rrtV'J MP -^t'.^' ' 1 J Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2007 witii funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation littp://www.arGliive.org/details/ameriGancityoutlOOwrigriGli The National Social Science Series Edited by Frank L McVey, PhJ)., LLD,, President of the University of Sorth Dakota In Prepratlon SOCIOLOGY. John M. Giuxtte PROPERTY AND SOCIETY. A ^ RtucE STATISTICS. W. R Baiixy BASIS OF COMMERCE. E. V. Romnson WOMEN WORKERS AND SOQETY. Aknii M. MacLean nn: newspaper as a social factor. Allan D. Albott fTHE STRUGGLE FOR LAND IN AMERICA. Chailes W. Holman IIODERN PHIL.\NTHROPY. Eugene T. Lns ESSENTIALS OF FOREIGN TRADE. John F. Cbowell The American City^ AN OUTLINE OF ITS DEVELOPMENT AND FUNCTIONS BY Henry C. Wright First Deputy Commissioner, Department of Public Charities, Nenv York City; Formerly of the Russell Sage Foundation ^ CHICAGO /A. C. McCLURG & CO, 1916 «^;?Y Copyright A. C. McCLURG & CO. 1916 Published February, 1916 Copyrighted in Great Britain W. f. HALL PRINTING COMPANY, CHICAGO EDITOR'S PREFACE THE city is a social phenomenon that we do not know a great deal about. Many things are written concerning cities and the things that happen in them, but few books explain cities in their social aspects. This book, necessarily, in its limited scope, cannot go into all the phases of city life, but it does attempt to get at some of the real problems of the urban community. Dr. Wright has had a long and intimate connection with municipal affairs in New York City, which has given him an interesting and valuable viewpoint that finds expression in this little volume. F.L.M. 333777 AUTHOR'S PREFACE IN writing this book the general reader, rather than the student, has been kept in mind. It is designed to be a bird's-eye view of the city; a broad outline of the functions performed by people grouped together into a city, the things they find it necessary or advantageous to do that are not done by a like number of people scattered through a country district. It is the hope of the author that the book will stimulate thought on the city as a social and govern- mental factor; that it will prompt the reader to question whether or not the growth of cities should be encouraged or discouraged. H. C. W. CONTENTS PAGE Chapter I. The Location and Purpose of Cities 1 1. Early Cities 2 2. Location of Cities 3 3. The Reason for Cities 5 4. Summarized Statement 14 Chapter II. Government .• ^^ K Powers Residing in Governments Muni- cipal 17 2. New York 21 3. Chicago 23 4. Philadelphia 25 5. St. Louis 27 6. Boston 28 7. Forms of Municipal Government ... 30 8. The Council 37 9. Conclusion 39 Chapter III. Finances of Cities 41 1. Income 43 2. Direct Property Tax 43 3. Process of Levying Taxes 46 4. Licenses 49 5. Rentals 50 6. Franchises 51 7. Expenditures 53 8. Permanent Improvements 58 9. Audit and Control of Expenditures . . 59 10. Publicity 61 Chapter IV. Protection of Property, Life, and Health 63 1. Protection of Property and Life ... 63 2. Protection of Health 74 Chapter V. Education and Instruction .... 92 1. Organization and Administration ... 92 2. The City and Other Local Schools ... 94 3. The Curriculum 98 4. Teachers 101 Contents PAGE 5. High Schools 102 6. Vocational Education 104 7. Evening Schools 107 8. Public Lectures 110 9. Libraries 110 10. Art Galleries and Museums 112 11. Zoological Gardens and Collection . . .113 12. Defective and Sub-normal Children . . .114 13. Young Men's Christian Association . .116 14. Technical Education 117 15. General i 118 Chapter VI. Municipal Undertakings . . . .120 1. The Problem of Public Utilities .... 120 2. State Regulation . . . ,. 123 3. Comparisons of Publicly and Privately- Owned Public Utilities 126 Chapter VII. Housing, Transit, and Location of Factories 155 1. Congestion of Population 155 2. Rapid Transit a Relief for Congestion . 159 3. Influence of Character of Dwelling upon Citizenship 160 Chapter VIII. The Effect of the City upon its Citizens 162 1. Inheritance of Good and Bad Traits , . 162 2. Mixing of Races in Cities ...... 164 3. The City Calls Forth the Best and the Worst 165 4. The City Stifles the Mind of the Child . 166 5. Something More than Parks and Play- grounds Needed 169 6. Removal of Factories 170 References 173 Index -.175 THE AMERICAN CITY THE AMERICAN CITY CHAPTER I THE LOCATION AND PURPOSE OF CITIES A N understanding of the origin of cities •^ ^ helps in gaining a clearer insight into the character they have subsequently assumed. The present outward form of many European cities could not be understood were it not known that what is now their central portion was at an earlier period entirely surrounded by a wall. The ancient wall barrier of Paris, though long since destroyed, yet today has its influence upon the transit system of the enlarged city. Some of the movements of Revolutionary troops in and about Boston can be understood only through a knowledge of its early water- ways which subsequently have been filled and occupied by buildings. The street system of New York City cannot be understood without a knowledge of its early commercial life and shipping facilities. A knowledge of how cities came to be and what they did in their earlier years is necessary to a full understanding of I /J2 : :.' \y { * ;. ' * 7^e [ American City their outward form, their government and their activities today. /. Early Cities Life in all civilized countries today is so well guarded that living on the soil is not fraught with danger. In early days neighboring tribes were oftentimes enemies, and bandits roamed at will. Under such conditions, it was neces- sary for the people to congregate for mutual protection. Tillers of the soil lived in commu- nities, and daily went to the neighboring land to sow seed and reap their harvests. Some of these communities, when grown to sufficient size and importance, built a wall about their circumference, and a moat beyond the wall. Thus protected, they lived in greater security and peace of mind. Such a condition prevailed throughout Europe until the Middle Ages, and even today vestiges of some of the walls may be seen. The dwellers in the earliest cities in the United States, founded by Spaniards, sought protection by erecting walls and by locating their settlements at a distance from the coast. The settlement of St. Augustine feared the Indians, but much more the pirates, who could come in boats without warning. Pirate bands carrying a small fighting force ventured but a short distance inland. Consequently, a city Location and Purpose of Cities 3 located some distance from the shore had little to fear from these robbing sea rovers. When settlements were made along the north Atlantic coast, the pirates had ceased to be a menace, and only Indians were feared. Settlements could then be made safely on the immediate coast with only the Indians as possible foes. From these, protection was sought by con- structing a palisade of sharpened logs. Such protection was abolished as the communities grew in size, and were able to protect themselves through the presence of superior numbers. 2. Location of Cities Before the invention of the locomotive, and before the development of railroads, cities were of necessity located at points most accessible by water. Coastwise settlements were generally founded at the head of harbors into which rivers emptied. Examples of such settlements are Boston, New London, and New York. These cities not only served as points of transshipment for goods brought in ocean vessels, but also as points of departure for the smaller crafts which distributed the goods along the rivers to inland settlements. These river settlements, in turn, were points of ex- change between the back-lying country and the river-shipping centres. The pioneers, in push- The American City ing westward from the coast, followed the rivers until the territory adjacent to the rivers was occupied. Thus was the territory first occupied along the Merrimac, Charles, Thames, Connecticut, Housatonic, Hudson, Mohawk, Delaware, Susquehanna, Potomac, and the James rivers, and Chesapeake Bay. From these rivers and bays, settlers made their way inland to other water courses, such as the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. In the early days, before the steam engine was developed, water power was the only means of operating power machinery. Then swift rivers were used to turn water-wheels. Towns grew around mills. Settlements multiplied along such streams as the Merrimac, the Paw- tucket, the Housatonic, the upper Hudson, and, later, on the banks of a multitude of tributary streams and western rivers. Rochester and Minneapolis are illustrations of cities located in this manner. To and through these cities, already located, the railroads subsequently built were run. So it was that settlements originally located on waterways, because of the shipping facilities or the water power, were developed into cities by the railroads, which furnished a quicker means of transportation. St. Paul when located was at the head of navigation of the Mississippi, Location and Purpose of Cities 5 and heavy boat traffic to and from St. Paul developed. St. Paul has grown into a large city, owing its development to the railroads rather than to the river traffic. The railroad has converted small cities into large ones, and also has been the prime cause in locating some of the present large cities ; such as Atlanta, Birmingham, Columbus, Indian- apolis, Grand Rapids, Springfield, 111., Des Moines, Denver, and Salt Lake City may be noted. These cities are not on navigable streams, and probably would not have attained the dignity of cities without the aid of the railroad. 5. The Reason for Cities People gather together and form cities chiefly for five purposes: (a), for garrisoning and bartering; (b), for manufacturing; (c), for mining; (d), for social intercourse; (e), for government. (a) Barter, Garrisons, and Posts. — The earliest settlements in the United States had for their chief motive of existence, besides that of mutual protection, barter and exchange. Manufacturing had developed in but a minor degree. Manufactured articles were largely imported from Europe, and exchanged at the seaport settlements for products of the soil. Tobacco of Virginia was exchanged for the The American City textiles of England. Frontier posts were estab- lished for the purpose of protecting frontiers and for trading in furs. Such were Pitts- burgh, Detroit, Vincennes, and St. Louis. These posts were necessarily fortified, and became forts controlling large contributory ter- ritory. Though they were primarily military posts, yet they soon developed trade with the Indians and with subsequent settlers. All of the coast and frontier settlements, though orig- inally devoted almost exclusively to barter, later, as machinery was imported or invented, started manufacturing. Today none of the cities of the United States are devoted exclusively to barter. Even the coast cities, such as New York and Boston, though prominently import and export points, have yet developed extensive manufacturing. New York City ranks first in the value of products manufactured, and in addition ex- ports and imports more than Boston and Phila- delphia combined. Chicago when founded was almost solely a community for barter; later, however, it became also a manufacturing cen- tre, and today ranks second in manufactured products. Barter may take the form of receiving and distributing goods from foreign ports, or of the wholesaling or retailing of domestic prod- ucts. The coastwise cities naturally are de- Location and Purpose of Cities 7 voted more largely to the first form of barter. Wholesale trade takes place in most cities of a population of 10,000 or more. These cities are scattered widely over the entire country. To these centres manufacturers and producers send their goods to jobbers, who distribute them to the merchants in smaller towns, who, in turn, retail them to the consumers. Any city with good transportation facilities, whether located on a waterway or a railroad, may carry on extensive wholesale trade. Each of such cities controls trade within a zone of a few hundred miles. Such centres may be illustrated by Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Chicago, St. Louis, Omaha, and Denver. As the speed of railroad trains has increased and express facilities have improved, these centres have enlarged their zones of trade. The largest cities are not only points of exchange and wholesale traffic, but they are also office centres. Manufacturers maintain offices in such cities as New York and Chicago, where sales are made but goods are not carried. Shipments are made direct from the factory, which may be located many hundreds of miles away. This method of barter has been greatly increased by the organization of trusts. Trusts usually control plants in various parts of the country, but centralize sales in one or a few centres. This may be aptly illustrated by the 8 The ^American City so-called Steel Trust, which makes a large pro- portion of its sales from New York City, though most of its mills are in the middle West. The so-called Sugar Trust has refineries in several cities, but makes its sales chiefly from New York and Chicago. Many producers, such as manufacturers of automobiles, main- tain agencies in all good-sized cities. This method of conducting business develops in cities offices wherein orders are received, but the goods are not kept in stock. The many towering office buildings of New York City are largely explained by this method of con- ducting business. Few large manufactories are without their representatives in New York City. Another factor which contributes to the size |of barter cities is the advantage of concentrat- ' ing grain in large elevators. Were grain stored in small elevators adjacent to the district in which it is produced, there to remain until required for consumption, it would be difficult to secure it as needed by the milling industry. For uniformity of operation, it becomes neces- sary to store large quantities of grain in huge elevators where it is immediately available. Thus we find many millions of bushels of wheat and other grains stored in Chicago, Min- neapolis, St. Louis, and other shipping and milling centres. Location and Purpose of Cities g (h) Manufacturing Centers. — Though most cities of fair size have many wholesale estab- lishments for the sale of articles not locally made, yet a larger contributing factor in build- ing the city are the facilities there found for carrying on manufacturing. Few factories are located outside of cities. An abundant labor supply is one of the first considerations in the location of a factory. Strikes are always a possibility, and, in case of such a contingency, it is imperative that labor to take the place of the strikers be readily ob- tainable. Such a supply is found only in cities, where many laborers are seeking employment. The suburbs of a city, or the smaller cities adjacent to a large city, from the standpoint of manufacturing need, may be considered a part of the large city. The ease of transit between the population centers enables manufacturers to draw from labor centers in times of great need. A fair illustration of this condition is Cincinnati, with the many smaller cities within an hour's railroad journey. Each of these smaller cities is a manufacturing center and draws material and labor supplies from Cin- cinnati when needed. The ease of purchasing material and parts is another factor in locating factories in cities. Few factories make all parts entering into the machine or product which they manufacture. lo The American City It is more economical to purchase certain parts from other specialized factories. For instance, a manufacturer of automobiles is likely to pur- chase bearings, gears, and some fittings. Fac- tories producing these specialties tend to locate near their chief market, i. e., in a city having many automobile factories. Detroit is such a city. Good shipping facilities are a prime requi- , site. A factory served by but one railroad is ' likely to receive poor service both in freight rates and in the supply of cars. Railroads seldom center at one point unless that point has already become a city. To get good ship- ping facilities usually necessitates locating in or near a city of some size. The location of a factory in a city often obviates the necessity of maintaining a separate office and display room. When so located, patrons can easily visit the factory. Moreover, buyers are quite inclined to purchase in centers where several or many articles which they de- sire are produced. Thus, time and expense are saved to purchasers by centering factories at one point. Iron- working machinery centers at Cincinnati and adjacent towns; each new con- cern locating there gains some advertising ad- '. vantages from the reputation of the place as the headquarters for such machinery. Collar factories find it advantageous to locate in Troy, Location and Purpose of Cities ii and glove producers in Gloversville for the same reason. Grand Rapids, Michigan, first began manufacturing furniture because of the proximity of hard wood. Though the wood in nearby sections has been exhausted, yet the original factories have drawn others until this city is known above all others in the United States as a center for the production of furniture. A local market is also a prime consideration in some lines of manufacturing. Many fac- tories in such large cities as New York and Chicago dispose of nearly their entire output locally. This is especially true of such lines as printing, bakery products, clothing, leather goods, etc. The site selected for a city may depend on many factors not mentioned above. Accessi- bility to the raw material used is of prime con- sideration. Iron mills in and near Pittsburgh have at hand coal, lime, and iron ore, the three main ingredients in producing pig iron. The same may be said of Birmingham, Alabama. Box factories are located in Portland, Maine, because of the soft wood timber in that state. Some factories are by design located in cities midway between sources of raw material. Iron ore shipped down the Great Lakes meets at Cleveland, Lorain, and Gary, coal from Ohio and Indiana. Such a location does not require 12 The American City a transshipment of the iron ore. Cotton mills are fast locating in southern cities near the cot- ton belt. Factories utilizing water power must also have access to railroads or navigable streams for the delivery of their product. Great Falls, Montana, was known for many years as a waterfalls of great power, but not until rail- roads reached the territory was the power de- veloped and a city built. The city of Great Falls now has a population of about 30,000. Such cities as Rochester, New York, and Min- neapolis, not only furnish abundant water power, but also excellent railroad facilities. Many valuable waterfalls are not now utilized because of the absence of railroads in the vicinity. (c) Mining Cities. — Mines at times promote the building of cities. This has been the case with Butte, Montana, which in 1870 had but about ^00 population, and in 1880, after the development of mines, had a population of 10,723. Dawson City, Yukon Territory, has increased from a few shacks to a city of 1 1,000 population. Such cities are almost solely de- pendent upon the mines for support. If the mineral gives out, the city is deserted. Such was the fate of Virginia City, Nevada, near the famous Comstock lode. It had a popula- tion of 10,917 in 1880. The mine greatly de- Location and Purpose of Cities 13 creased in its production, and the city dwindled to 2,700 in 1900. A like fate attended Eureka, Nevada; from a population of 4,200 it dwin- dled down to 800. Helena is much smaller today than thirty years ago, and was only saved from obliteration by being made the capital of the state. (d) Social Centers. — People closely grouped together into a city make it possible to maintain many institutions that cannot be supported by a small community. Cities of even moderate size maintain libraries, theatres, musicals, lec- ture courses. These advantages attract to the city many persons who otherwise might be con- tent to remain in rural districts. Colleges, technical schools, trade schools, find it advisa- ble to locate in cities or very near them, that the students may have the advantage of libra- ries, theatres, and public functions. Large cities like New York, Boston, and Chicago pos- sess valuable additional institutions, such as art museums, natural history museums, zoolog- ical parks, and botanical gardens. The leading specialists, writers, statesmen, may be heard in such centers. Social intercourse among those of like tastes is not the least of the attractions of large cities. Here gather talented musicians, artists, novel- ists, scientists, propagandists. Each stimulates the others to better effort. To meet the man 14 The American City of talent in person is a stimulus to those striv- ing to emulate. Some cities are based on the recreational advantages offered. The support of such cities as Atlantic City and Palm Beach is derived almost solely from the visitors seeking rest or amusement. The number visiting these cities is sufficiently constant to warrant the erection of large hotels, expensive piers, well equipped supply stores. (e) Governmental Cities. — A few cities are chiefly supported by governmental officers and employees. This is notably true of Washing- ton. No other city in the United States is so distinctly a governmental city as Washington. Occasionally a city is built around a capital arbitrarily located. Usually, however, factories spring up in such cities, and after a period of years they come to have the same general char- acteristics as non-governmental cities. This was true of Columbus, Ohio. Today it is chiefly a manufacturing city, though originally supported almost solely by governmental em- ployees. 4. Summarised Statement No settlement can attain the size of a city without reasonably adequate transportation facilities. It must be located on navigable water, or be served by one or more railroads. Location and Purpose of Cities 15 Whatever its chief cause or character, whether a city for barter, manufacture, mining, social intercourse, or for government, it must be ac- cessible by water or by rail. The location of cities thus is dependent upon transportation facilities, and the causes may be classified under one or more of the above-indicated factors. CHAPTER II GOVERNMENT UNTIL comparatively recently the concep- tion of the function of government was an organization for the purpose of protecting property and life. The protection of property was emphasized more than the guarding of life. Even as late as the eighteenth century the laws in England considered property of greater im- portance than life. The death penalty was imposed for two hundred offenses. Theft in a dwelling house to the amount of forty shil- lings, or, in a shop, of goods to the amount of five shillings, was punishable with death. The debtor was imprisoned for minor obliga- tions. One of the results of the Reformation and subsequent religious movements, such as that led by John Wesley, was the laying of new emphasis upon the individual and his rights. The life of the individual, whether of the lower or higher classes, took on a new significance and worth. Property rights gradually became subordinated to the right to life and individual freedom. A change in laws followed these new conceptions and values. The number of i6 Government 17 offenses punishable by a forfeiture of life was reduced. The poor became objects of interest ; they were looked upon as having human feel- ings to be ministered to. A conception of life as something of value led gradually to a realiza- tion that it should be conserved as well as pro- tected. Such was the degree of consideration given to the individual at the time the govern- ment of the United States was established. I. Powers Residing in Municipal Governments Prior to the Revolution twenty boroughs received charters from colonial officials of the English government. After the establishment of American independence the various states adopted constitutions, and municipalities were brought under the rule of the legislature, which granted all charters by special acts, and bestowed limited powers, which were ex- tended as application was made by the munici- palities. As time passed the states began to take the initiative in enacting laws for municipalities. In some cases this was necessitated by the mis- behavior of council bodies, or because of other local conditions calling for reform. By the middle of the nineteenth century such activity of the legislatures had reached the point of interference in the administration of the 1 8 The American City municipalities, and became in consequence ex- tremely pernicious in many instances. This interference was mostly the work of a dominant political party or faction in which local and state politicians many times joined for the furtherance of some selfish object. In some cases large financial obligations were im- posed upon a city for local public works, regardless of the objections of the citizens; appointments were made in many instances to fill ofilices purely municipal ; and even charters were revoked for the purpose of legislating officials out of ofifice. Legal resistance to legislative interference resulted in the appearance of a new body of law, covering the relation of the city to the state. From the first, the courts have accorded political rather than legal standing to municipal corporations, and have ruled that their charters — unlike those issued to private corporations — may be amended or revoked in the discre- tion of the state. The view was that a city is largely an incorporated agent of a state in the administration of civil government. The cities sought to put a check upon the powerful and unhappy domination of their purely local affairs by the legislatures. This took the form of amendments to the constitu- tions of various states, forbidding the enact- ment of special laws. Such prohibitions, in a Government 19 large number of the states, included the incor- poration of cities and amendments to existing charters. in some of the states the legislature is pro- hibited from regulating by special acts the local affairs of certain or all of the municipalities, while in others constitutional amendments for- bid the legislature to make special laws in cer- tain instances or altogether. A very important limitation quite generally adopted, operating as a check upon both legislature and munici- pality, is the fixing of the debt limit for munic- ipalities. These constitutional restrictions have called forth the ready resourcefulness of the poli- ticians, not always for their own selfish ends, however, for many communities have to face individual conditions requiring special author- ity. The legitimate way of meeting this need is provided in the classifications of cities exist- ing in many of the state constitutions, com- monly based upon the population. But where the spirit of interference existed, the constitutional restrictions against special laws was evaded by legislative leaders by so arranging the classification as to place a single city in a class. In some states this practice became so flagrant an evasion of the spirit of the constitutional prohibition of special legislation that the courts were forced 20 The American City to rule against it, holding that the basis of classification must have a direct relation to the purpose of the law enacted. This has resulted in additional amendments in some states, limit- ing the classification of cities to a small num- ber of groups and requiring that enactments shall apply to at least all of one group. But because the constitutional restrictions resulted in preventing actually needed special legislation some of the states have provided that all laws having a special operation shall be referred to the voters or the mayor or council of the city affected. Another means employed in a limited num- ber of states to secure a greater measure of home rule for cities is a constitutional provision that cities may frame and change their own charters. Missouri led the way in 1875 and twelve states have since followed. This has provided a safe form of autonomy, as all such charters are subject to the general laws of the respective states, and the courts have ruled that in this provision the states have not sur- rendered jurisdiction over those matters con- sidered strictly within the functions of state government. Despite all these means and efforts to pro- vide a larger degree of home rule, many states continue to exercise legislative and administra- tive control of cities to a remarkable extent; Government 21 and practically all retain control over certain departments, largely through state commis- sions, such as police, health, education, chari- ties, correction, and public utilities. Municipalities, in addition to those legisla- tive and administrative functions granted to them, quite generally exercise local judicial functions, chiefly dealing with misdemeanors; some have civil jurisdiction, and the local se- lection of judges to perform these functions, though the right of review is retained by state courts. It is held that if the constitution of a state provides that a city may select its judicial officers the state is to that extent restricted in assuming judicial powers. It is interesting to note, even briefly, the development and some of the present condi- tions of government in a few of the larger cities. 