ye*.'^-*;"^!^**^ ^^^ jifil^l^BI r 'IlII!'! m!!!!!mIi!!! !!!!!!i!I''I ,;'■»"""••'' "I'ltii' ,;!. :■• w;!!!'.v!!!n?>''''MMM||!' ''«"«'' ''••■• •'•'^'1™|lTOffiRUlJliiIii!M!i"ii'i''j! 'Ijlii*'' ''••'•"""•'•iiJB'tiiiMiJjfsS in wH ilHHi ill'!!!!)! iBiffi!!!!!!!!!!)!! lliI"'"'<''''''Mii!>iiill!II!il ill I !!l!llM!l>ml"!!!!!!:!!!!:!:!:!:"!:!i! •'«"•'<"■ * '" IIiim' t|t!tiit'''!un'%> "■'■'■"''■^ € jA^ o Cy/n4^i/e^?^iU^u^ y€f^ (Qa^^rm^i/ l/nii/c^'J*'^^ ^' ^o/tfoi WILLIAM BIIUKE THE AUTHOR OF JUNIUS: 5lii #0Mt( m life (Km. BY JELINGEE, COOKSOK SYMOI^S, BAKEISTEE AT LAW, ETC. LONDON : SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL. MDCCCLIX. GLOUCESTER : ^ , pIiHsTED ax \: LJ^^-S •0»?FK)ES, ,^N« "'«" a-c COXTEI^TS. I. PAGE. INTRODUCTION ---------l II. EDMUND BURKE SUSPECTED OP BEING JUNIUS - _ - 7 III. EDMUND BURKE's DENIALS - - - - - - -12 IV. ALLEGED ANTAGONISM OF EDMUND BURKE AND JUNIUS DISPROVED 15 V. THE STATE OF PARTIES, 1766-7 ------ 18 YI. OVERTURES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND THE MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM IN 1767. — LORD BUTE. — LORD CHATHAM. — CONWAY. 29 VII. GEORGE GRENVILLE.— THE BURKES AND JUNIUS. — HIS PRIVATE LETTERS TO GRENVILLE - - - - - - -33 VIII. LORD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BURKES - - - - 43 IX. ATTACKS OF JUNIUS ON LORD HILLSBOROUGH. — WALPOLE'S TESTI- MONY THAT WILLIAM BURKE WAS THE ASSAILER - - 53 X. THE "nullum TEMPUS " ACT ---._- 56 511199 17 CONTENTS. XI. DB. HAY CONFIDES TO WILLIAM BURKE THE MINISTERIAL TACTICS OF 1768.— JUNIUS ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION - - - 61 XII. JUNIUS' S PUBLIC LETTERS TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON, DRAPER, THE DUKE OF BEDFORD, THE KING, ETC. - - - - 67 XIII. THE LATER LETTERS OF JUNIUS. ------ 82 XIV. ATTACKS OF JUNIUS ON LORD MANSFIELD - - _ _ 95 XV. THE STOCK JOBBING OP WILLIAM BURKE - - - - 99 XVI. A PLEA FOR THE PERSONALITIES OF JUNIUS - - - - 102 XVII. THE GREAT PRINCIPLES ADVOCATED BY JUNIUS - - - 108 XVIII. DIVERS SMALL PROOFS 113 XIX. THE CASE FOR FRANCIS, AND OTHERS 125 XX. STYLE OF JUNIUS, AND CONCLUSION 134 A new knight entered the lists with his visor down, and with unreal devices on his shield, but whose arm was nerved with inborn vigor, and whose lance was poised with most malignant skill, lilven now the dark shadow of Junius looms across that dark period of our annals with a grandeur no doubt much enhanced and heightened by the mystery. To solve that mystery has since employed the most patient industry, and aroused the most varied conjectures; and a full statement at least, if not a full solution of it, may justly be required from the historian of that time."— Lord Mahon. INTEODUCTION. ^E W people have heard of William Burke. They only, tI la seem to be aware that he ever existed, who have ^j^ read the details of the early part of the reign of George III., or who happen to have explored the interesting works in which Lord Fitzwilliam, Mr. Macknight and others have shed new light on the personal history of Edmund Eurke. Nevertheless William Burke sat in Parliament for Bed- win from the beginningof 1766 tilll 774, whenhe unsuccess- fully contested Haslemere. Erom 1 765 until Eebruary, 1 767, he was Under Secretary of State, attached to General Conway, remaining in office after the fall of the Eockingham Ministry. Ten years later he went to Madras and prosecuted the in- terests of the Eajah of Tanjore ''with great earnestness and some success, both with the British Ministers and the Board of East India Directors." So says Lord Eitzwilliam. (ii. Correspondence, 179.) He was afterwards Deputy Pay- master General to tbe King's troops in India, accompanying B *2 INTRODUCTION'. Lord Cornwallis by whom he seems to liave been much bo- loved. He thus went twice to India. The second time in 1779, returning in 1793. He died in 1798. But of far more historical interest is the fact that to "William Burke's unex- plained influence with Lord Yerney, Edmund Burke owed his first seat in Parliament, that AVilliam Burke first introduced him to Lord Eockingham, and that he was the '[/Idtis Achates^ ^ of the great man through life, and in no slight degree the minister of his fortunes. Though William Burke took his part in the debates, his talents shone in less overt spheres. His political influence was great, but his power as a writer was of the first order. T think I can prove that he was the author of Junius. I shall proceed to do so by a series of circumstantial evi- dence which it has cost me much time and labor to collate, and which I propose to present to the patient judgment of those who still take an interest in the solution of this long- lived enigma, just as I should lay it before a jurj. Por it has been well remarked by the "Quarterly Review" that "if ever solved, it must be solved not by a mere effort of the intellect, like a mathematical problem, but by the evidence of facts, in much the same manner as questions of guilt or innocence are determined in our Courts of Law." Mr. Macknight's "Life and Times of Edmund Burke " contains many morceaux which disclose the career of William, and rescue it from much of that obscurity about him, which Mr. Macknight says that "all the eff'orts of biographers and critics have not succeeded in penetrating." That "William Burke was a relative of Edmund Burke there seems no reason to disbelieve. He is spoken of frequently by Edmund Burke as his kinsman, and once as his cousin, in the Correspondence edited b)^ the late Lord Fitzwilliam. A furor for the INTROBUCTIOX. 3 romance of I^niily mystery can alone account for further in- credulity on the rektion between tliese men. They were, from the first nrrival of Edmund Burke from Ireland, com- panions and bosom friends. Burke speaks of him thus to Sir P. Francis when he goes to seek his fortune in India in 1777. " Indemnify me, my dear Sir, as well as you can for his loss, by contributing to the fortune of my friend whom I have tenderly loved, highly valued, and contimmlly lived with, in an union not to be expressed, quite since our boyish years." (i. Macknight's Life, p. 178.) When Edmund writes to him in April, 1782, he uses these remarkable words : — ''Oh! my dearest, oldest, best friend; you are far off indeed : may God of his infinite mercy preserve you. Your enemies — your cruel and unprovoked persecutors — are on the ground, suffering the punishment, not of their villany towards you, but of their other crimes which are innumerable." (ii. Correspondence, 484.) He is thus spoken of by Horace Walpole : — ""William Burke, the cousin of Edmund, wrote with ingenuity and sharpness ; and both of them were serviceable to the new administra- tion, by party papers. But William, as an orator, had neither manner, nor talents, and yet wanted little of his cousin's presumption." (Memoirs of George III., ii. 274.) Sir Denis Le Marchant, the very careful and able editor of these Memoirs, adds in a note that *' William shared his brother's fortunes, and lived with him on terms of most intimate friendship. When the prospects of the Whigs seemed to be hopeless, he went to India, and through the help of Mr. Erancis, obtained some lucrative offices. He was a person of great accomplishments." Added to this, he per- fectly realized the type of a busy, restless man, moving about in each grade of society, and especially in political spheres. 4 INTRODUCTION. in restless quest of information and material for the use of his party, and especially for the ear of his cousin. There are proofs of this in several of Edmund Burke's private letters to Lord Eockingham, and others, written on the Spur of the moment, retailing the news of the day, (certainly never designed for publication,) and derived avowedly from William. 'N'or was this all. Edmund Burke's younger brother Eichard, though never in Parliament, lived with Ed- mund and William during the greater part of the Junius era. Now Eichard was renowned for all that bonhommie, easy wit and humour, which gave then, as now, an entree into every circle in London. Goldsmith thus sketched him : — " What spirits were his ! what wit, and what whim ! Now breaking a jest, and now breaking a limb. Now wrangling and grumbling, to keep up the ball ; Now teazing and vexing, yet laughing at all ! In short, so provoking a devil was Dick, That we wish'd him full ten times a day at Old Nick. But missing his mirth and agreeable vein, As often we wish'd to have Dick back again." In the letter Eichard writes to William, dated January 3rd, 1773, in the Eitzwilliam Correspondence, he details elaborately the jeux d* esprit which passed at a dinner at Eeynolds's, where Johnson, the Dean of Derry, Garrick, &e., were present. In those times, philosophers and states- men corruscated far more in the resorts of fast men than now-a-days; and in their cups were easily relieved of secrets by clever inquirers. Thus it is certain that what with the political sources of information directly open to Edmund and to William Burke, and also to Samuel Dyer, who was closely attached to them, and in constant communication as they were, with men in every grade— from third-rate clerks to Ministers in office, — and from aspiring Dukes to their hum- rXTEODUCTlOX. '6 blest followers out of it — added to Kichard Burke's social intimacy with everj'body, — far more reached William Burke's ear, and more quickly, than Junius ever told. I much doubt whether any other person was as well informed, or sufficiently so to have written at the time what Junius wrote. Of all the unlikely people to have done so was Lord George Sackville, of whom his great advocate, Mr. Jaques, takes pains to assure us that he ''brooded over his wrongs in solitude." Simply premising that William Burke fulfils every one of the conjoint requirements of Dr. Good to sustain the characteristics of Junius, — that he had, from Conway and others, ample means of military information, — aid in legal knowledge from llichard Burke, (a barrister, and afterwards Eecorder of Bristol,) without being a lawyer himself, — that he was con- stantly in the House, —that he was full of Irish penchants and antipathies to Scotchmen, — that he had ample reason to con> ceal his authorship, and left no descendants to advance their title to the posthumous fame of his achievements — I trust that I have said enough to bespeak the kind attention of the reader to the somewhat lengthy proofs I am bound to array. Edmund and his wife, his brother Eichard, and William, seem always to have lived together, first in Great Queen's Street, and afterwards at Gregories, Burke's place near Bea- consfield: and Mr. Macknight speaks with truth of the ardent family affection with which his relative William, together with his brother and father-in-law *' bent reverently towards him and gazed aifectionatelyonhim," and of the ''ascendancy" Burke exercised over them. (Vol. i. 270.) In Burke's trips while travelling about England from 1747, when he entered at the Middle Temple, William always accompanied him, and they staid together for some time at Monmouth and many other places, where they appear 6 INTRODUCTION. to have engaged in literary pursuits together, (i. Correspon- dence, 24.) Mr. Macknight, who seems to have picked up more anec- dotes about "William Burke than any other writer, says that " William had none of Edmund's ability as a parliamentary speaker, though he was not destitute of a certain weight in the House of Commons. He was a good man of business. He had the reputation of writing many keen satires on the political opponents of his friends, and had, undoubtedly, considerable literary talent . ' ' Prior also says that "he found himself much better qualified to wield his pen than his tongue.' ' Walpole confirms this in his Memoirs. (Vol. i. p. 275.) It will be obvious that the close intimacy and identity of political interest, subsisting between Edmund and William, not only interweave the great incidents of the public life of Edmund Burke with the whole tissue of the evidence, but lead to the conclusion that Edmund Burke in all probability aided William in writing Junius. And though I would rather waive than rely on individual testimony, I think this view derives great weight from Dr. Johnson's statement that no person but Burke had displayed such ability for political controversy as was exhibited in these celebrated letters. Of William Burke's power over the mind of Edmund and of his skill in inoculating the statesman with his own anti- pathies, Mr. Macknight says: — "It" (a letter written by Edmund Burke to the Ministers in 1 780 on behalf of the Rajah of Tanjore) " showed clearly enough that his friend William Burke had already inspired him with all his own animosities against the men who held power in Madras." Goldsmith thus delineates the trio : — " Our Burke shall be tongue with a garnish of brains ; Our Will shall be wild fowl, of excellent flavour, Our Diok with his pepper shall heighten the savour." II. EDMUI^]) BUIiKE SUSPECTED OE BEING JUNIUS. )T appears by Edmund Burke's viDdicatory letter* in 1771 to Dr. Markham, then Bishop of Chester, that William introduced Edmund to Dr. Markham as early as 1 754, he having been his tutor, and the following passage from that remarkable letter of Edmund Burke to his former friend throws additional light on the early career of his relative. " My Lord, Mr. AYilliam Burke, the first you set to the bar, has had the closest and longest friendship for me ; and has pursued it with such nobleness in all respects, as has no example in these times, and would have dignified the best periods of history. "Whenever I was in question, he has been not only ready, but earnest even to annihilate himself; and he has not been only earnest, but fortunate in his endeavours in my favor. Looking back to the course of my life, I re- member no one considerable benefit in the whole of it, which did not, mediately or immediatel)'- derive from him. To him I owe my connection withLdrd Rockingham. To him I am indebted for my seat in Parliament. To him it is I must refer all the happiness and all the advantages I * This letter is the most elaborate in the whole of the Correspon- dence given to the world by Earl FitzwilHam, It is an answer to a most emphatic remonstrance against the Burkes' attacks on the character of Lord Mansfield and others, founded on the belief that they were the authors of Junius. 8 EDMUND BUEKE SUSPECTED OF BEING JUNIUS. received from a long acquaintance with your Lordship. Forme he gave up a respectable employment of a thousand pounds a year, with other very fair pretensions. He gave up an employment which he filled with pleasure to himself, with great honor to himself, and with great satisfaction to his principal in office. Indeed, he both held and quitted it with such a well arranged discharge of all his duties, that a strict friendship subsists between him and the principal he left, from that moment even to this, amidst all the rage and confusion of parties. But he resigned it to give an example and an encouragement to me — not to grow fearful and languid in the course to which he had always advised me. To encourage me, he gave his own interest the first stab : — Poite, non dolet. This, my Lord, was true friendship ; and if I act an honor- able part in life, the first of all benefits, it is in great measure due to him. He loved your Lordship too, and would have died for you — I am thoroughly persuaded he would. He had the most ardent afiection for you, and the most unbounded confidence in you. If there was any difference in his regard for you and me, it is that there were certain disparities which made him look up to you with greater reverence." I*^ot only was Burke suspected of being Junius by his enemies, but equally so by the oldest friends of himself and liis cousin. The most signal instance of this fact was the letter to which the above was an answer, and which Dr. Markham addressed to Burke towards the close of 1771, and Burke destroyed, but of the purport of which the draft of his answer contains conclusive evidence. jS'ot only had Dr. Markham been a kind, but he was, according to Burke's own showing, a revered and beloved friend. In 1765 he had written a letter to William Burke in the warmest terms of familiar friendship, speaking then with generous indignation of Edmund Burke's enemies, and hoping that the rise of his reputation '* would silence malignity or destroy its effects," and rejoicing over the '* disgrace of William Burke's opponents." (i. Correspondence, 92.) Junius appears — he assails Lord Mansfield and the King. Burke is suspected : EDMUND BURKE SUSPECTED 0^ BEING JUNIUS. \f and Dr. Markham, the tried friend of the family, is induced, clearly without a vestige of personal offence, to write a letter teeming with censure so severe, and " couched in such un- measured language," that Burke replies to part of it in the following terms, disclosing as they do the gravamen of the charge against him: — " After giving the testimony of my enemies, as grounds of charge against me, your Lordship comes to their assistance, towards the close of your letter, with a little of your own ; and this too for a purpose, which even after all I had read did not a little astonish me. It was in justification of the libellers for having fixed on me as the author of Junius, from a resemblance which your Lordship supposes my house bears to a "hole of adders." My Lord, I am sorry to find that these writers have so able an advocate, which though they stand in need of, I have not at all the charity to wish them. But since these worthy gentlemen are under your Lordship's protection I say not one word against them except that, in this instance, they did not reason logically, nor draw their conclusions in any good form. For, passing that most obliging simile of "the adder's hole" as not in strict argument, I did not "furnish the premises" your Lordship supposes; and if I had, the conclusion of these gentlemen was iiTcgular. For, supposing all your Lordship says was not very greatly mistaken, how does it follow from the discourses of my friends that I am the author of Junius as these worthy persons peremptorily assert ? " Burke's defence of William Burke, if it can he so called, is as follows: — "My Lord, I owe this honest testimony, all I can return, for a friend- ship of which I can never make myself deserving. As to him my Lord, I am not capable of telling you in what manner he felt your charges. He answers nothing to them ; he only bids me tell you that, never being able to suppose himself in a situation of serious controversy with your Lordship, much less as the culprit in a criminal accusation for a matter of state, brought by you upon his private conversation, he knows not what to say. lie is at your mercy. He really cannot put his pen to paper on this subject, though he has two or three times attempted it." 10 EDM[J>s'I) BUHKE 8UsrKCTED OF BEING JUA'lUS. These remarks are a conclusive proof tluit in Dr. Markham's judgment (no slight authority) Junius proceeded from the Burkes. That such impression was firmly rooted in his mind is deducible first, from the fact that Dr. Markham not only seems to have used the strongest and most unqualified terras, extending to what Mr. Macknight calls " the extreme limits of episcopal acrimony," but he does so after Burke had had ample opportunity of exonerating himself in a previous inter- view with the Bishop at Kew Green, in a discourse which Burke reminds the Bishop '^spread out into great extent and variety;" and in which he had therefore elaborately vindicated himself, (i. Correspondence, *"'' 270.) It was thus no off hand impression on the mind of Dr. Markham, nor was it short-lived; forhe never appears, by the Correspondence, to have written to the Burkes again : and as Edmund Burke in forwarding to him a letter from Dr. Leland more than two years afterwards, apologizes for an apparent want of delicacy in doing so, in terms of studied and ceremonious courtesy, to which no answer seems to have been given, it is probable that the breach was not soon healed. Mr. Macknight strives to show that Dr. Markham was actuated by servility to the King and the desire of promotion. Admitting that possibty to some extent this may have been so ; yet though it might account for an estrangement, and for dissuasion and remonstrance, it cer- tainly leaves untouched the sincerity of the Bishop's belief that the Burkes were the authors of the bitterest possible anonymous attacks on public men : nor does it in the least prove that the indignation expressed in this private letter to his old friends, was other than the genuine utterance of * I have thus, throughout, indicated Lord FitzwUliam's Edition of Burke' ;i Correspondence, in 4 vols. Rivingtons. 1 844. EDMUND BURKE SUSPECTED OF BEING JUNIUS. 11 his deep conviction of its justice. Dr. Markham might cer- tainly have been mistaken : but he was a man of penetration and discernment, and whose integrity was so great that Burke reiterates his esteem and regard for him long after he had been denounced by him. l^o one had had more intimate means of knowing the opinions, political tendencies, personal anti- pathies and antecedents of the men he accused, or of testing the probabilities of their authorship of Junius. He is there- fore a witness the weight of whose evidence it it impossible to gainsay. III. EDMUND BIJIIKE'S DENIALS. OR was the suspicion by any means confined to Dr. Markham, among Burke's own friends. The letters in which Charles Townshend begs him to give an explicit denial to the charge, are published in the Eitzwilliam edition of the Correspondence. Burke's reply of the 17th October, 1771, to the first of these appeals, was so far short of a positive contradiction that Townshend writes again on November 20th in these terms : — " In your letter to me, you say that you have ^ been as ready as you ought to be in disclaiming in the most precise terms, these writings, etc., to me and to all friends.' " « « *• '' Objections have been stated by one or two persons, to whom I showed your letter to me, that the words do not in themselves contain a direct denial of the fact." * * * ^'I took the liberty to relate this whole business to your cousin William Burlce who advised me to write to you.^^ It is tolerably plain from this that JViUiam Burke makes no denial, either for his relative or himself. The answer of Edmund Burke contains a strangely worded reply to the statement repeated in this letter of Townshend, viz. that he had "never positively declared in express terms that he was neither directly nor indirectly engaged in the publication of Junius's Letters." Burke says '* I now give you my word EDMUND BUKKk's 'DEXTALS. 13 and honor that I am not the author of Junius, and that I know not the author of that paper, and I do authorize you to say so." This is explicit enough and doubtless true enough as to the authorship; but what is meant by "that paper" when he denies his hnoivledge of the author ? 'Eo one could call the series of letters then approaching their completion, ''a paper." They were not such, in any sense of the word. If applicable at all to any Letters of Junius, it must have referred to that one of them only which Townshend hap- pened to have named in his first letter of inquiry, in which he mentions ^A*? letter signed Zeno, and calls it ''that paper." Burke's disclaimer also applies, therefore, alone to it, and of such one letter, taken singly, he might not have known of his own knowledge of the authorship. Indeed if his cousin William were the author it is almost certain that one or twa of those letters must have been written, dispatched and printed, when Burke was at too great a distance to have seeu them beforehand. IS'or is it at all likely that WiUiam would have given or written to Edmund a formal statement of hi& authorship. Burke's answer therefore as to his knowledge of the author- ship is very ambiguous and incomplete. At this period, says Mr. Macknight, before Dr. Markham's charge, and before angry suspicions of Burke as the author of Junius had reached their climax, Burke had given the clever refusal to satisfy Sir William Draper's interrogation, or to give him a meeting. When, however, at a subsequent period, as Mr. Macknight informs us, this " suspicion, without increas- ing the opinion entertained of Burke's powers as a writer, had a most pernicious effect in engendering a distrust of his character for frankness and honesty,"— ** exposed him to rude attacks which, without general reprehension, were 14 r.DAixjxD buPwKe's denials. frequently made upon him in the House of Commons," — ''and subjected him to the faint defences and feeble vindi- cations of candid friends,"— he must have been powerfully impelled, not merely by motives of a personal kind, but by the higher sense of the responsibilities of public usefulness with which his masterly talents invested him, to escape by positive denial from these damaging imputations. He is not blameable for going to the utmost verge of the limits of literal truth in doing so : his offence was venial, even if he slightly exceeded them. " The belief," Mr. Macknight pro- ceeds to assures us, " that Burke and Junius were the same person, continued during his life, has been encouraged by all his biographers, and cannot be said, in defiance of all argu- ment, (?) to have completely subsided in the present day." It certainly has not ; for Peter Burke, Esq. the accomplished Editor of the Peerage and Baronetage, has, in his remark- ably able and most interesting life of his great namesake, given many strong reasons in support of his belief that Burke either originated or helped the letters of Junius; and that the likelihood is that they did not emanate from a single writer.* (p. 70, 2nd edition.) Both Sir W. Blackstone and Lord Mansfield, no mean judges of evidence, were of the same opinion. * See also the Pamphlet entitled, "Junius proved to be Burke. 1826." IV. ALLEGED ANTAGONISM OF EDMUND BURKE AND JUNIUS DISPROVED. LTIIOUGH it is by no means requisite in order to prove that William Burke was Juniu«5 that all the political opinions, public sympathies and antipathies of Edmund Burke and Junius should be in exact accordance, — still it may fairly be expected that I should show that there existed no general or material disagreement, especially as my case rests greatly on the close political fellowship and private brotherhood subsisting be- tween the Burkes. This I can do. And I propose first to analyse and test the instances of alleged divergence between the opinions of Junius and the statesman. The first, and certainly both the boldest and the most remarkable of the statements in behalf of this discrepancy, is that of the Editor of Woodfall's edition (vol. i. p. 101.) He says, first, that Burke could not have written in the style of Junius, which was so precisely the reverse of his own, [of this anon] nor could he have consented to disparage his own talents in the manner in which Junius has disparaged them in his letters to the printer of the 'Tublic Advertiser," dated October 5th, 1771." Now the only reference to or mention of Burke in that letter occurs in his illustration of this prin- ciple which Junius puts in italics : — " That we should notgene' 10 ALLEGED ANTAGONISM OF EDMUND UUEKE rally reject the friendship or services of any man, because he differs from us in a particular opinion^ He afterwards says, "I will not reject a bill which tends to confine parlia- mentary privileges wdthin reasonable bounds, though it should be stolen from the house of Cavendish and intro- duced by Mr. Onslow. The features of the infant are a proof of the descent, and vindicate the noble birth from the baseness of the adoption. I willingly accept of a sar- casm from Colonel Barre, or a simile from Mr. Burke. Even the silent vote of Mr. Calcraft is worth reckoning in a division." And this was said, as the context shows, of men who, independently " of signal instances of unpopular opinion, may well be supposed to have no view but the public good." Therefore whether we take the assertion — " I will- ingly accept a simile from Mr. Burke," as standing alone or having reference to the context, it is equally untrue that it is intended to " disparage his talents." It does nothing of the kind, and moreover the use of so palpable a mis- statement is a proof of the strait to which the Editor was driven in his desire to find something hostile to Burke in Junius. It is very remarkable that there is no other reference to Burke in the published Letters of Junius ; men of far less note are praised or censured, but, be the motive what it might, there is a marked intent to avoid mention of him. This is precisely the course natural for a concealed partisan to take. The only important subject on which, as we shall see, Edmund Burke and Junius held different views was on triennial Parliaments — a matter purely speculative. Eew brothers but would have differed on something more material. In the series of miscellaneous letters by Junius, there is a report of Edmund Burke's speech at the opening of the session in November, 1767. It is given verbatim in Wood- AND JUNIUS DISPEOVED. 