GIFT OF HORACE W. CARPENTIER MEMORIES ^ , p. thuUiXJ-X-, ••)> -N fcCWAD MEMO R I E S BY MAJOR-GENERAL SIR OWEN TUDOR BURNE G.C.I.E., K.C.S.I. LONDON EDWARD ARNOLD ^ttbU«ktr to the iitiia ®ffi« 41 & 43 MADDOX STREET, BOND STREET, W. 1907 (Al/ rights resented) ^t> Ca^ptn^tt 4. ^' PREFACE The brief recollections contained in these pages were written two years ago for my own family only ; but so many friends have urged me to publish them, just as they are, as referring to matters of some historical interest, that I have yielded to their request. As the recital is essentially a personal one, it contains much about myself and my belongings for which I ask pardon, since to eliminate these references would entail the re-writing of the entire narrative. Some letters of friendship, and of appreciation of my work, from many with whom I was officially connected in past years, are also included, and I hope I may be forgiven by indulgent readers for allowing these also to remain, as most of the writers have gone to their rest and their words abide with me treasured me- mentoes of a strenuous public life in what is now my Memory-Land. 0. T. B. February, 1907. 4D 13-13 MEMORY-LAND Away beyond the tumult, Away beyond the strife, There lies a happy country Where sorrows ne'er are rife. The fairest blossoms gather About its sunny ways, And there I love to wander And dream of yesterdays. And so when life is troubled, And weary grow our feet. We wander through the shadows, To that dear country sweet. Our sorrows soon are over, Hope takes us by the hand ; I ofttiraes dream that heaven Perchance is Memory-Land. Tescuemachbr. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGES My family — ^Early days — Start in life in the XXth Regiment — The Crimea — Return home — Embarkation for India (1837-57) 1—17 CHAPTER II Arrival at Calcutta and march up-country — Siege and capture of Lucknow, and subsequent operations in the field — Life in the XXth Regiment— Sir Hugh Rose (1857-60) - 18—35 CHAPTER III Visit to Calcutta — Appointment as Military Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief — Reconstruction of the army — Lord Canning's Durbar at Allahabad — Death of Lady Canning —Inspection tours— Simla (1861-62) - - - 36—52 CHAPTER IV Death of Lord Elgin — Cashmere — Arrival of Lord Lawrence — Sir Hugh Rose's return to England — Life in Ireland (1863-65) 53—69 CHAPTER V The Fenian rising — Thoughts on Ireland — To India once more as Private Secretary to the New Viceroy, Earl of Mayo (1866-68) . . - . . 70—88 vii viii CONTENTS CHAPTER VI TAOm Start for India — Cairo — Arrival at Calcutta — Departure of Lord Lawrence — Shere Ali of Afghanistan — Umballa Durbar (1868-69) 89—108 CHAPTER VII Simla — Visit of the Duke of Edinburgh — Opening of the Khamgaon Railway and visit to the Chanda coal-fields — Some tiger-shooting — Visit to the North- West Frontier — Lord Napier of Magdala — Visit of the King of Siam (1869-72) 109—127 CHAPTER VIII The Andamans and Lord Mayo's Assassination at Hopetown — Return home and visit to the Queen — Appointment at the India Office (1872) .... 128— U9 CHAPTER IX Life at the India Office— Visit of the Shah of Persia (Nasr-ud- din) to England (1873) .... 150—166 CHAPTER X The Shah's diary ...... 167—185 CHAPTER XI Appointment as Political and Secret Secretary at the India Office, in succession to Sir John Kaye — Afghan affairs — Marquis of Salisbury (1873-76) - - - 186—202 CHAPTER XII The Indian Imperial title— Another change in my career Our start with Lord Lytton for India — Simla revisited — Afghan affairt — Our autumn tour — The Imperial aitemblago at Delhi (1876-77) - - . 208—224 CONTENTS ix CHAPTER XIII PAGES Failure of our Afghan negotiations — Famine in Madras — Return home of wife and children, and afterwards of myself — Transfer of Marquis of Salisbury from the India to the Foreign Office, and succession of Viscount Cran- brook — Russo-Turkish War — AYar in Afghanistan — Change of Government and Lord Lytton's return home (1877-80) ------ 225—248 CHAPTER XIV Viscount Cranbrook succeeded by Marquis of Hartington — Changes of policy — Death of Earl of Beaconsfield — Primrose Day — Lord Tennyson — Maharajah Duleep Singh — Earl of Kimberley — My second marriage — Christchurch (1880-83) . - - - 249—269 CHAPTER XV Work at the India Office — Lord Randolph Churchill — Death of Lord Strathnairn — Burmese Mission in Paris — Sir Henry Ponsonby — Viscount Cross — The Council of India — My various Royal Commissions and other work — The Imperial Institute (1884-86) - - - 270—292 CHAPTER XVI Heligoland — Queen Victoria's Jubilees of 1887 and 1897 — Her death — My Gerty's marriage — Sir William Hunter — Launch of the Wwrren Hastings — My retirement from the public service — Charity bazaar fire at Paris — South African War (1886-99) - - - - 293-316 CHAPTER XVII Accession of King Edward VII. — Coronation year — The Lancashire Fusiliers — Concluding observations (1901- 1905) 317—335 Index -...-.. 337 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Major-General Sir Owen Tudor Burne, G.C.I.E., K.C.S.I. Frontispiece Rev. Henry Thomas Burne, M.A., 1865 Mrs. Knightley Goodman Burne, 1865 Field-Marshal Lord Strathnaim, 1885 Sir Hugh Eose's Staff, Simla, 1862 - Self and my Shooting Trophies, 1863 Earl of Mayo, 1869 - Umballa Durbar, 1869 - Group with the Duke of Edinburgh, 1869 - Our Ride through Kohat Pass, 1870 Down the Rapids of the River Ravi, 1871 - Meeting with Jung Bahadur on Nepal Frontier, 1871 Disraeli's (Beaconsfield) Cabinet, 1874-80 - Viceroy's Camp at Delhi, 1877 Lord Lytton at Madras, 1877 Self and Family, 1878 Garden of Church Hatch, Christchurch, Hants, 1903 Heligoland, 1886 - To face ^ page 2 2 36 50 60 84 102 110 lU 124 126 188 220 228 238 268 294 MEMORIES CHAPTER I My family — Early days — Start in life in the XXth Regiment — The Crimea — Return home — Embarkation for India (1837-57). In looking back through a vista of some sixty-eight years, it is not easy to remember one's early days, nor are such reminiscences as a rule of any special im- portance. I believe, however, that I was an average boy, who gave no more than what is considered the customary amount of trouble to those in charge. But I was fortunate enough to be taught by ten elder brothers and sisters to keep my proper place, and by eight younger ones to become accustomed to those supersessions of seniors by juniors which are as usual in childhood as they are in after-life. My father and mother had an anxious task in the bringing up of nineteen high-spirited children on a small income, their only compensation being that we all regarded them with great affection, while they were beloved and respected by a large circle of relatives and friends, who admired their quiet dignity amid difficult surroundings and their God-fearing patience under many trials. My father was born on the 7th April, 1799. He 1 .,?....;; MEMORIES took his M.A. Degree in 1822 at Trinity College, Cambridge, and became curate to liis cousin, the Rev. William Way Burne, of Grittleton, Wilts, at which place, on the 10th February, 1824, he married my mother Knightley, a daughter of Captain Marriott, formerly of the Royal Horse Guards (Blue). My father was a man of considerable ability, besides being an eloquent preacher. On account of his talent and eloquence he had bright prospects, and, indeed, promises of valuable preferment in the Established Church ; but he resigned his position in 1835 to join a body known as the ' Catholic Apostolic Church,' which recognised a restored apostleship at that period as the means of preparation for the second coming of the Lord, a momentous event which the Christian church at large had apparently forgotten. In this faith and hope all his family, including myself, then and thereafter, joined him ; but it put an end to his so-called worldly prospects, lost him and us a large fortune, and caused him to leave Grittleton for Plymouth, where I myself had the privilege of being born (eleventh in the family) on the 12th April, 1837. Here we resided seven years, up to the time of our removal to Bath, where the remaining eight members of our family came into existence ; and here, alas, my father died, to our great grief and loss, on the 7th August, 1865, at the comparatively early age of GG, My own recollections ot this singularly gifted man are all that can be desired ; he was revered by children whom he encouraged by precept and example to follow his godly life and untiring industry, and to fit themselves for the various positions they were eventually destined to fill. The training of the young in those days was strict, and we were, conse- S o r o EARLY DAYS 3 quently, all taught to be handy and self-reliant in small details — lessons not altogether thrown away when we w^ere launched in after-years into deep water to get on as best we could in the battle of life. My father left little or no memoranda behind him of his sayings and doings, but he was sometimes fond of telling us boys little anecdotes connected with his early days, only a few of which I can now remember. Amono; other stories were some humorous ones which have always remained in my recollection. The follow- ing is one of them : In the village churches half a century or more ago it was not considered right to commence the service until the Squire of the parish was safely seated in his high-backed pew. On one particular festival, when the Grittleton church was crowded, the Squire had overslept himself at home instead of finishing his nap, as he usually did, in his pew. My father (who at that time was practically in sole charge on account of his cousin's age and in- firmity) waited, as usual, at the Reading Desk till he felt compelled to commence with the usual, ' When ^ the wicked man,' on which the village clerk, a ploughman dressed in his Sunday best, bawled out, ' He hain't a'come yet, Sur,' much to the astonishment of the tittering congregation, and the amusement of the Squire when he heard the story. On another occasion my father exchanged duties with a neighbouring parson who happened to be an inveterate smoker. The two clergymen started about the same time on horseback to fulfil their respective duties, and after a brotherly chat half-way, my father duly trotted on to his destination, while his less con- sistent friend, yielding to a momentary temptation, took out his beloved briar, turned his horse's head 1—2 4 MEMORIES round away from the wind in order to light up, and, being an absent-minded man, rode quietly on in the enjoyment of a good smoke till he found himself back at his own church door. Needless to picture his dismay, or to add that the Grittleton congregation, who were expecting him, dispersed after a long wait amid verbal expressions more common then than now ! This absent-mindedness, which left a pulpit without a preacher, could not have had so distressing a result upon the congregation as that said to have attended a kirk in Scotland, where a certain minister had forgotten the manuscript of his sermon. He could not preach without it, but it lay in his manse a mile away when the time had come for him to mount into the pulpit. Here was a poser for him only to be solved by giving out the 119th Psalm, which, as everyone knows, is of terrific length. While the congregation were singing it, off to his manse for the sermon galloped the minister, and with equal celerity galloped back. When he returned the congregation were still at it, and he asked the clerk, with some trepidation, how they were getting on. ' Oh, sir,' waa the answer, ' they've got to the end of the 84th verse^ ' an' they're just cheepin' like wee mice.' In my father's time punning in dog-Latin was in vogue, and he was fond of puzzling us boys by such lines as these : In firtaris, i.e.. In fir tar is. In oke nonis, „ In oak none is, In mudelis, „ In mud eel is, Anda melis. „ And a meal is. And again : Mihibile hrores ago, ». 5 00 1 30 1 70 1 75 6 00 4 00 3 00 Total ... 74 25 And again, more recently, it has been said that a Lancashire parson on entering his pulpit announced that the Bishop of Manchester was making a tour of his diocese, and might shortly be expected to visit the church. He then proceeded, without a pause, to deliver the text : ' Be sober, be vigilant ; because your ' adversary the devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about ' seeking whom he may devour.' We are told that a worthy old Highland divine preached from this same v^rse, and that, following a Highland habit of insert- 8 MEMORIES ing an unnecessary pronoun after the noun to which it refers (i.e., in this case the word ' he *), he began his discourse thus : ' Let us consider this passage, my ' brethren, under four heads : firstly, who the devil, 'he is ; secondly, what the devil, he is like ; thirdly, ' what the devil, he doth ; and fourthly, who the devil, ' he devoureth.* To resume my narrative. My mother was born on the 17th September, 1805, at Badby, in Northampton- shire, and after her marriage, in 1824, shared all my father's joys and sorrows in the bringing up of a large family. She came from a good stock (Knightley and Poyntz), having a direct lineal descent from Charle- magne and Alfred the Great, and thereon from the Plantagenets, being 17th in a direct line from Edward the First, and tracing the same direct descent from Duncan, King of Scotland, and others of high degree in Ireland and Wales, from one of whose celebrities I myself was named. This pedigree, combined with that of my father, who came from the ancient families of Leiburne and Bodicote, was officially examined in 1865 by Garter King at Arms (Sir Albert Woods), who noted on it that it was very correct, unique and remarkable. This probably accounts for many faults of temper and character in myself and others of our family, seeing that between French, English, Scottish, Irish, and Welsh blood we were of very mixed origin. Although in some degree proud of our pedigree, we boys were never quite sure in after-life what advan- tage such lineage had given us in an age when money has taken its place in public estimation, and high-born people, if poor, are regarded as pretentious when they refer to their ancestry. This being the case, I only mention the matter casually here, with the object of SOME NARHOW ESCAPES 9 drawing attention to the cherisbed monument of a father s talent and industry in the compilation, amid other heavy labours, of the five volumes of pedigree now in my possession. As already stated, my own early days were not of special importance to anyone but myself. But I may note that, before the age of 17, I had some narrow escapes of losing my life : once at Plymouth in 1840 from a fall through the snapping of one of the ropes of a swing, from the effects of which the kind friend (Mr. Parker) who was giving me this little boyish enjoyment and fell with me, afterwards died ; another time at Biarritz in 1854, w^hen I was all but drowned w^hile bathing, and the late Emperor Napoleon Til., then residing at his palace there, handsomely rewarded the two baigneurs who with great difficulty saved me. Xeither these accidents, nor those that befel me in after-life in the Indian Mutiny and in various rambles over the Himalayas, affected my nerves in any way, as I never had any fear of death. I was fortunate enough to receive a good, sound home education from my father, who was untiring in his efforts to help his children in this and other matters. I was a good cricketer and oarsman, playing at times against the then All-England Eleven and rowing against certain University crews. I also learnt to ride fairly well, as the result of annual and delight- ful visits to one of our cousins, Mr. Stephen Poyntz, who gave us boys plenty of hunting with the Fitz- hardinge hounds. Some of these youthful exploits were shared by a chum, who has since been a life-long friend (Kenrick Peck), with whose family we were on intimate terms. Thus as a sort of ready-made adven- turer I was able in after-life to hold my own with 10 MEMORIES others both in education and athletics, and, as my father was fortunate enough to obtain a commission in the Army for me, in 1855, from the late Duke of Cambridge, I was able to go up at once to Sandhurst, after being confirmed by the Bishop of Bath and Wells, and to pass my army examination, coming out top of the list. The examinations then in force, during the period of the Crimean War, were of course easier than now, but quite difficult enough for an ordinary youngster. We had (1) to read English correctly and to write it from dictation, this being then made one of the most important parts of the exam. ; (2) to show a thorough knowledge of arith- metic, fractions, and logarithms ; (3) algebra ; (4) to translate parts of Livy's ' History of Rome ' and Virgil's ' ^neid,' with parsing and prosody ; (5) to show a fair knowledge of French and German ; (6) to answer questions in history and geography ; (7) to make tracings of fortifications in presence of the examiners, and so on. In my particular exam, there were twenty-five candidates, of whom only twelve passed. I was gazetted a fortnight afterwards to the XXth Reg. (now Lancashire Fusiliers), and within a month was at drill at the Depot in the Isle of Wight, thus moving from home to barracks in a sort of dream with my dear father's and mother's blessing and £25 in my pocket, which was, I am glad to say, the only money I took from the parental coffers either then or during my after- career. Moreover, I found my brother officers, who were most of them rich, very considerate fellows ; and I soon learnt the lesson that with ordinary brains, and ability to ride, shoot, and play cricket, it was not difficult, even for a poor man like myself, to hold his own with comrades and others, THE CEIMEA 11 more especially as I was perfectly frank in respect to my limited means, and by this frankness avoided being dragged into expensive amusements. So pleased with me was one of my senior officers (afterwards Genl. Sir Pollexfen RadclifFe), that, unknown to myself, he lodged money at my agents for the purchase of my promotion, although I was too proud, when I found it out, to take advantage of a kindness which I sincerely appreciated. After some months at Parkhurst, I started for the Crimea, in the Orinoco^ in charge of a draft of about two hundred recruits. I confess to several lumps in my throat on this first departure from home and country, notwithstanding the excitement of embarka- tion. I could but say : * Farewell, my native land, farewell ! These bitter tears but faintly tell How I regret to leave thy shore ! Within my bosom swells my heart When thinking that 1 now depart, Perhaps to see thee never more.' After an unfortunate, although pleasant, delay at Malta en route ^ I reached the Crimea with my draft some time before the conclusion of the peace on the 3rd April, 1856, and was thus able to imagine myself a warrior of some importance ! My regiment was in the Fourth, or Cathcart's, Division, and our good comrades gave us a warm welcome, more especially as our new draft happened to be a fine set of men, composed almost wholly of Irishmen, who turned out to be the best and merriest fellows in our ranks. My stay in the Crimea was an interesting one ; we took part, after the peace, in several reviews before Generals LUders, Pelissier, della Marmora, and others, 12 MEMORIES the only fault I could find on these occasions being the task which fell to me of carrying the heavy Regi- mental Colour, which was indeed a tough job in the prevailing high winds that swept over our review ground, the Convent Hill. The British Army turned out for these reviews in splendid condition, and in brand-new uniforms just received from England, and although we were on a very friendly footing both with our allies and with our late enemies, our only regret was the termination of the war just as we were at the top of the wave after months of heavy reverses and privations. In short, throughout the winter of 1854 the allies, especially the British, suffered terrible hard- ships owing partly to the rigour of the climate, and partly to the lamentable breakdown of the system for provisioning the army. This was in time put right and was succeeded by ease and plenty, but the unfor- tunate condition of the allied force for so many months helped to prolong the siege, coupled as this was with the prodigious extent and strength of the fortifications of Sevastopol and the skill and obstinacy of the defence. At the time that our draft arrived matters had, however, been put right, and except for an anxious moment or two until peace was concluded, we could make no claim either to much suffering or fighting. Still youngsters like myself had a never-to-be-for- gotten glimpse of campaigning which greatly pleased us, and we were glad at any rate to be able to say afterwards that we were ' with the army in the Crimea,' and to be therefore treated on our return to England as heroes of a most martial type. Prior to re-embai*ka- tion for home (24th June, 18oG) we had some enjoy- able trips into the interior of the Crimea. Those to KEIM TAETAES 13 Bakchiserai and Simpheropol were very interesting, and as they were within 60 miles of our camp, we managed the journey very well with the help of carts and ponies. We found the Krim Tartars as friendly as they were dirty ; so that we came back with an indelible impression on our minds of these simple but rough people, and an equally deep, but fortunately transitory, impression on our bodies of the huge fleas we found in our rough beds. The poor Tartars spoke to us a great deal more warmly of the Turks than of the Russians, whom they appeared to dislike very much since their subjugation some half a century before our visit. I now wish that I had kept notes of all I saw and heard in the Crimea generally, but the youngsters of that day abhorred diaries, and I thought but little of experiences which are now almost passed from my memory. Before leaving the Crimea we were quartered for some little time in the town of Sevastopol, and enjoyed our stay there very much, more especially as it included a daily swim to the warships which the Russians had sunk in the harbour ; and, in leaving for home at last, our thoughts wandered back to the memories of the glorious struggle which in the end bore so little fruit on account of the Russians being allowed by the other contracting Powers to tear up our Treaty with impunity almost paragraph by para- graph. And we did not forget the gallant comrades we left behind in their last sleep on Russian soil. * There is no Past for them ; their deathless fame Is present now and shall be present still So long as England owns a nation's name And English hearts with patient feelings thrill. 14 MEMORIES They sleep afar in foreign earth : But English maids shall sing And feel that 'tis a glorious thing To be of English birth. ' The English sire shall teach his son, Through age succeeding age, To scan their deeds on history's page And do as they have done ; And English children at their play Shall pause to think upon the story Their mothers told with tears that day Of English bravery and glory.' After a favourable voyage home in H.M.S. Cen- turion we reached Portsmouth on the 19th July en route for Aldershot Camp, where we met with a hearty reception. Returning to Portsmouth some months afterwards, we were again enthusiastically welcomed, being entertained by the townspeople at a public banquet on the 16th Sept., and, in our estimation and in that of others, we held ourselves to be true British heroes, and were inclined to take full advantage of this momentary honour ! But we seemed, alas ! to live in a movable sphere, for we were soon ordered back to Alder .shot ((Jth Feb., 1857), and then after settling down, as we thought, for some years received sudden orders to start for India, where the famous Mutiny with all its horrors had broken out. At a final review on the 5th August, 1857, the Duke of Cam- bridge took leave of us in a stirring and complimentary speech, and on the following day we embarked at Portsmouth for Calcutta in the American clipper Chnmpion of the Seas with half of the 42nd High- landers on board with us, or 1 ,500 souls in all, while in the sister ship, tlie James Baines^ the 97th Reg. OFF TO INDIl 15 and the other half of the 42nd embarked at the same time. We thus bade a hearty farewell to the old country and to our dear Queen (Victoria), who came out from Osborne in the Eoyal Yacht to see us off. The three regiments started in these two vessels, side by side, for the voyage round the Cape, which took us more than three months to accomplish. This voyage was practically uneventful except for occasional storms, rouo:h weather, and waves which certainlv rolled mountains high. The two ships, oddly enough, never sighted one another again till within a hundred miles of the river Hooghly, although, when afterwards com- paring logs, we found that we had been sometimes within fifty miles of one another. In one respect I had the good fortune to reap some benefit from this long journey, for in order to im- prove the shining hour and to mitigate the dulness of the daily round. Captain (afterwards General) Thomas Lyons and myself, who had each fortunately brought some Hindustani books on board, climbed up daily into what was known as the ' Futtock shroud ' to master this lingo, and were so successful in our studies in our quiet and exalted schoolroom that on arrival at Calcutta we were able to pass what was called the 'Little Go' in the language, then an essential qualification for the Staff. We were thus eligible for appointments, which we both soon ob- tained, in the subsequent operations against the rebels, and I always look back with satisfaction to this little effort which assisted so much to give me a good start in military life in India. Reverting to our voyage, which was so far fortunate as not to include death or disaster, the two vessels found themselves 16 MEMORIES side by side (22nd October, 1857) in the Bay of Bengal, and amid the greatest excitement on both sides we so far outsailed our sister ship as to catch the first tug for the river Hooghly, a fact important at the moment as giving us a better place in the rota for return home again ; in short this advantage eventually brought us back to England three years sooner than our comrades of the 97th Reg. who were in the James Baines, I kept a careful log during the voyage which, although not important enough to transcribe, is still interesting to myself as showing the wonderful sailing powers and capacity of the American clippers of that time, seeing that we some- times scudded along as much as 370 miles a day, although lengthened calms on the Equator spoilt our total record, and that we had sufficient food and drink on board for all ranks from start to finish, which was somewhat fortunate for us, since we never sighted land between Portsmouth and the Hooghly, a distance of some 8,000 sea miles. In thus writing of my earlier life I have omitted many boyhood experiences, dear to myself, but of no interest now to others. Life was then full of prol)- abilities and possibilities ; the sun shone amid showers; serious responsibilities only came later in life; we had relatives to whom to appeal for help, friends who were anxious to assist in all difficulties, acquaintances who made existence bearable ; and indeed life at this stage, so generally gay and joyous and so replete with early friendship and adventure, remains with most men as a pleasant dream, unaccom- panied as it is at this early period with the burdens and anxieties of later years. This is doubtless as it should be ; and one cannot be too grateful to the OFF TO INDIA 17 Giver of all good things for thus training us for the various positions we have to occupy, by a gradual process of experience and adventure and a complete trust in a loving God and a merciful Creator, both in prosperity and adversity, and amid good report and evil report. CHAPTER II Arrival at Calcutta and march up country — Siege and capture of Lucknow, and subsequent operations in the field — Life in the XXth Regiment— Sir Hugh Rose (1857-60). As I have already written elsewhere* all I had to say on the general subject of the Indian Mutiny, it is unnecessary to enlarge here on its thrilling incidents. It may be sufficient, therefore, to remark, briefly, that it was an outbreak of some 100,000 trained Sepoys, and was thus primarily a military rising, aided and abetted to some extent by malcontents of the here- ditary criminal class ; that to have held the country during the entire stages of the revolt with a mere handful of British troops was an achievement to which our countrymen may point with just pride — a pride shared by those who, like my own Regiment, only came on the scene after the tide had tiu'ned in our favour, and were glad to take some part in the final suppression of this dangerous rising — and that the shock was a terrible one, although it left British power in India more firmly established than ever. Landing at Calcutta, as already said, in Nov., 1857, we were soon ordered off to Benares by bullock train to join General Franks*s Division, consisting of a handy * Clyde and Strathnairn, 1891, Oxford Series, * Rulers of India.* This book was very favourably reviewed by the press, and upwarda of four thousand copies were sold within a few weeks. 18 MAECH UP COUNTRY 19 column of British troops, with the addition of a large force of Nepalese under Rajah Pulwan Singh. After impatiently waiting there for three months, keeping communications open and so on, we were at last to our great joy directed to move on to Oudh, with orders to clear away the large bands of mutineers who then harassed the country between Benares and Lucknow. It was at this critical time that Captain Lyons and myself reaped the benefit of our studies at sea by receiving Staff appointments, and I considered myself fortunate in not only being appointed Adjutant to my Regiment, but also Brigade Major to my kind friend Brigadier Evelegh, who was renowned for his power of command and his ability in the field. He was a great disciplinarian and a fine leader, and would undoubtedly have risen to high rank and fame had he not some years later, for family reasons, retired from the Army, much to the regret of the service. No sooner were we on our way to Lucknow than we had our first serious brush with the mutineers (19th February, 1858), who occupied a strongly entrenched village, called Chanda, under a leader known as Melmdie Hussein. We gave these gentlemen a good hiding and took all their guns, moving rapidly on to a place called Ameerapore, where we had another creditable success, and where I had my first, and a somewhat disagree- able, experience of hand-to-hand fighting with ex- perienced Indian swordsmen. Flushed, as men say, with victory, we again advanced on a fortified town called Sultanpore, situated on the river Gumti, and by sheer good luck managed to catch our old friends in a trap, their numbers being estimated at some 2—2 20 MEMORIES 25,000 men with 25 guns. A hot and dusty day it was, with a smart fight of some hours, in which our Brigadier (assisted by his able staff officer !) did well. In short, we carried out a favourite manoeuvre of our chief's by making a strong feint in front of the town while quietly moving the bulk of our force round to the rear, and thereby taking the enemy completely by surprise, capturing his strong entrenchments one by one in reverse, and inflicting a loss estimated at 1,800 men, besides capturing 21 guns that were afterwards useful to us. How we all liked this marching ! It gave us new life, and made us glad at any rate to find ourselves taking a humble share in the glorious deeds of our coimtrymen, who had borne the brunt of the early struggle and had kept the mutiny in check under enormous difficulties. In our advance to the north-west we were accom- panied by the native force, already named, mainly composed of the Nepalese of the plains, tall, stalwart men, who had but little resemblance to those short, sturdy Goorkhas of the hill tracts of Nepal, then and since so largely recruited for our army. Our new comrades proved themselves but moderate fighters, and were not easy to get on with on account of absurd prejudices as to caste and food ; but, as we recognised that these arose from a defective religious education rather than from any actual dislike of ourselves, we did not allow anything to disturb that good feeling between us which was then so essential, and which has existed from that day to this between us and our good allies of the northern border. After clearing the country as well as we could beyond Sultanpore, we moved on gradually to Luck- now, amid many little arduous marches and fights, in EXPERIENCE OF ACTUAL WAEFAEE 21 which we lost men and gained experience. I cannot say that any of us young fellows enjoyed the ping- pong of the bullets, or the whiz of the round shot, or the eccentric whiggle-waggle of the shell ; nor did we find in actual warfare that any soldier, who was not a pretentious boaster, cared either to lose his, or to take another's, life. To undergo this experience is, in short, a particularly disagreeable duty, a duty that only finds favour with a true soldier from a conscious- ness that the mission absolves the act, and that every- one is bound in such circumstances to do his best, at all risks and with no uncertain action, for the Sovereign and country of which he is the servant. Whether this justifies what is called volunteering is a thought that often occurred to me when we moved on in our little fights ; I mean that sort of oft-recurring volunteering by individuals for active service which finds favour with many, whether they are wanted or not. I have always set my face against this sort of service. If a country wants men in time of war it will ask for them, and no one is in my opinion justified in taking the life of others or in losing his own, unless it comes in the ordinary path of duty, or, in other words, unless one is strictly deputed to fight by superior authority without unnecessarily leaving one's own post to do so. I hope I may not be misunder- stood in saying this much. I only wish to make a mild protest against selfish volunteering on the part of individuals for active service in order to gain medals and fame. We joined Sir Colin Campbell's army before Luck- now on the 4th March, 1858, after fighting three more minor actions on our way within a few days. We all looked eagerly forward to the capture of this famous 22 MEMORIES city, more especially as the Commander-in-Chief attached considerable importance to it. Lucknow at the time of the mutiny was in proportion, in extent, and in the number of its principal buildings, one of the foremost in India. Situated on the river Gumti, its beautiful palaces, mosques, and public buildings, many of which had become famous, rose in stately array from a maze of long and narrow streets. The Residency stood on a hill gently sloping towards the river, and was an imposing edifice of three stories. Near it were what were called the Iron and Stone bridges over the river. The southern and eastern quarters of the city were bounded by a canal which crossed the road leading to Cawnpore, and finally reached the Gumti. The siege of the Residency began on the 1st July, 1857, from which date till its first relief by Havelock on the 25th September the heroic garrison of 1,500 souls, European and Native, held their weak fortress amid inconceivable hardships and dangers against thousands of rebels, who were constantly reinforced by fresh levies. The second relief by Sir Colin Campbell took place on the l(]th November, when the little garrison was with- drawn after a total loss of 713 men, and the city left unmolested until its siege and capture by Sir Colin Campbell's force of 81,000 men on the 20th March, 1 (S58, after a series of operations dating from the 8th of that month. The mutineers defended Lucknow witli three strong ramparts mounted with about 130 guns and mortars, besides erecting bastions, barricades and loopholed walls to command the streets. The first line of defence consisted of a battery of heavy guns and other formidable works, the second of bastioned ram- CAPTURE OF LUCKNOW 23 parts and parapets, while the third or inner line covered the front of the Kaiser Bagh. Fortunately, the rebel garrison neglected to provide for the defence of the northern side of the fortress, and of this neglect Lord Clyde took full advantage. Our friends the rebels had been very active in Oudh since the relief opera- tions of November, 1857, as we ourselves discovered in our march up from Benares, and had employed their time, as just said, in fortifying Lucknow with entrenchments of considerable strength. So far as General Franks's force was concerned, we at once established ourselves in outworks near the Dilkusha on the outskirts of the city, and for some days were exposed to a heavy fire, which occasioned us a certain loss of life. The general plan of attack was briefly as follows : While Sir Colin Campbell's force took up various positions called the right and left attack on the south, so to speak, of Lucknow, the task of operating separately from the left or northern bank of the Gumti had been confided to Sir James Outram, who crossed the river and took up a position three miles to the north of the city in order to take the rebel posi- tions in reverse and to enfilade them with a heavy fire from the left bank of the river, while we were to move on and carry these positions by assault. On the 11th March Jung Bahadur, after long delays, joined our force with about 9,000 Nepalese, and was given the place of honour between our right and left attacks. On the same day the Begum's Palace was captured with but slight loss to us, although we mourned the gallant Hodson, whom all admired for his bravery and military skill, and who here fell mortally wounded, shot by an unseen foe while he and others, of whom I 24 MEMORIES was one, were searching the Palace for lurking rebels. On this same day we took the Secundra Bagh, the Shah Najaf, and other strong positions. During this time I had an adventure which brought me more credit than I deserved, and for which I was recommended at the time for advancement in rank, while a later Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hugh Rose, officially stated in the kindest manner that for it he had recommended me for the V.C. To our surprise, one night we found that the communications between the right and left attacks were interrupted, and that the success of Sir Colin Campbell's operations was in considerable danger. My Brigadier, in his soldierlike curt way, sent me off to the front to see what was the matter, being disturbed in his mind by heavy firing at the left advanced posts of the attacking force, while all was silent on the right. I went off on my mission, found that the Nepal troops had retired in a panic from their intermediate positions, which were thereupon occupied by the enemy, and then, after bringing them back to the front as best I could, I started on to the right attack in the dark of the night, being obliged, en route, to swim the Canal and to pick my way through an intricate part of the city full of the enemy. Under a heavy fire (not, of course, immediately directed on myself) I crept through the streets un- observed, and came, to my great relief, upon the advanced post of the right attack (42nd Highlanders) close to the river Gumti. The men were overjoyed to see me, as they had been * left in the air * for some days by the untimely falling back of the Nepal troops, and could get no information as to what was going on. I was fortunately able to tell them all the news and to explain the position of affairs, and after a good CAPTURE OF LUCKNOW 25 draught of Highland whisky I returned through the city without a scar and arrived safely back at our pickets — who kindly fired on me in the dark as a rebel — to the great satisfaction of my anxious Brigadier. I attached but little importance to this adventure at the moment, but I afterwards felt deeply grateful to the kind providence of God, Who, as on this occasion, guards and saves us in danger often without our knowledge, and as often without acknowledgment for His gracious protection. At length on the 14th March, when the Engineers under the gallant Napier (afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala) had completed the dangerous work of sap- ping through houses in the line of the enemy's fire, Franks' s Division was ordered, to our great joy, to attack the Kaiser Bagh and Imambara, which were considered to be the keys of the enemy's position. As Brigade Major of the column told ofF for the attack, I was sent a little ahead with certain orders, which enabled me, on the sly, to accompany our gallant fellows of the XXth and 38th in the assault on the Kaiser Bagh. This gave me the privilege of being one of the first in at the gate, where we were cordially received with a heavy rifle fire from hundreds of rebels inside, and I need not add that I returned as soon as I could to my Brigadier with the words ' all right,' very much as an innocent-looking terrier returns to his master after killing a rabbit in the woods. The Kaiser Bagh was full of well -trained mutineers, who made a fair stand at first, although they even- tually gave way after fighting from building to build- ing, and leaving at our disposal large quantities of jewellery and valuables, which made our mouths water, 26 MEMORIES and which we should have been glad to annex if the exigencies of the fight had allowed us time to do so. From the capture of the Kaiser Bagh our men moved on to a large, square, loopholed building known as the ' Engine House,' in which attack I was again lucky enough, by a mere chance, to have a share, and in which RadclifFe, Warren, Francis, and others of the XXth Regiment greatly distinguished themselves. In this somewhat fierce hand-to-hand encounter the enemy lost 350 men, while our own casualties were compara- tively small. Thence we moved rapidly on to the Chutter Manzil, Moti Mahal, and other buildings on the right bank of the river, which operations resulted in the capture of the city some days before Sir Colin Campbell believed it to be possible. We effected this capture on the 19th March with a casualty list of only i)27 officers and men, so that the boldness and rapidity of our attack had a good result, although by some mismanagement, or under some orders from head- (juarters never afterwards satisfactorily explained, thousands of armed rebels were allowed by Outram's force to escape unmolested over the Iron Bridge of the river. Sir Colin Campbell gave high praise to the regi- mental leaders of Franks's Division and the soldiers that followed them for these particular operations, but much regret was felt in the army at this escape of the greater part of the rebels across the river Gumti. That Outram desired to cross over the river from the northern to the southern bank by the famous Iron Bridge to complete the effect of the capture of the Kaiser Bagh by a crushing rear attack on the rebels in the city is a matter of history. But this move was apparently not permitted, for he was said to have been FURTHER OPERATIONS 27 forbidden to act i£ lie thought that by so doing he would lose a single man, and thus a great chance was thrown away. This lost opportunity, followed by failure a few days later on the part of Outram's cavalry in the i^ursuit of further bands of the flying enemy, prevented the fall of Lucknow from proving the final and crushing blow it ought to have been, and 2:)rolonged the mutiny campaign until the end of 1859. So far as my particular regiment was concerned, we formed part of Evelegh's Brigade (to which I was still attached as staff officer) after the taking of Lucknow, and had the misfortune to be kept on for some months in the cantonments of the city, where we lost some of our best officers and men from virulent cholera, arising, it was believed, from the number of dead bodies which had either been left lying about or buried only a few inches below the ground. Under the test of incessant vigilance we had become an efficient force, ready at times for sudden night marches, and at times for pro- longed operations of sorts under the broiling heat of the Indian midsummer sun. Sometimes with tents, sometimes without tents, invariably suffering a heat which varied from 90° to 120° in the shade, we trudged good-temperedly along in those adventurous days, not altogether without a sense of enjoyment. On one occasion we made a night march against a fortified town called Mohan, and cleared the rebels out of the district in an affair which was afterwards described by Sir Colin Campbell as one planned by our Brigadier with great foresight and rapidity. In this march occurred one of the many humorous incidents which lightened our incessant work at this time. At daylight we surprised an outpost of the rebels, with two guns, asleep in a large tope (grove) 28 MEMORIES of mango-trees. They skeltered off at the double, leaving all their possessions behind them, while we boldly took charge of our unexpected prize and settled down for a few moments' rest and refresh- ment before further operations. Some of our men seeing a lot of wasps' nests about began to destroy them, when down came a winged army which put us to an ignominious flight, in which we lost several men and horses stung to death, while it was to all of us a case of sauve qui pent, many throwing themselves headlong into a neighbouring stagnant pond to escape the new enemy. The outpost of rebels, who had not gone far away, seeing our confusion, returned to the tope, recovered their own guns and property, and captured the whole of ours ; but it was not many minutes before they were again in full flight, with many casualties from virulent stings, while we, pull- ing ourselves together and finding that the tired-out wasps had themselves beaten a retreat, regained the day and marched on as best we could against Mohan, which was soon cleared of rebels. These night marches were somewhat irksome, and often gave us great anxiety when marching through jungle and forest, because at times, as the Bengalee Baboo would say, while pursuing a course as the crow flies to his humble domicile, we often heard a hissing sound, and applying close scrutiny of double optics to the spot whence proceeded the said disturbance, we were much horrified and temporaneously paralyzed to lo-and-behold a mighty, enormous reptile of cobra de capello making a frontal attack. Later on we fought actions at places called Meangunge, Morar Mow, and Simree, in which we inflicted loss on the rebels, took many guns, and gradually broke down the rebellion. Sm HOPE GKANT 29 At this time I myself suffered from a severe sun- stroke, from which I fortunately recovered without any permanent harm. After these movements, which were all carried out during the hot-weather months of 1858, we at length joined a field force under Sir Colin Campbell for certain operations in Northern Oudh, which at this lapse of time it would be of no interest to describe, but which, in our Commander-in-Chief's opinion, brought the campaign virtually to an end, although, as before noted, the mutiny did not in reality terminate till the close of 1859, for during that year also our column had a good deal of hard work and much desultory fighting. Indeed, so busy in the field had my particular regiment really been that, in addressing the Kifle Brigade before leaving India in 1860, Lord Clyde told that corps that they had been the hardest- worked regiment in India ' with ' the exception of the XXth Eegiment/ In these final operations I had the good fortune to serve under Sir Hope Grant for a short time. He was a fine soldier, and he and I, albeit difiPerent in rank, became very friendly. He was musical, and was almost always accompanied by an enormous violoncello, carried on a camel. Natives ran away from it whenever it appeared, calling it ' shaitan ' (the devil). I also carried about a little hand piano, which I found of great use for singing and keeping up our spirits in these somewhat hard-working times. Sir Hope Grant was afterwards (1859) appointed to the chief com- mand of the expedition against China. I never saw him again, but he was very good to me in 1858, and a few years afterwards wrote very strongly to the Horse Guards (1864) urging my promotion. He died 7th March, 1875. 