2. New York Upon the establishment of the new state, New York City's colonial charter was con- firmed, and for some time thereafter changes were made only upon application of its citizens, and no acts of the legislature became effective without the approval of the city. About 1850 the legislature attempted to settle the police scandal in the city, and although its first inter- ference was resisted even to the point of blood- 22 The American City shed, its course was upheld by the courts. This successful entrance of the legislature into local administration was soon followed by the taking of control of other departments, and, until about forty-five years ago, even the enact- ment of the city's budget. Constitutional restrictions upon the legisla- ture, with perhaps minor exceptions, were first made in 1894, when the new constitution was adopted. This provides for the submission of all special laws applying to cities of the first class for the approval of such cities, and about the only other local control of importance is the provision that the State Public Service Commission cannot grant franchises or let contracts without approval of the local authorities. Numerous charter changes have been made. The consolidation in 1897 necessitated a meas- ure of decentralized administration with strong central control, in order that the business of the people with the corporation rnight be ex- pedited, and a division into five boroughs was made, with an elective head for each. At this time the Board of Aldermen was restored to a bicameral body, with large and important functions, but four years later it was changed to a single-chambered board of seventy-nine members with less power, and four years after that it was deprived of most of its remaining Government 23 powers by transfer to the Board of Estimate and Apportionment. The President of the Board of Aldermen is an elective official and a sort of vice mayor. The Board of Estimate and Apportionment, established in 1871, approaches the commission form. It is composed of the elective heads of the city government — the Mayor, President of Board of Aldermen, Controller, and five Borough Presidents. It prepares and passes the annual budget; authorizes issues of bonds, within the debt limit; grants franchises, some of which are vised by the State Public Service Commission and subject to veto of the mayor; has control of the streets; and is clothed with other important powers. The later charter changes also bestowed large appointive powers upon the mayor. The present administration has found it impossible to establish certain rather ordinary reforms in the administration of the city's affairs because of the refusal of the legislature to grant the necessary powers, so great is the dependence of the city upon the pleasure of the legislature. J. Chicago The constitution adopted by Illinois in 1870 prohibited the legislature from incorporating cities by special acts. Two years later a gen- eral municipal corporations act was passed, 24 The American City applicable to existing cities upon adoption by majority vote of the citizens of such cities. Chicago accepted the provisions of this act in 1875, and until 1904 was protected by consti- tutional restrictions from special legislation, although there was some evasion of this in the manner of classifying Chicago. However, Chicago has been less subject to legislative con- trol in its local affairs than perhaps any other American city. A constitutional amendment in 1904 author- ized the legislature to pass any law it might deem necessary to establish a complete system of government for Chicago, provided that no such law could take effect without the consent of the people at a regular or special election. The legislature is also prohibited from impos- ing taxes upon cities and various other forms of interference. The growth of Chicago has long necessitated a new charter, but the effort in 1905 produced a document so changed by the legislature that the people rejected it and subsequent efforts have been unsuccessful. The Public Utilities Commission bill, passed in June, 19 1 3, was strenuously objected to by the people of Chicago because of the elimination by the lower house of the home rule provisions. However, not being a special law, the consent of the people was not required, and as each of the several parties in the previous state election Government 25 had been pledged to such legislation the Gov- ernor felt compelled to sign the bill. The city council is in practice and theory the central governing body. It is unicameral and composed of seventy members. Most of the departments were organized by the council, without special legislative requirement. The mayor is the presiding officer but has no vote except in case of a tie, and his veto may be offset by a two-thirds vote, although he is authorized to submit a substitute for any ve- toed ordinance. The council has, in fact, gen- eral power to pass ordinances and prescribe regulations requisite to carry into effect the powers possessed by the city, except in certain financial matters which must be referred to the voters. It also has no authority over schools except in the matter of sites and construction. Most administrative heads are appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by council. 4. Philadelphia Although the constitution of Pennsylvania forbids the legislature to incorporate or amend charters of cities except by general laws, the political leaders have always evaded the re- striction by so classifying the cities as to place Philadelphia in a class by itself. In this man- ner, for instance, the city and state bosses working together amended the city's charter so 26 The American City that the power of appointment of heads of two of the most important departments was trans- ferred to councils in fear of the approaching election of a reform mayor in 1905. The same combination made the city famous for an at- tempted deal in connection with its gas works whereby the city would have lost $30,000,000. The mayor alone in this case felt the weight of the people's opposition and vetoed the measure. This was followed in 1907 by the same pro- jectors passing a measure whereby a number of franchises were issued in Philadelphia which created another of the almost periodic scandals. The councils are composed of two branches : the select, made up of one member from each of forty-seven wards; and the common, com- posed of eighty- four members, or one for every four thousand qualified voters. A reform char- ter in 1885 separated the legislative and admin- istrative functions, transferring much of the latter to the mayor, and further forbade coun- cils to create new departments. The councils have power to pass all ordinances and regula- tions necessary for the government of the city, and not conflicting with the laws and con- stitution of the state; power to fix and levy taxes; to fix salaries of ofBcials; to grant fran- chises — and there are no general provisions of law limiting this power. Altogether, as Government 27 compared with other cities, the councils of Philadelphia have very great power. The mayor appoints the heads of the principal de- partments, subject to approval of select council, and he must see that the ordinances and laws are properly executed. 5. St. Louis St. Louis was the first city to secure a home- rule charter, made possible by constitutional amendments in 1875. A provision was also made that the legislative body of the city may amend the charter if such amendment be ac- cepted by three-fifths of the voters voting. Although the state conferred additional powers upon St. Louis, and was prohibited from amending city charters by special laws, the leg- islature has found the usual means of infring- ing upon home rule in a peculiar classification of the cities. Among other limitations the legislature is prohibited from imposing taxes in cities for municipal purposes or interposing in financial transactions. In 1907 the legisla- ture conferred upon the cities power to regu- late rates of all public utilities. In June, 19 14, a new charter was adopted by a safe majority of the voters. The radical changes provide for the recall, initiative, and referendum, and the old bicameral legislative body is abolished and responsibility is concen- 28 The American City trated in a mayor and board of aldermen of twenty-eight members. The board has power by ordinance, not inconsistent with the charter, to exercise all the powers of the city. The board grants all franchises and has full regu- lative powers over public service corporations as to the character of construction and equip- ment, quality of service, and reasonableness of rates. The charter also provides that the city may own and operate public utilities of any kind. The mayor, comptroller, and president of the Board of Aldermen are the only elective executive officials, and these compose the Board of Estimate, which, however, only pre- pares the budget for enactment by the Board of Aldermen. The mayor appoints all other administrative officials without reference to the aldermen. 6. Boston Massachusetts issued its first city charter to Boston in 1822. Being the capital of the state with the legislature in annual sessions, and the latter unrestricted by constitutional limitations from exercising authority over cities, Boston is under greater legislative control than any other American city. Most of the important changes in the charter have been made by the legislature without reference to the city, and all by-laws made by the city are subject to Government 29 annulment by the legislature. State commis- sions exercise control over various departments in all cities of the state. It cannot be said that Boston has greatly suffered from this domination by the legisla- ture, for it is today one of the best governed cities in the country. In 1901 the legislature, with the approval of the city's voters, abolished the primaries and substituted nominations by petition, with non-partisan elections. In the same year the legislature changed the city's legislative body from a bicameral council of eighty-eight members to a single chambered body of nine members, each with an annual salary of $1,500. The powers of the council are rather lim- ited, -and it may not take part in the conduct of executive or administrative business of the city or county nor expend the public money, except for its own expenses. Its approval is required for certain contracts ; it has authority to reject or reduce items in the annual budget; it may veto the mayor's ordinances or pass ordi- nances, subject to his veto; and in conjunction with the mayor may change departments, ex- cept those exempted from its power, and may create new departments and change salaries. Authority is centered in the mayor to a re- markable degree. He may propose ordinances or loan orders, except for school purposes, 30 The American City and put them into effect unless rejected by council within sixty days. All appropriations other than for school purposes to be met from any source of income except loans must origi- nate with the mayor. He has absolute veto on the acts of the council, excepting those relating to its internal affairs. He appoints all heads of departments, except school commissioners and officials appointed by the state, without reference to the council. 7. Forms of Municipal Government Quite naturally the early form of municipal government adopted in the United States was patterned after that in England. A coimcil, chosen by a limited electorate, was vested with all functions of the government. The first change, near the close of the eighteenth cen- tury, was the adoption of the system of checks and balances in use by the national government, and the office of mayor became more indepen- dent. This was followed by a fuller use of the Federal plan of separating legislative and exec- utive authority, and of dividing the former into a two-chambered body. Misrule began rather early and the people, for relief, turned to their faith in democracy and widened the suffrage, which between 1830 and 1850 was extended to all males of twenty- one years and over. In addition, all important Government, 31 offices besides those of mayor and members of council were filled by election. Because of the attitude of men of education and business toward civic positions, municipal government, especially the legislative branch, became the occupation of a special class called politicians, who largely looked upon their success at the polls as an opportunity for the gratification of their personal interests. This was easy of achievement through "combinations" and " rings," and the development of the " spoils " system. Full advantage was also taken of the dissipation of responsibility through the multiplicity of elective offices. The "board system" came rather exten- sively into use by i860 as a supposed relief from political reign. This system conferred all the administrative powers upon various boards having in charge the various depart- ments of the city. The members of these boards held office for fixed terms and were either chosen by popular vote, appointed by the state, or elected by the council. However, this plan proved defective, largely because of the widely divided responsibility, and disap- peared within the next two decades. The abuses of the council resulted during this period in a movement to reduce its size and concentrate greater power upon the mayor, in- cluding the veto. By the close of the nine- 32 The American City teenth century the reforms rather extensively achieved reduced the number of elective offi- cials; clothed the few elective officials with greater power, and likewise greater responsi- bility ; empowered the mayor to fill purely ad- ministrative offices, in some cities without the approval of the council; and placed financial control in the hands of a board composed of officials elected to various offices. Centralization of power in one head is dis- tasteful to a people whose political ideals are based on democracy, and while centralization tends to make a single official of large responsi- bility keenly sensitive to public opinion, and has resulted in some notable instances of a mayor fortified by public opinion successfully defying the opposition of the council, it was inevitable that other plans and radical changes in the form of government should be proposed. A few cities have sought to solve the problem by providing an advisory body to the mayor. In Cleveland it is called the Board of Control and is composed of the heads of the six depart- ments, who are required to meet at least twice each week. In St. Paul it is known as the Conference Committee, and includes the presi- dent of the upper chamber, the chairman of the ways and means committee of the lower chamber, and eleven other officials. This com- mittee has definite duties and powers. Port- Government 33 land, Oregon, has an Executive Committee composed of ten members, who are appointed, and removed, by the mayor. Various other modifications of this idea exist. The two forms which have found most favor and have stood sufficient testing to demonstrate their soundness are known as the Commission Form — or remodeled council — and the City Man- ager Plan. Badly governed, and demoralized by a de- structive tidal wave in September, 1900, Gal- veston, Texas, was in a desperate situation. Acting upon the petition of a number of the city's best citizens the legislature abolished the old form of city government and provided for the adoption of the new plan. This provided for the giving of all existing powers to a com- mission of five. The business of the city is divided into four departments, each depart- ment being under the charge and direction of a commissioner. These four commissioners and the mayor constitute the Board of Com- missioners. The mayor is the president of the board and the executive head of the city government, and exercises all the powers con- ferred upon the office of mayor, except that he has no veto power. At the first meeting after the election of the commissioners they desig- nate, by majority vote, who shall head the four departments. 34 The American City The Commissioner of Finance and Revenue has under his direction the offices of assessor, collector, treasurer, and auditor. He must also keep himself informed as to the finances of the city, and, with the assistance of the other members, prepare the budget. The Commissioner of Water Works and Sewerage has full charge of, and responsibility for, everything pertaining to that department. The Commissioner of Streets and Public Property is not only charged with all matters ordinarily belonging to such a department, but also everything pertaining to the public health. The fourth member of the board is Com- missioner of Police and Fire, and he has under his jurisdiction the judge and clerk of the corporation court. The city secretary and city attorney are officers with whom the mayor-president is closely associated and they are usually nomi- nated by him. All officers and employees are nominated by the commissioners in charge of the respective departments and are elected by a majority of the entire board. The city attor- ney and the head officials of the various de- partments are required by the city charter to attend all meetings of the board. The mayor and any commissioner can be removed by proving sufficient cause before a district judge. This new form of municipal government Government 35 soon proved competent, and cities in other states, noting its efficiency, sought permission, through the necessary legislative provision of their respective states, to adopt it. By 19 12 more than two hundred cities, in twenty states, had adopted the commission plan in some form ; one with a population of more than 500,000 and seven exceeding 100,000 in population. This form has brought into force some very important reforms; such as the short ballot, election at large (not by wards), non-parti- san elections in many cities, and various checks assuring control by the voters. The number of commissioners varies from four to ten, but most cities have five. It is quite generally agreed that where the commission form has been in force marked im- provement has been shown in the city's finan- cial affairs; administration of departments has been more efficient; a better class of men has been attracted to the municipal service; and the moral tone has greatly improved. A certain distinctive modification of the commission form is called the City Manager Plan. The forerunner of this plan came into existence in Staunton, Virginia, in 1908, but the plan in its true form originated with Lock- port, New York, in 19 10. The legislature re- fused to pass the Lockport bill, but in June, 1 91 2, the little city of Sumter, South Carolina, 36 The American City taking advantage of a general law, adopted the Lockport plan in all its essentials. The plan, as now in force in a number of cities of about sixteen states, provides for a , board of directors, generally five in number, called a commission or council, clothed with legislative powers only. This restriction marks the chief variation from the commission form. The commission's one administrative duty, under this manager plan, is the appoint- ment of a city manager, who is at all times responsible solely to the commission. This ad- ministrative head appoints the heads of depart- ments and is charged with the conduct of all the affairs of the city other than political. In order that the city may have a political head, I to act as necessity arises, the commission elects one of its number to be mayor. In scarcely none of the cities in which this 'plan has been put into force has the manager been drawn from home talent, but rather by widely advertising their need they have sought to obtain the best men to be had, and this same policy has largely been observed by the managers themselves in making their appoint- ments. Dayton, Ohio, with a population of 117,000, is the largest city to adopt the city manager plan. The city engineer of Cincin- nati, Ohio, was appointed to the office in De- cember, 191 3, at an annual salary of $12,500. Government 37 The unification of power provided in these new forms of city government is fairly safe- guarded by several checks which have come into use during the past several decades. These are called initiative, referendum, and recall, and operate to keep a large amount of control within the voters' hands. Throughout New England the towns gen- erally have clung to the town meeting plan as providing a local government more in accord with the wishes of the public than some of the modern plans, although the larger cities have felt the need of, and have adopted, some forms and variations of the new order. 8. The Council Except where the commission form exists the powers of the council quite generally have been reduced, in a greater or less degree, and the trend has been to separate the governing powers, placing most of the actual authority in the hands of the mayor, and leaving with the council only such legislative powers as are conferred by the charter and legislature. This municipal legislative body is variously known as the city council, common council, councils, municipal assembly, board of aldermen, etc. In many of the smaller cities the council is still charged with considerable administrative su- pervision and appointive power. In some cities 38 The American City the powers are limited exclusively to legislation, and further modifications have divided this power between the council and various admin- istrative boards, such as boards of health, edu- cation, public works, etc. The council in certain cities has lost a great deal of its power through their transfer to a board, variously named, constituted, and empowered. Further reduction of the coun- cil's power in some cities has been carried to the merest point of justifying the existence of the body. This has had the effect of making the office unattractive to the machine politicians and of bringing in a better class of men, of a different school of politics. The early form of the council was unicam- eral, but bicameral bodies quite generally replaced the single chambered councils early in the nineteenth century. However, the cease- less spirit of change, inspired by the continual search for an ideal form of municipal govern- ment, has caused many cities to revert to the unicameral body. Half of the cities having a population of more than 300,000, and one- third of those having more than 25,000 have bicameral councils, while about one-fifth of the cities having a population of between 8,000 and 25,000 have single chambered councils. The manner of electing the members of the council are variously by wards or at large, and in some Government 39 cities the presiding officer is elected, being prac- tically a vice mayor. p. Conclusion In the foregoing has, been set forth in out- line the various changes and developments that have taken place in the forms of municipal government; from single to double chambered legislative bodies, or vice versa; from a scatter- ing of powers among numerous heads and boards to a single head or board; from all of these to the current commission form and man- ager plan. These changes have represented various efforts on the part of the citizens to correct observed abuses, and to produce a more responsive and responsible governing body. There is no one form which has proven itself to be eminently better than the others. The people, generally, seem to have become con- vinced that centralization of responsibility pro- duces the best results. Whether this centrali- zation shall be in the form of greater power for a mayor, an ex-officio board and commis- sion, or a manager, has not been determined, and probably never will be, owing to the fact that different-sized cities or different local con- ditions may render one form more acceptable than another. No form will relieve the citi- zens of responsibility. The success of any form will primarily depend upon the active 40 The American City interest of the citizens. Any form will not automatically produce good results, and any form can be disappointing when not watched and checked by the electors. With constant watchfulness on the part of the citizens, almost any form can be made successful. CHAPTER III FINANCES OF CITIES "PXPENDITURES for public purposes in -'-^ rural communities are relatively few and simple. A county usually supports two or more courts, one wherein are tried cases deal- ing with property and domestic relations and another devoted to crimes or misdemeanors. Ordinarily the function of building bridges and county roads, also the oversight of an alms- house, is placed in the charge of one or more commissioners. In addition to these officers there is usually a clerk to record public papers and matters, and an auditor and treasurer to care for public money. Each township in the county may have a few local officers, such as a justice of the peace, trustees, road commis- sioners, each of whom receives little or no pay for his services. The total expenditures for county purposes may not exceed $15,000 to $25,000 yearly. The aggregate yearly expen- diture of the following ten counties in Ohio, Fulton, Madison, Medina, Monroe, Ottawa, Paulding, Warren, Williams, Wyandot, Union, is about $1,600,000. Their combined popula- tion is about 229,000. The average yearly 41 42 The American City expenditure of the following seven cities, Den- ver, Indianapolis, Kansas City, Providence, Rochester, N. Y., Seattle, and St. Paul, each having a population of practically the same size as the combined ten counties, is about $3,960,000. The expenditures for public pur- poses of about 230,000 persons living in rural communities is less than half the amount ex- pended by a like number of persons gathered together into a city. Many people living together in one com- munity called a city, necessitate a variety of expenditures not required of people tilling the soil. The city must have paved streets with gutters and sidewalks. These streets must be well lighted and cleaned. Under their surface must be placed sewers, pipes for water and gas, wires for telephones, electric lights, mes- senger and signal service. The streets must be patrolled by day and by night to protect life and property. Fire apparatus must be kept in readiness in all parts of the city to lessen the danger of a general conflagration, which not infrequently occurs where buildings are massed together. It becomes necessary to maintain a department to supervise the character of building construction that life and property may be protected. In some cities a commission exists to pass upon the artistic features of pub- lic buildings. The sick and dependent must be Finances of Cities 43 cared for in institutions. Street venders must be regulated and public markets supervised. Such a city as New York has 130 departments and bureaus conducting public business. These departments during 19 14 expended nearly $200,000,000. Every city has expenditures similar in character to those of New York and approximating the same amount per capita of population. I. Income The expenditures of a city for public pur- poses necessitate an income which is secured mainly from taxes upon property. This income is usually supplemented by licenses, fees, pay- ments for franchises, and money borrowed on notes issued by the city. To collect these moneys requires the maintenance of depart- ments and bureaus. 