17 faJl's Junius, vol. ii. p. 500. Why, if there were no special liaison, political or personal, between Burke and Junius, should Burke's speech alone have been thus favored? At that time no regular reports with the speakers' names were allowed to be published ; and this of Burke was given under the fiction of being an anonymous speech in a political club, and ostensibly a ' ' mere jeu d ' esprit ^ The Editor gives it as a speech of Burke, transmitted by Junius in his own hand- writing. The alleged variance respecting George Grenville will be separately considered. y. THE STATE OF PARTIES, 1766-7. )ET us glance at the state of political parties before and during the time that these Letters appeared, and trace the relation they bore to the enmities, sympathies, and interests of the Burkes. The feeble dynasty of Lord Rockingham had ex- pired. It had neither internal strength nor external support. The nobleman at its head was a man of high honor, respectable parts, and unswerving consistency to Whig principles; but was by no means qualified to wrestle in debate with the skilled leaders of an angry opposition, or, as the event proved, to cope with the cabals of the Court party, or conciliate the affections of a King who tolerated a Whig Ministry only as a temporary evil. General Conway, a brave officer but a timid and irresolute statesman, was selected to lead the Lower House, and appointed joint Secretary of State with the young Duke of Grafton, a man wholly inexperienced in office ; fickle, lazy, sensual, and presumptuous. I^either of these men gave power or prestige to the Administration. Respectable Mr. Dowdeswell was the inefficient Chan- cellor of the Exchequer. Lord !N'orthington held the Great Seal : but was a man of slight mental ability. The Duke of Newcastle, of the whole Cabinet, alone possessed any official experience. Lord Temple, Grenville, Saville, Towns- THE STATE OF PAETTES. 19 hend, Lord Shelbume and other leading "Whigs held aloof from this frail Ministry. The weakness of the leaders gave increased importance to the offices of their Secretaries, and as Edmund Burke was Private Secretary to the Premier in the Upper House, and William Burke Under Secretary to the leader of the Commons, it is manifest how perfect must have been the means which these two men possessed not only of acquainting themselves with the hidden springs of public conduct and the character of each statesman, but how deep must have been their interest in the succeeding phases of Ministries and parties, and the political intrigues of the times. The secession of the Duke of Grafton in the middle of the last Session during the Bockingham Ministry was the signal of disruption : and was probably designed for the purpose of disbanding them. Now the interests of the Burkes were intimately identified with the Eockingham party. They were bound to its chief by every tie of political affinity and personal gratitude. I^ot only did Burke adhere to the Marquis on grounds of principle, but he revered him for his virtues and loved him for his generosity ; for so liberally had he aided the income which Burke's independent spirit nar- rowed, that the Marquis, before his death, cancelled bonds which, together with other aid to Burke, must have amounted to £30,000. The Duke of Grafton's paltry desertion of the Eockinghams was speedily followed by that of Lord Korthington, who went to the King and told him the Ministry could not go on. The resignation of the Marquis necessarily ensued, and the King sent for Lord Chatham ; who set to work and constructed what Burke afterwards designated as an Administration "so chequered and speckled — a piece of joinery so crossly indent- ed, and whimsically dovetailed — a cabinet so variously inlaid 20 THE STATE OF PAETIES. — such a piece of diversified mosaic — etc., etc., composed of treacherous friends and open enemies — that it was indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand on." Horace Walpole, who had, according to his own showing, been acting throughout, the role of cabinet breaker and busybody in chief, thus depicts the immediate result of his successful machinations against the Rockinghams, with his tool Conway : — "The Ministerial "Whigs, or party of the late Ministers, were enraged. Rockingham was indignant at heing displaced for Grafton, and Rich- mond for Shelhume ; and was the more hurt that Mr. Conway suffered this preference. He complained to me of Conway with much anger." Still less was the love Burke bore to the Ministry which put him out of ofiice, and which it was the mission of Junius to lacerate and degrade. Let us however pursue the history of the party at this eventful juncture. Lord Temple and his brother, George Grenville, owing to the untoward demands and haughty temper of the former, were excluded from the new Administration. It became therefore an object to con- ciliate them, together with all who sought at once to recon- struct a Rockingham Government and harass their successful enemies in office. The Duke of Grafton, as he had calculated when he left the late Ministry, was among the first of those nominated to replace them. To the treacherous friend, the first fruits of treachery were very naturally offered. No one of the seceders behaved so basely to Lord Rocking- ham, or so injuriously to the Burkes. No one received casti- gation so bitter and relentless from Junius. His Grace had added servility to baseness, and offered in abject terms to accept the humblest office.* He was appointed First Lord of * Massey's History, vol. i. 282. THE STATE OF PARTIES. 21 the Treasury. Lord Camden succeeded Lord Korthington, who, as second betrayer of the late Cabinet, received the exalted office of President of the Council. Charles Townshend re- placed Mr. Dowdeswell, and Lord Shelburne was made one of the Secretaries of State. Pitt received the Privy Seal, his Earldom, and the post of First Minister. Among his subordinates, and less obnoxious to the Kockingham con- nection, were Lord North, Barre, a powerful speaker, and James Grenville, a younger brother of Lord Temple. The conduct of the Pirst Minister was in keeping with his character. To gain strength from the Duke of Bedford, he repelled the advances of the Marquis of Rockingham, and was in turn repelled by the Duke of Bedford. His haughty and contemptuous spirit seems now to have sought its chief vent in affronts to that section of his Ministry who had proved friendly to the Rockingham Cabinet. Increasing at- tacks of gout and the trials of infirmity aggravated the chronic waywardness of his temper. The patriotic effort of the Marquis of Rockingham to uphold Pitt's authority in the office from which his minions had expelled him, was repaid by repeated insults to the Rockinghams, who had remained in office in compliance with his express wishes, and with the generous consent of their late leader. Among these were General Conway and William Burhe. Mr. Massey, in his trustworthy history, says that "no man had been so ill used by Chatham as Lord Rockingham," and that he ^' personally marked his indignation at the treatment which he had experienced at the hands of Chatham." Horace Walpole, speaking of the conduct which the whole of the Rockingham connection received at the hands of the gouty despot, says that "the wound rankled so deep in Mr. Conway's bosom that he dropped all intercourse with Lord 22 THE STATE OF PAETIES. Chatham, and though he continued to conduct the King's business in the House of Commons, he would neither receive nor pay any deference to the Minister's orders." If it thus rankled in Mr. Conway's bosom, how much deeper must have been the resentment of the bosom friends of the ex-Minister, whose opening fortunes were crushed by the Premier. The remnant of the Eockinghams were now forced to resign. William Burke, stung to the quick by these injuries, and disgusted by the feeble inconsistency of Conway, resigned his office in February, 1767, sacrificing a post yielding him a salary of £1000 a year, which he could ill afford to sur- render. Mark the sequel I Two months after — on the 28th of April, 1767 — appeared the first known Letter of Junius (under the signature of Poplicola^') in the "Public Advertiser." In that Letter Chatham, though not named, is depicted in the character of a Eoman dictator^ — a distinguished citizen in whom the prudence of the state invested "power sufficient to preserve or to oppress his country," and who proves to be "a man purely and perfectly bad." His conduct, among * The Quarterly Review, vol. xc. p. 107, forcibly upholds, as does Lord Mahon, the authenticity of all the Letters, under whatever signa- tures, inserted by "Woodfall's Editor in the three volume edition, as being written by Junius. They are doubtless, as there declared, " indisputably genuine," and we agree with the Quarterly Reviewer, that in this faith should all inquiry be conducted. These early letters afford most valuable clues to the truth. Lord Mahon corroborates this view. He says the assertions of the Editors of 1812 will be found "borne out in a most remarkable degree by the letters from the archives at Stowe, in which the writer, who certainly was Junius, avows in explicit terms not only the authorship of the papers signed Atticm ami Lucius but also, as he says, of many more." THE STATE OF PARTIES. 23 other delinquencies, is characterized by a "prostrate humility in the closet, but a lordly dictation of terms to the people by whose interest he had been supported, and by whose fortunes he had subsisted."* ("Vol. iii. p. 456.) The wrongs of the Rockinghams are no less avenged than clearly sketched in these stinging charges : — " The principal nobility, who might disdain to submit to the upstart insolence of a dictator, must be removed from every post of honor and authority ; aU public employments must be filled with a despicable set of creatures, who, having neither experience nor capacity, nor any weight or respect in their own persons, will necessarily derive all their little busy importance from him." It will be most convenient now for the linking of the cir- cumstantial e\idence by which the case must be proved against "William Burke, to take consecutively the events of the day, the private letters of Edmund Burke, and his speeches and pamphlets, as an index to the policy of the Burkes : comparing them closely with the contemporary labors of Junius. I believe this has never been done : and hence the failure to discover Junius. The candid reader, especially if he be somewhat acquainted with the politics of the times, will probably have little diffi- culty to see the close keeping between the interests of the Rockingham party as aspirants to a restoration to office, and the personal interests of the Burkes, with the line taken by Junius throughout the entire course of his writings. • Chatham ceased to hold the Privy Seal in October, 1768. ^^^^^^^^^m VI. OYEETURES TO THE DUKE OE BEDFORD AND THE MAHaUIS OE EOCKINGHAM IN 1767.— LORD BUTE.— LORD CHATHAM.— CONWAY. OVERTURES had been made in the early part of 1767, first to the Duke of Bedford, to join and strengthen the new Government, to the exclusion of the Rockinghams, and these all failing, negotiations followed, through the mediation of Lord Lyttelton and others with Lord Rockingham for a union of his party and the Duke of Bedford with some section of the Chatham and Grafton Administration. It was however soon apparent that Lord Rockingham was offered merely a divided dynasty — and worse still — that his followers were not to be included in the first arrangements, but to fall in as opportunity occurred. Mr. Massey says, speaking of the autumnal events of 1767, that when Chatham's seclusion became certain, "the Duke of Grafton was obliged again to have recourse to the Whig connection ; and after an ineffectual attempt to accom- modate the several pretensions of the parties which respec- tively acknowledged the Duke of Bedford and the Marquis of Rockingham as their chiefs, the alliance of the latter was abandoned, and the three principal members of the Bedford faction — the Lords Gower, Weymouth, and Sandwich — OVEEITJKES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. 25 joined the Administration." Lord North succeeded Charles Townshend, and Lord Hillsborough was the new and third Secretary of the State to the Colonies, this being a new office. Before this, and about the time when Chatham's abortive negotiation with the Bedfords was afloat, Junius, under another signature, wrote his first authenticated Letter (on. April 28th, 1767,) to the ''Public Advertiser," denouncing Lord Chatham; with an evident design to destroy his Ministry and demolish his lingering prestige, and with it any power he might have retained to cold-shoulder the Rockingham party a second time. Lord Chatham is therein accused of treacherous designs in suspending the laws by proclamation : by which the writer doubtlessly refers not merely to the embargo on the exportation of corn in 1766, a justifiable measure, but to Lord Camden's audacity (whom he calls an apostate lawyer) in endeavouring as he did to maintain that this order on Council was not only justifiable but legal — a doctrine fraught with peril to constitutional liberty. Chatham is charged, under the allegory of a Roman Dictator, with insolence to the principal nobility and with filling all public employments (that which Mr. William Burke had just vacated among the rest) with "a set of despicable creatures," and with conduct tending to foment discord between the mother country and the Colonies, with dictation to the people, and prostrate humility in the closet," etc., etc. On the 24th of June following, Junius again attacks Chatham as " below contempt," and as the ''stalking horse" of Lord Bute, whom he charges with having " a natural itch for doing mischief," — the exact expression which Burke applies to the Duke of Newcastle in a letter to Lord Rockingham. Junius describes the Ministry as having " come together 26 OVERTURES TO THE DUKE OP BEDFORD AND OTHERS. by a sort of fortuitous concourse, and who have hitherto done nothing else but jumble and jostle one another, without being able to settle into any one regular or consistent figure :" just as Edmund Burke afterwards spoke of them as '*a piece of diversified mosaic,— a tesselated pavement without ce- ment, — here a bit of black stone, and there a bit of white,— patriots and courtiers, King's friends and republicans." The overtures made through Lord Lyttelton and others to the Marquis of Kockingham were unhesitatingly refused, and mainly on the ground that even if the difficulty could be overcome which habitually embarrassed every Cabinet of the times, viz. the sinister influence, supposed or real, of the Earl of Bute,* still Lord Eockingham would refuse to take * I do not accredit the vehement assertion of the day that Lord Bute exercised this paramount influence over the Sovereign, after he ceased to be First Minister in April, 1763. The belief that he retained the whole of his sway without its responsibilities made him indeed the bete noire of each successive Ministry, and, in so far, created much of the power they assailed. I believe that Grenville, during his reign, exercised far more actual influence than Bute during his whole life. It is certain, from Burke's own showing, that the Bute influence had lost some of its terrors even during the Ministerial anarchy which preceded the retire- ment of Chatham in 1768. The influence under which the King really acted in the earlier years of his reign was more probably that of his mother, than of her reputed paramour. I have, however, strong reason to believe that the King was as self-willed as he was prejudiced. Dr. Cookson, Canon of "Windsor, was private tutor to the young Princes, and had the means of a far more intimate knowledge of the personal character of the Sove- reign than most of his Ministers, and all his biographers. The King, as well as the Princes, honored Dr. Cookson with friendly intercourse long after his tutorship was over. He was my mother's uncle, and many of the days of my childhood were spent with him at his house, in the Castle. I derived a strong impression from the anecdotes my OVEETURES TO THE DXJKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. 27 office without his friends. The o£Fer, probably made to be refused, was no sooner rejected than the existing Adminis- tration, with Chatham nominally at its head, and Grafton mis-managing it during the Premier's utter neglect of his duties, very contentedly resolved to go on in their discordant weakness and dependence on the King. Burke shortly after writes thus to Lord Eockingham, of the negotiation and its failure : — " If we may judge from appearances, the consequences which have attended it are not very displeasing to your enemies. His Majesty never was in better spirits. He has got a Ministry weak and depend- ent : and what is better, willing to continue so. They all think they have very handsomely discharged any engagements of honor they might have had to your Lordship ; and, to say the truth, seem not very miserable at being rid of you. They are certainly determined to hold with the present garrison, and to make the best agreement they can amongst themselves ; for this purpose they are negotiating something with Charles Townshend." " Lord Bute is seldom a day out of town : I cannot find whether he confers directly and personally with the Ministry, but am told that he does." (Letter of August 1st, 1767.) In the letter of Edmund Burke to the Marquis of Buck- ingham, on the 1st of August, 1767, he says that he has had a conversation with Conway on the overtures made at that juncture to the Eockingham party, and adds, "I never knew father and mother related to me in after years, that the King was a man, not only of positive opinions, but of a self-exercised and thorough- ly independent judgment. Apropos to the subject of this essay, (though not to this characteristic) I remember that on one of the King's uncere- monious calls on my great uncle, on going into his library to receive him, he found the King had taken up a " Junius," lying open on the table. My uncle was in consternation : but the King quietly put it down, and without any comment, entered with unperturbed good nature, on the object of his visit. 28 OVEHTUKES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHEES. him tal k in a more alert, firm, or decided tone. There was not the slightest trace of his usual diffidence or hesitation." * * * ''I declare his conversation did more thoroughly justify your non-acceptance (of office) than anything I had heard either from yourself or others." Burke speaks of the 'indignation" it excited in his mind, and sums up the whole attempt as one calculated "to lower Lord Eockingham's character, and to disunite his party." This must have re- kindled the resentment of the Burkes against each of those who had deserted the Eockingham connection, and as regards "William Burke especially against Conway, his late chief. Their just expectations of a restoration to power, had been revived only to be disappointed. The rancorous acerbity, nevertheless, of the Miscellaneous Letters of Junius, at that time directed against every man who conduced to this treatment of the Eockinghams, is suffici- ently accounted for only on the ground that they were from the pen of one of the greatest sufferers by it. Such were the Burkes. On the 1 8th of the same month, Burke writing again to Lord Eockingham on the same subject, declares Conway to have recently joined the corps of the "King's Friends," and after attributing to him the " j ob " of giving Lord Pred. Camp- bell the Secretaryship to the Lord Lieutenant, Burke roundly declares that " Conway is gone fairly to the devil. Lord Fred. Campbell is Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant (Lord Towns- hend). This is Conway's job." And he had previously said, "They certainly are negotiating something with Charles TownshendP On the 25th of the same month Junius writes his short Letter (IV.), attacking ihi^Townshends, the Chancellor, and the treachery of the Duke of Grafton, and ends it with this sting as a climax : — " Is it for such a man that Conicag foregoes 0VERTT7EES TO THE DTJKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. 29 the connections of his youth, and the friends of his best and ripest judgment? — '0 Tempora mores P ^^ (Woodfall's Junius, ii. 470.) Let it be noted that "William Burke had a special grudge against Conway. He had been his right hand when under him at the Treasury ; he wrote official letters for him, and most ably, as I have ascertained by a careful research at the State Paper Office, and had a just right to expect one of those very appointments from which it is proved, by Edmund Burke's conversation with Conway, he would have been unjustly excluded, had the negotiations with LordEocking- ham succeeded. The men, moreover, who succeeded and supplanted him were Bradshaw and Scotchmen, since the names of David Hume and William Erazer occur among the official papers at "William Burke's retirement. JS'ow Junius, in another letter, sneers at the "natural obscurity of Scotch Clerks in the back ground," — all of whom were the marked targets of Junius' s venom, and to a degree of rancour un- accountable had Junius not been in a post and of a rank to have been personally incensed by them, as well as by Cabinet Ministers. This "William Burke was. It is a remarkable fact, that in Letter IV. Junius declares of Lord Townshend and his brother Charles, that he has served under the one, and has been forty times promised to be served by the other. William Burke retained his office of "Cnder Secretary in the Treasury after Charles Townshend came into office as Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and this therefore is literally true of him, and there can be no doubt that Lord Townshend had once intimacy enough with them to make a promise as much to his interest as the con- ciliation of the Burkes. That they had reason bitterly to dislike this '^ par nohile fratrum,^ as Junius terms them, is 30 OVERTTJBES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. manifest from the account given in the ''Grenville Corres- pondence," vol. iii. p. 236, of the insolent refusal of Charles to exchange his post at the Pay Office, in May, 1766, when he was urged by the Eockingham party to accept a higher office and aid them in Parliament — ''he meant to keep his place, they durst not take it from him if they could, and could not if they durst." Immediately after Charles Townshend's death (on Sep- tember 4th, 1767,) we find Edmund Burke denying in Parliament the assertion that he had conceived any plan for remedying the general distress, and prompt to discredit any merit imputed to him but that of talents. (See report of Burke's Speech, "Woodfall's Junius, ii. p. 501.) The flattering remonstrance of Junius with " Mr. Towns- hend," on his complaint that the public gratitude had not been answerable to his deserts, (Letter, October 5th, 1771,) refers to Burke's friend then living. A few days after the appearance of Letter IV., the Burkes and Bockinghams had an additional reason for damaging and repudiating Conway, and the whole of the Grafton Administration. This was made known to Edmund Burke by the Duke of I^ewcastle in a letter to him dated August 30th 1767, in which his Grace says — '' Mr. Bigby asked my Lord Albemarle, as from himself, whether the Marquis (of Rockingham) was clear of Mr. Conway, and all con- nection with the present Administration? " To which Lord Albemarle said, " that he hoped he was ; " and my Lord Albe- marle adds, in his letter to me, — " It will be very necessary to have that point thoroughly known before any steps can be taken towards a renewal of the negotiations with the Duke of Bedford and his friends." A fortnight scarcely elapses before Junius writes the bitterest Letter of the whole series : in OTERTXJRES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. 31 which he deals metaphorical invectives, after the exact fashion of Burke's similes, at the Duke of Grafton, Conway, Lord Camden, Lord Il^orthington, Lord I^orth, Lord Granby Sir Gilbert Elliot, and the whole fry of Scotch subs: a tolerably wholesale mode of adopting the Duke of Newcastle's hint to Edmund Eurke. The following morceau may serve as a specimen of the whole : — ''Your principal character, my Lord, is a young Duke,* mounted upon a lofty phaeton ; his head grows giddy ; his horses carry him violently down a precipice, and a bloody carcase, the fatal emblem of Britannia, lies mangled under his wheels. By the side of this furious charioteer, sits Caution, without foresight,! a motley thing, half military, scarcely civil. He, too, would guide, but, let who will drive, is determined to have a seat in the carriage." (Woodfall's Edition of Junius.) On August 1st, 1767, Edmund Burke writes to Lord Rockingham, that *' Lord Bute is seldom a day out of town : I cannot find" he adds, " whether he confers directly and personally with the Ministry lut am told he does." (Corres- pondence, i. 107.) On September 16th, Lord Bute having been previously, (in June) sketched and dismissed as a '' notorious coward, skulking under a petticoat," etc., who, '' without abilities, had a natural itch for doing mischief," (Woodfall's Junius, ii. 466,) is again brought on the tapis, and LordTowns- hend, the new Lord Lieutenant, is taunted with his "Mend- ship" for him : and in the labored satire of October 22nd, 1 767, ("Woodfall's Junius, ii. 482,) Junius represents the Duke of Grafton, Lords Northington, Camden, Shelbume, Townshend, * The Duke of Grafton, t Mr. Conway, Secretary of State for the Northern Department. 32 OVERTURES TO THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND OTHERS. and Mr. Conway, as expressing their abject allegiance to Lord Bute. Conway however left the Ministry on the acces- sion of the Bedfordites, on the 20th of January following, and from that time all abuse of him by Junius ceased ; and Edmund Burke tells Dr. Markham, as we have seen, that "William Burke was on friendly terms with him : and within four months of Conway's secession, Junius praises his ''firm- ness!" and in May, 1769, (Yol. iii. p. 204,) declares that he ''has mended his reputation," '^Sic tempora mutantur,'^ etc. The Bedfords having now joined the Ministerial camp, became, as we shall see, objects of attack and hatred con- jointly to Burke and Junius. To Lord Shelburne, the Burkes naturally entertained the strongest aversion. Junius describes him in Miscellaneous Letter Y., as " heir apparent of LoyoUa," and begs Lord Townshend, he, having a taste for sketching, to paint him " as Malagrida." In the lampoon in Letter YII., he is again described as the best qualified devil to draw up the in- structions to Lord Townshend, on his appointment to the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. Edmund Burke's hatred of this Lord, and belief in his mischievous enmity to the Lord Eockingham, is sufficiently evinced in his letter to that nobleman, in which he says, on July 18th, 1768, " Lord Shelburne still continues in adminis- tration, though as adverse and as much disliked as ever." (Correspondence, vol. i. p. 159.) VII. GEORGE GRENVILLE.