30 MEMOKIES Sir Colin Campbell left India in June, 1860, after being raised to the Peerage for his services. As Lord Clyde he died at Chatham on August 14, 1863, generally regretted. He was not a great commander, although beloved by all ranks, more especially by the Highlanders, to whom, perhaps, naturally enough, he gave undue credit in the Indian operations. He was too cautious in dealing with the Indian rebels, and in this way showed a marked difference from Sir Hugh Hose, who knew exactly how to tackle them, as he proved in his wonderful campaign of 1858 in Central India. We all believed at the time that Sir Hugh would have ended the whole mutiny campaign much sooner had he been entrusted with the duty. Lord Clyde's excessive prudence gained him the sobriquet of ' Old Khabardar ' (Old Take Care). The saving of life, however well intended on Sir Colin's part, did not always fulfil his anticipations, but proved the cause of unnecessary and prolonged operations, and too often of losses to troops worn out by long exposure and disease. In fact, in many cases masterly com- binations were designed by him and his Chief of the Staff (Sir W. Mansiield, afterwards Lord Sandhurst), only to result in finding the rebels gone before their complicated plans could bear fruit. Complex combinations were, on the other hand, rejected by Sir Hugh Rose as unsuitable to the particular kind of warfare experienced during the Mutiny. * When the enemy is in the open,' he wrote, ' go straight at him and keep him moving ; and when 'behind ramparts still go at him, and cut off all 'chance of retreat when possible, and pursue him if 'escaping or escaped.' He carried out these prin- ciples with a vengeance, and electrified the country CAWNPOEE EEBELS 31 by a rapid campaign in the most warlike part of India which has never had a parallel. Our final operations against the Pandies (December, 1859) entailed a march to the frontiers of Northern Oudh, where we sur- rounded and captured the last remaining band of rebels, amounting to about 4,000 men with their women and children. Among these fellows were the original mutineers of the famous Nusseerabad Brigade, who were primarily responsible for the Cawnpore massacre and other iniquities, and for whom therefore we had no pity ; but feeling unable to punish them as they deserved, our Brigadier, acting on the advice of the Civil authorities, let them all go to their homes by degrees, in the hope that their long and bitter experiences and sorry plight would be a more profitable warning to their families and friends than condign punishment. I had myself an interesting talk with one of the ringleaders of the Cawnpore Massacre, Jawala Per- shad, w^ho before being hanged gave me two silver bangles and some old rings, which he said belonged to the Nana, in gratitude for some kindness I had shown him when starving ; he at the same time told me of the then whereabouts of the Nana in Nepal, information which was afterwards verified as correct. Quartered at Gondah (about 60 miles from Lucknow), for some considerable time after the final close of the mutiny we had in reality a very good time as matters then went. We made the best of our exist- ence, at any rate, by a great deal of shooting, pig- sticking and other amusements, intermixed wdth duties and parades. I myself have no fault to find, so far as my recollection goes, with our life at Gondah, seeing that I myself had plenty of work to do as 32 MEMOEIES Adjutant, accompanied with a sort of restless dis- content which some people call ambition. An Ad- jutant had at that time great power and influence in a Regiment. I endeavoured to fill the post with credit by being strict on duty, while remaining on the best terms with both officers and men — not always an easy mixture. Of some matters under my Adjutancy I was a little proud. I taught our Light company to ride, and our Grenadier company to handle guns, so that we had a ready-made Regiment of the three arms able to help both Cavalry and Artillery with recruits in time of need during the campaign. I was also able to establish classes in drill, so that the older soldier was not persecuted with daily instruction with the recruits. Thus, the 1st Class established by a system of marks on parade for excellence were, allowed much liberty and only had to be on parade twice a week ; the 2nd Class were paraded four times a week, and the 3rd or lowest Class all day and half the night ! The emulation for the 1st Class was keen, and the arrange- ment brought the Regiment into a high state of drill, seeing that the men practised in private as if on parade, in order to advance to the higher classes ! The system was thus very successful and was after- wards copied by others, although, as usual, I got no thanks for the original idea nor for being the first regimental Officer to start Reading and Recreation rooms within the Barracks, provided with games and with good liquor to drink at all times, on account of which privileges our men behaved well and seldom went into adjoining villages for arrack. I find that I wrote to my father at this time that * without being too confident of my abilities, which AFTER THE MUTINY 33 *are of a very ordinary character, I feel sure that * once I get my foot on the ladder I shall get to the 'top. In the present day one's fortune hangs on a Miair, and unlooked-for events may happen before * the year is out.' Again I wrote to the same kind father, who delighted in my epistles and but too often took my grumbles so seriously as to write long comforting letters in reply, ' I have become very * ambitious lately and shall fly at high game when I * get the chance,' and so on — words which were, oddly enough, not long in fulfilment through an apparently oiF-chance ; for on the 14th December, 1860, the Commander-in-Chief (Sir Hugh Rose) came to Gondah to inspect the Regiment, with the reputation of being hard to please and quick to reprove, and was un- expectedly warm in his commendations of its appear- ance and efficiency after a series of severe tests in drill and a close inspection of the interior economy of the corps. I was, much to my chagrin, laid up on the eventful day with a broken collar-bone from a fall from my horse a few days before the inspection, but my Colonel (Colonel Cormick) generously gave nil the credit of the condition of the Regiment to myself, a praise which Sir Hugh Rose never forgot in regard to men whom the Chief called a ' fine, smart, ' well-drilled and well-behaved body of men, as good ^ in quarters as they are in the field ' — no mean praise from so splendid and practical a soldier then in the zenith of his fame after his remarkable campaign in Central India. The ultimate bearing of this inspec- tion on my own career was not unimportant, as will be seen further on in the fact that, as a young Subaltern of no fame or standing, I became Military Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, with the relative 3 34 MEMORIES rank of Colonel, with great responsibilities under such a Chief as one of his confidential advisers and with all the staff appointments of the army in my pocket. I will only add here that there was a principle in the regiment that a man conspicuous for devotion to his duty and for good conduct was often sought for in after-life to the exclusion of more talented com- petitors, but that, be these qualities what they may, they failed him unless sustained by a good life. Both officers and men of the old XXth acted up to this principle with greater or less success, and a better set of fellows never existed, cemented as the comrade- ship between them was by the past sorrows and joys of two great campaigns. We had, moreover, glorious traditions handed down to us during an existence of two centuries, in which such names as Kingsley, Wolfe, and Ross were borne on the rolls of the Regiment, not to mention many others who had faithfully served their Sovereign and country in the stirring days of old. As I write these lines many of our comrades of Crimean and Indian days have retired into obscurity or gone to their rest, but I cannot refrain from mentioning one who, after distinguishing^ himself greatly in the Crimea, became Sergeant- Major of our 2nd Battalion, and eventually found himself, where he now is, in the Yeomen of the Guard. I allude to Major Arthur Rule, a perfect type of a true soldier, who has received the Silver Medal of the Victoria Order from the hands of King Edward VII., and has had his portrait engraved under Royal auspices after sixty years' service. The mantle of the old XXth has now fallen upon nine descendants, or, in other words, on nine Battalions of the Lancashire Fusiliers, which has the distinction ot MY EEGIMENT 35 being one of the best Kegiments in the Service, famous alike for its fighting powers, drill, and discipline. It can, therefore, well be imagined how sorry I was to leave my old corps, even for a time ; but I little knew when I left Gondah that it was to be perhaps for ever ! When this separation soon afterwards occurred, I could not but feel touched with the tributes of friendship which it evoked from both officers, non-commissioned officers, and men. Colonel Evelegh had already written highly of me both in public despatches and private letters, and, among many others. Colonel Cormick, who succeeded him, wrote (4th October, 1861) : ' I cannot sufficiently ' express how much I regret your leaving the ' Regiment. I always did admire your esprit de corps^ 'which, combined with your holding the Adjutancy, ' I have no hesitation in saying conduced most 'materially to keeping the Regiment in such an ' efficient state.' It would take up unnecessary space to quote from other letters received from all ranks, so I will content myself by saying that they are much valued by me, although they added to my regret at leaving old friends and comrades, many of whom I never saw again. One of these afterwards wrote officially (Colonel Bennett) : ' Most unfortunately all ' Lieut. Burne's contemporaries in this Regiment have 'gone over his head by purchase, which must be in ' the highest degree disheartening ; yet, doubtless, ' this Officer is the most deserving of them all in real ' high intelligence and thorough acquaintance with his 'profession.' With this pardonable record of my merits over forty years ago — not always a reliable test — I close this chapter. 3—2 CHAPTER III Visit to Calcutta — Appointment as Military Secretary to the Com- mander-in-Chief — Reconstruction of the Army — Lord Canning's Durbar at Allahabad — Death of Lady Canning — Inspection tours— Simla (1861-62). The change alluded to in the last chapter thus came about. In the spring of 1861 I obtained leave to go to Calcutta, partly with the object of seeing my eldest brother, then Colonel Henry Burne of the Military Department, and partly with a hope that I might obtain a staff appointment which would add to my slender means. I wrote to my father at this time that ' if offered a staff appointment I shall think the * expense of the journey well laid out.* I had con- tinued to work at Hindustani in order to attain the higher standard — then a necessary condition for a permanent staff appointment — and was able within a few weeks to pass (5th August) what was called the Fort William College examination, which gave me the coveted letters of P.C.H. During this visit I frequently met in society the Commander-in-Chief, who was extremely kind and courteous, and told me that his Adjutant-General, Colonel Haythorne (he died 18th October, 1888) had spoken highly to him about me. This kind and gallant soldier, who was much respected in the army, in evident recollection of the inspection at Gondah the year before, had given me some temporary work 36 / ^ ^^ ^ ^ '/j^c^^-c FlEI.D-^rAKSHAL LoKD Si RATH NAIRN. U. OCT. 16, 1885, -ICTAI- 84. Sm HUGH EOSE 37 in his office, on reaching which one morning (17th September) in the course of ordinary business I re- ceived the following laconic and characteristic letter from Sir Hugh Rose — viz., ' I have much pleasure in 'asking you to be my military secretary, and hope 'you will accept and come to-morrow morning to ' commence work.' Here was a higher standard^ and no mistake ! I could hardly believe my eyes. But notwithstanding a certain disinclination as a youngster of only twenty -four years of age to take the plunge, I gratefully accepted the offer with hardly any other thought in my mind at the moment than the pleasure the news would give the old folks at home, who, as I afterwards learnt, bought a big flag and drum in cele- bration of the event, while my father was tempted to take many extra pinches of snuff. I began work the next morning with a somewhat palpitating heart, after ordering from my Calcutta tailor, to whom I owed a small bill, a military secretary's uniform with full Colonel's lace, doing so with such a swing as to make ' Mr. Snip ' stare at me as some lunatic at large. Sir Hugh Rose had just published a general order (2nd August, 1861) in which he said that 'an Adju- ' tancy is a post to w^hich all officers desirous of ' making a career should aspire. It is a good pre- ' paration for the Adjutant- General's Department or ' Personal Staff. An Adjutancy makes officers ac- ' quainted with the discipline, the characters, the 'feelings and amusements of soldiers, and every ' description of drill, official business correspondence, ' and military laws. A good Adjutant is an officer of ' promise.' This order he quickly followed with an- other (September, 1861), to the effect that 'he in- ' tended to confer the appointments which were in his 38 MEMORIES ' gift solely on officers of tried merit and of good ' promise,' and ' chiefly for service in a regiment ' which has distinguished itself by its discipline and ' good interior economy.' It was no doubt due to these convictions, on which Sir Hugh Rose invariably acted during his command of the army in India, that I owed an appointment which brought me thence- forward in close touch for nine years with one of the great soldiers of the age, who never altered in his friendship for me from start to finish. Fortunately for myself, I found my new work both congenial and easy, as my new Chief was considerate, and he on his part found me in harmony with him on all points in which he was most interested in connec- tion with the army. He was then at the height of his fame, and had already proved himself to be the right man in the right place as Commander-in-Chief. Quick in thought and temper, rigid in matters of discipline, and a man of iron frame, he was no easy master to serve, although our mutual relations were happily never clouded by a cross word from that time till the day of his death, twenty-four years after- wards. I was greatly helped in my new work from past experience as a regimental Adjutant, which enabled me to assist my Chief materially in all his inspections and in all his schemes for the benefit of Tommy Atkins, whom he devotedly loved, and who returned his devotion in an unmistakable manner. Reconstruction after the great Mutiny was the order of the day when I joined my new appointment ; the entire army of India, both European and native, had to go through the mill, for everything was in a state of transition, and it required all the wisdom of those in authority to reorganize institutions, especially those THE INDIAN ARMY 39 of the native army, which had been shaken and dis- credited. On Lord Canning devolved the duty of reconciling the clashing opinions of theorists with the practical advice of experts, and in the frequent con- sultations which took place between the Viceroy and Sir Hugh Eose I had an interesting share. During this important period a Royal Commission was sitting at home to decide the fate of the Indian army. Ponderous Blue-Books were issued, and masses of reports, so dear to Indian officials, were collected, the outcome of which, in a few words, was the aboli- tion of the European troops of the old Company's forces, the formation of a so-called staff corps, and a reduction of the native army, which in future was to be enlisted for general service, and to be reconstructed on what was known as the regular system — all great and complex questions which certainly tested my own poor brains and occupied all my time with the Com- mander-in-Chief, so that in writing again to my father I had to say that ' the Chief requires a lot of work ' done, but I like my new appointment, and am getting ' into the swing of what gives a splendid position, a ' responsible voice in the reconstruction of the Army, * and the giving away of appointments which at present ' forms an important part of my work.' And here I may say that, on my first introduction to Lord Can- ning, I was not quite sure of my own identity. He rather chuckled at my youthful appearance as a military secretary, and jokingly asked if I was ' Byrne, the hero of a hundred fights ' — the name of a celebrated madman then much talked about in India. For a long time after this I was nicknamed the Hero. I saw a great deal of Lord and Lady Canning in India, and liked them much. He was a grave man, sorrowful, 40 MEMORIES and borne down with his responsibilities, but always courteous and kind. She was an accomplished and highly-gifted woman, much beloved by all classes. Our stay at Calcutta in 1861 was comparatively short, as Sir Hugh Rose was anxious to start on one of his rapid tours of inspection, and to be at Allaha- bad in time for Lord Canning's first Durbar as Viceroy (1st November, 1861), in which my Chief and many of the great Indian Princes were to receive the Grand Cross of the new order of the Star of India. The occasion was an impressive one, in which Lord Can- ning bore the principal part. His long address to the Chiefs was delivered with all that dignity and choice of language for which he was noted. He spoke of the great Queen who had desired him to decorate them ; he thanked all present for their services in the Mutiny ; he particularly impressed upon the Chiefs and Princes their duty in the future of abolishing infanticide, of making roads and railways in their territories, and of moving on in the paths of virtue and civilization, and so on — a fine address, unfortu- nately translated, according to custom, by the then Foreign Secretary, who was an indifferent Hindustani scholar. He bluntly said, so far as I can remember, to the horror of those who knew the language, and to the visible astonishment of the Chiefs : ' Lord Sahib ' f ermata hai, Salaam. Tum log badzat hai. Chokri 'mat maro. Rasta banao. Chalo. Bas. Salaam.' Which meant, literally translated, ' The Viceroy com- ' mands me to say " How d ye do ? You are a set of ' " rascals. Reform ! Don't kill your female "'children. Make roads and move on. Enough ! * '' You may go." * I need hardly dwell on the denouement. Lord ALLAHABAD DURBAR 41 Canning stood in mute surprise at his long and grace- ful speech being translated in such tiny sentences, and muttered, ' Certainly Hindustani must be a very com- ' prehensive language/ Mutual explanations followed, which ended in a clever Baboo of the Foreign Office, who happened to be present, being put up to do the real translation. This Durbar, alas ! was to have a sad postscript, for Lady Canning, having taken the opportunity of going to the Darjeeling hills on a sketching tour, caught malarial fever, and was brought back to Calcutta, only to die there (18th November, 1861). From that time Lord Canning lost all his spirit, and left India four months afterwards, to breathe his last in his native country (17th June, 1862), while his wife rested in her grave in the grounds of the Governor- General's Park at Barrack- pore. Here she wished to be laid, and a beautiful marble tomb erected by her husband is still lovingly cared for by successive Viceroys. In speaking of the Allahabad Durbar, I may say that I had many similar amusing experiences later on of the difficulty of conveying our English ideas in an Eastern language. At one of our inspections at Peshawar, for instance, ^ at a time when cholera was prevalent. Sir Hugh Rose had to present new colours to a Native Regiment, and made a really good speech to the men, ending with a passage that he gave these colours with confidence to a fine corps, and was sure they would die under them rather than resign them to the enemy, and so on. The translator (not myself) was a shy man new to his work, and conveyed to them the idea that they were all going to die under the new flags ! We noticed a shudder and a move- ment and mutterings in Hindustani, ' Well be hanged 42 MEMORIES if ' we do !' till, grasping the situation, Sir Hugh had to put it all right by a copious explanation of the phrase, and by the expression of a regret that cholera was among them. Again, at the Imperial Assemblage of 1877 Lord Lytton presented to each Native Chief a banner, of which, by some mistake in England, the pole was of such enormous weight as to require two Highlanders to carry this symbol of the Viceroy's regard. Lord Lytton varied his little address to each Chief. To one he said that he hoped the banner would never be unfurled without reminding its possessor of its weight of responsibility, and so on. The Chief eagerly replied in a loud voice, ' Yes, yes. Lord Sahib ; quite ' true. But the banner is so infernally heavy that ' I can never unfurl it !' till, aghast at the reply, our Foreign Secretary had to invent a quantity of fresh Hindustani on the spur of the moment to lead the poor Chief to Lord Lytton's hope by an entirely new phraseology. Another good story has been told by Miss Sorabji, which is almost too good for implicit credence. Suar means in Hindustani a pig, and is a term, especially when applied to Mahomedans, of the most furious abuse ; sowar is a trooper. Billa means a medal, while billi means a cat. At the Imperial Assemblage just men- tioned certain silver commemoration medals were given to various selected men of regiments to be hung round the neck on special occasions. In an evil hour the Colonel of a Native Regiment, new to his work, and not well acquainted with shades of accent, insisted on addressing his regiment in their own lan- guage, and this is what he said : ' Pigs ! the Queen Empress has sent to me a number SIE HUGH ROSE'S INSPECTIONS 43 ' of cats, which I now distribute among you. She ' requests me that you will hang them round your ' necks, and continue to wear them for ever/ After the Allahabad Durbar, we ourselves moved up-country to continue the Chief's inspections, our ultimate goal being Peshawar and the frontier. Here our experiences were both novel and interesting, although I can only speak briefly of them, as my daily work was so heavy that I had little time for memoranda or diaries. In this and other tours Sir Hugh Rose paid great attention to a matter which brought him credit from its advantageous results to the Army — viz., the establishment of soldiers' workshops and gardens, and of reading-rooms, regimental institutions, and canteens. In these matters I myself had had some experience in my old Regiment, and shared my Chief's satisfaction at the ultimate result of his work, seeing that they provided salutary employment for the men in the weary hours of cantonment life, and did much to attract them to remain within their lines instead of wandering into neighbouring villages for poisonous liquor. Sir Hugh Rose also took a great interest in the men's rations, which formed a groundwork for con- tinual warfare between him and the Commissariat Department. I may, perhaps, relate one of many incidents in this matter, told in better language than my own by my friend the late General shorn Wil- kinson. He says in his interesting reminiscences ('Gemini Generals,' 1896): 'In his inspections Sir ' Hugh Rose was fond of looking into details, and this ' was often an occasion of some tribulation among ' departmental officials. One day Sir Hugh, accom- ' panied by his faithful henchman Owen Burne, visited 44 MEMORIES ' the hospital and barracks of a certain regiment, and, ' seeing upon the table a bowl of what he deemed to ' be soup, he asked for a spoon, and tasted it. Before ' giving an opinion, however, he requested the In- ' spector-General of Hospitals, who accompanied him, ' to taste it also. " Excellent soup, your Excellency,'* ' said that worthy official, smacking his lips, " and ' " most nutritious." Sir Hugh turned to one of the ' soldiers and asked, " Do you get such good soup ' " every day ?" when, to the dismay of all around, ' the man answered in broad Caledonian accent, " It's ' " nae soup ava ; it's the washin' o' the plates and ' " dishes." The Inspector-General of Hospitals col- * lapsed, and Sir Hugh had no appetite for the rest of ' the day, while Owen Burne disappeared by the back ' door till the storm was over.' We all had rare times when on these tours of inspec- tion, riding from camp to camp, keeping a good pack of hounds for our amusement between-whiles, and getting a good idea of both country and people in our various progresses throughout a large part of India. In this particular tour to the frontier we reached Peshawar (17th December, 1861) after a series of in- spections in the North- West Provinces and the Punjab, and thence galloped down the frontier of some GOO miles on Irregular Cavalry horses specially laid out for us some time beforehand at stages of ten miles (and therefore so fresh as to be almost im- possible to ride), at the rate of sixty miles a day. These long rides made us indent largely on our good Doctor (Longhurst) for repairs to suffering skins; and, as our animals invariably ran away with us at each stage, we also became experienced horsemen before the end of the journey. SIMLA 45 The end of this tour brought me for the first time (April, 1862) to Simla, a really beautiful spot 8,000 feet above the sea, situated more than a thousand miles from Calcutta, and still further from Bombay. Simla was originally made known to us by two Scottish officers engaged in survey in 1817, and was first visited officially in 1827 by Lord Amherst, who made it tem- porarily Government Headquarters, and no Viceroy after Lord Canning took office without a clear under- standing that this plan of moving headquarters from Calcutta to Simla for the hot weather was not to be interfered with from home ! It is impossible to describe in adequate language the impression made on the mind of a newcomer by the climate and beauty of this hill station. Picture to yourself, dear reader of these pages, many weary months in the Indian plains amid desperate heat, tormented by mosquitoes, choked with dust, and clad in the thinnest of white clothing ; then a journey of sixty odd miles in a dakghari, followed by a steady ascent of another sixty miles from Kalka (via Kassauli, Subathu, and Dagshai), right up into the clouds, either on a pony or in a hill-cart, till landed at last in a comfortable bungalow perched on a hillside of magni- ficent deodar and pine trees, fires burning brightly, greatcoats ready to put on, and ease and comfort once more discovered amid beautiful mountain scenery in an atmosphere so clear and rarefied as to make the newcomer feel like a sort of airship ready to sail over the moon ! In no other part of the world, so far as I know, could such a rapid transition from heat to cold, and misery to comfort, be made ; and this my first arrival at Simla after exceptional heat and hard work in the plains will remain an ever-abiding recollection 46 MEMORIES of joy. Ofttimes in this happy retreat we were enveloped in clouds charged with rain and electricity as if in a dense fog, and amused ourselves by watching from our elevated standpoint these same clouds passing on from us and pouring their contents on the plains beneath us in raging thunder storms. How we pitied our less fortunate brethren below on these occasions ! Our season of 1862 was a pleasant one, and I had the satisfaction on my first arrival of opening the English mail and receiving the Duke of Cambridge's approval of my appointment as Military Secretary, more especially as I was rather afraid that the Horse Guards might take some exception to it on account of my want of rank, being still a Lieutenant anxiously looking out for the rank of Captain, and waiting since 1858 for my promised Brevet Majority. Lord Elgin arrived in India, in April of this year, as the new Viceroy ; he spent his first season at Simla, and he and Lady Elgin were liked by us all, although they did not entertain much, on account of ill-health and for other reasons. Lest anyone may think that Simla is merely an ideal holiday resort, I may mention that Government work both in my time and since is always harder in hill stations than else- where, but fortunately the conditions are such that work is more easily done there than in the heat of the plains. As Sir Hugh Rose was a member of the Governor-GeneraFs Council, as well as Commander- in-Chief, all departmental papers came to him, and we passed long hours together in mastering the complex questions that daily came round for discussion in Council. Still, amid all this hard work, Simla was a ' dream ' to me after four hot seasons in the plains, and our spare time was pleasantly taken up with A THORN IN EVERY ROSE 47 picnics, dances, glee-clubs, cricket (on a level bit of ground some 1,000 feet below, called Annandale), etc., so that our existence was, to say the least of it, endurable, and my own house next to ' Barnes Court,' then the official residence of the Commander-in-Chief, was the scene of many receptions and entertainments. In this sorrowful world, however, there is a thorn in every rose, and my season of 1862 did not end as pleasantly as it began, for, in two well-known military cases to which I need not now refer. Sir Hugh Rose had to take severe measures which the Horse Guards did not at the moment like, although subsequently acknowledging that his action was correct. As the fault of this action was put by the Duke of Cambridge on the 'youthful Military Secretary,' as to whose junior rank H.R.H. wrote many letters (although he had approved my appointment), I felt it right, against my own Chief's wish, to put an end to the discussion by resigning my berth, after holding it successfully for more than a year. It was a bitter pill to swallow, as it put an end to what might other- wise have led to rapid Army promotion, but I was fortunately able to hide my chagrin, to recognise that there were disadvantages in my want of rank, and to be content with the sudden changes that come to most men in the battle of life ! The blow was softened in a measure by Sir Hugh Rose begging me to remain on as Private Secretary, and by his writing an official letter to the Government of India to the effect that the change had come about through no fault of mine. At the same time letters of sympathy and regret came in from all the General Officers with whom I had been in close relations, and the Indian Press bore public testimony to my humble merits in a large 48 MEMORIES number of articles, written by unknown hands, which I have retained among my papers ever since with some pride. But, alas ! what a change it was from Military Secretary, with full relative rank as Colonel, to a humble galloping Private Secretary sort of Aide-de-Camp ! Even my Calcutta tailor was horrified ! Our next cold weather tour (1862-63) was in Central India, where Fred Roberts (since Field- Marshal Earl Roberts, K.G.) joined us as a Deputy Quartermaster-General. We two became fast friends, and have so remained ever since that time. Roberts had come to Simla to join the Headquarters Staff with a charming bride, who proved a great accession to our select circle, as being not only handsome, but full of goodness and brightness. ' Bobs ' was then a man of thirty, a slim, active fellow, full of life, quick of thought, and an exceptional organizer, to whom nothing came amiss. Indeed, he was as good a fellow as ever stepped — a character which no amount of after advancement to high military and social rank has ever altered. Luck, as some people call it, he afterwards had, because he had the gift of 'seizing 'opportunities when they came to him,' but to his honour be it said no brother officer ever begrudged that luck or found this great soldier otherwise than a sincere friend whose simplicity was never damaged by advancement. No one, perhaps, has described him better than Rudyard Kipling, some of whose verses I take the liberty of quoting : ' There's a little red-faced man, Which is Bobs ; Hides the tallest 'orse 'e can, Our Bobs. FRED ROBERTS 49 If it bucks or kicks or rears, 'E can sit for twenty years, With a smile round both his ears — Can't yer, Bobs ^ * If a limber's slipped a trace, 'Ook on Bobs ; If a marker s lost his place. Dress by Bobs. For 'e's eyes all up his coat. An' a bugle in his throat, An' you will not play the goat Under Bobs. * Then 'ere*s to Bobs Bahadur — Little Bobs, Bobs, Bobs ! Pocket AVellin'ton an' arder — Fightin' Bobs, Bobs, Bobs ! This ain't no bloomin' ode, But you've 'elped the soldier's load, An' for benefits bestowed, Bless yer, Bobs !' Another man with whom I was then on intimate terms, and with whom I was associated thirty-five years afterwards on the Council of India, was Donald Stewart (afterwards Field-Marshal Sir Donald Stewart), who was an older man than Bobs. He was a shrewd, canny Scot, and proved himself to be as good in the field as he was an adviser in Council. Lumsden (afterwards Sir Peter Lumsden) was another good fellow on the Headquarters Staff, and vrith his kind-hearted wife proved a great acquisition to our limited society. I name these three old friends, out of many others belonging to those good days of yore, because their names became afterwards familiar in military history ; but if space permitted I could mention scores, such as my old friend Charlie Hume .of the Rifle Brigade, Henry Oldham of the Cameron 4 50 MEMORIES Highlanders (both now in the King's Bodyguard), Walter Goldsworthy of the 8th Hussars, of Central Indian campaign fame, and others, who were in those happy day^ associated with us at Headquarters under a Commander-in-Chief surrounded with exceptional men and served by first-rate officers in all parts of India. Our Central Indian tour of 1862 was an interesting one, present as we were at the consecration by the Bishop of Calcutta of the Cawnpore Memorial, which brought back many memories of the Mutiny, after- wards visiting all the scenes of Sir Hugh Rose's old battlefields, including a pleasant visit to the Maharajah of Gwalior, whom he had assisted so materially in that anxious time to regain his State, from which he had been driven by the mutineers, and who could not do too much during our visit to show his friendship and gratitude. To see Scindiah at the head of his army at the great review he gave us one day was a sight worthy of Punch, His great Highness stuttered ^o badly that his troops could not understand a word he said, and yet, no doubt by previous arrangement, they moved with exact precision at each word of command. One regiment which he was particularly proud to show us was what he called his Highlanders — men dressed in a variety of discarded old kilts, bought from certain Highland regiments in India, and clad in pink tights specially ordered from England to cover their black legs. Before we left Gwalior the Maharajah gave us a great entertainment in which the viands were all cold, besides being as hard as bullets and covered with gold leaf in honour of the occasion. Our Persian Interpreter (Colonel Moore), who was a bit of a wag and a general favourite with us all, had 't o MAHARAJAH SCINDIAH 51 had a passage of arms with the Chief, and in answer to a whispered question from him at the banquet found an opportunity of paying him out by assuring him that according to native etiquette Sir Hugh would have to taste each dish. This he obediently and sadly did, with the result that he was laid up next morning with a severe attack of indigestion ! ' Tit ' for Tat ' in Moore's view is open to all men, although Sir Hugh fortunately never found out the trick played on him ! I will not dwell on our rides to Jhansi and else- where in this tour, further than to say that to all of us the reminiscences of the Central Indian campaign and the evident pleasure with which the Chief revisited some of his old haunts of 1858 were most enjoyable. Eventually we returned to Simla through Nynee Tal, and, riding thence through successive ranges of the Himalayas, reached Simla again on the 9th April, 1863, after a delightful few months of hard riding and inspection. And here I may say that all this time Sir Hugh Rose and I got on capitally together. He was very kind in frequently recommending me to the Horse Guards for promotion and expressing his opinion of my services. In one letter he wrote (2nd September, 1861) : 'A considerable share of the ' creditable state of the XXth Regiment is due to this ' promising Officer, whose really high qualifications 'and gentlemanlike manner and conduct render him 'a valuable acquisition to the Service.' In another letter he wrote (17th March, 1863): 'The ability ' and thorough knowledge of his profession displayed ' by Lieutenant Burne in the positions which he has 'held for the last three years that I have been ' associated with him are such as to merit any advance- 4—2 52 MEMORIES ' ment that the rules of the Service will permit of his 'receiving/ And again (5th October, 1864) : ' It will ' be seen that this Officer was mentioned three times ' in Despatches, and had he been more fortunate in his ' regimental promotion he would, in all probability, ' have attained his brevet promotion in 1858. Since ' he has been on my Staff I have been perfectly ' satisfied with his ability and zeal, and with his know- Medge, remarkable in so young an Officer, of the 'rules of the Service/ And some years later on ( 14th October, 1868), he wrote : ' On one occasion ' l)efore Lucknow he conveyed at considerable personal ' risk to himself, on account of the enemy's outposts, ' despatches of great importance to a Regiment ' relative to a movement it was to make against the ' enemy, and for which the Committee and myself ' recommended him for the V.C These and other similar opinions of my humble self from so high an authority were a source of great pleasure to me, more especially in after-years, when my career, perforce, l)ecame political rather than military, although I never ceased to wish, and to ask, to go back to Army Service. CHAPTER IV Death of Lord Elgia — Cashmere — Arrival of Lord Lawrence — Sir Hugh Kose's return to England — Life in Ireland (1863-65). We went through much the same routine in Simla this season (1863) as before, leading a sort of un- official life, added to a great deal of hard official work. The year ended, however, with a sad and important event in the death of Lord Elgin. The Viceroy had decided to make an autumn tour through the hills towards Dhurmsala, and did so against the advice of his medical adviser, who feared a tendency to heart trouble. Sir Hugh Rose with a small staff, including myself, left Simla on the 6th October, soon after the Viceroy, and followed the same route. Lord and Lady George Paget accompanied us, and we had pleasant rides and walks in almost inaccessible ranges where the foot of man had never trod, and where the scenery was magnificent beyond description from green dale to snowy range. Our route passed through the fine Kooloo valley, whence we took several long rides into Lahoul and other out-of-the-way places, including a visit to the fort of Kot Kangra, which was situated on a high perpendicular rock 2,400 feet above the sea-level. This fort was taken from the Sikhs by General Wheeler in 1846, in which opera- tion my eldest brother, already mentioned (he died 7th November, 1901), then of the 2nd Grenadiers, 53 54 MEMOKIES N.I., took part. The fort had a romantic history, and was much venerated in olden times both by Sikhs and Punjabis. We caught up Lord Elgin's party on the 15th October, and shared in some very good bear-shooting with his StaflP. Our two parties then practically travelled together to the Rotang Pass (15,000 feet) in Lahoul, crossing at Koksur over a swift-running river, called the Chandra, by a difficult rope bridge. This we crossed and recrossed out of curiosity, as the Viceroy had done just before us. It was, indeed, a difficult and somewhat dangerous experiment for those unaccustomed to such work, for to cross such a bridge one had to cling on like grim death, with a chance of tumbling into the roaring torrent, some scores of feet below, on making the slightest mistake ! Lord Elgin had a great desire to try the experiment, and in an unlucky moment did so, for his heart became affected when half-way across the bridge, on account of the rarefaction of the air at that height (some 14,000 feet) and the swinging of the ropes with his weight, and it was with great difficulty that his Staff got him back again to terra- firma. He never recovered this effort, alas ! as will presently be seen. Near Koksur we came, in the course of our wander- ings, upon two interesting experiences of the weakness of human nature. One was that of a boy who, much to the Chief's anger, was unmercifully beating his donkey. Sir Hugh was about to ride up whip in hand to chastise this young gentleman, but first desired me to ask him why he was so cruel. ' Oh,' replied the urchin, ' this donkey is my uncle Ahmed, who was ' very unmerciful to me during his life, and I am now 'repaying him in his own coin.' Whack — whack — MOKAVIAN MISSION AKIES 55' whack! We could thus only smile, but saved the poor donkey from further chastisement by the giving of a little backsheesh^ lost in wonder at the hold on these simple and uneducated people of the doctrine of the transmigration of souls ! The other incident was an accidental meeting with some Moravian missionaries who had settled some years previously in the wilds of Lahoul. They told us much as to the failure of Christianity, as we under- stand the term, among the people with whom they were associated, although they acted on its principles in a left-handed manner by giving up formal teaching of doctrine and taking up magistrate's duty, by which means they civilized their surroundings and became trusted advisers of their people. ' But why don't you marry ?' said the Chief. ' Oh,' replied Herr Haidee, ' we have had rather a sad ' experience of marriages made in heaven. In short, 'we wrote to our Mission in Berlin to send us out 'wives for the four of us. They did so. The 'ladies were properly told off and labelled with the ' names of those with whom they were afterwards to ' be one flesh. The marriages were to take place up ' here on arrival. To bring them up from Bombay ' we sent down one of our best and most trustworthy ' brethren ; but taken in the toils of Satan, this mis- ' guided man, in an unguarded moment, changed the 'labels and married on the spot the prettiest one of ' the quartette, so that, discovering the fraud on arrival ' up here, we three absolutely refused to wed the three 'ugly ones that remained, and sent them back to 'Germany. We have therefore renounced matri- ' mony, and prefer to remain common bachelors.' We listened to this recital with saddened hearts and 56 MEMOKIES suppressed smiles, and wishing many blessings to these simple fellows, proceeded on our onward journey. After some further difficult hill-riding, we reached Dhurmsala on the 27th October, where we rejoined the Viceroy's party and learnt of Lord Elgin's illness and its cause. We were further troubled by unfavour- able news of the so-called ' Sittana campaign,' which had been organized under Sir Neville Chamberlain for the punishment of a warlike tribe called the Momunds on our north-west frontier. In short, this military expedition had received a mauling, and had come to a standstill in the Umbeyla Pass. As Lord Elgin had become too ill to be troubled in the matter, our Chief had practically to assume personal direction of affairs, which were complicated, and which caused us all so much anxiety that he would have gone himself to the front except for the Viceroy's critical condition. In the meantime the Angel of Death was near at hand, and on the 8tli November Lady Elgin, at her husband's request, and accompanied by myself, walked quietly up to the Dhurmsala Churchyard and selected the spot where he was to lie. On that same day the Chief and the members of his Staff were compelled to go on, post haste, to Lahore, as being nearer the scene of military operations, and we remained there in great anxiety till the 20th November (1863), when, to everybody's regret, Lord Elgin breathed his last. He was buried on the following day in the spot selected by his wife and myself. Poor Dhurmsala ! One of the most beautiful spots in the Himalayas, and now razed to the ground, so to speak, by a terrible earthquake in 1905. This earthquake occasioned a great loss of life, and damaged the church tower and LORD ELGIN 57 Lord Elgin's tomb, besides levelling to the ground the barracks, bazaars, and houses, with great loss of life. Lord Elgin's death was an untimely end to an eminent career, and was all the more to be regretted seeing that during the comparatively short time of his Viceroyalty he had not been able to accomplish for India any measures that were sufficiently important to be connected with his name. In the interim the members of the Supreme Council (Sir Robert Napier, Sir Charles Trevelyan, Sir Henry Maine, and Mr. Grey) assembled at Dhurmsala, and Sir William Denison, then Governor of Madras, assumed the office of Governor-General until the arrival at Calcutta of the newly-appointed Viceroy (Lord Lawrence) on the 12th January, 1864. Sir William Denison was a man of decision, and as he fortunately supported Sir Hugh Rose's views of advance against many who advo- cated retirement, the Sittana operations were carried on to a decided issue, which gave much relief to all concerned. In due course of time we again made a series of inspections at Rawal Pindi, Peshawar, and along the frontier, during which we had sundry experiences of a novel kind, which will ever remain in my memory, and met many splendid fellows of the British and Native Armies, including such men as Dighton Probyn, who was not only a delightful companion, but a beau sabreur of the true old Indian type. Probyn received, later on, a high appointment in the Prince of Wales's (now King Edward VII.) household, and when I meet him now, with a more capacious figure and a long grey beard, as Keeper of His Majesty's Privy Purse, I find it difficult to connect him with 58 MEMORIES the dashing leader of Probyn*s Horse of days gone by, although the same good fellow as ever ! At the end of our inspection, Sir Hugh Rose, accompanied by Moore and myself, started from Murree (17th March) for a trip into Cashmere, getting some good Bara Singha and Markhor shooting on our journey (Himalayan deer and large goat), sport which I myself greatly enjoyed, as then being a good rifle shot. Many of my shooting trophies on this trip adorn the house of a brother-in-law (Lord Kilmaine), as on return to England I had no ancestral walls on which to hang my splendid heads ! We had a good reception at Serinaggar, where we were met by the principal officials of the Maharajah Ranbir Singh, who was himself at the time at Jummoo, his winter residence at the foot of the hills. It is difficult to describe Cashmere without being guilty of word-painting. It may be enough here to mention that it is a valley 90 miles long and 30 miles broad, the level of this valley being 10,000 feet above the sea, covered with lakes, streams, and flowers of indescribable beauty, with the picturesque river Jhelum flowing through it, and bordered along its length on both sides with high snowy ranges reaching to 26,000 feet. Extensive valleys run up from the plain into the heart of these great ranges, developing every description of landscape, and making the valley a veritable Garden of Eden and a second Venice of house-boat life and charming river scenery. Notwith- standing the beauty of the Cashmere Valley, it has had its ups and downs like most other places. Earth- quakes have from time to time, up to 1885, wrought terrible destruction ; and great famines, occasional severe floods, and visitations of cholera, have often CASHMERE 59 brought ruin on inhabitants and crops alike. More- over, it has not been favoured with good rule since we gave up possession of the valley in 1846 to Maharajah Gulab Singh for the paltry sum of seventy lakhs of rupees. The ruler of whom I speak in these pages was his son, Maharajah Ranbir Singh, who died in 1885. He in turn was succeeded by his son, Partab Singh, who is doing well, and has closer relations with us than his predecessors. Cashmere has been mistakenly called by some an independent State. It is not so, as it is one of the Feudatory Native States of India. We enjoyed our visit, had capital shooting, camped on the snow, and being the only Europeans in the country, which at that time was forbidden ground in winter, we felt a long way off from the civilized world, and were not exactly sorry ! Our shooting, especially in the Sindh Valley and onwards to Tibet, had to be carried out with precaution on account of the deep snow and avalanches. It was, indeed, a job for Moore and myself, as the Chief did not venture into this high, difficult ground, to get at our Bara Singha, ibex (chamois), and Minal and snow pheasants ; but we led a life which made us hard as iron, climbed fearful heights, sometimes with bare feet on account of the slippery ice, and were rewarded with splendid scenery, good bags to our guns, and a series of adventures, which, however stirring to ourselves, would have but little interest now to others. In the Sindh Valley I had another of my escapes when on one of our shooting expeditions. I had started at 5 a.m. (11th April) alone with my Shikaree for the ibex ground, which we reached with difficulty after a stupendous climb of seven hours. A snow- 60 MEMORIES storm came on, which compelled us to ' cut and run ' and to get down into the valley again as quickly as we could. My foot slipped, over I went, but fortunately alighted on a grass slope some forty feet below, whicli lay over a precipice of 3,000 feet in depth. I was quite powerless from the shock, and would have met with certain death had not an overhanging tree caught me tight for some hours till my Shikaree was able at length, with much difficulty and at great risk, to come to my help. The fall did no harm except to give me a good shaking and a series of bad bruises, which took many days to mend. With such daily adventures as these, which still remain green in my memory, my visit to Cashmere forms a clear episode in my life. I rejoined my Chief and Moore lower down in the valley, and remained in Cashmere till the 2nd May, when we bade our kind host the Maharajah good-bye at Jummoo, and finally reached Simla on the 