2. Direct Property Tax The chief income of a city is usually secured by levying a tax upon property. For purposes of taxation property is usually classified as land, buildings and improvements, and per- sonal property. In some cities the land and buildings thereon are assessed as one prop- erty; in others the land and buildings are assessed as separate items with a valuation placed upon each. Most cities tax what is 44 The American City termed personal property, a classification which includes all forms of property not land or buildings or grants called franchises. This property is in a variety of forms, such as money, credit, mortgages, notes, bonds, stocks, and personal effects, such as furniture, jewelry, clothing, etc. Since land and buildings are definitely located and cannot be concealed, it is not diffi- cult to levy a tax upon them which will be comparatively uniform in its application and just to all owners. The case is far different, how- ever, with personal property. This is a form of property which can be and is transferred from place to place ; it may be concealed. Many citi- zens will not voluntarily inform an assessor as to the personal property they possess ; others will wilfully deceive. That such deception is prac- ticed is quite evident from the fact that the amount of personal property taxed in New York City decreased from $419,679,395 in 1897, the year of consolidation, to $325,421,- 340 in 191 3. During this period the amount of such property had without question in- creased several hundred per cent. The honest man declares his personal property and the dishonest man conceals his. Thus an unequal and unjust burden falls upon the honest man. So apparent has this unjust burden be- come in recent years that some tax experts Finances of Cities 45 have recommended the abolition of the personal tax. The abolition of the personal tax might seem to relieve from taxation those owning only personal property. Such, however, is not the case. Money and all forms of securities rep- resent tangible property. They have no value except as they give the possessor a right to real property which they represent. Gold in a deposit box is of no value to its owner so long as it remains in the box. Only as it is taken from the box, actually or as represented by credit, and put into circulation does it repre- sent value and produce a return. Notes, bonds, and stocks represent real property, and the returns to the holder in the form of interest or dividends are reduced in proportion to the taxes paid on the real property which the securities represent. The advocates of the single tax hold that were land alone taxed all property of whatever form would necessarily bear a portion of the tax levied upon the land. This method of taxation has been adopted in but very few places, not so much because the theory is considered to be wrongly based but rather that the practical difficulties of levying such a tax would exceed those of the current methods. Taxes upon personal property, how- ever, are quite generally being abandoned and assessments confined to real property. 46 The American City 5. Process of Levying Taxes Before taxes can be levied property must be assessed. Assessing involves, first, a deter- mination of the value of each piece of prop- erty; and second, an assignment to such prop- erty, according to its value, the proportion it must bear of the total amount to be raised by taxation. This work is usually done by an officer or board. Information is gathered as to recent sales of real estate. Judgment as to the value of any particular piece of property is based largely upon the price at which prop- erty in the vicinity has sold. Each field assessor places values upon all property in the district assigned to him. The value assigned by him is governed by two factors, first its marketable value, second the percentage of this marketable value which the city has adopted as the basis of its calculation. Some cities, of which New York is an example, design to assess property at 100 per cent of its market- able value. Other cities assess at some per cent less than 100. More frequently the per- centage ranges in the vicinity of sixty to seventy. After the property throughout the city has been valued, a rate of taxation is determined upon by the department of the city entrusted with that power. This power usually resides Finances of Cities 47 in the legislative body, which is the board of aldermen or council ; or, when two such bodies exist, in the joint action of both. Before this rate can be fixed the council or similar body must determine the budget or estimate of the amount which the city will expend during the next year, and to this amount it adds the amount of any short term notes which the city may have issued during the current year in anticipation of taxes yet to be collected, also the amount of any uncollected taxes, and also an amount which will be sufficient to pay inter- est and sinking fund on outstanding bonds, unless such interest and sinking fund has been provided for by other means. The sum of these four items, the budget, short term notes, vmcollected taxes, and interest on sinking fund divided by the aggregate value of property to be taxed determine the rate of taxation. The following is an illustration of the process : Budget for next year $10,000,000 Short term notes due the next year 90,000 Uncollected taxes 10,000 Interest and sinking fund on bonds 200,000 Total amount to be expended $10,300,000 Total value of taxable property .. $686,666,666 Amount to be expended $ 10,300,000 =.015 cents for each dollar's worth of property, or $15.00 per $1,000. 48 The American City According to the above illustration the tax rate would be $15.00 for each $1,000 worth of property if the amount to be expended by the city were $10,300,000 and the total value of taxable property were $686,666,666. The rate having been determined, the amount each piece of property is to bear is figured and be- comes a lien against the property in case the owner fails to pay the taxes. The collection of taxes usually is assigned to an officer or board distinct from the officer or board which assesses the property. A city administration needing more money than has been expended by a previous admin- istration seldom ventures to secure it by in- creasing the tax rate. More often the addi- tional amount desired is provided by increasing the assessed valuation of property while retain- ing the rate at approximately its former ratio. Citizens seem to resent less this method than an increase in the tax rate, though its results are the same, i. e., the amount to be paid on property is increased. This may be illustrated by the increase in property valuation in New York City between 1900 and 1910. The total assessed value of property in the city in 1900 was $3,654,122,193; in 1910 it was $7,416,- 837,499. The natural increase in values dur- ing this period due to improvements, additional population, and other factors is estimated at Finances of Cities 49 about $2,375,000,000. The increase due to raising assessed valuation was probably not less than $1,387,000,000. The ratio of assessed value to sale value in 1900 was probably about seventy per cent. By 19 10 the ratio had in- creased to about ninety-five per cent. The tax rate in 1900 in Manhattan and the Bronx was 2.24; in 1910, 1.7579. Some cities collect taxes previous to the expenditures which they are to cover. Other cities borrow sufficient money for current expenses in anticipation of the taxes which, when collected, are used to pay the notes given for the loan. The latter method necessitates the paying of interest on the part of the city, yet allows the money represented by the taxes to remain in the taxpayers' possession. 4. Licenses Another source of income is licenses. Li- censes are privileges granted to certain indi- viduals. These privileges are of large variety. Peddlers upon the streets or public places are usually charged a small amount for the priv- ilege of carrying on business on the public highway. The merchant whose place of busi- ness is in a building pays taxes upon the build- ing. The vender on the street pays no taxes, yet may compete with such merchant. Since he pays no taxes the city assumes it is justi- 50 The American City fied in requiring from him a payment in the form of a license to use the highway. Owners of automobiles are licensed on the theory that their machines are more destructive to pave- ments than are ordinary vehicles. Owners of dogs are usually required to pay a license on the supposition that dogs are more or less of a nuisance. Some lines of business are licensed for the purpose of securing a record of all persons engaged in such business. This applies more especially to those forms of business which are liable to break the law and require police supervision. Such, for instance, as pawnbrokers, saloon keepers, dance hall pro- prietors, moving-picture theaters. Persons or businesses to be licensed and the rate of such licenses are usually designated by the council or board of aldermen. The issuing of the licenses is ordinarily placed in the hands of the city clerk, or in the larger cities in the hands of a special bureau. The funds collected may be turned into the city treasury or devoted to some special purpose. 5. Rentals Public property used for private purposes on a short period lease usually pays a rental. A public property owned by nearly all cities is a public market wherein provisions are sold. To such market come the farmers of the adja- Finances of Cities 51 cent country with fresh vegetables and fruit. Since purchasers of vegetables desire at the same time to purchase other provisions, mer- chants of these products are assigned stalls in the market house for which they pay rental. New York City owns docks which it rents to steamship companies. Likewise space beneath the approaches to its large bridges is rented to merchants. Most cities own property of some sort from which rentals are received. 6. Franchises Some portion of nearly all cities' income is derived from franchises. The distinction be- tween a franchise and a rental or lease is that a rental or lease is an amount charged for the use of improved public property, such as a building or other structure. The right to use unimproved public property is usually called a franchise. A corporation may secure a fran- chise to build and operate a street car line in a public street. Likewise the right to use the subsurface of streets for conduits or pipe lines is granted through the form of a franchise. Such franchises in past years were in many cities granted in perpetuity, or for 999 years. Today it is the general practice to limit them to a term of years, seldom exceeding fifty, and often not more than twenty-five years. A form of franchise at present generally used is 52 The American City a grant revocable after the expiration of ten years with compensation to the holder of the franchise for the termination of privileges. A good illustration of the difference between a franchise and a rental is the two forms of grants for the elevated roads and the subway in New York City. The elevated roads were built by a corporation under a perpetual fran- chise. The subway was built by the city and leased or rented to a corporation for a period of fifty years, with a privilege of renewal of the lease for twenty-five years. In the first instance a franchise was granted for the use of the public street ; in the second an improved property was rented for a period of years. For a franchise the holder pays the city a flat amount yearly or a stipulated proportion of the gross or net receipts from operation. Such payment is for the occupation and use of public property. Franchises or leases are usually granted by a board of aldermen or council. In New York City this power was taken away from the Board of Aldermen and placed in the hands of the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, the appropriating and approving body of the city. Usually a franchise cannot be granted without holding public hearings at which citizens may enter objections. In some cities it is provided by law that a referendum may be held to reg- Finances of Cities 53 ister the verdict of the voters as to the wisdom of granting a proposed franchise. In Cleve- land and Chicago such referendums have been held and the franchises granted were those approved by the majority of the voters. The street railway franchise approved by the voters of Cleveland provided that the compensation to be received by the city was to be in the form of reduced fares for rides. In Chicago the franchise approved fixed the fare at five cents, and stipulated that a proportion of the receipts should be paid to the city for the grant. The compensation in Cleveland leaves more money in the pockets of the citizens; in Chicago a fund is paid into the treasury which may be used to extend transit facilities. The foregoing are the chief forms of income to cities. The state usually reserves to itself the right to impose taxes for the right to do corporate business, to carry on traffic in spirit- uous liquors, and some other forms of taxa- tion. The Federal Government can impose any kind of a uniform tax necessary for the purpose of government. In times of peace these forms are restricted to import duties, internal revenue imports, and income taxes. 7. Expenditures The expenditures of a city in theory are based upon a budget. The budget is an esti- 54 The American City mate, in more or less detail, as applied to each department, of the proposed expenditures of these departments. In practice few cities have a closely classified budget. Most of the appro- priations are made to the various departments in blanket amount. Within the last few years much emphasis has been laid upon the value and economy of a segregated budget wherein all anticipated expenditures are minutely sub- divided. New York City is taking the lead in budget making. Two months before the budget is to be passed upon, each department must submit its estimate. This estimate sets forth every salary to be paid, the amount re- quired for each class of supplies, each piece of work. The estimate as submitted is considered by a budget committee which holds public hearings. When the appropriation is made funds must be used for the items specified in the budget and no substitution or transfer can be made except by authorization of the Board of Esti- mate and Apportionment. The amount appro- priated for 19 1 3 was about $192,000,000. In addition to this amount the city is permitted by the charter to issue not to exceed $2,000,000 during the year of short term notes, the liqui- dation of which must be provided for in the budget of the following year. Many cities are not permitted to expend any money not pro- Finances of Cities 55 vided for in the budget except to meet some unforeseen catastrophe, epidemic, or great emergency. The control of expenditures depends in a large measure upon the degree to which the budget is subdivided. If the proposed expen- ditures of a department are segregated into many classifications and items, and appropria- tions made for each, the amounts so set aside can be used only for the purposes defined in the appropriation. Where this is not the prac- tice there is a tendency to ask for an appropria- tion for one purpose and to use it for another. Occasions not infrequently arise when it is advisable to transfer appropriations made for one purpose to another. The power to make such transfer can be safely exercised only by the board having made the original appropriation. Each department makes estimates of its cur- rent and additional needs for the next year. These requests are weighed against, and compared with, those from other depart- ments and a decision is reached as to the rela- tive desirability of the proposed new expen- ditures. No attempt is made to determine whether or not the amount being expended for a par- ticular activity bears a proper proportion to that expended for other activities. It might S6 The American City be possible to determine within reasonable limits the proportion of the total expenditures which should be allotted to police, or to fire protection, to educational purposes, to parks and playgrounds, to protection of health, and to the care of the sick and the poor. Standard ratios of such expenditures have not been de- termined. As a result budgets in practically all cities are based upon the amount used for the various activities the previous year, irre- spective of the fact that either more or less was used than should have been used in any particular activity. It is of interest to note the proportions of the total expenditures devoted to the various activities in representative cities. The follow- ing percentages are taken from the United States Census report on cities for 19 12. The figures given are the percentages of the total expenditures for general departments: (3 ax3 a Number of «aS S s Population P ^ ^ ^«o P^ W Group I 500,000 and over 4.5 12.9 2.1 Group II 300,000 to 500,000 3.7 10.7 2.1 Group III 100,000 to 300,000 0.9 10.8 2.0 Group IV 50,000 to 100,000 0.5 10.7 2.0 Group V 30,000 to 50,000 0.5 9.1 1.6 Finances of Cities 57 a 53 J 1 Number of 5 V Population a % a> xn » Group I 500,000 and over 8.2 8.1 4.1 Group II 300,000 to 500,000 7.6 7.6 3-7 Group III 100,000 to 300,000 8.8 4.1 3-7 Group IV 50,000 to 100,000 8.4 3.1 2.7 Group V 30.000 to 50,000 7.2 3.6 2.3 By reviewing the figures of the above table it will be noted that in each case there is a marked decrease in percentages from the group containing the largest cities to that including the smaller cities. These figures tend to con- firm the general belief that the massing of peo- ple together creates artificial conditions which are expensive to overcome ; the larger the city the more need for police protection, with a concomitant expense for courts; health and sanitation are guarded with greater difficulty; charities in the larger cities are more largely met from the public treasury than through the donations of neighbors, as in the smaller cities; recreation in the form of parks and play- grounds are less needed in the smaller than in the larger cities. The census gives figures also on the cost for fire protection, highways, and education. In each of these groups the per capita cost is less 58 The American City for the smaller cities than for the larger ; but the ratio of the expenditures for each to the total governmental expenditure is greater for the smaller cities. This is due, no doubt, to the fact that when the same service is rendered in the smaller cities as in the larger, the ratio of cost will be greater, owing to the relative greater area occupied by the smaller cities. The per capita cost for all general departmental expenditures in the larger cities was $21.24, while in the smaller it was but $11.09, indicat- ing that the expense of living together in cities is less when the mass is small than when large. 8. Permanent Improvements Permanent improvements in some cities are paid for out of current taxes. In most cities, however, material, equipment, and structures having a life of more than a few years are pur- chased through the issue of bonds. The gen- eral theory is that the life of the bonds shall not exceed the life of the object for which the bonds were issued. In practice this theory is largely ignored. Not infrequently bonds for pavements will be issued for twenty or even fifty years, while the life of the pavement may not exceed ten to fifteen years. As a result of issuing bonds having a longer life than the project for which they were issued, the debt of the city gradually increases without repre- Finances of Cities 59 senting any existing physical property or improvement. The objects for which bonds are usually issued are public buildings and furnishings, parks, playgrounds, sewers, pavements, light- ing equipment, bridges, water supply, gas, and electric light plants, etc. The expenditures for these purposes are more often made through contract with private parties or firms, who per- form the work and furnish the material. These projects when completed are operated and maintained by a regular force employed by the city and paid out of current taxes. p. "^udit and Control of Expenditures Cities vary greatly in the degree to which attempt is made to control expenditures. All cities have an officer who audits bills. This * auditing consists in seeing that bills are prop- erly drawn and charged against the right ap- propriation. Some auditors are given power to see that contracts are properly drawn; a suitable quality of goods purchased; speci- fications established; goods inspected on de- livery ; supplies economically used. An auditor with these broad powers is able to secure the greatest economy in expenditures. Such powers cannot be exercised without an ade- quate clerical and inspectional force. The auditor, or comptroller as he is called, of New 6o The American City York City employs a force of about 725 em- ployees, and the expense of running his office is about $1,600,000 yearly. This does not in- clude the department of the city chamberlain. The latter department handles the funds of the city and pays all bills on vouchers by the comptroller. The control of purchases exercised by the auditor may be illustrated somewhat as fol- lows: Among the supplies purchased by a municipal hospital is butter. Some officer de- fines the specifications under which the hos- pital shall advertise for bids to supply its but- ter. A contract is let by the hospital to the lowest responsible bidder who agrees to furnish butter of a quality specified. On delivery of the butter the auditor or comptroller sends an inspector to determine whether or not it agrees in quality to the specifications, and in quantity to the amount ordered and billed. When the bill is sent to the comptroller for approval there must be indicated on its face the appro- priation against which it is drawn and is to be charged. If this has been correctly done, and if the appropriation has not been overdrawn, the bill is approved and an order issued against the treasurer for payment. A complete record is kept in the comptroller's office of all bills approved and ordered paid. A record of such bills is also kept in the department having Finances of Cities 6i purchased the material which the bill repre- sents. These two records can be checked one against the other and a correct accounting is thus insured. Some cities have an officer whose function is to examine the books of departments to determine whether or not economy is prac- ticed or affairs are honestly conducted. In New York City this function is performed by commissioners of accounts who are directly responsible to the mayor. On his order they may examine into the conduct of any depart- ment. They have the power to subpoena and take testimony under oath. 10. Publicity Publicity is the chief guardian of appropria- tions and expenditures. Cities differ in the kind and amount of publicity required before appropriations or contracts are made. In some cities the only means provided for publicity of a proposed appropriation is that final action cannot be taken by the council until the expira- tion of a specified number of days following the introduction of a resolution providing for such appropriation. In other cities, in addi- tion to the time requirements, one or more pub- lic hearings must be held. In still other cities such resolutions, in addition to the foregoing provisions, must be advertised in specified pa- 62 The American City pers. The chief source of publicity, however, is the daily papers, whose reporters watch all official proceedings and create sentiment for or against measures. New York City publishes a daily paper, called the City Record, in which all proposals for contract are advertised, all hear- ings set forth, all actions by boards or depart- ments are recorded. This contains more mat- ter than any other daily paper published in the United States. CHAPTER IV PROTECTION OF PROPERTY, LIFE, AND HEALTH THE assembling of people together into a city produces many problems, with rela- tion to property, life, and health, not existing in country districts. As a population center increases from a town to a small city and then to a large one, conditions become more and more complicated; new and additional meas- ures and governmental machinery are required to meet these new conditions. J. Protection of Property and Life Police Patrol. — ^The assembling together of many forms of valuable property in cities offers great temptation and opportunity to the thief. Country residences and stores contain* things of less value, consequently less guard- ing is necessary in rural districts. More- over, a stranger in a country place is at once recognized as a non-resident, which fact, if he be a thief, renders escape difficult. A city is the best of hiding places, since most citizens are strangers one to another. This is one reason thieves congregate in cities. Rob- bery is rendered easy, and property must be . 