\
Ex Libris
C.K. OGDEN
(ZTkc Jxiqht iRei 'crend J'ather in if od
Edward Stuxincfleet d.d
LUc -L o I v/ Jh//n'i; of Worrr/lri
'nit . /till ,/i ^T. i(in(^ , - ' -
^yEfntir Sii-^ iJ^ ■
ORIGINES SACKAE:
O R
A Rational Account of the Grounds
o F
NATURAL and REVEAL'D
RELIGION
The SEVENTH EDITION.
To which is now added
Pan of another BOOK upon the fame Subject
Written A. D. Mdcxcvii.
Publifli'd from the A u t h o r's Own
MANUSCRIPT.
By the Right Reverend Father in God,
Edward Stillingfleet^ D. D.
Late Lord Bifliop of Wbrcejler.
CAMBRIDGE,
Printed at the Univerfity-PrcG, for Henry Mortlock,
at the Sign of the Phcenix in St. Pauh Church-yard. 1 70z,
ORIGINeS SACRAE:
O R A
Rational Account of the Grounds
OF THE
CHRISTIAN FAITH,
AS TO THE
TRUTH
AND
Divine Authority
O F T H E
SCRIPTURES
And the Matters therein contain'd.
By Edward Stillingfleet, M. A.
"H
2 Pet. T. 26. For we have not followed cunningly devi fed Fables-, when
we made known to you the power and coming of our Lordjefus Chriji-,
but were eye-witnejfes of his Majcfty.
Neqtte religio idlafine fapientta fiifcipienda eft), nee ullafine religione
probanda fapientia. Ladlant. defairielig. cap. i.
CAMBRIDGE,
Printed at the Univerfity-Prefs, for H e n r y M o r t l o c k,
at tlie Sign of the Fhanix in St. Pauh Church-yard. 1 70 1 .
2^ >1 SP.'r Q
:rr
^--
To his moft Honor'd Friend
And Patron,
Sr- ROGER BOURGOINE
Knight and Baronet.
S I Ry
IT was the early felicity ot Mofes, when expos'd in an Ark
of Nilotic papyre, to be adopted into the favor of fo great
a Perlonagc as the Daughter of Pharaoh : Such another
Ark is this Vindication of the Writings of that Divine and
Excellent Perfon expos'd to the World in • and the greateft
ambition of the Author of it is, to have it receiv'd into your
Patronage and Protection. But altho' the Contexture and Frame
of this Treatife be far below the excellency and worth of the
fubjed; ( as you know the Ark in which Mofes was put, nvas
of hulrafies dauhecl nxith fme and fitch ) yet when You pleafe
to caft your eye on the matter contain'd in it, you will not
think it beneath your Favor, and unxxorthy your Protedion.
For if Truth be the greatell preleiit which God could beftow,
or Man receive (according to that of Plutarch^ 'fig a'5-gj/ dv- riutarcL
then certainly thoie Truths deierve our moil ready acceptance,
which are in themfelves of greatelf importance, and have the
greateft evidence that they come from God. And altho' I have
had the happinefs of fo near relation to Y ou, as to know how
little You need fuch difcourfes which tend to fettle the Founda-
tions of Rehgion, which you have rais'd fo happy a Superftrudure
upon j yet withal I conhder what particular kindneis the Souls of
all good Men bear to fuch dehgns, whole end is to aflert and vin-
dicate the Truth and Excellency of Religion. For thofe who are
enrich'd themfelves widi the ineftimable Treafure of true Good-
nefs and Piety are far from that envious temper, to think nothing
valuable but what they are the lole poilelTors of^ but fuch are
the moft fatisty'd themfelves, when they fee others not only
a z admire
T^he Epiftle Dedicatory.
admire but enjoy what they have the highell elHmation o£
Were all who make a fl^ew of Religion in the World really
fuch as they pretend to be, Diicouries of tliis nature would
be no more icnionable, than the commendations of a great
Beauty to one who is already a paihonate admirer of it ^ but
on the contrary we fee how common it is for Men firft to
throNT Dirt in the face of Religion;, and then perfuade thenv
felves it is its natural Complexion ; they reprefent it to them-
felves in a fhape lead: pleafing to them, and then bring that
as a Plea why they give it no better entertainment.
It may juftly feem ftrange, that true Religion, which con-
tains nothing in it but what is truly Noble and Generous, moll
rational and pleafing to die Spirits of all good Men, Ihould
yet fuffer (o much in its efteem in the World, thro' thofe
ftrange and uncouth vizards it is repreicntcd under. " Some ac-
counting the life and practice of it, as it Ipeaks fubduing our
Wills to the Will of God (which is the fubftance of all Re-
ligion) a thing too low and mean for their Rank and Condi-
tion in the Worlds while others pretend a quarrel againft the
Principles of it, as unfatisfadory to Human Reafon. Thus
Religion fufFers with die Author of it between two Thieves;
and it is hard to define which is more injurious to it, that
which cjueftions the Principles, or that which defpifeth the
Pradice of it. And nothing certainly will more incline Men to
believe that we live in an Aec of Prodig-ies, than that there lliould
be any fuch in the Chrilfian World, who Ihould account it a
piece of Gentility to dcfpife Religion, and a piece of Reafon to
be Atheifis. For if there be any luch thing in the World as
a true height and mai^nanimity of Spirit, if there be any folid
Reafon and depth of |udgmcnt, they are not only confiifent
with, but only attainable by a true generous Spirit of Reli-
gion. Rut if we look at diat which the loofe and profine
World is apt to account the grcatell Gallantry, we iliall find
it made up of fuch pitiful ingredients, which any skilfijl and
rational Mind will be ailiam'd to plead for, much Icfs to men
tion them in competition with true Goodncfs and iinfeign'd
Piety. For how eafy is it to oblcrve luch who would be ac-
counted the moft high and gallant Spirits, to quarry on fiich
mean preys, which only tend to (atisfy their brutilli appetites,
or flefli Revenge with die Blood of fiich who have Ifood in die
NJ-ay of that airy title. Honor I Or cKe they are (o little ap-
prchcniivc
The Eptjile Dedicatory.
prehciifivc of the inward worth and excellency of Human
Nature, that they feem to envy the gallantry of Peacocks, and
ilrivc to outvy them in. the gayety of their Plumes ^ fuch who
aire, as Seneca faith, ad jtmilitMd'mem farietum extrinfecus cultiy
who imitate the Walls of dieir Houles m the fairne^ of the out-
jGdcs, but matter not what rubbilh there lies within. The ut-
moft of their ambition is to attain enervatam felicitatem qua
fermadefcuvt ammij fiich a felicity as evigorates the Soul by
too long fleeping, it being the nature of all terreflrial pleafures,
that they do 'Y^nrm^y J^ cLvvy^ivm to (p^vSv^ by degrees
confume Re a f on, by ejfemtTiating 2nd f oft ening the IntelleBuals.
KIull we appeal then to the judgment of Sardanapalus con-
cerning the nature of Felicity, or inquire of Aftcius what Tem-
perance is? ordefire that Sybarite to define Magnanimity, who
fainted to fee a Man at hard labor l
Or doth now the conquell of Pallions, forgiving Injuries,
doing good, Self denial. Humility, Patience under crofles, which
are the real expreflions of Piety, fpeak notliing more noble and
generous than a luxurious, malicious, proud, and impatient
Spirit ? Is there nothing more becoming and agreeable to the
Soul of Man, in exemplary Piety, and a Holy well-ordered
Converfation, than the lightnefs and vanity (not to lay rude-
nels and debaucheries) of thole whom the World accounts the
greateft Gallants ? Is there nothing more graceful and pleaf ing
in the fweetnefs, candor, and ingenuity of a truly Chriitian
temper and difpohtion, than in the revengeful, implacable Spi-
rit of fuch whole Honor lives and is fed by the Blood of their
Enemies ? Is it not more truly honorable and glorious to ferve
that God who commands the World, than to be a Have to
thofe paflions and luffs which put Men upon continual hard
fervicc, and torment them for it when they have done it?
Were there nothing elfe to commend Religion to the Minds
of Men, befides that tranquillity and calmncfs of Spirit, that
Icrene and peaceable temper which follow a good Confcience
where-ever it dwells, it were enough to make Men welcom
that Guefl which brines fuch good entertainment with it.
Whereas the amazements, horrors, and anxieties of Mind, wliich
at one time or other haunt fuch who proftitute their Conlci-
ences to a violation of the Laws of God, and the Rules of
redfify'd Reaion, may be enough to perltiade any rational Per-
fon, that Impiety is the greatell folly, and Irreligion, madnefs.
a 3 It
T7je Eptpe Dedicatory.
It cannon be then but matter of great pity to conlider tliat any
Perlons, whoie Birth and education hath rais'd them above the
common People of the World, Ihould be io £ir their own ene-
mies, as to oblerve theFalliion more than the Rules of Reli-
t^ion, and to lludy Complements more than Themfelves, and
read Romances more than the iacred Scriptures, n)jhich alone ari
able to make them ''c:ife unto fahation.
But S I R, I need not mention thcfe things to You, unlefs it
be to let you lee the excellency ot your choice, in preferring
true Virtue and Piety above the Ceremony and Grandeur of the
World. Go on. Sir, to value and mealure true Religion,
not by the uncertain meaiures ot the World, but by the in-
fallible dictates of God himlclf in his facred Oracles. Were
it not for thefe, what certain foundation could there be for
our Faith to iLand on ? and who durll venture his Soul, as to
Its future condition, upon any Authority lefs than tlie infallible
veracity of God himlelf? What certain diredions for pradice
fliould we have, what Rule to judg of Opinions by, had not
God out of his infinite Goodneis provided and preferved this
authentic Inilrument of his Will to the World ? What a ft range
Relii^ion would Chriftianity feem, Ihould we frame die Model
of it fi:om any other thing; than the Word of God ? With-
out all controverfy the dileifeem of the Scriptures upon any
pretenfe whatioever, is the decay of Religion, and thro' many
windings and turnings leads Men at laft into the verydepdiof
Athciim. Whereas the frequent and Icrious converiing with die
Mind of God in liis Word is incomparably uleful, not only
for keeping up in us a true notion of Religion (which is eafily
miftaken, when Men look upon the fice of it in any other
jrlais than that of the Scriptures) but likewife for maintaining
a powerful fcnfe of Religion in the Soul of Men, and a due
valuation of it, whatever its efteem or entertainment be in the
World. For dio' the true genuine Spirit of Chriftianity (which
is known by the purity and pcaceablenefs of it) ihould grow
never fo much out of credit witli the World, yet none who
heartily believe die Scripture to be the Word of God, and that
the Matters rcvcal'd therein are infallibly true, will ever have
the lefs eftimanon of it. It muft be confefs'd that the credit
of Relitiion bath much iuflerVl in the Aee we live in thro' the
vain pretcnfes of many to it, who have only ailed a part in
it, for the lake of fomc private inteiclls of their own. And
it
The Epfile Dedicatory.
\i is the uliial ho^c ot Atheijls^ Crimine ah uno Dijce omnes j if
there be any hypocrites, all who make flicw of Religion are
iiich; on which account the Hypocr'ijy of one Age makes 'way
for the Atheifm of the next. But how unreafonablc and un-
jull that Imputation is, there needs not much to difcover, un-
lefs it be an argument there are no true Men in the World,
becaufe there arc fo many Apes which imitate them j or that
there arc no Jewels, becaufe there are fo many counterfeits.
And blefled be God, our Age is not barren of inftances of
real goodne(s and unaffected Piety •, there being (omc fuch ge-
nerous Spirits as dare love Religion without the dowry of In-
terell, and manifeft their affedlion to it in the plain drcfs of
the Scriptures, without the paint and {et-offs, wliich are added
to it by the (everal contending parties of the Chriif ian World.
Were there more fuch noble Spirits of Religion in our Age,
Atheifm would want one of the greatell pleas w hich it now
makes againft the truth of Religion • for nothing enlarges more
the Gulf of Atheifm, than that MiyoL ^da-fjia.^ '^ide pajfage
which lies between the Faith and Lives of Men pretending to
be Chriftians. I muff needs fay there is nothing feems more
ftrange and unaccountable to me, than that the pradice of the
unqueftionable duties of ChrijUanity fhould be put out of coun-
tenance, or flighted by any who own, profefs, and contend
for the Principles of it. Can the profefTion of that be ho-
norable, whofe pravftice is not ? if the Principles he true, ^why
are they not praBisdi if they he not true, nvhy are they
profefs d F
You fee, Sir, to what an unexpected length my defire to
vindicate the Honor as well as Truth of Religion, hath drawn
out this prefent Addrefs. But I may fooner hope for your
pardon in it, than if I had fpent fb much paper after the
ufiial manner of Dedications, in reprefenting You to Your
iel^ or the World. Sir, I know You have too much of that
I have been commending, to delight in Your own deferv'd
Praifes, much lefs in Flatteries, which fo benign a fubjed might
eafily make one's pen run over in. And therein I might not
much have digrefs'd from my defign, fince I know few more
exemplary for that rare mixture of true Piety, and the higheft
Civility together, in whom that ineftimable Jewel of Religion
is plac'd in a moft fweet, affable, and obliging temper. But
altho'
T^he Eptfile Dedicatory.
aldio' none will be more ready on any occafion with all gra-
titude to acknowledg the great obligations You have laid
upon me ; yet I am (o far lenfible of the common vanity of
Efipes Dedicatory y that I cannot (o heartily comply with them
in any thing, as in my hearty prayers to die Almighty for your
good and welfare, and in fubfcribing my felf.
S I R,
Tour mofi humble
1661 '^^^ afe&ionate Servant,
Ed. Stillingfleet.
THE
THE
E F A G E
TO THE
READER
IT is neither to fatisfy the importunity of Friends, nor to pre-'
njent falfe Copies {^which and fuch like ex cafes 1 knoiv are ex-
petied in ufual Prefaces) that I have adventured abroad this fol-
lo^ingTreatife : hut it is out of ajufl refentmerit of the affronts
and indignities 'which have been caji on Religion, by fuch nvho
account it a matter of judgment to disbelieve the Scriptures, and
a piece of luit to difpute themfelves out of the pofjtbility of being
happy in another World: When yet the more acute and fubtile
their arguments are, the greater their Jlrength is againjl themfelves 5
it being impoj/ible there pould be fa much nvit and fubtilty in the
Souls of Men, "were they not of a more excellent Nature than
they imagin them to be. And hoiu contradi&ious is it for fuch
Perfons to be ambitious of being cry'd up for If 'it andReafon, ijjhofe
defign is to degrade the rational Soul fo far belonv her f elf, as to
make her become like the Beafls thatperijh I If nonv the ^weight and
confequenceofthefubjeB, andthe toogreat feafonablenefs of it (if
the commoyi fame of the large fpread of Atheiliii among us he true) be
notfufficient Apology for the publifiingthls Book, I am refolv'd ra-
ther to undergo thy cenfure, than be beholding to any other. The in-
tendment therefore of this Preface is only to give a brief account of
the f cope, defign, and method of the fol/onving Books, altho' the vie-oj
of the Contents of the Chapters tnight fuficiently acquaint thee 'with
it. How far I have been either from tranfcribing, or a dejjgn to excufS
out of the hands of their admirers, the fever al Writifigs on the behalf
of Religion in general, or Chrijlianity m particular [efpecially Mor-
nayjGrotius, AmyralduSjC^^'c.) may eafdy appear by comparing luhat
is coTitaind in their Books and this together. Had I not thought fome-
thing tnight be f aid, if not more fully and rationally, yet more fut ably
to the prefent temper of this Age, than what is already 'written by
them, thou hadfl not been troubled with this Preface, much lefi with
the whole Book. But as the Tempers and Genius s of Ages and Times
alter, fo do the arms and weapons which Atheills imploy again fl Re-
ligion : the mo fl popular pretenfes of the Atheifts of our Age, have
b been
The Preface to the Reader.
been the irreconcilahleneji of the account of Times in Script Mve, -
norance of the true original of Nations. X. Of Herodotus and
his miflakes. XI. The Greeks ignorance in Geography difcover-
ed., and thence their infufjiciency as to an account of ancient Hi-
Pu- ' p. 37
CHAP. V.
The general uncertainty of Heathen Chronology.
The want of credibility in Heathen hiflory further proved fromthe
uncertainty and confufion in their accounts of ancient times ; that
difcover ed by the uncertain form of their years. II. An inquiry
into the different form of the ynaflies.
The different Palilia of Rome. The uncertain reckoning Ab Ur-
be condita. V. Of Impoflures as to ancient Hiflories. Of An-
nius, VI. Inghiramius, and others. VII. Of the characters
iifed by Heathen Triefts. VIII. Nofacred characters among the
Jews. IX. The partiality and incetififlency of heathen Hiflories
with each other. From all which the want of credibility in them
as to an account of ancient times is clearly demonftraied. p. 59
Book II.
CHAP. I.
The certainty of the Writings of Mofes.
In order to the proving the truth of Scripture-hiflory-, feveralHypo-
thefes laid down. I. The firfi concerns the reafonablenefs of pre-
fer ving the ancient Hiftory of the World infome certain Records^
from the importance of the things-, II. and the inconveniences of
mere Tradition or conflant Revelation. III. The fecond concerns
the certainty that the Records under Mofes' j name-, were undoubt-
edly his. The certainty of a matter of fad inquired into in gene-
ral-, andproved as to this particular-, Iw-byuniverfalconfenty V.
and fet ling a Common-wealth upon his Laws. VI, VII. Theim-
poffibility of animpoflure as to the Writings of yioitsdemonflrat-
ed. The pleas to the contrary largely anfwered. p. 71
a 3 CHAP.
The CONTENTS.
CHAP. II.
Mofes'% certain knowledg of what he writ.
. The third Hypothejis concerns the certainty of the matter ofMo-
{cs's Hijtorji that gradually proved : Firft^ Mofes'j knowledg
cleared-, by his education-, and experience-, and certain informati-
on. II. His education in thewifdom of JE.^'^^Z; what that was.
III. The old J^'^-^\)n^n learning inquired into-, IV. the conveni-
ences for it. V. Of the i^^gyptian Triefls-, Mofes reckoned a-
mong them for his knowledg. VI. The Mathematical-, Natural,
T)ivine, and Moral learning of ^^gypt. VII. Their Political
wifdom mofl cojifiderable. VIll. The advantage of Moles above
the Creek Thilofophers-, as to wifdom and reafon. Moicshimfelf
an eye-witnefs of mofi of his hiflory : IX. the certain uninterrupt-
ed tradition of the other part among the Jewsj manifejled by rati-
onal evidence. p. 75)
CHAP. III.
Mofes's fidelity and integrity proved.
'.. ^io(cs confidered as an Hiflorian-, and as a Lawgiver i his fide li-
. ty in both proved ; clear evidences that he had no intent to deceive
: in his hiftory-, freedom from private inter efh impartiality in his re-
lations-, plainnefs and perfpicuity of ftile. II. j4s a Law-giver,
he came armed with ''Divine Authority, which being the main
thing, is fixed on to be fully proved from his anions and writings.
III. The power of Miracles the great evidence of T>ivi?ie Reve-
lation. Two grand ^eftions propounded. In what cafes Miracles
may be expedied, and how known to be true. No neceffity of a
conft ant power of Miracles in a Church: IV. Two cafes alone
wherein they may be expeBed. IVhen any thing comes as a Law
from God-, and when a Divine Law is to be repealed. The necef-
fity of Miracles in thofe cafes as an evidence of Divine Revela-
tion ajfertcd. V, VI, VII. Obje[iions anfwered. No ufe of Mi-
racles when the DoEirine is fetled and owned by Miracles by the
firft Revelation. No need of Miracles in reformation of aChurch.
p.cjo
CHAP. IV.
The fidchty of the Prophets fuccecding Mofes.
I. An order of Prophets to fucceed Mofes, -by God's own appoint-
ment in the Law of Moles. II. The Schools of the Trophets,
III. the original and infiitution of them. IV. The Cities of the
Levites. The occafion of their firfl infiitution. V. The places of
the Schools of the 'Prophets., and the tendency of the Infiitution
there to a 'Prophetical Office. VJ. Of the Mufic usd in the
Schools of the Prophets. VII. The Roman A if amenta, and
the Greek Hymns in their fokmn worfiip. VIII. The 2 forts of
Prophets among the Jews, Leiger and extraordinary. Ordinary
Prophets taken out of the Schools, proved by kmos and S:\\\\. p 100
CHAP
The CONTENTS.
C H A P. V.
The tryal of the Prophetical Dodrine.
J. Rules of Irving Trophets eftablijhed in the LaiJD ivine Revelation. V. Several Principles laid down for
clearing the 'T>o£irineof the Prophets, i. That immediate dilates
of N antral light are not to be the meafure ofDivine Revelation.
Several grounds for 'Divine Revelation from natural Light. VI. 2.
Whatever is dire^ly repugnant to the dictates of Nature., cannot
be of 'Divine Revelation. VII. 3. No Divifie Revelation doth
contradiB a Divine pofitive Law without fufficient evidence of
GodV intention to repeal that Law. VIII. 4. Divine Revelation
in the 'Prophets-, was not to be meafiired by the words of the Lawy
but by the intention and reafon of it. The prophetical office a kind
of Chancery to the Law of Moles. p. no
C H A P. VI.
The Tryal of Prophetical Predidions and Miracles.
I. The great difficulty of trying the truth of prophetical Predi^ions,
from ]ci-. 18. 7, 8, &cc. Some general Hypothcfcs premifed for the
clearing of it. II. The firfi concerns the grounds why 'Predt5lions
are accounted an evidence of Divine Revelation. Three Confe-
iianes drawn thence. III. The fccond-, the manner of God'x Re-
velation of his Will to the Minds of the Prophets. Of the f eve-
ral degrees of Prophecy. IV. The third is, that God did not al-
ways reveal the internal purpofes of his Will unto the true Pro-
phets. V. The grand §lueftion propounded-, How it may be known
when Predi£fions exprefs GodV decrees, and wheri only the fries
of caufes. For the firfl fever al rules laid down. 1. When the Pre-
di£iion is confirmed by a prefent Miracle. 2. IVhen the things fore-
told exceed the probability of fecond caufes. VI. 3. When confirm" d
by GodV Oath. VII. 4. When the Blefjlngs foretold are purely fpi-
ritual. VIII. Three rules for interpretitig the Prophecies which re-
fpe£t the fate of things under the Gofpel. IX. f. When all circum-
flances are foretold. 6. When many Prophets in fever al Ages agree
in the fame Predictions. X. Predictions do not exprefs GodV un-
alterable purpofes-, when they only contain co?nminations of judg-
ments, or are Predictions of temporal Bleffings. XI. The cafe of
the Ninevites, Hezekiah, and others, opened. XII, XIII. Of re-
pentance in G o Dj what it implies. XIV. The Jewifh objettions
about Predictions of temporal Bleffings anfwered . XV. In what
cafes Miracles were expected from the Prophets : when they were
to confirm the truth of their Religion. Inftanced in the Prophet at
Bethelj
The CONTENTS.
Bethel, Elijah, Eliflia and Mofcs himfelf-, XVI. "j.^hoje 'Divine
Authority that it "jv as proved by Miracles-, is demonftrated againfi
the modern Jews, and their pretenfes anf-jjered. j 1 8
CHAP. VII.
The eternity of the La\v of Mofes difcuficd.
i. The fecoyid cafe "jvherein Miracles may be expe^ed^ivhen a 'Divine
fofitive La-jv is to be repealed-, and another v^'ay of '■jnorfoip efta-
blijhed inftead of it. The pojfibiiity in general of a repeal of a Di-
'vine La'-jv ajferted; the particular cafe of the LazvofMoCesdif-
futed againfi the Jews: II. the matter of that Lav:; proved not to
be immutably obligatory ; becaufe the Ceremonial 'Precepts vi^ere
required not for themfelves, but for fome further end i that proved
from yizimomdcs his confej/ion : III. the Trecepts of the Cere-
monial Law frequently difpenfed with while the Lawjias in force.