6th of the month. After our arrival we saw a good deal of the new Viceroy, Lord Lawrence, who had already taken up his residence there in May. He had established a great reputation as Chief Commissioner of the Punjab in the time of the Mutiny, and on Lord Elgin's death came out from England with all the glamour of a man who was the only one left in public opinion to govern India. We of the younger generation at Simla never quite took to him. We thought him narrow- minded and obstinate, a man quite capable of ruling a province but less fitted in our opinion for governing an Empire. My own feelings towards him were confessedly rather prejudiced by a certain opposition in Council between him and Sir Hugh Rose, and by his stunted ideas, from our point of view, of the SvA.v ANT) MY Si'OK'riNc; Troi'HIp:s. CASH.MKKK AM) IIISKI', 1863. LORD LAWRENCE 61 military needs and necessities of India. Oddly enough, he was also in opposition to others of his Council on these questions, and it is a curious fact in the history of Indian Administration, a fact I am able to verify from my own notes, that he was constantly outvoted in his Council, and only carried certain views of his own, which proved not always conducive to the real interests of India, by exercising his right of vetoing the opinion of the majority. At that time the Council was a strong one, com- posed as it was of such men as Durand, Maine, Trevelyan, Sir Hugh Rose, and others. I myself was in close personal relations with all of them, and greatly enjoyed this part of my daily work as a relaxation from purely army routine. May I say with humility that in my experience a military man who thus sees a little of political work and governing duty is all the better soldier for it, and that the fault of many military men is their narrowness of vision and stilted methods, arising from ordinary duty and discipline ? Lord Lawrence was very courteous to myself, and I should have ventured as a youngster to like him better had it not been for his constant exercise, as just said, of a narrow thought and action which was in my judgment misguided and commonplace. Our life in Simla in 1864 was much the same as before. It was at any rate both useful and enjoyable, tempered by long rides into the interior hills, in which I became at last a rather unwilling victim of perpetual movement with an iron Chief. In these trips we had many adventures, as Sir Hugh Rose was a bold and reckless rider, who risked his own neck and those of his Staff to such a deo-ree that I have often wondered 62 MEMORIES since how he or any of us ever lived to tell the tale. In the plains, all right ; in the hills, with narrow, unprotected paths or precipices of some thousands of feet below — no ! However, I had the good fortune more than once to save my Chief from bad accidents. In one of our trips at this time in the hills he was determined, as usual, to ride up an impracticable ledge. He got jammed between two sides of the ledge, his pony fell back on him, and he was to all intents and purposes a lost man had I not been close behind him, and thus able to drag his pony from him right on top of myself, luckily without any further hurt than a kick ! It was done in a moment, and we all rose up sadder and wiser men, with a sense of relief that no bones were broken or lives lost. Yes, to be with Sir Hugh in these expeditions was to carry one's life in one's hand, but he had a charmed existence, and his Staff were obliged to shut their eyes and follow him without question. Our official existence was now coming to an end, for Sir Hugh was to return to England within a few months, so that on the 24th October, 1864, we sadly rode down the hill after taking leave of many old friends, and saying good-byes with tears in our eyes, little dreaming, so far as I was concerned, that while I was casting a last look, as I thought, at the much- loved spot where I had spent so many pleasant days, I should return to it again more than once in later years with Lord Mayo and Lord Lytton. The later official Simla never quite came up, however, to the Simla of old recollections — a Simla of indifferent roads, inferior bungalows, and few official entertain- ments ; a rural retreat, in short, with a never-to-be- forgotten climate and scenery, and a small society, FAEEWELL ENTERTAINMENTS 63 the informality of which we greatly appreciated, and the kind geniality of which will never be effaced from my memory. The later Simla had many merits, but was more official and formal than the earlier country retreat. On our way to Calcutta we made a long final detour of inspections (after being detained at Meerut by our Chief breaking a rib in trying to jump, as usual, over an impossible fence), and finally bade good-bye to Calcutta on the 23rd March, 1865, after a series of farewell entertainments and amid many expressions of regret and goodwill on the part of both officers and men. Sir Robert Napier (afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala), who had acquired the deep regard of the army for an ability and gallantry which became household words in his later career, generously said at one of these entertainments in a manner which brought tears to our departing eyes : ' Never has the ' army in India had a Chief more earnestly solicitous ' to insure its efficiency than Sir Hugh Rose ; never, ' I believe, has the army of India been in a more ' efficient condition than it is at the present moment ; ' never has the army of India had a Chief whom it ' would have followed to the field against a foe worthy ' of it with fuller confidence of success than this army 'would feel under its present Commander-in-Chief.' And I myself was glad to be included in many of such eulogies, although I am naturally too shy to speak of them. En route home we paid a very interesting visit to our old friend the Governor of Madras (Sir William Denison), taking Seringapatam, Mysore, and Goa on our way ; and after a pleasant few days with the Governor of Bombay (Sir Bartle Frere) we embarked 64 MEMOEIES for Suez and Alexandria on the 14tli April in the P. and O. Carnatic ; made a minute inspection of Aden, which afterwards led to many improvements in its defences ; touched at Corfu, which we found in a deplorable state of chaos and grief after our abandon- ment of it in favour of Greece ; and in due time reached Trieste, and thence on to Venice, which we found still in possession of the Austrians, although the greater part of Italy had been incorporated in the newly-formed Italian kingdom under Victor Emmanuel. The Venetians in these circumstances disliked more than ever their foreign masters, a feeling so marked at the time of our visit that the splendid Austrian military bands had to discourse sweet strains on the Piazza di S. Marco each evening without Italian listeners, who steadfastly remained at home rather than be adjudged^ guilty of appreciating the beautiful music so freely placed at their disposal. Our stay in Venice was a delightful one, made all the more so by the Austrian Princess Clary, who, in a measure, acted as our hostess, and was an enthusi- astic admirer of its wonderful history and beauty. As to these, I might myself fill many pages except that my wife has already done so in an interesting little book,* which now forms part of our family library. From Venice we went on to Milan, and thence visited the battle-fields of Magenta (20 miles) and Solferino (10 miles), as to which my Chief was very interested, and made me take full notes. Magenta was fought on the 4th June, 1859, when the French and Sardinians, under the Emperor Napoleon III., * 'Sunny Memories of Sunny Lands '(1904) by Lady Agnes Burnc. MARSHAL McMAHON 65 defeated the Austrians with great loss, the victory being due in some measure to the reinforcements brought by my Chief's great friend, Marshal McMahon, during a deadly struggle between the two sides, thus turning the fortunes of the day, with the aid of the incompetency of the Austrian General Gyulai, who allowed the French division under McMahon to cross the river unopposed and to turn the right of his posi- tion. After this defeat at Magenta the Austrians gradually retreated across the Mincio, took up a posi- tion in the celebrated quadrilateral, and were expected there to await any further attack, although circum- stances induced them to recross the river and to take the offensive . The result was a terrible defeat, due again to the superior tactics of Marshals McMahon and Niel, resulting in the close of the war. In these two battles the Austrians lost, in killed and wounded, about 800 officers and 29,000 men, and the French and Sardinians 1,000 officers and 21,000 men. Such is war ! When we met Marshal McMahon afterwards at Lyons he was very much interested in our descrip- tion of these battle-fields and our comments on the battles, about which I seemed to have a very fair idea after riding over every inch of the ground with a guide, and making copious notes in my saddle field- book. After a pleasant few days in Paris we reached Dover on the 21st May, with the satisfaction felt by exiles when once more reaching the shores of their own dear country. We received a warm welcome in London, where Sir Hugh became the lion of the season, and where 1 met for the first time his sister (Dowager Countess of Morton), her daughter, Lady Agnes Douglas, and other relatives and friends, whose kindness was un- 5 66 MEMORIES bounded. Among other festivities the United Service Club (Senior) gave a grand banquet on the 16th June to my Chief, presided over by the Duke of Cambridge, who proposed Sir Hugh's health in a very good speech. There were about 150 Generals and others present, and they were so struck by my youthful appearance and by my great deeds as told by myself that they nominated me at once for the club, to which I was finally elected a few years afterwards, and remain as one of its most ancient members in point of time. I had also at last actually arrived at my brevet majority, after a seven years' wait for it with great professional loss to myself since the Mutiny. In the meantime Sir Hugh Rose had been appointed Commander of the Forces in Ireland, so that we had to leave London in July for the Royal Hospital, Dublin, and plunged at once into country visits and tours of inspection of a most interesting kind. At this time I met with an- other disappointment in being prevented by the Duke of Cambridge, on account of want of rank, from accompanying my Chief to Ireland as Military Secre- tary. A senior to me in the person of Colonel Leicester Curzon was therefore appointed, and a right good fellow he turned out to be, especially in his kindly attitude to myself, whom he always regretted to supersede. He was afterwards made Governor of Gibraltar, and died at that post as Sir Leicester Curzon- Smyth on the 27th January, 1891. While again saying nothing to show my disappoint- ment, I gladly consented to accompany my Chief as A.D.C, although I felt that my military career, at any rate according to my own exalted notions of what it ought to be, was again nipped in the bud. I had left my regimental life in 1861 with regret, and I did LIFE IN lEELAND 67 not think that an A.D.C.-ship in Ireland in 1865 quite made up for the loss both of that life and of the Military Secretaryship in India. I had been spoilt, perhaps, by youthful success. Giving up, therefore, all hope of military advancement of any value, I was henceforth prepared for new fields of action as oppor- tunity might offer, with due regard to the interests of my kind old Chief so long as he held his few years' tenure of office in Ireland. At this time I experienced a great sorrow in the sudden death of my dear father (14th August, 1865), already alluded to in an earlier chapter. This left an irreparable blank in our family life, and I can only here express my gratitude that I was privileged to see his face once more on my return to England, and to learn from his own lips of the pride he felt at my progress, and his appreciation of my desire in the past to be a comfort to the old folks at home in their somewhat anxious existence. Our life in Ireland was a very active one between country visits and inspections. At Garbally (Lord Clancarty's house) we met Lady Kilmaine, and her daughters Gertrude and Evelyne Browne, both beautiful girls, the latter of whom became my wife two years later on, and died, alas ! of consumption, to my great grief, at Bournemouth (22nd April, 1878), as will be seen in the sequel, after eleven years of happy married life. One of our visits in Tipperary to Count de Jarnac (twice French Ambassador in London) was engraven on my memory by an un- expected reference to myself at an agricultural dinner there, at which he said : ' No allusion has yet been made to a youthful ' warrior, who, though unavoidably late for dinner, ' has equally honoured us to-night with his presence, 5—2 68 MEMORIES ' and has first appeared amongst us. You will see ' him there in the Ladies' Gallery — for a time at ' least the right man in the right place (cheers). ' I am speaking of Major Burne, whose name stands 'associated with one of the highest exploits of the ' Indian war. And I must say that if anything besides ' opportunity were required to make a hero of a young 'British Officer, it would be the privilege of being ' thus encircled by the rival attractions and beauty of ' Tipperary and the Queen's County ' (loud cheers). I hope I may be forgiven for a pardonable vanity in reproducing this speech in a personal narrative like this ; for, coming from so charming and well- known a Frenchman, it gave a great deal of pleasure to the down-trodden worm of the earth who was smarting for the second time under the apparent neglect of his claims and services in India on the part of the Horse Guards ! In all these visits my Chief, mounted on the best of Irish hunters, rode straight to hounds, and made me do so also, sometimes against my will, although I had fortunately bought two good horses, one of which was the best animal a light- weight like myself could wish to cross, carrying me like a bird over the stiffest Irish country. This horse was sold, when I afterwards left for India, to the Duke of Cambridge, who used him as a second charger, and he was, I believe, very well satisfied with his bargain. Poor Ireland ! a country of beautiful myths and stories, boasting of ancient legends that rival in beauty and dignity the tales of Attica and Argolis, with a history of rebellion and chronic civil war. Although her two great struggles have always been the religious and the land struggles, we had very little evidence of IRELAND 69 the former during my own short time in the country, and I never, indeed, thought much of the realities or danger of it except when forced to the front by unscrupulous priests and agitators. But the land hunger seemed to be ever present with the people, notwithstanding their utter incapacity to farm land with advantage, or to keep even ten acres of it in their possession for any length of time. In our various tours and hunting visits we certainly seemed to discover a country full of beauty, a land full of wealth, and a people ordinarily placid, although full of cunning and humour, and fierce and cruel when stirred up. Unhappy country ! What its future history may be one knows not, but I often felt when riding over it that I should almost like to transfer her people to some earthly Elysium as far as possible from the British Parliament, and replace them hy canny Scots, so as to make Ireland, what it ought to be, one of the brightest gems of the British Crown, which it never can be under present conditions. Whether this be true or not, the fact remains that Irish society is the pleasantest in the world, and that an Irishman has great qualities, especially when once out of his own country. CHAPTER V The Fenian rising — Thoughts on Ireland — To India once more as Private Secretary to the New Viceroy, Earl of Mayo (1866-68). Our life in Ireland was interrupted early in 1866 by a serious and somewhat sudden rising called the 'Fenian Revolt,' so styled from an ancient Irish national hero named Fionna. Under this designation of Fenian, a brotherhood was formed, fostered by Irish-Americans, the members of it being bound by a secret oath to liberate Ireland and to proclaim a Republic. During our tours throughout the comitry we had learnt something of this rising, and were, therefore, not unprepared for it when it ultimately broke out. While on a visit to Lord Sligo, for instance, in the West of Ireland, about this time we actually saw hundreds of men drilling in the fields ; and, again, when urgently summoned to return to Dublin on a Sunday with no trains running, we had to start l)ack at night through Connemara as best we could on a mail cart, and actually drove through several of these l)ands, to whom we were fortunately unknown. Glad enough we were to reach a railway station next morning after a tiring drive of twelve hours, just in time to catch the first train to Dublin ! The Fenian agitation had originally been set on foot in 1858 by a man called James Stephens, and 70 THE FENIAN KISING 71 was thereafter continuously fostered in America, whence certain Irish -American officers, large sums of money, and pike-heads and muskets had been sent secretly to the ' ould counthry.' The active members of the fraternity had gone far, as we afterwards found out, to undermine the loyalty of some of our Irish regiments, while the American officers, dressed up as women, and innocently welcomed by polite sentries, had visited the majority of our forts and batteries, and had taken accurate plans, which were afterwards discovered and seized by us during the height of the rising. So matters went on till 1867, during which rather anxious time the ExecutiA^e Government in Ireland, under Lord Wodehouse (afterwards Earl of Kimberley) and Lord Naas (afterwards Earl of Mayo), took every conceivable precaution to control the rising, and did me the honour to approve and accept a memorandum of mine, which is among my papers, on the subject of measures to be taken in the event of the rebellion coming to a serious head. This rising did eventually come into an active phase, although, fortunately for us, it was so badly organized that the outbreak, instead of being simultaneous in all parts of Ireland, which would have made it very formidable, fizzled, so to speak, here and there like a damp squib, and thus gave us plenty of warning. One of these fizzles took place at Tallaght, near Dublin, on the 7th March, 1867, when our Chief, like an old war-horse sniffing the battle, galloped out with his Staff, accompanied by mounted police and cavalry, and dispersed or took prisoners hundreds of fellows, who made but a poor fight, seeing that I myself, while galloping about, was able to ' surround and capture,' as an Irishman would say, three four-wheelers full of 72 MEMORIES rifle ammunition protected by half -starved men, who, although armed, made no resistance. The ' Battle of Tallaght ' often afforded a topic of conversation afterwards to us of the Staff, who were mute with surprise at our bloodless victory, and who only found out later on, by the capture of papers, that the intention was better than the execution, seeing that we were all marked down by name for assassina- tion, from the Lord-Lieutenant downwards, while sentries and housemaids had been bribed, in the most clever and secret manner, to open the gates and doors of official and private houses at a stated signal, for the accomplishment of these respective murders ! To put the matter in brief, this outbreak in Ireland had its counterpart in some parts of England, and satisfied us that we had really escaped what might have been a serious calamity to the peace of the country had it come off as arranged by the Irish- American Colonels. Among others, I was afterwards thanked in public despatches for my humble share during many montlis of hard work in averting the crash. In the autumn of this year, when matters had quieted down, I obtained leave to go to Germany to study the language of the Teutons, and spent a pleasant four months at Stuttgart and in the Swabian Alps, returning to Dublin very fit and very foreign to marry Evelyne Browne on the 20th November in the chapel of the Royal Hospital. Archbishop Trench performed the ceremony, and the event gave great pleasure both to my own immediate family and to a large circle of friends, as my wife was a sweet and beautiful girl, and I myself was apparently popular in society. This new start in social life proved a happy one, for having arrived at the mature age of THE ABEECOEN VICEROYALTY 73 thirty, I was not sorry to have a home of my own, and to enjoy such domestic happiness and comfort as were possible to us under the conditions of Staff life in Dublin. At this time Sir Hugh Rose wrote (25th October) to my father-in-law (Lord Kilmaine) : ' Major Burne distinguished himself by his courage, ' coolness, and intelligence in the campaign, for which, ' although very young, he was rewarded with the high ' distinction of a Brevet Majority, which is the great ' object of ambition of officers. He is so well known ' for his valuable qualifications that before leaving ' India he was offered good promotion on the General ' Staff, and I am sure that if he were to return to ' India, the military authorities would be only too glad ' to offer him again an advantageous appointment on ' the Staff. For myself I cannot say how very much ' I am indebted to him for the very zealous and able ' assistance he has always given me ; and when I give ' up this office I should feel myself bound, in common ' justice and in acknowledgment of his great and good ' services, to give him such a recommendation as would ' not fail to obtain for him the high-class appointment ' to which his very meritorious services so justly ' entitle him.' The Prince and Princess of Wales (now King and Queen) came to Ireland in the following year (1868), during which we had a series of festivities ; and indeed they were justly beloved and enthusiastically received both by Loyalists and Fenians, which is the greatest compliment I can pay them. The Prince and Princess were very gracious to us all, and left again for England expressing themselves as pleased as we were ourselves at their visit. The Marquis (afterwards Duke) of Abercorn had in July, 1868, succeeded Lord 74 MEMORIES Kimberley as Lord-Lieutenant, and it need not be said that to him and his charming family was due much of the success of this visit. The Abercorn regime was indeed stately and splendid both in ceremony and hospitality. Ireland, as will have been seen, had gone through a crisis which later years showed to be somewhat a chronic one suitable to the character of the nation. Irishmen, in fact, have always delighted, and still delight, in a fight or a crisis or a grievance — they don't care what, so long as it offers a field for excitement, rebellion, and fun. They are the best fellows in the world when quiet, but, like others of the Celtic races, are savage and revengeful when roused by reckless agitators or stirred up by fancied wrongs. In the dim past of some hundreds of years ago Ireland had, no doubt, some cause of complaint on account of drastic treatment and illiberal measures meted out to her. But these old grievances did not seem to us, in the Fenian time, to afford any lawful reason beyond the innate love of rebellion and discontent for the feud being carried on to our own age, or why the Britisli Government should be compelled to treat Ireland with distrust, while anxious in reality to treat her with justice and consideration. The result, alas ! has not been conducive up to the present time to the peace or welfare of our Empire, for while Irishmen are, as just said, the best fellows in the world, especially when out of their own native land, Ireland has become almost impossible to govern or to satisfy, seeing that these splendid sons of the Empire are so j)rone to agitation and so easily roused by false issues. The Fenian movement was a case in point, although many of us came to the conclusion, when it was all THE miSH PROBLEM 75 over, that while under no consideration could Ireland be granted the independent power or Parliament that some gifted but ill- judging statesmen desired, yet that it might not be inexpedient or unwise to grant her certain concessions, within proper limitations, in the management of her own finances and affairs, or, in other words, some better scheme of local government than had yet been produced, which might satisfy, in some measure, a people whose creed is, alas ! not to be content with the Saxon rule, but who might be more reconciled to their fancied misfortunes if given a certain control of their own affairs. How easy to say this, how difficult, alas ! to carry out under our system of party government and political sham ! Some scheme of this kind, short of an independent Parliament, was much in the minds of Sir Hugh Rose and others after the Fenian rising, although no one could live among such lovable but excitable Celts without a feeling of despair as to whether even a residence in heaven itself would satisfy them. Per- sonally, I always had a sort of dreamy idea, difficult of fulfilment in a country so near England and English agitators, that the best sort of government for Ireland would be an autocratic rule like that in India, a rule that might wisely be applied by the appointment of a Viceroy, with full powers as the Sovereign's Repre- sentative, assisted by an Executive and Legislative Council, and accompanied by the abolition of all the Jury systems and English laws which are apparently so misplaced in the sister country. To deal with an Irishman successfully we must treat him with an iron hand, and yet with a silken glove of justice, good temper, and consideration. In this way he may be made a valuable asset of the 76 MEMORIES Empire, and every true Irishman is conscious of this, for he himself adopts this policy when called upon to manage his own people, and feels that he is mis- governed under a system of English administration and maudling concessions, which is in many respects unsuited to the real needs of his country. This, perhaps, is mere dreaming, seeing that no one has been able as yet to invent a way out of the difficulty of managing a nation as sentimental as the Scots without their canny sound sense, and as excitable as the French without the Frenchman's power of thrift and economy ; a nation moved by every passing wind that blows, more especially by that fatal Irish- American western breeze that comes from over the Atlantic, and that iniquitous east wind of English party politics that finds its way from Westminster. A merry lot indeed are the Irish, ' clever and careless, cappy and hairless,' with every- thing at their feet in land and climate, yet thriftless, reckless, and a willing prey, apparently, of every adventurer who happens to pass by the way with an axe of his own to grind. Yes, this insoluble Irish problem is yet to be solved, and only to be solved, in my opinion, by the applica- tion of some Indian system of government as unlike that of England as can possibly be applied ! Still, as r have said, and may again repeat, Sir Hugh Rose in 1867 attempted to square the circle, and wrote minutes on the subject, his idea being very much what is now suggested from various ({uarters after so great a la})se of time, that while firmly maintaining the parliamentary union between Great Britain and Ireland, such union is compatible with the grant to Ireland of a larger measure of local government than THE IRISH PROBLEM "Jl she now possesses, with special reference to adminis- trative control over purely Irish finance, and certain executive powers connected with local business, and so on. For instance, while Ireland might be relieved of a certain portion of disbursement for Imperial purposes if found to be too large, the expenditure on purely Irish services, which is said to amount annually to about six millions sterling, might be more usefully employed than it is under the present system if local knowledge and authority were brought to bear upon this expenditure and the money be made to go further. In other words, these desirable results might to a large extent be obtained, as Sir Hugh Rose thought, if the control of purely Irish expenditure were taken from our own Treasury, which is now only interested in effecting economies, some of which are very stupid, for the Irish account, and were en- trusted under Parliament to a Financial Council under the Lord Lieutenant interested in making savings for Irish purposes. In short, improvement might be effected by a policy of financial decentralization which has proved so salutary in India, and by greater independence and consequent responsibility in local expenditure, after a fixed contribution was made to the Imperial ex- chequer for Imperial purposes. If, in connection with this body, a Committee could be appointed to watch the condition of the labouring classes, the question of local rating, the working of the Land Act in respect to purchase, the possible reinstatement of evicted tenants, the progress of improvement in the congested districts, and other matters bearing on the social and economic welfare of the country, as has been for many years recommended by influential 78 MEMORIES Irishmen, so much the better. Having said this mucli in favour of proposals which might have been easily carried out in 186G, but which now appear to be im- practicable on account of the determination of the Nationalist party to regard them as mere stepping- stones to Home Rule, I repeat that I myself should welcome for Ireland a form of administration after the Indian pattern, and drastic local laws for the arrest of those wicked adventurers and so-called parliamentarians who climb to powder on the shoulders of the poor Irish peasant by stirring him up to blood- shed and rebellion, while they themselves have no care whatever for his welfare and happiness. Oddly enough, the Fenian disturbance was opposed and denounced by that mischievous and meddlesome person called the Irish priest. These Christian gentle- men had fostered the movement in its earlier stages, but became panic-stricken when they saw that one of the objects of the agitators was to throw ofE the domination and tyranny of the Irish Roman Catholic priesthood, and to effect the absolute independence of the people in both land-tenure and religion. Glad- stone broke up the Irish Protestant establishment, and used a great portion of its revenues for English educational purposes, thinking that he would please the Irish people and put an end to agitation. But the Irish peasantry cared nothing about it. Indeed, it was the last thing they wanted, considering that hundreds of poor Irish Roman Catholic peasants entrusted their money, and sometimes their opinions, to the local Protestant parson, and, although super- stitious and ignorant to the last degree, were sensible enough to see that the Irish priest only lived for personal power in temporal matters, and only held his JUSTICE TO IRELAND 79 own by fierce and unjust denunciations of individuals from the altar. How can one wonder, after these and other ex- periences, that the cry of ' justice to Ireland ' is still as loud as ever, and that cry will never, in my opinion, be put an end to until we have some sort of Indian administration established in Dublin, and local Irish questions taken away from a House of Commons which seems to be growing into a machine of incom- petency, wrangling, and talk that does no credit to the Empire. As to Home Rule pure and simple, may we not all agree with Disraeli when he said (2nd July, 1874) that ' there was nothing more extraordinary ' than the determination of the Irish people to pro- ' claim to the world that they were a subjugated ' people. England,' he said, ' had been subjugated ' quite as much, but never boasted of it. The Nor- ' mans conquered England. Cromwell conquered ' Ireland, but it was after he had conquered England. ' I am opposed, therefore,' he added, ' to the notion of ' Home Rule for the sake of the Irish people as much ' as for the sake of the English or Scotch. I am ' opposed to it because 1 wish to see, at an important ' crisis of the world that perhaps is nearer arriving ' than some of us suppose, a united people welded in ' one great nationality, and because I feel that if we ' sanction this policy, if we do not cleanse the parlia- ' mentary bosom of this perilous stuff, we shall bring ' about the disintegration and the destruction of the ' Empire.' May we not agree also, with all due humility, and with apologies to the Nationalist party, with a sentiment expressed by the Northern Whig^ which will commend itself to business men, that the 80 MEMORIES salvation of Ireland is to be found in following this practical advice : * Drain your bogs, Lots more chalk, Fat more hogs, Lots more work, Lots more time, Lots less talk.' As matters now stand poor Ireland's epitaph is likely to be that written for Bob Lowe, somewhat para- phrased : * Here lie the bones of ould Ireland, laid low ; Where on earth she is gone to I don't know. If up to the realms of peace and love, Farewell indeed to happiness above ; But if perchance to a lower level, We can't congratulate the devil.* It has been said truly enough by an experienced Irishman* that one of the great troubles in Ireland is drink, which is the cause ~ of half the crime, half the illness, and more than half the misery that exists there. It is not easy to say how this con- dition of things can be remedied with such a happy- go-lucky people. One can only hope that time may bring some remedy both to this evil and to the un- healthy grip of the Irish priest over his superstitious people by methods of tyranny which ill befit either Christianity or civilization. The worst of it is that Irishmen don't know what they want, and won't be satisfied till they get it. If they ever obtain the Home Rule for which the so-called Nationalists fight and clamour it will ruin the country and drive every good man out of it. It is said that when John Morley was on a car in Ireland, he said to the driver : ' Well, Pat, you'll be having great times when you ' get Home Rule.* * * Reminiscences of an Irish Land Agent ' (S. M. Hussey). PAT'S IDEAS 81 ' We will, your honour, for a week,' replied Pat. ' Why only a week ?' inquired the politician. ' Why, drivin' the quality to the steamers,' said Pat, with a wink and a groan. Another very good story is told by Mr. Hussey, which says little for some of our English statesmen who attempt to tinker with the Irish constitution from party motives or feelings, such as was done too often during Mr. Gladstone's decade of power. Ac- cording to the laws of the Roman Catholic Church, perjury in a court of justice is a reserved sin for which absolution can only be given by a Bishop or by priests specially appointed for that purpose. One priest applied to the Bishop for plenary powers, and the Bishop said to him : ' Are the people so generally bad in your parish 7 ' It's the fault of the laws, my lord,' replied the priest. ' What laws ?' asked the Bishop. ' Firstly, under the Crimes Act, my poor people ' have to swear they do not know the moonlighters ' that come to the house, or they would be murdered. ' Secondly, under the Arrears Act, they have to swear ' they are worth nothing in the world or they would * not get the good money. Thirdly, under the Land ' Act, while they have to swear up their own improve- ' ments, they must also swear down the value of the ' land or they will get no reductions. So you see, my * lord, the sin lies at the door of those who order the ' infamous laws which lead weak sinners into tempta- ' tion they cannot be expected to overcome.' The Bishop said nothing, but he gave the priest all the powers he desired. But to return to my personal narrative. The round 6 82 MEMORIES of one more year brought another change which again reshaped my career. My position on Sir Hugh's staff was as agreeable as any man could wish, but it offered no prospect of military advancement such as that which I had been led to desire, and many of my personal friends who were interested in both my wife and myself took the same view of the matter and regretted my military standstill. General Alec Gordon, who had been appointed Commander-in-Chief at Bom- bay, asked me to join him as Military Secretary with a reversion to the Adjutant- GeneraFs Department of the Bombay Army ; Sir Arthur Cunnynghame and others suggested military preferment in directions nearer home ; but I refused all offers, having no wish to leave a Chief to whom I was sincerely attached, and who had at any rate brought into prominence a young officer who might otherwise have lived and died as an unknown wanderer. But I woke up one morning (30th September, 1868) to learn of a letter- from Lord Abercorn to Sir Hugh Rose, which my Chief at once communicated to me, to the effect that Lord Mayo, who had been nominated Viceroy of India, was anxious to take me out as his Private Secretary, which was a responsible position carrying with it a large salary. ' Burne knows nothing of ' this,* wrote the Lord-Lieutenant, ' but the appoint- ' ment is so advantageous to him, both now and as ' regards his future prospects, that, knowing how well ' suited he would be for the post, I could not refrain ' from letting you know the fact in the idea that, ' although it might be some temporary inconvenience ' to you, you would be glad to further his advance- * ment in so decided a way.' The Chief was very good about it all, and, rather OFF WITH LORD MAYO 83 than put obstacles in the way, advised me, while expressing himself as sincerely sorry to lose me, to accept the offer. This was duly made by Lord Mayo in a kind and flattering manner, and in all the circum- stances of my position I gladly accepted it. What a change ! It was indeed a ' turning of the sword into 'the ploughshare,' for my purely military career seemed thus to be ended, and I was not to become a Field- Marshal, although at one time I carried the baton in my knapsack ! While sorry to leave my kind Chief, I still felt a certain sort of satisfaction in turning my back upon military authorities who, from my point of view, had arrested my military ambitions. In short, I had to make my bow to these ambitions, and to exchange the gold-braided coat of the Staff Officer for the blue political uniform of the Civil Service. Thus I left Sir Hugh Rose with mutual expressions of goodwill, and had to make hasty arrangements for my fresh start. My wife and I bade adieu to Ireland with consider- able regret, for we left many kind relatives and friends behind us, and were hardly prepared for so sudden a plunge into a new and strange sea ; but we put a good face upon a change which was fortunately made smoother by the kind welcome given us by Lord and Lady Mayo and the whole of their family, and by the many congratulations showered upon me from those who recognised that the new role which I was called upon to fill was an important one, and likely to lead to future rank and advancement. I had but little time to attend to my own personal arrangements, as I was called upon to accompany Lord Mayo at once to London, and to help him day by day in collecting- papers, interviewing officials, receiving deputations, 6—2 84 MEMOKIES and in assisting the new Military Secretary, his brother Eddy (who, like the new Viceroy, was a man of fine physique and capability), and others in the intricate arrangements of all kinds which follow on the nomination of a new Viceroy and his departure for India. All this was made comparatively easy by Lord Mayo's business qualities, added to an Irish humour which was one of his great social charms. He did and said generous things, in the words of Lord Derby, 'not because it was polite, but because it was his ' nature and he could not help it '; and he soon showed his powers of work while in London, where he attended the India Office at all hours, held daily consultations with leading Indian authorities, toiled till late in the night on the documents with which they supplied him, and employed myself and others about him in collect- ing books and papers bearing upon Eastern questions — all this, moreover, under the disadvantage of his nomination not having been received kindly by the public, who were worked up by the Radical press to believe that the new appointment was a bad one, and had robbed their party, who were anxiously expecting a return to office, of a valuable perquisite. Lord Mayo's one consolation at this time was the steadfast friendship of the man who had offered him the post. ' Disraeli had chosen his man,' as Sir William Hunter points out in his ' Life of Lord Mayo ' (1875), ' and he ' supported him in the face of an unfounded but a very * inconvenient clamour.' And so matters went on until the time of our departure drew near, during which busy days I had hardly leisure to say good-bye to my own family and belongings, although consoled by them with the suggestion that I was in the path of ^^Kmhb^hM 1 1 1 ' ^jHHmyttiH—i 1 Earl of ^^AYo. D. FEB. 8, 1872. INDIAN PROGRESS 85 duty, and had been called upon to assist my new Chief in the government of a country almost as large as Europe, with an immense population of divers creeds and habits, kept in control and in comparative content by a handful of British administrators. With these ideas in our minds, we struggled on to the end with our preparations, with every hope and confidence that all would go well with us, and that I was not likely to lose by an exchange between ' Ould * Ireland ' and India, more especially as my past military training and Indian experience would undoubtedly stand me in good stead ; besides, innumerable kind friends waited in the land of the Arabian Nights to welcome me once more on arrival. As India had been moving on apace, however, I could not help reflecting that I might find many changes even during the four years since I had left that country. Indeed, peace and progress had for a long time been the order of the day. The old policy of governing by division was now replaced by that of ruling by unil^. The army had been, as already said, reorganized with advantage from stem to stern ; the unwieldy forces of the Native Princes, amounting to some 300,000 men, were gradually being brought into line so as to fight with us instead of against us ; and each year the Indian Finance Minister had now to scratch his head and evolve from his pericranium in- creased grants for schools, courts of justice, police, hospitals, roads, railways, canals, and so on. To take one item alone, the 200 miles of railway in the Mutiny time were already turned into some 8,000 miles, and at the date of my writing these memories this mileage has advanced to 28,000 miles of a network of useful lines crossing India in every 86 MEMORIES direction, while telegraph-lines and great steam com- panies have brought her into close communication with the Mother Country. The strides of education even up to 1869 had also exercised a great effect on the feelings and aspirations of the immense population of the country, and both our great feudatory chiefs and millions of lesser lights began to feel for the first time that they were no longer passive units under the military and political autocracy of John Company, but were living somebodies under a living head, with a loyalty to the Crown and an affection for the Queen which were both astonishing and touching, although greatly due to the personal wisdom and sympathy with which their Sovereign governed her Indian subjects. Lord Mayo thought much of, all these facts during our preparations in London, and was surprised at his discoveries when dipping into statistics and reports. Not the least of these discoveries was the sobering truth that the Queen had in a measure taken the place of the Sultan in the rule of this world's Mahomedans, seeing that in India alone she governed nearly four times as many Mussulmen as were contained within the Turkish boundaries, and that these somewhat high-spirited and restless subjects of the Crown began, even in their mosques, to look to England as much as to the Sultan, if not, indeed, more so, for light and guidance. Lord Mayo never forgot all this after his arrival in India. He was himself a progressive man, full of Irish fire and sentiment tempered with sym- pathy and caution, which found expression in all liis public addresses and speeches, pointing out as he did to all alike that it was the wish of the ruling power to see the people of India well educated and well OUR EASTERN EMPIRE 87 governed, and that the coils entwined by England around her great dependency by the steam vessel and the railroad were no mere iron fetters, but were the golden chains o£ affection and peace, seeing that the days of conquest were past, and that the age of progress and improvement had begun. As for myself, I was happily at one with Lord Mayo in all his thoughts and ideas, and I felt, indeed, as I have expressed elsewhere in one of my humble writings, that all who have done good service in the preservation and progress of this wonderful country will have their reward in the Great Awakening ; that England might well be grateful for the glorious part borne by her children, in handing down to posterity, notwithstanding shortcomings, failures, and errors, a memorable record; and that all that now remained was for the rulers of India to use with wisdom the means which God had placed in their hands for in- spiring the people of that country with affectionate obedience to the British Crown while uniting them against either rebel or invader. And lest I am tempted to run into many chapters on India and her peoples, I will content myself here by merely stating that our great Eastern Empire is not a united country contain- ing a homogeneous population, but a congeries of countries inhabited by races w^ho in number (nearly 300,000,000) are more than double that of the Roman Empire at the time of its greatest extent, who speak a variety of languages, hold many creeds, observe widely different customs, and present every type and degree of civilization. In dealing with India, more- over, we deal with large and thickly populated areas. Bengal, for instance, is as large as France ; Madras exceeds Great Britain and Ireland ; Bombay equals 88 MEMORIES Germany ; the North- Western Provinces and Oudh cover as much space as Great Britain, Belgium, and Holland ; the size of the Punjab is that of Italy ; Burmah nearly equals France ; while the Native States put together have an area equal to that of the United Kingdom, Germany, and France combined. There are certain wiseacres in this country who are understood to affirm that the present system of administration in India should be replaced by govern- ment by the people themselves, whatever that may mean, accompanied by a reduction of military arma- ments. May Heaven avert such a catastrophe ! Indian administration is, no doubt, capable of im- provement here and there, short of turning our varied communities into a mass of electioneering mobs. But let us not forget the fact that, while governing the immense Eastern populations committed to our care with firmness and discretion — ready to defend them against a common foe within and without the borders of India — it were folly to suppose that the authority of our Sovereign can be upheld over these great and warlike nationalities except by a strict and imperial rule, aided by the attachment which undoubtedly exists to his throne and person among the vast majority of those who loyally and willingly submit to that rule, and desire no change. CHAPTER VI Start for India — Cairo — ^Arrival at Calcutta — Departure of Lord Lawrence — Shere Ali of Afghanistan — Umballa Durbar (1868-69). After making all preliminary arrangements for our start, my wife and I left Southampton on the 7th November, 1868, in the P. and O. steamer Poonah for Alexandria, which we reached on the 19th of the month, spending en route a few delightful hours at Gibraltar and Malta. Lord and Lady Mayo, meanwhile, left London on the 10th for the same destination, via Paris and Brindisi. They arrived in Egypt on the 26th idem^ and on joining our forces at Alexandria, we all left by train for Cairo, finding ourselves on arrival sumptuously lodged by the Khedive (Ismail Pasha) in a new Palace, which he had only bought a few days before, and was still engaged in furnishing. The afternoon of our arrival was spent in a visit to the Khedive, whom we found to be an intelligent man of about forty-three. He was anxious to be civil to us, although French influence, then in great measure opposed to ours, was paramount in Egypt. Those of our party who had never seen Oriental scenes before were greatly struck by the transition from London to Egypt. In Lord Mayo's own words: 'The little 'villages looking like clusters of inverted bee-hives, 89 90 MEMORIES 'the half-naked men, the women with their veiled ' faces, camels carrying heavy loads along the banks ' of the canals, men riding on donkeys, the plough we ' read of in Scripture working in the fields and drawn ' by two bullocks, the old well-wheels for irrigation, ' and the men filling little trenches from the canal, all ' made a scene as we journeyed to Cairo, of which we ' had often read but never witnessed.' Lord Napier of Magdala, who with Colonel (now General Sir Martin) Dillon, one of the best of men and soldiers, was on his way to resume his command at Bombay after the Abyssinian campaign, here joined our party, and went on with us in the Indian troopship Feroze (Captain Arnott) to Bombay. On the day of our arrival at Cairo