Tinn, after the manner Ot Breves ^ foronly in a paper they did exhibit it to us twice. Another, that,in the Superfcription it appear 'd flubbered, by reafon of often handling, peradventure lying among fb many his Writings and old Letters $ wherefore^lthough it were then impetrate, yet it feemeth that hee tooke it ascaffat, and voyd, peradventure as furreptitioufly obteined of his own head, without any Commiflion or confent of the parties. Tenthly, another fufpition is, that,although the Emperours Chan- cellour and Perenot fay, they have divers Letters and Writings of the faid Puebla's^ concerning both the Firft marriage, and fecond of the Queenes , yet,becaufe they uttered not that they have any thing fpe cially concerning this Breve, ( which they would not have forgotten to fay, for fb much as it maketh for their purpofe, if there had been ny fuch ) moved upon that fufpition, I demanded of them, and di- ers times to the fame, whether they had any fpeciall Letters concern- his Breve? they could not, ne did not fay that they had; but the imperour's Chancellor anfwered,that the Breve was enough .Where upon may be gathered, that his anfwer implyed, that they have none other. Eleventhly, if any fuch Breve were impetrate at that time, by the cnowledge and confent of both the King?; likely is, that either of them fhonld have one. Let them then here bring forth the Breve e x Arcbivif fuif. If they will fay, this is it $ what likelihood is it, that it fhould be fent into England^ to come into Spain ? for this Breve, if it were in Do&or*feP#^/4's cuftody, came out of England after his death, with other his Writings ; which I think his Nephew there, ( if he confefle that it was found amongft other his Uncles Writings) wiUalfoconfefTe. I fay, why it was fent into England} it is not to be doubted, but D on Fernaadohad an Ambafladour in the Court of Rome^ which might cafilier and neerer way have fent it into Spat*e< Wherefore, if they cannot, out of their Archives,bring forth any fuch Breve, their diligence in cuftody of fuch things fuppofed, and well deprehended in the Cuftody of two Bulls, ( for fome of the Secreta ries faid to me that they have t wo ) they may, of this, gather ( them- felves ) that there is no fuch,ne any other- where, of any effeft and value. The The Life an April io. April 13. June ii. Nov. 8. May. The twelfth fufpition againft the Breve is in it felfe 5 that> when- foeverit wasimpetrate 5 it was net duly impetrate, may be gathered of divers things in the fame, and about the fame; the hand of fome learner r and not of one excrcis'd in writing of fuch things 5 and fome defaults in the writing ; fuch, as my Lordoffrorcefter faith, heehath not feen committed in any Breve. And, as hetrufteth to prove $ the Date fhall utterly condemne the Breve. And thefe exceptions were, 1 as I find in another Letter, dated from the fame AmbaHadours to the Cardinall : Firft, that there were Rafures in it. Secondly^ divers hands. Thirdly, Names falfe-written, as Artberu* pro Artburm. Fourthly, the Date falfe 5 as being Decem.26. 1 50^ wrhich, according to the date of Breves, beginning 25.0^. was almofl a year before JW/WII.was Pope. Itwasobferved,likewife, that the Scale fwell'd in the middle, and appeared like fome old Seal newly clap'd on. And thus much out of thefe difpatches of thofe able negotiators the Bi- ftiopofworcefter, and Edward Lee the Kings Almoner 5 who, fend ing the rranfumpt of the Breve to the King April 2?, by a Letter 12 of June following, alfo certified our King of the fending of Goncales Fernando the Emperours Chaplain to the Earle of Defmond in tire- land ( which hath relation to that I have formerly faid of him ) toge ther with the return of a Chaplain of the faid Earls in his company ; the Emperour fecming to take this intended Divorce fo much to heart, that he thought fit to give our King this Jealoufic. Shortly after which I find alfo the Bifhop of worcefter repealed. This while, the common people, who with much anxiety attended the fuccefie of this great affaire, feem'd, betwixt pitty to Queen Ka- thtrine^ and envy to Anne Bolen^ ( now appearing to be in the Kings favour ) to caft out fome murmuring and feditious words - which be ing brought to the King's eares, he thought fit to proteft publikely in an AfTembly of Lords, [udges,#V. call'dto his Palace of Bridewell , That nothing but defire of giving fatisfa&ion to his Conference, and care of eftablifhingtheSucceflion to the Crown in a right and un* doubted line, had firft procur'd him to controvert this Marriage.-being ( for the reft ) as happy in the affection and vertues of his Queen, as any Prince living. To confirme which alfo, he caufed Anne BoUn to depart the Court, in fuch an abrupt and difcontented faftiion, that fhe determined to abferit her felfe altogether. Neither could flie bee induced ( as Sanders hath it ) to come to the King any more, till her Father was commanded (not without threats ) to bring her thither. Who by reprefenting the common danger to them both, obteined at length (though not without much difficulty) the con fent of his un willing Daughter to return 5 Where yet flic kept that diftance, that the King might eafily perceive how fenfible ftie was of her late dif- miflfion. It was now mid-May 1529, when our King,underftandmghow the Pope intended a ftri<5fc League with the Emperour, and judging wife ly alfb, that Francis, upon the reftoring of his Children, might eafily I bej 0/Henry the Eighth. be drawn from him, did refolve, without relying any longer on either of their promifes, to take the beft courfe he could, for giving a Con- clufiontothisbufincfle. And the rather, that matters feem'd daily more and more indifpos'd for that conclufion he defir'd. For though Campegiw^ according to the order he had from the Pope ( as I find by a difpatch of JohnCafalif^Dat.Dec.ij. 1528. ) did both perfwade the Queen to a Divorce, and difTwade the King from it, as having ei ther way the end he propos'd : yet he fail'd in both. Nor would hee ( as I find in the fame difpatch ) letgoeout of his hand the Decretall Bull mentioned before, being the Abfolute decifion of the Caufe ; (the Difpenfation being relative to the Queens enrring into Religion, or other diflblution of the Marriage ) in regard ( as the Pope preten ded ) it was gotten by the importunity of Cardinall trolfey, with in tention, that it fhould be (hewed to the King, and Cardinall only, as an arrha or token of his good will, and afterwards burnt 5 proteft- ing nevertheleflfe to the faid Cafalif, that hce defired the Cardinalls {hould proceed according to their Cornrmflion 5 but that the Bull A D e- cretalif fhould by no means be (hewed to any of the Kings Coun- .fellors, or other perfon whatsoever, though upoa Oath of Secrefie ; it being lufficient that the King and Cardinal! had feen it already, in 0jb0pgli**hahd. How our King yet was fatisfied with this evafion of tfS Popei, appears not to me by any Record, more, than that he ftil! oil icited the Pope, that it might be exhibited publikely. Howbeit ie Pope, who had farre other thoughts, told our Agents, that he kept ic Bulla Decretalif fecretly, afwell from all his Cardinalls 3 as fearing eft the Emperour fhould call him to a Councell for it. For the more aution, taking order that the Memory of ir fhould be razed out of all lis Archives. And, not (laying here, ( as I fiad by our Records ) He commanded one FrancefcoCampana (his fervant ) into England^ on pretence to conferre with the King and Cardinall, but indeed to charge Camperim to burn the Decretall. For colouring of all which, Hee finally objected to our King, that he had not kept promife with iim, about the Reftitution of Cervia and Ravenna. Our King con ceiving hereupon, that all rhefe difficulties the Pope made, proceeded from the feare which he had of the Emperour, fends to Sir Francis Bryan, and Peter Vannes again, to renew his offer of a Guard of a Thoufand or two Thoufand Men, to be kept at the coft of the French King and his, whereof the Conte de Turenne^ and Sir Gregory Cafalif {hould be Captaines 5 and, in the mean while, that a Generail Peace (hould be treated of. But whether the Pope, as being late enough of fended with the Guard which the Emperour put on him, would not now accept them from any other Prince^ or that he thought them too (lender to defend him 5 or that it would argue partiality to doe any thing on thefe terms; or that otherwifehe had made his private Peace with the Emperour; ( which certainly was the truth) I do not fine the Pope accepted this ofter, Howfoever, hee feemed (till to fear the Emperour Infotnuch that, by a Difpatch from Gregory Cafalif Date Decem.ij. 15*8. ZYjrf. The Life an 1 529. " Records, Fox. July 2, r. 1528. May Dated January the third,One Thoufand, five Hundred Twenty nine, I find the Pope for the better making both his own, and a General! Peace, efpecially betwixc Charles and Francis, (which alfo followed at Cambray this year ) declar'd to Cardinall wolfey, he thought it ne- ceflary to goe himfelfe in pcrfon into Spain, and that Cardinal! wol- fey ftiould go along with him 5 not yet as Pope and Cardinal!, but I as two Leg its, or Ambaffadours, for concluding a Peace. But this I Journey ( if at leaft it were really intended ) was interrupted by the fickuefleof the Pope, which was thought fb defperate, that our Car dinall Febrsi. wrote to Stephen Gardiner ( then at Rome ) that, by all means, hee fhould procure the Papacie for him, being (as affaires then ftood) the moft indifferent and equal! that could bee found in Chriftendome. To which purpofe alfb, befides our Kings Recom- mendations, the Cardinallhadobteined the French Kings Letters, written with fo much earneftnefle for him, that^ though the Conva- lefcence of the Pope did fruftrate this defigne ; Stephen Gardiner yet was wifhed to keep the Letter iaomnemeventum. I find alfo, Order was given, that if wo/fey could not be chofen> the Cardinals which were for him ( being a third part of the whole number ) (hould put in a Protection, and departing the Conclave, Ihould in fbme fecure place proceed to an Eleftion, notwithftanding any to bee made at Rome. But, whether the Pope having notice of this untimely ambi tion of our Cardinal!, were now offended with him, or that other- vviTe his ingagement to the Spaniard ( whereof, in a Difpatch from thePopetotheEmperourJa/yzith, 1528, that came toour King's hands, there is mention ) did hold himfelf ; I find after this time the Pope more averfe than ever. Therefore, notwithftanding a defigne of hi?j that Cardinall wolfey and Campegiw^ having finifhed the bu- 1 finefle of the Divorce, ilaould afterwards goe to conclude an Univer- fall Peace, yet all that paft in this affaire afterwards ( on his part) was little more then illufion. Which Sir Francis Bryan difcovering, in a Difpatch 1 3 our King, plainly told him, no good was to bee done; which our King alfb beleevihg, had commanded Gardiner to threa ten the Pope with his follicitation of the Princes of Almaine. Among whom I find particularly George Duke of Saxony (the Lu therans in vain oppofing it ) to have perfwaded the Divorce. Gardi ner^ hereupon, ufeth more then one menace ; though fo much in vain, that, for a Conclufion,he advifed our King to proceed upon the Com- miflion given to the Legats, the Pope being ( as healledged April 2 1, 1 5 2?.) & awdby the Ca?fareans, as he had rather fuffer much in ano- thers name; than do any thing in his own. To incourage him the more alfo, Gardiner calls the Breve falfe and counterfeit, as being not to be found intheRegiftcrsat Rome. Moreover, for fcconding th:s advife, Gardiner, by another Letter, May 4. which, fayes there was danger of recalling the Commifllon given twrolfey and Campggiu* ; j Which was confirmed by divers other Letters from our Agents. I Whereof GregoryCafalif) in a Difpatch of 13 June following, gives ! Of Henry the Eighth. a reafbn, in thefe words of the Pope; who, being at that time more (lackly relieved from the Confederates than he thought, and divers of his Subjefts ( for the reft ) in Armes againft him, faid, Mallefefe inprtceps dari, &, Cxfari aStakttlo, nedufa A Sacru enfervire^ gitam inferiorum hominum^fubditorum^ Va/alorumq; rtbettium itijurtM fvfti- nere. The Remedy whereof he expefted only from the Emperour. So that not only feare, but even hope making him obnoxious, he did, for more than one reafon, encline to the Emperonr. Our King alfo, being well in form 'd hereof by certain excufatory Letters from Rome, and that a Treaty betwixt the Pope and Emperour ( whereof there (hall be mention ) was already upon Tcrme of Conclufion, and an Interview appointed gave order firft to recall Gardiner and Bryan ; yet fb as he negleftcd nor, at the fame time, to fend William Eennet^ Do&oiofLa\v, to Rome, to hinder the Advocation of the caufe; whereof he was fo Jealous, that he intercepted not only thofe Dif- patches which were fent to Rome from Campegitts, or any elfe, but even thofe intelligences which Queen Kathe/ine fhould give to her Aunt the Lady Margaret, Governefle of the Low-Countrie?. So that now our King, finding his Confcience unfatisficd, his Nobilitie in fufpence, and the people murmuring atthefe procraftinations in an affaire that fo much concerned the Succeffion, Charged the two Gar- inails to proceed ^ as being fatisfied by a particular Difcuffion of usbufineffe before Arch-Bifhop warham, and divers the learnedft men of both Univerfiries, at Lambeth jhtt. his caufe was fairc. And now, publike notice of a folemne hearing being given, the Court was appointed to fit ; the Queen choofing Arch-Bifhop war- May Febr.' and Nicholas Well Bifhopof /jf, Do&orsof the Law, and John Bifhop of Rochefier^ and Henri S tandifh Bifliopof St.Afapb^ Dolors of Divinitie, her Cbnnfell, d?V. according to the permiflion the King gave her in that behalf. The paiTages whereof, out of an Antientand Authentique Record in Parchment, fubfcnbed by the three Notaries ( ufcd in this bu(ine(Te ) and remaining in the Cuflo- dy of that great Antiquary, Sir Henry Spelman^ Knight, I fhall fet down, with as much particularity, as the context of my Hiftory will fuffer. The place appointed for hearing and determining the Caufe, was a great Hall in Black-Fryers in London^ commonly call'd the Par liament-Chamber.) The time, the thirty firft of May, 1529. The Judges, the two Cardinalls above mention 'd, whofe Commiffions I have thought fit to fet down at large. Clemens Epifcopw fervw fervorum Dei, dileftis filiit Thorn* C*c'ili& Ebor&cen. & ^aurentiofanBominus Arthurus prole ex hujufrno- 1 dimatrimoniononfufceptadeceffit^ Cum, autem ficut ea- dem Of Henry the Eighth. dem petitio fubjungebat., ad hoc ut hujpfmodi vinculum pacis Scamiciti-E inter prarfatos Reges & Reginam diutii permaneat., cupiatis matrimonium inter vos per verba legi- time de prafenti contrahere., fuppUcari nobis feciftis^ ut vo- bis in pramiflis de opportune Difpeniatioms gratia provi- dere de benignitate Apoftolica dignaremur > Nos igitur^ qui inter fingulos Chrifti hdelis^ praefertim Catholicos Reges & principes., pacis et concordiae amoenitatem vigere intenfis defideriisaffeclamqs^vofq^tquemlibet veftrum a quibuf- cunq; excornunicationis fufpenfionis & interdict, ali^fq; Ec- clefiaftkis fententiis cenfuris & poenis a jure vel ab homing quavis occafione vel cai}fa a latis, h quibus qqomodolibet in- nodati exiftitis, ad effedurq prarfentium duntaxat confe- quendum, harum ferie abfolventes, & abfqJutos fore cenfen- tes, hujufinodi fupplicationibus inclinati^ vobiicum., itf im- pedimento affinitatis hujufmodi ex prapmilTis proveniente ac conftitwtionibus & ordinationibus Apoftolicis oeterifq; t /^ * i contranis nequaquam Qbitantibus, Matrimonium per ver ba legitime de praefenti inter VQS contrahere^ & in eo 3 poft- quam cantra^wmfuerit^etiamfi jam forfan hadenus defa- do publice vel clancleftine contraxeritis, afi illud carnali co pula confumn-iave.ritis^licjterernanere valeatis 3 authoritate Apoftolica tenore prarfentium de fpecialis dono gratix dif- penfamus, ac vos & querplibet veftrum, fi contraxeritis C ut praefatur) ab exccflu hujufrnodi ac excommunicationis iententia quam propterea incurriftis., eaderp authoritate ab- iblvimus, Prolem ex hujufinodi matrimonio five contrado fivecontrahendo fufceptam forfan vel fufcipiendam legiti- mam decernenclo. Provifo quod tu (filia Catharina ) prop- ter bocrapta non fueris ^ volumus autem quod fi hwjyfinodi matrimonium de fa contraxiftis, Confeflbr, per vos & quemlibet veftrum eligendus, poeniteatiam Salutarcm prop terea vobis Jnjungat 3 quam adimplere teneamini. Nuili er go omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam noftrar abfolu- tionis difpenlationis & voluntatis. infringere., vel ei aufu te- mcrario contraire ; fi quis autem hoc attemptare pnefumpfe- rit, The Life IJZ9. rit 3 Indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum Pctri & Pauli Apoftelorum ejus fe noverit incurfumm. Dat. Romae apud Sandum Petrum^anno Incarnationis Dominicat Mille- fimo Quingentifimo tertio.Septim. Cal. Januarii, Pontifi- catus noflri anno primo. The Breve, together with the affeverations of thofe who fubfiribed it. NOs Balthazar de Cafliglione Mantuan. Apofio- licae fedis notarius a in Hifpaniarum Regnis, terrifq; &locis temporal! dominio Sereniflimorum Prin- cipum Carol! in Imperatorem eledi & Johannas Regis & Reginae Catholicorum Subjedis ejufdem Sedis Nuncius, & Alfonfus de Fonfeca miferatione dominica Archiepifcopus Toletan. Hifpaniarum Primas , ac Regnorum Caftell. Archicancellarius., Univerfis & fingulis ad quos praefcntes liters pervenerint, & quos nofle fuerit oportunum 3 Salutem in domino. Noveritis, quod literas quondam San&ifiimi in Chriflo patris fe. re. Julii Papx fecundi in forma Brevis fub annulo Pifcatoris, lanas & ihtegras^ non viciatas,, non cancellatas, nee aliqua parte fui fulpedas 3 fed omni prorfus vicio & fufpitione carentes., pro parte Sa. Caf. & Catholic* Majeftatis Carol! divina favente dementia E. Ro. Impera- toris, & in ejus pracfentia nobis pracfentatis cum eaquadecu- itreverentta recepimus. Quarum quidem literarum tenor erat in exterior! fuprafcriptione talis. Dilec^o filio Henrico, chariffimi in chrifto filii noftri Henrici Anglix Regis llluft. nat. lllufirif. & diledaein chriflo filiae Catharinx chariffimi etiam in Chriflo filii noftri Ferdinand! & chariflimae in Chriflo filiae noftrx Elizabeth Reginx Hifpaniarum et Sici- lias Catholicorum natse Illufl.Interius vero talis. Jslius Papa fecundus.Dilede filiet dilecla in Chriflo filia., Salutem et Apoflolicam benedidionem. Roman! Pontificis praccellens authoritas concefla fibi defuper utitur poteflate., prout (perfonarum negotiorum et temporu qualitate penfa- ta)id in Domino confpicit j&lubriter expedire/Dblatae nobis nuper Of Henry the Eighth. nuper pro parte veftra petitionis feries continebat, quod cum alias tu filia Catharina , et tune in humanis agens quondam Arthurus Cariflimi in Chrifto filii noftri Henrici Anglic Regis Illuftrif. primogenitus., pro confervandis pacis et amicitiae nexibus ct farderibus inter prarfatum Anglise et Carifiimum in Chrifto filium noftrum Ferdmandtim Re- gem et Cariffimam in Chrifto filiam nofiram Elizabeth Re- ginam Catholicos Hifpaniarum et Sicilian matrimoniurn per verba legitime de pra^fenti contraxeritis., illudq; carnali copula confumma\ r eritis j quia tamen dominus Arthtirus^ prole ex hupfmodi matrimonio non fufcepta 3 decefiit, et hujufmodi vmculum pacis et connexitatis inter pnefatos Regeset Reginaraitafirmitervenfimiliternon perduraret., nifietiamilludalioaffinitatis vinculo confoveretur eccon- firmaretur : ex hiis, et certis aliis caufis., dcfideratis matrimo- mum inter vos per verba legitime de pndenti contraliere : Sed quia defiderium veftrum in prxmiffis adimplere non potefiis 3 difpenfatione Apoflolica defuper non obtenta., Nobis propcerea humiliter fupplicari fecijftis, ut vobis pro- videre in pr^mifiis de difpeniationis gratia & benignirate^ Apoftolica dignarcmur. Nos igitur qui inter fingulos Chri- ili fideles, prxfertim catholicos Reges & Principes, pacis & concordiae amxnitatem vigereintenfis defideriis aftedamus., hiis& aliis caufis animum noflrum moventibus, hujufmodi fupplicationibus incluiati, vobifcum 5 ut aliquo impedi-* mentoaffinitatishuiuimodiex prxmiftis provemente non obftant. matrimoniurn inter vos conrahere 3 & ineOj poftquam oontradum fuent., remanere hbere & licite valea- tLs., authoritate Apoftolica per pracfentes difpenfamus : &., quatenus forfan jam matrimoniurn inter vos de faclo pub- lice vel clandeftine contraxeritis., ac carnali copula confum- maveritis vos et quemlibtt veftrum ab exceflu hujufmodi ac excommutticationis fententia quam propterea Incurri- flis., eadem authoritate ablolvimus, ac etiam vobifcum ut in hujufmodi matrimonio ficde fado contrado remanere., feu illuddenovo contraliere inter ^vos libere& licite valeatis, fimili- 1529 24 The Life 15*9. Dectw. i 1503. fimiliter difpenfamus., Prolem ex hujufmodi matrimonio five contrafto five contrahendofufcipiendam legitimam de- cernend. volumus autem, fi hujufmodi matrimonium de fa- do contraxiftis^Confeflbr, per vos & quemlibet vejfbrum eli- gendus, poenitentiam, quam adimplere teneamini^ propte- rea vobis injungat. DatRomae apud Sanclum Petrum fub annuloPifcatoris, die xxviJDecemb.Millefimo Quingentefi- motertio.Pont.noftriAnno primo. SigiJmundus. Quibus quidem literis diligenter per nos Baltlmarerri de Cafliglione tanquam nuncium Apo/lolicum , & Alfon- fum de Fonfeca tanquam loci ordinarium, infpedis, & per- ledis^Quia^as fanas & integras^ac omni prorfus vicio & fu- fpitione ( ut praemittitur ) carentes Invenimus 3 Ideo, ad requifitionem expreflam praefat. Caelar. & Catholics Majeflatis,tam fuo quam conjundorio nomine Sereniffimse Dominae Catherine Reginae Angliae fuae cariffimse mater- terae & confanguineae, aflerent. ipfius requirent. & prsediA Reginaeinterefle^ob eternitatis memoriam_, & ne vetuftatae praedidum originale depereat a utq; de ilJius tenore ubi opus fuerit edoceri poffit, & in locis in quibus, ob bellornm via- rumq; dilcrimina^non liceat tuto iplum originale difpenfati- onis tranfmittere aut committere^jufdem Maieftatis requi- fitioni., tanquam juflx & rationabili, annuentes., eafdem li- teras exemplari & tranfumi ac in publicam formam redigi mandavimus ; decernentes & volentes ut huic praefenti tran- fumpto publico plena fides deinceps adhibeatur, in locis omnibus ubi ruerit oportunum 3 perinde ac fi originales ipfae liters exhiberentur. Quibus omnibus uterq; noflrum authoritatem noftram interpofuimus^ & decretum. Et 5 ad ampliorem evidentiam praemiflbrum, pracfens inflpumen- tum manu noftra uterq; fignavimus. Idemq; Sigillorum no- ftrorum Juffimus appenfione communiri. Dat. Toleti dieduodecima Decemb. Anno a Nativitate domini Mille- fimo Quingentifimo xxviii.Praefentibus ibidem illuflribus & enerofis viris, Dominis Henrico comite a Naflau., Mar- chione de Zenete camerario fupremo, Don. Johanne Manuele 0/Henry the Eighth. Manuele, Don Laurentio de Gorreuodo comite Pontisvalli- um Militibus velleris aurei, Carolo de Popeto Domino Dela chauJx., Lodovico a Flandria Domino de Prato 3 & Nicho- !ao Perrenot Domino de Grande villa, omnibus confiliariis rdid? facrje Cxf. & Catholics Majeftatis te/tibus ad p mifla vocatis fpecialiter atq; rogatis. Baldezar de Caflilione nuncius & Collector Apoftolicus. A. Toletan. Et ego lohannes Vergara Canonicus Toletan. in facra Theolo- *ia magifter., publicus Apoftolica authoritate notarius., Qui xarmiffis omnibus, una cum proenominatis teftibus interfui, loc publicum inftrumentum fignavi., & fubfcripfi 5 in tefti- monium veritatis, per eandem Cxf. Catholicam Maje/tatem ogatus 8c requifitus. tbefc Difpcnfations the following Obyflions were u I. ' |"^Hat the Peace anl Unity betwixt England and Spain was firme before the granting of the Difpenfation, which yet ** was alledged as a Caufe. II. That the faid Difpenfation, as being grounded on this pretext, muft be held furreptitioiis,/?^^ VIII .being then not above thirteen, and confequently unable for Marriage, which alfo if the Pope had known b:fore-hand,or that other wife ic had been reprefented to him, he would not have eafily granted any iuch Difpenfation. III. Becaufe it was pretended that Henry VIII. haddefired the Match only for maintaining Peace betwjxt the two Kingdomes $ whereas ( being then uoc above thirteen ) he muft be thought unca- pable of fuch thpughts. IV. That though this Difpenfation might once bee thought to have his force and vertue, yet feeing the motive of granting it ivas grounded upon the above-mentioned Peace, and that one of the faid Princes died before the folecnnifing of the faid Marriage, the cau/e of the Difpenfation muft be held voyd. V. That, fuppofing the objection of Affinity were taken away by vertueofthefaid Difpenfation, yet the objection de public a hweft ate was not elected. VI. That the Breve above-mentioned appears by the Tenor of it to contain many falfhoodsand fufpitions, and particularly that the ftyle, inditing, as alfo many claufes and circumftances differ from the Bull, fo that it may be thought forged fmce the time of the quefti- ons moved concerning this Matrimony 5 as by comparing them toge ther may be manifeftly gathered. H h This July 9. The Lif July 14- Sand. er of the King, no fuch Breve is extant., nor otherwayes, in the pri vate treaties of the Marriage, any mention is made thereof. 3. That, in the date of the faid Breve, as it is exempli fied,the ycare of our Lord is difcrepant from the vulgar account $ for whereas th ftyleofthe Court of Rome begins alwayes from the Nativity of ou Lord, this feems to be a year before Juliw was made Pope^ All which objections were deliver'd to the Kings Proor s that hec might anfwer to them. Whereupon Witneites being furaroon'd to appear July 12 Thomas Duke of Nor folk e, Charles Duke of Sujfolke, Thomas Marquis Dorfet, George Earle of Shrewsbury, Thomaf Vifcount Rochfort y Robert Vifcount John Bifliop Sir David On>en y Sir John Hufjey, Sir Richard wefton, Knight^, With divers others,prefented themfelvesto be examined by the Arch- Deacon o Buckingham, above-mentioned. In the mean-while, thefc two Articles were added to the former, as ferving to ftrengthen the Obje&ions above mentioned. i. That the year for Popes Breves begins December 26. and the year for Bulls 25th of March. a . That,in all Marriages contra&ed within the Kingdome oEng- land, the forme hath been in words, Deprafevti^goaccipto te,&c. Bufmeifes being thus ripe for examination of WitnefTes, the De- pofitions of two ancient Ladies, who excus'd themfelves by their in firmity from appearing in pcrfbn, were publikely read. 1 . Tfee firft, being Mary CounteiTe of Eflex, (aid little,but in gene- rail terms. 2. But Agnts the old DutchefTe of Norfolke, who was prefent at the Marriage at St.pW^in London., declared the age of Prince Ar thur at the time of his faid Marriage, to be about fifteen ; and more over, did pofitively aifirnie, that (he faw Prince Arthur, and the La- , dy KAtheri&e, alone, in bed together, tbe next night after their Marri age. Which therefore, as alfo a following Depofirion of the'Vif- counteffe fizz-water ,may ferve to anfwer Sanders his tale, where hee fayth,a grave Matron was put into the fame bed with him, to hinder the Prince from knowing her Carnally. 3. G eorge&a.r\e of Shrewsbury depos'd, die Marriage was celebrated at St.PaxlS)D*w7nofeptimo Henrici Septimi^oi .adding further } that Prince Arthur was born at trinchffter^ fecundo Hcnrici feptimi : and that Tie bdeev'd the Prince knew his Lady carnally, both as be ing abkfo to do 3 as alfo becaufeliimfelfe knew his Wife being not fixteen. Of Henry the Eighth. 4, WiUtamwarnam^ nrcn-rmnup of Canterbury^ being examined, protefts,not to revealeany Secrets of the Queen, as being her f worn Councilor. For the reft, as he anfwered warily to the qiieftions propounded him concerning the validity of the Match, infomuch that he refcr'd himfelfe therein to the Judges, who were to determine it -, fo yet he made no difficulty toconfefle that he approv'd it not at firft j which allo he declar'd, not only in a Conteftation which he had with Richard Fex 3 Biftiop of winch efter, who perf waded it, but in certain words to King Henry the Seventh hitnfelf, whom hee told plainly, that the Marriage feem'd to him neither honourable, not well plea (ing to God. Adding further, that bccaufe the faid King Henry VII. appear d not much inclin'd to the Marriage, that he the faid Deponent inrrcated him to perfwade his Son Prince Henry , to proteft that he would nor take the Lady Ratherine to Wife, and that he thould tenew this Protection when he cameto the Crownjwhich alfo he the faid Deponent bclieveth was made. Notwithftanding, I that when the Bull of Difpenfation was granted, that he the faid De ponent contradicted it no more 5 and that the murmuring of the peo ple on that occafion was quieted, till the Kings Confcience being troubled, revived it again, 5 . Sir William T/;o745- 3 Knight,dcpofed, Prince Arthur y znd the La dy Katherine lived five moneths, partly about London^ and partly at Z,ttj//o>,infcou{hold together as man and wife; and that hee heard Sirfr/V//>wwfc//,\vho was at the Princes Chriftning fay, that hee was above fifteen, at the time of his Marriage, and the Lady 'Kathe rine elder. 6. Sir Anthony Poynes, Knight, depofed,that Prince Arthur was a- bove fifteen at the time of his Marriage. 7. Thomas Marquis Dor/Vrdepofedjhefaw a Regifter of the Nativi ty of the Kings Children ;by which he found Prince Arthur was born the 20 September 14$$. and, that at the time of his Marriage ( which was upon a Sunday, in November^ Decimo Septimo Htnrici feptimij) He was of a good and Sanguine complexion, and able, as he fuppos'd, for that purpofc. 8. Robert Vifcount Fitz-vater depos'd, the Prince was then about fifteen, and Queen Katherine elder, and that the next day after being in feed together, ( which he rcraembred after they entered to have been folemnlyblefsd) he waitedatbreakfafton Prince Arthur^ where Maurice St. Johns did carve, and he the Lord F it z* water gave dtinkc ; ac which time the faid Maurice demanding of the Prince how hee had done that night > the Prince anfwcrcd,! have been in S/?4/Vthis night. 9.10.1 1. ThsmjfLoTdDtrcy^trilliam Lord Moxtejoy, and Henry Guldeford, Knight of the Garter, faid little, but by way of publike report. 1 2 . Charles Duke of Suffolk depofed, that he was in the Bifhop of London's Pallace, the morrow next following the day of Marriage, and that he waited thereupon the Prince at Brcakfaft, confirming Hh a more- 15*5?. IJOI. 24.4- The Life *n 09. I moreover in effed, the words of Maurice St. John, before fee down. Furthermore, he added that the Shrovetide following the Marriage, ( which was in November preceding ) the faid Prince began to de cay, and grow feeble in boay j which grew, as the faid St.Jdm related, by reafon the faid Prince lay with the Lady Rather i*?e. 1 2 . D avid Owen depofed, thaC Prince Arthur was born at winch e- fter^ftcuHdoHewiciStptimiiwhichheknzw, becaufe he was at the Chriftning. 14. rto^/Dukeof Norfolk*, Lord Treafurer of England, depo fed, that he being the day of the Marriage in the Bifhop of London** Palace, and the morrow after, at the Prince's Breakfaft, heard the Prince's words to Maurice St. John, ,when he faid hee had been that night in themidftof Spain ; by which words, as alfo becaufe Prince Arthur was a Gentleman of a good Complexion, and nature, and a- bove fifteen, he belceves that he carnally knew his Lady 5 becaufe him felf alfo at the fame age did carnally know and ufe^and he be lieves this the rather, that he heard from Credible perfons, that the faid Prince Arthur did lie with the faid Ladie Kathcrinc five or fix nights afterwards, 1 5 . Anthony willouglty, Kn ighr, depofed, that being, the morrow after the Marriage, in the Princes Privy Chamber, the faid Prince fpake afore divers WitnefTes thefe words, willoughby, give me a cup of Ale j for I have been this night in the midft of Spain $ After which he faid, Matters, it is a good paftimeto have a Wife, which words hee repeated alfo divers other times. Moreover, he heard fay they lay at Ludlow together the Shrovetide next following. 1 6 . Nicholas Bifhop of E ly faid, he could depofe nothing concern ing the car Kalis copula,but that he doubted of it, becaufe the Queen often fu&teftimoiocoHfttenti" atoffo^Natrve of Barcelona in Spain, who had lived in the Court of Rome thirty years, in exercitio caufa- r*w, depofed, that the date of years there is computed after three divers manners ; So that Judgements, Contra&s, and laft Wills bear date from the Nativity 2 5 December ; Liter* Apoftolic plambo xxv. of March ; Liter* Apoftolicalttb, Wife to Vifcount Fitz-vater^ dqx)s'd, that fhe faw the Lady Catherine and Prince Arthur in bed together, which was bleft, and that fhe left them alone together. Hereupon the Depofitions were publifhcd, and the Kings Proftor fummon'dto receive thofe Ads and Writings he deliver'd into the Court 5 bijt he not appearing, is pronounced Contumacious. The Commiflioners yet proceeded to require the fight of the A r - cbiva and Record conceraing this bufineffc, for which purpofc 7*^0^2^ 1519 The Life 15*9- April Thorns rrnotbefly^nd Thomtf Tong, Kings of Armes, had been em ployed 5 Thefe men certified that Prince Arthur died in the Caftle of r,W/c>thefecondof-^/>r/7, 1502. and chat his Brother Henry was )ornthe28thof /#/? 1491. and that the Marriage betwixt Prince Arthur and the Lady Katbtrin* vras the 14th of November ^ 1501. This being dune, a Depofition of Richard Fox^ Biihop of Win- cbefter, taken by Do&or vroolman^ April 5. and 6. 1527* was read. The moft fubftantiall part whereof was, that he conceiv'd, Do&or puetta did fir ft motion this Match, and that more than one Bull was impetratcd for difpenfing therewith, whereof two remain'd in Eng- /W, one or two were extant in Spain, but all of the fame Tenor 5 and gotten without asking the ccnfent of Henry the Eighth. Further more, that he did not remember that Henry the Eighth^ when hce came to age, did exprefly confent to, or diflent from the intended Marriage, yet that he believed that a Proteftation was made in the name 01 Henry the Eighth to this effeft ; That notwithflanding any Contraft or tokens mutually fcnt, or cohabitation in the houfe of King Hear) V H,he would not hold himfelf bound to ratifie this Aft done in his non-age ; And that this Proteftation is to be found inter pwtoco/laMagiflriRyden^then Clerke of the Council 1, before whom it was made. As for the perfon by whom this Proteftation was made, tor am Magiftro Ryden Notariopublico;credit quod velip fern etjvel Ma- %ifler ThomasRutbulltunc Secretariat domini Regis fepoftea Epifcopus D unelm. uel Mr. D oft or Weft tune confiliariw ejufdem domini Regis & nxnc Epifc opttsE liens, fecit eandem prot eftationem nomine domim no- f.ri Regis Henrici OBavimoderni; prtfentilw tune ibidem Comite d Surrey tune Tbefaurario Anglic & pofteaDuce Nor fold* AC domin dottore Pecbebla, & coram ffpe-diBa clariffina Domina Catbarina, ut recolit^ AC infra d his name April 8. the ycarc above Of Henry the Eigfob. H7 .bove mentioned, being 1 5 2 7 After vvhicli ajfo another Inftrument of this Tenor was proJuced. Avguftinus Spinola tt' SanBl Cyri/ici in thermit prefiiter Cardinal}^ SanB* Romaffe Ecclefi* Camerarius , Uniiierfis & fingulis prfentes liters Infpefturis, Salutem in domino. RAtio.ni convent & congruit ho- neftati^ ut de hits qu* A Romanif Pontipcibw procefjerunt^ & qu* in eo- rum arcbivis & regijlris fcripta^ & regiftrataf*nt y cum &b Aliquibus petitur, teftimoaium vgritatis perhibeatur him eft, quod nos Hai'uerfi- tAtiveftrttCKore prafentium fidem fAcimw & attefiamur^in libris & Regiftris camera Apoftolic* , viz* in libra Regijri Brevium Anni primi^ fecundi^ & tertii felicis recordttionis Julii Papa fecundi^ "jidi- mus & legimiis quafdam lit eras A^dicAS^ in form A Brevis e\u.fdem Jttlii Pap* ftcundi ( ut mart's eft j Regiftratas^ quarvm tenor fucceffiue fequit Wj ?t eft talis. Chart jfimo in Chrijlo filio &oftro 9 Anglit Regi il- lufirr. EbAYi/fitne inChrijto fill nofttr, Salutem et Apoftolicam benedi- Htonem* Accept mm liters tu* ferenitatis, in qetiltts nobts gratias agis^ quodoratoritw tuis honorifice obviamproditum flt^ quodnos ess benigne Audierimw^ AC liber ali refponfo oportunifq^ gratiis et favor ibw profeca- ti fuerimus : fads ( fill Charijjint ) profolita p'.etate, ut ea etiam tibi fiat grata, qu* a nobis pvtftriri non folent. D eclarAvimiu noftris bonis in te mentis affeum iJtrbis & rebus quibus potuimus, D efUrAbimus & \gis^ it A exigents tut ferenitAtis in nos & fan^am Ayofto- licant fedem devotione et obfervantia pngulari. D e difpeafatione ma trimomAli nttaquAin negAvimw, nee ullam fufpitionem prtkuimus, quo minus etm factre i)e^emus^ ut aliqui minus vert dixerunt. Sedrefpon- dimttz. nos exveftare in ill A coacedenda temuus mAgis Accommodatum^ ut C I coafxittus etmAturtus jieret^cum hujus fanft* ftdts et utnufque partis honoi e. EamitAq\ cumexpediverimus^ ut deliberavimus, Ad tuAm fe- renitAtem (magni enim momenti eft) per di left um p Hum Robertum Shirbonnen. Decanum fanBi Pauli Londgnienf. unum ex or At or i bus tuts, qui maxima doftrina modeftiam^ fidem^ diligentiamq\ pra fe tu- lit^ mitttre cogitamw ; duplifiratione ; Cum quod per sum fecrete & tbtiflime per f err etur, turn uttalemvirum tantaq$virtute & prostate pi'xditum Serenitati tutdiutiw prffervemuf^ut gjjtf fide & spcra diu tdus fruipojfit. Romwhich he termed Ferias generales medium frvindemiarum^ wasobfervedin the Court of Rome every yeare, before the faid Friday 5 and becaufe hee and his Col league were bound to follow the ftile of the faid Court in the Procefle of the above-mention'd caufe$ Therefore the faid Judges, in the prefence of the Kings Proftor, and mcontumaciamRegi^A^did prorogue the conclufion of this bufinefle, until! the Firft of Qttobtr next following, warning the Kings Proor then to appeare, and re ceive a cpncJufion of this bufinefle as fhould be according to Ju- ftice. All which pafs'd in the prefence of Thomas Duke atNorfolke, the BiChopof /y, and divers other perfons. And thus much out of the Record formerly mentioned ; which I have with more particularity fet down, that it is fo rare and unufuall a cafe to find a Prince fubmit himfelf, in his own Kingdome, to the judgement of two perfons ? whereof the one was a fufpedled ftranger, the other in birth, but of the meane ft of his Subjects 5 and after all this, to receive no other Fruit hereof, but delay and infatisfaftion ; as appears not only by this abrupt Difmiflion, but by a fudden Advo- cationof the Gaufe, to the Pope, inhibiting further proceedings here ( as will appear ) fhortly after ; the conferences whereof extended further yet then our King then thought, or the Pope could eafily have imagined. Thefe proceedings were (ubfcribed by the Notaries William Clay ", Do&or of both Lawes Protonotarius dpoftolicus, florianus Of Henry the Eighth. _ _ 5 and Richardwatkinsjvho acknowledged the rafures, inter lineations, and lines in the M argent, together with the number of the leaves in the Parchment book ( being <$?. ) To which alfo Letters teftimoniall fromWichoUs r^ootto^ Do&orof the Lawes, and the Bifhop of London* Gfficiall, having the Scale of the office,, were .an nexed. After all which, a Difpenfation, written by a later hand, and in loofe paper, was found in the faid book. Though that alone (hould not have induc'd mee to pnblifh it, had I not feen it already printed in a Booke eall'd Anti-Sanderus^ and met, in our Archives 3 fome dif- patches that make it probable. I The Tenor of the Bull is this. * io Chrifto filio noftro Henrico Anglise Regi lllu- ftri, Fidci defenfori, Salutem & Apoftalicarn bene- diftioncin. Exponi nobis nuperfccifli, quod alias tu & di- ieda in Ghriflo filia Catharina,, relida quondam * * * fra~ tris tui germani;, non ignorantes vos primo affinitatis ^radu invieem fore con jundos, matrimonium per verba ali as legitimede prjefenti., nulla faltem canonica feu valida dif- penlatione de fuper obtenta 3 quamvis dcfaclo contraxiflis, illudq; carnali copula cbnfummaflis^c.ptolem ex hujufmo- di matrimonio fufcepiftis, excommunicadoriis fententiam incurrendo : Et cucn Ma^eflas tua in hujufmodi matrimdnio abfq; peccato remanere nequeat,& ne diutius in hujufmodi peccato & excommunicationis fcntentia remaneat., .defi- deret ab hujufinodi excommunicationii fententia a judice Ecclcfiaflico competente abfolutiomsr'beneficium obtinere^ ac matrirroniunjipfum nullum & invalidum fui(le 3 Tibiq; licere cum quacunq; alia muliete,alio non obfiilente cano- .nico, matrimonium contrahere^ declarari 3 & in eventum de- clarationisnullitatismatrimonii hujufmodi tecum difpen- fari ut cilm quacunque alia muliere,etiam fi ilia talis fit^ quae alias cum aho rnatrimcnium cohtraxerit, dummddo illud carnali copula non confummaverit^ etiam fi tibi alias fecun- do vel remotiori confcnguinitatis, aut primo affinitatis gra- du ex quocunq; licito feu iUicito coitu conjuncla., dummo- do Relida didU fratris tui non fuerit, ac etiam fi cognatione J i z fpirituali fpirituali vel kgali tibi corijtinda extherit, & impedimen- tumpublicx boneAatis jufl;itiaE:fubfiflat.,rnatrimoniumK' cite contrahcre :) & in co libere remanere., & ex eo prolemle- mtimam fufcipere poflis. Qiytre pro parte tui., aferentis b . . r , r s >-^ rt r r D ex anlfiquis Chronias Kegni conitare., lA ipio i\egno quam- pluragraviffitna Bella ikpe exorta, & Chriftianam pacem &. concdfdiam violatafti fuiflejpropter impios homines fuade> iteftanda regnandi & dominandi libidine exCitatos 3 confin- ^entesex juflis& legitimis, quorundam f>rogenitorum & antecefforum tuorufri Anglise Regum nuptiis procreates il- legitimos fore propter aliquod cOnfangtdnitatis vcl /affin% tatis confidum impedimentum, Sc propterea inhabits e(^ ad Rteni fucceflionem^inde miferandam Principum ac Pro- 1 / i i rt ' f f * /* - Subdiiofum traitqirillitati & pciinprimis confulere& tan- tis mails fpecte honoris^ hee was employed by the King, AmbafTadour in France $ and that this Gentlewoman comming to the age of fifteen, was deflow- redbyfomc domeftiques of her Fathers, and then fent to France^ where alfo fhebehav 'd her felf fo licentioufly that fhe was vulgarly caird Of Henry the Eighth. oiird the Hackney of EngLmd^ till being adopted to that Kings fami liarity, l"he was rermed his Mule. Many other paflages of this kind are alfo inferred by Sanders^ which I forbear, as being forry to have occafion for publifhingthus much. But how impoflible thefe things are, the ingenious Reader may eafily find our, when hee compares the times. For, \( Miftris Ante Rolen went to Pran.e with Mary the French Queen I5i4.( as is proved by divers princi pall Authors,both Englifh and French, befides the Manufcripts I have feen) and was icre vitiated at 15 years of age, it muft follow that fhe was born a- abour, or before, 1498. ac which timeout King was neither above fe- vcn or eight years old at moft, and therefore unable to get a Child (efp?cially nine moneths before,) nor had thatRegall p^wcr in his lands for employment of AmbalTadours till ten or eleven years after wards. So that Mafter Sanders or Raftal's affirmation herein is but i(fl ion, as the reft certainly is, fhe having alwayes liv'd in good repu tation. As for the beauty and handfomncfTc of Miftris Anne Bckn, which the fame Author doth traduce, befides, that it contradi&s common fence, ( fhe having been, by their allegation, a Minion to two Kings ) even that Pi<5ture of hers, extant ftill with the Dut- chefle otRichmoad^ doth fufficiently convince. And for her Religion, there is no probability that it fhould (at firft ) be other than what was commonly profeft. Since it appears by originall Letters of hers, that fhe was a fpeciall favourer of the Clergie of that time, and a ^referrer of the worthieft fort of them to Ecclefiafticall livings, du- :ing her chief times of favour with the King. Though I will not deny 3ur,upon his defection from fome Articles of the Roman Church, fhe might alfo complic.But I ihould be glad that Mafter Sanders had not divers other things which might require a ferious review $ though I muftnot deny bur, as he hath in fome things followed Cardinall Poole, (a perfon ofgreat learning,and much reverenc'd in his time jfo he hath his Authority . Howheit as this Cardinal was fo neer in blood to di vers, whom the King put to death, he may be thought perchance more pirtiall than to be beiiev'd every where: Neither will it fatisfie all men, that he pretends ( in more than one place ) to have known even fo much as the Kings thoughts (by Revelation, ) fo that I fhall leave thefe things to the liberty of the indifferent Reader, and return to ray Hiftory. Our King, who at the firft prorogation of the Sentence, by reafon of the Per it Vindemiarum^ hoped yet that, at lea ft, October I . ( when the Court was appointed to fit again ) he might have the caufe deter mined, feeing now all proceeding in England inhibired, the Caufe Avocated to Rome, Campegius recalled, and finally finding, by many Difpatche c , that the Pope and Emperour had appointed fhortly to meet at Bovonia, was much troubled, and the rather, that the two Car- dinalls proceeding hitherunto had been little more than illufion. W hereupon alfo he became much incen fed again ft them. Yet con taining awhile his anger, he neither alter'd his falhion to troolfey, nor Kk 2 declared Lih.fra KcfUf. "The Life an Ottob.ii. declared any diilike of Campegiw.lnfomud}, that he calmly gave him leave to depart. So that no argument of fufpition or diilike" appear'd hitherunto on either fide. Campegiw thus difmis'd and rewarded^ was conduced honourably to the Sea- fide, where he cxpe&ed only a faire wind. But when he came to take Ship, the Searchers, upon pretence he carried either Money, or Letters from England to ^ow^ranfack'd all his Coffers, Bags, and Papers $ not without hope, certainly, to re cover that Decretall Bull our King fo much longed for. I find alfo ( by fome relation ) that divers Love Letters betwixt our King and Miftris JBole y being con vey'd out of the Kings Cabinet, were fought for, though in vain, they having been formerly fent to Rome. Which ufage fo offended Campegiw, that he com plained immediarly to our King 5 prorefting he would not proceed in his Journey till he had Re paration for the wrongs done to his perfon and D-gnity; And that the people were fatisficd concerning certain fcandalous Rumours, which he heard were fcatter'd abroad to the prejudice of Cardinall woolfry andhimfelf. But our King by Ins Letter, of O!:iofor22. anfwered, that it muft not be expelled from him, Prtftare, quicquid vel vulgi temeritas eftutire y vet quorundam nimium fortafle fcrupulofa & anxia fedulitas defignarefoleat. As for the Jw L egati pretended to be vio lated, our King anfvvered that he ct>nceiv'd it was expired, nor only as it was revgk'd by the Pope's lare Inhibition, bur, particularly, by the interpofitionof his QwnRegall Authority, which alone his Subje&s did acknowledge. Adding moreover, that he wondred fomewhat,that Campeeiitf underftood our Law fo little, as not to feare how he ufur- ped, after that time, the name of a Legat in this Kingdome $ Since he, having been made Bifljop here of Salisbury, was bound by Oath to the confervation of the Royall Prerogative. As for the Searchers do ings, it wasamiftake; the Commandemenc having been given long fmce, when fhere was juft occadon for it, and not in Relarion to his particular, who therefore he was forry ro have been fo roughly ns'd ; defiringthe Cardinall, for the reft, to excufe the faid Searchers, fincc they are bound thereto by Oath. So that he ought nor to pretend rhi ascaufeof hisftay. As tor the orher part, which was the Rumour, Our King faid, it was uncertain from whence it came ; Notwithftan- ding that it was ( though not altogether fixed in his bre^ft, yet) fo ge nerally receiv'd and believ'd in his Kingdome, that itw^uld behard to remove that opinion. In which regard attb it was in vain for him to ftay hereto much as one houre. Howfoever, that hee might mike this u(e of it, as to know how ill his Subje&s tooke this fruftration of the Bufineffe. But as his Royall care fhould bero prevent the in conveniences might follow hereof, fo that it belong'd to Campeqitu his wifdome to continue thofe good intentions he had made (hew of For wee ( faith the King ) tune demum dubitarepotetimuf^ cum ipfc fa- &if pal*m diver fum oft enderif^ Campegim being, now, more than once licenc'd, thought it time te be gone ; So thatjComming at laft to the Pope, he acquainted him with Of Henry the Eighth. 161 with all d-.e proceedings, not forgetting the dangers in which Cardi- nall *roolfej was, for his too mucii obfcquiouihefle to that See. But the Pope, whether now altogether govern'd by the Emperour, or that otherwifehefccretlyhatedrhe Cardinal], for his late unfeaibnable Ambinontofucceedinthe Papacic, feem'd to care for nothing lo much as the conserving of his late League. Though yet hee was not fo fecure, of our King, but that he feared not a little his often threat- nedDete&ron. So that he omitted nothing (that might ftand with his other iurertfts) for the containing of him in his wonted devotion. Infbmuch that he offered new proje&s daily for his fatisfaftion$ A- mong which Gregory Cafalif relates one, which (hall be fet down in his place. Cardinal! #W/9> being now devefted of his late power, ( wherein ic had the glory, in f ome fort, to have ben Superiour to his King ) and, for the reft, being left alone, and expofed not only to a general! latredjbut to the private Machinations of the prefent and future Queen, became fen fible of his ill eftate 5 though yet he did not be lieve hirnfelf fo neer his overthrow, as it appear'd afterwards. Bur what could he hope for, when fuchpuiflant enemies did procure his deftruftion ? Therefore, though he received fome Advifcs from Rome, which might argue a care rather than a power for his confcrvation, yet in eifc& what fecret Intelligence foever pafs'd betwixt the Pope and him jCameio the Emperour fir ft, and afrerto Queen Kathertsie, who cunningly caus'd it to be whifper'd into the Kings ears, by fomc more indi reft wayes, than it could pofliblybee imagined to proceed from her. Likewife, Miftris Anne Eden, having learned from fome of tfee Kirgs wife ft and graveft Codnddtottrt, divers Malvcrfationsof the Cardinal!, was fo firrefromdifgaifing them, that the even mif- intcrpreted his better aftions. Edmund Campion add's to thefe rea- ions,thac Sit Francis Bry*^ being in Jtome, did, by the means of a Familiar of one who kept the Popes Papers, obtain a Letter of rbe Cardinalls, which wrought his ruine, in this manner , Having firfl (hewed her the Cardinalfs hand- writing, and then corrupted her, thi Courtezan fo dexteroufly perform'd the reft, as a upon pretence of vi- {itingherfervant in his Studi.U,inwhichis enaded, That, whereas the Commons ol the Realm ought of right, and were wont of old time to fue in the Kings Court to recover their preferments to Churches, Prebends, and other Benefices of Holy Church, to which they had right to pre- fenr, and when Judgement (hall be given in thefaid Court upon fuch a Plei and Prefentmenr, the Arch-Biftiops, Bifhops, and other fpiri- tuall perfbns, which have Jnftitutions of fuch benefices within their Jurifdi&ions, be bound, and have made Execution of fuch Judge ments by the Kings Commandements of all the time aforefaid, without interruption, and alfo be bound of Right to make Executi on of many other the Kings commandements 5 Of which right the Crown of England hath been peaceably ieifed, as well now as in the time of all his Progenitors. And whereas of late the Bifhop of Rome ( for fohe is termed in the Ad ) had made divers Precedes and Cen- fures of Excommunication, upon certain Biftiops, in Englaafj^'be- caufe they have made Execution of fuch Commandements, and alib becaufe he had ordain'd and purpos'd to tranflate forae Prelates oJ the Realme, fome out of the Realme, and fome from one Bidioprick to Of Henry tie Eighth. 163 to another within the faid Realm, without the Kings aflent and knowledge, and without the aflcnt of the Prelares, which fo (hall be tranilitcd; which Prelates be much profitable and nccefTary to our Lord rhe King, and to all his Realm : which tranflations if they Ihould be fufrered, rhe Statutes of the Realme fhould be defeated and made voyd,and his fayd Liege fages of his Counfel,without his afient, and again ft his will, carried away and gotten out of his Realme, an^ the fubftance and Treafareof die Realm fhall be carried away, and fo the Realm deftitute afwell of Counfell as of fubftance,ro the final! definition of the fame Realm; and forhe Crown of Englavetjvhich hath been fo free at all times,that it hath bin in noEarthly fubje&ion, but immediatly fubjeft to God,in all things touching the Legalty of the fame Crown, and to none other, fhould be fubmitted to rhe Pope; and the Lawes and Statutes of the (aid Realm, by him defeated and avoyded at his will, in pcrpetiull deftru&ion of the Soveraignty .of the King our Lord, his Crown, his Regality, and of all his Realm,^. / Therefore the King, by the a (Ten t of tjis Lord", and at the requeft of 1 the Commons, hithordain\i and eftaMiih'd, that, if any purchafe or purfne, or caufe to be purchafcd or purfued m the Courr of Rome^ or elfe-whcrc, any Tranflations, ProcefTes, and fentences of Excommu nications, Bulls, Inftruments, or any other things whatfoever^ which touch the King, againft him, his Crown, and Regality or Realm, and they which bring within the Realm, or them receive, or make there of Notification, or any other execution whatfocver within the fame Realm or without, that they, their Notaries, Procurators, Maintai- ners, Abettors, Fautors, and Counfellours, fhall bee put out of the Kings protedtion, and their Lands and Tenements, Goods and chat tels, forfeit to the King, and that they be attached by their bodies if they may be found, and brought before the King and his Councell, thereto anfwcr to the cafes aforefaid, or that ProcefTe to be made a- gainft them by a Writ of Pr&munire fades, in manner as it is or- dain'd in other Statutes of Provifors, and other, which doefue in any other Court, in derogation of the Regalty of our Lord the King. Upon which Statute it was alleged, that Thorn M^ Legatu* de La- tere^ Cardinal!, Arch-Biihopof ?Ve,and Primate of En^la^beu not ignorant of the premifes, had obtained certain Bulls frow C, meat the Seventh, by which he excrcifed Jurifdi.5r.ion and authority Legatinc, to the deprivation of the Kings power eftablifhed in his Courts f Juftice 5 which faid Bulls he caufed ro be publikely read in treflmiafler, ^^.28.15, of theKing, affuming to himfelf thereupon the Dignity ana Jurifdiftion of Legatu* de Latere, which hee hath cxercis'dfrornthefaid28thof Aug. ro this day, to the prejudice oi the right of both Secular and Ecclefiafticall perfons. And that, by colour thereof, he had given away the Church of Stoke-Guilford in the County of Surrey ( being of right in the Donation of the Prior of Saint Pancrace} toonejtntef Gorton, who alfo injoyed it accor dingly. -All which was to the contempt of the King, and his Crown ana 529 IJ.H.8. iThe Life and*t(wgne 15*9- Oflob.zS. and contrary to the forefaid Statutes of xvi.&Jljthfc Third. Moreo ver that, by Colour of the faid Authority, hee had caufcd the laft Wills and Teftaments of many ( out of his Dioceffe ) to be exhibi ted and proved in his Court, and their goods and chattells to bee adminiftredby fuch as he appointed. Alfothar, under colour of the fiid Authority, hee had made divers Visitations out of his Diocefle, and drawn divers Penfions from Abbeys to the contempt of the King and his Lawes. The proofeof which particulars, though evident and notorious, were not yet urged to his convidion, till, through the Kings fpeciall pcrmiffion ( by Writ of Oftober 28.) John Scufe and Chriftopher Gen- ^appcar'd in Court as his Attorneys; Where, for all other an- fivers^ they protefted in the faid Cardirialls name, that the faid Car dinal! did not know the impetration of the faid Bulls to have been to the contempt and prejudice of the King, or that it was againft any Statute of Provifors heretofore made. As for the particulars where with he was charged by Matter Attorney., heconfefs'd them all true in the manner and forme alleged. And fofubmitted himfelf to the King. Whereupon the Court gave fentence that he was out of the Kings prote&ion, and his lands, goods, and chattels forfeit, and that his perfon might be feized on . Not contented herewith yet, another proofe of the fame kind, was by the Kings Attorney produced againft the Cardinal!, namely, that, contrary to the right of the true Patronc ( being the Matter and Fel- lowesof the Hofpitall of St. Lazarus in Burton- Lazar ) he had, by the fame Authority, given away the Parifh-Church of Galbj in Lei- tt/^-fhireandDiocelTeof Z,/#r0/, ( then vacant, by the death of onewoodrofejtooticjohnj4l/en y Doftor of both Lawres 3 and plac'd him in it. And thus fell the Cardinall, together with all his vaft pofTeflions, into the Kings hands. Concerning which, the Criticks of the time gave fundry opinions, the moft part yet fiippofing him capable of the Kings mercy, had he been either lefle rich, or more humble. They thought him indeed condemn'd by law, but by the rigor of it. All which they confidered the more, that the Cardinall had fo long excr- cis'd his Legatine power, without that the King either feem'd to dif- like it, or any other had que'l ioa'd him for it. Therefore, howfoever hewasconviftedbyformeof Juftice, they yet clear'd him in great parr, and not they only,but the King. Infomuch, that the impreilion taken of his ancient fervices, was not defac'd wholly. So that, not- withftaHding his beft goods were (eiz'd on, and that the King might have taken therewith his other pofTeflions, and (with them ) his in- tire liberty, yet he both fent him a Protection, and left him the Bi- (hopricks of Torke and wincbefter^ which he had lately given him after the death of Richard Fox^ only he cnfin'd him, for the prefent, to his houfe at Atyer^ till his further pleafure were fignified. Being upon his way, the King ( touched with fome companion ) fent him by one Matter 0/Henry the Eighth. Mafter Norreys, not only a gracious Meffage, but a Ring, which was a token betwixt them, when any fpeciall bufinefie was recommended. Upon receiving whereof, the overjoyed Cardinall alighted from his Mule, and, in the dirt, upon his bare knees, acknowledged the com fort he rcceiv'd. Toihewhis thankfulnefle alfoto Mafter N"orrejs, ic prefenred him with a chain of Gold, at which a piece of the CrofTe did hang. But it troubled him much that he had nothing to fend to the King ^ till at laft having efpyed in his Traine a facetious Natural/, in whom he took much delight, hedefird Mt.Worreys to prefent him to the King. Which promotion yet this Fellow ( for the approving limfelf no Counterfeit ) did fo Height, as the Cardinall was forced to fend fix of his talleft Yeoman to bring him to Court. The Car dinall comming at laft to After, found himfelfe fo deftitute of all ne- cefiTarics, as, till one Mt.Arundel firft, and after the Biftiop ofCarlile provided him, he wanted even the mod ordinary parts of Houfhold- toiffe. And thus the ill accommodated Cardinall patted fome weeks in cxpe&ation of the Kings further pleafure, not neglecting, in the mean while, toufe thofe friends he had left in Court, for the reinte grating him into his former favour ; or, when that could not be done, [or thetmking his fall more eafie. For which purpofe one Mafter Thorn M Cromwell, his fervant, ( who came afterwards to great prefer ment ) was em ployed. But Miftris Bolea fecretly oppofed all. So that the Cardinall,beiognow, in a manner, hopeleffe of regaining the Kings good opin ion, difmi(Icd( not without tears on both fides) the greateft part of his numerous Family, without other reward than what Mafter Cromwell. and fbme of his Chaplains did freely contri bute. The King, hearing the Cardinall to be fomewhat humbled, fent Sir John Rujjell with a Turquoife Ring to him as a token of his care andaffe^ion. But it was not gifts that the Cardinal! expe&ed from the King, but liberty and reftitution to his former greatnefle $ which yet was f > much in vain, as his offences were daily exaggerated. For as the King did not think it enough thathee had particularly advan- tag'd himfelf of the Cardinalls punifhraent, unleffe he made fome ufe thereof to the General!, fo he call'd a Councill of the Nobles, to fit in the Star-chamber, who having fufficiently condemned him, hee after wards permitted him to the Parliament, which began Nmem- ler$. 1529. Wherein the King alfo did wifely, fince'by interefling the publike in his condemnation, he both declin'dthe Cenfure of thofe who thought the late proceedings to have been of the fevereft, and indeer'd his people by putting the power of punifhing him into their hands. Therefore they took it as an intire fatisfa&ion for all rhey had hitherto fuffrcd ; and by applauding of the King, made him know hovr thankfully they took this favour. And thus did the King return to that former good opinion hee had of his Sub- je&s. Hereupon certain Articles again ft the Cardinall were preferr'd in Parliament. The Originall whereof found among our Records,! have L 1 thought 15*9. Kfg.21. 166 The Life an thought fit to tranfcribejand the rather, for that our vulgar Chroni cles mifreport them. neceffity of our fidelity and confcience,complain t and fhew to your Royall Majefty,Wc your Graces humble,true, faithfull, and obedient Subjects, That the Lord Cardinall of T rke y lately your Graces Chancellour, prefuming to take upon him the Authoritie of the Popes Legat de Later e, hath by divers and many fundry wayesand fafhions committed notable, high, and grievous of fences, mi faring, altering, and fubvcrting the order of your Graces La wes, and other wife contrary to your high Honour, Prerogative, Crown, Eftate, and dignity Royall, to the ineftimable dammnge of your G races fubjcfts of every degree, and confequently to the great hindrance, diminution, and decay of the univerfall wealth of this your Graces Realm, as it is touched fummarily, and particularly in certain Articles here following ; which be but a few in comparifon-of all his enormities, excefTes, and tranfgreffions committed againft your Gra ces La wes.- That is to fay , I. T^j Irft, where your Grace, and your Noble Progenitors within ^ this your Realm of England, being Kings of England^ have been to free, that they have had in all the world no other Soveraign, but (mmediat fubjed to Almighty God in all things, touching the Regility of your Crown of England^ and the fame Preheminence Prerogative, Jurifdi, lawfull , and peaceable pofTeilion, your Grace^and your noble Progenitors have had, ufed, and enjoyed with out interruption, or bufirtefie therefore by the fpace of two Hundrec years, and more, whereby your Grace may prefcnbe again ft the Pope Hoiinetfc, that he fhould not, nor ught to fend, or make any Lcga to execute any authority Legantine, contrary to your Graces Prero gative within this your Realm : Now the Lord Cardinall of Tork being your Subjeft, and natural liege born, hath of his high, orgullous, and infatiable mind, for his own fingular advancement, and profit, in derogation, and to the great inblemifhmenr, and hurt of your faid Royall Jurisdiction, anc prerogative, and the large continuance of the pofTcflion of the fame obtained Authoritie Legatine, by reafon whereof he hath, not on ly hurt your faid prefcription,butalfbby the faid Authority Le- gantine, hath fpoiled and taken away from many houfes of R'eligion in this your Realm, much fubftance of their goods. And alfo hath ufurped upon all your Ordinaries within this your Realm much part of their Jurifdilowing upon your moft noble Grace, with his perilous and infe&ive >reath, to the marvellous danger of your Highneffe, if God of his in- finit goodnefle had not better provided for your Highnefle. And when he was once healed of them, he made your Grace to believe that lisdifeafe was an Impoftumeinhishead,andofnone other thing. VII. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall, by his Authority Legantine, lath given, by prevention, the Benefices of divers perfons, afwell Spirituall as Temporall, contrary to your Crown and Dignity, and your Lawes and Eftatures therefore provided. By reafon whereof hee is in danger to your Grace of forfeiture of his lands> and goods, and is body at your pleafure. VIII. A Ifo, the faid Lord Cardinall, taking upon him orherwife then a true Counfellour ought to do, hath ufed to have all AmbifTa- dours to come firft to him alone, and fo hearing their charges, and in tents, it is to be thought he hath inftru&ed them after his pleafure^ and purpofe, before that they came to your prefence; contrary to your high Commandement by your Graces mouth to him given 3 and al- lo to other perfons, fcnt to him by your Grace. IX. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall hath pratfifed fo, that all rrian- ner of Letters fent from beyond the Sea to your HighnefTe have come Firft to his Hands;, contrary to your High commandement by your own mouth, and alfo by others fent to him by your Grace ; by reafon whereof your Highneffe, nor any of your Councell had knowledge of no matters, but fach as it pleafed him to (hew them 5 whereby LI * your - . . . j The Life an 1529. your Highneffe, and your CounfeU have been compell'd of very force ro follow his devices, which oftentimes were fee forth by him under fuch crafty, and covert means, chat your Highneffr, and your Coun- fell hath oftentimes been abufed. Infomuch, that when your Coun- fell have found, and put divers doubts, and things which harh after wards enfued, Heetoabufe them, ufed theft words 5 / will lay my head that no fuch thing fhall happen. X. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinal 1 hath prafti fed that no manner of perfon, having charge tomakeefpiall of things done beyond the Sea, fhou'dat their return come firft to your Grace, nor to any other of your CounfeU, buc only to himfelf, and in cafe they did the con trary , Hie punifhcd them for fo doing. XF. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinal! hath granted Licence under your Great Seal for carrying out of Grainc, and other Viftuall 5 after the reftraint hath been made thereof, for his own lucre, and fmgular advantage of him ,and his fervants, for to fend thither as he bare fe- cret favour, without your Graces Warrantor knowledge thereof. XII. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall ufed ? many years together ,not only to write unto all your Ambaflfadours Refident with other Prin ces in his own name all Advertifements concerning your Graces af- faires, being in their Charge, and in the fame his Letters wrote many things of his own mind, without your Graces pleafure being known, concealing divers things which had been necefTary for them to know, But alfocaufed them to write their Advertifements unto him ; Anc of the fame Letters he ufed to conceale, for the comparing of his purpofes, many things both from all your other Counfellours, a from your felf alfo. XIII. Alfo, where good Hofpitality hath been ufed to be kept in houfes and places of Religion of this Realm, and many poore peopl thereby relieved, the faid Hofpitality and Reliefe is now decayed,anc not ufed ; and it is commonly reported that the occafion thereof is, becaufe the faid Lord Cardinall hath taken fuch Impofitions of the Rulers of the fafcl houfes, afw ell for his favour in making of Abbots and Priors, as for his Vifitation, by^ his Authority Legantine. And yet, nevertheleffe, taketh yearly of fuch Religious Howfes, fuch year ly and continuall charges, as they be not able to keep Hofpitality, as they ufed to do, which is a great caufe that there be fo many vaga bonds, beggars, and theeves. XII II. Alfo, where the faid Lord Gardinall fayd, before the fup- preffion of fuch Houfes as he hath fuppreffed, that the poflfeffions ol them (hould be fet to Farme among your lay-Subje&s, after fuch reafonable yearly rent, as they (hould well thereupon live, and keep good Hofpitality; And now the demaine pofTeflions of the faic Houfes,{incethefuppreflion of them, hath been fujrveyed, mete, anc meafured by the Acre, and be now fet above the value of the old Rent; And alfo fuch as were Farmers by Covent-Seate, and Copie-Hol- ders be put out, and amoved of their Cannes, or elfe compell'd to Of Henry the Eighth. 269 pay new Fines , contrary to aJi equitie and Confcience. XV. A Kb, the faid Lord Cardinal!, fitting among the Lords, and other of your moft Honourable Counfell, ufed himfeif that if any man would fliew his mind according to his duty, contrary to the opi- nionof the faid Cardinal!, Hee would fotake him up with his accu- ftoinable words, that they were belter to hold their peace than to fpeak,fo that he would hear no man fpeak but one, or two great PerfonageSjfothathe would have all the words himfeif, and confu- med much time with a faire tale. XVI. Alfo,the faid Lord Cardinall by his Ambition and pride, hath hindred and undone many of your poore fubjefts for want of difpatchment of matters; forhee would no man fhould meddle bur himfeif. Infomuch,thatit hath been afHrm'd by many wife men, that ten of the moft wifeft, and moft expert men in England were not fufficient in convenient time to order the matters that he would retain to himfelf: And many times he deferred the ending of mat- ters, becaufe that Sutors fhould attend and wait upon him, whereof heehadnofmall pieafure that his houfe might be replenilh'd with Sutors. XVII. Alfo, the Lord Cardinality his Authority Legantine, hathwfedjif any Spiritual! man having any riches or fubftance, de- ceafed, he hath taken their goods,as his own ; by reifbn whereof their Wills be not perform^ $ And one mean he had, to put them in feare that were made Executors to refufe to meddle. XVIII. Alfo, the laid Lord Cardinall conftrained all Ordinaries in Engl&nd^ yearly to compound with him,or elfe he will ufurp halfe or the whole of their Jurifli&ion by prevention, not for good order oftheDiocefle,butto extort treafure; for there is never a poore Arch- Deacon in England^ but that he paid yearly to him a portion of his living. XIX. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall hath not only by his untrue luggcftiontotnePope, fhamefully fhndercd many good Religious Houfc% 2nd good vertuous Men dwelling in them, but alfo fuppreffed by reafoa thereof above thirty houfes of Religion ; and where, by Au thority of his Bull, he (liould not fupprefle any houfe that had more Mea of Religion in number, above the number of fix or feven, Hec hath fupprefted divers houfes that had above the number ; And there upon hath caufed divers Offices to be found by verdid, untruly, that the Religious pel fons, fo fuppreffed, had voluntarily forfaken their faid houfcs, which was untrue, and fo hath caus'd open Perjury to be committed, to the high difpleafure of Almighty God. XX. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall, hath examined divers and ma ny matters in the Chancery, after Judgement thereof given at the Common Law,in fubverfion of your Lawes and made fome perfons reftore again to the other party condemned, that they had in Executi on by vertwe of the Judgement in the Common- Law. XXI. AlfOjthe faid Lord Cardinall hath graunted many Injun- ft ions The Life c 15*9, dions by Writ, and rhe parties never call'd thereunto, nor Bill put in again ft them. And, by reafon thereof, divers of your Subjects have been put from their lawfull potfeflicn of their lands and tenements. Andjbyfuch means, he hath brought the more Party of the Sutors of this your Realm before himfelf, whereby he and divers of his fer- vants have gotten much riches^ and your fubjefts fuffered great wrongs. XXII. Alfo, the (aid Lord Cardinall, tb augment his great Ri ches, hath caufed divers Pardons granted by the Pope to be fufpended, which could not be revived till that the faid Lord Cardinal! werere- warded^and alfo have a yearly Penfiori of the faid Pardon. XXIII. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinal!, not regarding your Lawes nor Juftice, of his extort power, hath put out divers and many Far mers of his Lands,and alfo Patents of the Arch-Bifhoprick of Tor andBifhoprickof winchefter^ And of the Abbey of Saint Allans which had good, and /ufficient grant thereof by your Lawes, XXIIII." Alfo, the fame Lord Cardinall at many times when any Houfes of Religion have been voyd, Hee hath fent his officers thither, and with crafty perfwafions hath induced them to compromit their E legion in him. And that, before ere he named, or confirmed any oi them, Hee, and his fervants received fo much great godds of them, that in manner it hath been to the undoing^ the houfe. XX V . Alfo, by his Authoritie Legantme, the fame Lord Cardi nall hath vifited the moft part of the Religious Houles and Colle ges in this your Realm, hath taken of them the twenty fifth part ol their livelihood^ to the great extortion of your Subje&s, and deroga tion of your Lawes, and Prerogative, And no law to beare him fo to doe. XXVI. Alfo, when Matters have been neere at Judgement by Pro- cefTe at your Common- Law, the fame Lord Cardinall hath not only given and fent Injunctions to the parties, but alfo fent for your Jud- ges, and exprefly by threats Commanding them to deferre the Judge ment, to the evident fubverflon of your Lawes, if the Judges would fohaveceafed. XXVII. Alfo, whereas neither the Bifhoprick of Torke, nor win- chefter, nor the Abbey of St. Allans^ nor the profit of his Legation, nor the benefit of the Chancery, nor his great Penfion out of Frame, nor his Wards, and other inordinate taking could not fuffice him, He hath made his tonne winter to fpend twenty feven hundred pounds by year, which he taketh to his own ufe, and giveth him not paft two hundred pounds yearly to live upon. XXVIII. Alfo, where the faid Lord Cardinall did firft fue Onto your Grace to have your a (Tent to beeLegat.de Later e } Hee pro- mifed ? and folemnly protefted before your Majeftie, and before the Lords both Spiritualland Temporall, that He would nothing doe or attempt by vertue of his Legacy, that (hould be contrary to your gra cious Prerogative, or Regality, or to the dammage or prejudice of the JurifHi-, Of Henry the Eighth. Jurisdiction of any Ordinarie, And that by his Legacy, no man ihould be hurt or offended And upon that Condition^ and no other 3 He was admitted by your Grace to be Legat \vithin this your Realm, which Condition he hath broken, as is well known to all your Sub- je&s. And when that he made this promife, He was bufie in his fute at RotK^'tq vifit all' the Clergie of England 3 both Exempt and not exempt. XXIX. Alfo, upon the fute of the faid Lord Cardinall at Rome to have his Authorise Legaritine , Hee made untrue furmifc to the Popes holinefleagainft the Clergie of your Realm, which was 3 that the Regular perfons of the laid Ciergie had given thcmfelvcs in repro- bnm fexfum which words Saint Paul writing to the Romans applied to abominable finne : which {launder to your Church of England fhall forever remain in the Reg ifter at Rome againft the Clergie of this your Realm. XXX. Alfo,the faid Lord Cardinall had the more part of the goods of Dok>r Smith^ late Bifhopof Lincoln^ Biilhop Savage of Tork^ Mr.Dalfy, Arch- Deacon of Ricljmond^tAr.Tornyers^ Doctor Rothalt, laceBilhopof-DWu^andof Doctor Fa.v, lace Bifhop of wuubefer^ contrary to their Wills, and your La wes, and Juftice. XXXI. Alfo, at the Oyer, and Tcrminer at Torke, Proclamation w as made 1 , that every man fhouldput in their Bills for extortion of Ordinaries, and when divers Bills were put in againft the Officers of the faid Lord Cardinal!, of extortion, for taking twelve pence of the pound for probation of Teftaments, whereof divers Bills were found before Juiiice F it z,- Herbert , and other Commifftoners, The fame Lord Cardinall removed the fame Indi5tments into the Chancery by Certiorari^nd. rebuked the fimeFjfi&IJr&fori for the fame Caufe. XXXII. AJfo, the faid Lord Cardinall hath bulled, and indea- voured himfelfe by crafty and untrue tales to make difiention and de bate amoagft your Nobles of your Realme^ which is ready to bee proved. XXXIII. Alf >, the faid Lord Cardinalls officers have divers times compelled your Sub jcfls to ferve him with Carts for carriage* And alfo his fervants have taken both Corn and Cattell,Fi(h,and all other .Vi&ualls at your Graces price, or under, ar, though it had been for your Grace, which is contrary to the Lawes. XXXIIII. Alfo, the faid Lord Cardinall hath mifufed himfelfe in your moft Honourable Court, in keeping of as great eftate there in your abfence, as your Grace would have done, if you had been there prefent in your own Perfon. XXXV. Alfo his fervants, by verrueof your CommifTion under your Broad. Seale by him to them given, have taken Cattell, and all other Vidua II at as low priceas your Purveyors have done for your G rac bv your prercgative,a?ain ft the La wcs of your Realng . XXXVI. Alfo, where it hath been accuftomed that your Pur veyors for your Honourable Houfhold have had yearly out of your Town 1519 The Life 15*9- Town and liberty of St.dtioas three hundred or foiire hundred Quar ters of Wheat, Truth it is, that fmce the Lord Cardinall had the roomeof Abbot there, your faid Purveyors could not be fuffered by lira, and his officers, to take any Wheat within the faid Towne or liberties. XXXVIi. Alfo he hath divers times given Injunftion to your Ser vants, that have been for caufes before him in the Starre- Chamber, that t'hey nor other for them fhould make labour, by any manner way diredlvor indire&ly,to your Grace, to obain your Gracious favour or pardon, which was a prefumptuous intent for any Subjeft . XXXVIII. Alfo the faid Lord Gardinall did call before him Sir John Stanley Knight, which had taken a Farme by Covent-Seale of the Abbot and Covent of Chefter, and afterwards by his power and might, contrary to Right, committed the faid Sir John Stanley to the Prifonof Fleet by the fpace of anyeare, unto fuch time as hee compelled the faid Sir Johnto releafe his Covent-Seale to one Leghe of Adlington, which married one Larkes daughter, which woman the faid Lord Cardinall kept, and had with her two children. Where upon the faid Sir John Stanley upon difpleafure taken in his Heart, made himfclfe Monke in weftminfter, and there died. XXXIX . Alfo, on a time your Grace being at St.Albons, accor ding to the antient cuftome ufed within your Verge, your Clarke of the Market doing his office, did prefent unto your officers of your moft Honourable Houfliold the prifes of all manner of Vi&ualls, within the precinA of the Verge, And it was commanded by your fa id officers to fet up the faid Prices both on the gates of your Ho nourable Houfho!d,and alfo in the Market-place within the Town ol St.Attoxs, as of antient Cuftome it hath been ufed 5 And the Lord Cardinall, hearing the fame, prefumptuoufly, and not like a Subject, caufed the forefaid Prices which were fealed with your Graces Scale, accuftomably ufed for the fame, to betaken off, and pulled down in the fayd Market-place where there were fet up, And in the fame place fet up his own Prices, Sealed with his Scale, and would if it had not been letted,in femblable manner ufed your Scale (landing upon your Graces Gares, And alfo would of his prefumptuous mind have openly fet in the Stocks within your faid Town your Clarke of your Market. By which prefumption and ufurpation your Grace may perceive, that in his Heart he hath reputed him felf tobeequall with your Royall Majefty. XL. Alfo the faid Lord Cardinall, of his further Pompous anc prefumptuous mind, hath enterprifed to joyn and imprint the Cardi- nalls Hat under your Armesin yourcoyneof Croats, made at your City of Yorke^ which like deed hath not been feen to have been done by any Subject within your Realtne before this time. XLI. "AlfOjWhere one Sir Ed&ardjoves, Clark, Parfon otCrow in the County tf Buckingham^ in the 1 8th yeareof your moft Noble Raigne, let his faid Parfonage with all Tythes,and other profits of the fame Oj Henry the Eighth. (ame toatewiBitmJobnfo* by Indenture for certain years, within which years the Dean of the faid Lord Cardinalls CoJJedgc in Ox ford pretended title to a certain portion of Tythes within the faid Parfonage, fuppofing the faid portion to belong to the Parfonage of ChicMey, which was appropriated to the Priory of Tykeford^ lately fuppreiled, where, of truth, the Parfonsof Crowley have been peace ably pofleflcd of the faid Portion, time out of mind j Whereupon a Sub- pznaw as directed to the faid Joknfon to appeare before the faid Lord Cardinall at Hampton Court ; where without any Bill, the faid Lord Cardinall committed him to the Fleer, where he remained by thefpaceof twelve weekes, becaufe hee would not depart with the faid Portion; And at thelaft,upon a Recognizance made, that hee fhould appear before the faid Lord Cardinall wherefoever hee was commanded, he was delivered out of the Fleet. Howbeit, as yet the faid Portion is fokept from him, that he dare not deale with it. XLII. Alfo, where one Martin Docowra had a Leafe of the Man- nor ofBaltfatt in the County of Warwick for tearm of cer/ain years,an Injunction came to him out of the Chancery, by writ,upon pain of a Thoufand pounds^ that hee fliould avoid the pofTeflion of the fame Mannor,and fuffer Sir George 7hrogmortoa Knight, to cake the profits of the fame Mannor,to the time the matter depending in theChancery between the Lord of St.Johxs, and the faid Docowra^ were diiculTed $ And yet the faid Docowra never made anfwer in the Chancery, ne ever was called into the Chancery for that matter. And now of late he bath received the like Injun&ion, upon pain of two Thoufand pounds, contrary tothecourfe of the Common-Law. XLIII. Alfo, whereas in the Parliament- Chamber, and in open Parliament, Communication anddevifes were had and moved, where in mentisn was, by an Incident, made of matters touching Heretics, and Erroneous Se 9 Hoping to jet either Francit to procure his Divorce, or Char Us to fuffer it. But as thofe Princes affaires requir'd a njore quick and ferious Difpatch, than to attend the decifion of io great and doubtful! a bufinefle, they cared little to fatisfie our King, or to compile with Miftris Bete/i. Therefore, fetting apart thofe confiderations, they attended only their own interefts ; and Madam Louife, very particularly,the News of her Grand-childrens fafety . For which purpofe having employed w&Vordin, hee gave this account as it is extant in the Spanifh Hiftorie. That he found the Dolphin and Duke of Orleans in the Caflle of PedrA$u^ under the Guard of the Marquis dt Verlangt, in a darke chamber, ill furnifh'd, having forgotten all their French,fo that when 7W/'fpaketo them, they requir'd an Interpreter. That their beft Inrertainnaent was playing with little doggs, and making Pictures in Wax. That, when he prefented them new Cloathes, the Marcjuis would riot fuffer them to be put on, whereof Vordin gives this ridi culous reafoD, That the Spaniards belie/d there were Witches in Frwce, that could rranfport any one in the ayre when their charmcs might but touch the body. But Vvrdin was deceiv'd 5 The true reafbn being. That out of a certain curiofity for prefcrvation of thofe Prin ces, afwell asdifchargeof his own truft, VerlangA would neither fuf fer thofe, nor any other clothes robe worne by the Princes, till others had put them on firft. But Madam Louifevrzs fo ill fatisfied with this Relation, that (hehaftned the Peace. To which purpofe, as the Cardinal! The Life an ^ardinall de Salviati ( the Popes Legat ) did contribute his indea- vours, ( but with favour certainly to the Emperour ) (b our Ambaf- 'adbjirs likewife did cooperate, butfb, as they had principall regard of Francis: our King believing that he might be the fooner induc'd openly to afllft him, when his Children were Free. Thus thefe pom pous Ladies ( who met at Camtray July 5.) mediated a Peace,though not without fome difficulty, Madam Lout ft once breaking off the Treaty, fo that, had not the Emperour, by an expreffe Courrier, in- larg'd the Inftruftions given to his Aunt, no Peace had followed. At laft they concluded this Treaty, in which alfo our King was compre hended. The Treaty of Cambray, Jug. 5th I. *" **Hat there (hall be a good, fure, and pefpetuall Peace betwixt J[^ the Emperour and King , and that they fhall bee for ever friends of the friends, and enemies of the enemies of each other. II. That the Treaty of Madrid (hall remain in its full force and vigour, and fhall be inviolably kept betwixt them, their Heirs anc Succeffours, without Innovation, except only in the third, fourth eleventh, and fourteenth Articles, where mention is made 0f th< Counties of JUxerrois, Mafconnois, Bar- fur- Seine, the Viconto o Auxont, and the fuperiority or government of St.Laurence. Am whereas it was agreed by the Treaty of Madrid, that the aforefai< places fhou Id be reflored to the Emperour, yet, in confederation o the Peace, he is content to remain only in the Ad ion, and Right, in an. amiable courfe, or by way of Jufticeto be executed 5 which hee intends, alfo fhall be referved to him and his heirs, Not with (landing any prefcription of time that can beialleag'd to the conrrary, it bein^ permitted alfo to the faid King, and his SuccefTors to defend them- felves. Notwithftanding all which, that a certain Rent, which the faid King pretends to have for Salt out of certain Salines in thof< part's, fhaJl be extinft for ever. III. That the faid King for the Ranfome of his two Sonnes, fhal pay two Millions of Crowns de Soleil ^ the Gold to be of twenty two Carats, and three quarters, whereof one Million and two Hundrec thoufand Crowns, (hall be paid, in Specie as much as can bee gotten, and the reft in one intire Mafle of Gold, if the Emperour fhall fo think good, or if otherwife, it (hall be coyn'd, and Eflay thereof ta ken. And at the fame inftant the D olpbin and Duke of Orleans fhal bee delivered to the Deputies of the faid King. All which is to bee done at or before the firft day of Match next enfuing, in the manne and forme as (hall be agreed betwixt the faid Emperour and King And as for the other Eight Hundred Thoufand Crowns, the faic King fhall difcharge the Emperour of a certain debt Hee oweth to i the King of England for Moaeys lent him upon Pawnes, as ma) appeare Of Henry the Eighth. appeareby certain Schedules and Obligations of his Majeftie, which debt is faid to amount to two Hundred and Ninety Thoufand Crowns de Soldi or thereabouts. And concerning the Remainder of the faid two Millions, amounting unto Five Hundred and Ten Thou- fand Crowns deSoleil, The faid King (hall give unto the Empe rour, the faid fumme, in Rent, for a certain time, upon certain lands and Seigneuries in Brabant, F Under s, Heynault, Artow, or elfe where in the ^Low-Countries where the Emperour or his Commiflioners fhall choofe or appoint of the yearly value of Twenty five thoufand and five hundred Crowns, till the faid fumme of 510000. Crownes be made up. All this to commence as fbon as the Children be deli vered. At which time alfo the faid King fhall procure that King Hen- j deliver unto the Emperour the Writings, Schedules, and Obliga tions, together with the Acquittances for the payments of the faid Debts. As alfo the faid Pa wnes, and Obligation of Indemnity pro- mi fed by the faid Era perour to the King vi England-^ And that the faid two Millions being thus paid, the Empcrout (hall not demand a- ny thing forcaufe of hrs Imprifonmenc-.