— THE BURKES AKD JUMUS. -HIS PRIVATE LETTERS TO GRENVILLE. ^HE attachment of Junius to George Grenville, and Edmund Burke's dislike of him, have been often cited as a proof of Burke's innocence of the author- ship of Junius. I deny neither of these premises : nor is it in the least requisite to my case that I should. Intimate as was the liaison between Edmund and "William, it is neither necessary nor natural that their every sympathy and feeling should be in common.* It happens, however, that the disclosure by Lord Eitz- william, of Burke's private correspondence, affords incon- testible proof how completely in unison was the policy adopted by Burke with the Letters of Junius. * Whatever might have been Edmund Burke's personal dislike to George Grenville, nothing can be plainer than that it was to the in- terest of the Rockingham party to uphold him the moment after the failure of the Graftonites to unite him to them, and their success with the Bedford party. This double event took place in November and December, 1767. On the 18th of December, as Horace Walpole informs us, the people most hateful to the Biirkes, including Lords Weymouth, Sandwich, and Rigby, (who, as if to acclimatize their wrath, was made Vice Treasurer of Ireland), were included in the Ministry. D 34 GEORGE GRENVILLE AND OTHEHS. The ^'Grenville Correspondence" contains three letters which it so happened that I did not read until I had formed my opinion from a consideration of the whole of "William Burke's course, alike as Junius and in his personal relations. I think the reader will find in these three letters, as I did, a striking corroboration of my view of the peculiar j unction of self-seeking and real patriotism which characterizes Wil- liam Burke. In the autumn of 1767, when the negotiations were afloat to include Grenville, his own inclination to be included be- came manifest, and Walpole states that ''he (Grenville) and Lord Temple (his brother) attempted a private negotiation with Lord Hertford by the means of Calcraft and General "Walsh;" — that "Lord Hertford readily consented to court the Grenvilles, "^ * * * while Grenville was preparing to soften the Court by affected moderation," etc., Now this Cal- craft was an informant of Edmund Burke, who says in one of his letters — " Calcraft gave me the enclosed names," etc. Though this negotiation, as we have seen, proved abortive, yet it amply sufficed to show "\V''illiam Burke the chances of Gren- ville' s reaccession. Just on the eve of the dissolution of Parliament, in the next year, and when the disruption of the tottering Cabinet might be looked for, Junius writes as follows, privately to George Grenville :— " Sir, " London, February 6th, 1768. "The observations contained in the enclosed paper are thrown together and sent to you upon a supposition that the Tax therein referred to will make part of the budget. If Lord North should have fallen upon any other scheme, they will be useless. But if the case happens, and they shall appear to have any weight, the author is satisfied, that no man in this country can make so able a use of them, or place them in so advantageous a Hght as Mr. GrenviUe. GEOEGE GEENVILLE AND OTHEBS. 35 " It is not, Sir, either necessary or proper to make myself known to you at present. Hereafter I may perhaps, claim that honor. In the mean time he assured that it is a voluntary disinterested attachment to your person founded on an esteem for your spirit and understanding, which has, and wiU for ever engage me in your cause. A number of late publications (falsely attributed to men of far greater talent) may convince you of my zeal, if not of my capacity to serve you. " The only condition, which I presume to make with you, is that you will not only not show these papers to anybody, but that you will never mention your having received them. "C." "The enclosed paper" was an able expose to Grenville not only of a project of the Government to tax all goods sold by auction, but of the most valid objections to it, which were extremely well put. Its object seems to have been to show Grenville how useful Junius could be to him as an Under Secretary. This is a complete offer of himself to Grenville. It may- seem, that if this were done by William Burke, it was incon- sistent with his attachment to his relative. Certainly not. We know that precisely a similar course was adopted by WiUiam Burke, with Edmund Burke's complete assent, when the former remained in office in 1766, under Conway, and the Chathamites, who had at that very time behaved worse to Lord Kockingham and Burke, than ever George Grenville had done in all the encounters he had with his old, but always open and manly antagonist. There was nothing degrading to WiUiam Burke, therefore, in a wish to serve under George Grenville. It was natural, and his obvious interest. Moreover Edmund Burke had previously been at pains to express himself confidingly and handsomely of George Grenville, for in the ''Grenville Correspondence," (vol. iv. p. 311, July 12th, 1768,) Mr. Whately says in a letter to Mr. Grenville : — 36 GEORGE GEEKYILLE AND OTHEES. " "Wedderburn has had a long conversation with Mr. Burke, whose language with respect to you, he observed, was very different from any he had ever heard from that quarter. Mr. Burke took notice that the language which he heard you held, was that of a very wise man : the particular topic to which he alluded was, that no Minister could be safe, or be active, who was not sure of the King, and of the persons with whom he was connected, which he had been told had been a prin- ciple you had much insisted on lately : he added, that you were certainly a most excellent party man ; that your behaviour to the Bed- fords had proved you might be relied on ; that you would not desert those who would abide by you, and were steady to all your purposes : that it was pleasant to be connected with such a man, and the party would act with confidence who acted under him." We shall presently see that in a conversation between "William Burke and Dr. Hay, in July 1768, George Gren- ville, — who had already refused to join the patchwork Cabinet of the preceding winter, which included the Bedford tail, to the exclusion of the Eockingham party,— was mentioned by the latter to William Burke, '' as a very proper matter of consideration for admission into a new Whig Ministry, (which should include the Eockingham party ;) but he did not insist overmuch on that point." William Burke there- fore knew that George Grenville would probably form an important actor in the combination alone likely to restore his cousin and himself to power, and immediately afterwards appeared two Letters of Junius, vindicating his high claims to the confidence of the country, and containing in this perora- tion a direct allusion to his fitness for a high post: — "It is impossible to conceal from ourselves, that we are at this moment on the brink of a dreadful precipice ; the question is, whether we shall still submit to be guided by the hand which hath driven us to it, or whether we shall follow the patriot voice,* which has not ceased to warn us of our dangers, and which would still declare the way to safety and honor." (Woodfall's Junius, iii. p. 79.) * George Grenville' s. • GEORGE GRENVILLE AND OTHERS. 37 On the 3rd of September, 1768, Mr. Grenville received another Letter from Junius, in which he says : — " It may not be improper you should know that the public is entirely mistaken with respect to the author of some late publications in the newspapers. Be assured that he is a man quite unknown and unconnected. He has attached himself to your cause and to you alone, upon motives, which, if he were of consequence enough to give weight to his judgment, would be thought as honorable to you, as they are truly satisfactory to himself. At a proper time he will solicit the honor of being known to you : he has present important reasons for wishing to be concealed. " Some late papers in which the cause of this country, and the defence of your character and measures have been thought not ill main- tained ; — others signed 'Lucius,' and one or two upon a new commis- sion of trade, with a multitude of others, came from this hand. They have been taken notice of by fhe public. " May I plead it as a merit with you. Sir, that no motives of vanity should ever discover the author of this letter. If an earnest wish to serve you gives me any claim, let me entreat you not to suifer a hint of this commiinieation to escape you to anybody. In the interval after the first Letter, the turn of affairs and the growing misgovernment of the Ministry, especially as to the Middlesex election, had confirmed Grenville more and more strongly in opposition. It had, as we have seen, assimilated his policy to that of the Burkes, and must have tended to confirm "William Burke in his desire to make good his hold on Grenville. Lord Chatham's retirement was imminent, and a re-forma- tion of the Ministry with it. On the 12th of October, Chatham tendered his resignation through the Duke of Grafton. On the 20th of October, Junius writes another Letter to George Grenville, from which the following are extracts : — " The town is curious to know the author (of the Miscellaneous Letters.) Everybody guesses, some are quite certain, and all are mis- 38 GEOEGE GRENVILLE AND OTHERS. taken. Some, who bear your character, give it to the Rockinghams ; (a policy I do not understand ;) and Mr. Bourke denies it, as he would a fact, which he wished to have believed." " It may be proper to assure you that no man living knows, or even suspects the author. I ha/ve no connection with any party, except a voluntary attachment to your cause and person. It began with amuse- ment, grew into habit, was confirmed by a closer attention to your principles and conduct, and is now heated into passion. The Grand Coimcil was mine, and I may say, with truth, almost everything that, for two years past, has attracted the attention of the public. * * * For want of hints, etc. I fear I frequently mistake your views, as well as the true point whereon you would choose to rest the questions, in which your name is concerned. * * TJntil you are Minister, I must not permit myself to thinJc of the honor of being Jcnown to you. When that happens, you wiU not find me a needy or a troublesome dependent." The conclusion from all this is, that William Eurke, fearful that the Rockingham party might not regain office, and thinking Grenville more likely to come in without them, or possibly with them, was desirous to have two strings to his how, and secure himself the favor of so likely a statesman, having established a claim and a reputation as Junius, when- ever it should suit his purpose to disclose his identity to the new Minister. Grenville' s death, in 1770, frustrated his purpose. "William Burke and others had, before the summer of the following year, so eifectually appeased the schism between Edmund and George Grenville, that, as we have seen, in September the former writes to Lord Rockingham, while at Billesden, Lord Yemey's seat, that " Lord Temple and Mr. GrenviUe seem prodigiously desirous of my paying them a visit ;" and the visit was paid by Edmund together with WiUiam Burke. The publication of the pamphlet by GrenviUe, and the famous answer by Burke, on the '* State of the T^ation," do GEORGE GRENVILLE AND OTHEES. 39 not appear to have increased their severance. Each was published anonymously. Horace Walpole thus sketches the manoeuvres of the time, (November, 1 768,) and strongly shows how much reason "Wil- liam Burke had for viewing Grenville as the coming man: — " An opposition so distracted and disunited, called for recruits — at least, for something that might sound creditable in the ears of the pubHc, and keep up a spirit. Calcraffc, who had the best head for in- trigue in the whole party, contrived a reconciliation between Lord Temple and Lord Chatham, as a prelude to the re-appearance of the latter ; and Lady Chatham was made to say, that her Lord had got an efficacious fit of the gout, which was to imply that his head was quite clear. Still this coalition in that family had no other effect than to alarm the Bedfords, who, concluding, according to a prevailing notion at that time, that nothing could withstand the union of the three brothers, and forgetting how lately they had deserted Grenville, or rather, remembering it with fear, thought the best method of securing themselves was to add another treachery, and betray the Duke of Grafton. On this they determiaed in a meeting at Rigby's, and sent to offer themselves to GrenviUe ; and were, as they deserved, rejected. Calcraft's next step was to try through me to connect Mr. Conway with the Grenvilles." (Walpole's Memoirs, iii. pp. 274-5.) Junius (or rather "William Burke, as I think I am entitled to call him,) unbiassed by the prejudice which the frequent tilts of Edmund Burke with Grenville caused, had formed a far juster appreciation than Edmund of his character, thus eloquently sketched in Junius' s Letter, of December 15th, 1768 — a natural sequel to the private ones. " Your weight and authority in Parliament are acknowledged by the submission of your opponents. Your credit with the pubHc is equally extensive and secure, because it is founded on a system of conduct wisely adopted and firmly maintained. You have invariably adhered to one cause, one language, and when your friends deserted that cause, they deserted you. They who dispute the rectitude of your opinions, admit that your conduct has been uniform, manly, and consistent." 40 GEORGE GRENVILLE AND OTHEES. Subsequently to this period, I fail to find any open expres- sion of Edmund Burke's animosity to George Grrenville ; but in the following May, Lord Charlemont, an Irish nobleman, who had Burke's confidence, and avows the same prejudice, writes to him after the famous dinner held at the Thatched Tavern, to celebrate the defeat of the large minority of May 8th, 1769, on the affair of Wilkes and the Middlesex election, and also ''for the purpose," ae Lord Pitzwilliam tells us, " of promoting union between the several parties then in opposition to government." Lord Charlemont writes to Burke, " The society was increased by the hero of the 'Observations,' (Grrenville' s pamphlet.) I do, however, believe that this accession is in one sense of the highest importance y On the 2nd of July, 1769, Edmund Burke, in a letter to Lord Eockingham, not only discloses the reason why he himself, at that very time (in accordance with the cue he had received from Lord Charlemont) was endeavouring to parade a friendship for Grrenville, whom it was daily be- coming more likely to attach to the Eockingham party, — but in it he also suggests the very course which Junius had tahen in 1768, and frequently afterwa/rds tooh of paying compliments to Grenville with that design. After referring to the then vexed question of " General "Warrants," Burke writes thus : — " Your Lordship sees that it will require some delicacy to keep up that very right idea of your Lordship's, ' that they should recollect to what party they are obliged for that determination, without seeming to put a studied affront on George Grenville, with whom an appearance of tmion at this time, and on this measure, may be very necessary." (Letter dated July 2nd, 1769. Correspondence, i. 171.) A week afterwards, Burke writes again to the Marquis of Eockingham, as follows : — GEORGE QEENVILLE AND OTHERS. 41 " The plan of the Court, coinciding sufficiently with his dispositions, (Lord Chatham's,) but totally adverse to your principles and wishes, would be to keep the gross of the present Ministry as the body of the place, and to buttress it up with the Grenvilles and the Shelburne people." Let us now turn to Junius. Mark the dates ! On the 8th July, 1769, six days after the advice by Burke to Lord Eockingham to keep up an appearance of friendship with Grenville, Junius writes as follows : — " Lord Chatham, Mr. Grenville, and Lord Eockingham, have suc- cessively had the honor to be dismissed for preferring their duty, as servants of the public, to those compUances which were expected from their station. ******* Lord Bute foimd no resource of dependence or security in the proud, imposing superiority of Lord Chatham's abilities, the shrewdy inflexible judgment of Mr. Grenville, nor in the mild, but determined integrity of Lord Eockingham." ("Woodfall's Junius, vol. i. 506-7.) In September, Eurke moreover discovered that Grenville, though he had " originally entertained doubts " about Burke's pet scheme of petitions respecting rights of election, was then entirely in favour of a petition to the Crown, etc. " I confess myself," adds Burke, '' entirely of the same opinion." Grenville, though he opposed "Wilkes, equally combated the unconstitutional outrage by which the House of Com- mons excluded him. Grenville' s character indeed faUy justified the praise Junius bestowed on him. He was a stranger to Junius, as he teUs us, and he was also personally unacquainted with William Burke : who had, nevertheless, rightly understood him. Without genius, and deficient in rhetorical power, he was respectable in every relation of statesmanship. A severe and consistent economist, thoroughly versed in the business of Parliament, equally devoid of cor- ruption and courtesy, he vindicated the innate power of principle, and enforced respect in times little accustomed to 42 GEORGE GRENVILLE AND OTHERS. give ascendancy to virtue. His chief fault was his utter disregard of the urbanities due to the King. He had, doubt- less, no easy course to steer, but his conduct was unjustifiable to his Sovereign, even according to his own account of it. I fear that this blemish in his career nowise lessened his merits in the eyes of the Burkes. Junius' s mention of Bourke's* denial of the authorship happened to be the exact truth, as Dr. Markham's and Townshend's letters show, — and "William had a very good right to refer to it, if he wished to persuade Grenville, as te must have done, that he was not Grenville' s opponent, as Edmund had been. It is worthy of note that Junius, in these three Letters to Grenville, presents himself as a man less eminent than those to whom the authorship of the letters had been then assigned : and such was the case with William Burke. It was equally true that he was connected with no party : he had, in efiect, ceased to be so from the time he held office under a Ministry hostile to Lord Eockingham ; and yet he wrote in support of the Eockingham interest. JN'o other man was in a similar position. William Burke, having then made money in the funds, was, as he says, in independent circumstances. If it be true, as it doubtless was, that Junius had "writ- ten almost everything which had attracted attention for two years past," then there could have been no other letters attacking Lord Hillsborough, in the same year, and just before this time, but his own ; for they attracted so much attention, that on that ground they were singled out for mention by Walpole, who affirms that they were written byWilliam Burke : a statement to which I shall again refer in Chapter IX. * It was often so spelled, though not by Edmund Burke. VIII. LORD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BUEKES. S the Earl of Chatham was the great political feature of his times, and since the conduct of Junius towards him was strange, be Junius who he may, and inex- plicable unless he were a Burke, I must give a separate chapter to the relation between them. It may be thought that in two or three of his early Miscellaneous Letters already cited from "Woodfall's edition, Junius deals too harshly with Lord Chatham. Like Burke, he had however at that time changed his opinion of him. ''I cannot admit " he writes to the '' Public Advertiser," on May 28th, 1767, ''I cannot admit that because Mr. Pitt was respected and honored a few years ago, the Earl of Chatham, therefore, deserves to be so now." Chatham's conduct had richly deserved the opprobrium which Junius cast upon it. When every motive of patriot- ism and affinity of principle manifestly demanded of him a generous support of the Eockingham party, he repelled them for no other assignable cause than his own craving ambition to rule alone. Soon after he had assumed the Pre- miership, he left his turbulent and anomalous Ministry for whole months in a state of anarchy disastrous to the interests of the country — shutting himself up at Bath, denying access to them, amd withholding even the expression of his wishes. 44 LORD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BIJEKES. Ill health was no plea for conduct so outrageous. The retention of power which he was utterly incapable of wielding, con- demns him. Lord Macaulay himself very powerfully confirms the justice of censuring Chatham, even in the essay devoted to his praise ; and shows the deep cause which Burke and the Eockinghams had to act the part of censors with unsparing severity. — " He had deeply injured them, and in injuring them, had deeply injured his country. When the balance was trembling between them and the Court, he had thrown the whole weight of his genius, of his renown, and of his popularity, into the scale of misgovernment." To Burke, Lord Macaulay proceeds to attribute a prominent share of the resentment of his party. — "It must be added that many eminent members of the party still retained a bitter recollection of the asperity and disdain with which they had been treated by him at the time when he assumed the direction of affairs. It is clear from Burke's pamphlets and speeches, and still more clear from his private letters and from the language which he held in conversation, that he regarded Chatham with a feeling not far removed from dis- like." Mr. Macknight goes far further and says — "It is not wonderful that when Burke saw the blessed work of recon- ciliation and justice which Lord Eockingham and himself had striven to perfect altogether destroyed by the folly, in- competence, and instability of the men whom Chatham had introduced into the Administration, that this burning sense of injury should have grown fiercer and fiercer within him, as he was compelled to suppress its outward manifesta- tion:' (Vol. i. p. 244.) Thus were Junius and the Burkes possessed of similar feelings towards Chatham, nor does the fraternity between them end LOED CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BUKKES. 45 here. It finds utterance in terms strikingly expressive of the same antipathies, on the same grounds, and at the same times. It is not tin Lord Chatham had long surrendered office, (on July 8th, 1769,) that Junius vouchsafes to do open homage even to the superiority of his abilities : nor is it till two years later, (August 13th, 1771,) that the praises of Chatham are extorted from him. We shall see presently under what sig- nificant conjuncture of circumstances. The most difficult task for those who would defend the consistency of Junius is one which seems never to have oc- curred to any of them. It is to reconcile his Private Letter, of January 2nd, 1768 to Lord Chatham, with all the well merited censure, written only a few months before, and con- tinued in a Letter (No. XI.) into the previous month of December. Por though the probable retirement of Lord Chatham from his office might abate the wrath, and silence the attacks, of the great unknown, it certainly could not alter his estimate of the character he had been at pains to blacken, or reconcile it with the following exordium in this singular Private Letter : — " My Lord — If I were to give way to the sentiments of respect which I have always entertained for your character, or to the warmth of my attachment to your person, I should write a longer letter than your Lordship would have time or inclination to read." The Letter then proceeds to tell his Lordship, — what he probably knew full well long before Junius, — the trickeries of the Chancellor, the ingratitude of Northington, the puerility of Conway, and the manoeuvring of the Duke of Grafton and the Bedfords, — te, Bute, Consule ! The object was palpably to confirm, and to ripen the disgust of Chatham with his colleagues into a rupture with them : and thus to bar their next advances, and open the way 46 LOKD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BUEKES. for afterwards securing his adhesion to a purer Government. The end was good, but the means were indefensibly disin- genuous : for Junius could not have felt the esteem he ex- pressed. My belief is, that he never intended Chatham or the world to know the identity of the authorship of the Mis- cellaneous Letters, under other signatures, with the far more studied compositions of Junius. He took a pride in the reputation of that great name, and it is noteworthy that his first use of it was in this Private Letter to Lord Chatham : and it is not inconsistent with the subsequent mention of Lord Chatham by Junius under that signature. It will be shown what good cause the Burkes had to change their tone towards him. In his first Miscellaneous Letter, Junius merely exhibits his consistent love of the constitution by charging Lord Chatham with the principle implied in his outrageous speech during the Rockingham Ministry, on the general right of the Colonists to resist taxation by the mother country, when advocating the repeal of the Stamp Duty which George Grenville had recklessly imposed on the Americans : — ^^ I re- joice, said he, that America has resisted.''^ Seeing that the absolute right of Great Britain to make laws to bind the Colonies and people of America " in all cases whatsoever " was then part of the statute law of the realm, (6 Geo. III. c. xii. s. 1.) and that the resistance of the Americans which Chatham extolled was an act of rebellion, he fully deserved impeachment for his conduct. I^o constitutional lawyer has since upheld his doctrine, and Junius nowise oversteps the limits of just censure in imputing to him a readiness "to declare himself the patron of sedition, and a zealous advo- cate for rebellion." Junius having attacked Lord Chatham, directly or indi- rectly, up to three days before his retirement from office, LORD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BURKES. 47 then writes on the 19th of October, 1768, that of '* the Earl of Chatham he had much to say, hut it were inhuman to persecute, when Providence has marked out the example to mankind." Chatham retired despite the vehement remonstrance of the King. " What was done thenceforward, he was," (as Lord Mahon says,) '' so far from directing, that he scarcely knew ; he had fallen as a dead body falls, blind, unheed- ing, unstirred:"* but not without a dying kick at his quondam friends, — for he wrote to the Duke of Grafton, cen- suring in significant terms his breach with Shelbume and the dismissal of Amherst. After the year 1768, Junius ceased to abuse him. After eight months more of gout and seclusion, Chatham reappears again at Court in July, 1769; and, says Mr. Massey: — " After the levee he had an audience of the King, by whom lie was received with the most marked expressions of regard and favor. But His Majesty had little encouragement, from this interview, to hope that his system of government would receive the sanction or support of his great subject. Chatham spoke of the measures which had been adopted, especially of the proceedings against "Wilkes, with disapprobation, and plainly intimated his purpose of opposing the Government." In the same month Junius first begins publicly to speak well of Lord Chatham, praising him for preferring his duty to compliances expected from his position, and complimenting, as we have seen, the proud, imposing superiority of his abilities. Lord Chatham acted in full accordance with the intention he had expressed to the King. He cold shouldered the Duke of Grafton, he foregathered with the GrenviUes, and journeyed with his whole family to Stowe ** in a Jim whiskey drawn by * Chatham Correspondence, vol. iii. p. 343. 