we all made a trip to the Pyramids, which we reached after a two hours' ride from the Nile, and I shall never forget the climb that Lord Mayo, Lord Napier, and myself had up to the top of the principal one, assisted by brawny Arabs ! I often remembered with pleasure in after- years the fact of standing on the summit of this pyramid with two such distinguished men, one of whom (Lord Napier) was already a friend of many years' standing. A visit to the Suez Canal in company with M. Ferdinand de Lesseps gave us two days of great enjoyment. The Canal was not to be opened till the following November, so that we found the work in full swing, that is, the work of cutting through 87 miles of rock and sand between the Meditermnean and Red Seas, with sufficient breadth and depth to admit the transit of large vessels. We were all much impressed with the vastness of the undertaking, not the least of which was the conversion of Port Said M. DE LESSEPS 91 from an uninhabitable sandbank to a busy town, with a harbour capable of holding a great quantity of shipping. The usefulness of the Canal was apparent when we learned that by it the distance between London and Bombay was lessened by 4,500 miles in contrast with the Cape route, and in the same propor- tion with regard to China and Japan. M. Lesseps, who was most courteous and entertaining when ex- plaining the principal features of the Canal, expressed views differing from those generally accepted as to the point at which the Israelites crossed the Eed Sea in the exodus from Egypt, and greatly interested us in his theories. His views were that it was a mistake to suppose that the capital of Egypt in the days of Joseph was at Cairo. It was, in his opinion, at Saine, on the tributary of the Nile which runs into the southern portion of Lake Menzaleh. Here the waters are quite still, and an enormous number of bulrushes, or, rather, reeds, are found along this branch of the Nile. If Moses had indeed been placed in a cradle on bulrushes near Cairo he must have been swept away, according to M. Lesseps, by the stream. Thus Moses was, he thought, found at Saine. The Israelites were at that time cultivating, by means of Pharaoh's canal, the eastern end of the Desert, that is to say, the most fertile strip of it called the land of Goshen. After Moses had killed the Egyptian he fled into the land of Midian to a place called Elam, which is on the eastern shore of the Red Sea somewhat below Suez. He wandered about for many years all through that country, feeding Jethro's flocks, and must have been acquainted with every valley and hill in the district through which he afterwards led the Israelites. After 92 MEMORIES meeting Aaron he probably returned to Saine, and there commenced, according to the commandment of God, to intercede for the release of His people. When at last Pharaoh consented to let them go they arrived first at Rameses, and being unable to march on the direct road to Syria on account of the Philistines, they travelled to the edge of the Red Sea, which at that time extended as far north as Lake Timsah, now con- stituting the centre of the Canal. It is written in the Bible, M. Lesseps added, that the Lord caused the sea ' to go back by a strong east ' wind all that night, and made the sea dry land, and 'the waters were divided,' an occurrence which was believed to take place occasionally in these shallow waters, and was ordained on this particular occasion by God. Lesseps thought, therefore, that the Israelites passed over somewhere near Toussouns, and thence wandered to Marah, a place now called Bir Mourah by the Arabs, where the wells are still brackish, and in which the Arabs to this day throw in branches of a certain tree to render the waters sufficiently good for camels and donkeys to drink. The Israelites then turned straight southwards along the eastern shore of the Bitter Lakes, arriving at Elam, where are still found twelve wells of water, and a large number of ancient palm-trees. Such were the theories of this extraordinary man, whose views were expressed with all the eagerness and grace of a Frenchman. I only saw M. Lesseps once again (he died 7th December, 1894), although I have since frequently met one of his sons, M. Charles Lesseps, who is equally attractive and cultured. At Suez we embarked on the 30th November in the Feroze^ reaching Aden on the 8th December. This ADEN 93 being the first portion of Indian soil, Lord Mayo took a special interest in going over the works and fortifica- tions, about which I myself was able to say a good deal after the experience of former visits. These, we all agreed, were faulty, although built at a cost that then amounted to about £500,000. Our visit was somewhat damped by telegraphic news of a change of Ministry from Disraeli to Gladstone, which we all felt to be awkward coming at such a moment, but fortunately it made no material difference in Lord Mayo's attitude or policy, and he found the Duke of Argyll a kind and sympathetic correspondent. After receiving an address from the townsfolk of this curious volcanic rock, we left at midnight of the 9th on our way to Bombay, breathing through grateful nostrils the warm sea air, and dipping our official heads into every kind of Blue-Book and red box. Here I may perhaps give my personal impressions of our new master. I had known him in Ireland as Lord Naas — a fine man, a splendid rider, and as keen after a fox as he was in the pursuit of his public work. In a rough diary kept on board the Feroze^ I find that I wrote : ' Lord Mayo is a man of quick * perception, with advanced and liberal views about ' India. He seems much bent on railways and irriga- ' tion, and he is not far wrong. From his cordial * manners and good heart I feel sure he will be a ' popular and able Viceroy, who will make his mark if ' his schemes and opinions are not curtailed by the ' too common obstacles that come from Councillors * and Secretaries.' I never had reason to alter this opinion, except to add fuller appreciations of his fine character, during the time that I was fortunate enough to be associated 94 MEMORIES with him ; and here I may perhaps note another opinion which I expressed at the same time, and which my new Chief found true in an after-experience of his own which led to his great measure of financial decentralization — viz. : 'It is a sad pity that the ' Government of India is so centralized and over- 'gro\\Ti. When one considers that the country is ' almost as large as Europe, it is not a matter for ' surprise that a Viceroy is overtaxed, swallowed up 'in petty details, and prevented, almost by force, ' from carrying out really good work or measures of ' reform which of themselves should occupy his whole ' time.' We reached Bombay too late to land till the following morning (20th December), and what a night we had of it in harbour ! The heavy dew forced us down into our cabins,- and the stifling heat drove us up again. Hopping fleas, friendly bugs, confiding cockroaches, biting red ants, all combined to give us a sleepless night in the gallant Feroze^ a poor preparation indeed for impressing the Bombay people with our looks in the State landing projected for the morrow ! During our few days' stay at Bombay we met with great kindness from the Governor (Sir Seymour Fitzgerald), and went through the usual addresses and inspections that accompany the arrival of every new Viceroy. We had a treat, during our stay, in a journey by rail up the Bhore Ghat (2,000 feet) to Poonah and Kirkee, and we spent our Christmas Day at Government House, Parell, about which I wrote in my diary : ' Alas ! in India one has to endure a very ' different state of things to all our childhood views ' of Christmas. The cold frosty morning, the probable MADRAS 95 'fall of snow, the cheery village church, the roast 'beef and plum-pudding, the gathering of the clans, ' and the fun and frolic of snapdragon, are exchanged 'for a scarcely endurable heat and a day which the ' most vivid imagination can hardly believe to be ' Christmas. This day is one of the occasions, in 'fact, on which one feels acutely the fact of being ' cut off from kith and kin, the loving salutations of ' friends, the little interchange of presents, and the 'greetings and gatherings which go so far to unite ' home friends and families.' From Bombay we started (30th December) in my old friend the Coromandel for Beypore, where the Madras Governor (Lord Napier and Ettrick) came to receive us and to take us on some 400 miles by train to Madras. Our party were much struck by the difference between this town and Bombay, my humble self being the only one among us who had previously been to the two places. We felt it to be quite a case of ancient patriarchal simplicity on the one hand against modern energy and grandeur on the other. Madras impressed us with the homeliness, the sociable- ness, and the quiet demeanour of the people, while the detached bungalows of the town, surrounded by large compounds or gardens, formed a great contrast with Bombay, with its busy and picturesque native town and its fine rows of buildings and institutions. As has been truly said by others, it can readily be believed that Madras dates back to the spacious times of Charles I., in whose reign the agent of the East India Company erected, in 1629, the beginnings of the fort which in the following century played so conspicuous a part in the long-drawn struggle between France and England for supremacy in India. It was. 96 MEMORIES in fact, from Madras that the British power set forth on its unpremeditated course of conquest which was ultimately destined to establish the Pax Britannica from Tutikorin to the Himalayas. But the stirring period of Madras history ended with the final over- throw of Tippu Sultan and the transference of the centre of political gravity to Calcutta. As we have been recently reminded by a well-known authority, since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Madras Presidency has been in the fortunate position of having no history. Its northern rivals spitefully call it the benighted Presidency. No epithet, however, could be more undeserved. For if its annals during the last hundred years have been unsensational, its record in respect of education, intelligent administration, material prosperity, and all that goes with peaceful, continuous progress, would entitle it rather to be called the model Presidency. The whole Presidency of Madras has a charm and interest of its own. The luxuriance of its tropical vegetation and the perennial warmth of its equable climate differentiate it not less widely from Central and Northern India than do the fundamental characteristics of its people. The race is entirely distinct. They speak languages of another stock, their customs are largely different, and, if their religion is Hindu, the interpretation it has found in the great Dravidian temples of the south bears the stamp of unquestionable originality. Southern India is the ancient non-Aryan India, and even Christianity here is relatively ancient, for it dates back to a period far earlier than that of the political invasion of India from the West. In many ways Southern India is more remote from us than any other part of the sub- continent, yet in others it seems to have shaped itself LORD NAPIER AND ETTRICK 97 more readily to our influences. This perhaps is one of the many features which impart to it peculiar interest. We found Lord and Lady Napier exceptionally kind and hospitable, and greatly enjoyed our Madras experiences of addresses, dinners, and inspections, added to a race meeting and a capital jackal hunt. Indeed, we were sorry to have to start again (7th January, 1869) in the Feroze^ which had come round from Bombay for our onward journey to Calcutta. As this was our final destination we were all on the alert while steaming up the Hooghly on the 12th January, when we landed at the Chand-pal Ghat and moved in procession amid a great crowd of Easterns to Government House. Here we were met by Lord Lawrence, Sir William Mansfield, and others, who conducted the new Viceroy to the Council Room for the ceremony of taking the oath of oflSce. Lord Lawrence remained at Government House till the 19th of the month, when he left for England (he died 17th June, 1879). Although he and Lord Mayo did not agree on all points, their few days' intercourse at Government House was useful and cordial, and I need not say what a boon it was to meet the retiring Private Secretary, Jimmy Gordon (afterwards Sir James Gordon), whose assistance at my new start, and whose ever- enduring friendship till his death on the 27th June, 1889, can never be efiPaced from my memory. I found that my new position made me senior member of the Viceroy's Staff, gave me about £3,000 a year, the charge of large public funds, the duty of opening public correspondence and official papers prior to submission to the Viceroy, besides the 7 98 MEMORIES responsibility for a large number of high civil appoint- ments — all work of supreme interest and entailing incessant care and labour. My wife and I had a spacious suite of rooms in Government House* for our abode, and near at hand was my office of some half-dozen clerks, who were all kept extremely busy. It was not long before I felt the burden once more of perpetual motion and work, entailed by a large telegraphic and other correspondence from home, and innumerable red boxes full of weighty papers that came in at the rate, sometimes, of twenty a day. Not for the first time did I deplore the cacoethes scribendi of Indian officials, for boxes and notes made my life, not to speak of that of the Viceroy, one of some anxiety. Fortunately Lord Mayo was a hard and rapid worker himself, and I found it easy to get on with him in all official matters, more especially as he was pleased to find me also a good and systematic worker, able in many ways to tender advice on public questions from a past Indian experience and a personal acquaintance with many of the men with whom he now had to deal for the first time. So I liked my work. I found myself once more high up on the Indian official ladder, and, grateful as I was for Lord Mayo's selection of me, I was resolved to leave no stone unturned on my part to assist him in making his administration a success. I was also able to keep up * The present Government House, erected on the site of the old building, was built by the Marquis of Wellesley, and completed in 1803, at a cost of £150,000, after the model of Kedleston in Derby- shire, the seat of Lord Scarsdale, father of the Viceroy, Lord Curzon. The architect of Kedleston was Robert Adam, and a fortune was spent in building it. WOEK AT CALCUTTA 99 a sort of connection with the army by helping Lord Mayo and his brother and Military Secretary, Eddy Bourke, with many important military questions, besides receiving permission to attend parades with the Viceroy in the political coat which now covered my fleshly tabernacle. Thus, with a good adviser like Gordon at the start, and a most devoted and reliable assistant in Mr. Demetrius Panioty, I got hold of most of the ropes before Lord Lawrence took his departure. On one question the ex- Viceroy was emphatic, and that was the good treatment of the natives. On the last afternoon before he left for home Lord Mayo and he took a drive — I was included in the party — in the course of which he impressed this doctrine very kindly and solemnly on his successor. Lord Mayo thanked him for this helpful advice, and we returned in due course to Government House. The Syce (or footman) was slow and awkward in opening the door of the carriage, when Lord Lawrence jumped out in a rage and gave his ear a good unmistakable tug ! Lord Mayo laughed over this early experience of the difference between precept and practice, and said to me in a whisper, ' My first practical lesson in kindness ' to natives was undoubtedly an odd one !' This was just like Lord Lawrence, with whom, it will be re- membered, I was associated at Simla in 1864 as a member of Sir Hugh Kose's staff. He was an able and simple man, used to do his work in his shirt- sleeves, discouraged as much as possible all state and ceremony, and was delighted to cuff a Bengalee Baboo or a stupid Syce whenever he had the chance. The new Viceroy soon won his way in India. He himself was keen to disabuse the public mind of the 7—2 100 MEMOEIES unfair criticisms which had been made in England on his first appointment. He was determined to justify Disraeli's selection of him for the Viceroyalty, and all the more so as a change of Government, as already said, had taken place at home. We thus found our- selves under what had been the Opposition when we left England. The Indian public, at the same time, took to him at once. His love of work, his fine tall figure, his unfailing courtesy, and his powerful grasp of intricate questions of social or State importance, not to speak of other qualities, at once appealed to them in a way which was never afterwards forgotten by Europeans or Natives. After a busy time at Calcutta of entertainments, visits to institutions, receptions of public addresses, and all those duties which beset the path of a new Viceroy and his wife — and Lady ~Mayo indeed worked hard to fulfil her important part in the new reign — we left Calcutta on the 25th March* for Umballa^ with the object of meeting Shere Ali, the Amir of Afghanistan, before settling down at Simla. As the history of this event has already been written elsewhere by myself and others, I may re- frain here from detailed comments. Briefly, Lord Lawrence had pursued in regard to Afghanistan and other border countries a policy which was dubbed one of ' masterly inactivity/ although many of us after- wards more correctly described it as ' meddling inter- ♦ Meanwhile, on the 19th March, 1869, my dear Gerty was bom at Government House, and was baptized on the 1st April at St. John's Church (the old cathedral), built in 1704. About twenty years after this she married Mr. Arthur Edward Ash, and has, at the time of my writing this, four children — Francis, Owen, Evelyne> and Phyllis. POLICY :';,;.• i i.V-.;:.: HM.V. ference.' Since the death of Dost Mahomed in 1863, at which time Shere Ali was the recognised heir- apparent, Afghanistan had been plunged in civil war from the pretensions of other sons to the throne. Our traditional policy of building up a strong and friendly Government in that country was, unfor- tunately, neglected by Lord Lawrence, who allowed the civil war caused by the contentions of each son to go unheeded, and, in fact, encouraged it in a measure by officially recognising each claimant as he happened to achieve success. Shere Ali, who, as just said, was the rightful heir to the throne, and was recognised as such in Dost Mahomed's lifetime by Lord Canning's Government (1858), and afterwards by Lord Elgin's Government (1863), felt, as others did, that all that was wanted to avert further distraction in the country was a clear recognition of himself by the British Government to the exclusion of other unlawful rivals, and this recognition he had been unable to obtain. At last, however, when at the end of 1868, on the eve of Lord Lawrence's departure for home, he regained the throne, the Viceroy, suddenly and rightly, changed his policy of running, cap in hand, from one rival to another, and not only recognised him as Amir in clear language, but followed up this recognition with sub- stantial aid in money and arms. Thus, when Lord Mayo arrived in India, although he was by no means an approver of the so-called ' masterly inactivity ' policy of the past, he was fully in unison with this recent departure from it, and, up to this extent, may be said to have followed Lord Lawrence's new policy in his reception of the Amir. This came about as follows : On Shere All's hear- ing of Lord Mayo's arrival he expressed a wish to see iie^-,.'.; MEMORIES him. After some correspondence, in which the new Viceroy insisted on the meeting being held at Um- balla, so as to bring the Amir through the Punjab and give him some idea of our power and administration, Shere Ali started from Cabul in the latter part of February, entered British territory on the 2nd March, accompanied by his youngest son, Abdulla Jan, and seemed to be impressed with all he saw at Peshawar, except with the appearance of the Peshawar ladies, about whom he said, ' Ah, you sly people, I see you ' keep your pretty girls at home.' When he finally reached Umballa, after slow marches through the Punjab, he was in great good-humour, so that nothing could have gone off with more success than the Durbar of the 27th March, in which the Viceroy, with that dignity which was so marked a characteristic of his public life, welcomed the Amir with cordiality, and among other handsome gifts gave him a sword of honour, which he hoped, he said, the Amir would regard as a token of his desire that he should be victorious over his enemies in defence of his 'just ' and lawful rights ' and in his efforts for the consolida- tion of his kingdom. During the time of Shere All's stay at Umballa we had many secret conferences in regard to questions between the two Governments, and the understanding finally arrived at was so far satisfactory that the Amir, who had come to Umballa suspicious, anxious for some fixed treaty, very full of complaints against British policy and so on, re-entered his kingdom (22n(l April) apparently friendly and reassured, besides being grateful for the hospitality shown to him. Thus, although the Umballa Durbar was only a preliminary step in the right direction, it had the UMBALLA DURBAR 103 effect of pacifying Afghanistan and of relieving India from considerable anxiety in that direction. The Amir's new experience of Western ideas had a curious effect on his mind. When, one evening at a reception given by the Viceroy, he heard General Hume, General Maisey, and myself sing in a trio over a piano (an act of heroism that we constantly per- formed), he exclaimed, ' Ah, I will make my Generals ' do that when I return.' His new ideas also led him to establish police and post offices, to order his shoemaker to sell off Afghan shoes, and to make boots of English pattern, to dress himself and his officials in English - cut clothes, besides organizing a Council of State, and taking all the means that to his barbaric but impressionable mind seemed to be right to mark his newly-acquired Anglophilism. I myself look back with interest to many friendly conversations with the only ruler of Afghanistan I ever met face to face. He was not a bad man as Afghans go, and I greatly regret the turn that affairs took nine years afterwards in which, more from Russian intrigue than any fault of our own, Shere Ali became our enemy, and caused the altera- tion for better or worse of our political relations with his country. While it would be useless at this period of time to narrate all the details of our conferences with Shere Ali and his ministers — which, indeed, I have done in other documents and papers — I may refer perhaps to a matter which, although not made a leading one at Umballa, became in after-years a subject of almost fierce contention (1879) at home. I refer to the question of stationing British Agents, European or Native, in Afghanistan. In the first instance, I may 104 MEMORIES say that at a council held at Lahore on the 17th March between the Amir and his ministers, Shere Ali said : ' Should the British authorities propose that a European * Agent be stationed at Cabul itself, although I am ' myself agreeable to such an arrangement, the people ' of Cabul are turbulent and mischievous ; but if an ' Agent be located at places like Candahar, Herat, or ' Balkh, there would be no objection, for such an ' arrangement would be advantageous to both Govern - ' ments/ Again, at a similar council after the Durbar of the 29th March, it was resolved by him that, ' should the ' British Government insist that one or two British ' Officers should be employed with the new troops * which shall be raised, it should be agreed to, pro- * vided that Cabul was not a point selected, on account * of the evil dispositions of the people at the capital/ As a matter of fact. Lord Mayo did not dwell on this point in his own conversations with the Amir ; but in conferences between his officials, Seton Karr, Grey, myself and others, and Shere Ali's confidential minister, it was ascertained to our satisfaction that the Amir was open to any arrangement that was thought desirable for the security of his northern border, and that, while doubtful of the reality of Kussian aggression for some years to come, he thought precautions ought to be taken, and would gladly see an agent or engineer superintendent at Balkh and Herat, and, if necessary, with arms and troops to back them. In the controversies of after-years it was stated by the Duke of Argyll, all in good faith but without substantial foundation, that 'the greatest concession * that Lord Mayo made to the Amir was a pledge not FRONTIER CONTROVERSIES 105 ' to send any European Officers into Afghanistan, a 'pledge which was deliberately violated by Lord ' Lytton under the authority of Lord Beaconsfield's ' Government.' I was unhappily drawn into these dis- cussions against my will, and endeavoured to show that this conclusion arose from a misapprehension of what really passed at Umballa. I merely mention this matter as one not so much of present value as of interest in the history of an event which is now past and gone, and as to which there was at one time much misconception in the public mind and much injustice done to Lord Lytton. In the main, Lord Mayo's views as to our position towards Afghanistan and Russian aggression were not so different from Lord Lytton's as some interested persons have since tried to make out. On his first nomination to the Yiceroyalty, Lord Mayo naturally thought less of Indian foreign policy than of other important subjects of internal administration which came under his notice. But in regard to the former he had misgivings on his mind, after reading con- fidential papers at the India Office, as to its correct- ness or success, and frequently expressed these misgivings to myself, who had, since my frontier experience under Sir Hugh Rose, formed strong opinions as to the unwisdom of the inactive, happy- go-lucky, yet meddling and muddling policy which at that time characterized our relations with border kingdoms and states. Lord Mayo was, in fact, re- solved to make a change, provided he could do so quietly and without open disagreement between him- self and his predecessor, and he was intensely re- lieved when he heard, just before our departure for India, of Lord Lawrence's definite recognition of 106 MEMOEIES Shere Ali as Amir of Afghanistan, and the alteration from years of frigidity and meddling advice to warmth and material assistance in money and arms to this ill-starred man. I have dealt so fully with this matter in my ' Letters on the Indian Administration *of Lord Mayo' (1872) that it would be undesirable to indulge in repetitions here. But I may add a few brief quotations from some of Lord Mayo's letters, which give a general indication of his views. He wrote (4th March, 1869) : ' We must walk carefully, as I do not wish to ' induce a belief that I am imitating " Pat " policy. ' Still, I intend to show that we are wide awake, and * that we will not allow clouds to gather without giving * to the people at home full warning/ Again (25th March, 1869) : ' I hope that sensible men will not continue to * advocate the extreme line of absolute inaction, and * the worse alternative of meddling and interfering by * outsiders and emissaries. The safe course lies in * watchfulness and friendly intercourse with neigh- ' bouring states and tribes.' And again (16th May, 1869) : ' The Umballa policy is right. Surround India with ' strong, friendly, and independent states, who will * have more interest in keeping well with us than with * any other Power and we are safe. In any foreign ' policy as touching India we have not only to look to * the effect of it outside, but also inside our frontier. ' This is the secret of all political success and stability * in the East. Boldness, daring vigour, breadth of ' conception, the creation of a real and defined general * policy, the treating of all policy outside as materially * affecting our interests inside our frontier — once grasp BORDER RELATIONS 107 ' this ideal, and we have, in a few words, our Eastern * foreign policy.' Again (8th June, 1870) : ' Some may think it desirable to adopt a Thibetian ' policy and discourage all communications with the ' outer Asiatic world. But it is not a policy which is ' English or commercial, and is certainly impossible ' if we are to maintain our position in the civilized ' world.' Again, he said in a Memorandum, written only a month before his death (29th December, 1871) : ' I have never met a sensible politician who held the ' opinion that our true policy is to await an invasion of ' India within our frontiers. I have frequently laid ' down what I believe to be the cardinal points of ' Anglo-Indian policy. They may be summed up in ' few words : we should establish with our frontier ' states of Khelat, Afghanistan, Yarkand, Nepal, and ' Burmah intimate relations of friendship ; we should ' make them feel that, though we are all-powerful, we ' desire to support their nationality ; that when neces- ' sity arises we might assist them with money, arms, ' and even, in certain eventualities, with men. Further, ' we should strenuously oppose any attempt to neu- ' tralize those territories in the European sense, or to 'sanction or invite the interference of any European ' Power in their affairs. It may take years to develop ' this policy. It is contrary to what has been hitherto ' our course in India ; but if it is once established, ' recognised, and appreciated our Empire will be com- ' paratively secure.' These extracts may be sufficient to indicate Lord Mayo's general line of thought as to our border rela- tions, although in his too brief tenure of office the 108 MEMORIES question did not become the burning one it did some years later on, as explained in a future chapter. Still, it may here be said that, up to the time of his death. Lord Mayo in no way laid aside the Afghan question, but addressed frequent despatches to the Home Government on the subject, more especially as to Russian intrigue, both in regard to Afghanistan and Khiva. One of the last despatches which he penned, but left unsigned, before his death referred to the Afghan boundary, for the settlement of which he had struggled ever since the Umballa Durbar. To resume. The Umballa Durbar over, Lord Mayo, after a ten days' tour of 1,500 miles through the lower Himalayas to Mussoorie and Roorkee, reached Simla on the 15th April, and I found myself once more in an Elysium which I thought four years previously I had left for ever. CHAPTER VII Simla — Visit of the Duke of Edinburgh — Opening of the Khamgaon Eailway and visit to the Chanda coal-fields — Some tiger-shoot- ing — Visit to the North-West Frontier — Lord Napier of Magdala— Visit of the King of Siam (1869-72). At Simla, the beauty and peaceful situation of which, in the midst of glorious mountain scenery, much pleased Lord and Lady Mayo and other new-comers, real hard business often superseded the round of innocent enjoyment open to us in such a climate. Lord and Lady Mayo gave a bright example of hospitality, and made the season of 1869 a memorable one, and we lesser lights did our best to amuse society by concerts and theatricals, in which I was myself glad to take a leading part. One of our playful side- pieces was a Durbar, in which I dressed up as the Viceroy, and took off my Chief in a way which made him roll off his chair with laughter. Beyond saying this much, I need not repeat the history of our life at Simla, which was still very much what it had been in former years, except that the place had become more official and grand than in earlier times. My own work was incessant, but to work with Lord Mayo was really a recreation which I much enjoyed. We left Simla on the 19th October, and after a successful trip to Nynee Tal, Almorah, Meerut, and Allahabad — quite old ramblings to myself — we reached 109 110 MEMORIES Calcutta on the 8th Novemher, after a series of rides, drives, and at times railway journeys, which amounted to about 6,000 miles. Here, after the usual routine of work and public functions another memorable event in our round of duty occurred in the visit to India of the Duke of Edinburgh in the Galatea^ a visit which was regarded with much interest by all Indians. It was at first intended by the Viceroy to receive him officially at Agra in a grand Durbar of all the Chiefs and Princes. But famine in the south of India put an end to this idea, and Lord Mayo finally settled to receive him at Calcutta, and to bear a large portion of the expenses of doing so from his own private purse. The visit, which lasted a fortnight at the capital, was one of unqualified success, and was made all the more impressive and picturesque by the presence in Calcutta, by special invitation, of the Maharajah Scindia of Gwalior and the Maharajah of Jeypore, besides other important Indian Chiefs. I gave up my own rooms in Government House to the Duke and his suite, with all of whom I became great friends. Following a round of parades, balls, receptions, and other entertainments at Government House and else- where, came an impressive Durbar in an encampment on the Maidan (30th December), in which the Duke was invested with the G.C.S.I. in the presence of about 2,000 people ; a fancy ball (31st December) at Govern- ment House, which in the large white ball-room was a beautiful sight, and in which my wife and I appeared in magnificent costumes as Darnley and Mary Queen of Scots, myself looking tolerable and she lovely. Various other fetes also took place, ending with an entertainment given by H.R.H. on board the Oalatea. THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH 111 We all got on well with the Duke of Edinburgh, who made himself very pleasant. He afterwards wrote me several letters (which I keep as a memento of him), and he asked Captain (now Colonel) Haig, R.E., his Equerry, to write to me (19th April, 1870) to say how very much obliged he was for all I had done for him during his stay in India. He succeeded his uncle in 1893 as Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and died 30th July, 1900. The Duke left on the 7th January, 1870, for Upper India, and the Viceroy once more settled down to routine work, which had become heavy. But this did not prevent a pleasant run a week afterwards to Benares to meet H.B.H. again at that historic place, where we were all splendidly entertained by the Maharajah. Again, on the 24th February we left Calcutta to accomplish a much-desired visit to the Central Provinces to look at the Chanda coal-fields, and to open the Nizam's railway to Khamgaon, where it was to join the G.I.P. system. In this trip we had long and enjoyable rides, amounting to 200 miles in all, to and from the coal-fields, in which Lord Mayo was greatly interested, having administrative dreams of the importance of India producing its own coal instead of getting it out from England. At that time the Chanda coal had been highly reported upon, both as to quality and production, and I believe that this good opinion has since been to some extent verified, although it is said to be at present of a somewhat light and fiery character. The opening of the Khamgaon Eailway gave the Viceroy an opportunity for an important speech on cotton industry and railway-making. I never heard a better one, and all present were greatly impressed with it. 112 MEMORIES In short, Lord Majo having come to India with a reputation, which seemed to us to be undeserved, of being rather a dull orator, developed at this time into a good and fluent speaker, partly from the interest he took in the great questions with which he had to deal, and partly from the advantage of having a most able scribe and shorthand writer in his office (Mr. Latimer), to whom he dictated most of his letters and minutes, and who in after-years was deservedly promoted to be Assistant Secretary to the Viceroy (1895), and made a CLE. (1901) for loyal and valuable service. What a blessing to public men, I have thought from that time to this, is a shorthand writer ! Let who can try one. The dictation of a speech, for example, accustoms the speaker to the sound of his own voice, and teaches him care in expressing thoughts and ideas. Just try, dear reader, to dictate a speech the night before delivery, and realize next morning when it is written out what idiotic things you have uttered ; you will then value any system which teaches you to condense sentences and to be careful what you say. To this daily exercise I attribute in some measure the Viceroy's increasing fame in India as a speaker. He grew also rapidly in popular favour by his appreciation of the work of others, to whom he took every opportunity of giving credit and reward. He mightily pleased those present at the Khamgaon banquet, for instance, by saying : ' We all labour hard ' in India, but it is on the executive officers, as a rule, ' that the real improvement of the country depends. ' Having seen in such a short time so much of India, ' I am happy to take an opportunity thus early in my * career of paying my humble tribute to the manner 'in which their duties are performed by the civil, TIGER-SHOOTING 113 * military, and political officers of this great Govern- * ment. I believe that in the history of the world no ' sovereign was ever served by a body of men who * were engaged in more arduous, more useful, and ' more important duties than are the servants of our ' Queen in India.' From Khamgaon we went on to Jubbulpore to bid a final farewell to the Duke of Edinburgh, then on his way to rejoin the Galatea at Bombay, and ended up with an interesting visit to the beautiful marble rocks in the neighbourhood. It was during this trip that I had a little sporting adventure which has remained impressed on my mind. We joined a tiger expedition in the Nerbudda valley. At the end of a long, narrow jungle an amphitheatre of platforms had been arranged on trees, on which we were all supposed to be stationed, and up to which an army of coolies drove the tigers with drums and torches. I foolishly saw no particular necessity for mounting the platform assigned to myself, and remained on ground which happened to be nearest the jungle, waiting for our playful friends to appear. Suddenly a magnificent tiger bounded out within a few yards of me ; he saw me and I saw him^ but fortunately I kept my presence of mind, and remem- bering some lessons I had learnt at school as to the power of the human eye, I pointed my rifle at him without making any further movement, which would have been fatal to me, and set to work to catch his eye. As he looked at me and growled within a few yards, I did not let go of that 'ere eye and stood firm, while the Viceroy and others who saw my danger had to refrain from firing for fear of causing him to spring on me. Eventually I forced him by that 'ere eye to 8 114 MEMORIES sidle away foot by foot, till, on his reaching a respect- able distance, I was up into my tree like a lamplighter, and took care ever afterwards in our shooting-trips not to risk standing within a few feet of a tiger. The experience on this particular occasion was novel, but the recollection is perhaps pleasanter than was the actual occurrence. My tiger was eventually shot by our Foreign Secretary (Aitchison), and a fine beast he was of 10 feet 6 inches from head to tail, and better dead than alive. Our journeys at this period reminded me very much of my old time with Sir Hugh Rose, for we were doing a good deal of inspection and hard riding. After getting back to Calcutta for the anxious duty of passing the Budget, we left on the 7th April (1870) for the Punjab and North- West frontier, accomplish- ing a distance of about 3,000' miles, much of it by hard riding, of which Lord Mayo was so fond, some- times fifty or sixty miles a day, visiting Goojerat, Chillianwalla, the Find - Dadun - Khan salt - mines, Jhelum, Feshawar, and Kohat, at which last-named place the Viceroy held an interesting Durbar of Border Chiefs. There off we went to Hoti Murdan, Abbottabad, and Sealkote, where we had an important business meeting with my old friend Ranbir Singh, Maharajah of Cashmere, not getting to Simla until the 30th of the month. Would I could write in detail all my experiences in this instructive tour, but I refrain from doing so lest I commit the fault of recording events and adventures full of interest at the moment, but rendered unimportant by the lapse of time. Our combined work and riding continued to be a bond of sympathy between Lord Mayo and myself, more especially as I happened to be both LORD NAPIER OF MAGDALA 115 cheerful and handy after a good deal of experience under Sir Hugh Rose as to the value of these com- modities ! Lord Mayo took a great fancy to the border Afridees because, like some of his old friends the Irish-American rebels, they were the most rascally set of villains in or near civilization. It was, there- fore, a relief to us to get him safe away from their haunts and passes ! Our next season at Simla was much as usual, or, in other words, it was agreeable and full of incident. The fact of Lord and Lady Mayo being at the head of society was a guarantee, indeed, of propriety, good taste, and good fellowship, mixed with genuine hospitality and recreation, and a good deal of hard work. While my first-born lassie, Gerty, gave my wife plenty to think about, I myself employed the little leisure that came to me in taking a personal part in the concerts and theatricals that graced our season, and, as Simla happened to be strong in talent, we gave some really first-rate performances. All this time the Viceroy and those with him, including, of course, my wife and self, often rode some thirty miles or so into the interior hills, our little camps being pitched on retired spots in these magnificent Hima- layan ranges, thus giving us many days of quiet enjoyment ' away from the madding crowd.' A change had taken place this year in the chief command in India, as Sir William Mansfield left for England, and was succeeded by Lord Napier of Magdala, whose already -formed friendship with the Viceroy made their future official relations very cordial. Colonel Dillon, who accompanied him as military secretary, was also warmly welcomed by us all as an old and valued friend. 8—2 116 MEMORIES On the 4th October we again left Simla vid Patiala, prior to a long-projected trip to Rajputana. Our visit to the very fine broad- streeted marble town of Jeypore was specially interesting, as the Viceroy and Maharajah had formed a sincere friendship — one which extended on the part of the chief and his dewan, Sir Faiz Ali Khan, to myself, and which I greatly valued. We entered Jeypore in state on the 12th October, our retinue including 100 elephants and a fine show of State troops. Here we stayed about six days, thoroughly enjoying the tiger- shooting, pig- sticking, and reviews arranged in our honour. It was a great pleasure, moreover, to meet that best of men, Bradford (now Sir Edward Bradford, Bart.), who was, and still is, one of the most modest and yet one of the most able servants of the Crown. An inspection of the important salt lake at Sambhur, and a grand Durbar at A j mere, where we met the chiefs of Oodeypore, Jodhpore, Bundee, Kotah, Kishengurh, Tonk, and other of the principal nobles of Rajputana, ended this tour, which was made noteworthy by the establishment at Ajmere of the ' Mayo College ' for the education of the sons of Indian nobles — an institution to which the chiefs at once subscribed £80,000, and which has flourished ever since. After other visits to Benares, the stud establishment, and the opium factories in the North- West Provinces, we got back to Calcutta on the 7th November,* thus ending a tour of some * Soon after our return to Calcutta my son Francis was bom (23rd November) at Government House, and was l)aptized at St. John's Church. He eventually joined the R.E. on the 27th July, 1889, and is now a Captain in that corps, after doing much good work in it at home and in India, including active service in the FEONTIER POLICY 117 2,000 miles, much of it in very hot weather. We had spent a useful year, seeing that, in addition to all our hard administrative work, the new Viceroy had travelled during it over more than 9,000 miles of ground, making himself personally acquainted with Indian officials and native chiefs, visiting coal-mines, opening railways, inspecting cotton-fields and model farms, salt-mines and frontier outposts, establishing colleges and schools, and pushing on other works of public importance and utility. The only disturbing element in this year to us was the Franco-German War of 1870-1871, which, to our surprise, ended so disastrously for the Emperor Napoleon III. and for France. We received the accounts of this war at Simla with intense interest, especially as we felt some misgiving as to whether our own country might not be dragged into the meUe^ although it had the good luck to escape that calamity. Our time at Calcutta was again marked by arduous budget and other work, intermixed with a great deal of correspondence with the home authorities and others on the subject of the late Durbar and our general relations with Afghanistan, a subject which was then attracting some attention. What my own views on the question consistently were from 1857 onwards I expressed to an exalted person at home (1871), and I have seen no special reason to change them since. I wrote : ' The announcement of a policy ' having for its object the peace and consolidation of ' an outward circle of defence for India within a limit ' of well-defined boundaries ought to be our continual North- West Frontier Campaign of 1891 and in the South African War of 1899-1900. 118 MEMORIES * aim. No one can play this game with such a hand ' as ourselves. We have been well-nigh losing it, and ' may indeed foresee difficulties looming in the distance ' connected with it. But any drawing back from such * a policy will be fatal to our interests. If we relapse * into temporizing with Russia, ignoring the unfriendly 'schemes of Persia, playing false with our border ' States and tribes, and awaiting, as it is termed, ' outward attacks from within our own frontier and so ' on, we are neither capable nor deserving of holding ' one of our most valuable and splendid possessions of 'the Crown. Let us now follow Lord Mayo's lead, ' let us fix a foreign policy for India ; let that policy ' be, as said before, an outward line, if possible, of ' strong and friendly States ; and constant intercourse ' with our neighbours, assistance in advice, and money ' to them when necessary ; a large and fixed sum placed ' at the Viceroy's disposal for secret service purposes ; 'encouragement of European adventure and travel ' within fixed lines of boundaries ; a proper defence of ' our frontier ; and full liberty of action to the ruling ' Governor- General within these general limits ; and ' we shall in my humble opinion be not only respected ' outside, but, what is much more important, be safe 'inside India. We either pretend not to know, or ' care not to know this ourselves, because we are in ' the hands of irresolute party politicians, who will not ' realize what is perfectly well known by Powers like 'Russia, whose interests are opposed to our own in ' every part of the world, and whose boldness is only ' the result of our timidity. This opinion only touches ' the extent of foreign policy as it affects India. Much ' more can be said of the Central Asian question as ' regards the general designs of Russia on Persia and SIR HENEY DURAND 119 * the Gulf, the inroads of the Turks into Arabia, and ' so on. But the one Power I fear is Russia, which * seems fated to be the disturber of peace through * Eastern Europe and the Eastern world/ Although this may be looked upon as mere pretty language, yet from 1857 till my retirement from the public service in 1897, I worked in my various official appointments on the lines indicated, and with more or less success, so far as any success can be obtained under a con- stitutional Government weakened and generally forced to be irresolute by that wretched system of party reprisals and compromises which is so ill-suited to an Empire like our own. Among other schemes on hand that Lord Mayo had at heart at this time (1871) was the amalgamation of the Central-India native states under a Lieutenant- Governor. He was anxious to appoint Sir Henry Durand to this office, but, on his rather unexpected refusal, the scheme was dropped, and Sir Henry was given the Lieutenant-Governorship of the Punjab, a post which he specially coveted. Alas ! he had not been long in the position when he met his death {31st December, 1871) during an official visit to Tonk, on account of the elephant on which he and the Nawab were sitting being allowed to go, by some unaccountable misapprehension, under a low archway. The Lieutenant - Governor, being a tall man, was hurled against the masonry and was swept oiF the elephant, while his less exalted companion escaped with a shaking. Sir Henry Durand's death the next day from the consequences of this accident caused genuine regret throughout India. How many men, I was tempted to think at the time, meet their end by gaining what they have sought ! 