- IIII. That Prancif, in the fpace of fix weekes after the Ratificati on of this Treaty, (hall revoke and call back all the Forces Hee hath in Italy, whether French or Mercenaries, fothat the Emperour may be affured thereof Fifteen dayes before the Restitution of the faid Hoftages. V. That the faid King within fifteen dayes after the Receipt of the Ratification of this Treaty, {hall reftoreunto the Emperour the CaftleandBayliageof Hefdin^ as a Member of his County of Ar- tois, together with the Cannon and Munition, according to the Trea ty of Madrid, except thofe Movcables that have been reftored to the Lady Reux. VI. That, becaufe in the Treaty of Madrid, the faid King hath agreed to leave and quit unto the Emperour all his Rights of Jurif- di&ion and Superioritie, that he and his Prcdeceflbrs Kings of France have held, or may claim in the Counties of F landers t and Artois, as alfo in the City of Arras , Tournay, Tovrnayfis, St.Amand, and-^/or- tgne, and as alfo in Lifle, Douay, and Orchies ; And, becaufe upon thefe generall termes, fbme difficulties might arife 5 therefore it is declar'd, by this prefent Article, that the faid King in confirmation of the Treaty of Madrid, hath left, given and transported, as alfo the faid Lady his Mother, in his name, and by vertue of the Authority given her, doth leave, give, and tranfport unto the (aid Emperodr, his Heirs and Succeffours, being Counts and CountefTes of f landers 9 t\ie Fee, Homage, Oath of fidelity, and all other markes of fubje&ion which either Hee or his Anceftors have had,or pretended to have^over the faid Counts and Counteflcs of Flanders, or any others Inhabiting in the faid Counties. VII. That the laid King bath renounc'd, and that by the authdri- ty given her, the Dutchefle of Ang&defme, his Mother,doth renounce all 1529 all right and claim to Liflt^ Douay and Orchits, ccnfcnting further they fha 11 be united unto the County of F ladders, in manner as they were before they w ere rranfporred to the King of Francejoy a Trea ty at Parif^ the 2 .Augujl 1498. V III . Thac the faid-King hath renounc'd, and that, by the autho rity given Her, the Dutchefle of Angoiilefme, his Mother, doth re nounce all right and claimewhichHee or his Anceftors Kings of France have had, or may pretend to have in the City of Tottrnay, the Bayliage of TeurKtyps, the townes ofMcrtaignejind St.Amandjvith all the Rights. Furthermore, confenting that they may be united and incorporated unro the faid County of Flanders. IX- That the faid King hath renounced, and, by the authority gi ven Her, the fa id Dutchefle of AKgoukfl**, his Mother, doth re- nounceall Right or claime they pretend tohavein theCityof Arras ^ or upon theBifhoprick and Cathedral Church therof, except fomuch of the Revenues of the faid Bifhoprick, and Churches is in the King- dome of France. X. That the faid King hath confented, granted, and, by the autho rity given Her, the faid Dutchefle of Angouhfme^ his Mother, doth confent and grant to the Bmperour,his Heirs and Succeflburs,Counts and Countefles of Artois, that they (hall remain for ever henceforth quit and difcharged from the Fee and Homage, Oath of Fidelity, or any other ma rke of fubjeftion which hee or his Anceftors, Counts and C ountefles tf Artois, have been bound to do, or acknowledge to the Kings of France, excepting only Tberouene, and the pofleflion be longing to the Churches of -rfrfwV, being in France , and feme final] Townes in the Bologxois* XI. That the faid King hath given and tranfported, and, by the a thority given Her, the faid Dutchefle of AngoultfmeJ&is Mother,doth give and tranfport a ferviceor Tenure tfArtois, commonly called the antient Compofition of ^rrozVjarnountins yearly to Fourteen Thou- fand LivresToumois^ unto the Emperour,Dis Heirs and Succeflburs, Counts and Countefies of Artois. XII . That the Inhabitanrs of Artois be free from all manner of Im petition, or Tribute, heretofore claimed by the Kings of France. XIII. That the Em perour reciprocally (hall renounce and tranf- \ ort, as alfo, by the authority given Her, the fayd Lady, the Arch- Dutchetfe, doth renounce and tranfport, for ever, unto the /aid King, his Heirs and Succeffours, all the Right, and Title, that the faid Em- perour or his Predeceflbrs hold or claim in any of the States Lan is and Seignories of themoft Chriftian King. And efpecially all hec may pretend to in feronne^ Mondedier^ and Roye^ and in the Counties ofBolognoifj Guifnes^nd Ponthieu^nd in the Towns and Seigneurics, fituated upon the Some, either upon the one part thereof or the other' together with all the Juri (elisions belonging unto them j Notwith- {landing any Treaty heretofore made to the contrary. XIIII. That, Notwithftanding the ttanfportation, the Emperour hath Of Henry the Eighth. ~ ^7 hath made by the Treaty otMadridpl the County of Humen Artov unto the French King, it is dec lar'd by thefeprefents, that the places thereof which are, at this prefenr, in the Emperours poflefiion, fliall remain free and exempt from any pretence of the French, asthofe a- bove mentioned. XV. That all the aforefaid renouncings and tranfportations made by the King unto theEmperour fhal be underftood as valid^Notwith- ftandtngany derogation which may rife from any Union or Incor poration of them unto the Crown of France^ or any bar of the Law Salique. And that the faid King and His Succeffours (hall never at tempt theconttary hereunto, when yet they might pretend to do it by right. XVI. That all Suresand Proceffes undecided in the Parliament of Par if, or any other Court of Juftice of the faid King, which may have Relation to the Inhabitants of Flanders or Artois by reafon of ^ Lands, or poffeffions fituatein the aforefaid Counties,fhall be remitted to the Great Counfell of the faid Bmperour, or toother his Courts of Juftice in the faid Counties of Flanders and Artois^ to be there finally determined. XVII. That if any definitive fentence have been givcn,before this laft War> againft the Inhabitants of the Counties of Flanders and s^ that the power of executing them (hall be committed to the Officers of the Emperour. XVIII. That the Parliament of Paris (hall remit unto the Prefi- dent, and others of the Emperours Great Counfell inMalints, the Procefie or Sure concern ing the nght which the Comte. de Neu&s or bis Wife, or Children pretend to the Inheritance of John of Bur- ^. XIX. That, Not with ftancnng the Droit d'Aubenejhz Subje&sof either Prince may enjoy their right in as ample forme as the Naturall Inhabitants of the Country ufeto do. And as for the Comte of Cha- ro/o/V, that the Lady Arch- Dutchefle may enjoy it during her life, and, after her deceafe, the Emperour, and chen that it fhall return to the Crown of France. And it is further agreed, that fhee may enjoy certain Rights in Woyers y and other places,in the fame manner as fhee enjoyed them in the life of King Philip of Caftile Her brother. XX. Thar^ if the King or any in his name do hold any Towne 3 CaftleorFortinthe State and Dutchy of Milan it (hall be re- ftor'd to the Emperour and his GommilTaries, within fix weeks after the Ratification of this Treaty. XXI. That the faid King fhall deliver unto the Emperour or his CommirTarics, within the ipace of fix weeks after the Ratification of this Treaty, the Contado de Afti^ with all that appertained! to it, to be enjoyed by the faid Emperour, His Heirs and Succeffours for ever. XXII. That the faid King likewife fhall reftore unto the Empe rour or his CommifTaries,477*ta, and all other places that he or any fat him holdeth in the Kingdome of Naples, aflbone as is poffible, N n and The Life an 15*9. and before the restitution of Francis his Children . And it is further agreed, that the faid King, within fifteen dayes after the publication of this Treaty, (hall require the Venetians and all other his Confede rates to reftore all the Towns, Caftles, and Fortrefles that they hold in the Kingdomeof Naples , within the fpace of fix weeks. And that, in cafe of Contravention, ( when the terme is expired ) the faid King fhall declare himfelfe exprefly their enemy, and from that day for wards, (ball give the Emperour thirty thoufand Crowns de Soleil Monethly,untill the faid places be recovered, and brought to obedi ence to the Emperour. And, in cafe they be not fo recover'd before the Dolpbia and Duke of Orleans be delivered, the faid King fhall give good Security to the Eraperour for continuing the faid pay monethly, untill they be reduced to the Emperours obedience. Upon Condition yet, that, if the Emperour employ not the Money to the purpofe aforefaid, it fhall be paid back again, aad that therefore the King may appoint fomeperfon who may informe him of the time, when the faid places fhall be taken in. And that the faid King neither dire A:Jy nor indireftly fhall favour any in the Kingdomc of Na ples, that have rebelled againft the Emperour fince the Treaty ol Madrid. XX III. That the King (hall reftore a Ifb unto the Emperour or his Commiflaries, all that can be recover'd, of that which was taken out of the Galleys in Portofino. XXIIII. That, for the particular in the Treaty of Madrid, con cerning the refidence that Afonpeur de Angoultfmv (hould make with the Emperour, it is remitted to the Kings difcretion. XXV. That, for the particular of the League defenfive agreed in the Treaty of Madrid, it fhall be underftood only in Relation to the patrimonial! pofTeflions on either fide, and that the charges incident thereunto (hall be at the cofts of the demander, and, for the reft, that the faid King fhall not meddle in any pra&ifes either in Italy or G er~ many to the prejudice of the Emperour. XXVI. That the Marriage concluded by the Treaty of (Madrid between the faid King, and the Lady Leonora Queen Dowager of Portugall, and eldeft Sifter of the Emperour, (hall be accomplifti'd. And that the faid King as foon as can be, after the Ratification of this Treaty, (hall fend Amba(Tadours,with fufficient, and efpeciall power, and Authority, to Ratifie and approve all that fhall be needfull con cerning the faid Marriage. For the accomplifhrnent and Confum- mation whereof, the faid Queen fhall be conduced into France, at th< fame inftant that the Dolphin and Duke of Orleans fhall be delivered And that the faid Matrimony ftiall hold in all things according to th< Treaty of Madrid^ faving in that only which concernes the Countie of Attxerrois, Mafconnois^nd. the Seigniorie of Bar-far feine ', wit] refervation yet of thofe Rights which fhould ( as is faid before ) ap pertain to the Dutchy of Burgundy. Andbecaufcthe tcrme of pay ment of the Two fnmdred thoufand Crowns in Lieu of Dowry ofth< , _, faic O/ Henry 18? faid Queen, and fpecified in the Treaty of Madrid, is expir'd; It is' agreed again, that the faid Dowry (hoii!d be paid, the half within fix Moneths next enfuing, and the other half within fix weeks follow ing, and that, upon receipt of the whole fumme or part thereof the faid King (hall be bound to give ailurance in the manner as is fpeci- 5ed in the Treaty of Madrid. XXVIf. That, forafmuch as concerns the help and afliftance by Land and by Sea promifed by the faid King for the patfage of the Emperour into ftaly^ the faid Emperour releafeth it, upon Condition only, that, within two Moneths after he be required thereunto (whe ther it be for his paflage into Italy, or for his return, or for his fervice while he is there) Heegive twelve Galleys, foure Ships, and foure Galleons, fufl&cicntly provided with Artillery, and Sea-men, with out any Souldiers yet to be put in them, but fuch as the Emperour (hall appoint^ And at the coft of the faid King 3 ( except the Sbulda- tcfque ) for the fpace of five moneths, after the time that they (hall come into the Haven> which his Majefty (hall nominate. The faid Emperour delivering unto the Captain or Generall ( that (hcnild jring the faid Arrrudo ) Letters Patterits figned with his hand, and ealed with his Scale, by which he (hall prdmife and fweare, after the "aid five Moneths to reftore irpmediatly to the faid King, or his De- juties^the (aid Armada, in the manner that he receiv'd it. And more over, the laid King fhall pay really to the faid Emperour the two Hundred thoufand Crowns, that, by the Treaty of Madrid^ hee pro mifed to pay his Ma jeftyj for the aforefaid Voyage ; that is to fay, One Hundred thoufand Crowns within fix Moneths next enfuing, and the other Hundred thoufand Crowns within fix Moneths after. And, as for the pay of fix thoufand Foot for fix Moneths, which the r aid King promis'd to Furnifti, giving therefore the Caution and Se curity of fufficient Merchants, the Emperour by this Treaty acquits lira of it, upon condition , that hee pay one Hundted thoufand Crowns de Soleil, the which fumme (hall remain and be for thfc in- creafing of the Dowry of the QuJen Dowager L eonora. XXVIII. That,becaufein the faid Treaty of Madrid there is no mention of the profits and Rents of the Inheritances given by the faid Emperour and King during the warre , whereupon many quefti- ons and differences may arife : It is determined and concluded by this Treaty, that all fuch Profits and Rents Ecclefiafticall or Secular, as alfo all debts, moveables, which have, or might have been given ex- preflyby Letters Patents of the faid Emperour and King, or their Lieutenants in any manner, with title of confifcation, and which have been delivered, taken, or paid during the warre betwixt the two Princes before the Treaty of Madrid^ (hall remain for ever given and acquitted to the profit of the faid Lords,Va(Talls, Lands, Towns,and perfonsfubjefttothe faid Emperour and King, and of their allyes which in the faid warres (hall have taken the part of the one or the other. N n 2 XXIX.That 184 The Life and ^ei XXIX. That all the privileges of the Townes, Neighbours,and In- labitants of the Counties of Flanders and Artots, and other places of e Low- Countries, which appertain to the Emperour, {hall, by this 4 refent Capitulation, be confirm 'd, and that the Privileges alfo that :he French were wont to enjoy in the faid Emperours Dominions "hall remain in their full force, according as hath been accuftomed on x>th fides. XXX. That all Prifoners of war taken by Sea or Land, as well be- bre as afcer the Treaty of Madrid, of the one part, or of the ocher, Subje&sof the faid Emperour 3 and moft Chriftian King, ( excepting the Neapolitan fubjeds of the Emperour that have ferved again ft iicn in the fame Kingdom) And any other that have ferved,followed, and held the contrary part, of what Nation or Condition foever, ftiall fet free, and put at liberty, without paying Ranlbme, within two vtoneths after the Ratification of the Treaty, referving only thofe Prifoners, which before the faid Treaty (hould have been put to Ran- r ome, who dull pay their Ranfome notwithftanding this Article. XXXI. Thatifo&?r* de laMarchothis Children (hall prefume to make any enterprife upon the Caftleand Dutchy of Bouillon, (c queted by the Emperour, and left by his Majefty to the Church of Liege to whichitantiently appertain'd) in fuch cafe the King may rive no hope,favour or afliftance,neither dire&ly or indiredly againft :he faid Church. XXXII. That the Heirs of Charles Duke ot Bourbon, according to the Treaty ofMadri^ (hall en joy all thofe goods and pofleflions that pertain to the faid Duke, fo that t notwithftanding all Judgements and Sentences given and pronounced againft the faid Duke, during his life, or after his death, the Heirs of the faid Duke (hall enjoy their antient right. XXXIII. That JeanComtetf />&///> de Croy> Marquis of ^nd the difference betwixt him and the Seigneurs of Cha- on^ and others, Tutors of the Children of Mons' de Lautrech, that it (hould be referr'd to a particular Treaty, and Agreement be fore the Governours of the City, and Dutchy of Camfoay, which faid agreement (hall ftand. XXXIX. That,the Sute depending, in the Parliament of Par it fie- twcen Adolphtis of Burgundy Seigneur de Beures oh the one part, for the Seigneuriesof Creue-crtur in Cambrefisj&c. and the Kings Attor- ny on the other part, (hall be referred, in the ftate it now is, co foure Judges, whereof two be named by the Emperour, and two by the King : And that the faid Judges (hall be bound to return and deter mine the caufe in the City of Cambray^ twenty daies after the Ratifi cation of this Treaty. And that, if two of the foure Judges abfent themfelves, the orher two, that is to fay, one of either part, may pro- coed to give fentcnce. XL. Thar,in this Peace and Treaty is comprehended, as a princi- pall Contra&or, the Pope and the Apoftolike See, which the faid Emperour and King (hall maintain in his authority and prehemi nence. And that they (hall procure that the Townes and places,being of the Patrimony of the Church, (hall be reftored, alfb there are comprehended herein as principall Contractors, the Kings of ffunga- ry^ England, and foland^Ckrift tern King of Denmark^ the Kings of Portugall and Scotland^ and the Lady Arch-Dutcheffe Aunt to the Emperour. Alfo there are comprehended herein as Confederates, the Electors, the Cardinall of Liege$c. Alfo it is agreed, that all the faid principall Contractors and Confederates (hall be advertifed hereof by the fiid King and Emperour. XLI . That the faid King (hall procure the community or Repub- likeof Florence^ within foure Moneths after the Ratification of this Treaty, to agree with the Emperour, which being done, they alfo (hall be comprehended herein, and not otherwife. And becaufe,fmce theTreaty of Mtdrid^ Charles Duke of Gueldres Comte de Zutphren hath taken parr with the Emperour, and agreed with him, his Maje- fty declares him for his Confederate, and all others nominated here: And that thofe who are not nominated (hall be excluded out of the faid Treaty ,unlefle they be comprehended under the gencrall termes of vaffalls or fubjeds of the faid Kings. XLlt. 1519 i8$ The Life XLII. That the faid Emperourand King (aflbon as they well can ) for Ratification and Confirmation of this prefent Treaty ( in which de vert>o adverbum there muft be inferted and joyned together the Treaty of Madrid) fhall fweare folemnly upon the Evangelifts, and the wood of the true Croffej in the prefence of the Holy Sacra ment, and thefe Ambaflfadours that (hall be appointed thereunto, to hold and keep ( every one for his part ) all the points and Articles of this Treaty, as alfo all thofe contain'd in the Treaty of Madrid^ which are not altred ? chang'd, and innovated by thefe prefents ; fub- mttting themfeives, for performance hereof, to the Jurifdi&ions and Ecclefiafticall cenfures even to the invocation of the fecular power inclufivi ; Conftituting their Pro&ors in forma canter & Apoftolict, to appeare in their names, or in either of them, in the Court of Rome before the Pope, and the Auditori della Ruota, and to receive volunta rily the condemnation and fulmination of the faid Cenfures in cafe of Contravene ion 5 and, for this purpofe, to fubmit themfeives and Prorogue their Jurifdi&ion before fome Prelate or Ecclefiafticall Judge. And that neither the faid Em perour and King, nor any of them may ( without mutuall confent ) demand a Relaxation of the faid Oach, nor an Abfolution of the faid Cenfures. And that, if any did demand and obtein it, it fhall not avayle him, without the Con fent of the other. XLIII. That the faid King (hall Ratifie and approve both this Treaty and that of Madrid 'in the forme there mentioned,fave where it hath been chang'd, altred, and innovated by thefe prefents, foraf- muchasconcernes the Seigneur Dolphin, according to the manner declared in the faid Treaty of Madrid. And that be alfo fhall caufe this Treaty to be Ratified and approved by all the particular Eflates of the Provinces and governments of his Kingdomes : And that hee fhall make them fweare and promife,that the faid Treaty fhall be per petually kept, and fhall caufe them to beRegiftred and verified in the Parliament of Parti^ and all other Parliaments of the Kingdome of France^ in the prefence of the Attorneys Generall of the faid Par liaments, to whom the faid King fhall give efpeciall and irrevocable power, to appeare in his name, in all the faid Parliaments, and there con Fent to the aforefaid Jnregiftring, and fubmit himfelf voluntarily ro the keeping of all that is contein'd in the find Treaty. And that, by vertue of the faid voluntary fubmiflion, hee may be enjoyned or condemned thereunto, by the definitive fentence of the faid Parlia ments in good and convenient forme* And that this Treaty fhall bee alfo verified and Jnregift'red in the Chambredes Comptes of Paris ^ in the prefence, and with the confent of the Kings Attorny, for the more effeduall execution, and accomplifhment of them, and the va lidations of the Acquittances, Renuntiations, fubmiflions, and other things co ntain'd and declared in the faid Treaty. Which Ratificati ons, {nregiftrings, Verifications,and all other things above-men tion'd fhall be done and perfe&edby the faid King, and the difpatches of then* Of Henry the Eighth. 187 them, in due forme delivered into the hands of the faid Emperour, before his Children bee delivered, and within the fpace of fbure Monethsatfurtheft. And if, for the Jnregiftring and verifications above-mention'd, it (liould be necefTary that the faid King ihould re- leafe,anddifcharge unto his Officers thofe Oaths that they have ta ken, not to content or fuffer any alienations of the Crown, the faid King (hall doe it ^ and that alfo the faid Emperour fhall, in his great Coun fell, and his other Couacells and Chambres des Comptes in his Dominions of the Love-Countries ^cz&fe to be made fuch other Jnre giftring, and verifications, releafing alfo the Oath of his Officers, and caufing the particular States of his faid Dominions to Ratifie and approve this Treaty, within the time above mentioned* XLIIII. That this Peace fhall be publirti'd through all the King- domes and Seigneurics and Dominions of the Emperour and the King, and efpechlly the Frontiers, before the 15th day pf September next, to the intent that no man may pretend Ignorance ; And the faid Arch-DutchefTe on the part of the Emperour, and rhe DutchefTe of Angoultfme on the part of the French King, and the faid Arch- Dutchefle particularly for the Queen Leonora^ forafmuch as may du- y concern her, and by thofe Oaths that every one of them harh made, lopromifethat they fhall duly Ratifie all that is contain'd in this Treaty of Peace. And that they fhall give Letters Patents thereof, ndue and fufficient forme 5 on cither part, within two Moneths and a halfe after the concluding this prefent Treaty. Inteftimony whereof the faid Ladies Arch-Dutcheflfe and Dut- chefle, and each of them, have figned and fealed thefe prefents. Dat. n the City of Cambraythe 5th of -duguft, I 5 2 9- e. Louife. And this is the mod fubftantiall part of the Treaty of Caml>ray, as it is fet down by Sandwal $ but B ellaj /. 3. addes, that, befides the above-mention'd two Millions of Crowns, Francis paid, for the Emperour, to our King, D>f . Crowns as a penalty the Emperour had incurr'd for not marrying the PrincefTe Marj. Moreover,that he was bound to dif-ingage, from our King, a rich Jewell in the forme of a Flower-de-luce; wherein was a piece of the wood of the true Crofle, being pawn'd heretofore by Philip, Father of the Emperour, to Henry the Seventh,for fifty thoufand Crowns. The Acquittances, for which payments, together with the Jewell, as the fame Author confeffethtorwebeenfentto the Emperour, fo he acknowledged, in the manner of it, the great Liberality of our King $ who, befides giving Francis foure years Terme, for payment of C D M. Crownes ( which, as he faith, was the Money lent by our King to Charles) did remit and forgive him abfolutely the D.M. Grownes above-men tion'd 5 and, for the Jewell, prefented it to his Godfon Hewy, fecond Son of Francis by the conveyance of Cuillaume Seigneur\de LAngey^ whom Bell. 1.3, The Life Mart, du Sandoi: Jaf.rfc Aug.ii~ Saratov.* whom the French King fent for that purpofe into England, Befides this Treaty, I find, by our Records, another at the fame time and place, made betwixt our King, and the Lady Margarit^ in the name of the Emperour. Our Kings Commiflioners being CuMert Tonftall Bifhop of London, Sir Thomas More^ Chancellour of the Dutchy of Lancafterjaid Mr. John tfacket, our Kings Refident there. Which yet, becaufe it conteins nothing of extraordinary,but only theContinuation of Traffique for Merchants 3 arid the forbidding to print or fell any Lutheran books on either fide, I purpofely omit. fVwzftfunderftandingthisconclufion of Peace at Cambra^ haft- eth thither, that he might both render the Lady Margaret a vifir, and promife not to faile in performance of thofe Articles his Mother had agreed. Which yet the Spanifli Writers fay Hee held no longer than untill the AmbafTadours of his Confederates in Italy came to him; So that, when, together with his breach of League with them, they reprefented their own miferable eftate at that prefenr, Hee excu- fed himfelfe, through the neceflity of his condition at that time ; af- furingthem nevertheleffe,that,notwithftandingany Treaty, he would continue his love to and care of them, only when firft he might have his Children. So that in effed he fecretly aflifted them ftill 5 as ho ping thereby to defend himfelfe againft the Emperour, when occafi- on were. Which alfo hee extended fo fant , as, upon prefump- tion thereof, hee broke fome. Articles lately concluded with the Spaniard. The Newes of this Treaty was no fooner brought to Queen Ie0#0ra, but fhe, for the better complying with her Husband, interceded with the Empreffe, upon pretence that Charles attemptec to draw fome of the Suiflfe ( heretofore allyed with Francis ) unto his fervice, and that the Children of Francis might have fome more li berty, ana the French detein'd in Villalpando a lefTe ftreight Prifon ^ which alfb was granted her by the EmprefTe. For the Emperour taking his opportunity (while the Treaty be twixt the Ladies was in agitation ) departed from Barcellona the 28th of July 1529. and arriv'd at Genoua the izth of Augujt after, with a Royall Train, and about eight thoufand Souldicrs. And here ( as San- doual obferves ) began the wearing offhort haire, (the Emperour cutting off his, as a vow for his paflage, or, as others 'have it, for a pain in his Head) long haire having been accuftomed for many ages before. The Pope, being inform 'd of this voyage of the Emperours, fends fome Gardinalls to meet him at Genoua, himfelf in the mean while, preparing to attend him at Bononia. While the Empeiour having found a reception from the Genouefi, temper'd betwixt love and feare, dii fo civily interpret all to be refpeft, that He bid them a kind fanveil., and fb held on his way till he came neer the confines ofthe?opes poffeflions. Where three Cardinalls (carrying with them the Book of Ceremonies ) met Him 5 And, after due Congra tulations, ma^eit appear that the aritient Cuftome of all thofe who entred upon the Patrimony of the Church, was^ to fwear firft not to Of Henry the Eighth. Sept. to offer any violence to it. The Etfiperour accepts the Oarh, yet . fo as he faid he would not ptejudice his Ovvn Impetiall right. And be- caufe this was neer to Peacenz,a, divers under ftood his words to havfc Relation to that place, which asalfo Parma, is faid to have belong'd antiently to the Dutchy of Milan. The Emperourhad now a great Army in /M/y under the command of Antonio de Leyva, which was employ'dcheifly againft the Venetians, to which it is probable alfo bee would have joyned his own Forces, had not Newes come to him of the great mifchiefs which Barbarofla, that famous Pirate^ did on the Seas, and of the Tmk sentry into Hungary with Two Hundred and fifty thoufand men. For as this ftartled the Emperour from his defignes in Italy, Co heconddered afweli how ufefull the Pope would :>e in difpofmg other Princes to joy n again ft this formidable Army. For which reafons, as alfo for making his Coronation more glori ous, Hee refolved to proteft againft all other enterprifes, and apply himfelf wholly to that warre. And the rather, that the Turk had lately undertaken the protedion of John Sepufe, pretender to the Kingdome of Hungary, and now lay d Siege to Vienna, and endan- ger'd therein the Ancient Patrimony of the Houfe of Auftria , Be- Sdes, the Proteflants in Germany having, about this time, made fome high demands, Hee thought it his part to correct or fuppreflfe them. Onlyheejudg'dit neceffary not to give any publike demonftration thereof, untill the affairs of Italy were compos'd. Therefore, he firft makes a Peace with the Venetians, upon Condition they fliould re- ftore the places withheld in Naples from him, and give back to the Pope likewife the pofleflions of the Church.. Moreover, that they ftiould pay him a great fumme of Mney towards his charges. Which Articles the Venetians ( as being in effed abandoned of all their Confederates ) gladly accepted, only, when the Duke of Ur- bino ( their Generall ) might be comprehended therein. Which al fo was accorded. They together with the Pope interceded likewife for Franc effo S/or.54, defiringhemightbe reftor'd to his former E- ftate. The Emperour alfo, confidering that hee could make no fe- cure Peace in Italy, unlefle he rernov'd all juft caufes of jealoufie, begins to thinke how he might ^ratifie Sfor&a herein, upon a Propo- fition of a Marriage to be made between him, and Cbriftiema youn ger Daughter of the King of Dexmarke^nd Ifabell, Sifter to the Em perour; which yet becaufe of her unripeneffe for Marriage (being nowbutten yearsold ) took noeffeft till 1534. So, that when the bufineffeof Florence might have bin ended,all Italy now feem'd C>m- pos'd to quietnclfe. Thcfe things thus fettled, the Emperour entred Bono#ia about the beginning of November, with more glory, doubt- le{Te,thathe vvas inform'd libw the Turk had rais'd his Siege from Vienna, about twenty day es before. From whence after a Moneths fiege, Hee was forced to retire by the water of old German Garrifon commanded by Philip Count Palatine, having done nothing notable, but crowned with his own Hand at Buda. John Sepute King of Hun- O o If 34- Nnemb.j. The Life and ^ei ary. His reception alfo was Magnificent, while the youth of that ^ity having apparell'dthemfelves in a Livery, attended his Horfe ike Laquais 5 that they might have the better pretence to be neer him . After whom followed his Army/ome choice perfons whereof carried Antonino de Leyva on their fhoulders ; ( though whether in regard of lis ancient infirmity of the Gout, orotherwife, for more oftentati- on, is not certain. ) In which equipage hee went to the Church of St.Petronio^ at the gate whereof the Pope, having rais'd a high Throne upon a fcafrbld, and placed himfelfe on the top, with his Tiara or Triple- Crown on his Head, and, for the reft, attended with a great traine of Cardinalls,did in that pofture expe& him. The Emperour alighting here from his Horfe afcended thefteps, and humbled him felfe to a kifle of the Popes foot, which the Pope prefenty diverted to a Paxorkiffe on the cheek. Which Ceremony as it attra&ed all mens eyes, fo was it the more confiderable unto the fpeftators, that theconjun&ion of thofe two great lights ( as they termed it ) could not but portend fome ftrange effeft to Chriftendome. Charles was then about twenty nine, that is to fay in the prime age to temper his countenance betwixt lovelinefife and Majeftie 5 though nothing yet, in his face, was fb remarkable as his great nether-lip.Which SandovAi will have to be peculiarly deriv'd to that family (even to this day ) from the Houk of Burgundy. The Pope though gray, retained yet much vigour in his eyes, though obferved for nothing fo much as his beard, which not only hee, but alfo all the Cardinalls, as our Agent RichdrdCrookehtfh it, wofe at a great length,be fides, he faid,many of them had their Robes or Veftures of a Violet colour,inftead of Scar let, appearing, for the reft, ( as the fame Crooke relates ) in their fafhi- onsfomewhat fouldier-like. This Interview being paft, not without aferiotis Proteftation of the Emperours, that he would ftrive to re duce theaffairs of Religion into better termes 3 they both lodged in the fame Houfe, for the mctfe conveniency of that private conference, which often paft betwixt them : which alfo continued for fome Moneths before they departed. Whereof though it were thought that the Emperour would make his advantage, as having the Pope in his power and Cuftody ; Yet the Pope and Venetians fo manag'd the bufmefTe, as, joyning offices together ( as is above faid ) they obtein'd that Francefco Sforza fhould be admitted to the Emperours prefence, and in fequence thereof not only pardon 'd, but reftor'd to the Dut- chy of Milan. Which a& of the Emperours 3 as it was magnanimous beyond expe&ation,fo was it no leflfe opportune; both as it quiercc not the Eftates alone, but even minds of the Italians 5 and, as hee dif- pDs'd them thereby to give him r fheir beft affiftance towards his great affaires in Germany. Befides, he excludes Francis from hopeo attempting that Dutchy, unlefle he would declare -himfelfe an open difturberof the Peace of Italy. Hee did not omit yer, to Capitulate with Sforza^ that the Marquis de Guafto^nd Antonio deLeyvA (houlc have certain lands afligh'd them out of the Dutchy, and thathe ! might , put Of Henry the Eighth. Garrifons in fome of the moft important places thereof, till con ditions were perform'd. Shortly afrer which a kind of univerfall League, under pretence of the good of Chriftendome, was by the Popes means concluded, ( place being left for thofe that would to en ter into it ) which alfo was publifti'd the firft of January 1530. in the Cathedrall Church of St.Petronio. And thus, the Emperour proceeded to his Coronation in Bononia, whither the Crown of Iron ( ivhichfhouldbereceiv'dat Milan) being brought, and after put on in the Popes Chappell ; The other, of Gold, was fet on his Head, Febr.2$. (which was his birth day) by the Pope in the great Church, with many Ceremonies. Among which I find none more Notable, than that the Emperour, by antient cuftorae, muft firft put on the liabit of a Canon of Sanfta Maria dellatorre in Rome, and after that of a Deacon, before they can be compleatly inverted in this Imperi al! dignity, the Pope the mean while faying Made, both in Lacine and in Greeke. The Rites whereof appear'd fo much more new and ftrange, that (ince the time of Frederick^ 1442, no Emperour had been publickely Crowned. This being done, Francesco Sforza was reftor'd to an a&uall poflTeifion of his Eftate. The Emperour placing only a Commander in the FortrefTeor Cittadell of MiUn^ and ano ther in Como, And caufing the City of Monzo with vaft poflfefidons to be given Antonio de Leyua. Having thus fctled Lombard^ Hee commandeth his Army to march againft the Florentines, whom the Popepaffionatlydefir'dtochaftife for the many Injuries his name and Family had lately received from them. All which fignes of amity and correfpondence being advertis'd to our King, by Crooke, and other his Agents in Italy, it was eafie to imagine what hope of favour hee might expe& from the Pope in his important Bufme(Te,yet, left he fhould omit any thing which might fervefor Juftificitionof his Honour and Dignity in a lawfull way, Heefent to the moft famous Universities in Italy, and elfe- where, to have their opinions concern ing rhe Divorce. Not offering any way co prevaile himfelf either of hisown power among his Clergie, or of the Counfell the Pope had formerly given him, till hee had firft dif- cover'd what the leamed'ft men in Chriftendome held in that point. Hee alfo writ Letters with his own hand to the Bifhop of Worcefter, and Sir Gregory Cafalif, ( then with the Pope ) to tell them, that hee had fent Sir Tho.Bolev, ( newly created ) Earle of iriltfhire and O mond, with John Stoke/ley^ Ele& Bifhop of London^ and Edward Lee, as his AmbafTadours to the Emperour, and that they fhould advife to gether what was to be done. Thefe comming to Bononia^ after fome paflages with the Emperour, who told them he could not defeit his Aunts Caufe, repa vred to the Pope ; to whom, having propofed the Kings affaire, thev received this Anfwer from him $ That, though he was urg'd by the Qaeehs Sollicitor to proceed agaifift the King, yet Hee defircd rather that all proceeding fhould be ; fufpcnded in the Roman Court 3 upon Condition yet that King Henry , on the other Oo 2 fide, Jan i. Febi z* March 2 6, The Life an 1529, ide, would promife,not to Innovate any thing in the mean while in ZngUnd* Whereof information being given our King, Hceanfwe- red, That his Holineflfe hath fed him hitherto with faire words only, without intent to aide him, as appear d lately by denying his Ambaf- Tadours Audience to juftifie his Caufe. In the mean while our King attends his Parliament bufinefle, where Sir Thomas More^ who was now returned from the Treaty at Cam- t>ray y being ( in reward of his fervice ) made Lord Chancellour, gave in an eloquent Oration, at the Parliament- Chamber in Black-Friers, the firft overtures of the Kings intentions in that Parliament. To which, our King, attended with his Nobles, repair'd from hisadjoy- ning Palace of Bridewell^ThomM Audley being chofen Speaker for the lower Houfe* Andasnow Luthers do&rine was fecretly admit ted into many places of this Kingdome, with much approbation, fo it gave thofe impreflions, as even the moft ignorant began to examine whether the errours then ordinarily controverted did belong to the DoArine, or to the Government of the Church. And this alone as it was the firft flep, fo was it a great and bold falley towards that Refor mat ion which followed afterwards. Yet as Learning was not then commonly found among thofe, who in their ftudies had no other de- fignebut truth, and fatisfying their confcience; fo few underftood the ftateof thequeftions propos'd, fave only they, who being of the Party, either for their own private Iqtercft would not retraft, or for ft- are of unfettling the received Grounds of Religion in mens Hearts thought it dangerous to permit an Innovation 5 which yet prov'd a pernicious and fatall Solaecifme. For whereas, in the beginning, a voluntary Mitigation of the Rigour of fome of the late doSrinesof the Roman Church, and a benigne Interpretation of the reft, might have conferved an univerfall Peace among Chriftians, they now, by anobftinateand wilfull impugning of all thofe who faid it was pof- fible for them to erre, did leave the undertaking of this great Worke either to difcontented Clergy-men, or to the more Laique and im provident fort 5 Which therefore as it prov'd in feme kind, tumultu ous and refraftary, fo certainly the Authors on either fide were much to be blamed, When in handling of Controverfies, they either, out of affeflation of glory, or hope of gaining large (Upends from their followers (upon pretence of revealing fome new or readier way for obtaining Heaven and everlafting falvation ) did teach divers peremp tory, and uncharitable Do&rines. Whereas yet, according to the Rules both of Piety and wifdome, they (hould have proceeded more moderatly; conferving,inthemidft of their differences, a brother ly love, and pronouncing the errours,on what part foever, more wor thy pitry than hate. Which rule yet was fo little obferv'd in Eng- land^ that many Reformers books, and perfons were publikely burnt while their Difciples (for Revenge ) fell fouleupon the perfons o their adverfaries, fetting forth Books to the prejudice of the whole Ecclefiafticall Order. Which comming at laft to the Kings know- . ,. ___ ledge Of Henry the Eighth. ledge made Him enquire further into the Abufes of the Clergy, per mitting the Redrcfie thereof to the lower Houfe of Parliament; Where Complaint for Probats of Teftaments and Mortuaries^of Plu ralities., Nonrefidence, and Prieftsthat were Farmers of Lands, $c. being made, the S piritualty was much offended, and efpecially John Fifher Bifhop of Rocbefter, who ( as our Hiftory hath it) ia a Pa ffio- nate Speech cold the Lords, That the Commons would nothing now but down with the Church. Saying further, that all this was for wane of Faith ; aggravating the danger the Kingdorhe was in, by the Example of Bohemia. The Lower Houfe being inform'd hereof/ent the King a Complaint by their Speaker; defiring Reparation. But FifterexcuCinghimfelfe ashee could, Sh William Fitz,-williams on the part of the King, mediated the reft. Notwithftanding which,the Injury was not fo digefted, but that one who had made ufe of the_E- vangeliques Do&rine fo farre , as to take a reafonable liberty to judge of the prefent times, and ho wfoever was offended that the Bi fhop RejeAed all on want of Faith, (poke to this cffed. If none elfe but the Biftiop of Rochester or his Adherents, did hold this Language, it would leffe trouble me. But fince fo many Religi ous and different Se&s ( now confpicuous in the whole World ) doe not only vindicate unto themfelves the name of the true Church, but labour betwixt Invitations and Threats for nothing more than to make us Refigneour Faith to a fimple Obedience; I (hall crave leave to propofe, what I think fit (in this cafe) for us Laiques and Secular Perfons to doc. Not that I will make my Opinion a Rule to others, when any better Expedient (hall be offered ; but that I would be glad wee confidered hereof, as the greatefl Affaire that now or hereafter may concern us. For if in all humane A&ions it be hard to find that medium or even temper which may keep us from declining intoextreams, it \fill be much more difficult in Religious Worfliip ; both as the path is fuppofed narrower, and the Precipices more dangerous on every fide. And becaufe each man is Created by God a free Citizen of the World, and obliged to nothing fo much as the inquirie of thofe means by which he may attaine his Everlafting Happinefle, it will be fit toexamiaero whofe tuition and Conduft Hee commit himfclfe. For, as feverall Teachers, not only differing in Language, Habit and Ceremony ( or at leaft in fome of thefe ) but Peremptory and oppo- fitc in their Do&rines, prefent themfelves, much circumfpe&ion muftbeufed. Here then taking his Profpeft, Hee (hall find thefe Guides directing Him to feverall wayes ; whereof the firft yet ex tends no further than to the Lawes and Religions of each mans na tive Soyh or DiocefTe, without pafling thofe bounds. The fecond, Reaching touch further, branches it felfe into that diverfity of Reli gions and Philofophies, that not only arc, but have been extant in former times, untill Hee be able to determine which is beft. But in* either of thefe, no little difficulties will occurre. For, if each man O o 1529. The Life and ^ei ought to be fecure of all that is taught at home, without enquiring further, How can Hee Anfwer his Confcience ? When looking a- broad, the terrors of Everlafting Damnation fhall be denounced on Him, by the feverall Hierarchies and vifible Churches of the world, if Hee believe any Dodrine but theirs. And that, amotfgft thefe a- gain, fuch able and underftanding Perfons may be found, as, in all other affaires, will equall his Teachers. Will it be fit that Hee be lieve, God hath infpir'd His Church and Religion only, and deferted the reft ; when yet Mankind is fomuch of one off-fpring, that it hath not only the fame Pater Communis in God, but is come all from the fame Carnal Anceftors? Shall each Man, without more Examination, believe his Priefts in what Religion foever, and, when Hee hath done, call their Do&rinehis Faith ? On the other fide, if Hee muft argue Controverfies before Hee can bee fatisfied, How much leifure muft Hee obtaine ? How much Wealth and Subftance muft Hee Confume ? How many Languages muft Hee learn ? And how ma ny Authors muft Hee Reade ? How many Ages muft Hee look into ? How many Faiths muft Hee examine ? How many Expofitions muft Hee conferre ? And how many Contradi&ions Reconcile ? how many Countries muft Hee wander into ? And how many dan gers rnuft Hee run ? Briefly, would not our life on thefe terrnes bee a perpetuall Peregrination ? While each man Pofted into the others Country, to learrn the way to Heaven, without yet that Hee could fay at laft, Hee had known or tryed all. What remains then to be done ? Muft Hee take all that each Prieft upon pretence of Infpiration would teach him ? becaufe it might be fo, or may Hee leave all, be- caufe it might be otherwife ? Certainly, to embrace all Religions, according to their various and repugnant Rites, Tenents, Tra ditions, and Faiths, is impoffible, when yet in one Age it were poffi- blc ( after incredible Paines and Expences ) to learn out, and number them. On the other fide, to rejeft all Religions is as impious 5 there being no Nation, that in fome kind or other doth not worfhip God. So that there will be a neceflity to diftinguifh. Not yet that any man will be able, upon Comparifon, to difcern which is the perfe&eft, among the many profetfed in the whole world ; ( each of them be ing of that large extent, that no mans underftanding will ferve to comprehend it in itsuttermoft Latitude, and fignification,) But C at leaft) that every man might vindicate and fevcr,in His particular Re ligion, the more Eflentiall and demonftrative parts, from the reft, without being mov'd io much at the Threats and Promifes of any other Religion, that would make Him obnoxious, as to depart from this way : There being no Ordinary method fo intelligible, ready,anc compendious for the conducting each man to his defired end. Having thus therefore rccolle&ed Himfelfe, and together implored theafli- ftanceofthat Supreme God, whom all Nations acknowledge 5 Hee muft labour, in the next place, to find out, what Inward Means, His Providence hath deliver'd, to difcerne the True,not only from the ' J: Falfe Of Henry Falfe, but even from the Likely, and Poi&ble-; each of rhera requi. ring: a peculiar fcrir iny and c6 ail deration. Neither frull he fly thu to Particular Reiibn, which miy foou-kadHkn to Herefie ^ but, af ter i due reparation of the more Doubt full and Controverted, parts fliaH hold Himself to Common, Auth Among many Rifes, Ceremonies, and' ; Volumes,^, deliver'd us aslnftrumfnrsorpartsdf HisWorfhip, Hee-fhall find Vertue fo e- mincnt, as it alone concludes andfummes up the reft. Infomuch as there is no Sacrament which is not finafly refolv'd into it ; Good fife, Charity, Faith in, and love of God, -being ftxrh ncceiTary and eflfen- tiall parts of Religion, that all the reft afe ! finalty clos'd, anddetcr- min'dinthem. Among the many Expiations, Luftrations, and Propitiations for our finnes, taught in the feverall quarters of the World, in fundry times,We (hall find that nonecfoth availe without hearty forrow for our fmnes, a?d a true Repentance towards God, whom wee have offended. .And laftly amids the divers Places and m^nrers of Reward and Pu- nifhmenr, which former A?e? have deliver d, Wee Hiall find Gods Juft.ice and mercy not folimitedy but that Hee can extend either of them The Life them even beyond death, and confequently Recempence or Chaftife eternally. Thefe therefore, as univerfall and undoubted Tiuths,ftiould in my opinion be firft Receiv'd.They wil at leaft keep us from Impie ty and Atheifm,and together lay a foundation forGods fervice,and the Hope of a better life. Befides, it will reduce inens minds from uncer tain, and controverted Points, to a folid praftife of Vertue, or when wee fail fromir, to an unfeigned Repentance, and purpofe through Gods grace to amend our finfull life, without making Pardon fo cane, cheap or mercenary, as fome of them doe. Laftly, it will difpofe us to a gcnerall Concord and Peace : For when wee are agreed concern ing thefe Eternall caules and means of our Salvation, Why ftiould wee fo much differ for the reft ? fince as thefe Principles exclude no thing of Faith, or Tradition, in what Ageortnanner foevcrit inter- ven'.d ; each Nation may be permitted the Beliefe of any Pious M ira- cle that conduceth to Gods Glory; without that, on this occafion, we need to fcandalize or offend each other. The common Truths in Religion formerly mentioned, being firmer bonds of Unity, than that any thing emergent out of Traditions (whether written or unwrit ten) fhoulddiffolvethem. Let us, therefore, eftablifhand fix thefe Catholike or Univerfall Notions. They will not hinder us to believe whatfoeverels is faithfully taught upon the Authority of the Church. So that, whether the Eaftern, Weftern, Northern, or Southern Tea- chers,&c. and particularly whether my Lord of Rochefter, Luther, Ecciw^Zuingliw, Erafmus, Melanttbon } &c. be in the Right, Wee Laiques may fo build upon thofe Catholike and Infallible grounds of Religion, as whatfoever fuperftruftures of Faith be rais'd 5 thefe Foun dations yet may fupport them. But as few men are of the fame mind in all Points of Religion, fo this Overture was erjtertajn'd diverfly : Some defiring to pa fie further than fi|ch generall Notions, others again not finding how the divine Providence could bee fufficiently conferv'd to all mankind unlefTe thefe did fuffice. The refultance whereof finally was that a Refor mation was pray'd, as farre as might bee, in Religion : Though when Particulars were exanj in 'd, it was found, that fome difeafes therein were like that of Cancer Oc c //*, which Phyficians fay, it is more fafe to let alone, than to Cure. Yet as it was manifeft that in Pro- bats of Teftaments, Pluralitie of benefices, and divers other waycs above mentioned, the Clergie had incroach'd and ufurp'd both upon each other, and upon the Laity for many Ages, fb they would now omit no longer to give a redrefle to thefe grofle faults. Therefore a- boutlaft Wills and Teftaments, which Cardinal Woolftys Legatine power had fb difordred (as Sir Henry Guilford protefted open ly, thatHimfelfe being, with others, Executors of the Will of Sir William Compton ( who dyed 1528. of the fweating fickneffe) could not obtain a Probat from the Cardinall, and Areh-Bifhop of Can- tetbury^ before hee had payed a 1000 Marks) fome profitable orders were made. And the bufineflc of Mortuaries ( exa&ed with much extremi- i Of Henry the Eighth. extremity even on the pooreft)was fetled.Moreover Spiritual 1 Perions / were abridg'd from taking of Farmes, and from Plurality of Livings, unkrfte they were qualified,either by certain Univerfity Degrees, or by the Nobility, to whom a competent number of Chaplaines were a- (ign'd. Nonreftdence alfo ( then very ufuall) was forbidden, but in fome Cafes, and for the reft explained, and interpreted. An Aft alfo pafs'dfora Generall Pardon of all offences, Forfeitures, punifh- ments,$v. except Murders, and Treafons, which the King granted by way of gratifying His Subjes,fora Releafe of a great Lone of mo ney from them AHM 15 ff. VIII. which motioned and aflented toby the Lords, was with much adoe, Confirmed by the Lower Houfe. After which was enabled a Statute for abridging Plaints in Aflize, which being Complicate before were reduced to a more Tingle me thod. And this was much to the cafe of the Subjeds. It wan alfo de* clared Felony f ^r fervants to imbefilc theirMafters goods to the value of forty (hillings and upwards. And order taken, that, after a Felon was attainted (but not before) the ftolne goods might be reftored. Furthermore, it was provided particularly, that no BrafTe fhould bee carried beyond Sea. Which feemsto regard principally making of great Ordnance ; ( about this time appearing of great ufe.) Artifi cers ftrangcrs alfo were reftrain'd to certain rules. As that they might not keep above two ft rangers fervants in their houfe. That they (kould beare ftich charges as Naturall fubjefts did, paying all fubfidies,#V. and rake an Oath to be true and obedient to the King and his Lawes. That they (hou Id have no Conventicles, but meet in the Common Halls of their Craft. That they fhould nor have Journey-men or Prentices (hangers above ten at a time. Moreover, authority was gi ven to the Prefident of tJ^e Kings Counfell to aflbciate with the Chancellour, Treafurer, and Keeper of the Privy SeaJ,c^Y. both for thepimifhment of Ryots, and unlawfull afletnblies,e?Y. and fetting of prifes of Wines, as alfo all other Afts, limited and appointed by any Statute to be done by the Ghancellour, Treafurer, and Keeper of the Privy Seale,6v. Other Lawes t alfo were enaSed, which for being mcerly Legall, and therefore relative chiefly to the Mafters of the Law, or othetwife Mechanical!, or at lead fo particular,that they belong not properly to Hiftory, I purpolelyomit. And fo, a weeke before Chriftmas, the Parliament was prorogued to the yeare fol lowing. Before yet I come to the yeare 1530. 1 muft not omit to mention HwAdin Barbartfja thac famous Pirate, who, from a low and oblcure beginning, had, by his valour and condud ( as wee have before tou ched) obtained the Kingdome of Argel. For being not fortunate aloneby Sea, when he landed his men, hee did, with no lefte fuccefTc attempt divers ft rong places 5 So that hee was generally feared , and the rather, that one ffaradi#,C2L\\'d Caea-diMo^ Sin AH a Jew, and many other notable Pitarones had ranged themfelves under him 5 Whereby his Forces were fo increafed, that no Navigation was fecure 1529 Dectmb.ij. in The Life 15*9' Mayi-i- Sept.it. 1530. in the parts adjoyning to him. This year ( particularly ) Hee had taken Penon de Felez, from the Spamard,and defeated aTleet of theirs jfhortly after. And now his Defigne was to make himfelfe Maftcr of the Seas from Gibr<ar to Sicily. For preventing whereof the Empe- rour employed divers, but infortunatly, Infomuch that Andrea Doria himfelfe, though recovering fome Ships out of the Haven of Sargel, where part of Barbarojjas Sea -forces (under the command of one #4/feaPiratof Tunes) rode at Anchor 5 yet when he caufed fome Souldiers to be landed to attempt the Caftlej Haly gathering a few re- folute men together, charg'd them defperaciy, and gave them a repulfe with theloflfe of fo many as made Dorr a deiift from his enterprise 5 Which being advertised to the Emperour, made him refblve to Invade Earharoffa in his own Country, the fuccefle whereof (hall be related hereafter. The contents of my Hiftory requiring mee now to Speake of the Florentines; On whom as the Pope paflionady defir'd to be reveng'd,fo the Emperour,having his pretences alfojdid for complying with him 3 fendan Army thither under theCcfrnand ofphilifort Prince of Jarangejhe Marquis of Guafto, Jam de Hrhino^n^ others of note, and about twenty fix thoufand men. The Pope yet ufed diftin&ion 5 for if he defired that the enemies of his Name and Family with their adherents ftiould be punifhed, hee intreated afwell that the City and the Country ( whereof he was a Native ) fhould be fpared. But as Prince de Aur tinge thought this a fubtiltie fitter for a Schoole- man than a Souldier 3 he undertook them together. While M#latefta Bagliom a brave Gentleman afTociated with Francefco Cardtfci y and ten others were chofen the chiefe Dire&ours of the Florentine affairs. An i by their advice the fmaller Places of Pofcana ( for avoyding that finalldefolationthataflaults doe bring ) yeelded themfelves betime. Yet fo as Juan de Urbino^ a fouldier of note was kill'd at one of them. And thus (iegc was layd to that faire City ; the Suburbs whereof be ing weak, were thrown down, that they might the better fortifie their Ramparts, and cfpecially care taken to keep a pafTage for Vi&uals open. Yet as the warre was thought to proceed out of unkindnefle ra ther than hate, fo divers of the more innocent fort perf waded the reft to implore the Popes mercy. The refultance whereof was, that at laft an AmbafTade was fent. But as by the craft of the adverfe party ,ele- dion was made of mean and defpicable perfons, the defigne was elu ded ; the Pope not vouchfafing fb much as to heare t hem. This made them refolve to defend themfelves. Infomuch that all their fear being now-actuated into defperation, they by continuali fallyes ( as well by night as day ) not only wearied the affiegers, and flew divers of their ablcft Commanders, but finally kill'd philibert Prince of ^a- ri^thimfelfj who being young, valiant, and liberal!, was much la mented among the Souldiers. Famine^ yet, at laft preffing the Flo rentines, a parly was proposed j but the more daring fort ( choofing rather to dye with their Armes in their hands, than to yeeld to the Incenfed Pope) fallied forth with that fury and diforder, that one would Of Henry the Eighth. would have rhought they pretended not To much to Victory, as t fome other death then Hunger. The more unquiet fort, being thu at length worn out and fpenr, the reft, by the means of Malatefta came to a competition with the Emperour, ( the Pope alfo, out o Companion ro his Country, confenting to it) upon thefe termes That they fhould pay 80000. Duckets towards the charge of the Ar my. That their popular Government fhould bee chang'd to Monar chicall, under the rule and Dominion of Alefandro de Medici ( fon of Lorenzo late Duke of Urbin} and his Heirs ; their antient Privi [edges being neverthelefle referved. And thus, after above ten Vloneths Siege, the City was rendred to the Emperour 5 who, fo more ample teftimony of his favour, be lowed Margarite his natu rail Daughter upon A le/andr o de Medici together with the title o Duke. I find, yet by a private difpatch, that hee was not very wel >leas'd with thefe Articles ; as beleeving he might have made more advantage of his conqueft, though, for contenting the Pope, He gave way to it, as being now intentive wholly to the BufinefTe of Germa ny. For as the affaires of Religion in thofe parts, together with the Invafion of the Turk required his prefence, fo hee departed from Ita- lj y about five Moneths before the reddition of that place .- making ( in his way ) the Marquis of Mantua a Duke, and receiving his bro ther Ferdinand at Ixfp retch, with much demon ftration of love. W here alfo he ad vis'd concern ing the prefentEftate and difpofition, not of the Affaires on Iy 5 > but even perfons and Favorites of thofe with whom he was to Treat. So that, comming at laft to Augsburg, where a gencrall Diet and AfTembly was appointed, with much folemnity ( the Electors and other Princes of Germany meeting there ) hee re- quifd their Grievances. The account whereof yet I mu ft omit a while, chat I may come to the reftitution of Francis his Children. The Jewell, Money, and Acquittances requir'd for diicharge of his pretious Hoftages, being now gotten together, Francis would no longer delay to perfbrme his agreement. Only as hee confeft himfelf much enabled hereunto by thefpeciall goodnefife and bounty of our King, fb hee fail'd not to take his advice on all occafions. And thus, the day being come,yf nnt de Montmorencie^Gt^nd Maiftre of France, and Hernando de Vtltfeo Condeftable de Camilla were chofen by both Princes for the perfons to whofe fidelity and care they thought fit to commend this important buiinefle. Andbecaufethe Cautions and Difficulties were many, they agreed upon certain Articles, the moft fubftantiall whereof ( befides thofe extant in the Treaty of Cambray to which Relation rnuft be had ) were thefe following. I. That a Bridge or Pontoe f of forty foot long, and fifteen broad fhou Id be ere&ed upon Boats faftned with Anchors upon the midft of the River betwixt Fuentara&ie and Andaya ; whereupon the Ex change fhould be made. II. That no troops of Horfe fhould be within ten Leagues of the place for ten dayes before, and ten dayes after the delivery, Nor no I confidc- 1529 Auguft, March zi. 1 8. March io. The Lif con fiderable number of foot, And that no Gentlemen fhould pafle that way, but thofe who were appointed. III. That at the day of delivery no Company of men or women fhould be within three Leagues of the Place. IIII. TnatiKFuent arable there Should be none but the ordinary Garrifon, being fifty men, and that the Cannon fhould bee dif- mountedi V. That a hundred Horfe, and foure hundred Foot, ( which after wards was reduced to a lefte number) fhould be allowed on either fide to come to the bank of the River. VI. That twelve Perfons fhould be admitted on either fide to pafle over and fee thefe Articles obferv'd 5 And that two Galleons fhoulc coaft the River, with equall numbers of both Nations to preven furprifes. VII. That the Money fhould be brought in one Shallop, and the Hoftages in another to the two fides of the Bridge 5 And that, for Counter-ballancing the money, fo much Iron fhould be put in the other. , VIII- That in the Shallop of the Hoftages fhould be twelve Spa niards, the Condtfiable, and Seigneur de Pratt being comprehended,and M ons y de Brifac a Frenchman, with fwords and daggers, the Hoftages having daggers only. And that thelike number and Armes fhould be permitted to Montmorency in the other Shallop. And one Alvarode Lugo, a Spaniard with two Pages to go along with them in lieu of the Hoftages, and twelve Oares on either part unarm'd. IX. That comming both at the fame time to the two fides of the Bridge, the Cwdefiable, & Montmorency fhould land firft on the faid Bridge, and call to them in equall number their Compa nies. And that "the Spaniards fhould pafle into the Shallop where the Money and Writings and Jewells were, along the one fide of a Barriere ere&ed, and the French, on the other Shallop of the Ho ftages. X. That Queen Leonora fhould goe in a Shallop a part with fix Ladies attendants, the reft being eight Cavaliers, and fix Oares of ei ther Nation ; but that fhe fhould not pafle till the Exchange were made. Notwithftanding which Agreement fo much time was em ploy 'din counting, weighing, and examining the money, that many weeks preceding were fpent before they could accord of the payment. The Spaniard finding the Gold to want of its purity, and the Defchec or lofle being valued at 40000 Crownes. Befides, as th River on the Spanifh fhore was fhallower than on the French, there wanted not feme Jealoufie and wrangling. Hdwfbever, at length the delivery was made. Whereof Francis being advcrtis'd did poft from Bourde- AUZ, to Varin, where with much joy Hee receiv'd his Children, and Queen LeonoradeSeret , Whom alfo Lee married an houre before the day following. And now Francis rernembring how much it concern 'd him to - correfpondj Of Henry the Eighth, 501 correfpond with our King (to whom hee owed firft his own, and next his Childrens liberty) lent over to acquaint him therewith. Our King alfo confidering that Francis -being now dif-ingag'd might more freely declare himfelf, did ( by a particular meffage ) not only make known the little hope hee had of the Popes favour in his particular bufine(Te,but defir'd that Kings afliftance, for obtaining the rcfolution of the Univerfities and learned men in his Kingdome con cerning the lawfulnefle of his Marriage, for which purpofe Hee in duced Guillaume de Bella] ( fent by Francis to him in the beginning of this yeare ) to cooperate, with them 5 as alfo thofeof Jtaly arid Germa ny, not omitting together to ?mploy at Paris ^ his Kinfman, and Bene ficiary, Reginald Po/e,\vith Sir Francis Bryan^nd Edward Fox, Mailer William Paget (after) being fent to Orleans^ Tholoafe^Lnd Francis to gether readily promifing his afliftance. And becaufeour King had ma ny Agents about this time em ploy 'd in Italy, as namely Do&or Ri- ckardCroke(& man excellent in the Greek tongue)at Padua^Hierome de inucci'Bifaopofworcefler^z.nd Gregory Cafalis at Rome ; Do&or Stokesleyzt f^enice^Thom.^ Cranmet (after wards ArchBifhopofd/tf?/- bury) Andreas and Johannes Cafalif ,and Prwidellw, hee had enough to doe : while fometimes he laboured ro reconcile,and fometimes again to make ufe of their various Advertifements.Sf okesley writ (in a Let ter dated ijth Jtf#e)that he had gotten the Opinions of the Univerfity Bortonia&nd that mote would have concurr'd,had not the Pope con - adited.Cro^tf faid, the Pope and Emperour threatned all that fub- Icrib'd in favor of the Kings caufe.He writes alfo,that the Emperour's Ambaffador in ^^^^challeng'd one Fryer Thomas 3 for favouring the Kings caufe 3 and told him,If this Conclufion (hould take effe'A, many of the greateft Princes of Chriftendom (hould bee difherired^or taken as Illegitimate; accounting in thofeas well the Emperour,as the King of Por^4^.Notwithftanding which,he had gotten 80 principal mens hands a good while (mce 3 and had obteined thirty more, which yet, by theirmeans,were burnt.By a Letter alfo ofCrokes 24th Auguft^ It ap- pearSjthatthe Emperor labour'd with the State of Venice^ oppofethe King in his Demand. Furthermore hee protefted none would take mo ney (Lawyers only excepted) for delivering their opinions, though he forced fometimes a fmall reward on them when they had done. Which particular Door StokefleyCm a Difpatch, zgth September 1530.) did confirme^faying^t was their manner both in Padua and Bononia to re- fule raony with thefe words,^0^4 Spiritufanfto gratif Acceyimw^gra, tis&libenterimpertimur. Moreover Crete, by a Letter jtthAaguft 1 55O,faid,C id nos literis noflris doloris gravitate addudi feorfim & feparatim flagitaremus. Sufficere fane alioquidebuiffet^Caufc ipfius jufticiaeruditiiTimofurri viro^ rum calculis paflim probata,Celeberrimarum Academiarum fuffragiis judicata, ab Anglis, a Gallis, ab Italis, prout quifq; apud eos cseteros erudidone antecellit, pronuhciata & defi- nita^ut Sanditas V.etkm nemine petente & Reclamantibus quibufcunque 3 fuoOre,fuaq; Authoritate aliorum fententi- as confirmaret 5 prgefertim cum Caufac definido eum Regem, Pp 2 illud 1535 304 *3The Lif 1530, llud Regnum refpiciat 3 quod de Sede ilia Apoftalica am multis nominibus bene meritum fit : Precibus autem hihil opus fuiflet, nifi quatenus homines doloribus indul gent, & Preccs non neceflarias iriterdum effundere folent. Caeteru quum apud Sanditatem V.nec ipfius Cau& Juflicia, nee benerkiorum acceptorum recordatio, nee optimi Prin- cipis tarn afliduae &diligentes preces., quicquam profecerint, ut obtineatur a vobis quod Paternap Pietatis officium exige- Dat ; adaudus fupra modum in nobis miferiarum ac calami- tatuip recordatione doloris cumulus fineula etiam Reip. noftra membra vocaliafacit 3 & verbis& literis conqueflio- nem edere compellit. Nam qux tandem infelicitas, ut quod duae Academic noftrae., quod Academia Parifienfis, quod multe aliac Academise in Gallia^quod paflim dodiflimi eru- ditiflimi & integerrimi viri domi forifq; verum affirmant, 6c pro vero defendere tarn Verbis quam Calamo fe parato oftendunt, id pro vero non obtineat a fede Apoflolica il- le Princeps, cujus Ore atq; Prefidio fua flat Sedi Apoftolicac authoritas, a tarn multis ac Populis etiam potendflimis tarn valideimpetita,quibuspartim ferro^ partim Calamo, par- tim voce atq; authoritate faepius in ea Caufa reftitit ; & ta- menfolusilliusauthoritatisbeneficiononfruiturj qui cura- vituteflet qua alii fruerentur. His quid refpondf ri poflet nonvidemus, & malorum interim Pelagus Reip. noflrac imminere cernimus, ac certum quoddam diluvium commi- nari, aut quod Diluvio par eft, multa caede ac fanguine re- ftin^am olim Succeffionis controverfiam denuo reducere Habemus enim fummis virtutibus Principem,certiflimo ti- tulo Regem^indubitatam Rcgno Tranquillitatem daturu, fi Sobolem ex corpore Mafculam nobis feliqueritj cujus in ve ro matrimonio lolafpes efle potefl : Matrimonio autem ve ro tantum illud nunc obftat., ut quod de priore matrimonio tot dodi viri pronunciant, id utique V. SandUtas fua au thoritate declaret. Hoc autem fi non vult, & qui Pater effe debeat., Nos tanquam Orphanos relinquere deaevit, et proabjedishabere., ita certeinterpretabirriur^Noftrinobi curam Of Henry the Eighth. remur. P P 3 i. Jrchi. 53. curam cfle relidam, ut aliunde nobis rernedia conquiramus. Sed ad hoc ne adigamur, Sanditatem V. oramus t Regi noftro in tarn iandis defidcriis adefle, et, fine mora aut dilatioue,. favere velit, vehcmenter obfecramus, T^judicio fuo Comprobet quod viri Dodiffimi affirmant, per il- km quam nobis ex Paflorali officio debet Pietatem ex mutuo Cordis affeclu obteflamur ^ ne claudantur Paterna vilcera 5 tam obfequentibus, tam benevolis, tam rnorigeris filiis. Caufa Regiae Majeflatis noflra cujufque propria eft, a Capite in Membra derivata, dolor ad omnes, atque in- juriaex gequo pertinet., omnes in ejus Majeflate compati- mur, quibus racile Sanditas V. medcri poflet, nee poflet modo, fed exPaterna Pietatedeberet. Qupd (i ^vel id non fc- cent, vel facere quidem diflulerit Sanditas V. hadenus (aneconditio noflra erit miierior, quod tam diu fine frudu fruftralaboratum fit, fed non omni prorfus remedio de* ftituta. Sunt quidem Remedia extrema Temper duriora, fed Morbum omnino utcunque levare curat acgrotus, & in malorum commutatione non nihil eft Spei; ut^ fi minus fuccedat quod Bonum eft, fequatur laltem quod eft minus Mailing & id temporis etiam curfu facile toleran- dum. Ifta autem ut lecum confideret Sanditas V. iterum atque iterum rogamus, in Domino Jefu Chrifto, cujus Vices in Terris fe gerere, profitetur, idque ut nunc fadis co- netur oftendere ; Ut veritatem dodiflimorum hominum, vigiliis ac laboribus inventam, probatam & confirmatam,, ad Dei Laudem & Gloriam fua Sententia & Pronuncia- tione velit illuftrare. Interim Vero Deum Optim. Maxim, quern ipfam efle veritatem certiflimo Teftimonio cognof- eimus, comprecabimur. Ut veftrac Sanditatis Confilia ita informare atque dirigere dignetur , ut , quod San- dura, Juftum ac verum eft, a V.Sanditatis Authoritate ob- tinentes, ab oinni alia aflequendac veritatis moleftia libc- The Lif 1. Jrckiepifcopi. T.Cardinalis Ebor. Willielmw Cant. 2. Duces. Tho.Norfolkf* Charles Suffolk. 3. fylarchiones. T.Dorfet. H.Exeter. 4. Comites. Willielmus Jrundd. Jo.Oxenford. H. No-nhumberUnd. Rauf.Weftme-fknd. Geo.Shrowsbury. Henr.Effex. Edw. Derby. H.Worceftw. Tho.Rutland. Hen.Cumberland. tybert Suffex. Geo.Hmtington. 5. Efifcopi. Robert.Ciceftrens. Job.Cwliolens. Job. Lincoln 6. Bwones. Hemr. Mountavu. G.Rechfird. " Hen.Scroope. Tho.D acres. Tho.La-Ware. Willielm.Dacre. Tho.BarkJey. Hen.Morley. Geo.Cobham. Ricb.Latimer. EdwStourton* Jo.Fitzjwarren* JoSemers. Cbrif .Coniers . Hen.Daubeny. T.Darcy. TMonte^le. Wittielm Sandys jfo.Hufey. Ro. of Thorney. Ro.ofSelby. William Abbot of Bardnej. Will. Ab. of net de Httlm. Tho.Ab. of St.Jobn byColcbejier. JoJtojf Hyde. Clem. Ab. of Eve Jham. RickAb.of Malmj- bury. Ricb.Ab.of Winchel- comb. Rob.Ab. St.Crucis de Waltham. 70.Ab.of Circefter. Teuxbu* . dbbates. ry. 8. Millies & Do- Bores in Portamento. William Jo.diBury St.Ed- mund. Rich.Glajion. WiU.Gloucefter. Tho. Edw.j ^ 0.of Croyland. Hen.Guildford. Steph. Gardiner. Jo.Gage. William Kingfton. Bryan Tuke. Rich.Sacheverell, RickSampfon. Edvc.Lee. Rich.Woolman. JoBettai. To which Clement returned this Reply. Vent Of Henry the Eighth. VenerMibwfratribu*diris, Ducibus y Marchionibtu, Com tibus, Baronibttt, Militibat ac Doftoribuf ParUmen* ti Regii V CLEMENS Papa VI L Enerabiles fratrcs & dilecfti filii Salutem & Apo/lo- licam benedidionem. Multa funt in . veflris literis diexiii. Juliidatis ac nobis fuperioribus diebus redditis quae gravius accepiflemus, nifi ea affedui, fludioq; veftro crga Char iffimum in Chrifto filium noftrurn,, Regem veflrum condonanda arbitraremur. Itaq; fcdato animo ad eas literas refpondd)imus 3 tantumut doceamus quam imme- rito de nobis conquefti fitis, neq; oportuiflTe tantum a vobis tribui private erga Regem five officio five amori veftro^ ut nos duobus ingrati adverfus Serenitatem fiiam animi ac de- negate Ju/litix, graviffimis nomirtibus incularetis. Nos quidem agnofcimus Regem veftriim ea omnia qux in ve~ firis iiteris enumeratis, ac multo etiam plura promeritum, manebitq; perpetuo non modo apud nos fed ad pofteros noflros memoria ejus in Sedem Apoilolicam meritorum. Fatemurq; nos non modo Pontificix perfonse quam gerimus, fed privato noflro nomine tantum Serenitati Ibe debere^ ut nunquam beneficiis parem gratiam relaturi videamur. Sed quod attinet ad Controverfiam qux de matrimonio eft in ter Serenitatem fuam & Catharinam Reginam, tantum ab- eftj ut denegando Jufticiam., Regis fpeni fruftrari volueri- mus^ut ultro ab altera parte^ tanquam plus xquo in pattes Majeflatis fuse propenfi/eprehendamur. Sed^ut panlo altius perpetuum animi noftri erga Regem veftrum Tenorem re- petamus : Cum primunijtribusferme ab hinc Annis., Regii Oratores ad nos hancCaularn detuliflent^. animi noflri pro- penfionem potius quam Juris rigorem fecuti, commifimus illamdiletfHs filiis noftris Thomse ft 11 . Sandx Ceciliac E- boracen. 1530. soracen. in Regno Angliae Legato, & Laurentio tt'. San- dae Mariae in Tranftiberim Campegio a noftroLatere miflo, Presbyteris Cardinalibus in Regno atq; adeo domi ipfius Regis audiendam & tcrminandum ; fatisfecimufq; turn, quantum in nobis fuit, Serenitatis fux voluntati. Verum cum Regina fufpedum illud in partibus Judicium habere cepiflet, & agravaminibus fibi, ut dicebat, per eofdem Le- gatos illatis ad Sedem Apoftolicam appellaffet, Procurato- ribus etiam ad didam appellationem profequendam con- ftitutis., nc tufn quidcm defiderari paffi fumus noftram erga ipfum Rcgem bcnevolentiam. Nam tametfi caufae hu- jufmodi appellationis Commiffio negari non potcrat, ta- menConcordia potius quam via Juris terminari hanc con- troverfiamcupientesomncs moras in Commifiione didac caufac appellationis concedenda interpofuimus, eo pretextu, quod elkt de majoribus caufis,,meritoq; ad Confiflorium re- jicienda.Habita vero deinde fuper hoc cum venerabilibus fra- tribus noftris S. R. E. Cardinalibus aliquoties confultadonc, fuit aliquam-diu dilatumnegotium; Sed tandem unanimi omnium Cardinalium voto conclufum eft, Commiflionem caufe appllationis hujufrnodi per nos negari non pofle. Itaq;Commi{TaeftaudIenda& fubindein dido Confi/lo- rio nobis referenda & terminanda. Nam cum omnibus in Rebus confiderateprocederedebemusj turn inhac potifli- mum quac Regias & illuflres perfonas tangit 3 & in quam to- tius Chriftianitatis oculos conjedos efle videmus. Port qux deinde nullus Regius legitimus Procurator comparuit, qui autfcriptoautverbode Juribus Regis doceret; ideoq; fa- dum 3 ut Us ad-huc decidi non potuerit. Quippe cum ex adis & produdisj non ex amore & benevolentia decidenda fit. Quamobrem nulla caufa eft, cur nobis afcribatis litis quam dicitis protelationcm; de qua miramur vos queri^cum ilkm oratores ipfius Regis alibi, & prafertim Bononise a nobis petierint & imperarintj invitiffimis quidem & reda- mantibus Regina: Procuratoribus. Cum itaqg nunquam per nos fteterit, quin hax lis, omnibus Rebus mature difcuflis., termina- Of Henry the Eighth. 309 terminaretur^ non videmus quibus rationibus nitatur queri- monia veftra ; nifi forte id dicitis, tot efle Regis erga nos & Sedem Apoftolicam beneficia., ut quoquo mode in ejus vo- luntatem Caufam diffiniri oportuerit; id enim oftenditis fatis apette, cum dicitis_, in caufa, ab eruditiflimis viris Anglis., Gallis^ Italis^actot Academiarum fuffragiis probata., & nemine petente, ac reclamantibus quibufcunq; Sententi- am a nobisferri debuifle. Qua in re non parum prudentiam & modefiiam veftram requirimus. Nam non videmus, qui bus radonibus freti poftuletis, ut, in caufa maximi momen- ti., Sententiam feramus, nemine petente, ac ca^teris reclaman tibus^ cum adverfa pars continue opponat totius Chriftia- nitatis fcandalum, tot annorum matrimonium ad fupplica- tionem Clariffimorum Regum Henrici Patris., ac Ferdinaridi Catholici-^x difpenfctione hujus Sandas Sedis conftitutum; I pr^cterea filiam extantem, & plures Regin^e partus ; 3c ad- verfus opiniones Doclorum, quas pro vobis allegatis., mul- torum & ipfi graviflimorumq; virorum judidum, & pro fe facientia divini Juris mandata adducant, argumentis hauflis non modo ex Latinis., fed etiarn, & uberrimisj in hac re He- braeommfontibus 3 nobistamenin neutramad hue partem inch'nantibus/ed xquas aures prscbenribus^cum caufam hanc graviflimam & ad totam Rempublicam Chriflianam & po- fleritatem omnem pertinere exiftimemus. Nam ex iis quas pro vobis facereDodorumhominum atque Univerfitatum Opiniones fcribitis., pauca admodum venerunt in manus no/Iras, nobis non legitime, nee Regis nomine., ab Oratori- bus praefentara, illaeq; nudx tantum illorum hominum Opi- niones, nuJUs adfcriptis rationibus cur ita fentiant, nullaq; Sacrorum Canonum & Scripturse, quse tantum fpedare de- bemus., authoritate fubnixse. Poftulare autem., ut, in Regis Gratiam.,quicqiia temere atq; inconfiderate ftatuamuspec x- quum nee veftra lapientia dignum effJMam^tametfi multum Serenitati fux debeinus, Tamen in judicando pluris faorre cogirhnr Eum, per quern Reges regnant, & Principes impe- rant j & veri Patris ofBcium eft profpicere, ne nimia facili tate The Ufe an 1530. tatc plus aequoindulgeamus filiis noftris : irretiremus enim non noftram folum fed fef enitatis fuae Confcientiam matu- ra fententia ; qu#, non rede prolata, perniciofo univerfx Chriftianitatinoceretexemplo. Nam quod Regno veftro diluvium impendere dicitis, id multo magis timendum efleabitraremtir,fifententiamjqu3EfedaJufliciaevia ac ra- tioneferendaeft, prsecipitaremus, ac, nimio Erga Regem veftrum amore, provedi, a Jufticia atque Officio noftro dif- cederemus ; Maleulam autem Prolem,, non vos magis opta- tis quam nos Serenitati fux ; atq; utinam tanto Regi fimi- les filios, ac non Regni tantum, fed & virtutum Heredes ha- beret Chrifliana Refpublica ! Sed pro Deo non fumus, ut li- beros dare poffimus. Quod autem dicitis, nolle nos., autho- ritatenoftra, fecundum veritatem de priori matrimonio de- clarare, quod tot dodi viri pro ipfo Rege pronuncient ; vel- lemus nos quidem omnibus in rebus Serenitati fuae gratifica- ri; poffe autem ita debemus, ut non deftruamus; defkue- remus enim 3 fi quid contra Juris Ordinem ftatueremus, & fioculis noftris exploratilTima reseffet. Ceterum, quod eft inextremo literarum veftrarum, Nifi petitionibus veftris fatisfecerimus, vos exiftimaturos, veflri vobis curam efle re- lidam, atq; aliunde Remedia conquifituros^ nee veftra pru- dentia nee Religione dignum Confiliumj ab eoq; ut abfti- neads, Paterna Charitate vos monemus. Nee tamen ulla medici culpa effet,, fi aegrotus^ curationis impatiens, quic- quam in fe ftatuerit, quod adverfaretur faluti. Nos quidem, quae recle ac fine pernicie dari poffunt, remedia, non dene- gamus; quiseniminfirmatur,& ego non infirmor? Quis (candalizatur, & ego non uror ? Os meum patet ad vos, filii diledi(Timi,& vos ut filios Ghariflimos monemus. Sed nee Regem ipfum, cujus Caufam agitis, probaturum fuifle Cre- dimus, ut ita fcriberetis : Cognitam enim habemus ac per- fpeclamejus probitatem, ut ne ultro quidem oblatum., quod aequum non eflet, accepturum fuifle putemus ; & tametfi veftrum omnium interceffionem magnifacimus 5 Tamen no- ftererga Sereniutem fuam amor non patitur fe cujafquam cohorta- Of Henry the Eighth. cohortatione precibufq; excitari ; nee meminimus frurtra- * % . . /v* unquam Serenitatem fuam a nobis petulie, quod cum no- flro., et hujus Sanftae Sedis honore concedere poflemus ; pa- remq; oftendemus perpetuo voluntatem. Denique, quod ad hanc caufam attinet, Nos quidem nulkm ejus expeditio- ni moram interponemus., quin., cum inRruda^ & partes audits fuerint, terminetur ; nobis fummopere cupientibus veftrum Regem & ipfam Reginam, nofq; ipfos moleltifli- mo hoc negotio liberari. Hoc tantum a Serenitate fua & devotionibus veftris requirimus, ne plus., ob fumma ejufdem Kegis benefick, a nobis exigatis a quam quod fine offenla Dei perfolvere poffumus : cum in cxteris omnia a nobis ex- pedare poflitis., qux habita officii ac perfonx quam gerimus & Jufticibe ratione expechri debent. Datum Romx apud SanchimPetrum,fubannulo pifcatoris., die xxvii. Septem- 3ris MDXXX. Pont', noflri Anno Septimo. And now Cardinal \troolfey it feems had tried his uttermoft skill for recovering o f the Kings favour 5 Whereof alfo fome hope was gi ven him in his being perm itred to remove ro Ricbmont. But as his enemies fufpe&cd hee would make life of thi*. nearnelTe, ro obtain ac- celTe to the King, fo they labotir'd inftantly to fend him to the North. Wherein, they prevail'd at length, obtaining further, that the Reve nues of the Biftioprick of winckcjffr, and Abbey of Sr.^/^w, as alfb fome other places of his forfeited by the Pramumre, might be applied in part to the Kings fervants 5 a Pen (ion only out of t?i/Khefer 9 being efervedtotheCardinall. The Revenues, alfo, of his two Colleges were torn, and divided. Which grieved him more than any other af- fl i&ion ; Infomucb, that he wrote to the King^ humbly as on his knees, with weeping eyes, that the College of Oxford might ftand, and importun'd Cromvellto this purpofe, fince they are in a manner, faith hee. Opera m annum tuarum. But Cromwell return'd him no Com fort herein, Saying , the King was determined to diffolve them, though whether hee meant to reftore them again, and found them in his own name, hee knew noc : but wifhes him to be Contenr^^. Howfoever, in the traffique of thefe and other Lands, as well as Ne gotiating his Maflersbuiiinef?, Cromvett (hewed that dexterity, which at laft ^vonne himixnich Credit, both with the King, and his prin- cipall Counfellers. And now the Cardinall being Commanded to Torke The Life an 1530. March. Sept. Ncvtmb.4. Hail. Hall. ^ had no eXcufe for retarding his Journey, but want of Means, which alfo hee fignified to the King ; Who thereupon fent him a thoufand pounds; with which and a Traine, reduced now to about one hundred and fixty Perfons, he fet forth, giving by the way, much Almes,and not a few other arguments of Devotion, which alfo made him gratious with the People, who reforted from all places adjoyning, to him. And thus with flow and unwilling removes, hee came to Cawood Caftle, neer Ywke^ about the end of Sept. 1 530. where hee prepar'd, according to the antient cuflome, to be inftalled with much Ceremony about a moneth after; AllacceflTe to the Quire, being, till then forbidden. But whether the folemnity of this Adion was thought by our King to be unfeafonable, and misbecomming one in Difgrace ^ or that otherwife the Cardinall had caft forth fome dif- contented words, which were related again to the King ', here cer tainly began his finall Ruine. Which, as his enemies (at this di- ftance ) did with more boldnefTe and advantage procure, fo had hee leffe means to repaire himfelfe. Infomuch, that without being able to difcover or prevent their Machinations, hee was forc'd to fuffer all I that could be either truly, or ( almoft ) falfly furmifed againft him.j Neither had hee other hope 5 but that the punifhmentshe had alrea dy indur'd, might be accepted as an intire fatisfadion for all offences. And now, his ftallation grew neer, when the Earle of Northumber land, Warden of the Marches, with one Sir waiter welfh, Gentleman of the Kings Privy Chamber, came by the Kings Command to Ca- wood to arreft the Cardinall, wherein, he ufed that diligence, and fe- crefie, that hee had plac'd his Guards in the Hall, before any efcaped to advertife the Cardinall thereof. Neither did hee, at the Earles Comtningup ftayres, receive him in other termes than thofe of a Gueft, till entring into a privat Chamber together, the Earl in a low and troubled voice, Arrefted him of high Treafon. The difmay'd and Penfive Cardinall flayed awhile before he anfwered, but at laft recovering his fpirits^ demanded the fight of the Earles Comrniffion, protefting that, otherwife, he would not obey purging further that hee was a member of the College of Cardinallsat Rome^nd fo ex empt from all Princes Jurifdidion. But while the Earle replyed, that he might not (hew his Commiflion, Sir water welfy, who had now arrefted Do&oi jfuguflive the Carainalls Phyfitian, comes in, and confirmes what the Earl had faid. The Cardinall beleeving ( by this time ) that they were in good earneft, yeelds to Sir waiter Welfb, as the Kings fervant, and not to the Earl 5 to whom he faid he would not fubrait him felf, before he was better fatisfied of his Authority. Which whether hee did out of ftubbornneffe to the Earle, who had been heretofore educated in hishoufe,or out of defpight to Miftris Anne 3olen y who (hemight conceive ) had put thisaffront upon him, in finding means to employ her Antient Suror to take Revenge in both their names, doth not appeare to me by my Author. Howfoe- ver, he protefted he was no way faulty in his Alleagiance. Do&or Of Henry the Eighth. ^ ( whofe offence yet doth not appear to me ) was difpatch'd oL0&#,inthcPoftureof a Traitor, his leggs tycd to his Horfe. But the Cardinall had fome refpite ; though yet commanded to pra- >ate for his Journey $ which he began at length, in that deliberate nanner, that, if hee removed (lowly, before, from the King, hee mo- ed now more (lowly to him. Infemuch that, had not the Earle of hrewsbury to whom (being the Steward of the Kings Houfhold) he Earle offartb*mfari*Bii was commanded to deliver him, till the Cings further pleafure were known, told him, that the King comman- led he (hould be us'd kindly, as one whom he highly favoured ; It is probable that the afflicted Cardinall would have fallen under thebur hen of his own griefes. Furthermore, the Earle aflur'd him on the inS part, that, though his Highnefle could do no lefle than put lim to his Tryall, yet that it was more for the Satisfying of fome ierfonsrhanoutofmiftruftof his Traiterous doings. And thus at Shefi *>/g.In the meane time, that Peace (hould be kept with all thofe who fubfcrib'd to this Decree; who alfo, and no other, might be admitted to fit as Judges in the Impeviall Chamber. The Proteftants now confidering, that it was impoffible to come to an exaft decifion of the points con troverted, tooke their leaves fomewhat abruptly, and returned; Whereupon the Emperour ( intending chiefly the fafeguard of Ger- wd#)>againft the Turks ) commanded the other Princes attendance. From whom Heedemanded money, towards the warre 5 which as few denyed ( to their powers,) fo the Agents for the Duke of Saxony, and other Proteftants offer'd freely to Contribute their parts, when they might but enjoy Peace, and the exercife of their Religion till the above- mention'd Councell was call'd. But the Emperour, not thus contented, infifted ftill on hit Decree 5 and the rather that the prime Do&ors of the Reformed ( which were many ) could not agree among themfelves., concerning the Lords Supper, andfome other Articles. The confequence whereof being not difficult to fbrefee, the Duke of Saxony ernploy'd Martin Bucer to reconcile them who alfo had brought them neer to a head. Neither was there other impe diment, but that fingularity they affefted in their feverall opinions Which yet proved to the detriment of Religion. For bad they all who agreed on a Reformation, agreed fufficiently among themfelves^ it is probable their Do&rine w mid have been more generally im- brac'd. But as the Romanifts took this occafion to brand the Refor med, fo they again regarding more their Reputation ( ingaged to their Auditors in the Pulpit, or pubiike writing ) than an Unity anc Pcaceof Religion, did by degrees rather violently confirme their own afTertions, than any way retraft them. So that Germany now labour'c under the terrours, and difficulties which their feverall teachers im- pofcdonthem. In which ftare of things yet the Reformed Princes and Cities, for preventing further inconveniences, agreed together to meet by themfelves, or Deputies, at Smalcald, about the end of D e- cember ( at the fame time that the Emperour having concluded the Dyet ar Augsburgk ( ly.Novemb.) had appointed all the Electors to meet at Collen ( Decemh.2^.) concerning the choofing a King of the Romans. And here a defenfive League being made by the Prore ftants, they thought fit to fignifie it to the Emperour and togethe to declare certain objed ions again ft the Pretended EleSion. Not- withftanding which, the Emperour proceeds to make his brother Per dlnand King of the Romans Jan.<$ . 1531, which alfo being advertis'c to the Confederate Proteftants, John Frederic Duke of Saxony ma- nifeftcd the Election imperfeft and defe&ive. Not without the ad- vifc Of Henry the Eighth. J .-V-fJ Oftob.%. Nov 30 1*30. Sandov. 1503. vife certainly of Francis $ who a* hee had his defignes that way, fo hee endeavoured nothing more than to draw a Party to him $ giving order, in the mean while, to unite and incorporate Bretatgne to Prance, upon condition that the eldeft fonne (hould alwayes quarter the Armes thereof with thofe of Daulpkine. And in thefe termes flood the affaires of Germany in the end of 1 530. which I have deli ver 'd with the more particularity, that the firft nianifeft reparation from the Roman Church began here 3 there being little elfe material! in regard of England that I can find, fave that our King, ( as appears by a Difpatch of the fifteenth of July 1530.) having certified George Duke of Saxony, of his intentions concerning his Divorce,was much comforted and applauded by him. I fhall conclude this yeare with two great Inundations ; one of Tiber mkome, and the other of the Sea in the Low Countries 5 which were very dammageable 5 friortly after which followed the death of the two great Ladyes who made the Treaty Q of Cambray. Madam Margnrite, Aunt to the Emperour, departed nrft, who having been propos'd in Marriage to our Henrj the Seventh ( wheri fhee was then about twenty feveh yeats of age ) and afterwards thought of it a little with Charles Brandon 3 dyed in the 5 2th yeare of her age T with the reputation of governing the L on>- Countries with much difcfetion for the fpace of 23 years. The hewes whereof being brought the femperour, made him ncgleft all his other bufineffes, to come to the burial! 5 which being perfofm'd With much folemnitie, hee fubftituted his Sifter Donna Maria, (Widow of the late unfortunate King of Hungary, in her place. Ma dam Lottife , Mother of f rantti, died fhortly after, (for whom our King kept a folemne Obfeqiiie ) a Lady from whom France received many good, and not a few ill Offices. For if fhee go vern 'd wifely, during the Kings Captivitie, and again procur'd both his and her Grand-childrens delivery; Shee was thought alfo out of fome particular defpight to Bourbon to have given Him the firft caufes of Difcontentment. And to have Occaflon'd in part the lofle of the Dutchy of Milan. Our King during thefe great affaires of Chriftendome, refolving his Parliament fhould continue, caus'd it to fit again, Jan.6. 15^1. Where thefe Lawes were enafted. That,becaufe much Wooll was employ'd to ufes not fo benefici- all to the Kingdome, and fometimcs tranfborted by ftrangers, It was Degreed that none fhould buy Wooll in fome princi pall Shires (to the number of twenty eight ) but thofe who would make Cloth or Yame thereof, and that ftrangers fhould not buy any till the Purifi cation of our Lady. But this being a Law that might likewifc have his inconveniency, was continued only for ten years, as it had been in fome former Kings times. Alfo a Law was made again ft exa&ioirs on Apprentices by Ma- fters, Wardens, &c. And this was beneficiall for poore men, who were not able to put their children to learne Occupations without paying Seftimb.it. Jan.6- The Life an 1530. paying extraordinary furnmes, A remedy alfo was taken for repay- ring of decayed Bridges, and High-wayes b and the manner of raiting the money ( which before was uncertain ) fet down. The carrying o- verof Horfes, Mares, Geldings, alfo was forbidden upon a penalty to all places but Calais. Moreover, Denifbns, Notwithstanding theit Priviledges, were order'd to pay fuch Cuftomes as they pay'd before. For which purpofe the Officers and Minifters of Cities and Boroughs, &c . where fuch Cuftomes,e&V . were due, were commanded to fet up a Table in fome open place, conteining the particulars of them. Which A& yet was not extended to the Merchants of the Stilly art ( called then Tbeutomci.) Together with which, it was provided, that the tables touching Scavage to be fet up at LoWo,fhould be firft viewed and examined by the Chancellour, and Treafurour in Eng- /W, the Prefident of the Kings Counfell, the Lord Privy Scale, and Lord Steward, and the two chiefe Jufticesj or by foureof them at leaft, and by them fubfcribed. And this was for preventing of the fe- cret exactions of Tolls by Mayors, Sheriffs, #V. Upon Wares to bee fold within their Precin<5b. A Law was made alfo againft Egypti ans, who under pretence of telling Fortunes, got money, and credit among the more Ignorant fort. And whereas fome penall Statutes were nude heretofore againft Strangers who were Handicrafts-men $ It was declared, that the faid ftrangers, being Bakers, Brewers, Sur geons, and Scriveners were exempted,and not taken to be handicraftf- men. And, becaufe the abufe of taking San&uary, and flying to Hal lowed places was great about this time, Infomuch that many Crimi- nalls, finding Refuge and protection in them, did there abjure the Realme, and fo went into Forraigne parts, by which means they dif- cover'dthefecretspftheState,to the great prejudice thereof. And whereas alfb, when they were to be trycd before the Judges in the Cir cuits, they would plead they were taken out of fome Sanftuary or Hallowed place, andjuftice thereby delayd; Divers good orders were taken to remedy thefe Inconveniences. Which yet I mention uot at large ; becaufe they, together with the ufe of San&uaries,were at length wholly antiquated, and abolifh'd. And now the bufineflfe of Tr&mtmlre, into which the whole Clergy was fayd to fall by fup- portino; the power Legantine of the Cardinall, having fully been de bated by the Kings Counfell learned^ and refolved againft them $ ( Whereupon alfo they were brought to the Kings Bench : ) It was agreed in their Convocation Houfe,to deliver a Petition to the King. Here then the firft queftion was, in what forme to make it 5 the Title of Ecclefi* &Cleri Anglic ani ProteBor & Supremum Caput, was by fome inlerted in the Proeme ; But this again being demurr'd on, fome of the Kings Counfell, together wkh Cromwell^ came in, and per- fwaded them ro approve it ; But they being filent, the Arch-Bi(hop of Canterbury faid, Qui facet Confyntirt uidetur \^V hereto on anfwe- red, ttaque tacemut Omnes. But at la ft this Claufe being added, quan tum per Cbripi legtm licet , nine Bifhops 3 ( whereof John Fifker Bifhop Of Henry the Eighth. ?