48 LOED CHATHAM, JTINIUSj AND THE BUKKES. two horses, one before the other,*' which he drove himself," (as Burke tells us at the end of the same July) ^'his train of two coaches and six, with twenty servants male and female," accompanying him. He reappears in Parliament in the following January; he censures the Address; inveighs against the seating of Luttrell in the 'place of Wilkes; sup- ports the faltering onslaught of Lord Eockingham upon the Duke of Grrafton, on the 22nd of January, touching the Public Discontents ; advocates an enlargement of the County Re- presentation, — and in short, by his repeated attacks upon the ill-fated Duke of Grafton, drives him to resign. ''Thus," as Lord Mahon justly remarks, " no sooner had Lord Chatham emerged from his retirement and raised his voice against the Ministry than the Ministry crumbled to pieces." He thus consummated the exact object which Junius had so long labored to achieve. The Rockinghams were however as far from office as ever : and the antagonism of the Burkes con- tinues against Lord l!^orth and his colleagues. The busy enmity of Chatham to the "powers that be" did not terminate with the downfall of their great enemy. ''He brought forward several uncompromising motions against the Government," as Lord Mahon tells us. JS'ext Session he assailed them for their cowardice in the affair of Port Egmont and the conduct of Spain. JS'o speeches were more vehement than his, and he again attacked the Government in the matter of the contest between the two Houses and with the City of London in 1771. Up to this time, though Lord Chatham had thus furthered the aims of Junius, not a syllable of praise had escaped him in his published Letters, except the few curt acknowledg- * Is this the grandfather of tandems ? LOUD niATnAM, JUNIUS, AND TUE BURKES. 49 mcnts of his superior abilities in July, 1769. Why was this? If Francis were Junius, what conceivable motive could have induced him to withold jDraise of his own early benefactor, now powerfully abetting his political antipathies and furthering his personal aims f But how if Junius were a man tied to the fortunes of Edmund Burke, and bound no less by affection than interest jurare in verba magistri? Let us turn to the private expressions of Edmund Burke's feelings to Lord Chatham during this same eventful period, and follow the phases of its change from hatred to tolerance, from tole- rance to esteem. On July 9th, 1769, Burke depicts him "as talking some significant pompous creeping explanatory ambiguous matter in the true Chathamic style " to the King. In the following October he finds that Lord Chatham has spoken "in the highest terms " of Burke's friend, Admiral Keppel. But his opinions towards the Rockinghams were "reserved." (Cor- respondence, vol. i. p. 195.) Twenty days later Burke says, " perhaps it might be as well not to suggest anything of our dislike of that person (the Earl) to any one of the sacred band." (p. 204.) Then follows Burke's famous description of him as "hovering in air over all parties, to souse down where the prey may prove the best." (p. 206.) In the November following, Burke tells Lord Rockingham that Chatham was represented to him by Lord Temple as "violent" against the Ministry; " determined to come out on the first day of the Session;" that the Eockinghams and other great "Whig families ought to take the lead in such (a new) Adminis- tration, etc. (p. 215.) Afterwards he says, " I saw Keppel, who has received a much more direct message from Lord Chatham than the former, * * containing a strong declaration of his resolution never to act, but with 50 LOEB CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BUEKES. your Lordship and your system, with many liigh praises of both." (p. 21 7.) A little later we find that he " by no means thinks that Chatham goes so entirely with the Grcnvillcs as they think, or that he will make himself so subservient to their aggrandisement as they could wish." (p. 219.) This is in perfect keeping with the reticence of Junius, then and from the preceding July, respecting Chatham. Edmund Burke, with waning prejudice, still distrusted him. It is not until August 15th, 1770, that Edmund Burke commits himself to any unqualified praise of Chatham, and then to his friend Shackelton he writes — ^^^'Lord C. behaved handsomely in rejecting the idea of a triennial Parliament which the jury of London, at the instigation of the '' Bill of Rights " men, thought proper to fasten upon him in order to slur us." (p. 230.) In the following month, Burke writes to Lord Rockingham that Chatham ^'agrees with oti^r idea of taking up two points of the rights of election, and the bring- ing evil councillors to justice." (p. 241.) Such being the change of Burke's political feeling towards Chatham, it is not surprising that he should, though prompted by policy per- haps more than affection, have complimented him in the House in 1771, as ''a great man, who, though not a member of the Cabinet, seems to hold the key of it," etc. On August 13th, in the same year, Junius, hitherto silent regarding Lord Chatham, pronounces this celebrated panegy- ric — which, as long as our language lives, will be admired for its classical grandeur : — " It is not in the little censure of Mr. Home to deter me from doing signal justice to a man, who, I confess, has grown upon my esteem. As for the common, sordid views of avarice, or any purpose of vulgar ambition, I question whether the applause of Junius would be of ser- vice to Lord Chatham. My vote will hardly recommend him to an LOItD CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BURKES. 51 increase of his pension, or to a seat in the Cabinet. But if his ambition be upon a level with his understanding ; — if he judges of what is truly- honorable for himself, with the same superior genius, which animates and directs him, to eloquence in debate, to wisdom in decision — even the pen of Junius shall contribute to reward him. Eecorded honors shaU gather roimd his monument, and thicken over him. It is a solid fabric, and will support the laurels that adorn it. — I am not conversant in the language of panegyric. — These praises are extorted from me ; but they will wear well, for they have been dearly earned." Junius continued his praise of Lord Chatham in 1771 pub- licly, and also privately to "Wilkes. Thus, just in proportion as Lord Chatham's conduct became serviceable to the Burkes, and as Edmund Eurke's old enmity passed away, did Junius relent towards him and praise him. I have enlarged on the relation of Junius to Chatham, because the necessity (in 1 767) under which the Eockinghams and Burkes felt to damage him, as the past foe and present obstacle to their power, called Junius forth : his first known Letter having been written exclusively to assail Lord Chatham. In those days, when Burke's grand intellect and vast capa- cities gave him a moral ascendancy which has dignified his name, there was no man living who could have appeared to him either so gifted, or so empowered, as to present a for- midable barrier to the success of his political ambition — • excej^t Chatham, who had contrived among statesmen, Ai£v apiareveiy, ical virtipoxov t^fxevai aWiov. He captivated the people, he awed the senate, and he spell- bound the King. No one indeed who reads the history of those days can doubt that had he, at any hour while Junius was attacking him, or during many months previously, thrown his own weight into the scale of the high principles and respectability of the Rockingham party,— instead of support- ing a motley group devoid of either, — the Marquis of Rock- 52 LOED CHATHAM, JUNIUS, AND THE BUEKES. ingham must have been the alternative of the King, and Burke have led the Commons.^'' He and his cousin therefore had very good reason to wrestle with this giant foe, while he was such; and to defer a return to amity and alliance until Chatham had fully proved the earnestness of his subsequent co-operation with their policy and interests. * An anecdote related by Lord Mahon shows that this was Burke's high, but perfectly justifiable ambition. A Committee of the Privy Council was summoned : — "The public expectation was eager, and the Council Chamber thronged. Among others struggling, -for the most part vainly, for admittance, was Dr. Priestley, who has left us a hvely description of the scene. 'We shall never get through,' cried he to Mr. Burke. Mr. Burke said, ' Give me your arm,' and locking it fast in his, he soon made his way to the door of the Privy CouncU. I then said ' Mr. Burke, you are an excellent leader.' He replied, ' I wish other persons thought so too.' " (Lord Mahon, vol. v. p. 326.) IX. ilTTACKS OF JVmVS ON LORD HILLSBOEOUGH. WALPOLE'S TESTIMONY THAT WILLIAM BTJRKE WAS THE ASSAILER. ^HILST the reasons I have named rendered it the policy of the Burkes to attack and weaken the Government in 1768, an occasion for doing so was offered by the treatment of Sir Jeffery Amherst. The gravamen of his grievance was, that Lord Hillsborough having asked him — in consequence of the dissatisfaction of the Yirginians at his holding the sine- cure post of their Governor whilst non-resident in "Virginia, — to resign his post, before his answer was given. Lord Boute- tort (a courtier) was appointed in his stead. Conflicting statements are given of the facts of this case. Mr. Massey, for instance, holds that Amherst gave frivolous reasons for resisting the wishes of the Government, that a full equiva- lent by way of pension was offered him, and that he com- plained only as a means of making terms with the Government. Lord Mahon, agreeing rather with Lord Chatham and Junius, and citing the charges of the latter, inclines to think that Amherst " might be justly offended at a point of form," and that the case was not that Virginia wanted a Governor, but that a Court favorite wanted a salary. It may so have been, and there is no ground for doubting that Junius thought so; 54 ATTACKS OF JUNIUS ON LORD HILLSBOROUGH. inasmuch as the Ministry were not reputed for redressing abuses without some very clear view to their own interest. Junius accordingly devoted about a dozen Letters, from August to October, some personally addressed to the Earl of Hills- borough, the new Secretary of State for America; and all of them making Lord Hillsborough's treatment of Amherst the chief point of the strictures launched at himself and his colleagues. I need not dwell on these Letters : they are one and all in perfect uniformity with the design of Junius and the conduct of Burke on this point, from first to last."^' But it happens that those attacking Lord Hillsborough are the subject of direct evidence that William Burke was Junius. Horace "Walpole, in his '' Memoirs of the Reign," says that * The proofs that Junius was aiming at the restoration of the Rockinghams, backed by Grenville, are constantly peeping out, "We find him in one of his Letters in 1778 saying, " If you will now permit me to offer my opinion of the great persons, under whose Administration we are reduced to this deplorable state, the public will be enabled to judge whether these are the men most likely to relieve us from it." (Wood- fall's Junius, iii. p. 166.) To George Grenville he addresses this aphorism ; — " Folly cannot long take the pas of wisdom, and ignorance sooner or later must sub- mit to experience." To Lord Hillsborough he says, with equal justice ; and with still more direct allusion to the goal of his efforts : — " You have sent Sir Jeffery Amherst to the plough. You have left him poor in every article of which a false fawning Minister could deprive him ;— biit yoxi have left him rich in the esteem, the love, and veneration of his country. You cannot now recall him by any offer of wealth or honors. Yet I foretell that a time will come, when you yourself will be the cause of his return. Proceed my Lord, as you have begun, and you will soon reduce this country to an extremity, in which the wisest and best subjects must be called upon, and must be employed. Till then enjoy your triumph," (Woodfall's Junius, vol, iii. p. 155.) ATTACKS OF JUNIUS ON LORD niLLSBOROUGH. 55 ** Sir Jeifery's intrinsic merit, the removal of him in favor of a Court tool, and his scorn of the pension, immediately pre- sented him as a beloved victim to the opposition." "Lord Hillsborough, in particular, was acrimoniously pursued by the younger Burhe in many publications." ("History of theEeign of George III.," vol. iii. 240.) This Mr. Macknight cites, but particularizes the fact more strongly thus : — "During the autumn, (1768,) "William Burke strongly attacked Lord Hillsborough in the Newspapers for his incapacity and ser- vility." (Yol. i. p. 302.) The periods named therefore correspond. I find that these were the only Letters of note attacking Lord Hillsborough at the time. JSTor indeed is it probable that Walpole would have noticed any but the most prominent and effective Letters, even supposing there were others, omitting mention of these most powerful ones, which called forth several answers from the friends of Lord Hillsborough. I have already shown that these Letters were the Letters of Junius, — by the undoubted evidence of Woodfall's Editor, corroborated by the recent researches among the Grenville Papers. If, therefore, "Walpole's unqualified assertion, to- gether with Mr. Macknight' s, be not a fiction, the case is proved that William Burke was Junius. X. THE "NULLUM TEMPUS" ACT. )N 1767, the Government committed an historical outrage on the rights of property, in the spoliation, as Mr. Massey justly terms it, of the Duke of Portland's estate in the manor of Penrith, and for an electioneering purpose. The estate was large, and gave the possessor great elec- tioneering influence. The Duke of Portland was a Whig, and a grant of it was passed to Sir James Lowther, the Earl of Bute's son-in-law, on the strength of the old exploded maxim of Nullum tempus occurrit regi, for this manor had once been Crown property. This gross act became public early in the folloTsdng year, and, as Mr. Macknight observes, *' alarmed all the aristo- cracy, and particula/i^ly offended Burke and the Eockingham party." (Vol. i. p. 289.) The reason why it especially offended the v Burkes is further explained in this note by Lord Fitzwilliam, in the "Correspondence," vol. i. p. 158 : — " WiUiam Henry, third Duke of Portland, whose distin- guished friendship Mr. Burke had the happiness to obtain at an early period of his public life, and to preserve to his last hour, and which he returned with feelings of the highest respect and affection." Moreover the Duke of Portland visited Burke about this time. Immediately upon the disclosure of the treatment the Duke had received, and during the months of February, THE '' NULLUM TEMPUS " ACT. 57 March, April, and May, there appeared in Nos. XIII, XIV, XIX, and XXI, of the Miscellaneous Letters of Junius, righteous invectives assailing the Government for this act of fraud, plunder, and persecution. The whole case against the Government was thus put before the public by Junius, in his Letter of the 12th of May, 1768, in one of those terse and lucid statements which very few men in those days could write with like effect : — " The charge against them is not that they have granted to Sir James Lowther an estate which, in law, is the right of the Duke of Portland ; but that they partially, and in many parts of the proceeding, sur- reptitiously, upon the bare report of a subordinate officer, without suffering his vouchers to be examined, without hearing counsel, or allowing time or means of defence to the party, or of due information to themselves, have violated the equitable and presumptive rights of long and undisputed possession for the purposes of undue influence at an election, and of paying a base court to a clandestine and dangerous power." (Woodfall's Junius, vol. iii. p. 52.) This oppressive act did not end, as was expected by the Duke of Portland's friends, with the electioneering object it was first designed to serve. They were mistaken. The whole power of the Government then centred in the Duke of Grafton, and the measure of persecution was in nowise adequate to his taste for oppression, or his servility to the Bute faction. Advantage was taken of a provision in Sir George Saville's "Quieting Bill," which excepted from the saving clauses in this renewal of the Statute of James,* such claims as might be prosecuted within a year. *' Ko sooner" says Mr. Massoy, '' was the Bill passed than litigations were commenced in the most vexatious form by Sir James Lowther. A single action would have sufficed to try the right ; but * An Act which limited retrospectively only the right of the Crown to the recovery of property within sixty years after dispossession. 58 THE ''nullum tempus" act. Lowther caused four hundred ejectments to be served in one day on the tenants of the Duke, besides which he brought forty actions, and filed fifteen bills in equity against his Grace." * ^* " Kever, since feudal license, had dis- may been so widely spread." This gentle Baronet is described as having ''affected the most revolting manners of the mid- dle ages. His conduct exhibited the coarse tyranny and lawless rapine of a feudal baron, without the least tincture of the chivalry and romance which sometimes partially redeemed that character." This amiable person was forth- with selected, together with Mr. Pitt, by George the Third, as the only two commoners worthy of being rewarded with Earldoms for their respective services. Junius not only thus did admirable service to the just rights of property in castigating the culprits, but also to political morals by exposing the gross breach of his word by the Duke of Grafton : who had positively promised the Duke of Portland, that no steps should be taken till his Grace's title had been stated, reported on, and fully considered, etc. The Premier had been defended for the gross breach of this promise by some literary minion of the Duke of Grafton on the principles of what he termed " the soundest casuists " and Junius retorts thus : — " I am not deeply read in authors of that professed title, but I remember seeing Bassambaum, Saurez, Molina, and a score of other Jesuitical books, burnt at Paris for their sornid casuistry by the hands of the common hangman. I do not know that they have yet found their way to England, unless perchance it be to the library of his Grace of Grafton, where they probably stand with the chapter of promises dog- eared down for the perusal of scrupulous statesmen." Lest this attack should be attributed merely to Junius' s love of personalities, it is well to remark that the writer he attacks admits that the promise was inack>ertently given by THE '^ NULLUM TEMPUS " ACT. 59 the Duke of Grafton ; but then, says he, " since he was the King's servant, and had no title to the making this promise, he perceived he was not in honor bound to adhere to it." I have dwelt somewhat in detail on this episode in the Grafton dynasty, because, in order to connect Junius with the Burkes, it is helpful, if not needful, to exculpate him from the charge of reckless venom against the objects of his attacks ; and thus from a moral depravity which nowise tainted the Burke character : and in order to do this, it is an essential preliminary to remove all question of the base- ness of the Duke of Grafton : for nearly the whole of the bitterest of Junius' s Letters were aimed at him, or at those who directly ministered to his disastrous influence, and abetted his reckless oppressions. A Letter of Junius occurs in this part of the series, (No. XX.) which, together with the above-named attack on the Duke of Grafton for his duplicity, affords ample refutation of the assertion of Mr. Massey — that the grounds of the fierce invectives of Junius on the Duke were chiefly his ''illegitimate descent from Charles the Second, his marriage with the cousin of a man who had debauched his wife, and the mature age and faded charms of his mistress." Junius seldom attacked the private vices of his opponents ; but when the falsehood of the Duke added personal treachery to the robbery of his kinsman's oldest friend, — and when the Premier, his wife being present, so far forgot the out- ward decencies expected even from dissolute Ministers, as to parade his mistress at the opera, calling for her carriage, and escorting her to it, in a throng of the first people in the kingdom, — and such were the '^ chief grounds " of Junius's censures on his Grace's behaviour, — it is wrong in an histo- 60 THE ''nullum TEMPUs" ACT. rian who values his reputation for accuracy to ignore the gravest imputations of Junius, and to declare the rest, ^'frivolous," "absurd," and ''futile." The public conduct and manners of the First Minister of a King so virtuous as George the Third, should at least have been free from acts of treachery, and a display of profligacy, suitable only to the veracity of the Stuarts and to royal morals in the days of I^ell Gwyn. XI. DR. HAY CONFIDES TO WILLIAM BIJEKE THE MINISTERIAL TACTICS OE 1768.— JUNIUS ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION. ^URING the month of July, 1768, William Burke had a " great deal of very serious conversation " with Dr. Hay, M.P. for Sandwich, a man then in the confidence of the Bedford party and who afterwards obtained the Judgeship of the Admiralty under them. This conversation forms the subject of a long letter, dated July 18th, 1768, in which it is detailed by Edmund Burke to Lord Rockingham, (i. Correspondence, 158.) This let- ter is very important, because it proves incontestably that though William Burke had ceased to be in office, he had the means of private information of the proceedings of the Ministry. It was then made known to JVilliam Burke first, that " the Bedfbrds were horridly frightened at the adhesion of Lord Camden to the Duke of Grafton, and * found things not quite ripe at present for bringing in Gren- ville,' though he was mentioned by Dr. Hay as a very proper matter of consideration : that they wished Lord Rockingham to be at the head of the Treasury, but ' lamented the exclu- sive and prescriptive spirit of his party which he feared would make such an union difficult.' " He spoke of llie Min- istry as a strange, incoherent, composition that certainhf 62 DK. HAY CONFIDES TO WILLIAM BUKKE would not stand. He hinted at a "middle man/' whom Edmund Burke thought must be Lord Gower, one of the Bedford party and then President of the Council. He also went so far as to name the Duke of Northumberland as a proper person for the Treasury, in case of the Duke of Grafton going out. ''Will. Burke" (says Edmund) ''told him that he did not conceive what man they could name so wor- thy as your Lordship of the joint confidence of parties, who had never been known to deceive any party or any indivi- dual.' " On this conversation Edmund Burke makes this com- ment : — " The truth is the Bedfords will never act any part either fair or amicable with your Lordship or your friends, until they see you in a situation to give the law to them, and all attempts before that time will be not only useless but dangerous." Now this being the opinion of Edmund Burke, and "William Burke having learnt the inherent weakness of the Ministry, the untrustworthiness of the Bedford party, and that the sole hope for the restoration of the Eockinghams was in the previous discomfiture alike of the Grafton and Bedford sec- tions, let us see whether the course thereupon taken by Junius was not precisely such as William Burke, co-operating with Edmund Burke, would have an obvious and direct interest in taking. This confidential communication of Cabinet news to Wil- liam Burke was, for some reason, habitual. He seems to have been a favorite confidant of Ministers in perplexity. As early as July, 1767, Charles Lloyd writes to George Grenville with a lot of information which he gives as being " beyond the level of common discourse, " and which William Burke had just confided to him as the purport of a conference THE MINISTERIAL TACTICS. 