120 MEMOKIES During our stay at Calcutta, my wife and children proceeded to Madras on a visit to Lord and Lady Kapier, and I took the opportunity at the end of January (1871) of fetching my little party back again. I reached Madras on the 4th February, found all well, and had a delightful visit of nearly three weeks at our kind host's winter residence, Guindy Park. My visit was in some measure an official one, as the Viceroy asked me to go to Mysore and bring him back my views as to that State, in which he took a great interest. The Mysore country consists of an elevated and un- dulating plateau surrounded by hills. Its chief town, Bangalore, is about two hundred miles west of Madras, and on the south come the fine Neilgherry hills, which contain Ootacamund and other equally beautiful hill stations. We acquired Mysore in 1799, after the fall of Seringapatam and the death of Tippoo Sultan. I had a delightful time at Mysore with Colonel, after- wards Sir K., Meade, (now, alas ! dead), discussing with him all sorts of questions connected with the young Maharajah's future. On the 13th February I drove ninety-three miles to the City of Mysore with Colonel Malleson, and visited the Fort, Palace, and State school, in due course, making on this occasion the acquaintance of the young Maharajah, then an intelligent boy of seven years of age. He was being brought up in school with thirty companions, and was most anxious to get on with liis lessons and his active exercises. The young fellow gave us a proof of his proficiency in cricket by bowl- ing very well, and it was easy to see, both by the character of the lad and his progress in education and athletics, that Colonel Malleson's conduct of afifairs as MYSORE 121 Guardian, and in the founding and arrangements of the school, did that officer great credit. Later on in the day we saw the Maharajah and the other boys go through the Riding School, and I presented them all with books and prizes, which I hope they duly valued ! The Palace was ancient and dilapidated, and the state jewels were all kept in old rusty tins in an underground cellar, although estimated to be worth £250,000. Colonel Malleson showed me a lot of beautiful pearls kept thus in salmon tins, and not allowed by the head Ranee to be moved into better quarters ! This useful and pleasant visit over, I rejoined my little party at Madras, and duly returned to Calcutta at the end of the month. As a result of my visit I was glad to be able to make such a report to the Viceroy as to enable him to recommend the rendition of Mysore to the Maharajah, since which event it has been a model native State in India. We all left Calcutta again on the 2nd April (1871), reaching Allahabad on the 6th of that month, after a long riding detour to inspect the Soane Canal works at Dehree. The weather was extremely hot at the time, so that we were glad of a short rest at Cawnpore and Lucknow, en route to the Oude and Nepal Terai, where, from the 13th to 26th April, we enjoyed a very good time. We had 208 elephants in our party, all with separate historical names, and very useful in taking us through the high jungles, and our bag was 19 tigers, 3 leopards, and 235 other head of game. I got two tigers and a leopard to my own gun. On one day (26th April), by a little military manoeuvring of our lines of elephants, we surrounded five tigers in a small patch of grass, and bagged them all. It was one of the most exciting moments I had ever ex- 122 MEMORIES perienced. Our trip here was not all play, however, as we visited the Sardah Canal works at Mondhia Ghat, where an important question was pending con- cerning certain transfers of land between India and Nepal. After making a number of inspections at Agra and Delhi, we finally reached Simla on the 5th May, almost sorry to end this very interesting tour. Again we had our usual season at Simla, rendered all the more acceptable by a great improvement in our sing- ing from the arrival from England of Herr Mack and Signor Marras and his wife, under whom our music greatly flourished. I myself was able to take a leading part at our concerts, and persuaded my wife to join us also in songs and glees on several public occasions. During this time we also arranged an important series of military lectures and discussions, in which I was glad to take a share in remembrance of my own military career, more especially as the critics were kind to me and I still remember my speeches on the education of staff officers and military manoeuvring in the field with a certain sense of regretful complacency. It was pleasant also to get away sometimes from official work to take leading parts in * Alonzo the Brave,' ' The Turned Head,' * The Crimson Scarf,' and other pieces. One of our colleagues in theatricals was a son of the Duke of Cambridge, Augustus Fitz- George (now Colonel Sir Augustus Fitz-George), who was a good actor and a great addition to our Simla society. We had, moreover, a good many excursions against the hill pheasants, which were difficult to shoot on account of their swift fliglit, and were very different to our barn-door pheasants at home. On the 31st May the Viceroy had a grand Durbar DEATH OF MR. JUSTICE NORMAN 123 * of the hill chiefs, of whom twenty-one came to pay their respects, and this made Simla very lively. We also much appreciated this season the visit to Lord and Lady Mayo of Lady Blandf ord, who was with us all the summer while her husband was making a tour in Cashmere and elsewhere. She gave birth (13th November, 1871), in our house, 'Beatsonia,' to a son, who is the present Duke of Marlborough. My wafe was one of the godmothers, and stood sponsor at the Chapel Royal, St. James's, in the year following (2lst June, 1872), together with the Prince of Wales (now King), who was a godfather. I myself was also present, and H.R.H. was very forthcoming and gracious to us both. On 21st September of this year (1871) we heard of the death of Mr. Justice Norman from wounds in- flicted by an assassin on the steps of the High Court in Calcutta. This event caused us much concern, more especially as it had a political importance, from the fact that the Viceroy had found it necessary to take stringent measures against certain so-called Wahabees, who were stirring up mischief throughout India. Wahabeeism was a Mahomedan movement which had its birth in Arabia, and reached India about 1820. It was really nothing more than a fanatical, religious revival ; but it had become suddenly dan- gerous, so that Lord Mayo, probably remembering his experiences in 1866-67 of the Fenian rising in Ireland, thought it right to take proper precautions, and, with the full consent of his civil advisers, caused several arrests to be made, more especially at Patna, whence the prisoners thus arrested were sent to be tried by Mr. Justice Norman at the High Court. Thus many of us connected Mr. Norman's assassination with this 124 MEMOEIES trial; we were, in short, convinced that the murder was deliberately planned by the Wahabees, and that the assassin was selected as the instrument of revenge. Once more we set out (1st November) on one of our hard but interesting tours, riding out from Simla to Belaspore, sixty miles on a bad road, and pushing on by long daily stages through the Kulu and Kangra Valleys, till we reached a place called Sultanpore, after a total ride of 150 miles on hill ponies. All these pleasant spots, including Dhurmsala and Palam- pore, have, alas ! been almost destroyed by the terrible earthquake, already alluded to, of 1905. A further ride of seventy-five miles took us on to Palampore, a pretty place in the centre of the tea-growing district of the Kangra Valley, and here a Durbar was held of all the rajahs and wealthy landowners of the district. The ceremony was called a Rural Durbar, which allowed the natives to speak their minds and to bring forward their representations freely, as in the time of Ranjit Singh, and the result was undoubtedly beneficial on account of Lord Mayo's patience and kindness in hearing all they had to say. After a thoroughly en- joyable day, including some games and sports, at which about 70,000 natives from all parts were present (it being an annual fair day), we rode on to Kangra, and thence to Dhurmsala, where we visited Lord Elgin's grave, and Chamba — all of this being old ground to me, and bringing pleasant recollections to my mind of former times and journeys with Sir Hugh Rose. Words fail to convey the impression on all our minds of thus riding through this beautiful hill-country inhabited by a simple and loyal population. Grant (A.D.C.) and I, while en route to Chamba, got leave to go after some bears which had been > P^ THE EAVI RIVEE 125 reported to us. While we were resting on a small green spot after a rough climb to our bear-ground we heard a rumble within a few feet of us, when four fine black bears dashed by us down into the forest before we had time to recover our surprise. We were soon after them, but failed to get near them, perhaps happily for ourselves, since they were large fierce brutes and the ground was unsafe and treacherous for such shooting. A little practice at this kind of sport taught us never to fire at a bear when above us on a hillside, as in such a case he generally rolls down in an instant on the sportsman and attacks him, so we learnt not to draw our trigger unless our friend the bear was helow us. I may give this simple hint for the use of my bear-shooting sons. We had what was to us an extraordinary and fascinating experience in this trip of going down the Ravi River through strong rapids on mussucks, or inflated cowskins, and it was indeed a delightful river voyage of fifty miles through splendid hill scenery. For the use of each of our party two large mussucks were tied together, and a little wooden platform fastened on top of them. The Viceroy and Lady Mayo, as well as the Staff, had each a boat to them- selves, with four men swimming to guide it, and down we went at a railroad speed which was invigorating and sometimes alarming, to a place called Madhopore, where we again had a cordial meeting with our old friend the Maharajah of Cashmere, settling with him on this occasion some difficult frontier questions. Thence we went to Umritzur and Lahore, on our way to a place called Sonepore, close to the Nepal frontier, where we met Sir Jung Bahadur of Nepal, and had another impressive Durbar, at which about 150 of 126 MEMORIES ourselves and our allies were present. Sir Jung Bahadur and his wives and brothers were all dressed in gorgeous costumes, which formed a brilliant picture with bright surroundings of Nepalese and Indian troops. Our intercourse with the Nepalese was most cordial, and I myself had a good crack with Sir Jung on the subject of the capture of Lucknow in 1858, making him laugh at some of the stories I told him about his own troops. He was very friendly, and gave me a fine Goorkha ' kookrie ' (knife), which is still in my possession. On the 25th we left this little gathering with much regrel and with a gratifying recollection of our visit, and two days afterwards we were back again in Calcutta, after a journey of some 2,500 miles. In short, our total tours in 1871 amounted to 4,000 miles, and, accustomed as I had been' to hard riding and cross-country journeys with my late Chief, I found that it was all that I could do to keep up with Lord Mayo's energy and endurance on these tours. At any rate, the privilege of being with Commanders-in- Chief and Viceroys taught me how to combine work with exercise, and I had experienced both with a vengeance since my first service in India ! After the usual round of duty at Calcutta we started off again (6th January, 1872) to the Camp of Exercise at Delhi, where we stayed for five days, to see some part of the annual manoeuvres, after which we returned to Calcutta to receive the young King of Siam (Chulalonkorn), who had been invited by the Viceroy to India. The King arrived at Calcutta on the 13th January, accompanied by six brothers and a large suite. We saw a great deal of this young King during his nine days' visit to Calcutta (prior to his KING OF SIAM 127 leaving for the Delhi manoeuvres), and were much impressed both with him and his suite. All were nice, simple Easterns, thoroughly friendly with the British Government, and expressing themselves anxious for closer relations with India. It seemed here, again, to be a question of the many lost opportunities that occur in British policy, much to our political disadvantage. Siam had always been of political and commercial value to us, but had not been well managed by our Foreign Office at home. An impression was, therefore, made on our minds in our conferences with the King that, unless we did something to bring him and his people into closer touch with us, the French or others would obtain a preponderating influence in that part of the world, although our own trade relations with the country were far greater and more important than those of any other Power. The King, in short, was anxious for a treaty with India, which, in consideration of the proximity of Burmah to his country, would have been advantageous to us, and the Viceroy saw much to like in the notion. But India was not in a position to sign such a treaty, nor did the Home Government, as was then usual, desire any action to be taken, so the matter was dropped. This visit, at any rate, did some good, as the King and his entourage were delighted with their experiences, and have ever since remained loyal to their British aspirations amid many difficulties. CHAPTER VIII The Andamans and Lord Mayo's assassination at Hopetown — Return home and visit to the Queen — Appointment at the India Office (1872). And now came what was destined to be Lord Mayo's final tour. Ever since his arrival in India he had felt a great wish to visit the Andaman Islands, a settlement used since 1858 for convicts under sentence of transportation for life, many of whom Avere by degrees allowed a certain amount of freedom, and permitted in cases of good behaviour to have their families with them, to remit money to their relatives, and even to correspond with friends in India to a limited extent. In short, the authorities wished to turn the Andamans from a convict settlement into a peaceful and flourishing colony. Lord Mayo was much interested in all this, and had from the time of his arrival in India expressed a wish to visit the Settlement, especially as he had heard of Mount Harriet (1,200 feet high), which, he hoped, might be made into a sort of sanatorium for Bengal. He was, moreover, anxious to see Burmah, in regard to which he had many important questions to settle. General, afterwards Field - Marshal Sir Donald, Stewart (he died 26th March, 1900), who had been ap- pointed Superintendent of the Settlement, was exerting himself in making improvements and changes, and 128 THE ANDAMANS 129 was very anxious that Lord Mayo should visit the place and see things for himself. Wishing this tour to be one of some ceremonial, Lord Mayo asked the naval Commander-in-Chief (Rear- Admiral Cockburn) to place a man-of-war at his disposal, and, indeed, to accompany him himself. Admiral Cockburn was not in very good health at the time, but, while excusing himself from the tour, placed his flagship, the Glasgow^ at our disposal. The Admiral duly came to Calcutta in his flagship, meaning to return to Bombay by train, but he was suddenly taken ill from inflammation of the lungs, and brought to Government House, to be taken care of during our absence. When the time for our departure actually came, Lord Mayo was disinclined to start, and nearly abandoned the tour, as he was troubled just then in regard to a disturbed state of aflairs in Khelat and other parts of the frontier, as to which he consulted myself and others long and anxiously before his final decision. This anxiety never appeared to leave him afterwards, as he often sat dreamily and listlessly when alone, quite contrary to his usual habit. How- ever, the tour was finally determined upon, and we started on our journey (24th January, 1872) with a party of about thirty-three persons, most of whom were accommodated on board the S.S. Dacca^ which accompanied us. We reached Rangoon on the 28th of the month, and remained there for a week that was full of hard work and interest — the welcome given to the Viceroy by the Burmese being particularly enthusiastic, and the whole country and the people difEerent both in manner and look from anything we had ever seen in India. On the 3rd February we 9 130 MEMORIES left for Moulmein,* where my brother Douglas (died 21 March, 1899), who was then head of the Bank of Bengal at that place and chairman of the Reception Committee, entertained us right royally. Here we waited for telegrams, as Lord Mayo was resolved to return to India should news be received of an unfavourable character. The telegrams set his mind at rest, however, and we accordingly steamed on to the Andaman Islands, which we reached early on the 8th February, landing at Ross Island (Port Blair), in order to inspect the convict establishment in that particular place, consisting of some 2,000 men. General Stewart and myself had for many months before the tour carried on a long and detailed cor- respondence as to the measures to be adopted for the Viceroy's safety while going over the Settlement, and prior to landing Stewart explained to Lord Mayo all the precautions he had taken, such as shutting up the worst characters, posting guards at certain localities, providing an armed body of police and warders to accompany the party, and so on. Lord Mayo was quite satisfied with these arrangements, and no addi- tional precaution occurred to any of us, beyond warning the Staff and others who accompanied the party to remain near the Chief when walking through the Settlement, and to keep their eyes open, as it is called, during the day. * Another brother, Knightley, entertained Lord and Lady Elgin at Moulmein as Deputy Commissioner there on their visit (1893) prior to returning to England at the termination of Lord Elgin's Viceroyalty. He also received Lord and Lady Lansdowne and the late Duke of Clarence on their respective visits to places in Burmah, where he happened to be Deputy Commissioner, and was cordially thanked by them for all he did in their honour. LORD MAYORS ASSASSINATION 131 All went well during our morning inspection, which passed oft without incident. At 2.30 p.m. the same afternoon we went over to Viper Island under similar safeguards ; but, our inspection being over sooner than was expected, Lord Mayo proposed our going across the harbour to a point called Hopetown, in order to walk up to Mount Harriet, which he had been anxious to see. For this no special arrange- ments had been made, although there appeared to be no objection to the proposal except that daylight only lasted till 6.30 p.m., and the walk up the hill would have to be quickly done to save our being caught in the dark. Once at the top. Lord Mayo, being tired, sat down for about ten minutes to rest, and seemed to enjoy the scene exceedingly, frequently expressing his admiration at the view, which, he said, was the ' most ' lovely he had ever seen.' We were all, indeed, in good spirits, and almost off our guard, seeing that we had spent the day in various parts of the Settlement without mishap ; and we started off on our return journey as soon as we could, although Lord Mayo was unwilling to leave the spot. Nothing unusual occurred on our return to the pier until we arrived within a few yards of our naval escort and steam launch. It had, however, become suddenly dark (there being no twilight in the Anda- mans), when Stewart, addressing the Viceroy, asked to go back for a few moments to speak to an over- seer as to the arrangements for the next day. In doing this he had to pass through the guard in rear of us, when in a moment a tall, muscular Afridee rushed through the opening, and, fastening on Lord Mayo's back, stabbed him twice between the shoulders before any of us could get hold of him or prevent 9—2 132 MEMORIES the occurrence. It was, alas ! all over ; for the stabs proved fatal, and, while myself and others of our party got hold of the assassin with difficulty, Lord Mayo, half stunned, fell over the pier (where the water was fortunately shallow), exclaiming to me, as I quickly jumped down to his help, ' Bume, they * have done it.' We did our best to raise him and place him in the boat, and, after binding up his wounds, rowed off to the Glasgow, which was anchored about half a mile away. It was a dreadful half- hour, during which our dear Chief almost imperceptibly breathed his last, and our party of joy was turned into a band of mourning ! With unspeakable grief I had to break the awful news to poor Lady Mayo, while the sailors carried the body to the quarter-deck, where they soon erected a parti- tion of flags, and constructed ~ a rough coffin, over which we breathed a prayer of farewell for one of the most lovable of men and best of Viceroys. It was, indeed, an awful experience, which words fail to describe, and in now reflecting over the whole circumstances of the event, one can only feel power- less to clear up the mystery of our having arrived, after an anxious day, with such a fatal result at an apparent goal of safety — a pier clear of all except our naval guard, which stood within a few yards of us, ourselves guarded both at sides and rear by an escort, and neither convict nor convict- house near us ! It was indeed a mystery — a combination of sudden darkness, the movement of General Stewart through the guard to give an order for the next day, the lying in wait at that particular moment of the murderer, and the assassination of the Viceroy within the space of fewer seconds than it takes to write these words* THE ASSASSIN 133 Of course, on reflection we felt that there was some risk in visiting the Mount at a somewhat late hour of the afternoon, and that we ought to have dissuaded Lord Mayo from the attempt ; but this did not strike any of us at the moment, nor do I think that the Viceroy would have listened to us if the idea had really occurred to any of the party. It was only on the following day that some light seemed to be thrown upon the event by the court of inquiry then convened. It appeared, in fact, that this man. Shore Ali, who was about twenty- five years of age, was a Pathan whose home was near the Khyber Pass, that he had been in the police, and was found guilty in 1867 of a blood-feud murder in the streets of Peshawar, a crime which he himself denied, but for which he was sentenced to transportation for life to the Andamans. He was by repute a well-con- ducted man, and behaved so quietly in the Settlement that he had been allowed to act as barber, and in this capacity had for years past had a free run of the Hopetown ground, besides being one of the few permitted to receive letters from India. All this accounted for his being in possession of a knife, and, although when a prisoner he made no con- fession, there was reliable evidence to show that he had given out openly some time beforehand that he had received a letter informing him that ' his brother ' had murdered Mr. Justice Norman, and that he was ' proud of the deed.' The conclusion arrived at by the Government was that the deed was one of private revenge for what the man considered to be unmerited transportation ; but knowing as I did the feeling against the Viceroy and Mr. Justice Norman on account of the past Wahabee 134 MEMOKIES prosecutions and the consequent precautions we had to take even in Calcutta for the Viceroy's safety, I have myself always retained the idea that by some mischance Shere Ali had received a letter from the Patna malcontents, inciting him to commit the deed, to accomplish which, as we afterwards learned, he had followed us unnoticed throughout the day without being able to get a chance until at the moment we appeared to be in comparative safety. For this mischance we could hardly blame the superintendent, although we afterwards heard of this man being detected in sharpening his knife and using threatening language some days before our arrival, which seemed to point to some evil intention on his part, and of this General Stewart ought not to have been kept in ignorance by his subordinates. But to throw blame on others or to disagree with the con- clusions arrived at by the Government without clearer proof than we were able to get was the last thing that came into the thoughts of any of us. But, as just said, I had a conviction, which I have retained to this day, that the motive of the assassin was not mere private revenge, but that his action w^as part of the Wahabee plot entrusted to the hands of a man who was allowed freedom of movement and correspondence, and who ought never to have been at large on this fatal day had the subordinate staif at the Settlement been properly on the alert. Shere Ali was eventually hanged for the crime without making any confession of his reason and objects, for he was a proud obstinate Pathan. Shortly after the crime, Lady Mayo's children telegraphed from England a message to the murderer of their father, * May God forgive you.' In a letter from DEATH OF ADMIRAL COCKBURN 135 General Stewart (10th March, 1872) lie said : ' I gave ' the message from Lady Mayo's children last night to * Shere Ali. It was not easy to make him comprehend ' the meaning of it, but when he did grasp it he in- ' solently told me to go away, as he was very angry. ' He said if they had sent a message ordering him to 'be cut into pieces he would have been glad, but a ' prayer for God's forgiveness he could not take from ' them. He became very excited, and would not talk ' on the subject. He is eaten up with pride and f ana- ' ticism, but thought more of his personal importance ' than his religion, and indulging the while in a spirit ' of treachery and revenge.' We had indeed a sad return to Calcutta, where we arrived on the 17th February, and found, to our great regret, that Admiral Cockburn had died at Govern- ment House on the 10th of February, two days after the Viceroy's assassination in the Andamans ! The Glasgow was indeed in mourning, but no one can forget the consideration and kindness we had ex- perienced in those sad circumstances from Captain Morton Jones and his officers and men, some of whom I have met since (Admiral Sir W. Moore among them) in higher grades. Calcutta — and, indeed, India at large — was now plunged in grief, for the good Viceroy was sincerely beloved and respected, and the news of his death caused widespread regret and mourning. We carried the body in funeral procession from the landing-stage to Government House, where it lay in state for two days to satisfy crowds of Europeans and natives who came to pay their last tribute to the dead ; and, finally, on the 21st February (his fiftieth birthday), it was taken in solemn procession to H.M.S. Daphne for 136 MEMORIES conveyance to Bombay. Lady Mayo, my wife, and our two children (Gerty and Frank) followed by train on the oth March, leaving for Suez in the Glasgow^ with the body on board, on the 11th of the month, and eventually reaching England on the 6th ApriL What can I say more ? Our late Chief received a public funeral at Dublin on the 25th April — the pro- cession being a mile long — and was buried by his own wish, without pomp, ceremony, or expense, in the little churchyard of Johnstown, where he now rests in peace, with a beautiful Irish cross placed over his grave. A fine equestrian statue by Thorneycrof t was afterwards erected at Calcutta, and was unveiled by the Prince of Wales (King Edward VII.) on the 3rd January, 1876. A bust by Boehm was also placed in the crypt of St. Paul's, and was unveiled on the 26th July, 1886, by the Earl of Cranbrook. It is not easy to speak of Lord Mayo without fear of exaggeration. He had few equals either in ability or in physical endurance. His manner was dignified, and yet genial and unaffected, both towards high and low, so that he was equally beloved by Europeans and natives, which is indeed high praise in a country where it is difficult to please one without offending the other. By his frankness and sincerity towards all with whom he came in contact. Lord Mayo gained from them more real information during his Vice- royalty than many others would have obtained in a lifetime, while his energy and kindly disposition caused everyone to feel pleasure instead of dread at his arrival at any particular station, and undisguised regret at his departure. He was a bold and untiring rider, sitting lightly even upon the smallest pony, and so great was his ACCOUNT OF OUR WORK 137 love of sport that he would remain up many a night Avith me working at papers in order that we might go for a ' pig- stick ' in the morning. Indeed, this love of sport and fund of good-humour stood him often in good stead in periods of anxiety and trouble ; for many is the time that I knew him to be more than worried and anxious over public affairs, and yet join in public entertainments and receptions as if he had no cares in the world. To myself he was always a kind and considerate friend, with whom I never had a cross word or a difference of opinion. As a slight evidence of our work, I may mention that our chief clerk, Mr. D. Panioty, told me, on leaving India, that, according to the record of the office, I had written, on behalf of the Viceroy, 11,094 letters and sent 3,748 telegrams, mostly in cipher, besides an innumerable quantity of memoranda, draft despatches, and other State papers. This, in addition to our tours, amounting in the aggregate to 20,000 miles by rail and on horseback, and numerous social functions, made up a fairly busy life. Mr. Panioty, in his very difficult and responsible position, which gained him the sobriquet of ' Chubb's Lock,' won the respect and affection of all who knew him. He was promoted by Lord Lytton in 1877 to be Assistant Private Secretary, and in 1880 received the CLE. He died on 17th July, 1895. I shall always remem- ber this simple-minded man, who was the mainstay of many Viceroys and Private Secretaries, and whose loss was very widely felt. The following letter, written in Persian (12th Feb- ruary, 1872), was sent by Shere Ali (Amir of Afghan- istan) to the acting Viceroy : 'After expressions of sorrow and affliction, be it 138 MEMORIES known to your friendly heart that I have just been shocked to hear the terrible and mournful tidings of the death of the Viceroy and Governor- General of India. By this terrible and unseen stroke my heart has been overwhelmed with grief and anguish, for it can scarce occur again in days so out of joint as these that the world will see another so universally beloved and esteemed for his many high and excellent qualities as he who is now in the spirit-land. All great and wise men have always regarded this tran- sitory world as a resting-place for a single night, or as an ever-flowing and changing stream, and have never ceased to remind their fellows that they must pass beyond it, and leave all behind them. It is therefore incumbent on men not to fix their affections on perishable things during the course of their short lives, which are, as it were, a~ loan to them from above. Naught remains to the friends and survivors of him who is gone from among us but patience and resignation. The unvarying patience and kindness displayed towards me by him who is now no more had induced me to determine, if the affairs of Afghanistan at the time permitted the step, to accom- pany his Excellency on his return to England, so that I might obtain the gratification of a personal interview with Her Majesty the Queen, and derive pleasure from travelling in the countries of Europe. Before the eternally predestined decrees, however, men must bow in silence. A crooked and perverse fate always interferes to prevent the successful attainment by any human being of his most cherished desires. What more could be said or written to express my grief and pleasure ?' We all felt, indeed, that — LOED NAPIER AND ETTRICK 139 * Weeps now the nation, bowed with bitter pain In thought of its great loss — a loss without relief ; With wail and woe sounds forth the mournful strain, Uniting hearts in brotherhood of grief. Gone that brave soul, so gallant and so true, True to his country, true to his high trust. Noble in mind and deed.' Lord Napier and Ettrick (then Governor of Madras) was summoned to Calcutta to assume the office of Viceroy, and with Lady Napier he arrived on the 23rd February to take up his duties. He had asked me by telegram to remain on and act as Private Secretary, and as he kindly added that it would be useful to the public service as well as agreeable to himself, I deemed it my duty to do this, although ready packed for home, tired out, and overcome with sorrow. Nothing could exceed Lord Napier's kindness to myself and to all associated with him in his brief term of office, which many of us hoped might be permanent. This good man received afterwards a peerage of the United Kingdom, which greatly pleased him. He died 19th December, 1878. In the meantime, however, the Home Government had appointed Lord Northbrook to the office, and he duly arrived at Calcutta on the 3rd May, so that Lord and Lady Napier left on the 7th of that month for England, accompanied by myself. Prior to this Lord Napier had been good enough, as some slight personal recognition, he said, of my services, to appoint my brother Knightley, then in the Bengal Police, to an Assistant Commissionership in Burmah, and to entertain him at a wedding-breakfast at Government House on his marriage (16th April, 1872) to Minny 140 MEMORIES Russell (daughter of General Russell, R.A.), besides lending him Barrackpore Park for his honeymoon. During the few days that we were at Government House with Lord Northbrook I had many interesting conversations with him and his talented private secre- tary (Major Evelyn Baring, now Earl of Cromer) on Indian affairs, and I finally left Calcutta with many flattering recognitions in the press, and in public despatches from the Government of India to the India Office, in praise of my past work. Although these commendations were no doubt enlarged in some degree by my association with Lord Mayo, yet during my term of office I had made many sincere friends, both European and native, who regretted my departure, and were good enough to say so in almost exaggerated language (which in the circumstances was gratifying to myself), while the secretaries to Government pre- sented me with a handsome silver vase, accompanied by the following letter, which pleased me more than I can express: This letter was dated Calcutta, 4th May, 1872, and said : ' In memory of the very happy days we have ' passed together under the administration of our dear ' lost friend and master. Lord Mayo, and in remem- 'brance of the innumerable acts of kindness and ' courtesy which we have each and all owed to your- ' self, we ask you to accept the accompanying vase. ' This is, we know, but a poor token of the respect and ' esteem with which your abilities, unwearied industry, ' and unvarying good temper have inspired us ; but *more worthy memorials remain in our earnest and ' sincere wishes for your future happiness and success, ' and in the deep and lasting affection we all bear you. RETURN HOME 141 ' Sorry as we are to lose you now, we cannot but ' believe that the great (though officially unchronicled) ' services which you rendered to Lord Mayo's adminis- ' tration will secure you in England a wider sphere of ' action and an even higher position in public life than ' you have yet occupied ; and in this belief, and in the ' hope of meeting you again at no distant period under * brighter auspices, ' We remain, ' Your affectionate friends,*" *E. C. Bayley (Home), * C. U. AiTCHisoN (Foreign), ' C. H. Dickens (Public Works), * K. B. Chapman (Finance), * A. O. Hume (Agriculture and Commerce), * Secretaries to the Government of India.' Our voyage to England in the P.O. steamer Sumatra was without special incident, except that I became tem- porarily blind from, as the doctors assured me, the strain I had undergone. At Alexandria I got on board the Massilia, and arrived at Southampton after a good voyage on the 19th June, meeting my wife and children in London, and going over once more the record of our sad experiences. Here we had a long season of visits and receptions, and I was gratified at this time to receive a kind offer from Lord Sandhurst, then Commander of the Forces in Ireland, to be his Military Secretary. I had reasons, however, for not availing myself of this chance of returning to military em- * Much could be said of these kind and able men if I were writing a history of Lord Mayo's administration, which has been done by a more worthy hand. Here I will only remark that three have gone to their rest, while two (R. B. Chapman and A. O. Hume) are still enjoying a well-earned retirement after services to India which they may well regard with satisfaction. 142 MEMORIES ployment, of which not the least was my dislike to be again committed to the untender mercies of the then Horse Guards, combined with a notice from the India Office to keep myself free, as Government wished to employ me there. Meanwhile, I had received (1st June) the C.S.I. On the 31st July I received a telegram from Colonel Ponsonby, the Queen's Private Secretary, followed by a letter which came by messenger, and was to the following effect : ' The Queen wishes to see you at ' Osborne about one o'clock on Saturday next. If ' you come to West Cowes by steamer and cross to ' East Cowes, a carriage will be sent to meet you. ' You are to dine and stay here till Sunday.' Here I may say that in after-years I became great friends with this truly good man (afterwards General Sir Henry Ponsonby). He died 21:st November, 1895, much regretted. As I was still feeling unwell after all the distress I had undergone, I decided to leave London on the Friday afternoon, in order to rest that night at Cowes. I wrote to Ponsonby telling him of this, and received the following morning (Saturday) a kind reply, accom- panied by one of the Queen's carriages to take me to Osborne. On arrival there I was quickly installed in my room, which was a very pretty one, looking out on the garden. I felt somewhat nervous, as I had long been weak and low-spirited, and it was rather an ordeal to be received by strangers, not knowing at what moment I might be summoned to the Queen. My room went by some name which I understood to be the ' Antique ' Room. It was full of good pictures, two of which were of the Queen and the Duchess of Kent, her mother. INTERVIEW WITH THE QUEEN 143 Ponsonby soon put me at my ease. He told me that the Queen was out walking in the garden, and would probably not summon me till after luncheon. He took me to the Equerry's room, and introduced me to Lord Bridport and others. I also met General Arthur Hardinge, whom I had not seen for some years. We lunched at two o'clock, and here I met the Duchess of Roxburgh, the Duchess of Sutherland, Sir Michael Biddulph, Sir John Cowell, Miss Cavendish, Mr. Collins, General Hardinge, Lord Bridport, and others. We had a nice luncheon, and all my new friends were particularly amiable and civil to me. At 3 p.m. I was summoned to the Queen's presence, and I was glad of the delay in my interview, as it made me less nervous. The Queen was very much what I had pictured her to be from various portraits. She re- ceived me, as is customary, standing. After making my obeisance, I stood opposite to her, and in answer to questions told her unreservedly all I knew and thought concerning Lord Mayo's assassination and other events in India, without in any way preparing my story beforehand. As I proceeded in my recital of the sad events that I had so recently witnessed the Queen became very much interested. Her face flushed, and with great vivacity she turned constantly to Ponsonby, com- menting on what I said, and asking me questions. The interview lasted about three-quarters of an hour, during which I was able to tell the Queen a great deal generally about India. It is unnecessary to write down all that was said. But I may mention that the Queen anxiously asked my views in regard to the causes of the Viceroy's assassination, and I may perhaps quote what I remember of this part of the 144 MEMORIES conversation, hoping tnat at this lapse of time it may not be out of place to do so as touching a tragedy which she deeply felt. The Queen, ' What is your opinion of the motive of ' the assassin T Major Burne, ' It is very difficult, ma'am, to give ' any opinion of value. Natives are so wary, and we ' know in reality so little about them, that such deeds 'are committed without the possibility of our dis- ' covering motives or agency. But my firm belief is ' that the deed was instigated from outside. I can ' never believe that the murderer, Shere Ali, was up ' to within a fortnight of the Viceroy's arrival at Port ' Blair a quiet well-behaved man, meriting reward and ' promotion, and that he then without apparent reason ' became a wild beast, meditating the base murder of ' a Viceroy who had never harmed him, and who alone ' might and could give him the freedom he longed to ' obtain. The murderer was quite intelligent enough ' to know that Lord Mayo had nothing to do with his ' transportation, and that if he was tired of his lot his ' chances of Paradise were, according to his belief, as ' good if he killed an overseer as a Viceroy, so long as ' he was an Englishman. I believe, ma'am, that the ' man was instigated by influential Wahabees at Cal- 'cutta, who, encouraged by Chief Justice Norman's ' murder, aspired to seize a favourable opportunity of ' getting rid of a Viceroy who had equally with Mr. ' Norman been their greatest opponent.' The Queen (turning to Colonel Ponsonby with animation). ' How true it all seems I But did not the ' inquiry elicit anything ?' Major Burne, ' Nothing, ma'am, of any moment, ' because it was hurriedly although honestly con- DINNER AT OSBOENE 145 ' ducted. The matter has somewhat died out ; the ' assassin was hanged, and we shall always be in the ' dark as to motive or instigation.' Such was the general tenor of the conclusion of our conversation. Finally the Queen thanked me, asked me all about myself and my wife (of whom she had heard much from her sister, Lady Lurgan, and from Lady Mayo), and allowed me to withdraw. Her Majesty was very kind in her manner to me, and seemed to take great interest in all I was able to tell her. She told Ponsonbv after I left that she had felt much interested in my narrative, and he afterwards informed me that he had not seen Her Majesty so animated for some time past. At 5 p.m. Ponsonby and myself walked down to the garden landing-place, and watched a yacht sailing in, escorted by a small tug steamer. It turned out to be Prince Arthur (Duke of Connaught), who had come over from Portsmouth with some companions of the Rifle Brigade for a little sailing trip. Prince Leopold was with him. They did not land, but went on to Cowes Harbour. Sir John and Lady Cowell, who were with them, came on shore and walked with us. We strolled about the grounds, and in the course of our walk called on the Prince and Princess of Wales (now King and Queen). In the evening I dined with the Queen. Those who were invited consisted of the Duchess of Rox- burgh, Mr. Bruce (Home Secretary), the Princess of Leiningen, Ponsonby, and myself. Ponsonby had prepared me for rather a formal dinner, as when the Queen is silent it is not customary for those at dinner to converse. But it proved otherwise on this occasion, as she was animated and put us all at our ease. She 10 146 MEMORIES spoke frequently to me, and I threw aside formality, as much as I felt able to do, and told her Indian stories which amused her as much as it shocked the other guests on account of my thus breaking all Court rules ! I sat next the Duchess of Roxburgh, whom I much liked, and who gave me a cordial invitation to Scotland. After dinner the Queen talked to us all, and in turn came up to me and said how glad she had been to see me. She spoke of Lady Mayo, asking me if we were not all pleased at her being made a Lady-in- Waiting. ' It is all I can do for her, poor thing,' said the Queen. I replied that we all knew what kind feelings Her Majesty had entertained towards her, and much ap- preciated all she had graciously done in regard to Lord Mayo's memory. She afterwards went out to the veranda, evidently feeling the heat a great deal ; but as she had heard me coughing repeatedly she advised me to go to bed, which I thankfully did,* * Here I got into a difficulty from the similarity of doorways to rooms at Osborne, into the details of which difficulty I will not enter. It was somewhat after the nature of the ghost story told by Admiral Kennedy in his recent amusing book of experiences, when he says : ' I was staying in an old country house in the Midlands some years ' ago. The place was, as usual, said to be haunted. A large party *was staying in the house for the shooting, among them several * ladies. One morning a young lady of the party came down to * breakfast looking pale and agitated. On being questioned by our * hostess, she said she had passed a miserable night and had received *a great shock. Her story was as follows: Soon after she had * retired to rest and got comfortably asleep, a ghost came into her * room, and, having dragged all the clothes off her bed, silently * retired, leaving her shivering with cold and fright, in which con- *dition she remained till morning. Of course, she received the * greatest sympathy from all present, coupled with indignation at WHIPPINGHAM CHURCH 147 and had a thrilling adventure which will not hear description from going hy accident into the wrong room. The next day, Sunday, we all breakfasted together, with the addition of Sir William Jenner, who arrived from London. The morning was bright and fine, and Osborne was looking lovely. Ponsonby, Lord Brid- port, and myself walked to Whippingham Church with Miss Cavendish and others, and sat in the Royal pew. A crowd of people attended in the hope of seeing the Queen, but, as it happened, neither she nor any of the Royal Family were present except two of the Prince of Wales's children. After church. Prince Arthur and Prince Leopold asked to see me, and I went to their room and had a long and interesting conversation with them. In the afternoon the Queen sent me a handsome book of her life in Scotland, in which she wrote my name. I was much gratified at receiving this kind remembrance from her, and wrote an acknowledgment, which I heard pleased the kind donor. On the afternoon of the 4th, Mr. Bruce, Sir W. Jenner, and myself, after taking leave of the other visitors and household at Osborne, embarked on board the Elfin yacht, and steamed over to Portsmouth, reaching London by train at 8 p.m., and thus ter- minating my interesting visit. The Queen afterwards wrote to Lady Mayo (7th August) : ' I cannot resist writing a few lines to tell * the outrage. Presently in came a jovial, rubicund Major, who, in ' answer to inquiries as to how he had slept, and if he had seen the * ghost, replied : " Oh, I slept first-rate. I was rather cold the first ' part of the night, but I went into the spare room and took the -'- clothes off the bed, after which I was as warm as a toast !" ' 10—2 148 MEMORIES ' how much and painfully interested I was in seeing ' Major Burne, and hearing all the heart-rending ' details of that terrible time, the impression of which ' must long remain engraved on the hearts and minds ' of those who were present, as well as on all who, ' like myself, take so deep an interest in, and had so ' great a regard for, your dear husband. I thought * Major Burne very pleasing and intelligent, but was ' sorry to see him looking ill and delicate. Was he ' always delicate, or has the Indian climate and the ' shock of February affected his health ? He told me ' he had seen a good deal of you lately, and that you ' felt more and more the depression and desolation ' which must, alas ! be the result of so dreadful a loss ' and in so dreadful a manner.' I had a letter from Lady Mayo some months after this (3rd May, 1873), saying : ' The Queen asked after you the first even- ' ing I arrived, and spoke very kindly about you, and ' had been sorry to hear that your wife had lately lost ' her father ' (Lord Kilmaine). On the following day the Duke of Argyll (Secretary of State for India) sent for me, and kindly offered me a newly-created office, called the Political A.D.C. ta the Secretary of State for India, an offer which I was glad to accept, as it had a good salary, and consisted of work congenial to me — that is, charge of native Embassies and Chiefs visiting England, and assisting^ the India Office generally in all questions connected with natives of India. The Duke wrote to Lady Mayo (5th August, 1872) a letter informing her of this, and added : ' We could not have a better man, ' and his name was received with unanimous approba- ' tion by the Council.' I had, however, for the sake of my health, to take APPOINTMENT TO INDIA OFFICE 14^ leave of absence to Kissengen for the water cure, and here I remained till the middle of September, when I -entered upon my duties at the India Office under Sir John Kaye, then Political Secretary. I found my work full of interest, more especially as it brought me into contact with a large number of important men, as well as with Indians of every degree, including many young law students in London who wanted a friendly hand, and were grateful for what I was able to do for them. CHAPTER IX Life at the India Ofl&ce — Visit of the Shah of Persia (Nasr-ud-din) to England (1873). The next few years of my life were not altogether uneventful, engaged as I was at the India Office in hard and important work, which brought me into daily contact with the Foreign Office, the Cabinet, and all sorts and conditions of men. By continuous work in my new post I was glad to be of use to Sir John Kaye, the well-known historian, at this time Secretary in the Political and Secret Department, who had fallen into bad health, and it will always be a pleasure to look back to his personal kindness to me, and to his loudly-expressed opinion that I was the one who ought to take his place. Our life in London was in many degrees a pleasant one, although here as elsewhere I greatly felt the want of a silver spoon to meet the somewhat expensive conditions under which we were placed. We had, perforce, to entertain a great deal in our house (47, South Street, Park Lane), and to attend endless balls, receptions, and other entertain- ments. It took a long time to reconcile me to the expensive routine of a London smart-society existence after my stirring and active life in India. Our new friends twitted us a good deal as to the dissipations and irregularities of Simla, and so on ; but I was glad to be able to retort, after some experience of both 150 THE SHAH OF PERSIA 151 societies, that the only comparison to be made between Simla and London was that of a white nun to a red barmaid, so eminently superior was the Indian Capua to the London Babylon, both in tone and morality. In South Street was born (1st April, 1873) my second son, Charles.