*' Biihop of Rochefter was one, and fifty two Abhors and Pnors con- fented thereunto, as alfo the major part of rhe Lower Houfc, and par ticularly Stephen Gardiner. Being thus agreed on the Proeme, they Petition'd the King, that Hee would accept the fumme of one hun dred thoufand pounds of the Province of Canterbury ( eighteen thoii- fand eight hundred forty pounds, being afterwards given by the Pro vince of 2V*)inliett of all Punifhments : They prornifing, for the future, to make no Conftitution, nor execute ;sny, without the Kings Jeave. All which the King gracioufly accepting,granted them a Pardon for all offences again ft the Statutes of Provifors, Provifions and Prtmunire, and all other Penalties, and Forfeitures,except Trea- fbn, Murder, and Robbery. But when this A& having pafs'd the Lords, came to the Lower Houfe, the Commons, n ot knowing how Farre this might concern them, made fonne difficulty till themfelves were included,which being related to the King,he gave them a Check, faying, that was not the way to exempt t hemfelves. Whereupon the Lower Houfe, becomrriing fenfibleof the Kings difpleafure,and their own danger, humbled themfelves in that fort, that the King granted them a Pardon likewife. I Shall begin the Forfeigne tmfineffe of this yeare 1531. with the Coronation of Ferdinand King of the Romans at Aix 9 Janua ry nth, on whom it was thought, the Emperour his Brother did con- ferre this Dignity, that he might the better eafe himfclfe from the troubles 6f Germany which now appear 'd in fo many kinds, and pla ces, that his Counfeil in Spun writ a Letter, Exhorting him to kave thofe parts, and return. To which alfo conduced that Ferdinand had rcceiv'd the yeare before, the Crown of Bohemia, fo that he was now enabled tofuftain the dignity of that Charge ; to the which I find al- fo the Duke of Bavaria zfyived. Howbeiras this was done by the Emperours fole Authority (and without thofe formalities antiently ufed ) So the Romanifts fighting for them, tanqu&m pro arti & focis, it was not every where allow a for authenticall. So that it was f.houglu fit an Imperiall Mandate (hould be fent forth every where in Germany to obey Ferdinand. Together with which the D uke ofSaxo- *y, and the Proteft ants were requir'dtoafrift in a warre againft the Turkes. For which alfo all Military preparations were made. But whether the Proteftants doubted left this fhould be intended againft them, or that other wife they thought all hope of reconciling diffe rences in Religion to be vaine, they prepared to defend themfelves. They would indeed have been glad to fee {ome generall and moderate Reformation. But as thofe they call'd the moll erroneous points of the Roman Clergies faith, proved to bee their raoft profitable and commodions doctrines, all accord was judged defperate: Not with- {landing which , neither would they have broken thofe neceffary Bonds of Charity, ( which Religion fhould ftrengthen ) or lived under other name than that of Catholique, when the Romanifts woulc Sandov. The Life an 1531, Teb.lt. Skid. Afrit* i. Mays- June. would have allow'd the ar tient Creed to be the Rule of Faith . But when they found that, for reducing divers things to their Primitive iriftitution, they were call'd Innovators, and thai the Roman Church would remit nothing of its Rigour, under pretence that it was Infpir'd from above ; they not only caft off all hope of Accommodation, but advisdhow to obtain a benigne Cenfure of their A&ions abroad. Therefore, they fent feverall Letters, to our King, and f>d#/ 3 Dated 6th February 1531. from Smalcald^ Reciting what had formerly pafs 'd at Wormbs^ and Augsburg^ betwixt the Emperour and them 5 faying farther, that the Emperour propos'dto them certain Articles ( calld the Interim) which they fhould hold till a Generall Councill were fummon'd, but that they were fuch, as they could not with any fafety of Conference admit 5 concluding with a requeft, that their good offices with the Emperour might be interpos'd for the Convo cation of a pious and free Councill, out of all the parts of the Chri- ftian World ; which alfo the Emperour had promis'd. But before the (everall anfwers of thefe Princes were return 'd, the Emperour,doubt- ingthe confequences of this AfTembly, requires again their Aili- ftance again ft the Turke. To which the Princes replied, that before themfelves had fecurity given for Peace, it was unfeafonable to grant help againft others. Which being privately advertis' d to the French King, hee left awhile his Amourettes^ to which he was now much ad- di&ed, and ftudied nothing more than how to make torn advantage of the divifion. For the prefent yet hee return'd this anfwer only to the Princes, Dat.zith April 1531. That hee defir'd Peace and a Gene rall Council!, and was glad to underhand they inclin'd that way 5 only that they muft take care of choofing a (ecure and Indifferent place, for the Convocation thereof. And for how much hee eft eem'd them, hee faid they might gather by this ? that during his war with the Emperour, all free accefTe, and intercourfe was permitted them. Our King alfo by his Letters, of May the third, writ, that hee was glad to under ftand their Defigne was to conferve the Antient Religion, and to cure only the difeafes crept into it. Therefore, that they fhould efpecially take heed of thofe who defir'd to Innovate, bringing in pa rity of degrees and perfons, and making the Magiftrate contemptible. Of whom hee could not but take notice, forne of them having come out of Germany to his Realme ; Concluding, that he defir'd a Coun cill, and that hee would mediate with the Emperour for them. The Princes thus animated, proteft againft the Coronation of Ferdinand, as being done in an undue manner, preparing withall to defend them felves. Which being related to the Suijje, made them defire to enter into the Confederacie. But the Duke of Saxony refufed ; alleging, that (ince they differ'd about the Lords Supper, they could not fafely accept their help and FriendOiip, left ill (hould happen to them, as to thofe ( ut fcriptura teftatur)quimuniendi fui caufa cu\ufq^ modi pre- fidiif uft funt. For, as the Scriptures began then commonly to bee read, fooutof theliterall fence thereof, the manner of thofe times wa Of Henry the Eighth. was, Promifcuoufly to draw arguments, for whatsoever in matter of State orotherwife was to be done. Infomuch, ihat the text which came neereft the point in quefUon,was taken as a decifionof the bud- .1 neffe ; ro the no little detriment of their affaires : the Scriptures not pretending yet to give regular inftru&ions in thofe points. Bat this is (b much lerfe ftrange, that the yearc preceding,the Scriptures (hereto fore not permitted to the view of the People) were now tranflated in divers Languages, and into Englifh by Tindatt, jfoye, and others, though, as aot being warranted by the Kings Authority they were May *. publiquely burnt, and a new and better transition promifed tobefet forth, and allowed to the People. It being not thought fit by our King that, under what pretepce or difficulty foever, his Subje&s fhou Id be defrauded of that, wherein was to be found the Word of God, and means of their Salvation. Howbeit not a few Inconve niences were obferv'd to follow. For as the People did not diffident- y feparate the more cleare and neceflary parts thereof from the ob- Tcure and acceflbry ; And as again taking the feverall Authors to bee equally infpir'd, they did equally apply themfelves to all; they fell into many dangerous opinions: little caring how they liv'd, fo they underftood well, bringing Religion thus into much irrefolution arid Controverfie. While few men agreeing on the fame Interpretation of the harder places, vexed each others Confcience, Appropriating to themfelves the gift of the Spirit. Whereof the Roman Church, much perplext at firft with thefe defeSions ) did at laft prevaile if r elfe; As afTuming alone the power of decifion s which yet was ufed more in favour of themfelves, than fuch an Analogy, as ought to be found in fo perfeft a Book. So that few were fatisfied therewith,but fuch as, renouncing their own Judgement, aad fubmitting to theirs, yeelded therafelves wholly to an Implicite Faith ; In which, though they found an apparant Eafe, yet as, for juftifying of themfelves, the Authority of their belcefe, was deriv'd more immediatly from the Church 5 than the Scripture,not a few difficulties were introduced, con cerning both : while the more fpeculative fort could not imagine,how to hold that as an Infallible Rule, which needed human help to vindi cate and fupporr it} Neverthele{Te,as by frequent reading of the Scrip ture at this time, it generally appear'd what the Roman Church had added or alter'd in Religion, fo many recover'd a juft liberty, endea- vouriag together a Reformation of the Dorine and Manners of the Ctergie, which yet, through the obftinacy of fome, fucceeded worfe, than fo pious Intentions deferv'd. The former proceedings of King Henry r being advertis'd to the Pope made him feare a totall defection in our King, Infomnch, that at Rome they ftudied nothing more than how to reteine Him in his antient devotion ; tome arguments whereof have been formerly men- tion'd. To the furthering of which intention alfo it did not a little conduce, that he had taken fome diftaft againfttheEmperour; who, being defir'd to appoint certaine Judges to determine all differences betwixt 3*4 "The Li 1531, fan. March 30. Sail. April 4. betwixt him and the Duke of Ferrara, concerning Modena and eio chofefuchasfentenc'dontheDukesbehalfej which fo incens'd the Pope, that hee fell off from the Empcrour ( as will appeare here after.) For which reafon alfo it is probable, that our King might have clofed with him, and received fome fatisfadion in the affaire of the Divorce, had not his Parliament, at this time, as is above-faid, concurr'dtothefettingupoftheRegall Authority in Ecclefiafticall affaires. To whom therefore hee thought fit to communicate what his Agents in Italy, and other places had done, concerning that fo much-controverted point of the lawfulnefle of his Marriage. Where upon, the Parliament yet fitting, the Lord Chancel lour, accompani ed with Do&or Stoke/ley Bifhop of London, and divers other Lords Spirituall and Temporall, came into the Lower- Houfe ^.oth March 1551, and told them ; That they could not bee Ignorant, how the King, having married his Brothers W ife, was troubled in Confci- ence, and therefore had fent to the moft learned Univerfities in Chri- ftendome,tobe refolv'd in that point ; and namely had empby'd the Bifhop of London there prefent, for this purpofe. Not, yet, but that his o wn Univerfities of Oxford and Cambridge could have fufficiently decided the point, but that hee might the more amply fatisfie himfelfe and the world. Whereupon Sir Bryan Tuke was commanded to take out, and read the Determinations of the Univerfities of Paris, Orle- &ns,Angiers,Bourges in Berry^zR&Tholoufe in France, and of Bono- nia,4ndPadoua. ) mitalj. ) who3.U agreed, in declaring the Marriage unlawful!. After which, above a Hundred bookes of feverall Do&ors, ( whereof Do&or Cranmers was one ) confirming the fame opinion, were exhibited. The perufing of which yet ( the day being far fpent) was referr'd to a further time. As alfb the Rcfolution of our two U- niverfities (brought after the reft to our King,) which becaufe Sanders calls in a fort furreptitious, I fhall relate out of fome Originall peeces which I have feen. To the Univerfity of Oxford^ the Bifhop of Lin- colne was em ploy 'd, where, neither eafily, nor bygenerall Vote,there paft this Decree 4th April 1530. NOs Johannes Cotisford bujus almaUniuerfrtatit Oxonia Commifja- rim, authoritate & confenfu hu}m totim venerabilw Convocatio ns, decUramus^ decernimm, & diffinimm, major em part em omnium Do- RorumMagiftrorumtamRegentium quam non Regentium fingularum facultatum hujm alma Uniuerfitatis Oxon. concejjlfe & confenfum part- t er & aferfum fuum pr<*bui(j*e, quod Determinatio Definitio & Re- fponfio ad Qutftionem nobu ex part e Serenijjlmi Domini Regis nuper propojitam periilosTriginta tres Doftores & Baccalaurios, ad id pev faeultatem Theologie done, fo irreparable in their Confe- fequence, or unlimited in their extent, as thofe of this kinde. And, whereas the Commiffion of Sewers being about Sea-walls, Gutters, Banks,ev. and Damms, Weres, and he ought to relieve him. Or elfe they two, (being une mefme chofe^ and who have fb well De- ferv'dofhim) (hall be forc'd to feeke fuch other Remedies, as fhall not pleafe him, &c . To enforce this moft earneft Letter, Francis fends Gftbrielde GrammontJtiftiopofTarle (lately made Cardinal!) to the Pope, who yet, being continually urged by the Impefialifts to proceed againft the Kingj and hearing (befides) firft the prohibi tion of Annates above-mentioned, and afterwards that a certaine Prieft was committed for maintaining the Papall Authority, anc that another Prieft (being put in Prifon by the Arch-Bifhop oi Canterbury for favouring Luther) after hee had appeal'd to the King tanquam D ominum Supremum^ wasfet at liberty, proceeds to Citation ; And,calling a Confiftory July 8th . committs the hearing of the caufe to Paulm de Capifucci Dcane of the Ruota^ and appoints the Month of OBober 1532. for the Kings Apparence 3 protefting alioqui procedetur &c . In the meane time, he writes to our King certyfying him, what was done, (yet emitting the Clanfe of alioqui procedetur} intreating him further to fend a Proctor; making, alfo this overture to our Agents, That hee will be content that all the Procefle (hall be in England, except only the final! Decifion, which (becaufe there isqueftion of the Papall Authority and the Law Di vine) he will referve ro himfelf. The terme prefixed for our Kings apparence being expir'd; Capifucci Cites our King againe, or his Proctors, or fin ally his Orators. To all which Edward Karne an- fwered publiquely the I4th. o November 1532. That the procee ding was undue, both as the queftion concerning his Excufation was not^yet Decided, and that he could not get a Copy of the Citation ; and finally as it was not congruous to the Breve fent to the King concerning this bufinefTe. Befides, that the Emperour was fo power- full in Rome, that he could not expect Juftice. Wherefore, unlefft they Defiftcd, he Declared, that, hemuft Appeale from thence to th< able men in fome indifferent Univerfities. And that,if this were refu- fed,he protefted then a Nullity in all that they did. But the Pope a little regarding this, goes to Bowniajhortly after,to meet the Empe rour, according to an agreement made a good while fince betwix them ; promifingour Agents yet, that notwithftanding the Queen' Proctors foil icitation, nothing of moment fliould be Done in thi caufe $ till the Emperour were departed. Th< Of Henry the Eighth. The Turke now threatning Germany^ the Elector ofAfextf, and Lo- dovicus Prince P alatine inter po fed Offices for Reconciling the Em perour and the Proteftants : The Treaty whereof began in Aprill^nd fo continued untill July. When Newes of the comming of the Turk being brought, both parties condefcended to this Capitulation con eluded at Noremberg. Thai no man fhould be troubled for caufe of Religion, till th Councill be held,( which the Emperour will labour to procure to be fummon'd within fix Moneth?., and held within a year following ) or fome other way of determination of controverted- points be found. Whereupon a!fo the Proteftants (being feven Princes 3 and twenty three Cities) offer *d him ayd again ft the Turke, Who, this Yeare 1532. upon Colour of putting Johannes Sepufim in pofTeflion of that CrOvvn, invaded Hungary, which alfo hee profecuted in that peremp tory manner, as without admitting any rcafons from the Emperour, or indeed allowing him any other Title than the King of Spaine ( for hee faid there was no Emperour but himfelfe ) hee brought iri an Army of three hundred thoufand men into Hungary. And be- caufe his equipage was fingular, I prefume the Reader will take well the Defcription of it. For his own Perfon he was cloath'd only in a rich Robe of Crimfon brodered with Gold ; but his Cimitary and Dagger, as alfo the Saddle and Bitt of the Horfe, on which hee rid, was fet with Stones of ineftimable value. Then followed his Vifir- B3U*aes,and Abraymhis Favorite and houfhold Retinue $ being about twelve thoufand men. Before him went foure thoufand Horfe with t'le Stand ird Imperial!, and foure thoufand Janifaries of his Guard, foure hundred (laves on horfeback in a rich Livery, and fifty Chariots carrying hismoft pretious Treafure, and fome of the Choyceft beau- ries of the Serraglio, and efpecially the admired Efpanzielz Macedo nian, and foure thoufand Horfe to Guard them, befides two hundred brave Horfe richly furnifhed, which vrere led by the hand. His Pa ges were a hundred on Horfeback, whereof twelve more gorgeous than the reft, and his Lacquiesone thoufand, Richly apparelled like- wife in a Livery, all of thefe (laft mentioned) wearing great Plumes. After which followed his Doggs and Hawkes in no fmall proportion. With this Trayne Solyman marcha to Belgrade, then turning to the kfthandof \hcDanubius hebefieges Giuntz,: whence being Repul- fed, hee fendsout his Captainesto forrage the Country ^ Who after committing all fort of cruelty, were at the laft defeated and flaine : And now Solyman finding great Forces raifed again ^ him, and prepa red to give him Battell, retir'd, with as little fuccefle as hee had, three years ftnce, at Vienna 5 This Army of the Chriftians cpnfifting, as I find, of ninety thoufand Foot, and thirty thoufand Horfe was rais'd by the Emperour, who yet did not thinkc fit to condu<5t thcm,in per- fon,as comraiing from Lintz, \\\Au$riQ- tia, Plutarch's Country, ( as Saadoval mi fakes it.) and battering it sqt.n. both by Sea and Land, took it by Compofit ion, Sept. 21. where lea ving fifteen hundred Spaniards, Hee return 'd with great Spoylcs and honour to Genoua. This while our King finding he could obtain no fatisfa<5h'on from rhe Pope, haftcns the League with Ftrancif^ formerly projected, to a conclu fion ; and the rather, that hee heard this meeting betwixt the Pope and the Emperour would fhordy follow. In emulation where of therefore an Interview betwixt him and Francis was concluded, in that forme which Cardinall woolfey heretofore had fct down upon the like-meeting projeftcd Anno 1527* The Articles of Treaty formerly concluded betwixt Thomas Earle of friltfhire^ndOrmondLotd Privy Scale, together with Edward Fox, rhe Kings Almoner y on the one part, and G tiles de la Pomweraye 01 the other parr, were thefe. I. That all former Treaties fliall remain in force, fb that, if any Conditions in this Treaty be not performed, the former Treaties yer, efpecially rhatof perpetuall Peace, iliall (land firme. II. That if the Emperour Charles any way fhall Invade each of them di redly or indircftly, in rhe Lands they now hold, they Aiall be bound to fend mutual! Ayd,(^.) The King of France to the King of England^ within three monetbs warning) to the place ap pointed five hundred men at Armes, ( armed a la FraxcoifeJ or any other lefie number, which the King of England fhall pay according to the rate they ufe to have of the French King. The King of Eng- laad'to the King of France fuch a number of Archers on foot as hee llia.ll requ ire, fo it exceed not five Thoufand; to receive pay of the French King according to the rate of England. And if either the Horfmenor Archers pa ffe the Sea, thefe into France^ or thofe into England^ theo, befides this pay, there is fuch provi-fion to be msde for vituall,by the Prince under whom they lcrvc% that the Souldicrs may well live and maintain themfelves by their Pay. And if the faid .Emperour (hall attempt any thing by Ses, the Prince invaded giving t wo Moneths notice to the other, ill all receive for Ayd a Navy, (in which fhall be fifteen thoufand SoukUers,) well armed and equipped, which Navy both Kings ill all be bound to maintain for fix Moncths together, or longer if need be, at their own cofts, to defend and fecure a^ainft the faid Emperour the Sea and t-hores on both (ides, from the I fie of ufhAHt to the place call'd the Dctwes between Sandwich and Dover. in. it; Of Henry the Eighth. III. If the Emperour or his Governours (hall detainethe goods, or (hips, or perfons of the Englifti Merchants in his Dominions, the ingofFrd/z^fhallfumfnon him to make reftitution, which ifhee denies, hee fhall lay hold on and arreft the Emperour's Subjes, and goods in his Kingdome,$V. nor fhall releafe them till fatisfadicn be given. And in like manner is the King of England bound to the Kin of France. (But, if for any probable caiife, and particularly for any contained in the Articles of the former Treaty between him and the Kings of Eng land and France^ or for Juftice denied, after hee hath rcquir'd it, the Emperour (hall arreft any of the Subjects of the two Kings, or their goods, then theother is not bound to fee him indemnified, ac cording to the former Article. Provided, Fir ft, that the Emperour make it appeare, that it is fora juft caufe. Secondly, That hee arreft no more than may countervail his pretended lofie. Thirdly, Provided alf> that the Number of Ships arrefted by the Emperour, bee not above five or fix, and that for fome particular inrereft or deed betwixt them and him.) This third, Article (halt not be extended to the Mer chants of Higher Germany ,and the Subje&s of Charles Jure Imperii. Neither of the two Kings may make a new League, Friendfhip, or affinity with any Prince or Eftate, to the prejudice of the other. If hee doe, it fhall be counted voyd, and of no effcft .- This Treaty, be ing Minuted 23 June. 1532, was to be figned five Moneths after. And now the time'of the Interview approaching,, our King pafs'd the Seas to Calais, xi.of O8ober 1532, with a Royall traine, and Mi- ftris Anne B olen,( lately * Created Marchionefle of Pembroke.} And going thence tQBologne^ the young Princes, the Children of Francis^ meeting him, were recommended to Him by the King their Father. Who, after many complements, conduced him to the Abbey-, where they bothlodg'd inthefamehoufe. Many curtefies wereexchangd, and many defignes projected betwixt thofe Princes concerning Reli gion, and other affaires of Chriftendomc, for the fpace of fourc daies that they ftay'd together 5 Which being paft, France return 'd with our King to Calais^ in this order, that, while Fr&ncis was on French ground hee gave place, but when hee came to rhe English pale, hee received it. Being now come neerCala^ the Duke of Rickmont^ a ;oodly young Gentleman, bravely attended met them, All the Soul- iiers of the Town al(b,and fervants to the Nobility, richly appatel'd, made a Guard for their entrance into the ftreets. The lodging which Francis was brought to, was moft richly furnifh'd with Cloth of Gold and TifiTue, Imbroidered in fome places with Pt-arle and Preti- ous Stone. And their feveral fervices brought in a hundred and fevcnty DifhesallofMafTweGold, The March ionefiealfo made them a cu rious and rich Mafque, in which both Kings danc'd. After which, Anne de Montmorencie^ a Noble man of moft Antient and generous Family, Grand- Mai ftre,and Marefchall of France^ and Philip Chalet Seigneur de Brjon, ani} Admirall of France, were accepted into the S f 2 Order *Septemb.i t flab. 20. Hall. Oftob. 28. The LJfe an I $3 2. Bell. Stow. April.9 1554. Order of the Garter. Praxis himfelfe C who wasalfo of this Order) fitting in his Stall at their Eledion. And this was in lieu of the ta king of the Dukes of Norfolkeznd. Suftolke into the Order of St. Mi chael by Fravcif at Boulogne. And, here, the two Kings advited what in their particular ftiould be done againft the Turkey For, though Newes was already brought of his Retrair, yet becaufe that hee had left behind him a great part of his Forces, and that it was thought hce intended to returne, It was agreed betwixt thefe Princes, the next year to bring an Army into the Field of feventy thoufand Foot, and ten thoufand Horfe, and not to part without rautuall confcnt. That they (hould fend to the Princes in Italy or G.ermany to require pafTage and vi&uall at a reafbnable price,ev. This being fettled, our King com plained of the ill ufage the Pope gave him in the affairs of his Di vorce, in regard he was Cited to appeare at the Court of Rome by himfelfe or ProAor ; Whereas it was ufuall in thefe cafes to fend Jud ges to the place ; (t being not reafonable that either a Proftor fhould be trufted with the fecretsof his Confcience,or that himfelfe fhould abandon his Realm to go in Peribn to fo remote a place. Whereupon they began mutual! com plaints again ft the Pope for the Axnats and exa&ions taken upon the Subjects in either Country, which they pro- mis d to remedy, by fummoning him to a Council!, and in the mean while to fend their A mbaftadours to require reparation, protefting, that otherwife ( by calling Provinciall Councills in their feverall Kingdomes ) they would give that order which was fitting : And 3 for this purpofe that the Cardinalls of Tournon and Grandmont, fhould be employed ; who alfb were Authoris'd to tell the Pope,that,where- as an Interview had been propos'd betwixt him and the French King at Avignon or Niz&a.^ that it might be, that the King of Egladhis good Brother, could be perfwaded eafily to go along with him, for ending all controverfies, if his Holinefle were difpos'd thereunto. In the mean while, the Birfiop of Auxerre the French AmbalTadour at Rome fhould cetifie the Pope, that the faid Cardinalls would be pre- font at the Interview betwixt the Pope and Emperour, to the end they might mediate with the Pope, forgiving King Henry Judges in his own Kingdome, to decide the point of the Divorce. After which, comming to fpeak, ( as I find by our Records) concerning his in tended Match with the new March ionefle, France incourag'd him to proceed ; promifmg, if the Caufe werequeftiond, to aHift him to the uttermoft, whatfoevcr fhoald come of it. In which Difcourfes put- pofing]/^ la P Artie for the chiefe affaires of Europe^thcy paffed four daies at Calais . After which time the King condoling him to die French ground bid him farewell 30 OBoier 1532, and fo return -d to Calais. Yet as the weather was then tempeftuous, hee pa (Ted not the Seas before the 14th of November ; on which day fome wrire,He pri vately marryed the MarchionelTe, though orhers place it on chc 250] Jan. following, Rowland Lee afterwards Biftiop of Coventry anc Lichfitld, and Prefidenc offfales, (under whom it began firft to bee govern ' J Of Henry the Eighth. 241 Decem, 10,' govern'd by the LwesofEvglaad) celebrating the Marriage in the prefence of Arch-Bifhop Cranmer, the Duke ofNorfolke., and her Fa ther^ Mother, and Brothers, &c. which yet was not publifhed till the Eafter following. Not long after which (or as forne have it in the beginning of the next Spring) the King fent George Boleri^ Lord Rochfortjo Francis to acquaint him with the Marriage, and to defire him (ifoccafion were) not to faile his promife. Furthermore he re- quir'd his advice, how it were beft to publifh it, fince it could not be long Conceal'd. He alfo acquainted him how the Earle of Murray had done fome hoftile Aftsin his Kingdojne; wifhing hirh there fore not to take it ill if he Reveng'd himfelfe on the Scots ; Intrea- ting him further that if the Interview betwixt the Pope and him (then fecretly projefted) muft aeeds follow (which yet he wifhed were protrafted) that he would remember his Caufe s then depending in Rome, as he was often defir'd. TheEmperourwhowas wellinform'd of this Interview, hafte- ned his with the Pope. And becaufe the Pope could not be perfwa- ded to come to Genoua by Sea, the meeting was agreed at Benonia zoth. December 153 2. where alfo the two Cardinalls above mentio ned, were on the part of Francis. And now they treated of the ge- nerall affairs, but not with that intirenefle and fatisfa&ion which formerly paft ; for the Pope retained ftill fomc grudge Concerning thebufineflTeoffflTdrd above-mentioned. Therefore, when the Em- perour (according to his promife given to the German Princes) preft him to call a Councill, he deferr'd it 5 and, wheu he wifh'd him to renounce all Friendfhip with our King and Francis, he excus'd him felfe, faying, they were Chriftian Princes. Again, when he required that CatbarinadeMedicisthz Popes Neece (between whom and the Duke of Orleans f fecond Sonne to Francis^ a Treaty paft) (liould be difpofed of to Francefco Sforza^ he replyed fhe was already promifed. Only, it feems, he accorded all that could be recjuir'd Concerning our King. Infomuch, thatunlefTe he would Contribute puiflantly for and againft the Turke ( for which purpofe the Pope promis'd his Letters) the Emperour was then affur'd that all that could bee done in favour of Qiieene Katherine fhould bee immcdiatly difpatched. Which alfo the Emperour (now more than ever offen ded at our Kings League with Francif) tookefo well, that in Con templation thereof,he not only withdrew his forces out vi Lombard]^ but gave Peace to Italy, as by a League then Concluded betwixt them more fully appear'd. Some Cardinalls being made at this Interview, the Amba(TadoursofjF>v*/zre demanded a Cardinalls Hat for Hierome^ Bifhop ofiHtorcefter ; which the Emperour oppos'd, faying he would have taken it lefTe ill, that the French King fhould have fued for four Hats for hisowne Subjefts, than one for any appertaining to our King, efpecially for him who had been a diligent Agent in the Divorce. Many defignes here likewife were proje&ed, and apong them one by tlae Biftiopof Como, who for deciding all controverfies, S f 2 faid The Life and Teb. 1533- Febru. 1533- 1 5 3 2. 1 faid it was neceffary that the Pope, the Emperour and French King (houldmeet together, which, yet, was not fir>ally approv'd unlefie our King made the fourth. But this alfo in reguard of the little fecu- rity thofe Princes Could mutually give or receive, being Judg d im probable, was rejected. Shortly after which the Pope and Empe rour took leave of each other. During this Interview I find in our Records a Portugues in the name of David King of the Ethiopians (vulgarly Cz\ied Prete Jan) prefen ted himfelfe Ambaffodour to his Holineffe ; for author i ling of which Charge he brought with him not only Letters ofCredence(tranflated out of the Chaldee to the Italian and Portugall Tongues) wherein the faid King declared him- elfe to be defcended from Queen Candace mentioned in the AAsoi he Apoftles,buta Crucifix of Go Id; the further effeft of his Em ployment being to require fome excel lent Artificers, and 2000. Ar quebufiers, whom he would ufe in a Warre againft the Turke in Egypt ^ when his Holineffe would Compofe rhe differences in the W efterne parts, and joyne all Chriftian Princes for recovery of the Holy-Land ; pretend-ing thereupon in the name of that King ro rcn der Obedience to his Holineffe as the true Succeflour of St. Peter But this (as Auguftino de Augufiini an Italian there prefent, and fometimes fervant to Cardinall woolfey hath it in his Letter to Crom well) made the reft fufpe&ed And the rather, that other Circum- ftances made it probable, that this Ambaffadour wasfuborn'd part ly by the Portugall to countenance his Monof oly of Spices towards thofe parts (much grudg'd at by his neighbour Princes) and partly by the Pope to advance his Authority and Reputation. But to re- turne to our Hiftory. Our King having notice of the forefaid Interview, and finding that the Emperour who feem'd a while to defift from the eager pro- fccution of his Aunts Gaufe, was now more vehement than ever; fends Inftru&ions to his Agents at^ow^to proteft in his name that he was not bound either in his owne Perfon, ot by his Pro&or to a ppeare there, urging, for this purpofe, the Determination of fome Univerfities, and particularly of Orleans and Paris. Notwithfhn- ding which he permitted Dodor Bennet to make (as of himfelfe) di vers motions to the Pope,the principall whereof in our Records I find thefe. Firft, That feeing by the opinions of Lawyers, and the Coun- cill of Nice^ the matter ought to be decided in partikw ; and that by the Law-s of England rhe Determination (it Concerning the Suc- ceflion) Cannot elfewhere be made 5 it would pleafe his Holineffe that the Arch-Bifliop of Canterbury taking to him two eminent Bifhops or Abbots, or the whole Clergy of his Province, fhould de cide the tame. But this being diflik'd by the Pope , Rennet fecondly propos'd, Whether he would referre the Determination to Sir Tbo" mM More or the Bifhop of London to be nominate by the King, and let rhe Qieen or Emperour name another, and the French King the third and let the Arch-Eifhop of Canterbury be the fourth. But this alfo, Of Henry the Eighth. 345 alfo being rejected, S ennet Came, it feems, to the Jaft degree of the inftruftions, which was, ThatiftheCaiife might be heard in /?cnefit of her appeale before three Judges, one of England^ one of France^ and the third from the Pope, who alfo fhould difcufle the matter in fome indifferent place. But the Pope allowed not this, 'ayingjimcehefawtheKing would needs Conferve his Authority, ie would likewife Con ferve his, and proceed via ordinaria. Before yet, I conclude this yeare, I fliall relate fbme particular home-bufi- neffes, Among which I find that our King having gotten Yorke- ioufe (now white-Hall) upon the Cardinalls Convi&ion in a Pr*- munirt^ did newly enlarge and beautify it, buying alfo the hofpitall and Fields of St. James y and building the Palace there. For which >urpofe he Compounded with the Sifters of the houfe for a Pension during their lives. Not long after which hee fupprefs'd the Priory called Chrift-Church in London, diftributing the Canons being Francifcans into other houfes of that kind , and beftowing the Church- Plate, and Lands,on Sir Thorns Audele^ newly made Xord Chancellour, Keeper of the Great Scale. For Sir Thorny More Lord Chancel lour of England^ after divers futesto be difcharg'd of sis place, (which he had held two vears and a halfe) did at length by the Kings good leave refigne it. The example whereof being rare will give me occailon to fpeake more particularly of him. Sir Tho- mas More^ a Perfon of fharp wir, and endewed befides with excellent parts of learning (as his works may teftify) was yet (out of I know not what naturail facetioufnefle) given fo much to Jefting that itde- traAed no little from the gravity and importance of his place, which though generally noted and difliked, I doe not thinjce was enough to make him give it over in that Merryment we fhall find anone, or re tire to a private life. Neither can I beleeve him fo much addidcd to his private opinions, astodcteftall other governments but his own g*M/4,fo and Authority in the Courts Spirituall and Temporallofthefame,any forreign Inhibition or reftraints to the Contrary Notwithftanding. So that, although any Excommunicati on or Interdidion On this occafion fhould follow from that See, the Prelat's and Clergy of this Reafrue (hould adminifter Sacraments and fay Divine Service,and doe all other their duties,as formerly hath been u(ed,tipon penalty of one years Imprifonment, and fine at the Kings pleaiure ; And they who procured the faid fenrences, fhoald fall into a Pt AinHmre.bs for the Orders to be obferv'd henceforth, It was enafted,T hat in futes Commenc'd before the Arch-Deacon or his Officials, Appeale might be made to theBifhopofthe faid See. Aud from thence within 1 5 . dayes to the Arch-Biihop of Canttrbu- ^,OrArch-Pi(hopofror^,refpedively in their Provinces, and fo likewtfetothe Arch-Bifhopsinthe Kings other Dominions. Or if fute be Commenc'd before the Arch-Deacon of any Arch-Bifhop or his Commiffaries, then Appeale may be made within 15. dayes to the Coutt of Arches and fo to the Arch-Bifliops without further Appeale. I nail which Cafes, the Prerogative of the Arch-Bifhop and Church of Canterbury was referved. That if any fute arofe be twixt the King and his Subjefts Appeale might bee made within 1 5 . dayes to the Prelats of the upper Houfe in the Convocation then fitting, or next Calkd by the Kings Writ, there to be finally deter^ mined. And that they who fhall take out any Appeale Contrary to the efted of this Aft,or refufe to obey it, They, their adherents, and Counfelkmrs. (hall incurre the penalty of the Statute of xvi. Rich. All former Statutes alfo made againft theexceifeof Apparell were repealed, and new orders given, which yet (lood not long; There being no meafure it feems for things that depended fomuch _ upon The Life and^eigne Records. Sleid. upon fancy and opinion It is now time that wererurnc to our Hi- ftory. Among the many things Concluded at the late Interview at Bo- uontA^ we may remember One was that the Pope fhould write to our King to fend Ayde again ft the Turke, who having fayld (acciden tally) in his intentions, He fayd this Summer would puiflantly In vade Ghriftendome. But our Kinganfwer'd by his Ambafladours. That the Emperours Ambition was the Caufe thereof^ and the rafhenefle of the Pope, who at the Emperours requeft had lately Excommunicated John. Sepufe fayuode of Tranjihanta and Elect King of Hungary and fo forced him to feeke forreign Ayde$ which oughttoputhisHolinefleinmind 3 thathe be wary how he procee ded with potent Princes. Yet if the Pope in his owne particular were afraid of the Turke, that he fhould come to Avignon , and that hee and Francis would undertake his protection, fince the Emperour was refolv'd to Confent to the German Princes, about fbme Innova tion in Religion ; only to diminish his Holinefle power. How the Pope yet relifli'd this motion, appears not $ But certainly I find that as long as hee was fo aw'd in Italy, neither did Francis thinke it fafe to Treat, or our King to repofe intire Confidence in him ; though now the Csefarean Forces being withdrawn a private Treaty betwixt the Pope and Francis tooke effect, Infbmuch that Francis now began fecretly to fait off from our King. For as the Pope together with gi ving Catharina de M edicts ( Daughter to Lorenzo, late Duke of Ur- to)m Marriage to the Duke of Or leans fad. promis'd his affiftanceto him for recovering his C laymes in Italy, which hee paffionatly de- fir'd, To hee was difpofed now, though not altogether to forfake our King, yet at leaft to decline the Conventions bet wixtthem 3 at their late Interview. And to induce the Pope to draw Francis on his fide, it may be thought no fmall motive, that hee had upon his own Au* thority not only levied fome Tenths upon the Clergie in France, but prepared Forces to aflift the Proteftant Princes, which fo fcandaliz'd his Holineffe, as hee thought it fafer to permit a Warre of Domini on ( though in Italy ) then of Religion in Germany ailifted by the French. And certainly, as the times then ftood^ the Pope had reafon to feare a defedion in more than one Prince. The Pope alfb wan ted not his defignes upon Modena and Rheggio^ wherein hee hoped Francis would fecond him, again ft the Emperour, whom hee bated ftill for approving the late Sentence in favour of the Duke of Ferra- ra. Which places now hee intended to give his Neece, together w; tft the Dutchyof tirl>in t when it could be gotten. For performance of all which, the French Writers fay a Treaty was concluded. Our King being well inform'd of all, and particularly knowing that Francis not- wirhftanding both their late private Treaty at the Interview, and di vers Reiterated profefllonsof friendftnp, had upon the Popes Breve and requeft executed fome Perfons in France, who it feem/'d oppos'd the Papall Authority, and recall'd from Banifhment one Bed* a bitter Of Henry the Eighth. enemy to the Kings Divorce, thought it row 'his expedient to (land to thedecifion of his own Clergie, VVhereunro it conduc'd much, thatWitf'/Jdw, A rch-Bifhop of Canterbury being lately dead, Tbomjj Craxmer ( an able Perfon ) much favour'd by the Nobility, as our Hi- ftorians fay, and lately employed in the Kings bufinefle in Itdy^ and at this prefent in Germany was though abfent chofen to this Place. Neither indeed could the Kings Clandeftine Marriage be much loa- gcr hidden, the new Queen being quick with Childe, So that hee re- iblv'd fhortly, both to publifh his Marriage, and to require his Cler- gie to proceed to a Sentence concerning the Divorce. His Parlia ment, in the mean time, fo favouring his intentions, that they made the iforefaid AS again ft Appeales to Romejothc no litrlc difpleafure of Queen KAtberine, who found thereby how dangerous it would be 1 ( in point. of our Law ) to in fi If 0:1 hers. Howfoever, I find, fhehad roany openly favour'd her caufc, without that our King thought fit to punitli them. Queen K^/;e///2ewtogethcr, without yet that fhee appear'd, The Arch-BH"hophavingrl-rft proaounc'd Her Contumacious, proceeds ro Sentence, which alf ) hee caus'd to be publikely Read in the Chap- pel I ofour Lady in the Priory of Duvfta&le, beforetwo Notaries, anc rhcn fent ro the King, defiring further ro know his Mind concerning his iccond Marriage, aflToon as he had advifed with his Counfell. The Tenor of the Sentence was this. N Dei nomine Amen : Nos Thomas permiffione divina Cantuarien. Archiepifcopus totius Andise Primas.& A- I 3 13 . pouolic-e fedis Legatus., in quadam Caula inquifitionis de&fuperviribujsMatrirnonii inter illuflriflimum & po- tentiilimumPrincipem & Dominum noftrum Henricum Oclavum, Dt i gratia Anglix & Francix Regem, Fidei De- fenforem ^33 153*. May. SAnd.Scbif. Ami. Atfil.li. May 10. 348 The Life Fenforern., & Dominum Hibernian, ac Sereniflimam Domi- nam Catharinam 3 nobilis memoriae: Ferdinand! Hifpania- rum Regis filiam contradi & confummati qux coram nobis in Judicio ex offitio noflro mero aliquamdiu vertebatur, & ad hue vertitur & pendet indecifa, Rite & legitime pro- cedentes. Vifis primitus per nos & diligenter infpedis Ar- ticulis five capitulis in dida Caufa objedis & miniftra- tis una cum refponfis eis ex parte didi illuftriflimi & potentifiimi Principis HenriciOdavi., fastis & redditis, vi- iifq; & fimiliter per nos infpedis plurimorum Nobilium & aliorum te/lium fide dignorum didis & depofitionibus in eadefn caufa habitis & fadis, Vififq; prxterea & fimili mode per nos inlpedis quam plurium & fiere totius Chri- ftiaiiiOrbisprincipalium Accademiarum cenfuris leu con- clufionibus Magiflralibus etiam tam Theologorum quam Juris peri torum Refponfis & Opinionibus., utriufq; deniq; Provincix Anglicanx .Confiliorum Provincialium aflertio- nibus & affirmationibus., aliifq; Salutaf ibus monitis & do- drinis fuper dido Matrimonio de fuper refpedive ha bitis & fadis. Vififq; ulterius et pari modo per nos infpe- dis 5 tradatibus feu foederibus pacis & amicitix inter peren- nis tamae Henricum Septimum nuper Regem Anglix & didum nobilis memorise Ferdinandum nuper Regem Hifpanix, de fuper initis & fadis., vifis quoque peramplius & diligenter per nos infpedis omnibus & fingulis adis^adi- tatis 3 literis 3 proceffibus 5 inflrumentis J Scripturis.,munimentis J) Rebufq;. aliis Univerfis in dida caufa quomodolibit ge- ftis & fadis_, ac hiis omnibus & fingulis ita per nos vifis & infpedis atq; a nobis cum diligentia & maturitate pondera- tis & recenfitis : Servatifq; ulterius per nos in hac parte de Jure fervandis ; Nee non partibus pracdidis (viz.) prarfato il- luflriflimo & potentiffimo Principe Henrico Odavo per ejus Procuratorem idoneum coram nobis in dida caula legitime comparente dida vero Sereniffima Domina Ca- tharina per contumaciam abfente ( cujus abfentia divina re- pleatur prafentia ) de Concilio Juris peritorum et Theolcn gorum 0/TTenry the Eighth. 34? gorum cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus ad fenten- tiam noflram diffinitivam, five finale decretum noftrum in dida Caufa ferendam five ferendum fie duximus proceden- dum et procedimus in hunc modum.Quia peradainaditata, deduda 3 propofita>exhibita 3 allegata, probata pariter & Con- feflata 3 articulataq; Capitulata partis,Refponfa te/lium^depo- fitiones & dida inftrumenta 3 munimenta-JiteraSjScripturaSj cenfuraSjConclufiones Magiftrales, Opiniones.,confilia., afler- tiones, affirmationes 3 tradatus & foedera Pacis, procedures alias ScCaetera praemifTa coram nobis in dida Caufa refpedive habita 3 gefta/ada.,exhibita & produda. Necnon exeifdem & diverfis aliis ex caufis ac confiderationibus, argumentifq; & probationum generibus V(arns et mtrltiplicibus validis qui- demetefficacibus quibus animum noftrum in hac parte ad plenum informavimus plene et evidenter invenimus et comperimus didum matrimonium inter praefatos illuftrifTi- mum Principem et Dominum noftrtim Henricum Oda~ vum^acSereniffimam Dominam Catharinam., ut praemitti- tur contradum et confummatutn,nultum omnino et inva- lidumfuifle et e(Te,ac divino Jure prohibente, contradum etconfummatumextitifle. Idcirconos Thomas Archiepif- copusPrimas et Legatus aqtedidns Chrifli nomine primitus invocato^acfolumDeumpraE oculis noflris habcntes., pro nullitate et invaliditate didi matrimonii pronunciamus decernimus et declaramus, ipfumque prastenfum matri monium fuiffe etc ffe nullum etinvaUdum., ac divino jure prohibente contradum et confummatum, nulliufq; valoris ant momenti efle, led vkibus et firniitate juris caruifTe et carere, prxfatifq; illuflriiTimoet potentiffimo Principi Hen- rko Odavo ac SerenifTimae Dominx Catharine non licere, in eodem prxtenfo matrimonioremanereetiam pronunci- amus, decernimus, et declararaus., ipfofq; illufhriffimum et potentiffimum Principem Henricum Odavuni, et Sereniffi- mam Dominana Catharinam quatenus de fado et non de Jure didum prxtenfum madrimonium ad invicem con- traxerunt et confummarunt ab invicem feparamus et Divor- T t tiamus The Life 5J3 Fax. Julys. iamus,atq; fie feparatos et divortiatos necnon ab omni vin- :ulo matrimoniali refpedu didi practenfi matrimonii, iberos et immunes fuiffe et efle pronunciamus, decernimus 3 et declaramus, per hanc noftram Sententiam diffinitivam, five hoc noftrum finale Decreturn 3 quam five quod ferimus et promulgamus in hiis fcriptis. 1533 The King hereupon ( according to the Decree of the laft Parlia ment ) commands ftri&ly Katherine fhould no more be call'd Queen but Princefle Dowager, and Widow of Prince Arthur, and difpatches MefTengers both to Rome, and to tip Emperour ( then in Spaine ) to declare and Juftifie the Proceedings, not omitting together to fatif- fie Francis thereof, as fli all be told in his place. The Oration made to the Emperour ( whether by Do&or Hawkins then refident in his Court, or Sir Thomas wyat as Fox hath it ) did in effect remonftratCj that face his Highnefle did ftillefteem him to be his friend Confe derate and Ally, hee thought good to acquaint him with Adions and among them, his Divorce, and therein particularly the Juftice of the Caufe, and order of theProcefle, In which nothing being omit ted, which might fatisfiehimfelfe or others, Hee hath found, at laft, that the Marriage with Queen Katberine was indifpenfable, as being againft the Lavr of God, Nature, and Man, yet that herein hee ufed not his own Judgement alone, or his Subjects ( though enough to quiet his Confcience ) but requir'd it of forreigne parts and Univer- ficies, and among themthofeof BononU (though depending of the Popes ) and Padoua ( though menac'd by the Venetians ) and hath found them, and many other fo confentaneous to his Divines, that (fbme few partiall places and perfonsonly excepted ) they all deter mined in favour of his HighneflTe Caufe 5 The further Confirmation whereof,by publike difputation. and proofe, Hee fhould willingly offer his Majefty, were it not too great an Injury to that which is paffed in this Realme, to difpute it in any other Country ; efpecially when it is contrary to the Lawes of the Land : fo that hee trufted his prudency would take it as a thing done, and juftly done, and not to marvell if the King his mafter, for the weale of his Soule afwell as benefit and Peace of his Realme, had taken a courfe which otherwife hee would fo little have thought of, as hee wifheth no fuch Occafion had ever been given him, wherein, hee hopes it will appeare, how much Refpc^b is given both to the Pope and your Selfe, fince other- wiie his Highnefle ftiould not have (ent Co many Ambaflages to you both, or (pent (b many years in clearing thefe points without recei- virtg yet anv fruit but delay and infatisfa&ion. Infomuch, that hee perceived after the caufe had depended almoft feven years fpace, hee was in a Labyrinth, out of which he faw no likelihood to get, had he not Of Henry the Eighth. not ftept right forth at once ro the Mazes end. Yet if this were all, he could better fuffer it : for fince at laft the neceflity of clearing his Confcience, and fatisfying his People, had made him give a period to hisfutes,thc Pope not content with his former Vexations, Cited him toappeare at Rome, and publish 'd divers flanderous Breves againf him, Requiring the Caufeto be determined before him$ though a General! Councill hath long fince determined that all matters fhouk be ended, where they began. So that if the Arch-Bifliop of Canter bury as Metropolitane of the Realme had at length given Sentence on the Kings part, Hee thought the queftion fliould not bee fb'much, whether it were done according to the common fafhion, as whether in it felfe it were right, whereof therefore Hee would Treat with the Pope apart, defiring his Ma jefty ho vvfoever to take well this Decla ration, fince his Highneffe reputing him ftillhis friend, thought this accompt due to him,as hoping further, he would not be lefle friendly hereafter, than bee had been heretofore. To which the Emperour anfwered little more that I can find, than that Hee well knew how matters paffed, and that hee would advife with his Counfell, what further was to be done; giving by this (hort and fharpe Reply juft fufpitionof preparing warre again ft England^ as hee had more than once threatned. For which purpofe, as 1 529. hee had praftis'd with theEarleof Defmond in Ireland^ fo now hee Treated fecretly with James King of Scotland^ to whom alfo hee fent his Order. Our King not ignorant hereof, takes occaflon ( upon expiration of the late five years Truce ) to give eare unto the complaint of the Earle of Angws^ (then at Barivick) and to permit Sir Arthur Darcy to enter the Country and forrageit. Which Hee. did in April 1533. burning di vers Towns, and carrying away much booty. Pretenaing for caufe thereof, the Reftitution of the Douglaffes. But while James a valiant Prince (as his many Expeditions in Perfon a'gainft the Out-La vves did declare ) prepared to be Reveng'd^ the French King taking no tice of this difference com pos'dit^ though not without fome difficul ty. Notwithftanding which, the Treaty with the Emperour conti nued. For whereas the young King being not long fince defirous to March in France, found fbme interruption, Hee hark'ned-now to an offer from the Emperour. And his faithfull fervants thought it time, as having runne no fmall hazard in his Night- walkes. And now three Maries^llof the Emperours Family, were mention'd to him ; His Sifter Afary Dovager of Jfuxgary^ Mary of Portugal! his Neice by his Sifter Leonora^ and Mary our Princefle. Neither will the Reader thinke it fb ftrange, that the Emperour prefum'dhere D farre with our Kings Daughter, when hee fhall confider (as I find in our Re cords and Bellayes Hiftory) that hee offer'd her afterwards to the Daulphin. The An fwer which James return *d was, That hee ftiould mOft defirethe Match with England if conveniently it could be effe- aed,faving yet that after Her hee would gladlieft have a Daughter of his Sifter of Denmarke. But Charles faying Shee was already _. A Tt 2 . promised The Life an '553' *//. /.* prornis'd, the bufinetfe of Marriage ended fo, for the prefent, the Treaty of Friendfhip neverthelefife being in fume kind entertain'd. Whereof our King being ad verti fed, labour 'd to break it, proposing to his Nephew a Match with //>&?/,Sifter to Henry King Q{ Navarre. For which purpofe he alfo fent Sit Henry Knevet to Matgaret Qjueen o Navarre, who gladly entertain'd the motion. This while a the Duke of Ati>w) was fent by Frdntit unto the Pope, to Treat in apparance of a warre againft the Turke, but really to con* elude the defigned Marriage with Catbdriaadc Medices to whom the faid Duke was neere allyed . Which Match though the Emperour had heretofore oppos'd ; yet now confidering how expedient it was for his Affairs to divide franc is from our King, hee refolv'd privatly to give aflent to it, as judging fewer Inconveniences would follow that way, than if both Kings joyn'd againft him . Before yet hee would declare himfelfe, he told the Pope hee fhould require tbefe Conditions from Francis, i. To Innovate nothing in Italy. 2. Toconfirme againe the Treaty of Madrid and Cambray. 3. To obtain fome affiirance from him, that hee fhould conftnt to the calling of a Generall Coun cill. 4. That Hee would labour effeftualty with the King of ng Imdnot to proceed any further in his Divorce. To all which the Pope gave no other anfwer, but that he would mediate therein, being not able ( as hee alleg'd ) to difpofe otherwife Of fo puifTant a Prince. And how becaufe the Reader may expeft an account why this Ge nerall Council I, promised within a years fpace to the Germans, for merly by the Emperour 3 fbllicitedby our King and Francis, fubmitted uhto by the Proteftant Princes, tooke yet no effe at the time ap pointed ; I thought fit to deliver the chiefepaflages thereof : fince I date fay no Age ever produc'd a jufter occafion for the calling of it. Which therefore alfo I fhall relate with more particularity, that none was more forward herein than out King, only when it might be he" Id in fome free Place and manner 5 as knowing well that nothing either formerly had, or could now more authorife any folemne error, thanafa&iousandPartiall A (Terribly, under what generall or fpe* ;Giour Title foever. Nevetthelefle, as it concern 'd the Etnpcrour in point of Honour and advantage, chiefly to procure this worke, our King and Frwtois were content awhile to looke on. And three mo- ^itisj find were prefentcd by the Emperour to the Pope. i. The fetltog of the bufineffe of Religion. 2. Refiftance againft the TutkC 3. Accomrnodation of Differences, betwixt Chriftian Prin ces. The Pope having received thefe, replied only, That Hee would commit the bufineife to fome principall Perfons of his CouhfelJ, who making this following Remonftrance, the Pope thought fit to fend it to the Emperor. And firft concerning Religion 7 They thought it a dangerous point to admit PrOteftants or Heretiqucs to difpute any of the Opinions, which Holy Councills have formerly determin'd. Since theretrpoh alfo they might take Occafion to call in queflion the Of Henry the Eighth. J * v_5 the Articles of Chriftian Fairh : On the other fide, when they were forbidden to defend i heir Doctrines, they might thinke them- felves worfe us'd than the Arrians, and other Heretiques heretofore and pretend they were condemned unheard^ and fo return home more obftinate than ever. Secondly,If they have contradied the Determi natioas of former Councills , What hope is there chat they fh6ul< ftand to this ? And what a fcandall it would prove to be difobeyed Betides, how unfeafonable and hard would it be for the Pope to com pell them to a ftricl obfervation of the Decrees eftablitii'd there when the Emperour and other Chriftian Princes, had fo much to doe both one againft another, and againft the Turke? Thirdly, That ther was fmall likelihood of convincing the Proteftants as long as the) wholly adhered to the Letter of the Holy Scripture , without ad mitting the Interpretation of Fathers or Councills, who by divine In fpirat ion may be thought to have clear'd many doubtfull Places 5 So that if once they call'd in queftion the authority of the Church there could be no ground for deciding Controverfies. Fourthly,That it is probable, their demand of a Council!, was not fo much with the intention to Obey it, as to avoyd the punifhment due from the Magi- ftrate; fince their requeft was to have liberty of Religion, till a Councill had determined the Controverts, which could not be fud- denlydone. Fiftly, That the Proreftants might find fome excufe to depart before any determination, as they did from the Diet tt-Augf- rgk. Befides, if there were difference of Opinions, and fome fljould condefcend to an alteration in part, it might caufe a Schifme, andconfeqUentlyafettingup of Councill againft Council!, or oi Pope agairt ft Pope, as hath formerly hap'ned. And again, that whe ther the Pope were declared above a Councillor a Councill above the Pope, Inconveniences would follow. Finally, That whether the Au thority of convoking this Councill were permitted to them, or to the Emperour, it might take up more time and years, than the Emperour could fpare to attend it. 2 . As for the fecond motiveof calling this Councill, being the Invafion of the Turke, It was anfwer'd,That the Hoftile Preparatives being ready, and the AflTembly of a Councill in all likelyhood lo flo>v,it was more fit to thinke of taking Armes, than of entring into Schooled ifputations,efpecially fince under this co lour, the Proteftants might evade, alleging they were not oblig'd to contribute any thing till thebufinefle of Religion were fetled. More over, that this would but occafion the Turks comming, as knowing it would tend wholly to his Dammage and hurt , and confequently would but haften him the more to prevent it. Furthermore, that if the Councill gave no content to the Proteftants, it might caufe them to feeke Prote&ion from the Turke, as the Voyvodcfi. Tranfilvama had lately done, and under pretence of Evangelicall libertie feize on the Goods of the Church . Thefe Motives from the Em perour, i ogether with this Politiqueanfwer of the Pope, being brought to Frauds by the Seignew de Praet^ and his Reply requir'd thereunto, Francis after Tt delibe 1533- 354- The Life and ^ei Feb. deliberation (aid, that notwithftanding there were Inconveniences in calling a Councill, there were farre greater if they omitted it. It be ing certain there was never any other Lawfull and ordinary way for decifion of Controverfies in Religion. Infomuch, that all future Ages would condemne not only his Holineffe, but all the Ghriftian Princes of the time when they did not procure it. Wherefore his Opinion was, that they fhould afiemble a Councill Without yet neg- leding the other point propos'd . And for this end that all Chriftian Princes by their Letters, and AmbafTadours (hould advife together be fore the Councill were call'd, and each of them fetdown what they in their particular thought fit to bee done. Whereupon, alfo, they (hould fend toRome joyntly to demand a free and fecure Place of mee ting, where the points proje&ed might bee refblved. In difcuflion whereof, therefore, fuchintire and honeft liberty fhould be permi- ted to all and every one, as they might frankly difcover themfelves. Only, that they fltould not interpofe any thing concerning their pri vate differences and quarrels. For the better performing whereof, it {hould be agreed that no decifion of former Councills fhould be ur ged to the hinderance of an Ingenuous and free communication con cerning thefe points 3 when yet it fhould be alleged that thequeftio- ning of former Ads would but open the way to fruftrate this. Since it would give occafion unto many to withdraw themfelves, who otherwife would be prefent at the Councill. For preventing where of, therefore, it were expedient that each of them fhould fend their Ambafladour or Deputies with unlimited Commiflion to treat concerning the points in controverfie. Which alfo fhould be lay'd down in writing, to the intent that by common Vote and confent they might afterwards be determined. With this caution, yer, that in the mean while all particular Enmities fhould bee layd afide or quenched. And that till this were done, and the feverall Superiours of the faid AmbaflTadours or Deputies acquainted with the procee dings ( fo that abfblute power thereupon might be given them to con clude ) it was unfeafonable to call a Councill. But if they chofe this way, it would follow that either the Inferiour Number would fub* mit to the greater,and confequently conforme themfelves to one com mon way in Religion, or at leaft they would remaine without excuie or caufe of exception, when on fo good and indifferent tearms the determination Of a free Councill had been orfer'd them. All which he fignifiedbyhisAmbaffadours. It was now towards the end of February 1553. w ^ en ^ e Emperour received this Anfwer, who as Hee was difaffe&ed to Francis, did eafi- ly mif-interprethis meaning, taking all his advife in a counter fence. Firft, becaufe hee thought it unreafonable that the Ambaffadours of Chriftian Princes and Proteftants fhould projeft the points and Ar ticles to be Treated of in the faid Councill, fince it could be thought no lefle than an Artifice and Invention to reftraine and diminish .the Authority of the faid Councill,, which together with all that could be 0/Tienry the Eighth. be Treated there in ought inrirely to depend on the infpiration of the Holy Ghoft and not upon the Opinions of Men* Secondly, Becaufe Fjvwmhad rmde no particular Anfwer concerning Contribution forrefiftin;oftheTurke,asifHe thought the danger of his Neigh bours in this kind did not concerne him. Which Remon ft ranee being brought (in forme of a Reply or Com plaint of the Emperour) to francis-^ Heanfwer'd ; That he Could notbutmarvailehow the Emperour fliould fo much miftakehim, fince together with an ample Declaration of his Opinion concer ning the Affaire of Religion^ He had declar'd likewife that the Am- baffadours and Deputies {hou Id not neglecl: the other point, whofe Refolutions alfo concerning refiftance of the Turke, he thought not only more effeftuall and proper than thofe of aGouncill, but of a quicker difpatch. And for the other point concerning the reftraint or diminution of the Councill, it was finifterly and malignly inter preted. For when they fhould (end AmbafTadours from all parts with fo pure and fincereaffe&ion, and zeale for the good of the Church, and defence of Chriftendome, he could doe no lefle than beleeve that the Holy Ghoft will affift ar>d direct their Aflembly. And howfo- ever that any thing Concluded in this kind fhould be efteemed no more than as a beginning or preamble to the Councill . Nevertheleffe for the giving more intire fatisfaftion to the Emperour, he thought fit to declare,that if the Emperour did not approve the fai'd Aflembly of AttibafTadours, He for his part would mention it no further* On ly when the Emperour would but pleafeto take notice that himfelf made the firft Overture thereof,as by the Articles brought by Du Pra tt might appeare. For the reft He wifh'd it might be a true Univer- fall Councill and not a Nationall or Provinciall as it muft bee tearm'djWhen all Chriftian Nations did not aflift therein. And as for War again ft the Turke though He had already paid 1200000 . Crowns, and muft pay 800000. more, Yet if the Turke in Perfon fhould aflaile Chriftendome, He would not only hazard his owne blood and his Subjects to oppofe him, but hope the Emperour would doe the like. But neither was the Emperour fatisfied herewith. For as He thought Francis would make ufe of this Aflembly for Contri ving fome Defigne or Enterprize againft him ; { he fecretly declin'd it. F^wrw'likewifc as he was wholly wonneto the Pope, and inten- tive to the bufinefles of 7^/ji,labourd not much to advance a bufinefle, fo fufpected and dangerous to the Roman See. So that the diffidence and Jealoufie betwixt thefe Princes broke off the Councill at this rime, when it feem'd fo neceffary for the Peace and welfare of Chri- ftendome. Ho wbeit the Emperour (who departed from Genoua, d- /?r/78.andwasnow in Spatne) left He fhould be thought not to comply with his promife,obteined from the Pope, that thefe follow ing Conditions (houldbeoffer'd to John Frederic Elector of Saxony 'm theroomeof his Father, lately deceafed. That it (hould be free and open to- all as in times paft : That aflurance fhould be given on both fides '533 Bella).. v,-il. 8. Aug. 1532. Skid. I.*. The Lif fides to (land to whatfoever fhould be decreed there. That they who could not be prcient, ftould fend their. Deputies. That in the meane whiles nothing fhould be Innovated. That the Place {hould be Pia- cen^a^ Bononia^ or Mantoua^ at their choice. That if any Princes nei ther came themfelves, nor fent, they fKouId yet be concluded by the Decrees of the Councill, and if they tttfobeyed; that the tmperour and other Princes fhould fee Ju ft ice done. That if thefe Conditions were accepted the Councill fhould be fummon'd within fix Moneths following the Date hereof ( being towards the end of March, or be ginning of April 1633.) and held within a y care after. For more au- thorifing of which Propofitions, the Emperour commanded His Ambafladours to fecond the Legate. The Duke of Saxony hereupon, after deliberation with the other Proteftant Princes and Stares, at S male aid) returned this Anfwer - 3 That the Councill could not bee free as Jong as the Pope who was a Partie fliould fit as Judge. That the caufe of Religion as being grounded on the Scriptures {houJd be determined by them, and not by Schoole Opinions. That the Place ought to be Cas the Emperour had promis'd ) in Germany^ if ic {hould be free and open onto all. Our Hiftorians fay, alfo, that the Pope fent ( in May ) to our King to be prefent at the Councill, or at leaft to fend thither. But when the Meflenger(being requir'd to it) fhew'd a- CommifTion, which had neither Place nor time expreft, hee was difmift. While thefe things paft, our King by a Difpatch to Francis re quires him to fend hither fome trufty Perfon to whom he might with all confidence commuaicate fuch things as could not fitly be com mitted to paper, intreating alfo that the fold Perfon might be inftru- ed in all the paflfages of Affaires (wherefbever) fince the Interview. For though the King by Meflfage, fent formerly by the Lord Rochfort had acquainted Francis that Hee was privatly Married, yet as Hee had many particularities to fpeak of, and might befides have ufe oj the Afli ftance which Francis had offer'd, fo Hee defir'd one on that part to whom Hee might freely open Himfelfe. Hereupon Francis March. tcndsGuillaume du Bet I ay Seigneur de Langey with thefe Inftru&ions. That he fhould perfwadeour King to be at the Interview betwixt the Pope and him, as being better able than any elfe to juftifie and de fend His proper Caufe, Afluring him, that he fhould be as fafe, both in his paflage to, and ftay there, as in his own Kingdome. Neverthe- lefle if he thought not fit to come, that at leaft he fhouk} fend one in whomhemightrepofeintire confidence. Hee was charged alfo to informe our King how Francis had made thofe Ordinances concern ing Horfe and Foot, and Sea-bufinefTes, which were agreed betwix them, Laftly, he was commanded to defireour Kings Advice con cerning the Aifaires of the Proteftant Princes of Germany who in ftantly craved their joynt aflfiftance. When Monfeur de Langey was come, and had expos'd thefe parti cularities 5 Our King anfwer'd. That fince the Bifhop of Rome ( fo Of Henry the pjghth. fohe no* rearm'dthePope; after many diffirtiulations, and delayes would not decide the bufineffe of the Divorce 5 Hee had for difcharee of his Confcicnce, Referred ic to the Arch-Bithtfp df Canttrbttry^ being not able to fupporr any longer the continnall vexations w here with his mind was affixed. And that the faid Arch-Bifhop and di vers Bifliops and principall Perfons of the Cletgy having fentenced nullity in his former Marriage, and declared the Difpenfation for it oyd, as given in a Cafe which being ex fare tiivivo^Could not bee difpenced with 5 Hee had thereupon privatly Married the Marchio- nefle without yet that he had intention to difclofe it before May next. About which time hee hoped alfo that the Interview betwixt his Ma- fter and the faid Bifhop would be, and that the faid Bifhop therefore wotild doe him Juftice. If not, that he would pubiifh his Marriage, nd withdraw himfelfe totally from the Yoke and Dominion of the ifhops Church. Concerning the Tyfantiy and Ufurpation. where of, hee had com pos'd a large and am pie Treat ife -, The Title whereof was, De Pottftate Cbriftianorum Regam in fait Ectlefiis^ contra, Pon- tificif Tytanfiidem & bdrribilem Jmpetatem as Beutherus hath it 5 though ( for my part ) having feen no fuch Book, I conceive it was that T) ever a differentia Regix Poteftatif & Eeclcfjaftiet^ fy quit fit ipfa virtus fy ve/itjf utrittfqi made about this time, which nevertheleffe he faid h would not publifh,untill he faw what Right the Bifhop wtald doe him ; deiiring the faid King in the mean time.,not to aban don him, fmce the Bifhop had vaunted, hee would fet all Chriften- dome againft him, which the Emperour alfo, in his difcourfe with the Pope had averred, difcovering how by the means of Scotland^ would Revenge his Aunts quarrelL Some Intelligence whereof was brought our King by the faid Seigneur de Lan^ey y who croffing the Seas from Boulogne to Dor^r wasarfaulted by fome Scotchmen of warrc, who hovering in our Seas to efpy their advantage, fet upon the Gallion that Lzngey went in, fo that had he not made ufe both of Sayles and Ojres, he had been overtaken or funke 5 their number being fuperi- our, and Ordnance playing continually on him. They overtook yet a Ship of his confort, which having Sayles only, and not Oars, could not efcapethem. Mottfteur deLangey being now difmifs*d, acquain ted Prancif with our Kings rcfolution, Whereupon, alfo, hee haftned his Interview with the Pope, which after variety of Places propos'd, was finally refolv'd at Marseilles, the Emperours AmbafTadours at Rome in vain oppofing it. And now the Newes of the Arch-Bifhop of Canterburies Sen tence, and Open Marriage of Miftris Anne tiolen being come to the Popes eares, and together With it an information concerning the Bookeour King had compos'd againft the Pop(?s Authority ( which afffo more than any thing el fe offended him) the whole College of Ordmall^efpedally fuch as were for the Emperour,bccame humble fuf^liants fO the Pope, that hee would proceed rigoroufly againft our King ; which alfo the Pope accorded, though notm that peremptory 1 : and The Life and*f(eigne M33- July xx. July. Records. and publique manner as was afterwards done 5 For I find that this Sentence was not definitive in the principall caufc (as the Imperialls defir'd 5 and4/^,miftakesit) but only declarative in the point of Attemptats ( as they call it ) in that King Henry ( the caufe yet de pending } had Divorced Himfclfe without the leave and Authority of the Pope. Therefore it was declar'd that all his Adions herein were fubje&toa Nullity^and Himfelfe to Excommunication, un- leflfe He reftored things in integrum^ for which time was allowed him, till the end o September following. Thefe Proceedings being referved, and the Cenfures thus fufpended, argued th at the Pope was willing before he went any further to fee the fuccefTe of his Interview with Francif. For as the Pope knew well that the Emperoar was al ready fufficiently incens'd againft our King, fo it was eafie for him to colled, that if he could gain Francis ^ nothing afterwards could hin der him to fulminate. And heehad reafon to choofe this way of Treaty ; for I find all his Interviews fucceeded well with him. Ne- verthelefle, the Emperour as hee knew not how farre this new Treaty might extend, labours by his AmbafTadours to retard it. But they failing, he tooke another courfe, for being advertis'd that the Pope in tended to make ufeof fomeofhis Galleys forthis Journey, he fends a Command that they fhould bee employed againft the Tuike. But neither could this keep back the Pope, who rather than not goe, re- folv'd to commit himfelfe to the French Galleys, and fo to pafle to Mar fellies. Things being thus advanced, our King ( in conformity to the Proposition of Francis) fends the Duke of Norfolfo lately made Marshall of England, the Lord Rocbefort, Sir William Paulet, Sir Anthony Brown and Sir Francis Bryan^ followed with fbme hun dred and fixty Hone to repaire to Francis, and afterwards attend the Interview. -. This while, our King being confident, that either by the Popes good perm ififion, or his proper Authority, he (hould be able to Jufti- fy a caufe which fo many Univerfities had fentenc'd on his fide, pro ceeds to the Coronation of his new Queen, which alfo was per&rm'c with much folemnity. And the rather that the murmure of thofe who objected againft the irregularity and deviation of our Kings pro ceeding herein might be hidden and cover'd in the Pompe. Short ly after which, our Hiftorians fay, Mar} the Dowager ofFraace dy ed, and vvas buried at St. Edmundsbttry. TheDukeof^or/o/^beingnowcometoFr4^ (who was upon his Journey to Marfeilles) acquaints him with part of his Inftructi- on% which were to difwade him from the Interview and Marriage propos'd, or,at leaft, to fufpend it, till the Pope hath given our King fatisfaction, offering alfo ayd for a War in Piemont if he would fuf- fer no more moneys to goeoutofhisRealmero07,and inftcad o the Pope to erect a Patriarke, which it feems was one of the private Articles treated betwixt them, at the Interview ; but hearing, at the fame time,of theDeclaration paft at Rome againft ourKing,thought it too Of Henry the Eighth. too late to expect any favour from the Pope , and therefore detnandec leave to rerurne. Notwithftanding which Francis defir'd his (lay promifing all the beft offices and alfiftance to our King he could re quire, a flooae as he (hould come to Mar fellies, prorefting further more, that what Offence foever was done to our King, he would taki astohimfelf. But the Duke being in formed againe, by our diligen Agents,what had paft at Rome, would otnit no longer to advertize th< King. Therefore, he pofted away the Lord Rochefort to acquaint his HighnefTe with what was done, and to know his Gracious pleafure 5 whereupon, the King upon advice with his Counfell, thought fit tc Revoke together with the faid Duke, the Duke of Ricbmont then Ji ving in the French Court, Commanding alfo his Ambaflfadours with thePopetoreturne, Neverthelefle as ?>*;# in fifted ftill with our King to fend fbme other, if for no other end yet at lea ft to witneffe thatearneftnefTe and follicitation wherewith he would purfue the Kings affaire With the Pope; So our King thought fit to fend Stephen Gardiner not long before made Bifhop offrincbefttr, and Sir "Francis Bryan together with Sir John Wallop to attend him at the Interview. And here it js probable, that Francis had many Defigns whereof alfo he refolv'd to prevaile himfelfe according to the Occafion. For if he Treated with the Pope, he no lefle entertain'd his former Correfpon- dence with the Princes of Germany, who fent to him (then being at Tboloufe) a Secretary of the Dukes of Bavaria to tell him how, upon the Confignationof 100000 Crowns, which the faid King by Treaty was oblig'd to pay in ayd, and for the Reftirution of the Duke of wirtenberg whole Poffeifions were withheld by Ferdinand^ they now all agreed that it fhould be put into the hands of the faid Duke, defi- ring neverthelefle that it might be done with all fecrefie. To which Fronds Anfwered : that the Interview being paft, Lee would fend fome one to acquaint him with his Intentions, This while the Duke of Albany being daparted with the Galleys of France to conduft the Pope to Marseilles, newes was brought to Francis of the death of one Merue teem ployed by Francis to Fran" cefco Sftrza (then in pofeffion of the Dutchy of Milan^ by the Em- pcrours favour, though not as yet of the Daughter of Denmarke, for merly deftin'dunto him) The occafion whereof alfo I have thought worthy my Relation. This Meveilles being a MilanefTe, had ferved long in the French Courr , and was now by the good leave of Francef- ca SftrzM Received as afecret Agent or Ambaffadour for Francis^Jhe tearms on which Sforza ftoodvvith the Emperour not admitting a more ouvcrt accefTe. The fervants of this Merveilles having a quarrel 1 with oneCaftiglione concerning fome words he had fpokcn again ft their Mafter, did at laft kill him in the ftreets, which was Reveng'd by the Magiftrate on Merveilles himfelfe, whofe goods he feized on, and afterwards by order of the Duke privatly cut off his Head .Which beingadvertis'dtoF^/z^hefellinto an exrreame paffion, Saying, he was his Ambaffadour, and that herein the Law of Nations was violated. '53 Aug. 8. Dectm. y. if!'* BeB. fuly J. The Life an 5J3- Sept. 6. Sept.io. tfovemb* Oflab.f. Violated. The refentment whereof alfo, hee thought common to all Princes, fo hee acquainted the Pope,Emperour, and other Potentates of Europe therewith in high tearms, not forgetting alfo to give our King a particular account thereof,tog?ther with his Intentions ; pro- teftmg to them all, he would have Reparation . But when the Empe rour had received his Letter, hee return'd no other Anfwer, but that Merveilleshzd deferv'd death, and was juftly puniftied, hee being no Amba(Tadour,but a fubjeft of the Duke of Milans. Whereupon the French Ambafladour hoping to fatisfie the Emperour, fhewcd him private Difpatches, by which it appear'd, that the Duke acknowledg'd him under that Title. Notwithftanding which, the Emperour made fraail account of them, as fuppofing the quality of an Arabaflfadour not wronged as long as the Perfon in queftion ( befides, that he was no fubjeft of the French King ) did not openly fuftfcine the dignity of his Place; Whereupon alfo this Ad was fo farre from being chaftifed by him, that it did but haften the Marriage of Sforza *wich Cbrifine the King ol Denmark's fecond Daughter whom the Emperour imme- diatly fent for, and gave much about the time that the Duke of Or leans Married Catherine dt Medices. Notwithftanding which, Sforza fent his Chaacedour to Francis, alleging by way of excufe, that Mtr- vtilles was no more but a private Perfon,though authoriz'd fometimes to Treat, neither was he ever acknowledg'd publikely by any other title than his Vafallandfubjeft, fo that not to have done Right to another fubjeft kill'd by his procurement, had been to the derogation of Jufticeand his own Authority. Befides, he fayd Merveilles was fuch an outragious and mifchievous Perfon, that hee had been told divers times on the Dukes Part, that he did not like of his abode there. As for the fecret manner of his being put to death, he faid, it was to avoid ignommy, in cafe franc is for delivering fome of his Meffages ( when there was occafion,) (hould repute him his Ambafladour. But this excufe, (as it implied fome contradi&ion ) did but exafperate Francis ^ Who told theChancellour, that if intire fatisfaftion were not given, he would in fome fitting time and place procure it. About this time, the Queen being brought to bed of the PrincefTe Elizabeth ( who happily fucceeded to this Crown ) the Chriftening followed fhortly after, with much folemnity , where the Arch- Bifhop of Canterbury was Godfather, and the Dutchefle of Norfoike^ an4 Marchioneflfe of Darfet Godmothers. Howbeit the Divorced Katherine^ and her Daughter were not only much grieved, but divers that favour'd her Caufe, writ, and fpoke again ft the late Marriage; a Nunne of Kent alfo, pretending to Prophecy thereon, of whom and her feigned Miracles (about this time difcovered) wee fhall make mention hereafter. It was now in Oftofar 1553. when the Pope conduced by the Duke of Albany came by Sea to Marfeittes^ where Mantmorency recei ved him. His publike entrance into the Town ( being the next day after his arrivall ) was in a rich Chaire, carried on the flaoulders of two Of Henry the Eighth. wo m en, Himfelfe wearing his Pontificall Ornaments (the Tiara or Triple Crown only excepted ) before him a white Hackney was ed, on which the Sacrament was carried. After him followed all the Cardinalls, and his Neece Catbarfria de Medices ( the Dutcheffe of Urbin} with a great Traineof Cavaliers and Ladies. Francis ; at the fame time, that he might feeme to give the Pope entire poftVflion of the Towne, going out thereof, but the next day returning thi rher, and after many complements to the Pope, comming to bufinetfe, the intended Marriage was concluded , the Pope himfelfe Marry ing the young couple. Her Portion in money was but little, being only looooo Crownes,but in expectation and Titles great \ Since a pretence to Urbin in the Right of her Father Lorenzo de LMedici, to whom Leo the tenth gave the Inveftiture to the dif-inherifon of Fran- c efco Maria Conte di Feltri^ ( who at this prefent was in poflefiion thereof) as alfo the Donation of Rbeggio^ Modena^Rubieira, Pifa, Li- no^ Part^t y and Piacenza by the Pope, or fomething equivalent to them, did make her thought a Match worthy of the Son of Francis^ efpecully, when fo potent a Prince fhould undertake her Caufe, not without hope of uniting thefe places to the Rights hee claimed in Italy. After which, the Pope was often fpllicited by Francis in the sehalfeof our King, that, at Jeaft, the time of declaring the Cenfures againft him^ might be prorogued. But the Pope anfwering only, that though the terme prefixt for fulmination were now paft, yet he would omit further procefle till he came to Rome : Our Agents not content herewith, proceed in their Inftm&ioris^and Edmund Boner f as I find by an Originall of his to our King ) getting audience of the Pope, November 7,inrefpe&full tearms,and under proteftarion that his Ma- jefty intended no contempt of the See Apoftolique or Holy- Church, intimated to him King He#ry*s Appcale to the next Geaerall Cx)un- cill lawfully affembled, exhibiting alfo the Auchentiquc Inftruments thereof (made before the Bifhop of wincbefter) at which the Pope be ing much incens'd,faid, he would referre it to the Confiftory 5 VVhich being held November 10. hee Anfwer'd #wr,That, concerning the Kings Appeale,hee rejected ir, as being unlawfull, and againft a con- ftitutionof PopePm. Secondly, for the Councill, hee would pro cure it, as belonging to hi* Authority, and not to King Henries. Thirdly, for the Originall Inftru&ions ( which Boner required back) hee denied them,and fo difmift him ; defirin^ Fraxcif^ only, that hee would perfwade our King to conforme himfelfe to his antient Devo tion and Obedience to the Roman Church. Shortly afcer which,be- ing 1 2th of November 15 33. the Pope returned. I find moreover that theArch-Bi(hopof Canterbury at this time fufpefling the Pope would proceed againft him, by the advife of our King made his Appeale al fo to the Councill. Which hee defir'd our Agents to intimate to the Pope. The fucceiTe whereof yet doth not appeare in our Records. Here alfb, at the requisition of Francis ^he made foure French Car- dinalls, which added to fix more, who held that Dignity, made the _ U u Empcrour if ftf. The Life an Emperour fee that the Pope intended to ftrengthen the French Paity in Rome*, Befldes^ as the Pope did feare left Francis fhould ufurpe up on theEcclefiafticall Jurifdiftion in his Kingdome, hee gave him the Nomination of the Heads and Chiefs, not in Monasteries alone, but in all Eleive Benefices in his Kingdome, which was politiquely done, for he prevented thereby, that power, which Francis might have affumed, efpecially when he had flood to the Conventions hee made with our King at their laft Interview. By which means alfo, hee dif- poled Francis to oppofe the Emperour about calling a Council!, fhewing together how inconvenient it would bee to the Roman Church, as Affairs then flood. Francis not forgetting, this while, to fend to Germany, both in fa vour of the Duke of wintnlerg, and to comfort tfye Proteftant Prin ces, in their perfeverance, promifed to doe all that he could for them in a Deferifive way : Hee omitted not, alfb ? to fend Jeban du Bellay Bifhopof Paris to our King, both to acquaint him with +11 paffages at Marfeille*, and to Induce him to fend Ambafladours to Rome to treat with the Pope concerning the fufpending of this Fulmination, Which hee faid highly concern 'd him. But our King who was in fbme part acknowledged already fupremumCaputEcclefi* in his Do minions replying, hee would advife with his Counfell hereof, one who much favourd the Papall Authority, fpake in this manner. Sir, YourHighneffeiscometoapoint which needs a ftrong and firme refolution, it l?eing not only the mofl important in it felfe, that can be prefented, but of that confequence as will comprehend your Kingdome and Pofterity.lt is, whether, in thisbuflnefle of yout Divorce, and fecond Marriage, as well as in all other Ecclefiafticall affaires in your Dominions, you would make ufe of your own, or of the Papall Authority ? for my part, as an Englifh man, and your HighnefTefubje<5r,Imuft wifh all Power in your HighnefTe : But when I confider theantient praftife of this Kingdome, I cannot but thinke any Innovation dangerous: For if in every Temporall eftate it be necefTary, not only to keep order, but to come to fome Supreme Authority, whence all In fcriour Magiftracy fhould bee deriv'd 5 It feems much moreneceflary in Religion; both as the body thereof feems more fufceptible of a Head, than any elfe^ and as that Head againemuft direft fo many others. Wee fhould above all things therefore labour to keep an unity in the parrs thereof, as being that fa- cred bond which knits and holds together not his own alone, but all other Government. But how much Sir, would wee recede from the Dignity thereof, if we ( at once ) retrenched this his chiefe and moT eminent part ? And who ever liked that body long, wbofe Head was taken away ? Certainly Sir. an Authority Received for many Ages, ought not rafhly to be reje5:ed ; for is not the Pope Communis Pater in the Chriftian World, and Arbiter of their differences > Doth hee not fupport the Majefty of Religion 3 and vindicate it from negleft > Of Henry the Eighth. negle > D oth not: the holding of his Authority from God, keepe men in awe, not of Temporal! alone, but Eternall punirtiments, and therein extend his power beyond death it felfe ? And will it be fecure to Jay afidethefe potent means of reducing People to their Duty, and truft only to the fword of Juftice, and Secular Arme ? Befidcs, who (hall mittigate the rigour of Lawes in thofe cafes, which may admit exception, if the Pope be taken away? who (hall prefume to give Orders, or Adminifter Sacraments, or grant Pardons, Difpenfations 5 Indulgences, and other Myfteries of the Church ? Who fhall be De- pofitary of the Oathcs, and Leagues of Princes i or Fulminate again ft the perjur'd Infra&ors of them ? for rny part., (as Affairs now ftand) [ find not, how either a Generall Peace among Princes, or any equall moderation in humane affaires can be well conferv'd without him. For as his Court is a kind of Chancery, to all other Courts of Juftice in the Chriftian world 5 fo if you take it away, you fubvert that equity and fonfcience which fhould be the rule and Interpreter of all Lawes and Conftitutions whatfoever. I will conclude, that I wifh your Highneffe, as my King and Soveraigne, all true greatnefle and happineffe, but thinke it not fit ( in this cafe ) that your fubjecb (hould either examine by what right Ecclefiafticall Government is Innovated, or inquire how farrethey are>bound thereby - y Since, be- fides that it might caufe divifion, and hazard the overthrow both of the one and the other Authority -, it would give that offence and fcan- dall abroad, as Forreigne Princes would both reprove and difallow all our proceedings in this kind, and together uppn any occafion, bee difpos'd eafily to joyneagainft us. Tonrhifb was replied '&y one in this manner. . SIR, If hee who propos'd thisqueftion, had refolv*d it afwell, I iTiould not have needed to returne an Anfwer, But fince from Principles wee admit as true,hedraweth Confequences which follow nor, I fhall according to common reafbn, crave leave to examine his Arguments, without infifting upon any thing urg'd out of either Te- ftament, or controverted by the Theologians of this time* Nothing is more certain, than that there is a neceffity of eftablifbing fbme fu- preme power in Spirituall as well as Temporall afifairs Only the queftion will be, whether they be better united in one Perfon, or di vided into two ? I am for one,efpecially while the Precinds of both be of the fame extent, and the Magiftrate no way obnoxious : For can we fuppofe a Government without Religion, or a Religion without a Government ? will the bare precepts of Theology containe People in their Duties, unlefle the Secular Armeconcurre ? or the inflicting punifhment with a high Hand fuffice to teach a good life, or bring men toeverlafting happineffe ? Befides, can a Kingdome be fafe,if the Secular Magiftrate command one thing, and the Spirituall another ? Muftnot thefubjeonthefetermesbefufpended betwixt his Obe- Uu 2 diences, The Life an diences,or dlffra&ed intofonre Schifme or Rebellion ? which Incon veniences as they cannot be denyed, fo neither doe examples want thereof, both antiently betwixt Emperours and Popes, and of latter times as well in this Kingdome as divers others, Where not only (can- dall and drffention, but even Ruines and Defolation followed on this occafion. It being manifeft thus, how fitly both Powers are conjoy- ned; The next queftion will be, Who is moft proper to exercife them in this Kmgdome > But it is cleare that Popes are nor. For befides that they wane Title, Succeflion, E le&ion, PofTeffion, or whatfoever elfemayeftablifh Government for the Temporall part, -they cannot fb much as aptly adminifter the Spirituall, while the diftance betwixt us and them is fo great, that they neither can take timely notice of the proceedings and deviations of the Clergy, or give that order and re- dreffe which is fitting ; So that although by a frequent admitting of Appeals to Rome^ they ftrive to take away this Difficulty, it is rather increafed. TheCaufes brought thither being fometimes undecided for a long fpace, fometimes wholly fruftrated, while People had ra ther let fall their Sutes, then be at the coft of bringing their Witnef- fes with them to fo remote a Place, as neither their health or means can reach unto. Of which, as alfo many other Inconveniences in this kind, the Germans in their Centum Gravamwa have not long fince complained, without that the whole Court at Rome could devife a due Remedy, as long as the determination of Ecclefiafticall Affairs was fo commonly avoked thither. Whereby it follows,rhat the Pope, as being neither Secular Magiftrate in this Kingdorne, nor within a Juft diftance to exercife the Spiritual!, cannot lawfully pretend to an abfblute power in either Jurifdiftion. It remaines, that Princes of this Kingdome fucceffively affume it, both as their Perfbn and office hath in it a mixture of the Temporall and Spirituall Power, and as the Precin&s they claime in Ecclefiaflicall affaires, are no larger than their fwords can reach to, and fecure, nor their Interefts other, than to conferve at home, a perpetuaJl Peace of Religion ; which al fo will be with fo much advantage to their fubjefts, as while the fame Authority animates and gives life unto all, none of the members can eafily prevaricate, or fall away. If any yet will deny this Maxime,hee may beconvinc'd by examples of Popes themfelves, who pra^ife this mixed power not only in their Territories about Rome^ the Patritnonio delta Chiefa^but in their more remote Dominions with that fingular benefit to their VafTalls, that they more than any other in /ta/y, are exempt from being drawn into contrary parrs. So that, if itbecleareafwellby reafon as by Precedents, that both powers may fubfift together, and be exercifed by one and the fame Perfon, I thinke none will deny, but that it will bee fo much the more equal!, to place them in a Temporall than a Spirituall Monarch, as it im ports more to give good Lawes, and exhibite Juft ice, than to dif- pute Controverfies (where the grounds of Religion are already fet- led, ) and to refift Forreigne Invafions, than to declame againft Vice, and Of Henry the Eighth. ad the Noa- payment of Church-duties : out of which therefore may be concluded, That there is no more neceffiry of a Pope over us, or (if you will ) over all Churches in the World ( when they could jeconvertedtoChriftianifme) than to afflgne one Univerfall Mo narch over it. There being in the frame of Government afwell as all other bodies, a certaine Symmetric and proportion beyond which it cannot conveniently be dilated. Thefe things thus appearing, it may >e confidered now, whether the Pope have not yet another Incapaci ty, for fwayingall the Ecclcfiafticall A ffairs of this Kingdome, in his >eingfb obnoxious toother Princes. But this alfo is evident, fince the French and Spaniard foconftraining him of either fide that hee muftfubmit to the ftronger, or fuffer fuch Imprifonment and out rages as hee hath lately done, it will be dangerous to Conftitute him our Supreame Judge, in thefe Affaires of Religion, which regard matter of State. For fuppofe he would be Impartial! between fuch Princes as may prefle him equally ; Shall wee prefume he will be fo to us, who ftandnot in the fame Relation of neerenefTe and Interefl unto him? NeverthelefTc, Ifhalleafilygrant that hee may wifhus welI,orbeftowhisBlefIingonus: Bur where his Perfbn or Eftate will be concerned, I doe believe it would be fo unfafe for him to doe us Right, ttut it would be an unmannerly thing to aske ir. But may tiee not in fome cafes yet be retain'd as Judge in Ecclefiafticall af- faires, and Arbiter of the diffetences of Chriftendome ? for my parr, I (hall accord it ; as long as Hee complies with his Place of Commtt- nisPAter. But if through Interdictions, Confutes, Excommunicati- on% Fulminations, and the like, be prefcribe, and exterminate thofe, who otherwife might give him a due refpect, doth hee not relincjuifh his Name ? efpecially while without regard to the quietnefTe of mens Conferences, the Peace of Chriftendome, or the Unity of Religion, ( which might eafily follow, when the unneceffary points were layed afide ) Hee, (forrhe confervation of his Authority in this Kingdome only ) procures Forreigne Princes to Invade it. Wherein therefore, hee fo little exerciferh his Paftorall Charge (Inftituted at firft for the fafeguard and eafef>f the Secular Magiftracy) as hee now difturbeth all, whereas he ought fo much rather to ufe a difcreet Moderation, as hee fees that Princes can both Reigne without him, and contain their fubjects C whether Spirituall or Temporall ) in their accuftomed O bedience and Devotion, out of which therefore he may colletfl, that untill thefe Ecclefiafticall affairs be permitted to Princes, which can not aptly be determined without them, there will be fraall hope of an accommodation. And for thefe reafons alfo, Wee can as little admit him, Arbiter of the Temporall Caufes betwixt us, and any other Chriftian Prince, though other wife the fundion be fo necefTa- ry, as ( it feems ) there is no fo good means fot avoyding the many Warrejj and deciding the Controverfies betwixt them. But it is alle ged ftill. That in deferring the Popes Authority fome diminution o Religion may follow 5 Alas, if Religion flood not on firmer Princi Uu 3 pies -- . - J ^ - ^ -- * - - The Life and '553' pies than thefe, it were worfe grounded than any other knowledge; ?or were not the Lawes of Piety and goodnetfe fo written ( at firft ) n the hearr,as Mankind had no other direction for attaining his ever- afting happineffe, for about two thoufand years, and untill the De calogue was given ? And is that againe any thing elfe but an Expli cation of thefe Lawes ? Befides, is there not a Da&rine of Faith de- [iver'dus in fome part of our Beleefe or Creed ( and I lay in fome 5 for the beginning thereof, afwell as certaine Articles towards the end, aregenerall Notions both written in our hearts, and Received in all Religions.) And have we not through the Reverend Authority of the Church for many Ages, declaring and confirming this Faith, ac cepted thereof, and the ten Gommandements, and therein fubmitied our felves to all that is required in either Teftaments, and will they yetexaft new Beleefes,and obtrude new Articles ? When th Lawes of God, only written in Mens hearts, and the Decalog-ie, for fo ma ny Ages were thought to fufficefor Salvation ? Let them fay what they will ; I find no reafon to believe, that the Divine wifdome im- pofeth more, or proreedeth by other Rules than thofe that were deli vered to our Fore- Fathers ; or that fome fuch obliquation of Religi on hath hap'ned as thecourfe of his Providence fhouldbe varyed too. And therefore, though I ftiall be content, that the Illuftration or Ex plication of fome points, may be worth the Churches labour, I can never agree that the Principles and foundation of this Stru&ure, ftiould be ftir'd, or exhibited on other tearras. Neither indeed fhoula the Roman Church, in true wifdome procure it, the Maj-efty of Re ligion being no wayes fo well conferv'd, as by afTerting fuch a perfe- ft ion, Antiquity, Univerfality, and Visibility in the more neceffary parts thereof as may argue the care God hath over Mankind in aU Ages, without omitting, together, to reprefent the Dodnnes of Faith, and of Gods mercy, in middle times after fuch manner, as may beforourlnftru&ion. And thus their Auditours, being inforrm L not only what parts of Religion have been received in all Ages and Countries, but what his particular Providence hath added in fcqnent times, may Glorifie him for both. Neverthelcfle, if Popes fhill be fo farre from thefe charitable and temperate wayes, as they will ftill Intermixe and trouble all things; iftheyfhall confound and Joyne together the certaine, and the uncertaine, and com pell Men equally to the belief of all they teach,ought not Princes in this cafe to prevent diftradions? ought they not to extinguifh Usurpations in Religion, and together, vindicate her from Errour and negle&s ? While in gi ving a due Luftre and Protection with the Temporall fword, rhey make her become more Reverend and Awful!. Which Duty a!fo isfomuchmorerequiflteinthem,as it is not in the power of any elfe to peribrme it. Neither fhould wee feare, left our Princes (hotrk grow too abfolute hereby ; When it is the moft aflured way for con ferving, not the outward only, but inward Peace of this Kingdome Nor that this Authority may be at length devolv'd to fuch as woulc abufc Of Henry the Eighth. abufe it ; there being a poffibility of bad Popes 5 as well as bad Princes. And that Incommodum non folvit Argumentum* And thus Sir may all Innovation be taken away in Religion, and all defe&s reftored by yxmrHighnelTe in your Dominions, without either differing Sophi- try or Pedantifme to be taught in ftead of true Do&rine, or that the -iierarchyof yourfCingdomelhouldbedevefted from their anri^nt dignities and Rights. Since as your HighnefTe pretends noc to Create new Articles of Faith, they may continue ftill, to expound the old, in their feverall kinds, and give light to the hard places in the Scripture, Read Divine Service, Adminifter Sacraments, and the ike, and together, exhort men to Piety, Charity, Good life, Repen tance, and what ever elfe may conduce to everlafting happineflb; Whereof alfo when the Pope would take fuch notice, as to confirme and approve our proceedings, wee might (if your Highnefle fo pleas'd } returne that rcfpeft to him, as upon his publike Declaration, :hathe dothnotonly Ratifieour Confeflion of Faith, but relinquish all his pretences, which miy Derogate from your Regall Authority, and behave himfelfe ( for the reft) tanquA?nCommuais Pattr, fuch points might be referr'd to him, as your Clergy could not conveni ently determine, and his Dignity together, be fo farre-forth acknow- leg'd, as he might flill retainea Primacy , according to his antient Patriarchal! Right, without Intermedlmg yet vrith that Supremacy, which your Convocation-houfe hath already Decreed for your High- nefle. And now to come to the prefent queftion concerning the Di vorce ; I muft fay, I cannot find what the Pope faould take ill. For is any thing done by our frrch-Bifhop,but what ? not only thePope,him- felf,butthe moft famous Univerfities of Chriftendome have declared Lawfull ? Sothat, if afrer fix years fufpenfion of the Caufc, we have Determined the bufinefle, as himielfe confeffed he would have done, but for feareof the Emperour ; What offence can he take ? will hee complaine,he is not able to doe us Juftice 5 and yet be fcandalized if it be done by others ? or fhall the Executing of what he thought rcafo- nable, be Judg'd a fault, when the not executing thereof mud ( in all equity ) have made us rhe greater Cricninalls ? Let us therefore, fend to defire his confent 5 It hath been already Intimated unto us, that it was not fo good to aske a L tcence, as a Pardon, we will hope then from him a Confirmation of the Arch-Bilhop's Sentence. And thus both the one and the other Authority may be conferv'd, without that we fhould need to feare any Forreigne Invafion, as long as the generail Vote of our Kingdome (hall eftablifh what ( in a fort ) it hath agreed unto. And to this opinion our Kin^ inclin'd, and fo much the rather, that about this time rhe Popes Sentence againft him, was openly Cet up at fiunkirke in Flanders ; So that to prevent further Inconvenien ces, rhe King ( as our Records lliew ) advifed with his Counfell D e- cember 2. Fir ft, to informe his Subjects of his Appeale to the Coun cil! Generall, and the Juftice thereof. Secondly, of the unlawfulnefs of Records. The Life and1(eigne 1533 Dectmb. Records. Cmcll-Tritf. of the Dowagers Appeal totfow^and the late Statute again ft it, which fayd Statute ,was (for that purpofe,)to be fet upon every Church dore in #/W,asiMb his Majefties faid Provocation or Appeale,whereof Trans- fumpts'alfo were to be fent into Flanders.) Thirdly, to com mand it to be taught^ that the Generall CounciJl is aboye the Pope, and that he hath no more Authority in England by Gods Law than any forraigne Bifhop. Laftly, to fend into Germany ^ to Confederate with the King of Poland, John King of Hungary the Dukes of Saxo- ny^ of Baviere., the Lantgrave of Hefrefec. as likewife the Hanfe- Teutonick Townes, being Z.