63 the day before, between the Duke of Grafton and Lord llock- ingham, on Ministerial arrangements. ("Grenville Corres- pondence, iv. p. 54.) The letter informing Lord Eockingham of the conversation with Dr. Hay was written on the 1 8th of July, 1768. On the next day Junius falls foul of Lord Hillsborough, (Miscella- neous Letter XXYI.) just then appointed to the Board of Trade, and returns to the charge on the 23rd of the same month. On the 30th he writes again one of his careful and elaborate attacks on the Government, directed against their most vulnerable point, — the Taxation of the American Colonies. " We find ourselves," says Junius, " at last reduced to the dreadful alternative of either making war upon our Colonies, or of suffering them to erect themselves into independent states." Mr. Conway, he adds, since last December (1767) "has, in the face of the House of Commons, defended the resistance of the Colonies upon what he called revolution principles." (Woodfall's Junius, vol. iii. p. 76.) He also speaks of the ''fate of Great Britain as thrown upon the hazard of a die by a weak, distracted, worthless Ministry,* for whom an honest man must always express all the indignation he feels." * A foolish footnote by Woodfall's Editor, vol. iii. p. 74, applies all this to the Eockingham Administration, which, as he says, "lasted from July 10th, 1765, to July 30th, 1766," whereas Junius expressly states in the beginning of this Letter that " it is not many months since you gave me the opportunity of demonstrating," etc., that "the hopes which some men seemed to entertain with regard to America were without a shadow of foundation, etc." And these men he immediately says " may have but a little time to live in office," etc. Now this pre- vious Letter is referred to by another foot note (page 73) as being Letter X., written on 19th December 1767, which treats solely of the succes- 64 JUNIUS ON THE AMEHICAN QUESTION. Junius concludes this Letter after an admirable and damaging expose of the Colonial mismanagement ; and of the maladresse of the persons ''who have professed themselves the patrons of lenient moderate measures until the very names of lenity and moderation became ridiculous." On the 5th of August following, we find Junius again attacking the Government in the person of Lord Hillsborough, Secretary to the Colonies, for his treatment of Sir Jeifery Amherst. The very next day he is at them again, on their treatment of the American Colonies, and in defence of Mr. Grenville, then in opposition. The following passage identifies the views of Junius and Burke on this subject: — " For the matter of expediency, an advocate for the present Ministry seems to me to arraign his patrons when he argues against it (the right of taxing the Colonies.) One part of them uniformly concurred with Mr. Grenville in forming the stamp act, and in opposing the repeal of it. The other to serve the purposes of party, repealed that act, sors to the Rockingham Ministry. It is this which probably led Mr. Macknightinto the mistake that Junius said " the Rockingham Ministry were intrinsically feeble and came in under the mediation of Lord Bute," etc. He distinctly states whom it is that he attacks in this very Letter of the 30th of July, in the following: — " From the first appearance of that rebellious spirit which has spread itself all over the Colonies, the chief members of the present Ministry were the declared advocates of America." The Letter X., to which the Editor refers us, is that, moreover, in which Junius deprecates indeed the conduct held towards America throughout ; but he especially denounces " a particular set of men base and treacherous enough to have enlisted under the banners of a lunatic to whom they sacrificed their honor, their conscience, and their country, in order to carry a point of party and to gratify their personal rancour," etc. Woodfall's Editor tells us in a note that this "lunatic" is Lord Chatham. Mr. Macknight will certainly not maintain that it meant Lord Rockingham. JUNIUS ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION. 65 yet shewed by their conduct that they approved of the equita- ahle principle on which it was founded, that America should con- tribute a little to the support of the public expense. The repeal of the stamp act has been followed by other acts more offensive to the colonies, more directly exerting the right of taxation, and which will hardly be executed without some extraordinary efforts on the part of Government. "Was the act for suspending the assembly of New York recommended by Mr. Grenville ? was it he who advised the duties on paper, glass, etc., imported into the colonies ? No, Sir, his successors have paid him the highest compliment by imitating the system which they had affected to condemn ; and in fact they have carried his principles further than he did, or probably than he would have carried them. But it is the natural defect of a weak divided Administration that they can neither resolve with moderation nor execute with firmness." ( Woodfall' s Junius, iii. p. 86.) Burke took, as nearly as may be, the very same view as Junius. If there was a divergence, it was on the occasion of Burke's maiden speech on the 27th of January, 1766, when the Repeal being in fact an open question, he voted for it ; but many months before Junius appeared on the stage. iSeven days later Burke spoke against Pitt and voted for the Declaratory Act : though like Junius he subsequently, and indeed ever after, inveighed against the excess, to which the power thus properly declared of taxing the Colonies, was carried; and in 1774 when reviewing the whole of the pro- ceedings in his celebrated speech on American Taxation, he thus expresses himself in terms precisely according with the tone and language of Junius in the foregoing extract : — " When Parliament repealed the Stamp Act in the year 1766, 1 affirm first, that the Americans did not in consequence of this measure call upon you to give up the former parliamentary revenue which subsisted in that country ; or even any one of the articles which compose it. I affirm also, that when, departing from the maxims of that repeal, you revised the scheme of taxation, and thereby filled the minds of the Colonists with new jealousy, and all sorts of apprehensions, then it was E 66 JUNIUS ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION. that they quarrelled with the old taxes, as well as the new ; then it was and not till then, that they questioned all the parts of j'-our legislative power ; and by the battery of such questions have shaken the solid structure of this empire to its deepest foundations." The alleged discrepancy between the views of Junius and Burke on this subject has often been commented on. The discrepancy is in fact no discrepancy ; and there is instead a remarkable identity of views on the subject, between Burke and his coadjutor. XII. JUNIUS'S PUBLIC LETTERS TO THE DUKE OF GRAETOIS", DRAPER, THE DUKE OF BEDFORD, THE KIKG, ETC. ^UNIUS devotes his jftrst Letter, January 21st, 1769, in the common edition, (which he collected and pub- lished himself,) to the Duke of Grafton, whom he paints as "an apostate by design— a yotmg nobleman, already ruined by play." In April, Lord Temple tells Lady Temple that he hears from Calcraft that the Ministry *' are altogether by the ears," and in May, that " things tend apace to a coalition among us^ (Grenville Correspondence, iii. p. cxxviii.) This must have been known to the Burkes ; and accordingly the occasion is improved, and on May the 30th, Junius attacks the Duke again in his fiercest strain : — " There are some hereditary strokes of character, by which a family may be as clearly distinguished, as by the blackest features of the human face. Charles the First lived and died a hypocrite. Charles the Second was a hypocrite of another sort, and should have died upon the same scaffold. At the distance of a century, we see their different characters happily revived, and blended in your Grace. Sullen and severe without religion, profligate without gaiety, you live like Charles the Second, without being an amiable companion, and, for aught I know, may die as his father died, without the reputation of a martyr." 6'6 JTJ]?nus's PUBLIC lettehs to the Caustic as was this treatment of the man, be it remem- bered that the conduct of the Minister merited exposure, and the severest animadversion ; and that we cannot discard the moral calibre of statesmen from a just estimate of their acts. It is but the legitimate exercise of opinion, and of a critical judgment of public men. The incapacity of the Duke of Grafton and his numerous acts of corrupt government and tricky policy are amply attested ; and foul indeed must have been the conduct of the man, who appeared '' unworthy," in the moral vision of Horace Walpole ! I pass over the episode with the ill-fated Draper, a man of whom "Walpole speaks contemptuously, as of " unsound intellects," and who deserved the demolition his- chivalrous resentment invited. It is a mere parenthetical occurrence, and- useful only as showing that Junius, like WiUiam Burke, was imperfectly acquainted with the usages ©f the War Office, in the matter of pensions.* The great aim of all the earlier of these collected Letters was to abet the exact course of assault on the entire person- nel of the Grafton Ministry, its policy and conduct, adopted by the Rockinghams and Grenvilles; and by none more vehemently, vigorously, or incessantly, than Edmund Burke. It will be needless to wade through each Letter, and detail the constant coincidence between their views and the mis- siles which Junius hurled at the Cabinet. If "Wilkes was tolerated, and taken by the hand, as he was at the same time by Junius and Burke, it was, professedly^ because in his person the rights of election were trampled on by the recreant Government, and its servile Parliament. If * Of the attack of Junius on the Marquis of Granby, whom Draper afflicted with his championship, 1 will speak hereafter. DUKE OF ^EAFTON AND OTHERS. 69 Chatham &r Grenville were lauded by Junius, and compli- mented by Burke, it was invariably when, and in proportion to the degree in which, Chatham or Grenville were at that time assaulting the Ministry, and imperiling its existence. I will now point merely to a few of the most characteristic features in the well-known Letters of Junius, and which especially show their identity with the Burke principles and interests. In the whole of the affair of the Middlesex election and Wilkes, the efforts of Burke and Junius ran pari passu to the same goal. While Junius was assailing the Ministers with tooth and nail for the pardon of Mac Quirk, Burke moved for an inquiry into the conduct of the Magistrates in suppressing the riots of St. George's in the Middlesex election, and into the orders given by any of His Majesty's Secretaries of State ; which inquiry, he observed, would be probably attended by an impeachment of the Secretary of State who wrote the letter to the Chairman of the Magis- trates. This was Lord Weymouth. It has surprised many to account for what must have appeared a needlessly increased vehemence in Junius' s attacks on a Minister of such innate feebleness as the Duke of Grafton. Edmund Burke explains how William Burke derived a contrary impression, for on the 30th of July, 1769, Edmund Burke had received information which enabled him to assure Lord Eockingham of his '* belief that the Duke of Grafton had got new and stronger assurances than ever of support, and that the Court is fully determined to abide ly the plan of the last Session.^' Thirteen days later, Edmund Burke writes that " we are come to a great crisis," that ''^ Will. Burke is Just come from Lord Verney^s,^^ — that he 70 Junius' s public letteks to the (William Burke) has not been at the last General Court of the East India Company, that Lord Wej-raouth had done so and so, — that ''the gang"^' are driving at everything, either for their friends, or those whom they hope to make such," — that "the Butes are certainly out of humour, but don't know how to help themselves," — that ''Will, is going to town in some hurry." Though Junius' s attacks were now aimed chiefly at the conduct of the Government and all concerned in the expul- sion of Wilkes, (Burke, at the same time being busily occupied in getting up the County petitions to the Crown on that grievance.) Junius now puts forth a diatribe, which, with the exception of his Letter to the King, has been more severely censured than any other. He attacks the Duke of Bedford. We have seen the growing hostility of Edmund Burke towards the Duke and his connection. He had good cause for it. It had been heightened to exasperation by the Address moved by the Duke himself at the opening of the Session. It sought to violate the right of trial by Jury among our American fellow- subjects, by the revival of what Lord Mahon righteously terms "the mouldering edict of a tyrant (Henry YIII.) from the dust where it had long lain, and where it ever deserved to lie." Such a proposal, he righteously adds, was "utterly unjustifiable." Burke as- sailed it and its proposer " totis virihus,'^] and he hated * A favorite expression of Junius applied to the Bedfords. t Years after, Burke graphically describes the " unamiable disposi- tions" of the Bedfords at a political supper at Lord Rockingham' s— "a behaviour in some of them scarcely polite, and a reserve which wine, circulated briskly until the sunbeams drove us from it, was not able to dispel ; though these people are not indeed candid, but natiu-ally loose DUKE OF GRAFTON AND OTHEES. 71 the Duke of Bedford and ''the Eloomsbury gang," as he calls them, too heartily, to allow them an escape from the fangs of Junius. Lord Weymouth, the coryphmus of the Bedfordites in the Cabinet, had throughout his brief Ministerial career, displayed in odious traits the inherent narrowness of mind, and the repulsive injustice of his character. The legends of faction have seldom exhibited more paltry, arbitrary, or tricky conduct than that of the Duke of Bedford and his minions. Horace Walpole speaks of him in terms of censure. ITassey, far more to be relied on, after speaking of the Duke's death, thus sums up his character, — "if Granby was the most popular man in England, Bedford may be described as the public man of all others the most odious to the people." * *' "Enduring obloquy through life assailed the great Whig Peer." It did so justly. His acts of foreign policy vied in pusillanimous perfidy with the intrigues and tyrannies he perpetrated at home. As Secretary of State he had assented to the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle in the terms of the enemy, and brought the war to what Mr. Massey justly terms " an ignominious conclusion." Our conquest of Cape Breton was shamefully ceded to France. "A tyrant to the weak and a coward to the strong," he insulted the sufferings of the starving weavers at home,* upheld the lawless outrage on the rights of Election with the virus of an inveterate Tory, of a school now happily obsolete. He sought to rob our Colonists of Trial by Jury and by end- less intrigues and manoeuvres earned for himself, from the and careless talkers." He speaks also of " Bedford House having broken with your Grace (of Richmond) in a manner equally insolent and scandalous." (Correspondence, i. 378, 380.) * See Massey's History vol. i. p. 220. 72 Junius' s public lettehs to the historian who attacks Junius for maligning him, (!) the reputation of ''abusing the advantages of a commanding position to factious ends, and of preferring the petty interests of his particular party to any consideration of the public service!" He is elsewhere described as "intent only on securing the preponderance of his own weight in the Govern- ment : — what that Government should be was a secondarj'^ object." (Massey's Memoirs.) Junius is scarcely more severe on his Grace even in the following most telling passages of his Letter. Here are the bitterest of them in his famous Letter to the Duke, of Sept. 19th, 1769. The following refers to the auspicious period at which he was deputed to represent the Earl of Bute at the Court of Versailles : — " It was an honorable office, and executed with the same spuit with which it was accepted. Your patrons wanted an ambassador who would submit to make concessions, without daring to insist upon any honor- able condition for his Sovereign. Their business required a man who had as little feeling for his own dignity as for the welfare of his country ; and they found him in the first rank of the nobility. Belleisle, Goree, Guadaloupe, St. Lucia, Martinique, the Fishery, and theHavannah, are glorious monuments of your Grace's talents for negociation." " After two years submission, you thought you had collected strength sufficient to control his influence, and that it was your turn to be a tyrant, because you had been a slave. "When you found yourself mis- taken in your opinion of your gracious Master's firmness, disappoint- ment got the better of all your humble discretion, and carried you to an excess of outrage to his person, as distant from true spirit as from all decency and respect. After robbing him of the rights of a King, you would not permit him to preserve the honor of a gentleman.* It was * This refers to the fact that his Grace had charged his Sovereign to his face " with breaking his promises," This has been controverted, or at least an attempt has been made to modify the charge. Edmund DUKE OF GKAFTON AND OTHERS. 73 then Lord Weymouth was nominated to Ireland, and despatched (we well remember with what indecent hurry) to plunder the treasury of the first fruits of an employment which you well knew he was never to execute." I quote these pasages to show how thoroughly they chime with the opinions of Burke, who just before its appearance had been putting on paper a "formal attack" on all the objects that " have been nearest and dearest to the Court and every one of its adherents." This paper, he tells Lord Eock- ingham, he has ''read to William Burke." (Correspondence, vol. i. p. 199.) The outlines Junius etches of the type of statesman which a virtuous and patriotic Duke of Bedford might have been, and that which his Grace was, are among the most masterly portraits ever drawn. Other parts are too personal ; and some of the accusations unfair, because they are such as the accused cannot disprove. This is one of them : — "My Lord, we are too well aquainted with your pecuniary character, to think it possible that so many public sacrifices should have been made without some private compensations. Your conduct carries with it an internal evidence, beyond all the proofs of a court of justice." Junius has, however, been still more censured for the fol- lowing : — " I reverence the afflictions of a good man ; his sorrows are sacred. But how can we take part in the distresses of a man whom we can neither love nor esteem ; or feel for a calamity of which he himself is insensible } Where was the father's heart when he could look for, or find, an immediate consolation for the loss of an only son, in consultations and bargains for a place at Court, and even in the misery of balloting at the India House." Burke however not only believes it but spoke of it in the same spirit with Junius, and also of " the report of a gross and brutal treatment of the by a Minister at the same time odious to the people." 74 Junius' s public lettehs to the This incident of the balloting at the India House, again named in ''Philo," Junius's Letter of October 19th, 1769, is explained by Edmund Burke's assertion, on the 13th of the previous August, to Lord Rockingham, that " though "William Burke had not been at the last General Court of the East India Company " (as if it were his practice to be there) he, Edmund, had heard an extraordinary account of it, and they had ' 'adjourned till Tuesday." "William Burke went to town then, and no doubt was present at the next meeting. I do not defend the taste of bringing forth the sad anec- dote, in a note to the Letter of the 19th of October, of the sale of his son's clothes, by the Duke of Bedford. It is, in my judgment, a blot on Junius to have done this, but in pallia- tion be it remarked that he did not name this until his gene- ral charges of avarice and unfeeling conduct had been controverted by a silly writer, signing himself '' Modestus." I name this episode, because it affords another proof of my case : inasmuch as the widow of the Duke's deceased son, Lady Tavistock, was sister to the Hon. Augustus Keppel, whom Lord Fitzwilliam speaks of as having a ^' very intimate friendship" with the Burkes. (Correspondence, i. p. 138, note.) It is therefore probable that a fact not likely to have been named, except to "a very intimate friend," was so brought to the knowledge of the Burkes, and was thus more likety to have been made known to WiUiam Burke, on its occurrence, than to any other person suspected or capable of being Junius. On the 7th of September, 1 769, just after the auspicious reconciliation of the Grenville- Chatham brotherhood, Whate- ley, in his long account to George Grenville of his conference with Burke to cement an alliance with the Rockinghams, says, '^ though we mentioned a particular bond of union, we DUKE or GKAFTON ANT) OTHERS. 75 always kept to the Middlesex election as the text, yet * * that the concert might be extended to all other subjects which might arise, etc." (Grenville, iv. p. 440.) iN'ext nionth Junius says on the Middlesex election : — " It is not wonderful that the great cause in -which this country is engaged, should have roused and engrossed the whole attention of the people. I rather admire the generous spirit with which they feel and assert their interest in this important question, than blame them for their indifference about any other. When the constitution is openly invaded, when the first original right of the people, from which all laws derive their authority, is directly attacked, inferior grievances naturally lose their force, and are suffered to pass by without punishment or observation." Again he says afterwards : — "The Ministry have realized the compendious ideas of Caligula. They know that the liberty, the laws, and the property of an Englishman have in truth but one neck, and thfft to violate the freedom of election, strikes deeply at them all." Not long afterwards, (early in IS'ovember) William Burhe is present with Edmund when he visits Lord Temple at Stowe — a visit of political amenities — a miniature concilia- bulum, preconcerted by Mr. "Whateley, who figures so largely in the " Grenville Correspondence." By Edmund Burke's account of it to Lord Eockingham, it appears Lord Temple *' was of opinion that, let what would happen, the great point for us was to get rid of the present Administration." He encouraged this course, moreover, by the assurance that Lord Chatham, his brother-in-law, " was exceedingly ani- mated against the Ministry."* Here then was the cue given directly from Lord Temple to William, who was present, * The Grenvilles cordially joined in getting up the petitions on the Wilkes affair. Temple actually visiting him in the King's Bench prison, after his surrender of himself, praising him for his conduct. 76 JUNIUS S PUBLIC LETTERS TO THE as well as Edmund Burke. It was precisely the course which, from that moment, Junius followed with redoubled vigor. On the 14th of November, 1769, Eurke writes in great glee to Lord Eockingham of the present state of Lord Chat- ham's politics, and lays stress on his Lordship's intention to come out on the first day of the Session against the Min- istry, and especially on the necessity of forming an Administration in which the people might have some con- fidence, and in which the Eockinghams and Cavendishes should lead. In the same letter, adds Burke, ^' I said to Lord Temple, that no union could be formed of any effect or credit, which was not compacted upon this great principle that ''the ' King's men ' should be utterly destroyed as a corps : to which, he, Lord Temple, assented very heartily." (Corres- pondence, i. p. 215-216.) » Here were indeed both instructions and incentive for Wil- liam Burke. How well he followed them from the very day that letter was written, let his fierce onslaughts on the Govern- ment show : first, he attacks their apathy on the rescue of General Gansel ; secondly, on the shameless sale of a patent place to a Mr. Hine for £3,500, for the purpose of re- warding the outrages of Colonel Burgoyne in the Preston election. Was this a foul slander by the man in the mask ? Let Charles Lloyd tell us. He writes thus on Friday, December 1st, 1769, to George Grenville : — " I am credibly informed that the story alluded to by Junius in his last Letter relating to Mr. Hine, is a fact." (Grenville Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 484.) Mr. Whateley also confirms it with further par- ticulars, (p. 495.) Junius, two days before Lloyd's letter, had announced his discovery to the Duke of Grafton, after a preface more suo, or rather, (after the playful fashion in DUKE or GRAFTON AND OTHEJIS. , 77 which a eat dallies with a newly caught mouse,) iu the fol- lowing words: — " Your cheek turns pale ; for a guilty conscience tells you, you are undone. Come forward, thou virtuous Minister, and tell the world by what interest Mr. Hine has been recommended to so extraordinary a mark of his Majesty's favor ; what was the price of the patent he has bought, and to what honorable purpose the purchase-money has been applied. Nothing less than many thousands could pay Colonel Bur- goyne's expenses at Preston. Do you dare to prosecute such a creature as Vaughan, while you are basely setting up the Eoyal Patronage to auction ? Do you complain of an attack on your own honor, while you are selling the favors of the Crown, to raise a fund for corrupting the morals of the people ? And do you think it possible such enor- mities should escape without impeachment ? It is, indeed, highly your interest to maintain the present House of Commons. Having sold the nation to you in gross, they will undoubtedly protect you in the detail ; for, while they patronize your crimes, they feel for their own." Whateley speaks of the ^' great noise" this affair (after- wards avowed and defended,) made at the time. It was all the worse for the affected purity which had just previously induced the Duke of Grafton to prosecute Mr. Yaughan for suggesting the sale to himself of the reversion of a patent in Jamaica, which I believe he was otherwise entitled to. Be it observed that the '' impeachment " threatened in this letter is an echo of Edmund Burke's threat of one against Lord Weymouth for his letter to the Magistrates. Eight well as Junius had labored in the fulfilment of his cousin's intimations of the 14th of JS'ovember, he had yet to complete it in the matter of the faction termed ''the King's friends," whose demolition was to be the basis of a new group of purer Ministerial elements. Junius had never aimed his blows obliquely : they were all ad jugulum. Before whom should he arraign the men who basely abused the privileges of royal friendship, but before the King on whose countenance 78 Junius' s public letteks to the they existed and on whose authority they infringed: It was on the 19th of December that the most audacious of all the Letters of Junius appeared: remarkable as a masterly, classical composition. He addressed it to " a King." It marshalled all the points on which the Cabinet and the system of secret advisers were vulnerable, together with the con- duct of the Sovereign himself, which had been previously insisted on by Burke. Comment would w^eaken the internal evidence which the following passages afford of the identity not only in matter, but often in expression. Junius exonerates the King from all '' direct, deliberate purpose to invade those original rights of his subjects, on which all their civil and political liberties depend ; " and assures him that he separates '^ the amiable, good-natured prince from the folly and treachery of his servants, and the private virtues of the man from the vices of his government." AVilkes is then introduced : and truly enough Junius says : — " The destruction of one man has been now for many years the sole object of your Government; and if there can be anything still more disgraceful, we have seen for such an object the utmost influence of the executive power, and every Ministerial artifice, exerted without success. Nor can you ever succeed, unless he should be imprudent enough to forfeit the protection of those laws to which you owe your crown ; or unless your Ministers should persuade you to make it a question of force alone, and try the whole strength of Government in opposition to the people. The lessons he has received from experience, will probably guard him from such excess of folly ; and in your Majesty's virtues we find an unquestionable assurance that no illegal violence will be attempted." The discreditable dilemma to which the King was reduced is first charged on the Ministers : — ** From one false step you have been betrayed into another ; and as the cause was unworthy of you, your Ministers were determined that the prudence of the execution should correspond with the wisdom and BTJKE OF GKAFTON ANB OTHEIIS. 79 dignity of the design. They have reduced you to the necessity of choosing out of a variety of difficulties ; to a situation so unhappy, that you can neither do wrong without ruin, or right without affliction. These worthy servants have undoubtedly given you many singular proofs of their abilities. Not contented with making Mr, Wilkes a man of importance, they have judiciously transferred the question from the rights and^ interests of one man, to the most important rights and in- terests of the people ; and forced your subjects, from wishing well to the cause of an individual, to unite with him in their own. Let them proceed as they have begun, and your Majesty need not doubt that the catastrophe will do no dishonor to the conduct of the piece." The precipice to which the King was hastening, and the dearth of his resources, should a revolution ensue, are thus forcefully sketched : — " But if the English people should no longer confine their resentment to a submissive representation of their wrongs, if, following the glorious example of their ancestors, they should no longer appeal to the creature of the constitution, but to that high Being who gave them the rights of humanity, whose gifts it were sacrilege to surrender, let me ask you, Sir, upon what part of your subjects would you rely for assistance ? In describing the slight hold the King has on each branch of his subjects, the just feelings of an Irishman are thus expressed : — " The people of Ireland have been uniformly plundered and oppressed. In return they give you every day fresh marks of their resentment. They despise the miserable Governor you have sent them, because he is the creature of Lord Bute : nor is it from any natural confusion in their ideas, that they are so ready to confound the original of a King with the disgraceful representation of him." The endeavour to force the Ministers to dissolve was one of the great objects of the petitions which Burke and the Grenvilles got up with so much labor : — *' How easy," says Junius, " how safe and honorable is the path before you. The English nation declare they arc grossly injured by their representatives, and solicit your Majesty to exert your lawful prern- 80 Junius' s public letters to the gative, and give them an opportunity of recalling a trust, which they find has been scandalously abused. * * * They alone aie injiired ; and since there is no superior power to which the cause can be referred, they alone ought to determine." The course Edmund Burke and his colleagues in opposition justly desired the King to take is here put in the plainest terms: — " You have stUl an honorable part to act. The affections of your subjects may still be recovered. But, before you subdue their hearts, you must gain a noble victory over your own. Discard those little, personal resentments which have too long directed your public conduct." * * * "Without consulting yom^ Minister, call together your whole Council. Let it appear to the public, that you can determine and act for yourself. Come forward to your people. Lay aside the wretched formalities of a King, and speak to your subjects with the spirit of a man, and in the language of a gentleman. Tell them you have been fatally deceived. The acknowledgment will be no disgrace, but rather an honor, to your understanding. Tell them you are determined to remove every cause of complaint against your government : that you will give your confidence to no man who does not possess the confidence of your subjects." Again the King is warned to put no confidence in his '' friends." " Accustomed to the language of courtiers, you measure their affection by the vehemence of their expressions ! and when they only praise you indifferently, you admire their sincerity. But this is not a time to trifle with your fortune. They deceive you. Sir, who tell you that you have many friends whose affections are founded upon a principle of personal attachment. The first foundation of friendship is not the power of conferring benefits, but the equality with which they are re- ceived and may be returned." Kow I affirm that the whole of this Letter is the result and embodiment of the gist of the following passage in Edmund Burke's letter to Lord Rockingham, written a few mouths pre- viously : in which, speaking of the Ministerial indiiference to the trials of the people, he expresses this emphatic conviction: — DUKE OF GEAFTON AND OTHERS. 