63 64 The American City protected by special officers. Such officers are called police officers, and are usually appointed by, and are subject to, the local city. The police force is generally headed by a chief of police who has the power to appoint and discharge patrolmen subject to restrictions of civil service, where such regulations exist. The force is organized somewhat as an army, with ranks of captain, lieutenant, sergeant, and patrolman, each having defined responsibilities. This peace army patrols the streets both day and night, protecting property, and arresting offenders against local ordinances and state laws. In New York this army numbers above 10,400 men; in Chicago, 4,440; in Boston, 1,670. The cost of this protection varies in different cities. In New York it is $2.99 per capita of population; in Chicago, $2.90; in Boston, $3.02; in St. Louis, $2.84; in Denver, $1.31 ; in San Francisco, $3.21. Fire Protection. — Fire hazard is much greater in cities than in the country, owing to the proximity of buildings. This hazard would be extreme were it not for the constant vigi- lance of firemen, ready with engines and ap- paratus to extinguish or control a fire. Most cities are districted with an engine house in each district, wherein are constantly on guard a force of firemen. Some cities, in addition to fire engines, are installing a high pressure Property, Life and Health 65 water system. This consists of water mains not unlike the mains used for the regular water supply, but heavier and firmly fastened at the joints so as to withstand a high pressure. Con- nected to and a part of the system is one or more powerful pumping stations. As soon as a fire is announced in the district served by the system, the pumps are started and a high pressure maintained in the pipes; fire hose is then attached to a hydrant convenient to the fire. By this means a much greater pres- sure can be produced than by the ordinary portable fire engine. Such a system is in operation in the wholesale district of New York. Large cities have a fire signal system oper- ated by electricity. This consists of boxes lo- cated at convenient points, from which wires run to a central station. A signal sent from any box at once indicates at the central station the approximate location of the fire. The fire company nearest the fire is notified, and usually within five minutes it will have fire hose ready to play upon the fire. Smaller cities frequently are equipped with fire apparatus, but depend upon volunteers to operate it. The suburbs of even the larger cities are usually served by volunteer companies. Though these citizens are not paid for their services, yet they usually receive some indirect favors in the form of 66 The American City exemption from jury duties, and occasionally a preference on civil service lists. The cost of maintaining fire companies varies in different cities, depending upon the efficiency of the service and the wages paid. The yearly cost in New York is about $7,255,- 000, or $810 for each $1,000,000 worth of property protected; in Chicago, $3,359.3 13» or $3,752 per $1,000,000; in Cleveland, $811,- 808, or $1,071 per $1,000,000. Regardless of the vigilance of the fire com- panies the total fire loss is very heavy, due chiefly to the poor construction of buildings. On an average, there are 43 fires daily in New York City, the estimated fire loss of which was, for 1912, $9,065,273; in Chicago it was $6,162,561; in Boston, $2,397,388. The fire losses are an extremely heavy drain upon the resources of the cities. They are gradually being reduced by more stringent building laws, requiring fireproof or semi-fireproof buildings within specified zones. The fire loss in German cities is greatly lessened by better building con- struction. The average fire loss in American cities is about $2.55 per capita of population; in German cities about $0.20 per capita of population. The fire loss in cities is an indirect form of taxation — taxation in the sense that it is an outlay for the privilege of having a building Property, Life and Health 67 or establishment in a city. A portion of the tax is expended in maintaining a fire de- partment and a portion goes to the insur- ing companies for bearing the extra fire hazard. Street Lighting. — Streets must be lighted at night for the protection of both property and life. In protecting property, these lights act both in a positive and negative way. With- out lights, patrolmen could not guard property against burglary, and in illuminated streets thieves seldom attempt to steal. When bur- glaries have been committed the lighted streets make it difficult to escape unnoticed with booty. Lighted streets protect life by lessen- ing the opportunities for footpads to waylay people, by revealing approaching vehicles, by revealing evidence when a crime has been committed. A good illustration of the latter service of light in streets was the recording of evidence which subsequently led to a remarkable series of convictions of police officials in New York by the district attorney in 191 2. A gambler was murdered at night in front of a leading hotel on a principal street. The murderers escaped in an automobile from which the license number had not been removed. A pass- ing citizen was able to take note of the number, due to the illuminated street. This number 68 The American City led to the arrest and conviction of the mur- derers, and through evidence gained in connec- tion with the trial, several police officers were convicted of blackmailing and offenses con- nected therewith. Though gas is used for lighting in some suburban sections, the main portions of nearly all cities are illuminated with electric light. Some cities own and operate the gas and elec- tric systems. The majority of cities, however, purchase light from a private corporation, pay- ing an agreed-upon rate for each light. The cost of lighting streets varies in cities, according to the contract price for lights and the number of lights used. The approximate cost per i,ooo inhabitants in the following cities is: New York, $567; Boston, $1,004; Philadelphia, $490; Chicago, $318; New Or- leans, $879. Regulation of Traffic. — Cities of less than 200,000 population seldom have traffic conges- tion that necessitates regulation. In larger cities, however, the great number of vehicles crossing at intersections of streets requires regulation by special officers. These officers are usually assigned by the police department. They stand at the center of the intersecting streets and by a signal allow vehicles to pass along one street for perhaps a minute; then the traffic on the intersecting street is per- Property, Life and Health 69 mitted to pass for a like period. By this means of regulation pedestrians can cross either street safely if they cross with the current of vehicles. Without such regulation traffic would be greatly retarded and the life of pedes- trians endangered. In New York City there are about 150 crossings guarded daily, costing the city above $705,850 yearly. In places the streets are so narrow and the traffic so dense that it becomes necessary to require vehicles to pass in but one direction on a given street while traffic in the opposite direction uses a nearby parallel street. Such method of regulation is used in Pittsburgh, where the business district is confined to a very small area. Street Obstruction. — All large cities have ordinances regulating temporary and perma- nent street obstructions. The temporary ob- structions take the form of building material, boxes of merchandise, excavations in the streets, vehicles standing along the curb. Per- manent obstructions may be in the form of projecting bow windows, stairways, areaways. Usually one or more departments are empow- ered to regulate the temporary obstructions. Merchants may be permitted to use the side- walks for shipping boxes during fixed hours of the day; builders may be required to build a temporary passageway over the sidewalk and 70 The American City to permit no material to remain in the street; street openings for the purpose of laying pipes may be restricted to a limited number of hours. All these regulations are made that traffic may not be hindered or the life of pedestrians endangered. Not infrequently a city will permit the use of a portion of the sidewalk for projecting stairways, areas, etc. Such permits do not entitle the owner to a permanent use of the street, but a use only until the city considers it necessary to have an unobstructed sidewalk. Until the present time, New York buildings were permitted partially to occupy the sidewalk space. Recently the congestion of foot traffic in some streets became so great that it was necessary for the city to reclaim the sidewalk space by ordering the owners of buildings to remove encroachments. During the years 191 1 and 191 2 encroachments were removed which are estimated to have cost the owners not less than $3,500,000 for such removals. Inspection of Boilers, Elevators, and Street Signs. — All steam boilers carrying over a cer- tain pressure are usually classified as unsafe, and the operators are required to employ a licensed fireman only. Firemen are examined by some city department, and if found com- petent are licensed to attend a steam plant. The supposition is that unless steam plants are Property, Life and Health 71 attended by firemen with some degree of knowledge of such plants life might be en- dangered. Elevators carrying passengers are regulated as to construction and safety appliances. Peri- odically these are examined to determine the condition of the cables and parts. If any por- tion is found defective, the owner can be re- quired to stop the use of the elevator until it is put in a safe and satisfactory condition. Some cities require a type of elevator that can- not be started until the door of the elevator is closed. Other cities require in addition that each elevator shall be equipped with a gate which shall be closed before the elevator is started. All such regulations are for the safety of the passengers. Enforcement of these regu- lations requires constant inspection. Street signs if not securely fastened are a source of danger when hanging above pedes- trians' heads. Regulations are made as to the height of such signs above the sidewalk, the method of support or fastening, and the type of construction. Eleemosynary Institutions. — The problem of caring for the poor is greater in cities than in country districts. Ordinarily, a rural county will support an almshouse located on a farm, which partially defrays expenses. The net ex- pense of such an institution is not likely to be ']2 The American City more than $3,000 to $5,000 annually, which may not be more than twelve cents to twenty cents per capita of population in the county. The poor in the country are more largely cared for by neighbors and acquaintances. In the city the poor are less likely to be discovered, and much less likely to have neighbors or friends who care or are willing to aid in sup- port. This condition necessitates the construc- tion and maintenance of city almshouses wherein the poor may be cared for. In the largest cities special departments are main- tained to administer these almshouses. Or- phaned and homeless children must be cared for, and institutions are constructed for them. The maintenance of these two classes of de- pendents, including any " outdoor relief," given during the year 19 12 cost the indicated amounts for the following cities : New York, $3,878,- 261; Chicago, $1,116,668; Boston, $477,918; St. Louis, $78,316. The cost per capita of population ranged from $0.77 in New York to $0.11 in St. Louis. Some cities give partial support to indigent persons in their homes. This custom, however, is not general, and is not considered the wisest policy. A few states have recently passed laws requiring each city and locality to pension widows with children. Such laws are passed on the theory that it is better to entrust the care Property, Life and Health 73 of children to their own mother than to an institution. Many agree to this general propo- sition, yet oppose pensions for widows, for fear that such a system of home relief or support will lead to an unwise distribution of public funds. Though the friendly interest and support given by neighbors to the poor in country dis- tricts does not exist to any great extent in cities, yet it may be said that the deserving, as also the undeserving, poor are well housed and fed in the cities by means of public institutions and private charitable associations. Pensions. — Some cities provide pensions for a portion of those who have rendered many years of public service. The pension fund is usually supplied by levies upon the wages of the employees, supplemented by fines, special incomes, as from the sale of discarded material, and by direct payment by the city. More fre- quently a pension fund is created for a depart- ment wherein nearly all the employees perform similar services, such as school teachers, fire- men, policemen, street cleaners, etc. The pen- sion system tends to promote stability in service. Some cities provide a yearly dole or pension to the blind who live outside of institutions for the blind. Usually the allotment does not ex- ceed $50 annually. This, however, supple- 74 T^^^ American City merited by the personal earnings, provides a meager living. 2. Protection of Health All cities are giving increased attention to the health of citizens. Early cities of this country had no departments or officials charged with the protection of the health of citizens. While cities were small, water was supplied by wells, either on private or public property. Sewage was disposed of in privy vaults, or cesspools. As cities grew, the sewage became a source of danger to both the water supply and the general health, and water and sewer systems were developed. With the advent of these improvements it became necessary to pro- vide supervision; to watch the water supply lest it become contaminated at the source be- came imperative; a sewer system having been provided, its use must be enforced. Thus arose the necessity for a health department. Functions additional to these were gradually assumed, until today the health department of a city guards the health of the citizen in a large variety of ways. Foods on sale are in- spected; milk is tested and dairies regulated; dogs are muzzled ; breeding places of flies and mosquitoes are destroyed; unsanitary houses are condemned; troublesome noises are re- stricted; keeping of animals is regulated; ex- Property^ Life mid Health 75 pectorating in public places is prohibited; ob- jectionable manufacturing is prohibited or restricted; midwives are licensed and regu- lated ; school children are inspected to discover contagious diseases; contagious diseases are quarantined, and measures taken to stamp them out; pasteurized milk is sold to mothers, with instructions for its proper use. In addition to the correctional measures, effort is made to educate the public in sanitary conditions and hygienic practices. To illustrate the above general statements, the Health Department of New York City may be described. Though the largest in the United States, yet it may be considered typical, since the health department of most cities per- forms largely the same range of functions. The total expenditure of the New York Health Department for the year 191 4 was $3,248,511. .With this amount, various bureaus and depart- ments were operated. It operates four hos- pitals, two for pestilential diseases, one for tuberculosis, and one for both tuberculosis and other contagious diseases. The cost of oper- ating these hospitals was $983,220. In addi- tion to hospitals, the department maintained dispensaries for tuberculosis, with a system of district nursing. At these dispensaries cases were diagnosed and, when warranted, treat- ment was given in the home. During the year, *](> The American City 40,707 new cases were handled by these dispensaries. Milk depots were operated wherein mothers were instructed in sanitation and in the care of babies and in methods of modifying milk. Ar- rangements were made for the sale of high- grade milk at current market rates. When a mother was found too poor to buy ice, provision was made so that it was furnished to her free. Fully one-half of the childbirths in such a city as New York are attended by midwives rather than doctors. These midwives have been generally untutored and ignorant of the precautions necessary to secure sanitary conditions. The Health Department now requires that each midwife be licensed, and it makes periodic inspections of their homes and kits carried in attendance upon cases. Every case of suspected contagious disease must be at once reported to the department. Upon receiving such notification an inspector makes an examination of the case, and either sends it to a contagion hospital or, if it is allowed to remain in the home, provides that precaution be taken to avoid the likelihood of a spread of the contagion. The department manufactures anti-toxin for diphtheria and virus for small-pox, which it issues gratis or will administer on application. Property, Life and Health yy Inspectors are sent into the places of all wholesalers and retailers, to note whether or not the food being offered for sale is fit for use. Almost daily large quantities of food are destroyed. During 19 14 the department confiscated and destroyed 9,664 tons of food. Trained nurses are placed in all public schools to examine the school children to de- tect any contagious diseases. If a child has any symptom which seems suspicious, he is sent home and not allowed to return to school until it is determined that he has not the dis- ease; or, if he has it, until he has passed the period when he could transmit it to others. In this way, over 600,000 children are under constant inspection. Laboratories are maintained wherein daily the drinking water for the city is tested to see if it contains typhoid or other dangerous germs. Whenever more than one case of typhoid occurs in the same locality, an investi- gation is immediately made to ascertain the source of the contagion. Not infrequently it is located in milk and then traced to the farmer who produced the milk, who is then forbidden to send milk to the city until his milk is free from such germs. Not infrequently the source of the contagion is traced to a person who is, or has been, apparently well. Such a person is y8 The American City known as a ''typhoid carrier." The depart- ment has power to confine a carrier of disease in a hospital until the germs may be purged from the system of the patient. Whooping cough is now recognized as being a dangerous, and often a fatal disease, espe- cially to young children. The Department of Health, to counteract its effect and to lessen its ravages, is establishing clinics and day camps exclusively for this disease. At these camps, which are located on the tops of buildings, or on wharves or boats, children may spend the day and return home for the night. In this way they avoid contact with other children and are kept in the open air, which hastens their recovery. Since flies and mosquitoes have been recog- nized as carriers of disease, the department has put forth especial efforts toward their exter- mination. By its orders all privy vaults must be screened and barn manure must be kept in vaults or treated to kill the fly grubs. To ex- terminate the mosquitoes, many hundreds of acres of marsh land have been ditched to drain off any water which might collect in pools. This process has greatly reduced the number of mosquitoes, and ultimately will no doubt exterminate them. Dead animals found on the streets or public places are removed by the department. Since Property, Life and Health 79 the carcasses of animals are of value, it is pos- sible for the department to contract for this removal at a profit to the city. By its order, all dogs are required to be muzzled to avoid the liability of transmitting rabies by means of their bite. The department has the broadest powers touching all health matters, and can issue any orders designed to maintain sanitary condi- tions. It is endowed with legal power and can enforce its orders without recourse to the local or state legislature. In most cities, as in New York City, gar- bage is removed by some department other than the Health Department. In New York City the Street Cleaning Department is charged with this function. The householder places his garbage cans on the sidewalk, and the men of the department empty them into wagons. The wagons are driven to a wharf, where they are dumped into a barge, and when full, these barges are towed out to sea and dumped. Re- cently a contract has been made with a firm which pays the city for the garbage. From the garbage it extracts fats and other ingredients of value. In addition to garbage, the depart- ment removes trade waste in the form of paper, boxes, and refuse. The city undertakes this work as a precaution against fire and as a pro- tection to health. All cities in the United 8o The American City States perform these functions in much the same manner. Living conditions are regulated by most cities, both by a building department and by the health department. In the larger cities the building department is sometimes supple- mented by a tenement house department. One function to be performed, whether by a building department or by a separate tene- ment department, is a restriction of the pro- portion of a lot that may be built upon; the area of courts; window openings; toilet facili- ties; fire escapes, etc. These regulations may be illustrated by the provisions in New York, Duluth, and Milwaukee. Each of these cities restricts the proportion of the lot which may be built upon, ranging from ninety per cent for corner lots to sixty per cent for interior lots. Interior courts are required, with minimum width and length, and an increasing dimension as the surrounding building increases in height. Every room must have at least one window, and its area shall not be less than one-tenth of the floor area of the room. Fire escapes are required for all tenements, with special provisions for access to the roof. Toilets must be provided for each apartment. Strenuous effort has been put forth in each of these cities by reial estate holders to reduce Property, Life and Health 8i the requirements of the tenement regulations, but with little success, owing to their recog- nized value in the protection of health and life. In addition to the regulation of the tene- ment house law, the health department may- vacate any house because unsanitary or other conditions which may make it an unfit habita- tion ; it may declare any basement rooms, when too damp, an unfit place in which to live. The building department provides that plumbing shall be so installed that all gases shall be con- ducted by pipes to a point upon the roof of the building. Buildings for residence purposes with dark interior rooms, which formerly were built with- out infringing any city law or ordinance, will be tolerated in but few cities today. In most of our large cities there may still be found tenement houses of a depth of seventy feet to one hundred feet, with no courts and all in- terior rooms dark and unventilated by exterior windows. Though some of these still exist, they are of an obsolete type, and laws prevent their duplication. In some states, such as California, Kentucky, and New Jersey, tenement houses are regulated by state laws rather than by ordinances of their cities. In most states working conditions are regu- lated by state rather than city laws. This is 82 The American City done on the theory that such restrictions shall apply equally in all cities, thus avoiding any undue advantage which one city might gain over others by lax regulations. Their regula- tions apply to the number of hours per week a woman may be employed in specified trades ; the restrictions of the age at which a child may work, also the hours of work; and stipulations as to fire protection. The laws regulating these matters in New York State may fairly illustrate the general character of laws being passed by most of the states. In substance, these laws make the fol- lowing provisions : No child under fourteen years of age may work at any gainful occupation. No child under sixteen years of age may work more than six days or forty-eight hours a week. Every child from fourteen to sixteen years of age, if working, must have a certificate showing birth, completion of school course of not less than eight years, or the equivalent thereof; passport or baptism certificate; physician's certificate of health. In New York City these certificates, known as " working papers," are issued by the Department of Health. No woman over sixteen years of age may work more than six days or fifty-four hours a week, nor more than nine hours in one day ; nor before seven A. M., or after ten p. m. on any day, with the excep- tion of the Christmas holiday season. This applies to women in mercantile establishments. In canning Property, Life and Health 83 establishments, they may work sixty to sixty-four hours a week. Not less than forty-five minutes must be allowed for luncheon in mercantile establishments, unless the Commissioner of Labor shall permit a shorter time. Male employes of railroad companies, tele- graph companies, and telephone companies are per- mitted to work longer hours than are employes of other concerns. The working day is limited to twelve hours. Every factory building over two stories high, in which more than twenty-five persons are employed above the ground floor, shall be equipped with a fire alarm system, with a sufficient number of signals to be clearly audible to all occupants thereof. In every such building there shall be a fi.re drill at least once a month which will conduct all the occupants of such building to a place of safety, and in which all the occupants of such building shall participate simultaneously. In New York City the Fire Com- missioner is charged with the organization, super- vision, and regulation of such fire drills. In every factory building over seven stories, or over ninety feet high in which wooden flooring or wooden trim is used, and more than 200 people employed above the seventh floor, or more than ninety feet from the ground level of such building, the owner of the building shall install an automatic sprinkler system approved as to form and manner by the Fire Commissioner in New York City. Standpipes running from cellar to roof must be provided in all buildings over eighty-five feet high. Every factory shall be provided with fireproof receptacles for waste, cuttings, rubbish, etc. No waste materials shall be permitted to accumulate on the floors. All such waste materials must be re- 84 The American City moved each day, except that baled waste may be stored in a fireproof receptacle. Gas jets must be enclosed by globes, wire cages, or otherwise protected. No person is permitted to smoke in any factory. A notice to this effect is required to be posted in every factory in English and such other languages as are necessary. A steam or electric pump and at -least one pas- senger elevator must be kept in readiness for imme- diate use, day and night, by the Fire Department in New York City in all buildings over 150 feet high. Parks and playgrounds, which do not exist and are not needed in the country districts, are an expense chargeable to cities. Parks, as first laid out, were designed primarily as beauty spots rather than as places essential to the wel- iare of the people. Central Park, in New York City, was laid out in 1856, and was one of the first large parks set aside by any city in the United States. As designed, it provided for no playgrounds or places of amusement. Its chief features were beautiful drives and walks winding through wooded spots, relieved here and there by waterways. In recent years, play- grounds for children, and tennis courts, have been introduced. The more recent large parks are provided with golf links, ball grounds, and provision for many sports. The large parks in most cities are too inaccessible to be used as a place of daily outing, and afford little oppor- Property, Life and Health 85 tunity for children to play, and it has been found advisable and necessary to provide small parks in congested areas, which are devoted mainly to playgrounds. Chicago leads all cities in playground facili- ties. Its parkways so encircle the city within the residence district that large areas are very accessible. At various points, playgrounds have been provided, accompanied by swimming pools, libraries, and other forms of recreation, amusement, and