^", D&nfuk^Norembergki&c. Thefe things being refolv'don ; for a finall Anfwer, hee defird the Bifhop of Par if ^ to cenifieFrancif, That if the Pope would fuperfede from Executing his Sentence, untill hee had Indifferent Judges., who might heare the bufinefle, hee would alfo (uperfede of what he was delibe rated to doe in withdrawing his Obedience from the Roman See.But the B I fhop 3 who thought this alone not enough to reduce things into good rermes, made an offer to Negotiate the bufinefTe at ome. Which our King gladly accepted, afluring him withall, that aflbone as he had obtained what was demanded, he would fend fufficient pow er and authority to confirme as much as was accorded on his parr, as having intire confidence in his difcretion and fufficiency, ever fince his two years employment as AmbafTadour in this Kingdome. Whereupon the Bifhop., though in the Chriftmas-Holidaies, and an extreame Winter, ported to Rome. Where he came before any thing was done, more than what formerly paft 5 And here obtaining 'a pub- like Audience in the Confiftory, hee Eloquently Declared our Kings MeflTage, reprefenting both what hee had obtained of our King, anc (hewing withall how advantageous it would be to the whole Church. Which fo prevail'd that they prefixt a Day for receiving from our King, a Confirmation thereof. Infomuch, that a Currier was dif- patched to King Henry, defiring his Anfwer within the time limited. But the terme being expired, and no Anfwer brought, the Pope refol vcdto proceed to Fulmination of the Sentence^ which being adver tis'd toBeltay, he repair'd to the Pope and Cardinalls (then fitting in full Confiftory ) defiring them to flay awhile, it being probable that the Currier, either through crofle winds, or other accidents in long journeys, might be detain'd ; concluding his Speech, that if the King of%/4^had fix years together been patient, they might attend fix dayes ; which fpace only, he defir'd them to give him, for the recei- virrg of our Kings Anfwer ; this propofition being put tothequeftion the plurality of Voyces carried it againft our King, and the rather that in this mean time, Newescame^to^ow^ that the King had Prin ted and publifhed the Book, written againft the Popes Authority ( which yet was untrue, for it came not forth till afterward, though it was not yet kept fo clofe, but a Copy was now come to the Popes hands,) and that there was a Comedy reprefented at Court, to the no little defamation of certain Cardinalls. By reafon whereof the Sen tence Of Henry the Eighth. tencewas fo precipitated, that, what according to their ufuall formes could not be done in leflfe than three Confiftoes 3 was now difpatch'd in one. And foby a fiaall Determination ( the Copy whereof is in F0.v ) the Marriage with Queen Katkeriae was Pronounced good, and King Henry commanded to accept her for his Wife., and in cafe of refufall Cen&res were fulminated againft him . But two dayes of the fix were not pa ft, when the Gurrier arriv'dwith ample Conamifnon and Authority from our King to conclude and confirme all that the Biftiop hid agreed in his Name. Which was this, ( as the Writer of ikeCoacilio Tridentino hath it ) That King Henry was content to ac cept the Judgement of that' Court, upon condition that the fufpe&ed and Imperiall CardinaJls fhould not intervene, and that indifferent Pofons fhonld be fent to CAmbray to be informed of the merits of the Caufe - y Giving Authority further for his Pro&ors to appeare in that Court. At which, the more wife and temperate Cardinalls were fo afhMiifh'i^thit they became humble fappliants to the Pope, that hee would advifc bov all things might berepair'd ; Whereupon the buil- nefle was a gat 3 difcufs'd . But all Remedies being Judged either late, orimcoffible 5 the Sentence ftood, and the Emperour was made the I Exccu r er of it ; The Bifhop now returning towards France met ( as I find by our Records ) Ednard Karne, and WiUiean Revet^ who was Wnploy'dby our King for foUiciting this important bufinefTe. But las they tmderftood by the Biftiop, ehat the ftrft Marriage was pro nounced good, and the iffbe by it Legitimate, fo they judg'd it loft labour to proceed, and adveitis'd ail to out King, who became fb fen- fible of the Indignity wherewith hee was us'd in this important Af faire, that he feparatedhimfelfe from the Obedience of the Roman Church, but not from the Religion thereof ( fome few Articles only excepred ) as ftiall appeare hereafter. And thus ( according to the Re lation of Martin du B e/fay ) did our King fall off. Who therefore in r h is prcfent condition found nothing fo fitting to be done, as to che- rifh thegooiaffeclionofhisfubjects, who in a Parliamentary way he found did many wayes advance, and fecond his Defignes. I {hall foraconclufion, adde only the Cenfure of Tbuanm^ concerning our ginthisbufinefle,C#'te/# reliqua vita ita fe geflit ille Rex^ ut ^ ft Ajuiorei & prudentiores Pontifices Nafttu fuifot^fponte fe fub- rum rpfarum poteftati fuife appareret. The Emperour ( now in Spaine,} being much troubled at the Inter view at Afarfeilles, yet conniv'd at it, as hoping at leaft, the Pope would difwade Francif from favouring our King, or aflifting the Pro- reftant Princes. Therefore he did not much indeavour to hinder it ; For as he knew the Pope was paffionatly affeded to the advancement of his Kindred, fo he Judged it loft labour to oppofe him therein 5 finceby ingraffing his Family now in France, as well as by his former Alliance with Spaing he might hold himfelfe fccure on either hand. Neither did he thinke that Tcrrours could prevaile, at a time, when 1 the Pope muft know, there would be ufc of all the Imperiall Forces, I againft '533 March Concll. Trid. L.i, April 7. "The Life and^eigne Saxdov, gainft theTurke^ who befides that he threatned a generall Invafion^ lad now particularly befieged Corron y taken a yeare (ince by Andrea Doria, which a Spanish Garrifon held till they were forc'd to leave it again to the Turke about April- 1534. I will come now to the bufinefle of our Parliament, holden this yeare from Jan.i 5. till 3Oth of March next, wherein the Statutes were Ena&ed. That the Prices of Vi&uals fhould not be inhanfed without juft ground and reafbn. If they were, then upon complaint thereof, the Lord Chan cellour ( and others, who had Authority given them here in ) fh^uld tax the faid Vi&uals how they fhould be fold, either by the Owners or by Victuallers. Alfo that no Corne or Cattell bee carried beyond Sea without the Kings Lycence, unlefle either to Calais, Guifnes, Hantmes, and their Marches^ or for Vi&uallingof That no Man Indifted of Murder, Burglary, or other Felony, and upon his Arraignment ftandingmure, to prevent the Procefle of the Law again ft himfelfe, fhall have Benefit of his Clergy 5 But Law (hall proceed againft him for the crime whereof hee is Indi&ed, as if hee had pleaded to the fame 3 and thereupon had been found guilty. Buggery was made Felony. Elizabeth barton ( call'd the HolyMaidot Kent ) and her Com plices were attainted of High-Treafon, for confpiring to (lander the Divorce between the King and Queen Katberine, and the late Marriage between him and Queen Anne. Becaufe by the greedinefle of fome, who have gotten into their hands much Cattell, and many Farmes, which they have turned from Tillage to Pafture ( efpecially for Sheep ) old Rents are rayfed, prices of things Inhanfed, and fo, much Poverty and Theft enfued ; It was Ena&ed, that no Man fhould have in his own or Farmed lands above 2000 fheep ( yet that every Temporal! Perfon may keep upon his In heritance as many as he will. ) Secondly, that no Man fhall take and hold above two Farmes at once, and thofe to be in the fame Parifli 5 upon certain Penalties there fet down. The Statute of tienry 4th concerning Heretiques was Repealed. And it was Ena&ed^ that Sheriffs in their Turnes, and Stewards in their Leets may make Inquiry and Prefentment of Heretiques; Who being by two Lawfull Witnefles accufed, may be Cited and Arre- fted by an Ordinary, and being convi in open Court, (hall abjure their Herefies, and refufing fo to doe, or relapfing, fhall be burnt. Alfo the Statute of ^/VW^thethird permitting free importation of all kind of Bookes, was Repealed. And ( for the benefit of our Book-binders ) it was Enafted that no Book-feller fhould buy any Books bound beyond Sea ; nor any (though unbound ) of any ftran- ger.butbyengrofle. And if the Prices of Books chance to beraifed above reafon, the Lord Chancellour, Lord Treafurer, the chiefe _ Juftice Of Henry the Eighth. Jufticc of either Bench , or any two of them fhall moderate the fame, upon a certain Penalty. Whereas the Clergy have truly acknowledged that the Convoca tion is alvvayes afTembied by the Kicgs Authority, and have promis'd lisMajefty, that they will not henceforth make or allege any new Conftitutions, without his Highneflfe aflent and Licence $ And whereas divers Con ftitutions and Canons Provincial! and Synodall leretofore Enabled, are thought to be Prejudiciall to the Kings Pre rogative, and contrary to the Statutes of the Realme, and enormous to the People 5 and the faid C lergy therefore hath humbly befought tiis Majefty that the faid Conftitutions and Canons may be commit ted to the Examination of thirty two men to be named by his Maje fty, or 1 6 of both Houfes of Parliament, and fixteen of the Clergy, who may annull or confirme the famc,as they find caufe ; It is ena&ed that all Convocations {hall be henceforth called by the Kings Writt, and that in them nothing (hall be promulged or executed without his Highnefle Licence, under pain of Imprifonment of the Authors^ andmulft at the Kings will. And that hiVHighneffe (lull at his pleafure( feeing the time of this Parliament is too (hort) appoint thirty two men as aforefaid to furvey the faid Cannons and Confti tutions, for the Confirmation or Abolition of the fame. And as concerning Appeale?, they (hall be made ( according to the Statutes made the laft yeare ) from Inferiour Courts, to the Arch- Bi (hops, and for lack of Juftice there, to the Kings Majefty in his Court of Chancery. As concerning 4nnatesukd to be payd to Rome by Arch-Bi(hops, and Bi(hops, and Bulls and Palls to be had from thence, fince there hath been heretofore an A& paffed, and the Bifhop of 0**,otherwifc called Pope being Informed thereof, hath as yet devis'd no way with the Kings HighnefTe for redrefTe of the fame; his Highnefle hath now Confirm 'd and Ratified the fame A, and every Article there of, and the Parliament doth Ena& the fame, with this Addition, that from henceforth no Bifhop (hall be commended, prefented or nomi nated by the Bifhop of Rome, nor (hall fend thither to procure any Bulls or Palls,(^f. but that at every vacation of a Bifhopricke, the King (hall fend to the Chapter of the Cathedrall a Licence (as of old hath been accuftomcd ) to proceed to Ele&ion, which Eledion being deferr'd above twelve dayes next enfuing (hall belong to the King, but being made within the time limited (hall be held firme and good, and the Per(bn fo Elected, after certification of his Eletfi ontoiheKingsHighne(Te,andOatnof fealty taken to him, (hall be ftyled Bifhop Ele&; and fo by his Majefty, bee commended to the Arch-Bi(hopof the Province, to be Inverted and Confecratc. And if the Perfoos to whom this Elc&ion, or Consecration bclongeth, neglect or refufe to performe the fame, or admit, or execute anv Cen- fures, Interdictions,^ . to the contrary^ they (hall incurre the Penal ty of the Law of Prtmunire. Where- Lif f34 >Ti' Whereas the People of this Land hath been much impoverifhed by the ufurped Exa&ions of the Bifhop of Rome, under the titles of Peter- pence, Procuration, Expedition of Bulls, Delegacies, Difpen- fations,$Y . Ic is cna&ed that fuch Impofitions be no more payd ; And that neither the Kings HighnefTc, nor any fubjeft of his, (hall fue for any Difpenfation, Faculty,Delegacy,6v . to the See of Rome, but that any fuch Difpenfation,ev. for Caufes not being contrary to the Law of God, which were, wont to be had from Rome, may be now granted by the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury's well to the Kings High* neflfe, as to his fubjefts : but in thofe things which were not wont to be granted by the See of Rome, the faid Arch-Biftiop (hall not med dle, without the Kings Licence. Provided, that all Difpenfations, ^Y.whofe Expedition at^owccame to foure pounds and upwards, .(hall be confirmed by the Kings Scale, and enrolled in Chancery, thofe below foure pounds parting under the Arch-Bi(hop's Scale on ly. That the Fees for thefe Difpenfations (hall be limited by the fayd Arch- Bi (hop, and the Lord Chancellour, and a part of the fame (bee they great or fmall ) fhall alwayes come to the Kings hands. As for all Monafteries, Colleges, Hofpitalls heretofore exempt, the King onload not the Arch-Biftiop (hould have Authority to vifit them. Laftly,uponthefuteof the Parliament to the King for the efta- bli filing of the Succefliori to the Crowne ( the uncertainty whereof hath caufed heretofore great divifion and bloudfhcd in this Realme ) It was enacted that the Kings Marriage with the Lady Katberiae, Wife and carnally known to his Brother Prince Arthur ( as was law fully proved before Thomjs Arch-Biftiop of Canterbury ) as contrary to Gods Law, (hall be held voyd : and (he (Hied no more Queen,but Do wager to Prince Arthur, and the Matrimony with Queen dn (hall be taken for firme and good 5 and the IfiTue thence procreate bee accompted la wfull; the Inheritance of the Crowne to belong to the fame in manner following, (viz.) Firft to the eldeft Sonnc begotten by the King on Queen Anne, and to the Heiresof the faid Son Law fully begotten ; and for default of fuch Heire, then to the (econd Son, &c. and if Qpeene Anne Decea(e without IfTue Male, then the Crown to defcend to the Sonne and Heire of the Kings Body law fully begotten, and the Heiresof the faid Sonne Lawfully begotten^ and for a default of fuch KTue, tothefecond Sonne in like manner, C?v. And for default of Sonnes^tbat then the Crown dial belong to the Iflue Female of the King by Queen Anne ; and firft to the firft be gotten the Princetfe Elizabeth, and to the Heirs of her body Lawful ly begotten . And for default of fuch I (Tue,then to the fecond Daugh ter in like fort,e?v. And for default of all fuch Iffue, to the Right Heiresof the Kings HighnefTe. It was Ordained that this Act fliall be proclatn'd before May next throughout the Kingdome. And all Perfons of age (hall fweare to accept and maintain the fame. They who'refufethe Oath ftanding guilty of Mifprifion of High Trea- fon 3 And they who fpeake or write againft the Marriage or SuccerTion the Eighth. March 30. Succeflion here eftabliftied, to bee adjudged Traitours. Befides all this, the prefent Statute expreifed certain Degrees of prohibited Marriage 5 ( amongft whidyhat between the Brother and the brothers Wife, was one ) which being agaiaft Gods Lawes, could not be Difpenced with by Man, and therefore no fuch Marriages {hall hereafter be made 5 and thofe that are made already (hall bee by the Ordinary diflfolved, and thofe that are already fo diflblved, (hall bee efteemedjuftly and Lawfully diflblved, and the Iflue thence procee ding Illegitimate. The Parliament rifingjCommiftioners were fent abroad to require the Oath of Succeffion,whk:h nevertheleffe jfohvPifker, Bifhop of Rocbefter^ and Sir Thomas More, late Chancellour, denyed, yet fo as they both profeffed a readmefle to fvveare to the Succeflion, but not to the whole Aft, ( it conteining divers other rhings.Firft,the indifpen- fability of the firft Marriage, as being againft the Law of God. Se condly, of the Legall proceeding in the Divorce by Cranmtr* Thirdly, fome touches again ft the Popes Authority &c.) But which of thefe in particular offended them , they would not difcover ; Therefore though Arch-Bifhop Cranmer told Cromnell it were not amifle to ac cept the Oath as they offer 'd it, both for fatisfadion of the People, and the Dowager with her Daughter, and the Emperour, ( who much relyed on thefe Mens Authority,) they yet refuting were fent to the Tower, where they continued till they were brought forth to their tryall and Death, as will appcare hereafter. The Pope having proceeded in thofe Rigorous termes with our Kirig ( as is formerly mention'd ) and for more Authorifing his Sen tence, made the Emperour Executour thereof, hoped now to have his Revenge, but he was deceiv'd. For though the Emperour did gladly accept this Overture, for his Aunt Queen Katberines fake,and the hope hebadtodifpofeofthe Princefle ^ry, as Inheritrix of the Crowne, yet as he had deeper defignes, in afpiring to the Conqueft of ftaly, and indeed to an Univerfall Monarchy, Hee was no lefle glad of the occa (ion to take off our King from the Pope^ Howfoever each fide prepared for warre. The Emperour's intention was, to give the Prin- ceflfe Mary to fome one, who upon her Title might pretend to the Crowne, whom therefore he promis'd to fecondi Our King and Fran cis not ignorant of the Empcrours defignes, agreed on the other fide, partly to joy n with the Duke of Gueldres for invading the adjoyning territories of France^ and partly to renew the antient Claim to N&- Tvw>,andafTailethe Emperour in thofe quarters. Yet neither did that of the Emperour take effeft, becaufe there was no means to reco ver the Perfonofthe Princefle Mary. iNor this of our Kings,becjufe Frweis employ ing his thoughts wholly on the Affaires of Italy, did not think fit to com ply openly with one againft whom the Pope had Fulminated. Howbeit, our King for defence of his Authority and fe- cond Marriage, neglected not to obtain from the Parliament a confir mation thereof, and of the Succeflion in that Line (as is mention'd ' X x before) 374- Tke Lif 1534. May 1 1. before) fending alfo to Queen Katherine at Bugden neere Huntingdon^ in fequence thereof, Edward Arch-Bifhopof 2V*,and Cuthfart Ton- /?W/ ? Bi(hopofDy^/>w^toilgmrieuntoher,thathctooke it ill that (he ft ill claimed the title of Queen,e&V . the paflages of which Nego tiation I have thought fit to transcribe out of the Origtnall Record, as containing many materiall points concerning the whole frame of thebufinefle. Their Letter to the King) v>js this. PLeafe it your Highnefle tounderftand, that this day we repaired to the Princefle Dowager, and there I the ArcbrBiftiop of Tork tor an Introduction to declare to her the effect of our Commiflion, fayd to her. Firft, that your Highnefle had often fent to her, divers of your Counfell, and amongft them mee, one, to declare unto her the invalidity of the Marriage,between your HighneflTe and her. Second- Iy,that Carnall knowledge which is the great key of the matter is fuifi- ciently proved in the Law, as alfo fome that were of the Counfell do avow. Thirdly, that upon proofe fo fufficiently made of Carnall know ledge Divorce was made between your Highnefle and her. Fourthly, that upon Divorce made by Lawfull fentence, (he was ad- monifhed to leave the name of a Queen,and not to account or call her felfe hereafter yonr Highneffe Wife. Fiftly, how that after your Highneffe was difcharged of the Marriage made with her, you con- traded new Marriage with your deareft Wife Qeen Anne. Sixtly, that for fo much as ( thanked be God ) faire Iffue is already fprung of this Marriage, and more likely to follow, by Gods Grace, that the whole Body of your Realm gathered together in Parliament, hath for the ftablifhment of this Iflue, by your deareft Wife Queen JLle& Bifhop ofSt.Afaph, were fent to make certaine Overtures and Propofitions to that King, whereof in its due place. This yeare Charles the Erripefoiir being in Spain, intentive chiefly to the proceedings of the turke, and his Brother Ferdinand in Ger- wwzjjdefirous ro govern without home-oppofition, fuch a Peace was accorded with the Duke of winemberg^ and fuch favourable ufage gi ven the Proteftant Princes, that the Pope complained openly of Fer dinands Partiality to them . ButFerdtbaxd excufed all with Reafon of State. Which alfo the Pope accepted the rather, that the Anabap- tifts( who taught a Doctrine more contrary to Monarchy than the Lutherans) didthenprevailein many places, and particularly held Munfttr in tftftpbdt*. So that becaufe the Duke of trtrtem&ergj>to- mifed to contribute fome Forces to the befieging of that place, hee- faid hee had concluded an advantageous Peace. For as no man knew how farre the Innovations of thefe times might reach, it was thought to be of much importance, that they had drawn one fide to oppoic the other. In Fratea\fo about this time, the fivangeliques began ro take Roor, though fo covertly, that few durft openly avow it, yet as they found favour and Protection from Margaret Qici of tfavarre, and Anne Dutcheffe d'Eftampes, So the King himfelf whe ther for deciding the Caufe.or love of thefe t\vo Ladies(whereof one was Junt Iff,. The Lif 1534- Sleid. Com 1.7. Novemb. Vupteix De Sen: De Serr. vas his Sifter, and the other his Favourite ) refufed not to conferre >fivatly with divers of the reformed, and to give fome fuch racite Aftent to their Do&rines, as thereupon growing audacious, they ad ventured to fet up Papers in the Court and publiih Libels againlt the Church of Rome in fuch manner, as Francis being incenfed thereat, caufed the Authors to be fought out, and burnt. Not yet but that hee could have been content to have had fomc points reformed, and the Papall Authority diminifhed a little, but that hee feared it might caufe a divifion in his Realme, as he faw it had done in the Empire. Therefore, following a violent courfe,and improper to convince thofe who are well perfwaded of their Religion, hee condemned the Pro- feffburs thereof to the fire. While yet on the other fide (as the French HiftoriansconfefTe ) Hee entred into a League with the Turke,to the no little fcandall of his own, and all the Chriftian Religion. But as this was not without fome great Defigne, fo he inftituted certain Le gionary Souldiers, or Regiments of Foot throughout France^ to the number of 42000 Men, each of the Legions being compos'd of two thoufandHarquebufiers,andfourethoufand Pikes, and Halberdiers, who were Commanded by twelve Captaines ( having five hundred a piece) under fix Collonels ; While to draw the People voluntarily to fupport this Charge, the King exempted the Gentry from the fer- vice they owed the Crown, by reafon of their Tenures and Fees, and the Roturier or Pefant from all Impofitions, faving twenty Sols apeice. Many good Ordinances alfo were made for the entertaining and order ing this Militia, Neither did the King mifdoubt that the putting of Armes into fo many of his Subjects hands would redound to his prejudice, or the People feare that their liberty fliould be op- preft thereby. So that it gave not only fecurity at home, but reputa tion abroad 5 All which was done, while the Empcrour prepared for a Voyage to Tunis, the Relation whereof alfo, I fhall fet down in its due place. This yeareupon the 26th of September, Pope Clement the VII took his end, For as he had been troubled long, with a weaknefTe in his Sto- mack, which his Phyfitian Curtio advis'd him to Remedy by change of Dyet, fo being not able in an infirme State to fuffer fuch an altera tion, he funke under his Difeafe and dyed. This Pope was one, whp having prov'd the variety of good and ill Fortune, more than any other of his forr, had learn'd at la ft to make ufe of all ; Hee was hap py in his Interviews, as returning ever with fome advantage, without that the committ ing himfelfe to the power of thofe puiflant Princes whomhe met ? did diminifhhis Authotity, ia a time when they wan ted neither will nor occafion to bring it lower. Hee was a paffionate lover of the advancement of his Family, for which purpofe alfo, hee fometimes chang'd the whole face of the Affairs of Europe. His Ri ches were rathet in Jewells than money, as being more proper to dip pofeunto therhhe affefted. Hee was provident enough in condud- ing all Affairs where Armes did not Intervene, but withall fo time- rous Of Henry the Eighth. rous, that it was reproached to him. The Hiftorians of thofe times Ibefides Notehimtohave been of little Faith. Both which proper ties (eeme the mote credible that he fo often varied in his Treaties without King. Infomuch that he may be thought for more than one Reafon ro have wilfully loft him.Inro this Place fncceeded Ale/andro of the houfe of the /^/z*//, as being by a full Conclave immediately 1534. Chofen, neither did his Age being 67. exempt him while every one thus might hope in his turne to fuccecd. Which opinion alfo hee fo cunningly entertain'd, as he was thought to have ufed fome Art to make himfelfe thought ftill more fickfy than he was. Our King who ftill fufpe&ed that the Pope and Enbperour had their Defigns upon him, did now labour every where to hinder them, and ftrengthen himfelfe. For which purpofe alfo this occjiion was given, Frederic King otDenmarke dying about this time, and leaving theCtown in competition between his Son Chriftian(yet a child) and Frederic Count Palatine, who had married Dorothie, elder Daughter toCbriftiern 1 1, and the Emperours Sifter, the Lubekers and rtam- burghersoifer'dour Kingforthefumm^of 100000 Crown? to make a King in that Country which fhould be at his devotion, and thereby exclude the Intereft which the Em perour or his Neece had to that Crowne. Concerning which our Kingtaking advice with his Coun- fell, It was thought fit to ptopofe the bufinefle ro Francis, both that our King might experiment his aflfcclion, ( which he had hreJv found cold ) and eafe himfelfe ofthe charge, the halfe whereof therefore hee defir'd Francis to fupport. Bur what anfwer Francu return'd, appears not, only I find by a Dutch- Hi ftory, chat a great fumme of mouey, was lent by our King, whereupon alfo they proceeded in their warre, which yet at la ft being com pos'd, our King demanded Repayment, The Lord D acres of the North ( on the ^th of July as our Hifto- rianshaveit) was Arraigned at weftminfter of High^Treafon, but as the princi pall WitnefTes procfuced againfthim by his accufers ( Sir Ralpt} Fenwifk and one Muf grave ) were fome mean and provoked Scottiflvmen,fohis Peeres acquitted him, as believingthey not only f poke malicioufly, but might be eafily fuborned againft him, who as one ( having been Warden ofthe Marches ) by frequent Inroads had done much harme in that Country. And thus efcapcd that Lord to his no little honour, and his Judges, as giving example thereby how 'Perfons of great quality, brought to their Tryall, are not fo necctfa- rily condemn'd, but that they iometimes may fcape, when they ob- taine an equall Hearing. The r ith ofjfagAfI, this yeare, our King,as hee was watchfull over the voice and affeSion of .his People, fo for the finding out how they would rake his Define of putting dovvne Religious Houfcs, began with the remove of fome. And therefore furprefled at Greenwich, Canterbury Richmont, and orher ptaces the Obfetvant Fryars noted to be the moft clamorous againft Him, and for them fubftituted the Auguftines, placing the Obfcrvants again in the Room ofthe Gray Fryars, as fome have it 5 though others mention not OClob.i i. Bcwbcr. May July Spied. The Life an JUM i. Records. June 17. Sept. n. not this latter Exchange 5 Which paflages though of no great mo ment, in regard of that which followed^ our King was glad to find no worfe interpreted, fince they ferved to eftablifh his Authority. I (hall come now to the Lawes Enaded in the Parliament held Wovemt>.$. this yeare, which were important, and fuch asteftified the great refped and awe born by our Nation unto their King* The firft was to this eifed. That albeit the King was Supreme Head of the Church in England^ and fo recognifed by the Clergy of this Realm in their Convocations, yet for more corroboration there of as alfo for extirping all errours, herefies, and abufes of the feme 5 It was Enaded that the King his Heirs and Succeflburs, Kings of Eng land^ fhould be accepted and reputed the Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England. ( called Ecclefa Anglicana, ) And have and injoy ifnited and annexed to the Imperiall Crowa of this Realme af- wellthe Title and Stile thereof, as all Honours, Dignities, Preemi nences, Jurifdidions, Privileges, Authorities, Immunities, Profits, and Commodiries to the faid dignity of Supreme Head of the fame Church belonging or appertaining. And that our faid Soveraigne Lord his Heirs and Succeflours, Kings of this Realme, fhall have full power and Authority from time to time, to vi fit and Reprefle, re- dreiTe, reforme, order, correct, reftrain and amend, all fuch errours, he relies, abufes, offences, contempts, and enormities,whatfoever they be, which by any manner of Spirituall Authority or Jurifdidion ought or may lawfully be reformed, repreffed, ordered, redrefled, cor- reded, retrained, or amended moft to the pleafure of Almighty God, theencreafeof Vertue in Chrifts Religion, and for the confervation of the Peace, Unitie, and tranquility of this Realme, any ufage, cu- ftome, forreigne Lawes, forreigne Authority, prefcription, or any thing or things to the contrary hereof not with (landing. Which Ad, though much for the manutention of theRegall Authority, feem'd yet not to be fuddenly approved by our King, nor before hee had confulted with his Counfell (who rtiewed him precedents of Kings of England, that had ufed this power ) and with his Bifhops, who having difcufled the Point in their Convocations, Declared, That the Pope had no JurifHidion warranted to him by Gods word in thisKingdome, Which alfo was feconded by the Univerfiries, and* by the fubfcriptions of the feverall Colleges, and Religious-houies fb farre as they bound their Succeflburs thereunto. The particulars whereof are to be feen in our Records. Howfoever,the BufinefTe was both publiquely controverted in forreigne Countries, and defended here by many at this prefent, while they produced Arguments for re- jeding the Popes Authority, and together maintained it neceffary, that fuch a power fhould be extant in the Realme for fupporting and ftrengthning of the Religion profefled in it, and excluding the Imper tinent and .ill-grounded Reformations of many Sedaries of thcfe times. The Arguments of all which, may be feen in the Kings Booke Devera differ entiaRegi*, & Ecclepaftic* Poteflattf (which we have formerly Of Henry the Eighth. ormerly mentioned ) as being Printed, and Publifhed on this Occa- , i <; 54. ion 5 Whence alfo the learned Bilhop Andrew in his Tortura 70m', ' eemes to have drawn divers AflTertions of the Regall Authority, to vhich therefore the curious Reader may have further recourfc. It was alio declared Treafon to attempt, Imagine or fpeake evill gainft the King, Queen, or his Heirs, or to attempt to deprive them f their Dignity or Titles. Alfo, that no Traitor fhall have benefit of Sanduary. And though ic be outoftheRealme, yet upon Comroiflion given by the King or his Trvall, if he be found guilty by the Jury 3 the Law (hall pro ceed againft him, as effedually, as he were prefent. An Ad alfo made the laft Parliament for an Oath to be taken by all the Kings fubjeds for the furety of the Succeflion by Queen Anns Yas now Confirmed, and the Oath prefcnbcd, for the more validating vhcreof alfo, it was declared that all former Oaths concerning Suc- ceffion taken by the Kings fubjeds, fliould be reputed thenceforth ain and annihilated. That to wards the Augmentation, maintenance and defence of the Kings Royall Eftate and Dignity of Supreme Head, the Firft-fruits of all Benefices, Dignities, Offices,cbv, Spirituall,fhall be paid to his -ttghnefle. As alfo a yearly Revenue, being the Tenth part of all fuch Livings ( the Prior and the Brethren of St.Johxs of Jerufalem not excepted.) Whereas alfo it was doubted, left in thefe troublefome times fome Commotion might follow in this Kingdome, and that particularly wales, as being a ftrong and faft Country might be a refuge for ill affeded Pcrfons, and the rather that there were fo many Lordfhips Marches in thofc parrs (the feverall Lords whereof having ampler power than they now enjoy, did proted Offenders flying from one pi ace to the ot her ) Divers Lawes were enaded againft Perjuries, Murders, Felonies in wales ^ Paffage over Scverne alfo at unlawful! times was prohibited, and Clerkes convid in WAlas, y not to be releafed till they found Sureties for their good abearing. Notwithftanding which, the yeare following upon mature deliberation, wales was uni ted and incorporated totally unto the Crown of England, it being thought better to adopt that People into the fame forme of Govern ment with the Englifl^than by keeping them under more fevere and ftrid Lawcs than others in the Ifland were fubjed unto, to hazard the alienating of their affedions. An Adalfb was made, declaring by whom, and in what manner Bifbops Suffragans (liould be nominated and appointed, and what their Authority and Privileges fhould be. And thus after a free and Generall Pardon from the King, enaded, the Parliament was prorogued. The Ad of Supremacy being thus pafled,the King proceeded more confidently to abolifti by Proclama tion, tbe Popes Authority out of his Kingdomc, and eftablifh his own, the Dodrine whereof hee commanded not only to be often Preached The Life an \ 1535- Feb. 10. 1535- 1535- Record. Preached in the moft frequent Auditories, but taught even to little children, injoyning further that the Popes name fhould be razed out of all books, his Refolution being after this time to treat with him no otherwife than as an ordinary Bifhop, In fequence whereof alfo, nee not only proceeded with an high hand again ft all the oppofers of his Supremacy, ( as fhallbe related in its due place) but accepted a vo luntary Oath or promife, under their hands and Scale from his Bi- jfhops, declaring their acknowledgement of the fame, together with Renunciation of the Popes pretended Authority, and any Oath or promife made to him heretofore. The forme of this Oath or promifc given by Stephen Gardiner Bifhop of wincheffier^ Fe&r.iQth, 1535 may be feen in Fox, to which we remit the Reader. IN the beginning of this yeare Philip Chabot Seigneur de Bryan, Ad miral! of France, being feat to our King, acquainted him how the Count of J\TajJan> had been on the Emperours part with the King hi Mafter, and among other Overtures of agreement, propofed to him two Marriages; to which yet he would returne no anfwer withou our Kings advice. One, was betwixt the Dolphin and the Princeflc Mary our Kings Daughter ( which alfo B ellay mentions, adding that notwithstanding, the inftances which Francis made, the Emperour would not declate his further intentions herein ; ) the Other was be twixt the Emperours Sonne and the French Kings youngeft Daugh ter. To which points as alfo fome others here following, our King commanded his Agents in France to return this anfwer. That he mar- vaild much at the Emperours malice, in medling with things which belong'd not to him $ and therefore defired Francis to furceafe this Treaty, fince hee knew well enough how to keep his Daughter out oJ the Emperours reach. Secondly, he commanded them to tell Francis that the Emperours intention ( Notwithstanding all his promifes) was to divide him firft from his League with England, and afterwards difappoint him for though he had understood by the faid Bryon, that the Emperour upon fome conditions hadoffer'd to Francis ( for one of his Sonnes ) a Penfion of a hundred thoufand Crownes, payable yearly out of the Dutchy oMilan f and Milan it felfe after the death of -S/brsd, hee defired him to give no credit to fuch improbabilities. And, here, I muft obfervethat Bel/ay who fpeaksof the Penfion,faith nothing of the Dutchy it felfe, fo that it may be that Bryon ftretched this point. And whereas the faid Bryon had told him thefe things fhould be Treated of by the two Sifters, Queen Leonora, Wife to Francis, and Mary, the Widow of Hungary, (now Regent of the Low- Countries, who, IfindbytheSpanifh Hiftory did afterwards meet at Cambray} Hee thought hee difparag'd this BufinefTe, to commit it to Women. After*hefc points, and fome others ( which as they fol lowed not, I fpare to reherfe ) he commanded them to intreat Francis to procure a Revocation of the Cenfuresof Clement late Pope againft him. And to tell him, that he would fend CommifTioners fhortly to treat Of Henry the Eighth. ~"~ 183 treat of a March betwixt the Duke of Angoulefme ( his ihird fonne ) i o our Kings Daughter, which (hould bee more advantageous than the Emperours Offer. Whereupon,this year in May, our King who knew there was no fo good way, to prevent the danger on the part of Seotland^ as by taking off the French, and be- fides would have been glad that the Popes Cenfures were retraced, tent the Duke of Norfolke, the Bi(hop of Ely, Sir William Fit*,- VVilliam, and Do&or Foxjo Treat with the French Kings Commif (loners, being Phil/pCha6ot Admirzll, aad Guillaumt de Poyet after wards Chancellour of France, to this effeft, as I find by their Inftru- ftions. To require Francis together with hisChikken, as alfb his Spitituall and Temporall Nobility, to enter into bond to revoke the Cenfures given at Rome,( which I conceive had his Original from fome propofi- tion which Francis made of Reconcilement with the Pope.) That hee, lis Nobility and Univerfities fliould declare the late Marriage to bee ^ >od, and bind themfelves to maintain the fame, which if granted, then to proceed to the Treaty of Marriage, upon certain conditions, whereof thefe are the Principall. That all former Treaties (hall (land in force. That when the Par ties came to fufficient years they fliould ratifie the Marriage* That Monpeur de Angoulefme (hould be prefently fenc to our King to bee brought up in England. That if hee fucceeded to the Crovrne, the Dutchy of Angoulefme (hould be free from homage ro the French Kings. That he (hould not change the Lawes of the RealtjSe,and that fufHcient fecurity and caution (hould be given for this purpofe, -But fome of thete being thought to be high demands, our King Tent ihort- ly after George Bolen Lord Rock ford with power to modi he and aJJ; fome points, yet foas Hee infiftcd ftiil, Francis (hould bind hifnfelfe and his three fons to revoke the Cenfures. And to declare,that it was enough if the Duke of Angoulefme came hither when the Efpoufalh were to bemade. At lad by third InftruAions our King faid, he was content to accept the fingle Bond of Francis for Revocation of the Cenfures, and that he was pleas'd chat the Duke of Angoulefme c ime fix Moneths ogly before the compleat Marriage. To the firft of which points tne French Commiffioaers agreed, but the latter they refus'd, affirm ing that it was fufficient, if the young Duke came to confummatethe Marriage.This while SirjW; Wallop (Ambaffader in F/-j#ace,and redeliver their Children. Being thus departed from Dublin. 5 two daies after, Sir William Skejington arriving on the coaft of Jr eland with his Army, afalfe Report came, that the City was yeelded, whereupon a Ctiun- fell of Warre being aflembled, the refoltition was, that/06* Salisbu ry and Sir William Brereton ( two of the Captaines newly come over) (hould be fent to Dublin with fome Forces being about five hundred men, to relieve it ( if k were poflible, ) and that the Lord Deputy {hould fet fayle for waterford, where, about the fame time, Sir John. Saintlo, and Sir nice Manfell, landed with five hundred Sculdicrs; who, jovning with the Earle otOjJorey, fpoiled the Country of Kil dare ; While Brereton and Salisbury comming, during the afotcfaad Truce, enter 'd the Town without any difficulty, where alfo they re- folvedto proceed hoft illy again ft Kildare, as having during this re- fpite, deftroycd fome part of the Country adjoyning, contrary to his Prornife. While Affaires palled thus, the Generalls on either fide made ufe of the time. For as Kilt/are fent to the Emperou? for ob taining fupplies, ( in which bufinefTe a fervantof the Earle of Def- moneL) in whom the Emperour had a fpeciall confidence, was ern- ploy'd ) fo the Lord Deputy ( being now come to Dublin ) Treatec with the Nobility, to difcover their Affedion, as not knowing, other- wife, how to forme a Party amongft them, on which he might rely. For which purpofe alfo he thought it not amide to conclude a Trace with Kildare, untill the fifth of January. Kildare in the meane time incouraging his Souldiers with hope of Succours from Spaiw. The aiTurance whereof being brought him by the Earle of Defmond's fer- vant, He forgot not to write unto the Pope, complaining of our Kings defe&ion from ttc Roman Catholique faith, and together de- firing that he might hold the Kingdome of Jreland from that See upon payment of a yearly Tribute. In thefe uncertainties 3 Sir John Allen Knight/ormerly Secretary to the Arch-Bifhopof.D&///z,now Mafter of the Rolls there, a dexterous Perfon, gave the King this ad vice j That he (hould quickly publifh,whether he would Pardon Kil- dare, and fo fave charges, or otherwife profecute warre againft him 5 fince he faid, that untill this were declared, the Gentry of Jreland durft not oppofe Kildare ; as fearing that when he were reftored, hee would Revenge himfelfe on all thofe who oppos'd him. In the mean while, the Earle of Defmo&d dying, leaves his Eftate Litigious be twixt his Brother and Grand-chiW.The Truce nowexpiring s our Ar- my(which took fome few places at their firft landing^arkimade fome H^it skirmifties,) lay idle for the moft part. Infomuch that having gotten Kildare Caftle, they fuffer'd it to b? loft again . At M,being comman- Of Henry the Eighth. commanded to proceed, the Lord Deputie in March following, took Maynotb or Mynwob Caftle oaely fortified and defended by a hundrec of the chiefeft fervants and fouldiers oKi/d*re. Which place ourRe- cords fay was gotten by Battery & Afifault/othat #//// Wfeemi to be miftaken when he writes it was betrayed by one /^r^Fofter-Bro ther to Fitz-gerald^ the Garrifon being by him made drunke,the nigh preceding, and that for this Trcachene, in ftead of Reward, the De putie commanded him to be hanged* And further our Records eel us, that one of the faid Garrifon depofed,that the Emperour had pro- mis'd to fend thither 10000 Men, but that the King of Scots had aflii- red them of Ayd ; Armes in the mean time being brought in a great quantity from Flanders^ and other places. Some defeats alfo were gi ven to thofe Troopes of the Rebel Is which appear'd . Neverthelefle as they daily increafed, and Skejington was old, weak and (low in all his Enterprises, the Lord Leonard Gray ., Brother to the Marquis Dorfet, though allyed to Kildare^ was ( under the Duke of Richmont, who dyed fhortly after ) Authorized to execute the Place of Deputy Lieu tenant in Ire land to the no little griefe and difconrentment of Skef- firtgton. Whereof Kildare being advcrtis'd, and for the reft finding himfelfe reduced to fome neceflity, by the delay of the Emperour,and uncertainty he found in fome of his Complices, thought fit to yeeld himfelfe to the Kings Mercy, yet fo as the Lord Gray together with the other Commanders promis'd to intercede effectually with the King in his behalfe. Which I find they perform 'd, and particularly the Lord Gray, whofe Sifter the old Earle had Married. And thus Kildare was brought by the Lord Gray to London^ and his five Un cles not long after, where, upon examination, the bufinefTe being found to merit pun ifliment, they were at laft Executed. Notwith- ftanding the earneft mediation of the Lord Gray and others. And now thefe troubles of Ireland being ended, our King commanded the De puty to make Peace with O AW* for a yeareor two, and together to fummon a Parliament , both for giving order to thofe grievances whereof the Iri(h complained, and for fettling the BufinefTe of Su premacy and Succeflion, in that forme it waseftablifti'd in England. Whereupon it was aflembled ^fcfay i. 1536. And in it the A&s of Succeflion,of Supremacy, of Firft Fruits, Againft Appeals to Rome^ &c. as alfo an Aft for the Attainder of the late Earle of Kildare and' his Complices were paffed. And becatffe the King had fpent in this Warre forty thoufand pounds, he demanded together with a prefent fatisfa&ion for his charges, a yearly Revenue for the future, which the Lords Spirituall and Temporall accorded in great part, the Cler gy particularly giving him a twentieth part of their yearly Rents, firft for ten years following, and at laft forever. And thus the Parliament was prorogued till the year following. The Supremacy being ( as is above-faid ) Invefted in the King, by the Approbation of his Parliament. The Univerfities and Bifliops of this Kingdomc did not a little fecmd him ; ( And particularly s . Yy 3 Stephen '535- ifjf. March zj. June US Augutf. 1*37- Fefr.j. Moj i. that they (hall obferve and kecpe inviolably the firft eight Councills, that Decree a limited power to all Bifhops, and particularly the firft Councill of Constantinople, which both excludes forreigne Jurifdidion every where, and allowes _ __ Bifhops Of Henry the Eighth. Bifhops within their feverall DJoceffes, an abfolute power to deter mine Con trover fi es arifing within their Precin&s; And together fhewes how the Papall Authority was firft derived from the Empe- roursof thofe time*, and not from Chrift, \vhofe Ktngdome they faii was Spirituall and not Carnall ; fetting forrh this do^ine further by Arguments drawn from Holy .Scrtptures and fome Patters, But to return to 15 35. Neither the Example of others which fubfcribed,nor the Terrour of the Statute could hinder divers Religious Peifom ta continue in their former Opinions. Infomuch,that they openly fpake again ft the Kings Supremacy. Which being made known 5 caufed himtoadvife with hi sCounfcll concerning their punifhmenf, Some indeed thought that Imprifonment, Bariifhment, or the like, was chaftiftment enough for thofe, who confe fifing the Kings Supreme Authority in all Temporal! matters, did our of fcttipulofity, rather than Malice impugne the reft. But when it was objected, again, both that the Number was too great for either of thofe punifhrrients, and that the Law having made theOffence to be death,it was not fafe to go Icfle, efpecialiy when fame exemplary Juftice might contain the reft in Obedience. Our King vrho needed now no motive to feverity, re- fblved to proceed Legally againft them. Therefore fome Priors, and other Ecclefiafticall Perfcrfis, that were crirfiiriill iff this kind, being found guilty oE the Statute, and this year condemned, as Trairours wet e executed, being the fir ft that foffered in this kind . This piece of Juftice wasnotyetgrownfo familiar to our King, but that it trou bled him mucfc, for he would have beeri glad not ro becompell'd to fuch violent courfes Therefore hee not only mourned inwardly, but caufed his head to be Polld, and his Beard formerly (haven, to be cut round, though others facetioufly interpret it to bs nothing elfe, than the putting upon a r,e;v Dignity, a new countenance ; But if hce pro ceeded rhus ngoroufly againft the Oppofersof his Supremacy, he did no leite punifh the many pfetended Reformers or Contradictors oi the Roman Catholique Religion. Therefore, asthelaftyeareheehad condemned John Frith a Sacramentary lothe fire, fo hee now caufed i divers Hollanders in London, who haddevifed fome different Opini- by themfclve*, concerning certain Articles of Chriftian Religion, '55* Sandtrs Scbifm.Angl. to be burnt in Smith field. Shortly afrer which, again, fome others were executed for denying the Supremacy. So that on both fides it grew a bloody time. Only, as our King found the terrours already (liven, did not fuffice to keep the reft in awe, he refolved to make fome g.-ear Examples. T here fore, he lavd Hand on JobxFifher Bifhop of Rocbefter^ who having been imprifoned now a years fpace, for refufing to fWeare to the Aft of Succeffton, and attainted therefore by Parliament, was n^vv urged with the Supremacy Which" hee difallowing ( as having not given his voluntary Oath or prrmife'thereontcytlie fail yeare, to gether with other Bifhops ) incurred the danger of the Law. Which alfo was taken the worfc, that in the Convocation 1550. hee had _ _ ycelded May zf. June \ 8. Nov. i 53 4. The Life and^eigne May ax. lujg/t ^^. yeelded the Title of Supremum Caput Ecelep* Anglican* quantum per Cht ifti L egem licet. Yec as the Pope for more confirming him in his Opinion, had declared him Gardinall of St.ftta/e during his faid re* ftraint ( though he profefled that if the Hat lay at his Feec, he would not ftoop to take it up.) So our King underftanding thereof was much more incenfed, both as the Pope had conferr'd his moft eminent ho nours on a Man kept by him in Pnfon, and guilty of the higheftpu- nifhment his Lawes could infli&, and as hee knew of what confe- quenceitwouldbe,if his fubjecb were thus incourag'dto contemne his Authority : Therefore hee refolved now to deferre his Juftice no longer. Whereupon, the faid Bifhop as publikely convifted and con demned for divers points ( the particulars whereof, yet I have not feen ) but only that on the feventh of May laft in the Tower of Lon don before divers Perfbns, Hee had faIfly,Maliciou{ly and Traiterouf- ly faid, That the King is not Supreme head of the Church of Eng land^ was by the Kings command openly beheaded the 22th of June 1535. Thus did the Popes favour but precipitate the Bifhops Ruine 5 againft whom not with ftanding, I find, the King did but unwillingly proceed, as having held him ever in fingular efteem, for his learning and good parts; All which cannot make me believe yet, that hee was Author of King Henry's Book againft Luther ( as Sander* and Bellar- mine will have it ) or Sir Thomof More ( as others fay) though I doubt not but they might both revife it by theKings favour,and where it was needfull alfo interpofe their Judgement. This while, the Pope, who fufpeded not perchance that theBiftiops end was fo neere, had for more Teftimony of his favour to him, as difaffe&ion to our King, fenthimtheCardinallsHatt, but unfeafonably, his head being off. Neverthelefle, as he had firft defired Francis to mediate for him, hee omitted not afterwards publikely to Juftifiehis Aftions, calling him by the name of SanBijfimwE pi fcopui^and omnium Cardinalium Car- dinalis, and declaring, ( in a Breve fubfcribed by BlofiM ( as I find ir, Briefly mentioned in our Records, extraded by Sanders, and extant in the Bullarium.) Of which hereafter ) both that he was Innocent, and our King an Heretique,cv. But this again was defended in an Apo- ogie written here in Elegant Latine, Whether by Stephen Gardiner ( who as I find in our Records wrote a Juftification of the Kinghere- "n) or fome other 5 Which I fhould have inferred but for the length, and as fome would judge it for the vehemency. Though, as the King retained ftill all the chiefe Articles of the Roman Church, it cannot wondred if the Author thereof did the more bitterly inveigh a- inft one that had given his Soveraigne that odious Title. Our King being thus many wayes exafperated againft the Pope, negle&ed no meanes of extirpating his chiefe Agents and Favourours, and, with them, all his Authority in this Country ^ Therefore he pro ceeded againft Sir Thomas More, committed at the fame time, and for the fame caufe, with Fijher. For though ( as Sanders faith ) he would >y the Biftiop of Rochifter's exemplary death have brough 'More to a conformity. Of Henry the Eighth. conformity, yet finding that it was impoffible, hee commanded his Counfellin the La\v to examine htm concerning the Supremacy (now enacted )more particularly. But Sir Thorny Mort 3 (as his In- diftraent hath it ) m&litiafe filebat, faying yet afterwards, I will not meddle with fuch matters. Hee was accufed alfo for holding fccret intelligence by Letter with the Biftiopof Rochester, during their Iifl- prifonraent ; which appear 'd both by the confeflion of the faid Bi- hop, and that they held the fame language. It being obferv'd that oth of them faid, in their Examinations, the A& about the Supre- emacy was like a two edg'd fword, for if one anfwer one way, it vill confound his Soule, and if the other way, it will confound his Sody. Yet Richard Rich the Kings Sollicitor ( made afterwards Lord ift) comes to him again, and having firft protefted that hee had no ommiffion to talke with him of that matter, (as believing per chance his famier Anlwer, or filence had fufficiently convinc'd him,) did, as is in the Record, demand then, if it were ena&ed by Parlia ment, that Richard Rich fhould be King, and that it fhouJd be Trea- fon for any to deny k, what offence it were to contravene this A& ? Sir Thorny More anfwer 'd, that he fhould offend if hee faid no, be- caufe he was bound by the A 61; but that this was Cafus /rwVj W here upon, Sir Thomjt More faid hee would propofc a higher Cafe,fuppofe >y Parliament it were ena&ed qteod D eus nan fit D eus y and that it were Treason tocontravetie, whether it were an offence to fay according to thefaid Aft 5 Richard Rich replied yea ; but faid withal!, I will pro* pofe a middle Gate, becaufe yours is too high. The King you know is con ft itute Supreme head of the Church on Earth, why (hould not you Waller Afar? accept hinnfo, as you would roee if I were made Kirigbythefuppofitionaforefakl. Sir Thomas More Anfwer'd, the cafe was not the fame, becaufe ( faid hee) a Parliament can make a King and Depoie him, and that every Parliament-man may give his content thereunto, but that a Subje^ cannot be bound fo in the cafe of Supremacy, QttiaConfenfuw ab eo ad Parlamentum preing (it feemes; unwilling to greaten Franc e or Spaine therewith, eft afterwards himfelfe fhould not be fo able to fway the ballancc. Which I mention not, yet, as if it were probable to beeeffeded, or that our King fear'd any fuch attempt, as long as hee flood. upon good terraes with his fubje&s, but that by ftrengthning himfclfe in Germa ny, hee might the better chaftife that Perfon, who upon the Popes [ncouragement durft undertake the Enterprife. I doe find alib, that the French King, did concurre in this Treaty with the Proteftants, 5oth,as upon the death of Po$eCkre#t, the chiefe fupport of the *reat Defigne in Italy did foil,' and as Hee began to give fome eare to the Evangeliques in Germany, as appeals by his fending for Melanch' ton, and other PafFages in Stetdan, which I fhall hereafter fet downe. Howfoever, our King as he found that vrith no Jittk afperity Ree maintained his Authority at home, (b hee thought his care fhouldbe the greater to Juftifie it abroad. Iftfemuch that hee fent unto all places, ( where hee held correfpondence ) to give, together with an account of his Actions, the reafon why he had taken- on him the Su premacy. Therefore, Dodof mftiaM Barlow the Kings Chaplame, and Ele Brother of St.dfaph being Joyn'd in Comcniffion with Thomas Holcroft to James, labour'd to give him all manner of Im- prefllons, which might bring him to a conformity^ Which Bucha nan alfo mentions, faying that James was intreated to Read over their Arguments, and cofifider them. Not with ftanding which, as they were referr'd by him to his Ckrgie, fo ( as, the fame Author hath it ) they together with fome learned Men, whom our King offe red to fend, for further Declaration of this point, were for the pre- Tent reje&ed. Which againe, being advertis'd to our King, Hee thought fit fuddenly to employ the Lord trilliam Howard, Brother to the Duke ottftrfolke, and the faid Bifhop, to James, to make him divers advantageous Proportions, and withalko dra,w him to an In terview. Whereunto, therefore, being prefTed by them, and the ra ther that it was in fequenceofa former Proportion; James, who had no difpofition thereunto, fent fas our Ambafladours write) to procure by a private MefTenger, a Breve from the Pope, inhibiting this Journey, fo that untill the receipt thereof he was forc'd to make other excufes ; by which, yet, I find hee denyed not a meeting with ou '53 5- The Life an May ^. our King, but defir'd him, only, "it might be in France , and the French King prefent, as hoping, thereby ( it feemes ) to be lefle con- Xrain'd, then if hee came (ingle into our Kings Dominions 5 All which, as ic did but increafe our Kings Jealouile of his Nephewes* intentions ( for heeexpe&ed Warre from many hands, as the Pope lad threatned ) fo hee endeavoured but fb much more to draw him on iis fide, as knowing of what confequeoce it was, to keepe his King- dome fafe on that part; and therefore, labour'd ftill, not only to in duce him to abrogate the Papall Jurifdiftion in his Dominions, but madefome other Overtures; both of Creating him for the prefent. Duke of Torke ( as Buchanan hath it ) and for leaving him Succeflbr in this Kingdome,in cafe hee conform 'd himfelfe for the reft. But his Clergie ( however Qiieen Margaret had given hope thereof) be ing utterly averfe, diflwaded him ; yet fome operation I find it fee- med to have. For by an Qriginall Difpatch in May following 15 \6. James certified our King, that he .had fent to Rome to get impetrati- ons for reformation of fome enormities, and efpecially, anent the or dering of great and many pofleflions,and Temporall Lands given to the Kirkeby our noble Predeceflburs. To which as our King not on ly gave credit, but a fafe condud to the Mefleneer, as was defired, fo Hee feem'd to receive fome fatisfa&ion, and together hopeJ, hee would not, at leaft, fo foone bee drawne to aflift his enemies 3 and, therefore, forbore a while to follicite this point, purfuing, neverthe- leife, the propofed Interview, but more flackly then before, but James had other Defignes,as fhall be told the yeare following. Our King finding thus, that bufinefles were fafe on this part, pro ceeded more confidently in his Intentions of fuppreffing, together with the Popes Authority; all thofe who chiefly far/ported it. And, becaufe hee thought Monafteries, did furniflh more able Men to con- teft with him in this point, then any pajrt elfe, hee advifed how to proceed with therri . Whereupon^ one faid thus. SIR, IF in all Affaires, betwixt your HighnelTe, and any elfe, at home, * or abroad, it be the part of a Counfellour to give a free and impar- tiall advife. I {hall, under favour, crave the fame liberty in thofe things that intervene betwixt Gfod and your HighnefTe, both becaufe the duty wee owe unto that fupreme Majefty is tranfcendent, and that generall and publike Errours committed againft him, are of a more pernicious confluence then any elfe. In confidence of Pardon, ther- fore,I fball prefumeto opine concern ing the bufinefle of Monafte- riesnow in queftion. SIR, if it were firft propos'd now, whether it werefittoeredthem,Imuft confefTe Ifhould give my Aftent, not yet that I fhould allow any exceffive number, of perchance approve all the rules obferved in them. But wholly to exclude fo pious a re- trait for men unapt for Secular bufinefle, or otherwife retir'd from the World, were, in my conceit, to leave thofe unprovided for, who of all O/ Henry the Eighth. 197 all ocher were moft proper in a devout life to fcrve and glonfie their Creator. There is in ray opinion, therefore, a due place left for Mo- nafteries ; yet, when they grow to that multitude, that either the juft >roportion they (hould bearc in a State, is exceeded, or that, in effeft, hey fhould become a Receptacle only for lazie and idle Perfons, I liould chink fit to apply fome convenient remedy. But Sir,who fhall *ive it ? for if wee referre all unto the Pope, how could we ever hope of a moderation, efpecially while they are but Rerraits for fo ma ny fervants entertaind for him at other Mens cofts. And if your iighnefle { efpecially fince you have taken upon you the Supremacy) {hould fuppreflfe them, what a fcandall would follow ? for who would think Sir, athomeorabroid^ that yourHighnefTeexercis'd your new charge therein, as you ou^ht, or com plyed with your place? Againe Sir, what a wrong would it be, to the Founders of them, who had as much right to give fome of thir lands to that ufe, as their Heirs have to enjoy the reft ?. would they not fay this were to trench on the pub- ikdy right, and up fruftrate whatfoever either Divine or Humane LaweshaveeftabiiArd? Therefore, Sir, be pleas'd not to thinke fo much of their owthrow, as Reformation, Or if there be occasion to fapprefle fome,aj? boifig fupernwnerary, yet fince they are houfes de dicated CD God, be pleas'd, by all means, to convert the profit arifing thenoe, *s> fome other pious ufc, and hovvfbever,to referve a fufficicnt number in ewetty Shire for either Sex 5 and fo (hall your Highnefle aK&rtJG&cufe aMOWoquie, arid (together manifeft tbe care you have to beepiupthofeaatifiot Monuments of Devotion. To vrhich atiotber, who better underftood the Kings Mind Fans T, Aafwered thus. OrinoTe^asIam4nforin''d. I^all not yet bee hafty to fupprefTe itHem. I icoifeffeall true which wa now faid, And doe not only ^Urivrt the^piecyof tbeir lnftmitin, but the ufe that nvay be made of fome fcw;ai>tiwdori three, in -every Shire. Neither, fa all I ever con- ^Rttthatttiomniouldhe foppteft then were need full, and yet the mo ney employ 'ol:$r youa: BiglmdTe moft -urgent 'Occafions only. The Z z Super- The Lif 5 3 5- Records. . T Supernumerary part of them and your Forrefts being by me held like Jewels of your State,which though they yeeld not ready coine, may ever be converted to it. I (hould for this reafon ( when there were ho other ) conferve them as much as were poflible. But Sir, when I con- fider again, how the Pope or Biftiop of .Rome ( as your Highneflc commands him to be call'd) hath threatned to joyne all Chriftian Princes againft your Highneffe,and that inthefc Monafteries, henou rifhes a Seminary of famous Perfons that oppofe your Supremacy And what Inftruments they may be of ftirring fedition in your High- nefTe Kingdome, at the fame time that fome forreigne Power fhouk invade it, I cannot but wifh fomc good order were given. I fhoulc thmke fit therefore they wereinftantly Vifited, and thofe who were unable to keep the Vowes they made at their entrance, to b,e permit ted to go to fome more Active life, and the vices of the reft, not only chaftifed, but care taken to punifh thofe who henceforth fpeak or be have rhcmfelves licentioufly. And, fo farre forth, your HighnefTe will but make lawfull ufe of your Supremacy. As for the fupprefli^ on of any, not I,bjt fome violent and inexcufable neceflity muft bee the Counfellour. If your Highnefle have any other way to defenc your felfeagainft the threat'nedlnvafions, I {hafl never advife you to this-, And yet that no further then to bring your Eftate to a juft temper Our King considering the reafons on both fides, faid, hee woulc caufe the Monafteries to be feverely vifited,and the enormous Crimes of them, ( having 6een formerly rather fubjed to Pecuniary Mul&s, then corrected as they ought) to be examplarily puniftied, arid a refor mation given to all abufes, Protefting neverthelefle, that hee woul( fuppre(Te none, without the confentof his Patliament, among whorn^ he did policiquely forefee, that fome for confcience fake, (the Ro man Religion being now, much cryed down ; and others for avoyding the Charges of the warre ( then menaced ) would /boner lay the bur den on thofe Monafteries, then take it on themfelves whereof in its due place. And now Cromwell the Secretary, a man fo difaffedted to thofe houfes, as He was thought a favourer of the Reformers, being made General Vifitor,em ploycdRichard Layton, Thomas L eghjyilliam D etre^ Dolors of the Law, Do&or John London, Deane of w Ailing- ford^ with others giving them Inftru&ions in 86 Articles, forVifi- ting Monafteries every where 5 by which, they were to enquire into the Government, behaviour, and education of the perfons of both Sexes. To find out all their Offences, and to this purpofe given them incouragements ro accufe both their Gdvernours and each other. To command them to exhibite their Mortmains Evidences, and convey ances of their Lands i To produce their Plate and Money, and give an Inventory thereof. Together with which the King gave forth In- jnnftions to be obferved, fome tending to the eftablifliing of his Su premacy, fome touching the good Government of the houfes ; As that no Brother go out of the Precinft 5 That there be but one entrance 5 That no .-Woman frequent the Monkes, nor any Man the Nunries, C?Y. A nd fome for education, as, That a Divinity Lefture, be every Of Henry the Eighth. 199 pay .Read and frequented. That the Abhor- daily expound fome pare l - ^ * !bf the Rule of their Order, Shewing yet that thefe Ceremonies, are I jbut Introductions to Religion, which confifteth not in ApparelI 3 fha- ven heads,ev. but in purity ofmind.That none (hall profeffe or weare the habit till twenty foure years of age. Thar no feigned Reliques nor I Miracles be fhewed. No offrings to Images^*. Upon thefe and other Injun&ions, Joyned to the Inquifition afore- {aid, .the Commtffioners found means to make divers Monafteries ob noxious, for upon the Petition of divers Monkes who were weary of their Habit, fome alleging for their excufe, that they were profeffed before they came to the years of difcretion 5 Others, that the late In- junftions were too ftrt to bee obferved ; the King feizing on the Honfe, commanded that they who were profefled under twenty foure flionld be fet at liberty, as being thought too young to make a Vow as cheyoughr, or indeed to keep it. That they who were above twenty foure, when they made their Vow 5 might have leave to depart if they would. At wtoh time, the men, if in Orders, lliould have a Priefts Habit/given thorn, and forty (hillings in money ; the Nunnes fhould have only a Gown, fuch as fccular Women ware, and liberty to goc whither they would. The condition yet of fome,being better, who for (Render ing their Houfes to the King ( to which by threats and faire words they were induced ) got fmall Pen (ions daring their Lives. Others, by piying great fummes to the King and Cromwell, redeemec tVn- Monafleries from the prefent calamity 5 Yet fo, as even from thefe al(Q, divers Jew ells ind Church-Ornaments were taken away to the Kings ufe. Which being done, Legh and the reft at their re- turn 3 gave that accompt of their employment,and particularly of their feigned Miracles and Reliques, afwell as (infull and (luggirfi life o the Religious Orders, as not only Cromwell with much violence faid their houles fhould be thrown down to the foundation, but the whole body oFthe Kingdome when it was published to them ( which I fine induftrioufly procured ) became fo fcandaliz'd thereat, as they refolv'c if the King ever put it into their hands, to give remedy thereunto, ye were not all alike Criminall ; For fome Societies behav'd thcmfelve fo well % as their life being nor only exempt from notorious fauJts,bu their t pare times beftowed in writing Books,Painting t Carving,Gra- ving, and the like exercifes, their Vifitors became IntercefTors for them. Bat of thofe as I find not many mention'd, fo they were in- volvM at laft in the Common Fare, it being thought dangerous to ufe diftind ion, both left the fault of Manners ( which might bee corre- &ed ) fhouldbe taken by the People as the folecaufe of their diifo- lution 5 and as it was pretended that the Revenues fliouid be em ploy J d to fome better ufes. Not long after which, again the King caufed all Colleges, Gantries, and Hofpitalls to be Vifited, not omitting to take a particular furvey of all the Revenues and Dignities Ecclefiafti- call within his Kingdome, which was return'd to him in a Book, to be kept in the Exchequer. Our King having thus omitted nothing which might prevent or Zz 2 fruftrat< 4oo The Ufe an 1*35. fruftrate their defignes who were moft able to offend him. thought it his part now, to affure thofe who might be of moft ufe. Therefore he fends Fox, Bifhop of Hereford to the Proteftant Princes in Germany, affembled at Smalcald^ to exhort them to an unitie in DoArine, wherein he offered his beft afliftance by conference wirh their Di vines, as being the only ground of eftabliftitng, either Peace at home, or correfpondence abroad ; That unleflTe this were done, it would bee a great prejudice to them in the Councill now propos d, which yet he took to be pretended only as an Invention and Artifice of the Popes to entertain time, and in the mean while to fow divifion among them, as he doth now incite Chriftian Princes againft England for rejecting his Tyranny. Therefore, they were not to exped a free Councell how much foever promifed, yet if they defired Gounfell they (hould attend till all Chriftian Princes were at Peace with each other 5 and that it ought to be held in an indifferent place, it being impoflible otherwife, but that it {hould be partiall and ra&ious.That this being done, as he had expelled the Popes Authority out of his Dominions, fo he would Joyn with them to reftore Gods true Wor- fhip. Andfo the Bifhop concluded, defiring only fome might be appointed to whom he might fpealc of thefe bufineffes privatly. To which after due thankes, they anfwer'd, that really there was no diffe rence among them, there being none who would not ftand to the AU.- guftan Confeflion : That they tooke well his Highneffe Admonition about the Councill Generall, now prornis'd at Mantoua. But chat, ( as they had anfwered Vergeriw the Popes Legat ) they did not think either that the place was fit, or that the Pope had the folc right oi calling or ordering of it, which belong'd as well to the Emperour and other Princes. For the reft, they faid, they would appoint fome who might communicate privatly with the Biftiop, as was required, of which wee (hall fpeake more hereafter. In the mean while Ferdinand^ who more defired to heare of Peace in the Empire, than Schoole-Arguments how well foever difputed, confirmed the Treaty made 1532. Of which the Duke of Sax (who came from him to Smalcald) advertised the Proteftants,who D ecemb. 24.) Decreed,That the League betwixt them,made 1530. for mutuall defence in the caufe of Religion,now fhortly expiring, fhould con tinue ten years longer, and that they would take into their Confede ration, all who received the Augufan Confeflion. To this Diet Guillaumedu Bellay Seigneur de Laagey (employ 1 d from Francis) came likewife. But his ad vifes, though for the moft part conformable to our Kings, were not (b acceptable. For as Francis by Confederating bimfelfe with the Turke ( that formidable Enemy of Germany ) had difoblig'dthe whole Nation on the one fide, fo by burning divers E- vangeliques in France^ he had on the other fide much incen fed them all againft him; which difpleafure,being fomented many wayes by F erdi- :W,had iatercluded almoft all correfpondence betwixt them, till by fonfieurdeLangeysmdufay it was revived, Who to appeafe them, alleged not only fome Excufatory Letters formerly fent, but faid his Mafterl 0/~Henry the Eighth, Mifter could not make any Allyance,nor lend any Ayd to any Prince again ft them. Nor would burn any for holding the Tenents of the Augufian Confeflion, anleflfethey were both Authors of difTention in his Kingdome, and defpighted the Antient Ceremonies of the Church. After which in private Conference with their Divines,he de clared that the King his Matter was not averfe to moft of theirTenents fee down in MeUnchtbom Loci Comuaes 5 And Particularly that hee did not hold the Popes Supremacy to be founded Jure Dtyimtyxx. hu- mano$ though Henry V III th (he faid)denyed it either way .That Pur gatory, being the ground of the Matte, and all their gainfull doftrine, Hee fcad required by what place in the Scripture they proved it : To which all the anfwer they made, afrer divers Moneths fpace, was, that they would nor give their Adverfaries Weapons which might after wards be returned or retorted on themfelves. As for Mona(teries,hee faid, that he thought it might be obtained of the Pope, that none who were not of fome ripeage/hould Vow themfelves to that life. Or if they did,they might leave it and Marry if they would. But by no means, that his Matter would have them thrown down, or the Re venues taken away, but rather employed towards the bringing up of Youth in Learning and Piety. And for Marriage of Priefts, hee thought this the beft expedient, that Men already Married, might (notwithftanding their wives)be admitted to Execute the Priefthoodj But for others, they {hould nor Marty, or if they would, they {hould relinquifh the Priefthood. As for Communion under both kinds,that the King had heretofore fpoken with Clement VII at Mar fellies, and that he thought it might be obtain'd of this Pope,that free ufe of both might be granted according to the Confcience of him that tooke it, Alleging for this purpofe from the King his Mafter,how he had heard from Antient men,chat about 120 years agoe, it was the manner to communicate in both kinds, in the Chappels or Oratories, but not in the Body or middle of the Church. Nevertheleflfe,that the Kings of Frame received it ever in both kinds.Which when his faid Maftcr ur ged, the Priefts did anfwer him,that Kings were Annointed and ther- fore might Communicate in both kinds afwell as they . or the Scrip tures fpake of the Royal Priefthood,but it was not lawful for othersto do fo.That in the comon and otdinary Prayers,the Kiftg did acknow ledge that many things might be cut oif, many things (hould be whol ly taken away. And that the care hereof was heretofore committed by Clement to the Cardinall de la Creuz^ though not with any good fuc- cefle.In conclufion he exhorted them to fend fome of their chiefe Di vines to conferre with thofe he had in Parif} And that he would make fuch a choyce,as if fomethat were appointed, were vehement, and ea- ger,he would a!fo joyn others that were mild and temperatePerfons to Treat with them,to the intent that all parts being difcmTed, the truth might appeate. In the mean while he exhorted them by no means to ive eare,or agree to any Councill untill they knew his mind and the King of g/W*,who both were refolv'd to do nothing but by a mu tual! confent. As for thofe whotnd power to call ir 5 thathis Predecef- fot Sleidan. The Lif I * * *>. lor L ou * s was ^ P^ n ^ on > t h at ** belong'd to the Emperours and Kings, and that the King of Navarre was of the fame mind,but that pope J*- lim Prefcribing or Excommunicating them both. Ferdinand of Spain took that occafion to Conquer AtoTe.Neverthelefle that the King his Matter confeft no Councill was Authenticall,unlefle it were both aiTembledin{bfafeaPlace,andheld in fofree a manner as no man might fuffer for fpeaking his confcience. After all which,the faid Mon- fieurdeLangey did follicite them much,to enter into a drift League with the King his Matter. But they,whether out of favour from Fer dinand^ the Emperour, with whom they had lately made their Peace, or, that other wife they were not fufficiently fatisfied of the French Kings proceedings, formerly mention'd, refufed this. So that Monfiettr de Langey^ (though profefling on the prefent Popes part, that if matters were orderly carried,he would be content to comply in ma ny things for a common good and Peace) return 'd without effefting any thing. And thus out of I know not what miftaking or obftinacy, this great overture for bringing all the differences inReligion,to a mo derate and uniforme accord,was interrupted and broken off j It being probable that Francis would have fubfcribed to the Tenents of Reli gion which himfelfe propos'd, when he had found them conformable for the reft. 'Rv&asMonfieuyde Laxgey told them, they might after- vrards repent their negle of fb great an offer, fo it prov'd true, as by the fequence will appear. For Francis who would have been glad, both that the Power which the Pope ufurped over Kings were fomething diminiiTied, and the abovefaid Articles in Religion eftabJi(hed, find ing there was now no probility of an Union^thought it fafer to rule by his Antient Maximes,thefj to run the trouble and hazard of a Re- sep.7* formation. Yet I find by an Originall from Cbriftopher Mount a Ger- maa,and Agent of our Kings,then in France jhtt Monfieur de Langey did once receive from the Proteftants certain Articles concerning Pa cification in religion, which he delivered the King his Matter, which thereupon being perufed,mitigated and changed by the Sorbon or Pa- rifittri Divines were again returned to the Proteftancs, wholikewife advifing of them,faid they would tolerate this change,^/(Wb fpes Con- curdU \)inc acctfjura y/^.But this was before Laagefs Oration above raention'd,and perchance before they knew or had taken particular no tice of the French Kings A<5tions formerly delivered.l find alfo by the fame Originall,that Mount was commanded by our King to haften to Germany ,and todehottMelawhthon from going to France^ whether he was invited by that King,andto perfwade him hither.For as about this time the German Proteftantsdefired both friendfhip and Accommo dation in Religion with King Henry and Francis, into whofe hands they put the Arbitrement of their differences,(b both Princes fought to make ufeof MelanchtboK^efpecisliy our King ; having,as I find in tiielnftru&ionsto^/owstfjagreat opinion of his Vertue, Learning, Temperance and gravity ,and therefore defired his prefence here, both for framing an accord with the Germans, and ( when that fucceeded I not) for appeafing the Differences of Religion in his Kingdom,it 6e- 1 >___ SB/ Of Henry the Eighth. ing thought a fit work for that Pious & fylodeft man 5 ho w ever he be bran ded by fomejanquAm de omni Religions fecuriu. Bat if Mounts Relation of his Conference with Moapettr de Langey may be intirely believed,or(if you will) Afoxfieur de L^^himfelfjOneof the points the faid Prote- ftants would have agreed to wz^Sgferrepofle primatum Epifcopi Romani^ adfervandam Doftrin*ConfenfuminEcclefi*jnodo fecundum Dei verbum omnia, iudicet.Laagey himfelfe coafefling Impojjibile efeprdUr^primatum Eptfcopi Romaniex Del verbo^ And that this point was to far acknowled ged by Clement VIIth,that he faid he was content 3 ut Primatus hie pofittus jure defer Alter ^ and that the more learn 'd Cardinals in Rome were of this Opini jn. But thefe things I leave to the credit ofMount^he difcreec and diligent Sleidan not mentioning any fuch moderation on either fide, and Mount himfelf giving indeed no other Authority for this,but Monfieur de angey's word by wayof difcourfe,whoyet when he was demanded for fight of the Articles and Cenfure above related, excufed himfelfe. This year forae Letters from Serjill in Spain extant among our Records, advert is'd our King,that a Million of Gold was brought the Emperour rom Peruyet that it was thought to begotten rather out of the fpoiles of he Country than othcrwife. No rich Mines being then found.Never- helefle, that the Inhabitants of Andahu^'m flock 'd thither in fo great numbers, that the Country was almoft left empty. Which Intelligence hough of great con fideration was yet pafs'd over^the King being inten- ive wholly to the fetling of Religion, ani the right of Succeffion,which [ find he did with all induftry procure. It appear* by our Hiftories that this ycare great Brafle Ordnance, as Cannon and Culverins were firft caft in England^ by one John O^,they invinebeen formerly made only in other Couatries, and farre from the perfection of which they are at this prefent, as maybe feen in TartAglU^ and fome other Antient Authors. Queen Katberinejxjs the King commanded her to be call'd) thePrin- ceiTe Dowager, finding now no affiftance but fpirituall from the Pope, n<^r reparation procur'd by the Eroperour but incertain and flow, and for the reft grieving at the profpcrity and fruitfuInefleofQacen Anne (now with child again, wherof yet (he aborted) fell into her laft ficknes at Kim- bohon mHunttngdoK-ihiTG in the fiftieth year of her age,8c the xxxiii fince her comming into England^ during which timc,thbugh comforted by the King and EuftachioChai>uysJ}o& or of both Laws,and AmbafTadour red- dent from Charles flic fel fo defperatly ill,as finding death now comming. Shecaufeda Maid attending on her, to write to the King to this effeft. My moft Dear Lord, King and Husband. THe bottre of my death now approachixg I cannot chtofe, but out of the love I bcarcyox, advifejot* of your Softies health, which you ought to prefer before all confederations of th world orflefl) what foever. For which yet you have caft me into Many Cala?nities,andyottr fe/fetnto many troubles. But I for givey OH all ; and pray God to doefo Itkewife.For the re ft ' I cvmme nd ttntoyott Mary onr Daughter, befeechiug yott to be a good Father to her, a* I hawf heretofore dt fired. Jmu ft intreat you alfo, to refp:8 my Maids > And give them in .'JMarrMge which u not ratichjhey being but three , and to all my other fervants^t years pay tffdes their dxe, left cth^rroife they freuld, be unprovided for, Laftly.-I make this Vow f hat mtne eyes defreyott above all things. Farewell. Befides, Polyd. 4-oj- TThe Life and^ei Mil- Records. April Feb.*. Befides which Letter (he didated another to Euftafhitu, defiringhina to procure that the Emperour might put our King in mind of her requeft when otherwife he forgot it. The King having received her Letter,became focornpafllonate, that he wept 5 But her death being related fhortly after :he caufed her goods( which t find eftimated to 5600 Marks)to be employ'd toward the Funeral chief ly,and after to thofe that deferved recompence-, and her Body to be buried with due folemnity in theMonaftcry at Peterforeughj&hich for the ho nour of her memory ? King Henry referv'd (when all the reft fell)and ere&ed it to a Biftiops See.The News wherof,not long aftet,being brought to the Bmperour, troubled him much, as holding his Aunt in iingular efteem. But as he confidered, that in her death all caufes of Hoftility were ceafed, and that befides,it Concern'd him mote to defend himfelf againft the Turk then to porfue the Execution of the Popes Banne (though once underta ken by him ) heendeavour'd nothing more then toclofe handfomly with our King-, NeverthelefTe,as he was difereet and magnanimous, he would not fully difcover himfelfe till he had founded firft our Kings difpofiti- on. After which {as I find mention'd in the Inftru&ions of our King to Du&orRichbrdPate)Cbarles(by his Refident Ambafladour here)pro}x>$ J d a Renovation of the antient Amity,, upon thefe Conditions,Firit 3 that our King would be Reconciled to the Pope, wherein he offered his. mediation. Secondtyjthat our King would ayd him againft the Tfcrk. Thirdly, that (atco'rdingtbthe "treaty ^518) hee would help hitti ag-ainft the French who now threatned MilanSTo which our King anfwerd ; That the firft breach of amity proceeded From the Ein perour, which if he will acknoW- ledge,and excuIe 5 King Henry is contented to renew it, firaply and abfo- tutely ; As for the Conditions propofed. Firft touching the Bifhop dP #ow,the Proceedings againft him have been (b juft, and to ratified fey the Parliament of ^/^W,that it cannot be revok'd.Therfor^trhdOghthe Bi fhop himfelf hath made means to him for R^conciliation,yot it hath been refufed. Secondly for ayd againft tire Tttrk, when Cbriftiah Princes {hall be at Pea^e, then King Henry will do therin x^sfo^a Chriftiaift Prince 6e ta longeth. Thirdly,for ayd againft ranet$\z carmot retolve on that, till the Amity be renewed with the Emperour, that fo being mdirTetent friend to both, lie may freely travaile;either to keep Peace between them,or a] In jur'd party .. And thefe anfwers of the Kings/ at* wa^ to ggnifie ' Emperour rhcn at ^o7W,andtourgehmi to renew the Amwy without a fuch Conditions But, as the Emperour hearknedfiot tfeerconfto/o Kin /W^^tnnddng of nothing leffe tlien embracing his fr-te!ifli on 'thtie termes 3 em ployed his ca!techie% how to defend his Kiagdom againft the threatned lavafions.And therforeashe had ofrea experimented the Love and Obedience ofhis fubje^s^ fo in his important occafions at this time, he refolved to make ufe of chem,Comfanding tteupon,rhe ParJiamenTj, which had been prorogaed,^o fit the fourth of F*6r*ary. In which many A As pafs'd,the moft material! whereof, I have fet down briefty, not al*- wayes according to the order obferved in the Statore-BDok, but 'rather ac^ cording to the matters handled, remitting rhc Reader for the reft ro the Statutes them-felvcs.My intention being not to naake an ab'ftra<5t of them otherwife then may ferve for the illuftration of the times^and my Hiftory. - . LXfLl AAAA j - "^11 i _ L , i ~ ' ' *r 'f/ffr tT*P HENRYS Eighth. Whereas the tryall and punifhment of Pirats was heretofore according to the forms of the Civil Law, It was now order ed, That it fhould be determined by the Kings Commiffion, in like form as offences done upon Land, no benefit of Clergy yet being permitted to thofe who were convided : Neverthe- lefTe, diftinftion to be made between Pirates, and thofe who took fomething at fea out of neceffity : As is to be feen in the Statute more largely. , . . Order alfo was taken upon penalty, That all they who had Parks, (hould keep two or more Mares, according to the great- neffe of the Parks, of thirteen handfuls high,for breed of ftrong Horfes , and that the Stallions fhould be fourteen handfuls high at leaft : and this was much to the increafe of good horfes. The Courts o firing forth Gifts and Grants made under the Kings Signet Manuell, and the Clerks of the Signets Fees alfo was fet down. Alfo becaufe many men by Will made Feoffements of their Lands to fecret ufes , whereby the King and the Lords loft their Wards &c. It was ordered, That the pofTeffion of Lands fhall be adjudged to be in him that hath the ufe thereof. Order alfo was taken, That no Land fhould pafle by bar gain andfale, unleffeit be by Writing indented, fealed and in- rolled. And this prevented many miftakes, and took away much deceit. And now becaufe fome Statutes following give me occafi- on to fpeak of Wilts ^ it will not be difpleafing to the Reader (I hope) to fet down thofe reafons which, I conceive, were the true motives of them. Wales and the Marches thereof now having been for a long time fo diftinguifhed, as the more Maritime parts thereof were held by the remnant of the ancient Brittains, or Natives of this Ifland, the other by thofe who had got ground upon them, much diverfity of Government was ufed. For as the Kings of EngUud heretofore had many times brought Armies to con quer that Country, defended both by Mountains and a ftout People, without yet reducing them to a finall and rntire obe dience ; fo they refolved at laft to give all that could be gained there to thofe who would attempt it. Whereupon many va liant and able Nobles and Gentlemen won much land from the Welfh : which, as gotten by force, was bypermiffionofthe Kings then reigning, held tor divers Ages in that abfolute manner, as fura Regalia were exercifed in them by the Conque rors. Yet, in thofe parts which were gotten at the Kings only charge, (being not a few) a more regular Law was ob- ferved. Howfoever, thegenerall Government was not onely fevere, but various in many parts : Infomuch, that in about fome 141 Lordfhips Marchers which were now gotten, many A a a ftrange Re 5 3*-. 3 7 8. .4, The Life and ftrange anddifcrepant Cuftomes were pra&ifed (as will appear hereafter). Howbeit, in the greater part., which was the Kings, and particularly thofe in the Eaft-, Weft- and North-J^/w, be ing about this time adminiftred by my great Grand-father Sir Richard Herbert (Son of Sir Richard Herbert., renowned for that alone he pafied and returned twice thorow an hoftile Army at the Battell in B^wj-Field, 8. Ediv. IIII.) fuch Juftice was u- fed, as I finde him in our Records highly commended to the Kings Counfell by Rowland Lie Prefident of tfal< s. So that they were governed in generall according to the Laws of England-^ the Lord Marchers (who conquered at their own coft) ruling yet by their own Lawes and Cuftomes., and fubftituting Offi cers at their pleafure, who again committed fuch rapines, as nothing almoft was fafe or quiet in thofe parts : whereupon this Statute was made. Whereas manifold Robberies, Murders, and other Male- fafts be daily praftifed and committed in the County-Palatine tfChefter, and Flint/hire in Wttcs, and alfo in Anglefa Cacrnar- von, Merioneth, Cardigan, Carmarthen, Pembrook and Glamorgan, be- caufe Juftice is not mintftred there in fuch form as in other pla ces of this Realm. For remedy whereof, it is enafted, That the Lord Chancellour of England , or Keeper of the Great Seal (hall nominate and appoint Juftices of Peace, Juftices of the Quorum, and Juftices of the Gaole-delivery in the faid Counties, and that they (hall have like Power and Authority as thofe in Ertgland&c. And by this means one kinde of Juftice was efhblifhed in the faid County-Palatine of Cbefter y and the Shires aforefaid : So that offenders now were kept in awe, be ing not able, as before, to efcape and fly from one Lordfhip Marcher to another. Another Ad alfo was made to this purpofe: Whereas in Wales and the Marches, there were divers and many Forrefts belonging either to.the King or the Lords Mar chers, wherein fundry exa&ions had been ufed a long time, contrary to the Law of God and man- Infomuch, that if any entered the faid Forrefts without a token given (by fomeof the Forrefters or Walkers of it) to let him pafie, or unlefle he were a yeerly Tributer or Chenfer, hee was forced to pay a grievous Fine : but if he wet e found 24 foot out of the High- Way, then to forfeit all the gold or money about him, and a joyntof one of his hands, unlefle he fined for it at the discretion of the Forrefter, or Farmer of the fame. And whereas like- Wife, if any cattell ftrayed into the faid Forrefts, it was the cuftome of the Forrefters to mark him for their own with the mark of the Forreft $ Order was now given, that people mould be fuffered to paflc freely,as in other places, and eftrayed cattel within a yeer 1 and a day to be reftored again, the owners paying for the herbage* That HE N R T *6* Eighth. That whereas by the gifts of Kings of England, heretofore, divers ofthemoft ancient Prerogatives and Authorities of ju 1 - ftice appertaining rd the Impefiall Crown of this Realm,Have been fever'd and taken from the fame, it was now enadred that noperfon from the firft of fitly 1536 fhould have power and au thority to pardon or remit, Treafons, Murthers, Man-daugh ters, or any Felonies, or their acceflaries in any part of Eng- /W 3 >f4/, or the Marches of the fame. That likewife none fhould make Juftices of Oyer, Juftices of Affize, Juftices of Peace, or Juftices of Goal delivery, but they (hould be made by the Kings Letters Patents : And that all original! writs, and judicial! writs, and all manner of Inditements of Treafori, Fe lony , and Trefpaffe, and all manner of Procefie mould be made in the Kings name $ and things done againft the Kings Peace, {hould be fuppofed as done againft the Kings Peace, arid not a- gainft the peace of any other perfon. Notwithftanding which, divers Priviledges were permitted, as is to be fecn in the Sta tutes. By all which, as the vaft power inverted anciently in thofe who had County Palatines, and jura Regalia in Lordfhip Marchers may appear , fo we may obferve how the reftoring of them to the Crown, hath eftablifhed an uniform juftice,and taken away the occafions of many mifchiefs done within the jurifdi&ions andprecin&s of the laid Counties Palatine, and Lordlhips Marchers, as is before recited 3 which though a great benefit and eafe to the Wclfh, yet as they were under many con- ftraintSjthey hoped his Highneffe would further extend his goodnefs to them : And thus fome (as in their nainc j fpake to this effect, May it pleaft jonr tiighnefs, \T\ TE the part of your Highnefs Subjedls, inhabiting V V that portion of the Ifland which our Invaders firft called Wales y moft humbly proftrate at your Highnefs feet, do crave to be received and adopted into the fame Lawes and Priviledges which your other Subjeds enjoy : Neither (hall it hinder us (we hope) that we have lived fo long under our own. For as they were both enacted by authority of our ancient Lawgivers 9 and obeyed for many fucceffions or Ages, we truft your Highnefs will pardon us, if we thought it neither ca de nor fafe fo fuddenly to relinquifli them. We (hall not pre- fume yet to compare them withthefe nowufed,and lefle (hall we conteft how good and equall in themfelves they are. On ly if the defence of them and our liberty againft the Romans^ 4x00;, and Danes, for fo many hundred yeares, and laftly, againft the Normans^ as long as they pretended no Title but the fword, was thought juft and honourable 5 we prefume it will not be infamous now s And that all the marks of rebel- A a a 2 lion C. 24. 