81 " "What they suffer makes no impression : but I observe them to be much alarmed with -whatever is brought directly into the King's pre- sence. Nothing can tend more to bring the whole system into disrepute and disgust with him, than to see with his own eyes and hear with his own ears the effect it has upon the people. His feeling in this manner the ill consequences of the system will, I am persuaded, be the only means of bringing on that only change which can do good, — I mean the change of the whole scheme of weak, divided, and dependent adminis- trations." (Correspondence, i. 170.) XIII. THE LATEK LETTERS OF JUNIUS. fERY striking coincidences between the Burkes and Junius, are apparent throughout all the remaining Letters. I shall cite only a few of them. I prefer not to exhaust the subject. It will be better that others should make their own discoveries, and arrive at their own convictions. I am content to point to the landmarks which indicate the course, and lead to the haven. In the whole of the long struggle between Wilkes and the King, the King and the City, and the City and Parliament, (for the Government was only the King's mouthpiece,) Burke and his cousin echoed Junius, or Junius echoed them. Through the whole process of those most discreditable con- flicts the alliance was so marked, both as to time, matter, and spirit, that the wonder is, Burke's denial of the author- ship obtained the misgiving credit it received. Take, for instance, his attack on the King'^s "Horned Cattle " Speech and the Address. He seems to have been at no pains to disguise the identity of his own sentiments, nor in any degree to have affected a milder tone than Junius in stating them. He moved an amendment, and bitterly ridi- culed both Speech and Address. Lord ISTorth (who had succeeded the Duke of Grafton) had questioned the discontents of the people, and now stoutly de- THE LATER LETTERS OF JUNIUS. 83 fended himself; and in reply, Edmund Burke attacked Lord ^orth. An " overblown bladder has burst," he said, " and no one has b6en hurt by the crack." *' His ideas were all incoherence and confusion." Again in the same strain, but in still worse taste, Burke depicts him thus: — " The Noble Lord who spoke last, after extending his right leg a full yard before his left, rolling his flaming eyes, and moving his ponderous frame, has at length opened his mouth." (Speech of January 9th, 1770.) Lord IS'orth had now become of sufficient importance to attract the notice of Junius. In his Letter of February 14th, 1770, he speaks thus of his appointment: — "His Majesty is indeed too gracious to insult his subjects, by choosing his first Minister from among the domestics of the Duke of Bedford. That would have been too gross an outrage to the three king- doms. Their purpose, however, is equally answered by pushing for- ward this unhappy figure." Junius also says : — " The palm of Ministerial firmness is now transferred to Lord North. He teUs us so himself, with the plenitude of the ore rotundo." The personalities in each attack are strikingly similar. There is nothing stronger in Junius than this language of Burke against the Ministry on the same charges : — " Military executions have been wantonly exercised, and wickedly countenanced ; murders have been abetted, and murderers protected, encouraged, and rewarded : public money has been shamefully squan- dered, and no account given of millions that have been misapplied to the purposes of venality and corruption : obsolete and vexatious claims of the Crown have been revived, with a view to influence the election of members to sit in the House. The majority of one branch of the legislature have arrogantly assumed the power of the whole, and daringly superseded the law of the land by their resolutions ; the humble petitions of the people to their Gracious Sovereign refused and discoun- tenanced. The same baneful influence under which this country is 84 THE LATEK LETTERS OF JUNIUS. governed, is extended to our fellow-sufferers in America ; tlie Constitu- tional rights of Englishmen are invaded, and money raised upon the subject without his consent : whole legislative assemblies have been threatened to be seized and brought to England, for crimes supposed to have been committed there : menaces have been used to intimidate the legislature of our provinces in compliance with Ministerial requisitions, which are altogether arbitrary and unjust : etc. And now let me ask the Ministerial hirelings if there are no grievances ?*" Very much in the same style was Junius wont to array wrongs. Here is an example : — " The same House of Commons, who robbed the constituent body of their right of free election, who presumed to make a law under pretence of declaring it, who paid our good King's debts, without once inquiring how they were incurred ; who gave thanks for repeated murders com- mitted at home, and for national infamy incurred abroad; who screened Lord Mansfield; who imprisoned the magistrates of the metro- polis for asserting the subject's right to the protection of the laws ; who erased a judicial record, and ordered all proceedings in a criminal suit to be suspended." Again see the speech of Burke on the 2nd of April, 1770, in support of the City Remonstrance, and his comments on the secret influence behind the throne, of which Dowdeswell and Grenville admitted they had felt the effects, with the remarks on the same point in Junius' s Letter " to a King," et passim. See also the remarks in Edmund Burke's reply to Lord North in the debate of November 13th, 1770, to this effect, as given in the Parliamentary History: — ''As Ministers have frequently made the King — so he frequently makes you (Parliament) the propitiatory sacrifice to atone for his trans- gressions :" a Fpecimen of effrontery in attacking the Sove- ♦ Both the Burkes voted in the minority for the amendment. (Ayes, 138; Noes, 264.) THE LATEH LETTEKS OF JUNIUS. 86 reign in direct terms, of which, I believe, no instances by persons of equal ability, can be found elsewhere than in Burke's Speeches and Junius' s Letters. Junius held the same language : — " As the matter stands, the Minister, after placing his Sovereign in the most unfavorable light to his subjects, and after attempting to fix the ridicule and odium of his own precipitate measures upon the royal character, leaves him a solitary figure upon the scene, to recal, if he can, or to compensate, by future compliances, for one unhappy demonstra- tion of ill 'Supported firmness, and ineffectual resentment." * * » " His Majesty will find .at last, that this is the sense of his people, and that it is not his interest to support either Ministry or Parliament, at the hazard of a breach with the collective body of his subjects." Though "William Eurke spoke but little, when he did it was to give emphatic assent to Edmund's diatribes. Thus on the 8th of May, in the same Session, the latter having moved a string of resolutions on the Ministerial misgovern- ment of America; William Burke is briefly reported as having *' supported every article of the motion in strong terms." "When the affair of the Lord Mayor and City Magistrates was in debate, he said, "that no part of the whole business, from the complaint to the judgment, had been conducted wisely or equitably, and I wish the House good night." He, and several other of the most violent members of the opposition, withdrew from the debate, unable to obtain a majority. By far the larger part of the onslaughts on the Ministry, maintained in these times by Burke, Barre, and other professed gladiators, turned on the City grievances, on the struggles arising out of the affair of the Printers, and the committal of the Mayor and Aldermen to the Tower. The passions of the democratical section of the citizens were fiercely aroused; and the proverb was soon realized, that " they who sow the wind, must reap the whirlwind." Lord Chatham, moreover. 86' THE LATEE LETTERS OF JD'NItTS. always rampant in any course he took up in his advanced years, had railed at the moderation of Lord Eockingham,* and these popular fermentations did their work. Civic patriotism embodied itself in a new Society, called the "Supporters of the Bill of Eights," under the auspices of Wilkes, and embodied in its code every species of im- practicable democracy, greatly to the damage of reform and the Eockinghams. Edmund Burke was too wise in his generation to countenance the violent demands of these turbulent patriots. Before this, according to Walpole, " the Marquis of Eockingham and the Cavendishes had kept aloof from the factious meetings of the opposition." Burke, who had consulted Lord Eockingham on the proper course to sug- gest to the City patriots, and knew his feelings and moderation, expressed himself thus strongly, in a letter to Shackleton, in August, 1770, against them. He calls them " a rotten subdivision of a faction among ourselves, who have done us infinite mischief by the violence, rashness, and often wickedness of their measures." (Correspondence, i. p. 229.) The dilemma had now arisen of either exasperating the properly Conservative feeling of the country by an alliance with the City demagogues, or of incurring the hostility of the very people whose importance they had swollen, and whose wrongs they had ridden as a stalking horse against Court * He -wrote thus to Calcraft, " I was in town on "Wednesday last : saw Lord Rockingham, and learned nothing more than what I kaew before ; namely, that the Marquis is an honest and honorable man, hut that moderation, moderation, is the burden of the song among the body : for myself, I am resolved to be in earnest for the pubHc, and shall be a scarecrow of violence to the gentle warblers of the grove, the moderate Whigs and temperate statesmen." (Chatham's Correspon- dence, vol. iii. p. 469.) THE LATP:iI LETTEES of JUNIUS. 87 and Cabinet. ''Wilkes," as Lord Mahon pungently re- marks, '' when he ceased to be a martyr, was shunned as un ally." It cost the AVhig opposition, nevertheless, much of their power to cut him. Even proud Earl Temple had visited him in gaol. The Burkes had taken him up : especially William, whom he claimed as a friend ; for Garrick wishing to introduce a Mr. Aylward to " the intrepid Wilkes," (using to Edmund Burke the very same epithet Junius applied, and which Garrick seems to know, therefore, would not be dis- tasteful, even to Edmund Burke,) sends to William Burke for an introduction. (Correspondence, i. p. 253.) Junius, though he never failed to express a just estimate of Wilkes's vices, had extolled his courage, vastly inflated his chronic vanity, and gratified his yearning for notoriety. He did more, as we shall presently see. It usually happens that when men with good blood in their veins, and reputations to lose, stoop to fraternize with those who have neither, that be the motive as patriotic as it may, the mesalliance leads to grief; and the union thus begun in moral compromise, ends in political disaster. The demands of the Society grew in extravagance and absurdity : the Eockinghams were disgusted : the friends of the Government rejoiced at the discord in the camp of their foes, and though the battle was still waged gallantly in Par- liament, the ardour of the combatants was chilled; the excitement of the country waned ; and the security of the Government increased in proportion as the noisy folly of the demagogues damaged the prestige of opposition. It became requisite in the infancy of this dilemma, to steer dexterously between the Charybdis of open discord with the City patriots, and the shipwreck of reputation which awaited fellowship with their excesses, or assent to their demands. 88 THE LA.TER LETTEHS OF JUNTUS. Junius had, ere this, gone some lengths with Wilkes, and the more rational of the "Bill of Eights" people, ahead of the Rockingham party, in the same degree in which the political impulses and impetuosity of William had exceeded the steadier march of the elder Burke. On the 8th of September, 1770, Burke writes to Lord Rockingham, saying : — " They (the Court party) are well acquainted with the diflference between the "Bill of Eights" (men) and your Lordship's friends, and they are very insolently rejoiced at it. They respect and fear that wretched knot beyond anything you can readily imagine, and far more than any part or all the other parts of the opposition, the reason is plain, etc. Will. Burke has seen Lord John Cavendish in town. His Lordship is of opinion that some further explanation of the common sentiments of the party would be advisable. Perhaps it may, etc. How well these villains deserve the gallows for their playing the Court game again at this season. The Lord Mayor wishes to see me, I take it for granted it is to know if you would wish anything done in the city, I must beg some immediate advice from your Lordship. The great difficulty wOl be to prevent the traitors from bringing in speculative questions to sup- plant our business." See how well William Burke, as Junius, did this work next year. Observe also how William Burke is usually the informant of Edmund on all Ministerial proceedings. In August, 1771,— after the committal and release of Crosby and Oliver from the Tower, and Avhen, before the reassembling of Parliament, it was of the utmost importance to drill the City martyrs, so as to array them advantageously against the Government — Junius writes to Wilkes privately, a series of Letters worthy of Machiavelli. In these he assures him that it must ever make part of Junius' s plan to support him while he makes common cause with the people : and that he ought to move to make Sawbridge Lord Mayor : reminds liim of the disservice to him which arose from the THE LATER LETTERS OF JUNIUS. 89 withdrawal of gentlemen from the ''Bill of Rights," and warns him and Sawbridge of a connection every way hostile to^ them. Now Sawbridge was a moderate man, and Junius was right in urging him on "Wilkes for Lord Mayor instead of Crosby. He urged it as a matter of political prudence for the benefit of the cause, for the sake of Wilkes's " public reputa- tion and personal interest," and he slily adds— ''I do not deny that a stroke like this is above the level of vulgar policy, or that if you were a much less considerable man than you are, it would not suit you." He also suggests that to effect his purpose the Lord Mayor should begin by desiring a private interview between him, Sawbridge, and Wilkes. Now this Mr. Sawbridge is mentioned in one of Edmund Burke's letters to the Marquis of Rockingham, before this, as a person with whom the Duke of Manchester had had a conversation, and as having guessed from him how Lord Chatham was disposed. (Correspondence, i. 241.) Junius having done his best to promote the election of a man confided in by Burke and the opposition, he in a subsequent Letter expresses, precisely as Burke had done, his disgust at the resolutions of the " Bill of Rights" people; whose objects he denounces as absurd and impracticable, and uses Burke's own words to Lord Rocking- ham in denouncing a "Bill of Rights " resolution as a ''specu- lative question." (Junius, vol i. p. 282.) He tells Wilkes that he "at least should have shown more temper and jjrudence and a better knowledge of mankind." He also adds, that " no personal respects whatsoever should have persuaded him to concur in these ridiculous resolutions." In another Letter he threatens, "if no steps are taken with the ' Bill of Rights' to form a rational declaration, to institute an amicable suit against them before the tribunal of the public." In another Letter 90 THE LATER LETTEllS OE JUXIUS. he says — "Depend upon it the perpetual union of Wilkes and Moh does you no service." Junius also holds out as a reward of Wilkes's adoption of his views the charitable expectation of " breaking Home's heart." In great measure, as regarded Wilkes, Junius was successful : he was alienated from the excesses of his party. There is, I observe, in one of these Letters a mention of Burke.** Junius says he is contented to refer Wilkes to Mr. Burke's opinion, on the proposal to allow the Americans to send representatives to Parliament. Junius ably backed his private remonstrances with Wilkes in his public Letters at the same time. That of the 5th of October, 1771, is so admirable an exposition of the spirit and genius of constitutional reform, as well as so perfect an echo of Burke's opinions, that I cannot refrain from giving an extract. It shall be the last : — "No man laments, more sincerely than I do, the unhappy differences which have arisen among the friends of the people, and divided them from each other. The cause undoubtedly suffers, as well by the diminution of that strength, which union carries with it, as by the separate loss of personal reputation, which every man sustains, when his character and conduct are frequently held forth in odious or con- temptible colors. — These differences are only advantageous to the common enemy of the country. The hearty friends of the cause are provoked and disgusted. * * * * I can more readily admire the liberal spirit and integrity, than the sound judgment of any man who prefers a republican form of government, in this or any other empire of equal extent, to a monarchy so qualified and limited as ours. I am convinced, that neither is it in theory the wisest system of govern- ment, nor practicable in this country. Yet, though I hope the English Constitution will for ever preserve its original monarchial form, I would have the manners 'of the people purely and strictly republican. I do * I erred therefore in saying in page 16, that there was but one men- tion of Burke by Junius. THE LATEE LETTERS OF JUNIUS. 91 not mean the licentious spirit of anarchy and riot. I mean a general attachment to the commonweal, distinct from any partial attachment to persons or families ; — an implicit submission to the laws only, and an aflfection to the magistrate, proportioned to the integrity and wisdom with which he distributes justice to his people, and administers their affairs. The present habit of our political body appears to me the very reverse of what it ought to be." The excellent discretion and temperate policy of these lessons, thus privately and publicly enforced by Junius, were unhappily disregarded by the City : and Junius soon had bit- ter experience of the hollowness of loud tongued patriotism. ''Between ourselves," says he, in a private Letter toWoodfall, very shortly after his last Letter to Wilkes, "let me recom- mend it to you to be much upon your guard with patriots." By February he informs his friend that the Lord Mayor (Mr. ]!^ash) "is an abandoned prostituted idiot," that "the shameful mismanagement which brought him into office" had given Junius " the first and an unconquerable disgust :" and by the following January he discovered that there "were not ten men in the country who would unite and stand together upon any one question, and that it was all alike vile and contemptible." How many ardent political philanthropists since that day have had rueful experience of the same barren bourn, as the reward of all their generous efforts and aspirations ! Thus Junius ceased to write. Lord Eockiugham and his friends, towards the close of 1771, "wearied out," as Walpole says, " by continual defeats * * determined to sit still and give over parliamentary opposition." The material for it had, in effect, nearly passed away. The Queen Mother was dying: and with her the influence, real or imaginary, of Bute in the closet. Popular welfare had setin, and the English were at ease. Politics and prosperity are seldom in the ascend- 92 THE LATER LETTERS OF JUNIUS. ant together. Foreign nations had ceased to trouble us. America was quiet for the nonce, and even Spain had restored the Falkland Islands. At home, Sir James Lowther was non- suited and the Duke of Portland had got hi^ own. The young Duke of Cumberland had indeed married the beautiful enchantress, Mrs. Horton, and — oh ! nuts for the Burkes ! — there was no concealing that Colonel Luttrell, the Court nominee in the Middlesex election, was indeed her brother, and so the brother-in-law of the King's brother.''^ But this triumph had been drunk to the dregs. Even Wilkes's wrongs were unfortunately redressed, and that patriot quelled. Civic ectotor. in our literature, peculiarly full of beauties, and peculiarly free Irom faults."— ^^Z«8. " It is well that the world's attention should b3 called to such a man, and that the particulars of his character and career should be preserved in a The Life of Charlotte Bronte. (Cureer Bell.) Author of "Jane Eyre," "Shirley," "Yillette," &c. By Mrs. Gaskell, Author of " North and South," &c. Fourth Edition, JRevised, One Volume, with a Portrait of Miss Bronte and a View of Haw or th Parsonage. Price 7 s. Bd.; morocco elegant, 14s. " All the secrets of the literary workmanship of the authoress of 'Jane Eyre' are unfolded in the course of this extraordinary narrative."— TiTnes " " Its" moral is, the unconquerable strength of genius and goodness. Mrs. Gaskell's account of Charlotte Bronte and lier family is one of the profoundest tragedies of modern life."— Sfpec«atti^y Tele- graph. "There is no man who is so capable of treating of these matters as Mr. Greener. The importance of opinion upon all questions connected with Gunnery is not to be questioned."— Cn7ic. "An acceptable contribution to professional literature, written in a popular style."— Z/wi^ed Service Magazine. " The most interesting work of the kind that has come under our notice."— Saturday Review. SldllTII, EI.X>EK J^IS^ID CO. NEW PUBLICATIONS— continued. Phantasies : a Faerie Romance for Men and Women, By Geoege MacDonald, Author of '^ Within and Without." Post 8yo, price \0s. 6d. cloth. " ' Phantastes ' is, in some respects, oriscinal ; we know of nothing with whicli it can he fairly compared. It must he read, and re-read. There is an iudescrihable, nameless grace in the mixture of deep thought and hriaht coloured fancy which pervades the whole."— Giofte. " ' Phantastes ' will he read for its story— for its liidden meaning and solemn teaching." — J\'e«; Quarterly/. "The work is one which will form a source of agi-eeable reading to many. It is replete with wild imagery, strange flights of fancy, and beau- tiful descriptions of nature."— Daiiy Telegraph. "Not without fine fancy, considerable invention, and an occasional vein of real poetic feeling."— Leader. "The whole book is instinct with poetry, with delicate perception of the hidden emotions of the soul, with thought, and with ideal truth. The story is in fact a parable— an allegory of human life, its temptations and its sorrows."— Literary Gazette, The Education of the Human Race. first Translated from the German of Lessing. Fcap. 8vo, antique cloth, price 4s. *^* This remarkable work is now first published in English. " An agreeable and flowing translation of one of Lessirig's finest Assays."— Natiotial Review, "The Essay makes quite a gem in its English {orm."—Wei(mi>isterJiccieii: Now "This invaluable tract."— Critic. " A little book on a great subject, and one which, in its day, exerted no slight influence upon Euro- pean thought,"— Inquirer. Homely Ballads for the Working Fireside, By Mary Sewell. Seventh Thousand. Post 8vo, cloth, One Shilling. Mans " Very good verses conveying very useful les- sons."— Zi^erar^/ Gazette. " Simple poems, well suited to the taste of the classes for whom they are written."— 6?/o6e, " There is a real homely flavour about them, and they contain sound and wholesome lessons."— Critic , The Endowed Schools of Ireland, By Harriet MaRTINEAU. 8vo, 3s. 6d., cloth, hoards. " The friends of education will do well to possess themselves of this 'book,"—Spectator, Esmond, By W. M. Thackeray, Esq. A New Edition, being the Third, in One Volume, Crown 8vo, price 6s. cloth. " Apart fi-om its special merits ' Esmond ' must be readjust now as an introduction to ' The Vir- ginians.' It is quite impossible f uUy to understand and enjoy the latter story without a knowledge of 'Esmond.' The new tale is in the strictest sense the sequel of the old, not only introducing the same characters, hut continuing their history at a later period."— iearfer. "The book has the great charm of reality. Queen Anne's colonel writes his life— and a very interesting life it is— just as a Queen Anne's colonel might be supposed to have written it. Mr. Thackeray has selected for his hero a very noble type of the cavalier softenings into the man of the eighteenth century, and for his heroine, one of the sweetest women that ever breathed from canvas or from book since RaflUelle painted and Shakespeare wrote."— Spectator. "The interest of 'Esmond' is in the main purely human interest ; the heart of the story has been the first object of consideration. It is more than anything a family story. The pleasure comes from the development and display of character." —Daily News. " Once more we feel that we have before ns a masculine and thoroughly English writer, uniting the power of subtle analysis, with a strong volition and a moving eloquence— an eloquence which has gained in richness and harmony. • Esmond ' must be read, not for Its characters, but for its romantic plot, its spirited grouping, and its many thrilling utterances of the anguish of the human heart."— Athenaum. " This is the best work of its kind that has been published for many years. As a picture of the social life and manners of English society in tlie reign of Queen Anne, it must long remain un- rivalled."