entertainment. Though New York City has many small playgrounds, its effort is most distinctive in providing floating baths and recreation piers. These floating baths are fully equipped bath houses surround- ing a large tank which is submerged in the water. The houses are anchored adjacent to congested centers during the summer, and in the winter are removed to a storage basin. The recreation piers are a second story added to ordinary commercial piers. These are roofed over, and provided with comforta- ble seats. Certain evenings of every week dur- ing the summer music is furnished for danc- ing and entertainment. The 130 public playgrounds in New York City are distributed as follows: Eleven ath- letic fields; thirty baseball fields; nineteen combination boys' and girls' playgrounds; twenty-one girls' playgrounds; twenty-seven 86 The American City boys' playgrounds; twenty-two ''midget" playgrounds for small children. Each play- ground has a complete "first aid to the in- jured" outfit. The athletic fields have com- plete gymnastic apparatus, and complete ap- paratus for playing football, including "soc- cer" football; baseball; basketball; medicine ball; handball; golf; tennis; running tracks, etc. The other playgrounds have benches; kindergarten material of all kinds, with in- structors for the young children; apparatus for such games as ring-toss ; rolling ball games ; tether ball; croquet; also jumping ropes; swings; light gymnastic apparatus; etc. The young children are also instructed in jig-saw, raffia work, and drawing. During the year 1912, 3,142,116 adults and children partook of the advantages of these playgrounds. There were field days, festivals, etc., throughout the year. In the First Inter- Park Playground Athletic Championship, 5,000 boys ranging in age from seven to seven- teen entered in the sixteen events. Fully 10,000 people attended at this field day. Pag- eants are held in which the girls participate, and folk dancing exhibitions are given. Five hundred baseball teams were organized by the public playground authorities during the season of 1912. The cost for 1912 was $39,55576. So-called school farms are also operated. Property, Life and Health 87 Of these there are two. The appropriation for 1 912 was $18,520.26; total membership of plot-owners, 2,173. Each plot is four by eight feet, and contains flowers, field, and tuber plants. They keep children off the streets dur- ing the summer, and tend to destroy the gang spirit. All cities are giving more and more atten- tion to recreational features for all people, and especially for children. The open fields minis- ter to the health of children in the country; the city children, deprived of these larger spaces, would grow up weakened in body were not some space provided in which to play. Such space in the largest cities is now purchased only at great cost, a cost that necessarily greatly restricts the area which can be devoted to this purpose. The moral health of citizens is protected in many ways. Aside from state laws which regulate Sunday observance, gambling, prosti- tution, and sale of liquor, local ordinances are passed regulating public performances, the- atres, moving pictures, etc. Each city attempts to define what constitutes an immoral play, and plays deemed to be demoralizing as defined by ordinance are prohibited. Ordinances of similar import attempt to regulate the character of moving pictures which may be exhibited. Display of obscene or objectionable 88 The American City pictures or posters is usually restricted by ordi- nance. Prostitution is more often regulated by city ordinances than by state laws. It is a problem so difficult to handle that many different forms of regulation have been adopted, with varying degrees of success and failure. In some cities prostitutes are periodically arrested and fined, which method results in a form of quasi license. In other cities an attempt is made to restrict prostitution to certain prescribed districts. A prohibition of soliciting on the streets is the only form of regulation used by some cities. None of these methods succeeds in greatly re- stricting the amount of prostitution. The most that is accomplished is the restriction of flaunt- ing publicity. Young people are thereby to a certain extent kept in ignorance of its presence, which results in a measure of protection. Aesthetic health is guarded in a variety of ways. Nearly all cities, aside from prohibiting the pasting of obscene pictures, regulate the size, character, and location of billboards. It is usually considered that billboards that are too obtrusive, whether because of size or loca- tion, are a blot upon the picturesqueness of street or landscape, and can be restricted to a proportion which will not offend the eye. A city assumes the right to guard the aesthetic as well as the moral sense. Accordingly, ordi- Property, Life and Health 89 nances are passed regulating the scattering of papers and other rubbish in public places and in parks. Some cities have a board or body pass upon the architectural features of all monuments and public structures. In New York City no public building, bridge, monu- ment, or other structure can be erected until permission is granted by the Municipal Art Commission. In this way the public is guarded against any grotesque or unsightly structure. Several cities have ordinances regulating the height of buildings. The regulations of Boston and Washington may be used as illustrations. The entire city of Boston is divided into two districts: District A, the business sec- tion; District B, the residential area. In Dis- trict A, buildings may not exceed 125 feet in height, and in District B they may not exceed eighty feet in height except on streets over sixty-four feet wide, on which streets buildings may be erected to a height of one and one- fourth times the width of the street, but its width on each and every abutting street must be at least one-half its height. No building in either district may be of greater height than two and one-half times the width of the widest abutting street. This districting was done through a special act of the legislature. Bos- ton resorted to both the police power and 90 The American City power of eminent domain in restricting heights of buildings. Washington has more stringent regulations of building heights than any other American city, with the possible exception of Boston — more rigid in the residence section and some- what more lenient in the business section. All streets are designated either as business streets or as residence streets. No building on a busi- ness street may be higher than the width of the widest abutting street increased by twenty feet, with an absolute limitation of 130 feet. There are two exceptions to this rule. Build- ings on the north side of Pennsylvania Ave- nue, between First and Fifteenth Streets, are allowed an extreme height of 160 feet. Build- ings fronting or abutting on the plaza in front of the Union Station may not exceed eighty feet in height. The height of buildings on residence streets is limited to eighty-five feet, but this also has restrictions. The height may not exceed the width of the street, diminished by ten feet on streets more than seventy feet wide, nor sixty feet on streets between sixty and seventy feet in width. The height may not exceed the width of the street on streets less than sixty feet in width. The constitution- ality of these regulations has apparently not been tested. New York City recently had a commission Property, Life and Health 91 studying the most feasible method of regulat- ing the height of buildings, and now has a permanent City Planning Commission. Within a comparatively short time most cities will probably consider that it is advisable to restrict the character and height of buildings along principal streets. CHAPTER V EDUCATION AND INSTRUCTION THE early settlers in this country recog- nized that education was the foundation and prerequisite of good citizenship. Natu- rally facilities for education must be afforded to the masses if all were to participate intelli- gently in the government. Thus originated the free public school which all might attend, and in later years attendance became by law compulsory. I. Organization and Administration Modern educational methods in the United States are largely the result of successive ex- periments. The constant exchanges between educators in late years have enabled all com- munities to come into possession of a common knowledge of the latest innovations, and keep pace with each other in their development. This was quite different in the earliest days, when each hamlet did what it pleased about schooling, with no outside supervision or comparison. The district school was the first educational unit in this country and it still exists in its 92 Education and Instruction 93 true form in parts of most of the states. At first, the administration was in the hands of the clergyman and selectmen of the town in which the district was situated. The area of the district unit is determined by the voters. While the district unit cannot produce the most satisfactory results, it has made possible the elementary education of the scattered popula- tion, and it gave to New England the famous "little red schoolhouse." But the district is under many handicaps. Limited space, and the wide variety of the pupils' ages and mental qualities, prevent grading; and the unequal distribution of wealth leaves some districts far behind others. There is now a strong, country- wide move- ment to consolidate -the one-teacher rural schools into central schools, to which the schol- ars are transported at public expense. In many states the district unit has been largely super- seded by the township unit, but where it does exist it is being developed to its highest possi- ble efficiency through the systems of rural supervision now coming widely into existence under the various titles of assistant county superintendents, rural school or county super- visors, district superintendents or supervisors, etc. Two classes have been established to which individual district schools may attain. They are "standard" and "superior," and in 94 T'^'^ AjHcrican City Illinois a plate bearing the classification is at- tached to the schoolhouses receiving the awards. In other states the classification is carried on score cards, which account also for lower ratings. In some states steps have been taken to establish pupils' reading circles in or- der to stimulate reading among rural children. The township unit is practically a merger of district units. Its substitution has resulted in a centralization of financial resources and graded schools. J. The City and Other Local Schools The city unit is a collateral of the township unit, although naturally there is a wide diver- gence between the two. Because of the greater concentration of population and wealth in the cities they have been the seat of greatest prog- ress in educational matters. Generally the city school organization is based on such general laws as apply to the particular class in which it exists. Special charters and special legisla- tion have given to the large cities organizations peculiar to each. But, with one exception, all have school boards and city superintendents, although the former differ in size and the latter are selected by varying methods. The tendency of city school boards has been to exercise less personal supervision over edu- cational matters and to transfer such authority Education and Instruction 95 to the city superintendent, and in most cities he is responsible for the courses of study, the appointment of teachers, selection of text books, etc. The first city superintendent of public schools was appointed in Buffalo, in 1837, and this is now considered to have been one of the most important steps in the develop- ment of city school systems. By 1855 all the large cities, except Philadelphia, and many of the small cities, had established the office of city superintendent. A new movement, in sev- eral cities, is the organization of an advisory council, composed of the superintendent, the principals of training, high, and elementary schools, and representatives from the teaching staffs of these and other types of schools. School boards differ in size, method of selec- tion, and duties, but the tendency is toward small boards. In some of the cities, almost evenly divided as to importance, the board is merely a department of the municipal govern- ment and conforms to the same general limita- tions governing other departments. In other cities it has the powers of a separate public corporation, and controls the raising and ex- penditure of its own funds. The one excep- tion, which apparently has worked well, is Buffalo, where the management of school mat- ters is entrusted to the city council. Chicago has a board composed of twenty- 96 The American City one members, appointed by the mayor. It is a separate corporation, and in many respects it is independent of the city council. The twenty- one members of the Philadelphia board are appointed by the county judges. Supplemental boards, composed of twelve members each, are chosen by the people in each ward and are charged with important inspection duties. The New York board consists of forty-six mem- bers, appointed by the mayor to serve for five years. The Board of Education is authorized to divide the city into forty-six districts every five years, and a local school board is estab- lished in each district. These local boards are composed of seven members, five of whom are appointed by the president of the borough in which the particular boards are located; one is a member of the Board of Education, desig- nated by the president of that board; and the district superintendent assigned to duty in the particular district. The duties of the local boards include certain inspections, and they also exercise certain administrative and judi- cial functions. St. Louis has a board consist- ing of twelve members, elected by the people. It is a separate corporation, levying its own taxes and not answering in any way to the municipal assembly, but a provision exists for the removal of any member upon popular ini- tiative. Boston, in 1905, reduced its board from Education and Instruction 97 twenty- four to five members, elected at large. Cleveland has seven members, elected at large. Many other cities have made reductions. Kan- sas has passed a law providing for boards of six members in all the cities in the state, and the Ohio legislature has provided for boards of from three to five members in cities of less than 50,000 inhabitants; two to seven for cities of from 50,000 to 150,000; and five to seven for cities having more than 150,000 inhabitants. The state as a unit stands for general school legislation and exercises no administrative powers, except where there is a state board of education ; but in no case is there any attempt at actual supervision over the work of instruc- tion. The first state board was appointed in 1874 in New York. It was called the Board of Regents and constituted the University of New York. Its jurisdiction is over the pri- vate schools, while the State Superintendent of Education has control of the public schools. North Carolina, in 1825, was the next to have a state board of education, and others followed as the need was felt, although they do not exist in every state. These boards are usually appointed by the governors and are variously constituted. In some states they are composed of educators and achieve valuable results, but in others they consist of state officials and 98 The American City their transactions are limited to business mat- ters. Broadly stated, the activities of state boards consist of the management of the state normal schools, the examination and certifica- tion of teachers, the holding of teachers' insti- tutes, the control of school funds, the compila- tion of statistics, etc. Most states have an officer, under various titles, at the head of the state's public school system. The office is usually elective and car- ries considerable power. New York, in 181 3, was the first state to have such an officer, and perhaps in no state is his power so great as it is in New York, where he is the final arbiter of all public school matters. He may overrule the action of any district or city school board, even though such action has been sustained by the courts, and his own decisions cannot be re- versed by the courts. The Federal Bureau of Education, estab- lished in 1867 and attached to the Department of the Interior, acts in the capacity of a na- tional advisory board and has become a valua- ble institution, especially because of its re- search work, and its annual reports and other publications. J. The Curriculum The elementary public schools of the earliest period were necessarily limited to the teaching Education and Instruction 99 of very simple studies. The great variety of ages and mental qualities of the scholars assem- bled in the single-room schools prevented the development of a graded system or any other organized method. Previous to the nineteenth century, reading, writing, spelling, and the ele- ments of arithmetic were the subjects most generally taught. Although prior to the eighteenth century the studies required by leg- islative enactment in the New England colo- nies and New Amsterdam were reading, writ- ing, religion, and certain laws, there is no doubt that simple arithmetic and spelling also were taught. In the eighteenth century, the curriculum more definitely included these lat- ter subjects, working up to the introduction of the most elementary English grammar about the end of the century. Early in the nineteenth century, the elemen- tary course quite generally comprised all the formal studies — i.e., reading, writing, spell- ing, grammar, arithmetic, geography, and his- tory. These studies were limited to the text books, and the aim was to establish efficiency in the use of the language and numbers, and acquaintance with geography and history. Toward the close of the century a movement was begun to utilize the child period from six to fourteen years for more than the merely formal training, and there have been added to loo The American City the curriculum literature, music, drawing and art, nature study, hygiene, and a variety of manual training occupations. There has resulted rather a congestion of studies with but little flexibility and every attempt to re- vert to a simpler program has been unsatis- factory. The extension of the curriculum added two years to the work of the elementary schools. The secondary, or high school, curriculum has undergone considerable experimentation. In the early part of the second half of the nineteenth century it was not unusual to re- quire the completion of twenty, and in one case twenty-nine, separate studies, in some places, within three years. This overloaded curriculum was shortly made more practicable by subdividing into a number of separate courses, available to the students as they might ekct. This plan is now in wide use, while a modification of it is in vogue in many schools where one set of subjects is prescribed for all, with additional electives to fill up the required number of subjects for the whole school course. The subjects are largely embraced in the following studies: mathematics (algebra, geometry, and trigonometry), English (litera- ture, composition, and rhetoric), Latin, Greek, French, German, history, physics, chemistry, physical geography, psychology, biology, civics, Education, onct ImtiucUd^^ - ■> • I'bi physiology, astronomy, commercial and manual training, and domestic arts. 4. Teachers In the earliest days in some sections of the north Atlantic states, the duties of minister and teacher were combined. In the plantation states there were no elementary schools, and men of education were brought from England as private tutors. The teachers in the early schools in New England were as a rule suffi- ciently capable and occupied a place of consid- erable social importance and dignity. As the years passed college graduates usually prefaced their entry upon a professional career by a period of teaching. In the early part of the nineteenth century many attempts to meet the need for the special preparation of teachers were made by organiz- ing associations and institutes. These were succeeded by state normal schools, the first of which was established in Massachusetts, at Lexington, in 1839, and now every state has at least one such school for the training of teachers. As the public schools in the various cities grew in size and number it became im- possible to secure enough teachers from the state normal schools to fill the demand, and the cities began to establish their own normal schools, so that now all the large cities and idi ■"' The' American City many of the smaller ones have special schools for training teachers. Some of these are very elaborate and nearly all provide a two-year course. Some cities have gone further, as in Cincinnati, where in the city university a col- lege for teachers has been organized. In the Pittsburgh City University practice teaching is provided. 5. High Schools The first English high school in this country was founded in Boston in 1821. Within the next seventeen years five New England cities followed, and Philadelphia established her first high school in 1837. In New York several of the cities used established higher institu- tions for secondary purposes. In New York City the present City College was founded in 1849 3.S the New York Free Academy. The various early high schools were not open to girls, and secondary education was not avail- able for them in public schools until various later dates. The movement to establish high schools has been country wide since the begin- ning, except in the western states, where the first came into existence after 1850. The greatest number established in all sections was between 1890 and 1900. The high school naturally has grown more slowly in rural sections, but with the realiza- Education and Instruction 103 tion that the high school affords instruction in a variety of practical studies the physical obstacle is being overcome by consolidating or enlarging units to provide larger taxing areas for each school, or by paying transportation expenses, and, in some sections, the tuition charge also, for students to attend neighboring high schools. A unique arrangement has been made in Franklin County, Kentucky, which has been divided into four "educational divi- sions," each containing from nine to fourteen school districts. A school doing seventh and eighth grade work and the first two years of high school work is located near the center of each "division." There is a wide variance in size between the country and city high schools, with attendant differences in courses of study. They range from the one-teacher high schools, with about twenty-five per cent of the total enrolled high school students in the country, to the great institutions having a staff of 100 or more teachers. The high school may thus be epitomized : It IS the pinnacle of the common school system; it stands for the finished education short of the product of the college course; and it pro- vides a good general equipment, or specially fits for one of several ordinary vocations. For the year ended June 30, 19 12, the esti- 104 The American City mated number of children of school age (five to eighteen) was 25,167,445, an increase of 421,883 over the previous year. The number of pupils enrolled in the public schools in the same year was 18,182,937. The average daily attendance in the public schools of these pupils was 13,302,303, which was 52.7 per cent of the total number of children of school age and 73.2 per cent of the total enrollment in the public schools. 6. Vocational Education It is held that education during the forma- tive period in the secondary schools which does not include some form of vocational training subjects its students to a serious handicap. But there is a distinction between true vocational and manual training, and it is the latter which fits into the general public school courses in both the elementary grades and the high schools. Although manual training in a meager form was introduced in the institution which pre- ceded the University of Illinois in 1871, and in Washington University, St. Louis, in 1872, it was not until the educators and lay leaders of the country visited the centennial at Phila- delphia in 1876 and viewed the industrial and art work presented by European schools that an urgent and sweeping demand arose for the Education and Instruction 105 introduction of manual arts in the curriculum of American public schools. The demand of the lay public was for actual trade education, but as developed by educators the training be- came an adjunct of the general courses. Wood- working, paper cutting, and other simple forms were introduced into the grades, with a ten- dency to begin the training in the last half of the elementary grades. By 1880 this form of education had become so soundly developed that numerous cities had begun to establish special manual training schools of an elementary character and manual training high schools, and now every city of any considerable size has one of the latter in- stitutions. Manual training, however, is dis- tinctively differentiated from vocational train- ing; indeed, it is denominated prevocational in some quarters. Within the past decade a movement has rap- idly grown to provide real vocational educa- tion, beginning in the seventh, eighth or ninth year of school life. As a result, vocational schools, part-time arrangements with local in- dustries, and industrial departments — day and evening classes — in the regular schools have been established. Six states now have in oper- ation definite systems for organizing and super- vising vocational schools, and for aiding local communities in the maintenance of such io6 The American City schools — these are New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Wis- consin. In some of the states it is required that elementary agriculture shall be taught in the grades in all town and township schools, and that elementary industrial and domestic science shall be taught in the grades in all city and town schools. In New York State, as in most states co- operating in vocational education, state aid is extended to evening classes. In Rochester an agreement between the City Shop School and the Rochester Typothetae sets the term of apprenticeship at four years, and provides that each pupil apprentice employed in a printing plant shall alternate weekly between the plant and the school, and receive wages from the employer for the school time as well as shop time. In some of the towns in the coal regions of Pennsylvania vocational instruction has been provided in evening classes for miners, and many of the men have passed the state exam- inations for mine foreman's and assistant mine foreman's certificates. Agricultural instruction has been generously provided for in most of the states, in many instances in connection with private colleges and universities. Various other courses have been provided in some of the foremost states; Education and Instruction 107 such as the State College of Forestry, at Syra- cuse, N. Y., and New York School of Clay- working, at Alfred University. The aim of educators identified with voca- tional instruction is to determine, by standard- ized tests, the particular inclination of each pupil's ability and provide a training which shall fit the pupil for a definite place in the industrial life of the people. 