37 Reg. 37- The Life and lion and falfhood, which our revilers would faften on US D fall on any, fooner then thofe who fought for fo many years, and with fo different Nations for our juift defence : Which al- fo is fo true, that our beft Hiftories affirm the Chriftian Reli gion to have been preferred only by us for many yeares, that the Saxons (being Heathen) either attempted or pofiefled this Country. May your Highnefs then gracioufly interpret our a&ions, while we did but that duty which your Highnefs would have now done by all your Subjects on like occafion 5 ! For when any fhould invade this Country henceforth., wee know your Highnefs would have us to behave our ielves no otherwife. Befides, had not the Affailers found fome to refift, they might have defpifed a Country, that brought none forth able enough to affert it : So that we crave pardon Sir 5 if we fay it .was fit for the honour of your Dominions that fome part of it mould.4ever be conquered. We then in the name of whatfoever in your Highnefs poffefiion hath in any age held out againft all Invaders., do here voluntarily refign, and humble our felves to that Sovefaignty, which we acknow ledge fo welLjnvefted in your Highnefs. Nor is this the firft time, we have alwaies attended an occafion to unite our felves to the greater and better parts of the Ifland. But as the; Kings of this Realm weary of their attempts in perfon againft us, cjid formerly give not only our Country to thofe who could conquer it ? but permitted them jura Regalia^ within their feyerall Trecini&s 3 fo it was impoffible to come jto an agreement, while fo 'many that undertook this work, ufurped Martiall and abfolute power and juridiftion in all they acquired., without eftablifhing any equall juftice. And that all Offenders, for the reft,flying from one Lordmip Marcher ( for fo they were termed ) to: anoth,ef, tfid both avoid the puniih- ment of the Law, and eafily commit thofe robberies, which have formerly tainted the honour of our parts. Sothatuntill the rigorous Laws not only of the feverall Conquerors of Eng land, but the attempters on our parts,, were brought to an e- q-uall moderation, no union, how much foever arTe&ed by us 3 could enfue ; . Therefore, and not fooner we fubmitted our felves to Ed- ward the firft, a Prince who made both many and equaller Laws then any before him. Therefore we defended his Son Edward the fecond a when not only the Englifi forfook him, but our felves might have recovered our former liberty, had we defi- redit. Therefore we got viftories for Edward the third, and ftpod firm during all the diffentions of this Wealme to his grand-child and Succeffor Richard the fecond. Only if fome a- vnongft us refitted Henry the fourth,, your Highnefs may better fupppfe the reafon then we tell it, though divers forreigners Ofl(ing H N R Y the Eighth. openly refufing to treat with him as a Soveraigne and lawfull Prince, have diffidently publiftied it. Wee did noty et decline a due obedience to Henry the Fifth, though in doubtfull times, we cannot deny, but many refractory perfons have appear'd : Howfoever, wee never joyned our felves with the Englifh Rebels, or took occafion thereby to recover our Liberty ,though j in Richard the Second's time, and during all the Civil Wars be- I twixt Lancafter and fork much occafion was given. For adhe- i ring to the Houfe of Terk, which we conceived the better Title, i we conferved our devotion ftill to the Crown,untill your High- nefle Fathers time (who bearing his name and blood from us) j was the more cheerfully affifted by our Predeceflburs in his Ti- | tie to the Crown, which your Highnefle doth prefently enjoy. And thus, Sir, if we gave anciently proof of a generous courage in defending our Laws and Country, wee have given no lefle i proof of a loyall fidelity fince we firft rendered our felves. In- \ Ibmuch, that wee may truly affirm. That after our acceptance !' oftfye conditions given us by Edward the. Firft, wee have omit- j ted no occafion of performing the duty of loving Subje&s. | Neither is there any thing that comforts us more then that all 1 thofe controverfies about Succeflion (which folong wafted this I Land) are determined in your Highnefle Perfon } in whom we i acknowledge both Houfes to be happily united. ToyourHigh-r neile therefore we offer all obedience, defiring onely that wee, may be defended againft the infulting of our malignant Cenfu- rers : For we are not the off-fpring of the Rw-away Brittains fas they term us) but Natives of a Country, which, befides de fending it felf, received all thofe who came to us for fuccours* Give us then (Sir) permiffion to fay^That they wrong us much, who pretend our Country was not inhabited before then, or that it failed in a due Piety, when it was fo hofpitall to all that fled thither for refuge : which alfo will be more credible, when it (hall be remernbredj that even our higheft Mountains furnifti good $eef and Mutton , not onely to all the Inhabit tants, but fupply England in great quantity. Wee humbly befeech your Highneffe therefore, That this Note may be ta ken from us. As for our Language, though it feem har(b, it is that yet which was fpoken anciently, not onely in this Ifland, but in France : fome Diaje&s whereof therefore remain ftill amongftthe Bos Bretons there, and herein Cornwall. Neither will any man doubt it, when he (hall finde thofe words of the ancient Gaulifh Language repeated by the Latine Authors, to fignifie the fame thing amongft us at this day : Nor (hall it be a difparagemen* (wee hope) that it is fpoken fo much in the throat , lince the Florentine and Spaniard affect this kinde of pronunciation, as beleeving words that found fo deep, proceed from the heart. So that if wee have retained this Language longer 375 35 374 35 Regn. 37 C.itf. The Life and and ten to Denbigh- /fc/r^feven to Shrop- bire^ which were reduced again to certain hundreds as Doun to Ckerbuty^&c. ten to Hereford-fare^ and they likewife redu ced to hundreds three 5 and all the Lordlhips &c. betwixt Chep- flom bridge and Glffcffter-flire^to Glocefter- (hire? and they again re duced to one hundred 5 feventeen to Glamorgan- fhire , eight to Cstrmtrtben-fhireithineen to Pembroke-fare- four to Cardigan- fare j one to Merioneth-fhire : By which it appears how much of ttbles is continued intire, and how much was gotten by the Lord Marchers. After this again, many Privfledges were gi ven to the Lords Marchers, in regard of the fervice their An* ceftors rendred the Crown heretofore, in conquering thofe parts at their own coft, concerning which Hiftories, Records, tfc- may be feen,to which I refer my felf. Alfo power was given to the King to alter any thing in this Aft, within the fpace of three yeers next enfuing, whereof we (hall fpeak again 34 Hen. $.c. 26. More alfo is extant hereof i Edw. 6. 10. and 21. facobi 10. where through that Kings goodnefs all power for altering the Laws in Wales is repealed. I will now come to certain Ads of Parliament concerning Ecclefiafticall matters, of which kind there are found chiefly : The firft, having relation to one formerly recited out of 26. Henry 8. 3. whereby the Firft- fruits and Tenths were given for more augmentation of maintenance of the Kings royall dignity, of the fupream head of the Church of England^ doth now de clare, That no Tenth fliall be exaded that year wherein Firft- fruits are paid. Secondly, whereas 2 5. Henry 8. it was ena&ed. That the Clergy in their Convocations (hall make no Constitutions with out the Kings aflent, as alfo that the Kingftould have autho rity to nominate 1 6 Spirituall, and 1 6 Temporall perfons to examine the Ganons and Conftitutions aforefaid, thefaidAds were now confirmed. Thirdly, Order was given about Sanctuary men, that they fhould wear Badges to be known by, and no weapons 5 That they fhould not goe abroad but at due houres, and not refift their Governours, &c, Fourthly, A Court of augmentation was ere&ed, whereby order was taken concerning the Religious houfes that were furrendred or fupprefled , and how the Kings Revenue ftiould be increa fed thereby, and Officers for this purpofe appointed. Thefe marks of the Kings Soveraignty being thus premi- fed, I (hall come to the A& of fuppreffion of Religious hou fes under 200 1. yearly. Which though lamented by many, and no waies fo excufed that I know, as by the Kings necef- fities. 37? 1536 Clun. 35 37 35 Kegn. 2 Parl. Rolls 27.HM.8. fities,had yet thefe motives. The vitious and incorrigible life of Af^4/?/V4/7Perfons, confeffed by the whole Parliament : The lands not imployed according to the intent of the Donors and Founders, divers Superfthions and forgings of Miracles prafti- zed amongft them : That when thofe under 200 l . yeerly were taken a way, there remained yet many great & religious houfes: That they were the Seminary of thofe that oppofd the Regal Authority in Ecclefiaftical matters^to which fome have thought the reafon formerly touched might be added , that the Parlia ment was willing to lay the burthen of furnifhing the Kings ne- ceffities from themfelves. And the rather, that the King pro- mifd toimploy fome of the Revenues to other Religious ufes: As founding of Bifhopricks, Deaneries., and Chapiters and the like. Which indeed followed , though not mentioned in the Statute. Howfoever, the Statute without any formall Preamble in the publifhed Book, begins bluntly thus : His Majcftie (hall have and enjoy to Him and his Heires for ever., all t&tjt&fteritSj Priories, and other Religious houfes ofMwks, Canons, and Nans of what Habit, Order., or Rule foevfer, which have not in lands and Revenue above the cleare yeerly value of 200 1. asalfoallfuch Religious houfes which at any time within one yeers fpace pro- ceeding,have been given up & granted by any Abbot., Prior , Ab- befit, or Priereffe under their Covent feal$(refervingyet all Right to others by Leafe and otherwife,and particularly the Right of the Heirs and Succeflburs of the Founders, Patrons, or Donors to any Poffeffion ,Rent, Fee, or Office according to the true in tention :) As alfb all Ornaments, Jewels, Goods, Chattels, and Debts, belonging to the faid Religious houfes : Nevertheleffe, that Hofpitality and Husbandry fhould be kept by the Farmers of the faid Religious houfes, and the lands belonging to them, upon the Penalty of paying every moneth fix Pound thirteen Shillings and four pence. The King alfo (as I find in the Parli ament Rolls) allowed the Governors of thefe houfes Penfions during their lives, and tranflated fome of the Rdigious Perfons into other great Foundations. And thus were the lefler in which yet it was (faith Sleidan) efpecially provi ded, that nothing fhould be treated of to the prejudice of the Emperour or Empire. And thus in the name of the Confe derate Cities tfactbut Sturmitu was appointed 3 the Divines be ing MtUncbtkw, Btueruf, and Georgia Draco. But as fhortly af ter the tfce death of Queen Annt followed : fb all their proceed ing (as Sleidan notes) was ftopt, untill upon occafion given, it was revived. As for the approbation of the Divorce propofed to the German Divines, Luther, -fonas, Philip and others, the King was judicioufly advifed by his Agents from thence, not to require any thing of them which would be too hard to grant} The King having attained his jprincipall intent concerning the Councell and Pope, and the Princes being then in fuch terms with the Emperour and Ferdinand, as they defired not to offend them without an urgent neceffity. fame s King of Scotland having the yeer before been inftalled of the Garter, and in fequence thereof inftru&ed with the cau- fes of thofe changes wnich had followed in Religious Govern ment, did not yet altogether incline to our King. For as he had an eye to the troubles that might enfae in England concerning Succeffion, as long as thelflue of both Queens (urvived 3 (o hee defired to ftrengthen himfelf by the acfvice and affiftaflce of Francis : yet being defirous withall to conferve our Kings affection ; and knowing alfo his defignes on that part could B b b 2 not 1536 35 April 24'. Slcidan. jSo 1536 n ti tl r. F a b tl 35 Regn. 2 7 July 26. rr u h b Vv ir ri ai h ai A Aug. 31. fe fa ai F tc E oi w w 111 July 7. EN J- E v< D Pi tr K di oi fc w w d( "The Life and^eign not be long concealed, hee thought fit to advertife our King thereof- difcovering himfelf no farther yet, then that he in tended to Match in that Country : who alfo approving this, rather then that hee fhould beftow himfelf in the Emperours Family (which he ftill fufpected) gave his confent thereunto, as I finde by our Records 5 yet fo as he defired the Match might be betwixt him and the Daughter of the Duke Q^cndofme^ ra ther then of Francis 5 upon condition ftill that the Enterview might proceed. But King famei, who had no difpofition there unto (though I finde in our Records, the Queen his Mother once periwaded him) refolves to go fecretly and in difguifed habit to France. Whereupon alfo, commanding fome Ships to be made ready, he fet fail from Leeth^ not acquainting any yet with his journey $ fo that divers thought he purpofed to land in fome part of our Kings Dominions. But contrary winds a- rifing, he being demanded what courfe his Pilots (hould hold, anfwer'd. To any place but England , wherewith falling afleep, he was ere he wakened, by the advice of one of the Hamilton* (as Buchanan hath it) carried back. But at laft, opening his eyes, and finding himfelf at home, hee was much offended with the Authour of this Counfel, and the rather, that hee was thought fecretly to oppofe the match . So that hee commanded to fet fail again. Coming thus at length to the Duke of Vtndtfms, and his Daughter not pleafing him (or rather, the Daughter of Francis liking him better) he arrives at Pans , and pofting thence to the Liormois, where Francis was raifing an Army againft the Emperour (as mall be told hereafter) he obtained the confent of Francis (though not without fome reluctancy on his part, and wholly againft our Kings will) for his Daughter tJMagdalen, whom hee married fan. i, 1537. The news whereof being brought to our King, troubled him fo much, that hee writ to Francu^ (whom he perfectly loved at that time) That his late Enterview with the Pope, and Allyance with the Scottifh King vexed him no lefie then it would do a perfect Lover. De veoir fa Dame entretenir fon mwttl Enemy : whereof more at large in its due place. But as Francis excufe (alledging it was better he match'd there then with his Adverfaries) did in fome part fatisfie our King $ fo the new married Lady falling to a He&ick Fever, and dying the yeer following, they both foon return'd to fome part of their former correfpondence. Our King now, thought by fome to be various in his appe tite of Wives, by others to be only unfortunate in them,had ? or found occafion to cut off Queen Anneal (hall not yet determine whether Princes fecret actions be beyond any fcrutiny. I will onely lay down the particulars, as far as by Records, or other- wife I could gather them, remitting the reft to the equall Rea- Queen . _ --.._.-.--- -, i . -n .i._ . . ~r>- Eighth. Queen Anne being now without competitrix for her Title,, thought her felf fecure. But profperity is a dangerous eftate to thofe trrat ufe it not reverently. Again beauty is not al- waies the beft keeper of it felf. It may be doubted yet whe ther either of thofe did concern her , fince fhe was thought both moderate in her defires 3 and of difcretion enough to make her capable of being trufted with her own perfections, having lived in the French Court firft, and after in this, with the reputation of a vertuous Lady^infomuch that the whifpe- rings of her Enemies could not divert the Kings good Opinion of her, though yet he was in his own nature more jealous then to be fatisfied eafily. I do rejed all thofe, therefore, that would fpeak againft her Honour in thofe times they (laid in Francf^but I fhall as little accufeher in this particular of her affairs at this time, it is enough,that the Law hath Condemned her ; and that whether She, or any elfewere in fault, is not now to be difcuf. fed. This is certain, that the King had caft his Affe&ion already on Jane Sejmor , f daughter to Sir fotw Seymor Knight ) then at tending on the Queen. But whether this alone were enough to procure that Tragedy which followed, may be doubted in this Prince, for I do not find him bloudy, but where Law, or at lea ft pretexts drawn from thence did countenance his Actions. But fufpition in great and obnoxious minds , is other then in the Milde and Temperate- and therefore is to them like a Tempeft, which though it fcarce ftir low and (hallow waters,when it meets a Sea, both vexeth it, and makes it tofle all that comes thereon. So that I dare fay nothing hath been Author of fo much confufi- on, fince aggravating fometimes that which is ill , fometimes mifinterpreting that which is good, it perverts all , and finally leaves the Mind without Remedy, how far. yet fufpition wrought on our King, is not for me to define. To come then to the Narration, I find by our Authors , that on May-day there being a folemne Jufts at Greenwich (wherein George Vicoiwt Rochfirttthe Queens Brother was chief Challen ger, and Henry Norreis Principall Defendant ) the King fuddenly departed. This much troubled the whole Company, efpecially the Queen. No caufe hereof is related yet 3 unlefle ( as Sanders hath it ) (he let fall a Handkercheif, wherewith fome one ( fup- pofed her Favorite ) did wipe his Face,and that this was percei ved by the King. But our Hiftories mention not thispaiTage. The Queen finding the King thus gone , retires her felf. He a- gain hafting to Weflminfler , takes order to Comnait the nixt morning George Lord Rocbford and Henry Norreu to the Tower : After which, her felf comming to London in her Barge , was Ap prehended by fome of the Lords, and carried towards the To wer, who telling her offence, fhe exclaimed that (he was wrong ed, and that (he defired to fee the King onely before (he went; but 35 Refft. 27 c. May I. May*. May a. 382, 536 Records May 3. May C. The Life and tyit in vain, they having no fuch Commiffion. When fhe entred the Tower, (he is fa jd to have fain on her knees 3 befe^hing God fo to help her., as (h^ was-not guilty of that whereof ine was ac- cufed. This was about Five in the afternoon on the Second of May. After which., one WilliAm Brereton Efquire , and Sirfran- dfPT(/?0fl of the Kings privy Chamber., and one Mark Smeten a Mufitian were Committed on the fame occafion. The Queen being thus in the Charge of Sir William Kingflon^ Conftable of the Tower, much fpeech paft betwixt them , as appears by an Originall of his : Yet as her Language was broken and diftref- fed betwixt Tears and Laughter, ( for (he ufed both ) little can be inferred thence, only., (he feem'd to exclaim on Nenets , as if he had accuf'd her, when yet (he faid, they both (hould die to gether. She named others alfo, and thereupon confefled, though not enough to Condemn her, yet fuch Paflages as might argue She took the utmoft Liberty, that could be hone(tly al lowed her : But whether (he extended it to any further Aft , is not there declared.For amidft all her Difcourfes (he (till prote- fted her felf Innocent.By other Originals alfo of Kingpons i\t ap pears that he had made fome difficulty to carry a letter from her to Mr Secretary, and that (he wifh'd her Bifhops were there: For they ( (he faid ) would go to the King for her, and that the moft part of England would pray for her} and that if (he died , a pu- nimment will fall on the Land5and in effect I find divers Bifhops and learned men did much Honour her , and particularly the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbury , who in a Confolatory Letter to the King , (which I have feen) written as much in her behalf as he durft} yet fo as he made no Apology for her, but rather confef- feth that diverfe of the Lords had told him of fuch Faults as he was forry to hear of, defiring howfoever , that he would conti nue his Love to the Gofpell, left it (hould be thought it was for her fake onely,he had fo favoured it. After which another Let ter in her name, but no Originall coming to my hand , from more then one good part , I thought fit to Tranfcribe here, without other Credit yet then that it is faid to be found among the Papers of Cromwell then Secretary , and for the reft feems antient and confonant to the matter in queftion. SIR YOur Graces difpleafure.,and my Imprifonment are things fo ftrange unto me, as what to write , or what to excu(e, I am altogether ignorant. Whereas you fend unto me, (willing me to confeffe a truth 9 and fo obtain your favour) by fuch an one whom you know to be mine antient prof efled Ene my, I no fooner received this Meflage by him , then I rightly conceiv'd your meaning} and as if as you fay, Confeffing a truth indeed, may procure my fafety, I (hall with all willingnefle and duty perfornvyour Command. But 0/f(in? HENRY the Eighth. But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, where not fo much as a thought thereof ever preceded. Andtofpeak a truth never Prince had wife more loyall in all duty, and in all true affeftion, then you have ever found in Anne Bolen^ with which name and place I could willingly have contented my felf, if God and your Graces pleafure, had fo been pleafed. Nei ther did I at any time fo far forget my felf in my exaltation^ or received Queen ftiip, but that I alwaies looked for fuchan alteration as now I find , for the ground of my preferment be ing onnofurer foundation then your Graces fancy, the leaft alteration I know was fit and fufficient to draw that fancy to fome other Subjeft. You have chofen me from a low eftate to be your Queen and Companion, far beyond my defert or defire- if then you found me worthy offuch honour $ Good your Grace,let not any light fancy, or badCounfel of mine ene mies withdraw your Princely favour from me 5 neither let that ftain, that unworthy ftain of a difloyall heart towards your good Grace, ever caft fo foul a blot on your moft dutifull Wife, and the Infant PrincefTe your daughter : Try me good King ,but let me have a lawfull tryall 5 and let not my fworn enemies fit as my accusers and judges , yea let me receive an open tryall, for my truth (hall fear no open (hames. Then fhal you fee either mine innocency cleared, your fufpition and con- fcience fatisfied, the ignominy and flander of the world flop ped, or my guilt openly declared. So that whatfoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open cenfure, and mine offence being fo lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty both before God and man, not only to execute worthy puniftiment on me as an unfaithfull Wife, but to follow your affe&ion already fetled on that party, for whofe lake I am now as I am, whofe name I could fome good while fince have pointed unto, your Grace being not ignorant of my fufpition therein. But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my death, but an infamous flander muft bring you the ' enjoying of your defired happinefs : then I defire of God that he will pardon your great fin therein, and likewife mine e- nemies the Inftruments thereof, and that he will not call you to a ftrid account for your unprincely and cruell ufage of me at his generall judgement Seat, where both you and my felf mutt (hortly appear, and in whofe judgement I doubt not (whatfoever the world may thinke of me ) mine innocence (hall be openly known, and fufficiently cleared. My laft and only requeft (hall be, that my felf may only bear the burthen of your Graces difpleafure^and that it may not touch the innocent fouls of thofe poor Gentlemen, whom (as I under- ftand 536 The Life and Reign ftand) are likewife in ftrait imprifonment for my fake. If ever I have found favour in your fight, if ever the name of Anne Bo- len hath been pleafing in your ears, then let mee obtain this re- queft j And I will fo leave to trouble your Grace any further., with mine earned prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping,and to direft you in all your a&ions. from mj dolcfuttprifon in the Tower ^ this 6 of May. Tour mcft Loyall and ever faithful! Wife^ But whether this Letter werfe elegantly written by her, or any elfe heretofore, I know as little, as what Anfwer might be made thereunto : Onely I cannot omit to tell, that the King was fo little fatisfied with her Actions or Letters, that not con tent to have gotten proof enough to put her to death, he would further be divorced from her 3 which alfo by due Order and ProcefTeofLaw(asan Aft of Parliament hath it, 28. #^.8.7.) was performed by Cranmer. The caufes being not yet fet down otherwife then that they were declared juft, true and lawfull impediments of Marriage : I know not how to fatisfie the Rea der therein 5 efpecially, fince the ]Lady Elifabetk their Daugh ter is thereby pronounced illegitimate. For as concerning Precontracts, Ifindeby an Original Letter of the Earl of Ator- tfamberlAnd (who it feems, might moft be fufpeded) that hee difavows it on his part. So that unlefle he retraced this Pro- teftation, or that the contrary were proved,! cannot fo much as imagine a reafon. The Letter is thus to Cronwel. I Perceive that there is fuppofed a Precontract between the Queen and me. Whereupon I was not onely heretofore ex amined upon mine Oath before the Arch-Bifhops of Canterbury and Tork 5 but alfo received the bleffed Sacrament upon the fame, before the Duke of Norfolk and others the Kings Goun- fel learned in the Spiritual Law 5 Affuring you (M r Secretary )by the faidOath and bleffedBody,which afore I received,and here after intend to receive, that the fame may be to my damna tion, if ever there were any contract orpromife of Marriage between her and me. ^f But if this were not fufficient, I be- leeve fuch other caufe was produced for the Divorce, as might fatisfie the people, fince the Aft was publick. Neither is it much materiall which HaS faith, that the validity of this Mar riage was queftioned , becaufe the King married this fecond Wife before he was divorced from his nrft : for it feems con trary to the Ad of Parliament, which faith, That the impedi ments Of King HENRY the Eighth. ments were., till of late, unknown. Shortly after which fhee was arraigned the 15 of and therefore I will ft edk no thing againft it. I am come hither to accuse no man , nor tofted any thing of that whereof 1 am accufid^ and condemned to die. Sat I fray God f awe the King, and (end him long to reigne over jou for a gentler noramoremercifufl Prince was there never $ and to me bee wAf ever a good, agent le , and a Soveratn Lord, i^fnd if any perfon wiH meddle of mj cattfe, I require them to judge the beft. And thu* I take my teavc of the World, and of you all } And I heartily defireyou a/I to fray for me. After which coming to her Devotions,her head was ftricken off withafword. And thus ended the Queen, lamented by many, both as (he Ccc was May 17. May 19. The Life and c Reign Records. was defirous to advance Learned men, in which number Hugh Latimtr Bifhop of Worcefler^ and Nicholas Saxton Eifhop of Saltf- bry are recounted , and as (he was a great Almf-giver^ info much, as (he is faid in three quarters of a yeer to have bellow ed 14 or fifteen thoufand pounds in this kinde, befides moneys intended by her towards raifinga Stock for poor Artificers in the Realme. Sanders faith her Father died fhortly after for grief , but our Heralds affirm, it was not till about two yeers after 1 538. But that we may leave them both to their Grave and filence, I findeby our Records, that the Princeffe CMary did about thofe times much endeavour to be reftored to the King her Fathers good favour and opinion 3 as hoping now that the Princefie Eliztbeth was declared illegitimate, fhee fhould be received as Heir to the Crow v n : Therefore by fre quent and earneft Letters written with her owne hand, me both acknowledgeth her fault of obftinacy hereto fore, andcraveth inftantly from the King to write to her, or fend fome token as a (igne of Reconciliation. Upon which fubmiffion, our King, by the Duke of Norfolk fent certain Ar ticles for her to fubfcribe which were, Fii ft, whether (he doth Recognize the Kings Highneffe for her Soveraign Lord, and King, and will fubmit her felf unto his Highneffe and all Laws of the Realm. Secondly 5 whether fhe will with all her Power obey and maintain all the Statutes of the Realm. Thirdly, whether fhe wil Recognize the Kings Highnefs to be Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England , and utter ly refufe the Bifhop otRomes pretended Power 3 or any Intereft fhe hath or may have thereby. Fourthly,whether fhe doth freely Recognize and knowledge both by Gods Law and mans law the Marriage heretofore had between his Ma jefty and her Mother, to be unlawfull. Fiftly, for what caufes, and by whofe motion and meanes fhe hath remained in her obftinacy fo long. Sixtly,what is the caufe fhe now at time above all others fub- mitteth , and who did move her hereunto. In fatisfa&ion to which fhe returned a fubfcription , figning with her own name the four firft Articles, but concerning the o- ther two, fhe demurr'd} fome Perfons being Interefted therein, whom fhe would notdifcover. What efFeft followed hereupon apeares not other wife , then that notwithftanding this and other Submiffions, the King proceeded to his intended Marriage- which alfo he fo haftned, as fome fay,the day following Queen Anms death$others not til three dayes after, he caufd it to be Solemniz'd 5 as not think ing it fit to mourn long, or much, for one the Law had decla red Criminall 5 concerning the Ceremony whereof, as well as the Of Kins HENRY the Eighth. the opinion held in thefe times of the different perfections of the King, and his two Queens , I (hall out of our Records produce the cenfure of Sir fohn Ruffell (afterwards Earl of Bed ford) who having been at Church, obferved the King to be the goodliefVPerfon there} but of the Queens gave thisnote, that the Richer Queen fane was in Clothes, the fairer fhe appeared but that the other, the Richer fhe was apparel'd, the worfe fhe look'd, but this Queen certainly deferv'd all the Favour done her, as being reputed the Difcreeteft 3 Faireft, and Humbleft ol the Kings wives $ though both Queen Catherine in her youn ger dayes, and the late Queen were not eafily Paralleled. Em we will leave them a while, and come unto Forraign bufinefles now a long time intermitted. Bufineiles betwixt our King and the Romane See were not fo defperate,but that divers overtures on either fide were made for an accommodation , for while the Pope feared, left our King to gether with renouncing the Roman Churches Authority, would relmquifh the Religion, he not only covered his inward and deep Difpleafure , but fecretly permitted Treaties in di vers kinds with our King 3 and particularly invited him to a war againft the Turk- who alfo gladly entertained the motion, as hoping the Pope would not fo foon joyn Chriftian Princes againft him. Infomuch that Sir Gregory Caftlis now refiding A- gent at R0mejhe Pope about May 20^ fent for him,and told him that he heard of the Queens Imprifonment 5 and was glad that God having freed the King from this unequall Matrimony, had offered his Majefty occafion of gaining eternall Honour, by ma king Peace between the Emperor and French King 5 which might be now done by joyning with the Roman See. As for himfelfjthat he never did him but good Offices , as having urged ClemtmVll. to right him in his divorce, & at Bcnenia^ (being then Cardinall) perfwaded the Emperor to fuffer it with Patience. As for Rochcfterjhzt he made him Cardinall only to ufe him in the enfuing Councell$ and when his death was related, being follicited and compelled to revenge it 3 he could not but yeeld forthe time todo thofe things ^0* tamtn vunqttAmin animo balm- it ad exitum pcrducere. Wherefore that he purpofed to fend a Nuntio into England to Treat of a Peace in Chriftendome, when our King would hearken thereunto- whence fhall follow a Ge- nerall Councell, and a war againft the Turk: And all this he wifh'd Sir Gregory to write (as of himfelf) to our King $ as ap pears by the Original May 27. Shortly after which , I find that Cardinall Campegius fending hither his Brother Marco Antww a- bout other Bufinefle, as regaining his Biflioprick ofStlisbtrjyand the place of Englifh Protector in the next Councel,attempted to induce our King to a Reconciliation : But as the terms propo- fed pleafed not,fo the |Pope conceiving now all further Trea- C c c 2 tie. 3*7 536 unctf. 536 June. z. 1535- Fox. p. The Life and tie, to be vain, laboured to unite all Chriftian Princes in a War againft him, as a detefter of all Papal Authority , and an Heii- tique. Therefore he both gained Charles (who had long folici- ted a Councel) by Summoning one to begin at ^Maxitta the yeer following. May 23. and to oblige fames V, Hefent him a rich Confecrated Swotd. He found not yet in France that difpofiti- on he hoped for, the overtures of War being thought unfeafo- nable,in a time when a general Reformation was expefted on the Roman Churches part. Therefore I find by an Original difpatch of J/00rtfV 3 howtheBiftopofC^i/0M in Cawpagnt told him , upon notice taken in frM/w of the Brevy of the Pope, whereby (as afbrefaid) he Excommunicated our King , and de prived him of his Kingdome, and abfolved his Subjects of their Oaths of Allegiance, unlefle he return to that See , and abroga ted thofe Lawes were made againft the Papal Authority, that the Cardinal of terrain would warn the Pope , and advife him not to be fo bold with princes, unlefs he would become a laugh- ing-ftock to the world, (for thefe are Mount's wordb)-,yet did not FrAnci* fully comply with our King, but held a middle way : For as he approved not the Popes harm proceeding , fo when our King by his AmbafTador gave him account of his adions 3 expecl ing his Approbation, he returned this anfwer : That notwith- ftanding all the Kings Realm (hould agree and Condefcend ne ver fo much to the Right and Title of Succeffion in the IfTue of hisftcond Marriage , yet when Forraign parts fhall conceive any other, and contrary Opinion thereof^great troubles might enfue. Whereupon Strfhen CAT diner Bifliop s&Wincbefttr then refident in France, was commanded by our King to tell Francis^ that he marvelled much the King his Brother , being a wife Prince, (hould fo longinfift upon thefe points , finceit was ever the manner ot lawful Kings to purfue their Right without de manding the Approbation of others. For proof whereof , he faid he could give particular inftaaces in Francis his Predecef- four?, who had done many things contrary to the advice of the Popes , ( when they were benefkiall to the Kingdome, ) and that notwithstanding all oppofition they had been happily at- cheived. Our King was not ignorant, yet , how much it con- cern'd him to keep Francis in good Correfpondency , as know ing the defire he had to recover Milan ( for his fecond Son the Duke Q Orleans) was fo vehement,as it would incline him whol ly to the Emperor , when it might be obtained. And in effect I find by Be/lay, that the Treaty hereof begun the laft yeer, as a- forefaid, was ftil profecuted} infomuch that Charles gave hope of reftoring Milan now upon Sforz** death (who being thought the laft of the Line ofJEnet* and Mutius Sctvola , dyed about the end of October precedent J to the Duke of Angoulefme the third Son of Francis , when he would fend the Duke of Or leans his fecond Of K^ng HENRY the Eighth. fecond Sonne toafiifthim in an intended expedition againft dlgere , and help to reduce the Proteftant Princes in Gtrmany and the King u England to an vnion with the Church \ but Fran- c/;replyed, that to give Milan from his fedond Son to his third, \vaStocaufe a perpetuall War betwixt two Brothers. There fore that he defired it for the Duke oforhtns 3 in which cafe alfo the laid Duke {hould renounce all claim to Naples , Fhrence, Urbin &c. That to fend him to the Emperor , upon what pre tence foever, was in effect to do nothing but put an Hoftage in to hishand : As for the Reformation and Reunion ofthofe who had any way feparated themfelves from the Church , he {hould be glad to fecond him as well in Germany as in England. And that for Henry the 8- in particular, he thought fit the Empe ror (hould fummon all Chriftian Princes and Potentates to affift him, and as Be/Iaj hath it Donntr ftrte to conftrain the faid Ring to obey the fentence and determination of the Church. During thefe Treaties,the French Army under the S. Paul advanced fo far in ftw/iy ,as they had taken all but //4*,which yet at laft yeelded : while thofe ofGcneve, thinking the occafion fair,fhook ofFtheir obedience to the Duke, and by the help of the Proteftant Swffe, aflerted themfelves into the liberty they now enjoy : expelling together their Bifhop, and changing the form of both their Civil and Ecclefiafticall Policy. Of all which theEmperour being advertifed, thought how to gain time, efpecially till he had reinforced his Army, not yet fully made up fince his late voyage to Tunis, and aflured him felf of the Pope : Therefore he promifed the Dutchie of Mi Un to the Duke of Orleans, fo that the Dutchefle, being the Re- lid of Sft* ^[4, might be provided for , intending thereby (as my Authour hath it) that fliee might be given the Scottish King : yet in the manner of performing thereof, fo much caution and delay was propofed 5 as their former jealoufies did but increafe. And indeed, neither was the overture of Frtnch his requiring the Emperour to prefle the Pope againft our King, more then device to make our King more firm unto him : Nor the Proportion of the Emperour for reftoring Man other then an invention to gain time, hee being refolv'd to fuccour SAVOI at what price foever : and the rather,that (as is beforefaid) there was a projeft of giving all that Country to the Emperour for fome other Lands in Itajy . whereby alfo the Emperour mould have wholly invironed France: fo that all was but dif- (imulation on either part. For while thefe things were treat ing, the Emperour (though injoyning filence to the French, and promifing it himfelf) yet both acquainted the Pope with divers paflages, and together made him jealous of the inten tions of Francis to invade Italy , and drew the Venetians to his fide, and made fun-dry Propofitions of Allyance and Friendfhip with 1536 Bella* Jan. Bllay 1536 Bellay. Records. March :; ;: April. Life and with our King, (feme whereof we have before Shewed) and raifed great forces by Sea and Land 9 upon pretence of im- ployingthem againft Infidels : While Francit on the other part, being Well inform'd hereof, refolv'd fo to proceed in his War, as hee neglefted nothing which might ftrengthen himfelf, or weaken his enemies. . Therefore., having with a choice Army of fifteen or iixteen thoufand under the command ofcJwbet Ad miral of France, taken the chief places in Savoy, he commanded it to advance over the Alps towards Turin in Piemont, which was rendred to him, as alfo divers other places there. And thus it is probable 1 they might have entered and taken Milan j for as the Duke was newly dead,and the Government unfetled 5 fo there wanted all things which might ferve to defend the Country. Neverthelefs,out of I know not what fcrupulofity or prefumpti- on, Franc if commanded Chabot to fray until he had lent to demand again the inveftiture thereof from the Emperour in the name of his Sonthe Duke of Orleans. I am not ignorant yet., that fome French Writers fay, that Francis checkt this command by pri vate Iriftru&ions : But Chabot thought it fafer to follow thofe directions hee had under the hand and feal of Francis, then to comply with an intimated and contradictory advice. Howbe- it, the overtures of Peace continued irill (at Naples, where the Emperour then was) betwixt both Princes., the French Am- baffadour Monfieur de rttty alledging, that the bufinefle of 54- v0y was but a particular difference betwixt their King and that Duke, and that it fhould not hinder the Generall Treaty. To which the Emperour feem'd to give ear alfo - not omitting yet to raife Forces daily., nor to march towards Rome, where the Pope attended him : having for the more enlarging his entry to that City> thrown down the Relicks of the Temple of Peace built by the Romans : And indeed, the Pope's defire was hee fhould never put up his fword, till hee had reduced our King, and the Proteftants to their former devotion, and afterwards invaded the Turk. Of which our King being well informed, (for no Prince had better intelligence) commanded Richard Pate his Ambafladour, to treat with the Emperour, though not with intention to joyn with him, fb much as to difcover his de- fignes. For I finde by Beflay 3 that our King had acquainted Francis (by means of his Ambaifadour then refident here) with a Letter of the Emperours, about this time fent him, wherein the faid Emperour advertifed , that he meant to go to Rome, and what he would fay and do there , Requefting our King fur ther to interpofe offices with Francis for reftoring all hee had taken in Savey, and to divert him from attempting {.Milan. For the reft, defiring our King to forget not onely what difcontent- ment foever had paft betwixt them by reafon of the Divorce \yith Queen Kttkerine (fince me being dead, all caufe of offence was Of Kjnv H E N R Y the Eighth. was ceaftd) but to renew their antient Treaties of Confedera tion and Amity 3 and together to aflift him againft the Turk. So that by this free communication of the Emperours Letters, as well as by an Advertifement which I finde Francis gave our King of certain following paiTages at Rome, one may perceive what ftrait correfpondence was then held betwixt them. How- foever, Fate in his Negotiation found that theEmperourtook nothing fo ill as the illegitimation of the Princefle Mary : for though our King had given Succours in Denmark againft his Neece, and encouraged the Princes in Germany to take Arms againft him 5 yet thefe affronts the Emperour faid might be pafled over, but not the Princefle M.vjs Illegitimation 5 whom therefore he defired our King to reftore, giving hope (as Pate writes from Rome ) on that condition to procure a generall Cornicel! which might give the King contentment in his de- fires 3 or if he would referre all things to the Pope's Authority, to make his peace with him, to validate his laft Marriage., and together eftablifh his Succeffion, Honour and Confcience in all he could wifli. Thefe were indeed thought great offers : But our King confidering that they were little more thenfollici- tations and difcouries of Granvtle^ and that to legitimate the Princefle Mary, was in effcd no lefle then to declare her his Heir, what difguife foever the Emperour would put on it, and defiring, for the reft, nothing fo much, as to fettle the fuc- ceflion in his future Ifliie, (which he hoped would be mafcu- line) gave no good audience hereunto. The Emperour having now at Rome faluted the Pope and Cardinals, and communica ted his reafons in private , Monfieur d% Vtllj was referred a- gainto them for an Anfwer concerning his demand of Man. But the Pope gave him no hope thereof^adding,that the Empe rour had no fuch intention } and when hee mould aflent, the Venetians would not, who had entered a League defenfive for that Dutchy. Whereupon VeRj goes to the Emperour, requi ring performance from him : But the Emperour demanded whether he had Commiffion to treat thereof: butVelly faying he had none, the Emperour would hear him no more. Never- thelefle, to (hew a defire to come to a folid peace with Francis, and avoid eflfufion of their Subjects blood : The Emperour in the prefence of the Pope,the Cardinals &; the Ambafladours of France, of Venice and many great Prelates and Noblemen aflem- bled, made a long Oration in Spanifh, his hat in his hand 5 de claring firft the caufes of quarrel and unkindnefle betwixt Maxi milian and Lewis XH 5 deducing them after to his times 3 with much particularity } and (hewing ftill the fault was on the French fide: After which, in the prefence of this great Af fembly, he made three offers to Francis, That if a fure Peace might be concluded, he would give the Dutchy of Milan to one of Records. Aptllll2. Bella?. Aprilli;. of the Kings children, (but not to the Duke of Or learn) fince he knew Francis did not demand it fo much to fix there, as to ferve himfelf thereof as a ftep to pafle further to the State of Florence, andUrbin, in the right of the faid Dukes Wife : nei ther would hee accept any difclaim thereof, fince he knew it would prevail no more, then that Francis had already made of the Dutchie of Burgundy. Therefore that he would grant ic to the Duke ofAngoulefme his third fon, when Francis would de clare in what manner he would affift him towards the celebra. tion of a Councel, a Reformation of Chriftendome, and War againft Hereticks and Infidels : Which becaufe it would not be done except all offences were removed, hee required firft that his Army mould be withdrawn out of Fitment ; fecondly, if within twenty days Francis did not approve this, he offered to end the bufineffe in a Duel betwixt their two Perfons 5 not out of bravery yet, but for avoyding the effufion of blood be twixt their Subjects, too much whereof had been fhed already. And that he thought there would be no more difficulty in af- figning a fit place for this Combat, then for an enterview, and that it might be in fome He, or on fome Bridge or Boat on the River : And for Arms, hee thought them all good, whether they were Sword, or Poignard, in their fhirts 3 onely in this cafe 9 that whofoever overcame, mould give his Forces to the Pope, for the more ftrengthening him to fummon a Coun cel, and reduce all difobedientperfons to the Church, and re- fift the Turk : for which purpofes he did there ingage himfelf to the Pope and Apoftolick See 3 requiring befides, that the Dutchy of Milan and Zurgttndy mould be depofitated in fome good hands, and the Vi&or have both. The third offer was Warre j to which yet hee protefted not to come without ne- eeffity 5 though yet hee had fufficient caufe, Francis having ta ken Arms againft him while he talk'd of a Peace by the entre- mife of one who had no power to treat thereof: Onely if he were conftrain'd to this courfe, nothing fhould make him leave it, till one of them both remained the pooreft Gentleman in their Country. Thus bowing his head to look upon a fcroul lapt about his finger, he made a paufe : after which the Pope began to fpeak 5 but the Emperour interrupting him, faid he had not yet concluded, but would, when he had referred all to his Holinefle, whom he defired to beftow his favour on him who had moft reafon and equity on his fidei This being done, the Pope commended theEmperour's Propofitions, as tend ing to a Peace, and hoped the French King would be no lefle inclined thereunto. After which the Bifhop of Mafcon ftep 'd forth, and faid, the Proteftation being in Spanifh, heunder- ftood it not well : But for the point concerning Peace, he knew the King his Mafter would be inclinable to it 3 referving the further ^ Eighth. further declaration thereof to Monfieur de Fell^ who drawing neer, and defiling to be heard, the Emperour ftopt him, and faid he had already fpoken to him too often of Peace, and that he defired deeds and not words $ and that hee would grant him no other Audience at that time : onely what he had there publickly faid, fhould be given in writing, and therewith a- rofe : So that though Vtlly defired to anfwer for his Matter, yet the Emperour Hill laid the fault on him 5 and thus went with the Pope to Mafle. But that evening the Pope, who knew of what confequence a War betwixt thefe Princes was, fent for the French Ambafladours, defiringthem to do good offices in their Difpatches to Francis^ protecting that he was'furpriz'd on his part : And that whatsoever he faid, he would keep neu trality betwixt them. The Emperour being now ready to take his leave of the Pope, the French Ambaffadour defired Audi ence, and thereupon told the Emperour in the Popes prefence, That whereas..he had fpoken of a Combat with his King in cafe no Peace were made, without declaring other caufe then to fpare effufion of their Subje&s bloud 5 he defired to know whether his Majefty had made a Challenge to ,ight : and that if it were fo, he durft anfwer on the part of his King, that it mould not be refus'd. And that the Emperour might well re member that heretofore there was queftion hereof, but not now that he knew 5 the King his Mafter defiring to have Milan by treaty, and having given exprefie command to his General! in Piedmont*., not to invade any thing in the Emperours pofTeifi- on : As for the Treaty betwixt them, that it was fet down in writing, ana the Pope might judge of both , and therefore that he would fay no more of it, but know onely whether the Em perour would charge the King his Mafter, as having fail'd in his word or honour, and whether he had defied him. There were not many prefent when this pafled which the Emperour ob- ferving, call'd allthofe intheSd^and Chamber of Audience, and faid, as he fpake publickly before, fo he would again: Many hereupon repairing to him, he faid in Italian, That hee indeed did moft defire Peace } but iff hat could not be, he did then think beft that they two in perfon fhould end the bufinefs, which yet he fpake by way of advice, and not as a Challenge efpecially fmce it was in the Pope's prefence., without whofe permiffion he would do nothing. And therefore that hee pro- os'd it only to avoyd a greater inconvenience, as thinking it better to do fo, then fuffer a War in Chriftendome : which was the reafon alfo why he appointed him twenty dayes time to retire his Army out of Piedmont. But thtfe (harp words(at the Pope's requeft) were not openly advertiz'd to Francis., nor fome others, whereby he vilified the Commanders and Soldarefque of that Nation in comparifon of his, (as Be/lay hath it) , who re- Ddd lates 536 April 18. Bellay. 35>4 '53 April June 2 2. The Life and lates the bufinefs fomewhat more in favour of his Nation, and Monfieur de fie//j(, then Sandovatt doth, or indeed our Records 5 amongft which I finde divers of thefe paffages certified by Ri chard Pate* But though the French AmbafTadors (at the Pope's intreaty) were fparing in their relation of the Emperors words, which (if wee may beleeve Sandwall) were very high, yet or der was given to his A mbafladours in France (as We but onely to ftir and lift up our mindes unto God., by whom onely our fins be forgiven. Concerning Purgatory 5 Forafmuch as according to due order of Charity, and the Book ofMacchabees^ and divers antient Writers, It is a very good and charitable deed to pray for fouls departed : And forafmuch as fuch ufes have continued in the Church even from the beginning, That all Bifhops and Preach ers fhould inftruft and teach the people not to be grieved with the continuance of the fame : But forafmuch as the place where they be, the name thereof, and the kinde of pains there alfo be to us uncertain by Scripture , That therefore this and all other fuch things were to be remitted to God Almighty, unto whofe mercy it is meet 8c convenient to commend them, trufting that God accepteth our prayers for them 3 referring the reft wholly to God,to whom is known their ftate and condition. And there fore that it was neceffary that fuch abufes fhould be cleerly put away, which under the name of Purgatory have been advan ced 5 As to make men beleeve. That through the Bifhop of' Rome's Pardons Souls might be cleerly delivered out of Pur gatory and all the pains of it, or that Mafles faid at ScalACceli, or otherwhere in any place, or before any Image, might like- wife deliver them from all their pain, and fend them ftrait to Heaven j and other like abufes. This was fubfcribed by Tho- n*M Cromwell^ Thomas Cantttarienfo, tfohannes London, and fixteen Bifhops more (RowUnd Bifhop of Country and Licbfield being comprized by his Proxie) and William Abbot of Weflminfter^ with Of King HENRY the Eighth. \ with 39 Abbots and Priors j and by the Lower Houfe confift- ! ing of 50 Arch deacons and Pro&orsof the Clergy ^ among i whom, in the Original I findetwo Italian?, PoliAore Virgil Arch deacon of fTt/s, and Pettr yannes Arch-deacon of Werc(fttr> who not long before was made co-adjutor to R ichard Pace Dean of Salisbury, being then thought commonly diftra&ed and out of his wits. And thus the King having taken on him the title of S*> prtmt Head in his Dominions, would mew how capable he was ' of it : Though yet he publifhed not thefe Articles without ; much confultation with his Bifnops and Divines, who flood divided in opinion 5 fome leaning to the Lutheran, as Canterbury, Ely, Salisbury, Woraftr^ Hertford, fachefttr, S.Dwid and the reft : i others cleaving to the old Doftrine and Rites, as Tork, London., \ ltorham y Winckefttr, Chichefter, Norwich, and CarliU 5 whofe Argu ments on either fide the King himfelf took pains to perufe and moderate, adding Animadverfions with his own hand, which are to be feen in our Records : Yet was not his Dodrine ap proved by the Rornifh Party, becaufe it took away much of their Authority and Revennue : nor by the Lutheran and Zuin- glian, (then beginning to appear in thefe parts) becaufe it dif- fer'd from theirs. But whatfoever any of the Reformed might fay for their onely two Sacaments, it was thought by fome, that according to the Kings Inftauration, Penance might have been retained ftill upon fome terms as a third, both as there is no other generall way then Averfion from fin, and Conver- fion to God known to all mankinde for making their peace with him, and obtaining pardon. And as the other two Sa craments being particular Rites onely of the Chriftian Church, are in their explication fubjecl: to fo much difficulty and dif- putes, as no lefTethena mans whole age is required to ftudie them 5 whenas this other, being an uncontroverted figne of the operation of Gods Spirit in our hearts, produceth fuch ho ly effedrs, as it ought to be acknowledged not onely as a par ticular Sacrament of grace, but an univerfall of the reafonable Nature of rriankinde, wherefoever it be found 5 and therefore worthy its former Name and Authority, where abufes in Ab folution were taken away : for performing whereof, they faid the Prieft mould never pronounce it but in cafe of fuch a ferious repentance as might totally efface the fault, and make the finner a new man ^ without which therefore he fhould be toldjhe was as much liable and obnoxious to fin andpuniftiment, as if no fuch abfolution had ever been given. Whereas now the common Abfolution of Priefts , extending (for the moft part) no farther then to require Attrition, or forrow for their offences paft, and to command, for the reft, fome formal Pray ers, eafie Fairs, or ordinary Pilgrimages, not onely made men beleeve 405 May 8. Records 406 September. Record. The Life and beleeve they were quit of their fins at fo eafie a rate, as they feared not much to return to them again, but ufurped on the power of God, while they brought the forgivenefle of fins within their own particular Jurifdidtion, and together put off heaven and everlafting happineffe at a cheaper price then ei ther they could juftly promife, or frail man expeft. So that they concluded, that Priefts fhould be allowed indeed to ab- folve, But fo as men might not think their finspaft, as much pardoned as if they had not been committed, unleffe they ne ver do the fame offence again 5 left greater occafion and liber ty of fin fhould thereby be given. And now, as the Reader hath formerly feen the Reforma tion Francit would have -ftood to, when it might have been im braced in Germany } fo here he may perceive what our King required in EngUnA, : Neither of which yet could ever be ac cepted, as long as contentious Preachers and faftious School men on all fides would have rather difturb'd the peace of the whole World, then relinquifhed or retracled one particle of thofe opinions they had publickly taught their A uditours and Difciples. i For which obftinacy alfo, as the Reformers being the weaker, fuffered moft, they being ufually burnt in thefe times $ and among them one William Tyndatt, who had tranfla- ted into Englifh a great part of the Bible (a witty, but violent and (ometimes railing Difputant) at a Town neer Bruffels : fo on the other fide, thefe cruelties made the Romifh par ty fo odious , as their differences grew almoft irreconcile- able. Our King having thus begun to reclifie the frame of Reli gion, endeavoured now to prevent forraign opposition : And becaufe he knew of what confequence the Generall Councel now appointed at Lfttantotta was, he obtain'd this Decree to be figned by the Eifhops while their Synod lafted. AS concerning Generall Councels, like as we (taught by long experience) do perfectly know that there never was, ne is any thing devifed, invented, or inftituted by our Fore- fa thers more expedient, or more neceffary for the eftablifhment of our Faith, for the extirpation of Herefies, and the abolifh- ing of Sefts and Schifms 5 and finally 3 for the reducing of Chrifts people unto one perfect unity and concord in his Reli- gion 5 then by the having of General Councels, fo that the fame be lawfully had and congregated in Spiritu Sanfte., and be alfo conform and agreeable, afwell concerning the furety andin- differency of the places, as all other points requifite and ne- ceflary for the fame, unto that wholefome and godly Inftitu- tion and ufage for the which they were atfirft devifed andu- fed in the Primitive Church. Even fo on the other fide,taught Of Kjng H E N R Y the Eighth. by like experience, we efteem, repute and judge, That there is, ne can be any thing in the world more peftilent and perni' cious to the Common- weal of Chriftendom , or whereby the truth of Gods Word hath in times paft, or hereafter may be fooner defaced and fubverted, or whereof hath and may enfue more contention, more difcord, and other divelifh ef- feds, then when fuch General Councels have or (hall be afiem- bled nor Chriftenly, nor charitably $ but for and upon private malice and ambition, or other worldly and carnall refpefts and considerations., according to the faying of Gregory NAKUnzAmt* in his Epiftle to one Procepius^ wherein he writeth this fen- tence following : Sic fevtit, ft litrtan fcrib wd*m eft^ 9mms - vtnttts Epifcepsrumfugieedos efle, qwA Kuttiu* Sjnodi finem vidi fo~ attnt^ncque habentem mtgis foltuiontvi malorum , quam ixcrtmentum. HAW Cupidit&tes Contentionum , & glori* (fed ne putes me odiofam ifl* fcribantvt) vincttn! rAtiontm^ that is to fay : I think this 3 if I fhould c write truly 9 that all general Councels be to be efchewed. For C I never faw that they produced any good end or effect 9 nor 'that any provifion or remedy, but rather increafe of mifchiefes 'proceeded of them. For the defire of maintenance of mens o- 'pinions and Ambition of Glory , (but reckon not that I write 'this of malice) hath alwaies in them overcom'd reafon. Where fore we think that Chriftian Princes efpecially and above all things ought and muft, with all their Wills , Power, and Dili gence forefee and provide NefanftifsimA I) AC in parte Majtrum In- ftitutaadiwprobifsimos Amkitionis ant Mali tit effeftw cxpltndts diver- Jis/imtfrf fine & fctltrAtifsimo pervert antur. Neve ad Alium prttexttm pofsittt vAlcre & huge diver [urn tffcttum Orbi producer e, quarn SAntfif- ( fima Rci fades pr* fe ferat. That is to fay: Left the mod noble 'wholfome Inftitutions of our Elders in this behalfe, be perver ted to a moft contrary and moft wicked end and effedh That is 'to fay,to fulfil and fatisfie the wicked afFecttons of mens Ambi tion and Malice^ or left thty might prevail for any other colour c or bring forth any other erlecl:,then their moft vertuous 8c lau- 'dable countenance doth outwardly to the world (hew or pre tend. And firft of all , we think that they ought Principally to confider who hath the authority to cal together a general Coun- ccl. Secondly ,whether the caufes alledged be fo weighty and fo urgent, that neceflarily they require a general Councel 3 nor can otherwife be remedied. Thirdly, who ought to be Judges in the general Cpuncel. Fourthly, what order of proceeding is to be obferved in the fame, And how the opinions or Judgements of the Fathers are to be confulted or asked. Fiftly 3 what Doctrines are to be allowed or defended, with divers other things which in general Councels ought of reafon & equity to be obferved. And as unto the firft point, we think that neither the Bifhop of Row, ne any one Prince of what Eftate , Degree , or Preheminence foever 4 o8 1536 The Life and foever he be., may by his own Authority call, indite, or fummon any general Councel without the exprefle Confent, A (Tent, and Agreement of the refidue of Chriftian Princes ^ and efpecially, fuch as have within their own Realms and Seignories Imy.rium merum, that is to fay 9 of fuch as have the whole intire and Su- pream Government and Authority over all their Subjeds,with- out knowledging or Recognizing of any other Supf earn Power or Authoiity. And this to be true., we be induced to think by many and fundry , as well examples as great reafons and Autho rity. The which, forafmuch as it fhculd be overlcng , and tedi ous to ex prefle here particularly , we have thought good too- mit the fame for this prefent. And in witnelle that this is our plain and determinate fentence, opinion, and judgement touch ing the premifes, we the Prelates and Clergy under wr itten, be ing congregate together in the Convocation of the Province ot Canterbury , and reprefenting the whole Clergy of the fame, have to thefe prefents fubfcribed our names the 2O' h of fuly in the yeer of cur Lord 1536,28^/^.8. ihomaA Cromwell. Thomas Cswttiarievfis. Johannes London, with 1 3 Btjbops, and of Abbots, Priors , Arc^-dtacons , Deaws, Proftors.) Clerks and other ^^iniftcrs^ 49. After which, he fet forth an injunction toreftrain the num ber of Holy- day es, now grown tothat excefle, that therewas fcarce time to gather in Harveft, or hold the feats of Jufticein Teimtime, which as it was inconvenient, fo again the abufe of Holy dayes in drinking and other vices and idlenefle was fo great, as many Riots and diforders were committed 3 for which reafon, though the number was limited, yet Priefts were furTe- red to do their dutyes in Churches en thefe dayes 5 and all who would to hear them. And now as the poorer foit were at liber ty to woikfor their living on thofe dayes, fo they approved well this Reformation. Whereby it came to pafle that the Re verence of fuppofed Saints Cwhereuponmuch of the Rcmane Religion was built) growing to an excefle, became one of the iirft degrees to the Ruine thereof in this Kingdome. Infe- quence of which s the fame yeer he commandedfunder the name of Crcmwel his Vice-gerent)thefe injunctions following to be ob- fer ved of the Deanes, Parfons , Vicars , Curats , and Stipenda- ries reiident, or having care of Souls each where. 1. And Firft, that in all Parifhes and places of Preaching, once every Sunday fora quarter of a yeer together , the Do- drine of Supremacy mould be taught,and the Laws to that pur- pofe read, and that the Biihop of 'Rome's Authority having no e- (iablifhment by theLawof Gcd was juftly taken away. 2. That in the Kings Articles, lately fet forth, the Real Do ctrine of Salvation fhould be difttnguifh'd from the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church , and fo taught the people as they might Of King HENRY the Eighth. might know., what was rieceflary in Religion., and what was In- ftituted for the decent and Politique order of" the Church , ac cording to fuch a Commandment given heretofore in that point. 3. That the late order concerning abrogating of certain Su- perftitious Holy-dayes mould be read to the people , and they perfwaded to keep it. 4. That they mould not extoll or fet forth Images, Reliques, or Miracles, or allure people to Pilgrimages otherwife then as permitted in the late Articles, but rather exhort them to keep Gods Commandements, and provide for their Families , and what they can give, to beftow it rather on the poor , then upon the faid Images or Reliques. 5. That in their Sermons., they admonifh Fathers to teach their Children the Pater wfter, Articles of our Faith , and Command ments in their Mother- tongue which alfo mould be often re peated by the faid youth, and to bring them up in learning or fome honeft Occupation or Trade, whereby to avoid idlenefs., and get their living. 6. That Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and Reve, rently adminiftred by the Parfons, Vicars, and Curats 5 and if a- ny be abfent from their Benefices by Licence, that Learned Cu rats be left in their place. 7. That every Parfon or Proprietary of a Church (hould provide a Bible in Latine and Englifti, and lay the fame in the Quire for every man to read., exhorting them thereunto , as be ing the word of God , teaching them withall to avoid Contro- verfie amongft themfelves in the places they underftood not, but to refer themferves therein to the better learned. 8. That the faid Deans, Parfons, Vicars, and Curats fhould not haunt Taverns nor Ale-houfes, or ufe Tables, Cards, or any unlawful Games, but rather at their leafure that they mould read the Holy Scripture, and be example to others in purity of life. 9. Thatbecaufe the goods of the Church are the goods of the poor , and yet the needy in thefe dayes not fuftained with the fame, therefore all Perfons, Vicars 3 and Prebendaries , and other Beneficed men, which may difpend twenty pounds yeer- ly, or above, fhould diftribute amongft the poor Pariftrioners in the prefence of the Church- wardens , the fortieth part of the Revenue of their Benifices^left they fhould be noted of Ingrati tude, as receiving 39 parts , and yet not vouchfafing to beftow the fortieth. 10. That every Parfon, Vicar,Clark,or Beneficed man, being able to difpend in Benefices or Promotions of the Church icol, yeerly, or more, (hall for one, or every of the faid lool. yeerly, give a competent Exhibition to maintain one Scholler, or more, F f f either '53* The Life and l^eign either in Grammer-Schools , or the Univerfities Q Oxford and Cambridge, who when they have profited in learning , may be Partners in their Patrons Cure and charge, in Preaching and o therwife, or elfe profit the Common- wealth with their Coun- cell and Wifdome. n. That all Parfons 5 Vicars and Clerks having Churches, Chappels, or Manfions (hall beftow yeerly upon the faid Man- fions or Chancels of their Churches (being in decay) the fifth part of their Benefices, till they had fully repaired the fame. That all thefe Injunctions mould be obferved, under pain of fufpenfion and Sequeftration of the Benefices untill they were done. Other Injunctions alfo at divers times were fet out , which may be feen in Fox. But as the people were not generally fatif fied with the Kings alterations , and proceedings in Religion andLawes: So certain fifteens , granted by Aft of Parliament., which were demanded of them ( about there times) being more then for their poverty and former Taxes they were well able to pay, made them not a little murmure, but if this were a Crime in them., Cromwell was not altogether free from errour 5 fince to charge the Purfe at the fame time, he would make a Reforma tion plaufible 3 could be no fafe Counfell- And in effeft , it pro ved fo. For the people did rife in many places , though as they agreed not alike in the caufes of their difcontentments , they neither took Armes at once , nor altogether for the fame Pre texts. The Lincoln- [hire men fet on by one Doftor <~M*ckrell (Prior of B*r lings in the faid Gounty,but calling himfelf Captain Cobler) began firft, though the moderated in their demands , as hoping , perchance, the fooner to have them granted. But as this was not the way , fo neither could they long fubfift , when no fuch neceflary motive united them. The Grievances they fent the King in the quality of moft humble Sappliants, were, the fuppreffion of fo many Religious houfes : The Aft of Ufes, as reftraining the Subjefts liberty in the Declaration of their wils.- The fifteenths for which yet po verty is only pleaded: That his Grace had ill Counfellours 3 and of mean Birth about him, (among which CrewwtU was no for- gottcn^) That divers Bifhops had fubverted the Faith, and that they feared the Jewels and Plate of their Parifh Churches fhould be taken from thence, as lately from the Religious hou fes. For Reformation of which, yet, they, as his poor and true Subjefts, humbly defircd his Gratious Majefty to call to him the Nobility of the Realm, and to fee luch order and directions concerning the premifles given, as they might accept his Grace to be their Governour and Supream Head of the Church of England^ which they did acknowledge to be his Graces true in heritance and Right : And that his Grace (hould have the tenth, and OfKjn* HENRYS Eighth. and Firft- fruits of fpirituall Promotion of the value of twenty pound and above, and of all other under the faid value, which do not keep Refidence and Hofpitality. And now thefe Articles being publifhed in the Neighbour- hood, and thence voyced abroad, drew many to them 5 while yet for more colouring their A&ions, they fwore to be true to God>the King, and Common- weal. NeverthelefTe, as they re- ferv'd the interpretation of the Oath to themfelves, they be gan a dangerous Rebellion. All which being advertifed to our vigilant King, caufed him immediately to difpatch Charles Brandon Duke of Snfolk againft them about the 7 of Ofiober (as I finde by an Originall) with Commiffion to raife Forces : to gether with which he writ a Letter to them in fuch a ftile, as though he might promife juftice, he yet required many things, and particularly that two of the chief Rebels mould be deli vered to him. Whereupon the Knights and Gentlemen who were ailociated with thefe Rebels, wrote to the Duke of Sttf* folk, how ill the people were fatisfied with the Kings Reply 5 and that upon reading of it, they cryed they would march on, and make the Gentlemen go along, or elfe deftroy them. And that for this caufe they ha4 taken on them to be their Heads and Captains 5 as alfo that by policy they might the better flay them : which yet they thought would be hard to do, in regard the people rofe in fo many other parts. Adding further, that if they had not found means to keep them back, and per- fwaded them to petition the King, they had before then been at Huntingttn - 7 and that there was no wayes to appeafe them but a generall Pardon. This Letter made it felf confiderable 5 for when it were a true Allegation, it had its pretext, though not fufficient to excufe the Gentlemen : and when not, it was cunningly remonftrated } for it ferved both ways. How- beit, the Duke of Suffolk finding that the end thereof, at worft, was to obtain a generall Pardon - and that the Commotion might end thereby, follicited on their behalf: yet fo as he of fered withall to go againft the Rebels with the Forces he had there aflembled, if the King gave him leave. In the mean while, he ordered the bufinefle in that manner, that he obtain'd of them not to proceed till the Kings Anfwer were returned. But the King, who was informed already from divers parts (but chiefly from Terk fhirt) that the people began there alfo to take Arms 5 and knowing of what great confequence it might be, if the great perfons in thofe parts (though the Rumour were falfe) mould be faid to joyn with him, had commanded George Earl of Shrewsbury, Tbmat ^Manners Earl of Rutland, and George Haflin^s Earl of H*tingto* to make a Proclamation to the Lincoln- (hire men, fummoning and commanding them un der their Allegeance and perill of their lives to return : Which Fff 2 as 4" 1536 O&otx 10. July. iHoUingfli as it much diiheartned them 5 fomany ftole away, while the reft (being afiiired from the Duke, that as long as they were in Arms, it was in vain for him to mediate their Pardon) fcat- tered themfelves to divers parts 5 the more ftubborn and poor er fort yet retiring to the Tor k- /hire men. Befides, they had heard, that (notwithftanding the foul ways of this Country 3 and the Winter feafon approaching)the great Ordnance was coining on, and the King in perfon following : All which confiderati- ons, together with the danger that divers of the principall Ring- leaders found themfelves in, as being men of good For tunes, and fure to fuffer moft, caufed them to perfwade thofe who remained, to make their fubmiflion as the King required $ which was, That they (hould acknowledge their fault, deliver up their Armour , and approve and maintain all the A&s of Parliament made fince the Kings Reign. And fo this bufinefs ended : though not that of Tork-jbire, which paffed in this manner: While theLixcofa-Jhire commotion was on foot, the York-fare men made an Infurredion under the command of one Robert Aske 5 They would have it calFd yet only a Pilgrimage of Grace , while, for giving it reputation^cer- tain Priefts with Croflesled the way, the Army following with Banners, wherein were painted the Crucifix, the five wounds, and the Chalice. And becaufe they defired to draw in as ma ny good Perfons as they could, they attempted firft William Lord Dacrcs ofGillefland, advifing him (as being of late wrong fully accufed, and in danger, had not his Peers acquitted him) to joyn with them, but he refufed : Then they fent to invite divers others,ufing threats, where perfwafions ferved not 3 info- much., that at laft they made fundry perfbns of quality fwear to be faithfull to them : for they pretended onely the good of the King and Common -wealth, the Church a,nd Religion, and the depreffing of Hereticks. They being now afTembled in great number, the difpof feffed and difcontented Monks every where made Petitions to Aike for remedy 5 who I finde alfo re-eftablifhed them in diver places, wifhing them to pray for the King, and to take up vi- ftuals of the Farmours of the faid Monafteries upon Bill, till their fuit were granted. Which being advertifed to the King on the one fide,and (prefently after) that the Commons ofRich- mont) Lanca-fhire, Durham^ WeftmerUnd y 8cc. were up in another place, and had fired the Beacons, made him think what hee had to do : Yet was not his fervice negleded by fome of the Nobility there., efpecially George Talfot Earl of Shrernluri^ who raifing many men before he received the Kings Commiffion for it, did by this dangerous difcretion much advance his fervice. For though his zeal for the welfare of the State were above fcruples,.and that fome learned men in the Law befides had told HENRY the Eighth. told him, That his intention being good, his aftion could not be cenftrued ill : He yet faid, he knew his danger fo well, as he had fent to the King for a Pardon 5 while for deterring the Rebels, as well as the fatisfying many, who otherwife might have fufpe&ed him, hee gave an Oath to his men to be true unto the King 3 protefting further, that according to the an cient Loyalty of the Talbots to the Crown, when it had been upon a flake, he would have liv'd and dyed in defence of it. And now the firft order the King gave was to command the Duke of Suffolk's flay in Lincoln- jhire^ left they fhould rife again. Then he appointed the Earl of Shrewsbury as his Lieutenant, to march with a great Army and the Canon, againft the Nor thern men : he writ alfo to Edward Stanley Earl of Derby to raife what Forces he could, promifing to repay his Charges. Henry Courtney alfo Marquefle ofExceter Coufin-german to the King, and the Earls of Huntington and RtttltnJ offered themfelves to the Kings fervice. And becaufe now divers Monks in thofe parts were reftored to their Monafteries by the Rebels (as I finde particularly thofe of Sally, Whaffy, Norton and Hexam) hee commanded them to be taken out, and Martiall Law to be u- fed againft them. Yet as the noyfe of this Infurredlion was by continuall Courriers augmented, Thomas tiward Duke of Norfolk about the twentieth of Otfober was difpatch'd with For ces to affift the Earl of Shrewsbury : who writ to the King, That the Tor k -/hire men, as being ufed to Arms, were more confi de rable then thofe of Lincoln-fair t 5 yet that they could not long continue together, both for lack of means to provide victuals otherwife then by rapine , and the feafon of the yeer : And that the beft way was to perfwade them to lay down their Arms,or fow fedition among them. This while A ske and his Company advancing forward, for ced Edward Let Arch- Bifhop of Tofk, and Thorns Lord Darcy to furrender to them Pomfret Caftle, and take the Oath - which was, That they fhould enter into this Pilgrimage of Grace for the love of God, the prefervation of the Kings Perfon and If- fue, the purifying of the Nobility, and expulfing all Villan blood, and evill Counfellours, and for no particular profit for themfelves, not to do difpleafure to any, nor to flay nor mur der any for envie $ but to put away all fears, and take afore them the Croffe of Chrift, his Faith, and the reftitution of the Church, the fuppreffion of Hereticks and their opinions. But as this Caftle was ftrong, the Arch- Bifhop and Lord Dirty (though pretending want of furniture and provifion to hold out) were fufpeded to have render'd it in favour of the Re bels. They flayed not yet fo, but took the City of Tork and HuS ^ and betwixt force and intreaty drew moft of the great Perfons in thofe parts unto them. While not content to have 1536 O&oUij. 4*4 1536 Oftob. 20. Odob. O&ob. 22. Oftob. Tbt Life and a pretext of Religion, they by falfe tales got many Partizans : therefore they gave out as before they had done in Lincoln- jhire, That all the gold in England fhould be brought to the Tower to be touch'd 5 and that the King claim'd all the Cattel unmark'd as his : as alfo all the goods and ornaments of Parifh Churches 5 that they fhould pay fines for Chriftenings, Wed dings and Burying?., and for Licences to eat white bread, and the daintier forts of meats, &c. and this again ftirred rancor in the peoples hearts. Aske and his followers being now in Pomfret^ Lancafter the Herald came with a Proclamation from the Earl of Shrewsbury , requiring it to be read. But ^d she fitting in ftate, and having theArch-Bifhopon the one hand, and the Lord Darcy on the other, defired firft to know the contents } which being told, he faid it fhould not be proclaimed. Neverthelefle, he gave the Herald a fafe conduct, as long as he ware his coat. But the Rebels not contented thus, required Htnvj Clifford \Ltt\otCumberhnd (being then inhisCaftle of Skipton) to joy n with them : But he by Letter affures the King, that though 500 Gentlemen (retained at his coft) had forfaken him,he would yet continue the Kings true Subject, and defend his Caftle (in which he had great Ordnance) againft them all. Sir Half Evers alfo kept Scar borough Caftle with no lefle courage againft the Rebels , he and his company having no fuftenance but bread and water for the fpace of twenty dayes that they be- fieged him. The King being now in Windfor, intends in perfbn to go againft the Rebels, commanding his Nobles for this purpofe to meet him at Northampton Novemb. 7. And it was time to take fome good order, for they were now grown to be thirty thou- (and men in which number (being divided into three Battels) they prefented themfelves before Doncafter : neer which, the Duke of Norfolk^ Earl of Shrewsbury^ and Marqueffe of Exceter were encamped with an Army, though little in number (as be ing but five thoufand) yet better furnifhed. And two wayes they had to pafTe the River Don to the Town 5 a Bridge, and a Foord : The Bridge the Duke took on him to defend 5 not neglecting yet to entertain them with a Treaty, as expecting daily more Forces : The Foord was undertaken by the reft of the Army. This alone yet could not have ftayed the Rebels , but a great Rain falling that night, fo increafed the water, that it was not pafiable the next day : Befides, by the coming of fome fhot, the Bridge was fo fortified, that it was now defen- fible. This hindered not the Treaty 5 for the Duke of Nor folk and the reft knowing of what importance it was to gain time till all the Kings Forces were aflembled^ and having in telligence befides among the Rebels, got a Petition from them >/ to Of Kjn? Eighth. to be delivered to the King, which Sir Ralph Elesker and Robert Bowes fhould carry, (who though manfully defending ffu/l a- gainft the Rebels,were at laft forced to joyn and take the Oath.) The Duke himfelf alfo promifed to go with them., upon condi tion that there might be a ceflation from hoftility in the mean time 5 which was condefcended to. Coming thus to Com t, and the Duke being firft heard (who acquainted the King whh the State of all things) the aforefaid Commiffioners prefented the intrufted Petition with many excufes on their own part. But the King , who defir'd ftill to gain more time 5 would return no prefent anfwer, and the rather, becaufe he was informed by the Duke that the Rebels began to disband $ for the Treaty difheartned and divided them, while Rumours were difperfed every where , that fome of the Chiefs would Compound for themfelves, and leave the reft to the Gallowes. Infomuch that daily and nightly they ran away,efpecially the poorer fort,who had neither meanes to fubfift, nor might have leave from their Captain to take any thing by force } which being advertif 'd to the King, made him both give private order to difcharge thofe Troops he had appointed to meet him at Northampton , and to detain Eleekir and Bowes, upon pretext that fome Innovation had been attempted by the Tork-fhirc men fince their comming up : Nevertheleffe, at laft for clearing all fufpition (fince the Com mons took this detention of their Meflengers fo ill , that they encourag'done another to be in Armes again at an hours warn ing) the King thought fit to fend his anfwer$ yet not by them, but by the Duke ot Norfolk, together with a fafe conduft (un der the Great Seal) for three hundred Perfons to meet in the Town of DOKC after for concluding all things 5 neither did the King doubt to admit this great number, as being confident they would not only lefs agree among themfelvs,but that fome would be wonne to his Party. After which the faid Elecktr and Bowes had their difpatch too, as being commanded to fay,that his Ma- jefty took it marvelous unkindly at their hands , that knowing his Benignity, they would rather rife in Armes then Petition his Ma jefty, and that they had left their Countrey open to the Scots, who prepared to invade them : Referring the reft to the Duke of Norfolk, who brought (as I gather out of thofe Origi nals I have feed) the offer of a Pardon to all except fix named, and four unnamed, when the reft would fubmit. But as the four unnamed concern'd every body, fo it was declined. Ne verthe- leffe, certain Books the King fent down, which were, as I take it, the Articles of Religion, devifed by himfelf , being received by them, took much mifunderftanding and ill imprefnon which their difcontented Priefts had given , while for accompanying hereof, expreffe order was fent to the Bifhops in their feverall Diocefles, not to negleft the ufuall Ceremonies of the Church. Here- 4'5 Novemb. dated Novcm. 14. dated No vein. Kings Letter, dated Novem. If. 536 November. 25. The Life and Hereupon the Clergy of thofe parts met at Pomfret , and agreed on certain Articles of Religion, to be propof cl in the follow ing Treaty. The Arch-bimop ofTork being present, and taking occafion to tell them, that though Pilgrimages were good , yet an Armed Pilgrimage could not be lawfull. After this 3 a day of meeting at Doncafter was appointed, in which lohn Lord Scroope^ Lord Latimer^Iohn Lord Lumlej^ and Thomas Lord Darcy, Sir Tho- m What King foath been leather to punifh his Subjects, or mewed more mercy 2- mong them > Thefe things being fo true as ho true man can de ny them, it is an unnaturall and an unkind demeanour of you our Subjects, to believe or deem the contrary of it , by whofe report foever it (hould be fet forth againft us. And the begin ning of our Reign where it is faid , that fo many Noble-men wereCounfellorsjwedonot forget who were then Cotrafel- lors- for ofthe Temporally, there were but two worthy to be called Noble, the one the Treafurer ofEngUnd , the other the high Steward of our houfliold. Others, as the Lord Marney and Darcy but mean born Gentlemen , nor yet of no great lands , till they were promoted by us, and fo made Knights and Lords^ the reft were Lawyers and Priefts , faving the twoBifhopsof Cant (r bury, and. Wiflcbefter. If thefe be then the great number of Noble men that is fpoken of,and that our Subjects feemed then contented withall , why then be they not much better content ed with us which have fo many Nobles indeed , both of Birth and condition of our Councell. For firft of the Temporally in our Privy Councell, we have the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marqueffe of Exctttr,the Lord Steward , (when he is prefent) the Earl of Oxford, the Earl of Sttffex, the Lord Sands our Chamberlaine, the Lord Admirall Treafurer of our Houfe, Sir William Paulet, Comptroller of our Houfe. Andof the Spi ritualty, the Bifhop of Canterl>UYy,Wi*cl>e(ltr , Hereford, and Chi- chester-) and for becaufe it is more then neceffary to have fome in our Privy Councell learned incur Lawes and Pacts ofthe World: We by the advice of our whole Councel aforenamed., did elect and chufe into our Privy Councell , and alfo in their Rooms, our Chancellor and Privy- Seal thinking them men in all our opinion moft meet for the fame Rooms 5 and we with our whole Councell think it right ftrange , that yee which be butBrutesand inexpert folk, do take upon you to appoint us who be meet for our,Councell and who be not. Mark therefore now, how thefe feditious perfons, which thus wrongfully have borne you thus in hand, have falfly abufed you} that reckon there were then more Noble men in our Privy Councell then G 2 be The Life and be now : But yet though of our great clemency and Princely goodneflewe declare now the truth to pull our Sub) eels from that errour and blindneffe they were led and trained to by falfe and untrue furmife and report 5 we would again that every of them knew, that it appertained not to any Subject to prefume to take upon him the appointment of his King and Soveraign Lord's Councell, ne for our part will wee take any fuch thing at any of our Subjects hands. Wherefore, we would that from henceforth they mould better remember the duties of good fub- jects to their naturall Liege Lord, and meddle no further with thofe or fuch like things as they have nothing to doe withall. To the fourth Article., where the Commons do name cer tain of our Councell to befubverters both of GcdsLaw,and the Laws of this Realm, we do take and repute them as juft, and true Executors both of Gods Lawes and ours, as far as their Cornmiffion under us doth extend. And if any of our Subjects can duly prove the contrary, we (hall proceed againft them, and all other offendors therein, according to Juftice, as to our eftate and dignity Royall doth appertain. And in cafe it be but a falfe and an untrue report, as we verily thinke it is, then it were as meet, and ftandeth as well with juftice , that they mould have the felf- fame punifliment which wrong, fully have objected this to them, that they mould have had if they had deferved it. And one thing among others caufeth us to think that this (lander mould be untrue, becaufe it pro- ceedeth from that place which is both far diftaot from that where they inhabit, and alfo from thofe people which never heard them preach, nor yet know any part of their converfa- tion. Wherfore we exhort all ye our Commons to be no more fo light of credit in the beleeying of evill things fpoke of us your naturall Prince and Soveraign Lord , nor of any of our Prelats and Counfellors ^ but to think that your King, having folong reigned over you with the advice of his Councell, hath as good difcretion to elect and chufe his Counfellors, as thofe, whofo- ever they be that have put this in your heads, or ye either, be ing but ignorant people,, and out of all experience of Princes Affairs. Herein this finall point, which ye our Commons of York- fare^mftmtrUnd, Cumberland, the Bifhoprick of Durham, Rich- mend-five, Cravat, Dent, Sedbwe, and all other places that have teen feducedto this Insurrection do defire, and alfo in the mat ter of the whole difcourfe of your Petitions ^ we verily think that the reft of all our whole Commons of many Countries, to whom you be in manner but anhandfull, will greatly dif- dain, and not bear k, that you take upon you to fet order to Us and them, and especially to Us, being Soveraign Lord to you H E N R Y the Eighth. you both. And that (you being Rebels) you would make them as bearers and partakers of your mifchief, willing them to take pardon for In fur regions., which verily we think and doubt not, they never minded 5 but like true Subjects to the contra ry, have both with heart and deed been ready at our call to defend both Us and themfelves. And now for our part, as to your demands, We let you wit, that pardon of fucn things as you demand,lyeth onely in the will and pleafure of the Prince : But it feemeth by your lewd Proclamations and fafe Conducts, that there be among you which take upon them both the parts of Kings and Counsellors, which neither by Us, nor by the ge- nerall confent of our Realm hath been admitted to any fuch room. What arrogance is then in thofe wretches, being alfo of none experience., to prefume to raife you our Subjects with out Commiffion or Authority 5 yea and againft Us, under a cloaked colour of your wealth, and in our name, and as the fuccefs and end would declare,if we fliould not be more merciful unto you, then you have deferved, to your own utter confu- (K>ns > Wherefore, we let all your our faid Subjects again wit, That were it not that OUT Princely heart cannot reckon this your fhanjefull Infurrection, and moft ingrate and unnaturall Rebellion to be done of malicr or rancor, but rather by a light- neile givenln manner by a naughty Nature to a Communally, and a wondrous fudden furreption of Gentlemen: Weemuft needs have executed another manner of punifhment, then if you will humbly knowledge your fault, and fubmit your felves to our mercy , we intend to do ( as by our Proclamations we doubt not ye be informed.) And now this great Company being^difperfed, began to take Books of controverfies in hand, and inform themfelves con cerning the Kings Articles of Religion. But the Clergy of the North in generall wholly oppofing the Kings Reformation, kept the Rebellion ftill on foot, though outwardly fmothered for a while (as will appear in his place). I fhaf/awe now to firrain Hiftwy. Barb'ireff* being driven from Tunis repairs to the Turk, new ly return'd from the Expedition to Pgrpa and perfwades him to take Arms againft the Emperour -, who Wanted (hee faid) onely Algim to command intirely all that Coaft of Ajjrica. The counfell pleas'd him 5 and the rather that Monfieurde Forreft the French Ambafihdour concurred therein., and one Pignafeh a Re- negado of Ntples. AfFembling thus an Army of 200000 men, and 400 Gallies and Ships, (in which were 3600 Pieces of Ord nance) under the command of LutpBajJ*, He appointed them to be ready at vdova^ being not above 1 5 Leagues diftant from Otrtnto in Italy , From whence a fmall part of the Fleet being fent 1536 Sandor. T J une o. Sandovall. Mi T June 15. t June ip. July. The Life and fentto enter that Continent., theycfeofe rather to fall on Ca- Jlro, then Otranto, or Brindifi, being ftronger then that they could be gotten eafily. This great Preparative 5 yet at laft, came to nothing : for thofe of Apuglia not rifing in favour of the French (which was hoped) nor Francis having any Army neer rofecondhim, andjterw (befides that) having taken fume of their Gallies from them., the Baffa having gotten Caftro^ and gotten ftore of Captives, negleded the enterprife,arid return'd , while Forreft the French Ambaffador died at Velona. About this time Ale xandro deMedicis firft Duke of Florence was betray'd by his kinfman Lorenzo de Medicis, who prornifing to help him to a Lady much defired by the Duke, entifed him to his houfe in the night : but in ftead of the Lady., Lorenzo with two Affafins came in andkill'dhim^ which yet was re venged by Cozimo de Medicis his Succeflbr. Though the Emperour were now retir'd to Spain, (as is toM before,) he yet continued his Wars againft the French in the Low- Countries (and the rather., that our King had promi- fedto be Neuter betwixt them) giving order thereupon for to befiege Theroiienne 3 which being advertifed to Franciscan fed him to raife an Army of 2 5000 men under Anne Montmorancy his Lieutenant, wherewith (the King being prefent) Ht(din^ S.Paul, and divers other places were taken, : while by a publick Adi in Pans the Emperour was declared a Rebel and Felon, and that he had forfeited all the Eftate he held of the French Crown, being Artois, Flanders, Charoloit, and fome others. But fome con fiderable Forces being raifedon the Emperours part, and half the French Army being diminifhed by reafon of Garifons put into the Towns won, and other occasions, Francis with the reft of his Army returned. The Ernperiall Army hereupon, commanded by the Count de Bures, took * back S, Paul, t furpri- fed Monpreul) and defeated Clattde de Annebwlt Marefchal of France, though bravely defending himfelf after his victualling of Theroiienne. Things being brought to thefe extremities,^^ Queen of Hungary Regent of the Low-Countries, mediated and effeded a Truce on thofe parts between the two Princes for three months : while in Savoy fome Towns revolting, the Count de S. Paul was fent thither by Francis, who recovered all again, and freed Turin then befieged by the Imperials. Yet Alonfode Avaios Marqueffe of Gttafto won back the greateft part of the Marquefate of Salttfes in the behalf of Francois Marqueffe there of 5 who for falling away to the Emperour, was by the French King not long fince deprived of his Pofleflions. But the Mar- quefle enjoyed not this Reftitution 5 being kill'd foon after with a fmall Ihot, while he play'd the part of a Canoneer at thefiege of the Caftle of Carmaniola. Francis underftanding now the progrefle of the Spaniard in thofe parts, commands the Of King HENRY^ Eighth. the Seigneur deHumieres with feme German Foot to paffe to Peidmont) both to defend the places hee had gotten there., and take others 5 who thereupon befieged Afli, but in vain., it be ing well defended 5 fo that railing the fiege, he went to Alh y which was rendred him without refiftance. BufinefTes paffing thus with various fucceffe on both fides, Francis thought fit to fend Henry the new Daulpbin (his Elder Brother Francis after four dayes (kknefTe , being the laft yeer dead of a furfit of drinking cold water after Tennis-play, rather then poyfon by the Emperors procurement, though one fuffer'd for it) and dntoine de Bourton Duke ofVendofme , and Montmorancy who made their way-over the Alps , by force took divers towns and performed many brave exploits, which being advertif'd to the King, made him refolve to go thither in Perfon , where ad- vifing with the Daulpbin , and Montmorancy what was further to be done, News was brought of a general abftinence of War con cluded by the mediation of the Queen of Hungary , from that time being 28 of November 1 537. till the 22th of February fol lowing, for as upon a Truce made a little before in ficardie for three months (as abovefaid) Commiffioners were fent to the Emperor to Treat of a Peace, or at leaft a generall Truce , and that for a longer time, fothis Ceflation was accorded: And the rather, that the Pope had now long while mediated it. And by this means,as the fiege was raifed from Tberoiienne^ fo the French remain'd in poffeffion of all they had in Piedmont. This Truce being publiftied, the Marquefs ofGuaft demanded leave to kifle the hands of Francis , which being granted, he with many Spani ards in good equipage came towards the Army at Carmagnola, while Francis for more honouring of Mentmorancy, (as a man who for his rare merits, he thought deferved that efteem) took him in the middle, betwixt himfelf and the Danfyhin, and fo exped- ed the Marquefle, who having firft done his due refpefts , and after Treated of an agreement concerning the Soldatefque in the places taken on either part, departed with much fatisfa&ion of the reception which Francit had given. The Emperor this while not unmindfull of thePrincefle Mary, uf 'd all meanes for reftoring her to her legitimation and poffi- bility of inheritance. Therefore, defiring of the Pope thatjf^- ginald Pool ( who a little before had written his Books de ttniorte Ecclefiaftica) fliould be made Cardinall , the Pope both eafily granted it, and in the beginning of 1 537. imploy'd him as Legat to F Under s > that by this meanes he might confirm the Romane Catholiques in England^ and advance his defignes , being to ftir up Enemies to our King. Though as Pool was of the Blood- Royall(his mother Margeret Counteffe of Salisbury^ being daugh ter to George Duke of Clarence^ Brother to Edward the IV. ) ma ny wanted not who believed that his zeal was complicate with X 537 July*. Oftob. 