Of the 'Pajjover of Hezekiah, and fever al other inftances. IV. It
is not inconfiftent with the wifdom of God to repeal fuch an efta-
blifoed Law. Abravanel'j Argumejit aiifwered. V. Of the perfe-
ction of the Law of Mofes, compared with the Gofpel. VI. If he-
ther God hath ever declared he would never repeal the Law of
Mofcs. Wl. Of adding to the Precepts. VIII. Of the expreffions
feeming to imply the perpetuity of the Law of Mofes. Reafons af-
figned why thofe expreffions are ufed, tho" perpetuity be not implyed.
IX. The Law of Mofcs not built upon immutable reafon, becaufe
many particular Precepts were founded upon particular occajions,
as the ctifloms of the Zabiij X. many Ceremonial Precepts thence
deduced out of Mz\momdeSy XI. and becaufe fuch a fate of things
was foretold, with which the obfervation of the Ceremonial Law
would be inconfifient. XII. That largely dif covered from the Pro-
phecies of the Old Teftament. 137
CHAP. VIII.
General Hypothefes concerning the truth of the Doftrine
of Christ.
i. The great prejudice againft our Savior among Jews and Heathens^
was the meannefs of his appearance. The difference of the Mi-
racles at the delivery of the Law and Gofpel. II. Some generality -
pothcfcs to clear the fubferviency of Miracles to the ''Doctrine of
Christ, i. That where the truth of a 'DoBrine depends not on
Evidence, but Authority, the only way to prove the truth of
the DoClrine, is to prove the Tejlimony of the Revealer to be in-
fallible. Things may be true which depend not on Evidence of the
things. IVhat that is, and on what it depends. The uncertainty of
Natural Knowledg. III. The Fsxiftence of God, the foundatiort
of all certainty. The certainty of matter of Faith proved frojn the
fame Principle. Our knowledg of any thiyig fuppofeth fomcthing
incomprehenfiblc. IV. The certainty of Faith as great as that of
Knowledg; the grounds of it (Ironger. The confiftency of Rational
Evi-
The CONTENTS.
Evidence 'u.'ith haith. let objects of Faith exceed Reafon ; the
abfurdities foUo-jitng the contrary opinion. VI. 'The uncertainty of
that 'n-hich is called Reafon. N\\. PhilofophicalT)tttates nojtan-
dard of Reajon. Of Tranfnbftantiation and Ubiquity-, Sec. why re-
jeBed as contrary to Reafon. The foundation of Faith in matters
above Reafon. VI II. Which is infallible tejlimony ; that there are
ijvays to know which is infallible', proved. 2. Hypoch. A 'Divine
Tejlimony the mojt infallible. The refolution of Faith into God'j
'veracity as its formal objeU:. IX. ^. Hypotb. A T)ivine Tejlimo-
ny may be known-, tho' God jpeak not immediately. Of Infpiratiou
among the ]c'wStandT>ivinatio7i among the Heathens. XII. 4. Hy-
porh. The evidence of a "Divine Tejlimony mujl be clear and cer-
tain. XIII. Of the common motives of Faith, and the obligation td
Faith arijingfrom them. The original of Infidelity.
CHAP. IX.
The rational Evidence of the truth of Chnftian Religion
from Miracles.
1. The pojjibiltty of Miracles appears from God and Trovidence ; the
evidence of a Divine Tejlimony by them. God alone can really
alter the coiirfe of Nature. The Devil's power of working Mi-
racles confide fd. 0/ Simon Magus, Apollonius. The cures in the
Temple of ^Efculapius at Rome, S'c II. God never works Mi-
racles-, but for fame particular end. The particular reafons 6f the
Miracles of Chrift. The repealing the Law of Mofcs, which had
been fetled by Miracles. Why Chrift checked the Pharifees/tfr de-
manding a Sign-, when he himfelf appeals to his Miracles. The
power of Chrift'j Miracles onMany who did not throughly believe.
III. Chrift'.f Miracles made it evident that he was the Meflias,
becaufe the "-Predictions were fulfil' d in him. Why John Baptift
'Wrought no Miracles. IV. ChriftV Miracles neceffary for the
overthrow of theDevil's Kingdom. Y. Of the Demoniacs and Lu-
natics in the Gofpel-, and in the Primitive Church. The power of
the Flame of Chrift over them largely prdv'd by fever al Tejtimo-
nies. VI. The evidence thence of a Divine power in Chrift. VII.
Of counterfeit difpoffejjions. Of Miracles wrought among Infidels.
VIII. Of the future fiat e of the Church. IX. The yiecejfity of the
Miracles / Jupiter, Bacchus, (^c. VII. The remainders of Scripture- Hi-
fiory among the Heathens. The names of God, Chaos, forma-
tion of Man among the Phoenicians. 0/ Adam among the Ger-
mans, vEgyptians, Cilicians. Adam wW^-r Saturn. C^in among
the Phoenicians. Tubal-Cain and juhal under Vulcan and Apol-
lo. Naamah ^mdVr Minerva. VIII. Noah «w^fr Saturn, Janus,
Prometheus and Bacchus. IX. NoahV three Sons under Jupiter,
Neptune ^w^Pluto. Canaan under Mercury, Nirarod/W(fr Bac-
chus, Magog fw^fr Prometheus. Of AhrcLh-xm and lizvtf among
^^f" Phoenicians, yi.. ]zcoh' s Service U7ider A^oWo's. 77/^ b^Wa,*
from Bethel. Jofeph under Apis. Mofes under Bacchus. Jo-
fliua under Hercules. Balaam under the old Silenus. p. gpf
CHAP. VI.
Of the Excellency of the Scriptures.
I. Concerning matters of pure Divine Revelation in Scripture: the
terms of Salvation only contained therein. The ground of the dif-
efieem of the Scripture is tacit Unbelief. II, The Excellency of
c 3 "the
The C O N T E N T S.
the Scriptures manifefted as to the matters luhich God hath re-
'vealed therein. IV. 77?^ Excellency of the dijcoveries of God'x
Nature which are in Scripture. V. Of the Goodnefs and Love
of God in Christ. The futablenefs of thofe difcovertes of
Go D /■(? our Natural Notions of a T>eity. The neceffity of God'j
making kno-jcn Himfelf to zis, in order to the regulating our Con-
ceptions of Him. VI. The Scriptures give the fullejl account of
the Jiate of Mens Souls ^ and the corruptions which are in them.
The only way of p leafing God difcover d in Scriptures. VII. The
Scriptures contain matters of great efl Myflerioufnefs-> and mofi uni-
verfal Satisfaction to Mens Minds. VIII. The Excellency of the
manner wherein things are reveal' d in Scriptures , in regard of
Clearnefs, Authority-, Turity^ IX. Uniformity-, and Terfuafive-
nefs. X. The Excellency of the Scripture as a Rule of Life. The
Nature of the "Duties of Religion and the Reafonablenefs of them.
The Greatnefs of the Encouragements to Religion-, contained in the
Scriptures. XI. The great Excellency of the Scriptures-) as con-
taining in them the Covenant of Grace^ in order to Man's Sal-
vation.
THE
~The~TNT>EX of Authors quoted in O r i g i n e s S a c k .^-
»7i,*74, *8o. *96.97>*99.*
*?9. 44' *f°>
30,113."?
'79
140
102
V4-
«f
*94
*i-4
401
114
21 1
,*io
407
*6i
3^>'
33
ABbevillc (Cbudc) Tlckiion de Maragnan p,
Abr^vancl • ' *•
Abuk-jilis in Jodi,
Acofta
TElian
yElchylus
Ak'inous
Alex. Aphrodifius
Alex. Polyhiftor
Alllcdius
Ambrolius ^. comr. Symmach,
Ammianus MarccUinus
Apollodoriis
y^poUonius
Apulcius
Atjiiinas (Thom.)
Ariftobulus Judaeus ttfud Eufei. prup. 'Evung.
Ariftoplianes 40' 384-393
Ariftoteles 4. *3 3> *5-4> rf. *J-<5. j-y
Metafh. 82. 164. 175-. i89. 3<5
Boxliornius 39' '7°
Boyle's Sceptical Chym. 288. fluidity and Virmnefs
308. Final Caufes *22. Origin of Forms 107
neration of Man's Intelleii towards Cod *i 18,
The yljlertfc '^ notes the New Part.
Cupcri Arcan. Atheifm.
S. Cyprianus ad Dcmct.
S. Cyrillus contra Jul.
178
*6i
D
7T
30
'31
78
*28
'113, iij-
'77'
Ve.
122.
*I25-
398
376
400
8». 3f^*ri
408
101,398
fo.fi.j-J
iooj 109, no, 1 13,
114,115-, 117. 119,110, 112. 124
Cafaubon(iraac)/i(iArhen3eum 32. Exercit. ad Bo.ron.
3J-. /nStrab. 42
Co.i2uhon (Merk) Original of temp, evils 354. de j^.
Experiments of the ^ir
Bicrewood
Buteo de Area Noe
Buxtorph.
c
Cxlius Rhodigin.
Csfalpinus (Andr.J
Callimachus
Calvin
Capelli (Jacobi) Hift. S. c^ Fxot.
Caitcfius 27c. 308. 5 1 5-, *86, 93,
Ling. 397. Dt.xtrib. de L, Heb.
Cenforinus de die Natal.
Chalcidius. a(/ Fimmm
398
60, 313
287.297,299,344
Cicero *i4. *5-2, *62,*63,7i. deNat.Deor. ^, z-^,
164,210, 245-, 246, 271, 28 J-, 296, 304, 306. 319,
3J-8. *6,*7,8,*io.*26,*;8,*4i,*6i. jr»/ir. ^«e/?.
•11,12,59. DeDivinat. 27, 172,*48.
271. De Ftnihus 31
Clclnens Alexandrinus
Columbus
Columella
Conon apad Photium
Connngius de Hermet.
Couplet
De Legibus
Ibid.
*,
If
<5',8i
»75-. 76.84,85
Van Dalen *47
TiMr\'^\ct' s Voyage *79
Dellon'j Voyage '85
Denton'j Hiftory of New-York *8 1
DiodorusSiculus 25. 28,40,50,52.60,61,67,77,82,
S3. 84,285,406, 409. *3. *4,*8,*9,*ii,*i4.*22.
7". 74
Diogenes Laertius 15. 33, 186, 2S7, 291, 299, 302,
313,319. *i6
Dionylii Ute/iiy. 384
Dionylius HalicarnafT. 190, 384
E
Elmcnhorft Nor. a, 288, 302,
[2,4o8,*^*f,*8,*i4,*i6.*i7,*42.*54. Chron. 20,
,4oS>'3' f'
33, 34. Hift.Eccl.
34,203,214,347
Fagius (Paulus)
Feftus
Firmicus (Julius) de errore Prof. Relig.
G
Galen 24. De dijf. Pulf. 217. De ufti part.
Galileo
Gaflendus 273. De logica Epic. 304. Phyf.
374. Vita Fiereski.
Geminus de Spharis
Goedart
Grotms de -verit.Rel.CfjriJl. 78, 145, 148,
388, 392. Annot. in Matt.
307^
'27
^37.
H
lOI
173
297
15
3°9.
376
6t
*28
380.
3J
I lO, III
*8i
305. *i8
Ariftarch.
3' 9.
Du Hamel de confenf. V. (^ N. Philof.
Hariof i Hijl. of Virginia
Harvey de general. Anim.
Heiniius !)(//43°
Lifter *ij. 18
Longinas 78
Lopez *98
Loubere 8|"
Lower de Corde *?*
Luchn 409'*?
Lucretius 145-, 171, joi; 50}, 309, *97'*98
LudoIphiH(/?.i€thiop. *8i,*96
Ludolph Comment. *98, *99
M
.Machiavel S'Si
Klacrooii S.ttwn. fo. 8 1
Magiiilans *7r
Maimonidcs Mor' '^noc. 19, io(>, 138, 144, 147-
2S4. 192. 516. i3f /^o/- III. I 1 J- -Of F«»*»»
Pindarus i6f
Pineda dt reb. Salomon. i of
Pifo Hifl. Brafil. *14. 99
Plato P. i.p. 3. in Phxd. tSf. Sophijl. 190 in Epi-
Bom. 349, *ii.*if,*44.*47. Apol. *f'.*f9
Plinii N. Hi/?. 16, 17, 8f,*8, 16, 17,2 i, 11, 13, 18. f4,
f9, 60, 61,96. 98. £/>. 107
Plutarihus * ti, •i4,*i8,*4i,*44,*46,''5-(D,f 1 p. 6.
iympo/.'^S. /)fHcrod.47. i)f Ifnicjj'Olir. 60,83.
344, '3. I 3. De Ammt proc. 198, 3 10. Dc itlu qui
fero pun. 364. Deplae.Vhd. 302, 31^. 3 j-9,* 16. 39
Porphyr. 4. 28
Purchan'j P/'/jWot •83,96,98.99
'7+
^7
•108
210
1 If. 404
Selden(/cX)iM5^r« 19, 147. De jure Nat. i^ Gent. 29,
286. De An.civ.Jtid, ,,^
Seneca 18) .199, 346. if 6
Servius (« Virgil, ,„(j
Sexrus Empiricus j;-, *i4, *26. *44,*49,*7 •
Sherlog .^w/^. Hc^. ,^4
Simplicius in Epi6t. 3 1 9, 3 27, if2. in Categ. Arift. *9j-
Spinoza ,00
Spizzel de Ifrael ^ot^Wmw. ,ny
Stephanus Byzant. 41, j g^, ^^4, 40f
Steuchus (Euguh.) de ferenni PhiL *ig
Stobacus i99.*39>4i.6i.63,94
Strabo If, 37.38. 39-4°. 4». 46. 47- 8 1.83, 8f, I oS.
393,* 10, "39
Suetonius 170, 2 if
Suidas 4i.'*f4
Swaiumerdam •
Sydenham de Hydrofe
Symmach. Ep,
T
Tacitus (Cornelius^
Tatianus jj,
Techo cNicolao) Hiftoria Paraquari* *82, 09
Du Tertre *y^
Tertullian Apol. 171, 188, 189. lof, 2 1 1,1 14,2 if »
1 1 6, 249, 40 f. Ad Scap. 186. De fri/c. adv. Htref.
131, j^^.Adv.Hermog. 300, 301, 346. AdNationes
187,110 DeSpeHac. 391. Dejejuniu n^
Theodoret (jj
Thcvcnot »2y
Thucydides ] 2
TorniclU Annal. tog
Trigautius *'jj, g^
Tzetzcs Schol. in Hef. aq
*74
>
49
37y
26
'79-379
196
'40
Vodius (Gerard) •96. D^/z/o/. 8. if. 30, f 2,f6. 61. In
M.iim. de Idol. 146, 176, 391, 407, 409. De Sellif
Phil. 186. DeHift.Gnc. 10,14,37
VolVius (liiiacus) .
more intelleftual than difcurlivej not fo much imploying his Fa-
culties in the operofc deductions of Reafon (the plealant toyi
of the Rational Faculties fince the Fall) but had immediately im-
ploy'.d them about the fublimcll: objects-, not about Quiddities
and Formalities, but about Him who was the fountain of his Be-
ing, and ithe center' of his Happfnefs. There was not then fo
vail a difference between the Angelical and Humane life : the An-
gels and Men both fed on the fame dainties ; all the difference
was, They were in the vzsr^Scy, the upper room in Heaven, and Man
in the fummer parlor in Paradife.
If we take a view of Man's knowledg as it refpe£ts his fellow Hi.
Creatures, we fliall find thefe were fo fully known to him on his
firft Creation, that he needed not to go to School to the wide
World to gather up his conceptions of them. For the right
exercife of that Dominion which he was inflated in over the In-
ferior World, doth imply a particular knowledg of the Nature,
Being and Properties of thofe things which he was to make ufe
of, without which he could not have improved them for their pe-
culiar ends. And from this knowledg did proceed the giving
the Creatures thole proper and peculiar Names which were ex-
preffive of their feveral Natures. For as Tlafo tells us, o« w.g. ^. piato ;»
fojition of Names on things belongs not to every one, but only to him
that hath a full frofpc^ into their feveral Natures. For it is moft
agreeable to Reafon, that Names fliould carry in them a fliitable-
nefs to the things they exprefs •, for Words being for no other
end but to exprefs our Conceptions of things, and our Conce-
ptions being but «>--"«? ^ ifboiui/,a^ x^y^d-mo, as the fame Philofbpher
fpeaks, The Refemblances and Reprefentations of the things-, itmuft
need follow, that where there was a true knowledg, the Conce-
ptions muft agree with the Things •, and Words bemg to exprefs
our Conceptions, none are fo fit to do it, as thofe which are expreflive
of the feveral Natures of the things they are ufed toreprefent. For
otherwife all the ufe of Words is to be a meer Vocabulary to the
Underftanding, and an Index to Memory, and of no further ufe
in the purfuit of knowledg, than to let us know what Words
men are agreed to call things by. But fomething further feems
to be intended in their firft Impofition, whence the Jews call it
C3»:*an n'?-l3n as Mercer tells us , a Separation and Tiiflindiion Mercerus
of the feveral kind of Things : and Kircher thus paraphrafes the '" <^f»- ^'
Words of Mofes -, And whatfoever Adam called every living ere a- I?.' ,
turC) that was the Name thereof: i. e. faith he, Fuerunt illis vera oelp^'^jE.
«v«f*«,
the G^eftion of thofe who never faw it. For fo pleafing is the
enquiry, and fo fatisfa£tory the finding of Truth after the fearch,
that the relifli of it doth far exceed the greatcft Epicurifm of
ApiciuSi or the mofl: coltly entertainments of Cleopatra i there
being no Guft {o exquifite as that of the Mind, nor any jewels to
be compared with Truth. Nor do any perfons certainly better de-
lerve tne name of Men, than fuch who allow their Reafon a full
employment, and think not theEreftnefs of Man's Stature a fuf-
ficient diftinftion of him from Brutes. Of which thofe may be
accounted only a higher fpccies, who can patiently fuffcr the im-
prifonment of their Intelledtuals in a dungeon of Ignorance, and
know themfelves to be Men only by thofe characters, by which
Alexander knew himfelf not to be a God, by their pronenefs to In-
temperance and Sleep. So flrange a Metempfychofis may there be
without any change of Bodies j and Enphorbns his Soul might be-
come a Brute, without ever removing its lodging into the Body of
an Afs. So much will the Soul degenerate from it fclf, if not im-
proved ; and in a kind of fuUennefs fcarce appear to be what k
is, becaufe it is not improved to what it may be.
v. But, you'll fay, if this knowledg of Truth be fo great, fo na-
tural, fo valuable a Perfection of Human Nature, whence comes
fo much of the World to be over-run with Ignorance and Barba-
rifm ? whence come fo many pretenders to Knowledg, to court
a Cloud inllead of Juno ? to pretend a love to Truth, and yet
to fall down and worfliip Error.'' If there were fo great a fym-
pathy between the Soul and Truth, there would be an impatient
defire after it, and a mofl: ready embracing and clofing with it.
We fee the Magnet doth not draw the Iron with greater force,
than it fecms to run with impatience into its clofell embraces. If
there had been formerly fo intimate an acquaintance between the
Soul and Truth, as ^SW^^^^.t fanfied of Friends in the other World,
there would be an harmonious clofurc upon the firlt appearance,
and no divorce to be after made between themi*
True, but then we muft confidcr there is an intermediate ftatc
between the former acquaintance, and the renewal of it, wherein
all thofe remaining Characters of mutual knowledg are funk fo deep,
and lie fo hid, that there needs a new fire to be kindled to bring
forth thofe latent Figures, and make thcin again appear legible.
And when once thole tokens arc produccti of the former Fricnd-
fliip,
BooKl. Cap.I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 5
/]iip, there are not more impatient lougmgi, nor more dole em-
braces between the touched Needle and the Magnetj than there
are between the Underflanding and diTcovercd Truth. But then
withall, we arc to confider that they are but few whofc Souls are
awakened out of that Lethargy they are fallen into in this dege-
nerate condition : the moil are fo pleafed with their Sleep, thaC
they are loth to diilurb their reft •, and fet a higher price upon a
lazy Ignorance, than upon a reftlcfs Knowledg. And even of
thole, whofe Souls are as k were between fleeping and wakingj
what by reafon of the remaining confulion of theTpecies in their
Brains, what by the prefent dimncfs of their Sight, and the ho-
vering uncertain Light they are to judg by, there are few that
can put a difference between a nicer Phantafm and a real Truth.
Of which thcfe rational accounts may be given, viz. Why fo few
pretenders to Knowledg do light on Truth.
Firft, JVant of an impartial diligence in the fear ch of it. Truth vr.
now muft be fought, and that with care and diligence, before we f')
find it 5 Jewels do not ufe to lie upon the furface of the Earth:
High-ways are feldom paved with Gold ; what is moft worth our
finding, calls for the grcateft fearch. If one that walks the Streets
fliould find fome ineftimable Jewel, or one that travels the Road
meet with a bag of Gold, it would be but a lilly defign of any to
walk the Street, or travel the Road, in hopes to meet with fuch a
purchafe to make them rich. If fome have happily light on fome
valuable Truths, when they minded nothing lefs than them, muft
this render a Diligence ufelefs in inquiries after fuch? No: Truth,
the' fhe be fo fair and pleafing as to draw our affeftions, . is yet fb
modeft as to admit of being courted > and, it may be, deny the
firft fuit, to highten our importunity. And certainly nothing hath
oftener forbid the Banns between the Underftanding and Truth
inquired after, than Partiality and Preoccupation of Judgment,
which makes Men enquire more diligently after the Dowry thaa
the Beauty of Truths its correfpondency to their Interefts, than
its evidence to their Underftandings. An ufefiil Error hath often
kept the keys of the Mind for free admiflion, when important
Truths, but contrary to mens Preconceptions or Intereff, have
been forbidden entrance. Prejudice is the wrong byafs of the
Soul, that efteftually keeps it from coming near the mark of Truth}
nay, fets it at the greateft diftance from it. There are few in the
World that look after Truth with their own Eyes, moft make ufe
of Spe£tacles of others making, which makes them fo feldom be-
hold proper lineaments in the face of Truth -, which the feveral
tinftures from Education, Authority, Cuftom and Predifpofition
do exceedingly hinder men from difcerning.
Another Reafon why there are fo few who find Truth, when vir.
fo many pretend to feek it, is. That near refemblance ijuhich Error (*J
often bears to Truth. It hath been well obferv'd, that Error fel-
dom walks abroad the World in her own raiments > flie always
borrows fomething of Truth, to make her more acceptable to the
World. It hath been always the fubtHty of grand Deceivers to
graft their greateft Errors on fome material Truths, to make them
pafs more undifcernible to all fuch who look more at the Root on
which they ftand, than on the Fruits which they bring forth. It will
A 3 here-
ORIGINES SACRJE. BookI. Cap.I.
hereafter appear how mofi: of :he groflcft of the Heathen Errors
have, as Tint arch faith of the Egyptian Fables, «>««>«'? iva^ f>?i«W5 r??
«Aii?HW, fome faint and obf cure refemblances of Tnith ; nay more than
fo, as moft pernicious weeds are bred in the fatteft foils, their moft
deftrudive Principles have been founded on fome neceflary and
important Truths. Thus Idolatry doth fuppofe the Belief of the
exiftence of a Deity -, and Superftition the Immortality of the Souls
of Men. The Devil could never have built his Chapels, but on
the fame ground whereon God's Temples flood; which makes
me far lefs wonder than many do, at the meeting with many ex-
preflions concerning thefe Two grand Truths in the Writings of
ancient Heathens •, "knowing how willing the Devil might be to
have fuch Principles ftill owned in the World, which by his de-
praving of them, might be the nouri fliers of Idolatry and Super-
ftition. For the general knowledge of a Divine Nature, fuppo-
ling men ignorant of the true God, did only lay a foundation to
ereft his idolatrous Temples upon -, and the Belief of the Soul's
furviving the Body after death, without knowledg of the true way
of attaining Happinefs, did make men more eager of embracing
thofe Rites and Ceremonies, which came with a pretenfe of fliew-
ing the way to a blefled Immortality.