7. Evening Schools For the public school pupils who have to seek employment before the completion of either the elementary or secondary courses, and for those more fortunately placed so that they have actually graduated from high school, the evening schools are in the nature of con- tinuation schools. For the latter, there are special courses in literature, history, art, music, and other subjects of a cultural character. For the former, is provided opportunity to com- plete, in a more condensed form, perhaps, the education they are denied in day classes. Another class, composed of several groups, are in need of evening schools because of the vocational instruction available. One group includes those of school age who, because of present economic conditions demanding a sup- ply of young workers and meagerness of income in the home, are forced to forego io8 The American City schooling and so seek to better themselves in the industrial life which they have entered by pursuing their development in the particular vocation which most appeals to them. Another group is composed of those beyond school age who likewise desire to attain proficiency in some chosen vocation. Another, and some- what smaller, group consists of those beyond the school age who are more or less illiterate and who find sufficient instruction in the Eng- lish language in connection with the vocational training to meet their need. In seaboard cities, especially, ambitious immigrants will be found in this group. During the year 1906- 1907 there were 45,485 non-English speaking pupils enrolled in the evening classes in New York City. The first evening school was established in 1834 in the basement of a public school build- ing in Louisville, Ky. In 1848 a free evening school was founded in Worcester, Mass. In the same year evening schools were established in New York by the Public School Society, and within the following decade other benevo- lent organizations in various cities opened similar schools, but the idea moved slowly among the public school systems of the coun- try until well into the last quarter of the nine- teenth century. The most recent statistics available show that in 1906 there were about Education and Instruction 109 315,000 students enrolled in evening schools in cities having a population of 8,000 and over, which was a little more than the total enrollment in the high schools in the cities of that size. Instruction in the evening schools quite generally covers a wide range of subjects. In Wisconsin the subjects include gasoline engine practice, architectural drawing, applied design, pattern-making, plumbing, free-hand drawing, shop mathematics, cabinet working, forging, dressmaking, sewing, household arts, retail selling, telegraphy, shorthand, typewriting, bookkeeping, electricity, citizenship, English, English for foreigners, hygiene, and interior decorating. In other states numerous other subjects are taught, such as printing, bookbind- ing, electric wiring and installation, and mil- linery. The evening classes are held in the public school buildings, and in some cities the equipment of the manual training high schools is utilized. In practically every com- munity the admittance age is sixteen years and over. New York has a privately endowed free evening school which has justly become famous under the name of Cooper Union, after its founder, Peter Cooper. The courses are of a higher order than those of the public school no The American City systems, and embrace many of the subjects taught in the high schools. The institute also conducts a free school of art, in which are taught drawing, engraving, and photography. 8, Public Lectures Public lectures are held in school buildings in many cities free to the general public, and are usually arranged for by the school authori- ties as ^ part of their educational program. This form of supplemental general public edu- cation originated in New York City in 1888. During the first term, from June i, 1888, to April I, 1889, 186 lectures were given to a total attendance of 22,149. During the 191 2- 19 1 3 term, 5,389 lectures were given to a total attendance of 1,138,702 persons. Boston fol- lowed in 1 90 1, and soon other cities adopted the plan. A wide range of subjects are treated, covering scientific topics, health, travel, art, and literature. p. Libraries In the older cities of colonial origin libraries were founded at various dates, many around 1750, by individuals who later either conveyed them to the cities or retained them under pri- vate management, but for the free use of the public. In these days public libraries are main- Education and Instruction iii tained by practically all cities, altliough the library as purely a municipal institution is of comparatively recent origin. Public libraries are considered almost as essential to the intellectual life of the people as the public schools, and an effort was made as early as 1835 to place library advantages within reach of the rural population. For this purpose New York, in that year, established school district libraries. Michigan and Massa- chusetts followed in 1837 with township li- braries, and Connecticut, Rhode Island, Iowa, Indiana, and others followed in rapid succes- sion. However, the limit of efficiency of this movement was reached within the next decade or two, but of late years the subject has been revived, and numerous states have inaugurated traveling libraries, in cooperation with which pupils' reading circles have been formed among the scholars in the rural schools. In the larger cities various means have been utilized for a wider extension of the public library facilities. The means generally consist of branches, with a librarian and staff; deliv- ery stations, through which books may be ordered from the main library, and also returned; deposit stations, where small collec- tions from the main library, changed from time to time, are made available for circulation. In some cities regularly changed collections are 112 The American City sent to the various public schools for the con- venience of the pupils. 10. Art Galleries and Museums Art galleries and museums are maintained by the larger cities. Such institutions are so expensive to equip and maintain that none but the largest cities can afford this means of pub- lic education. Even in cities where they are maintained a large proportion of the exhibits are given by private parties. The three most important art museums are the Metropolitan Museum of Art, in New York City, the Mu- seum of Art, Boston, arid the Corcoran Insti- tution, Washington, D. C. These institutions rank well with the best of such museums in Europe. Though these museums are in part municipal museums they are in quite a sense national institutions, visited by tourists from the entire country. The aggregate number of visitors to the Metropolitan Museum of Art during 1912 was 690,183. This indicates a keen interest in art on the part of a large num- ber of people, and shows the response of the public to the comparatively recent efforts of the art museums to develop a popular under- standing of their contents. In addition to regularly established art museums most cities provide collections of prints for the use of public schools. Thus is Education and Instruction 113 created a desire to see the originals in the museums and a love for art is stimulated. II. Zoological Gardens and Collection Zoological gardens in a limited degree are supported by some cities. The large Zoologi- cal Garden at Bronx Park, New York City, is supported by a private foundation. The city, however, maintains a small animal exhibit in Central and Prospect Parks. These afford entertainment and instruction to a very large number of people who visit the parks. Most of the large cities possess a more or less com- plete zoological collection, but small cities cannot afford expenditures for such a purpose. New York City partly supports a natural history museum, the Museum of Natural His- tory, which ranks next to the Smithsonian In- stitute in Washington. It contains valuable collections of stuffed animals and birds, an- thropological material, and a great variety of natural products. Such an institute serves not only the citizens of New York City, but also tourists from all parts of the country. An- other important museum of this class is the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago, founded by private citizens. The educational function of museums of this character has become their most important feature in recent years. In many of these 114 ^^^^ American City museums popular lectures are given, both to classes from public schools and to the general public. In a few cities traveling exhibits are sent to the schools, and in St. Louis the Board of Education has established a museum for the public school pupils, under the care of the assistant superintendent of schools. In Brook- lyn there is an endowed children's museum which has an average annual attendance of 102,000, including an attendance of 18,700 at lectures. Other cities have special collections for children. 12. Defective and Sub-normal Children Society has voluntarily, and in a spirit of compassion, as well as in self -protection, charged itself with the care of those unfortu- nates who come into life with a serious physi- cal or mental handicap, and large numbers of these have not only been developed into self- sustaining individuals, but many have become a distinct benefit to society. This class in- cludes those roughly grouped as deaf, blind, feeble-minded, and incorrigible. Until recently these have been cared for mostly in state insti- tutions, but reports secured by the United States Bureau of Education in 191 3 show that thirty-six cities, in twenty- four states, made their first provision for one or more of these groups in the year 1912-1913; that 164 cities. Education and Instruction 115 in thirty- four states, extended their provision ; and that ninety-three cities which had pre- viously made such provision made no changes during that year. Six of the new schools established during the year are public day schools for the deaf. There are, in all, seventy such day schools in the country, and while this number is larger than that of the residential schools for the deaf, yet their enrollment of 1,773 constitutes but thirteen per cent of the total number in both day and residential schools. In 1900 Chicago began to teach blind boys and girls in the public day schools and by 19 12 ten other cities had adopted the plan, each enthusiastically seeking to go a step further. These blind children recite in the same classes with the seeing children, although their prepa- ration and direction is under the care of special •teachers. In some of the cities there is a spe- cial supervisor who trains the special teachers, visits the classes in which blind children are enrolled, and sees that physical, manual, and perhaps musical training is given. The extra expense to the city school system of thus car- ing for the blind children is in some cities partly met by the state. One distinct advan- tage claimed for the plan is that the home remains a factor in the child's life, an influ- ence it would be without nine months in the ii6 The American City year in a residential school. In some of these cities the day school training is not only thor- oughly vocational, but it is also carried outside the classrooms in the lessons of boy scouting and in the duties of campfire girls. The medical examination which pupils are required to pass on entering the public schools in most cities quickly classifies the more pro- nounced mentally defective children, but as yet no distinctive provision for their education has been made in public schools administered by city systems. The same is more or less true of the chil- dren classed as incorrigibles, but as these must be taken care of by the city in the discharge of its police duties, all the large cities have reform institutions in which educational and vocational instruction is given. jj. Young Men's Christian Association The educational feature of the Young Men's Christian Association has had a large place in the development of that organization. The educational work is largely in the form of lec- tures, class work, reading rooms, libraries, literary societies, educational clubs, educational tours, and private tutoring. The educational work of the Association was presented in the form of an exhibit to many thousands of vis- itors to the Chicago World's Fair in 1893, and Education and Instruction 117 in 1896 it attracted further attention by the inauguration of a system of international examinations. At present there are spring and winter terms, and day work has been added where the need exists. There are summer classes for boys, and many special schools have sprung up in the effort to meet the need of men and boys. Some of these special subjects are accounting, automobile operating, art and decoration, tex- tile designing, advertising, salesmanship, real estate, insurance, plumbing, fruit culture, poul- try raising, etc. 14. Technical Education In the technical schools the principles of science and the developed facts in this great field are brought into contact with the every- day practices of the industrial life, to the end that these practices may be made to conform to higher standards of quality and efficiency. They are for those who are of the same class of students who enter the training for the pro- fessions, and the same high standards of char- acter and mentality required in the latter are essential in the former. Thus, the training of the technical schools is higher than that of the vocational or industrial schools. Gradu- ates of the former are known as civil engi- neers, mechanical engineers, electrical en- ii8 The American City gineers, gas engineers, mining engineers, effi- ciency engineers, etc., while graduates of the latter may perform that part of the skilled work in these professions which does not require scientific training. There are no free technical schools in the country, although some states maintain a number of free scholarships in some of the schools. 75. General Because of the great danger of the spread of infectious diseases through promiscuous contact between children in the public schools, most cities have established some system of medical examination, and some have a provi- sion for compulsory vaccination. In some cities the city boards of health have charge of the examinations, while in others the work is under the boards of education. In many of the cities the medical examinations are sup- plemented by treatment which is carried on in the homes of the children through the agency of visiting nurses. In some states the medical examinations are required by statute. In Ohio the law includes teachers and janitors within the scope of examination by the school physician. New Jersey cities are authorized to support incorporated dental associations which conduct free clinics for poor school children. A num- Education and Instruction 119 ber of cities are providing meals for poor school children, either free or at a nominal charge, in order that they may have sufficient nourishment. In some cities anemic children are placed in open air classes with very good results. For instance, in New York City at the close of one term in 1913 the physical improvement of sub-normal children in open air classes was forty per cent and the mental gain was over fifty per cent. This movement to make extraordinary provisions for the health of the school children is also responsible for the establishing of playgrounds. Some cities have thrown school buildings open for public meetings of various sorts and have encouraged local societies to use them as civic centers and, in a limited degree, as neigh- borhood club quarters. The school building when thus used serves a much wider and more useful purpose than formerly when it was closed two days of every week, three months in the summer, and every evening. It ceases to be looked upon merely as a place in which to teach children elementary things ; it becomes the center of the intellectual and social life of the people. A CHAPTER VI MUNICIPAL UNDERTAKINGS PUBLIC Utility is essentially a monopoly. Herein lies the cause of many problems. J. The Problem of Public Utilities The ownership of these is almost wholly a local question. If a private corporation is fur- nishing good service, charging reasonable rates, does not meddle in politics, and is amen- able to local regulation, it would seem that no problem exists in that particular community, and that under such conditions (exclusive of other aspects) a change to municipal owner- ship would be unnecessary and, probably, unwise. But where a private corporation is conduct- ing its service without a proper regard of the public it serves, the people constituting the community are prompted to turn to the con- sideration of public ownership for relief. Other conditions which justify a small com- munity entering into the construction and operation of plants for public service are: an unsupplied need because of the non-existence of a privately owned plant ; a desire of the peo- 120 Municipal Undertakings 121 pie for greater conveniences; an effort to attract additions to the population with a view to expansion; or the furnishing of facilities which cannot be afforded by a private com- pany. The conditions mentioned have been respon- sible for the entry of a number of American cities and towns into the field of municipal ownership. Of course other considerations have had a part in actuating a community in taking such a step, but they are mostly variations of those stated, and it is the purpose to set forth in this chapter some of the experiences of certain cities and towns in the United States in their operation of such utilities as water, gas, and electricity, without reference to the highly developed systems of some of the Euro- pean cities. In these foreign cities conditions generally are extremely favorable for the pub- lic ownership and operation of even conven- iences not usually listed as public utilities in the Western World. The real test of any public service or policy is its effect upon the people and their insti- tutions in a moral, political, and social, rather than a financial way. Municipal ownership has equally eminent supporters and opponents, and the arguments cover a wide range. For instance, it is claimed that public-service cor- porations are an active cause of political cor- 122 The American City ruption that can be eradicated only by public ownership. On the other hand, it is argued that partisanship and tendency to graft on the part of politicians in city governments prevent the successful operation of publicly owned utilities. History has repeatedly demonstrated that there is truth in both claims. However, control by corporations of legislatures and politicians is now rather a passing condition. Wholesale raids by prosecuting officers against bribers and bribe takers in a number of com- munities have created a wholesome fear, while new methods of dealing with public service corporations are being established. One of the gravest objections against the methods, of public-service corporations is in connection with their claim to the right to engage in certain capitalization practices. It may not be exactly fair to make such an unanalyzed comparison but certainly a tre- mendous over-capitalization by these com- panies in 1902 was shown in the statement from the United Census Bureau. In that year the outstanding stocks and bonds of privately owned public utility plants amounted to $271 per 1,000 kilowatt hours of service, while the same character of indebtedness of the pub- licly owned plants amounted to but $111 for a like service. Most public-service corporations claim the Municipal Undertakings 123 right to capitalize and earn from six to ten per cent on all or some of the following valu- ations : increased value of their lands, although their original uses have not been changed; in- creased cost of duplicating their buildings and machinery because of increased cost of materials and labor; increased cost of their distributing systems for the same reason; increased cost of duplicating underground sys- tems because of added cost of cutting through paving laid since the original installation; the value of all connections with consumers (this has been placed as high as $25 each by gas and electric companies) ; the value of fran- chises, although these are only privileges granted by the people. Public-service corporations are seldom at a loss to find ways of inflating their capital charges, and such over-capitalization is made a claim for the charging of higher rates. It is at this point that publicly owned plants present the greatest contrast. In almost every case their rates are very much lower, while if they are at all high the profits are used for the benefit of the taxpayers. 2. State Regulation All these political dealings and capitalistic abuses finally led to a new method of dealing with public-service corporations. Regulation 124 The American City of public utilities was inaugurated by Gover- nor Hughes in New York and Senator LaFol- lette in Wisconsin in 1907, and since then the policy has been adopted in a majority of the states containing large cities. The movement was supported by various groups : those who believed stringent public control to be a neces- sity; those who held that it would obviate all need of municipal ownership; and those who argued that it would pave the way for public ownership. On the other hand it was opposed by the public-service corporations; a certain class of politicians; and those who insisted upon municipal ownership as the only solution of the problems arising from the practices of the public-service corporations. Ample powers have been given public-serv- ice commissions, especially over rates, fran- chises, and capitalization and forms of reports. These powers have not always been used for downward regulation. They have, in instances, been used to increase rates, even though the act abrogated the contract existing between a city and a company. In the matter of capitaliza- tion, the commissions have scrutinized valua- tions as the most effectual means of control and prevention of swollen assets. Uniform systems of accounting have also been adopted as a valuable regulative measure. J The commissions have consistently sought Municipal Undertakings 125 to be fair; to justify their existence and to ren- der decisions which would stand in the courts. This has quite generally overcome the opposi- tion, and in many instances won the support, of public-service corporations. To the municipal ownership idea, state reg- ulation by commission is naturally a hindrance capable of expression in many ways. But such regulation may largely remove the necessity for public ownership through low rates based upon regulation of capitalization and non- amortization, the elimination of promoters, stimulation of the development of efficiency, and subjection of the corporations to the force of public opinion through publicity. A number of states have enacted statutes giving general authority to cities to engage in municipal undertakings. The Ohio munici- pal code authorizes municipal electric plants and water works in every city. In 1903 four states conferred similar authority. All cities of less than 30,000 population by a Missouri statute are authorized to undertake any public utility, specifically including telephones and street railways. Kansas has empowered all cities of less than 15,000 population to under- take water works and gas, oil, and electric plants. In addition to these, California has authorized telegraph lines and heating plants for all municipalities of less than 3,000. 