10. 153* Auguft 10. Novetnb, 28. if 3* t5 3 7 March. Novcmb. Febr.7. 153*. The Life and ^R with fome Ambition to intitle his Line to the Crown, when our King might bedepofed,andhis pofterity efpecially by Queen A#nt^ declared illegitimate. Being now on his way , our King who was informed hereof, writ to Francit to deny him pafiage through his Kingdom,or to deliver him up as a Rebel,or at leaft not to treat with him as a Legat, who thereupon difmiffd him. Coming thus to the Low-Countries,hi$ fervant MichaelThrogmor* ton was very inquifitive (as our Records tell us) whether the Queen (being now great)were thought by the Phyficians to bear a Man-child or Female : which, as it made the intentions of the Cardinal! more fufpecl:ed,fo it gave occafion to John Htttton the Kings Agent in the Low-Countries to gain Throgmorten. He was alfo commanded by our King to charge the Qijeen- Regent there with breach of Treaty, if fhe received the Cardinal!, be ing (as he called him) a Traitor 5 which hee feconded alfo in that manner, that though at firft (he faid it was not fit for her to refufe the Pope's Legat : yet being now urged again, at a time when fhee was (as is before related) in war with Francis, fhe forbad the Cardinall to enter 3 telling him, that fincehe was an Englifh man of that quality, his negotiation could not be hidden, and that it might be to her prejudice. Howfo- ever, the Cardinal fent a Letter to the Lord Cromwell, to cleer himfelfof all illdefigne againft our King, and difpatch'd tfohn CManbei Bifhop of Venn* to the Regent, both to charge.her with difobedience to the Apoftolick See, and to proteftthat Legat was never fo ufed : adding, that his bufinefle was chief ly to difpuce the errours of our Kings Reformation. But the Lady Regent not liking Difputations of Religion in her Do minions, again refufed him : So that hee was forced to hold his correfpondence in England by more clandeftine means : Whereof, as alfo his other proceedings, his fervant Throgmorton and one Frier P etc certified fome part,as I finde by our Records} as alfo his return to Rome mNwemb. 15373 where he was re ceived with much triumph (as the faid Thrcgmorton affirmed). This proceeding of the Pope's on the other fide made our King cherifh the Princes of Germany : for which hee took this Oc cafion. The Proteftants finding their late Pacification with the Emperour not obferved in all points, met again at Smalcald Febr. 7. 1537, to confult what was to be done. Hither Heldus came on the Emperours part, who exhorted the Princes, firft To accept the Councell indi&ed : Secondly, To aid the Em perour with money againft the Turk 5 or ( if he ftirr'd not) a- gainftthe French (now ufurping 41^7) &c. Thirdly, Heob- jeded to them, that they had received into their League new Confederates fince the Treaty at Noremberg. To this the Pro- teftnats anfwer'd,That for the Councell, it was not propofed in Ofl(tng H E N R Y the Eighth. in a due manner nor place (the Emperou rand Princes having decreed that it fhould be in Germany) therefore they could not admit it. For the Treaty of Peace at Noremberg^ it was not bro ken by them, but by the Emperours Officers, who in the Ca- mera Imperialism contrary to the conditions agreed on, had que- ftioned men for caufes touching Religion. And as for thofe entred into their League fince the Treaty of Nuremberg^ It was defired that they alfo might be comprehended in that Peace , upon which condition they promifed to furmfti the Emperour fuch moneys as he required. Howbeit, if he offered violence to them , they protefted to defend them as their Confede rates. Things ftanding thus. King fJenry privately difpatched Wil liam Paggt and Cbriftopher and for <^4ske, I finde by our Hiftoryand Records, That became to our King, and that upon the fubmiffion aforefaid, and oath not to depart for any long feafon without the Kings leave, being well received for the prefent, hee was difmifs'd again. But the Lord Darcj, fufpefting he fhouJd be queftioned, excufed himfelf toCrum well; faying. That all he did was onely for retaining fo much credit among the Commons, as might better enable him to do his Highnefle fervice : adding thereunto a note of the Servi ces he had done the King and his Father for fifty yeers. But this did not avail 5 for he was fent for to London, and impiifon- ed, that fo he might no more run fuch hazards, the King fore- feeing the Rebellion would break out again, as indeed it happened : For Nicholas Mnfgravt, Thorny Tilby, and others be- fieged Ctrlile with 8000 men, but were repulfed by the City 5 and in their return encountred by the Duke of Norfolk, who caufed all the Captains ( fave Mufgrave, who efcaped) and a- bout feventy perfons by Law-Martiall to be hanged on Car- lilt Walls. Sir Francis Bieot and QnzHalam attempted alfo to furprize the Town of Hull 5 but were prevented, and they both taken and executed. For which Infurre&ions, and fome lefler which followed, I finde yet no reafon delivered, but that the People were unfatisfied becaufe a Parliament was not held at Ttrk, ac- '. Hhh 2 cording 4*7 '537 Febii March X 537 Febi. >Iovetnb. 14. The Life and Records. cording to their expe&ation^and that they imagin'd the Duke of Norfolk had order fecretly (not with (landing the Pardon ) to cha- ftife the principal offenders. But our King on the other fide., al- ledged,That fince they had not reftored all the Religious Hou- fes,in which they had rein placed the Monks ,he was not bound ftriftly to hold promife with them. Howfoever, thefe new Revolts ended quickly : And now the Duke having this occa- fion, proceeded feverely } for having by the King's command ment fpred his Royall Banner., he thereupon executed Mar- tiall-Law where he thought it needfull. In conclufion, fo ma. ny were found to be complices in Treafon, or the confpiracy of it. That the Lord ZXtrqr, Robert Aske, Sir Robert Conftablt^ Sir John Bftlwer and his Wife (or Paramour,) Sir Thomat Percy, Sir Stephen Hamilton, Nicholas Tewpeft, and William Lumley were taken and brought prifoners to London 5 and in fune following, the Lord Huffy for the/w0/^yfo>*buiinefie,and the Lord Darcy were arraigned at Weftmirtfter before the Marqueffe of Exceter then High Steward, and found guilty of high Treafon. The Lord Darcy was beheaded at Tower- hill, and the Lord##/ftat Lin coln : others were hang'd at tiutt t and at York, fome elfe- where, among whom were divers religious perfons : The news where of being certified by the Duke of Norfolk to Court., the King by Letter to him, faid, he would clofe this Tragedy : For he fent now a generall Pardon 5 which was received with great joy, many being terrified with the Dukes proceedings. All this great Service of the Duke of Norfolk yet could not exempt him from calumny : For the Lord Darcy during his imprifon- ment, had accus'd him., as favouring the Rebels Articles when they firft met at Doncafer : But the Duke denyed it, offering the Duel 5 faying, that Askt (who fuffered at fork before the faid Lord) told him the faid Lords intentions 5 who f he faid) bare him ill will ever fince the Duke had folicited the faid Lord to deliver Aske into his hands, when he was in chief credit with the Rebels } which Darcy denying, fome expoftulation ha who yet had he not hoped of Pardon by the interceffion of the Lord Grey, to whom he yeelded him felf, ( as is formerly mentioned),he would have dyed fomeo- tfcer death. All the race yet ended not fo$ for Gerald yonger brother 'to Thorn** Friz-Gerald, being fought for, was packt up in a bundle of Clothes, and conveighed to his friends in Ire land, and foto France, and from thence to the Low-countries, in both which places being required of our King, he did at length fly to Cardinal Pool in Italy, who being his Kinfman,and finding him a fit Inftrument for his purpofes, kept, and cherifh- edhim, untill he obtained in after- times,that he might be re- ftored to his country and place. This being done, our King devifed certain A&s to pafle in the Parliament of Ire/and 5 being for the avoiding of all Bulls, Breves, Difpenfations, &c. granted by the Pope 5 and that the People (hould ufe the Englifh tongue. That Marchers fhould dwell upon their March lands . That certain Religious Hou- fes there (hould be fuppreft : Againft alliance with Rebels , Foreftablifhing Succeffion^For the Firft- fruits and twentieth part of fpiritual promotions^That thofe who took part with Kil- dare might be pardoned, when they fined for it 3 ^. Of which more may be feen in the Irifti Statutes. This year at Hampton Court Prince Edward was born, Otfo- her 12.1537. who(tbufe Polydores words ) was Prwceps nAtu* ad Imperium } 537 Jane. 1538. Febr. 3. Oftob.12. 43 '$37 Novwnb. JJ. HoUingfb. Oftob. 18. Mjy I^j Aug. 1 6. Oftobcr 31. Sjmdovall. March. May 12.. The Life and l^eign Imperium^ yet was not the happinefs entire^ for Queen tfane two dayes after her delivery died, and was buried in the Quire at ^/W/0r 3 whofe loffe much afflifted the King., as having found Her alwaies difcreet, humble, and loyally for which reafon alfo, he was not fo forward to match again. Infomuch that notwithftanding fome good offers made him., he continu ed a widower more then two yeares which in his declining age and corpulence ( for He grew now very unweildy) was a long fpace. The Prince yet not being above fix daies old, was made Prince of Walts > Duke of Cornwall, and Earl vfchejttr: Sir Edward Seymor alfo Brother to the Queen, lately made Lord Beauchamp, was created Earl of Hertford. And Sir Wil liam Fit^-Wittiam^ made Admirall of England lately ) Earl of Southampton. And in March folio wing Sir Mlliam 7W#, Trea- furer of the Kings Houfe, was made Lord St. J-ohn j and Sir John Ruflcll Comptroller., Lord Ruffcll. And now ( as I find by our Records ) Queen Margaret hear ing of this Princes birth, congratulates it, and together com- plaines of fome unkindnefs inherfon, defiring me might end her dayes ( being now about 49. ) in quietnefle 5 but if our King could give no remedy thereunto, it comforted her yet., that {he underftood how ('Upon the death of the Lord Thomas # Ezckias, &c. This, though commended to the King and Cromwell by Arch-bifhop Crantnir, was yet op- pofed by divers others, and particularly by Cnthben Bifhop of Durefr*C) (who extracted the faid Declaration for the King, and gave him Arguments againft it). So that the King for all An- fwer to the faid Orators , defended the points they would have reformed. Infomuch, that they return'd unfatisfied and fr u- ftrate. King Htnry the while proceeding in his own Reforma tion, as hoping the Proteftants in Germany would be drawn to him. And becaufe he had been often importuned to autho rize a Tranflation of the Bible, He committed the care there of to Cromwell, and the Printing to Richard Grdftw., who pre tending the want of good Paper here, got our Kings and Fran- cit Licence to print it at Paris both in Latine and Englifh in a large Volume : which therefore by Cr00w^the Vicegerents In junctions this yeer (1538) was to be fet in every Church for the people to read : Yetfo, as the King by Proclamation gave them to underftand, that this was not his duty, but his good- nefle and liberality to them 5 who therefore fhould ufe it mo derately, for the increafe of veitue^ not of ftrife. And there* fore no man mould read it aloud to difturbe the Prieft while he fangMaffe, nor prefume to expound doubtfull places without advice from the learned. The King having Iffue Male^ proceeded more confidently in his defignes : And becaufe he .knew that the pretended and falfe Miracles of Priefts had feduced many ignorant people to a fuperftitious obedience to theRomifh See, and reverence of Monafteries, he refolv'd to detect them, at leaft, as many as he could $ for divers were fo cunningly reprefented, as they had kept their credit for fome ages } the manner of thefe times being, if 3 man were reftored to his health upon a Pilgrimage, or ootain'd any thing he defired upon a vow to fome Saint, ne ver to ftudy other caufc. And here out of our Records I fhall mention fome of the Images and Relicks to which the Pilgrimages of thofe times brought Devotion and Offerings 3 asour Ladie's^/'r^, mew ed in eleven feverall places, ana her Milk in eight : the Sell of S.Gttthlac., and the Felt of S. Thoma* of Laocaftir, both remedies for the Head-ach: the Pen-knife and Boots ofS.lkoTrtafofC**- _ terburj, 1538 Aiiguit 5. Septemb. Fox. 43* Fcbr. 24. The Life and Will. Thomas. May 22. terbary, and a piece of his Shin^ much reverenced by great-bel lied women: the Coals that roafted S. Laurence^ two or three Heads of S. Urfttla , Malchu* his Ear 5 and the paring ofS.Edmsnds naih ^ the image of an Angel with one wing which brought hi ther the Spears head that pierced Chrifts fide 5 an Image of our Lady with a Taper in lier hand., which burnt nineyeers toge ther without wafting, till one forfwearing himfelf thereon, it went out and was now found to be but a piece of wood : our Lady ofWercefter, from which certain veils and dreffings being taken, there appeared the Statue of a Bifhop ten foot high. Thefe and others were now brought forth, and with great o- ftentation mewed to the people : Among which were two notable Trumperies I cannot omit , One was the Reed of Grace at Boxlty in Kent; which being made with divers vices to turn the eyes and move the lips , was (hewed publickly at Pauls Crofle by John Bifhop vfRcchefter^ and there broken and pull'd in pieces. The other was at Hales in Glwcefttr-fhire , where the Blood offefa Chrift brought from ferufalem, being kept (as was affirmed) for divers Ages, had drawn many great offerings to it frcm remote places : And it was faid to have this property. That if a man were in mortall fin, and not abfolved, he could not fee it} otherwife, very well : Therefore every man that came to behold this Miracle confeft himfelf firft to a Prieft there, and then offering fomething to the Altar, was directed toaChappell where the Relick was {hewed, the Prieft who confeft him (in the mean while) retiring himfelf to the back part of the faid Chappel, and putting forth a Cabinet or Ta bernacle of Cry ftall, which being thick on the one fide, that nothing could be feen thorow it, but on the other fide thin and tranfparent , they ufed diverfly : For if a rich and devout maa ent'red, they would fhew the thick fide, till he had paid for as many Maffes, and given as large Alms as they thought fit 5 after which (to his great joy) they permitted him to fee the thin fide, and the blood. Which yet (as my Authour, a Clerk of the Councell to Edward V I, and living in thofe times, affirms) was proved to be the blood of a Duck every week re newed bythePriefts, who kept the fecret betwixt them. Be- fides which, the Images of our Lady of Wdfinghum , of Iff- wich^ ofPenrife, of Jflington, and S. Zfobntfofttlfton (called o- therwife Mr. $ohn Shorne^) who was faid to (hut up the Dive! in a Boot , and divers others were publickly burnt : Infomuch, that a huge Image called Darvel Gadern being fetch'd out of Wales ferved to burn YiierForreft, (condemn'd for counfelling people in Confeffion not to beleeve the Kings Supremacy,) and to elude I know not what old blinde Prophefie. And by this means the Monafteries grew infamous where moftof thefe Images were kept, and divers were undeceived, who Of I(in^ H who before held a reverend opinion of thefe pretended Relicks and Miracles, yet, as this way,there was danger left the people mould not believe thofe Miracles which the Church had deli vered for true,the King held a hand over his Subje&s 5 and found means to humble them } for they were taught, that howfoever the Miracles of thofe later times proved counterfeit and falfe 3 yet that 4 God hath done, and can again do Miracles., when it is for his glory and fervice 5 And that it did not repugn to Faith, that for honouring the memory of his Saints, he permitted them fometimes, where the people were not withdrawn ther- by from his worfhip, to the worlhip of the creature. Upon the Ceflation of Armes betwixt the Emperour and French King formerly mentioned the Pope endeavoured a further peace and correfpondence, as thinking them capable both of making war with the Turk,,and revenging his quarrel on ourKing,againft whom he was much intentive to joyn them. But there are many difficulties in procuring two potent Princes to concur in the fame enterprize.Neverthelefs, both of them were dif-affefted to our King at this time, not yet fo much for their particular Interefts,as that his overthrowing ofReligioushoufes, and many rigorous Executions of his Subjects had given ill im- preffions of him, which our King underftanding procures to hold his Treaty with Francis. And therefore recalling from Spain Ed- inond Banner Bifhop of ffereford^nd rjis Ambaflador then with the Emperor,he imployed him in Franc? in the place of Stephen Gardi- wr,who had foured all things}fince,being one who both difliked the Kings late proceedings,and fecretly favour'd the Emperor, he did his Mafter little fervice in that Court. Benner being now come, was roughly received by Gardiner , and coldly by the French King ( as I find by an Original! ) yet he obtained at firffc that the Old and New Teftament in Englifh might bee printed at Paris in the largeft Volume, whereof yet complaint being made by the Clergy there, the Prefle was ftayed, and as much as was already printed, publiquely burnt, favefomefew Copies, that being gotten for wafte-paper, were recovered and fentinto England, whither alfo the Printers thetnfelves following fhortly after, finimed their work. Howbeit as Bon- ntr had in his other affairs here but little fatisfaftion, he was repeald at laft on this occafion j being commanded by our King to deliver a high meffage, concerning his Penfion, now four years detained,as alfo touching a Fugitive and Traitor,who was received and favoured by Francis : He uttered it in fo haughty a manner ( as was thought) that Francis return'd both to our King and him fome harfh language; nevertheleffe, as he feared leaft it fhould caufe warre , He /fent to England an exprefle Meflenger both to Interpret and excufe himfelf, and to defire Banner might be recalled j which the King did, as thinking him I i i hence- 433 53 8 July 7. 5 37- Aug. i 5 3 7. Fox. Decemb. 17. Fox. 434 Oftob. 20. M34- March. I The Life and Oftober. henceforth an unufefull fervant in that place)yet fo as he forgot not to beftow theBifnoprickofZwfc&tf on him for his reward., and to employ him to the Emperor afterwards. Rut as Fran cis ( having about this time made a ten yeares Truce with the Emperor, as fhall be told hereafter, and a Treaty with Scotland} talked louder then before 5 fo the Lady Regent in the Low- countries, permitting divers Exaftions on our Merchants , (hewed difaffeftion to our State, without that our King in his prefent condition knew well how to repair himfelf, fince be ing refolved to take order about his home bufineffes not yet fully fetled , He thought of Forreign Affairs, no otherwife then to attend the occafion, and confederate himfelf where it might be for his beft advantage. For which at laft divers Overtures were made. The hrft it feems came from the Em- perour, whofe Ambafiador here fignified to Crowvfttt Lord Pri vy Seal his Mafters defire, that a Match might be had betwixt our King and Chriftiana the Dutcheffe of Milan^ being a beau- tifull Lady, and at that prefent lately come into the Low-coun tries. Cromwel anfwered, that he would firft fee her picture, and then fpeak to the King 5 Which being granted, one Hans tiolin ( or H olbitt I believe ) being the Kings fervant was fent o- ver, and in 3. houres fpace( as fokn Hutton our Agent there hath it ) (hewed what a Mafter he was in his Science. Our King hereupon feemed inclinable, giving charge to Button to treat of the bufinefle. But the Lady Regent (though faid to have fuf- ficient power ) referred all to the Emperour, who having ap pointed an interview with Fionas, was fo flow in returning an Anfwer, that our King under flood it as a delay, and therefore negleded the bufmefs a while } and he had reafon, for a Treaty was now formed betwixt Francis and the Emperour, for his Son the Duke of Orleans and her, and the place nominated at Co ptean 9 where Francis ( now returned from the Interview, where of hereafter ) met Queen Mary Regent of Flanders : Whereol pur King being advertif 'd, fent fome privately thither, to in form him of that which pafled but Milan being refufed as dow ry to the Duke, the Treaty was fufpended. This made our King proceed again, imploying Thomas Wriot&ejly, and fome o- thers, to the Lady Regent for this purpo(e 5 but this Treaty produced others, fothat a Match was propofed betwixt Den Lewis of Portugall and our Princefle Mary in thetermes (he then was, excluded by Aft of Parliament from all claim to the fuc- ceffion, except fuch as the King (hall give her : As alfo a ftrifi confederation and amity. The conditions our King requirec with the Dutcheile of Milan were great- for though (he was t but the fecond Daughter of Denmark^ Dorothea, the Elder being married to Frederick^ Count Palatine of the ^/n^ and Duke oi Bavaria , yet he demanded with her the whole Kingdome of ( there being no Iffue male now alive of Chriftierne the Of I(ing H E N R Y the Eighth. the II. )defiring for this purpofe the Empei ors afiiftance, which alfo the Emperor feemed to promife., as offering to treat with Duke Frederick about renouncing his Title to it- and the ra ther, that he was more fufpefted at this time in the German affaires, then that the Emperor defired to greaten Him, by fuch an Acceflion. And with Don Lowis^ the Emperor offered Mi> Ian, when the King would fhew how to defend it, and give on ly a Dowry of three hundred thoufand, or two hundred thou- fand crowns^ Promifing further, That if the French Kiflg 3 up on this occafion denyed the Penfion ufually paid our King, to take no Peace with him till he had paid it 5 He offered alfo to endeavour a reconciliation with the Pope if our King fo pleafed. Neverthelefs 3 divers jealoufies and cavils ari(ing,(efpecially after the Interview)betwixt the Emperonr and JV4jK7/,(whereof pre- fently)the Treaty, though continuing, went on but coldly, the Lady Regent objecting lometimes that our King treated of a Match vaFrance with theDaughter of Guife&n other while faying, that in regard of the Dutchefs nearnefs of bloud to the late Qu. Katberijje^here needed a Difpenfation from the Pope 3 which fhe knew the King would hardly accept^but thefe Anfwers being ta ken as illufory,the Treaty at laft not only broke off, but a cruell war was intimated betwixt the Emperor and our King^efpecial- ly after he heard of the Treaty betwixt him and the Lady Anne of Cleves, which followed. But Francis omitted not likewife to make his Propofitions,offering our King what Lady he pleaf ed in his Country, which yet came to nothing, as will appear hereafter,neither ought their motions of alliance to feem ftrange, both as there were ever caufes of jealoufie betwixt thefe great Princes,& as they knew wel.,our jCing had fetled his affairs here. While things paft thus 3 the Truce expiring in February be twixt the French King and Emperour, the Pope obtain 'd yet that it fhould be continued for fix months 5 hoping in the in terim to conclude a Peace , whereunto as his good intentions might concur v fohis particular Interefts wanted not 5 he im- ploying the Cardinal Carpi to the Emperour, and Cardinal fa- cobaccio to the French King for concluding two Matches for his Family 5 one betwixt his Grand- childe Ottavio Farnefe and Mar garita Relid: of the Duke of Florence, naturall Daughter of the Emperour : The other betwixt Victoria Farnefe and Antoine dt Bourbon Duke of rendo(me $ and for bringing them to an Inter view, at which himfelif would be prefent. All which was ac corded, and the time and place of meeting appointed at Niz&a about the beginning of June 1538, where they all came, but fo as the Emperour being lodg'd in Villa- Franta, and the French King in ViUa-Nwa^ they neither faw one another in their feve rail Courts, nor at the Pope's at Niz&a: Infomuch, thatnot- withftanding the Pope's folicitation, their mutuall jealoufies of Hi 2 the I 3 ! 1538 Records. Febr. 7 c 1 5 22. 1 * Sandoval, 7.34. une. 538 June 18, July 18. July 15- July 1 6. The Life and the Pope's affeftion, the number of their Attendants not to be regulated as long as third perfons intervened, their late De- fyes, and greatnefle of buiineffes to be determined permitted no fafe terms of meeting. Neverthelefle.the Pope (after he had in vain defired them to fend fome Biihops to the Councel now at Nicenza) concluded a Truce betwixt them for ten yeers, and fo the meeting difiblv'd. The Pope prefently recalling his Le* gats from Vtcen^a, and deferring theCouncell tillEafter the next yeer. And now the Emperour and Francis being neer each other, and for the reft., Princes of fo great courage, as they heard with fome indignation the difficulties their Counfellors had repre- fented about an Interview, refolved betwixt themfelves to meet. Francis fent an Invitation to him to repofe at Aicpuf- tnertes and and Charles accepted it } who coming thereupon neer the Shore, Francis ^ attended with tJMontmoranci (now Conneftable) and few others, without all difficulty pafied in a Shallop to the Emperours Galley and after an hours ftay, and fome complements in French (which Language both Ipake) Francis return'd to land. And now the Emperour was penfative and doubtfull whether he mould goon more 5 many of his Councell oppos'd it 5 but the Duke of Alv* faid generoufly. He mould go 3 which counfel the Em perour followed : and thereupon landing, the French King, and his Queen, the Daulphine, and a huge Train received him with demonftration of joy : and two meales they did eat together, at which the Dutchefs ofEftamjxs (much regarded by Francis) was prefent. But the next day after (being the 1 6 of tfvly) rich gifts having paifed on both fides, the Empe rour departed for Spain. And now it was difputed at RIVM whether thefe two Prin ces mould joyn in a war againft the Turk, or bring our King to reafon : The former took place , the Turk, as being much animated againft the Chriftians, having made great Prepara tives: and when he had not,our King being a perion with whom they would not eafily have fought in the Popes quarrel : which alfo is the more probable 5 that/> and that there was forgery in divers Mirades there exhibited 3 with which yet our Kmg ? being not content, caus'd his name to be raz'd out of the Kalerxier, and forbad the keep ing of his Hoiiday. But becaufe it may appear what a kinde of Saint this man was, I will report fome part of his life ; not out of his Legend, or indeed Peljfare Virgil^ who rnoftfabu- loufly affirms, that certain men in Ka# for cot ting off Stck&s Horfe tail, their Progeny ever after, as long as any of them re mained, had tailes like Beads. But of a Book of the faid Clerk of 437 1538 ftfU.Thomat ll.Pel.lnel. Aug.23. 1179 Sand. .538 iU. Tbom.tf II. Pel. Ingl. 116$. 1170. Aug. 23. Decemb. 17. Aprill 8. May. The Life and of the Counfell, formerly mentioned., leaving to every man yet the choice of beleeving what relation he pleafeth. This man ( as my Author hath it) being born of an Englifh Merchant, and a woman of Barbary , having been brought up in learning, and promoted to the Archbifhoprick of Canterbu ry, contefted with King Henry the fecond for the Popes Autho rity : Infomuch., that in his Pontifcalibta^ with his Miter upon his head, and gilt Crofle born before him , he pubKkely excom municated all thole who oppofed the Church 3 wherewith the King being offended, Btcket fled to the Pope, who cherifhed him fo much, as in contemplation of him, he excommunicated the King and kingdom $ fo that for about four yeers fpace, nei ther Mafle, nor other publike Service was ufed in the Church. But by the Interceffion of the French King,#tf to and the Mafle being reftored, and our King and Kingdom abfolved, all things feemed quiet, till he began new quarrels : At whkhthe Kine being difpleafed, faid. If he had faithfull fervants, he fhould not be fo wronged 3 Which fome Gentlemen that ferved him hearing, went to Canterbury, and taking their time, upon fome ill language given, killed him in the Cloifter of his Cathedrall Church, and fo fled. Whereupon the Monks (hut their gates, and perfwaded the People that the Bells rung of thenofelves 3 nor content herewith , they caft a certain composition into a well adjoyning, and made the People beleeve that it appeared bloudy by Miracle, for that holy Martyr, which at laft obtain ed fuch credit that Henry II came in perfon, together with Lotiys of France to vifit the Holy place, and gave many rich pofleffions to the Monaftery, for further teftimony of his fa vour to them, refufing ever to receive again, or pardon the murtherers, yet thefe wonders ended at laft 5 for our King on fome occafioncomingto Canterbury., difcovered the fraud of the well, and aboliftied the Miracles. But what pretext foever our King had to proceed thus with Becket, nothing was taken to be a greater cruelty and rapine: Infomuch, that upon news hereof, the Pope deferred no longer to publifh his Bull of Excommnicatipn ( formerly decreed 1535) againft our King 5 wherein he alfo mentions this fadt with much horrour and delegation 3 fending alfo his Agents a- broad with the faid Bull, who fet it up in divers places of Flan ders, France zb&Scotlwd'-, being fuch a Bull (faith the Writer of the Cwncel of Trent) as neither his Predeceffours left him ex ample for, or his Succeffours ever imitated. But the Pope gain ed little hereby 3 or all his rigours were but fo many Incentives to King Henry to oppofe him 5 therefore as he bad fent publike- proteftations every where againft the Councel to be affem bled at VicenzA^ affirming the fame difficulties would be about holding of it there, which muft have been at Mantua 3 fo having made HENRY the Eighth. made way by the difcovery of the former Impoftures, he iup- prefled more Monafteries,, and every day more and more de- vefted the Clergy of their former Authority. Howbeit, on the other fide, he oppofed all Reformation but his own 5 as ap pears both by burning two Dutch Anabaptifts, and by a Dif- p.ute hee publickly held in WeftntinJler-Hzll with one Nicholfon^ alias Lambert a Prieft, againft whom hee maintained the.pre- fence of C hrift in the Sacrament after the manner hefetdown in his Articles 5 concluding., that he fhould have mercy if hee recanted, otherwife, that he fhould be burnt. But LAmbm de- f piling mercy on thofe terms, the fentence was executed : fo deep a tincture doth Religion give , as being once throughly entred, nothing afterward can either change or efface it. The King having thus made it appear , that howfoever he rejeded the Papall Authority, he concurred not every- where with the Reformers., thought he might with more reafon now confront the report which Cardinall Poole and his Friends had raifed,that he had wholly altered his Religion. In which num ber, becaufe Henry Courtney Marquefle of Excettr (the King's Coufin-german, as being Son of Katherine, Daughter to Edward the Fourth) and Henry Poole Lord Montacute, and Sir pdwardNe- vil Brother to the Lord Abergavenny, and Sir Cefery Poole Knight were eminent 5 he took occafion (upon fecret information gi ven by Sir Gcffery) to caufe them to be indicted, for devifing to maintain, promote and advance one Reginald Poole late Dean ofExceter, enemy to the King beyond the Seas, and to deprive the King } upon which the two Lords, before Thomat Lord Audley (for the prefent fitting as his High Steward of England) were found guilty : not long after which, Sir EdwArd Nvutl , Sir Geffery Poole, two Priefts and a Mariner were arraign'd, and found^guilty alfo, and judgement given accordingly. The two Lords and Ntvil were beheaded, the two Priefts and Mariner hang'd and quarter'd at Tiburn^ and Sir Gefery pardoned , Sir Nicholas Carew alfo (Knight of the Garter, and Mafter of the Horfe to the King) for oeing of counfell with the faid Mar quefle, was beheaded. The particular offences yet of thefe great perfons are not fo fully made known to me, that I can fay much. Onely I finde among our Records that Thomts Wriothejley Secretary (then at Bruxils) writing of their apprehenfion to Sir Thomas Wyat (his Highneffe Ambaffadour in Spain) faid, that the Accufations were great, and duly proved. And in another place I read that they lent the Cardinal Money. I finde little more of this yeer for our parts, fave that not- withftanding all thefe feverities^either was one Cowsby Groom of the Kings Chamber deterr'd from counterfeiting the Kings Seal Manual! , nor one Clifford from counterfeiting his Privie Signet : both which therefore fuffered death. The Novemb. Novemb. Decemb. T. Jan.j. Jan. 9. March 3. Novemb, finc.Herald. 539 Sandov. 1. 14. Novemb. i. Fcbr. i. Tbs Life and The Emperour now in Spain, among his home-bufinefles, thought none more requifitethento take order for money: Therefore hee aflembled at Toledo a Cortes or Parliament of both States fo that the Grandees of Cattitta and Leon on the one fide, and Cardinal of Toledo and Clergy on the other, did enter into it : where the Eraperours neceflities being repre- fented by cccafion of his late Warres, It was declared, that nei ther his ordinary Revenues, nor the Indies., nor the Cruzadeg, Tenths and other helps granted by the Pope., did fuffice to keep him out of debt. Wherefore the Emperor defired that at their charge all his Eftate and Dominions might be preferv'd and fe- cur'd both by Sea and Land 5 fo as hee might have the ordinary Rent of Caftiffa, and the India's for paying his debts andfpen- ding money. The Clergy hereupon agreed, That their moft ready and equall way for fupplying the Emperors wants., was to grant a Sifa orTaxefor a certain time, with a limitation to what it mould extend } fince leffe corruption and extortion would follow this way then any other : Onely they defired the Emperour, That he would procure a Licenfe and Command- ment from his Holinefle to this purpofe. But the Grandees and Nobles who had immediate power in their hands to con- fent unto the Emperours Demand, would yet refolve nothing fuddenly in their own name or the Peoples, nor before they had committed the bufinefie to twelve elecl: perlons among them 5 among which the Conneftable being chief, fpake much againft Impofitions ; defiring rather to fupply the Emperour fome other way : And that they might confer with the Bur- geffes or Procuradores of the chief Cities hereof $ befeeching his Majefty withall,that he would flay at home and ftudy peace, as having made eighteen yeers of continuall War both by Sea and Land : Which Anfwer being brought the Emperour, It was replyed on his part, that hee demanded Money, and not Advice. Hereupon, certain amongft them propofed to lay Im- pofition upon Commodities exported : but the reft agreed not. Whereupon the Cardinall of Tolcdi came and told them in his Majefties name. That he aflembled them to the intent he might communicate his owne and his Kingdoms necefficies } it Teem ing reafonable, that as they were generall, fo mould the Reme- die be : But by as much as is done, hee conceiveth there is no caufeto detain you any longer, and therefore gives you leave to depart. The Cortes being thus diflblved, the Emperor upon occafion, told the Coneftable he had done ill, and deferved to be thrown out, of a Corredor or open Gallery, where they were : To which he anfwered, Your Majefty will pleafe to advifej for though I am little, I weigh much. But it feems, the Emperor (pake neither in'earneft, nor the Coneftable 3 as one that refent- ^ Eighth. ed $ fo that nothing followed. Howfoever, the Grandees and Nobles of Spain behaved themfelves infolently at this time, to the Emperor 5 who having commanded a Juft or Tourney., wherein all the principal Perfons were to meet : it happened as they rode in their equipage and order to the place, an Al- guazil ftroke the Duke of Infant Ados Horfe, on fome occaiion ; whereupon the Duke turning about, demanded. Do you know me ? and the Alguazil faying, yea : He with his fword cut him on the head 3 who with blooa about his ears, coming to the Emperor (then on horfe-back,) incenfed him fo much, as he much offended, that all thefe Acrevemiencos were done in his prefence, fends another Officer to apprehend the Duke 5 at which the Grandees and others were fo diipleafed, that they all rode away in Troop } fo that the Emperor having few or none to attend him in this great Solemnity, wa forced to defift and return 5 both to his own great fcandal, and thofe who came to be fpefrators. But the Emperor found means afterwards,to let ihemknow how feniible he was of this contempt. The German Proteftants, this while, being follicited for ayd againft the Turk, and denying it, unlefs the Emperor firft grant ed them fuch a folid and entire Peace in the Caufe of Religion, as might comprehend both the prefent and future Confeder ates, the adverfe party entered a Counter- league to that of Smdcald^ calling it Holy, and ftipulating mutual defence, if they were molefted for the Roman Religion. The Emperor notwithftanding, giving Commiffion toHetdtff and others, to treat with the faid Proteftants of an Accommodation , which yet took no effect , though there were a meeting held at Franc- /i?r/, to this purpofe. Howfoever, our King omitted not to fend His Agents (Chrrftepker Mnnt zn&Thoinas Payn) thither, mewing, He took it ill, that they treated of a Pacification without his knowkdg , defiring to underftand the Conditions thereof, and whether they intended to be conftant to their profeffed Doftrine : To which, Sargart and others in their name, April 23. cotiiing to England^ brought Inftni&ions to this effeft , Ifhat their manifold troubles, fuffered them not hither, to, to fignifie the faid Pacification 3 which yet was not likely to take effefrp no Conditions being fo much as propofed. Neither would they accept any contrary to the Attguftant Confefilon , fo that there needed be no doubt of their Coriftancy .- But they are informed, that His Majefty had fet forth a Proclamation , ' injoyning 'rigidly and under heavy Cenfures , thofe Points which the laftyeer their Ambaffadorsdefired asAbufes might be Reformed 5 which unlefs His Majefty pleafed to mitigate, Kkk they 441 539 Novemb.25. i 53 s - Febr.ia. Record*. April 2 5. Records 441 April i, 1535 Records* ' The Lif e an they could determine nothing of the Legation of learned Men, which he expected. For we have, fay they, difputed enough already, and the King is not ignorant of our Opinions touch ing Private Mafs , Communion in one kinde, and Celibate of Priefts. And unlefs we underftood that our Doftrine herein were prefcribed by God, we would not undergo the dangers we do for maintenance thereof : Neither let the King imagine, that we will now either deny the faid Dodrines, or fend any of our Divines into England, to give Approbation to the contrary. Together with which, Philip Mdwtthon fent a Letter to the King (fuperfcrib'd Ser mo , &c .Capiti Anglic* Ecckft&,poft Chrifivm Supremo,} exhorting him to perfjeft the Reformation begun, and not hearken tq thofe who would hinder, it, by exacYmg too fe- verely Ceremonies and things indifferent 5 wherefore, he de- fires His Majefty to mitigate the late Proclamation. What An- fwer our King gave to this, doth not appear to me : But the King was fo far from condefcending thereunto, that he obtain ed a Confirmation of the faid Articles in the next Parliament, under greater Penalties 6 as (hall appear in its place. In the mean time he confented to firengthen Wrnfelf at home, by in- riching his Treafury* Therefore, having formerly gotten the confentof his Parliament, for duTolving all Religious Houfes under 2ool.yeerly, he did now attempt the reft $ fo that though divers of the Vifitors had heretofore petitioned, that fome might be fpared , .Both for. the vertue of the Perfons in them, and the benefit of the Country , (the poor receiving thence relief, and the richer fort good education for their children :) And though L&timtr mentioned, that fqme two or three might be left in every (hire for pious ufes , Cromwel yet (by the Kings Permiffion) invaded all 5 while betwixt threats, gifts, perfwafions, promifes, and whatfoever might make man obnoxious, he obtained of tb^e Abbots, Priors, Abbefle^c^. that their Houfes might be given up. Among which, thofe that offered their Monaftries freely, got beft Conditions of the Kihgv for if they ftood upon their right , the Oath of . s upre- macy^ and fome other Statutes, and Injunctions brought them in danger, or their Crimes at leaft made them guilty of the Law $ which alfo was quickly executed. And particularly on the Abbots of 'Glaffwbur 1 ], Colchefler^ and Rudwg, who more then any elfe refifted. In conclufion , the Title made to thefe , feems not to be grounded upon'a grant by Statute, or claim of Right, but was either fome voluntary furrender, Purchafe or Forfeiture. How- beir, the King thought fit to have this proceeding prefently confirmed by Aft of Parliament : Therefore by his Writs he fummoned it to begin April 28. 1539. In the mean while, rumors were every where difperfed, that Cardinal fool labored with HENRY the Eighth. with divers Princes., to procure Forces againft the Kingdom, and that an Invafion was threatned. And this again teemed more credible 5 that the Truce concluded between the Em- perour and French King was generally known , and that neither of them wanted pretext to bring an Army hither. This alfo was feconded by a fudden journey of the King unto the Sea-coaft 5 unto divers parts whereof, he had formerly fent fundry Nobles and expert perfonsto vifit the Ports, and pla ces of danger, who failed not for their difcharge upon all event, to affirm the perillin each place, fo great, as one would have thought every place had needed fortification , befides he cau- fed his Navy forthwith to be in a readinefs,and Mutters to be taken over all the Kingdom. All which preparatives being made againft a danger which was beleeved imminent, Teemed fo to excufe the Kings fuppreffing of Abbies, as the People(wil- ling to fpare their own purfes) began to fuffer it eafily } efpeci- ally when they faw order taken for building divers Forts and Bulwarks upon the Sea-coafts 5 many, if not moft of thofe wee have at this day, being, though not fo exaftas the modern, yet of his railing. And that they fufpeded the difcon tented Re ligious Orders(fooner then any elfe)would affift an Enemy.But if the reafons of thefe proceedings were held by fome as cur rant, by others they were taken to be no more then Palliati on, and by the Clergy but rapine, who divulged beyond Seas the miferable ruines of themfelves, and houfes, in fuch terms, as the Chriftian world was aftonimed , for though their ex- ceflive number excufedthe King in (bmepart for the fir ft fup- preffion, this latter ( they faid)hadno fuch fpecious pretext, when yet furrender, purchafe, or the like were urg'd -, So that notwithftanding the Kings neceilities, n o little occafion of fcan- dall and obloquy was given. The nnmber ofMonafteriesfirftandlaftfupprefled in Eng land and fc/ were ( as Ctmbden accounts them)fix hundred for ty five 5 whereof thefe had voices among the Peers : The Ab bot of S. AlbAns (being as I take it ) declared the firft Abbey of England ( whether: in favour of Pope Adrian the IV. his Father called Break fpear , who upon his wives death rendred himfelf a Monk there,or S. Alban himfelfcProtomartyr of England)^. Peters in We flminfttr.Edm9ndibur'). Bennett ofHol^Ber^fey^ Shretirdury, CrowUnd, Abingdon^ Evefham, Ghcefter^ Ramfa., S. Marits in Tork 9 Tervxbury, Reading, BAttail, Wirtchcombe, H'i&byWinckf8tr. > Ciren- cefter.> W*kk*m t Malvufbwy, Tborney , S. Attguflint in C'anterfary y Selby, Peterborough, S. .$oh*s in '. -Cilcktfter, Coventry, Ttvefock ' Of Colledges were demolifted in divfers^fliires, ninety. Of Canteries, and' fire-Chappels -2 374. AndHofpitals no.The yeerly value of all which were, as I findfkcaft up i 6-1100!. being above a third part of all our fpirituali Revenues $ befides K k k 2 the 44-5 53? ambd. Brie. Speed. 4-44- '539 The Life and l^eign the money made of the prefent ftockof Cattelland Corn, of the Timber, Lead, Bels, &c. and laftly, but chief ly^ of the Plate and Church- ornaments $ which I findenot valued, but maybe conjectured by that one Monaftery of S. Edmsndibu- ry, whence was taken ( as our Records fhew) five thoufand Marks of gold and filver, befides divers ftones of great value. All which being by fome openly call'd Rapine and Sacriledge, I will no way excufe : though I may fay truely, that notwith- ftandingfo many Religious Houfeswere deftroyed, there are yet in every kinde (thefuppreft Abbies and Chantries onely excepted ) left {landing fo many 3 as give no little increaie to Learning, fplendor to Religion, and teftimony of Charity to the Poor. So that although I cannot but pity the ruine of fo many pious Foundations, as affording a firtgular conveni- ency to thofe who defired to retire to a holy, pious and con templative life, when abufes were taken away $ yet I have thought fit to mention thefe particulars, that it may appear to forreign Nations wee are not deftitute of many Monuments of Devotion : Of which alfo our King had fuch regard, that he did not imploy all the profits arifing from the aforefaid DifTo- lutions, on Fortifications or the like 5 for hee not onely aug mented the number of the Colledges and Profeffors in his Uni- verfities, but ereded (as he had promifed) out of the Reve nues gotten hereby, divers new Bilhopricks 5 whereof one at Weftmififter, one at Oxford, one at Peterborough ', one at Bristol, one at Chefter, and one at Glocefter all remaining at this day, fave that of Wetfminfter, which being revok'd to his firft Infti- tution by Queen cftf-irjr, and Zenediftines placed in it, was by Queen Elizabeth afterwards converted to a Collegiate Church, and a School for the teaching and maintenance of young Scho- lers : Befides, many of the ancient Cathedrall Churches for merly poffeffed by Monks onely, were now fupplied with Ca nons, and fome new ones enafted and endowed 3 the Reve nues allotted by the King to thefe new Bimopricks and Cathe drals amounting to about 8000 ! per annum. So that Religion feem'd not fo much to fuffer hereby, as fome of the Clergy of thofe times and ours would have it believed: our Kingdom in the mean while having (as Cromwell projected it) in ftead of divers fupernumerary and idle perfons, men fit forimploy- ment, either in War or Peace, maintained at the coft of the forefaid Abbies and Chantries : So that the Defolations (ap pearing in their ftately Foundations at this day) are by our Po liticks thought amply recompenfed, Befides, the King in the demolifhing of them, had fo tender a care of Learning, that he not onely preferred diver? able, perfons which he found there, but took fpeciall care to preserve the choifeft Books of their well.fiirniftied Libraries : w&ef ein I finde fibn Leland (a curi- ous H E N R Y the Eighth. ous Searcher of Antiquities ) was imployed. But hereof e- nough., fince I do not intend to exceed the Terms of an Hi- ftorian, and therefore fhall come now to the Parliament,which being compofed ofperfonswelLaffefted to the Kings Service, (as his manner was always with great induftry to procure fuch) Thefe Statutes among others were ena&ed. That Religious perfons being put at liberty, might pur- chafe, fue, and be filed 5 but not claim any Inheritance as de- fcending on them : And that if they had made a vow of Cha- ftity after one and twenty., they fhould not marry. But this enabling them not to buy, they thought no fufficient amends for the lofle of their prefent maintenance. That the King by the advice of his Counfell, or the more part of them might fet forth Proclamations under fuch penal ties and pains as to him or them fliall feem neceflary , which mould be obferved as though they were made by Aft of Par liament : But that this fhould not be pre judiciall to any perfons Inheritances, Offices,Liberties,Goods, Chattels or Life, &c. But this was repealed i.Edw.6.1*. That the King might nominate fuch number of Bifliops, Sees for Bi(hops, Cathedrall Churches, and endow them with fuch pofleffions as he will. [ Which,though repealed 1^2 Phil. & Mar. yet order was taken therein again 8 B&fc.i.] It was declared alfo how Lords in the Parliament (hould be placed. That Leafes made of Manors belonging to Monafteries dif- folv'd, or to be diffolv'd, ancl affined to the King, mould take effecl: : wherein is exprefled, that the King (hould hold, pof- fede and enjoy, to him, his Heirs, and SucceiTors for ever. All Monafteries, Abbathies, Priories, Nunneries, Colledges, Hof- pitals, Houfes of Friers, or other, Religious and Ecclefiafticall Houfes and Places, which fince the fourth of February zj.Htn.S. have been diffolv'd, fupprefs'd, renounced, relinquifhed, for feited, given up, or by any other means come .to his Highnefs j or which (hall be diflblv'd, &c. As alfo all Manors, Lordmips, Lands, Tenements, Rights, Liberties, &c. belonging to them. All which (except fuch as came by Attainder of Treafon) (hould be under furvey and governance of the Kings Court of Aug mentation of the Revenues of the Crown. Other mens Titles yet faved. It was alfo particularly ena6red,That whereas Thomas Duke of Norfolk by the Kings affent had purchafed of one FlAtbttrj late Abbot of the Monaftery of Sifts* *" Suffolk, the faid Mona ftery , with all 8cc. And whereas Geerge Lord Cobham had likewife purchafed the Colledge or Chantry of Cobhtw in Kent, It was enacted, that the Aft above- written fhould not be pre- }udicial to the (aid Duke, or Lord Cobkam. Whereby it appears, the April 28. 44 5 The Life and the Rings intention was to unite all the Abbey Lands, &c. to the Crown, fave thefe fo fpecified. The Six Articles, called by fome the Bloody Statute, were alfo enacted this Parliament : being, I. If any perfon by Word, Writing, Printing, Cyphering, or any otherwife do preach, teach, diipute, or hold opinion, ' that in the blefled Sacrament of the Altar, under form of Bread and Wine (after the confecration thereof) there is not prefent really the naturall Body and Bloud of our Saviour Jefus Chnft conceived of the Virgin tjtfary -, Or that after the faid Confer- cration there remaineth any fubftance of Bread and Wine, or any other fubftance but the fubftance ofChrift God and man , Or that in the Flefh under form of Bread, is not the very Bloud ofChrift , Or that with the Bloud, under the form of Wine, is not the very flefh ofChrift as well apart, as though they were both together } Or affirm the faid Sacrament to be of other fub ftance then is aforefaid, or depjave the faid blefled Sacrament : Thenhee fhall be adjudged an Heretick, and fuffer death by burning, and fhall forfeit to the King all his Lands, Tene ments, Hereditaments, Goods and C hattels, as in cafe of high- Treafon. II. And if any Perfon preach in any Sermon,or Collation o penly made,or teach in any common School or Congregation,or obftinately affirm or defend, that the Communion of the blefled Sacrament in both kindes is neceflary for the health of mans Soul, or ought or fhould be miniftred in both kindes : or that it is neceflary to be received by any. perfon (other then Priefts) being at Mafle,and confecratirig the fame. III. Or that any man, after the order of Prieft- hood recei ved, may marry, or contract Matrimony. IIIL Or that any man or woman which advifedly hath vow ed or profefled, or fhould vow or prof efle Chaftity or Widow- hood,may marry or contract Marriage. V. Or that private Mafles be not lawful!, or not laudable, or fhould not be ufed, or be not agreeable to the Lawes of God. VI. Or that Auricular Confeflion is not expedient and ne ceflary to be ufed in the Church of Godjhe fliall be adjudged to fuffer death, and forfeit land and goods as a Felon. If any Prieft, or other man or woman which advifedly hath vow^ed Chaftity or Widow-hood, do actually marry or contract Matriaiony with another , or any man which is, or hath been a Prieftj.do carnally ufe any woman to whom he is or hath been married, or with whom he hath contracted Matrimony '-, or o- penly be converfant or familiar with any fuch woman, both the mai\ and the woman fhall be adjudged Felons. Commiflions alfo fhall be awarded to the Bi'fhop of the Diocefle, his Chan cellor, Of I\inz HENRY the Eighth. >. cellor, Commiffary, and others, to enquire of the Herefies, Fe lonies, and offences aforefaid. And alfo Juftkes of Peace in their Sefiions, and every Steward, under- Steward, and Deputy of Steward in their Leet or Law-day, by the oathes of twelve men., have authority to enquire of all the Herefies, Felonies, and,qffences afore(aid. . In this Parliament alfo CMargaret Countefle of Salisbury (being Daughter of George Duke of Clarence Brother of Edward the- fourth, and Mother of Cardinall /W^,) as alfo the Cardinal himfelf , and Gertrude Wife to the late Marquefle of xceter, Sir Adrian For.tefcne y and Thtmas Dingtey Knight of S. Johns, were attainted of Treafon. Againft Margaret and Gertrude it was al- ledged, that they were complices with the Marquefle of Exce* ter and other Traitors : Our Records alfo tell us, that certain Buls granted by the Bifhop ofReme were found at Cervdrey, be ing then (as I take it) the Gountefle of Salisbury's houfe } and that the Parfon of Warblington conveigh'd Letters for her to her Son the Cardinall 5 and that (he forbad all her Tenants to have the New Teftament in Englifh, or any other new book the King had priyiledged. But whatfoever the caufe was (for our Parliament Records are fliort in the particulars) I finde by a Letter from the Earl of Southampton and Bifhop of Ely to Crom- wett) That (though (he were feventyyeers old) her behaviour yet was mafculine and vehement, and that (he would confefle nothing. Howfoever, the teftimonies brought convincing her, (he was condemn'd. Againft Cardinall Pule it was alledg'd, That he had con- fpired again ft the King with the Bifhop of Revtf, and taken pre ferment of him. Againft the reft, I finde no more, but in generall, that they were complices. Ho wfoever, Fonefcut and DingLey fuffer'd firft 5 for Margarets execution was deferred fortwoyeers, as (hall be told hereafter 5 and Gertrude dyed a naturall death : Ajnd for the Cardinal, he could not be taken, though I finde our King required him earneftly of all thofe Princes that received him in their Dominions. The Six Articles being now publiftied, gave no little occa- fion of murmure ^ fince to revoke the confcience not onely from its own Court, but from the ordinary ways of refolving controverfies, to fuch an abrupt decifion of the common Law (as is there fet down) was thought to be a deturning of Reli gion from its right and ufuall courfe } fince the Confcience muft be taught, not forced ^ without that it (hould at any time be handled roughly,- as being of fo delicate a temper, as though it fuffer an edge to be put on, who doth more, diminiflieth or breaks it. Befides, to make the contravening of Doclrines to be capitall, before they be fully proved, is prejudiciall to that liberty, 539 July 10. 1557. Fox. liberty, without which no man can juftifie himfelf before God or man. For if it be death to beleeve other wife then wee are commanded, how unfafe will it be to make exaft enquiry > and without it who can fay his Religion is beft ? Befides, the example is dangerous 5 for if Infidels and Heathens ( to re tain their people in obedience) mould do the like., who would ever turn Chriftian ? Therefore Crtnmtr for three days toge ther in the open Aflembly oppos'd thefe Articles boldly $ though yet it appears not what Arguments he ufed. Onely I finde the King fent to him for a Copy of them., and mifliked not his freedom,as knowing all he fpake was out of a fincere in tention 5 though fome thought he had a private Intereft, as be ing a married man, though fearing of this Law, hee fent away his Wife for the prefent into Germany, {he being kinfwoman to Ho/tander the Divine of Nuremberg, whom he married during his AmbafTade with the Emperor about AWM 1 532. But that it may feem lefleftrangewhy the King, who before was much difpofed to favour the Reformers, did on a fudden fo much vary from them, I have thought fit tofet down fome of the Motives, as I conceive them. In which number certainly, the objections of Stephen Gardiner formerly mentioned may have place, while fpeaking againft the Treaty with the Prote- ftants \r\GerrnanyJie alledged that they would not allow theKings Supremacy^ left they ftiduld infer an inverting of the fame Au thority in the Emperor, whofe abfolute power they fetemed to fear more then that of the Pope himfelf: And as this fufpi- tion alienated fecretly the mind of our King, who faw that if he embraced their Reformation, they would abridge his pow er j So they not only delayed to approve his Divorce, but late ly ( as is fhewed ) in a peremptory manner refufed all accommo dation, unleffe our King yeelded wholly to the Attgnftan Con- feffion. Again the Dake of Saxony about this time particularly (hewed fome difafFe&ion to him in the overture of his Match with Anne of Cleve. Laftly, as Affairs then ftood, the King was both in that danger of Rebellion at home, and invafion from abroad, as he thought it not fafe to reform any further in Religion 5 for which rea- fon alfo as he Was fevere againft all new Sectaries , efpecially AnabApiifts: fo when occafion was given, he ftill teftified his de* fire as far as was poffible to keep an unity with the Roman Church, affirming that the Pope had flanderoufly called him Heretick. InfomUch that the fame time, he publikely difputed with Lambert in JVefitofafler Hall, He declared his Refolution to continue in the Religion he had openly prof eflcd. For thefe Reafons therefore ( for I fhall not here intermeddle with thofe of Confcience ) it feems our King was the more difpofed to keep him to the ancient formesof the Church. And now the Proteftants Ofl(ing HENRY the Eighth. Proteftants in Germwj, defpairing of accord with the Emperor, atfembled at Arnftet in Thurjn^ia^ Nov. 9. to confult about mu- tuall defence. To which purpofe, they fent Ambailadors to our King :, who told them., (as I finde incur Pvecords) that he would make a league with them in honeft caufes, as he had done with the Duke of fulitrs. and after that he would treat of an accord and league in Religion. Though SleidAn(z. little differ ing herein; writes that King Hfnry told them plainly 5 he thought their Doctrine touching Communion in both kinds. Private Mafle, and Priefts marriage erroneous, and that his learned men mould difpute herein. And that Cromwell thereupon told them, the beft way was to fend an honourable AmbafTade, and MeUntfhon; afiuring that if they came to any reafonsble agree ment of Doftrine with our King, he would not only furnifti them with a vaft fum of mcny for their occaiions, but enter into a ftrift league with them for defence in gene-rail. But the {landing firme to the Aiigitflan Confeffion, and intending no League, but in cafe of Religi< n , the bufinefs ended for the pre- fent, in a refolution to anfwer the Kings Arguments concern ing the fix Articles in writing, and fend it in a Book to him^and to defire an abolition of them. And now the fix Articles caufed no little apprehenfion in all the Reformers:, yet I 'doe not find the Law was ufed with much rigour, till Cromwtls death. Nev erthelefs, the terror of it made Latimer Bifhop 6Worcefttr,ar\d Sha.xton Pi (hop of SJtoA#^(being committed to prifon ) to refign their Bifhopricks to 'the King, they being unwilling it feems to hare a hand in the approbati on or execution of them. So that if Sir Thuna* Mvor and the Bi- (hop otRochefter had their fcruples about the Supremacy-,Thefe men were as Confcientious about the fix Articles. This year the Emperor glad to repofe himfelf a while from war, attended his pleafures in Sfain^ while BatbAtcfft with a ftrong Fleet keeping the Seas, and landing hismen, did mifchief in many places. Recovering fo after a brave refinance by SAT- miento a Spaniard, the place of Caflekwvo in the Gulf of Cat4rOj which though it excited the Emperor to proceed in his war a- gainft the Turk 5 yet a Mutiny ariiing in Cant (his native town) made himrefolvein perfonto go and appeafeit. And the ra ther, that having now loft his Emprefle, and check'd a little the greatnefleof fome principall perfons in Sfaia^-he thought him felf more free and difingaged. All the difficulty was what way to take$ for if the Sea were full of hazard, there was no Land- way, but by France t, which though beft, when if could be handfomly procured, yet ( the bufinefs being brought to his Councell ) was judg'd impoffible} neverthelefle, an overture thereof being fecretly given to Francis^ and a promife of Milan to one of his Sons ( as the French write) he both gladly embra- no L I 1 ced 44.9 I 540. Skid. 1. 12. 1540- April 13. July i. Aug. 7. May zi. o '539 ; 4 o. Jan. 4 Pleix. Records. "The Life and l^eign ced the occafion, and offered his two Sons forHoftagesof his fafe pafTage. This was thankfully received by the Empero^but as the Age was full of ancient honour,( which I never found in termitted but in barbarous times ) the Emperor would have no fecurity, but only a fafe conduct under the hand and Seal of Francis , taking that pledge only for his life and the Empire 5 while Francis that he might exempt his magnanimous Gueft from jealoufie, fent his two Sons and Anne de Mentrnorancy the Coneftable to receive him at Bayynve, whither in his mourning weeds, he came with XXII Perfons only, ( as our Records have it ) in the end of November 1539. and fo like Knight Er rant following his journey, he every where (as Francis had per mitted) delivered all Prifoners. Coming tnus to Cattel U He- rW,the King(though troubled with an ulcer in his fecret parts) and the Queen and Dutchefs of Eftawfes his Favorite, and a great train of Noble Perfons wellcom'd the Emperor with all dtmonftration of love. This confident Paflage having (it feemed ) aboliflied all memory of their former rancour , hold ing their way thus iv^dmbotfe^ theEmperour was there al- motr ftifled by a thick and fudden fmoak, which ( though the French report to have been the cafuall burning of feme hang ings neer his Chamber } alfo might be true, yet one Sty it (imployed there by our King to write him the fuccefle of this journey) faid it came thus. They who had charge from Fran cis to make the Emperors reception, had hung a long Iron chain from the top of the Caftle to the bottome , covered all over with Pitch, Tar, and Rofin in very great quantity, which being lighted at the Emperors coming ( fomewhat in Night) did a terwards upon fome accident, go out in that fnuffe and ill fa vour, as the Emperor fufpec~ted it was done on purpofe to choak him 5 but thefe jealoufies were foon deered, fuccours not only coming in quickly, but frauds commanding the Authors of this difturbance to be hanged, had not the Emperor interce ded for them. And here, during fome ftay, both Princes(who formerly would have ufed their Armes againft each other) end ing their emulation in fhooting a Stag, which they both hit at the fame time with their Hand-guns, (as Style relates) depart ing hence to Paris^ the Court of Parliament in their Robes, the Chancellor and Officers of the City met him, with a brave Equipage, which yet the Emperor feemed not much toaffedr, his Wack cloth Suit, and private train being not proper as he thought for fuch fhewes ; fo that he wifticd they had been f pa red. Neverthelcfs Francis would not omit any thing which might ferve either for oftentation or magnificence, fothat in the fplendor thereof ail note of their former diflention feemed hidden or effaced, Howbeit, there wanted not fome who per- fwaded Francis to canceil the Treaty of Madritl^nd make a new one Of Kjn* HENRY^ Eighth. one at Parts, and that MiUn fhould be reftored into the bar- gain. But as the Coneftable MontntorAncy fa perfon of great worth, ) oppos'd this advice, fo Francis abhorred it. Befides,the Dutcheffe ofEjlampes ( who at firft feemed averfe) being gain'd by a Diamond, which the Emperor having purpofely let fall,, had after given, (upon her taking it up) changed her language and now began to ferve the Emperor. Seven daies thus being part, either in Masks, Tilts, Turneys, and other Royall difports and triumphs., or in friendly and private communication, the Emperor thought fit to depart, giving by way of fatisfaftion for his good entertainment many afTurancesofhislove to Francis^ who alfo for making it more entire to him., as well as withdraw ing it from our King, had difcovered fome fecrets (formerly paft betwixt them ) which deturned the Emperor much from make- ing any new alliance in our Parts. But as this, at laft was dif- clofed again to our King, the unkind ufage he received here in, made him attend an occafion to refent it. And now the Emperour and Francis leaving Par it , the Coneftable entertain ed them both at his goodly Pallace of Charttttty : The admira ble fituation whereof, and variety of country pleafures about it, was fuch, as it made the Emperor wifli that he had fuch a- nother place, when it had coft him one of his Provinces. Both Princes going hence to St. Jgrintin bid adieu to each o- ther } leaving nothing more to be admir'd, in all the Paflages betwixt them, then that they never fpake of any particular dif ference, but by way of gentle difcourfe, or urg'd it further, then either of them pleas'd to give ear, fo much did civility prevail with them over all other considerations , and thus at length, in Fehr. the Emperor came to Valtnciwncs 5 whither Francis his children having accompanied him, and received both from him, and his fitter Mary Lady Regent there all kind and Regal ufage(excepting an abfolute promife to reftore Milan) they de parted and left the Emperor to attend his great occafions in thofe Countries. Where being happy in nothing more, then that his adventure of pafling through France^ (which nothing could juftifie but the event ) had fucceeded fo well, he compo- fed the ftirs there fhortly after. The paflages of this Interview being now ad vertifed to our King, made him attempt betimes to break off their new Al- lyance : or when that could not be done, to prevent the con- fequences. Therefore, immediately upon the departure of the Emperour from Parit, hee fent the Duke of Norfolk to treat with Francis to this effeft : To offer him afliftance for recove ry of Milan. And for this purpofe, that the arrerages of the Penfions due to our King, and Salt-money mould be remitted: Furthermore 3 that with all induftry he mould make him jea lous of the Emperours ambition. And laftly, to propofe a find L 1 1 2 League Hi 1540 Ftbr. Records. i! 2 ! 1540 April 153 May 1539. 1538. The Life and League with him,even to the exclufion of the Pope out of their Dominions,, as he faid : he faid he had already contracted with the Duke of Cleves, and in a manner with the Duke ofSaxe^ the Count Palatine of Rhine ^ the Dukes oftiaviere, John Mar- queffe of Brandenburg^ theLangrave of #^, and the Marquefs Joachim Eledor, and other Princes of Germany. The Duke com ing thus to Paris, had audience of Francis ; but rinding him re- folute not to break with the Eraperour, if hee performed his part, he return'd before the end of February. Having thus delivered together the whole bufinefleof tbe Interview , and fucceffe thereof, left the Reader fhould be interrupted with broken and imperfeft Narrations, I (hall look back on forne other Affairs which paffed this while. Our King having found that neither the Marriage proposed betwixt himfelf and the Dutcheffe of Milan, was like to take ef fect, nor any other in France^ confidered now where he might beftow himfelf with moft advantage : whereupon Cromwell ad- vifed to a Treaty with Cleves j and the rather., that he might oppofe the Emperour, who did ftill retain fuch a grudge againft him for dif-inheriting the Princes Mary y as it was thought., hee would endeavour to execute the Pope's Sentence : fo that here unto certain confiderations of State 5 rather then beauty or riches did conduce. For as tfvhn Duke ofcleves was next neighbour to the Emperors Dominions in the Low-Countries ,and Father-in- law to the Duke of Saxony, he feem'd moft proper to joyn with in League to this purpofe. But the old Duke John dying fhort- ly after, the Treaty was renewed with Duke William his Son, to whom alfo the Princefle Mary was propos'd, when hee de manded her upon fitting terms. But difficulties appear'd in either of thefe Affairs $ for the Lady Anne having been de manded by the Duke of Lor tip's Son., the old Duke of Cleves had in great part accorded it : And for the other Match, it was much crofs'd by the Emperour, who offered Duke William the Dutcheffe of Milan , not without fome hope that hee would releafe Gueldres , which the faid Duke claim 'd by the gift of Charles ofEgmsnd^ late Duke thereof. Howbeit, the Treaties with our King went on $ but fo as they were by the CUwis cun ningly delayed, till a meeting with the Emperours Deputies at Brttxels had paft, and advice was taken with the Duke of Saxo ny : Yet were not thefe the onely impediments 3 for the La dy Anne underftood no Language but Dutch 5 fo that all com munication of fpeech betwixt our King and her was intercli> ded. Yet, as our Ambaffadour., Nicfjo/atWottonDodLorofLaw, employed in this bufineffe, hath it, ihe could both write and read in her own Language, and few very well 5 onely for Mu- fick, hee faid, it was not the manner of the Country to learn it. But HENRY the Eighth. But for her better defcription, Hans Holbin the Kings fervant took her Pifture, and her younger Sifter Amdits, and fent them hither 5 upon whofe excellent reprefentation of the Lady Anne, the Match being refolved on, was fully concluded at the com ing over of Frederic Duke of Baviere Count Palatine of the Rhine, and the feveral Ambaffadors of the Dukes of Saxony and Clews 5 and fhortly after the Lady with a brave Equipage was fent in to England. The other Treaty yet fucceeded not 5 for the young Duke of Clews finding no difpofition in the Emperour to releafe Gueldres^ concluded a Marriage with the onely Daugh ter of Henry King of Navarre , and Margarita the French Kings Sifter the yeer following 5 which yet took no effeft. This La dy being on her way now as far asRechefter, the King came di guifed to her on New-yeers day : but the fight fo difliked him, that he was glad (as his own words were afterwards) that hee had kept himferf from making any pacl of Bond with her, and that hee was woe that ever (he came into England and that hee thereupon deliberated with himfelf how to break it off , though., asheconfidered it would make a ruffle in the world., and drive the Duke her Brother into the Emperour or French King's hands, hefaid, It was too far gone. The truth of all which is fo declared by our Records, that I make no queftion, but if her coming had happened at any other time then when the Emperour and French King were together in France, as is before related, He would have fent her back. Howfoever, he thought fit todifcover himfelf at laft to her 5 who thereupon fell on her knees, but he taking her up lovingly, kifs'd her, with out making (hew of any inward difcontent, which alfo hee had fo at length digefted, that he refolved to marry her, when the enfurance made by her to the Duke ofLorains Son were cleer- ed > which bufinefle being committed to Cromwels care, who was a fpeciall Counfellor of the Match, heefaid (as the King afterwards charged him under his hand) that a fufficient In- ftrument for this purpofe was brought : But whether Cromwell did forget himfelf herein, or his Mafter, it is hard out of Re cords to determine ;, for I finde in an Originall written by Crom well, 2 5 offune, to the King, out of the Tower, That olefleger andHobfteden(tlt\e Duke ofcleve's Commiffioners for bringing o- ver the Lady) had with them indeed no fuch Inftrument, nor any difcharge or Declaration touching the Covenants of Mar riage betwixt the Duke of Loraines Son 5 neverthelefle, that oltfieger offered to remain here as Prifoner, till a revocation of all the aforefaid Covenants and Contra&s of Marriage were brought and that this being told the King, made him fay, he was not well handled in this bufinefle. Howfoever, all was re mitted totheCouncel-Table, where the Arch-bifhop of Can terbury and Bifhop ofDitrefme faid, If nothing but Sponfalls had pa ft 455 1540 Aug. 1539. Decerab. 1 Deccmb. Jan. i. June. Jan.4. 151 1540 Jan. $. Jan. 6. Dec. Jan. 10. 1558, Left. left. Buck. Feb. 14. i $40. The Life and paft betwixt them., fuch a Renunciation as was offered would ferve 5 and that then the making a Proteftation in an Honou rable Prefence before certain Notaries, it fhould be a fufficient difcharge in Law 5 And now the procuring of the faid Inftru- ment in writing being undertook by the aforefaid Commiflio- ners, the King required the Lady to make a Proteifation be fore the Lords to this effeft : which being done, heefaidto Cremivetf, that there was no remedy now, and therefore he muft put his neck in the yoak (as the words under his hands are ) : Whereupon, the next day after hee folemnly married her at Greenwich, refolving to confederate himfelf with the Princes of Germany, if they would come to fome moderate accord in Do ctrine. But in the morning Cromwell coming to him, and de manding whether he lik'd her better thenbetore s He anfwer- ed, Nay, much worfe , for that he having found by fome fignes that me was no Maid, he had no difpofition to meddle with her: Neverthelefle, he outwardly cherifhed her, without ma king any publick demonftration of dif-favour towards her, or neglcft of any Solemnity for her Reception at London and elfe- where. All which made the greater (hew, that the King re- mcmbring what enemies he had abroad, and difcontented per- ions at home, had renewed his Guard of Fifty Pen(ioners.,inter- mitted fince the firft yeer of his Reign. \ It is formerly related, how not onely fames King of Scot land defired in marriage *w//and O Neale (who invaded the Englifh Pale) and rendered the King divers good Services heretofore in France, Irtlwd, and other places, could not efcape : The chief points objefted againft him (extant in our Records) were, his readinefle to joyn with Cardinall Poole and other the Kings Enemies., he having for that purpofe (as was alledg'd) left the Kings Ordnance in Galloma^ and that he confented to the efcape of his Nephew Gerald, for merly mentioned } which, with divers others, to the number of twenty (if Hall fay true) being brought to a Jury of Knights, (for being no Parliament Lord, he could not be judged by his Peers) hee faved them the labour of condemning him, and without more adoe confeffed all : Which, whether this Lord (who was of great courage) did out of defperation or guilt, foine circumftances make doubtfull : and the rather, that the Articles being fo many, he neither denyed nor extenuated any of them $ though his continuall fighting with the Kings Ene mies (where occafion was) pleaded much on his part : Howfo- ever, hee had his head cut off. The other was a young Lord, Thomas Fines Lord Dacresof the South, who fuffered for com mitting a murther in company of fome light perfons (who were with him a Deer-ftealing), All things being now rfeady for the intended Journey , the King, accompanied with his Queen, pafled thorow Lincoln- fhire^ where the people (thank fully acknowledging their late Pardon) prefented him with di vers fums of money 5 which the Tork-fhire men alfo imitated. And now being come to Tork, hee caufed Proclamatioa to be made (as I finde in our Records) that if any man in thofe parts found himfelf wronged for lack of juftice, or otherwife, bya- ny whom his Majefty hath put in truft, or other, he (hail have free accefle to the King and his Councell for redrefie. After this. News was brought him that his Nephew King James would not meet : fo that although our King had made great Prepa rations to receive him, all was fruftrated. This fill'd the King with indignation } yet he conceal'd it for the prefent , though refol ving in himfelf to refent it in the higheft degree. There fore departing from Tork Septemb. 26 towards wwfo, Hee was on the way encountred by the Ambaffadour of Portugal, defi- ring a Licenfe for theTranfportation of Wheat into that Coun try, being in great need thereof. To which was anfwered, That if that King would admit in his next Navigation to Calicut^ fome Englifhmen of our Kings appointment to adventure there for providing W that once in the houfe a maid which lay in the 47* I houfe with her, faid to me 5 fhe would lie no longer with her , becaufe (he knew not what Matrimony meant. And further fhe faid unto him , that one Munnock fometime alfo fervant to the faid Dutchefle, knew a pri vie mark of her Bo dy. When the faid Lofftls had declared this'to the faid Archbi- (hop of Canterbury 3 he considering the weight and importance of the matter , being marvelloufly perplex'd therewith, con- fulted in the fame with the Lord Chancellor of EngUnd 3 and the Earl of tttnfwd^ whom the Kings Majefty go ing in his Progrefle left to refide at Lwdon to order his Af fairs in thofe parts., who having weighed the matter,and deep ly ponder'd the gravity thereof, wherewith they were great ly troubled, and unquieted,Tefolved finally^hat the faid Arch- Biftiop fhould reveal the fame to the Kings Majefty 5 which becaufe the matter was fuch, as he hath forrowfully lamented, and alfo could not find in his heart to exprefle the fame to the Kings Majefty by word of mouth, he declared the information thereof to his Hignefs in writing. When the Kings Majefty had read this Information thus deliverd unto him his Grace being much perplexed therewith, yet neverthelefs u> tenderly loved the woman, and had conceived fuch a conftant opinion of her honefty,that he fuppofed it rather to be a forged matter,then of truth. Whereupon it pleafed him fecretly to call unto him the Lord Privy Seal 3 the Lord Admirall, Sir Anthng Brown? and Sir 47* '54' The Life and Thomas Wriothefl^ to whom he opened the cafe, faying. He could not beleeve it to be true. And yet feeing the Information was made, he could not be fatisfied till the certainty thereof was known, but he would not in any wife that in the Inquifition any fpark of fcandall fhould rife towards her. Whereupon it was by his Majefty refolv'd, that the Lord Privy Seal mould go ftrait to London^ where the faid Loffels that gave the Informa tion was fecretly kept, and with all dexterity to examine and try whether he would ftand to his faying : who being fo exami ned., anfwer'd, that his Sifter fo told him, and that he had de clared it for the difcharge of his duty, and for none other re- fpecr- adding that he knew what danger was in it$neverthe- leffe, he had rather dye in declaration of the truth as it came to him, feeing it touch 'd the Kings Majefty fo nearly, then live with the concealment of the fame : Which Affeveration be ing thus made by the faid Loffels, the Kings Majefty being infor med thereof,fent the Lord Privy Seal into Suffex to examine the Woman, making a pretence to the womans Husband of hunt ing, and to her for receiving of Hunters 3 and fent the faid Sir Thomas fVriothefly to London at the fame inftant, both to exa mine Mannock^ and alfo to take the faid Derrham upon a pretence of Piracy, becauie he had been before in Ireland, and hath been noted before with that offence, making thefe pretences to the intent no fpark of fufpition fhould rife of thefe Examinations. The faid Lord Privy Seal found the woman in her Examination conftant in her former fayings : And Sir Tbomat Wriothejley found by the confeffion ofMannock that he had commonly ufed to feel the fecrets & other parts of her body,ore ever Derrham was fo. fa miliar with her 5 and Derrham confeiTed that he had known her carnally many times, both in his doublet and his hofe between the iheets , and in naked bed, alledging luch witnefles of three fundry women one after another, that had lyen in the fame bed with them when he did the Ads, that the matter feem'd mofr apparent. But what inward forrow the Kings Majefty took when he perceived the Information true, as it was the moft wofull thing that ever came to our hearts, to fee it 3 fo it were too tedious to write it unto you. But his heart was fo pier ced with penfiveneffe, that long it was before his Majefty could fpeak, and utter the forrow of his heart unto us: ^.nd finally, with plenty of teares (which was ftrange in his courage ) ope. ned the fame. Which done, (he was fpoken withall in it by the Archbithop of Canterbury the Lord Chancellor,the Duke of Norfolk^ the Lord Great Chamberlain ot England, and the Biftiop ofWinchefter $ to whom at the firft (he conftantly denyed it, but the matter being fo declared unto her, that (he perceived it to be wholly difclofed, the feme night (he difclofedthe fame to the Archbiftiopof Cwurbury, who took the confeflion of the fame QfKjng HENRY the Eighth. fame in writing fubfcribed with her hand : then were the reft of the number, being eight or nine men and women which knew of their doings 3 examined 3 who all agreed in one tale. Now may you fee what was done before the Marriage , God knoweth what hath been done fithence : But (bee had already gotten this D&rkam into her fervice, and trained him upon oc- cafions, as fending of errands., and writing of Letters when her Secretary was out of the way, to come often into her PrU vie Chamber. And (he had gotten alfo into her Piivie Cham ber to be one of her Chamberers, one of the women which had before lyen in the bed with her and Dtrrktm what this pretended is eafie to be conjectured. Thus much we know for the beginning 5 whereof we thought meet to advertize you, to the intent afore fpecified : And what fliall further fucceed and follow of this matter^ we fhall not fail to advertife you thereof accordingly. You fliall alfo receive herein inclofed a Packet of Letters., directed unto Sir Henry Knvott his Graces Ambafiadour with the Emperour, which his Highnefle pleafure is you (hall fee con- veigh'd unto him by the next Poft that pafleth from thence in to the Emper ours Court. Thus fare you right heartily well. Fnm the Kings ftlMt as Weftminfter the 1 2 of November. . Your loving Friends,, tdeley Chancellor. E. Hertford. William Southampton. Robert Saffex. Stephen Winton. Anthony Wingfeld. ' Befides the perfons fpecified in this Letter^ one Culpeper ( being of the fame name with the Queen's Mother) was indited for the fame fault (as our Hiftories have it) which he and Dtrrhun at their Arraignment confeifing., Ctlpeftr had his head cut off, and Derrbam washang'd andquarter'd. But itreftednot here , for the Lord William How Ard (the Queen's Uncle, newly return'd from an AmbaiTage in Fratue) and his Wife, and the old Dutchefle of Norfolk , and divers of the Queens and the faid Dutchefle kindred and fervants, and a But ter-wife were indifted of mifprifion of Treafon (as concealing this Fad)., and condemn'd to perpetual! prifon, though yet by the King's favour fome of them at length were releafed. The King yet not fatisfied thus, for more authorizing his Pro ceeding, referred the Bufinefle to the Parliament fitting the 16 of January, 1541. Where upon Petition of bothtioufes., that Ooo hee 475 Here were o ther Names, which are now defaced in the Original ; bat D.No//o/^ma'y by the concents of the Letter be fuppofed one. Decemb. 10. Decemb. 7. )ecemb. 10. Dccemb.22. an. 1 5. 474 i 542 4 Rcgn 33. Fcbn 13. HAH. Jun.io. i $41, The Life and hee would not vex himfelf, but give his Royall aflent to what they fhould doe 5 they had leave to proceed, and together thanks given them that they took his forrow to be theirs. Here- upon they attainted the Queen and the Lady fane Rochfort, as alfo Culpeper, Derrhdm^ &c. And fo the Queen and Lady fane R9chfort (Wife to the late Lord Rockfort, and noted to be a par ticular inftrument in the death of Queen Anne) were brought to the Tower, and after confeffion of their faults, had their heads cut off. An A ft alfo pair, declaring that it (hall be lawfull for any of the Kings Subjefts , if themfelves do perfectly know, or by vehement prefumption do perceive any will, aft or condition of lightneffe of Body in her which {hall be the Queen of this Realm, to difclofe the fame to the King, or fomeofhisCoun- cell} but they '(hall not openly bio wit abroad, orwhifperit, untill it be divulg'd by the King or his Councell. If the King, or any of his Succeflburs fliall marry a woman which was be fore incontinent , if fhee conceal the fame, it (hall be High Treafon, &c. But this Aft was repealed i Edward 6. 12. and I Mary I. Divers other Afts alfbpaft, whereof I have thought fit to fet downthefe: That they who under colour of a falfe to ken or counterfeit Letter got other mens money into their hands,fhould bepunifhed at the difcretion of thofe before whom they were convifted^ any way but death. It was declared alfo, how many fton'd Horfes every man fhould keep according to his degree. But this was afterwards repealed 5 though yet of fpeciall ufe in defence of the Kingdom, when due regard of the perfons were had. Further it was declared, who might alfo (hoot in Guns and Crofs-bows. Moreover,That (hooting with Bow and Arrows (hould be u- fed, and unlawfull Games debarred. The order alfo for punifliment of Murder and bloud-(hed in the Kings Court, with all the ceremonies thereof was fet down 3 the occafion, it feems, being given by Sir Edmond Knevtt, who being lately condemned to lofe his hand for this fault, was yet pardoned. The Authority of the Officers of the Court of Wards and Liveries, was fet down. That in certain Cafes there fhould be triall of Treafon in a- ny County where the King by Commiflion will appoint 3 And this faved much trouble and charges : For as divers things were made Treafon in this King's time, which yet were repeal ed afterwards 5 fo the Lords of the Councel were notonely continually vexed with thefe bufinefTes, but the King at great charges in remanding the Prifoners. That HENRY the Eighth. That none fhould be Juftice of Affize in his own Coun- The Court of Surveyors of the Kings Lands, the names of flitOffkers there, and their Authority was fet down. All praftice or Conjuration, Witchcraft and falfe Prophefie, Was made Felony. The Kings of England having for a long time ruled Trtland by rio other Name then Lords thereof, our King now thought fit to change the Stile, and honour a populous and warlike King- dome with the Title of a King. Therefore in a Parliament field at this time in that Country, he gaverirder to be declared King of Inland j which was proclaimed here during this Par liament., and finally enafted 3 5. Hen. 8. 3 . This being notified to fames, much offended him $ though whether out of emula tion for his affuming the Title, or that hbnfelf had any de- figne on this Country (as by his laying clahn to divers parts thereof, and by former paffages may be fufpefted) is uncer tain. Howbeit, underftaoding that Mac-CoMe/land fome Scots, who held part thereof (as Lejletis hath it) were not diftufb'd in their poffeflion, hee more patiently fufferedit. Our King on the other fide, finding none contefted with him for the Sove reignty of the Ifland, did not fo much regard their particular right : though yet, as there were divers Commotions about this time, hee had occafion to hold a hand over the difaffeded perfons : But by the diligence of Sir Anthony Sentleger .> whom the King had lately made Deputy there, all was quickly com- pofed. During this Sefiion of Parliament fome wrong was offered (asoufHiftories fay) to their ancient Priviledges 5 aBurgefle of theirs being arrefted : Whereof the King underftanding, not onely. gave way to their releafing him, but punifbmentof the offenders : infomuch, that the Sheriffs of London were com mitted t6 the Tower,and one delinquent to a place caH'd Little- e*fe, others to Newgate. By which means the King ( whofe Maher piece it was to make ufe of his Parliaments) not onely let Foreign Princes fee the good intelligerice betwixt him and his Subj-efts , but kept them aH at his devotion : which alfo he fo tficfcifh ioufly procured, that rather then hee would feem to require more at this time then they had lately given, hee borrowed divers fums of money of men above 50^ yeerly in his Book then toiupplythem 5 which yet ferved to fup- ply; them uporv his next occafioru The hifti Nobility alfo be ing wefl informed of thefe proceedings, and collecting thereby. the afefblttfeneffe of the Kings power every- where,, the chief Ooo 2 of. 475 Jan. 45, . deReb. geft.Scocorum. July 7. 1540. March a8. Haff. .'54* Oftobcr. July 28. Sandoval,/.2$. Aug. Concil, Trid. lib.i. Oaobet. Life and l^eign of them this yeer fubmitted themfelves, and acknowledge him now their King 5 among whom Euftace the great Afoik prefent- ed himfelf, and was made Earl of liront. The Diet of Ratitbone being ended , the Emperour from thence fen t to the Pope, de firing him to permit an Interview at Lufca, which the Pope accorded 5 whereupon the Emperor palling thorow LMilajt, came by hndtoGeaou^ and thence ta king water, to Lucca, where the Pope now was. And here ma ny things were to be determined : For' firft, the Emperor (as he had engaged himfelf to the Proteftarits of the laft Diet) ur ged a Councel, which the Pope thought fit to hold at ricenza, where it was laft indicted : But the Venetians oppos'd it, as fearing left the Turk, with whom they had lately made a Peace, fhould think itwascall'd to Confederate all Chriftian Princes againft him. Thus was the Councel again fruftrated : other Affairs being alfo interrupted by the Ambafladour of Francis, who made divers Inftances, that at leaft the bodies tifRincon and Fregoft might be reftored } hoping that together with the Law of Nations^ they would not yet violate that of Nature, and deny them the Rights of Buriall. But the Emperour {till pro- tefting himfelf to be no way confcious of this fad, omitted Anfwer to the reft. This while the Turk having gotten fome places of importance in Hungary > and overthrown the Army of Ferdinand (led by Roccandolph,) the Pope endeavoured a Recon ciliation of all the prefent differences , defiringthe Emperour to give to Francis the Eftate of CMilan, and him to reftore all he had in Pitdrnoot to the Duke of Savoy. But the Emperour refolute not to leave Milan, broke of the Treaty 5 for the reft, preparing for an Expedition to Algler : His Fleet confiding of 64 Galleys , 200 Ships,, 100 Frigots, 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horfe, befkles Voluntiers and Sea-men. Setting fail with thefe from Mallerca, and other places where his Fleet attended him, he came in two dayes to the Coaft tfAlgier, defended by Az,an- Aga and about 800 Turks (being Cavjdlery for the moft part) and about 5000 Moors, Renegadoes. It was now Off offer 2% 1 541 when his men landed without much refiftance. The firft thing done was to require o/*tf-^g4 to yeeld the place, and turn Chriftian, as being the fon of C hriftian Parents, and born in Spain : But he anfwered, that hee defired no more honour then to comply with his Loyalty, and die by the hands of fo ex cellent an Emperour. But as the feafon of the yoer was far ad vanced, foul weather began 5 fo that they fought neither often nor with much advantage on either fide. At laft, a huge tem- peftarofe, which finally deftroyed 1 50 Ships, little and great, with all that was in them, fave fome horfes and a few men : And now the Tempeft ftill increafing, the Emperour, who between noife and danger could not fleep, demanded of fome Sea- Of Kjng HENRY the Eighth. Sea-men then with him, how long the reft of the Fleet might live if the Tempeft continued > they anfwered, at moft, two hours : he demanded then what a clock it was ? they told him half an hour paft eleven } Whereupon he faid to them. Com fort your felves } at twelve the Friers and Nuns rife, and will pray for us : But the Tempeft continued till far in the next day, when themiferable carcafles of Ships and men fovimming in iome places, and drowning in others, made an hideous fpe- dacle > while if any got to land, the Arabs and Moors without mercy. kiU'd tnem. And now^ befides the above mentioned Ships, fourteen or fifteen Galleys were caft away $ by which means Jiot onely the Artillery and Victual fail'd, but even the defire to continue the Siege : for one fuch another Tempeft would have deftroyed all. Yet there was much difficulty in the embarking of the Souldiers, for the Ships did not fuffice to carry them : Therefore they were fain to caft overbord their moft generous Horfes,who fwimming from one (hip.to another, were drowned at laft, not without much compaffion of all, and especially their Mafterst The reft of the Navigation homewards yet was notprofperous. ) manyShips perifhingi At laft, the Emperor came to Calari in Sardigna, where through con trary winds, he was conftraintfd to paflc his Chriftmas , at length fair weather appearing.; he arrived in Spain : And this was the third unfortunate voyage to Argitrjx. having been twice before attempted in vain. 477 A Rupture with Scotland being now fecretly refolv'd,our Ring thought fit to allure Francis fending for this purpofe to Sir Wil liam Pagtt his Ambaffador there , Inftru&ions , which were chiefly to hold Francis to his Treaties of perpetuall peace. But Francis faying it was made upon certain conditions, which were broken by our King, it was anfwer'd the Treaty was Sans Condition, and when it were not, that he had broken none. But Francis requiring then afiiftance for Milan^ as was promifed} it was replyed,that both by the Treaty laft offered by the Duke of .Afar/o/*, and another formerly by Cemnteray^ this was fpoken of indeedjbut that there was complicated with it another con dition, that ha fhould forfake the Bifliop of Rome, which he re- fufed to doe, Bnt as this was interrupted with feme wrang- 'ling, fo there was no little debate about Ships detained on ei ther fide, our Officers having with -held fome, under pretence they were Pirates, and they again feizing on ours byway of reprifall . fo that matters were breaking forth to an open war. Which being advertized to our Kmg,gave him little hope of a- mity on thrt part, and confequently made him not only defift from a Treaty of Marriage betwixt the Duke of Orlcanr, and the Frinceffe Mary propos'd formerly by Powmcray and now re newed. Febr. i $ 40. 