^ This year was interesting and somewhat difficult for me on account of, in addition to my other duties, the visit to England of the then Shah of Persia, Nasr-ud-din. I was asked by the Foreign Office (4th June, 1873) to assist Sir Henry Rawlinson in the reception of his Eminent Majesty, and with Sir Arnold Kemball and Captain Grey I formed part of the official quartette told off to take care of this Eastern autocrat. We left London for Brussels on the 14th June to receive our guest and to accompany him to England. He did not arrive at Brussels until the 16th June, when his reception was very quiet and undemonstra- tive ; and he was, moreover, reported to be unwell. About an hour after his arrival we were summoned to the Palace to have an audience of the King of the Belgians, and to be afterwards presented to our new charge. The King received us most graciously, and * He entered the Navy in 1886 ; served three years in the Mediterranean in the Benhow ; afterwards in the royal yacht Victoria and Albert (1894) ; and did good service in the North American Station (1894-96). Obtained first-class certificate in gunnery (1897). Was Flag-Lieutenant to Admiral (now Sir) Archibald Douglas on the East India Station (1898). Served in the Naval Brigade, relief of Ladysmith, in the South African War (1899-1900), and several times mentioned in despatches. Ke- appointed to Royal Yacht (1900). Promoted to Commander for his services in South Africa (1902). Attached to Naval Intelligence Department (1903) ; and afterwards Commander, in H.M.S. Berwick, of Prince Louis of Battenberg's Second Cruiser Squadron. 152 MEMOEIES conversed with us in French for upwards of half an hour. I had met him before, in 1864, at Calcutta, when he visited India as Duke of Brabant, and he seemed pleased to refer back to his Indian tour. After taking leave of the King, we were conducted to the Shah, to whom we were each severally introduced, and Sir Henry Rawlinson addressed him appropriately in Persian, explaining the object of our mission and the cordial welcome which the Queen and the people of England were prepared to give him. The Shah did not look at all well, but was able to attend a special performance in the evening at the Royal Opera, where we all sat in full uniform next to the Royal box, and enjoyed the novelty of the occasion very much. As it was contrary to etiquette to attach ourselves to the Shah's suite while on Belgian soil, we had nothing to do except to tak^ part in the grand banquet and reception at the Palace, to which the King specially invited us. The day fixed for the departure of the Shah from Brussels for England was the 18th June. We were compelled to make an early start (5 a.m.), and as His Majesty, for a wonder, was punctual, we reached Ostend soon after seven o'clock. Here we found H.M.S. Vigilant, with other vessels, awaiting us, under the orders of Rear- Admiral Sir Leopold McClintock, and as everything was well arranged, we had no delay or difficulty in getting the Shah and his suite on board. We were extremely fortunate in the weather, for although it was windy and rainy at Ostend, we had not got many miles out into the Channel before the sun shone brightly and the sea became as calm as a lake. About four miles from Ostend we were met by the ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND 153 Vangitard^ the Audacious^ and Devastation. These fine vessels convoyed us to the Channel Fleet, which was formed up some miles out of Dover in two lines under Admiral Sir Rodney Mundy, and received us with a royal salute and manned yards, which had a fine effect. The Shah showed great interest and pleasure during the whole journey. The sight of the men-of-war seemed specially to attract him. The Admiral signalled to the Vanguard and Audacious to come close alongside and steam past us at full speed. I need not say that this of itself was a sight worth remembering, and full of interest and surprise to the Persians. The Devastation followed their example, firing a salute on passing. The Shah was very curious as to the price, size, and armament of these ships, and wrote everything down in detail. He was delighted with the English sailors, who manned yards and cheered him heartily whenever they had the chance. After seeing the ships pass he was preparing to go into his cabin for his morning devotions, when he heard bells tolling on board the men-of-war and saw the sailors leaving the rigging. He was visibly im- pressed and surprised when we told him that the sailors were also about to perform their daily devo- tions, and that the tolling was the signal for morning prayers ! Such an anecdote as this may appear trivial, but we could not but feel glad of a circumstance which showed a Mohammedan monarch the order, regularity, and discipline of a Christian man-of-war. The impression of the fleet on the Shah's mind was almost effaced by his surprise at the countless number of steamers and boats which came out from Dover full of excursionists, welcoming and cheering him. He at first believed these people to have been sent by 154 MEMORIES order o£ the English Government, and we had some difficulty in making him understand that they had all come out spontaneously to see him, at some cost and risk to themselves ! The landing at Dover was a sight equally impressive, as thousands of well-dressed people lined the clifFs, shore, and pier. As soon as the Vigilant was moored alongside the pier, the Duke of Edinburgh and Prince Arthur came on board and welcomed the Shah, who first stepped on English ground about 3.30 p.m., amidst hearty cheers, and after lunching at the Lord Warden Hotel and receiving an address from the Corporation, left by special train for London. As we passed the Shorncliflfe Camp the troops were all drawn out to salute us, and many thousands of people lined the railway embankment along the whole route from Dover to London. This fact, and the beautiful green- and varied country through which we passed, drew much admiration from the Persians and relieved the usual monotony of a railway journey. The Shah and suite were much surprised at the large size of London as we entered it by the railway. They were still more so when we told them that it con- tained close upon six millions of inhabitants, a number nearly equal to that of the entire kingdom of Persia at that time. The Prince of Wales and the Duke of Cambridge met the Shah at the station, and after the usual reception we left for Buckingham Palace in a well-arranged procession of royal carriages through Whitehall and St. James's Park. Thousands of people lined the streets, having waited for us for some hours with the greatest patience. An unavoidable delay in our arrival ensnared us into a smart shower of rain, which wetted everyone to the skin and marred the THE SHAH AT WINDSOR 155 brilliancy of the reception ; but the Persians were none the less pleased with their welcome to London, and the cordial sympathy, as they expressed it, which the well-dressed and orderly masses of people showed towards them. On the 20th June the Shah paid a State visit to the Queen at Windsor. We arrived at 2 p.m., the whole town being in gala dress and crowded with people. Never did the Castle or Park look more striking. At all times one of the pictures of England, yet the bright sunshine, the brilliancy of the troops, and the freshness of the trees and grass after recent rain gave the whole scene an additional beauty, which forced expressions of admiration from our guests. The Queen received the Shah at the foot of the grand staircase, and walked with him to the State reception- room, where she at once invested him with the Order of the Garter in our presence. It had long been the Shah's secret wish to obtain this Order, and he frankly showed his gratification at receiving it. He himself in turn invested the Queen with the Order of the Lion and Sun, which he had brought from Persia. After this ceremony was concluded the Queen passed through the assemblage of Persian princes and suite, welcoming them all most graciously, and the Shah and his suite were much impressed with Her Majesty's dignified bearing. After luncheon the Queen spoke to several of us. She came up to me, and said she hoped I was better in health than when I was at Osborne the previous year. At 4 p.m. the Shah took leave of the Queen. We drove through beautiful scenery to Virginia Water, and thence through the Park to the Windsor railway- station, finally reaching London again at 7 p.m. 156 MEMORIES Thousands of people, as usual, lined the streets both going and coming, behaving in a most orderly manner and cheering themselves hoarse. The Shah was reported to have said that he had been told so much of the rough English Channel and the rough English people, that he had never expected to find the one as smooth as a pond and the other well-mannered ladies and gentlemen ! It was, indeed, in this instance a truism, for during the whole fortnight of our constant drives through thousands of people night and day, there was not a single disagreeable incident. The number of women of all kinds whom they saw freely mixing in the crowds surprised the Persians as much as anything else. It was so contrary to their own ideas of seclusion and to what they had hitherto seen on the Continent. The English women, full of curiosity and fun, mistook the ' salaams * of the Persians (i.e., raising the hand to the face and bowing the head), for kissing the hand, and they returned the salutation with peals of laughter and kissing of hands, which kept the Persians constantly amused and delighted. In the evening the Shah went to the Guildhall Ball. The streets were, as usual, blocked with an orderly crowd, kept in hand by a few policemen, and the scene was brilliant in the extreme. To attempt to describe it in detail would be tedious. The Lord Mayor (Sir James Lawrence) received the Shah at the Guildhall door, and subsequently presented him with an address and the freedom of the City of London. The Prince and Princess of Wales, the Czarevitch (afterwards Emperor Alexander III.)) the Czarevna, and many members of the English Royal Family were present. On the following day we drove to Woolwich NAVAL EEVIEW 157 to see the Arsenal and inspect the Koyal Artillery. The day passed off very well. The Secretary of State for War (Mr. Card well) and the Duke of Cambridge conducted the Shah over the Arsenal, which was the object of much curiosity and interest, especially the furnaces and steam - hammers, and he was much impressed with the fine batteries of Koyal Artillery, which were reviewed after luncheon, and looked remarkably well. Sunday, the 22nd June, was called a day of repose, and the Shah exercised the Koyal prerogative of upsetting all the private arrangements that were made for him by fixing on his own place of amusement — the Zoo ! Perhaps one of the most successful days of the whole visit, judging from the subsequent remarks of the Persians, was the following one, which included the inspection of the fleet at Spithead, and a great musical entertainment at the Albert Hall. We had to start very early for Portsmouth. His Majesty^ although strongly objecting to do so, resigned himself to fate when he was told that it was an absolute necessity, and on arrival at Portsmouth about noon we immediately went on board the Koyal yacht Victoria and Albert. It was a memorable sight to see this British fleet of ironclads at anchor in two long lines flanked by another line of gunboats — a total of twenty-two ironclads and turret-ships, and twenty -four gunboats. The fine old ships the Victory^ Duke of Wellington, Asia, and Donegal were drawn up close to us, and saluted us as we embarked from the Dockyard, The names of the principal vessels of the fleet were as follows, and I give them for ' Auld Lang Syne,' as now all dead and gone, like most of my other friends 158 MEMORIES and acquaintances, and as forming a comparison with the later Jubilee and Coronation Reviews, when the fleet was completely changed, and had assumed much larger proportions : Inner Line. Central Line. Outer Line. Twenty-four gunboats of Valiant ... 18 guns Zealous ... 20 „ Penelope ... 11 guns Caledonian ... 24 „ sorts (names Hercules ... 14 „ Black Pnnce... 28 „ unnecessary). Hector ... 18 „ Monarch ... 6 „ Audacious ... 14 „ Northumberland 28 „ Vanguard ... 14 „ Achilles ... 26 „ Agincourt ... 28 „ Devastation ... 4 „ Suitan ... 12 „ Olattm ... 4 „ Hecate ... 4 „ Gorgon ... 4 „ Prince Albert... 4 „ Cyclops ... 4 „ Roi/al Sovereign 5 „ Hydra ... 4 „ After steaming slowly between the lines of iron- clads, the Shah and the Royal Princes visited the Agincourt and the Sultan, and, by some stupid mis- take in the turning of the paddle-wheel of our Royal yacht, had a narrow escape of an upset, which might have led to dire consequences. Sir Arnold Kemball and I took the Persian princes on board the Devasta- tion and Agincourt, and kept them on board the latter ship whilst it fired a salute. They all showed great interest and intelligence in their inquiries and remarks. After the inspection we all landed at the Dockyard, and were sumptuously entertained at luncheon by Admiral Sir Rodney Mundy. The Shah afterwards inspected the Dockyard, visited the Blonde ironclad under course of construction, which was from that time called the Shah, and finally left for London at 4 p.m., after another delightful and instructive day. MILITARY REVIEW 159 In the evening His Majesty visited the Albert Hall, where 14,000 people in every variety of uniform and evening dress were seated ! The number is hardly credible ; but, be this as it may, the sight was a magnificent one, and one which the Persians talked more of as a spectacle than any other they had seen. The Shah sat with the Prince and Princess of Wales and others of the Royal Family, and the Czarevitch and Czarevna, in a line of seats in front of the boxes. He was the object of much attention — much more so than the music. We all stood behind on a crimson platform, and hoped that we attracted equal attention from our good looks and distinguished appearance. The military review of the following day at Windsor was no less successful than the other scenes of this visit. The morning was heavy and threatening, but the weather fortunately cleared up towards the after- noon. The troops on the ground numbered about 10,000 men, under the immediate command of my old Chief, now Lord Strathnairn. They looked remarkably well, and marched past and manoeuvred satisfactorily. After the review the Shah presented the Duke of Cambridge with a handsome sword, and expressed his thanks to Lord Strathnairn. The following day, Wednesday, was spent in a trip down the Thames to Greenwich, where the Shah was entertained at a dejeuner given by the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Goschen. It is not too much to say that this was the most instructive sight of the visit, for the Shah visited the docks, of the size of which he, and indeed we ourselves, had no idea, and was visibly excited not only at the vast quantity of shipping, but at the cordial reception given to him by the myriads of people who lined the shore from London to Greenwich, and filled 160 MEMORIES every ship and boat that could under any excuse be pressed into service. There was a State ball at Buck- ingham Palace in the evening, and on the next day the Shah proceeded on a visit to Lancashire. As Sir Arnold Kemball, Captain Grey, and myself remained behind in London with the Persian princes, I can say no more of this visit than that it was described as very successful. During this short absence of his dusky Majesty we worked very hard at our large correspondence, which consisted of begging letters and petitions, besides taking the princes to the Bank, Telegraph Office, Times Office, British Museum, and other places of interest. To give some idea of the style of correspondence which was showered upon us, and which we had care- fully to record and answer when possible, I may be pardoned for quoting a few examples out of many. One clergyman wrote : ' May it please your Majesty to give us a donation ' of a few sovereigns towards our Sunday-school ' children's treat, for such is the custom of kings.' A lady adopted another argument, and said : ' I am in real distress, and the only plan of relief I ' can hit upon is for your Majesty to give me a diamond, ' for which I shall be for ever grateful.' Another person sent a very ill-written book, and thus expressed himself : ' I am one of the working classes whose lamp shines ' every night on every ocean and railway throughout 'the world, and therefore offer my book to your ' Majesty for the benefit of the people of Persia.' An enterprising tradesman wrote : ' Hearing that the Shah suffers from headache every ' night from his head-dress, may I solicit your power- IMPOETUNATE CORRESPONDENTS 161 *ful influence to enable me to make a lighter one ?' Another clergyman sent a book of his own as to the restoration of the Jews, and added : ' I have sent this book as showing the approaching ^ restoration of the Jews. It might touch the heart of *the benevolent and intelligent Shah, like Cyrus of ^ old, to be instrumental with the Sultan of Turkey for ^ the furtherance of this great and good work/ Another memorial from a clergyman ran thus : ' May it please your Majesty. As one of the favoured ^ subjects of Queen Victoria, I have the universal in- * terest attached to your Majesty's visit, but I enjoy 'the still higher privilege of being a subject of the ^ King of kings and Lord of lords.' I quote these few extracts from a mass of letters which came into our hands. The demands for money were unceasing. His Majesty received a great deal of advice, especially from clergymen, whilst a great many photographs and valueless presents were sent him in hopes of a more weighty return. On the return of the Shah to London on the 28th June, we attended a garden-party at Chiswick, given by the Prince and Princess of Wales. The Queen was present, and both weather and the excel- lence of the arrangements contributed to its success. We also visited the Crystal Palace on the 30th June, where a somewhat untoward incident occurred. When the Shah came out on the balcony to see the fireworks he was received with uproarious cheers, but when the Czarevitch joined him there were unmistakable cries of ill-will from the crowd. The Czarevitch, to whom I was quite near, was very angry at this, and growled in a whisper, ' I will pay them out some day.' The 11 162 MEMORIES fact remained that, although it was stated that the future Russian Emperor (Alexander III.) had come over on a private visit, it had got out that the Shah had failed in his desire to contract a treaty of alliance with us, and the public and press at once thought that the Czarevitch had come over specially from Russia to prevent it. He was consequently not very popular with the British crowd. I wrote a full report to the Duke of Argyll on this matter after many conversations with the Shah and his ministers (in the freedom of our social leisure moments at Buckingham Palace), point- ing out in language not altogether favourably received, how our then Foreign Secretary, Lord Granville, had missed the mark on this occasion, and how our hold over Persia had been weakened for ever. We lost the game in 1873, and have never recovered the blow. The remainder of the week was spent in compara- tive quiet. The Shah received many distinguished members of the Lords and Commons, gave audience to numerous deputations, visited the City and its principal institutions, and saw the working of the lire brigade at Buckingham Palace. The last day of festivity was marked by a garden-party at Argyll Lodge, given to the Shah by the Duke of Argyll. Finally, his Eastern Majesty left London on the 5th July for France via Portsmouth. The Prince and Princess of Wales and the Duke of Cambridge took leave of him at Victoria Station, but the Duke of Con- naught and Prince Leopold accompanied him to Ports- mouth. On arrival at the embarkation stage he immediately embarked on board the French steamer RapidCj and said good-bye to us all. We lunched afterwards with the Admiral, and left by special train for London, thus terminating our hard round of duty THE SHAH'S DEPARTUEE 163 with no little satisfaction, more especially as we all received the cordial thanks of Government for our services. There appeared to be sincere regret on the part of the Persians at leaving a country where they had been so cordially welcomed. Many of them wished to prolong their visit, and finally left with protesta- tions of coming back again. But, alas ! be it recorded, in refutation of those who consider Western civiliza- tion as an infallible panacea for erring Eastern potentates, that on the return of the Shah to Teheran his loyal subjects pressed enthusiastically on his carriage, a proceeding which so agitated him that he drew his finger across his throat (which happened to be in the Persian monarchy a sign for the decapita- tion of prisoners), and at once seven innocent men were beheaded. What a picture as between Eastern habit and Western civilization ! The Shah gave us all presents of different kinds. To myself he presented a diamond ring with his crown and initials on it, which I was allowed to retain as a memento. It seemed a pity to us that at that time there was no decoration in England of a general nature which could be given to Eastern visitors. Our Persian guests, like many others, received numerous orders from Russia, Austria, Germany, and France, but left England empty-handed and certainly dis- appointed for want of a bit of ribbon and a cheap cross. Nasr-ud-din had reigned in Persia since 1848, and had had on the whole a very good time of it, including a war with England in 1856 on account of Persian troops having been sent to Herat in breach of an engagement made with us three years previously. 11—2 164 MEMORIES This little war was ended, as usual, in our favour, and friendly relations were restored, and have subsisted ever since, although the encroachments of Russia on Northern Persia, and her determination to get the southern part of the country under her influence (in order to find an outlet into the Persian Gulf), have caused the Shah's empire to be a constant source of anxiety and irritation both to India and, in a lesser degree, to our Foreign Office at home. Although Persia is nearly six times larger in area than the British Isles, its total population hardly reaches that of London, and so far as transport and roads are concerned, the present condition of this ancient and effete kingdom is but little removed from barbarism. Wheeled vehicles are practically unknown. Caravan routes are but tracks worn century after century over steep and stony mountain ridges by the feet of camels and mules. Bridges are rare, and where most wanted are represented by ruined piers of a bygone age. Russia on the north and England on the south have from time to time endeavoured with some success to mend matters in this and other respects, although solid improvement has been marred by the political rivalry between these two Powers, in which Russia has achieved greater advantages by those well-known Muscovite means of alternate aggression, threatening, and squeezing which England has always thought it beneath her dignity to employ. The late Lord Salisbury tried at one time to carry out a good scheme as to giving up to Russia the sphere of influence over Northern Persia, while England should possess that from Ispahan southwards. But it soon became apparent that in this, as in other matters, any agreement with Russia would not be PERSIA 165 worth the paper it was written on, and the scheme was abandoned. As already said, Nasr-ud-din came to England in 1873 in hopes of some offensive and defensive arrangement with this country on behalf of the integrity of his kingdom, but circumstances did not favour it, and he got nothing, and left justly disappointed with the political results of his visit. Thus matters between England and Persia continued in the same unsatisfactory condition in which they had so long remained, and indeed still remain, although in justice it must be said that within recent years the relations between the two countries have been decidedly strengthened under the wise guidance of Lord Salisbury and Lord Lansdowne. The only serious proposal during the Shah's visit was one, which was soon abandoned, of sending British officers to drill the Persian Army — a very mixed lot, said to amount to about 100,000 men. If the Persians of 1873 were at all like those of 1833, when Major D'Arcy Todd was sent to drill the Persian artillery, there could only be faint hope of any success in this line, for after a year s residence in the country Todd wrote : ' I consider the Persian ' appointment a sheer humbug. The climate is the ' only desirable thing in the country. The people, ' especially those about Government, are a lying, 'deceitful, procrastinating, faithless race. When I ' had my interview with the Prime Minister, he sent ' for the two topshee-bashees (commandants). " That's ' " Todd Sahib, is it ?" said the Prime Minister. ' " Todd Sahib, you must have charge of the artillery, ' " and you must drill them well. Mind, Topshees, ' " you must be very particular to what Todd Sahib says to you. Go !" And here the oration was ( C( 166 MEMORIES * broken off, and Todd Sahib and his concerns were ' consigned to oblivion.' And again he wrote : ' One day I had been super- ' intending some artillery practice at Teheran. A 'jackass having been placed at the target, I remon- * strated with the Wuzeer against the cruelty of ' putting up one of God's creatures as a mark when ' wood or canvas would answer every purpose. The ' Wuzeer replied : " On my eyes be it. I will stick * " up a pony next time," as if I had specially pleaded 'the case of jackasses.' However, this is not the place for me to go into political or military questions affecting Persia, having reeled off reams of sage memoranda on the subject for the use of various Cabinets during my official career. I will therefore only add that Nasr-ud-din came to this country once more in 1888, and was very civil' to me and other of his friends, although his reception had none of the brilliancy of that of 1873. He was assassinated in 1896, after a reign of nearly fifty years, and was succeeded by his second son, Muzaffer-ud-din, who still reigns, and is said to be very much under Russian influence. During papa's visit we did not discover that he had much literary ability, although he was an effective but abrupt talker ; but he seems to have kept a diary of events, which was afterwards sent to me, and which is sufficiently interesting and amusing to warrant a few extracts in the next chapter. I hope that in quoting from it I am not transgressing the laws of the Medes and Persians. CHAPTER X The Shah's diary. The Chat^ as the French called him, kept, as I have just said, a diary of his tour, of which the following passages may be of interest, even after the lapse of thirty-two years. He started on his tour on the 19th April, 1873, and was absent from Persia about six months. He reached St. Petersburg on the 20th of May, and was much impressed with his cordial reception by the Emperor and his family, although he contents him- self, here as elsewhere in his diary, with mentioning various entertainments, without adding any special remarks. In the course of his sojourn in the Russian capital he visited Cronstadt, Fort Constantine, and Peterhof . ' The guns here,' he remarks, ' are Prus- * sian-made, each of 420 ass-loads in weight, their * shot weighing 70 maunds each. The fountains and 'jets d'eau at Peterhof are wonderful. . . . On the * 27th of May,' he adds, ' we received a visit from ' Prince Gortchakow, and had a very long interview * with him. We then had our photographs taken.' And again : ' Among other objects of interest seen in * Russia are the great number of carriages in Peter- * [burg], tramways in the streets, and many beautiful * dogs, large and small.' He left Russia for Berlin, and gives his first im- 167 168 MEMORIES pressions of Germany in the following passage : Everything is here different from what we liave hitherto seen — the country, the people, the vehicles, the food. The country is more populous and flourishing. Wherever I look are villages, horses, oxen, mares, sheep, meadows, cornfields, streams, and flowers of every colour.' And he adds : ' At Berlin, where the number of engines, carriages, and trains surprised us — where our train was taken over one bridge under another, and made to twist about like a horse whose bit was guided by the hand of man — we were met by the Emperor of Germany. ... I drove and walked about in many beautiful streets, squares, and gardens ; even in a cemetery, which I mistook for a garden, and which was full of nursemaids and children who thronged about me.* After describing with appreciation the various cere- monies he endured at Berlin, he left that place on the 7th of June for Cologne, visiting en route the works of M. Krupp at Essen. ' M. Krupp,' he says, ' him- ' self came to the station. He is an old man, tall and ' very thin. He has himself gradually formed these 'works. They are like a city; 15,000 workmen are ' there employed, for all of whom he has built habita- ' tions, and to whom he pays wages. He has an ' income, clear of outgoings, of 800,000 tumans. ' M. Krupp made me a present of a beautiful ' 6-pounder gun, complete with all its appliances.* Arrived at Cologne, which much interested him, he attended an exhibition of fireworks, and adds : ' At ' one of the gardens I saw a daughter of Malkam ' [Sir John Malcolm], the English Ambassador to the ' deceased Khaqan of blessed memory.' Taking a trip to Baden-Baden, of which the climate THE SHAffS DIARY 16^ and country around reminded him of Mazandaran, he adds : ' It is the very paradise of free-livers and ' sybarites. Beautiful women, graceful ladies, for ' ever perambulate on foot, on horseback, or in ' carriages, the lovely walks and roads, the charming ' paths and lawns, of its hills and dales. It is a special ' corner, a city of fairyland.' He then went by train to Belgium, and writes of it : 'A small stream separates Belgium from Ger- ' many, but what a sudden change in all things takes ' place there. The men, the language, the religion^ ' the land, the water, the hills, the plains, all are ' different ; nothing remains with the slightest re- ' semblance to those of Germany. The hills are a ' little higher and more covered with forest ; the air ^ is colder ; the language is French, though the people ' have a dialect of their own ; the inhabitants are ' poorer ; the dresses of the people and of the soldiers ' are different ; the religion is Boman Catholic ; they ' are more free than in Germany.^ He had a cordial reception at Brussels, and leaving that place on the 18th of June for Ostend, en route to England, he writes : ' Rose early, though I had no ' sleep. ... At Ostend the Belgian officials in attend- ' ance took leave, and those of Ostend had an audience, 'at which a very long address was delivered. Pro- 'ceededto the landing-place and embarked on board ' Her Britannic Majesty's ship Vigilant, Larenson ' Sahib and the other Englishmen in attendance con- ' ducted the presentations and did the honours. An ' English Admiral of distinction named MacClintock, ' who has made several voyages to the islands of the ' North Pole and is well known, having come to meet * me, was in the ship with many other naval officers* 170 MEMORIES * We went to our special cabin and sat down. The * ship is very fast and handsome. . . . From Ostend * to Dover — the first of English soil — is a distance of ' five hours, and the Straits of Dover are famous for * stormy and boisterous weather. But, thank God, the * sea was very calm like the palm of one's hand, so ' that no one suiFered. It was like a trip on a river. * Behind in our wake three ships convoyed us ; while ' two large iron-clads, men-of-war, kept their stations ^ as a guard of honour, the one on our right, the other * on our left. Now and then they fired a gun. . . . * At length we neared the English coast. Many * men-of-war came to meet us. The surface of the * sea w^as covered with ships and boats and large ' steamers in which the merchants and nobles of * England had come to witness the spectacle. . . . * We then reached the port of -Dover.' After noting his reception by two of the Queen's sons, and others, he adds : ' The Queen's second son [Duke of Edinburgh] ' is a very handsome and well-made young man, with *blue eyes, somewhat of a beard, not very tall, and * perhaps about twenty-seven or twenty-eight years *of age. The third son. Prince Arthur [Duke of *Connaught], is less, his complexion is rather dark, *and his frame slighter. The Lord Chamberlain's * name is Lord Sydney, a hale old gentleman. I was * informed that the Magistrate of Dover had prepared *a speech which he must recite. I went to a hall *.and stood at the top of a high flight of steps. The 'Magistrate recited the address at full length. It * contained much in our praise and glorification. We ' made a reply which Larenson explained in English. * The people clapped hands.' Describing the journey onward to London, he writes : ' The country of England THE SHAH'S DIAEY 171 * resembles no other. It has more forests, the trees ^ are large, the population continuous, cultivation more ' abounding, and the wealth of the English is famed all ^ over the world. We passed by the neighbourhood *of Chiselhurst, which was inhabited by the third * Napoleon, and where he died and is buried. The ^ train proceeded with such speed that it was impossible ^ for one to see anything. Through its extreme Velocity fire came from the wheels, one of which * ignited, and it wanted but little of being totally * consumed ; they stopped the train, they alighted, Hhey put out the fire. All was well, and again we *went on until we reached the first outskirts of *• London. It is impossible to describe the prosperity, ^ the populousness, the great extent of the city, the * number of railways on which incessantly trains are * passing and repassing, and the smoke of factories, etc' ' We went over the surface of the roofs of houses, ^ and so arrived at the terminus.' Then after a pause he adds : ' Here we stood up, and the crowd of specta- ^ tors was beyond limit. Troops of the line, household * cavalry in armour. His Koyal Highness the Heir- ^ Apparent of England, known as the Prince of Wales, *all the ministry, nobles, and notables were present. ' We alighted. I and the Heir- Apparent, the Grand * Vazir, and Lord Morley, Lord-in-Waiting, took seats *in an open carriage and drove oiF.' He continues: * Both sides of the road, the roofs and upper stories * of the houses, were all filled by men, women, and * children. They showed much joy and cried hurrah. *They waved handkerchiefs and clapped hands. I ^ incessantly with head and hands saluted the people ; * the crowd of spectators had no end. They say the * population of this city is more than eight crores. Its 172 MEMORIES women are very handsome ; nobleness, grandeur, sedateness, and self-possession, flow from the faces of its men and women. One can see they are a great nation. The Lord of the Universe has specially bestowed on them power, and wealth, and wisdom, and sense, and refinement. Hence it is that they have subjugated such a country as India, and hold mighty possessions in America and other parts of the world. The soldiers are very strong of frame and well dressed. The armour-wearing household cavalry are very handsome youths, well dressed like the cavalry of Russia. Half our journey was performed in the rain, which wet the people through. I too got very wet, but at my request the carriage was closed in part.' After praising Buckingham Palace and its beautiful grounds, he writes : ' In the morning (1 9th June) paid a 'visit to the Heir- Apparent — not far ofF. He has a ' nice house and seven or eight sweet children. His ' wife is a daughter of the King of Denmark and sister 'to the wife of the Heir- Apparent of Russia, who ' with her husband has recently come here on a visit, 'and will remain a month. From thence I went to 'meet Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh. I next ' went to see the Duke of Cambridge, cousin to the ' Queen, who has a fine house. He is the Commander- ' in-Chief of all the English land forces, an elderly ' man, but strong and hale, rosy-cheeked and fair of ' complexion, very pleasant of aspect and much 'esteemed. After a little conversation I took leave * and went to visit his sister, wife of the Duke of Teck, ' who is a Prince and noble of Germany, and a very ' charming young man. He wears small moustachios ' and is well made.' THE SHAH'S DIAEY 173 On the 20th. June the Shah paid his first visit to the Queen, then at Windsor ; he describes this visit at some length, saying, among other things : ' Her ' Majesty met me at the foot of the staircase. I took * Her Majesty's hand, gave my arm, and we went up- * stairs through beautiful rooms and apartments to * a special chamber, where we sat down on chairs. The * Queen presented her children, relatives, and officers, ' and we did the same with our suite. . . . We then ^rose and proceeded to table, where three of Her * Majesty's daughters and her youngest son, Prince ' Leopold, who does not yet quit his mother, also took * seats. He is very young and nice-looking, and was * dressed in Highland costume, which is thus : the ' knees are bare up to the thighs. One of the Queen's daughters, sixteen years of age, is also still living * with her mother, and has no husband. Two other 'daughters are married. ... I remained a short *■ time. I saw in a small space opposite the castle some * of the armour- wearing household cavalry, with a * Regiment of Infantry drawn up. They are very * fine cavalry and very select infantry. The English * troops, though few in number, are well clothed, well * disciplined, well armed, and are very strong young * men. The bands play well. . . . The edifice of ' Windsor Castle is very ancient, and outwardly makes *no show of decoration. It has one large tower and * several smaller and higher. But the interior is highly 'adorned and very pretty, besides being filled with ' objects of interest. Its rooms, halls, and corridors ' are beautiful, and it contains a museum of arms and ' armour. The age of the sovereign is fifty years, but ^ she does not seem more than forty.' In referring to a party on the same evening at the 174 MEMOEIES Guildhall, the Shah writes : ' Being invited for the ' evening to the house of the Lord Mayor, Governor ' of the old City of London, for an evening party and ' supper, we mounted our carriages in the night and ' proceeded thither. In the roads and streets there ' was such an assemblage of men and women as baffles ' computation. They cried out hurrah^ and I on my 'part incessantly saluted them. All the streets are ' lighted with gas. We passed by large public build- ' ings, by most enchanting shops, and by open spaces, ' to the ancient gate of the City of London, of which ' the Lord Mayor is the Governor, but has no authority ' over the other cities and boroughs. These have no ' governor ; but each parish has its vestry, and if any- ' thing occurs that falls within the province of the * chief police officer of the parish, who is the patrol 'officer thereof, he reports the same to the Home ' Secretary. The police of this city,' he adds, ' are ' 8,000 in number, all handsome young men in ' uniform. The public hold the police in great esteem. 'Anyone insulting the police is liable to be put to ' death.' Arrived at the door of the Lord Mayor's house, he goes on to say : ' We went up some steps where there * was a hall in which the Heirs- Apparent of England ' and Russia, and all the foreign representatives, and 'the Princes of our suite, and other Princes and 'Princesses, ladies of rank, magnates, and Cabinet ' Ministers of England, were assembled. We ex- ' changed compliments with the two Heirs- Apparent. ' This is a Government building where the Governor ' of London resides. It is called the Guildhall. Once ' a year this Governor is changed at the election of the ' inhabitants of the city. The members of the Council THE SHAH'S DIARY 175 'wear a strange costume with great caps of fur on 'their heads and sable-lined robes. In the hand of ' each was a long thin wand of wood, and in the other ' an old-fashioned small sword. They formed a pro- ' cession before us. We remained in that room, and ' the Lord Mayor made a speech, to which we replied ; ' after which, with like ceremonies, we were ushered 'into a very large hall with chandelier and gas- 'lights. . . . The Lord Mayor wore a robe with ' a very long hind-skirt that trained on the ground. ' We went to the place of honour of the assembly 'raised by a few chairs and sat down. The Lord ' Mayor read an address in English, and we made ' a reply. The formal part of the meeting being thus ' concluded, they gave into the hand of each person ' a gold pen, with ink, and a paper on which names ' were written, so that each one might inscribe therein 'the name of whomsoever he might wish to dance ' with. They also presented us a gift, a gold casket. ' After the dance we went to supper — sl kind of dinner ' after midnight — through halls and rooms and passages ' and staircases, all crowded with men and women, and ' all decorated with flowers and shrubs, and trees, ' grown in pots, to a large apartment where the table ' was laid out. . . . An individual of the inhabitants ' of the city, and deputy to the Lord Mayor, stood ' behind me, and everv now and then in a loud voice ' gave notice to those of the company that they should 'prepare to drink, so that when the master of the 'house drank wine to the health of the guest they ' should rise and drink. The Lord Mayor first drank ' our health. Then the Heir- Apparent of England ' gave a toast, and then again the Lord Mayor. Each ' time that individual gave notice beforehand to those 176 MEMORIES * of the company. After supper we all went home to * bed, but on the way back, though it was midnight, ^ there were the same crowds/ After describing in detail, but without special remark, a visit paid next day to Woolwich and its arsenal, he continues : ' In the evening we dressed in * state and went to the theatre through the usual ^ crowds and salutations. The Heirs - Apparent of ^ England and Russia, with their wives and other * Princesses and Princes and the grandees, were all * there. The theatre is very large, with six tiers of * balconies, and very beautiful. They gave some ' good scenes, and the actors were numerous. Patti, ^ one of the renowned singers of Europe, had been * specially sent for and brought over from Paris. She ' sang very well. She is a handsome woman. She * took a heavy sum, and had come to London. There ' was another, also, named Albani, from Canada in * America, who sang and played well. At length we * rose and went home.' Referring to the Naval Review on the 23rd of June, he writes : ' Portsmouth is a town of importance and ^ a vast military harbour, furnished with forts and * bastions of great strength. We alighted at the land- *ing-place. The Mayor and his Council came and * made a speech. We went on board the Victoria and ^ Albert royal yacht — very large, swift, and beautiful * — also the two Heirs- Apparent, the Princes, some * naval officers, and others. The name of the Captain ^ of the ship is Prince Linege (Leiningen). Ships of ' war to the number of about fifty tillers were ^ anchored in two rows like a street in the sea. They * fired a salute. The men went on to the yards and •* shouted, crying hurrah ! Other spectators from THE SHAH'S DIARY 177 London and the coast wlio had come to see the sight in great numbers, were in steamers and boats, large and small, so that the sea was black with them. They, too, shouted hurrah ! They had hoisted the Persian flag on board each ship. It was a com- motion ! We went near to the Isle of Wight, a pretty island in the English Channel. A town thereon, at the foot of a hill, and named Hyde, came in sight, the handsome houses of which were in tiers, one above the other. The Queen has a residence in this island, built by her and her husband and named Osborne. We saw it at a distance. Out- wardly it has a fine appearance, being on a hill and surrounded by a forest and grasslands. Passing by there we went through the street of ships of war. They all fired a salute. Subsequently we went in a boat to visit two of the ships, first to the Agincouri^ the largest of all the English ships of war, and commanded by Captain Phipps Hornby with a great number of officers. The ship was more than 150 feet long, with a steam-power of 15,000 horses. . . . Thence we went by boat to another ship, the Sultan^ which is also very large. Her nakhuda is named Vansittart. She had fewer but much larger guns. We then returned to our own ship. In the boat with us were the Heirs- Apparent of Russia and England, with their wives, one of my suite, the Duke of Cambridge, and others. A small steamer towed us. On reaching our ship it passed the ladder and went on under the very paddle which was in motion. We had a narrow escape of being struck by one of the paddles ; had this happened we must all have been drowned. Thank God, however, the 12 178 MEMORIES ' wheel was stopped, we escaped the danger, got on ' deck, and returned to Portsmouth.' The same evening the Shah went to a concert at the Albert Hall, and, after describing his progress, he says : *The concert-hall itself was in a very large en- closure with a domed top, very high and very wide. It has seven tiers of galleries, all with seats for spectators, and all filled with women of graceful appearance and richly dressed. It was an assembly of the noble and great. The place was ablaze with gaslight. We went down. In the midst of this assemblage chairs were arranged ; then we took our places with the two Heirs- Apparent, the grandees of Persia, the Ministers and notables of England, all in order. In front of us was a very large organ, as big as a palace, with iron columns and pipes, out of which came notes like those of musical instruments. It was a huge structure of the size of a plane-tree, built along one of the walls of the hall. Right and left of the organ were 800 beautiful women and maidens, 400 on each side, seated in tiers, and all dressed in white; 400 wore blue sashes over their shoulders and 400 red sashes. Above these were 800 children, boys nicely dressed, who sang to the notes of the organ and orchestra. The organ was played by one performer. Its sound went far. He played extremely well, but the wind of the organ is supplied by steam ; otherwise, how could one man blow it with his feet or with his hands ? There was also a numerous orchestra on the lower tier of seats. Such an assembly was never seen before since the first of the world till now. There were 12,000 present, not one of whom uttered a word ; they all THE SHAH'S DIARY 179 ' quietly lent ear and looked on. It lasted above an ' hour, then we went home.* After mentioning a review at Windsor, and a trip down the river to Greenwich, both of which much interested him, he describes a ball at Buckingham Palace as follows : ' At night there was a ball in the 'upper apartments of this palace, our abode. We ' went up there, and everybody was there. We took ' the hand of the wife of the Heir- Apparent and went 'and sat down. They all danced. Afterwards a ' Scotchman came in the Scotch costume and played ' a bagpipe, which made a noise like that of a Persian 'horn. Prince Alfred, Prince Arthur, and others ' danced a Scotch dance. Then the company broke ' up and we went to another room to supper. Then ' we went down and retired to rest, having to go next 'day to Liverpool, Manchester, and Trentham Hall.' As to this visit to the North, he contents himself with a recital of his various movements, and after seeing much that was worth seeing at Liverpool, Trentham, Crewe, and so on, he seemed mostly interested in a game of bowls which he played at Trentham with the Duke of Sutherland. 