VIII. Which may be a moft probable reafon, why Philofophy and
Idolatry did increafe fo much together as they did ; for tho' right
Reafon fully improved, would have overthrown all thofe curfed
and idolatrous practices among the Heathens; yet Reafon only
difcerning fome general Notions without their particular appli-
cation and improvement, did only difpofe the moft ordinary fort
of people to a more ready entertainment of the moft grofs Idola-
try. For hereby they difcerned the neceflity of fome kind of
Worfliip, but could not find out the right way of it; and there-
fore they greedily followed that which was commended to them,
by fuch who did withal agree with them in the common Senti-
ments of Humane Nature : Nay, and thofe Perfons themfelves
who were the great maintainers of the fublimer Notions concern-
ing God and the Soul of Man, were either the great Inftrilments
of advancing that horrid Superftition among them, as Orpheus
and ApoUonim-i or very forward complyers with if, as many of
the Philofophers were. Altho'withall it cannot be denied to have
been a wonderful difcovery of Divine Providence, by thcle gene-
ral Notions to keep waking the inward Senfes of mens Souls,
that thereby it might appear when Divine Revelation fliould be
manifefted to them, that it brought nothing contrary to the com-
mon Principles of Human Nature, but did only rciStifie the de-
firavations of it, and clearly fliew men that way which they had
ong been ignorantly fecking after. Which was the excellent ad-
vantage the Apoftlc madeoh the Infcription on the Altar at Athens
17.23. to the Unknown God; Jl'hom-, faith \\c-, ye ignorantly ferve-, him
I declare unto you. And which was the happy ufe the Primitive
learned Chriftians made of all thofe Paflages concerning the Di-
vine Nature, and the Immortality of the Souls of Men, which
they found in the Heathen Writers, thereby to evidence to the
World that the main 'Poftulata or Suppofitions of Chriftian Re-
ligion were granted by their own moft admired men: and that
Chri-
BookI. Cap.I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 7
Chriilianity did not rafe out, but only build upon thofe common I
Foundations, which were entertained by all who had any Name I
for Rcalbn. '
Tho' this, I Hiy, were the happy effed of this building Errors ix. ^ I
on common Truths to all that had the advantage of Divine Re-
velation to difcern the one from the other -, yet as to others who |
were dcftitute of it, they were liable to this twofold great incon- |
venience by it. Firfl-, for the fake of the apparent rottennefs of
the SuperfruSiures ^ to qneftion the foundnefs of the Foundations (i.)
on imhich they food. And this I doubt not was the cafe of many
conliderative Heathens, who obfervmg that monftrous and unrea-
fbnable way of Worfliip obtaining among the Heathen, and not
being able by the ftrength of their own Reafon, thro' the want of
Divine Revelation, to deduce any certain inftituted Worfliip,
they were fhrewdly tempted to renounce tho(e Principles , when
they could not but abhor the Conclufions drawn from them ^ for
there is nothing more ufual than for men who exceedingly detefl:
fbme abfurd Confequence they fee may be drawn from a Principle
fiippofed, to rejeft the Principle it felf for the fake of that Con-
fequence; which it may be doth not neceflarily follow from it, but
thro' the fhortnefs of their own Rcafbn doth appear to them to do
lb. Thus when the intelligent Heathen did apparently fee that from
the Principles of the Being of God, and the Immortality of Souls,
did flow all thofe unnatural and inhumane Sacrifices, all thofe ab-
furd and ridiculous Rites, all thoie execrable and profane Myfle-
rics •, out of a loathing the immoralities and impieties which at-
tended thefe, they were brought to queftion the very truth and
certainty of thofe Principles which were capable of being thus
abufed.
And therefore I am very prone to fufpe£t the Apology ufually X.
made for Trotagoras-, IDiagoras, and flich others of them who
were accounted Atheifts, to be more favourable than true, viz.
That they only rejected thofe Heathen Deities, and not the Be- '
lief of the Divine Nature. I fhould think this account of their j
reputed Atheifm rational, were it any ways evident that they did
build their Belief of a Divine Nature, upon any other grounds j
than fuch as were common to them with thofe whole worfliip they \
fo much derided. And therefore when the Heathens accufed the 1
Chriftians of Atheifm, I have full and clear evidence that no more j
could be meant thereby than the rejection of their way of Wor-
fliip i becaufe I have fufiicient aflfiirance from them that they did
believe in a Divine Nature, and an infl:ituted Religion mofl: fuit-
able to the mofl: common received Notions of God, which they
owned in oppofition to all Heathen Worfliip. Which I find not
in the Icaft: pretended to by any of the forementioned perfons, 1
nor any thing of any dift'erent way of Religion afl"erted, but only j
a defl:ru6tion of that in ufe among them.
And altho' the cafe of Anaxagoras Clazomenius-, and the refl: of xi. 1
the Ionic Philofophers, might feem very different from T>iagoraSi
Thecdorusi and thofe beforementioned, becaufe altho* they denied
the Gods in vulgar repute to be fuch as they were thought to be
(zs Anaxagoras call'd the Sun t^i^o' ^cItw^v. a mere globe of fire, for
which he was condemned at Athens to banifliment, and fined five
8 ORIGINES SACRjE. BookI. Cap.L
vofl". Je I. Talents -, yet the Learned VoJJius puts in this Plea in his behalf,
Aoioiat.c.i. Xhat he was one that afl'erted the Creation of the World to flow
from an eternal Mind : ) altho' therefore, I fay, the cafe of the Io-
nic Philofophers may fecm far different from the others, becaufc
of their aflerting the Produftion of the World (which from Tha-
les Milefius was conveyed by Anaximander and Anaximenes to
Anaxagoras) yet to one that throughly confiders what they un-
derflood by their Eternal Mind, they may be fooner cleared from
the imputation of Atheifm, than Irreligion. Which two cer-
tainly ought in this cafe to be dilhnguilhed ; for it is very pofllble
for men, meeting with f.ich iniliperable difficulties about the ca-
fual concourfe of Atoms for the production of the World, or the
eternal exiftence of Matter, to affert fonie Eternal Mind, as the
firfb Caufe of thefe things, which yet they may imbrace only as
- an Hypothefis in Philofophy to folve the Pharnomcna of Nature
with, but yet not to make this Eternal Mind the objed: of adora-
tion. And fo their aflerting a Deity was pnly on the fame ac-
count as the Tragedians ulcd to bring in their ©«! ^ /*?i>f!i?. when
their Fables were brought to fuch an iflue, and perplexed with fo
many difficulties, that they faw no way to clear them again, but to
make fome God come down upon the Stage to folve the difficul-
ties they were ingaged in •, or, r.s Seneca faith of many great Fa-
mihes, when they had run up their Genealogies fo high that they
could go no further, they then fetched their Pedigree from the
Gods : So when thefe Philofophers faw fuch incongruities in af-
ferting an infinite and eternal Series of Matter, they might by
this be brought to acknowledg fome adlive Principle which pro-
duced the World, tho' they were far enough from giving any re-
ligious worfliip to that Eternal Mind.
XII. Thus even Epicurus and his Followers would not flick to af-
IcTt the Being ot a God, fo they might but circumfcribe him within
the Heavens, and let him have nothing to do with things that
were done on Earth. And how uncertain the moft dogmatical
of them all were, as to their opinions concerning the Being and
Namre of their Gods, doth fully appear from the large Difcourfes
o^Tully upon that fubjeft: where is fully manifefted their variety
of opinions and mutual repugnancies, their felf-contradidlions
and inconftancy in their own Aflcrtions-, which hath made me
fomewhat inclinable to think that the reafon why many of them
did to the world own a Deity, was, that they might not be Mar-
cicero d( tyrs for Atheifm : W^hich Tiilly likewife fccms to acknowledg, when
fpeaking of the punifliment o^Trotagoras for that Speech of his>
Dediisneqneutjintinequeutnonjint-, habco dicere : Ex quo-, fiys he,
cquidemexiftimo tardiores ad banc fententi am profit en dam mitltos ejfe
facias-, qiuppe cum panam ne dubitatio qiiidem ejjiigere potuifjet. So
that for all the verbal aflerting of a Deity among thera, we have
no certain evidence of their firm belief of it, and much Ids of
any worOiip and fervice they owed unto \X.. And tho', it may be,
tliey could not totally exculs the Notions of a Deity out of their
minds, partly thro' that Natural Scnfe which is engraven on the
Souls of Men-, partly, as being unable to folve the difficulties of
Nature without u Deify-, yet the obferving the notorious vanities
of Heathen Worfliip, might make them look upon it as a mere
Philo-
Hat. Deoi
l.i.c.Cy
Book I. Cap. I. ORIGINES SACKJE. 9
Philofophical ipccubtion, and not any thing that had an mfiu-
encc upon the government of mens lives: For, as in Nature,
the oblerving the great mixture of Falfliood and Truth, made the
Academics deny any certain xeiTD'e-.v, or Rtile of judging Truth i
and the Sceptics take away all certain Aflcnt : fo the lame confe-
quence was unavoidable here, upon the iame principle. And that
made even ^Plato himl'elf lb ambiguous and uncertain in his Dif-
courfes of a Deity j Ibmetimes making him an eternal Mind,
fometimcs aflerting the whole World, Sun, Moon, Stars, Earth,
Souls and all, to be Gods, and even thofe that were worfliip'd
among the Heathens, as Tully tells us out of his Timaus and T)e
Legibm ; which, as Velleius the Epicurean there fpeaks, Et per
fe funt falfa &Jibi invicem repugnantia. This is the firfl: incon-
venience following the mixture of truth and fallhood, For the
fake of the falfhood to quejtion the truth itjelf itiivasjoyned with.
The other is as great which follows, when truth and falfliood xiii
are mixed , For the fake of the Truth to embrace the Falfhood. M
"Which is a Miftake as common as the other, becaufe men are
apt to think, that things fo vaftly different as Truth and Falfhood
could never blend- or be incorporate together,- therefore when
they are certain they have fome truth, they conclude no falfliood
to be joyned with it. And thislfuppofe to have been the cafe of
the more credulous and vulgar Heathen, as the other was of the
Philofophersj for they, finding Mankind to agree in this, not only
that there is a God, but that he mull be worfhip'd, did without
fcruple make ufe of the way of worfliip among them, as know-
ing there muft be fome, and they were ignorant of any elfe. And
from hence they grew to be as confident believers of all thofe Fa-
bles and Traditions on which their Idolatry was founded, as of
thofe firfl Principles and Notions from which the neceflity of di-
vine Worfhip did arife. And being thus habituated to the belief
of thefe things -, when Truth it felf was divulged among them,
they fiafpeded it to be only a corruption of fome of their Fables.
This Celfm the Epicurean on all occafions in his Books againfl
the Chriftians did fly to. Thus he faith the building of the Tower o"]?/'
of Babel, and the confulion of Tongues, was taken from the Fable ^ 174,179.
of the Alo'ida in Homer's OdyjJ'eis -, the flory of the Floud, from
^Deucalion i Paradife, from Alcimus his Gardens i the burning of
Sodom and Gomorrah-) from the Story of "Thaethon. Which Origen
well refutes, from the far greater antiquity of thofe relations among
the Jews, than any among the Greeks : and therefore the corru-
ption of the tradition was in them, and not in the Jews. Which
mufl: be our only way for finding out which was the original, and
•which the corruption-, by demonftrating the undoubted antiquity
of one beyond the other, whereby we mufl do as Archimedes did
by the Crown of Hiero, find out the exa£l proportions of Truth
and Falfliood which lay in thofe heathen fables.
And this now leads to the third Account, Why truth is fo Xiv.
hardly difcerned from error, even by thofe who fearch after it,
which is 27?^ great obfcurity of the Htflory of Ancient Timesy
■which fhould decide the Controverfie. For there being an uni-
verfal agreement in fome common principles, and a frequent re-
icmblance in particular traditions , we mufl of neceffity, for the
B clear-
4.
lo ORIGINES SACRJE. BookI. Cap.I.
clearing the truth from its corruption, have rccourfe to ancient
Hiftory, to fee if thereby we can find out where the Original tra-
dition was heft preferred, by what means it came to be corrupt-
ed, and whereby we may diitinguiili thofe corruptions from the
Truths to which they are annexed. Which is the defign and fub-
which when fonie of them had done, they bring the poorer un-
der their power, and reign as Lords over tl"remi thefe rich, with
their dependents, ftrive to outvye each other •, whence came wars
and mutual contentions, till they who got the better over their
adverfaries, took ftill greater authority into their hands : thence
at firft every City almoft, and adjacent Territory, had a King
over it •, which by conflifting with each other, at lafl: brought fe-
veral Cities and Territories under the power of one particular per-
fon, who thereby came to reign as fole Monarch over all within
his dominions.
XVII. For altho' there be fome reafon to think, that the Leaders of
feveral Colonies had at firft fuperiority over all that went with them -,
yet there being evidence in few Nations of any continued fuccef'
lion of Monarchs from the pofterity of Noah, and fo great evi-
dence of fo many petty Royalties almoft in every City (as we read
of fuch multitudes of Kings in the fmall Territory of Canaan^
when Jojhua conquered it,) this makes it at leaft probable to me,
that after the death of the firft Leader, by reafon of their poverty
and difperledne(s of habitations, they did not incorporate gene-
rally into any Civil government under one head, but did rife by
degrees in the manner before fet down; but yet fo, that in the petty
divifions fome prerogative might be given to him who derived his
pedigree the neareft from the firft Founder of that plantation >
which in all probabihty is the meaning of Thucydides-, who tells
us, when the riches of Greece began to incrcafe, and their Power
Thucyd. /. improvcd, Tyrannies were erefted in moft Cities, «i^'»fej» ^ y-™^ iVi
z/p'° '"'^'^' ^'^^ '™'6''"»'/3'""'^"«^' for before that time Kingdoms with honors
limited rsjere hereditary -, for fo the Scholiaft explains it, mi[e^x«i /3«-
j7A«af Wn T mtTiV»» j5^A«n.?a*o'|4«( "«§' o''«^z«v yoo^c. Tliis thcii bcing thc ftatc
and cafe of moft Nations in the firft ages after their plantation,
there was no likelihood at all of any great improvement in know-
ledg among them-, nay fo far from it, that for the firft ages,
wherein they conflidcd with poverty and neccflity, there was a
necefl'ary decay among them, of what knowledg had been con-
vcy'd to them : becaufe their neceflltics kept them in continual
employment-, and after they conquered Them, they began to con-
quer each other : fo that till fuch time as they were fettled in
peace under cftablifiied Common- wealths , there was no leifure
noropportunity for any Arts or Sciences to ft ourifli, without which
all certain hiftorics of their own former ftatc muft vanifti and dwindle
into fome fabulous ftorics. And fo we find they did in moft Na-
tions-, which thence arc able to give no other account of them-
felves, but that they fprung out of the earth where they lived j
from which opinion the y^/'/:?f«//?»j ufed to wear of old their golden
Graftioppcrs, as Thucydides relates. What account can we then
expeft of ancient times from fuch Nations which were fo defe-
6Hve in prefcrving their own Originals ?
XVIII. Now this dcfeaivcnefs of giving tcftimony of ancient times by
thelc Nations, will further appear by thcfe two confiderations :
¥irjty What ways there are for commumcating knowledg to po-
fterity.
BooKl. Cap.I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 13 j
ftcrity. Secondly-, How long it was crc thclc Nations came to be
Mailers of any way of certain communicating their conceptions
to their Succefibrs. Three general ways there arc whereby know-
ledg may be propagated from one to another; by reprefcntative
Symbols, by Speech, and by Letters. The firft of thefe was moft ]
common in thole elder times, for which purpofe Clemens Alexan- '
drinus produceth the tellimony of an ancient Grammarian 'Diony- ,
Jills Thrax in his Expofition of the fymbol of the Wheels : mft,ai,,, y,uZ ckm. \
i s^ Xilici t^iyct, tix>,d ti, z\^ they thought to
be the firft in the world.
But by whomfoever they were firft invented, we are certain they
were but lately in ufe in that Nation, which hath moft vainly ar-
rogated the moft to it felf in point of Antiquity, and yet had the
leaft reafon, I mean, the Grecians. Thence the Egyptian Prieft
Tatenit truly told Solon, the Greeks '•I'ere al-^ays children, becaufe
they had nothing of the antiquities of former ages. If we may
believe Jofephns, they had no Writings earlier than Homer -, but
herein he is conceived to have (erved his caufe too much, becaufe
of the Inftrription of Amphitryo ztThebes in the Tcm^\c of Apollo
Ifmenius in the Ionic letters, and two others of the fame age to be
feen in Herodotus -, and becaufe of the Writings of Lycus, Orpheus^
Miifaiis, Oroebantius Troezenius, Thaletas, Melefander, and others.
This we are certain of, the Grecians had not the ufc of letters a-
mong them 'till the time of Cadmus the Tha^nician's coming in-
to Greece, whither he came to plant a Colony of Thoeniciansy
whence arofe the ftory of his purlliit of Europa, as Conon in 'Pho-
tius tells us.
And it is very probable, which learned men have long fince ob-
ferved, that the name Cadmus comes from the Hebrew CDip Ke-
dem, and may relate as an appellative either to his Dignity, as Ju'
nius in his Academia conjeftures, or more probably to his Coun-
try, the Eaft, which is frequently call'd Kedem in Scripture. Some
have conjedtured further, that his proper name was ^"^V Og; upon
what rcalbn I know not, unlefs from hence, that thence by a du-
plication of the word came the Greek "^.yv" who fecms to have
been no other than Cadmus , as will appear by comparing their
ftories together. Only one was the name his memory was pre-
lerved by at Athens, where the Cadmeans inhabited, as appears
by the Gephyrai, who Herodotus tells us were Phwnicians that
came with Cadmus ', and others fanfic the Academia there was ori-
ginally called Cadmea i and the name C^z^'w/zj was preferved chiefly
among the Pwotians in memory of the Country whence he came :
it bcmg hkcly to be impos'd by them upon his firft landing in the
Country •, as many learned perfons conceive, the name of an He-
brew was given to Abraham by the Canaanites, upon his pafling
over the river Euphrates. On this account then it ftands to rea-
fon, that the name which was given him as a ftrangcr, (liould be
longeft prefcrvcd in the place where it was firft impofed. Or if
we take CT- in the other fcnfc, as it imports Antiquity; lb there
is ftill a higher probability of the affinity of the names of Cadmus
and Ogyges i for it is certain, that the Greeks had no higher name
for a matter of antiquity, than to call it 'n>">'. as the Schuliaft on
Hejiod, Hefychius, Suidas, Eujlathius on Dionyfius, and many others
obferve. And which yet advanccth the probability higher, Lu^a-
tiusoxLatiantius the Scholiafton^f^r/z/j, tells us, the ox\\qx Greeks
had this from the Thebanes -, for, faith he, Thebant res antiquas
Ogygias nominabant. But that which puts it almoft beyond mecr
proba-
Hijl.l.j.
Uulantiui
in Siatii,
Uei.Li.
BookI. Cap.I. ORIGINES SACRA:. 15
probability? is, that VarrOy Fcjtus, 'Paufanias-, Apollonius-, «'><« <9i^«\ jV.' i,:« ix>^yi^"" ''<■"' '^»«?^ k«'<}>ld Si ^"y^&'i ''■^"■"'^ '^^<^~'- MeiirJiMs indeed would have it corredl"- ueurfms
ed, Ka'V" ■^ '"y^s". as it is read in Suidas -, but by the favour of ib ^^ ^'i""
learned a man, it feems more probable that Suidas flioud be cor- f"^-^'^-^-
refted by that; he bringing no other evidence of any fuch perfon
as Cadmus a Son of Ogyges, but only that reading in Suidas i
whereas we have difcovered many probable grounds to make them
both the fime. That which I would now infer from hence is, the
utter impofllbility of the Greeks giving us any certain account of
ancient times, when a thing fo modern ni comparifon as CWi^w^' his
coming into Greece^ is thoughtby them a matter of fo great antiqui-
ty, that when they would defcribe a thing very ancient, they defcri-
bed it by the name of Ogyges-, who was the fame with Cadmus.
Now Cadmus his coming into Greece-, is generally, by Hiftorians,
placed about the time of J ojhua, whence fome (I will not fay how
happily) have conjeftured, that Cadmus and his company were
fome ot the Canaanitcs who fled from Jojhua-, as others are fup-
pofed to have done into ^r/'r^, if ^rtfr(?^/?^j his Pillar hath ftrength
enough to bear fuch a conjefture. But there is too great a confu-
fion about the time of Cadmus his arrival into Greece, to affirm
any thing with any great certainty about it.
Yet thofe who difiigree from that former Computation, place it vojfmde
yet lower. VoJJius makes Agenor Cadmus's Father contempo- ^f"'" '• '*
rary with the latter end of Mofes-, or the beginning of Jojhua >
and fo Cadmus his time muft fall fomewhat after. Jac Cappellus
placeth Cadmus in the third year of Othoniel. The Author of the
Greek Chronicle, in the Marmora Arundelliana-, makes his coming
to Greece to be in the time of Helen the fon of Deucalion •, which
Cappellus fixeth on the 73. of Mofes-, A. M. 299S- But Mr. Selden
conceives it fomewhat lower : and fo it muft be, if we follow
Clemens Alexandrinus-, who places it in the time of Lynceus King
of the ArgiveS'i which he faith was i»hx.cirvi i,-i^<> uuaiai y.viZ, in the strom. i.
eleventh Generation after Mofes, which will fall about the time of
Samuel: But tho' it fliould be fo late, it would be no wonder it
fliould be reckoned a matter of fo great antiquity among the Gre-
cians ; for the eldeft Records they have of any King at Athens,
begin at the time of Mofes, whofe contemporary Cecrops is gene-
rally thought to be ; for at Cecrops his time it is the Marble Chro-
nicle begins. Now that the Grecians did receive their very Letters
from the "Phccnkians by Cadmus-, is commonly acknowledged by
the moft learned of the Greeks themfelves, as appears by the inge-
nuous confeffion of Herodotus, 'Philoftratus, Critias in Athenaus,
Zenodotus in Laertius, Timon Thliafms in Sextus Empiricus, and
many others : fo that it were to no purpofe to offer to prove that,
which they who arrogate fo much to themfelves, do fo freely ac-
knowledg. Which yet hath been done to very good purpofe by
Jofeph
i6
Scalig.Not.
in Eufeb.
Chron. n.
1617.
Bochart
Geogr.
f. 3. /. I.
cap. 20.
ORIGINES SACR^.
Book I. Cap. I.
ScaUgMid.
rlinli
JJtJi.j.cap.
SI-
* V. Mauf-
facum in
Harpocr.
Sdmaf. in
Confecr.
Tempi, p.
xxr.
Flin. Nat.
aft. I. s-
f.ip./.;.
c.jy.
Clem.
Strom. I. 6.
Jofeph Scaliger and Bochartiis, and many others from the form of
the Letters, the order and the name of them. It feems probable
that at firft they might ufe the form of the Thcenician Letters, in
which Herodotus tells us the three old Infcriptions were extant ;
and T)iodorus tells us, that the brafs pot which Cadmus offered to
Miner'va Lindiut had an infcription on it in the Vhmnuian Letters :
but afterwards the form of the Letters came by degrees to be chan-
ged, when for their greater expedition in writing they left the old
way of writing towards the left hand, for the natural and expedite
way of writing towards the right, by which they exchanged the fites
of the ftrokes in feveral Letters, as it is obferved by the fore-cited
Learned Authors.
Not that the old Ionic Letters were nearer the Phoenician-, and
diftinft from the modern, as Jof. Scaliger in his learned Difcourfe
on the original of the Greek Letters conceives •, for the Ionic Let-
ters were nothing elfe but the full Alphabet of twenty-four, with
the additions of 'Talamedes-, and Simonides Ceus -, as li^liny tells us,
that all the Greeks confented in the ufe of the Ionic Letters : but
the old ylttic Letters came nearer the Phoenician , becaufc the A-
thenians, long after the Alphabet was increafed to xxiv, continued
ftill in the ule of the old 16, which were brought in by Cadmus i
which mufl: needs much alter the way of writing : for m the old
Letters, they writ theos for ©"5. which made ^liny, with a great
deal of learning and truth, fay, that the old Greek Letters were
the fame with the Roman. Thence the Greeks called their ancient
Letters "A-n^a ;)f«>/<^&, zsz'p^tzrshy* Harpocrationznd Hejychius i not
that they were fo much diltinft from others, but becaufe they did not
admit of the addition of the other eight Letters.