126 The American City Illinois has authorized all the cities to own and operate street railways, and has sought to provide a satisfactory way of financing such undertakings. The general municipal law of Virginia authorizes all cities to own water works. The municipal code of Indiana em- powers cities to own water and gas works and electric plants, although the two per cent debt limit may be a prohibition in some cases. In 1906 New Jersey enacted a general law author- izing cities to establish water works and elec- tric plants, with provisions more favorable to the former. By constitutional provision in Oklahoma every municipal corporation may engage in any enterprise similar to those for which franchises are granted to private cor- porations. The charter adopted by the city of St. Louis in June, 19 14, specifies the right of eminent domain in connection with all exist- ing franchises to public-service corporations, but in no case of acquisition of the plant of such a corporation shall the franchise receive a valuation. Most of these states require that each undertaking shall bear the burden of its financing without recourse to the debt limit. J. Comparisons of Publicly and Privately Owned Public Utilities Upon the management the success of a municipal undertaking largely depends. This Municipal Undertakings 127 is the crux of success or failure in a private enterprise, and a municipal undertaking can- not be exempt from the rule. Unless the form of management is to include efficiency, and centralized authority and responsibility, after the manner of private operations, there will be small chance of success. In fact, the absence of this form of management has been respon- sible for nearly every failure of a municipal undertaking in the United States. There is no late estimate of the proportion of failures, but the 1902 Census Report showed that one municipality reverted to pri- vate ownership for every thirteen that engaged in public ownership. However, with the radi- cal reforms in government adopted by many of the cities this proportion of failures has un- doubtedly been greatly reduced, for municipal ownership must be increasingly successful as changes in the plan of government tend to promote efficiency in the administration of the affairs of the city. On the other hand, if good conditions of government are favorable for municipal ownership, the same is equally true of private ownership, and it is a fact that with scientific management and ability to attract high-class talent, private corporations lead in the matter of progress. It is rather difficult to make a comparison between the publicly owned and operated 128 The American City plants in widely separated localities, because of the variation in the natural conditions which are vital to the proper consideration of the eco- nomic aspects of a particular operation. Mani- festly a community which obtains its water supply by force of gravity can serve its citizens at less expense than that which has to pump every drop. The same is true as between the naturally pure supply and that which has to be redeemed from polluting conditions by arti- ficial filtration. Likewise, electric current can be more cheaply generated by water power than by steam, so that in the former instance the rates to the consumers would be lower than under the latter condition. There are other conditions which cannot be disregarded as factors in a fair comparison of publicly owned plants; such as freight rates for fuel, labor, politics, etc. This principle also applies to the considera- tion of any comparison of publicly owned plants with those owned privately, for not all municipalities pursue every commercial possi- bility, which, on the other hand, would be the source of a constantly growing income under the developing management of private owners. The wages paid by municipalities are gener- ally from twenty to thirty per cent higher than those paid by private owners. The munici- pality has some very distinct advantages over Municipal Undertakings 129 the private corporation : it can borrow capital at a lower rate of interest; it can make better terms of redemption; it need not pay divi- dends; it can more effectively control strikes. On the other hand, it is handicapped by having to obtain its employees under civil service rules. Water Works. — Water supply was the first public utility to come under municipal owner- ship, and it seems almost as a matter of course that such a vital necessity should be provided by government. Perhaps it was some idea of this sort which was responsible for the short periods for which most of the original fran- chises were granted to water companies, that the way might be the more open for the city to take over the ownership under more favorable conditions. However, public ownership of wa- ter works has proven its superiority over pri- vate ownership in many respects. The larger proportion of water works are owned by cities and towns. From 1800 to 1900 the public ownership of water works increased from six per cent to sixty per cent of the total. In 1907, of fifty of the largest cities, twenty-one had originally built and then owned their plants ; twenty had changed from private to public ownership ; and nine were still served by private plants, some of which were considering a change. The latest complete report by the United States Census Bureau 130 The American City upon the ownership of water works shows that of 135 cities reporting with a population of more than 30,000, seventy per cent owned their own works, while in 302 cities having a popu- lation of from 10,000 to 30,000, 458 with from 5,000 to 10,000, and 580 of from 3,000 to 5,000 about fifty per cent of the works in each class were publicly owned. Municipal ownership of water works has proven to be the most advantageous plan in many respects. Naturally enough, because the conservation of health forms one of the most important functions of government, it has been demonstrated that, as a rule, the water supplied by cities is purer than that furnished by private companies. The service of public works is generally better than that of private works, because of the direct responsibility of the management of the former to the people themselves. The rates of the public services are invariably lower; the history of all changes from private to public ownership shows almost immediate reductions of fifty per cent or more. Another important item is the lower cost of water for fire hydrants and other public needs ; it has been found generally that the value of free fire service exceeds the taxes lost under public ownership. An interesting statement made in 1907, by the committee appointed by the National Civic Municipal Undertakings 131 Federation to make an exhaustive investiga- tion of the municipal ownership of utilities, shows that in a comparison on an interest and dividend basis the 17,200 services in New Haven, Conn., and 16,910 services in Indian- apolis, Ind., where the water works are pri- vately owned, bore an interest and dividend expense of $12.80 and $9.46, respectively, per service, while under public ownership in Syra- cuse, N. Y., the interest expense for the 19,159 services was $6.94. It is said that the latter would have been less if it had not been neces- sary to discard $850,000 worth of property immediately after buying the plant fifteen years before. In Cleveland and Chicago the interest expense where the works are publicly owned was $2.54 and $0.47, respectively, per service. Syracuse had, within the fifteen years, paid off eleven per cent of the indebtedness on its water works; Cleveland, in fifty years, had paid sixty-three per cent; and Chicago had paid ninety per cent. Gas Plants. — Municipal ownership of gas works has not been tried in America to any great extent. Perhaps it is because the cities have hesitated to engage in a service requiring a much greater technical knowledge than the supply of water and a larger financial invest- ment than that involved in the operation of electrical plants. At any rate, it is only in re- 132 The American City cent years that the municipal operation of gas works has increased to any extent. In 1900 there were fifteen public plants in the United States, and in 1906 the ntimber had grown to twenty-five. The latest published list in 191 4 shows the existence of thirty-one public plants, which is a much lower rate of increase than in the previous period. In addition, there are seven cities serving natural gas, and eighty- seven (small municipalities) operating acety- lene and gasoline plants for public lighting. Richmond, Va., with a population of 145,- 000, was one of the first cities to operate a gas plant. Beginning in 1852, the profits that have been turned into the city treasury amount to about $1,500,000, which, however, may have been at the expense of the depreciation fund. The present replacement value of the plant is about $1,250,000. The net profits for 191 2, allowing for all items, such as legal expense, interest and redemption, and $61,250 for taxes, amounted to $102,880, with a rate of $0.90 for light and fuel. The labor is performed by whites, at double the rate of wages paid to negroes for similar work in neighboring com- munities. One of the reasons for the success of this undertaking is that the city govern- ment is considered good, and quite free from the spoils system and graft. The experience of Philadelphia makes a very Municipal Undertakings 133 different story. Beginning under private cap- ital, the plant was originally administered by a self -perpetuating board of trustees appointed by the city government, and although their administration became scandalous through pol- itics and bad management, it was not found possible to effect a change before 1887. The plant suffered great deterioration, the quality of gas was bad, and the price was high, but the councils refused to provide for rehabilitation. The situation was relieved by leasing the plant to a private company in 1897 ^o^ ^ period of thirty years upon such important conditions as complete rehabilitation of the plant, declining price, improved quality of gas, and large an- nual cash payments to the city. The management of the plant in Wheeling, W. Va., has also been condemned as embody- ing a "union of all the abuses commonly charged against municipal plants but rarely found united to such a degree in any one." In 1859, when the plant was owned privately, the people actually stopped using gas in order to compel a reduction of the rate. Their boycott resulted in a reduction from $3.50 to $3.15. The city bought the plant in 1870 and during the next eighteen years brought the price down to $0.75. The gas situation in Boston was very cha- otic, indeed, when the state took a hand in 134 ^^^ American City 1905 and entered into practically a partner- ship arrangement with the company. This called for a share of the profits, in the form of decreased rates, and resulted in four reduc- tions of five cents each from $1.00 to eighty cents within the two years following. The last reduction was voluntary with the company, and, in addition, the market price of its com- mon stock has steadily risen. Holyoke, Mass., with a population of 61,000, has been successful in its operation of a gas plant. A new plant, embodying a modern sys- tem, was added in 191 3, which brought the inventory up to $792,000. Under the Mas- sachusetts system of uniform accounting for public utilities, which insists upon a generous depreciation fund, the certified annual state- ment for 19 1 3 shows a net profit of $13,- 542.41, with a price of $1.00 per 1,000 cubic feet. Westfield, Mass., with a population of 17,500, is rather a small city to operate gas works. It also owns and operates water works and an electric plant. The " surplus balance " January, 191 4, amounting to $91,297, was credited jointly to the gas and electric plants, and presumably is the depreciation fund. The former was inventoried at $154,831 and 'the latter at $124,172, and the net profits, except depreciation charges, for 191 3 were $14,645 Municipal Undertakings 135 and $5,971, respectively. In that year the gas rate was reduced from $1.10 to $1.00 and the electric rate for illumination was reduced from ten cents to seven cents, with corresponding reductions for power. Electric Light Plants. — Electrical engineer- ing and the manufacture of electrical machines and supplies have kept equal pace and made tremendous strides. This, and the fact that an overhead system of wires is much less expen- sive than cast iron gas mains laid underground, and that electricity gives greater illumination, are some of the reasons for the rapidity with which municipalities have entered into the own- ership and operation of electric plants. The first plant was built in 1881, and in 1902 there were 818 publicly owned plants; in 1904 there were 927; and in 1914 there were 1,471 publicly owned in the United States and 175 in Canada. Prior to 1889, sixty-eight, or eleven per cent of all the electrical plants established, were owned by municipalities. The proportion of publicly owned plants between 1889 and 1896 was 21.2 per cent; between 1896 and 1902 it was 27.8 per cent; and from 1902 to 191 4 it was 28.2 per cent. The proportion of pub- licly owned electrical plants in the various classes of cities according to the 1902 census, and also those privately owned, was as follows : !I36 The American City ■^0 00 Ol ■^0 ©0 00 > (UO §§ 00 00 5 "§§ oo 00 o'-c 5®- ®.w ItOO 00 CI P»o U5i33; the flat rate of four and one-half Municipal Undertakings 141 cents is unusually low; and the cost of public lighting is about half of the old contract price. The city is subjected to the keenest competi- tion by the local street railway company, which is engaged in commercial lighting, and which has been forced to sell at the city's low rate. Marquette, Mich., with a population of 22,- 000, and twenty per cent using current, has a highly developed undertaking. A hydro-elec- tric plant was built in 1889 with a bond issue of $60,000. Nine years later a new plant was erected to meet increased needs and the bonded debt reached $95,000. All of these bonds have been retired, but an issue for $70,000 was made in 191 1 to pay for additional flowage rights. The plant is valued at $422,659, and the latest annual earnings, after paying operating ex- penses and interest, amounted to $40,000. The rates are remarkably low and current is sup- plied to operate the water works pumps, afford- ing an estimated annual saving of $5,000. The street railway company operates with current purchased from the city at three- fourths cent per kilowatt. A most successful undertaking is in Nor- walk, Conn., named South Norwalk until Oc- tober, 191 3. A small plant for street lighting was erected in 1892 because of the poor serv- ice rendered by the private company. It was soon enlarged for commercial business, and 142 The American City after numerous successive enlargements now represents a total net investment of $203,483. All of the bonded debt was retired in 191 3, and the undertaking has never cost the tax- payers a cent of taxes. The depreciation fund is reserved at the rate of seven and one-half per cent, two and one-half per cent over the state requirement, and the first six months of the 1 9 14 fiscal year showed a net profit of $6,000. Concurrently industrial development has been greatly stimulated, bringing growth of population and prosperity. For a long time Pasadena, Cal., sought re- lief from the high rates and the bad quality of service of the local privately owned plant. In 1905 the people voted an issue of bonds for a municipal plant. The private corporation fought at the polls and in the courts, but the city won, only to find the sale of the bonds hindered in the local market. The intention was to do street lighting only, but finding cur- rent to spare the city exercised its right to sell to private users in 1909, two years after the plant was placed in operation. The company's old rate was fifteen cents per kilowatt, which was reduced to twelve and one-half cents when the municipal plant was agitated. The city began to sell current at nine cents and the com- pany immediately made a lower rate, and every time the city succeeded in arriving at a reduc- Municipal Undertakings 143 tion the company made a further decrease, until the city could go no lower without actual loss. The city now claims that the company, which in 1909 consolidated with companies supplying thirty or more adjoining communi- ties with a large combined capital, is selling below cost in Pasadena by reason of profits made elsewhere. The city is finding the com- petition expensive and is unable to meet the company's present rate, and the fight has been carried into the public prints. Since the plant was built the population has almost doubled, and additional sums have been raised by bond issues and taxation, together with profits, to increase the capacity. It is claimed that the annual saving to light users in lower rates caused by the existence of the plant is about $200,000, and that if the undertaking can make no profits, the tax payers are away ahead on the city's investment. The Seattle, Wash., municipal plant ranks with the largest hydro-electric plants in the country. Dissatisfaction with the cost of pub- lic lighting supplied by the private lighting company was one of the immediate causes of the municipal undertaking. Construction be- gan in April, 1902, and the plant was ready for business in September, 1905. Additions were voted before the completion, and others since, including new sites, dams, and equip- 144 The American City merit, have brought the total investment up to $5,071,625, now valued at $4,181,185, with a depreciation reserve fund of $890,440. From the first the citizens have accorded loyal sup- port, giving large majorities for the numerous bond issues, two propositions for a million dol- lars and over. When the proposal to establish a municipal plant was submitted to the people in 1902 the private companies reduced their rates from twenty cents to twelve cents. The city has made reductions in rates as the growth of consumption and increases of ca- pacity have permitted, and the private com- panies have made numerous efforts to meet the rates. The accounting system is in accordance with the most approved methods, and every element of expense and revenue is carefully classed. The depreciation schedule is based upon the life of the component parts of the plant, and is mostly at the rate of ten per cent. The net surplus over depreciation and sinking fund transfers and all other items charged against the $910,477 business in 191 3 amounted to $242,257, and the total net surplus for the whole nine years amounts to $810,100. This has been earned in the face of keen competi- tion from two water-power companies, having three steam auxiliaries and practically unlim- ited capital, and making every possible effort to win and keep business away from the mu- Municipal Undertakings 145 nicipal plant. There seems to be no ill will between them, for the municipal plant has a number of times carried a large part of its competitors' load in times of accident and coal shortage. Tacoma, Wash., has an undertaking similar to the Seattle plant. The city bought an old steam plant in 1893, but later dismantled it and purchased current until its new water- power plant was finished in 1912. The ca- pacity is 32,000 horse power, of which 10,000 are now being consumed, at a cost, including depreciation as well as every other item of cost, except taxes, of .00489 cent per kilowatt hour; perhaps the lowest cost in the country, Business is rapidly increasing, and full advan- tage is being taken of the recent revocation of the franchise of a private light and power company because of its violation of rights. The plant represents a value of $3,938,545, and the profit over every charge but deprecia- tion and taxes for 1913 was $296,237. The following table affords some compari- son of a number of municipal electric plants selected because of the sizes of the cities and not because of any definite knowledge of the condition of the undertakings. Because of the lack of uniformity as to the elements entering into the figures of cost per kilowatt hour as furnished by the various undertakings they 146 The American City MUNICIPAL ELECT] (Statistics from Their An Depreciation dedi Population Year plant was placed in operation Power by which current is generated Rate per Flat Light Po Austin, Texas 35,000 1893 Steam Bay City. Mich 48,000 1889 Steam Hamilton, Ohio 38,000 1894 Steam Hannibal, Mo 22,000 1886 Steam Holyoke, Mass 60,770 1902 Steam Water power 62 Jamestown, N. Y 35,000 1892 Steam 43^ Lansing, Mich 40,000 1892 4 Marquette, Mich 12,000 1889 Water power Pasadena, Cal 40,500 1907 Steam Seattle, Wash 304,126 1905 Water power South Norwalk, Conn. . 10,000 1892 Steam Oil engines Tacoma, Wash 103,418 1912 Water power Taunton, Mass 37,000 1903 Steam Tipton, Ind 5,000 1901 Steam 8' Troy, Ohio 7,000 1889 Steam 7K' Wallingford, Conn .... 11.000 1900 Steam and Water power Westfield, Mass 17,500 1899 Steam 7 » Discount allowed. ' Sliding discount. Municipal Undertakings 147 JGHTING PLANTS eports of 1912 and 1913) aless otherwise noted K. W . Hour Number of cus- tomers Rate per arc for public lighting Value of plant and distributing system Profit for the year as shown » Sliding Receipts Light Power 10 to 7 8to2>^ 3,421 4 $314,104 $133,028* $193,654 12to6> 51^ to 4> 2,000 40.00 200,000 4 i 6to2H 1,800 40.00 350,000 30,877 64.615 8to6« 5tol.8« 2,200 40.00 182,000 52,964» 90,836 t .021 to .013' 4,369 45.00 871.734 93,725 325,684 * 4 1,200 48.00 275.000 20,725 57.062 to2H» 5 to IH' 5.240 50.00 406.833 69. 179 » 152.656 to 2 3 tol 2,615 45.00 422,659 4 * to 3 4 to 1.2 6,704 60.00 686,193 4 t tolH 4 to .05 34,000 41^ K.W. 4,181,184 274.659 910.477 to 5' 5 to 31 1.171 54.00 203,483 27.277» 71,945 tol .024 to. 0045 20,000 60.00 3,938.545 296.237' 597.918 to9» 6tolM' 1,043 44-46 362.080 31,006» 99.581 4 to 31 1,000 * 80.000 ' 4 4 4 1,260 40.00 65,850 3.282 41,270 to6» 5to2> 1.050 4 179,000 12,916 45,327 4 to 2 1,400 55.60 114.100 5,179 38.915 » Depreciation not deducted. * Not reported. 148 The American City have not been included in the comparison. With but one or two exceptions the receipts and profits are from annual reports for 1913. Street Railways. — Street railways are a form of utility which municipalities in this country have hesitated to undertake. Aside from New York's peculiar arrangement with private companies to operate its subways there are only five cities owning and operating street railways, and in the larger of these the voters were very backward about approving bond is- sues by which existing charter authorizations could be taken advantage of by those favoring the undertakings. A small line in Bismarck, the capital of North Dakota, is operated by current generated in the lighting plant in the capitol. The line is one and one-half miles long and operates one car. St. Louis, Mo., has a single track line fifteen miles long running to the water works, which otherwise would not be easily reached. The equipment consists of five motor and six other cars, and the power plant supplies light to the water department buildings. Monroe. La., with a population of about 11,000, owns a street railway ten miles long and operates fourteen cars. In San Francisco, in 1896, the company which operated a line on Geary Street applied Municipal Undertakings 149 for a renewal of its franchise, which was to expire in 1903. Various improvement asso- ciations objected and had the supervisors en- joined from taking action. A second applica- tion in 1898 met the same fate, and at the same time a municipal ownership propaganda re- sulted in a new charter containing authority for the city to undertake public utilities. How- ever, a vote on the proposal to purchase and to transform the Geary Street cable line into an electric road resulted against it. The company failed in a final attempt to renew its franchise, although a month before its expiration another vote, in October, 1903, on the same question failed. The company con- tinued to operate its line under verbal agree- ment with the city until May, 1905, when the supervisors determined to rebuild the road without a bond issue and made an initial ap- propriation of $350,000. The city engineer prepared plans for the work, but they were destroyed by the earthquake. Two years later the project was renewed, and a second appropriation of $350,000 having been declared by the courts to be illegal, the voters were appealed to in June, 1909, for the third time, but the necessary two-thirds ma- jority was not obtained. However, a fourth vote, taken in December of the same year, re- sulted in seventy-five per cent of the voters 150 The American City approving two bond issues for $1,900,000 and $120,000, respectively. The line was placed in operation in the latter part of 1 91 2, and a year later another line was acquired. In August, 1913, a bond issue for $3^500,000 was voted for extensions, which were begun in April, 191 4. These will provide two main lines east and west, with two con- necting cross town lines, making a system 18.7 miles long. The first yearns operation of the Geary Street line produced a revenue of $446,075. The operating expenses, which amounted to $291,- 431, included $80,054 for depreciation and accidents, based on the standard allowances of fourteen per cent and four per cent, respect- ively, for these items. Taxes, charged at $35,454, included the state and municipal fran- chise and Federal income taxes, and the munic- ipal car license. The item of $73,886 for interest on the bonded debt, together with all other expense, showed a net profit of $45,304. It is intended that the net profit shall meet the sinking fund requirements. The refunding is due to begin in 191 5, and will require $101,000 per year for twenty years, and the authorities claim that the profit will easily reach that fig- ure, when the time arrives. Better service is claimed as a result of this undertaking. The wages paid are a third higher than private Municipal Undertakings 15 1 companies pay, and a shorter day is also a feature. The first attempt to establish a municipal street railway in Seattle was made in 1906, when a proposition to issue bonds for $4,272,- 000 was rejected by the voters, although one section of the city was unusually incensed at the service of the street railway company. This feeling grew and resulted in the revoca- tion of the company's franchise in 191 o, and a year later a large majority, of the voters ap- proved a bond issue for $800,000 to begin the construction of a municipal system. Four miles of double track and seven-tenths of a mile of single track were completed and placed in operation on May 2^, 19 14. To complete the municipal system as defined in the statute the line owned by a company now in the hands of a receiver must be acquired, but should the negotiations continue unsuccessfully the city proposes to parallel this line. The completed line cost $379,414, about $75,000 per paved double-track mile, as compared with the cost of $133,000 in San Francisco. The complete metallic transmission system was adopted in view of the amount of electrolysis caused by other electric lines in the city. Power will be supplied by the great hydro-electric plant of the city's lighting department. The system is about to be further enlarged 152 The American City by the acquisition of nine miles of single track constructed by a group of capitalists some years ago in the exploitation of a suburban property. A landslide early put a stop to the rather inter- mittent service, and the owners have made a present of the road to the city upon condition that the city conduct its operation. The finan- cial success of the Seattle road is very specu- lative, as the section served is not very popu- lous. To intimidate the citizens, a large trac- tion company has been conducting a publicity campaign in the newspapers against further invasion of the field, predicting failure of the present undertaking. A number of other cities have considered municipal ownership as a remedy for their traction service problems, and of these Chicago affords a striking example. Because of the ex- cessive over-capitalization of the Chicago trac- tion companies, the service and rates of fare had become almost unbearable. The people turned to the legislature for aid and in 1903 se- cured a general law enabling cities of Illinois to undertake the ownership and operation of street railways, but the financial limitation proved to be the obstacle to any enjoyment of the privilege, although negotiations were actu- ally conducted between the city and the com- panies to determine a basis for appraisal of the properties. The members of the council were Municipal Undertakings 153 unfriendly to the municipal ownership idea, but the people felt differently. In 1902 a vote upon the question resulted in 142,826 votes in favor of the idea and 27,998 against it, and again, in 1904, 152,223 voted for, and 30,279 against, the proposal to endeavor to establish a municipal system. However, because of a court decision it was impossible to finance the purchase of the roads. At an election held in Detroit in April, 191 3, eighty-three per cent of the votes cast declared for municipal ownership of the traction system, and a commission of three is now carrying on negotiations with the company. The Board of City Commissioners of Pasadena has before it a proposal for a municipal electric railway be- tween that city and Los Angeles, a distance of about ten miles. A survey has been made and a report rendered by the engineer. It would scarcely be germane to the subject to make more than a mention of the fact that Cincin- nati owns, but does not operate, a standard gauge, interstate railroad. Public Markets. — Perhaps the oldest and most common expression of municipal owner- ship is in connection with public markets, and this form of utility has been very highly devel- oped in some cities. The new city market house in Cleveland includes a public cold storage plant containing lockers. These are rented by the 154 The American City market dealers for the preservation of their perishable stocks, and by housekeepers who buy at wholesale prices quantities of cold stor- age supplies. The voters of Austin, Texas, will be asked this year to vote a bond issue for $50,000 to erect a municipal slaughter house, and in Jamestown, N. Y., a proposal to estab- lish a municipal milk plant is being actively agi- tated, largely for reasons of health. The pro- priety of municipal management of such utili- ties will not be questioned by many. CHAPTER VII HOUSING, TRANSIT, AND LOCATION OF FACTORIES THE business of a large city is in the main located near the center of the city. In this district are the office buildings, wholesale and retail stores, theatres, hotels, and in some cities a large percentage of the manufacturing. This concentration of business occupies daily a large number of people, so large a number that but a small proportion of them can live near enough to their work to walk to and from it. Those living at a distance require transit lines as a means of conveyance. /. Congestion of Population Two serious and difficult problems have been created by the concentration of business in the centers of cities. First, as many people as pos- sible attempt to live within walking distance of their work. They do this for economy both in money and time. This crowding toward the center produces what has come to be known as congestion of population. The second problem is the difficulty of transporting those who are compelled to live a distance from their work iSS 156 The American City and must therefore