'I said to ' the Duke, " Will you have a game ?" In a moment ' the Duke and the others stripped, took off their hats, ' and played. It was worth seeing.' As to Manchester, he says : ' The walls and windows are black as soot ; 'the colour and complexion of the inhabitants and ' their clothes are black also. The ladies usually dress ' in black, as white or coloured dresses so soon become 'soiled.' The Shah seemed to enjoy his trip north- wards, and ended it with another game of bowls, ' at * which the Duke's son was the best hand.' On the morning of the 30th June the Fire Brigade 12—2 180 MEMORIES attended at Buckingham Palace and went through their exercises in the garden, as to which he remarks : ' The strange thing is that, while on the one hand ' they make these arrangements and take these pains ' to save life, on the other hand, in the factories, ' foundries, and works of Woolwich, in England, and 'of Krupp in Germany, they invent new forms of ' cannon, muskets, and projectiles for the greater and ' swifter destruction of mankind ; and he whose in- ' vention will slay more men in a shorter time, plumes 'and prides himself thereon and is decorated with ' orders.' He adds : ' About the same time, a set of ' English champions came and performed a boxing- ' match, which is an exchange of fisticuffs that demands ' great skill and agility ; but they wear gloves of a * large size stuffed with wool and cotton. Were it not ' for these gloves they would kill each other. It was ' very laughable and exciting.' As to his farewell visit to Windsor, he says in the course of a description of his reception : ' I presented ' my reflection to Her Majesty as a souvenir, and the ' Queen gave me one of herself and one of Prince ' Leopold. Indeed, from my first arrival on English ' soil up to this present day Her Majesty has exercised ' towards us the fulness of kindness and friendship. ' We drove to the mausoleum. The sarcophagus is ' of stone, and an effigy of Prince Albert lying in ' death of beautiful marble is placed on it. I laid on ' the tomb a nosegay which I had in my hand. I was ' much affected and saddened.' Finally, on his de- parture from England, he wrote : ' If I were to * entertain the wish to describe, as they deserve, the ' details of the city of London or of all England, I ' should have to write an immense volume of English THE SHAH'S DIARY 181 'history. For a stay of eighteen days in London ' more than this has not been written. In justice I 'can only add that the conduct of the English, as ' everything else of theirs, is well ordered, well regu- 'lated, and excellent. In point of prosperity, of 'wealth, of commerce, of art, of industry, and of ' indolent ease and pleasure, they are the chief of all ' nations.' In some parts of his diary he mentioned individuals, such as : ' Lord Sydney, a hale old gentle - ' man ' ; ' Larenson ' (Rawlinson) ; ' Lord Gladstone ' ; 'Colonel Ostantene' (Stanton); 'Lord Choseby ' (Shrewsbury); 'a gentleman named Cok' (Lord Loch) ; ' the regulator of the House of Lords, an old 'man named Clifford' (Sir A. Clifford); 'a man of ' the name of Biteston ' ( Wheatstone) ; ' the Master ' of Drurelam ' (Drury Lane), and others. The Shah returned to his country through France, Austria, and Turkey, and reached Persia again on the 7th of September, but not without an unpleasant adventure which will appeal to all persons who have experienced rough weather or are subject to sea- sickness. He writes in reference to his voyage across the Caspian from Baku to Enzeli : ' The sea is calm ; 'we are nearing Enzeli. Dressed in state ready to ' disembark. But by degrees the sky became overcast ' from the south and west. With a telescope I could ' see a large Russian man-of-war steamer anchored at ' Enzeli and awaiting my arrival, pitching and rolling ' fearfully, as was also a sailing merchantman. There 'being no alternative we made all speed. When I 'could no longer remain on the deck I went below, ' undressed in despair, sat down, and resigned myself 'to the w^ill of God. My suite also took off their 'uniforms and decorations, varying this operation 182 MEMORIES with vomitings. Each one slunk into a comer, as none could stand up. It wanted but two hours to sunset ; the rain was pouring in torrents, and the sea was so tumultuous that it was not possible to look out. The mast-heads touched the waves to the right and left as the ship rolled. The sea made a clean breach over us, and the ship listed so much that nothing remained but for her to upset and for us to be rolled into the sea. The cabin furniture was dashed about ; the creakings and dashings were frightful, and we feared the ship would break up. Rain was falling over our head ; the waves were boiling beneath us ; the ship was full of water ; no one could walk for her violent motions. I was oppressed with the thoughts that when after my tour through Europe my own home at Enzeli was in sight, and wTien so many of my servants had assembled there to welcome me, such a misfortune had befallen me, and that, should this storm last three days, we should inevitably drag our anchor and be carried out to sea. These impressions made life a burden indescribable ; I felt somewhat unwell ; I perspired incessantly from the heat and from apprehension ; the wind struck to my chest and I coughed. I could not sleep by day or night. ... I rose and saw that a shore boat with a crew of twelve men had come at the risk of their own lives to inquire news of me, and that the sea was abating. . . . Morn a})peared ; other boats came off. The weather became promising, and at length my little steamer was seen to be approaching out of the back-water lagoon. When she was along- side it was no easy matter to get from one vessel to the other as they kept at a certain distance ; so they EXCHANGE OF FISTICUFFS 183 ' brought my barge alongside, into which I got some- ' how or other, reached my steamer, and was pulled 'up on to her deck by hand. I thanked God. I ' breathed freely again. We reached the landing-place ' of Enzeli. I went to my house and held an audience. 'Again I returned thanks. At night there was a 'grand display of fireworks, after which I went to ' bed and slept in peace.' I hope I have not dwelt too long on this novel experience of 1873. It interested us exceedingly, and afforded some relaxation from the tedium of an ordinary London season. And here, if I may refer to that part of the Shah's diary as to an ' exchange of fisticuffs,' I may relate an experience which, although amusing to recollect at this lapse of time, was rather alarming at the moment. The exchange of fisticuffs was brought about at the special request of the Shah expressed to myself. He said : ' You people have shown me everything under ' the sun except what I most want to see — Le,, sl prize ' fight in which plenty of blood can be drawn.' I replied that this would be most unpopular in England, and would not, I feared, be allowed, but that I would make known his wish. Here was a go ! I saw the Equerry-in-waiting, and after anxious thought and much consultation with Lord Queensberry, we prepared an innocent glove fight in the Buckingham Palace stables, arranged to take place quietly half an hour before the Shah was to receive Lord Shaftesbury and the Archbishops and Bishops with a memorial asking him to protect the interests of the Christians in Persia. To our dismay the Shah had had a bad night, and we could not get him down in time. In the 184 MEMOEIES meantime our Prelates had assembled in the ground- floor reception-room at Buckingham Palace, which led out into the grounds. The Shah said : ' I don't care ; I won't see the Bishops till I have seen the fight.' The Equerry said: 'This is maddening. There is no time now to walk down to the stables. Get the men up quietly behind the corner wall here, and we can show our Eastern Cyrus a few exchanges of fists, and get him back sharp to the reception- room for the deputation.' Unluckily, the Shah, eluding our vigilance, came right into the room with a gold epauletted footman, who threw open the window-sash and ushered His Majesty out into the garden (while we were waiting for him to come, as arranged, out of a side door), followed in a trice by Lord Shaftesbury and the whole of the reverend gentlemen in their lawn sleeves. - Like sheep without a shepherd, curious to know what was going on, they followed the Shah, and so in a moment found them- selves more or less in a ring round the two prize- fighters, who, fortunately, had special orders not to draw blood. Oh, the rage and the surprise ! The Bishops hustled back to the reception-room, the fight was stopped, the Shah was angry and disappointed, and Lord Shaftesbury was heard shouting : ' A prize- ' fight in the garden of the Queen's Palace, forsooth ! ' I will denounce you all over the kingdom !' Mutual explanations followed, the matter was set right, we sent special messages to the reporters to keep it out of the press, and I was later on privileged to explain it all to the Queen, who took the matter much more calmly than her Lord Chamberlain. Once back, however, inside Buckingham Palace, we all smoothed our rufiled feathers, and listened to a most gloomy AN AWKWARD SITUATION 185 oration from Lord Shaftesbury, who was spokesman for the deputation. The address was carefully explained to the Shah, who, still angry at his fight being cut short, turned to Rawlinson and myself, who happened to be nearest him, and said in Persian, in his guttural and rough manner : ' Hang the Christians in Persia ! Tell ' them they're all right.' Rawlinson, in his clever way, after a momentary consultation with myself, then gave a long, expressive, and beautiful reply, to the effect that His Majesty had received the deputa- tion with intense pleasure, and that his first thought on his return to Persia would be to protect every Christian he came across, and so on. So long and eloquent was the reply, that many whispered to each other in surprise : ' What an expressive language ' Persian must be — such wonderful promises in such ' few words from the Persian monarch.' The situation was awful. We lived in terror for the next few days lest good Lord Shaftesbury might play us false ; but the kind-hearted man was afterwards satisfied, and left us alone, and the secret has remained a secret to this day. The Lord Chamberlain blamed me^ I blamed the Shah^ the Shah blamed the Equerry^ the Equerry blamed the footman^ the footman blamed everyone all round^ and we gave the prize-fighters £5 apiece, with a resolution written in blood that never would any of us again arrange a prize-fight even for a Shah of Shahs in a Royal Palace garden ! CHAPTER XI Appointment as Secretary, Political and Secret Department, at the India Office in succession to Sir John Kaye — Afghan affairs — Marquis of Salisbury (1873-75). The Shah's visit over, I got through other numerous engagements, and left with my wife for a short visit to Germany. Just about this time Parliament was prorogued. I was summoned to Osborne on special duty, and travelled down in the train with Mr. Glad- stone and others going for an audience with the Queen, and I crossed with them from Portsmouth in the Royal Yacht. Mr. Gladstone was very kind and civil, and paced up and down the deck with me in earnest conversation, while those around imagined that I was being offered the post of Deputy Prime Minister or a Bishopric. I couldn't put in a word for a long time. In short, instead of asking me about India, as I rather expected, he descanted eloquently on Dr. Carpenter's deep-sea fishing, a matter then much to the front on account of the exploring expedi- tion in the Pacific of the Challenger. At last I had my chance. Partly in anger and partly in sorrow I spoke of the deep-sea fishing in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean as something very different. As I went on I invented every fable I could devise as to the colour and size of the fish and the depths of these 186 MR GLADSTONE 187 seas, adding a little about monsoons, typhoons, and laws of storms, till Mr. Gladstone was dumfounded and silent, while I was ashamed. He afterwards said: ' A remarkably clever and well-informed young man,' and asked me to come and see him in London on our return. This I never did. I was afraid of being found out. But I was much struck with Mr. Glad- stone's simplicity, his manner of impressing his own ideas on others on all kinds of abstract matters, while forgetting to draw them out as to things they really knew, and his complete receptivity, or, in other words, his credulity. But, with all these weaknesses, he was a very kind man, and was much beloved by all who came within his personal influence. I still found my work at the India Office interest- ing, and my health became much improved after the recent trips and recreations. There was nothing, indeed, to disturb the even tenor of our way till the early part of 1874, when followed in succession the Ashantee War and other events, including a some- what unexpected change of Government from Glad- stone to Disraeli (21st February, 1874), in conse- quence of the defeat of the Liberal party at the General Election. Personally I was glad of this change of masters, as it brought Lord Salisbury and Lord George Hamilton to the India Office, and many other personal friends within the official ring, although my relations with the Duke of Argyll, Grant Duff, and others of the late Administration (from all of whom I experienced much courtesy and kindness), were friendly and cordial. The London season of 1874 was marked to my joy by the appointment of our dear old friend Count de Jarnac as French Ambassador to the Court of St. 188 MEMORIES James's. (He died 22nd April, 1875.) This year brought me also much advancement, for on 16th April I received a letter from Sir John Kaye saying that he had heard from Lord Salisbury that the ' Council of * India had on that day appointed me Assistant Secre- ' tary to the Political Department,' a promotion all the more welcome because he himself added : ' I am ' delighted in all respects, both as regards the present ' and the future. I should wish you to take over ' duties in the Secret Branch, and will talk the whole ' matter over with you.' Again, on the 16th July I was promoted to be a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Army, and on the 31st October was informed in one of Lord Salisbury's ever kind letters that he had nominated me Secretary in the Political and Secret Department in succession to Sir John Kaye, who had retired on account of ill-health.~ I was rather proud to succeed two such men as John Stuart Mill and John Kaye. The latter died on the 24th July, 1876, much regretted. I was the more pleased at this promotion as Lord Salisbury consulted the Prime Minister about it, and he was emphatic in his ap- proval. I had at that time seen a good deal of Mr. Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield)^ and had assisted him in difficult Eastern questions. The new appointment was one which gave me a good salary, and was enough to satisfy my highest ambition so far as promotion in the Civil Service was concerned. I felt now as if I was really making up the lost ground in past years, for the military promo- tion I thought the Horse Guards might have given me many years previously had come at last ; while, to my great satisfaction, it was specially decided that, as in the then condition of affairs in Central Asia and MILITARY PROMOTION 189 elsewhere it was of value to public interests that an officer of both military and political experience should fill this particular post, my future promotion in the army should go on without question. Although I doffed the red for the blue coat in 1869, it will always remain a satisfaction to me that I was regarded by others, then and in after-years, as one who had some military knowledge. In 1869, as already said, I was offered by General Alex. Gordon the Military Secre- taryship in Bombay, with right of reversion to the Adjutant-General's Department in that Presidency ; in 1872 I was offered by Lord Sandhurst to be Military Secretary in Ireland ; in 1874 (a time of great political and military anxiety in Central Asia and elsewhere) my appointment by Lord Salisbury to be Political Secretary was based in some measure on my military knowledge, for which I was allowed by Government to count the post towards military ad- vancement ; in 1878 I had the opportunity, on the recommendation of the then Viceroy (Lord Lytton), to be Military Member of Council in India ; and in 1885 I was offered by Lord Randolph Churchill to be Military Secretary at the India Office, although reasons existing at the moment, which need not here be entered into, precluded me from accepting these various offers. I was much pleased also at receiving a letter from Lord Wolseley, then Adjutant- General (10th November, 1888), giving his opinion of my military qualifications in terms which I much valued as coming from so distinguished a soldier. I mention all this, as said before, as showing that I had not in the opinion of others lost my military instincts in civil work. In short, I fancied myself a soldier, and found it consoling to take an active part still in all 190 MEMORIES military questions either connected with or outside my appointment. But my work at the India Office became of in- creasing importance, and among other things I was able to completely reorganize my department, not only in the method of correspondence, but in the writing and tabulating of memoranda on all the great questions of the day connected with Central Asia, Afghanistan, India, Siam, and Egypt. These papers were, I am glad to say, of great use year by year to successive Secretaries of State and Cabinets, and gave me and others great labour in their compilation. Here I may mention that some few months after I became Secretary a vacancy occurred in the post of Assistant, to which A. W. Moore, then in the Financial Department of the India Office, was appointed. I can never forget the work and labour of this good and talented fellow (whom I again mention further on) in the busy years that followed, nor the helpful aid given by A. N. Wollaston, Grey, Hastings, and others, in the general business of what became at this period a very important branch of the Office. What pleased me most in all these promotions were the unanimous expressions of approval in the press and of men of eminent position both in India and England. These records, of which I am naturally proud, would be out of place in a narrative like this. None gratified me more than a letter I received from my old chief. Lord Strathnaim, who WTOte (28th November, 1874) : 'I cannot say how sincerely ' I rejoice at your good fortune, or rather, your re- ' ceiving the just reward of your merits, in having ' been given the very important and trustworthy office ' to which you have been appointed ; and my opinion LORD SALISBURY 191 ' that it has been justly and well bestowed is univer- ' sally re-echoed.' Lord Salisbury, happily for me, was a pattern chief and an untiring worker. In the then secret branch of my work the Secretary and himself (as Secretary of State) were by Acts of Parliament and by custom placed in direct communication with one another without the intervention of either Under-Secretaries of State or of the Council ; and as the bulk of the work during my troublous tenure of office happened to be secret^ I greatly prized the freedom which this gave me of directly consulting and carrying out the policy of this truly good man in the questions of the day, a statesman whose ability and genius made my own existence, as well as that of others in the Office, one of great interest, although also of care and re- sponsibility. Lord Salisbury was always inclined to be absorbed in thought over great political and scientific questions. He appeared shy and reserved, therefore, to those with whom he was not in constant personal communi- cation, but in his daily work with those whom he liked and trusted he was brimming over with quiet fun and cleverness. So far as I was concerned, I quite enjoyed my personal work with him, as he was not only an appreciative and masterful chief, but a fair and indeed humble- minded man, who courted rather than resented frank expressions of opinion even when against his own views, although at the same time he was uncompromising in his attitude towards those who had given him cause for distrust. The further privilege that I had in these and after- years of being in direct and personal communication with the high officials of the Foreign Office on all 192 MEMORIES matters connected with the Eastern Question gave me a further interest in my work, although I seem to have missed some of the rewards that were given from time to time to others of my rank and standing, for whom I wrote State papers that are now buried in the archives of a forgotten past. On assuming my appointment as Political Secretary Sir Louis Mallet (Under-Secretary of State) wrote to me a kind letter of advice as to not wasting my substance, as he thought my predecessor had done, in unnecessary hospitality and entertainment. I was glad to say to him in reply (14th December, 1874) : ' I have no wish to make capital out of my present ' appointment by expensive entertaining or by joining ' any political clique, either of which is liable to warp ' one's independence and judgment. So much am I ' impressed with the idea of reticence and the necessity ' of keeping one's head clear, that I am about to move 'to a suburb in order to avoid going out night and ' day. I think the Political Secretary is obliged more * than other secretaries to exercise hospitality within ' bounds, but that need only be extended to natives ' and political friends of importance. My sole object ' as Secretary will be what has been my rule through ' life, viz. (1) encouragement of subordinates in every ' shape and form by trusting them, working them, * testing their powers, giving them credit for all they 'do, and making them full of esprit and genuine 'political knowledge ; (2) strict secrecy and reticence ' with the outside world ; (3) care in regard to corre- ' spondence, while encouraging it from any quarter ; ' (4) frankness with one's superiors, even at the risk ' of that frankness being occasionally misunderstood ; •' and (5) an entire sinking of self and of self-interest OFFICIAL DUTIES 193 * as far as practicable. I have never found the above ' principles fail in a varied experience of twenty years, ^ and you will always find me full of loyalty, with no ' wish whatever for self-aggrandizement or entertain- ^ ing. If I have a wish, it is at some future time to ' he aff\ leading an army in Afghanistan or thrashing a ^ Russian, leaving the office in such a good state that *you will have no difficulty in finding a successor. *But I am deeply grateful for my present position, * and thankful to have obtained it in such gratifying ^ and kind terms as it was offered to me by Lord ' Salisbury.' To this letter I received a kind reply to the efiPect that ' if everyone had the same view of the ^public service and of personal dignity as yours we ' should have no reason to complain.' So I was naturally pleased. Although life in London, as already said more than once, was rather dull and prosaic after that of India, yet it had its bright side, not the least of which was my friendly official relations with certain leading statesmen and others of both parties, with many of whom I became in after-years a personal friend. Week by week I had to write important memoranda (amounting sometimes to fifty or sixty pages of print €ach) upon questions of the day, then very much to the front, connected with Russia, India, Persia, Afghanistan, the Persian Gulf, Egypt, etc., and in this duty I had the good fortune to be assisted by Moore ■and others I have already named. At this period India was a country much misunder- stood by men of light and leading in England, and I was therefore glad to be able, in the midst of heavy official work, to mix a good deal in society, and to correct misapprehensions as to frontier questions and 13 194 MEMORIES Indian administration in general, besides carrying on a close correspondence with the Queen's Private Secretary on matters which much interested a good woman and a gracious Sovereign, to whom we sent our more important official drafts before issue. Some of the Queen's corrections and observations on these papers were very helpful, and were invariably adopted. The situation of the so-called Central Asian Question at this time was somewhat as follows : We had come to an imderstanding in 1873 with Russia as to our respective boundaries in Central Asia, but our relations with Afghanistan were still as unsatisfactory as ever, arising from the fact that, while we gave successive Amirs large subsidies and grants of arms, we had no access into the country, and no means of acquiring such reliable information as to justify our responsi- bilities in promising to defend it against unprovoked foreign aggression, while, in fact, we could no longer rely on our own native agent at Cabul, although Russian agents from 1873 onwards seem to have full access to the reigning Amir. In regard to this question, the residence of a British mission at Cabul had formed part of certain stipula- tions agreed to in 1857 between us and Dost Mahomed, but was not then enforced. The Dost said that the Afghan people would view it with dislike, although Sir John Lawrence, who then conducted the negotia- tions, deemed it more probable that the real motive of our ally was a disinclination to let British officer* discover the weakness of his rule, or come in contact with disaffected chiefs at his capital. But provision was eventually made that an Indian Vakeel, not a European officer, should remain at Cabul, while an Afghan Envoy should reside at Peshawar. AMIR SHERE ALI 195 After the death of Dost Mahomed in 1863, Afghan- istan became involved in civil war, without active interference on our part (for which Lord Lawrence's Government was then much blamed), until 1868, when Shere Ali, alone and unaided, regained his father's throne, and was given by Lord Lawrence a present of money and arms. This act was followed by the conference at Umballa in 1869, already described, between Lord Mayo and Shere Ali, when an inter- mediate policy, susceptible of future expansion, was agreed upon. Assurances were given to the Amir which for the moment satisfied him, while his confi- dential ministers who accompanied him to Umballa gave clear opinions to myself and others that we could never do much in Afghanistan, or protect the Amir from foreign aggression, until we had British missions on his frontiers or elsewhere to watch events and to ensure him necessary aid. At this time, however, Shere Ali was more con- cerned about himself and the re-establishment of his power at Cabul than about Russian aggression ; but, as time went on, he began to be seriously disturbed ])y the forward movement of the Russians in Central Asia, and early in 1873 deputed an envoy to wait upon the then Viceroy, Lord Northbrook, in order to submit this and other matters to his consideration, resulting briefly in the intimation that the Viceroy, under in- structions from Mr. Gladstone's Government, did not see his way to give the definite promises that the Amir wanted, or any further assurances than those received from Lord Mayo, on the ground that the British and Russian Governments had come to an agreement in regard to his boundaries. The Amir was told that his mind might be at ease. In reporting these pro- 13—2 196 MEMORIES ceedings home, Lord Northbrook took an opportunity of saying that, although his Government thought that the presence of accredited British officers at Cabul, Herat, and perhaps Candahar, would for many reasons be desirable, they were alive to the difficulties in the way of such a measure until the objects and policy of the British Government were more clearly understood and appreciated in Afghanistan ; they were, however, of opinion that the deputation of an officer to examine the boundaries might remove some of these difficulties. Unfortunately, the Afghan Envoy, having left India without attaining the avowed object of his mission, Avas believed to exercise his influence to the prejudice of our relations with the Amir, who, by all reports available to us, became thenceforward seriously offended, and, indeed, inimical. Thus, notwithstanding the receipt of money and arms from Lord Northbrook, the attitude of Shere Ali became sullen and rude, an attitude apparently encouraged by counter - attentions from General Kauffman (Governor-General of Russian Turkestan) and his agents at Cabul, attentions which afterwards bore dire results to the poor Amir. In short, Shere Ali refused to comply with Lord Northbrook's sugges- tion that a British officer should visit his boundaries ; left the gift of a hundred thousand pounds sterling to remain in the Kohat treasury, and gave other indica- tions of extreme irritation and alienation. This unsatisfactory state of things led to a long and difficult correspondence between the Home Government and that of India, while Russian intrigue at Cabul became more and more evident, so that, acting with the con- currence of the Cabinet, Lord Salisbury decided that the necessity for bringing our relations to a definite AFGHANISTAN 197 issue, and promptly defining the position in which they could be left by us, was no longer open to reasonable doubt, and that action should be taken at an early opportunity in this sense. If I may be pardoned in this personal recital for dwelling at some length on this matter, I may quote two opinions which form good evidence as to the accuracy of this state of affairs. One is that of the Amir's son, Yakub Khan, who said to Lord Roberts (October, 1879) : ' In 1869 my father was fully ' prepared to throw in his lot with you. He had ' suffered many reverses before making himself secure 'on the throne of Afghanistan, and he came to the ' conclusion that his best chance of holding what he ' had won lay in an alliance with the British Govern- ' ment. He did not receive from Lord Mayo as large ' a gift of arms and ammunition as he had hoped ; but, 'nevertheless, he returned to Cabul fairly satisfied, ' and so he remained until the visit of his Minister, 'Nur Mahomed Shah, to India, 1873. This visit ' brought matters to a head. The diaries received 'from Nur Mahomed during his stay in India, and ' the report which he brought back on his return, con- ' vinced my father that he could no longer hope to ' obtain from the British Government all the aid that ' he wanted, and from that time he began to turn his 'attention to the thoughts of a Russian alliance' {Narrative of Events — Afghanistan), The other opinion is that of Major Warburton, Assistant Commissioner on the frontier and a near relative, on his mother's side, of the Amir, who wrote (18th September, 1887) : ' In 1869 Shore Ali appeared * at Umballa and was received by Lord Mayo, and the ' honourable reception accorded him, coupled with the 198 MEMORIES * gracious manner of the Viceroy, made a deep impres- *sion on his heart. The attempted mediation some ' years later on between him and his disloyal son, ' Yakub Khan, who had broken out in revolt at Herat ; ' the result of the Seistan arbitration of 1872, an award ' which was perfectly fair, but was somewhat adverse ' to Afghanistan and in favour of Persia ; the rejection ' of his overtures in 1873 for a defensive alliance with ' England ; the sending of presents to one of his ' subjects by the hand of a British agent, for services 'performed towards some officers of the Yarkand * mission — all tended to turn Shere Ali against us, till 'in 1878 he was an open enemy, and had received ' a Russian mission at Cabul, while the British Embassy ' moving towards the same place was stopped by the ' Amir s representative at Ali Musjid and sent back ' with threats.' With these and other questions in hand my life at the India Office was a busy one, although the work was lightened by cordial personal relations with Lord Salisbury and others in the Cabinet and elsewhere, in- cluding Sir Henry Ponsonby, with whom I was in constant friendly communication as to all that was going on, and who frequently referred to me from the Queen questions as to foreign policy, presents from India, and similar matters, and conveyed her thanks for the information given. In writing from Balmoral on one occasion Ponsonby said : ' We have just * arrived, to be established in this howling wilderness ' for some time to come. The papers you now send ' to the Queen really interest her. Serious questions * with native princes ; anything to do with the Afghans ' as regards Persia or Russia, and, perhaps, anything 'of interest from Kashgar — these are the sort of SIR HENEY PONSONBY 199 * things Her Majesty likes to hear about. She does * not, in fact, like reading a sensational telegram in * The Times, and not hearing anything on the subject * from the India Office/ Again he wrote (9th July, 1875): ' Your letter was deeply interesting as to the Gaikwar ^ of Baroda, and I am grateful to you for it. As to the '• Prince of Wales's visit ^ to India, the Queen is a little ^ nervous about it. She always has Lord Mayo's fate ^ before her mind, and dreads the possibility of a native ^fanatic getting at the Prince. There seem to be ^ numberless difficulties connected with this visit crop- ^ ping up at every moment, and the question of presents ^is a curious one. Max Miiller suggests that the ^ Prince should take out some copies of his " Vedas," ^ but I presume this is with the intention of giving ^ them to academies, and not to Maharajahs, who, I ^ presume, would scarcely relish the gift, even though ^ accompanied, as has been suggested, by the lately- * published portrait of Alfred Paget ! Parliament is ' disposed to be liberal, and I think we should leave as ^ little as possible for the Indian Government to pay. * The Germans have got a wild idea that we are ner- ^vous about our Asiatic possessions, and that we have ^ undertaken the royal visit for the purpose of getting ^ ourselves straight again. P'raps the wish is father * to the thought, as they are a little sore with us at ^ present, and wouldn't be sorry if we had a little more * trouble in India, though, as they are equally angry ^ with the Muscovites, they don't want them to have * The Prince of Wales (now King Edward VII.) left London on the 11th October, 1875, reached Bombay on the 8th November and arrived safely back in England, after a very successful tour, in April, 1876. 200 MEMOKIES ' any advantage, but would be delighted if we took to ' quarrelling with each other across the ocean.' Again Ponsonby wrote (17th August, 1875): ' I feel like a penitent burglar. But what could I ' do ? P came, a very agreeable man, and settled ' the Queen's Cashmere patterns most satisfactorily. ' Of course all the ladies in the house came to see hia ' samples, and before he went he said that the Mahara- ' jah would insist if he were here on giving them each ' a shawl. Northern prejudices predisposed us against ' this, but the female sex did not at all see it in my ' lamps, and, having asked the Queen's leave and got ' it, they heartily accepted the presents, and I went ' snacks ! He gave each a shawl and something else. ' My mind is uneasy. Is this against regulations ? If ' so, I must explain to the Queen and make them dis- ' gorge. If not, I had better leave it alone, for at the ' present moment Ranbir Singh is the most popular of ' princes in this house, and P is only next to him. ' He offered the ladies their choice, and they may say ' with Clive, " By I wonder at my moderation !" ' But my mind is uneasy until the crime is made ' known to you.' I quote these, from many other such letters from Ponsonby written at this period, to show the character of a long and continuous correspondence which formed one of my pleasurable recreations until his death. As I saw Lord Salisbury personally nearly every day, my correspondence with him was limited, and I have thought it right to destroy* confidential notes and opinions only intended for myself. * Here it may be said that the praotice varies very much with different men. Disraeli once asked a young supporter of his if he preserved letters or kept a diary, and being answered in the LORD SALISBURY'S LETTERS 201 Having said this much, I may here quote only two out of many characteristic letters. For instance, he wrote on one occasion (27th March, 1875) : ' Colonel 's facts are interesting and valuable, ' but I think his fears exaggerated, and his precautions ' would, in my judgment, be more dangerous than the 'dangers he apprehends. The mistake into which ' writers of his school fall is in treating the economy ' of the Indian Government in the tone they would ' address to a stingy man in private life who, from ' avarice, would not educate his sons properly or give ' marriage portions to his daughters. They forget ' that expenditure means taxation, and that taxation in 'India means danger. Every question, therefore, of ' military expenditure is a choice between two dangers. ' Colonel proposes about 4,000 miles of railway in ' a country where they would cost £10,000 a mile at 'the least, and would not pay working expenses. ' This would cost £1,600,000 a year to be added to the ' taxation of India. I would rather hear that a force ' of 300,000 Russians were at Merv than face the ' population of Hindustan with such a budget. But negative, metaphorically folded him to his bosom. On the other hand, his great protagonist, Peel, left us the perfect revelation of himself in his letters and diaries. His attitude in this matter was exemplified in a strange midnight scene in the bedroom of Lord Cardwell, then his private secretary. Peel entered as his secretary lay abed, and strode moodily from side to side of the chamber. Cardwell lay watching him in some alarm, for Peel spoke no word, but paced on from side to side of the room. Just as the faithful secretary was beginning to doubt the sanity of his leader, the latter broke silence. ' Never destroy a letter,' he said in solemn tones, adding fiercely, * No public man who respects himself should ever destroy a letter.' And with that he stalked solemnly out of the room and showed himself no more. 202 MEMORIES * the case is not one for this class of measures. We ^ are in occupation of the strongest entrenchments in * the world. All we want is to keep our scouts * abroad so that no enemy may begin to make * approaches without our knowing it ; to perfect our * internal communications ; and to keep our finances * in such order that they wiJl bear a heavy sudden Mrain. This will be our best precaution for any ^possible danger. But above all, we ought not to ^ prepare for it by creating, through excessive taxation, ^a home enemy far more numerous and dangerous * than any that can cross Afghanistan. Writers like ^ Colonel always seem to me to be rather like the * French soldiers in the late war, who were so very ^vigorous that they shot away all their ammunition * before the enemy came in sight.* And again (17th December, 1875): *I have read your drafts with much interest. In * their main tenor I agree, and the principles advocated * are, I think, judiciously as well as forcibly expressed. *Any alterations I may introduce will not be of an * extensive character.' I need not quote other letters of a similar character much valued by me. CHAPTER XII The Indian Imperial title — Another change in my career — Our start with Lord Lytton for India — Simla revisited — Afghan afiairs — Our autumn tour — The Imperial assemblage at Delhi (1876-77). At this busy time the question came to the front of the Queen making the addition to her sovereign titles, which ultimately took the shape of ' Empress of * India.' On this subject I wrote a note (22nd De- cember, 1875), which it may not be uninteresting to mention even at this lapse of time, as it advocated a change in the Indian title backed by facts and in- formation, and was considered of value at the moment as assisting the Prime Minister to form conclusions, acting with the cordial consent of the Queen herself, which were really sound, but which, unfortunately, gave rise to party feeling and unseemly debate^ in the Houses of Parliament, although since recognised, as were so many of Lord Beaconsfield's ideas and measures, as wise and acceptable in the interests of the Empire. And now another unexpected change in my career came about, which once more directed my steps to India. During the year I moved my family from * The Titles Bill was introduced into Parliament by Mr. Disraeli on 17th February, 1876, and was finally passed by the House of Lords on 7th April, 1876, after much unnecessary opposition. 203 204 MEMORIES South Street to a larger house in Dorset Square, and had incurred considerable expense in decorating and furnishing the new abode in which we then hoped to remain for some time to come, seeing that my appoint- ment to the India Office was for life. In the autumn holidays we made a pleasant visit to Schwalbach and other places on the Rhine, which did us all good ; but not long after our return to London Lord Northbrook notified his wish to resign the Viceroyalty for purely domestic reasons, and Mr. Disraeli nominated Lord Lytton to fill the vacancy. On Lord Lytton's arrival in London from Lisbon in January, 1876, Lord Salisbury referred him to me for information on all the great Indian and Central Asian questions of the day, and in the course of this duty I was surprised one morning by his walking into my room to ask if I would go out to India as his Private Secretary. He assured me that he had talked the matter over with Lord Salisbury, who expressed his^ acquiescence in the plan on the ground of my being able to help the new Viceroy in his new and difficult duties — viz., to restore friendly and sound relations between India and Afghanistan, and at the same time to proclaim the Indian* Imperial title, in regard to both of which questions I was recognised as having some special knowledge. This offer was followed up by so kind a letter from * When the proposal for the title of Empress of India was made, so calm and judicious a man as the late William E. Forster earnestly exhorted Lord Salisbury against it, and told him that he was con- vinced that any alteration in the royal title would destroy the prestige of the royal dignity and seriously affect the relations of the people to the Crown. That foar was, we all know, commonly shared in London, but not in the Empire generally. TO INDIA WITH LOKD LYTTON 205 Lord Lytton that, after conferring with my Chief, who expressed himself as sorry to lose me even for a time, I accepted the appointment on the condition made by the Council of India, viz., that it was to be for two years only, after which I was to return to my India Office work. Thus my face was turned once more eastwards, and I had a very busy time with Lord Lytton prior to our departure. I was obliged hurriedly to sell up house and home, as it was arranged that I should take my wife and my two boys, Frank and Charlie, out with me, leaving our eldest girl, Gerty, at home for a time. At last, after much packing and many farewells, we left London with Lord and Lady Lytton (1st March, 1876), for Paris, where we spent some pleasant days at the Embassy with our host. Lord Lyons, with whom Prince Leopold was also staying, and the latter was very kind and civil to me although I had not met him since my visit to Osborne. We called, after our arrival, on the President (Marshal McMahon), whom we found very nice, although rather bored, as he said, with his haute position. We dined one even- ing with the Duke Decazes (Foreign Minister), where we met Blowitz, then Times correspondent, and a host of other French and English celebrities, among whom I aired my broken French with great success. Blowitz was a man at that time in great favour with the French, and wielded his powers very wisely. I had an interesting talk with him on matters in general, more especially as I had known Delane and Chenery well, and had written a good deal myself for The Times. On the 6th March we dined with the ex-King^ and * King George V. of Hanover, a cousin of our own Queen Victoria, who lost his throne in 1866, when his kingdom was 206 MEMORIES Queen of Hanover. The good old King was blind, and much touched us all by the dignified manner in which he bore his sorrows and the loss of his kingdom ten years back, and still kept up his regal state in the hotel in which he lived. Punctually at 7 p.m. he and the Queen, followed by his two daughters. Princesses Frederica and Mary, came into the room in which we were all assembled. The King spoke English admirably, and was led up to each of us, to whom he spoke a few kind words. He questioned me closely, among others, as to all I had done and seen in the world, about which he seemed to know more than I did myself. The Queen spoke French only. The dinner-party was small, and was to me very amusing and novel. The blind King spoke very loud, and enjoyed making jokes at table and having a rap at each of us in turn. In this way he had a laugh at Lord Lytton, who had remarked that he hoped to see His Majesty as well as he then was when he came back from India through Paris. ' Ah !' replied the King, laughing very heartily, ' why Paris ? It would have been more polite to ' have said Hanover. I hope,' he added, ' that before 'you return, the wretch Bismarck will have dis- ' appeared, and that I may get back my kingdom ' from the robbers.' The Princesses were very amiable and nice, and although preserving a somewhat royal attitude, seemed pleased to meet us. After dinner I sat on a very comfortable sofa, chatting to handsome Princess Frederica, who was apparently watched closely by incorporated with Prussia. He died (12th June, 1878) two yeara after we met him. EX-KING OF HANOVEH 207 Baron von Pawel-Rammingen (the King's Private Secretary), whom she married in 1880, and I was, as I thought, making myself very agreeable, when suddenly, at about 9 p.m., the King shouted out loudly : ' Burne and the rest of you young fellows, I ' know you think this dull and want to go to the ' opera. Be off.' Well, we didn't want to go to the opera at that early hour at all — myself less than anyone — as we had left our hats and coats in the Embassy carriages, which were ordered to come back at 11 p.m. But as the King expected his jokes to be regarded as com- mands, we had nothing to do but to rise and kiss his hand, and to walk to the Embassy as best we could in heavy snow, hatless, coatless, and in thin evening pumps. It took a lot of warming-up afterwards at the opera to get rid of our respective chills. We all started next day, via Bologna (finding heavy snow along the line), for Rome, which we reached on the 10th March, staying at the Hotel Costanzi^ a particularly clean and comfortable place, in which we dined with the Pagets (Sir Augustus Paget was then Ambassador), and worked hard to see all that there was to be seen before leaving for Naples, which we voted to be both ugly and filthy, although the bay and the view of Vesuvius in eruption made up for local dis- comforts. Lady Holland made our stay at Naples very pleasant, and we had interesting excursions to Pompeii, Sorrento, and other places, until we embarked on board H.M.S. Orontes^ commanded by Captain (now Sir Edward) Seymour, whom we found extremely nice. He seemed to be a careful ofiicer, who knew what he was about, and was very kind to us all, as,^ indeed, were all his officers. 