1536. I 54 s March. April. 2 6. i 723. April. 1 7. I 5 4- March?. Feb. March The Life and l{ngn newed, but feek friends elfewhere ( as will appear hereafter.) Our King refufing in the mean time to enter into League with him againft the Emperor. Though the right line of the Plantagenets were extinft in the Countefle of Salisbury ^ and confequently no fear of pretence to Succdlion, on that part, there remained yet a natural! fan of Ed ward the fourth., called Sir Arthur Plantagenet (created by King Henry the eighth, Vifcount Lijlf) who came to his end on this occafion : This Lord, during his Lieutenancy in Calais , being fufpefted, as confenting to a pra&ife of fome of his fervants, (whereby they confpired to deliver that Town to the French,) was thereupon fent for, and committed to the Tower $ but up on due Examination his Innocency appearing , the King at this time , not onely gave order to releafe him , but for his more comfort fent him a Diamond Ring, and a Gracious Meflage 5 which fo overjoyed and dilated his fpirits, that the night follow ing he dyed. The Emperor being now in Sf#fn 9 Ferdinand holds a Diet at Spire, where he requires ayd againft the Turk $ whereof Francit being advertifed, fends Francis Oliver thither with charge to re- prefent , firft the Affaffinate of Rincon andfregefa pretending it to be the more heynous,that Rsncons Imployment was to hind er the 'fur k from in vading Hungary : , Secondly, to diflwade them from taking Arms againft the Turk , till their own differences were compofed. Laftly , to reprefent both the levity of the Hungarians, and their difaffe&ion to the German Nation : And therefore, that they mould fortifie their ftrong places betwixt Auftria and Hungary , and the other Confines, without taking much regard to the reft. As for Pacification in Religion, that they (hould conform themfelves on all fides to the Confeffion of our Faith, left us by the Nicent Councel. And for other points, if they could not agree them , they fhould not yet be occafion of hate or divifion. But the wifer fort, who believed that Rin- ctns difpatches (when they were to be feen) would have told an other tale , did not much believe the firft part of his Speech : As for the fecond, fince it tended onely to give Hungary into the Turks hands, they rejefted it wholly : And for the laft, they re garded it little ( though a wife and charitable advice) as being refolved already of their Religion. After him, the Biftop of iJModena, the Popes Legat , tells them that the Pope defired Peace in Chriftendom, and provifion for wars againft the Turk. As for the Councel which had been fufpended hitherto by the Emperors confent to try if a Concord might , the while, be wrought in Germany, that it wasreafonto call it. Onely that Germany could be no fit place for holding thereof, fince his Holi- nefs refolving to be prefent, could not induie fo long a Journey or fuch a change of Ayr. Befides, lie feajredr ir would be turbu lent. Of Ring HENRY the Eighth. lent. Neverthelefs, for fatisfying them, he was content the fame fhould be afiembled at Trent , (thar is to fay,) in the Borders of Germany. Ferdinand and the Catholikes accept this place with thanks, (when it might not be held ztRatisbone or Gotten.) But the Proteftants wholly difliked it. And now the French Am- bafiadors finding themfelves but flighted, go thence difcontent- ed. And fo the Diet brake up ( after War had been decreed againft the Turk , and Peace eftablifhed in the Empire.) And ^May 22. theCouncel wasindifted to begin in November fol lowing. Francis being now informed by his Ambafiadors that the Germans were to far from receiving his advice , that they thought him to be a perturber of the Peace of Chriftendome, is not yet difcouraged. Therefore, after a Proceffion made in Paris for fucceffe in his War, and a prefent ferit to the Turk of 600 Marks of Silver curioufly wrought, and 500 Veftments for thofe that attended him, together with a requeft, that he would fend his Fleet againft the Emperor, and a publick De fiance fent to Charles, Hee invades his Territories in five feve- rall places j Again ft them in Brabant hee imploys the Duke of Longuevifle, who was to joyn with Martin Roffen Generall fo'r the Duke of Cleves, to invade that part : Againft Artoi$ the Duke ofVtndofme : Againft Luxemburg the Duke of Orleans : In Pied mont Monfieur du Bellay his Lieutenant there : And againft Per. pignian (the chief Town of Roufitton^ and the Barrier of Spain to the Southward ) the Dtttlphin , promifing to fecond him in Perfon. Hee began firft in Piedmont., as being the immediate way to his defired Milan : In which he held thefe places, Turino, Mont- c 4ier t Savitlan^ Montdevls^ Pignarola^c. For the Emperor ftood Afti 9 rerceBi, Ulpian, Foffan, guierafa and Alba among which j>>xierafco was firft attempted und yeelded : Vendofme in Artois taking and razing Tonrneham : The Duke of Orleans (affifted with 500 Horfe from Chrifttern the III King of Denmark) took Luxemburgh and other places 3 which yet Rent Prince oforexge and Count of Niffaw recovered fhortly after. Neverthelefle, &>lJ r f AMCS formerly mentioned being not held fatisfadory, our King prepares for war$ neverthelefs,he thought not fit to difcover him(elf,butaslateashecould. Therefore upon fames his requeft he appoints Commiffioners to examine bufinefles betwixt them, not omitting yet to levy men, of which fames being advertized raifed forces likewife (as is before fet down). During this Treaty fbme Inrodes being made into Scot- land and Ports attempted, I find by Lt^w twenty eight Scot- Hh (hips were taken. Whereupon, tne Scots entring the En- glifti marches. Sir Robtrt Bows (who refifted them)with divers others were taken Prifoners 5 without being permitted yet to ranfome themfelves. Hereupon the Duke of Norfolk with the Kings Army marched forward, but upon a fecond motion of Peace ftayes at Tsrk. And together with the Earl of Swtkarr*> ptw, Bifhop of T>urlMm> and Sir Anthony Brorvn treats with certain Scotifh Commiffioners, who having variety of Instructions, (which theyfhewed one after another) and finally propofing an Interview, were thought to be fent thither only to gain time, winter now coming on, and the French King having fo much to do at home as is before related. So that the King com manded the Duke of Norfolk to proceed,and together publifted a Declaration of the oaufes of this war. Which being extant in our Records, and fet forth at large by Hall, I (hall not need to infert here, though yet for fa tisfaftion of the Reader, I fhall extract fome particularities from thence. The chief caufes I conceive, were D That Tames entertain'd fome HENRY the Eighth. fome of the chief Rebels of the North. That he denied fome grounds , (though of very fmall value ) for which good eviden ces were produced. That he fruftrated our King, after a pro- mife of an Interview. That his Sub) efts made an Inrode while the Treaty was on foot. Befides all which. King Henry claimed Homage and Fealty, as due to him out of an ancient Title to that Crown ^ the demand whereof he faid he had negle&ed a great while becaufe of his Nephews minority, and other kind reafons, his Title being by lineall Succeffion, and recognized for many ages by the Kings of Scotland^ to the Raign of Henry 6- which he proved firft by Hiftory. Secondly, by Inftruments of Homage, by the feverall Kings, and divers great perfons fealed with their Seals, and remaining in his Treafury. Third ly, by Regifters and Recordsjudicially and authentically made. The Hiftoricall part, he began chiefly ( that I may omit the relation of Bruttu and his three Sons ) at Anno Dsnt, 900. (being 642 yeers paft ) (hewing that Edward fon ofAfared had it un der his Dominion. Athelftain made one Conftantine King there of. Eldred took homage oflrife [ or Ericus ] King of Scots, and Edgar of Kinald ( or Jfc0jitf.)That this was interrupted yet in Edward King and Martyr his time. But Malcolm did homage to Kfiute-y and Edward the Confeffor making war againft Malcolm^ overthrew him and gave his Kingdom to Malcolm his fon, who made him Homage and Fealty $ That Malctlm did homage to William the Conqueror, and after him to William Rttfa, but fail ing in his duty was depofed, and Edgar brother to the laft Mal colm and fon to the firft, ordain'd in that eftate, who did his Homage and Fealty accordingly. This Edgar did homage to Henry the I. David did homage to MAtild the EmpreiTe, but re- fus'd it to Stephen, as having done it to MAtild 3 but after his death Davids fon made his homage to Stephen. William King of Scots, and David his brother with all the chief Nobles of Scot land made homage to Htnry II. his Son, with refervation of their duty to his Father. This rfilliam after much Rebellion and re fi fiance, during the abfence of Henry 1 1. made his Peace and Competition with his Homage and Fealty $ he alfo came to Canterbury and there did Homage to RicbarA the firft. Wil liam did Homage to lohn on a hill befide Lincoln^ and made his Oath upon the crofle of Hubert then Archbifliop of Canterbury. Alexander King of Scots married the Daughter of Henry III. and did his Homage at Tork. Alexander came to the Coronation of Edw. I. and did his duty : John Baltol made Homage and Fe alty to Edm. i. Robert Bruce made war againft the Saitoh which interrupted the bufineffe for fourty four yeers. But after- wards Edward Baliol prevailing made Homage to Edw. the third. After this, David Bruce though on the contrary faction , made homage to Edw. the third. Edward Baliol who had the cleat P p p Title, 542 482, n. III. The Life and Title., furrendred the Crown to Edw. the third at who thereupon caufed himfelfto be crown'd, and for a time entertained and enjoyed it as Proprietory and owner of the Crown, both by conmcation and voluntary furrender. In Rich- Aid the 1 1. and Henry the IV. times., fome interruption happen ed by reafon of inward difientions in this Kingdome^ yet Henry V. commanded the Scots to attend him in his journie to France. And in this time the Realm of Scotland being defcended on the Stuart j, fames Stuart King of Scots made Homage to King Hen ry VI. at Windfor. All which Homages ( though interrupted fometimes for more then LX.yeers) were yet within the me mory of man. Of which therefore, Inftruments made and feal- ed with the Seals of the Kings of Scotland remain 5 fo that it was not for theEarldomeof#;tf/>/Wf (as the Scots pretend) but for the Kingdom of Scotland. As for Records and Regifterg, that he had divers which were authenticall, and among others that of Edit* I. indifcuffion of the Title of Scotland^ then chal lenged by twelve Competitors. And that fentence was given for Balitl, who accordingly injoyed the Realm. That in a Par liament following, they did agree to the fuperiority of the King f England^ and enfuing their determination did particularly., and feverally make Homage and Fealty with Proclamation,that whofoever withdrew himfelf from doing his duty therein , fhould be reputed as a Rebellj and fo all made Homage and Fe alty to Edward I. That during this difcuffion the Realm was ruled by Guardians deputed by him, and all Caftles and Holds furrendred to him as to the Superiour Lord. And in the time of Vacation, Benefices, Offices, Fees, Promotions, pafied as in the right of this Crown of England 5 Sheriffs alfo named and ap pointed, Writs and and Precepts made, obeyed and executed. And that at this time, the Bifhops of S. Andrews and Glafto were not Archbifhops, but recogniz'd the Archbifhop of Twit, whofe authority extended over all their Country. That fithence the time of Henry VI. this Kingdome was lacerated and torn by di- verfity of Titles, till his time. So that though Edvo. IIII. after great travells, having attain'd quietnefs in this Realm, finally made preparation of war againft Scotland^ yet he was prevent ed by death. As for Richard III. that he ufurped the Kingdom till Henry the VII, his Father overthrew him, (which Henry the VII. by reafon of his Eftate not fully fetled at home, forbare to compell the Scots to do their duty.) And for his own time,that twenty one yeers paft of it in his Nephewes minority, when he had more care to bring him out of danger to the place of a King, then to receive of him Homage when he had full pofleflion of the fame. The conclufion of this Declaration yet feemed to be ambi guous 5 as not pretending direftly to infift upon the Claim, though H E N R Y the Eighth. 485 though he faith, that fuch be the works of God fuperiour over j u all, to fuffer occafions to be miniftred, whereby due fuperiority may be known, demanded,and required* The Scotifh Writers tell the bufineffe dtherwife : not de nying yet but Athelflainc was King of the whole Ifland by the teftimony of divers of our Brittain Writers. NeveitheJefle, that their words were fo to be underftood, as the further parts of Scotland were not comprehended therein. As for the Homage done, That it was for the Earldom ofHuntingtsn (though as there was no Inveftiture thereof in the King of Scots till the time of our Henry the Firft, when David married the Daughter and Heir of the Earl of Huntington and Northumberland, it reaches not to Homages formerly made ). Again, among thofe who did Homage, (ome wire reputed Kings of NarthumbtrUnd, ra ther then Scotland. And for Baliol's refigning the Crown, they fay, the Nobles did not confent to it : And many other things, which for avoyding prolixity, I omit, defiring the Reader to beleeve, thatl am 10 far from undertaking to define the point, as (in an Hiftoricall way) I have onely produced fuch Notes as my leifure would fuffermetogatherat this time: profef- fing, for the reft, That I mould not in any wife have inter- medled therewith, but that Hall by fetting forth the Declara tion, gave theoccafion. Thefe proceeding from time to time being advertifed to Francis^ caufed him to fend Monfieur de Morvilliers to congratu late the conftancie of fames in refufingan Interview 3 which ice attributed to his refolution not to forfake the Roman hurch : Advifing him for the reft, to ftand upon his Guard 5 and for that purpofe, fending him Money and Artillery. And now the Army being ready to march on, William Fitz,- WiHiants Earl of Southampton Captain of the Fore- ward died at Nw-Caftle A brave Lord, and fo much efteemd, that for the honour of his Memory, his Standard was born in the Fore- ward in all this Expedition. The yeer thus being far fpent, the Duke of Norfolk Lieutenant General, accompanied with the Eails of Shrewsbury Darby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hertford^ Rutland, and other Lords of the Northern parts } Sir Anthony Brotw Mafter of the Kings Horfe, and Sir tfohn Cage Controller of his Houfe, and above twenty thoufandmen (the Earl of Anguis alfo being there prefent) enter Scotland 2 1 of Oftober, and rind ing no reiiftance, burnt in eight days above twenty Villages and Towns : W hereupon the Bifhop of Orkney and tfames Leirrnouth came on their Kings part to require Peace , but the conditions not pleafing, the Treaty was diflolv'd. NeverthelefTe, our Ar my retreated prefently to Barwick, as being betwixt the rigour ot the feafon and want of victuals, conftrain'd thereunto. So that though Lejlew faith, the EngliQi retired upon hearing that Ppp 2 the Ltflettt. Aug. Sleidan. Hall, Oftobcr ill 1547 Novemb.24' Haff. Dcccmb.7- Lffl. SI9W. Hal!. Dcccmb. 14. Buchanan. *Tbe Life and ^R the Scottifh Army approached $ this yet by others is thought improbable, becaufe they invaded not England till three weeks after the Duke of Norfolk was at Berwick, and had licenfed many of his fouldiers. About which time therefore the Scotilh Ar my being aflembled, they entred England on the Weft Mar ches with an Army of fifteen thoufand,or (as fome fay)a greater number. But Thomas the Baftard Dacres and Mttferave, having firii fent to Sir Thomas Vha/fton Warden of the Marches to come to their aid, and then leaving a Stale or Ambufh on a hill fide., came forwards with an hundred light Horfe, which being charged by fome of the Scots, retired towards their Stale, and to Wharton now appearing, who had not yet above 300 men ( as our Writers fay ). But whatfoever the Stratagem was , the Scots believing ( it feems) the Duke of Norfolk was there with all his power,fuddenly,as men amazed,fled. The Englifh men purfued, and took the Earls of Cafleffes and Gtencarne, the Lord MAxwett Admiral of Scotland., the Lord Fleming., the Lord Somcrnell, the Lord olip&ant, Lord(7r4j, and Sir Oliver Sinclere the Kings Minion (as our Hiftorians term him,) and divers o- thers of note to the number of two hundred and above, and eight hundred of the meaner fort(fo that fome had two or three Prisoners,) and 24 Pieces of Ordnance, with much Arms and Baggage. The Scotifh Writers tell the Bufinefie a little otherwif e 5 confefiing yet the forefaid Prifoners to be taken, and that their men ran away, and were defeated. But fome fay, the reafon of it was, that Sir Oliver Sinclere being fuddenly declared their Ge neral when the Englifh appeared, the Nobles took it fo ill, that that they cared not to fight. They fay alfo, that the King was at Solway ( where this encounter hap'ned) a little before, and no further off then Carlawoch when the blow was given 5 which, perhaps, made fome think that he was prefent at the fight, and received a wound, of which prefently after he died, and not of forrow. J-Arnu being now return'd, had in recompence of his mif- fortunes, a Daughter born, afterwards called Mary which yet together with the many divertifements his fervants gave, could not keep him from a deep Melancholy, which was aug mented alfo (as the Scotifh and our Writers fay) by the fudden murder of an EngHfh Herald, whom our King fent thither to ranfome Prifoners (though yet none of his Subjects, but Leech a Lincoln fiire Rebel kill'd him :) All which made that impref- fion in him, that he died within few days after, and was buri ed neer his firft Wife Magdfilene , in the Abbey of Holy- Rood. He was of a middle ftature, yet well compact and ftrong, given much in his youth to the love of women, to which his Gover- nours gave way, thinking thereby to rule him the longer. This hinder- Of Kjng HENRY the Eighth. hindered him not yet to be aftive in all State affairs, and fru- gall in his own 5 Qualities rarely found in Princes fo much ad dicted to their pleafure. No man endured labour, cold, hun ger better (as his many Expeditions in Perfon againft Rebels, ihewed.) Under pretence of favouring the poorer fort, he was noted to be fevere to his Nobility, which made them leffe ready when he had occafion to ufe them. Infomuch, that (as Buchanan hath it) he could not perfwade them to come to Battel with the Duke of Norfolk. The murder of our Englifh Herald being related to our King, mightily incenfed him : and therefore hee not onely required Leeeh, (who yet was not demanded till after the death of King -fames, nor executed till May following) 5 but fent to his Am- bafladour Paget in France, both to acquaint Francit therewith, (whom hee lately knew had fuffered in the like kinde,) and to defire him not to affift -fames. But the Anfwer hereunto was cold, as will appear hereafter. The news of the Kings death, and the Princefle birth being brought to our King, awakened in him new Counfels : fo that in ftead of purfuing War againft Scotland, he began to think how he might recover the young Daughter thence, and match his Son Edwar d to her. To which alfb he was fo intentive, that he fent a Difpatch to his AmbafTadour Paget, commanding him carefully to obferve what paft betwixt France and Scotland, as being jealous left Francis mould get or detain her from him. And there was reafon to fear it, Francis having by the inter vention of the Queen and Cardinall Beton, a great party there. Neverthelefle, as our King knew how much it concern'd either Nation that all caufes of Hoftility fhould be taken away, and both Kingdoms united : So he doubted not but many, efpeci- ally the wifer fort, would concur with him. And now in Scotland two Factions were eminent : One that of the Queen, feconded by Cardinal Bcton, who (as the Scotifh Writers fay) forged a Will, by which himfelf, affifted with three of the moft powerfull Nooility, fhould govern the State, and with him all the French Fa&ion joyn'd. -fames Hamilton Earl of Arrrin chief of the other fide (though obferv'd to be a lover of quiet) was yet encouraged by his followers to affume that dignity -, as being fo neer of blood, and the Princeffe fo young, that many occafions might happen, whereof he might prevail himfelf: which reafonsalfo incltn'd him to depend on our King. While thefe things paft in Scotland, the Prifoners taken in the laft Battell, were by Sir Henry Savilznd Sir Thorn** Wentvortb conducted from Tork to London, whither they came Vecernb. 19. wearing every one (as our King had appointed) for a cogni zance, a red S. Andrews Croffe, and were prefently fent to the Tower, 1543 Dcccmb-4. Decemb.22. Decemb.25. Decemb.ip Sttrt. Record*. 486 1542 Dccemb.2i. Records. Deccm. 1540. Decemb.26. Jan. i. Bucban. The Life and l{rign Tower, where (hortly after King Henry for more often tation commanded Sir John Gage Controller of his Houfhold, to bring them by two and two together in new Gowns of black Damask, and other apparell futable (all at his coft) from the Tower to the Star-chamber, where Thomas Lord Audeley the Lord Chan cellor was to tell them , what caufe King Henry had of war a- gainftthem, both for denying their Homage., and invading his Realm without Defiance, and keeping his Subjects without fuffering them to make Ranfome, contarytothe Laws of the Marches. Nevercheleffe, that fuch was his benignity, that he would (hew them kindnefle for unkindneffe , and right for wrong : And thereupon (after their promife to remain true Prifoners) commanded that they (hould be no more returned to prifon 3 but brought to divers Noble Honfes, there to be regaled and made much of. Thus the Archbifhop of Canterbury had the Earl of Ctfilis commended to him 5 the Duke of Nor folk the Earl of Glencarve - 7 Sir Anthony Brtwn the Lord Maxwell -^ the Lord Chancellor the Lord Somerwe/l? Sir Thorns Lee the Lord Oliphant 3 the Duke of Suffolk Sir Oliver Smlete 5 *t homos Thurltby (lately made firft Bifliop of Weftminfter) Robert f.rskin $ and many others were with divers of our chief Nobility : where having paft fome time with as much contentment as the news of their Kings death (now brought) permitted, they for got not to exprefle how glad they would be that a Match might iucceed betwixt our Prince and their Princefle, promifing al- fo their furtherance therein ^ which being related to our King, was taken fo well, as they were not onely difmifs'd upon Ho- ftages to be given for their return (when they were not able to effeft this Match,) but richly rewarded. After which, a- gain, being feafted, they kept their Journey toward Scotland, till they came to the Duke of Suffolk (the Kings Lieutenant in the Northern parts) being then at New~Caftle, where their Ho- ftages being received, they had licence to go home 5 and with them alfo went the Earl of Anguis, and his Brother Sir George Dswglaffe (now fifteen yeers abfent from their Country) who, during their long ftay in thefe parts, had a liberall Penfion be- ftowed on them by our King} for which alfo they promifed their beft affiftance on all occafions. Cardinall Betw, who this while (by pretext of his counterfeit Will) had made himfelf Viceroy, was now (upon detection of the forgery) depos'd^and fames Hamilton Earl ofArrain chofen in his place : A Noble man followed by many, both for his neernefle of Bloud to the Crown, and that the Cardinals cruelty and ambition had made him fo hated. Befides, there was found after the Kings death certain Papers , in which the names of above 300 of the principal! Nobility and Gentry (and among them fames tfamil- ton) were accufed as Criminals : and this again made them more confident Of I\in* Eighth. confident of his Protedrion. Moreover, he was noted willing to inform himfelf in the Controversies of Religion, and gave hope of a milde and temperate difpofition. His firft publick Aciion was the convoking of a Parliament in March following 5 whereof our King being advertifed,fent Sir RalfSadlcr(his Secre- tary)thither, to procure the Marriage formerly mentioned., and a perpetuall Peace : Scotifh A mbafTadours being alfo deputed to treat thereof with our King. What Sir RalfSadlers firft Jn- ftru&ions were, appears not by our Records, more then is for merly related out of the Scotifh Writers 3 But by a fubfequent Difpatch,dated MAJ 6,1 find that our King,in reward of fome bu- finefs that the Viceroy fhould effect, had promised his Daughter the Lady Elizabeth to his Son: And becaufe our King paffionate- ly defired to have the young PrincefTe into his hands, both that he intended to marry her to his Son Prince Edward, and that he feared the French would prevent him 5 I nothing doubt but this was the Affair intimated betwixt them. Our Records alfo tel us, that George Dowglaffe^ and the other Lords who were fent home, excus'd themfelves at firft, as neither knowing what they did, nor able to perform their promifes 5 fb that though they had un dertaken to procure the Marriage, and to get fbme Holds into their hands, where they might with more advantage fet forth our Kings purpofes, they declined it 5 alledging, among other difficulties, a certain ficklenefle in the Viceroy's difpofition, and that the French party was fo great. Howbeit, upon fur ther debate of the bufinefle, certain Scotifh AmbafTadours were fent hither, being Sir Willam Hamilton and Sir lames Lermouth 5 but their Negotiation not pleafing, as unwilling to admit other Govern our then the Earl of Arrain during the Queens mino rity, or to deliver the Holds of Scotland till fliee had Ifliie by Prince Edward^ or to put her into our Kings cuftody, with fbme other Demands which were diftafted by them, it was thought fit to fend the Earl ofclencarne and Sir George Dowglaffe who, I finde, fecondedthe overture of the Contract of Marriage and perpetual Peace (which the firft made) in more plaufible terms : yet not fo, but that Sir George Dowglafs was difpatched Poft to Scotland to bring a more fatisfaftory Anfwer- which was ob- tain'd: Infomuch, that a Treaty for Marriage fign'd and feal'd was brought back by thofe Scotifh Ambafladours in Attguft 1543 (as Lejletfs hath it). And becaufe I finde among our Records this following Treaty of Ittneiy, I fhall enquire for no other. Firft, That the Lords of Scotland fhall have the Education of the Princefle for a time : yet fo as it might be lawful for our King to fend thither a Noble-Man and his Wife with a Family 3 under twenty Perfons to wait on her. That at ten yeers of age fhe fhould be brought into England, the March. May 6. April. April 14. May. Aug. Lejleut. June x 543 Buchun- The Life and the Contract being firft finished by a Proxie in Scotland. That within two Months after the Date hereof fix Noble Scots fhouid be given as Hoftages for the performance of the Conditions on their part 5 And that if any of them died, the number of them fhouid be fupplied. Furthermore., it was agreed that the Realm of 'Scotland (by that name)fhould preferve its Laws and Rights : And that Peace fhouid be made for as long time as was defied, the French be ing excluded. Neverthelefle, The Queen, Cardinal, and all the Clergy oppos'd this Treaty, and the Cardinal fo particularly, that he was removed to a chamber apart, or (as other have it) into a Prifon, till the main queftion of the Marriage was voted and agreed, and Hoftages promifed for performance thereof. But as the Cardinal found means to corrupt his Keeper, fo he efca- ped s> and then began again to trouble all, ufing for this pur- pofe the help of the Queen- Mother, and the pretext, it was unfit that the Dwglaffes, being wholly devoted to the Englifh, fhouid from a long Banifhment be admitted to the fupreme Councel concerning publick Affairs. Befides , hee got huge fums of money from the Clergy, upon colour that there was no other way to redeem themfelves from imminent ruine. Furthermo e, he perfwaded that the Hoftages fliould not be fent into England > hee procured alfo that our Ambafladour fhouid be contumelioufly ufed } whereof he complaining to the Viceroy, had no other Anfwer, but that the Cardinall had fo difcompofed all things, that hee could give no remedy for the prefent. The Queftion was then,What courfe they fliould take about the Hoftages left in England^ upon condition that the late NobJes who were prifoners (fiould return, in cafe the Mar riage and Peace took no effed. But the Cardinal! an fwered, That Kindred, Friends, Children and all fhouid be facrificed for the good of their Country. Howbeit, Gilbert Kenneth Earl o?Ca/iljs could not be perfwaded to ftay ; for having left two Brothers his pledges, he faid he would redeem their lives with his own : And thereupon, though many dehorted him,he went into England. Which generous counfell fucceeded fo well, that after a large commendation given him by our King, he was dii- mifs'd with his Brothers freely, and richly rewarded. On the other fide, hee was fo offended with the reft, that hee detain'd all the Scotifh Shipping in his Ports, and refolvtd to denounce War againft them. Whereupon, the Cardinal and Queen-Mo ther inform'd the French King thereof, and that the FadHons were fuch,as there was danger both Kingdoms fhouid be united, defiringhim further, to fend over ^Manhtw Stuart Earl of Le as being of great power in that Country, and noted then Befides, it added to his repu tation., to be adverfe to the Hamilton* : OfK^ng HENRY the Eighth. tation 5 that it was thought the laft King if he had died without If- fue Male, would have defign'd him his Heir and Succeflbr, and gotten it confirmed by Parliament. And to invite him the more, there was Tome fecret hope given, he might marry the Queen Mother,and divers other things fet down by BtKkanan.Thtie mo tives, together with the French Kings approbation 5cpromife of afliftance made the yonng Lord to refolve to repair to Scotlwd > \vhereofthe Viceroy being informed, indeavors to get the yong Princefs out of her mothers hands^hoping therby not only to go- vern all,but to draw the Englifh on his fide, but the defign being vented to the Cardinal, a guard was given to the yong Queen. In the mean while the Earl of Lenox arrives out of France, without difcovering yet any thing of his Intentions, only he tels his friends in ptivate the Promifes made him , and what help he might expeft from the French King. Whereupon they ex horting him to try his ftrength, he gathered four thoufand men and advances 5 whereof Hamilton being advertiz'd, and finding himfelf inferior in Power, fern to Treat of Peace, which fol lowed, and an agreement for the prefent that the Queen fhould be brought to Sterling, and four principall Perfons fhould have care of her Education: And the rather, that it was fufpe&ed that the Earl of Art tin would have delivered her to the En. glilh. Whereupon (he was conduced by Lenox unto the place appointed, and committed unto the tuition of Grames, Erskin^ rm//*jr, and Ltviflw, and fhortly after crown'd. The Viceroy being thus fruftrate,and for the reft, not much favoured by the People,fuffer'd himfelf to be gain'd by the Cardinal^to whom he (hewed himfelf fo obfequious^as he feem'd to hold the name ra ther then the power of a Viceroy. Infomuch, that the Cardinal whoa little before was in danger of fuffering for a notable For- gery 3 now abfolutly govern'd all. Whereof our King being adver- tifcd,did no longer hope to recover theQueen by the help of the Viceroy,but refolv'd openly to demand her, upon pretext that there was fear of her being conveyed into F ranee , and in cafe of refufal,to denounce War.The Meffage hereupon being brought, the Scots utterly denied him,fo that provifion for war was made by our King. All things yet pafled not fo quietly inScotUnd as was defired by that State} for as the Cardinall being of immoderate Ambition could not indure the Earle of Lctttx power, fo hee endeavoured to fupprefle him s, which he did alfo with much cunning. For whereas hope had been given him of a marri age with the Queen, he advifed her to entertain him fairly till he had received an Anfwer of the French King of a Letter., wherein 3 though he made Honourable mention of him, he thought it convenient yet the faid Earl fhould be recall'd. It being not likely otherwife that the Kingdom would long con tinue in Peace. In the mean while, as Lenox was yong, hand- . Qqq Buchanan. Aprii. Auguft.20. 4-9 '543 Biicb&n. The Life and 'Reign fome, and gentile, and brought up in all exercifes of a Cava lier, he pa(t his time in Tiltings, Masks, and other noble dif- ports $ In which though he had the Earl of Brtbwc3 for Rivall, this Lord yet appear'd fo inferiour to him, as he retired home : Neverthelefle, Lenox finding himfelf atlaftdeluded 3 and that all this was done only by the Queen and Cardinall to have the more leafure to mine him, he protefted he would be reven ged} neither wanted there an opportunity ^ for thirty thoufand crowns being fent by the French King to him, in the difpofing whereof yet he was wifhed to ufe the ad vice of the Queen and Cardinal,he diftributed the money amongft his friends 3 but the Cardinal alledging,that the money was fent to himfelf ? and to be employed in wars againft the Englifh, and that Lenox had inter cepted it againft all right,raifed an Army to feize on him and the money together. Butas/^ftvwasnot ignorant ofthefe Pre paratives., he gathered in a fhort fpace an Army often thoufand men, faying, he would prevent the Gardinall 5 who being now defirous to gain time, as knowing Lenox was not long able to maintain this expence, entertain'd him with frequent Pollicita- tions and Mcflages-, Lenox alfo doubting lea ft fome of his follow ers might forfake him, agrees with the Viceroy and him, and comes to Edtnburrottgh^ where (after a while)being advertiz'd, that forne treachery was intended,he conveyes himfelf by night to Glafco, and from thence to Dnnbritt*n 5 after which, hearing both, that the DoHglafJes and the Hawiltons were agreed, and that through the calumnies of his Adverfaries, the French King was alienated from him,he feem'd much troubled, 8c the rather that fome noble Perfons whodefired to end thefe con trover fies, were fuddenly comitted. But as our King prepared now to iavadeScot- land^ this bufines had another end then he could eafily imagine. And now if juft caufes of competition to the young Queen of Scotland hapned,no lefTejuft caufes for war againft Francis were given, of which I find the chief or at leaft the moft recent, were thefe. That he withheld divers of our Ships, and feiz'd upon our Merchants Goods. That he detain'd the Penfion due yeerly to King fftnry. That he had fortified Ardres to the prejudice of our Englifh pale, on which alfo he had incroached. Moreover divers ancient un- kindnefles not fufficiently con coded remain'd in our Kings breaft: As that he had given his Daughter MAgdaltn to fames, and after ward the Daughter ofGuifc contrary to his promife and Treaty. That he had not deferted the Bifhop of Rome^ and confented to a Reformation, as he once promifed. That whereas with much freedome and confidence he had revealed divers fecrets to him, they had been difclofed again unto the Emperor , while he was at Aignts Merits and after at H E N R Y the Eighth. at Paris. Befides which , there was a common quarrell ta ken betwixt the Emperor and our King for having .confedera ted himfelf with the Turk, &c. as is in the following Treaty. But to thefe Francis anfwered, That our King had failed alfo in not afiifting him againft the Emperor. Our King replied , That Francis had violated the Treaty firft. Befides, he could not be ignorant of the warres againft his Rebels at that time > howfoever thefe bufineffes were fo roughly contefted that the Ambaffadors were ftayedonboth fides, though at length dif- mifled, and an open Rupture refoived. The confequence whereof having a good while fince been prefaged by our King- made him determine to enter into League with the Emperor, and to call a Parliament. The League with the Emperor was to this effect (as appears by our Records,) I. That there (hould be Abolition of former Injuries. II. A free Intercourfe. III. A perpetuall Peace. HIT. That they (hould ayd or countenance no Enemies of each other. V. That Rebels or Fugitives (hould not be harbour 'd, but upon warning given to be gone, if they obeyed not, to be bani- ihedand profcrib'd. VI. He (halt be taken for a Common Enemy who (hall in vade England, GfiifneSj Calais, Berwick, Wight, Gerfcy, Garnfy, Man, Spain, Brabant, Flanders, Ho/land, 2 eland^ Hainault,Artois, Limburgk, Luxemburg?), Namours, Frise 9 Overyffctt, Utrcch,MerkUn. VII. And if he invade with ten thoufand men,the Prince in vaded (hall require aid of the other, who (hall fend him within forty daies, at his own charges, in this proportion, viz. That if the enemy fall on Calais } or the Caftle, and County ofGxifncs, the Emperor (hall fend at leaft as many Souldiers Horfe and Foot, as may be paid for feven hundred crowns the day, each crown valued at fourty five Sol* Tourmis. If on Wight, Gerfej, Garnfy, Man, or England ,t\ie, Emperor (hall fend for ayd fuch a number of Foot, as can be paid for feven hundred crowns a day. But if the Emperor be invaded in any of his countries above mentioned, the King of England (hall fend him for ayd, fuch a number of Foot $ at leaft whofe pay. considering their Clothes, Diet, and Weapons comes to feven hundred Crowns a day,each Crown worth forty Sol' Tonrwis. And it is in the choice of him who demandeth aid, whether he will have Men or money, which Money mall be paid by the month, corififting of twenty eight dayes. And whether Men or Money be required, the Prince of whom it is demanded, is not bound to be at this charge above i 2 four 4> March. and l^eign four Months in one Yeer. But if the Prince in whofc Aid they are fent will retain them Ionger 3 bee may, at his own charge. Neither Prince is bound to aid the other in divers places at once : And if both fhall be invaded at the fame time by the King of FfAfice, the one lhall not be bound to aid the o- ther. If this Aid be demanded upon a falfe rumour, and the Ene- mie (hall neither befiege any City or Fort, nor make fpoil, nor encamp in the Country of the Demandant, then the faid De mandant is to repay the money. Concerning the Kingdom of Spain and JnUnd^ It is agreed, they (hall aid one another by fending Horfe arid Foot., or Ships at the coft of the Demandant : and concerning thefe two King doms, the Number and Cofts of the Aid fhall be as the time, and occafion and ftrength of the Prince of whom it was de manded will fuffer : which thing, fhall be referred to the con- fcience of the Prince fo call'd upon. And for the pay of the Souldiers, it fhall be rated according to the Market of the Country wherein they are. VIII. If any Article of this Treaty be violated by any of the Subje&s, they mall be punifrul, and it remain. IX. That no Letters of Merque fhall be given without due warning, to the end the lofles and wrongs may be otherwife re paired by the Prince. X. That becaufe many fcandalous and hereticall Books are fpread abroad by Tranflations, It is agreed that no Book writ ten in Englifh fhall be printed or fold in Germany, or the Empe- rours Dominions : Nor any Book written in Dutch, in England^ under pain of Imprifonment to the fellers and Printers, and burning of the faid Books. XI That there fhall be Intercourfe ofTraffique according to the Treaty made 1520 } and confirm 'd and ordered in the Treaty of Cambray, 5 Aur*i 529. XII. That if there DC any damnification of the Subjects on either fide, the wronged party upon requisition may have the caufe heard, and due reparation made. XIII. That when upon Invafion (as aforefaid) War is de nounced, no Truce fhall be made by cither Prince without the confent of the other, except there be danger of Siege from the Enemy : In which cafe there may be Truce made (apart) for two months, within which time he is to give notice to the o- ther. XIIII. That no Peace fhall be made, nor any Treaty feve- rally with the French King^or any other to the prejudice of this, but this to continue firm. XV. That none are to be comprehended in this Treaty, but Of King HENRY^ Eighth. but by common confent , as alfo no Enemy to either, nor in whofe Dominions the other hath any pretence. XVI. This Treaty to be ratified by the Princes, under their Princely Word and Oath, and under pain to be infamous , and hated both by God and man., and under pledge of their goods, fo that it (hall be lawfull to invade the Realms and Dominions of the Infraftor, to take perfons and goods and carry them a- way, till fatisfaftion be made : Provided, that they come not to this extremity, till a Diet or Meeting hath been required 3 and Juftice denyed or delayed. XVII. This Treaty to be underftood according tothefim- ple and plain tenour of the words,, and no Interpretation admit ted other wife. XVIII. It is alfo covenanted and agreed, that as foon as may be, the two Princes fhall by their Ambaffadours declare to the King of Prance (requiring his Anfwer thereto), viz,. 1. They fhall complain, that the Turk (Enemy to Chriftiah Faith) hath tak^n boldnefle by his friendfhip to invade Chri- ftendome. 2. That he renounce his correfpondence with the faid Turk, recalling his Orators that are now relident with him. 5. That hee fatisfie for the lofle and prejudice done by the Turk 3 through his occafion and procurement,to Chriftendome , vi^(. Fii ft, That hee reftore the Town of tJMaram to the King of the Romans. And fecondly That he content the Emperour for the cofts and dammages fuftain'd in the lofle of Ctflel* Nttovo^ which the Turk, with the aid of twelve Galleys of the King of France, took. 4. That he ceafe from War with the Emperour, that he may more commodioufly and fafely take upon him the defence of the Chriftian Common- wealth. 5. That he repay to the Germans the lofle by them fuftain'd, in defending themf elves againft the Turk. 6. That he pay the King of England all Arrearages, and that he give him fome Lands and Pofieffions to fecure the fatifa&i- on of the perpetuall Penfion. And if there be any thing elfe which each of thefe two Princes will require from the French King, it (hall be lawfull for him to doit, fo that he declare his intent therein in open and pJain terms, before the Ratification of the prefent Treaty. XIX. If the French King either for terrour of confcience, or fear of revenge, (hall defire to come to agreement for Peace 5 neither of thefe two Princes may treat with him apart, untill the King of France hath given them fatisfaftion : (*>/*0 Till he hath paid the King of England all that is in arrear due to him by bargain. Alfo, for fecurity for the payment of the annuall Penfion due for ever, hee fhall furrenckr into the poflefiion of the 49? 1543 42 Moronic. Qrig. Aug. 494 '543 4* The Life and T{eign the King of England the whole Country of Ponthieu, with the Town ofBoloigne^ and Territories of and alfo for lack of lawfull Heirs of the Bodies of the faid Lady Mary and Lady Elizabeth to be procreated and beeotten(as is before limited in i cu x this Aft) to fuch perfon and perfons in Remainder or Rever- fion, as fhallpleafe his Highnefle, and according to fuch eftate, and after fuch manner and form, fafhion or condition as Ihall be expreffed, declared,named and limited in his Highnefle Let ters Patents, or by his laft Will in writing figne.4 with his moft gracious hand (as is aforefaid.) Any thing Contained in this prefent Aft, or in the faid former Aft to the contrary thereof, in any wife notwithftanding. There followeth alfo in the faid Aft a new form of Oath a- gainft the Authority of the Biftiop of Rome;, and the penalty on thofe who refufed to take the faid Oath, or to interrupt this y or any eftate limited thereby. In another Aft it was declared where, and before whom Treafons committed out oftheRealmfhouldbe.tryed. That the Kings Style alfo, of England, France., and Inland , Dtfeftdfr of the, Faith, and of the Ghttrsh of England and alfo of Ireland, t earth the fitpremeHcad, fhall be united and annexed for ever unto the Im periall Crown of this Realm of England. That no perfon (hould be put to his triall upon an Accufation concerning any of the offences comprifed in the Statute of the Six Articles 31 #{0.8.14. but onely upon fachas fhall be made by the oath of twelve men before Commiflioners authorifed : and the Prefentment fhall be made within one yeer after the offence committed. That no perfon fhould be arrefted or committed to Ward for any fuch offence before he be indifted. That if any Preacher or Reader Ihall fpeak any thing in his Ser mon or Reading contrary to any matter contained in the Six Articles, he fhall be accpfedor indifted thereof within fojty dayes, QJT elfe fhall be difcharged of the faid. offence. And this alfo qualified a little the punifhmtnt of the Sir Articles. That the Lords and Commons fhall remit unto the King all fuch fum 8 of money as he had borrowed of them fince the firft ofzpaMU4Zf r Anna 32 of his Reign; That wtain. Tenures fhall be referred {at the Kings plea- fiire) upon houfes. and. lands, -being fometimes Abbey lands, under fottyrftiilltngs a yeer. That all Perfoos Which have any houfes, lands^ gaidensand other grounds in theTowo o Cambridge, ad)oyrring upon e^ery High- HENRYS Eighth. High-way, Street, or Lane, in his own Right, or the Right of his Wife, or,6 where the Lord General having made divers Knights,they (hip ped their great Artillery, and among them fome fair Pieces gotten in the Voyage 5 divers Ships alfo were taken. And now being ready to depart, they burnt the Town of Lieth, and the Peer of the Haven 5 and fo on the fifteenth of May the Fleet fet fail, while the Land- Army, defirous to commit further fpoil, marched to Seton, and fo to Hfldwgton, and Dunbarre , which Towns they burnt. After which, coming to a Strait (which our Hiftories call the Ptaft) and a great mift happening, they made a Halt, being advertifed that the Scottifti Army would fall on them : But the Mift breaking up, they marched on without refiftance, and fo came to Ranton^ within eight miles of the Englifh Borders, which having ruined and burnt, they up on the 1 8 of M4y entered Bewick^ without having loft in all this Journey above 40 perfons. OurNaviein the mean while, ta king out of every Creek and Haven on the Scottifh Coafts all the Ships and Boats they found there. The Expedition thus glorioufly ended, the King found his BufinefTe nothing advanced 5 he had done more then became a Suter for Alliance, too little for one pretending to Conqueft. Neither had this Invafion other event then a generall deteftati- on HENRY the Eighth. on of a Marriage fought for in fuch rough and unufuall terms : But our King., who underftood the bufinefTe otherwife, faid, That fince he could not obtain, hee would ftrive to chaftife. Howbeit, he omitted not to devife how he might raife a Facti- on in that Kingdom, whereof he might prevail him/elf. And becaufe the Earl of Lenox 3 now defertcd by the French, feem'd moft proper for this purpofe, he refolv'd to admit a Treaty with him : which Affair alfo upon his misfortune, and the Retreat formerly mentioned, had been negotiated by the Earl of Glen- carne and his Brother at Carlile, May \ 7 1 544, (as I finde in our Records 5) which again was feconded in that manner, that our Army now returning, he came by fea to Wejlchefer, and fo to the Court, where hee was well received by our King : And atlaft this Treaty concluded betwixt them, by the name of Matthew Ezr\ of Lenox, and Tbem&Wriethefley (lately made * Baron and * Chancellor upon Attdleis death,) the Duke of Suffolk, and Sir W'llUm Paget) by way of Indenture, tfune 261 544. It is to this effect. That for the fecurity of the faid Earl of Lenox againft the power of the Cardinal, and the Earl of Arrain^ and thefafety of the Realm of Scotland, It is agreed, That the faid Earl will obferve the Articles agreed on his behalf by the Earl ofGlwcarne and others at Garble^ May 171 544. That he will be the Kings fervant and Subbed, and ferve him againft all that (hall impugne his Graces Title and Authority in Scotland) or elfe- where. That he will furrender into his Majefties hand the Caftle of Dumbritton, as alfo the He of Bute, and help him to win the Caftle ofRoffe therein. That when the King , having the direction of the Realm, {hall have made him Governour , the faid Earle fhall never call Parliament, nor dp any matter of great moment without the Kings advice. That he fhall fore- fee that the Kings Pronept be not convey ed out of Scotland, but ftrive to get her perfon into his cuftody, and to deliver her into the Kings hands. That becaufe the King hath upon his earneft fuit given him leave to marry his Graces Neice the Lady Margaret Vwglas^ the faid Earl bindeth himfelf to endow her with the yeerly value of 500 Marks Sterling. That the King, in confideration of the lofle which the faid Earl (hall fuftain in France by this Agreement, will give unto him and his Heirs poffeflions in England of 1700 Marks Ster ling. That the King wil aid the faid Earl in Scttland for two or three months with 500 men 5 befides fuch men as his Grace will fend for to take and keep Dumbritton. That 544 May 17. Jan.i. * May 14. June 26. 5 Hollinfh. The Life and That the King having obtained dire&ion of that Kingdom, will conftitute the faid Earl Governour. In which Treaty, though our King beftowed the Lady MAT- garttDo&glas upon him, and that there wanted not fome, who thought it beft (he (hould be referved upon all events, when the young Queen through any accident (hould die, Hee chofe rather yet to gratifie this gentle Lord. And therein both put a perpetuall obligation upon him, and enabled him to be an An- ceftor of that happy Off-fpring which hath followed fince. The Earl now poflefs'd or his Lady, was fent fhottly after into Scetland with twelve or fourteen Ships, and about fix hun dred men, under the command of certain Englifo Knights : thefe coming to the Caftle of Dttmbritton, were received with great joy, and feafted by Sniveling, Concierge or Captain thereof: But when Lenox had privately told him that the Caitle was pro- mifed our King, hee feem'd fufpended betwixt Affeftion and Duty. Though at laft, confidering that it neither flood with his honour, nor the fafety of the Country ,to furrender into any forrain hands, he took Arms, and forced Lenox and a few of the Englifti who were with him to their Ships, whence they fet fail for the Ifle of Arrain, and burnt all the houfes there ^ and af ter to the Ifle of Bute. Some fay yet that Striveling would have feiz'don theperfonofZ^w*, had he not fore- feen the danger, and efcaped 3 and that he landed in the Earl otAnguis his Coun try neer the Caftle of 2)#rwin 9 and afterwards burnt it $ and took Caintyr and fpoyled it, and all this with the help onely of 1 40 men more hee had out of his own Country : concerning which exploits, he advertifed our King then at Bfttlogne, him- felf returning in the mean time toBriftol (whence hee had his Ships) and flaying there till the Kings arrival! in England, who foon after commanded him, with fome Ships, to fcour the Scot- tilhCoaft. Among the Kings Preparatives for War, that of Money was the moft difficult : For though hee had much enrich'd himfelf with the Revenues of the fuppreft Abbies 3 andbefides, recei ved great Subfidies and Loans from his Subjects 3 yet Fortifi cations, Shipping and other Provifions had exhaufted his Trea- fure. Befides , hee found the money of his Kingdom much drayned away by his crafty Neighbors;-while they cryed it up in their Country. For remedy of which inconveniences, he both enhaunced our Gold from forty five (hillings to forty eight fhil- lings the ounce 5 and Silver from three (hillings and nine pence to four (hillings : and together caufed certain bafe moneys newly coyned to be made currant 3 though not without much murmuring : Which afterwards yet was cryed down in Edward the VI his time 5 and call'd in by Queen Elizabeth. Howfoe ver, it ferv'd for the prefent to exchange both for commodities at home Of Kjng HENRY the Eighth. home and abroad. Though about two yeers after our Records mention, that the Low-Country men finding the Alloys ( it feems) rejeftedit. Men and money being now provided 3 there remained yet not a few difficulties concerning the Government of the King dom in the Kings abfence. Among which, becaufe the greateft was difference in Religion, he endeavoured to quiet all parts, as rinding it impoffible to unite them. That of the Roman Catholicks he had already lo curb'd, as they could hardly make head again : and for the Reformers, he thought a little would give them contentment, as being at this timefcarce more then pretenders. Therefore he caufed a Letany or Proceflion to be fet forth in Englifh, which much fatisfiedthem, as hoping the reft of Divine Service might follow in the fame Tongue. And indeed, our Records tell us, that another Englim Proceflion for Feftival dayes was afterwards added. As for the Civill Adminiftration of his Kingdom , it was ordered thus : The Queen was conftituted General Regent of the Realm : Not yet fomuch, that her foft fex was thought lefle capable of Ambi tion, as that the Roman- Catholicks (whom he thought onely could ftir) would take nodependancefromher , fhe being ob- ferved to incline a little to the Reformed. To dtreft her Coun- felsyet, the King appointed the Arch-Bifhopof Canterbury, the Earl of Hertford, the Lord Chancellor, Thoma* Ihnleby Bimop ofWeftminfer^ and Sir William Petec Doftor of Law, one of the principall Secretaries, to be joyned in Commiffion for thofe Affairs, and on fome occafions WiHtarhLoTd Parre of Horton to be called to them. It being provided further, if occafion were given, that the Earl of Hertford mould be the Kings Lieutenant or principall Captain. Befides which generall order for Af fairs in his abfence, he particularly appointed certain Noble men and Gentlemen in every Shire, who fhould ftay there and obferve all motions : And for this purpofe, the Bifnop of the Diocefle in every County (for the moft part) and fix or feven 1 other Noblemen, or Juftices of the Peace were nominated 5 Fvwci* Talfot aHb Earl of Shrewsbury was made Lieutenant of the North. And now aflurance being given that the Imperial! Forces were in readineffe, hee commanded his Army ( which confifting of thirty thoufand men, was divided into three Bat- tails) to palTe the Seas. The Van-gard apparrelled in blue- Coats- garded- wit h-red , with Caps andHofe party-coloured and futable (their Caps fitted to their Head- piece or Skull) were led by the Duke of Norfolk. The Rear in the like habit., by the Lord RvfleS, lately made Lord Pri vie- Seal, with whom went HwjEarl of Sumy Marfhal of the Field, ifehnVere Earl of Oxford, the Lord Gray of Wilton^ Lord Ferrers of Ckartley, Lord MotttttjejySir French Bryw, and divers brave Lords 3 Knights, Gentle- AIL 1544 July 9' Dec. 6. 1542. JLli T J 544 June. Ftbr/20. The Life and June ic. i 54$ Gentlemen and others, not a few Welfh and Irifli filling up the numbers. Thefe landing at Calais about Whitfontide marched directly to Montreuil, where the Count dt Ettres Admi! ral of Flanders with ten thoufand Foot, and about three or four thoufand Horfe joyning with them 3 they laid fiege to the Town, which Monfieur de Biez. Marefchal of France defended ^ while., at the fame time., the Battel, apparelled in the like Bizarre fa- Ihion, (the Colours yet being red and yellow) paffing over un der the Conduct of Charles Duke of Suffolk the Rings Lieute nant., accompanied by Henry Fitz,-alan Earl ofArmdel, Marlhall of the Field, fftUiam Pallet Lord St.$ohn, Stephen Biihop of Win- efofter, Sir Anthony Brown Matter of the Kings Horfe, and others., expected the Kings coming 5 a fpeedy advertifement whereof being given., he tarried not. But we will leave him a while,and fee what the Emperor did. The Emperors Ambailadors formerly mentioned being re turned from our King with good fatisfaction and great Re wards, the ijiet at Sfire began, where the Emperor, Ferdinand, and all the Electors in perfon did .meet : the Emperors chief buiinefle was, to require aid againft the Turk and French their Confederate: which Francis alfo fufpecting, fen t an Herald to require a fafe Conduct for his AmbafTadors to come thither: but hee was rejected with ill words. And now the Emperour endeavouring, to divide thp Proteftants, propofed fo fair and ad vantagious a Treaty to the Duke ofsaxc, that he obtained of him to acknowledge FtrdinandK\n% of the Romans. Which Accord, though it were not communicated to, nor approved by the reft of the Confederates, yet they all at laft condefcend- ed to a Contribution byf Pole throughout all Germany^ for a War againft the Turk, and half a yeers pay for four thoufand Horfe, and four and twenty thoufand Foot againft the French. In regard whereof, the Emperor promifed to commit the Bu- fineile of Religion to certain good learned men, whoihould write fome pious Reformation 5 wifhing the Princes alfo to do the fame : to the end, that upon comparifon of them on all fides, fome agreement might be made by common confent, which fhould be obferved till a General Councel were held in Germany or at leaft a Nationall : And that peace (hould be kept in the mean while on all parts, and the rigorous Edict ofi^fttgf- bttrg fufpended, and the Anabaptifts puniftied. There was an agreement alfo to meet again (which followed at Wermbi) and fo the Diet ended fane 1C. , The Pope being ad vertifed of thefe paflages at tyto, was mightily offended, as being refolved to tolerate no Reforma tion whereof himfelf was not Authour. Therefore he writ a ftiarp Letter to the Emperour, Dat-i 1 ). Aug. wherein he remon- ftrateth the inconveniences would follow, if any thing; were e- ftablifht the Eighth. ftablifhtin Religion without his intervention: excluding fur- ther the Proteftants wholly from having any voice therein. This while the French, under the conduct of Fravfois de\ Bourbon Due d' An^.rien, obtain'd at Scrifoles in Piedmont, a great Vidory againft the Spaniard, commanded by the Marquefle of Gttaftj', wherein, as the Spaniards conceived, was fome fatality 5 their Writers obferving, that the Battell of Ravenna zndGefoes were loft upon the fame day. Howfoever, the French were not a little glorious , yet, as Francis knew the League betwixt our King and the Emperour was directed chiefly againft him, hee prepared for defence : And the rather, that he had heard of a fecond Treaty, (which was at Gen^aga's coming over into England i as I take it) wherein both Princes had agreed to march ftrait onto Partf without befieging any Town, or ftay- ing by the way. Befides, the Emperour had now recovered Luxemburg. This made Francis refort to the extreme Remedy in cafe of Invafion, called the Ban and <^4rrrtb*n^ by which all men holding under certain Tenures, are bound for a certain time, at their own cofts and charges to ferve in perfon, or at leaft to provide (according to their degree) Horfe and Foot againft the Enemy : which Francis yet converted to a Foot on- ly, and thus he got together an Army of about forty thoufand Foot, and fix thoufand Horfe. As this yet could not fecure him againft two fuch puiffant Adverfaries, hee difpatched fe- verall AmbafladorS to both Princes, with power to offer great and advantageous Conditions of Peace, when either of them might be taken off. This while the Emperour (who promifed our King to march dire&lyto Paris with a great Army) had taken divers towns in Champagne, as the way unto it, though lofin g unfortunately Rene Prince of Orange a t S . Diper, who was the fecond of that Family that had died in his quarrell, his Mo thers Brother Philibert de Chaalon having been (lain at the Siege of Florence. And now both Armies marching fo, as the Imperi- alifts held the one fide, and the French the other fide of the River of Marnejizws was brought to either Camp, that our Ar my was landed in France, and had befieged Boulogne. The par^ ticularities whereof , out of a Diary extant in our Records, I thought fit to extrad,and chiefly follow in this Narration. Our King, who pafs'd the Seas in a Ship with Sails of Cloth- of-Gold, arrived at Calais the 14 of ^Wjfwith a Royall Train. The next day the Emperor's High- Admiral attended him, and gave account in what eftate and forwardnefle his Mafters Army and Affairs were about that time : he aovifed our King alfo to proceed to Paris without amufing himfelf about any thing by the way. But he who knesv well what Towns the Emperour had taken in his way, would not be diffwaded from the fame liberty : Therefore he fent the Duke of Suffolk with Forces Ttt to ''544 April n. die Pafch. Sandoval. July. July 14." July 15. July 21- July 21. July 2 5. July 25. July 23. July 29. Auguft 3. \ Auguft 6. Auguft 13. Auguft 19. The Life and to inveft Boulogne, in which Monfieur de Ferven a young Gentle man, but affifted by Philip Ccrje a brave and old Souldier, com manded. His Forces confifted of a Garifon of about two thou- fand five hundred paid, and as many more able Townfmen. The Duke in a fhort fpace took (notwithftanding refiftance) the lower Town, lying on the River of Pont-de-bricq, and the Watch-Tower before Boulogne, (call'd the old-Man, or the Tour d' ordre^ thought to be built by Julius Cafar ) This haftened the Kings coming 3 fo that difpatching the Emperour's Admirall, hee marched forward in this equipage, zfuly 25 : Firft, the Drums, Vifleurs, Trumpeters and Officers at Arms, then the Barons, and after them Garter- Herald next before the King's Banner } after which followed DonBcrtrande la Cue VA Duke of Albuquerque (Commander of the Emperor's Auxiliary Forces ,) next whom came the Kings Majefty armed at all pieces, upon a great Courfer 5 then the Lord Herbert bearing the Kings Head piece and Spear, followed by the Henchmen bravely hors'd and appointed. Marching thus out of Calais with a Princely Train, an hundred Horfe of Alburquerques Company (whereof fix were barded with Cloth- of- Gold) met him : Alfo the Earl of J^x (chief Captain of the Men-at-Arms,) and Sir Thomas Darcy with many other Horfemen (who fet themfelves in parade) fo that theLightHorfe and Demy-Lance wentfirft, then the Guard on Foot, after them the Pike-men, amongft whom the King rode before the men-at-Arms 5 for the Wings, fifty Archers on Horfeback, and as many Harquebufiers were appointed, and fo they came to MArquifa where the Army then encamped that night. The next day (being the 26) marching towards Bou logne, the Duke of Suffolk met the King, who took his Quarter < on the Northfide of the Town neer the Sea 3 divers Skirmifhes paffing in the mean time. The28,^0/&#Vifcounti//fcLord Admirall ? the Lord Clin ton and about 900 men, who had fcowred the Seas towards Scot- ft/, landed in the Haven at Boulogne. The 29, SirT&omM Poynings came to give the King account of all that pafs'd at CMonftreul, and in his return took Hardelot Caftle. The third of Auguft our Battery began on the Eaft-fide of the Town 3 two Batteries more being afterwards planted a- gainft it. The fixth ofAugttfl Monfieur de Bares came from Monjlreul 5 to whom our King gave a brave Courfer richly furniih'd. The 1 3 of Auguft the Earl of Hertford came to the Camp $ and divers Companies of Almaines and Flemmings joyned with our men : Many Sallies and Skirmifhes (in the which the French ftill had the worfe) paffing in the mean while. Certain French Troops alfo endeavouring early in the morning to get into HE N R Y the Eighth. into the Town, were defeated and kill'd 5 fomeneverthelefle efcapinginto it. Certain Troops of German Horfe came now alfo to the Camp 3 who were muttered before the King the next day. The 24 of August the Duke of Norfolk from before Montrcul came and advertifed the King how the Affairs pafs'd there. The 27, Alarm was given upon difcovering of fome French Troops. The 29 and 30, our men approaching ftill to the Wals, fhort Skirmifhespaft. Scptem. i,our men got the Bray.,not yet without lofle of brave men on both fides. The fecond of September fome of our men giving a falfe Alarm to the Cattle., at the breach which our Canon had made, other of our men brake up certain doors into the Cattle 5 but they being barricado'd within, and well defended, wee retired with lofle. The third, Sir Chriftopher Ntrris Matter of the Ordnance, and chief director of the Batteries, was hurt with a fhot from the Cattle. While things pafs'd thus afore the Town, a Convoy of Viduals (being fent from S. Omer to the Camp) was taken by the Enemy, and divers Imperialifts kill'd. Neverthelefle, our Englifti faved and refcued fome part. The 4 otSeptemb. the Pioneers having brought their Work to the Counter-mure of the Cattle, two Mines were fprung, which fhivered the Wall $ but made no great overture. The fifth, our men fapping the Wals a the French kill'd cer tain Pioneers. The fixth, another Salley was made, and fome Workmen were kill'd. The ninth, the Town being brought almoft to terms of yeelding, certain Ambafladours from Francis , being tfohn Car dinal duBelldy, Pietra Raymond premier PrefidentoF Rouen, and o- thers, demanded Audience, their BufineiTe being to treat of a generall Accord 5 concerning which the Earl ofwtfJJfrn/J the Bifhop ofWitKkJbH, SirWiffiam Pagetand Sir Richard Rich wer appointed to negotiate with them at Hardel&t Cattle : our King not doubting in the mean time to carry the Town. September 1 1 , fire was given to the Mine under the Cattle, the effed whereof the King went to fee, not without fome danger, the ftones flying very far off : whereupon, our men prefently giving on 3 many were flain on both parts. The 1 3, Monfieur de St. Blimont, and Monfieur de Aix came out of the Town, and treated of furrendring it. The fourteenth, it was yeelded upon condition to depart with Bag and Baggage 5 but to leave the Vi&uals and Artillery behinde them. It was thought yet the-place might have held Ttt 2 out Atiguft.24. Augtift 27. Aug 2^,50. Septemb.x. Septemb.2. Scptemb.j. Sepcemb. 4." Septemb-5. Septemb.tf. Septemb.p: Sepcemb. 1 1. 111 '54* Septcmb. 14. Septemb.iS. Septcmb.2$. The L ife and Septemb.i?. Sindpyal. out longer, but that Philip Corfe was kill'd, whh whom (it feem- ed)both their courage and good fortune ended. And fo 5 about two thoufand fouldiers, and as many others going out of the Town, pafled towards Monjlrenl in our Kings fight, befides di vers that efcaped another way. And thus Boulogne was taken, without any mention in our Diary of Cancn of Wood colour ed like brafle, which (hould be planted againft the Caftle, as Tradition hath it. And now an horrible Tempeft arifing , threw down Tents and Pavilions, and fhipwrack'd fome part of our Naviein the Haven. NeverthelefTe, the French Am- bafladours came to the Camp that night 3 but as their Tents were blown down likewife over their heads, the King courte* oufly permitted them to lodge in the Town. September 18, the King (attended by Albuquerque ) entred Boulogne triumphantly. The Duke of Suffolk (the Great Mafter, who was fent before to take pofleffion thereof, meeting him at the Gate, and prefenting the keyes of the Town) where, af ter he had viewed the places that needed fortification, he gave Audience to the French Ambafladours : But they hearing the Emperor had condefcended to a Peace (which was published about this time) did leffe infift upon a Treaty with us, and fo returned by the way ofHefdin Septemb.25. Some of the Spanifh Writers yet ufe much art to palliate this abrupt Treaty : Therefore they fay, that our King failed in his not going di- reftly to Paris (as was agreed). Never confidering in the mean while, that the Emperour (though having a much clearer way) had taken divers Towns in his paflage : Befides, they alledged, that our King would keep Boulogne for himfelf, not regarding the common Jptereft. All yet were but pretexts : whereas the reall caufes were, Firft, That Charles had by this means taken off Francis from his League with the Turk. Secondly, That he had engaged our King in a War againft France^ and thereby made himfelf the freer to purfue his own Dcfignes in Germany, where he knew the Proteftants would grow more refractory, as long as he was in War elfe- where. Thirdly, That in the Wars of Germany, which hee now in tended, he thought the French King could more hurt him, then our King do him good. Th? Articles of Peace concluded by theft Princes, wtrt^ I. That betwixt the Emperor Charles the Fifth, and Francis the French King, and the reft that will enter into this League, there be a firm and perpetuall Peace. I.I. That the Subjefts of both Princfcs pay Tributes., Rights, and Cuftoms of Merchandize that they were wont to pay. III. That n* H E N R Y the Eighth. III. That all places which have been taken on one part or o therfincethe Truce of tf/^f, (hall be reftored : and that nei ther part may take thence more then their Viftuals or Ord nance. HIT. That the Duke of Arefchrt (hall enjoy his Right in the County of Ligny^ &c. V. That all Places and Fortrefles that have been taken from the Duke of Savoy by either of the Parties., or from the Mar- queffe of Montferat^o* the Duke of Mant*a 3 Duke of w-4/0,Duke ofStenay in Luxemburg, (hall be reftored. VI. That the King of France (hall leave and reftore the Ab bey and Lands of Garagana in the Emperors hands , as alfo cer tain Hoftages for performance thereof, and that he (hall give unto the Emperour the County of Char Ms to him and his Heirs for ever. VII. That the Emperor and French King joyn together in a War again ft the Turk 3 and that the King (hall furnifh for this purpofe fix hundred Lance?, and ten thoufand Foot. VIII. That Francis (hall renounce all the Right he pretends to hold in the Kingdom of Naples, Sicily, & his Armour. j an . 545 July i 8. The Life and l{tign Armour. And now Francis finding that thefe enterprifes fuc- ceeded not, makes huge preparations to recover the Town, hoping together towinC4/4/V, and wholly to expulfetheEn- glifh from thofe Parts. Therefore he fent to Scotland Monfieur de la Stifle, and afterwards the Seigneur de Lorges, with an Army to joyn with the Scots for invading our Northern parts. On the other fide, that he might (hew how ftrong he was by Sea, hee commanded a great Fleet to be equipped, for which pur- pofe Paulin (his old Negotiator in Turky) brought with him five and twenty Galleys from the Levant . The Pope not omitting alfo to furnifh his part : So that he had in all an hundred and fifty great Ships, and fixty of the lefler fbrt, befides Galleys 3 his defigne being to keep Boulogne from being relieved by Sea, while his Land- Forces beneged it. He thought fit to begin yet with ereding the Fort before twlognc, which being to be fi- niflied (as was promifed him) by Monfieur de Biez , before mid- Attguft, he meant with a puiilant Army to entrench himfelf be fore the Town : having for this purpofe fent to leavie twelve thoufand Lanfkeneets> and fix thoufand Italians 5 with which, and his own Forces, he doubted not to recover all the Places we held in France. Laftly, for the more encouraging his men s he refolved in Perfon to be in, or at leaft, not far from his Ar- mie. Coming thus to Havre-de- Grace , and commanding his Fleet to fet fail, his faireft Ship (being of eight hundred tun) taking fire, fuddenly was burnt 3 yet the reft went on, under the command of Monfieur ^ J Annebault Admiral of France. Com ing thus to St. He/Jens Point onourCoaft, Paulin with four Gal- lies was fent to difcover the We of Wight, and the countenance of our men : whereupon, fixty of our Ships coming out of the Haven of Portfmonth in good order, exchanged fome (hot with the French, till night parted them. The next day, the Ship which carried their money fank, the money being hardly faved. But one of our Ships through accident was loft. Our King this while came toPortfmwth, as knowing of what confequence the Place was, aflembles men from all parts under the command of his Lieutenant the Duke of Suffolk : The French yet landed in three feverall places in the Ifle of Wight 5 but were as foon repuls'd .* whereupon, Annebault having the winde fair, ad- vifed concerning fighting with us in the Haven at Portfmouth : But the channel being thought too narrow for them to enter in any great number, they confulted of taking the Ifle of Wight : but as it was requifite again to build many Forts for keeping thereof, they found that both men and time would be want ing. Howfoever, they refolved to take in frefh water 3 which the Chevalier d'Auxc with fome men attempting, was kill'd, and they routed 5 as alfo fome others who landed afterwards in Svffex. Thefe bad fuccefles made the French croiTe over to Porttt Of /\Vtf / HENRY tb? Eighth. Form neer Bcttlogxe, where they landed four thoufand fouldi. ers, and all the Pioneeis which they brought with them to fortifie thole places they fhould have taken in England. And now the winde blowing from the Land, they fet (ail again for our Coatt, which our King underttanding , commanded his Fleet (being an hundred Sail) to offer fight to them $ which the French alfohad charge to accept 5 their King not fearing to lofe his hired Ships, as long as he had money to procure o- thers : The onely difficulty was, in regard of the currents, how to ufe both Ships and Galleys together , for in calms, when the Galleys made way, the Ships could not ftir 5 and without them they durfr not encounter us. And now the French Fleet having gotten a fmall winde, and their Galleys coming on,made towards us : but the winde fjackning again,their Galleys fel off, wherewith the winde coming about, and our Fleet inverting them, an hot Fight of two hours patted betwixt them : but the night parting them, the French retired fuddenly to Havre de Gr&ce^ and appear'd no more. Our Admiral yet went to Tre- port in Normandy where landing, he burnt the Suburbs, took divers Barks out of the Haven, and fo returned. D'Annebault^ as foon as he came on fhore, went to the King at Arques the fix- teen th of ^g/, expeftingthe Fort fhould be finifhed before Bsuhgne v but it was begun eight dayes onely before, and in another place, cali'd Outreau neer low Boultgne^ whence they might indeed annoy the Town, but not command the entry in to the Haven. But Monfieur de Bkz, afTuring the King yet it would be put in defence within eight dayes more, the French Army marched on, being four and thirty thoufand Foot, and two thoufand Horfe 3 who fhortly after encamped upon Mount L imbert, being fo neer Boulogne, as they could fhoot into it with their great Ordnance. The King yet was not in the Army, nor neerer then the Abbey offorrejt Monflier , which was eleven leagues off, whither his Son Charles Duke of Orleance coming, died (as is before touched) of a peftilent Fever. This made him fend fhortly after Claude d* Annelault and others to the Emperor to renew his Alliance fome other way : But the Em peror, who had now engaged our King and Franfif to a War, and therein reveng'd himfelf on both, thought it fafer to be neuter, then to declare himfelf either way : Howbeit, he told the French AmbafTadours, that he would not begin with their Matter. In the mean while, the Englifh Garifon in Calais and Guifnes t making continuall Inrodes^ kill'd Monfieur Dampierre, and defeated his men . which, together with the dryanfwer received from the Emperor, made Francis to retire to an Ab bey neer i^fmietts } his Army yet continuing before Beulogne, without adventuring to lay clofe Siege unto it. Onely, as all the young Nobles and Gallants of the French Court came thi ther. 545 Auguft. Septemb.p. Auguft i. Septemb.?. Novemb.i. Odobcr. '545 July a. Auguft. Septemb. The Life and l^eign ther, divers fkirmifhes pafs'd, in one of which., Francis Duke d* Anm&le eldeft Son to the Duke of Guife, received a blow with a Lance between the eye and the nofe, which entered (as the French Writers have it) half a foot into his head, and there broke : neverthelcfs, he coming off., endured the taking it our, and was recovered , divers others of their principall perfons yet being kill'd. And now our King refol ving to diflodge them., lent into Germany to levie ten thoufand Lanfkneets, and four thoufand Horfe : who thereupon coming to Fkurines in the Country of Ltige, required their pay., as was promifed $ but it not coming at the time appointed , they feifed on our Com- miffioners, and returned, without permitting them to depart till they were fatisfied. This while Monfieur de Biez,, being commanded to enter Tirre d* Oye, took a little piece of fortified ground , which our men coming to recover., were fencountred by his Horfe, and defeated : yet fo, as (though far lefle in num ber) they kill'd many of their enemies. TheGarifon of Boulogne finding the French Army thus de parted, enterprifed the taking of the Fort , but it was well de fended, and they with loile conftram'd to retire. The French Army alfo, through the much rain that fell, was forced to leave Terred'Oje^ being a marifh ground, and full of deep ditches: Befides, our men gathered towards them. And now this pu- iffant Army returning toward Boulogne, did not think fit to be- fiege it : which may feem the ftranger, that wee neither had Forces in a readinelte to fight with them, nor fo ftrong a place to defend, but that half their Army (according to reafon of War) might have carryed it in a fhort fpace : Therefore they encamped themfelves onely afore Portet, untill the Fortification were finifhed. This flackneffe made our men fo adventrous, that an Enterprife of theirs fucceeded ill,as fhall be told the yeer following. Monfieur de Lorges (formerly mentioned) having brought his auxiliary Forces being five thoufand men) tfttly 2, 1 545, in to Scotland^ many Incurfions were made. Their Army yet in- camped no neerer on the Engliih fide then Twede^ yet as they pafs'd it often, much harm was done. Whereupon, the King fent the Earl of Hertford with twelve thoufand men to ScttUnd^ who deftroying all the Towns on the middle Marches, pafled thence to the Weft, and committed great fpoils : in requitall whereof, the Scots fhortly after attempted to enter England on the Eaft Borders, but were defeated,and many made Prifoners, and among them Lord the Hames his Son , and a French Com mander 5 and not long after the Lord MaxwtVs Son : But they had their revenge ^ for five hundred Englifti attempting the Weft Borders, for the moft part were taken or (lain. While our King was thus in war with France and Scotland, he ^ HENRY the Eigltb. Novemb. Jan. 1545. he and the Emperor were not in very good terms f Ships being arrefted on cither fide, upon occa lion (as I gather) that a Spa- nifli Ship, coming from b&ri.Domwgo an the Weft Indie?., was taken by the Englifh. But wee had likewife our complaints. Concerning which therefore a Meeting was appointed at Bor- borch in Flanders^ alfo about taking centum Im polls raifed by the Emperor 3 contrary to cheold Treaty of Commerce;, which yet f|Jly MP 5. was little regarded, the Emperor endeavouring now nothing more then to gtt money-. Which the Proteftants underhand-. ing, and fearing he would make ufe thereof to invade them, did eaiily accept an intimate requeft from Francis, for medi ating a Peace betwixt our King and him : Whereupon, they fent to France, Vtninger^ Kruno, and sfohn Stttnniu*.- and to Eng~ Und 9 Bambach and tfobn Sletdan the Hiftorian, who at length ob taining that Commiffioners on both fides mould meet neer Ardres^ two months were fpent in unufefull Propofitions \ fo they returned without efFe&ing any thing. Our King, befides that he would have Ardres for quitting the Arrears of his Pen- fiqn, :being neither willing to reftore Boulogne, nor to fuffer the Scots to be comprehended in the Treaty. And now the Emperor fearing left a Peace (hould be made without him, thought fit to mediate (at leaftin appearance) an Accord,on this occafion 5 King flenrj having fent the Bifhops of Wine heft erand Weflminfltr, and Sir Edward Corne tocleer feme Articles of the Treaty of 1 545 with C/jortes 9 Francis about the fame time had fent the Admiral < Annebault thither, as is before related. Whereupon therefore he proppfed a General Treaty, though faintly, and in fuch terms that it took no effeft. This while, Arch- biftiopCranmtr making his advantage of Wtxcheflcrs abfence, endeavoured a further Reformation 5 which alfo our King once condefcended to, and gave order for in great part : but before it was brought Into ACT, the King recei ved Letters from him. That this League mediated by the Em peror would not proceed, if he fuffered any Innovation 3 and fo nothing was done. Little more happened this yeer worth relation ( for home events ) befides the Parliament bufineflb (whereof hereafter) but the death of Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk , Great Mafter of the Kings Houfhold , a right hardy Gentleman ( as our Hiftorians term him,) yet withall fodif- creet and affable , as hee was beloved of all forts , and his death much lamented. Our King, for his more honour, caufing him ( at his own charge) to be honourably buryed at Windfor. I [hatt return new to declare the Proceedings in matter of Religion among the Germans , and in the C&uncel of TRENT. The Emperor with much induftry and cunning having pro- Xxx cured Novemb. Febr. n. 1551 Fox. Auguft. 545 . * March 2j. * March 2 7. April 8. March 24. Sotne. The 1 ife and cured a War between our Ring and r*trtif,did now leave them to decide their own Affairs, while him felf attended wholly his occafions in Germany , his defignes there being much facilitated by the receffion of the Turk., who leaving the purfuit of his Conquefts in thefe Northern Parts, meant to dilate himfelf in the warmer C limes of Afia : fothat the Emperor having no more bufineffe, accounted this yeer the moft quiet of many that had preceded : though yet he were not exempt from fundry cares, feme Wars, and the Gout. And now, as he pretended principally to cornpofe the differences of Religion,many Offices were palled with the Pope for advancing the Councel 3 which had his beginning and progreffe after this manner : The thirteenth of Mtrch 1545 the Cardinal del (JMonte and Cardinal Santa Croce being received by the Cardinal of Trent, made their publick entry into the City : But no Prelate be ing yet come, they fent to Rme t todefire thatthei* reftri&ion in the Bull (to the content of the Councel) might be taken a- way, and abfolute power given to propoie,dtermine, &c. as is before recited : which the Pope gran ted. The place chofen was the Cathedral Church, capable of about 400 perfons. Ten dayes after Diego dt Mendezza the Emperors Ambaflfadour in Venice * came, and * fhewed his Inftruftions 5 being, firft, to promife that the Spanifti Bifhops fhould fhortly be prefent : Se condly, to procure., that Reformation in Difcipline and man ners fhould be handled before Points of Do&rine. TheLe- gats hereupon fent to the Pope to have publick Difpatches (when occafion was) to (hew c^ffW^4 3 and other private Let ters to follow. The eighth of April) Ferdinand's Ambafladours came, the number of Biftieps yet being very few. The firft Controverfie was concerning the Spanifh Ambaffadours pre tence to precede the Cardinal of Trent : but the bufineffe was ordered fo as no advantage appear'd. This preparative for a Couneel being divulged, produced divers and contrary effects 5 fome refolving to beleeve all they faid, others little or nothing, others again intending to diftinguifh thofe parts that pleafed them, from the reft. Howfoever, the Proteftants in the Diet of Wermbs prctefted againft it, as partiall and factious: while Francis , for the more endearing it, proceeded with Arms againft the few Waldefe that remained in his Kingdom in that violent manner., #9 without other warning or intension, he permit ted his Souldiers (having firft committed all infolence in the mountain parts where they dwelt, towards Provence and Lan- gwdock ) to deftroy more then four thoufand perfons which made no refiftance. In the mean time, the Cardinal of Trent) for the more fecurity of his City, defired a Garifon from the Pope : butwasanfwered, That the Councel could not then feem free 3 which more imported him., then the fafety of the City CfJ\in? HE N R Y the Eighth. City did the Cardinal. Matters being thus advanced, Cardinal Pcoleczm?, and fpcech was had of opening the Cour.cel. But as the Pope's defignes tended another way, heefent the Cardinal ^leflwdro Farnefe his Grand- childe to the Emperor now at Wormbs, to ofrer a large Contribution of Men and Money for fup- prefling of Hereticks , promifing alfo to procure help from other Italian Princes $ and to proceed with Spiritual! and Temporall Arms. He reprefented alfo how ill the Pope took the late fpeech of aNauonall Counccl, and that the Emperor in this Diet had promifed another for the fetling of Religion, in cafe the Councel of Trent took no order therein ^ in the mean while protefting,that he would fooner yeeld up his Keys to Saint Peter, then fuffer fuch an affront. Befides which, he had private Infhu&ions to pro cure that the right of Inheritance of Parma and Piacenfy might be inverted in his Nephew Ottavie, Son to his Brother Pietro dhjfio farnefe (natural Son to the Pope) now Duke thereof, in regard the faid OttAvio had married Marguerite natural Daughter to the Emperor : which at laft alfo, upon the exchange ofCamtriw, was granted. And now towards the end of May, there were twenty Pifhops, five Generals of Orders, and one Auditor deURttotA .affembled $ yet as the Councel began not, the Pope being dcfi- rous fii ft to fee the fucceffe of the Diet at Wormbs, the Bifhops de- fired to be gone, but were not permitted. Ncvcrthelefle, Men* dti^A returned to his former Ambaflage at Venice, defiring no thing might be done in bis abfence. The Bifhops alfo weary of their ftay, or expence, rcfolved at laft to depart : which the Pope taking notice of, distributed fome money among them. This while Herman Arch Bifhop of Colen^ having made a private Re formation by the means of Martin Bucer&nd Philip Melancbthon^ his Clergy oppugning it, complained to the Emperor, who ci ted the Arch-bifhop: with which, though the Pope was offend ed, yet he did not to much expoftulate the matter with the Em peror, as defire to conferve his own Authority : Therefore hec cited the Arch bifhop too. And now in the Diet 2t Wormbs the Emperor required aid a- gainft the Turk 5 which the Proteftants rcfufed (as fearing it would be imployed againft them) unlefs firft good fecurity were given for Peace in the Empire^ and that this Councel at Trent (hould be no prejudice to them. But to this the Emperor an- fwered,That he could not exempt them from the authority of the Councel (efpecialiy, being call'd for 'their fakes ,) yet if they had any juft objedions againft ic 3 that they mould come and produce them openly in the Councel, and they mould have an equal hear ing. But the Princes and confederate Cities continuing to ex cept againft it, protefted thofe were not to judge of their Caufc, who had already condemned it: Therefore, if a Councel were had, they (hould make one part, and Pope and Roman Catho- Xxx 2 licks May. 1544- June. July 18. Sleidan, Auguft 4. SIciJan. Concil. Trid. Septemb; Oftob-gt. Decemb. 15. The Life and 1(eign Jicks the other : And as for the manner and order., that the Emperor and Princes mould be Judges 5 but for the merit of the Caufe, that it mould be determined onely by the word of God. The Emperor finding thus no likelihood of Peace, dif- fembled his difpleafure till he had made peace with the Turk, (which he did by the means of Francis this yeer in Otteber) . And fo the Diet ended the fourth of e/f /?, with a Decree to hold another at R&Monc in fatwary following. For which purpofe there mould be a Conference of four Doftors and two Judges on either part, in December^ to prepare Matters of Religion a- gainft that time. And now the Proteftants put forth a Book, in which they again rejected the Councel, faying, it was not afiembled in Germany (as was promifed 3 ) but in Trent, and by the Pope's power and command., without other pretext that it could be thought to be in Germany y then becaufe the Rifhopof Trent was a Prince of the Empire : Befidcs, that the Pope (a party) mould not precide in it. Therefore, that the form and manner of holding a Councel mould be firft difcufled , and whence it had its Authority. But this reference of the Empe ror to a future Diet, as it difpleafed the Pope and his Legats, fince the Councel was imminent, and appointed for deciding Controversies 5 fo it made the Bifhops again take leave to be gone : and in effect, by the end of September few remained. The Pope finding thefe difficulties, knew not well what to refolve 3 yet when motion was made for holding it in Germany, he refu- fed, but fent to the Emperor to advife with him concerning the opening the Councel., orfufpending it, pr transferring it to Italy. The Emperor fas Affairs th en ftood) not much ap proving any of thefe Propositions, at laft (in otfober) gave con- fent the Councel fhould open : Yet fo, as they fhould treat of matter of Reformation, and not of Doftrine, for fear of pro voking the Proteftants. This, again, gave the Pope no little jealouiie, left the Emperor would make his Ecclefiaftical Au thority obnoxious to the Diet and Conference. Howbeit, he commanded the Councel fhould begin the thirteenth of Decem ber : The French Prelates, being but three., having written to their King mbft of thefe paiTages 9 were fent for home , yet, at the interceffion of the other Bifhops, two remained. The 15 of December being come, the Legats (after a folemn Faft and Proceffion) meeting in the Cathedral, opened the Councel., declaring, that it was afTembled for three caufes : i. Deftroy- ingHerefie. 2. Reforming Difcipline. 5. Setling Peace : ex horting the Bifhops to labour ferioufly herein. After which., the Emperors Initrudions to Mendoz&a (formerly mentioned) being again exhibited., the Legats faid , they would advife thereof: and fo appointing the next Seffion to be heldfjtew- ry 7 following, they arofe, and prefently fent to the Pope, de claring Of King HENRY the Eighth. daring what was done, and defiring to know how they fhould begin 5 whether with Herefies, and if fo, whether they fhould touch the Heretics., or Perfons, or both ? whether they fhould fend forth a Declaration that the Councel was begun., and in vite the Princes and Nations that would, to come ? whether they fhould haften or delay their Proceedings ? in what manner the Suffrages were to be collected ? 8cc. The 18 of December they met in Congregation., and began to treat of a Refor mation of Manners, Habits, &e. The Pope hearing thus the Councel was opened., writes., That concerning the matters to be handled, he is not yet refolved , in the mean time, that they fhould infift on the ufuall Preambles : That they fhould fol low in their manner of Suffrages, the laft Lateran Councel : That they fhould invite no Prince or Prelate., fince the Indifti- on of the Councel was fufficient : As for the charges of the Bifhops, Exemption from payment of Tenths was granted, and fome other Benefits, and money given to the poorer fort : All which I have fet down with more particularity., that it may ap pear, both what a flow and uncertain beginning this great Councel had, and what a different end it took,from that it now feem'd to promife. I will conclude this yeer with the bufmefle of our Parlia ment: --, which began the 23 of November 1545. Which, as it was the laft the King call'd 5 fo,fupply of money being the prin cipal Affair, it feem'd to comprehend all that could be given, at lead of other mens : neither was there other excufe then the Kings neceffities, which every man muft think violent, when they trenched upon the reverend Foundations of Colledges, Free-Chappels, Chantries, Hofpitals, Fraternities, Brother hoods, Guilds, and ftipendiary Priefts which had continuance in perpetuity, together with all their Manors, Lands and He reditaments, which now the Parliament committed to the Kings difpofe, and that they fhould be in the order and fur- vey of the Court of Augmentation 5 the Right of others being yet faved j and divers Provifions made. For motive whereof, the Kings great charges in his Wars with Frame and Scotland were alledged 5 as alfo the abufes of the Rulers and Gover- nours of the faid Colledges, 8tc. Upon which therefore, and his folemn promife to the Parliament, that all fhould be done to the glory of God, and common profit of the Realm, the Aft paffed. In another Aft it was declared, how offenders in Ufury fhould be punifhed 5 and a certain proportion of Ten in the Hundred was limited. Which yet, had it been lower, would have made Lands more valuable , Merchandize and Viftuals cheaper, and adventuring by Sea more frequent : That lazy way of thriving being more oppofite then any thing elfe to that Decemb.iS. Noyemb. '545 Dccemb.24. The Life and T^eign that Induftry by which all Kingdoms fubfift and flouriili. ThatDo&orsofthe Civil Law, although Lay men, whether married or unmarried, might exercife all manner of Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion to which they (hall be deputed. That two Churches,being not above a mile tiiftam, and one of them not above the yeerly value of fix pound 3 may be united into one. That where a full Jury did not appear, a Tales might be granted de CircumflAntibtts : And this was much for the expedition of Juftice. That whereas the Lord Chancellor of #g/W, Lord Treafu- rer, Lord Prefidcnt of the Kings Councel, Lord Privie Seal,and the two chief Juftices, or five, four, or three of them ihould have power by their difcretior.s to fet the prices of all kinde of Wines, as by the Aft 28 Hen. 8. 