We fee then the very Letters of the Greeks were no cider than
Cadmus i and for any confiderable Learning among them, it was
not near fo old. Some affert indeed that Hiftory began from the
time of Cadmus -, but it is by a miftake of Him for a younger Cad-
mus-, which was Cadmus Milejius-, whom Tliny makes to be the
firlt Writer inProfej butThat he after attributes to y/:?£'ri?0'^'?J^-
riuS) and Hiflory to Cadmus Milejius : and therefore I think it far
more probable, that it was fome writing of this latter Cadmus-, which
was tranfcribed and epitomized by 5;(?w '■Prtfftf«^»j, altho' Clemens
Alexandrinus feems to attribute it to the elder. We fee how un-
able then the Grecians were to give an account of elder times, that
were guilty of fo much infancy and nonage, as to begm to learn
their Letters almofl: in the noon-tide of the World, and yet long
after this to the time of the firfl Olyjnpiad all their relations are
accounted fabulous. A fair account then we are like to have from
rhem of the firfl antiquities of the World, who could not fpeak
plaiji truth, 'till rhe World was above three thoufind years old j for
fo was it when the Olympiads began.
So true is the obfcrvation o'i Jujlin Martyr^ iSi,'t».r.m which they fixed on the Temple-doors : which yet
they were not in any capacity to do ; not growing up in an entire
body, as the Roman Empire did ■■, but lying fo much fcattered and
divided into lb many petty Republics, that they minded very lit-
tle of concernment to the whole Nation. The other three Na-
tions have defervedly a name of far greater antiquity than any the
Grecians could ever pretend to ■-, who yet were unmcalurably guilty
of an impotent aficftarion oF Antiquity-, and arrogating to them-
felves, as growing on their own ground, what was with a great
deal of pains and induftry gathered but as the gleanings from the
fuller harvcft of thofe Nations they reforted to, Which is not
C only
i8
ORIGINES SACRyE. Book I. Cap. II.
only true as to the greateft part of their learning, but as to the
account likewifc they give of ancient times -, the chief a.nd molt
ancient Hiftories among them being only a corruption of the Hi-
flory of the elder Nations, efpecially Thcejiida and c^gypt : for
of thefe two Thi/o Byblius the tranflator of the ancient "Phani-
phih ByM. dan Hiftorian Sanch'oniathoyi faith, they '■Jjere ^A«.»'3cT»i -r^y B«,of«V^^,
ei^Hd En- ^p- ^, y^ „; xomvl 7w.^i>,ciS<,> «.5f«OT., the mojl aYic'mit of all the Barbarians^
^i^lngu.from whom the others derived their Theology i which he there par-
f.s.^i?. ticularly inftanceth in.
M.R^^t. We begin therefore with the Thcenidan Hiftory, whofe moil
ancient and famous Hiftorian is Sanchoniathon-, fo much admired
and made ufe of by the fhrewdeft antagonift ever Chriftianity met
with, the Philofopher Torphyrins. But therein v/as feen the won-
derful Providence of God, that out of this £«%-»&> '^-n ^ tr? tbotis >^ %,~i ifonsta,
ui-m» §J cvi/,l,^m : wlicreby he doth evidently aflert the greater
Truth and Antiquity of Mofes his Hiftory, when he proves the
truth of Sanchoniathon' s from confonancy with that.
IIL Two things more Torphyry infifts on to manifeft- his credibility i
the one I fuppofe relates to what he reports concerning x\\s.Jews^
the other concerning the Phoenicians themfelves. For the firft, that
he made ufe of the Records of Jerom-baal the Prieft of the God
lenot or rather lao -, for the other, that he ulcd all the Records of
the fcveral Cities, and the facredlnlcriptions in the Temples. Who
that Jerom-baal was, is much difcufled among Learned men, the
finding out of which hath been thought to be the moft certain way
iBochart. to determine the age of Sanchoniathon. The learned Bochartus con-
ceogr.Sflc. (-^ivcs liim to be Gideon^ who in Scriptures is called Jerub-baal,
f. 17. which is of the fame fenfe in the Thwtiician language, only after
their cuftom changing one b into w, as in Anibnbaja:., Sambnca, &c.
But admitting the conjedure of this learned perfon concerning
Jerub-baali yet I fee no neceflity of making Sanchoniathon :indhim
contemporary -, for I no where find any thing mentioned in 'Porphyry
implying that, but only that he made ufe of the Records o'tjeruh-
bnaly which he might very probably do at a confiderable djftance
of time from himj whether by thofe «irtf<,»«>«&, wc mean the Annals
written
BookI. Cap.II. ORIGINES SACRyE. 15,
written by him, or the Records concerning his adtions: cither of
which might have given Sanchomathon confiderable hght in the hi-
Itory either of the Ifraelites or Phoenicians. And it is fo much the
more probable, becaufe prefently after the death of Gideon-^ the //r^^-
lites v/ or ihi'p'^td. Baal- ber it h i by which moft probably is meant Judg-S.jj.'
theldoXo^ Berithor Berjtiis-, the place where Sanchoniathon lived i
by which means the Berytians fmight come eafily acquainted with
all the remarkable paflages of Jenib-baal.
But I cannot conceive how Sanchoniathon could be contempo- iv'.
rary with Gideon^ (which yet if he were, he falls 182 years fliort
of Mofes-, } efpecially becaufe the builduig of Tyre-, which that
Author mentions as an ancient thing (ashathbeenobfervedbyiyr^- scaUg.Kot.
liger^ is by our beft Chronologers placed about the time of Gideon-, ar^J.p^^o.
and about 65 years before the dcftruftion of Troj. I know Bo-
chartnS) to avoid this argument, hath brought fome evidence of
feveral places called Tyriis in 'Phoenicia, from Scylax his Teripliis ;
but none that there was any more than one Tynis of any great re-
pute for antiquity. Now this Tyrm Jofephns makes but 240 years 7"^^.
elder than Solomon'^ Temple, and Juftin but one year elder than "'' ' ^'
the deftruftion of Troy. Neither can any account be given why
Sidon fhould be fo much celebrated by ancient Poets,as Strabo tells us, stmboue,
when Tyre is not fo much as mentioned by Homer -, if the famous
Tyre were of fo great antiquity and repute as is pretended. It cannot
be denied but that there is mention in Scripture of a Tyre elder
than this we fpeak of, Jojhiia 19. 29. which fome think to be that
which was called TaUtyruSi which Strabo makes to be 20 furlongs Fim.nifi.
diftant from the great Tyre i but 'Pliny includes Talatyrtis within ^«»-'-f.
the circumference of Tyre-, and fo makes the whole circuit of the '^^ ''"
City to be ip miles. It is not to me fo certain to what place the
name of Palatyrus refers, whether to any Tyrus before the firft
building of the great Tyre-, or to the ruins of the great Tyre after
its deftruftion by Nebuchadnezzar , compared with the new Tyrcy
which was built more inward to the Sea, and was after befieged
by Alexander the Great. It may feem probable that ?*^/^/;yr/«' may
relate to the ruins of the great Tyre, in that it was after included
in its circuit, and chiefly becaufe of the prediction in EzekieliG.^.
Thoujhalt be built no more i for the T/r^" erefted after, was built not
on the Continent, but almoft in the Sea. If fo, then Palatyrm or
the old famous Tyrus might ftand upon a rock upon the brink of
the Continent: and fo the great argument of ^<>r^^rr//j- is eafily an-
fwered, which is, that after it is mentioned in Sanchoniathon's Hi-
ftory, that Hy pfburanius d-jnelt in Tyre, upon the falling out between
him and his brother Ufous, Ufousjfr/? adventured «5 jaA«<»-«« f>??v«/.
to goto Sea-, which, faith he, evidently manif efts that the Tyre men-
tioned by Sanchoniathon was not the famous InfularTjtus, but fame
ether Tyre. This argument, I fay, is now eafily anfwered, if the
famous Tyre before its deftruftion by Nebuchadnezzar did fland
upon the Continent-, for then it might be the old famous 7/r^ ftill,
notwithftanding what Sanchoniathon fpeaks of the firft venturing
to Sea after Tyre was built. So then I conceive thefe leveral ages
agreeable to the fame T/r^ i the firft was when it was a high ft:rong
rock on the fea-fide without many inhabitants j folfijppofeitwas
when mentioned by Jofhiia-, as the bound of the tribe of Afher. The
C 2 fecond
^o ORIGINES SACRJE. Book I. Cap. II.
Seal. Not.
<■ I,
fecond age was, when it was built a great City by the Sidonians
vipon the former placcj and grew very populous and franous, which
lafled 'till ]Slebtichadnez.zafs time> after this, tho' it were never
built upon the Continent again, yet a little farther into the fea, a
new and goodly City was ereded, which was Reuo Tyre-, and the
remains on the continent fide Talatyrus. Thus far then we Jiave
made good Scaligefs opinion againft Bochartus^ that the famous
Sanchoniathon is not fo old as he is pretended to be.
Which will be further manifeft, if that Abibaliis^ to whom San-
choniathon is fuppofed to dedicate his Hiftory, were the father to
Hiram, contemporary with Solomon-) as J of. Scaliger fuppofeth,
ci^"p!ii. who was 1 5-4 years after the deftruftion of Trov. In the Tynan
Seal. Can. Dynaftics pro(Suced by Scaliger out of the Thceniciaji Annals, this
J/*^./.2. ^bilahis is the firft who occurs, and is contemporary with'Dtfw^;
Sanchoniathon then is of no great antiquity, if this were the time
he lived in. But Bochartns well obferves, that it is not fpoken of
Abibaliis King of Tyre, but of Abibalus King of Berytus, whom
we may allow to be fomewhat nearer the time of Mofes than the
other Abibalus, as the Phoenician Annals make it appear, as Tor-
phyry tells us ; but yet we find his antiquity is not fo great as to
be able to conteft with Mofes, as Torphyry himielf confefleth s al-
tho' we may freely acknowledg him to be far elder than any of
vcjfjeHift. the Greek Hiftorians ; which is all Voffnis contends for, and liiffi-
crAc.i. I. j-jej^tiy proves : but we are far from yielding him contemporary
with Semiramis, as Porphyry would have him, and yet makes hira
junior to Mofes, and to live about the time of the Trojan war,
which is to reconcile the diftance of near 800 years : fuch miferable
confufion was there in the bcfl learned Heathens in their compu-
tation of ancient times.
VI. Having thus cleared the Antiquity of Sanchoniathon and the
'Phoenician Hiftory, we are next to confider the Fidelity of it. This
Sanchoniathon is highly commended for, both by Porphyry, and
his Tranflator into Greek Philo Byblius, who lived in Adriati's
timCj and Theodoret thinks his name in the Phoenician language
lignifies 'P'A«a«>?, which Bochartus endeavours to fetch from thence,
and conceives the name to be given him when he fet himfclf to
write his Hiftory; and he wifheth, and fo do we, that he had been
then vir fiii nominis, and made it appear by his writing that he had
been a Lover of truth. Philo faith he was «»«(> '^xotf^em >^ mxnT^y^m,
a "Very learned and inquifiti-ve man-, but either he was not fo diligent
to enquire after, or not fo happy to light on any certain Records;
or if he did, he was not over-much a Lover of truth, in delivering
them to the world. How faithful he was in tranfcribing his Hi-
ftory from his Records, we cannot be fufficient judges of, unlefs
we had thofe books of Taautus, and the facred Infcriptions, and
the Records of Cities which he pretends to take his Hiftory from,
to compare them together. But by what remains of his Hiftory,
which is only the firft Book concerning the 'Py&afw/V/^w Theology,
extant in Enfebius, we have little rcafon to believe his Hiiiory of
the World and eldeft times, without further proof than he gives
ot it, there being fo much obfcurity and confufion in it, when he
makes a Chaos to be the firft beginning of all things, and the Gods
to come after; makes Ai-r^x)"' ri"^ to be the fon of Chryfor or
Ftilcan,
Book I. Cap. 11. ORIGINES SACR/E. n
Vulcan, and again the lame ri"®-. the man born of earth, to be fe-
veral generations after awV and nj«7«j3»©-. who were the firft mortal
men ; and yet from the two brethren rtxnr-^i and auxoV*" came two
Godsj whereof one was called 'Ay^\, and the other '^y^-rm, and this
latter was worfliipped with as much veneration as any of their
Gods.
Yet from thefe things, as foolidi and ridiculous as they are, it vir.
is very probable the Gnoftics and the (everal fubdivifions of them
might take the rife of their feveral <^ or Saturn, fufpedling his fon Sadi-
dtis, deftroyed him with his own hands, and warred againft his
father Uranus, and after deftroyed him like wife, and buried his
brother Atlas alive in the earth ; which being taken, as Thilo By-
blius contends they ought to be, in the literal fenfe, are fuch in-
congruities to all notions of a divine nature, that it ie the greateft
wonder there ftiould be any that fliould believe there was any
God, and believe thefe were Gods together.
But altho' there be fo many grofs fables and inconfiftencies in
this Thoenician Theology, that are fo far from meriting belief in
themfelves, that it were a fufticient forfeiture of reafon to fay they
were credible ; yet when we have a greater light in our hands of
divine revelation, we may in this dungeon find out many excellent
remainders of the ancient tradition, tho' miferably corrupted ; as,
concerning the Creation, the Original of Idolatry, the Invention
of Arts, the Foundation of Cities, the Story of Abraham, of
which in their due place. That which of all feems the cleareft in
this Theology, is the open owning the original of Idolatry to have
been from the confecration of fome eminent perfons after their
death, who had found out fome ufeful things for the world while
they were living : which the fubtiler Greeks would not admit of,
'VIZ. that the perfons they worlhip'd were once Men> which made
them turn all into Allegories and Myftical fenfes to blind that Ido-
C 3 latry
2i ORIGINES SACR/F.. Book!. Cap. II-
latry they were guilty of the better among the ignorant : which
makes Thilo Byblius fo very angry with the Neoteric Cracians-, as he
^hilo Bytl. calls thefllj s-'? *' ySsCiao-^'ai ^ cwt eiMiSi ri; •CfS< '^ut //juimi sV aS^r^e/!«4 Xj (pvT.y.xi hf.y'f,-
(,p. £ufeb. ^5 „ ^ Vs'-w <>i'<*v'""'- That with a grent deal of force and ftraining they
V.Zy.zi. turned all the ftories of the Gods into Allegories and Thy fie al dif-
courfes. Which is all the ingenuity that 1 know is to be found in
this Thoenician Theology, that therein we find a free ackowledg-
ment of the beginning of the Heathen Idolatry : and therefore
Snnchoniathon was as far from advancing Porphyry's, Religion, as
he was in the leaft from overthrowing the credibility of Chri-
ftianity.
• VIII. The next we come to then, are the (lyEgyptians i a people fb
unreafonably given to fables, that the wifeft action they did, was
to conceal their Religion ; and the befl offices their Gods had, was
to hold their fingers in their monthsy to command filence to all
that came to worfliip them. But we defign not here any fct dif-
courfe concerning the vanity of th&^z^y^gyptian Theology, which
yet was fo monftroully ridiculous, that even thofc who were over-
run with the height of Idolatry themfclves, did make it the objedt
of their fcorn and laughter. And certainly had we no other de-
monftration of the greatncfs of Man's apoftafy and degeneracy,
the (iyEgyptian Theology would be an irrefragable evidence of it:
for who could but imagine a Itrangc lownefs of fpirit in thofc, who
could fall down and worfliip the bafcil and moil contemptible of
creatures ^ Their Temples were the beft Hieroglyphics of them-
fclves, fair and goodly ftruftures without, but within fome de-
formed creatures cnfhrined for veneration. But tho' the a^gy-
ftians had loft their credit fo much as to matter of Religion ; yet
it may be fuppofedj that they who were fo famed for wifdom and
antiquity, fliould be able to give a full and exad' account of them-
felves thro' the ages of the world. And this they are fo far from
being defeftive in, that if you will believe them, they will give you
an account of themfclves many thoufinds of years before ever the
world was made, but the peculiar vanity of their Chronology will
be handled afterwards : That wc now enquire into, is, what cer-
tain Records they had of their own antiquity, which might call
for aftcnt from any unprejudiced mind > whether there be any thing
really anfwcring that loud and unparalcU'd cry of antiquity among
the (lyEgyptiansj whereby they will make all other Nations in com-
parifon of them, to be but of yefterday, and to know nothing.
We qucftion not now their pretence to wifdom and learning, but
arc the more in hopes to meet with fomc certain way of fitistadion
concerning ancient times, where learning is iUppoled to have ttou-
riflicd fo much, even when Greece it felf was accounted barbarous.
IX. The great bafis of all the ^Egyptian Hiftory depends on the
credit of their ancient Hermes^ whom out of their veneration they
called Trifimegifius i for to him they afcribe the iirft invention of
their Learning, and all excellent ArtSj from him rhcy derive their
hiftory-, their famous hiftorian i^/tfw^/^/^o profcflingtotranicnbchis
Dynafties from the pillars of Hermes. Wc fliall therefore firfl
fee of what credit and antiquity Hermes himfelf was, and of what
account particularly thole pillars were whicii uphold all the fabric
of Manetho lus Dynafties. For Hermes himfelf the ftory concerning
him
BookI. Cap.II. ORIGINES SACRyE. 2.^
him is fo various and uncertain, that Ibme have from thence que- '
ftioned whether ever there were luch a per ion or no, becaufc of
the ftrangely diiferent account that is given of him. Cotta in TuUy, cicero Je
in order to the cHabhihing his Academical doctrine of withholding ^'"'•^*'"'* ;
Aflent, mentions no fewer than five Mercuries-) of which, two he '
makes <:yEgyptian:i one of them the Hermes we now fpeak of,
whom the zL^gyptians call T/joyth, and was the Author both of
their Laws and Letters. The (iyligyptians^ as appears by T>iodo-
rus, make him to be a facred Scribe to 0//r/>, andtohaveinilrufted ,
JJis i and when OJiris went upon any warhkc expedition, he com- j
mitted the management of afsans to him for his great wifdom.
The Phoenicians preferve his memory among them too : for Thilo
Bji/l/MS {aith, That Sarichoniathou delcribed his Theology from the
books of Tamitus-, whom the z^gyptians call Thoyth-, who was
the firft inventor of Letters, and was a Counfellor to Saturn-,
wliofe advice he much relied on. What now muft we pitch upon
in fo great uncertainties .^ How come the Thcenician and <:_yEgy-
ftian Theology to come both from the fame perfon, which arc
conceived fo much to differ from each other ^ If we make the I
ftories of Ofiris and IJis to be fabulous, and merely allegorical, as
'Plutarch doth, then Mercury himlclf muft become an Allegory,
and the Father of Letters mult be an Hieroglyphic. If we admit the '
Cy^/^//<2« narrations to be real, and feek to reduce them to truth*
and thereby make OJiris to be Mitfraim the fonoi Cham-, who firft-
ruled in (ijEgypt-, all that we can then aftirm of Hermes is. That
he might be fome ufeful perfon, who had a great influence both
upon the King and State, and did firft fettle the Nation in a po-
litic way of government, whole memory on that account the cJ^- >
gyptians might preferve with the greateft veneration -, and when
they were once fallen into that idolatry of confecratingthememo- I
riesof the firft contributors to the good of mankind, they thought
they had the greateft reafon to adore his memory, and fo by de-
grees attributed the invention of all ufeful things to him. For io
it is apparent they did, when Jamblichus tells us, The <:_yF.gyptians JumbUc. \
attributed all their books to Mercury-, as the Father of them : be- i\ ^^^' \
caufe he was reputed the father of wit and learning, they made
all the off-fprings of their brains to bear their father's name. And
this hath been the great reafon the world hath been fo long time
impofed upon with varieties of books going under the name of
Hermes Trifmegijius. For he was not the firft of his kind, who
in the early days of the Chriftian world obtruded upon the world 1
that Cento or confufed mixture of the Chrijiiath Tlatonic-, and o^- ;
gyptian doftrines, which is extant ftill under the name of Hermes '<
Trifmegijius i whofe vanity and falfliood hath been fufficicntly de- I
teded by learned men. There were long before his time extant 1
feveral Mercurial books, as they were called, which none of the j
wifer Heathens did ever look on as any other than fables and im-
poftures, as appears by Porphyry's letter to Anebo the Egyptian
Prieft, and Jamblichus his anfwer to it in his book of the Mgyptian j
Myfteries.
We have then no certainty at all, notwithftanding the great fame x. !
of Hermes^ of any certain records of ancient times, unlefs they
be contained in thofe facred Infcriptions from whence Manetho |
took I
I
i4 ORIGINES SACR/E Book I. Cap. II.
took his hiftory. It rnuil be acknowledged that the moft ancient
way of preferving any monuments of learning in thofe elder times,
was by thefe Infcriptions on Pillars, efpecially among the (^yEgy-
ptianst as is evident from the feveral teilimonies of Galen-, 'Proclusy
'Jamblichus-, and the Author of the book called Sapientia fecimdiim
GdJ.x.c. (iyEgyptiosy adjoyned to Ariftotle -, who all concur in this, that
Prof/ '/» whatever laudable invention they had among thcmitv/asinfcribcd
T»»».*.ji. on fome Pillars, and thofe preferved in their Temples, which were
>OTl. the fe-
cond, 8 Dynafties i the third 12 > all containing, according to
his fabulous computation, the fum of 5;?f3f years. Thefe Dy-
nafties are yet preferved, being firft epitomized by 'Julius Africa-
nuSi from him tranfcribed by Eufebius in his Chronica-, from Eu-
febius by Georgius Syncellus-, out of whom they are produced by
Jof Scaliger-, and may be {ctn both in his Eufebius, and his Ca-
nones Ifagogici.
?fl- Now Manetho-, as appears by Eufebius-, voucheth this as the
main teftimony of his credibility, that he took his Hiftory, e« -^^^
•EpAoiT, Wlg3« }tt %S T«l, ci gr? i^uhii TO» I'lf iv Aij«Tli*f i from fome pillars in the
Land of Seriadj in -ji-hich they ijuere infcribed in the Sacred "DialeSi
by the firfl Mercury Thoyth, and after the fiond "jnere tranflated out
of the facred dialeSi into the Greek tongue m Hieroglyphic Cham-
iferSi and are laid up in books among the Reveftries of the Egy-
ptian Temples-, by Agathodcemon, the fecond Mercury, the Father
tf/'Tat. Certainly this fabulous Author could not in fewer words
have more manifeftcd his own impoftures, nor blafted his own
credit more than he hath done in thefe ■■, which it is a wonder fo
many learned Men have taken fo little notice of, which have found
frequent occafion to fpcak of Manetho and his Dynafties. This 1
fhall make appear by fome great Improbabilities, and other plain
Impofllbihtics which are couched in them. The improbabilities
(fi.) arc, firfi, fuch Pillars, being in fucii a place as Seriad-, and that
place no more fpoken of cither by himfelf or by any other z_/E-
gyptians-, nor any ufc made of thefe Infcriptions by any other but
himfelf As to this terra Seriadica where it fhould be, the very
learned and inquifitive Jofeph Scaliger plainly ^ives out, and in-
gcnuoufly profefTcth his ignorance. For in his Notes on the Frag-
ments of Manetho in Eufebius-, when he comes to that c;T|iyi)2ii&.«-
*»?. he only faith, ^/eut. 7. f. Ifai. 10.