208 MEMORIES We had a rough passage to Alexandria, but got to Cairo by the 22nd of the month, and duly paid our respects next day to the Khedive — my old friend Ismael Pasha — who received us very cordially. He was at the moment in great trouble and anxiety as to his finances, seeing that in a few weeks' time he was called upon to pay £5,000,000 to his French creditors, and was being urged by Decazes to estab- lish a French bank, and to hand over the management of his finances to Paris. The Khedive told us that he preferred being under England, and was ready to adopt a plan which had been proposed to him by Sir Rivers Wilson as to the Rothschilds advancing him the money, and he begged Lord Lytton to make representations on this subject to the British Govern- ment, which kept us all night cyphering telegrams to Lord Derby and Lord Salisbury. At Cairo we met General Stanton, whom we all liked. I had previously known him in 1865. After the usual visits to the Pyramids and to the canal at Tsmailia (where we fell in with our old friend Ferdi- nand de Lesseps), we reached Suez by train, and once more got on board the Orontes (24th March), to await the arrival that night from India of the Prince of Wales. We all breakfasted with the Prince the next day, and had an interesting time, I myself being specially pleased to meet Fayrer, Probyn, Sir Bartle Frere, FitzGeorge, and many other old friends. ll.R.H. was very cordial to us all. He congratulated me on my new appointment, and was very kind and flattering in all he said to me. He was particularly keen as to the position of the native chiefs of India, and the necessity for political officers being careful in their attitude towards them. BOMBAY 209 Both the Prince and those with him seemed to be impressed with the necessity for a stronger Central Asian policy, and this, of course, pleased me, more especially as Sir Bartle Frere showed me two emphatic letters which he had written to Lord Salisbury on the more active course that ought to be pursued in Afghanistan. Saying good-bye with some regret to the Prince and his party of the Serapis^ we started on our further journey (26th March) in great heat through the Red Sea, reached Aden in a few days, and, after a careful inspection of the place, steamed on for Bombay on my little Charlie's birth- day (1st April). Lord Lytton, having heard of it, was kind enough with his usual consideration to pro- pose his health at dinner. At length we arrived at Bombay on the 7th April, and landed at 5 p.m. in an imposing procession of boats, being received on shore by Lord Napier of Magdala, Sir Frederick Haines (the retiring and in- coming Commander-in-Chief), and others, with whom we drove to Parell as the guests of the Governor, Sir Philip Wodehouse. All the deputations, cere- monies, and public demonstrations reminded me of my last visit to this place, eight years before with my dear Lord Mayo. Starting from Bombay on the 9th April, we got to Allahabad next day, and had a few pleasant days with the Lieutenant-Governor (my kind old friend Sir John Strachey), whom Lord Lytton at once annexed by asking him to be his Finance Minister. On the 12th April we reached Calcutta, after saying good-bye to Lady Lytton, and my wife and children, who left direct for Simla, and at once went to Govern- ment House. Here we were received by Lord North- 14 210 MEMOKIES brook, and adjourned to the Council-Room, where the new Viceroy took the usual oath of office in presence of the Council. It had not been usual in the past to say anything on such an occasion, but the circum- stances in which Lord Lytton came to India were so unusual that, after careful thought and with some trepidation, he made a graceful and conciliatory little speech, which many of us thought admirable. This was well received by his new colleagues, who were believed not to be very sympathetic with him after the somewhat sharp correspondence between the India Office and Lord Northbrook on certain questions of frontier policy, in which the home Government and that of India differed, and which the new Viceroy had been instructed to set right in accordance with the decision arrived at by the Cabinet. The next few days at Calcutta were full of hard work in hot and steamy weather. It was pleasant to meet Lord Northbrook again, and he and Lord Lytton had many long and friendly talks. On the l5th April the ex- Viceroy left Calcutta, with Miss Baring (now Lady Emma C rich ton), in the Tenasserim^ and there were many to regret his departure. He was specially cordial to me, and in leaving shook me warmly by the hand, saying, ' I only hope your second term may be ' as successful as your first.* Having had our preliminary canter, so to speak, at Calcutta, we all started for Simla on the 22nd April, reaching it after a good journey of some four days, and finding our respective belongings settled down — our own abode being Beatsonia^ in which we had formerly lived, and which had, therefore, many pleasant memories. I need not again describe a Simla season. At this particular time we had a good LORD LYTTON'S NARROW ESCAPE 211 deal of anxious work on account of the two difficult questions in hand, among many others, of Afghan policy and the coming proclamation of the new title ; but we varied our existence by the usual dinners^ concerts, and receptions of society in general and of native chiefs, besides occasional trips into the interior hills which were very enjoyable. On one of these trips, when riding out to our little country house at a place called Mushobra, Lord Lytton's pony shied at a coolie who was carrying a rather formidable package, and over the Khud (cliff) went both pony and rider down a sloping hillside, in which trees, as it happened, arrested the fall. Fortunately, Lord Lytton rolled off clear of the pony and was unhurt, and we got both rider and pony up again on the road with some difficulty. I was riding some yards behind, and was unable to do more than assist my Chief up again, feeling very thankful that the affair was no worse, for in less favourable circumstances it mi^rht have been certain death. In the course of time the even tenor of our existence was varied by Lady Lytton giving birth (9th August, 1876) to a son — the present Earl of Lytton, soon after which my wife went through the same ceremony (14th August), making me a present of our third boy, Edward Robert,* to whom the Viceroy stood godfather, and who was, of course, pronounced by the ladies to be a fine little fellow ! * Now a Captain in the Royal Artillery. He has done very good service, especially in the South African War of 1900-01, for which he was mentioned in despatches and recommended, I believe, for a reward which did not come to him, but which he thoroughly deserved. He was in Q Battery of Horse Artillery for a time. This battery distinguished itself in the war. He has now gone once more to South Africa with a Battery of Field Artillery. 14—2 212 MEMORIES Both these boys were christened at the Simla church on the 23rd September by Archdeacon Baly, in the presence of a large number of friends and of the public at large, devoted to Lady Lytton, whose grace and charm had won all hearts in India, and who, year by year, increasingly gained the affection and esteem of all who knew her. As to our Afghan policy. Lord Lytton spared no pains to work it prudently and successfully. He was extremely anxious to conciliate Shere Ali, and yet to initiate, if possible, a somewhat firmer and more con- sistent policy than hitherto, in accordance with the instructions of the Cabinet, with which he was him- self in entire accord. Much interesting information reached us at this time through a trusted source that the Amir had been long disturbed in his mind as to his relations with us, and that in speaking of England he had said that ' the Minister (Disraeli) who ap- ' pointed Lord Lytton had also appointed his true 'friend Lord Mayo, and that the new Viceroy had ' brought with him Lord Mayo's Secretary, and would ' undoubtedly be his friend also.* Encouraged by this indication of possible friendliness, although assured from other sources that Shere Ali was alienated beyond recovery. Lord Lytton opened communica- tions with him through the Commissioner of Pesha- war (Sir Richard Pollock) and others of the Amir*s old friends, proposing to send a complimentary mission to Cabul to inform him of the Queen's assumption of the new Imperial title, and to invite him to the projected assemblage of 1877 if he cared to come, when an opportunity might be taken of talk- ing over matters of interest to both parties. Thus, Sir Richard Pollock wrote (8th February, AMIR SHERE ALI 213 1876) : ' It is the Viceroy's sincere desire not only to ' maintain but also materially to strengthen the bonds ' of friendship and confidence between the British ' Government and the Government of Afghanistan, so ' that the interests of Your Highness as the Sovereign ' of a friendly and independent frontier State may be ' effectually guaranteed against all cause of future ' anxiety. But the support of the British Government ' cannot be effectual unless it is based on reciprocal ' confidence and a clear recognition of the means ' requisite for the protection of mutual interests.' But Shere Ali, to our great regret and disappoint- ment, received these and other advances sullenly, and was evidently in a very bad humour. After some further efforts in the same direction, the Viceroy thought it prudent to put an end to the corre- spondence and to summon our Cabul Native Agent (Sirdar Atta Mahomed Khan) to Simla to talk matters over. The Agent arrived on October 6th, primed, it was hoped, with the Amir's real thoughts and feelings ; but the interviews with him were not satisfactory, for Atta Mahomed seemed to be almost as unfriendly as the Amir himself, although we made the best of him ! I myself then believed, and still believe, that there was at the moment a great deal of intrigue between party-pullers of British and Russian descent and party-pullers at Cabul determined to render the whole matter a failure, such was the extraordinary party and pro-Russian feeling at the moment in England on this difficult question and the determined purpose of Russia to gain a footing in Afghanistan. Still our Agent was well treated by us, and left Simla for Cabul with an Aide Memoii-e for the Amir, as 214 MEMORIES admirable as it was moderate, which explained frankly and fully the position of affairs and our desire to give effective help to Shere Ali on a basis set out in the memorandum for discussion in a friendly manner. During all this time my own correspondence with all sorts and conditions of men at home was constant, and I received some very kind replies. Among others my good friend Ponsonby wrote (21st November, 1876): 'When I think of you in the midst of heat * and bustle affording time to write me a letter of such ' interest as you have, I feel grateful, and lament that 'from this cold and cheerless solitude (Balmoral) I 'have so little to say. The Queen talks much of ' what Lord Lytton tells her, and shows me his 'letters, which she likes talking over, and very ' agreeable letters they are. I am much obliged for ' the Durbar papers. It will be a magnificent sight, ' and as the Empress is to be proclaimed it is fitting ' it should be grandly done. What you say about 'your foreign relations is most interesting at the ' present moment, and we receive telegrams about the 'proceedings on your borders. The Afghans seem ' to be very unpleasant allies. We have very little ' hold on them, and yet are held liable for their ' games ; but if you can place British officers at ' Cabul, things may improve. Russia puzzles me ' more than ever. Intrigues here, inexplicable moves ' there, the apparent falsehood everywhere ; but when ' explanations are asked and given they seem to be 'frank, and really have the merit of being real ' explanations.' In the meanwhile we left Simla, soon after the departure of Atta Mahomed on his return to Cabul, for the customary Viceregal autumn tour. It was our KHELAT 215 intention to travel through the hills, via Sultanpore and Kangra, to Cashmere, but owing to the prevalence of cholera in that State, it was decided to ask the Maharajah to come to Madhopore (on the border of his territory), where we met him on the 1 7th November, after a splendid tramp through Palampore, Dhurmsala, Dalhousie, and other places among my old haunts, of which I had so many memories. At this interview we settled many important matters with the Maharajah in respect to frontier arrangements at Gilgit, Swat, and Chitral. From Madhopore we went to Peshawar, Lahore, and Multan. Here it may be said that in former days Multan had been visited by great heroes of antiquity, and certain palm-trees around us were still held by the people to mark the footsteps of Alexander the Great, whose followers introduced them. It was at this spot that Alexander himself was wounded by a javelin in the throat at the assault of the ' city of the 'Malli.' In those days the city was situated on the borders of the river Ravi, which ran through it, and was watered also by the Beas on one side and the Chenab on the other. Starting from this point the Greek Fleet made its way by the mouth of the Indus to the shores of Arabia and Persia. Travelling onwards to Bhawalpore, and thence by steamer to Sukkur and Jacobabad on the Sindh frontier, we met the Khan of Khelat and his wild followers, and signed a new and important treaty (8th December, 1876) with him, of which I had the satisfaction of suggesting the principal conditions. These arrangements with Khelat were very important, although for many reasons it was unfortunate that, from the circumstances of the moment, we had to 216 MEMORIES make them before instead of after attempting to come to some understanding with Shere Ali. Be this as it may, the occupation of Quetta at this time was the best thing ever done, and gave us practical command of the roads leading from Candahar and elsewhere to our south-western frontier. In fact, our complete hold of Khelat, with the full concurrence of the Khan and his chiefs, has been productive of far greater results than any arrangements we could make with Afghanistan, and reduced our negotiations with the Amir to less importance than might otherwise have been the case. It was afterwards spitefully said that it was this very occupation of Quetta which offended Shere Ali ; ])ut, as a fact, he had been inimical ever since 1873, and when his envoy came down to Peshawar, as will be seen further on, some months after our occupation of Quetta, this question was not even mentioned by him. Twelve years after our treaty (November, 1888) Quetta and the districts of Pishin, Thai, Chotiali, and Sibi were annexed to British territory with the full approval of the local rulers and in- habitants, one of the many results of Lord Lytton's frontier policy, unrecognised at the moment, and even now forgotten, although still of momentous value. I do not venture to say much as to the climate of these new districts. At any rate, in regard to Sibi the inhabitants have a saying, ' Creator of the ' Universe, when you made Sibi why need you have ' made hell !' After a few days we continued our tour to Kurrachee and Bombay, where we were again received by the Governor (Sir Philip Wodehouse), and eventually reached Delhi on the 23rd December, IMPERIAL ASSEMBLAGE 217 after a tour of two months' duration. For several months previously a Committee, consisting of myself, Thornton (our experienced and able Foreign Secretary), Fred Koberts, Bradford, and Colley, had been entrusted with the arrangements and acts of grace connected with the Imperial Proclamation, which gave us hard work and plenty to think about. I was glad when our proceedings came to an end ; for the amount of correspondence it brought on my own shoulders was of no mean quantity, as thus specially representing the Viceroy and writing his wishes and our own conclusions to heads of administration and executive officers throughout India, and receiving their views on the many intricate questions that came before us. The Queen took such a keen interest in the forth- coming proclamation of her new title* that Lord Lytton was anxious to carry out the ceremony in a manner befitting the occasion and agreeable to the chiefs and people of India generally, so that we had to be very careful in all our recommendations and arrangements. Unexpected visitations of famine in Southern India and other unforeseen difficulties limited our original intentions as to this historic gathering ; every pains were therefore taken to insure that no one should be encouraged to attend at Delhi if it involved undue individual expenditure ; and to make this as easy as possible local durbars and ceremonies were arranged * Here it may be said that the translation of this title was settled to be ' Kaisar-i-Hind.' One of the titles of the ancient Kings of India was Kesari, of which the Persian Kaisar is but another form, passing, in fact, from Latin (Caesar or Czar) into Persian at a comparatively early period, and becoming current in Hindustani and other literary languages of India. 218 MEMORIES at the principal centres throughout India, a plan which met with great success. I can only attempt here to give a general sketch of our proceedings, of which I have already written a full account in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of 1st January, 1887 ; besides which Mr. Talboys Wheeler published a complete official record of the ceremony and other commemora- tions in the various presidencies and districts. Notwithstanding our efforts to keep the assemblage within reasonable limits, the number of chiefs and others who attended exceeded our anticipations. No fewer than sixty -three ruling chiefs were present, including the Nizam of Hyderabad, the Gaekwar of Baroda, the Maharajahs of Jeypore, Scindiah, and others, all representing territories exceeding the com- bined areas of England, Italy and France. There were, besides, about 300 titular chiefs and native noblemen present, including the Prince of Arcot, the Princess of Tanjore, and representatives from Bengal, Oudh, Punjab, Sindh, Chitral, the North- West Frontier, Bombay, Madras, and Burmah ; and, in addition to these came the Governors of the Portuguese settle- ments, the Khan of Khelat, deputations from Muscat, ambassadors from the Kings of Siam and Nepaul, an envoy from the Amir of Kashgar, and many repre- sentatives from the foreign consular body. The chiefs and nobles, with their followers, and most of the visitors present, were accommodated in large encampments converging on a central group consisting of those of the Viceroy, the Governors of Madras and Bombay, the Commander-in-Chief in India, and the various Lieutenant - Governors and Chief Commissioners of provinces. For the multitude thus brought together, which amounted to about PEARS' SOAP 219 100,000 souls, in addition to horses, elephants, and camels, ample supplies were available, besides which the sanitary and police arrangements were admirable. In short, nothing could have been better than the arrangements made both by our committee and by every official concerned, encouraged as we all were by Lord Lytton's own untiring exertions and example. Speaking of the Khan of Khelat and his followers, they were very much alarmed when put into the first rail way -train they had ever seen. They had all the carriage-doors securely locked, and held on to the seats like grim death, expecting that every moment would be their end. They were no sooner lodged in their sumptuous camp than they ate up for supper the whole of the cakes of Pears' soap which we ventured to supply to them for long-neglected ablutions, in addition to which they kicked out of their tents our fine bedsteads, and used our jugs and basins for eating and drinking purposes ! On the Viceroy's arrival at Delhi he was received by the President in Council (the late Sir Henry Nor- man) and all the high civil and military officers, besides the whole of the native chiefs ; and this reception, from its representative and picturesque character, formed one of the most interesting events in the assemblage. Many of the chiefs had never previously met one another ; some had never before left their own principalities ; but they seemed to evince great eagerness to meet the new Viceroy, and moved about, happily for us, without ceremony or question of precedence. From the 26th to the 29th December Lord Lytton held receptions, and conferred on chiefs and others banners and gold and silver commemorative medals, 220 MEMORIES of which I was myself proud to receive one of the twenty-five gold ones sent by the Queen. There were also a number of state dinners and other entertain- ments, ending up with one of the largest levees ever held in India, of which it was said by the press : ' About 3,000 persons, chiefly military officers and ' members of the Civil Service, were presented. The ' tents were too small for such a large assemblage of 'persons, and the crush was in consequence over- ' whelming. The aides-de-camp and bodyguard did 'all in their power to stem the crush, but to no ' purpose. Officers had their dress torn, others their 'helmets crushed, and others lost their caps. One 'unfortunate Indian gentleman was heard shouting ' out frantically, " Master ! oh, master ! I die here ! ' " Oh, master !" Another fat person took refuge on ' a sofa and broke it to pieces.* The 1st January, 1877, now came upon us, and fortunately proved a fine day. The assemblage was held in three large pavilions specially erected for the purpose on an extensive plain to the north of the city. The largest of these pavilions was semicircular in form, containing all the high officers of Government and the native chiefs and nobles, and facing a smaller one, in which the Vicerov and his staff were seated. Other surrounding pavilions held foreign representa- tives and high officials, while the troops, 15,000 in number, were drawn up in a large circle on the plain around. Lord and Lady Lytton arrived on the ground at noon, and received a most impressive welcome, after which the prochimation formally declaring the Queen to be Empress of India was read amid the usual feux- de-joie and a salute of 101 guns. This ended, the Vicerov rose and addressed the THE SOVEEEIGN'S MESSAGE 221 assemblage in an admirable speech, which was con- cluded by the reading of a telegraphic message from the Queen assuring all concerned of the deep interest and earnest affection with which the Sovereign re- garded the people of her Indian Empire. At the conclusion of this address the whole assemblage spontaneously rose and cheered, and Scindiah, the Begum of Bhopal, Sir Salar Jung, the Maharajah of Jeypore, the Maharajah of Cashmere, and others, did their best to be heard in expressing their satisfaction and pleasure. This, in few words, ended the proceedings of the day, which were of a most imposing character, and were carried through with unbroken success. We were not a little pleased at the result, all the more so as we learnt from subsequent letters and telegrams that the Queen herself was intensely gratified at the success of the whole affair. A review of the troops on the 5th January concluded the unique events of the Imperial assemblage, a picturesque adjunct to this review being the marching past of some 30,000 of the so-called armies of the native chiefs present, one of the most theatrical and interesting spectacles I have ever seen. My little daughter Gerty, whom we had left behind in England in 1876, arrived at this time at Delhi with her uncle. Lord Kilmaine, who had brought her out to us, and she enjoyed the fun as much as any of us. Looking back at this assemblage,* which was * Some years afterwards Earl Roberts, when receiving the freedom of the city of Birmingham (18th July, 1903), said : * One of the finest ' regiments I served with was the old 6th Regiment, the present War- * wickshire Regiment. That regiment furnished the guard of honour * at the Delhi Assemblage on January 1st, 1877, when the Queen was 222 MEMORIES accompanied by many concessions and acts of grace throughout the country, including the release, without the slightest harm or accident, of 16,000 prisoners, I consider it a very important act, from an Indian point of view, of Lord Lytton's viceroyalty. It gave a long- desired opportunity for personal official conferences between high officials, European and native, thus drawn together in one place from all parts of India, the results of which meetings were of great signifi- cance and benefit. It brought the native chiefs into line, caused them to realize clearly for the first time that they were under one Sovereign, induced them to offer from that moment their personal services and troops to the Government, and effected generally a change in tone and feeling towards the British Empire, which has from that period onwards been of great benefit. This is not my own testimony only as one personally interested in the matter, but that of numerous high officers of State and officials in all parts of India, who at the outset opposed the whole idea of the new title and did their best to deride it. * proclaimed Empress of India. It was on the model of that assem- *blage that Lord Curzon on January 1st last arranged his great * Durbar at Delhi. He wrote to me about it, and I replied: * *' You may have a larger assemblage, but I am perfectly certain * ** you cannot have one which will have a greater effect upon Indian *" history than the one which Lord Lytton held on January 1st, * " 1877." It was the turning-point in Indian history ; it was the * one single occasion on which every native chief, every native * potentate from all parts of India, came to do obeisance to Her * Majesty's representative. (Hear, hear.) I have always declared * that that one day and that great meeting had more effect in welding * the people of India to England than anything that has ever * happened before or since.' A WISE ACT 223 Yes, a great change in this respect rapidly ensued and has since remained — a change which will ever remain an enduring monument not only to the statesmanshi]> of Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Lytton, who originated the idea, but also to Lord Salisbury, who loyally strengthened the hands of the Viceroy throughout an anxious time, the only blot in the proceedings being the unfortunate acrimonious discussion on the matter in Parliament at home, which damped our proceedings, attributing the action taken, as many did, to the per- sonal vanity of the new Viceroy, instead of generously according him praise for one of the best acts, from an Eastern point of view, of his administration. Up to a certain point I may make some claim to a share in the inception of the arrangements after- wards carried out for the Imperial proclamation, and this was in Lord Lytton's mind when he wrote to the Queen (12th August, 1876) a letter of which he gave me a copy : ' I am very hopeful that the various ' measures contemplated in connection with the ' proclamation of your Majesty's Imperial title will 'be productive of the best political results. I feel ' bound to say that if they succeed, as I confidently 'expect, the person to whom the Government of ' India will be chiefly indebted for their success is my ' Private Secretary, Colonel Burne, who is intimately ' acquainted with the personal character of the principal ' native princes and chiefs, and from whom I have ' received the most valuable assistance in this matter.* And, again, to Lord Salisbury on the same date : ' I ' really believe that the 1st January next is likely to ' prove an historical epoch of considerable importance ' in India. But if my favourable anticipations are ' realized, I can certainly take no credit to myself for 224 MEMORIES ' the success. The whole idea originated entirely with ' Burne, and without his valuable assistance the details ' of it would never have been worked out.* Lord Lytton was a generous man, to whom it was always a pleasure to give undue credit to those who served him ; but up to a certain point, as just said, these kind acknowledgments of my share in the matter were justified, as he and I worked out, together and alone early in 1876, the general scheme of the })roclamation of the new title, from which scheme very little deviation was afterwards made, whether as regards ceremonies or acts of grace. Proceeding on the night of the assemblage south- wards, we stayed a day at Patiala to install the new young ruler as chief of the State, then went on to Umballa, and reached Allyghur next day to lay the foundation-stone of the Mahomedan Anglo- Oriental College there under Syed Ahmed ; thence travelling on to Agra, we finally reached Calcutta on the 13th of the month, to resume our usual routine of work and duty, which, however interesting to myself, is un- necessary to record here. CHAPTER XIII Failure of our Afghan negotiations — Famine in Madras — Return home of wife and children, and afterwards of myself — Transfer of Marquis of Salisbury from the India to the Foreign Office, and succession of Viscount Cranbrook — Russo-Turkish War — War in Afghanistan — Change of Government and Lord Lytton's return home (1877-80). To revert once more to Afghan affairs, the return to Cabul of our native agent was not productive of much fruit, although at last Shere Ali, soon after the Delhi assemblage, deputed his Minister, Syad Nur Mahomed, to Peshawar to meet our Envoy, Sir Lewis Pellj, to talk over the matter contained in the aide memoire already alluded to, which so fully explained the whole situation to the Amir. The Minister, however, seemed to be furnished with no real authority to conclude any arrangement, and described Shere Ali as having been completely alienated from us for many years past. Reports at the same time reached India of the Amir's continued intrigues with General Kauffman, of prepara- tions for a religious war, apparently directed against India, and of the massing of Afghan troops on our frontier ; and so this conference dragged on without fruit until ended by the sudden death (26th March) of the Afghan Envoy. The result was a sore dis- appointment to Lord Lytton and to all of us, for we had not been without hope of coming to some satis- 225 15 226 MEMORIES factory understanding, although handicapped by Russian intrigue at Cabul and Shere Ali's apparent revulsion from British to Russian influence. But the hope was not fulfilled, and the Viceroy sadly and reluctantly had to admit failure, and to refrain for a time from further action, seeing that he had no wish to press the Amir to an unwilling assent to arrange- ments which were really favourable to himself and his dynasty. So far as my own labours were concerned, the mission for which I had come from England in Lord Lytton's aid was ended. Events were too strong for us. The Amir, rightly or wrongly, had been alienated from us before we arrived in India. We were too late to gain him back, and thenceforth we had to count with Russian intrigue in combination with his own suspicions and sullen character. I almost began at this time to think that the Afghans were really the lost tribes found again ; at any rate, greater rascals never existed, and one felt almost driven for refuge into the sacred ' masterly inactivity ' camp, had such a policy been any longer possible ! Thus, having returned to Simla in due course for our summer season, we had no further communication with Cabul beyond the ordinary news-letter corre- spondence, and contented ourselves with putting our own house in order in various ways in dealing with internal administrative questions, in regard to which the Viceroy worked indefatigably. In the meantime I still received many interesting letters from Ponsonby. Among others he wrote (17th August, 1877) 'Rim Macdonald (lately Naval ' Commander-in-Chief in India) came here the other ' day to get the K.C.S.I. He wanted to wear his gold FAMINE IN SOUTHERN INDIA 227 * assemblage medal. Garter told him he mustn't — so * he didn't. But all the same he put it on before he ^went away. When on his knees before the Queen ^the Lord Chamberlain read out his name Reginald. " I think not," said the Queen, turning towards me. * I felt inclined to answer Rim, " Ronald,'' said the * Queen. " No," answered the Lord Chamberlain. ' The Admiral, distressed at this buzzing round his ^ head, spoke out, " Reginald, your Majesty," so he ^ was knighted Reginald, and now his family tell us he ' was wrong and say he is Ronald ! The Envoy from ^ Kashgar is here — a fine looking man and a London * lion, but he couldn't speak English. General Grant, ' U.S.A., was the other lion. He could speak English, ^ but didn't speak much. He brought a son with him ' and had a talk with the Queen, in the midst of which '' his son pulled him by the coat-tails. " Pa, introduce ^ " me !" Are we not in this country a little too 'much afraid of the marvellous power of Russia, ' which, when it is put into action, comes to terrible '- grief ?' Towards the end of our Simla season (1877) we received bad news of the famine in Southern India, which had reached a point that was most alarming, and apparently it was not well managed by some of our officials. After issuing a Minute on the subject, Lord Lytton determined to go down to the famine district himself, notwithstanding that the journey had to be made in the middle of the hot weather. He accordingly started from Simla on the 16th August, with myself, Colley, Sir A. Arbuthnot, Charles Elliott, Thornton, Bernard, Steuart Bayley (on whose sound judgment the Viceroy much relied in these and other matters), Villiers, Loch, and Dr. Barnett. We 15—2 228 MEMOEIES reached Poona on the 20th August, and remained there for some days, inquiring into famine matters* and visiting relief works ; and finally arrived at Madras,^ via Bellary, on the 29th of the month, where we had some hard day, and sometimes night, work with the Governor (Duke of Buckingham), visiting neighbour- ing relief camps and settling general lines of famine policy, resulting in changes and improvements which were afterwards much praised by the public at large. Thence we went to Bangalore, and to the relief camps at Coimbatore, finally reaching Ootacamund on the 12th September, all rather seedy and draggled from heat and work ! We started for Mysore itself on the 16th inst. on a brief visit to the young Mahara- jah, which we all enjoyed, more especially myself, as it gave me an opportunity of renewing our acquaint- ance, and of seeing my dear old friend Jimmy Gordon^ who was then Resident at Mysore (he died, alas ! 27th June, 1889), and who made our visit extremely useful and pleasant. Eventually we returned to Poona for a few days, and reached Simla again on the 27th September, after a trying journey in great heat — 103° in the shade — to the joy of our respective * Lord Lytton much appreciated the help given at this time by (Sir) Charles Lawson, then engaged in journalism in Madras. His- clear and able views on famine and other State questions were of great value ; and although I am not writing the history of Lord Lytton's administration, which has been better done by his gifted daughter, I may add that the untiring exertions of (Sir) Roper Lethbridge at headquarters among other duties at this and other periods, as Press Commissioner (charged with giving correct and frequent information on all subjects to European and native ne\vs- papers throughout India) were productive of great advantage to all concerned. It was a pity, in my opinion, that this useful office wa» abolished later on. THE AFGHAN QUESTION 229 l)elongings. Rain had fortunately followed us in our wanderings southwards and caused much relief in the famine districts where the natives attributed the rain to supernatural influences following the Viceroy's visit. Our journey to the famine districts in Southern India did not eliminate from our thoughts the tangled and tiresome Afghan question, although we were all rather sick of it ; and we were therefore pleased at receiving, soon after our return to headquarters, a despatch from Lord Salisbury (4th October, 1877), which was satis- factory, as indicating that the Cabinet were in accord with Lord Lytton's past action. He wrote : ' The independence of Afghanistan is a * matter of importance to the British Government, and * as an essential part of the arrangements for its pro- " tection Her Majesty's Government would still be glad * to station agents upon whom they could rely at Herat * and Candahar. In the event, therefore, of the Amir ^ within a reasonable time spontaneously manifesting a * desire to come to a friendly understanding with your ^ Excellency on the basis of the terms lately offered * to, but declined by, him, his advances should not be -rejected. If, on the other hand, he continues to * maintain an attitude of isolation and scarcelv-veiled hostility, the British Government stand unpledged to * any obligations, and in any contingencies which may * arise in Afghanistan will be at liberty to adopt such * measures for the protection and permanent tran* ^ quillity of the North- West Frontier of Her Majesty's "'Indian possessions as the circumstances of the ' moment may render expedient, without regard to the ^ wishes of the Amir Shere Ali or the interests of his^ ** dynasty.' 230 MEMOKIES We enjoyed a short rest in the Simla hills, but it proved to be my last look at this place of happy memories, for my wife began to show signs of serious ill-health, and was advised to leave for England, and this fact helped to remind us that the two years- special leave of absence from my post at the India Office would expire within a few months. As an evidence of Lord Lytton's personal regard for me,. I may here mention that this gave him so much regret that he consulted Sir John Strachey* with a view to my receiving some high appointment in India if it could be arranged. As I was not on the Indian Establishment this could not be, and Sir John, in communicating this fact to the Viceroy, said : * I wish we could come to a dif - ' ferent conclusion, for Burners loss to you cannot be 'supplied privately or publicly'; which letter Lord Lytton communicated to me in words that I can never forget, for he said (21st September, 1877): * Read the 'enclosed letter from Strachey. I feel I must not ' allow you to think any longer of the sacrifice which 'I believe your generosity would accept if I were 'selfish enough to accept it myself. I know the ' struggle it costs you to leave me. During the year ' and a half that we have lived and worked together, ' you have done for me, and been to me, all that one ' man could have done or been. I shall never forget ' this, but I know that when you return to England * you will not cease to be my true friend, as you have ♦ One of the most prominent men of the Indian Civil Service and now a G.C.S.I. It is difficult to speak adequately of the invaluable and unselfish services rendered by this distinguished man both to Lord Mayo and Lord Lytton, not to mention those to the Empire at large. To myself he was always a kind and firm friend. SIR JOHN STRACHEY 231 * ever been, with all your great gifts of heart and 'head.' We left Simla (my wife, self, and four children) on the 4th November for Bombay, amid many sad good- byes, just after an earthquake, which fortunately proved a slight one, although it mightily alarmed the community at large, and on the 9th of the month my belongings left in the P. and O. Surat, under charge of my dear brother George (he died 11th December, 1903), and reached Southampton on the 15th December. I myself returned to meet Lord Lytton at Agra in order to accompany him to Calcutta, where we arrived on the 29th December. I thought it right at this time to remind Lord Salisbury of my possible early return home, and received a letter from him (17th November, 1877), saying, among other things : ' We shall be very glad ' to see you back at the head of your own department, ' though Mr. Moore has been a very sedulous and ' efficient locum tenens. The questions in which we ' were most interested when you went away, so far as ' they have changed at all, have all moved in the right ' direction. The movement into Khelat, though from ' the Parliamentary point of view it was a hazardous ' proceeding, has answered very well really, and I ' hope may be the means of securing us a genuine and ' permanent influence in Khelat. On our success in ' attaining this object the security of our North- West ' Frontier in a considerable measure depends, for our ' hope of getting influence over the Afghans appears ' to be very distant. However, our genuine protection ' is our monopoly of good weapons. There is no one ' subject in your department of such vital importance ' as the arms question, and I hope we shall never allow 232 MEMORIES ' Liberal crotchets or false confidence to diminish ' our superiority in this respect. I am very sorry ' the Amir was ever allowed to have breechloaders. * He certainly ought not to be permitted to get any * more.' To this I wrote a reply, part of which I may be pardoned for quoting. I said (24th December, 1877) : 'Your letter of the 17th November has given me 'infinite pleasure. I was very pleased at my name ' being in the first list of honours (1st January, 1878) ' connected with the Imperial title, especially as I hold ' strong opinions as to the value, in an Indian sense, of ' all that has been done in that direction. I have had ' two years of incessant hard work out here, and have 'done my best to assist to keep matters in a right ' groove. My only regret at returning to my appoint- ' ment at the India Office is, first, at having to leave ' Lord Lytton at a time when, after an uphill game, ' the tide of public feeling out here is turning in his ' favour ; and, secondly, at ousting Mr. Moore,* who, ' I feel sure, makes a better Secretary than myself. But I have gained some fresh experience, have learnt ' more caution, and hope to be of use to you in my ' small way when I return. I think that you are right ' when you say that our real and genuine protection ' is our monopoly of good weapons. We shall one day ' realize the truth of this. We are doing so now in * It gave me great pleasure at this time to receive a letter from my devoted assistant Moore, to whom I refer later on, to the effect that he longed for my return, and preferred it to any idea of himself filling my post, as he and I together were all right, but he felt unable to cope by himself with so many difficult questions as now came before him daily. He therefore warmly welcomed me on my return later on. EETURN TO ENGLAND 233 * some measure, as the Lieutenant-Governor of the ^ Punjaub writes to me : "I have informed you of the ^ " unvarying success of all the military operations ^ '' which have now been undertaken. I gather that *■ " the Snider rifles with which the native troops are * " armed have been used with great effect. The ^ " possession of such weapons inspires our men with * " the greatest confidence." ' I had to devote every moment of time on reaching Calcutta to complete official work and to prepare for my return home — a return now hastened by in- creasingly bad news of my wife's suddenly failing health. But I will only touch lightly on the painful events of the next few months. It was some solace at such a time to find my name among those first gazetted (1st January, 1878) to the 'Most Eminent ^ Order of the Indian Empire,' as this decoration further identified me with India, where I had spent so many years of my life, and specially with the pro- clamation of the new Imperial title in connection with which it was instituted. It was a great satisfaction to me to be thus associated with a country and an event which were both dear to me. Further tele- grams from home, urging my immediate return to England, compelled me to leave Calcutta on the 11th January, amid many sad farewells from the Viceroy and from a large number of friends who came to the railway- station to see me off to Bombay, including Dr. and Mrs. Barnett, with whom my family and myself had been close friends in the past on the StafiP of Lord Mayo and Lord Lytton. Dr. Barnett died in England on the 24th July, 1885, and his wife on the 31st August, 1905, both deeply regretted. As I had been barely two years with Lord Lytton, 234 MEMORIES my work with him was less noticed, if I may use such a word, than if I had remained with him during the whole of his term of office. Among my private papers are articles from the press as to myself from 1861, when I first joined Sir Hugh Rose, until I left the public service in 1897. I do not know to this moment by whose hands they were written, as they were anonymous and unsought for on my part, and for this reason I attach much value to them. If I now quote but one out of the scores which are among my papers, it is only for the above-named reason, which made me feel exceptionally glad that on thus leaving Lord Lytton, the Indian public (for many other similar articles were written at this time) appreciated, as Lord Lytton himself generously did, the character of my humble work during this brief period. The article, which was sent to me in England by Lord Lytton along with others, ran thus : ' The Howrah station on Friday night, at the * departure of the up-train carrying the mails, pre- * sented a busy scene that was both interesting and ' touching to those who understood its significance. ' Colonel Owen Burne, the right hand of the Viceroy, ' and the most popular Private Secretary that India ' has known in our time, was leaving for home, prob- ' ably for good, and a great bevy of his friends and * admirers, native as well as European, had assembled * to bid him God-speed and see the last of him in this * country. ' The Viceroy brought Colonel Burne down to the 'station, accompanied by nearly the whole of the * Staff, and the train moved off amidst the chorus of ' affectionate adieus, that showed how deeply the loss * of the gallant Colonel is felt by everyone, from his PEESS APPHECIATION 235 ' Excellency downwards, with whom he has been ' brought into contact. Colonel Burne was indeed an ' ideal Private Secretary — kind, courteous, and con- ' siderate to a degree. It has often been observed ' that a " No " from Burne was robbed of all its sting ' by the way in which it was said. He was singularly ' unassuming, and even reticent, about himself, and 1 ' have heard it said more than once by those who are ' well acquainted with the fact that no one but Lord ' Mayo formerly, and Lord Lytton more recently^ ' ever knew of how much practical use his clear in- ' telligence and wide experience had really been to ' the Viceroys, or how greatly his counsels had been ' valued by both. The estimation in which Colonel ' Burne is held by the present Viceroy is well known, ' and it must be a source of great consolation to ' his Excellency in his present loss to think that his ' faithful assistant and friend, though leaving India, ' is not leaving the service of India. The presence ' of Colonel Burne in the India Office as Political ' Secretary will doubtless do much to strengthen the ' hands of Lord Lytton out here, and it is a matter of ' consolation for the Empire just now that a man at ' once so capable and so thoroughly in accord with ' the Indian administration should be holding the ' reins at home. All Calcutta, and, indeed, all India, ' in wishing the late Private Secretary well, will 'heartily join with us in hoping that the domestic ' affliction which has called him away so suddenly will ' have passed away, or, if that may not be, will have ' assumed a less distressing and threatening aspect ' before he arrives on the scene of his new labours* ' It very seldom falls to the lot of an official to receive ' such spontaneous testimony of his worth as Colonel 236 MEMORIES * Bume has. His departure is equally regretted on "* both sides of India, and probably no one regrets it ' more than Lord Lytton himself* {Calcutta English- man^ 12th January, 1878). I left Bombay by the first available mail steamer, and reached Bournemouth on the 3rd February, after a rough voyage home, only to find my- wife very ill from an unforeseen attack of rapid consumption. On the 13th February I reported myself at the India Office, and saw Lord Salisbury, who was very sym- pathetic, and I was much comforted in my trouble by letters from India and elsewhere. Lord Lytton wrote (7th March, 1878) : 'I am sure you would like * to know the kind and sympathizing terms in which * Lord Salisbury has written to me about you, and * therefore I quote from his last letter. " It is," he * says, " a terrible sorrow for Burne to have brought * " home with him. There are few men whose sorrow * " will invite deeper sympathy in all who have worked * '' with him. He is so hearty and loyal." ' And, again (4th April, 1878) : ' Your own private troubles * are constantly in my thoughts, and your place in my ^ heart is made by them larger and larger. Alas ! we * know not what is best for ourselves or for those who * are dear to us, but we must trust that there is One * who does know. We miss you sadly.' And again (10th April, 1878): 'Simla reminds me more than I * like of my dear Private Secretary of last year, whom ^ I miss at every hour. I have not had the heart to * enter Beatsonia since I came back.* My youngest daughter, Evelyne, was born at HeatherclifF (Bournemouth) on the 20th February. She was privately baptized by the Rev. W. Mouton two days afterwards, on account of her not being THE RUSSO-TUKKISH WAR 237 expected to live, but she has since grown up to be a healthy girl.^ Meanwhile public affairs, based on difficulties with Russia, were looking ugly. The Russo-Turkish War^ which had broken out in April, 1877, was now ter- minating in favour of Russia, who had lost no time in advancing on Constantinople. Thereupon part of the British fleet was ordered to that place by Lord Beaconsfield, and entered the Dardanelles without asking permission of the Porte, while in Parliament a supplementary estimate of £6,000,000 sterling was voted to increase the armaments of the country, the reserves were called out, Indian troops were ordered to Malta, and many other measures were taken to provide for the crisis which the possession of Con- stantinople by Russia was likely to bring about in European aifairs. This warlike policy on the part of the Beacons- field Cabinet caused the resignation of Lord Derby (28th March, 1878) as Secretary of State for Foreign AfEairs, and the transfer of Lord Salisbury, to our regret, from the India to the Foreign Office. Lord Salisbury was succeeded by Lord Cranbrook, to whom I refer later on. Mr. Edward Stanhope at the same time followed Lord George Hamilton (who was made Vice - President of the Council of Education) as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, and was much liked by us all. He and I became great friends officially and socially, until his much regretted death on the 21st December, 1893. During this exciting time I was unable to attend * Since this was written, my daughter Evelyne was married (10th of May, 1906), at the Priory Church, Christchurch, Hants, to Lieutenant Rowland H. Bather, R.N. 238 MEMORIES much to public duties, as matters at Bournemouth were going from bad to worse. My dear mother, who came specially from Bath to see my wife, of whom she was very fond, died suddenly (14th April) a few days after her arrival, to our great sorrow ; and my wife breathed her last (22nd April) at Heathercliff in perfect peace, speaking of her Saviour and her hope of the resurrection, and seeing, as she told us, beautiful visions of her father and other near relatives and friends waiting for her at the 'gates of Paradise.' She was laid to rest on the 29th April in the new