— .tji3i.isii3i;d by NEW WORKS ON INDIA AND THE EAST. Personal Adventures during the Indian lion, ill jRohilcund, Futteghnr, and Oude. Edwaeds, Esq., B.C.S. Fourth Edition. Post 8vo, pince 65. cloth. ReheU By W. "For touching incidents, hair-breadth 'scapes, and the pathos of suffering almost incredible, there has appeared nothing like this little book of I)ersonal adventures. For the first time we seem to realize the magnitude of the afflictions which have befallen our unhappy countrymen in the East. The terrible drama comes before us, and we are by turns bewildered with horror, stung to j fierce indignation, and melted to tears , AVe have here a tale of suffering such as may have j been equalled, but never surpassed. These real adventures, which no effort of the imagination can surpass, will find a sympathising public."— Athenceum. "Mr. Edwards's narrative is one of the most ! deeply interesting episodes of a story of which ! the least striking portions cannot be read mthout j emotion. He tells his story with simplicity and manliness, and it bears the impress of that earnest and unaffected reverence to the will and hand of God, which Avas the stay and comfort of many other brave \\.e&vtB."— Guardian. " The narrative of Mr. Edwards's suffering and escapes is full of interest; it tells many a painlul tale, but it also exhibits a man patient under ad- versity, and looking to the God and Father of us all for guidance and bv-vVovX,,"— Eclectic Revietc. "Among the stories of hair-breadtli escapes in India this is one of the most interesting and tovLching."— Examiner. " A fascinating little hooV. "—N'ational Review. " A very touching narrative."— Z,?Y. Gazette. "No account of it can do it justice."— G/o6e. The Chaplains Narrative of the Siege of Delhi, By the Rev. J. E. W. Rotton, Chaplain to the Delhi Field Force. Post SrOj with a Plan of the City and Siege Works, price 10s. 6J. clotli " Mr. Eotton's work commends itself to us as a clear, succinct, and most instructive narrative of tlio siege of Delhi. It brings vividly before us the sccr.es and dread realities of military life in the encampment before the beleaguered city, and makes us familiar with many interesting events which find no place in the usual militaiy de- spatches."— OAserrc^-. " We shall rejoice if the ' Chaplain's Narrative ' re- wakens attention to the incomparable merits of the army of Delhi ; and we think it is well cal- culated to do so, being a simple and touching statement, which bears the impress of truth in every word. It has this advantage over the ac- counts which have yet beenpublished, that it sup- plies some of those personal anecdotes and minute details which bring the events home to the understanding."— ^^Ae72[T> CO. NEW WORKS ON INDIA AND THE EAST— Continued, Eight Months Campaign against the Bengal Sepoys, during tlie Mutiny y 1857. By Colonel Geoege BouECHiER, C.B., Bengal Horse Artillery. With Plans. Post Svo, price Is. Gc/. cloth. " Col. Bourchier lias given a right manly, fair, and forcible statement of events, and the reader will derive much pleasure and instruction from his TD?i^es."—Athenceii'm. "Col. Bourchier describes the various opera- tions with a modest forgetfulness of self, as pleasing and as rare as the clear nianly style in which tliey are narrated." — Literary Gazette. "Col. Bourchier relates his adventures in a ft-ee and graceful manner, never giving au undue pro- minence to his own actions, andnever withholding praise from the gallant deeds of others. '—C»v7Jc*. " None who really desire to be more than very superficially acquainted with the rise and pro- gress of the rebellion may consider their studies complete until they liave read Col. Bourchier. The nicely engraved plans fi'om the Colonel's own sketches confer additional value upon his contri- bution to the literature of the Indiau war."— Leaclei: Narrative of the Mission from the Governor- General of India to the Court of Ava in 1855. With Notices of the Country, Government, and People. By Captain Henry Yule, JBengal Engineers. Imperial 8vo, with 24 Plates ,(12 coloured), 50 Woodcuts, and 4 Maps. Elegantli/ hound in clh'th, with gilt edges, price 2l. I2s. 6d. things, especially of the antiquities, are not only curious in themselves, but fo ' volume In gorgeous golden covers, in our times a rarity. Large, "A stateb Such a bool massive, and beautiful in Itself, it is illustrated by a sprinkling of elegant woodcuts, and by a series of admirable tinted lithographs We have read it with curiosity and gratification, as a fresh, full, and luminous report upon the condition of one of the most interesting divisions of Asia beyond the Ganges."— ^^Ae^ «;«»«. " Captain Yule has brought to his narrative a knowledge of many things, which Is the main help to observation. He has a taste in archl- 1 ecture, art, and the cognate sciences, as well as much information on the history and religion of the Burmese. . . . His description of these for the speculations they open up as to origin of the Bm-mese style, id t' " ' "■■ ■ ■ ■ eci ■ Captain Yule, in the preparation of the splendid the splendour of the empire, centiu'ies ago."— Si^ectator. vohime before us, has availed himself of the labours of those who preceded him. To all who are desirous of possessing the best and fullest account that has ever been given to the public, of a great, and hitherto little known region of the globe, the interesting, conscientious, and well-written work of Captain Yule will have a deep interest, while to the political economist, geographer, and mer- chant it will be indispensable."— jfc,a'a?Mi«er. The Autobiography of Lutfullah, a Mohame- dan Gentleman, with an Account of his Visit to England, Edited by E. B. Eastwick, Esq. Third Edition, Small Post Qvo. Price 5s. cloth. "Thank you, Munshi Lutfullah Khan! We have read your book with wonder and delight. Your adventures are more curious than you are aware. . . . But your book is chiefly striking for Its genuineness. . . . Th 3 story will aid, in its degree, to some sort of understanding of the Indian insurrection. The adventures of Munshi Lutfullah, however strange, are of less interest than his views and oninions. The first tells us chiefly of an individual, the others present to us a race. Professor Eastwick has done a gi-ateful service in making known this valuable volume."— AthentBum. "Head fifty volumes of travel, and a thousand imitations of the Oriental novel, and you will not get the flavour of Eastern life and thought^ or the zest of its romance, so perfectly as in LutruUah's book. The book, to be appreciated, must be read fi-om the first to the last page."— Leat/er. "This is a remarkable book. We have auto- biographies in abundance of Englishmen, French- men, and Germans ; but of Asiatics and Mahome- tans, few or none. . . . As the autobiography of a Mahometan mulla, it is in itself singularly interesting. As the observations of an eye- witness or our Indian possessions and our policy and proceedings in the peninsula, it possesses a valueofits own, quite distinct fi-om any European memorials on the same siibiccts,"—i)tumlava. "This is the freshest and most original work that it has been our good fortune to meet with for long. It Dears every trace of being a most genuine account of the feelings and doings of the author. The whole tone of the book, the turn of every thought, the association of ideas, the allusions, are all fresh to the English reader; it opens up a new vein, and many will be astonished to find how rich a vein it is. Lutfullah is by no means an ordinary specimen of his race, . . . Everything which contributes to giv e us a right under standing of the character of our Indian subjects is of im- portance; in this light we consider Lutfullah's autobiography no less valuable than entertaining. It gives, too, a few indications of the character Ave bear in the eyes of the mitivea."— Economist. "This veritable autobiography, reads like a mix- ture of the Life and Adventure of Gil Bias, « ith those of the Three Calendars. . . . Every one w ho is interested in the present state of matters in India should read Lutfullah's own account of himself and his people, as well as their peculiar ai d general feeling towards the Eeringees."— Glohe. "It is readable, instructive, and entertaining, and it is most ci-editable to its author."— Saturday Review. " As an autobiography, the book is very curious. It bears the strongest resemblance to Gil Bias of anything we have ever rend."— Spectator. 7 ^VOEICS OPUBILISIIED BY NEW AYORKS ON INDIA AND THE EAST— Continued. Life and Correspondence of Lord Metcalfe, By John William Kate. New and Cheap Edition, in 2 Vols., Small Post 8vo, with Portrait, price \2s. cloth. " Lord Metcalfe possessed extraordinary oppo-- I present day. This revised edition has several tiinities of making himself acquainted with the fresh passages of high interest, now first inserted native character, and of estimating at its correct ] from among Lord Metcalfe's papers, in which his clear prescience of the dangers that threatened iga value the nature of the tenure by which our Indian possessions were held: and at the present time we can value more highly the great practical discernment of one whose fortune it was to be laughed at by the superficial, because he believed in the insecurity of our Indian empire. Some additions which liave been made to the present volumes, place in a strong light the sagacity and eoodsense of Lord Metcalfe. . . . The present demand for a new edition is a sufficient commen- dation of a work which has already occupied the highest rank among biographies of the great men of modern times."— Observer. "A new and revised edition of the life of one of the greatest and purest men that ever aided In governing India. The new edition not only places a very instructive book within the reach of a greater number of persons, but contains new matter of the utmost value and interest."— Critic. " One of the most valuable biographies of the our Indian empire is remarkably shown. Both in size and price the new edition is a great improve- ment on tlie original work."— Economist. " Mr. Kaye's life of Lord Metcalfe is a work too well known to need an extended notice ; but there is something to be said for this republication. It is an edition revised with care and judgment. Mr. Kay e has judiciously condensed that portion of his original work which relates to the earlier career of the great Indian statesman. Another improvement in the work will be found in the augmentation of that part setting forth Lord Met- calfe's views of the insecurity of our Indian empire. The insecurity which cast a gloom over Metcalfe's predictions has been fearfully verifted by the events of 1^7."— Globe. " A much improved edition of one of the most interesting political biographies in lingUsli litGr{it\xve,"—Nati07ialBeview, The Life and Correspondence of Sir John Malcolm, G.CB. By John William Kaye. Two Volumes, 8t'o. With Portrait. Price 365. cloth. "The biography is replete with interest and information, deserving to be perused by the stu- dent of Indian history, and sure to recommend itself to the general vei\,<\ev."—AthenaBum. "One of the most interesting of the recent biographies of our great Indian statesmen."— National Review. " This book deserves to participate in the popu- larity Avhich It was the good fortune of Sir John Malcolm to enjoy. "—Edinburgh Revietc. " Mr. Kaye has used his materials well, and has written an interesting narrative, copiously illus- trated with valuable documents."— i'a;aw/ we/'. "There are a great many matters of general interest in these volumes. Not a little of the spirit of Arthur Wellesleyi'uns through the bock." -Globe. " Thoroughly agreeable, instructive reading."— Westminster Review. "A very valuable contribution to our Indian literature. We recommend it strongly to all Avho desire to learn something of the history of British India."— iVew Quarterly/ Review. " Mr. Kaye's biography is at once a contribution to the history of our policy and dominion in the East, and a worthy memorial of one of those wise and large hearted men whose energy and prin- ciple have made England great."— British Qi'.ar- terly Revietc. The Parsees : and Customs. " Our author's account of the inner life of the Parsees will be read with interest."— Dailp News. " A very curious and well written book, by a their Histojy, Religion, Manners, By DosABHoY Feamjee. Post Qvo, price \Qs. cloth. An acceptable addition to our literature. yon his own race."— National Revieiv. fives information which many will be glad to ave carefully gathered together, and formed into a shapely whole."— Economist. Suggestions Towards the Future Government of India. By Haeriet Martineau. Second Edition. Demy Sfo, price 5s. cloth. " As the work of an honest able writer, these Suggestions are well worthy of attention, and no doubt they will generally be duly appreciated."— Observer. " Genuine honest utterances of a clear, sound understanding, neither obscured nor enfeebled by party prejudice or personal selfishness. We cor- dially recommend all who are in search of tlie truth to peruse and reperuse these pages."— Dail-i/ News. British Ride in India. By Harriet Mabtineau. Sixth Thousand. Price 2s. 6d. cloth. "A good compendium of a great subject.' National Review. I "A succinct and comprehensive volume."— I Leader. t* A reliable class-book for examination in the history of British India. S3tiiTir, ELDEK ^v:nd CO. NEW WORKS ON INDIA AND THE EAST— Continued. The Defence of Luchiow : a Staff-Officer's Diary. By Capt. Thos. F. Wilson, 13tli Bengal N.L, Assistant- Adj utant-General. Sixth Thousand. With Plan of the Residency. Small post 8yo., price 2s. 6d. I tlie nature of that unders^round contest, upon the result of which the fate of the beleaguered garrison I especially deT[)enAeCi."— Examiner. I '^'We commend the Staff-Offlccr's Diary for its I unostentatious relation of facts, recorded with a i degree of distinctness that voviches for the au- thenticity of the writer's statement."— P>*e«s, "The Staff-Ofllcer supplies exact military infor- mation with brevity and distinctness."— Gto6i?. " Unadorned and simple, the story is, nevei-the- less, an eloquent one. This is a narrative not to be laid down until the last line has been read."— Leader. "The Staff-Oflicer's Diary is simple and brief, and has a special interest, inasmuch as it gives a fuller account than we have elsewhere seen of those operations which were the chief human means of salvation to our friends in Lucknow. The Staff-Otflcer brings home to us, by his details, Tiger- Shooting in India, Rice, 25th Bombay N. 1. By Lieutenant William Super Royal 9>vo. With Twelve Plates in Chroma-lithography. 21*. cloth. " These adventures, told in handsome large print, with spirited chromo-litliographs to illus- trate them, make the volume before us as pleasant reading as any record of sporting achievements we have ever taken in hand."— Athenceicm. "A remarkably pleasant book of adventures during several seasons of ' large game ' hunting in Rajpootana. The twelve cliromo-lithographs are very valuable accessories to the narrative ; they have wonderful spirit and freshness."— Globe. "A good volume of wild sport, abounding in adventure, and handsomely illustrated witli coloured plates from spirited designs by the n,\xthor,"—JExaminer. The Commerce of India tvith Europe, and its Political Effects. By B. A. iRYiNa, Esq. Post 8yo, price 7s. 6d. cloth. book of the " Sir. Irving's work is that of a man thoroughly I book of tlie progress versed in his subject. It is a historical hand- | trade with India.."— Ucutiomint. s and vicissitudes of European Views and Opinions of Brig adier- General Jacob, C.B, Edited by Captain Lewis Felly. Demy 8vo, price I2s. "The statesmanlike views and broad opinions enunciated in this work wouldcommand attention tinder any circumstances, but coming from one of such experience and authority they are doubly valuable, and merit the consideration of legis- lators and politicians."— /Smm. " The facts in this book are worth looking at. If the reader desiies to take a peep into tlie inte- rior of the mind of a great man, let him make cloth. acquaintance Avith the 'Views and Opinions of General Jacob.' "—Globe. " This is truly a gallant and soldierly book ; very Napierish in its self-confldence, in its capital sense, and in its devoteduess to professional honour and the public good. The booK should be studied ))y all who are interested in the choice of a new government for India."— Dai^y News. Papers of the late lord Metcalfe, Selected and Edited by J. W. KaYE. Demy Svo, price 16s. cloth. "We commend this volume to all persons who like to study State papers, in which the practical sense of a man of the Avorld is joined to the speculative sagacity of aphilosopi No Indian li»)rary should be without it."— Prc«», [)hical statesman. The Life of Mahomet and History of Islam to the Era of the Jlegira. By William Muir, Esq., Bengal Civil Service. Two volumes 8vo, price 32s. cloth. "The most perfect life of Mahomet in the English language, or perhaps in any other. . . . The work is at once learned and interesting, and it cannot fail to be eagerly perused by all persons having any pretensions to historical knowledge." —OOsercer. 9 -V^OEIs:S 3?XJI3LISIIEr) 33Y MR. RUSKIN'S WOEKS ON AET. The Elements of Drawing, Second Edition. Crown 8vo. With Illustrations drawn hy the Author, Price Is. 6d., cloth. " The rules are clearly and fully laid down; and tlie earlier exercises always conducive to the end hy simple and unemharrassing means. The whole volume is full of liveliness."— -Spectotor. " We close this hook with a feeling that, though nothing supersedes a master, yet that no student of art should launch forth without this work as a comjpa.ss."—Athenceum. " It ^^ill he found not only an invaluahle acqui- sition to the student, but agreeahle and instructive reading for any one who wishes to refine his per- ceptions of natural scenery, and of its worthiest artistic representations."— iTcowofflis^. " Original as this treatise is, it cannot fail to he at once instructive and suggestive."— ii^erai'i/ Gazette. "The most useful and practical book on the subject which has ever come under our notice."— Fregg. Modern Painters, Vol, IV. On Mountain Beauty. Imperial 8vo, with Thirty-Jive Illustrations engraved on Steel, and 116 Woodcuts, draivn by the Author. rice 2l. 10s. cloth. "The present volume of Mr. Ruskin's elaborate work treats chiefly of mountain scenery^ and discusses at length the principles involved m the pleasure we derive from mountains and their pictorial representation. The singular beauty of his style, the hearty sympath.y with all forms of natural loveliness, the profusion of his illustra- tions form irresistible attractions."— Daii^/iVetfs. " Considered as an illustrated volume, this is the most remarkable which Mr. lluskin has yet issued. The plates and woodcuts are profuse, and include numerous drawings of mountain form by the author, which prove Mr. lluskin to be essentially an artist. He is an unique man, both among artists and wviturs."— Spectator'. " Th ! fourth volume brings fresh stores of wondrous eloquence, close and patient observa- tions, and subtle disquisition. . . . Such a writer is a national possession. He adds to our store of knowledge and enjoyment."— Leader. " Mr. lluskin is the most eloquent and thought - awakening writer on nature m its relation witli art, and the most potent influence by the pen, ot young artists, whom this country can boast."— National Beview. Modern Painters, Vol, III, Oj Many Things, With Eighteen Illustratioiis drawn hy the Author, and engraved on Steel. Price 38*. cloth. " Every one who cares about nature, or poetry, or the story of human development— every one who has a tinge of literature or philosophy, will find something that is for him in this volume."— Westminster lleview. "Mr. lluskin is in possession of a clear and penetrating mind; he is undeniably practical in his fundamental ideas; full of the deepest j reverence for all that appears to liim beautiful and holy. His style is, as usual, clear, bold, racy. Mr. Ruskin is one of the ftrst writers of the Aay."— Economist. "The pi-eseoit volume, viewed as a litei'ary achievement, is the highest and most striking evidence of the author's abilities that has yet been published."— Leaden " All, it is to be hoped, will read the book for themselves. They will And it well worth a careful ^^ernHA]."— Saturday Review. " This work is eminently suggestive, full of new thoughts, of brilliant descriptions of scenery, and eloquent moral application of tiiem."—Neiv Quarterly Review. "Mr. lluskin has deservedly won for himself a place in the first rank of modern writers upon the theory of the fine a,xts."-^Eclectic Review. Modern Painters, Vols, I, and II, Imperial 8vo. Vol. I., 5th Edition, 185. cloth. Price 10s. 6c?. cloth. Vol II., 4th Edition. "A generous and impassioned review of the works of living painters. A hearty and earnest woi k, full of deep thought, and developing great and striking truths in art."— British Qua.rterly Beview. "A very extraordinai-y and delightful book, full of truth and goodness, of power and beauty."— Nortfi, British Review. 10 " Mr. Ruskin's work will send the painter more than ever to the study of nature; will train men who have always been delighted spectators of nature, to be also attentive observers. Our critics will learn to admire, and mere admirers will learn how to criticise : thus a public will be educated."— Bluckwood'» Magazine, SMITH, ELDEU j^NlD CO. WORKS OF MR. IWSKil^— continued. The Stones of Venice. Complete in Three Volumes, Imperial 8vo, with Fifty-three Plates and numerous Woodcuts, drawn by the Author. Price 5l. 15s. 6d., cloth. EACH VOLUME MAY BE HAD SEPAEATELY. Vol. I. THE FOUNDATIONS, with 21 Plates, price 2/. 25. 2nd Edition. Vol. II. THE SEA STORIES, with 20 Plates, price 2/. 2s. Vol. III. THE FALL, with 12 Plates, price 1/. Us. 6d. " The ' Stones of Venice ' is the production of an earnest, religious, progressive, and informed mind . The author of this essay on architecture has con- densed it into a poetic apprehension, the fruit of awe of God, and delight in nature ; a knowledge, love, and just estimate of art; a holding fast to fact and repudiation of hearsay; an historic breadth, and a fearless challenge of existing social problems, whose union we know not where to And paralleled."— ^pecfa^oj*. " This book is one which, perhaps, no other man could have written, and one for which the world ought to be and will be thankful. It is in the highest degree eloquent, acute, stimulating to thought, and fertile in suggestion. It will, wo are convinced, elevate taste and intellect, raise the tone of moral feeling, kindle benevolence towards men, and increase the love and fear of God."— Times. The Seven Laynps of Architecture. Second Edition, with Fourteen Plates drawn by the Author. Price ll. Is. cloth. Imperial 8fO. "By 'Tlie Seven Lamps of Architecture,' we nnderstand Mr. Ruskin to mean the Seven tunda- inental and cardinal laws, the observance of and obedience to which are indispensable to the archi- tect, who would deserve the name. The politician, the moralist, the divine, will And in it ample store of instructive matter, as well as the artist. The author of this work belongs to a class of thinkers of whom we have too few amongst us."— Examiner. " Mr. Ruskin's book bears so unmistakeably the marks of keen and accurate observation, of a true and subtle judgment and refined sense of beauty, joined with so much earnestness, so noble a sense of the purposes and business of art, and such a command of rich and glowing language, that it cannot but tell powerfully in prooricing a more religious view of the uses of architecture, and a deeper insight into its artistic principles."— Gtiardian. Lectures on Architecture and Painting. With Fourteen Cuts, draiun by the Author. Second Edition. Crown Syo. 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Mr. Ruskin's chief purpose is to treat the artist's power, and the art itself, as items of the world's wealth, and to shoAv how these may be best evolved, produced, accumulated, and dis- trib\ited."—AtnencBum. " We never quit Mr. Ruskin Avithout being the better for what he has told us, and therefore we recommend this little volume, like all his other works, to the perusal of our renders."— Eco)iomist. "This book, daring, as it is, glances keenly at principles, of which some are amona the articles of ancient codes, while others are evolving slowly to thehghW— Leader. Notes on the Pictures in the Exhibition the Royal Academy, Sfc, for 1858. By John Ruskin. Fijth Thousand. 8vo, price One Shilling. of A Portrait of John Puskin, Esq., Engraved by F. HoLL, fro7n a Drawing by George Richmond. Prints, One Guinea ; India Proofs, Two Guineas. U ■WOKKS rUBILISIIEr) BY MISCELLANEOUS, ANNALS OF BRITISH LEGIS- LATION, A Classified Summary OF Parliamentary Papers. E.i by Professor Leone Levi. 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"We never quit Mr. Ruskin without being the better for what he has told us, and tlierefore we recommend this little volume, like all his other works to tlie perusal of our readcra."— Economist. "This book, daring as it is, glances keenly at principles, of which some are among the articles of ancient codes, while others arc evolving slowly to tlie light."— i/eader. BRITISH INDIA. By Harriet Martineau. Price 2s. Gd. clotli. "A good compendium of a great subject."— National Review. "Lucid, glowing, and instructive essays."— Economist. " As a handbook to the history of India it is the best that has yet appeared."— Jior?ji?jf7 Herald. 17 AVOI^KIS I^XJBLISHED BY CHEAP SERIES OF POPULAR FICTIONS. Well printed, in large Type, on good Paper, and strongly bound in cloth. JANE EYRE. By Currer Bell. Price 2s. Gd. cloth. " ' Jane Eyre ' is a remarkable protluction- Freshness and originality, truth ami passion, singular felicity in the description of natural scenery and in the analyzation of human thought, enable this tale to stand boldly out from the nia- s, and to assume its own place in the bright field of romantic literature."— ri?wes. " ' Jane Eyre ' is a book of decided power. The thoughts are true, sound, and original; and the style is i-esolute, straightforAyard, and to the purpose. The object and moral of the work are excellent."— Examiner. "A very pathetic tale; verj' singular, and so like truth that it is ditlicult to avoid believing that much of the characters and incidents are taken from life. It is an episode in this work-a- day world, most interesting, and touched at once with a daring and delicate liand. It is a book for the enjoyment of a feeling heart and vigorous unAcvstmiding."— Blackwood's Ma ffazine. " For many years there has been no work of such power, piquancy, and originality. Its very faults are on the side of vigour, and its beauties are all original. It is a book of singular fascina- tion."— jE'aiwJiztr'i^A ^eriew. " Almost all that we require in a novelist the writer has; perception of character and power of delineating it; picturesqueness, passion, and knowledge or life. Reality — deep, significant reality— is the characteristic of this book,"— Fraser's Marjazine. SHIRLEY. By Currer Bell. Price 2s. 6c/. cloth. " Tlie peculiar power which was so greatly admired in ' Jane Eyre ' is not absent from this book. It possesses deep interest, and an irre- sistible grasp of reality. There is a vividness and distinctness of conception in it quite marvellous. The power of graphic delineation and expression is intense. There are scenes which, for strength and delicacy of emotion, are not transcended in the range of English ^cHoto.."— Examiner. " ' Shirley ' is an admirable book ; totally free from cant, affectation, or conventional tinsel of any kind; genuine English in the independence and uprightness of the tone of thought, in the purity or heart and feeling which pervade it ; genunie English in the masculine vigour or rough originality of its conception of character; and genuine English in style and diction,"— Morninff Chronicle. " The same piercing and loving eye, and the same bold and poetic imagery, are exhibited here as in ' Jane Eyre.' Similar power is manifested in the delineation of character. With a few brief vigorous touches, the picture starts into distinct- ness,"— jE7diwi(2irfirA Review. " ' Shirley' is very clever. It could not be other- wise. The faculty of graphic description, strong imagination, fervid and masculine diction, ana- lytic skill, all are visible. . . . Gems of rare thought and glorious passion shine here and lheve."