15). The \\x\^jir Latin renders ht ad locum Idolorjim i which were
the certain interpretation, if Chytraus his conjedurc were true,
that Eglon had lately fct up Idols there ^ but if it be meant of Pil-
lars, I cannot but approve of Junius his interpretation, which I
conceive bids fairert to be the genuine Icnle of the place, viz.
that thefe Stones here were the Twelve ftones pitched by Jo- jofh.4.19;
fiua m Gilgal zhcr the Ifraelites palled over Jordan i and thefe ^°'^»-
Stones are faid to be by Gilgal-, Judges 3. 19. So that notwith-
flanding this handfome conjecture, we are as far to feek for the
Pillars of Mercury as ever we were, and may be fo to the world's
end. Secondly-, the Handing of thefe Pillars during the Floud, which (2.;
mufl: be fuppofed certainly to have fome fingular virtue in them to
refift fiich a torrent of Waters, which overthrew the ilrongcft built
Houfes, and moil compacted Cities. The plain Impoflibihties are,
Jirjli that Manetho fhould tranfcribe his Dynafties from the be^ ('-^
ginning of the Hiftory of Q_y^gypt-, to almoft the time of Alex-
ander, out of facred Infcriptions of Thoyth-, who lived in the be-
ginning of the very firfl Dynafly according to his own computa-
tion. Sure this Thoyth^ was an excellent Prophet, to write an Hi-
ftory for above foooo years to come, as Manetho reckons it. Se- fi.j
condly-, it is as well flill, that this Hiftory after the Floud fhould be
tranflated into Hieroglyphic Charadters. What kindjof Tranflation
is that ? we had thought Hieroglyphics had been rcprefentations of
Things, and not of Sounds and Letters, or Words : How could this
Hiftory have at firft been written in any tongue, when it was in
Hieroglyphics.^ Do Hieroglyphics fpeak in feveral languages,
;ind are they capable of changing their tongues ? But thirdly , it /, %
is as good ftilJ, that the fecond Mercury or Agathodamon did tranf- '
late this Hiftory fo foon after the Floud into Greek : Was the Greek
tongue fo much in requeft fo foon after the Floud, that the z^/E-
gyptian Hiftory for the fake of the Greeks muft be tranflated
into their language? Nay, is it not evident from Herodotus and HenJ.iz:
'Diodorusy that the Grecians were not permitted fo much as any ^""^- '• '.
commerce with the (^/Egyptians-, till the time of Tfammetichus^ '' ^^'
which fell out in the 26* Dynafty of Manetho, and about a Cen-
tury after the beginning of the Olympiads . We fee then how cre-
dible an Author Manetho is, and what truth there is like to be in
the account of ancient times given by the (^yEgyptian Hiftorians,
when the chief of them fo lamentaiily and ominoufly flumbles in
his very entrance into it.
And yet as fabulous as this acount is, which Manetho gives of
his taking his hiftory from thefe Pillars before the Floud, I cannot
but think that _7 .who, as is pretended, did foreknow a de-
ftruftion of the world to be by a Floud, Ihould buly themfelves to
write Aftronomical obfervations on Pillars, for the benefit of thofe
who fliould live after it ? Could they think their pillars ihould
have fome peculiar exemption above Itronger flruftures, from the
violence of the rough and furious waters? If they believed the
Floud abfolutely univerfal, for whom did they intend their obfer-
vations ? if not, to what end did they make them, when the per-
fons furviving might communicate their inventions to them? But,
Secondly , if either one or both thefe pillars remained , whence
comes it to pafs that neither the Chaldaans-, nor any of the eldelt
pretenders to Afi:ronomy, fliould neither mention them, nor make
any ufe of them ? Nay, 'Thirdly-, whence came the ftudy of Afrrono-
my to be fo lamentably defeftive in thofe ancient times, if they
had fuch certain obfervations of the heavenly bodies gathered by
fo much experience of the perfons who lived before the Floud ?
Fourthly-, How comes Jofepbns himfelf to negledt this remarkable
teftimony of the Scripture-hiflory in his books againft Apploih if
he had thought it were fuch as might be relyed on ? Fifthly-, How
comes y*?/^^//^ fo carelelly not to fet down the place in i^/r/V? where
thefe pillars flood, that inquifitive perfons might have fitisfy'd
themfelves with the Sight of the pillar at leaft, and what kind of cha-
rafters thofe obfervations were preferved in ? But now, if we com-
pare this of Jofephiis with Manetho his ftory, we fhall find them
fo exadly refemble each other, that we may judge all thofe pillars
to have been taken out of the fame c|uarry. Two things make it
yet more probable: Firft-, The name of the place wherein they
llood, which iE///?^f/:?///j- in Hexaemeron takes out of Jofephus-, and
calls ^yi^i^h the very fame place with that in Manetho. The other
is the common ufe of the name of Seth among the (iyiigYptia7is,
as not only appears by ^/z/^^rf^ delfide & OJiride, but by this very
place o^ Manetho ; where it follows, ci ^[txa -zi^a!,, a book of his
Vtttiusvd. bearing the Title, which Vettius Valens Antiochenus tells us is not
li^ud Seal, called 2^^«. but ^i^- Now therefore Jofephus , who frequently
438. '^ ufeth the teftimony of Heathen Writers, and frequently of this
Manetho, endeavoured to bring this fabulous relation o't Manetho
as near the truth as he could •, therefore inftead of Thoyth he puts
Setht and inftead of the fabulous hiftory of ^Egypt, the inven-
tions of the Patriarchs, and Syria inftead of Seriadica, a Coun-
try too large to find thcfc pillars in.
CHAP.
Book I. Cap. III. ORIGINES SACK/E. zj
CHAP. III.
Of tlic Chaldxan Hiftory.
I. The covtefl of Antiq; ity among Heathen Nations, and the 'ways
of decidhgit. II. Cf the Chaldxan Ajlroiogy, and the foi.n-
datiofi of JtdicLl Aj.rology. 111. Cf the l. abii, their Fcm-
der, 'uho t^ ey ^ere ^ vo other than the old Chaldees. IV. Of
1 eroius and his Hijiory. V. An account of the fahulois Dy-
naf ies of Berofus ^wi Manetho-, VI. From the Tranfation
of the bcript;.re hifory into Greek in the time of Ptolemee.
VII. of that TranJatioH and the time of it. VIII. 0/ Deme-
trius rhalereus. ScaligerV arguments anfnxered. IX. Mane-
tho oinV after the Seft:agint, fro'ved againff Kircher; his
arguments anfuered. Of Rabbinical and Arabic A i.thors, and
thdr littfe credit in matter of Hiffory. X. Ihe time of Pe-
rofus en(j ircd into j his U riting contemporary nxith Yhi"
ladelphus.
TH E next whom our Enquiry leads us to, are the Chaldaans^ a il \
N:;t]on of great and undoubted Antiquity, being in proba-
bility the firft formed into a National Goverment after the Floud,
and therefore the more capable of having thefe Arts and Sciences
flourifii among them, which might preferve the memory of eldeft:
times to the view of pofterity. And yet even among thefe who
enjoyed all the advantages of eafc, quiet, and a flourifliing Em-
pire, we find no undoubted or credible Records preferved, btit
the fame vanity as among the (i>^^y/?/
jetied Genet hha/og^y : which caulcd a great divifion among the Or-
choeni and Borjippcni-, two Sedts among them, lb called from the
places of their habitations.
And if we reckon the Zabii among the Chaldaansy a9 Maimo- nr.
nides Teems to do, we have a further evidence of the Planetary
Deities fo much in requeft: among the Chaldaans ; for the dclcri- Mnimon.
ptionhe gives of them is to this purpofe, That they had no other ^"'■'^'■^o
Gods but the Stars to -Ji^hom they made Statues and Images-, to the ^'^''^''^^'
Sun Go/den, to the Moon Silver-, andfo to the reft of the 'Planets of
the Metals dedicated to them. Thofe Images derived an influence
from the Stars to '■jvhich they ^jvere ereoied-, •which had thence a fa-
cidty of foretelling future things -, which is an exadt defcription of v. scaUger
the2™;K«« or Talijmans fo much in requeft among the Heathens; f^'?'"^y
fuch as the Talladium olTroy is fuppofcd by learned men to h^-ve Ep.GdU^.
been. Thefe Talifmans are by the Jeojs called T)avtd's bucklers-, */'''■» de
and are much of the fame nature with the ancient Teraphim-, both f'" ^^^"'
being accurately made according to the pofitions of the Heavens ; sdmaf. de
only the one were to foretel future things, the other for the dri- ^"- ^''""
ving away fome calamity. Concerning thefe ^^^/V, 7l/^/wo;//y^j tells '
us, That the underftanding their Rites '■^ould give a great deal of light
to feveral pajfages of Scripture iL'hich now lie in obfcurity : but little
is fuppofed to be yet further known. of them than what Sc'aliger
hath laid. That they were the more Eallern Chaldaans -, which he
fetcheth from the fignification of the word. Several of their Books
are extant, faith Scaliger-, among the Arabians-, but none of them
are yet difcovered to the European world. Salmaftns thinks, thefe
Zabii were the Chaldeans inhabiting Mefopotamia-, to which is
very conlbnant what Maimonides faith, that Abraham had his sddsn de
education, among them. Said Batricides-, cited by Mr. Selden-, at- J'"'^"^^-^
tributes the original of their Religion to the time of Nahor, and to t.
Zaradchath the Terfian as the Author of it; who is conceived to be
the fame with Zoroafler-, who in all probability is the lame with
the Zertooft of the Terfees, a Seft of the ancient Terfians living
now among the Banyans in the Indies. Thefe give a morefiallancf
exaft account concerning the original, birth, education, and en-
thulialrns or revelations of their Zertooft.^ than any we meet with
in any Greek Hiftorians •, three books they tell us of which Zer-
tooft received by Revelation, or rather one book, confifting of
three feveral trafts, whereof the firll was concerning J udicialAflro-
logy, which they call Aftoodeger -, the fecond concerning Phyfic^
or the knowledg of Natural things ; the third was called Zertooft^
from the bringer of it, containing their Religious rites ; the firfl was
committed to the Jefopps or Magi-, the fecond to Thyftcians-, the
third to the Darooes or Church-men, wherein are contained the
feveral precepts of their Law > we have likcwife the rites and cu-
floms of thefe Terfees in their worfliip of Fire, with many other
particular rites of theirs, publiflied fome time llnce by one Mr.
Lord-, who was a long time relident among them at Surat -, by
which we may not only underftand much of the Religion of the
ancient Perftans-, but if I miilake not, fomewhat of the Zabii too.
My reafons are, becaule the ancient Zaradcha or Zoroafter is by
Said Batricides made the Author of the Zabii-, as we have feen
already, who was undoubtedly the founder of the Terftan worlhip*
D 3 of
50 ORIGINES SACR^. BookI. Cap.II.
Am.Marc. or rather a promoter of it among the Terfians -, for Ammiayms
Hi/i-l-ii- MarceUinus cells us, that he was inftrufted in the rites of the C^^/-
daanst which he added to the Terfian rites. Befides, their agree-
ment in the chief point of Idolatryj the worlliip of the Sun, and
confequently thent-e^iV" or Symbol of the Sun, the eternal Fne,is evi-
dent} which as far as we can learn, was the great and moft early
Idolatry of the Eaftern Countries. And further we find God in
Leviticus 26. 30. threatning to deftroy their D'30n fjjeir Images of
the Sunt fome render itj but moft probably by that word is meant
the ni'f«.5ir«, the Hearths where they kept their perpetual Fire, for
v.vojf.idoi. thofe are D'3!2n from ^i^, which is ufcd both for the Sun 2nd Fire.
/.>.<-. 9. Now hence it appears that this Idolatry was in ufe among the Na-
tions about TalJftnie i elfe there had been no need of {o levere a
threatning againft it: and therefore moft probably the ntes of the
Zabii (which muft help us to explain the reafons of fome parti-
cular pofitive precepts in the Levitical Law relating to Idolatry)
are the fame with the rites of xhtChaldaa7is and Terfiansi who all
agreed in this worfliip of the Sun and Fire^ which may be yet
more probable from what Maimomdes faith of them, Gtns Zabia
er at gens qu£ imple-vit totum orbem-, it could not be then any ob-
Icure Nation, but fuch as had the largeft fpread in the Eaftern
Countries, which could be no other than the ancient ChaldaajiSy
from whom the 'Perjians derived their worfhip. It may not feem
altogether improbable that Balaam the famous Soothfayer was one
of thefe Zabii, efpecially if according to Sahnafim his judgment
they inhabited Mefopotamia -, for Balaam's, Country fcems to be
there} for it is faid, Num. 22. f. that he dvuelt in 'Pethor by the ri-
ver, i.e. faith the Chaldee Paraphraft, in Peor of Syria by Euphra-
tes, which in Scripture is called the river, Efa. 8 7. But from this
great obfcurity as to the hiftory of fo ancient and fo large a peo-
ple as thefe Zabii are fuppofed to be, we have a further evidence
to our purpofe of the defeftivenefsandinfufficiency of the Eaftern
Hiftones as to the giving any full account of thcmfelves and their
own original.
IV. We are told indeed by fome, that Nabonajfar did burn and de-
ftroy all the ancient Records of the Chaldeans which they had di-
ligently preferved among them before, on purpofe to raiie the
greater reputation to himfelf, and blot out the memory of his ufur-
pation, by burning the Records of all their own ancient Kings.
Which is a conceit I fuppofe hath no other ground than that the
famous cy^Vtf fo much celebrated by Aftronomers and others, did
bear the name of iV^^ and Neharda) but
in z^Egypt too, where multitudes of them by Alexandefs favour
were fettled at Alexandria-^ where they had opportunity to feafon
thofe two great Fountains, whence the current of knowledg ran
iiito the reft of the world. And now it was not in Jrjvrj only
that God i^a-s kno-^zUi but He '■jvhofe name "was great in Ifrael did
make way for the knowledg of himfelf among all the Nations of
the earth. And that All- wife God who direfted the Magi by
a ftar to Chrift, making ufe of their former skill in Aftronomy to
take notice of that ftar which came now on a peculiar errand to
them to lead them to their Saviour (the great God condefcending
fo far to mankind, as to take advantage of particular inclinations,
and to accommodate himfelf to themj for which purpofe it is ve-
ry obfervablc that he appeared in another way to the Wife-men,
than to the poor Shepherds) the fame God made ufe of the curi-
ofity and inquifitivenefs after knowledg, which was in Ttolemans
V. Gafauh. 'Fhiladelphus (which he is fo much applauded for by Athenaus
ai Athe. ^^^ others ) to bring to light the moft advantageous knowledtr,
e.g. which the world ever had berore the coming or Chnltinthetieln.
And that great Library of his ere£fing at Alexandria did never
deferve that title 'till it had lodged thofe facred Records, and
then it did far better than the old one of Ofymanduas-, of which
Hiftorians tell us this was the Infcription, 'i«rf«.» -|^x~5. The Jhop of
the Souls Thyjic.
vn. But this being a matter of fo much concernment in order to our
better underftanding the original of thcfe vaft accounts of time
among the Lhaldaans and (^yEgyptians, and a fubjeft not yet touched
by any, we fliall a little farther improve the probability of it, by tak-
ing a more particular account of the time when the Scriptures were
firft tranflated, and the occaiion might thereby be given to thele
CyEgyptians zndChaldaans to produce their fabulous account into
the view of the world. Whether the Scriptures had been ever be-
fore tranflated into the Greek language, (tho' it be aflerted by
fomc ancient Writers of the Church,) is very queftionablc, chiefly
upon this account, that a fuflicicnt reafon cannot be afligned of
undertaking a new tranflation at Alexandria if there had been any
extant before. Efpecially if all thofe circumftances of that tranf-
lation be trufe, which arc commonly received and delivered down
to us, with almoft an unanimous confent of the perfons who had
greater advantages of knowing the certainty of fuch things, than
we can have at this great diftancc of time. And therefore cei>
tainly every petty conjedure of fome modern, tho' learned men,
ought
Book I. Cap. III. ORIGINES SACK/E. 3 3 ;
oueht not to bear fway againit (b unanimous a tradition in a mat-
ter of fa6t, which cannot be capable of being proved, but by the
teftimony of former ages. And it is fomcwhat ftrange that the
fingle teilimony of one Hermippus in T)iogent's Laertms (whofe
age and authority is fomewhat doubtful) concerning only one Par- Dio^-Laer.
ticular referring to T)i'metriiis Tbakreiis-, fliould be thought of^^'^^"^" 1
force enough among pcrfons of judgment as well as learning , to ' i
infringe the credibility of the whole llory delivered with fo much
confcnt, not only by Chriftimh hwt Jewijh Writers •, the teftimony
of one of which (every whit as confiderable as Hermippus^ viz. ApudEuf.
Arijtobidus Jiidans a 'PeripatetkaL Philofophcr, in an epiftlc to p^- ^'^■
Ttolemce ''Fhilometor-, doth plainly ailert that which was fo much ' '* j
queftioned, concerning 'Demetrius '■Pbalereus. ;
But whatever the truth of all the particular circumftances be, viir. .i
which I here enquire not after, nor the authority of that Arijlmis I
from whom the ftory is received, nor whether this Tranflation was i
made by Jews fent out of 'Jndaa-s or by Jews refiding at Alex- i
andria; it fufficeth for our purpofe that this Trajillation was made
before either the Chaldaan Dynafties of Berofus-, or the <:.yEg)/-
ptianoi Manethot were publiflied to the world. In order to which
it is neceflary to fhew in what time this Tranflation was effected -,
and herein that channel of Tradition, which conveys the truth of
the thing in one certain courfe, runs not with fo even a ftream
concerning the exaft time of it -, all indeed agree that it was about
the time of Ttolernaiis Philadelphus-, but in what years of his reign,
is very dubious. Jofeph Scaliger who hath troubled the waters fo scaiiger
much concerning the particular circumftances of this Tranflation, 'fl"^^'
yet fully agrees that it was done in the time of Vtolemaiis Vhila- eu/.ij^^,
delphus i only he contends with Africanus that it fliould be done
in the 132'' Olympiad-, which is in the 33'* year of Ttolemaus Thi-
ladelphus -, but Eufebius and Jerom place it in the very beginning
of his reign, which I think is fer more probable, and that in the
time when Ttolemteus "Fhiladelphus reigned with his Father Ptole-
matis Lagi : for fo it is moft certain he did for two years before
his father's death. By which means the great difficulty of Scali- •
ger concerning 'Detnetrius Pbalereus is quite taken oft% for Her-
mippus fpeaks nothing of 'Demetrius his being out of favor with 1
T hiladelphus during his father's life, but that upon his father's v. scanner ■
death, he was banilhed by him, and died in his banifhmenti fo '^)^j^°Z'
that 'Demetrius might have the overfight of the Library at Alex- ijyi\^. '
andria-,znd be the main inftrumcnt of promoting this Tranflation,and J^fi- '• ^6-
yet thole things be after true which Hermippus fpeaks, viz. when ^{' ^ '^'''
'Ptolcmaus Lagi or Soter was now dead. For it ftands not to rea-
fon that during his father's life Philadelphus fliould difcover his
difpleafure againft 'Demetrius-, it being conceived upon the advice j
given to his father for preferring thefons of y^r/&(?^ to the Crown •
before the fon of Berenice. Moft hkely therefore it is that this
Tranflation might be begun by the means of 'Detnetrius Pbalereus
in the time of Philadelphus his reigning with his father -, but, it
may be, not finiflicd till after the death of Soter-, when Philadel- \
phtis reigned alone. And by this now we can perfectly reconcile
that difference which is among the Fathers concerning the time -
when this Tranflation was made. For Iremeus attributes it to the
E time i
54 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Cap. III.
time of ^tolemaus Lagi •, Clemens Alexandrimis quellions whether
m the time of Lagi or T hiladelpiis -, the reft of the Chorus carry
iufeb.Hift. it for 'Philadelphus i but the words of Anatolius in Eitfcbius cait
£ccU. 7. jj. p^iiy. jr^j. j^Qj.j^ ^ £-Q^ there fpeaking of Arijiobulus-, he laith, ///-
ladelphus would be very earneft to have his curiofity fatisfied, as
to what the ^_yEgyptian Priefls ( who had boafted fo much of
antiquity) could produce to confront with the Scriptures. Where-
upon the task was undertaken by this iV/<2»fMi time to be praifed by them ? It would
be well, i^ Kircher^ and other learned men, who think the world
is grown to fo great ftupidity, as to believe every thing to be a
jewel which is far fetched, would lirfl: aflcrt and vindicate the an-
tiquity and fidelity of their Arabic Authors, fuch as Gelaldinus^
Abenephi-, and many others, before they expcit we lliould part
with our more authentic Records of Hiilory for thofc fabulous
relations which they are fo full fraught withal. Were it here any
part of my prefent bufinefs, it were an eafy matter fo to lay open
the ignorance, falfity, and fabuloufiiefs of thofe Arabians whom
that Author relies fo much upon, that he could not be freed from
a defign to impofe upon the world, who makes ufe of their tefti-
mony in matter of ancient times without a Caveat. I know none
fit to believe thefe Arabic Writers as to thefe things, but thofe
who have faith enough to conco6t the Rabbins in matter of Hi-
flory j of whom Origen (aith, n«v& ^ iSv 'inhti'm to» vi, iA,t^t ^ Awg^i. who origen. c,
are, as Grot/us truly {zxth:, peffimt hiftoria Alagijfri ; nain ex quo ^^'Z.'-*-
f atria expulji funt) omnis apid illos hifioria crajjis erroribus & fa- Anmt.in
bulii ejl inquinata-t quibuii & proinde nihil credendum ejf, nifi ali- ^«tth.i;^,
unde teftes accejferint. And If. Cafaubon paflcth this fliarp but ct/a«^.
due cenfure upon them, Rabbinis-, ubi de lingua Hebraic a agitnr Exenit.ad
& 'vocu alicujus proprietate-i v el ali quo Talmudico inftituto merit a ^"g""* "^'
Chrifiianis tribui non pariim i ubi 'vero a verbis venitur ad res y aut
ad hiftoriam^i 'uel rerum antiquarum "veteris populi explicationem, nifi
falli & decipi volumus-) nihil admodum ejfe ilUs fidei habendum. Sex-
centu argnmentis hoc facile probarem, fi id mine agerem. And in
reference to their ancient Kites as well as Hiftory Jofeph Scaliger scuiiger de
hath given this verdift of them, Manifefta eft Judaoritm infcitia, ^'"'"'^^ ^
qui cum ufu veterum ritutim etiam eorum cognitionem amiferunti tit
tnidta qua ad eorum facra c^ hift or i am pertinent-, longe melius nos te-
neamus quam ipfi. The fame which thefe very learned perfons fay of
Rabbinical-, may with as much truth be faid of thefe Arabic Wri-
ters, in matters of ancient hiftory, which I have here inferted, to fliew
the reafbn why I have thought the teftimony of either of thele
two forts of perfons- fo inconfiderable in the matter of our fiiture
difcourfej which being hiftorical, and that of the greatefl anti-
quity, little rehef is to be expelled from either of them vc\. order
thereto. But to return to Kircher. It is freely granted, that
Jofephus-, an Author of credit and age fufficient to give his opinion
in this cafe, doth very frequently cite Manetho in his
which is, That there were two Manetho' s befides, and both c^/EgV-
E 2 ptianSi
3(? ORIGINES SACRAL. Book I. Cap. II.
ptianst mentioned by Snida-s -, one a Mendejian-, who writ oF the Pre-
paration of the Mgvpian kc")?., a kind of Perfume ufed by the J^gy-
ptlan Priefts. The other a T)ioJpolitan-, who writ fomc Phyliologi-
cal and AftronomicalTrcatifes, whofe works he hears are preferred
in the Duke of Florence his Library •, and this was he (faith he)
who lived in the times of Aiigujius-, whom many by the equi-
vocation of the name have confounded with the ancient
Writer of the ,^ t (pi>.>ii,vh'cw, becaujc of the fimplicity and straU.ii,
fabuloujnefs of their Hiftorians. From hence we fee then that
there is no great credibility in thofe Hiftories, which are impeached
of falftiood by the moft grave and judicious of Heathen Writers.
CHAP. IV.
The defed of the Grecian Hiftory.