14 appeamh : the time was nowfpecifi ed to be betwixt the twentieth of November and laft of Dcce mbtr : And that if any Wine- feller fhould fell his Wine in grofle at any other price 3 That the Maior, Bailiffs, Aldermen, &e. may en ter into his houfe, and fell it according to the rate fet down. A Subfidie all o was granted by the Spiritualty of fix {hillings the Pound : and by the Temporally of two (hillings eight pence the -Pound in Goods, and four (hillings the Pound in Lands, to be paid all within two yeers. And fo the 24 of December the Parliament was prorogued : At which time the Speaker of the Lower Houfe making an eloquent Oration, the King in Perfon made this enfuing Anfwer 5 being the more memorable, that it was both full of good intention and advice, and the laft he ever {pake in that place. ALrhough my C hancellor for the time being hath before this time ufed very eloquently and fubftantially to make Anfwer to fuch Orations as hath been fet forth in this High Court of Parliament , yet is he not fo able to open and fet forth my minde and meaning, and thefecrets of my heart in fo plain and ample manner as I my (elf am, and can do. Wherefore, I taking upon mee to anfweryour eloquent Oration (M r Speaker) fay , That where you, in the name of our wel-beloved Commons,have both praifcd and extolled mee for the notable qualities that you have conceived to be in mee, I moft humbly thank you all, that you have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour my felf to obtain and get fuch excellent qualities, and neceffary venues., as a Prince or Governour fhould or ought to have-, of which Gifts I recognize my felf both bare and barren: but of fuch fmall qualities as God hath indued me withall, I render to his Goodnefs my moft humble thanks, intending with aU my wit and diligence to get and acquire to mee fuch notable Vertues and Princely Qualities, as you have alledged to be incorporated in OfKjn? H E N R Y the Eighth. in my Perfon. Thefe thanks for your loving admonition and good counfel firft remembred 5 I eftfoons thank you again, becaufe that you confidering our great charge., not fin our plea- fure, but for your defence 5 not for our gain, but to our great coft which we have lately fuftained, as well in defence againft our and your Enemies., as for the conqueft of that FortrefTe which was to this Realm moft difpleafant and noyfome, and (hall be (by Gods grace) hereafter to our Nation moft profita ble and pleafant, have freely of your own mindes granted to us a certain Subfidie, here in an Aftfpecified, which verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindneffe, then the profit thereof., as He that fettethmore by your loving hearts, then by your fubftance. Befides this hearty .kindntfle, I can not a little re Joyce, when I confider the perfefttruft and con fidence which you have put in me, and as men having undoubt ed hope, and unfained belief in my good doings and juft pro ceedings for you, without my defire or requeft, have commit ted to mine order anddifpofition all Chantries, Colledges,Hof- pitals,and other Places Specified in a certain Aft, firmly truft- ing that I will order them to the glory of God, and the profit of the Common- wealth. Surely, if I (contrary to your ex pectation) mould fuffer the Minifters of the Church to decay, or Learning (which is fo great a Jewel) to be minifhed, or poor and miftfrffbte people to be unrelieved, you might fay, that I being put : .itofo fpecial a truft as I am, in this cafe, were no trufty friend to you, nor charitable to mine, even as a Chriftian, r.eirhcr a lover to the Publick- wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whom account muft be rendered of all our doings. \ Doubt not, I ptay you, but your expectation {hall be ferved mo: e godly and goodly, then you will wifh or defire, as hereaf ter you (hall plainly perceive. Now, fith I finde fuch kindnefs in your part towards me, I cannot chufe but love and favour you ^ affirming, that no Prince in the world more favoureth liis Subjefts, then I do you , nor no Subjects or Commons more love and obey their Soveraign Lord, then I perceive you do 3 for whofe defence my Treafure fhallnot be hidden, nor (if ne- ceffity require) my Perfcn (hall not be unadventured. Yet al though I wifh you, and you wifh me to be in this perfed love and concord } this friendly amity cannot continue, except both you my Lords Temporal, and my Lords Spiritual, and you my loving Subjects ftudy and take pains to amend one thing, which furely is amifs and far out of order 5 to the which I moft hearti ly require you : which is, that Charity and Concord is not a- mongft you, but Difcord and Diflention beareth rule in every place: Saint Paul faith to the Corinthians the 13 Chapter, Cha- rhy is gentle, Charity is not enviou*^ Charity is notprwd, and fo forth in the faid Chapter. Behold then, What love and charity is Bjg~2>j amongft 545 '545 c lhe Life and T^eign amongft you., whetione calleth another Hefetick and Anabap- tift '-) and he calleth him again Papift 3 Hypocrite and Ph'arifee ? Be thefe tokens of chanty amongft you ? Are thefe, fignes of fraternal love betwixt you > No.,no, I allure you., that this lack of charity among your felves, will be the hinderance and af- fwaging of the fervent love betwixt us (as I laid before) ex cept this wound be falved and clearly made whole. I muft needs judge the fault and occafion of thisdifcord to be partly by 'the negligence of you the Fathers and Preachers of this Spiritualty : For if I know a man which liveth in adultery., I muft judge him a lecherous and carnal perfon, ; If I fee a man boaftandbraghimfelf, I cannot but deem him a proud man. I hear daily, that you of the Clergy preach one againft ano ther., without charity or difcretion^ fome be too ftiffein their old MumyfimtM^ others be too bufie and curious in their new Sumpfimus : Thus all men., almoft, be in variety anddifcord 3 and few or none preach truly and fincerely the word of God 5 ac- cordfng as they ought {o do. Shall I judge you charitable >er- fons doing this ? No, no, I cannot fo do: Alas., how can the poor fouls live in concord, when you Preachers fow amongft them in your Sermons debate and difcoid > Of you they look for light,and you bring them to darknefs. A mend thefe crimes., I exhort you., and fet forth Gods word both by true preaching., and good example- giving : or elfe I, whom God hath appoint ed his Vicar and high Minifter here 3 will fee thefe Divifions extinct, and thefe enormities corrected according to my very duty, or elfe I am an unprofitable Servant, and untrue Offi cer/ Although, Ifay, the Spiritual men be in fome fault that charity is not kept amongft them : yet the Temporalty be not deer and unfpotted of malice and envie : For you rail on Ei- fhops , fpeak flanderoufly of Priefts , and rebuke and taunt Preachers 5 both contrary to good order and Chriftian Frater nity. If you know furely that a Bifhop or Preacher erreth, or teacheth perverfe Doctrine, come and declare it to fome of our Councel., or to us, to whom is committed by God the high Authority to reform and order fuch caufes and behaviours : And be not Judges of your felves, of your phantaftical opinions and vain Expoiitions. In fuch high Caufes you may lightly erre ^ and although you be permitted to read holy Scriptures, and to have the Word of God in your Mother-Tongue, you muft underftand, that it is licenfed you foto do, onely to in form your own confciences, and to inftrucl: your children and Family 5 and not to difpute a and make Scripture a railing or taunting ftock againft Priefts and Preachers, as many light per- fons dp. I am very forry to know and hear, how unreverent- ly that moft pecious Jewel, the Word of God, is difputed, ri med.. fung.,and jangled in every Ale-houfe and Tavern^contrary to E N a Y the Eighth. to the true meaning and do&rine of the fame : And yet I am even as much forry, that the Readers of the] fame follow it in doing fo faintly,and fo coldly. For of this I am fure D that charity was never fo faint amongft you, and vertuous and godly living was never lefle ufed, nor God himfelf among Chriftians was never leffe reverenced, honoured or ferved. Therefore, as I faid before. Be in charity one with another like Brother and Brother, love, dread and ferve God 5 to the which, I, as your Supreme Head and Soveraign Lord exhort and require you: and then I doubt not but that love and league that I fpake of in the beginning, mall never be diflolved or broken betwixt us. To the making of Laws, which you have now made and con cluded, I exhort you the Makers, to be diligent in the putting them in execution, as you were in the making and furthering of the fame $or elfe your labour ftiall be in vain, and your Com mon-wealth nothing relieved. And now to your Petition concerning our Royal Aflentto be given to fuchAfts as have paffed both Houfes, they (hall be read openly, that you may hear them. Andfo they being read, the King aflented, and rofe. The Parliament thus ended, and notice given to both Uni verfities that the Colledges were at the Kings difpofe, that of Cambridge fir(t implored his favour, Befeeching him to defend their Poflefiions from the covetous and greedy mindes of thofe who knew not Learning. That of Oxford alfo petitioned to this purpofe , and Docror Richard Cox Dean of Oxfwd^ the Prince 's Tutor writ to Secretary Paget, to reprefent the lack of Schools, Preachers, Houfes arid Livings for Orphans. And flnce the difpofition of Chantries, &c. was in the King's hands, to obtain that the Clergy might be provided for honeftly, left Beggery mould drive them to Flattery, Superftition and old I- dolatry : which (faith he) I (peak not, as if I diftrufted the Kings goodnefs, but becaufe there are fuch a number of im portune Wolves as are able to devour Chantries, Cathedral Churches, Univerfities, and a thoufand times as much : adding in conclufion, that Pofterity will wonder at us. Which par ticulars being in an Original from Cox, I have the rather infert- ed, that it may be gathered what he was, to whom the tuition of the young Prince was committed by the King. But much intreaty needed not for the Univerfities 3 for in our Records, a Letter mentions, that the Univerfities did humbly thank his Highnefs, for the continuance of their Houfes with their Lands 5 which, though I beleeve, the King never meant to take away, yet 1 finde two of the Profeffions were in danger of being re- mov'd, the King having advifed once of placing all the Civili ans in Oxford in one Colledge, and the Phyficians and Chirur- Yyy T37 '545 Febr. 14. Records. Febr. 19. Oab. i 1 546 45 ''Ike Life and T{eign Jan. 8. Feb. Records March. gians in another. Howfoever, nothing was (lirr'd or altered, that I can finde^ the King being fo far from diminifmng thofe fanaoiis.Nurferies of Learning arid Piety, that he rather help'd to sncreafe and augment them. Though yet forraign Parts were aftonifh'd not a little., why our Parliament mould put them in this hazard, they being ufefull on any part, and their Endowments not to be alienated without fingular prejudice to their Founders , who having feparated them for the Service of God, and publick Education^laid heavie imprecations on any \?hteh flfeottlcj divert them from that ufe 3 as appears in the an- ciem Charters. The Earl of Surrey (who now commanded in Boulogne) hear ing that a Convoy of Viftuals was coming to the Fort at Out- treat, refolvesto intercept it: But as the Rhingrarve with four thoufand Lanfkeneets, . together with many French under the Marefchal de Biez> ftood firm, our men, not able tobreak them, were difcomfited, and Sir Edwtrd Peywngs with divers brave Gentlemen (lain 5 the Earlhimfelf alfo being contained to five hitnfelf as he could. Nevenbelefle,. by a Letter of his to the King, fan. 8. 1546, it appears there were many kill'd on the other fide 5 which yet did fo little fatisfie our King (who lov'd no noyfebut of Vidory) that he ever after difaffefred him : for which caufe alfo he was fhortly removed, and the Earl of Hertford appointed to fucceed. Whereupon Sir William Paget cwmted not by Letter to admonifli him to feek fomee- rotnent place in the Army undextbe faid Earls command, left (as he faid) he mould be unprovided in the Town and Field. Rtn the Eitrl deiirous in the mean time to regain his former fa vour with the Ring, ikirmifhes with the French, and puts them to the w-orft : But when together he certified that the French had made Canon of a greater Calibie then had been yet feen, whetewlth they hoped to beat the Town to powder, and that it was worthy consideration, whether low Bothgfft mould (land, as being not deferable, the Kings Councel wifti'd him to re pair home, that he might be tether heard concerning thefe points. Whereupon the Eail of Hertford and Lord Admiral were fent over with an Army of nine thoufand and three hun dred men 5 whereof orie thoufand five hundred were Spaniards, two hundred were Italians, three hundred Clevois, and three thoufand Lanlkeneets under Gt&f#&fftmwi$^ a greater num ber of forraign Sottldters then ftood with exad reafon of War, where there is no allured ground of a vertuous emulation. With thefe the Earl encamped neer Hambl(tvtil> betwixt CaUu and BoitUgm : for as the French intended to intercept all in- tercoui ie betwixt both places,they would have fortified there --, But our men got it two days onefy before they came, and built two Forts on that CoafL Some fights pafs'd at Sea tbis while, whereof Of King HENRY the Eighth. where of one is memorable, of feven or eight Englifh in a fmall Veilel, who being mafter'd by a far greater number of French, entred their Ship, as pretending to fave themfelves out of their own Barque, which now began to fink , but finding certain Lime- pots there, they by cafting water on them, raifedfucha fmoak, as, through their continuall throwing of them, blinded the French, and at laft made them run under Hatches, where at length being (hut up, their Ship was brought away. Much fightingalfopafs'd betwixt our Ships and the French Galleys, in CalmSjWhile through the benefit of their Oars they took and left as they pleafed. And now, as the Strangers in our Army began to take head, the Lanlkeneets mutined, not without fhew of falling on the Englifh 5 but the Spaniards (landing firm to our fide, all was compofed. The 21 of c3f<*jrthe French Army came and encamped be yond Boulogne^ neer the Church on the hill, their Fleet being in the Road under them : This made the Earl of Hertford cvmz up and ikirmifhwith them. The 23 they fought again, and took divers Prifoners of note. And now each fide attending his advantage to fight, a Surceafe of War for five or fix dayes was concluded, and after it a Peace : Which, that it may feem lefle ftrange, I fhall not fo much alledge (for realbn) that our Kings Treafure was exhaufted (which the French pretend,) as that the confideration of the imminent Councel gave all Chri- ftian Princes occafion to defire good intelligence among them felves, and our King particularly 5 who was advertiTed, that Cardinal Pools and others would labour to procure a Decree a- gainft him and his Pofterity : which, though our King regard ed not otherwise then became a Prince of his courage 5 yet he thought it more confiderable then the Pope's fingleBull 5 there fore he endeavoured to get him friends : And becaufe he was in good terms already with the Emperor, who for the fetling of Religion each- where mediated a General Peace, he thought fit alfo to take in Francis 5 and the rather, that among certain private Conventions in the following Treaty, Frwcis had pro- mifed his affiftance on all occafions : and thus the Peace took effeft. Which I finde was fo politickly handled by our King, that had his Predeceflbrs obferv'd the rule he now held, the French Writers could never have fo much gloried in their Treaties. For as he capitulated to hold the Town for eight yeers next enfuing, he got the prefent advantage 5 which as the eternall Maxime in matter of Treaties, to frame Counfels by, I recommend to the Genius of our Country 5 fince by the practice thereof onely, I dare fay, the French have ufurped and wonfo much upon us } as knowing it impoffible, but that be twixt Neighbouring Princes, in a little fpace, thofe occafions may be found or urged , which will help them to come off Y y y 2 when- 1546 May 21. May 22, The Life and T{eign whenfoever they are difpofed. There will be no danger there fore to retort this Maxime : not yet that I approve a facility in diflolving Leagues, which fhould be inviolably kept, efpecially while the caufes remain - but that they being diflblved, we may prevail our felves of the prefent occafion 5 not omitting yet any circumftance, to which in point of Oath and Honour we are obliged. This prefent Treaty (concluded the feventh offttne 1 546 at C4m^e > a place betwixt Ardres and Guifnes) was of this Tenor : I. That all Injuries and Affronts fince the beginning of the laft War, (hould be forgotten, and Peace and Friendmip re- eftablifhed. H. That neither fhould invade, nor procure nor permit to be invaded any of the Dominions, or Lands, or Cities which are now in the hands of the other. III. That the Subjects of one fhall have free commerce through the Dominions of the other, and free paffage without fafe conduc>, fo they exceed not the number of an hundred ar med perfons. IV. That during this Peace all Impofitions which either Prince hath laid on the Subjects of the other within, twenty yeers laft paft, fhall be releafed, and no new ones impofed. V. VI. That Rebels and Traitors fhall not be entertain'd or protected : but delivered to their Soveraign within 20 dayes after requifition. VII. That no Letters of Reprefails or Merke, or counter- Merke fhould be granted but upon the principal Delinquents and their Goods, and that, in cafe of open denyal of Juftice , which fhall be made plain by Letters of Summonition and Requifition. And if any thing during this Peace fhall be done contrary to it by any Subjeft of either Prince, the offenders to be punifhed, and the Peace to remain. VIII. That the Chriftian King fhall pay the King of England all Penfions due to him during his life, and alfo to his Succeffors for ever, according to the Treaty at More, 30 Augnp. 1525. As alfo that Penfion of Salt agreed on 30 April, 1527, and after wards reduced to a certain Sum of Mony, (v/sri) 10000 Crowns, which is to be paid yeerty at two payments during the natural fcfe of Henry VlII, If the faid payment appear not to be perpe tual : but if it be found to be perpetual, then the French King and his heirs and Succeflbrs fhall continue the faid Penfion for ever. IX. The French King fhall pay to the King of England on the Feaft of Saint MieM (or within ten dayes after that day) which fliall be Anno Ttomini 1 5 54, for Arrerages, as well of Pen fions not paid, as for his charges in Fortifications within the Town and County of Boulogne, fince the beginning of the laft War, Of Kin* HENRY the Eighth. War, either already rais'd, or to be built betwixt this time and the faid 1 5 54, the him of two Millions of Crowns dt Soteti , up on the payment whereof the faid moft Chriftian King fhall be free from all former Arrerages vvhatfoever. X. Becaufe the King of Englandby vertue of certain Letters of the French King Dated 2$ fan 15293 claims as due unto him thefum of 500000 Crowns, deSvlid^ 22 Sols and 6 Denyers : it is agreed that there ihall be Commiffioners appointed on both fides (within three months hence) to hear and end that caufe 3 which fum the King of France ( if it be fo adjudg'd) fhall pay when he pays the two Millions aforefaid. But if the Commif fioners conclude nothing, the matter (hall be devolved to four Lawyers that are Subjeds to neither Princes., to bechofenby them, and that fhall ftand which three of them determine. XT. That the King of France fhall fuffer the King of England quietly to enjoy the Town of Boulogne, and the Caftles and Ter ritories thereof, within the Bounds following : Admiral 3 Sir William Paget, Secretary 5 and Doftor Nicholas Wotton, Dean of Canterbury. And on Francis his part, Claude d' Annebault Marefchal and Admiral of France $ Pierre Raymond premier President de Rouen 5 and Guillaumt Stuckecel, Secretary. This peace being Proclaimed in London upon the thirteenth of pave, a generall proceffion was there made, and all the rich- eft filver CrofTes out of the feverall parifh - Churches carried, and the braveft Copes worne, for the greater folemnity. But our Hiftorians note it as fatal, it being the laft time they were publikely ufed 3 fince our King called them in fhortly after 3 to- gether with the Church plate, into his treafury and wardrobe, without that other caufe appeared thereof^hen that he fufpeft- ed the warre would break out again,betwixt him and France, of which alfo this overture was given. The Earl of Hertford being certified (during the Treaty) that the claufe of not making any new fortification, would be pre- j udiciall, was commanded by our King to raife a fort according to a plot given $ but fuch was the prevention of this diligent Earl that he had already begun it about the thirtieth of tjMay. Our King in the mean while protefting that he liked not the Article. But the French as little liking our fort,, (as colled- ing thence we meant not to reftore Boulogne) fome difficulty was interpofed. Though as our King anfwered, he could not fo much as hope to keep the Town, for the terme agreed unlefle he had meanes to fecure it, the Treaty held in manner above mentioned, and both Armies were difiblved 5 the French yet, firft as our King required, retiring. And fo he remained in qui et poffeffion thereof, after the expence (aslfindein our Re cords) of 586718!*. 12 s. ^d. sy in the winning thereof. The charges in keeping thereof being 7 5 583 3 li. us. 3 d. \\, In all 1 342 5 52 li. 3 s. 7 d. i. An exceffive ium, to reape no benefit thence, but a landing place in France , which Calais formerly afforded. This peace was fecondedbya kinde Invitation of Francis to our King to Chriften the Bauphines Daughter, which being as lovingly accepted, SIT Thomas Ckenywzs fent over, and the child called Elizabeth. The two Admirals alfo were fent Of J\m^ HENRY the Eigi tb. by their feveral Kings, to receive the oaths required tor oofer- vance of this Treaty 5 and being richly rewarded returned. Howbeit this Peace was not intire - y foe if our King conceived it Jawfullto fiailh the fart, he had begun before the Treaty, the French wanted pretexts for the like} Therefore when upon their erecting a fort at Portet^ near the entry to the Haven (which they called ChaftOlons garden] our men took exceptions thereat., the French for their beft Title alledged that Monfkur dtft'uz had formerly begun it by entrenching his men there ^ yet as this did not fatisfteour King who knew well the diffe rence betwixt a Trench and Fortification He commanded Sir Wil liamPagft to write thus to William Lgrd-Cray 0/JT//ftw whonow | Scptcm. $ commanded in Boulogne. ' fter mr hearty Commendations to your good Lerdflii^ to pgnife unto the (ame^ That the Kings Majefty htivz informed i hat the Frenchmen-begiflto fortifie at Portet, which by thetr Treaty w.th his ot le*vt working without the knowledge of Monjievr&e Biez 3 &r (per -adventure) of fuch other whom theyfiatt name to have the charge sf the Works 5 and (ogo forwards ft ill in their Works : Then his Majeftypleafeth^ that if you fk ill pndey our f elves able enough for the feat, jou fh all i* the night o- verthraw that which they have wrought. And in cafe you fhaii fade your felves r*ot able enough far the faid Enter prife i thente forbrxrthe dti/ig of it untitt juchtiwe & a ftrongtr Force come to ]9 from hence, which fh all be few over with all diligence pofitble, This 5 of Septcmb. i 5 4 6. This alfo was figned by the King. Neverthelefs 5 upon bet ter advice, the King thought fit to fend Sir Themof Palmer with a MefTage to the Lord Grty, commanding him imtnediately to demt)li(h the Fort ^ who thereupon made that hafte, as before the Letters came he arrived at Boulogne , being the very day of hisdifpatch 5 and prefently, by the affiftance of the Lord Grey, M r Poyiings, and fome others, the French-mens Work was le velled : and fo Palmer return 'd to certifie what was done. And now the Kings Letters being delivered, the Lord Grey writes, that before the receit of his Letters, he had (upon fuch rela tion of his Ma)e flies plcafure as was made by Sir Tboma* /4/W) overthrown the Work at Portet^ and therefore defires his Ma- jefties Pardon. Which paflage I have related more particular- Septcmb.j. Septemb. 7. U4 1546 Fox* Auguft. The Life and ly out of our Records, that I might correct the error of feme ofourHiftorians, who would have our King deliver Palmer a Meffage and Letter that were contradictory : whereas it ap pears by our Records, that the Meffage was firft delivered, and the bufineffe done before the Letters came. Though I will not deny, but the Lords of the Coun eel, knowing the Letter was fent, but not (perchance) any thing of the Meffage 5 might have occafion to think the Lord Grey more forward, then that he could well juftifie it. Howfoever, Monfieur de Biez, com plains hereof to the Lord Grey, and defires to know whether it were done by his Majefties command. What heanfwer'd, I finde not : But it appears by the Inftruftions given to Nicholas Wotton the Kings Ambaffadour- with Francis, that he had charge to palliate the bufineffe as handfomly as he could , which al- fo fo prevaft'd, that no new Fortification waserefted by the French during our Kings time. Befides, our Records tell us, hope was now given, that Francis would renounce the Pope's Authority in his Kingdom : which, though much entertain'd at firft by our King, and judg'd the more probable, that the Em peror and Pope did wholly govern theCouncel, was not yet fo throughly embraced, left (perchance) by Confifcations,Sup- preffions, &c. Francis might become greater then flood with the Intereft of State or Neighbourhood : And for Paget , he faid openly, it was but a trick to get Boulogne again 5 Francis be ing not able to give any fecurity for performance of this offer, which might countervail the immediate furrendring of that Place. Howbeit, Arguments wanted not, that he was inear- neft , both as he treated of a Confederation with the Prote- ftants at this time, who yet (as I finde by our Records) re jected it, unleffe he relinquifh'd the Papal Authority : And, as he lived in fuch jealoufie of State with the Emperor $ which together with the apprehenfion of the Affembly at Trent , now daily encreafing, might for more then one reafon difpofe him to feek Friends elfe-where,as well for defending himfelf againft his Forraign Enemies, as eftablifhing an abfolute Power and Jurifdidion at home. -And with this concurrs that which Fox relates : That during the ftay of d' Anmbault in this Court, Treaty was had betwixt both Princfes of changing the Mafs in their Realms unto a Communion : and that both were fo throughly and firmly refolv'd therein, that they meant to ex hort *he Emperor to do the like in Flanders, and other his Do minions, orelfetobreak with him 5 and that our King particu larly had willed the Arch-Bifhop Crannttr (as himfelf confeffed) to pen a form to be fent to the French King to confider of. But through the death of both Princes fucceflively not long after, thefe and all other their Defignes ended : Though yet for the time which remained, their former love and correfpondence was ^ Eighth. was fo reviv'd, as Francis is fa id (by the French Writers) ne ver to have rejoyced heartily after the news of our Kings death was brought him. But I leave the cenfure of thefe paffages free to the Readers judgment, without delivering arty opini on, other wife then as the Collections out of our Records feetn ta infer r. I Ltt us fee now what was done by the Emperor* and the Councel of Trent. THe Emperor in the later end of i 5*4 5, being in Flanders 5 the Bifhops of Winchester and tfeftminftef (formerly mention ed) refided with him on our Kings part : And becaufeoneof the Bufineffes of the French about this time was to offer a Match betwixt the Prince of Spain and the Daughter of Francit, our King commanded Winchefter to hinder it, and! pfQpofe the Lady Elizabeth. Alfo fpeechwashad of a Marriage betwixt our Prince and one of Ferdinand's Daughters r But becaufe nei ther of thefe took effect., I (hall mention hem no otherwife. Yet the BittiopofWeftminfter returned not home, as being im- ployed by our King into Germany 5 to give intelligence of that which pafs^'d. For now in yf rxcli^on 5 where the Point of Juftification being brought in queftion^took up much time, withpujt having other .conclufioo, yet, then pexpkx'd and abrupt : Infomuch, that die Duke of Saxe re- call'd his Divinc 3 ajad OftArtin Bucer return jd to the ,La ; ntgrave of Heffe ^ which,, whether it wiere that the Proteftants fore-faw the Einperors intention was to amu^e t^iem with Conferences, while hinxfelffirepar'xd for Wat , or that other wife they found no hope af comiog to an Agreement, is uncertain : Howfo- ever a tine Eoipe^of, when hi came to the Diet, feernedrnueh oflieidedat t,heir. departw 5 tlioiiigh, as during thefe Confe rences Martta Luther die and that the Priviledges and Immunities of the Church of France might be confirmed. To whom no An- fwer was given but a Complement. The Decrees being now printed and publiflied in Germany, gave much occafion of difcourfe and unfatisfa&ion. The Em peror himfelf not liking that in the bufineffe of Reformation, the ftnaller Points had been handled, and the greater preter- mitted 5 and that the Controverfies in matter of Faith had been thus ftirred, and efpecially that of Original Sin, as being almoft reconciled in fome former Conferences in GtrtMAny. And now the Cardinal of Trent having abfolutely concluded June 26. that League betwixt the Pope and the Emperor againft the Proteftants , and thofe which refufed the Councel of Trent, } (which by the Cardinal Farnefe his^ieans was formerly treated S i cid A a a a of) \ 1546 Sleidan. Condi. Trident. Slcidan. 1.17. [uly 4. Jly. July ii, July 20, June 1 8. c fhe Life and T^eign of) all fides prepar'd for War : The Pope alfo fending men and money in that proportion which is above mentioned, or (as fome will have it) befides the twelve thoufand Foot., only" five hundred Horfe, to be maintained for fix months at his charge., and 200000 Crowns in money. Moreover, he granted the Emperor (for the prefent yeer) the half of all the Reve nues of the Churches of Spain, and that he might alienate of the Rents of the Monasteries of thefe Kingdoms,to the value of five hundred thoufand Crowns, upon condition that during the faid fix months., the Emperor might make no Accord with the Pi o- teftants without him } and that of all which was gotten, hee (hould have a certain portion : And that when the time was expired,if the War did continue, they mould treat of new Con ditions. It being free for the Emperor (in the mean while) to try all fair means for reducing the Proteftants to fubmit to this Councel : for which end alfo he treated with them, prof efling that he did not undertake this War for caufe of Religion, but refpe&s of State,andbecaufe fomedenyed to obey his Laws,and had confederated themfelves mutually, and with Strangers a- gainft him, and ufurped other mens Pofleffions, and chiefly Ec- clefiaftical, procuring to make Bifhopricks and Abbeys here- ditary to their Families 5 and that having divers ways endea voured to reduce them, they were ftill more infolent. The Proteftants,on the other fide, did drive to clear themfelves un to the World from imputation of Rebellion, (hewing, that Religion oncly was caufe of this War, which the Pope and Councel pt Trent had kindled againft them : Requiring from the Emperor performance of the Oath he took upon receiving his dignity in Francfort, which they pretended he had broken in this abrupt making of War. They fent z\o to England and France(being newly reconciled) to borrow mony. But our King anfwered,That the courfe of things being now altered,he could not refolve on any thing without better information. Never- thelefTe, that upon their franding firm together, he might fur- nim fome money upon fitting conditions. This caufed the Pro teftants tomake new Levies at home : And the rather,that the Pope had about this time by Bull publifhed, that the War was for Religion. And now Philip Lantgrave of&efje having his Forces ready, comes into the Field, and the Duke of Saxe after 5 whereupon they both were profcrib'd by the Etnperor (then being at Ra- tisbone) who breaking up the Diet, commanded another to be held the firft ofFebr. 1547. This while the Councel of Trent fitting, the Secretary de clared (in the name of the Legats) that the next point to be examined, was that of Divine Grate--) and they fhould the rather follow I. Of KjM% H E N R Y the Eighth. follow this Order, becaufe it was ufed in the Augft*n Confef fion, which they intended to condemn. NeverthelefTe the the Imperialifts urged ftill a Reformation : But being over ruled, certain Theologians were appointed to gather the Lu therans opinions. That of Juftification, Faith and Works was propofed in XXV Articles. But when the point of Juftification by Faith was urged, the word FAITH was found ambiguous 5 yet at laft all agreeing, that Juftifying Faith was an Aftent to all things revealed by God, and propofed by the Church as ne- ceflary. It was further diftinguifhed into a folitary, dead, meer- Iy Hiftorical Faith, and a lively one working by Charity. Then was diiputed which of thefe did juftifie 5 and ffome affirmed both : the firft whereof was to be underftood yet as the Ba- fis and Ground of the later : And here many School fubtil- ties arifing, were hotly purfued by the Dominicans on the one fide, and Francifcans on the other 5 the former holding ( with Luther) that all our Works without Faith are fin $ the Francifcans oppofing, that man by his naturall free-will may obferve the Law, and do good, and thereby prepare himftlf, ex cmg^uo^ for Grace, fince God fails not him who doth whit hee can. After this they fell to examine the na ture of Grace, of Juftification, of Imputation, &c. Concern ing which the Reader may finde more in Cwcilio Tridentino. Onelyl (hall obferve (as conducing to my Hiftory) that thefe Difputes were thus purpofely fpun out , partly, by the pro curement of the Emperor, who ftill defired that nothing fliould yet be decreed in matter of Faith 3 and partly by the indn- ftry of the Court of Rome^ who ftudied to hinder the Refor mation. The Emperor now, that he might divide the Proteftants, encourageth Maurice Duke ofStxe Cofen- German to the Ele ctor, and Son-in-law to the Lantgrave, to invade the States of thofe profcribed Princes : to which alfo he was fufficiently difpofed. This while the Pope did a little temporize : For though he knew the Emperor would be obnoxious to him, as long as there was fo manifeft an ufe of his Affiftance , yet withall, he did not defire Charles mould be too abfolute in Ger many , left afrer wards he mould turn his Arms upon Italy, and give the Law to his Country and Religion, upon pretence that there was no other way to conferve Peace. Neither were the Catholicks themfelves in Germany over forward to take his part, left under colour of reducing Religion to its former ftate by Arms , he would overthrow their Liberty. For preventing whereof, as well as divers other fufpicions among the Prote- ftants (that theCouncel of Trent wasaflembled onely to con demn them) he fent again to the Pope, to defire that the Coun- Aaaa 2 eel 5 4 6 .". ._../ Ill 1546 July 10. Auguftis, Auguft 7. The Life andl^eign eel might continue., and the Legats might treat onely of a Re formation. TO which, becaule he knew fome were averfe, he directed a particular Meflage unto the Cardinal Santa Croce, telling him., that if he offered to diffolve the Councel, he would caufe him to be thrown into the River Adice. The Pope finding the Emperor thus in earneft, continues the Coun- cel 3 writing yet to the Legats, that they mould entertain the time : And for this purpofe Faftings, Prayers, and a Jubile (now publifhed for the good fuccefle of this War) did ferve. Neither was it without caufe 5 the Proteftants Army being now drawn neer Tiroll^Q hinder the Italians from joyning with the Imperjalifts. The danger whereof being magnified by the more timorous fort of Bilhops, many were defirous to retire, while fome fled from theCouncel. But the Cardinal of Trent newly returned from Rome y comforted thofe which remained. And now the Pope's and other the Italian Auxiliary Forces p.iffing by Trent into Germwh another way then the Proteftants expefted, they at laft at Landjhut in Qavaria joyned with the Emperor ; who beftowed upon Ottwii Farnefe (their General) the Order of the Toifon, and took a mufter of his men : The Proteftant Army being at Donamrt^ which they had newly ta ken, and in that readinefs, that they attended only their advan tage to. fight. But we. will leave them in this pofture a while, to tell a notable accident which happened at Malinet in Brabant, 7 Auguft, 1546. Certain barrels of Powder, to the number of feven hundred, being (lowed in the bottom of a great Tower, Light ning falling thereon, and kindling it, the Tower was raifed from his foundations on high, and fcattered in the air 5 the ftones whereof flying every way, threw down two hundred houfes in the City, and as many in the Suburbs, kill'd five hundred nienj and hurt two thoufand } the winde whereof brake glafs- windows every- where, and opened many locks. Betides which, it had tjiis prodigious eflfeci, that it dryed up all the water in a ditch adjoyning, being a Pike deep, andle- velkd the earth, rooting up together many trees 5 of which kinde 5 it was obferved, that thole which loft onely their leaves and fruit, budded again, and bore in Autumn. But it feems more ftrange which Stow relates, that in England this yeer a Potter falling afleep April 27. could not be wa kened in fourteen dayes and nights, finding himfelf yet after wards as if he had taken but one nights reft. The Duke of Saxc and Lantgrave ofHeflc 9 who commanded the Proteftant Army, being compofed of feventy or eighty thoufand Foot,and ten thoufand Horfe and an hundred Canon, thought it unjuft to begin the War till they had fent the Em peror a Defie : Stiling him yet therein not by that name 5 but as HENRY the Eighth. as a Pretender to be Emperor. He on the other fide, little re garding the Language ,endevoured one while to overthrow,and another while to divide them. The whole paffage whereof may be feen in Lttys and many things faid thereupon, (it feeming at laft equally abfurd to believe all things to be in our Power, and no thing.) Thefe Points again begot diftin&ions, and at laft brought in the Article of Predeftmation , which with the con- fequences was fo hard, as being difputed by the Prelates and Divines in a hundred Congregations , and afterward reduced into a form of Decree by the Cardinall Santa Croce : yet he had fo much ado to content all fides 3 that from the beginning of September to the end of November 3 each day fome words therein were altered , yet fo, as at length it paft, and was fent to the Pope, who remitted it to the learned men at Rome, by whom it was approved, as being conceived in fuch terms, that all parts might fit and apply it to their own Opinions. In the point of Reformation, the qualities required for the Promo tion of Prelates was handled, and many good things faid, but the means how to obferve them were as little found, as how to bind their fuperiours to do always that which was fitting. So that after divers difcourfes, it was thought fit to leave off this Point : Much was faid alfo, concerning Matters of Refidency 5 The particulars whereof produced that Controverfie , as in the year 1562. and 1563. came to a great height. Theprefent contention was between the Spanifh Prelats 5 who for the mag nifying of the Epifcopall dignity, held that Refidence wasE# jure Divino, and the Italian Bifhops, who for fuftaining the Popes Authority, faid, It was Commanded by .him only , and therefore might be difpenfed with, &c. But this difpute being put off by the Legats , the Ancient Canons for Refidency were Revived, andYome new ones enacted, which were the more willingly accepted , in that the abufe of Exemptions of Regular and Secular Priefts from the Jurifdi&ion of their Ordi- nary.was moderated. The Aujuft 20. Scptemb. Records. Oftobcr 13. Novemb. 23. Novcmb. 4. Jan. 25. 1547 Oftober The Life and The Emperor now having heard that our King treated with the Proteftants, expoftulated the matter with him. But the King deny ed, H e intended any Aid to the Proteftants^ faying yet, that if he fought Friendfhip^broad he was not to be bla med} fmce the Emperor in his new Treaty with the Bifhop of Rome., had agreed to fall on thofe that refuted the Bifhops Au- thority,andtheCouncelof Trent ^ wherein., though the King were not particularly named, yet that He was taken for a Lu theran. Neverthelefs, that He Treated not with theProte- ftants, and therefore wifh'd the Emperor to have a better opi nion of him, fince if He would have given credit to his advice, He needed riot to have entred thofe dangers He was in. And now the Pope hearing how things pafs'd, commanded the Car dinal Farnefe to return. For though the Emperor by fecret fo menting that emulation for Command which pafled between the Duke of Saxe and LAntgrave, was in a good way to compafs his ends v yet becaufe He made not an overt War of Religion , the Pope both recall'd-the Cardinal, and permitted fome of the Italian Gentry to come with him. Neverthelefs., about the midft of Oftober, the two Armies met fo near together about Giengen m-Suabe, that only a little K iver parted them. Where alfo the Proteftants-omitteda notable Opportunity of falling on the Imp'erialifts ^ fome blows yet paft, and Donawert was reg&in'dby>OttavioF4rnefe : Shortly after which the Duke of Saxe was conftrain'd to retire to his own Country , for the de fence thereof 5 againft Ferdinand and Maurice who invaded it, and the Lmgrdve to his. Of which our King was particularly advertifed by Sofnerftt his Herauld, who accompanying Bruno, (now returning from England to the Proteftant Army ) ob- ferv'd all Occurrences. The Proteftant Forces now being with drawn., divers Princes and Cities of that League, treated of an Accommodation with the Emperor, when they might have fome honeft Caution for the exercifing of their Religion. But the Emperor would give none by writing, though otherwife promife was made by the Imperiall Minifters, that they (hould not be molefted , And thus the Emperor recovered much great Ordnance., and huge fumms of Money from fome Cities by way of Reparation for their faults, and refted abfolute Sove- raign of the upper and greater part of Germany $ whereby he was enabled to give Law to the reft 3 and to conftrain Archbifbop of C0/f (which had lately appeaPd from the Pope to a lawfull Councell in Germany} to furrender his Archbifhop- rick. Which ftate of things being advertifed hither, Our King thought fit to comply with the Emperor, for this purpofe alfo acquainting him with iome Paffages, which might give him juft'occafion to be Jealous of Francis. For though (by the advice of the Cardinal of Tournen) to make his Authority at . , / ./ home Of K&g HEN RY the Eighth. home more entire. He had lately Condemned to the fire cer tain Citizens of ^Meanlx^ who Combin'd for a private Re formation in Religion, yet He treated with the Proteftants at this time. The Pope alfojjhearing of that which pafs'd, began to think of his own Affairs, before all Germany were reduc'd to the Em perors obedience : Infomuch, that though His Forces were much diminished, (between thofe that return'd with the Car dinal, and others that ran away) He yet recali'd the reft about the middle of December, upon pretence that they had ftayed the 6 Months which he had promifed , Alleadging for further excufe, That he was not able to fuftain the Charge. But this being ill taken by the Emperor, fince the heads of the Rebellion (as he termed them) were not yet taken in , the Pope for his further Juftification, replyed. That he was not made partaker of the Accord betwixt the Emperor and the Cities and Princes: And that it was much to the prejudice of the Catholique Faith, in tolerating Herefie, which might have been exterminated. Befides , that according to the Articles of their Treaty, he mould have participated of the Profits and fpoils of the Warr. And not content herewith, he denyed the Emperor the fur ther Revenues of the SpanUh Clergy. So that though the Im- periall Minifters at Rome told him. He had done nothing unlefs ne perfected his Work, they could not prevail. For further teftimony alfo of his difpleafure to the Emperor , railing a Fadion in Geneva againft the Derates , being the Emperors friends. Neither did he (as fome have it) fear, that the Emperor (ha- vingfomuchtodo in Germany) could haftily invade him, or trouble him, otherwife then by according with the Proteftants, and caufing them to repair to the Councel of Trent , which yet he thought not fit to diflblve, though Seven months had paft, without publifhing any thing treated therein. So that, not- withftanding he knew that the Emperor would be difcontented a this rigid 'proceedings in matters of Do&rine, he ufed the Florentine Motto, Cofa fatta capo ha . And thereupon writ to the Legats, that they (hould hold a Seffion , and publifh the Decrees already made:, which alfo was done, the Proteftants yet queftioning the Authority of them. Among the Cities of Germany that fubmitted, Ulms was one $ where alfo the Emperor wintered, with intention to continue War the next Springy which the Proteftants underftanding, thought fit (though once fuing for Peace) to fend feverall ArnbafTadors into EngUndvs\& France to demand fuccours (though in vain) both Kings dying fhortly after. While bufmefle of Religion was thus treated of abroad, our king by Proclamation did feverely forbid the Tranflation 1546 Sleid. Dccemb. January. JulyS. The Life and of the NewTeftament 5 by Tindal and Cwerdde^ or any other then is permitted by Parliament : As alfo the Englifh Books of Fritb^ Wicklife.> Tindal, 8tc. which our King moft ftudioufly fuppreft 3 both that becaufe he would have his Subjects decline the bitter language and Dodtrine to be found in fome of them, and that hee would introduce his own , or at leaft a more fober Reformation. Whereof alfo hee was more fenfible, that women began now ordinarily to difpute controver- fies, and urge the Text : infomuch, that Anne Askew 3 a Gentle woman, defended her felf therewith againft her perfecuters^ though not fo,but that (he was burnt for it. Befides, the Queen her felf did this yeer run no little danger: for as (he began a- bout this time to give ear unto thofe who declaimed agaioft the abufes of the Roman Church, fhe thought her felf fo well inftrufted in Religion, that fhe would debate with the King thereof : which yet the King did but impatiently hear ^ both as the anguifh of a fore leg he had at this time made him vety froward, and as he loved not to be contradidted in his opini ons, efpecially, as he faid, in his old age, and by his Wife. This again was exaggerated by Stephen Gardner Bifhop of rtin- chetfer fo far., that by reprefenting the hazard (he incurred by contrarying the Six Articles, and the late Proclamation, in reading of Forbidden Books, and teaching openly her dodtrine, the King gave Winchefter^ and tfriotheflej the Chancellor, and o- thers leave to confult about the drawing of Articles againft her, which they failed not to prefent unto the King, who fub- fcribedthem : Infomuch, that her enemies expected onely a Warrant for carrying her by night to the Tower. Which the Queen accidentally having notice of, fell into that paffion and bitter bewailing her misfortune, that the King hearing the perpkxity (he was in, fent his Phyficians, and after came him- felf to her Chamber, where compaffionating her eftate, he ufed fuchkinde words as did help to recover her. Infomuch, that the next night, being attended by the Lady Anne her Si fter, Wife to Sir William Herhert after Earl of Pembroke^ (he went unto the Kings Bed- chamber, where he courteoufly welcomed her,and began again to talk of Religion. But flic wittingly excufing her felf by the weaknefle of her Sexe and Judgement, faid, fhe would refer her felf in this and all other caules, to his Majefties wifdom. Not fo (by Saint Mary) quoth the King, you are become a Doctor, tfate, toin- ftruft us (as we take it) and not to be inftrudted cr directed by us. But the Queen replying, that what fhe faid was rather to pafle away the time and pain of his infirmity, then to hold ar gument 5 and that (he hoped by hearing his Majefties learned difcourfe, to receive fome profit thereby. The King anfwered. And is it even fo (Sweet- heart >) then are we perfect friends again : Of I(in HENRYS Eighth. again : which alfo he confirmed by divers teftimonies. EiitaV her Maligners knew nothing of this reconcilement, they pre pared the next day to carry her to the Tower, at a time limited by the Kings Warrant. This being cotne^ and fhe happening to be merrily talking with him in his Garden, the Lord Wriothejltj with forty of the Guard comes in 5 whom the King fternly be holding and after calling to him (at fome diftance from the Queen) fo expoftulated the matter,, asatlafthe reviled, and commanded him out of his fight and prefence. Neverthelefle,' at the Kings return., fhe was an humble iuter for his pardon. But the King anfwered no otherwife, then that (he (poor foul) did not know how evil he deferved this grace at her hands. And thus, by her opportune fubmiffion (heefcaped: Though yet fome beleeve, it was not fo much the Kings intention 'herein to ufe the rigour of the Law, as to deter her from reading for bidden Books. Howfoever, if he were not in earned-, it was thought a terrible jeft, efpechlly to a Queen, that had the re putation of a vertuous, humble, and obfervant Wife. But IViixhefter, who (it was thought) chiefly endeavoured her ru- ine, did himfelf not long after fall into the Kings disfavour, as by his fubmiffion extant in our Records doth appear : though whether on this occafion, or that he was a fpeciall friend to the Duke of Norfolk, who was now alfo in difgrare with the King fas (hall be told hereafter), or any other caufe,is not there determined. Howfoever, the King excluded him out of the number of thofe whom he appointed his Executors, and Coun- fellors to his Son and Succeffor, Edward VI. Concerning Scotifh Bvlfinefie this yeer, little pafs'd worth the writing, that I can find, fave onely that King Henry fent the Earl of Lenox into IreUnd with Command, that together with the Earl ofOrmond , and a certain Lord of the out Scotifh Ifles (as he termed himfelf) who had adhered to our King, ihould fall upon Scotland : But as the Enterprife was difcovered, they were forced to retire to Dublin, where the faid Scotifli Lordj who brought three Galleys with him for this Enterprife,died. This while Cardinal Bcton perfecuting thofe of the Reformed Religion in that Countrey, was himfelf (lain at St. Andrews in his Caftle, by certain Gentlemen who furprized the place 5 and after defended it a until theGovernour befieged and (atlaft) took it by the help of fome fuccour which the French fent them in their Galleys. That kinde of Shipping being fo built in thofe dayes , that they brook'd bur Seas with no little advantage, when the times were fair. I (hall conclude this yeer with the difefter of the renowned Lord the Duke of Norfolk, and the execution of his Son ffetry Bbbb the Dccemb.2. I May 19. Decemb.t. Dccemb.2. Life and T{eign the Earl of Surrey^ which pafs'd in this manner, as our Records tell us. The DutchefTe Eli&tbttb Daughter to Efaard Stafford Duke of Buckingham, having for many yeers entertained fo violent jealoufies of the Duke her Husbands matrimoniall affection and loyalty, as it broke out at laft to open rancor , divers occa- fions of fcandal were given : Inforauch, that not being content with having furmized a long while fince two Articles againft him, (he again in fundry Letters to the Lord Privie Seal, both averr'dthe Articles, arid manifeftly accufedfome of his Mini ons, repeated divers hard ufages. (he pretended to receive from them, and briefly difcovered all the ordinary paffions of her offended fex. This again being urged in a time when the King was in his declining age, and for the reft, difquieted with fcru- ples, that the Duke's GreatneiTe orlnterefts in fequent times might interrupt the order he intended to give, was not unwil lingly heard. So that notwithftanding his many important and faithfull Services, both in War and Peace,at home and abroad, he and his Son Henry Earl of Surrey were expofed to the ma lignity and detraction of their accufers. This again fell out in an unfortunate time : For befldes that the Lady his Dutcheffe had now for above four yeers been feparated from him^ his Son the Earl of Surrey was but newly, and perchance, fcarce reconciled with him 3 his Daughter Mary Dutcheffe of Rich mond not onely inclined to the Proteftant party, (which loved not the Duke) but grown an extreme enemy of her Brother : fo that there was not onely a kinde of inteftine divifion in his Family 3 but this again many fecret ways fomented. Among which, the induftry of one Mrs Heli&nd^ thought to be the Duke's Favourite, appeared not a little, as defirous (at what price foever) to conferve her felf. Betides, divers at the Kings Counfel difaffe&ed him, and particularly the Earl of HvUMkly as knowing that after the Kings death (now thought to be imminent ) none was fo capable to oppofe him in the place he aipired to of Protector. All which circumftances con curring, and being voyced abroad, incouraged divers of his Ad- verfaries to declare themfelves : And the rather, becaufeit was notorious, how the King had not onely withdrawn much of his wonted favour, bnt promised impunity to fuch as could difcover any thing concerning him. The firtt that manifested himfelf was Sir Richard SottthwtB, who faid that he knew certain things of the Earl, that touched his fidelity to the King : The Earl, before the Lord Chancel- lour Wriotbfflcy, the Lord St. John, the Earl of Hertford, and o- thers, vehemently affirmed himfelf a true man, defiring to be tryed by jultice 3 or elfe offering hiaafelf to fight in his fliirt with SouthmM : But the Lords for the prefent onely committed them. Of Kjn? HENRYS Eighth. them. The Duke this while, hearing his Son was in trouble fends to divers of his Friends to know the caufe, and particu larly to the Bifhop ofWinchtfter : Thofe Letters yet (it is pro bable) fell into the King's Councel's hands , but could not pre- ferve him from being involved in his Son's fortune : fo that he wasfentfor, and the fame day, not long after his Son, com mitted to the Tower. Divers perfons alfo were examined con cerning his Affairs. M rs Elizaheth Holland being depofed, con- fefs'd, that the Duke had told her, that none of the King's Councel loved him, beomfe they were no Noble-men born themfelves 3 as alfo becaufe he beleeved too truly in the Sa crament of the Altar. Moreover, that the King loved him nor, becaufe he was too much lov'd in his Country $ But that he would follow his Father's lefibn, which was, That thelefleo- thers fet by him, the more he would (et by himfelf. As alfo, that the Duke complained that he was not of the moft fecret (or, as it is there term'd, the Priyie privie) Councel. And that the King was much grown of his body, and that he could not go up and down the ftairs ? but was let up and down by a De vice. And that his Majeftie was fickly, and could not long endure } and the Realm like to be in an ill cafe through diver- fity of opinions. And that if he were a young man, and the Realm in quiet, he would ask leave to fee remade $ which :he faid, was the picture of Chrift given to women by himfelf as he went to death. As touching his Arms, that (he had not heard the Duke (peak of his own, but of his Son's, that he liked them not, and that he had gathered them himfelf knew not from whence :, And that he placed the Norfolk*s\ Arms wrong, and had found fault with him : And therefore that (he fhould take no pattern of his Sen's Arms to work them with her needle in his houfe, but as he gave them. Furthermore, (he confefled that the Earl of Surrey lov'd her not, nor the Dutchefle of Rich mond him 5 and that (he addi&ed her felf much to the faid Dutchefs. CMary Dutchefs of Richmond being examined , confefs'd, That the Duke her Father would have had her marry Sir Tho- <& Seymor, Brother to the Earl of Hertford, which her Brother alfo defired, wifhing her withall to endear her felf fo into the King's favour, as (he might the better rule here as others had done $ and that (he refuted : And that her Father would have had the Earl of Surrey to have matched with the Earl of Hert ford's Daughter, which her Brother likewife heard of (and that this was the caufe of his Father's difpleafure) as taking Hert ford to be his Enemy. And that her Brother was fo much in- cen fed again ft the faid Earl, as the Duke his Father faid there upon , His Son would lofe as much as he had gathered to gether. Bbbb 2 More- Decemb.j 4 Dcccmb.ia. jflt '547 The Life and l^eign Moreover., That the Earl her Brother fhould fay, Thefe new men loved no Nobility $ and if God calPd away the King, they ihould (mart for it. And that her Brother hated them ail fince his being in cuftody in Winder Caftle , but that her Father feemed not to care for their ill will, faying. His truth fiiould bear him out. Concerning arms (he faid 3 thatfhe thought that her Brother had more then feven Rolls 3 and that fome, that he had added more ofAnjou, and of Lancelott Du-lac. And that her Father fince the Attainder of the Duke of Buckingham^ (who bare the King's-Arms) where the Arms of her mother (Daughter to the faid Duke) were rayned in his Coat,had put a blank- quarter in the place, but that her brother hadreaffum'd them. Alfo that in ftead of the Dukes Coronet, was put to his Arms a Cap of maintenance purple,' with powdered Furr, and with a Crown, to her judgment, much like to a clofe Crown, and underneath the Arms was a cipher,which (he took to be the Kings cipher, HR. As alfo that her Father never faid that the King hated him, but his Counfellors , but that her Brother faid, the King was difpleafed with him (as he thought) for the loffe of the great journey. Which difpleafure, he con ceived, was fet forward by them who hated him, for fetting up an Altar in the Church at Boulogne. And that her Brother fhould fay., God long fave my Fathers life 5 for if he were dead, they would fhortly have my head. And that he reviled fome of the prefent Councel, not forgetting the old Cardinal. Alfo that he difl waded her from going too far in reading the Scripture. Some paffionate words of her Brother me likewife repeated, as alfo fome circumftantiall fpeeches,little for his advantage 5 yet fo, as they feemed much to cleer her Father. Sir Edmnd Knevet being examined, he knew no untruth direftly by the Earl ofSurrey^ but fufpefted him of diffimulation and vanity : And that a fervant of his had been in Italy with Cardinal Poele, and was received again at his return. Moreover, that he kept one Pafquil an Italian as ajefter, but more likely a Spy, and fo reputed. He mentioned alfo one Peregrine an I- talian entertained by the faid Earl 5 adding, that he lov'd to converfe with Strangers s and to conform his behaviour to them. And that he thought he had therein fome ill device. One Thomas Pope alfo informed the Councel, that $ohn Free- 0M0 told him, that the Duke Cat Nottingham, in the time of the Commotion of the North) ihould lay in the prefence of an hundred perfons, that the Ad of Ufa was the worft Ad: that ever was made, and that Freeman affirmed thofe words before the Lord i^Judeley^ late Lord Chancellor. Thefe depofitions, together with others (as it feemsj being brought to the King's Judges at Norwich, they fignified by their Letter unto the Lords of the Councel, dated Jan.j. that the King's Solicitor and Mr. Stamford Of ^/'? H E N R Y the Eighth. Stamford had brought the Inditements , and that they were found true, and the Duke and his Son indited thereupon of HighTreafon$ and that they made hafte to bring the laid In ditement to London $ defiring further to know whether Sir Tho mas Pafton, Sir Edmund Kne Sir fokn Peer and others (hould be of the fame Jury. Upon the 15 (the King being now dan- geroufly fick) the Earl of Surrey was arraigned in Guild-h*tt in London, before the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Maior, and other Commiffioners. Where the Earl, as he was of a deep under - ftanding, (harp wit, and deep courage, defended himfelf ma ny ways : fometimes denying their accufations as falfe, and to gether weakning the credit of his adverfaries '> fometimes in terpreting the words he faid, in a far other fenfe then in that in which they were reprefented. For the point of bearing his Arms (among which thofe of Edmund the Confeflbr are re lated) alledging that he had the opinion of Heralds therein. And finally, when a witneffe was brought a gain ft him viva voce, who pretended to repeat fome high words of the Earls by way ofdifcourfe, which concern'd him nearly, and that thereupon the faid Witneffe (hould return a braving Anfwer 5 the Earl replyed no otherwife to the Jury, then that hee left it to them to judge , whether it were probable that, this man fhould fpeak thus to the Earl of Surrey and he not ftrike him a- gain. In conclufion, hee pleaded not guilty 5 but the Jury (which was a common Inqueft, not of the Peers 5 becaufe the Earl was not a Parliament Lord) condemn'd him. Whereup on alfo judgment of death was given, and he beheaded at Tow er hill. And thus ended the Earl a man learned, and of an ex cellent wit, as his compofitions (hew. This while the King (though his fickneffe encreafed) omit ted not to give order to feize on the Duke's goods, and toge ther to inform himfelf of all which might be materiall a: gainft him. Not forgetting alfo to caufe Wriotkeflej to adver- tifethe King's Ambafladoursin forreign Parts, that the Duke of 'Norfolk and his Son had confpired to take upon them the Government of the King during his Majeftie's life, as alfo af ter his death to get into their hands the Lord Prince 5 but that their devices were revealed, and they committed to the Tower. And that for preventing uncertain bruits, they were willed to communicate the premuTes. But the Duke, who had now as much merit of ancient fervice to plead for him, as any Subject of his time could pretend to, thought fit from the Tower to write unto the King in this manner. Moft gracious and mercifull Soveraign Lord , I your moft humble Sub j eft proftitute at your foot, do moft humbly be- feech your Highnefs to be my good and gracious Lord. I am fure fome great Enemy of mine hath informed your Majeftie of January, The Life and 547 of fome untrue matter againft me. Sir, God doth know, in all my life I never thought one untrue thought againft you, or your Succeffion,nor can no more judge or caft in my mind what mould belaid to my charge, then the childe that was born this night. And certainly, if I knew that I had offended your Ma jeftie in any point of untruth, I would declare the fame to your HighnefTe. But (as God help me) I cannot accufe my felffo much as in thought. Moft noble and merciful Soveraign Lord, For all the old fervice I have done you in my life, be fo good and gracious a Lord unto me, that either my Accufers and I together may be brought before your Roy all Majeftie 5 or if your pleafure mall not be to take that pains, then before your Councel : Then if I fhall not make it apparant that I am wrong fully accufed, let me, without more refpite, have punifhment according to my deferts. Alas, moft mercifull Prince, I have no refuge but onely at your hands, and therefore at the reve rence of Chrift's Paffion have pity of mee, and let me not be caft away by filfe enemies Informations. Undoubtedly , I know not that I have offended any man, or that any man was offended with me, unleffe it were fuch as are angry with me for being quick againft fuch as have been accufed for Sacra- mentaries. And as for all caufes of Religion, I fay now, and have faid to your Majefty and many others, I do know you to be a Prince of fuch vertue and knowledge, that whatfoever Laws you have in times paft made, or hereafter fhall make, 1 fhall to the extremity of my power ftick unto them as long as my life fhall laft. So that if any men be angry with me for thefe caufes, they do mee wrong. Other caufe I know not whyanymanfhould bear me any ill will : and for this caufe I know divers have done, as doth appear bycafting Libels abroad againft me. Finally, (moft gracious Soveraign Lord) I moft humbly befeech your Majefty to have pity of me, and let me recover your gracious favour,with taking of me all the Lands and Goods I have, or as much thereof as pleafeth your High- neffe to take, leaving me what it fhall pleafe you to appoint 5 and that according as is before written, I may know what is laid to my charge, and that I may hear fome comfortable word from your Majeftie. And I fhall during my life pray for your profperous eftate long to endure. moft [orrewfull Sttbjetf , THO. NORFOLK. To the Lords he wrote thus : Item , Moft humbly to befeech, my Lords, That I might have fome of the Books that are at Lambeth ; for unlefTe I may have HENRY the Eighth. have Books to read ere I fall on fleep, and afte? I awake again, I cannot fleep, nor did not this dozen yeers. Alfo to defire that I might have a Ghoftly Father fent to me a and that I might receive my Maker; Alfo that I might have Made,, and to be bound upon my life to fpeak no word to him that fhall fay Maffe 5 which he may do in the other Chamber, and I to remain within. Item, To have licence in the day time., to walk iq the Chamber without, and in the night to be lock'd in, as I am now. At my fir-ft coming I had a chamber without adayes. I would gladly have licence to fend to London to buy one Book of St. ^uflms^deCivitateDgi^ andoffojepkw,de AntiquitAtibtt* , and another of SabtUicu* } who doth declare moft of any Book that I have read, how the Bifhopof^wc from time to time hath ufurped his power againft all Princes, bytkeir unwife fufferance. Item y Forfheets. Neverthelefle, the Duke remained ascondemn'd to perpe tual! prifon, without that his great Services formerly ren dered, or his fubmifiion on this occafion could reftore him $ which was in thefe words, as I finde by our Records in an O- riginall. I THOMAS Duke ofNorfol^ do confeffe and ac~ ^knowledge my felfmoft untruly, and contrary to my Oath and Allegeanee, to have offended the King's moft excellent Majeftie, in the difclofing and open ing of his privie andfecret Counfel at divers and fundry times, to divers and fundry perfons, to the great pe- rill of his Highnefs, anddifappointing of his moft pru dent and Regal A flairs. T. N* " Alfo, 1 likewife confefs , That I have concealed high Treafon,in keeping fecret the falfe and traiterons A&, moft prefumptuoufly committed by my Son He** ry Howard Earl oi Surrey, againft the King's Ma^eftie and his Laws, in the putting and ufing the Arms of St. Edward the Confeffor, King of the Realm of England before the Conqueft,in his Scutchion or Arms : which faid Arms of St. Edward appertain onely to the King of this Realm, and to none other perfon or perfons j whereunto the faid Earl by no means or way could make ^ 6 8 The Life and 547 make any claim or title, by me, or any of mine or his Anceftors. T. N. Alfo, I likewife confefs, That to the peril, (lander, and difinherifon of the King's Majeftie, and his noble Son Prince Edward, his Son and Heir appararrt, I have againft all right, unjuftly,and without authority 5 born in the firft quarter of mine Arms, ever fince the death of my Father, the Arms of England, with a difference oftheL#e//of Silver, which are the proper Arms of my faid Prince, to be born for this Realm of England only j whereby I have not only done prejudice to the King's Majeftieand the faid Lord the Prince, but alfo given occafion that his Highnefs might be difturbcd or interrupted of the Crown of this Realm, and my faid Lord Prints might be deftroyed, difturbed and inter rupted in fame, body and title,of the inheritance to the Crown of this Realm. Which I know and confefs by the Laws of the Realm to be high Treafon. T. N. For the which my {aid hainous offences , I have worthily deferved by the Laws of the Realm to be at" tainted of high Treafon, and to fuffer the punifhment, lofles and forfeitures that appertain thereunto. And although I be not worthy to have or enjoy any part of the King's Majeftie's clemency, and mercy to be ex tended to me, confidering the great and manifold be nefits that I arid mine have received of his Highnefs i yet I moft humbly, and with a moft forrowfull and re pentant heart, do bcfeeeh his Highnefs to have mercy, pity and compaffion on me. And I (hall moft devout ly and heartily make my daily prayer to God for the prefcrvation of his moft noble Succeffion, as long as life and breath fliall continue in me. /ladjc. - T. N. Written the 12 day of the Month of January, in the yeer of our Lord God, 1546, after the compu tation Of Kjng HENRY the Eighth. tation of the Church of England, and in the 38 yeer of our Soveraign Lord Henry the VIII, by the grace of God King of England, France and Ireland^ defender of the Faith 5 and of the Church of England, and alfo of Ireland the fupreme Head. In witneffe of all the pre- miffes, I the faid Duke have fubfcribed my name with my own hand, in the prefence of the Lord Wriotbefley Lord Chancellor, the Lord St. John Lord Prefident of the Councel, the Earl of Hertford Lord great Cham berlain 3 the Vifcount Lifle Lord high Admiral , Sir Anthony Brown Mafter of the Horfc , Sir William Paget Secretary , Sir Richard Kick , Sir John Balder of our faid Soveraign Lords privie Councel, Sir Richard Li- fter. Sir Edward Montague the two chief Juftices. Without compulfion, without force, without advice orcounfel, I have and do fubfcribe the premiflcs, fub- mitting me onely to the King's moft gracious pity and meicy, moft humbly befeeching his Highnefs to extend the fame unto me his moft forrowfull Subject. By me T H o. N o R F o L K. Thowas Wriothefley Chancellor, William St. John, E. Hertford , JobnLifle, Anth. Browne^ William Pagtt, Richard Rich 9 John Balder, Rich. Lyfter, Edward Montague. Notwithftanding all which fubmiffions, joyned with the merits of his Services, it was thought that the Duke would hardly efcape a had not the King's death., following fhortly af ter, referved him to more mercifuli times. For our King ha ving long laboured under the burden of an extreme fat and un wieldy body, and together being affli&ed with a fore leg, took (at the Palace ofJVeftminfler, in January, this yeer) his death beds being for the reft not without fenfeof his prefent con dition. For he both caufed a Church of the Francifcans in London (lately fuppreft) to be opened again, and made a Parifti Cccc Church, 57 .. i 547 Mircb, 1546. Jan.28. 1547. The Life and l^eign Church, endowing it with 500 Marks per annum 3 and beftow- e,d both the ground and buildings of the faid Crvent^ as alfo the adjoyning Hofpital of St. Bartholomew, on the City, for the re lief of the poor : where now is the fair Hofpital called Ch rift- Church : (upprefs'd the Stews on the Bank- fide, and made his laft Will and Teftament, the Originall whereof yet having not feen, I (hall mention no othrwife. As for Sanders affirmation, that he was not defirous to be reconciled to the Roman Church 3 and that his Courtiers (e- fpecially thofe who had profited themfelves of Abbeys) did divert him 3 and that theBifhops refted doubtfull what to an- fwer, left they fhouldbe entrapped 5 and how Winckefler did cunningly evade the danger , I leave to his credit. Others affirming, that he defired to fpeak with Crarwcr 9 who yet not coming fooner then that the King was fpeechlefle (though in good memory) the King extended his hand to him 3 and that thereupon Cranmer befought him to give fome figne of his truft i in God by Chrift, and that the King mould ftrain his hand. Howfoever, it may be collected, that he died religioufly and penitently, when he had reigned feven and thirty yeers, nine months and fix days 3 and after he had lived five and fifty years and feven months 3 and was carryed to Windhr, where he had begun a fair Monument, and founded a Colledge for thirteen poor Knights, and two Priefts to pray for his foul. And now if the Reader (according to my manner in other great Perfonages) do expeft fome Character of this Prince, I muft affirm, (as in the beginning) that the courfe of his life be ing commonly held various and diverfe from it felf, he will hardly furTer any , and that his Hiftory will be his beft Cha racter and defcription. Howbeit > fince others have fo much defamed him, as will appear by the following Objections, 1 (hall ftrive to re&ifie their underftandings who are impartiall lovers of truth 3 without either prefuming audacioufly to con demn a Prince, heretofore Soveraign of our Kingdom, or o- mitting the juft freedom of an Hiftorian. And becaufe hi s moft bitter ceniures agree, that he had all manner of perfection either of nature or education 5 and that he was (befides) of a moft deep judgement in all Affairs to which he applyed himfelf 5 a Prince not onely liberall and in dulgent to his Fa mily, and Court, and even to ftrangers, whom he willingly faw$ and one that made choice both of able and good men for the Clergy, and of wife and grave Counfellors for his State- Affairs 3 and above all, a Prince of a Royall cou rage : I mail not controvert thefe points, but come to my par ticular obfervations. According to which, I finde him to have been ever moft zealous of his Honour and Dignity 3 infomuch, that HENRY the Eighth. that his mod queftioned paflages were countenanced either with home or forraign Authority : fo many Univerfities of Italy and France maintaining his repudiating of Queen Kathcrin of Spain 5 and his Parliament (for the reft) authorizing the Divorces and decapitations of his following Wives,the diffolu- tions of the Monafteries, and divers others of bis moft brand ed Aclions : So that by his Parliaments in publick, and Juries in private Affairs, he at leaft wanted not colour and pretext to make them fpecious to the World , which alfo he had reafon to affeft : Outward efteem and reputation being the fame to great Perfons which the fkin is to the fruit, which though it be but a (light and delicate cover., yet without it the fruit will pre- fently difcolour and rot. As for matter of State, I dare fay, nevet Prince went up on a truer Maxime for this Kingdom 5 which was, to make him- felf Arbiter of Chriftendom : And had it not coft him fo much, none had ever proceeded more wifely. But as he would be an Aftor (for the moft part) where he needed onely be a Spe- ftatrr, he both engaged himfelf beyond what was requifite, and by calling in the money he lent his Confederates a nd Al- Iyes 3 did often difoblige them when he had moft need of their f riendQiip. Yet thus he was the moft aftive Prince of his time. The examples whereof are fo frequent in his Hiftory, that there was no Treaty, or almoft Conventicle : in Chriftendom, wherein he had not his particular Agent andintereftj which, together with his intelligence in all Countries, and concerning all affairs, and the penfions given for that purpofe, was one of his vaft ways for fpending of money. Again, I obferve 3 that there never was Prince more de lighted in Interviews, or (generally) came off better from them. To which alfo, as his goodly perfonage and excellent qualities did much difpofehim, fothey gave him a particular advantage and luftre. Howbeit, as thefe Voyages were ex treme coftly, fo when he made ufe thereof to conclude a Trea ty, it did not alwayes fucceed $ efpecially where credit was yeelded to any fingle and private word. Infomuch, that at his la ft being with Francis (where he intended, upon his bare pro- mife 5 tier la par tie for the moft import Affairs of Chriften dom) he found himfelf fo much fruftrated and deceived. At home it was his manner to treat much with his Parlia ments -, where, if gentle means fervednot, he came to fome degrees of the rough : though more fparingly, that he knew his people did but too much fear him. Befides, he underftood /"" J well, that fowl wayes are not always paflable, nor to beuied fefpecially in fufpefted and dangerous times) but where o- thers fail. However, it may be noted, That none of his Pre- deceffours underftood the tern per of Parliaments better then Cccc 2 him fel^ Hi '547 IZi '547 himfelf, or that prevailed himfelf more dexterioufjy of them. Therefore, without being much troubled at the tumultuous beginnings of the raiher lort, he would give them that leave, which all new things muft have,to fettle. Which being done., his next care was to difcover and prevent thofe privie com binations that were not for his fervice. After which., coming to the point of Contribution, he generally took Ih id order, (by his Commiffioners) that Gentlemen in the Country mould not fpare each other , but that the true or (at leaft) neer ap proaching value of every mans Goods and Lands Ihould be certified. And this hee 4id the rather, becaufe hee knew the cnftome of his people was to reckon with him about their Subfidies, and indeed, rather to number, then to weigh their Gifts. As for his faults , I finde that of opiniate and wilfull much objected : Infomuch , that the imprtffions privately given him by any Cout-whifperer, were hardly or never to be effa ced. And herein the perfons neer him had a fingular ability } while beginning with the commendations of thofe they would difgrace , their manner was to infinuate fuch exceptions, as they would difcommend a man more in few words, then commend him in many : Doing therein like cunning wreft- lers, who to throw one down , firft take him up. Befides, this wilfulnefle had a moft dangerous quality annexed to k (efpecially towards his later end) being an intenfe jealoufie almoft of all perfons and affairs, which difpofed him eafily to think the worft. Whereas it is a greater part of wifdome to prevent, then to fufpeft. Thefe conditions again being armed with power , produced fuch terrible effecls, asftiled him both at home and abroad by the name of CrueU ^ which alfo hard ly can be avoyded 5 efpecially, if that Attribute be due, not onely to thofe Princes who inflift capitall punifhments fre quently, and for fmall crimes, but to thofe who pardon not all that are capable of mercy. And for teftimonies in this kinde, fome urge two Queens, one Cardinal (j#fr9cb&*>l& leaft ) or two (for Poele was condemned , though abfent ) 5 Dukes, MarqueileSjEarls, and Earls Sons, twelve 5 Barons and Knights eighteen 5 Abbots, Priors, Monks and Priefts feventy feven 5 ofthe more common fort, between one Religion and another, huge multitudes. Hee gave fome proofs yet that he could forgive 5 though, as they were few and late, they ferved not to recover him the name of a Clement Prince. As for Covetoufnefie, or Rapine, another main fault obferved by Sanders , as extending not onely to a promifcuous over throw of Religious Houfes , but a notable derogation of the Title of Supreme Head of the Church in his Dominions . and the rather, that he ftill retained the fubftance of the Roman Catholick OfKjn? HENRYS Eighth. Catholick Religion) nothing, that I know, can on thofe terms palliate it, unleife it might be colle&ed, that the Religious Orders ia his Kingdom would haveaffifted thofe who threat- ned Invafion from abroad, and that free had no other extra ordinary means than their Revenues then left to defend him- felf. For certainly, the publick pretext., takerj from their ex- ceflive numbers in proportion to a well compoied State., or the inordinate and vitious life of the general fort,cannot fufficiently excufe him 5 fince, together with the fupernumerary and de bauched Abbeys, Priories and Nunneries, he fubverted and ex- tinguifliedthe good and opportune $ without leaving any Re ceptacle for fuch as through age or infirmity being unapt for fe- cular bufinefle, would end their dayes in a devout and a retired life. Neverthelefs, as he creeled divers new Bifhopricks, in- creafed the number of Colledges, and the ftipend of Readers in the Univerfities, and did 'many other pious works, it is pro bable he intended fome reparation. Though (as the Roman Catholick party conceives it) they were neither fatisfadory for, nor equivalent to the defolations and mines hee procu red, when yet he fhould pretend that the Revenues and num ber of the Gentry and Soldatefque of the Kingdome were augmented thereby. Howbeit, as in this ad of overthrowing Monafteries, his Parliaments were deeply engaged, it will be dangerous to queftion the authority thereof, fince things done by publick Vote, where they finde notreafon, make it, nei ther have many Laws other ground then the conftitution of the times } which yet afterwards changing, leave their inter pretation doubtfull : Infomuch, that Pofterity might juftly abrogate them when the caufes thereof ceafed, had they the power to do it. For which regard alfo I (hall not interpofe my opinion otherwife,,; then that this King had met with no occafion to do that which hath caufed fo much fcandal to him and his Parliaments. But whereas Sanders hath remarked Covetoufnefle as a *reat vice in this King, I could wifh it bad been with more imitation, and fo as he noted the other extreme (being Pro digality) for the greater fault : The examples of both being fb pregnant in the King's Father and himfelf- The firft, by an exacl inquiry into the corruptions and abufes of his Officers and Subjects, and the prevailing himfelf thereof to bring all into good order , and the getting of money together, whether by ordinary or extraordinary means (onely when they were not manifeftly unjuft) : and laftly, by frugality, acquiring to himfelf the name of prudent at home, and put/font abroad, as being known to have in his coffers always as much as would pay an Army Royall. Whereas this King, fo often exhayfting hisTreafury, that he was conftrained atlaft tohaverecourfe to 547 Ill '547 The Life and to unufuall and grievous ways for relieving his wants, did not onely difaffeft his Subjeds in great part (as appeared in the Rebellion of the Northern men and other?, though to their confufion) but expofed his Kingdom to the Invaflon of his Neighbours : who knowing (as all Princes do) to about how much their Revenues amount , and that there remained no longer any ready way to improve them, did colled thence what forces he could furnifh} and confequently, would have aflayled him at home, but that mutuall divifions did hinder them. Whereby it appears, that what in Henry VII is call'd by fome Covet oufnefle, was a royall Vertue : whereas the ex^ ceflive and needleffe expences of Henry VIII drew after them thofe miferable confequences which the World hath fo much reproached. Howbeit, there may be occafion to doubt, whe ther the immenfe Treafure which Henry the VII left behinde him, were not (accidentally) the caufe of thofe ils that fol lowed : while the young Prince his Son, finding fuch a mafs of money, did firft carelefly fpend, and after Itrive to fupply as he could. As for the third vice, wherewith he was juftly charged, being Luft and Wantonnefs 5 there is little toanfwer, more then that it was rather a pcrfonall fault, then damageable to the Publick : Howbeit, they who reprove it, ought not one ly to examine circumftances (which much aggravate or exte nuate the f aft) but even the complexions of men. That con- cupifcence which in fome is a vice, being incthersadifeafeof Repletion, in others a neceffity of nature. It doth not yet ap peat that this fault did haften the death of his Queens $ he be ing noted more for praftiling of private pit afures, tlien fecret mifchiefs : fo that if any undue motive did cooperate herein, it may be thought an inordinate defire to have Pofterity (efpe- cially mafculine) which might be the undoubted Heirs of him and the Kingdom, rather then any thing elfe. With all his crimes yet, he was one of the rooft glorious Princes of his time : Infomuch, that not onely the chief Poten tates of Chriftendome did court him, but his Subjeds in gene- rail did highly reverence him, as the many tryals he put them fo, fufficiently tefttfie : which yet expired fo quickly, that it may be truly faid. All his Pomp died with him 5 his Memory being now expofed to obloquy, as his Accufers will neither admit Reafon of State to cover any where, or Neceffity to ex- cufe his Adtions. For, as they were either difcontented Cler gy-men (for his relinquifhing the Papall Authority, and over throwing the Monafteries) ; or offended Women (for divers fevere examples againft their Sex) that firftoppos'd and cry 'd him down, the clamour hath been the greater : So that al though one Witttim TkowasaCleik to theCouncel to Edward the HENRY the Eighth. the Sixth, and living about the later times of Henry the Eighth's Reign, did in great part defend him in an Italian Book, print ed (^tnn* 1552, it hath not availed. But what this Prince was, and whether, and how far forth excufable in point of State, Confidence or Honour, a diligent obfervation of his A&ions, together with a conjun&ure of the times, will (I conceive) better declare to the judicious Reader, then any factious relation on what fide whatsoever. To con clude 5 I wi fh I could leave him in his grave. FINIS. An I N D E X of the main Matters couch'd in this Royall STORY. A. Andrew Barton the Scotifh Pirat taken by the Earl of Surrey's two Sons., the ground of A WAT 'twixt England And Scot land page i 6 Ambaffadors fent to Lewis the Twelfth^ to demand Anjou And Guy en for England. 19 Articles at the Sttrrendry of Tournay to the French for a pecuniary Random of 600000 Crowns. &c. 77 Articles againft the Duke of Buckingham 5 wfo was A Duke, A LMarquit) {even Earls, and twelve Barons no Ambaffadors fent to Denmark by Henry the 8, to mediate for the re fuming of Chriftern or his fon to be King 176 Articles 'twixt King Henry and Luyfe ^ Rtgent of France, 179 The Apo^ogie 0/FraBcis thefrft for eluding his Oath for riot per forming the Concord of Ma drid 202 The Ambaffadors 0/Francis ac- know ledge publickly^ that it was Henry's meer goodntffe which made him refrain from invading France while the King w** frifoner in S pain. 2 1 Q Articles 'twixt Henry ^ Fran cis, whereof one wot tofnrnifh him with i 5000 Crowns worth of Brouage Salt every yeer , an. 1 5 27. no page. Anne of Bullen characterized : 257. Jhe if married to K. Hen ry before the fent f nee of Divorce with guttn Katherine^ 341. Her Letter from prifon to the King, 382. Her Speech upon the Scaffold 385 Arguments pro fy con. for calling A GenerallCouncett 353 Articles prop&fed by the German Lutherans^ to make King Hen ry Patron of the League 377 An Aft of Parliament 9 that no French Wines Jhould be above two pence A quart , no Malm- feys or Ramneys above three pence 4i An Ad that tiS 18, in eafe the Father died^ the young King jhould be under the Mot her , 396 Aske.,Head of an Inftrretfton in the North 4 12 An Ad: whereby the Lord Maior and Sheriffs of London were Dddd limited The INDEX. limited to a certain number of dijhes 497 An Aft whereby the King might bequeath the Crown to whom he pleafedj in cafe his own children died. 506 Articles 'twixt the King and the Earl of Lenox, to make him Go vernor of Scotland 510 An Ad: that Civilians fhould be capable of Church Preferments, 534 S. Albans tbefrfl Abbey of Eng land, becattfe Adrian the IJIl's Father WAS Monk there, called Breakfpear 443 Abbeys utterly abolijhed 444 Algier infertunatc to Charls the V, being thrict repelled thence, 476 Anne

whereof the King was Protector 196 Cinnamon taken in a prize by the Scots ) wa& burnt for fueU out of ignorance . 192 Countefs of Salisbury executed, 468 Cranmer married to Hollanders daughter 0/"Noremberg, 448. Bis moving Letters to the King in behalf of Cromwel 456 Cromwel notably defend* his Ma- fler Cardinal Wolfey in the Houfe of Commons, 2 74. He is made Earl of Eflex s arrefted by the Duke of Norfolk at the Council-Table^ 456. Hti&*c- cufedfor A Heretick, though the the Kings Vice-gerent in All Church ajfsirs^ 528. He is com" plained on to have fetch authori ty , being of fo mean birth ** a Black fmithsSon^ 410. Is be- beaded^ and ditda Roman Ca- tbolick, notwhftand'ng he had bin [uch a deftroyer of the Church 462 His Character 462 Charls the Fifth refufeth fealty to France for Artois when hee came to the Empire , becaufe they mere under a greater dig nity, 112. He comes to Eng land to be en ft ailed Knight of the Garter 5 at which time his brother Ferdinand &as alfo made^i^. tie promifeth mar riage by oath to gj. Mary when frinceje, 129 His patent to the Earl of Surrey to be his Admiral, &c.iz$. He vo4s to have A mtttion of crowns for A Dowry with the Daughter of England, and fht fifty thouf and crowns feynture, 129. Hee write* presently to King Hen ry 3 that he would pay his Ar rears to him in French money, 220. Hee complains Again ft Wol fey, 192. P afting from Barcelona to Genoa 3 bee cuts his hair by a Vow $ At which time Jhort hair came frft in fafhion, 2o8> He accepts the challenge fent by Francis., who by his He- raid, gave htm the Lie in the third per fan, 219. Hee fup- preffeth the Pirat Barbaroxa, and refores the King of Tu nis 3 though he loft Elliodes, 384 Cuthbert Tonftal And Sir Ric. Wingfield the be ft Agents for releafe of Francis the I. 194 Dr. Clerk Dean of Winfor fent to Rome to prefent K. Henry'/ Book againft Luther 104 D. The Lo. Darcy fent to Spain with 1 5000 Archers to afiift Fer- dinand//V^/y rewarded 1 5 The Lord Darcy fent againft the Scots 134 The frft difcovery of Armenia, 95 A defiance fent by Henry nil ^Francis 1, to Chariest Emperor > by their Heralds Cla- renceaux and uyen 188 The frft overture of A Divorce Dddd 2 ' ' The INDEX. 'twixt Henry andfve tfbit Un- eles hangd at Tyburn 42 9 3*een Kathefine Howard i*. continent with Derham and ^ 473 Katherine Par Latimer's Wi de* married to the King 497 . Katherine Par offering to tiifrute mth the King about Re ligion, like to be committed to the Tower $ 560, A Difcottrfe 'twixt her and the King 561 A League *tmxt Lewis of France and James the Fourth of Scotland 27 ^League 'twixt the Pope, Em- feror, Kings of England and Aragon againft Lewis the Twelfth 29 Lewis W^r heirs bound to pay tienry a million tfCrtnws 48 The famous League 'tixt Hen ry the Pllltnd Francis 76 A Letter all of King Henry's writing to Cardinall Wolfey, Z 74 Luther cited to Rome ,&c. 101 A League 'tmxt the French and the Turk, by the Agency of Vo- M. Two Maffes cimpofed by Henry the rill himfelf^andfungin his Chaff d ,2 Motives for King Henry to mar- ry jgtf Katherine 8 Maximilian the Emperor ferves Henry for loo Crown* a day, 39 The PrJncefle Mary married to Lewis the XII, an old man , at Pari?, andthtgaUant comport ment of the Engtifr 5 1 Le Mireir de Naples, a great Diamond brought by her to En gland : her Jointure 60000 Crowns yeerly 5 5 Maximilian promifctb Henry to refigne the Empire to him., and Dtttcby of Milan 62 Maximilians double dealing 70 The INDEX. A mutuall confiftaiion of Mer chants goods in France and Spain ^ 123 JVMargaret divorced from An- guis ^ (he complains of her Bro ther Henry the VUl 1 34 Motives to the Parliament for moneys Monafteries pull'd down to build Churches 213 The Molucca I/lands paw nedto the . fttng ^/Portugal by Charles for 3 $oecf>o Crowns 275 Dr.Muckrel a Prior ^catting him- ftlfCap.Coblerjhe Head of an Infurretfion in Lincolnshire, 410 A match propofed 'twixt Henry tbt rill And Chriftiana Dut- cheffe c/Milan 434 Made interdicted four yeers in Henry the Seconds time 438 A Match prepofed And concluded 'trvixt Edw. n And Mary of Scotland itheScon broke 1/348 8 Sir Tho. More with Bt/htp Fi- fher., and 1 1 Monks beheaded for denying the Kings Supremacy, P. Pope EugeniwhaddefigndAred Hat of Henry the Vlll 2 Poly dor Virgil An Author full of malignity againjt Wolfey 5 ^ i <)%. He gees Am- baffadourto France with above 1000 Horff, and carrieth with him neer upon a million of crowns 1 60 . He u fromifed the Ard- bifhoprick of Tol edo., 1 6 9 , He becomes his Mafters $udg^ 234. He fends a Warrant to execute Kildare without the Kings pri- vitie, 208. Hit rich houfhold- Jluffe and plate, 263. His de- clining.pfo.tie is put over to tbe Star-chamber, thence to the Par liament, 265. Accufed by Par liament to befck of the Pox, 267. 44 Articles again ft him, 274. His laH Speech to Sir William Kingfton^ bis death and Cha racter 313 Y. Dr. Young fmt with a monitor j Mtffage to the French King> to war again/I tbe Pope 519 The youngeft Kildare pactid up in A bundle of cloth y and convey ed to Flanders., and fb prefer- vtd 429 In regard that this Impref- fion paffing in PrefTe through the hands of divers Printers, divers pages are mif-cyphered, and others have none at all, 1 this Index could not be made fo exacl: as it might have been made otherwife. FINIS.