—Ti>neg. " ' Shirley ' is a book demanding close perusal and careful consi&eralion."—AthencBum. " ' Shirley ' is a novel of remarkable power and brilliancy; it is calculated to rouse attention, excite the imagination, and keep the faculties in eager and impatient BnsTpcnse."— Morning Post, " ' Shirley' is the anatomy of the female heart. It is a book Avhich indicates exquisite feeling, and very great poAver of mind in the writer. The women are all divine."— Da?/?/ A^'ews. 18 VILLETTE. By Currer Bell. Price 2*. 6c?. cloth. I " ' Villette ' is a most remarkable work— a pro- duction altogether sui generis. Fulness and vigour of thought mai-k almost every sentence, aivd there is a sort of easy power pervading the winkle narrative such as we have rarely met."— EdinhurgJi Review. " This novel amply sustains the fame of the author of ' Jane Eyre ' and ' Shirley ' as an original and powerful writer. 'Villette' is a most admi- rably written novel, everywhere original, every- where shxewA."— Examiner. " There is throughout a charm of freshness which is infinitely delightful : freshness in obser- vation, freshness in feeling, freshness in expres- sion."— i?7erar7/ Gazette. " The tale is one of the affections, and remark- able as a picture of manners. A burning heart glows throughout it, and one brilliantly distinct character keeps it a\\wG."—AthencBum. " ' Villette ' IS crowded with beauties, with good things, for which we look to the clear sight, deep feeling, and singular though not extensive expe- rience of life, wliich we associate with the name of Currer Bell.'— Dai^i' Netcs. " ' Villette' is entitled to take a very high place in the literature of fiction. The reader will find character nicely conceived and powerfully de- picted: he will discover much quiet humour, a lively wit, brilliant dialogue, vivid descriptions, reflections both new and true, sentiment free from cant and conventionality, and bvirsts of elo- quence and poetry, Hashing here and there."— Critic. " The fascination of genius dwells in this book, which is, in our judgment, superior to any of Currer Bell's previous etforts. For originality of conception, grasp of character, elaboration and consistency of detail, and picturesque force of expression, few works in the English language can stand the test of comparison with it."— Morn- ing Post. WUTHERING HEIGHTS AND AGNES GREY. By Ellis and Acton Bell. With Memoir by Currer Bell. Price 2s. 6d, cloth. " There are passages in this book of ' Wvithering Height's ' of which any novelist, past or present, might be proud. It has been said of Shakespeare tliat he drew cases which the physician might study ; Ellis Bell has done no less."— Palladimn. " There is, at all events, keeping in the book : the groups of figures and the scenery are in har- mony with each other. There is a touch of Sal- vator Rosa in a\\."— Atlas. " ' Wuthering Heights ' bears the stamp of a profoundly individual, strong, and passionate mind. The memoir is one of the most touching chapters in literary hiograinhy. "—Nonconfori/dst. A LOST LOVE. ByAsiiroRD Owen. Price 2.9. cloth. " ' A Lost Love ' is a story full of gi*ace and genius. No outline of the story would give any idea of its heauty."— Athenaeum. "A tale at once moving and winning, natural and romantic, and certain to raise all the finer sympathies of the reader's nature."— Pr^^s. "A real picture of woman's Hie."— Westminster Review. "A very beautiful and touching story. It is true to nature, and appeals to all who have not forgotten love and y oath."— Globe. "A novel of gi-eat genius ; beautiful and true as life itself."— iveM' Quarterly Review. "A striking and original story: a woik of genius and scrxsibMity."— Saturday Review. "This volume displays unquestionable genius, and that of a high order."— tarf^/'s Newstaper. SMITH, ELDEU Js^NT> CO. CHEAP SERIES OF POPULAR FICTIONS- Conti?iued. D E E R B R O O K. By Hareiet Martixeau, Price 2*. 6c?. -cloth. "This popular fiction presents a true and ani- mated picture of country life among the upper middle classes of English residents, and is i-e- markable for Its interest, arising from the influence of various cliaracters upon each other, and the effect of ordinary circumstances upon them. The descriptions of rural scenery, and tlie daily pursuits in village hours, are among the most chai-ming of the author's writings ; but the way in which exciting incidents gradually arise out of the most ordinary phases of life, and the skill with whicli natural and every-day characters are broiight out in dramatic situations, attest the power of the author's genius."— "A pure and beautiful moral feeling pervades the work, and recommends it to families vt'here Bovels are not generally admitted."-' TALES OF THE COLONIES. By Charles I^owckoft. Price 2s. 6d. cloth. '"Tales of the Colonies ' is an able and interest- ing book. The author has the llrst great requisite in fiction— a knowledge of the life he undertakes to describe; and his matter is solid and real."— Spectator. "It combines the fidelity of truth with the spirit of a romance, and has altogether much of De Toe in its character and composition."— Literary Gazette. "Since the time of Robinson Crusoe, literature has produced nothins like these 'Tales of the Colonies.' "—Metropolitan 3Iagazine. " This is a singular work. No mere romance, no mere fiction, however skilfully managed or powerfully executed, can surpass it. The work to which it bears the nearest similitude is Robinson Crusoe, and it is scarcely, if at all, inferior to that extraordinary history."— John Bull. ROMANTIC TALES (including " Avillion "). By the Author oC "John Halifax, Gentleman." A new edition. Price 2s. 6d. cloth. " In a nice knowledge of the reflnemonts of the female heart, and in a happy power of depicting emotion, the authoress is excelled by very few Btory tellers of the day."— Globe. " As pleasant and fanciful a miscellany as has been given to the public in these latter days.'— A'he7i(Bitm. " ' Avillion ' is a beautiful and fanciful story, and the rest make very agreeable reading. There is not one of them unquickened by true feeling, exquisite taste, and a pure and vivid imagiua- iiou,"— Examiner. PAUL FERROLL. Fourth edition, price 2s. cloth, " We have seldom read so wonderful a romance. We can find no fault in it as a work of art. It leaves us in admiration, almost in awe, of the powers of its author."— iVcw Quarterly. " The art displayed in presenting Paul FerroU throughout the story is beyond all praise." — Eximiner. "The incidents of the book are extremely well m^na.seA."—Athev(Bum. " ' Paul FerroU ' is a book that will be very much read, talked abov\t. and marvelled aX."— Globe. " The fruit of much thoughtful investigation is represented to us in the character of Paul Ferroll We do not need to be told how he felt and why he acted thus and thus ; it will be obvious to most minds from the very opening pages. But the power of the story is not weak- ened by this early knowledge : rather is it heightened, since the artistic force of contrast is grand and fearful in the two figures who cling so closely together in their fond human love."— Morning Chronicle. " 'Paul Ferroll' is a most strikingly original production. It may be regarded as a phenomenon m literature— a book that must be read, and cannot be iorsotten."— Morning Post. "To all the elements of powerful effect, the story adds the merit of being ably and forcibly written."— Jo A7i Bull. '"Paul Ferroll' is an original conception wrought out with marvellous skill and mastery of language. It is b.v far the most extraordinar.v work of niodern timfis."— Illustrated Neiis of the World. '"Paul Ferroll' i.s one of the novels of this generationthatwill be read by the next."— G/o&e. SCHOOL FOR FATHERS. Talbot G WYNNE. Price 25.cl. By " 'The School for Fathers ' is one of the cleverest, most brilliant, genial, and instructive stories that we have read since the publication of ' Jane Eyre.' "—Eclectic Review. "The pleasantest tale we have read for many a day. It is a story of the Tatler and Spectator days, and is veiT fitly associated with that time of good English literature by its manly feeling, direct, unaffected manner of writing, and nicely- managed, well-turned narrative. The descriptions are excellent; some of the country painting is as fresh as a landscape by Alfred Constable, or an idyl by Taniiyson."— Examiner. "A capital picture of town and country a century ago; and is emphatically the freshest, raciest, and most artistic piece of fiction that has latelv come in our way "—Nonconformist. " ' Thi School for Fathers ' is at once highly amusing and deeply interesting — full of that genuine humour which is half pathos— and written with a freshness of feeling and raciness of style which entitle it to be called a tale of the ' Vicar of Wakefield ' school."— Britannia. "A hale, hearty, unaffected, honest, downright English tale. A vigorous painting of English men and manners, by an artist who is thoroughly national in his genius, taste, education, and prrj udioes."— 6^o6e. "A capital story, illustrating our town and country life a hundred years ago."— KrtiwA Quarterly. PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION. ^^....^^.^ «^^«.^« (By the Author of "Jolm Ilalifiix, Gen- DOMESTIC STORIES. | ^ tleman." &c. KATHIE BRANDE. By Holme Lee. AFTER DARK. By Wilkie Collins. 19 "WOKKS DPXJBI.ISI1E33 I3Y NEW NOVELS. (to be had at all libraries.) TRUST FOR TRUST. By A. J. Barrowcliffe, Author of '* Amberhill." 3 vols. {Noiv ready.) OLD AND YOUNG. 1 vol. ELLEN RAYMOND; or, Ups and Downs. By Mrs. Vidal, Author of "Tales for the Bush," &c. 3 vols. " The plot is wron^lit out wi^h wonderful Inge- nuity, and the clillereiit characters are sustained in perfect keeping to tlie GnA."— Illustrated Netcs of the World. " * Ellen Raymond' is among the most remark- able novels of the season."— Ladies Newspaper. " The characters are good, the style pure, cor- rect, hrisk, and easy."— Press. LOST AND WON. By Georgiana M. Crauc, Author of " Riverston." 1 vol. 2nd Edition. " Nothing superior to this novel has appeared during the present season."— Leader. " Miss Craik's new story is a good one and in point of ability above the average of ladies' novels." —Baily News. " There is a freshness and cleverness in this tal3 which renders it chiirming."— Globe. " This is au improvement on Miss Craik's first work. The story is more compact and more inte- resting."— .4^Aeno?«(m. AN OLD DEBT. By Florence Dawson. 2 vols. "A powerfully written novel; one of the best whicli has recently proceeded from a female hand. . . . The dialogue is vigorous and spirited."— J/o>"?««fi' Post. SYLVAN HOLT'S DAUGHTER. By Holme Lee, Author of " Kathie Brande," &c. 2nd edition. 3 vols, "The well-established reputation of Holme Lee, as a novel writer, will receive an additional glory from the publication of 'Sylvan Holt's daughter.' It is a charming tale of country life and character."— G/o6e. *' There is much that is attractive in ' Sylvan Holt's Daughter,' much that is graceful and re- fined, much that is fresh, healthy, and natural." —Press. MY LADY : a Tale of Modern Life. 2 vols. "'My Lady' is a fine specimen of an English matron, exhibiting that union of strength and gentleness, of common sense and romance, of energy and grace, which nearly approaches our ideal of womanhood,"— Press. " ' My Lady ' evinces charming feeling and deli- cacy of touch. It is a novel that will be read with interest."— Atfienceiim. EVA DESMOND ; or, Mutation. 3 vols. " a more beautiful creation than Eva it would be dilflcult to imagine. The novel is undoubtedly full of interest."— J/o)-?ziwi7 Post. " There is power, pathos, and originality in con- ception and catastrophe."— X^atZer, 'This interesting novel reminds us more of Mrs. Marsh than of any other writer of the day." —Pretss. 20 THE CRUELEST WRONG OF ALL. By the Author of " Margaret ; or, Prejudice at Home." 1 vol. " The author has a pathetic vein, and there is a tender sweetness in tlie tone of her narration."— Leader. " It has the first requisite of a work meant to amnse : it is amusing."— G/o6e. "This novel is written with considerable power; its tone is high, and the moral sonnd."~Mornintj Herald. THE MOORS AND THE FENS. By r. G. Trafford. 3 vols. "This novel stands out much in the same way that 'Jane Eyre' did. . . . llie characters are drawn by a mind which can realize fictitious characters with minute intensity."— Saturday Review. " It is seldom that a first fiction is entitled to such applause as is 'Tlie Moors and the Fens,' and we sliall look anxiously for the writer's next essay."— CH^ie. " The author has the gift of telling a story, and ' The Moors and the Fens ' will be read." — AthencBum. " Tliis is one of the most original novels we have lately met with. . . . The characters really show a great deal of power."— Press. GASTON BLIGH. By L. S. Lavenu, Author of " Erlesmere." 2 vols. " ' Gaston Bligh ' is a good story, admirably told, full of stirring incident, sustaining to the close the interest of a very ingenious plot, and abounding in clever sketches of character. It sparkles with wit. and will reward perusal."— Critic. "The story is told with gi'eat power; the whole book sparkles with esprit; and the characters talk like gentlemen and ladies. It is vei"y enjoy- able reading."— Press. THE THREE CHANCES. By the Author of "The Fair Carew." 3 vols. " This novel is of a more solid texture than most of its contemporaries. It is full of goo<\ sense, good thought, and good writing."— Stutet- man. " Some of the characters and romantic situa- tions are strongly marked and peculiarly original, . . . It is the great merit of the authoress that the personages of her tale ai-e human and real."— Leader. THE WHITE HOUSE BY THE SEA: A Love Story. By M. Betiiam- Edwards. 2 vols. "A tale of English domestic life. The writins is very good, graceful, and unatfected ; it pleases without startling. In the dialogue, people do not harangue, but talk, and talk naturally.'— Cn'ac. " The narrative and scenes exhibit feminiue spirit and quiet truth of delineation."— 5!peciaressiou."— Saturday Review. "The attractions of the story are so numerous and varied, that it would be difficult to single out any one point of it for attention. It is a brilliant social picture of sterling scenes and striking adventures."— S?TJI53LISIIEr> BY NEW l^OYELS—contimied. KATHIE BRANDE. By Holme Lee. 2 vols. •• • Kathie Brande ' is not merely a very interest- ing novel— it is a very wholesome one, for it teaclies virtue by example."— CHiie. "Throughout 'Kathie Brands' there is much sweetness, and considerable power of description." —Saturday Review. " ' Kathie Bi-ande ' is intended to illustrate the paramount excellence of duty as a moving prin- ciple. It is full of beauties."— DaiZy Netvs. "Certainly one of the best novels that we have lately xe&Ci."— Guardian. PERVERSION ; or, The Causes axd Consequences of Infidelity. By the late Rev. W. J. Conybeare. 3 vols. " The ablest novel that has appeared for many a da,y."—Lite''ari/ Gazette. "This story has a touching interest, Avhich lingers with the reader after he has closed the 'book."— AthencBtim. " The tone is good and healthy ; the religious feeling sound and true, and well sustained,"— Guardiajt. " This is a novel, written with a strong sense both of what is amusing and what is right."— Examiner. " It is long, very long, since we liave read a narrative of more power than tins."— British Quarterly Review. "This is a good and a noble hook."— Netc Quarterly, FRIENDS OF BOHEMIA: OR, Phases of London Life. By E. M. WiiiTTY, Author of " The Governing Classes." 2 vols. "Mr. Whitty is a genuine satirist, employing satire for a genuine p.rpose. You laugh with him very much ; but the laughter is fruity and ripe in thought. His style is serious, and his cast of mind severe. The author has a merriment akin to that of Jaques a,n&thatotTimon."—AtAencBum. " ' Men and women as they are, and life as it is ' might be the motto of Mr. Whitty's ' Friends of Bohemia.' Mr. Whitty is a satinst, and seldom forgets it. His dialogues are rapid and dramatic as those of a French novel, and perfectly natural." —Westminster Review. "'Friends of Bohemia' has the rare merit of painting clever pictures and of being sparkling and dramatic from beginning to en{\.."— Daily News. "The book is fresh and vigorous j the style is terse and lively, "—iV^ero Quarterly. THE EVE OF ST. MARK. By Thomas Doubleday. 2 vols. " ' The Eve of St. Mark ' is not only well written, but adroitly constructed, and interesting. Its tone is perhaps too gorgeous ; its movement is too much that of a masquerade; but a mystery is created, and a very loveable heroine is pour- trayed."— ^ nienaeum. " ' The Eve of St. Mark ' is an interesting story, vividly coloured, and not a little dramatic in its construction. . . . The book is really a ro- mance- a diorama of antique Venetian life."— Leader. "It is the work of an artist, thoughtfully de- signed, and executed with elaborate pains, in all that relates to the accessories and colouring of the time. It will better than most novels of the day, repay attentive perusal,"— Press. "AVe can cordially recommend 'The Eve of St. Mark' as a well told, dramatically constructed tale,"— CW^Je. " In every way a striking romance. The plot of the tale is skilfully constructed, and the startling events are so dexterously introduced as not to appear improbable."— /Smm. LUCIAN PLAYFAIR. By Thomas Mackern. 3 vols. " There are many truehearted sketches in it of the homes of our poor, and some wise thoughts about education, mingled with speculations that 3t tend in a right direction,"— JSxaw at least -Examiner, " The author has some graphic power, and various scenes in the thi-ee volumes are di*avvn with much vividness,"— Press, " It is impossible to close the book without a feeling of deep respect for the writer, for the purity and elevation of his views, his earnestness without bitterness."— G^o&e. " The most ardent lover of incident will find in this work enough to enchain his interest."— Morning Herald. AFTER DARK. By Wilkie Collins, Author of " Basil," " Hide and Seek," &c. 2 vols. "Mr.AVilkie Collins tells a story well and for- cibly—his stjle is eloquent and picturesque, and he has a keen insight into character."- i>a'<'i/ NeifS. " No man living better tells a story."— ieader. " Mr. Wilkie Collins takes high rank among the few who can invent a thrilling story, and tell it with brief simplicity."— GZoZ^e. "These stories possess all the author's well- known beauty of style and dramatic power."— Neio Quarterly Review, NOVELS FORTHCOMING. NEW NOVEL.- By the Author of " Violet Bank." 3 vols. NOVEL. By Miss E. W. Atkin- son, Author of '* Memoirs of the Queens of Prussia." 2 vols. And other worhs of Fiction. 22 A NEW NOVEL. By the Author of '• Rita." In One Volume. A NEW NOVEL. By the Author of " The Heir of Vallis." 3 vols. S:N£ITII, elder J!^1 CO. NEW BOOKS FOR YOUNG READERS. THE PARENTS' CABINET of Amusement and Instruction^ for Youno Persons. New edit., carefully revised, in 12 Monthly Shilling Volumes, each complete in itself, and each containing a full page Illustration in oil colours, with wood engravings, and handsomely bound in ornamented boards. CONTENTS. AMUSING STORIES, all tending to the development of good qualities, and the avoidance of fanlts. 2I0GRAPniCA.L ACCOUNTS OF REMARKABLE CHARACTERS, interesting to Young People. SIMPLE NARRATIVES OF HISTORICAL EVENTS, suited to the capacity of children. ELUCIDATIONS OF NATURAL HISTORY, adapted to encourage habits of observation. FAMILIAR EXPLANATIONS OF NOTABLE SCIENTIFIC DISCOVERIES AND MECHANICAL INVENTIONS. LIVELY ACCOUNTS OF THE GEOGRAPHY. INHABITANTS, AND PRODUCTIONS OF DIFFERENT COUNTRIES. Miss Edgewoeth's Opinion of the Paeents' Cabinet :— "I almost feel afraid of praising it as much as I think it deserves. . . . There is so much variety in the book that it cannot tire. It alternately excites and relieves attention, and does not lead to the had habit of frittering away the mind by requiring no exertion from the reader. . . . AVhoever vour scientific associate is, he understands his business and children's capabilities right well. . . . Without lecturing, or prosing, you keep the right and the wrong clearly marked, and hence ail the sympathy of tne young people is always enlisted on the right side." *.^* Vols. I. to VI., are now ready. By the Author of " Round the Fire," &c. UNICA : A Story for a Sunday Afternoon. With Four Illus- trations. Price 3s. cloth. "The character of Unica is charmingly con- ceived, and the story pleasantly t6\A."— Spectator. " An excellent and exceedingly pretty story for children."— ^toiesmaw. "This tale, like its author's former ones, will find favour in the nwxs&vy ."—AthencBum. 11. OLD GINGERBREAD AND THE SCHOOL- BOYS. With Pour Coloured Plates. Price 3s. cloth. •"Old Gingerbread and the School-boys' is delightful, ana the drawing and colouring of the pictorial part done with a spirit and correctness." —Press. " This tale is vei'y good, the descriptions being natural, with a feeling of country freshness."— Spectator. " The book is well gotup, and the coloured plates are very pretty."— wofie. " An excellent boys' book ; excellent in its moral, chaste and simple in its language, and luxuriously WinsXraXeCi."— Illustrated News of the World. "A very lively and excellent tale, illustrated with very delicately coloured pictures." — Ecunomist. " A delightful story for little boys, inculcating benevoleiit feelings to the voov."— Eclectic Ileview. WILLIE'S BIRTHDAY; SHOWING HOW A Little Boy did what he Liked, AND HOW HE EnJOYED IT. With Four Illustrations. Price 2s. 6d cl. WILLIE'S REST Ta Sunbat Story. With Four Illustrations. Price 2s. 6fZ. cloth. "Graceful little tales, containing some pretty parables_, and a good deal of simple feeling."— Economist. " Extremely well written story books, amusing and moral, and got up in a very handsome style." —Morning Herald. UNCLE JACK, THE FAULT KILLER. With Four Illustrations. Price 3s. cl. "An excellent little book of moral Improvement made pleasant to children ; it is far beyond the common-place moral tale in design and execution." -Globe. VI. ROUND THE FIRE: Six Stories FOR Young Readers. Square 16mo, with Four Illustrations. Price 3s. cloth. "Charmingly written tales for the young."— Leader. '• Six delightful little sloviefi."— Guardian. "Simple and very Interesting."— A'u^i nal Review. " True children's %tov\Q%."—Athenmum. THE KING OFTHE GOLDEN RIVER; OR, The Black Brothers. By John Ruskin, M.A. Third edition, with 22 Illustrations by Richard Doy'le. Price 2s. 6c?. " This little fancy tale is by a master-hand. The story has a charming vaoraX."— Examiner. STORIES FROM THE PARLOUR PRINTING PRESS. By the Authors of the "Parents' Cabinet." Fcap. 8vo, price 2s. cloth. RHYMES FOR LITTLE ONES. AVith IG Illustrations. Is. 6(/. cloth. LITTLE DERWENT'S BREAKFAST. By Sara Coleridge. 2s. cloth. JUVENILE MISCELLANY. Six En- gravings. Price 2s. 6c?. cloth. INVESTIGATION ; or, Travels in the Boudoir. By Miss Halsted. Fcap. cloth, price 3s. &d. 23 ^^^OliKlS IPXJBLISIIED BY SlNriTIX, ELIDER & CO. POETRY. POEMS. By Read. POEMS. By Fcap. 8vo. Lieut.-Col. William (/n the Press.) Fred. W. Wyox. Price 5s. cloth. " In his minor poems Mr. Wyon shows a s:reat (leal of the true sentiment of poetry."— 2)(Y//y Telegrajph, lONICA. reap. 8vo, 45. cloth, "The themes, mostly classical, are arapplcd with boldn ess, and toned with a lively imagination. The style is rich and firm, and cannot he said to he an imitation of any known author. We cor- dially recommend it to our readers as a book of realpoetry."— CW/ie. " The author is in his mood, quizzical, satirical, liumorous, and didactic hy turns, and in each mood he displays extraordinary power."— //i«s- trated News of the Wvrld. THE SIX LEGENDS OF KING GOLDENSTAR. By the late Anna Bradstreet. Fcap. 8vo, price 5s. " The author evinces more tlian ordinary po« er, a vivid imagination, guided hy a mind of lofty aim."— 6Zo6e. " The poetry is tasteful, and above the average." —National Review. "This is a posthumous poem by an unknown anthoress, of higher scope and more flnisli than the CI owd of poems which come before us. The fancy throughout the poem is quick and light, and mns\ci\\.'"—Athen(Bi(,m. POEMS. By Ada Trevanion. 55. cl. " There really is a value in snch poems as those of Ada Trevanion. They give an image of what many women are on their best side. Perhaps no- where can we point to a more satisfactory fruit of Christian civilization than in a volume like t\\\^."— Saturday Review. "There are many passages in Miss Trevanion's poems full of grace and tenderness, and as sweet as music on the \si\tcv."—Pre8ii. POEMS. By Henry Cecil. 5*. cloth. "He shows power in his sonnets, while in his lighter and less restrictive measures the lyric element is dominant. . . . If Mr. Cecildoes'not make his name famous, it is not that he does not deserve to do so."— Critic. " There is an unmistakeable stamp of genuine poetry in most of these v^'^es."— Economist. " Mr. Cecil's poems display qualities which stamp them the productions of a fine imasination and a cultivated taste."— JfornzH// Herald. ENGLAND IN TIME OF WAR. By Sydney Dobell, Author of «' Balder," " The Roman," &c. Crown Svo, 5s. cloth. "That Mr. Dobell is a poet, ' England in time of War' bears witneas."—Atheiiceum. THE CRUEL SISTER, and other Poems. Fcap, Svo, 4s. cloth. "There are traces of power, and the versification displays freedom and sMll."—Gtuirdia7i. POEMS OF PAST YEARS. By Sir Arthur Hallam Elton, Bart., M.P. Fcap. Svo, 35. cloth. "A refined, scholarly, and gentlemanly mind is apparent all through this vo\\xme."—Leaaei'. KING RENE'S DAUGHTER. Svo, price 25. 6c?. cloth. Fcap. MAID OF ORLEANS, and other Poems. Translated from Schiller. Fcap. Svo, price 25. 6d. POEMS. By Mrs. Frank P. Fellows. Fcap. Svo, 35. cloth. "There is easy simplicity in the diction, and elegant naturalness in the thought."— jSpecto^or. POETRY FROM LIFE. ByC.M.K. Fcap. Svo, cloth gilt, 55. "Elegant verses. The au'hor has a pleasing fancy and a refined mind."— IJcononnst. POEMS. By Walter R. Cassels. Fcap. Svo. 35. 6c?., cloth. " Mr. Cassels has deep poetical feeling, and gives promise of real excellence. His poems are written sometimes with a strength of expression by no means common."— Guardian, GARLANDS OF VERSE. By Thomas Leigh. 55. cloth. " One of the best things in the ' Garlands of Verse' is an Ode to Toil. There, as elsewhere, there is excellent feeling."— Examiner. BALDER. By Sydney Dobell. Crown Svo, 75. 6c?., cloth. "The writer has fine qualities; his level of thought is lofty, and his passion for the beautiful has the truth of instinct,"— Athencenm. POEMS. By Willia3i Bell Scott. Fcap. Svo, 55., cloth. "Mr. Scott has poetical feeling, keen observation, 1 deep thought, and command of language,"— \ Spectator. ', POEMS. By Mary Maynard. Fcap. Svo, 45., cloth. " We have rarel.v met with a volume of poems displaying so largo an amount of power, blended with so much delicacj' of feeling and grace of expression."— CJiurch of England Quarterly. POEMS. By CuRRER, Ellis, and Acton Bell. 45., cloth. SELECT ODES OF HORACE. In English Lyrics. By J. T. Black. Fcap. Svo, price 45., cloth. " Rendered into English Lyrics with a vigour and heartiness rarely, if ever, surpassed."— Criijc. RHYMES AND RECOLLECTIONS OF A HAND-LOOM WEAVER. By W1LL1.VM Thom. With Me- moir. Post Svo, cloth, price 35. Lcndon : Printed by Smith, Eldeu and Co., Little Green Arbour Court, E.C. 24 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE THIS -BU" s^jAMPED BELOW * AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS OVERDUE. ^Sf^ptS^ APR 6 1954 LU -m^^ 1967 3 8 H ^|plU-l48Je-5p- -100m-7,'39(402s) UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA UBRARY iMliiit ■■■< Wltiii Mlliii'ji