I. That manifejled hy three evident arguments of it. ( i .) The
fahulo'jfnefs of the Poetical age of Greece. The Antiquity of
Poetry. II. Of Orpheus and the ancient Poets. Whence the
Poetical Fables horrcwed. IIL The ad'vancement of Poetry and
Idolatry together in Greece. IV. The diff'erent cenfures of Strabo
and Eratofthenes concerning the Poetical age of Greece j and
the reafons of them. V. (2.) The eldefi Hijlorians of Greece are
of fufpeUed credit. Of Damaftes, Aniitus, and others ^ VI. of
mofi of their eldefi Hiflorians lue ha they being fomc of the earliefl: Wri-
ters of Romances in the world, if all fabulous narrations may
bear that name. But laying afide at prelent ail their Poetic My-
thology-, as it concerns their Gods, (which we may have occa-
fion to enquire into afterwards) we now examin only their cre-
dibility, where they pretend to be moft hiftorical. Yet how far
they are from meriting belief even in thefe things, will appear to
any that (hall confider-, firfi-> That their moft ancient \X^riters
were Poetical and apparently fabulous -, Jccondly-, That their eldeft
Hiftorians are of ftifpeded credit even amongft themfclves-, thirdly ^
That their beft Hiftorians either difcover or confefs abundance of
ignorance as to the hiftory of ancient times. Ftrjt-, That their firft
Writers were poetical, and apparently fabulous. Strabo undertakes
to prove that Profe is only an imitation of Poetry, and fo Poetry
strnbo 1. 1. muft needs be firft written. For-> faith he, at fir ft Toetry only 'u.'as
inreqtiejli afterwards in imitation of that, Cadmus, Pherecydes,
and Hecatxus ■xr/f their hiftories-, obferving all other laivs of "Poe-
try , but only the meafures of it ; but by degrees JVriters began to take
greater liberty-, andfo brought it down from that lofty ftrain it was
then in-, to the form now in nfe: as the Comical fl rain is nothing
elfe but a deprejjing the fublimer ftyle of Tragedv. This he proves
bccaufe «>«« did anciently fignify the fame with iPe?'^"^*; for Poei7is
were only A,;j?.'(*e/A£A.(r4,'.., Lefixjns nttobefung among them: thence,
faith he, is the original of the Pal-s'Va/, &:c. for thcfc were thofe
Tiutarch. Pocms which were fung i^ paO*, when they held a branch of Laurel
sympof. -^^ their hands, as Tiutarch tells us they were wont to fing Homer's
Bias i others were fung to the Harp, as Hcfiod's £?;«•• befides,
faith Strabo-, that Profe is called » ;nf=5 a,'v®-. argues that it is only
a bringing down of the higher ftrain in ufc before. But however
this were in general > as to the Grecians, it is evident that Poetry
was firft in ufe among them •, for in their elder times when they
firft began to creep out of Barbarifm, all the PhUofophy and In-
Tiutarch. ftrudion they had was from their Poets, and all couched in
je vyth. Verfci which Tiutarch not only confirms, but particularly iuftan-
ceth in Orpheus, Hefiod, Tarmenides, Xeriophanes, Embedocles, and
Thales ; and hence Horace de arteToeticaii.ys of the ancient Poets
before Homer,
—fuit hac fabientia quondam
Orac. p,
403
Tnblicaprivatis jecernere, facra prophanis :
Concubitu prohibere rago: dare jura mantis:
Oppida mo I in: leges incidere ligno.
Sic honor & nomen divinis latibus at que
Car minibus venit.
w'lie/:'^' From hence, as Heinjius obfcrves, the Poets were anciently called
tap. 6. iiJttti, and the ancient fpeeches of the Philofophcrs containing
matters
Book I. Ca p.IV. ORIGINES SACR/E. ^c,
matters of Morality, were callcd"A(r/«igc.^'A,)V|KV*. of which many are
mentioned in their Lives by T)iogcnes Laerthts -, in the fame fen fc !
■were Carmina anciently ufcd among the Latines for Precepts of j
Morality, as in that colledion of them, which goes under the i
name ot Cato-, (which fome think to be an ancient piece, but with I
a falfc infcription, but Boxhornius thinks it to be of fome Chri- BoxUrr,. \
ftians doing m the decay of the Roman Empire,) Si T>eus efl ani- ^"^^'""- '
musy nobis ut Carmina dicunt. Carmina-, faith Heinfius-, i. c. di6ta
'Philofophorum; catifa y: JWajAM/^viW, ^(I'-n S'' Ctm a.tAi ^J^midai y^ frgjcTHOK; but for tkis-, lillth
* he, there is need of fuperjiition-, and this cannot be advancedwith-
* out fome fables and wonders. For, faith he, the Thunderbolt s^
^Shields-, Tridents-, Serpents-, Spears attributed to the Gods are \
^ meer fables-, andfo is all the ancient Theology i but the Governers of
* the Commonwealth made ufe of thefe things, the better to aw the '
'Jilly multitude-, and to bring them into better order. I cannot tell
how far this might be their end, fince thefe things were not brought
in fo much by the feveral Magiftrates, as by the endeavour of par-
ticular Men, who thought to raife up their own efl-eem among the
vulgar by fuch things, and were imployed by the great Deceiver of I
the world as his grand inflruments to advance Idolatry in it. For
"which we are to confider, that altho* there were grofs Ignorancej
and confcquently Supcrftition enough in Greece before the Poetic
age of iti yet their fuperftitious and idolatrous worfhip was not
fo licked and brought into form, as about the time of Orphem,
from whom the Poetic age commenceth : who was as great an in- \
ftrument of fetting up Idolatry, as ApoUonius was afterwards of 1
reftoring it, being both perfons of the higheft efteem and venera- I
tion among the heathen. Much about the fame time did thofe |
live in the world who were the firft great promoters of Supcrfti-
tion and Poetry, as Melampus-, Mufaus-, Arion Methymnaus-, Am-
phion of Thebes, and Eumolpus Thrax-, none of whom were very i
diftant from the time of Orpheus. Of whom Clemens Alexandri- cUm. ai \
71US thus IpeakS, ^OfXiliS^ ftavaiA Xviti^icL^a. t p.m ciTE;t;k» S»,' jj^rf/a tb5 «»- ^^"^^'t^'^' .
5f *'»■!(« f jxi U tlShxa ;K«ej£y.iyjcn «-f«g,. Thefe under a pretenfe of Mtific and ^' '' i
'Poetry corrupting the lives of men, did by a kind of artificial Magic j
firft draw thept on to the praBife of Idolatry . For the novelty and .
pleafingnefs of Mufic and Poetry did prefently infinuate it ielf
into the minds of men, and thereby drew them to a venerable
efteem both of the perfons and praftifes of thole who were the
Authors of them. So Conon in Thotius tells us that Orpheus was phot. bhi.
excedingly acceptable to the people for his skill in Mufic, which ^'"^- 'S6.
the Thracians and Macedonians were much delighted with : From "*^'
which arofe the fable of his drawing trees and wild beafts after him, '
becaufe
40 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book I. Cap. IV.
becaufe his Mufic had fo great an influence upon the civilizing
that people, who were ahnoft grown rude thro' Ignorance and
Barbarifm : and fo Horace explains it,
Horat.Ep. Syiveftres homines facer inter prefque T)eoriim
'•'''"■ Cadibns & •xi6in jado detcrruit Orpheus,
'DiBns ab hoc lenire Tigres ralndofqne Leones.
This Orpheus by Mythologijls is ulually called the fon of Calliope-^
but may with better reafon be called the Father of the whole Cho-
rus of Mufes, than the Son of one of them -, fince Tindar calls hirii
riu-A^ do,^£isixo^eK wi.sXkJs sij£7>,\ >£. uyu>uv tuv w? tb; 9ta5, as the invcntor of
Ti° ' poetical elegancy-, and the (acred Hymns -ithtch iz-ere made to the
Faranef. i. Gods : (which the old Romans called Ajjamenta~) and Jiijiin Mar-
tyr calls him ■j^ m^.v'^mli ^tSm Mciirys.>^>v, the fir jl teacher of "Toljtheijjn
and Idolatry.
in. For this Orpheus having been in z^-F.gypt-, as Tanfanias-, 'Dio-
Faiif. r- ^orus-, and yirtapanus in En/ebiiis a.\\ coni'ck, he brought from thence
m'od.Bibi. moft of the Magical rites and fuperllitioiis cuitoms in ufe there,
''*•'• and kx. them up among the Grecians -, fo 'Diodorns acknowledgeth
I'fJ"'^^' in the fame place j and it is likcwife evident by what Arijlophanei
faith in his BOT^t;^.,
Ran.Acl.4,
Orpheus firfi infiruBed them in the facred myjieries-, and to abflairl
fromjlaughtet: which is to be under ftood of the Ba^^v the killing
of beafts in facrifice, which probably was in ule among them be-
fore, as a remainder of ancient tradition, till Orpheus brought his
z^yEgyptian doftrine into requeft among them.. The myftenes of O//-
, ris, faith 'Diodorus-, were tranfplanted into Greece under the name
of "Dionyfhs or Bacchus, and Ifis undcv Ceres or Magna Alater, and
the punifliment and pleafures after this life from the rites of Se-
pulture among them -, Charon's wafting of Souls, from the lake
Achernfia in (iy£gypt, over which they were wont to fend the dead
Pau/. Lac. bodics. 'Paufamas tells us, that the Spartans derived the worihip
^cmnth oi Ceres Chthonia from Orpheus-, and the c^^'^/'wi'/'^' the worihip of
?. 71. Hecate. Befides which he inftituted new rites and myderics of
^pJiod^Ant ^'^ own, in which the initiated were called 'Of^'MTiAt^c^: and required
Lea. I. ly. amoftfolemn oath from all of them never to divulge them, which
f- 9- was after obfervcd in all tholi; prophane myftcries which in imita-
iirai.i. 10. tion of thefc were i'ct up among the Greeks. Strabo thinks the
myllcries of Orpheus were in imitation of the old Cotyttian and
Herod, ^u. BcndidiaH myfleries among the Thracians -, but Herodotus with
'zl^H.lT more probability parallels them and the 'Dtonyfian^ithzhc^J-'gv-
ptian-, from which we have already fcen that Orpheus derived His;
who is conceived by Georgius Cedrenus and Timotheus in Tiufebius-,
to have lived about the time of Gideon the Judge o^ Ij'rael; but
there is too great confufion concerning his age, to defineany thing
certainly about it. Which ariicth molt from the leveral perfons
l^oing under this name, of which, befides this, were in all proba-
bility
J3ooKl.Cap.IV. ORIGINES SACRJF.. 41
bility two more -, the one an Heroic Poet, called by Smdas-, Cico- ^'"<^- <"
TiaiiSi or Areas-, who lived two ages before Homer, and he that °'"^"
goes under the name of Orpheus-, whofc Hymns arc flill extant,
but arc truly afTcribed to 07iomaeritMs the Athenian-^ by Clemens
Alexandrinus-,TatianiisAjJyrins,Sti2das-, and others -, who Aourifhcd
inthttimcso^ thcTiJiftratida ^zyJthens. We are like then to have
little relief for finding out of truth in the Poetic age of Greece-,
when the main defign of the Learning then ufed was only to infi-
nuate the belief of Fables into the people, and by that to awe them
into Idolatry.
If we come lower down to the fucccding Poets, we may find iV,
Fables increafing Hill in the times of Homer-, He/tod-, and the reft,
which made Eratofthenes-, a perfon of great judgment and learning-
(whence he was called alter ^Plato, and n^vgc^A©-, and "' v,hu, becaule
he carried, if not the firjl-, yet the fecond y>^zcc m all kind of Litera-
ture) condemn the ancient Poetry as x«A i^-Jh,My«^, a company of old
Wiies tales-, which were invented for nothing but to pleaie filly
people, and had no real learning or truth at all in them. For
this, tho' he be fliarply cenfured by Strabo , in his firft book,
who undertakes to vindicate the Geography of Homer from the «
exceptions of Eratofthenes -, yet himfelf cannot but confers that
there is a very great mixture of old fables in all their Poets, which
is-, faith he, partly to delight the people-, and partly to aw them. For
the minds of men being always defirous of novelties-, fuch things do
hugely pleaje the natural humors of weak people -, efpecially if there
be fomething in them that is %vf^^^ ^ n^.-nZhi, 'very ft range and won-
derful-, it increafeth the delight in hearing it ; H^p i^ %S f<^,ici,m
125 ^ o7t lii x^^'^' -sfefptEutTrt/ «f J*'?? '^''i(> Homer.
Odyjf.'y
nsuhich may be gilded over with fome pie af ant tales-, as himfelf com-
pares it j yet how fliall thofe come to know that it is only gilded,
that never faw any pure metal, and did always believe that it was
F * what
4i ORIGINES SACRjE. Book I. Cap.IV.
what itleemed to be? Had there been any ^eA-^e/<">. or Touch-ftone
to have ditfcrcnced between the one and the other, there might
have been ibnie way for a reparation of them ; but there being
none fuch, we muft conchidc, that the fabulous narrations of Poets
inflead of making truth more plealant by their fictions, have fo
adulterated it, that we cannot find any credibihty at aJl in their
narrations of elder times, where the truth of the ftcvy hath had no
other way of conveyance but thro' their fiftions.
V. But tho' Poets may be allowed their liberty for reprefenting things
to the greateft advantage to the palates of their Readers, yet wc
may juftly expeft, when men profefs to be Hiflorical, they fiaould
deliver us nothing but what upon Itridteft examination may prove
undoubted truth. Yet even this were the Greeks hv fromj for
straL 1. 1. Strabo himfelf confefTeth of their eldeft Hiftorians, k^; <,; ^^zi, $i :,-,-
ci^l y^ ipt.«K9<'(, their fir fl Hifioriaiis both of perfons and things
'■vvere fabulous. '\Diodorus particularly inftanceth in their eldeft Hi-
florians, as Cadmus Milefmsi Hecataus-, and Hellanicus-> and con-
demns them for fabuloufncfs. Strabo condemns 'Damaftcs Sigeenfis
for vanity and falihood, and wonders at Eratofihenes fo,r making
V. cafaub. ufe of him ; yet this man is of great antiquity among them, and
voffJehiji. ^^^s teftimony uled by Authors of good credit, as "Dionyfius Hall-
Grid.^, carnajfenfis, ''Plutarch-, and others. Nay, 'Pliny profefTeth to follow
"■ ^' him, and fo he doth Arifieas Proco7inefius in his Arimafjjiay wiiich
may render the credit of his Hiftory very fulpicious-, with whom
it was a fulScient ground of credibility to any ftory. That he found
it in fome Greek Authors. Strabo reckons 'Da?naftes with Euhe-
merus Mejfenius and Antiphanes Bergaus -, which latter was fo no-
sttfhun. in ted a lyar, that from him, as Stephanus tells us, Bspp«i?'/» was ufcd a.*]
^'''^' a proverb for to [peak nei'er a izord of truth. Arifieas 'Procon-
7iefins lived in the time of Cyrus, and writ a Hiftory of the Ari-
mafpii in three Books, who ieems to have been the Sir John Man-
devil of Greece, from his ftorics of the Arimafpi with one eye iw
. their foreheads, and their continual fighting the Cry/'/^rwj- for gold •,
yet the ftory was taken upon truft by Herodotus, Pliny, ajiid many
others-, tho' tlie experience of all who have vifited thofe northern
strab.Ui. Climats do futficiently refute thefe follies. Strabo fiith of this y/;*/-
fleas, that he was •'''■«p v'^'. « "s «».G^. 07ie inferior to no7ie for juggling,
which cenfure was probably occafioned by the common ftory of
him, that he could let his foul out of his body when he plcaied
and bring it again •, yet this Juggler did Celfus pitch on to con-
front with our bleffed Saviour, as Hierocles did on Apollonius: fo
much have thofe been to feek for Reafon, who havelbughttoop-
pofe the doctrine of Faith.
VI. But further, what credit can we give to thofe Hiftorians who
have ftriven to confute each other, and lay open one anothcrs
falihood to the world. Where was there ever any fucii dift'onait-
cy in the facrcd Hiftory of Scripture.^ doth the Writer of one
book difcover the wcakncfs of another? do not all the parts fo
exactly agree, that the moft probable fufpicion could ever (all in-
to the heart of an Infidel, is, that they were all written by the
liimc pcrfon, which yet the fcries of times manifcfts to have been
impollible ? But now, if we look into the ancient Greek Hiftociajis,
wc need no other teftimony than themlclves to take away their
* crcdi-
Book I. Cap.IV. ORIGINES SACRAL 43
credibility. The Genealogies of Hefiod are correfted by Acufilaus-,
Acnfilatis is condemned by Hellanicus-, Hellanicus acculcd of falf- Jofeph. c.
hood by Ephoriis-, Ep horns by Tiniaus-, Timaiis by fuch who fol- ^it""'-
lowed him, as Jofcphns fully ihews. Where muft wc then fix our
belief? upon all in common? that is the ready way to believe con-
tradiftions: for they condemn one another of falfliood. Miift wc
believe one, and rejedl the reft ? but what evidence doth that one
give why he fhould be credited more than the reft ? And their
eldeft Hiftorians are acknowledged to be moft fabulous: [which
is a moft irrefragable argument againft the Grecian hiftory : J For
our only rccourle for deciding the controverfy among the younger
Hiftorians, muft be to the elder : and there we are further to feek
than ever; for the firft ages are confefted to be Poetical, and to
have no certainty of truth in them. So that it is impoilible to find
out any undoubted certainty of ancient times among the Greek
Hiftorians-, which will be yet more evident when we add this,
That there are very few extant of thofe Hiftorians, who did carry
the greateft name for Antiquity.
The higheft Antiquity of the Greek Hiftorians doth not much vii.
exceed the time of Cyrus and Cambyfes, as VoJJius hath fully de-
monftrated in his learned Book, T)e Hiftorlcis Gracis, and there-
fore I ftiall fpare particular enquiries into their feveral ages. Only
thefe two things will further clear the infufficiency of the Greek
Hiftory, as to an account of ancient times : Firft-, That of many
of thele old Hiftorians we have nothing left but their mere names,
without any certainty of what they treated. Such are Sifypbus
CouSf Corinnus, Engeon Samins-, 'Detochus Troconntftus-, Eudemus
'PariuSi 'DemaclesThigalens, Amelejagoras Chalcedoniusy Xenomedes
Chius, and feveral others whofe names are recorded by feveral Wri-
ters, and lifted by Vojftus among the Hiftorians ; but no evidence
what fubjeft of hiftory was handled by them. Secondly^ That of
thofe whofe not only memories are preferved, but fonie evidence
of what they writ, we have nothing extant till the time of the
Terfian war. For all that was writ before, is now confumed by
time, and fwallowed up in that vaft and all-devouring Gulph -, in
which yet their heads ftill appear above the waters, to tell us what
once they informed the world of It cannot be denied, but if many
of thofe ancient Hiftories were yet remaining, we might probably
have fome greater light into fome matters of fa6t in the elder times
of Greece^ which now we are wholly to feek for, unlefs we think
to quench our thirft in the muddy waters of fome fabulous Poets.
For what is now become of the antiquities of Ionia and the city
Miletus written by Cadmus Mileftus, fuppofed to be the firft Wri-
ter of Hiftory? where lie the Genealogie of Acitfilaus Argi-
vus? where is now extant the Hiftory of the Gods written
by Therecydes Syritis-, Tythagoras his Mafter? or the Chronica
of Archilochus who flourifhed about the 20*11 Olympiad! or thofe
of Theagenes Rheginus ? Where may we hope to meet with The-
recydes Lerius his Attic Antiquities, or his Catalogue of Cities
and Nations ? or Hecataus his T>efcription of Afia, and fome fup-
pofe of Libya and Europe too ? or the Origina,ls of Nations and
Founders of Cities written by Hellanicus ? How may we come
by the Terftc, Greek and <:^gyptian Hiftory of Charon Lampfa-
F 2 cenus i
44 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Cap. VI.
cenus ; the Lydian Hiftory of Xanthns Lydiiis -, the Samian Anti-
quities of Simmias RhoMus ; the Corinthian Hiftory of Eumelus
Corintbius i Tanyajis his Antiquities of Greece i the Scythian Hi-
ftory of y^wtf^/^'^^r/^i thcThrygian o^T>iagoras i the Chaldai'c and
Terjian of "Detnocritus -, the Sicilian and Italian of Hippy s Rhegi-
nus •, the Telchiniac Hiftory of Teleclides ? All thefe are now bu-
ried with many more in the rubbifli of time, and we have nothing
but meer fceletons of them left, to tell us, that once fuch perfons
were, and thought themfelves concerned to give the world fome
account of their being in it. Whereby may be likewife leen the
remarkable providence of God, concerning the Sacred hiftory,
which tho' of far greater antiquity than any of thefe, hath fur-
vived them all, and is ftill preferved with us with as much purity
and incorruption as a book pafling thro' fo many hands was ca-
pable of. But of that in its due place,
viu. But yet if the Greek Hiftorians that are yet extant, were of more
undoubted credit than thofc that are loft, we might eafily bear
with our lofing fome old ftories, if we gained fome authentic hi-
ftory by it accompliftied in all its parts : but even this we are far
from in the Greek Hiftory -, for the Hiftorians themfelves do either
confefs their own ignorance of ancient times, or do moft palpably
difcover it, which was the third and laft confideration touching
the credibility of the Grecian Hiftory. That moft grave and ac-
curate Hiftorian Thiicydides than whom fcarce ever any Grecian
difcovered more an impartial love to the truth in what he writ,
doth not only confefs, but largely prove the impoflibihty of an
exaiSt account to be given of the times preceding the Teloponne-
jian War, in the entrance into his Hiftory. For^ faith he, the
matter preceding that time cannot now through the length of
time be accurately difcovered or found out by us. All that he
could find in the ancient ftate of Greece was a deal of confu-
fionj unquiet ftations, frequent removals, continual piracies, and
no fettled form of Commonwealth. What certain account can
be then expcfted of thofe times, when a moft judicious Writer,
■ even of Athens its felf, acknowlcdgeth fuch a Chaos m their an-
cient Hiftory ^ And Tlutarch^ a later Author indeed, but fcarce
behind any of them, if we believe Taurus in A. Gellius-, for learn-
ing and prudence, dares not, we fee, venture any further back
than the time o^Thefeus -, for before that time, as he compares itj
as Geographers in their Maps, when they have gone as far as they
can, fill up the empty fpace with fome unpaftable Mountains, or
frozen Seas, or devouring Sands > fo thofe who give an account of
elder times, are fain to infert "ecWJS ^ -r^'nn.*., fome wonderful and
tragical Stories, which (as he faith) have neither any truth nor cer-
tainty in them. Thus we fee thofe who were bcft able to judge
of the Greek Antiquities, can find no fure footing to ftand on in
them •, and what bafis can we find for our Faith, where they could
find fo little for their Knowledge .^ And thofc who have been more
darin2 and venturous than thefe perfons mentioned, what a laby-
rinth have they run themfelves into.'* how many confufions and con-i
traditions have they involved themfelves in ^ fomctimes writing the
paflagcs of other Countries for thofc of Greece^ aiad at other times {q
confounding times, pcjrfons and places, that one might think they
had
Book I. Cap. VI. OR IG INKS SACKM. 45
had only a defign upon the undcrflandings of their Readers, to make
them play at Blind-mans- buff in fcarching for the Kings of Greece.