ride. Surface car lines are slow and require an undue proportion of the time of the worker. Rapid transit lines are so expensive to build, with the track capacity limited, that a congestion of passengers in the cars is necessary to make the lines self- supporting. Indecent crowding in the cars is the inevitable result of the heavy fixed charges. The difficulties may be illustrated by condi- tions in New York City. They exist more intensively there than in any other city, yet in every large city the same conditions are ap- parent, though in less degree than in New York. Below Twentieth Street, west of Sev- enth Avenue, and Fourteenth Street, east of that avenue, is a district comprising about 2,717 acres. In this district are located most of the office buildings. In this same district most of the wholehouse houses are located. In addition to these forms of business there are about 14,000 manufactories, wherein work fully 400,000 persons. A large proportion of these manual workers, for the sake of econ- omy, must live within walking distance of their work, and they do live within almost the same area, in a district known as the East Side. Here live below Twenty-sixth Street about 600,000 people, on 1,230 acres, which is an average of about 508 to the acre. On some Housing and Location of Factories 157 blocks, comprising not over four acres, live fully 5,000 people. The homes in which they live are called tene- ment houses. A house typical of this district has a frontage of twenty-five feet, a depth of seventy feet, has six stories, and is without ele- vators. In such a tenement house live, on an average, about twelve families, many of whom take boarders. The rent paid is usually about $3 per room per month. Having no other place to play, the children crowd the streets. The streets being but sixty feet wide, are not infrequently well covered by residents of the neighborhood from building line to building line. Such of these tenement houses as have been built since the Tenement House Law was passed, have rooms with a fair amount of light and air. The people, however, have no place for outing or recreation except the street and in hot weather the conditions are very oppres- sive. No green grass or trees relieve the arti- ficial surroundings of pavements and brick walls. Life under such conditions does not promote health or permit intellectual develop- ment. Residents in these houses live there by compulsion and not by choice. They can af- ford neither the time nor the money demanded of those who live in the suburbs. Office helpers and workers who receive a 158 The American City larger wage than these East Side dwellers live under better conditions, but these better sur- roundings are reached only by transit lines. During the year 191 2 the surface, elevated, and subway lines of New York City carried 1,680,- 914,025 passengers. Nearly one-half the fares thus received were paid by passengers going toward the business portion of the city. It is impossible to determine what proportion of these passengers went daily to business or work in the business section. During some days of heaviest travel the sub- way alone carries over 1,000,000 passengers. In addition to this rapid transit line, there are nine elevated roads centering in the downtown district, each carrying many thousands. The surface lines add their thousands to these. The people of New York City pay on an average daily about $230,200 for car rides. The con- gestion has become so intense that subway cars with a capacity of about eighty passengers are daily during rush hours compelled to crowd in about 150. But forty of these can be seated, so that over a hundred in such a crowded car must stand in the aisles and vestibules. Riding under such conditions is not only uncomfort- able but also unhealthful. The close air and crowding renders easy the spread of infectious and contagious diseases. The conditions above described are probably Housing and Location of Factories 159 not temporary, but rather in a large degree a necessary accompaniment of subway transit. Subway construction is so expensive and in- volves such a heavy fixed charge that a con- gested traffic is apparently necessary to pay running expenses and interest upon the invest- ment. So long as it is deemed necessary to place the present type of transit lines under ground, these congested traffic conditions are likely to exist. Any condition of transit which makes travel uncomfortable, or unwholesome, tends to restrict travel. People will, so far as possible, live near their work or within a short traveling distance. Thus undesirable transit conditions retard exodus from the congested center. 2. Rapid Transit a Relief for Congestion To relieve congestion at the center, cheap, rapid, and comfortable transit must be pro- vided. To provide such transit is a serious problem. It is an engineering problem of not large proportions to build a rapid transit line ; but to finance such a line in a manner that will enable the operation to furnish comfortable travel at a fare less than five cents, is a prob- lem which thus far has not been solved. Rapid transit can be operated on an elevated road, but an elevated road, though somewhat less expensive than a subway, is sufficiently ex- i6o The American City pensive to require a five cent fare to pay oper- ating expenses and fixed charges. To induce workmen to live at a distance from their work will require a fare less than five cents, which reduced fare cannot be brought about under the customary methods of financing. A city nearing the size where rapid transit will be required is confronted with the problem of either reducing the carrying charge of a pro- posed road or else of resigning itself to a con- gested and unwholesome traffic. Pittsburgh is contemplating building a subway. The city has been informed by competent engineers that tenement houses will be required to furnish sufficient traffic to support the line. A choice must be made either between some cheaper form of rapid transit road, or a cheaper form of financing the project, or tenement houses with acompanying congestion of traffic. J. Influence of Character of Dwelling upon Citizenship As a city grows, its housing and its transit problems intensify. To house many people on a small area is very objectionable, even though regulations compel reasonably acceptable houses. For health and to develop neighbor- hood sympathies and civic interest a dwelling which may be called a home is needed. A flat, one of twenty- four of similar character within Housing and Location of Factories i6i the same walls, stimulates little home feeling and tends to estrangement from, rather than familiarity with, neighboring dwellers. Pride in the home and a sense of attachment can be developed only by dwellings which to some extent are set apart from other dwellings — a house with space about it. The finer virtues, loyalty and self-sacrifice, which are fundamental qualities of good citi- zenship, are products of the home with its at- tachment. For self-preservation the city and the state must develop and preserve the home. With the growth of cities this becomes a very serious problem. How people may have homes in large cities is a question which must have an answer. Model tenement house laws will provide light and air but not homes. Rapid transit, by making accessible large territories, will make possible home building, providing such transit can be furnished at a fare less than five cents. CHAPTER VIII THE EFFECT OF THE CITY UPON ITS CITIZENS CITIES have had an unprecedented growth since about 1870. At that period in the United States about 20.9 per cent of the pop- ulation lived in cities of a population of 8,000 and over. According to the United States Census of 19 10 the above percentage has been increased to 38.8. Population is growing much more rapidly in cities than in country districts. Does this augur for good or for ill? Will better or wiser citizens be produced because more are reared in cities than formerly? These are questions of prime importance. J. Inheritance of Good and Bad Traits It has been established beyond reasonable doubt that physical and mental traits are trans- mitted from parent to offspring. Parents strong in body or mind will transmit to their children their dominant traits. Likewise those weak in body or mind will produce children with like weaknesses. Mental defectiveness or feeble mindedness is now recognized as a de- 162 Effect of City Upon Its Citizens 163 -^^r" fective strain that transmits to its offspring its weakened mental characteristics. Mental and moral deficiencies of lesser degree are prob- ably likewise inherited. These more or less well recognized laws of heredity can be traced most distinctly in re- gions where the inhabitants have been confined to a limited territory for a long period by some natural barriers, such as mountains or sur- rounding seas. People living in valleys sur- rounded by high mountains or upon islands incline to intermarry generation after genera- tion, thus perpetuating and emphasizing any physical or mental weaknesses which may have been inherent in the original inhabitants of those districts. The strong and venturesome tend to emigrate from such isolation, leaving behind those less fit. Thus, after a time, in these isolated regions there remains largely an enfeebled race. Such conditions are now mani- fest in some of the restricted valleys of the Adirondacks, the Catskills, and the Ramapo Mountains. Inbreeding to some extent, though in a very much less degree, occurs in country districts limited by no natural barriers. Of recent times good highways and railroads have made shift- ing from place to place easy, thus greatly diminishing the tendency to intermarry. Even with such means of intercommunication the 164 The American City tendency in country districts to marry outside of race lines is not great. 2. Mixing of Races in Cities Some social students believe that the product of a mixed race is stronger than either com- ponent. It is believed that the children of parents of different races are likely to be stronger than either parent. Whether or not this belief is well founded has not been fully confirmed. Those who hold to this theory look to cities as great mixing pots wherein races mingle, intermarry, and produce new races, and they believe that such results are highly to be desired. True it is that in the cities the races merge, and even though the offspring may not be stronger than the component races, yet their union breaks down race prejudices and makes for peace and progress. Not the least of the results of the commingling of people in cities is the opportunity to choose mates from new strains. Weaknesses of body and mind by such crossings are lessened. Defective mindedness under such conditions probably tends to decrease rather than in- crease. In the larger cities the most talented con- gregate, drawn by opportunites to learn and to produce. Talent in one stimulates talent in others. The city becomes an arena of intel- Effect of City Upon Its Citizens 165 lects, wherein contests are waged not unlike games for athletes. Where the most people live the most is to be learned about people; here is manifested in greatest degree the de- fects in working and housing conditions; dis- ease in its many forms appears and must be controlled ; such problems call forth the social worker and the student of medicine and sur- gery. Much of the best in all lines of knowl- edge and effort is produced in cities. J. The City Calls Forth the Best and the Worst Though the city calls forth the best it is held by some likewise to call forth the worst. Some persons feel that all forms of sin find their fullest expression in the cities. This may be true; that which calls forth the best tends to call forth the worst. Intensity of life may produce either the best or the worst according to the direction that is given to the intensified efforts. But virtue is something active and not passive; something produced by resistance, by overcoming. If temptation be greatest in the city, virtue may also be greatest — developed by victories. Virtue may be moral or intel- lectual. Cities furnish conditions which may and should produce the greatest characters, characters which are both morally and intel- lectually strong. 1 66 The American City 4. The City Stifles the Mind of the Child Unfortunately, the conditions in cities which may produce the best for a matured intellect may at the same time dwarf the youthful mind. The child in the city is surrounded by the arti- ficial, by a landscape of things man produced, pavements and brick walls. Whether in or out doors his sensations come to eye and ear from artificial things. His attention is con- stantly distracted from without. He cannot get away from his world of man-made things by day or by night. Strength comes from within and not from without. One is not competent to solve things outside until he has attempted to and has to some extent solved things within himself. The city child is seldom or never alone. He thinks of material things because these things are pressing upon him without intermission. He has no opportunity to retire within himself. The solutions he is called upon to make are the relation of things to things rather than of his relation to his world. The country child, on the other hand, is sur- rounded by nature, a part of which he is, and the relation he bears to it needs a personal explanation. For this explanation he seeks. In the home he is alone, interrupted by none of the many things that distract the child of Effect of City Upon Its Citizens 167 the city. By such introspection he develops a habit of thought or a point of view which is fundamental to right thinking. His habit of mind is to solve relations and to understand. With this viewpoint or habit of thought he is thrown into the struggle of life, and it matters little where his lot is cast or what his calling or profession may be, he continues to attempt to solve and understand relations. This no doubt in quite a measure accounts for the fact that the man reared in the country or small town so frequently takes a leading part in the complex life of our large cities. The city seems to be, in a large degree, a consumer rather than a producer of initiative and fertility of thought. If this be so, is it an inherent defect of the city or is it due to the type of city we build? So long as the city immerses its citizens from childhood to man- hood in sounds and sights of artificial things initiative will be stifled. The child needs some- thing other than paved streets and jarring noises. He needs "the out of doors" where grass and trees and birds and moon and stars suggest a creator other than man; objects that suggest a relation to be solved other than that of things to things. The child can get this in the suburb of any city, but not in the paved and brick enclosed mart where business is carried on. i68 The American City The city as at present built, with factories at the center and with inadequate and expensive transit, compels most of the children to live where nature cannot be allowed to exist be- cause of the demands of business. The busi- ness district must exist; business is the main reason, for the city, but people should not need to live adjoining or near to where business is carried on. There is nothing in the nature of commerce or manufacturing necessitating the workers to live in the neighborhood of their work. They live there because they cannot live elsewhere. They cannot live elsewhere be- cause of the lack of rapid, adequate, and cheap transit. The city furnishes great opportunities to the adult who comes to it with a live imagination and initiative ; the child mind it tends to stifle and dwarf. The handicap it places upon the child must be removed if the city is to con- tribute its share to government and civilization, a share represented by about one-half of the total population. The child in the city, if pos- sible, must be given the training afforded by the contact with nature enjoyed by the country child. Such living conditions cannot be brought about in the city without either transit facili- ties which will enable parents to live in subur- ban districts or the alternative of removing factories to outlying areas. This freeing of Effect of City Upon Its Citizens 169 the child is one of the most pressing problems of the modern city. 5. Something More Than Parks and Playgrounds Needed Great emphasis has been laid on the neces- sity for parks and playgrounds. These are especially necessary in the present form of city. People confined to brick walls and pavements must have an occasional relief afforded by open spaces. Such relief is largely palliative and replaces in but a small measure that which is afforded by homes set apart arid surrounded by nature's green. People crowded together in tenement houses rarely get acquainted and lose in quite a measure their neighborly sense. On neighborly feeling is based civic interest and responsibility. Disregard for the neighbor is likely to breed disregard of the obligations of citizenship. A person with neighbors is in- clined to take an interest in the affairs of the neighborhood. The neighborhood is but part of a larger whole, a larger government which controls the affairs of the smaller community. Thus the larger government is a matter of con- cern to the neighborhood and to the neighbor. To develop citizens with initiative, imagina- tion, force, public spirit, and altruism the city must be composed of neighborhoods. This means the city must be scattered and divided 170 The American City into settlements or suburbs wherein living con- ditions can more nearly approach those of the small town. Such conditions, however, can- not be brought about without the removal of factories to the outskirts and the building of rapid transit which will speedily transport workers from these neighborhoods to the cen- tral part of the city where much of the work of the city must be carried on. 6. Removal of Factories The solution which seems to offer the great- est promise is the removal of work or factories away from the center of cities to outlying ter- ritory where homes may be built within walk- ing distance. If the central portion of cities could be devoted to office buildings, hotels, theatres, and other public buildings, and the outer portions to factories, many problems would be solved which at present are very per- plexing. The utilization of the periphery of the city for homes would reduce land values in the center, thus making it possible to furnish more commodious quarters for those who are compelled to live in the inner zone ; on the out- skirts could be built single family houses which would largely eliminate the housing problem. The location of nearly all homes near the places of work would make simple the transit prob- Housing and Location of Factories 171 lem; better housing and working conditions would promote better health and thereby reduce the problem of public charity and hospitals. This ideal solution is somewhat visionary. Factories will locate in the outskirts of cities only in a limited degree, and it is improbable that constitutional laws will or can be made to compel them to so locate. It is well, however, to diagnose our difficulty even though we can- not apply a wholly effective remedy. Know- ing what will bring relief will direct our ener- gies in the proper channel and the acuteness of our difficulties will be lessened by partial solutions. It is needless to urge factory owners to move to the outskirts until such a move can be made with economic safety. They must have freight and express facilities of a speed and frequency that will enable them to deliver orders to the trading center of the city on very short notice; they must have connection with several trunk line railroads so as to obviate overcharging or discrimination in freight rates ; they must have not only an abundant local labor supply but must also be near enough to a larger supply, which may be drawn upon in case of a strike. The outskirts of few cities furnish all these conditions. They are conditions which should be worked for, and when secured the manufac- turer will voluntarily desert the central part of 172 The American City the city for the open territory where he can erect commodious buildings on cheap land. The housing and congestion problems are thus dependent upon a solution of the transit problems, and the removal of factories to the periphery of cities. These in turn are de- pendent upon a method of financing which will reduce the capital charge of passenger and freight lines. The removal of factories and adequate and cheap transit thus become fundamental prob- lems of the large city, and on the solution of these rest many of the pressing problems of poverty, housing, health, playgrounds, and civic progress. REFERENCES Bruere, Henry. The New City Government. D. Ap- pleton & Co., New York. 1913. Cleveland, F. A. Municipal Administration. Long- mans, Green & Co., New York. 1909. Dawson, W. H. Municipal Life and Government in Germany. Longmans, Green & Co. 1914, Deming, H. E. Government of American Cities. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. 1909. Eaton, D. B. Government of Municipalities. Lemcke & Buechner, New York. 1899. Fairlie, J. A. Essays in Municipal Administration. The Macmillan Company, New York. 1908. Munic- ipal Administration, llie Macmillan Company. 1910. GoODNOw, F. J. City Government in the United States. The Century Company, New York. 1904. Municipal Government. The Century Company. 1909. Howe, F. C. The British City: The Beginning of Democracy. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. 1907. The City: The Hope of Democracy. Charles Scribner's Sons. 1906. The Modern City and Its Problems. Charles Scribner's Sons. 1915. MuNRO, W. B. Bibliography of Municipal Govern- ment. Harvard University Press, Cambridge. 1915. The Government of American Cities. The Macmil- lan Company. 1913. Pollack, H. M. and Morgan, W. S. Modern Cities. Funk and Wagnalls Company, New York. 1913. RowE, L. S. Problems of City Government. D. Ap- pleton & Co. 1908. Wilcox, D. F. Great Cities in America: Their Prob- lems and Government. The Macmillan Company. 1910. Zueblin, C. American Municipal Progress. The Mac- ihillan Compan. 1902. INDEX Art galleries, 112 Audit and control of expense, 59-61 Barter, 5-8 Board of control of Cleveland, 32 "Board system" of cities, 31, 32 Boston and its government, 28-30; building provisions, 89; school board, 96 Budget, the city, 47, 54, 55 Centralization of power, 32; of responsibility, 39 Character, effect of housing on, 160, 161 Charity institutions, 71-73 Charters of cities, 20 Child, care for its health in schools, 118, 119; city stifles the mind of the, 166-169 Chicago and its government, 23-25; franchise referen- dum, 53; parks and playgrounds, 85; school boards, 95, 96; schools for blind children, 115 City councils, 37-39 City, the early, 4; expenditures of, 42, 43, 53-62; effect of on its citizens, 162-172; finances of the, 41-62; Manager Plan of government, 35-37; reason for the, 5; growth of the, 162; race mixing in the, 164, 165 Cleveland, franchise referendum, 53 ; school board, 97 Commission form of city government, 33-35 Congestion of population, 155-161 Conference committee of St Paul, 32 Contagious diseases, 75-78 Council, the, 37-39 County expenditures, 41 Curriculum, school, 98-100 Dayton, Ohio, and the city manager plan, 36 Defective and sub-normal children, 114-116 Departmental expenses, 58 Direct property tax, 43-45 ; evasion of, 44, 45 175 176 Index Education and instruction, 92-119; Federal Bureau of, 98 Electric light plants, 135-147 Elevators, 71 Evening schools, 107-110 Executive committee of Portland, Ore., ZZ Expenditures of cities, 42, 43, 53-62 Factories, housing, transit and location, 155-161, 170- 172; regulation of, 83, 84; removal of, 170, 171 Finances, 41-62 Fire protection, 64-67; fire losses, 66 Flies and mosquitoes, 78 Food inspection, 74-77 Franchises, 51, 52 Galveston and its commission government, 33-35 Gas plants, 131-135 Governmental cities, 14, 15 Government of cities, 16-40 Health protection, 74-84 ; moral, 87 ; aesthetic, 88-91 ; care of school children, 118, 119 Heredity, 162-164 High schools, 102-104 Housing problems, 155-160 Income of cities, 43-53 Individual, rights of the, 16, 17 Inheritance, good and bad traits, 162-164 Inspection service, 70, 71 Labor protection, 81-84 Lectures, public, no Legislative rule of cities, 17-21 Levying taxes, process of, 46-49 Libraries, 110-112 Licenses, 49, 50 Lighting streets, 67, 68 Location and purpose of cities, 1-15 Lockport, N. Y., and City Manager Plan, 35 Manual training schools, 105 Manufacturing centers, 9-12 Markets, public, 153, 154 Mayor, the, and the city, 32 Mining cities, 12, 13 Index 177 Municipal government, powers of, 17-21 ; forms of, 30-37; lighting plant statistic charts, 146, 147; owner- ship, 125-153; undertakings, 120-153 Museums, 112 New York City and its government, 21, 23; expendi- tures, 43; tax deception in, 44; tax assessment, 46, 48, 49; rentals and franchises, 52; budget making, 54; audit and control of expenditures, 59, 61 ; City Record, 62; police, 64; fire protection, 66; street lighting, 68; traffic regulation, 69; street obstruction, 70; care of poor, 72; health department, 75, 79; Central Park, 84; playgrounds, 85-87 ; building provisions, 89, 90, 91 ; board of education, 96; evening schools, 108, 109; public lectures, no; Metropolitan Museum of Art, 112; zoological gardens, 113; Museum of Natural History, 113; care of sub-normal children, 119; tene- ment congestion in, 156, 157, 172 New York state labor laws, 82-84 Parks and playgrounds, 84-87; need of more than these, 169, 170 Pensions, 73 Permanent improvements, 58, 59 Philadelphia and its government, 25-27 ; school board, 96 Police patrol, 63, 64 Poor, caring for the, 71-73 Population, congestion of, 155- 161, 172 Portland, Ore., executive committee of, 33 Property, taxation of 43-49; protection of, 63-67 Prostitution, 88 Protection of property, life, health, 63-91 Public markets, 153, 154 Public service commissions, 124 Public-service corporations, 122-126 Publicity and expenditure, 61, 62 Public utilities, problems of, 120-123; public and private ownership of, 126-153 Race mixing in cities, 164, 165 Rapid transit, 159, 160, 172 Rentals, 50-52 Rural community finances, 41 Rural schools, 93 178 Index School boards, 94-98; state boards, 97, 98 Schools, rural, 93; city, 94-119; curriculum, 98-100; teachers, loi, 102; high schools, 102-104; children, numbers and attendance, 104; vocational, 104-107; evening, 107-110; technical education, 117; health pro- tection, 118, 119 Sewage, 74 Single tax, 45 Social centers, 13, 14 State, the, and school legislation, 97, 98; regulation of public-service corporations, 123-126 Staunton, Va., and the City Manager Plan, 35 Street, lighting, 67, 68; obstruction, 69, 70; signs, 70 Street railways, 148-153 Street railway franchises, 53 St. Louis and its government, 27, 28; school board, 96 St. Paul, conference committee of, 32 Sumpter, S. C, and the City Manager Plan, 35, 36 Taxes, direct property, 43-45 ; levying, 46-49 Teachers, school, loi Technical education, 117 Tenement houses, 80, 81 ; in New York City, 156, 157 Town meeting plan, ;i7 Traffic regulation, 68, 69 Transit, 155-160, 172 Utilities, public, problems of, 120-123 Vocational education, 104-107 Washington, building provisions, 90 Water works, 129-131 Working conditions regulation, 81-84 Young Men's Christian Association, 116, 117 Zoological gardens, 113 y I 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. If 1 r /M\ ICtr [n) ,li^a ' '^:f LOAN H JU-lkK KkU H RUi-i 2 '966 i ^(?.¥3t?o7\f^V'\