But as they are fo confufed in their own Hiftory, fo they are
as ignorant and fabulous when they dare venture over their own ix.
threlholds and look abroad into other Countries; we certainly ow
a great part of the lamentable ignorance of the true original of
moft Nations to the pitiful account the Greek Authors have given
of them J which have had the fortune to be entertained in the
world with fo much eflcem and veneration, that it hath been thought
learning enough to be acquainted with the account which they
give of Nations. Which I doubt not hath been the great reafon
10 many fabulous relations, not only of Nations but Perfons and
fcveral Animals never exifting, have met with fo much entertain-
ment from the lefs inquilltive world. The Greek Writers, it is
evident, took up things upon truft as much as any people in the
world did, being a very weak and inconfiderable Nation at firft :
and afterwards the knowledg they had was generally borrowed from
other Nations, which the wife men only fuited to the temper of
the Greeks^ and fo made it more fabulous than it was before. As
it was certainly the great defe£t of the Natural Philofophy of the
Greeks-, Qas it hath been ever fince in the world) that they werefo
ready to form Theories upon fome Principles or Hypothefes, which
they only received by tradition from others, without fetching their
knowledg from the experiments of Nature i and to thefe they fuited
all the phenomena of nature > and what was not fuitable was re-
nted as monftrous and anomalous; foit was in their Hiftoryjwhereiri
they had fome fabulous Hypothefes they took for granted without
enquiring into the truth and certainty of them, and to thefe they i
fuit whatever light they gained in after-times of the ftate of fo-
reign Nations, which hath made Truth and Antiquity wrcftle {b
much with the corruption which eat into them thro' the pride
and ignorance of i\\G Greeks. Hence they have always fuited the
Hiftory of other Nations with the account they give of their own j
and where nothing could lerve out of their own Hiftory to give
an account of the Original of other Nations, they (who v/ere
never backward at fiftions) have made a Founder of them fuit-
able to their own language. The truth is, there is nothing in
the world ufeful or beneficial to mankind, but they have made
fhift to find the Author of it among themfelves. If we enquire
after the original of Agriculture, we af e told of Ceres and Tripto-
lemits ; if of Pafturage, we are told of an Arcadian 'Pan-, if of
Wine, we prefently hear of a Liber Tater : if of Iron inftruments,
then who but Vulcan ? if of Mufic, none like to Apollo. If we
prefs them then with the Hiftory of other Nations, they are aS
well provided here : if we enquire an account of Europe, AJia, or
Libya ■ for the firft we are told a fine ftory of Cadmus' s Sifter ; for
the fecond of Trometheus's Mother of that name, and for the
third o^ 2. Daughter o^ Epaphus. If we are yet fo curious as to
know the original of particular Countries-, then Italy muft find
its name from a Calf of Hercules^ becaufe "iwa^ ih Greek will iig-
nify fome fuch thing; Sardinia and Africa muft be from Sardos
and Afer two fons of Hercules j but yet if thefe will not ferve, Her-
cules (hall not want for children to people the world j for we hear
F 3 of
4(j ORIGIN ES SACR/E. Book I. Cap.IV.
of Scythes^ Galatas^ Lydiis-, fome other ions of his, that gave
names to Scythiuy Lydia-> and Galatia ; with the fame probabihty
that Media had its name from Medea-, and Spain and Lufitania
from Tan and LuftiSy two companions oi Bacchus. li'PerJia want
a founder, they have one Terfeus-xnArgive ready for it 5 if Syria,
Babylonia-, and Arabia want reafons of their names, the prodigal
Greeks will give ApoUo three fons, J^'/wx, Babylon and Arabs, ra-
ther than they lliall be heretical Acefhalifts. This vanity of theirs
was univerfal, not confined to any place or age, but as any Nation
or People came into their knowledg, their Gods were not fo de-
crepit, but they might father one fon more upon them, rather
than any Nation fliould be filia Topitlh and want a father. Only
the grave Athenians thought fcorn to have any Father afligned
them j their only ambition was to be accounted Aborigines ZT ge-
nuini Terra, to be the eldeft fons o^ xheix teemingmother the Earth,
and to have been born by the fame equivocal generation that Mice
and Frogs are, from the impregnated ilime of the eartli. Are we
not like to have a wonderful account of ancient times from thofe
who could arrogate to themfelves fo much knowledg from fuch
flendcr and thin accounts of the Originals of people which they
gave, and would have the world entertain with the greateft vene-
ration upon their naked words ? Have we not indeed great rea-
fon to hearken to thofe who did fo frequently difcover their affe-
ction to Fables, and manifeft their ignorance when ever they ven-
ture upon the hillory of other Nations ?
X. The truth is, Herodotus himfelf (whom TuUy calls the Father of
Hiftory, which title he defcrves at lead in regard of antiquity, be-
ing the eldeft of the extant Greek Hiftorians) hath ftood in need
of his Compurgators, who yet have not been able to acquit him of
fabuloufnefs, but have fought to make good his credit by recrimi-
nation, or by making it appear that Herodotus did not fully believe
the ftories he tells, but took them upon truft himfelf, and fo de-
livers them to the world. Some impute it to the ingenuity o^ Hero-
dotus, that he calls his books of Hiftory by the nameof theil/a/2'j-,
on purpofc to tell his Readers they muft not look for meer Hiftory
in him, but a mixture of fuch relations, which tho' nor true, might
yet pleafe and entertain his Readers. Tho' others think they were
not fo infcribed by himfelf, but the names were given to them by
the Greeks from the admiration his Hiftory had among them.
However this were, this we are certain, that Herodotus was not
firft fufpcftcd of falftiood in thefc latter ages of the world, but
even among the Greeks themlclves there have been found fome
that would undertake to make good that charge againft him. For
ioSuidasic\\s\\soionc<::_/Elius Harpocration-, who writ a book on
purpofe to difcover the falftiood o^ Herodotus, nts^' 5 /c^ii^'.itea/ Ti» "Hej-
i-Lrt, :,j>e^cu>. 'Plutarch his books are well known Of the fpight or ma-
lignity o^ Herodotus, but the occafion of that is fufficicntly known
likcwife, bccaufe Herodotus had given no very favourable chara-
strahl.ij. fter of Plutarch's CounD'y. Strabo likewifc feems to accufe Herodo-
tus much of nugacity and mixing prodigious fables with his Hiftory >
J)ut, 1 confcfs, obferving the grounds on which "Plutarch infifts
againft Herodotus, I am very prone to think that the ground of
the great pique in fome of the Greek Writers againft Herodotus,
wasj
Book I. Cap. IV. ORIGINES SACRyE. 47
was, that he told too 'many tales out of School, and had difco-
vered too much oF the Infancy of Greece, and how much the Gre-
cians bor/owcd of the ^tf/^//j was too much led afidc, &r5 Myj^^li,^, 'lu"°p^'
dXul^oyfiMi yj^ t*'V%}'<>:^Mi& a^/jutim^^clyfom^ T^'EiklwiKUv h^m'i'iiii'j^iTmv. Altho' tllCrC- SjJ.
fore Herodotus may not be much to blame in the things which the
Grm<2?'/.r moil charge him with, yet thofe who favour him moll can-
not excufe his palpable miftakes in fome things, and ignorance in
others. Jofephus thinks he was deceived by the and almoft all that
had writ before him. I infift on thefe things, not that I would
deftroy the credibihty of any Humane hiftory, where the Authors
are guilty of any miftakes (for that were to take away the credit
of all Humane Hiftory) but to ihew how infufficient thofe Hifto-
rians are to give us a certain account of the original of Nations,
who were fo unacquainted with the ftate of thofe Nations which
they pretend to give an account of For where there is wanting
Divine Revelation (which was not pretended by any Greek Hiflo-
rians-, and if it had, had been eafily refuted) there mull be fuppofed
a full and exaft knowledg of all things pertaining to that which
they pretend to give an account of > and if they difcover apparent
defe£f and infufficiency (which hath been largely manifefted as to
them, in the precedent difcourfe) we have ground to deny the
credibility of thofe Hiftories upon the account of flich defed: and
infufficiency. So much then will abundantly fuffice for the making
good the firll argument againft the credibility of Profane Hiftories,
as to the account which they give of Ancient times, different from
the Word of God.
CHAP. V.
The general uncertainty of Heathen Chronology.
I. The nvant of credibility in Heathen Hijlory further pron;ed from
the uncertainty and conf:Jion in their accounts of Ancient
times. That difcoojered by the uncertain form of their Tears.
II. An enquiry into the different forms of the /Egyptian Tears ^
the frfi of thirty Days, III. The fecond of four Months j of
hoth Injlances gi^en in the /Egyptian hijlory. IV. Of the Chal-
dican accomitSy and the frfi DynaJIies mentioned hy Bero-
(iis, ho'w they may he reduced to prohahiUty. V. Of the JE-
gyptian DynaJIies of Manetho. Reafons of accounting them
fabulous, hecaufe not attejled hy any credible authority, and re-
jelied hy the befi Hijlorians. VI. The opinion of Scaligcr and
Vofliiis, concerning their being contemporary , propounded^
VII. and rejected nvith reafons againfl it. VIII. Of the an-
cient diuifjon of -^gypt into Nomi or Prouinces, and the
number of them, againfi Volfms and KirchcrJ
THe next thing to manifeft how little there is of credibility
in the account of ancient times, reported by the hiftories of
heathen Nations, is, the uncertainty, confulion and ambiguity in
the
Book I. Cap. V. ORIGINES SACRAL 49
the account they give of thole times. IF we liippolc them not
deFc6Vive as to their records, if yet we find the account given io
perplexed, ambiguous and confulcd, that we can find no certain-
ty of the meaning of it, we have very httlc reafon to entertain
it with any certain alTcnt unto it. Now this will be made evi- I
dent by thefe things, i. The uncertainty of their Chronology,
whereon their whole account depends. 2. The multitude of Im-
pollures taken from ancient hiilories. ^. The uncertain meaning
of thofe Characters wherein their ancient hiilories were prefer Ved
I begin with the great uncertainty of the heathen Chronology,
which will be manifeftcd by two things: Firjl, the uncertain form '
of their years: Secondly-, the want of certainty of their z^^Tzky- ^
m'^> or certain fixed Epochas from which to derive their account
of ancient times. Firj}-, the uncertain form of their years > this of
itlclf isfufficienttodellroy the credibility of their accounts of anti- j
quity, if it be manifefted that they had different forms of years |
in ule among thenij and it be uncertain to which to refer their
accounts they give, for if years be fometimes lunar, fometimes fo-
lar, and fometimes but of thirty days, fometimes of four months,
fometimes of three hundred and fixty days, fometimes three hundred
fixtyfive, fometimes four times three hundred fixty five in their te- j
traeteris-, fometimes eight times in their &«/*£??», or the, week, which, as Jofeph Sea- scdiin ■
liger faith, was res omnibus Orientis populis ab ulthna tifque anti- ^l ^'"'^''■^f-
quit ate ujitata, a thing in continual life among the Eaftern Nations ^ ^'"^' ' "
tho' it be but of late reception into the parts of Europe, and no I
elder than Chriftianity among them. Among the Romans was i
ufed an «&.,>ie<)», which was for the (hke of the Nundin^e i returning !
every ninth day The Mexicans, as Scaliger tells us, reckon all • ;
by a T&«r-otEgov. a Syftcm of thirteen days. Next to thefe were ]
their Months-, which were either Lunar or Solar. The Lunar '
were either from the Moon's return to the fame point of the i
Zodiac again , called •Kfe.'oA^ <^;i«»«5, which was lefs than twenty
eight days j but this was of no ufe in civil computations •, or elfe j
from one conjundion of the Moon with the Sun to another, which
was called irwUS®- 0^).^,,^^ or elfe from thefirft phafisof the Moon, the I
fecond day after its coitus-, called dtii and i^Kgj^ajs »5Aw5i fomej as j
the Grecians-, reckoned their Lunar Months from the coitus, as
Scaliger proves out of Vitruvius i others from thephafs, as fome
Eaftern Nations did -, as the Je'ws began their obfervation of the
New Moons from the firft phafis or appearance of her after the
G coitus. '
^o ORIGINES SACRJE. BooKl.Cap.V.
coitus. The Solar Months were cither natural, liich as were de-
fined by the Sun's paflage from one fign of the Zodiac to an-
other j or civil, whereby the Months were equally divided into
30 days apiece, as in the Grecian and z_yEg}ftian year.
n. Having thus far fecn of what the year confifts, we now pro-
ceed to fhcw that the ancient Nations did not obfervc one con-
ftant certain form of year among them, but had feveral in uie,
to which their accounts may be referred. And bccaule the o^-
gyptians are fuppofed to have been befl skilled as to the form of
Macrob. the ycar, according to that of Macrobiiis-, Anni certus modus apud
Saturn. ^qIq^ fempcf f^yEgyptios fnit : We fliall particularly demonftrate the
^' ^''' '^' variety of years in ufe among them: By which we fliall fee what
great uncertainty there is in their accounts of their Dynafties. For
firft it is evident that the time of 30 days was among the ancient
c^gYptians accounted a year, for which we have the teftimony
of ''Plutdrch in Nutna. aij^^^Soi? Js f*?*!*©- ni aneuutii, e<& 777f asfoJL/©- i The
(iyEgyptians had at fir ft a year confifting of one month-, and after of
four:' So Varro in La£iantius gives an account of the great Age of
fome men in ancient times, who are fuppofed to have lived a
^£7^„; loco years-, Ait enim apud (lyEgyptios pro annis menfes haherii nt
de Origin, nou Solu per 12 figna circuitusfaciat annum-, fed Luna qua; orbemiU
ix.c. 12. l^^^ fignifernm ^o dierumfpacio illuftrat . It is then evident that thia
year of thirty days was in ufe among the z^gyptia7is i the only
icruple is whether it was ufed in their facred accounts or no ; and
that it was, we have a pregnant teftimony in T hit arch in the fore-
cited place •, fpeaking of the «r£aAo^'iodorus Sicuhis ; for fo 'T)iodorus gives in their accounts, that the
Gods and Hero's reigned in <:^y£gypt for the fpace of near 18000
years, and the laft of them was Orus the Ton of Ifis : From the
reign of Men in iodorH^ fpeaks fb much
Hiod.i.x. in fiivor of the old (iyEgyptian Kings and Laws, and produceth
this from the <:_/Egyptian Priefts, as the beft evidence of the ex-
cellent temper of their Government, that they had Kings of their
own Nation for the fpace of 4700 years, till the time of Cambvfes
his inroad into /«-« mix,i3&C^' t^ -^^^i -^v "'^^i^"?. not to
trouble our felves overmuch in Jeeking to reconcile fables to truth.
Great pains is taken by fome very learned men to reduce the dif-
orderly Dynafties o^ Manet ho to fome probable account j but I
muft confefs uport an impartial Examination of them, that I think
they have ftriven, if not to make an >iyEthiopia?i white, yet an
/?, the vaft- difference between
Manetho his accounts and all others who have written the ^^'gv-
ptian Hiftory, in the order and names of Dynafties. Where cio
we ever read of the fcveral Dynafties of the Thinitcs., Memphites-y
Soi'tesi 'Diofpolitans and many others, but in himfclf? It is very
ftrangc that neither Herodotus-, nor Eratofihenes-, nor 'Diodorus.,
who have all written a fuccefiion of the i:^Egyptian .Kings, ihould
neither by their own induftry, nor by all the intercft they had in
<_yEgypt-, get any knowlcdg of thefe methodically digefted Dyna-
fties. Befides, had there been any hiftorical certainty m thefe Dy-
nafties o^ Manetho., whence comes it to pafs that theyftiouldbefo
iilently paftcd over by thofe who were c^yEgyptian rriefts them-
lelves, and undertook to write the Hiftory of who fpeaks
not of Kings, but whole Dynafties? fo that it ftill appears thefe
Dynafties are fabulous, not being attefted by any credible wit-
nefles. Secondly', All thofe who profefs to follow Manetho, differ
ftrangely from one another, as Jofephus, Africanus, Enfebius, Ge-
orge the Sine ellus of the Patriarch Tarajius: and Scaltger, who hath
taken fo much pains in digefting of them, yet he is condemned
by others fmce •, and Ifaac i^ojfius gives a particular caution to his if. vojj?us
Reader, In his 'Dynaftiis compingendis nequaquam ejfe fequendum f '^'f^
orditiem & calculum Scaligeri. What fliould be the reafon of this Jf\'o.
divcrlky, but that they thought them not fo authentic, but they
might cut off', alter anci tranfpofe, as they faw occafion ? which is
moft plain and evident in Eiifebius,^\\o makes no difficulty of cutting
off^ one whole Dynafty, and dividing another into two, only to re-
concile the diftance between Thuoris-, the ^^gyptian King, and!
Tentamiis-, the Aflyrian Emperor, and the deftruttionofTV^?/; and
therefore leaves out four Aft'yrian Kings, and a whole Dynafty of
the i^gyptians, to make ^Jynchronifm between thofe three.
But yet there hath been fomcthing very fairly offered to the vr.
world, to clear the truth, if not Manetho, in order to his Dyna-
fties, viz. that the fubtle <:_/Egyptian-, to inhance the antiquity of
his own Country, did take implicite years for folid, and place
thofe in a fucccftion which were contemporary one with another •,
This indeed is a very compendious way to advance a great fum of
years with a very little charge: Wherein he hath done, faith Cap- caffeii.
pellus, as if a Spaniard in the Indies fliould glory of the antiquity ^e'fof.''A,
of the Dynafties of iS^tJ/V/, and fliould attribute to the Earls of Bar- m. 5308.
celona 337 years, to the Kings of Arragon 4p8, to the Kings
of
5 (J ORIGINES SACR/F.. Book I. Cap. V.
of 'Portugal 4.1%, CO the Kings oi Leon 545, oi Cajtile 800 years,
and yet all thefe Dynaftics rile from the year of our Lord 717,
when the Saracens firil: entred Spain. There are very few Nations,
but will go near to vie antiquity with the and by the Father made ufe of to juftify Scaliger
i[. vofde from calumniators, who made as tho' Scaliger did in effeft over-
£t.mund. fi-ij-Q^ jhe authority of the Scriptures by mentioning with fome
applaufe the Dynafties of Manetho.
VII- But to this opinion, how plaufible foever it feems, I ofter thefe
exceptions. Firfi-, As to that Menes who is fuppofed to be the
firft Founder of the ^Egyptian Kingdom, after whofe death it is
fuppofed that c^A^gypt was divided into all thefe Dynafties -, I de-
mand who this Menes wasj was he the fame with him whom
the Scripture calls Alifraim, who was the firft Planter of J^gypt ?
this is not probable, for in all probability His name muft be fought
among the Gods, and not the Mortals that reigned. If we fup-
pofc him to be any other after him, it will be hard giving an ac-
count how he came to have the whole power of c^yi^gypt in his
hands, and foon after him it fliould be divided. For Kingdoms
are oft-times made up of thofe petty Royalties before 5 but it will
be very hard finding inftances of one perfon's enjoying the whole
power, and fo many Dynafties to arile after his deceafc, and to
continue coexiftent in peace and full power fo long as thefe feve-
ral Dynaftics are fuppofed to do. Befidcs, is it not very ftrangc,
that no Hiftorian ftiould mention fuch a former diftribution of fe-
veral Principalities fo anciently in <:_/£gypt ? But that which to
me utterly overthrows the coexiftence of thefe Dynaftics in (^^E-
gypt-, IS, by comparing with them what wc find in Scripture of
greateft antic|uity concerning the Kingdom of ■»/*"»• Now '"r^? among the
f^yEgyptians-, as Epiphanius and others tell us, notes ^iv w^s vix^>,i
'oi!&o„u% «'Si -z^^^sv, the precin£ts of every great City ■, fuch as our Coun-
ties are, and therefore Pliny renders "i^'' by prafSliira -, thefe ^
were the feveral Provinces of (LyEgypt-, of which there were thirty
fix mzyEgypt-i ten in Thebais-, ten in Delta-, the other fixteen in
the midland parts-, fo that by kingdom againft kingdom, no more
is meant than one Province being fet againft another. Ifaac Vof-
fiiis thinks the number of the ancient Komi was twelve, and that
over every of thefe was a peculiar King-, and that this number may
be gathered from the Dynafties of Manetho-, fetting afide the Dy-
nafties of the Perfians-, c^yEthiopians-, and Phoenicians : viz.. the
Thinites., Memphites-, Elephantines., Heracleopolitans ., Diofpolitan
Thebans-, the lefTer Diofpolitans-, Xoites-, Tanites, Bubaftites, Saitesj
Mendefians-, and Sebennytes : and fo that z^gypt was anciently a
Dodecarchy-, as England in the Saxons time was a Heptarchy. But
H as
5 8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Cap. V.
as it already appears, there could be anciently no fuch "Dodecar-
chy in whofe Scheme
* '^' of the leveral Nomt he publiflieth .^ No, Ttolemee and Tliny by
his own confeflion afterwards add many other to thefe, as Om-
■ phile-) 'Phanturites, Tamtes-, Thatnites, Nerit, Heptanomos:, &cc.
Hath he it from Strabo, whofe authority he cites for it? No Ilich
strab.i-i-j. matter. For Strabo faith exprefly, that Thebais had ten Nomi,
'Dif/^rt ten, and the midland fixteen-, only fome are of opinion, faith
he, that there were as many Nomt as Palaces in the Labyrinth,
which were toward thirty •, but yet the number is uncertain ftill.
We fee by this, how ominous it is for an Oedipus to ftumble at
the threfhold, and how eafy a matter it is to interpret AJyflerics,
if we may have the making of them. We fee then no evidence
at all for thefe contemporary Dynaftics of Manet ho -, which yet
if we fhould grant, would be a further argument of the uncer-
tainty of heathen Chronology-, when among them implicite years
are given out to the world for folid; fo that which way foever
Manetho his Dynafties be taken, they will prove the thing in hand,
whether we fuppofe them at Icaft moft part fabulous, or fliould
grant he had taKcn thofc in fucccflion to each other, ^^■hich were
cocxiftent with one another.
CHAP.
Book I. Cap. VI. ORIGINES SACR/E. 59
CHAP. VI.
The uncertain Epocha's of Heathen Chronoloy.
I. An account of the defeB of Chronology in the eldefl times.
of the Solar Tear among the ^Egyptians, the original of the
EpaBs, the antiquity of Intercalation among them. Of the fe~
qjeral Canicular Tears j the difference betnveen Scakger and
Petaviiis conftdered. The certai?i Epochas of the Egyptian
Hijlory no elder than Nabonallar. II. Of the Grecian ac-
counts. The fahuloufnefs of the Heroical age of Greece.
III. of the ancient Grecian Kingdoms. The beginning of the
Olympiads. IV. The uncertain Origins of the Wejiern Na--
tions. of the Latin Dynajlies. The different Palilia of Rome.
The uncertain reckoning Ab Urbe condita. V. Of impojlures
as to ancient Hijlories. Of Annius, VI. Inghiramius, and
others. VII. Of the charaBers ufed hy Heathen Priejls.
VIII. No facred charaBers among the Jews. IX. The par-
tiality and inconfijiency of heathen Hijlories njjith each other.
From all njuhich the 'want of credibility in them as to an aC'
count of ancient times is clearly demonjlrated.
THe next thing to evidence the uncertainty of the heathen
Chronology^ is, the want of certain '^Parapegmata-, or fomc
fixed periods ot' time, according to which the account of times
muft be made. For if there be no certain Epochas by which co
reckon the fucceflion of ages, the diflanced of intervals, and all
intervening accidents, we muft of neceflity fludtuate in continual
uncertainties, and have no flirc foundation to bottom any account
of ancient times upon. The great rcalbn of this defedt, is, the
little care which thofe who lived in the cldeft times had to pre-
ferve the memory of any ancient tradition among themfclves, or
to convey it to polterity in fuch a way as might be leatl: liable to
impolture. Of all kinds of Learning, Chronology was the moil rude
in eldell times ■■, and yet that is well called by Scaliger, The life
and foul of Hijiory-, without which Hiflory is but a conlaifed lump,
a mere Mala., an indigefted piece of i^eili, without life or form.
The ancient accounts of the World were merely from year to year,
and that with abundance of obfcurity, uncertamty and variety:
fometimes going by the courfc of the Moon -, and therein they
were as mutable as the Moon her felf, how to conform the year
regularly to her motion : and it was yet greater difficulty to regu-
late it by the courfe of the Sun, and to make the accounts of the
Sun and Moon meet. There was fo much perplexity and confu-
fion about the ordering of a lingle yearj and fo long in moll Na-
tions before they could bring it into any order, that we arc not to
exped any fixed periods by which to find out the fuccellion of ages
H 2 among
^o ORIGINES SACRJE. Book I. Cap. VI.
among them. Among the Q_yEgyptians who are lup poled mofl:
skilfuT in the account of the year, it was a long time before they
found out any certain courfe of it. It is agreed b^ moft, that
when the J£.^\yn^n Prieib had found out the form of the year by
Bioior.l.1. the courfe of the Sun (which is attributed by Tiiodorns to the
c. so. ' ' Heliopolitan Pnefts ) yet the year in common ufe was only of
360 days, which in any great period of years muil: needs caufe a
monftrous confufion, by reafon that their Months mull of necef-
fity by degrees change their place, lb that m the great Canicular
year of 730 Thoytlh which was the beginning of the Summer Sol-
fiicc in the entrance into that period, would be removed into the
liiidft of Winter, from whence arofe that .^Lgyptian fable in Herodo-
HeroJ.zu. fus, tliatiu tlic time of their eldcll Kings, the Sun had twice changed
7cdi Jr'% his n{m^ and fetting ; which was only caufed by the variation of their
zmend'. ' Months, and not by any alteration in the couric of the Sjuii. Which
Temf. 1. 5. (Jefc£l the i£g}'-ptian Prieib at laft obferving,faw a neceflity of adding
^' ''^' five days to the end of the year w'*" thence were called -.•5^59.4^, which
implies they were not anciently^ in ufe among them, being .afterwards
added to make up the courfe of the year. W hich the c^Egyptians give
vlutanh an account of, as Tint arch tells us under this fable : Mercury £etng
it ifide o- ^^^g ^f fii(.g .j^-ith the Moon-, he got from her 72^ pari of the jeary
ofiridc. ,^jjjf.fj j.jg ^jfgj. added to the 360 days -Uyhich ij::ere anciently the days
of the year-, ivhich they called i-na-^^, and therein celebrated the
Fejlivals of their Gods. Thence the names of the feveral i-ro^s^a/
were taken from the Gods j the firft was called 'o«'s^4, it being cele-
brated in honor of him -, the fecond, 'aj^^"^;, by which Scaliger un-
derftands Aniibis^ but VoJJhs more probably the fenior Orus ; the
vofJeLioi. third to Typho ; the fourth to Ifis ; the fifth to Nephtha the wife
/. uc. is. q£ Typho^ ^nd filler to Ifis. This courfe of the year Scaliger thinks
that the cyEgyptians reprefented by the Serpent called ^<^t., being
defcribed in a round circle biting fome part of his tail in his
mouth •, whereby, faith he, they would have it underllood that the
form of the year was not perfedl without that ad je£lion of five days
to the end of the year : For to this day, faith he, the Coptites and
ancient c^yEgyptians call the end of the year NfW. Jc leems that
afterwards they underllood iikewife the neceflity of intercalation
of a day every fourth year, for the lake of the redundant qua-
drant each year above 365 days-, which courfe of four years they
called Canicular year, becaufe they obfcrved its deled: in that time
one whole day from the rifing of the Dog-ftar : and bclides that
they called *H>..«ri» %eucaUorh younger than Arcadica by 42 Generations,
which Scaliger might well lay were impodlble and inconllftent.
The Sicyontan Kingdom is by moll fuppolbd to be of greateft an-
tiquity among the Grecians-, From which Varro began his Hiftory,
asS.y//^//»tellsus; and yet as to this, 'Panjanias only reckons the Ausnfl.de
names of" Tome Kings there, without any fuccenion of time among ^.''•^"•^f».
them; and yet as to thole names Africanus (and Eufel^ms from
him) d\{icnt from Paufamas ; and which is moll obfervable. Ho-
mer reckons Adrajius-i who is the 23** in the account of Africanus^
to be the lirll that reigned in Sicyony whole time was after the in-
ftitution of the Olympic Game by Pelops : of him thus Homer-,
Km Zix.vSii 'liy Kf 'A^^?f55 TT^uT l^li»7iAd/i9. Homer,
Iliad. 2.
whereby he exprelTeth Adraftus to be the firft King of Sky on ; and
not as Scaliger would interpret it, that Adraftus was firft King of
the Sicyonians-, before he was of the Argives -, for in the time of
Adraftus at Sicyon-, either Atreus-, or Thyeftes was King of the
Argives : for in the lecond year of Phaftus and Adraftus his lup-
pofed predecelTor in Sicyon-, Atreus rellored the Olympic Game of
Telopsti in the 41 year of their reign, and they reigned at y^r^/ 65
years : Now that Phaftns at Sicyon is liippofed to reign but eight
years ; and therefore the reign of Adraftus at Stcyon fall in with
that of Atreus and Thyeftes at Argi or Mycen£. Thus we lee now,
how uncertain the account of times was before the beginning of
the Olympiads among the Grecians-, which is fully acknowledged
by '\Diodoriis-, and the very reafon given which we here infill on,
Lui ti fb-/iHv ■s^^ymya^ mc^ti^^-^ipiiivaf -3&} Tsni' mfobif^oy, That there was no cer-
tainty in the ancient Grecian hiftory, becaufe they had no certain
term (which he czllsparapegma; as others Epocha ; andCenforinus-,
Titidus') from whence to deduce their accounts. But now from the
time of the Olympiads (i. e. from the firll of them after their re-
floration by Iphitus-, wherein the names of the Conquerors
were ingraven in brafs Tablets for the purpofe) the fuccellion
of time is moft certain and hillorical among the Grecians i by
which account we have from thence a certain way of commen-
furating the facred and prophane Hiftory. AH the difficulty is in
what year of facred Hiftory the Olympiads began, which Scaliger scaiiger.
thus finds out. Cenforiniis writes (in the year of Chrift 238 which -^^ Emend.
was of the Julian period 49 fi.) that, that year was from the firft '^""f-^- 5"-
Olympiad of Iphztus 10 14, the firft Olympiad was of the Julian '
period 3938. which was according to our learned Primate A. M.
3228, and the 35- of Uzziah King of Judah-, or the 34, as Cap-
pellus thinks : So that from henceforward we have a clear account
of times, which we have demonftrated to have been fo uncertain
before.
If we come to the Greeks further into thefe European parts, we iv,
fhall find as much darknefs and obfcurity as to ancient times, if
not
64- ORIGINES SACR/F.. Book I. Cap. VI.
not more, thaninthofe already difcours'd of. For the truth is, the
account of times before the Romans in ItalVi Germany-, old Gallia
or Britain, are fcarce fit to be difcourled of under any head than
that of impofture. Not that I think thofe Nations had lain in a
perpetual lleep, till the Romans waked them into fome kind of
civility but that they had no certain way of conveying down the
tranfadions of their own and former times to the view of pofle-
rity. On which account we may juftly rejed all thofe pretended
fucceflions of Kings here in Britain from Gomer and Brute as fa-
bulous. And it will be the lefs wonder it Ihou'd be fo m thofe then
accounted barbarous Nations, when even among thole who were
the Planters of knowledg and civility among others, the account
of their ancient times is ^o dark, confufed, and uncertain. As it
would fufficiently appear to any that would take the pains to exa-
mine the fuccefllon of the two nrll Dynallies among the Latines -,
the firft before c^/£neas his coming into Italy ; and the fecond of
the ^_yEneada after. And certainly it will be fufficient ground to
queftion the account of times before; if in the third Dynally,
when the fuccefllon feems fo clear, and fo certain an Epocha as
the building of Rome-, to deduce their accounts from their Chro-
nology be uncertain, which I fhall briefly Ipeak to. For altho*
Torcius Cato have in 'Dionyjius the honour of finding out the firft
^alilia of the City of Rome (which was the Feaft obferved to
the honour of the Goddefs Tales in the time of which, the foun-
dations of Rome were laid) yet there appears no great certainty in
his undertaking; for therein he was after contradicted by the lear-
ned Roman-, Varro. '"'Dionyjius tells us that Cato found by the
Cenfors Tables the exaft time from the expulfion of the Kings,
to the time of the City's being taken by the G antes-, from
which time to his own, he could not mifs of it from the Fafti
Confidares i fo that it cannot be denied but that Cato might
have a certain account of times from the Regifugium to the time
he writ his Origines. But what certainty Cato could have from the
firft Talilia or the City to the expulfion of Tarquin-, we cannot
underftand. For the liiccefllon of Kings muft needs be very un-
certain, unlefs it be demonftratcd from fome public monuments,
or certain records, or fome public aftions certainly known to
have fallen out prccifely in fuch a year of their fcveral Reigns. Now
none of thefe cio occur in the Roman Hiftory, in all that interval
from the Talilia to the Regifugium -, fo that not only the whole
interval, but the time of every particular King's Reign, are very
uncertain. And therefore Varro being deftituteof any demonftra-
tion of that time, had recourfe to L. Tarrntius Firmanus-, to lee if
by his skill in Aftronomy he could certainly find out the firft Ta-
Itlia of Rome : His anfwer was, that he found that the City was
built iji the time of an Ecliplc of the Sun, which was in the third
year of the fixth Olypiad-, accordmg to which account /"Vrrrt? pro-
ceded, and thence arofe the dift'erence between the Talilia Cato-
niana and Varrontana-, the latter falling out in the 23'' of Iphitus^
scidigtr Je the othct in the 24'*^. But if we believe Jofeph Scaliger-, there
^mp'i co"''^ "ot bean Eclipfe of the Sun, at the time affirmed by Tar-
?. 388. rutins: But yet granting an Ecliplc of the Sun then, what certainty
can we have of the fuccefllon of the Icvcral Kings afterwards,
without
BooKl.Cap.VI. ORIGINES SACR/E. 6^
without which there can be no certain computation a^ UrOe con-
dita? If then the Romans-, who had lb great advantage of know-
ing times, and were withal fo inquifitivc concerning the building
of their city (which was a thing of no very remote diftance) could
attain to no abfolutc certainty about it, what certainty can we ex-
peft as to an account of far ancienter times, either from them or
others, when they had no Cenfors Tables, nor Fajii Confiilares to be
guided by ? And thus much may ferve to ihew the great uncer-
tainty of heathen Chronology, as to the givmg an account of an-
cient times.
And yet were it only an uncertainty as to Chronology, we ^'
might better bear with it> for the miftake merely in computation
of times were not fo dangerous (any further than the credibility
of the Hiftory depends on the computation, as in point of anti-
quity) if we were but certain that the perfons and aftions related of
them were fuch as they are reported to be. But that which adds
much to the confufion and uncertainty of heathen Hiftory, is,
the frequency of impoflures, which are more hard to be difco-
vered, in that there are no authentic Hiftories of thofe times ex-
tant, which hath both given occallon to variety of impoftures,
and much hindred their difcovery. For the curioiity of men lead-
ing them back into a fearch after ancient times, it makes them ex-
ceeding credulous in embracing whatever pretends to give them
any conduft thro' thofe dark and obfcure paths of ancient Hifto-
ry. And the world hath never been wantmg of fuch as would be
ready to abufe the llmple credulity of well-meaning, but lefs wary
men > but thofe ages have been rwoQ. feracious in the produftion
of fuch perfons, which have pretended to more learning than they
had. The pretenfe of Learning made fuch perfons appear, and
the want of it made them not be difcovered. Thus it was not
only of old among the Chaldean and (:_y£gyptian Priefts, and the
Grecian Poets and Hiftorians, of whom we have fpoken already j
but even among thofe who might have learned more truth from
the Religion they profefled, than to think it ftood in need of their
lyes. For there can be no greater difparagement offered to truth,
than to defend it with any thing but it felf, nothing laying truth
fo open to fufpicion, as when falfhood comes to be its advocate.
And a falfe teftimony difcovered, doth more prejudice to a good
caufe, than it could any ways advantage it, were it not difcovered.
And therefore their labours have been as ferviceable to the world
who have difcovered Impoftures, as thofe who have direftly main-
tained truth againft its open oppofers -, thofe being fo much more
dangerous, in that they appear in the difguile of truth, and there-
fore are with more dimculty difcovered. Such a one was that Ig-
gnis fatmis that appeared in a kind of twilight in the Chriftian
world between the former darknefs of Barbarifm, and the ap-
proaching light of knowledg; I mean Annius Viterbienjis, whohke
Hannibalm pafling the Alps-, not finding a way ready to his mind,
fets himfelf to burning the woods, and firing the rocks, and dif-
folving them with vinegar to make a paflage thro' them : So An-
nius being befet in thofe fnowy and gray headed Alps of ancient
Hiftory, and finding no way clear for him according to his fancy,
he labours to burn down all certain Records, to eat thro' the
I credit
66 RIG INKS SACRJF.. Book I. Cap. VI.
credit of undoubted Authors, to make a more free paflage for
his own Hiftory, which he deduceth fuitably to Scripture for the
concurrent telbmony of the eldcft Hiftorians. To which purpofe,
a new Berojus, Manetho, Thtlo-^ MetaJIhenes (as he miitook for
Megafthenes) and Xcnophon muff put on a grave difguife, and walk
abroad the world with' a mantle of Antiquity about their flioul-
ders, altho' they wear nothing elfe but airy Phantafms, covered
over with the Co'-^l of the Monk of Vtterbo. For being himfelf
fomewhatmoreverfed in the Hiftory of thofe elder times than ge-
nerally perfons were in the age he lived in, he made that unhappy
ufe of his skill, to play the Mountebank with his Learning; and
to abufe the credulity of thofe who have better ftomachs than pa-
lates, and fooner fwallow down the compofitions that are given
them, than find out the ingredients of them. Thus Annius puts
a good face on his New-old Authors, bids them be bold and con-
fident, and they would fare the better. And the truth is, they tell
their ftory fo puncfually in all circumftances, in thofe things which
had no certain conveyance to pofterity, that that were fufficient
ground to any intelligent perfon to queftion their authority. But
left his Authors fliould at any time want an Interpreter to make
out their full meaning, he fets himfelf a large Commentary upon
them , and certainly he was the fitteft perfon in the world to do
it j for, cujus eft condere, ejus eft interpret ari i none fo fit to explain
Annius^ as Annius himfelf The whole ftory of this importure»
how he made the Infcriptions himfelf, and hid them underground,
how they were digged thence and brought to Annius ; how An^
nius caufed them to be fent to the Magiftrates, and after publiflied
• Anton, them in the equipage they are in, is at large related by that learned
Biahg.ii. BiQiop* Anionius Auguftinus-^ from Latinus Latinius.
VI. From a like quarry to this, came -out thofe other famous Infcri-
ptions, walking under the fpecious title of Antiquitatum Etrufca-
rum fragmenta-, wherein, befides many palpable incongruities to
the cuftoms of thofe eldeft times, difcovered partly by Leo AUa-
tius in his Difcourfe concerning them, there are fo many particu-
lar ftories and circumftances related concerning Noah's being in
Italy, and other things fo far beyond probability of Reafon, that
it is a wonder there are yet any perfons pretending to Learning,
who fliould build their aifcourfes upon fuch rotten and fandy foun-
dations as thefe Infcriptions are. But tho' Ixion might, Jupiter
would never have been deceived with a Cloud infteadof 7«»<7; {o,
tho' perfons unacquainted with the lineaments of Truth, may be
cafily impofed on with appearances inftead of her : yet fuch per-
fons who have fagacity enough to difccrn the air of her counte*
nance from the paint of forgeries, will never fuft'er themfelvcs t6
be over-reached by fuch vain pretenders. But thcfc Jmpoftors
are like the Aftrologers at Rome-, ever baniflicd, and yet ever
there ■■, and fo thefe are ever exploded by all lovers of truth, yet
always find fome to applaud and entertain them. Altho' it be more
difficult to do fo now in the prcfcnt light of Knowlcclg, and all
advantages for Learning, than it was in thofe elder times, when
the heathen Prierts pretended to the Monopoly of Learning among
thcnilelves, and made it one of their great deligns to keep all others
iH depcndance on thcmfclves, thereby to keep up their veneration
the
Book I. Cap. VI. ORIGINES SACRAL. c-j
the better among the people. And therefore all the Records they
had of Learning or Hillory, were carefully lockt up, andpreferved
among the Pnefts ; and lead at any time others might get a view
of them, they were fure to prefcrve them in a peculiar Charafter
diftinft from that in civil and common w^'^:. By which means the
heathen Pncils had all imaginable opportunities and conveniences
for deceiving the filly people, and thereby keeping them in anob-
fequious ignorance, which is never the Mother or any true Devo-
tion, but of the greatcft Superftition.
It is well known of the (C/Hgyptian Pricfls, that the facrcd Cha- vir.
rafters of their Temples were leldom made known to any but fuch
as were of their own number and family, (the Priefthood being Di»d.l.p
there hereditary) or llich others as by long convcrfe had infinuated
thcmfelves into their Ibcicty, as ibnie of the Greek Philofophers
and Hiftorians had done. Ancl yet we have fomc rcafon to think
they were not over-free and communicative to fome of them, by
the flender account they give of fcveral things, which are fuppofed
to be well known among the (iyEgvptians. That the Thgenician
Priefts had their peculiar and facrcd Characters too, is evident
from the words of "Philo Byblhis concerning Sanchoniathon-, if we
take Bochartits his Expofition of them: He tells us that his Hi-
ftory was compared, &« -^ ■"'» «A-'tou iift%:r.y, ^>i.^ufE'^ang.
Ammimean letters-, which are known to few: Lit era Ammimeorum '■'•'"•' °-
( faith Bochartus^ funt liter a Temploniniy liter a in facris except a. nochan.
For nan is the Sun, thence pn the Temple of the Sun^ whom the Gn'gr.fac
'Phoenicians worfliip'd as their principal Deity, under the name of f.' \^\ ^'
Beel-fameni the Lord of Heaven. The fame Author tells us out
out of T)iogenes Laertius-, of a Book of 'Democritus, -^ tS, « b«.
G;Aw»< ,-ff«» pfxibfbaTaf by whicli it is evident that the Babylonian Priefts
had their iacred Charafters too : And of a Teftimony of Tbeodo-
Tet of all the Grecian Temples, '£► Sr? E'W^s-i^r? >»<»5 l^o^ Zt«? lim^ f^^.K%^(!, ^tft. in
x«ftfte«'rav. ii it^lxxi «3e.iodorus DioJor.i.t.
tell us of, that were in z^gjpt in their eldeft times ? no lefs than
18000, when yet himfelfconfefleth in the time o^Ttolemaus Lagi-,
there were reckoned but fomewhat above 3000 Cities, and then
^_y¥gypt was the moft populous that ever it had been. How pro-
bable doth this found, that in thofe eldeft times iiich vaft multi-
tudes of Cities fliouldbeereded? But the truth is, it is not un-
fuitable to their opinion of the produ£tionof thefirftmen > which
were caufed, they fay, by the heat of the Sun, and the mud of
Nilus i and it is certain then they might be the moft populous
Nation in the world: for there could be no defeft as to either effi-
cient or material caufe, there being mud enough to produce My-
riads, and the Sun hot enough to impregnate it. The partia-
lity of other Nations hath been already difcourfed of in our paC«
fage ; and fo likewife hath their mutual repugnancy to, and incon-
fiftency with, each other : Which yet might be more fully mani-
fefted from the contradi£tions in reference to the ^Egyptian Hi-
I 3 ftory
yo ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Cap.VI.
ftory betwen Manetho-, Herodotus-, ''Diodorus-> 'Dtc£archusy Era-
tofihenesi and all who have fpoken of it: as to the AJfyrian Em-
pire between Herodotus^ '■Diodorns-, and Julius Africanus : as to
the Terfian Empire between Herodotus and Ctejias-, and thole in
no inconfiderable things, as is evident in Thotius his Excerpta out
of him. Among the Grecians we have aheady diicover'd it as to
their Hiftory and Geography -, and if we lliould enter into their
Theology i and the Hiftory of that, we fliould find their other diffe-
rences mconfiderable, if compared with thefe. Of which we may
partly make a conjedure by the incredible fpite that is born by
the graveft Greek Authors, as Strabo, Tlutarch-> and others, to-
wards Euhemerus SiculuSi for offering to deliver the hiftory of
Jtipiter-) which he faith, he tranfcribcd from the Golden 'Pillar in
the Tetmle of Jupiter Triphyllius in Panchotis.
But I fuppofc enough hath been difcovered already, to prove
that there is no credibilityinanyof thofe Heathen Hiftories, which
pretend to give an account of ancient times; there being in all of
them fo much defeft and infufficiency, fo great uncertainty and
confufion, fo much partiality and inconfiftency with each other. It
remains now that I proceed to demonftrate the credibiUty of that
account of ancient times, which is reported in the Sacred Scriptures^
which will be the fccond part of our Task.
QKiGiNES
71
0R1GIN€S SACRAE:
Book II.
CHAP. I.
The certainty of the Writings of Mofes.
In order to thepro'ving the truth of Script are -hi flory, feveral Hypo-
thefes laid donjun. I. The fir fi concerns the reafonahknefs of prefer-
'ving the ancierit Bijiory of the IForld in fome certain Records,
from the importance of the things, II. and the inconveniences
of meer Tradition or conjiant Revelation. III. The fecond con-
cerns the certainty that the Records under Mofes his name,
ivere midouhtedh his. The certainty of a matter of faB en-
quired into in general, and proved as to this particular IV. hy
nniverfal Confent, V. and fettling a Commofi-'wealth upon his
La-ws. VI, VII. 7he impoffihtlity of an Impoftor as to the Writ-
ings of Mofes demonjlrated. 7he pleas to the contrary largely
anpwered.
HAVING fufficiently demonftrated the want of credibility i.
in the account of the ancient times, given by thofe Na-
tions who have made the greatefl pretonle to Learning
and Antiquity in the World, we now proceed to evince
the credibility and certainty of that account which is gi\'en Us
in Sacred Scriptures : In order to which I fliall premife thefe fol-
lowing Hypothefes.
Firjl, Itjlands to the great eft reafon-) that an account of things fo Hypoth.
concerning and remarkable., ftoou'd not be aluoays left to the uncer-
tainty of an oral Tradition -, but fjou'd be timely entred into cert din
Records:, to be prefcrv'd to the memory of pofterity. For it being
of concernment to the World, in order to the Eftablifliment of
Belief, as to future things, to be fetled in the Belief, that all things
pad were manag'd by Divine Providence ; there mufl: be certain
Records of former Ages, or elfe the mind of Man will be perpe-
tually hovering in the greateft uncertainties: Efpecially where
there is fuch a mutual dependance and concatenation of one thing
with another, as there is in all the Scripture-hiftory. For take
away but any one of the main Foundations of the Mofaical Hi-
flory, all the Superftrudure will be exceedingly weakned, if it
doth riot fill quite to the ground. For Man's obligation to Obe-
dience unto God, doth necclfarily fuppofe his Original to be from
him; his hearkning to any propofals of fivor from God, doth
fuppofe his Apoftaiy and Fall; God's defigning to Ihew mercy
and
7i ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Cap. I.
and favor to fallen Man , doth fuppofc that there muft be feme
wa}^ whereby the Great Creator mull reveal himfelf as to the Con-
ditions on which fallen Man may exped a recovery j the revealing
of thefe Conditions in fuch a way whereon a fufpicious (becaufc
guilty) Creature may firmly rely, dothfuppofe fo certain a record-
ing of them, as may be leaft liable to any llifpicion of impolKirc
or deceit. For altho' nothing elfe be in it felf neceflary from
God to Man, in order to his Salvation, but the bare revealing in a
cerrainway the Terms on which he muft expect it-, yet conlldering
the unbounded Nature of Divine Goodnels, refpedlmg not only
the good of fome particular Perfons, but of the whole Society of
Mankind, it ftands to the greateft reafon that fuch a Revelation
Ihou'd be fo propounded, as might be with equal certainty con-
yey'd to the community of Mankind. Which cou'd not with any
llich evidence of credibility be done by private and particular Re-
velations (which give fatisfaftion only to the inward Senfcs of the
partakers of them) as by a public recording of the matters of
Divine Revelation by fuch a Perfon who is enabled to give the
World all reafonable fatisfaftion , that what he did was not of
any private defign of his own head •, but that he was deputed to
it by no lefs than Divine Authority. And therefore it ftands to
the higheft reafon, that where Divine Revelation is neceflary for
the certain requiring of Aflent, the matter to be believ'd ftiou'd
have a certain uniform conveyance to Mens minds, rather than that
perpetually new Revelations fliou'd be requir'd for the making
known of thofe things j which being once recorded, are not liable
to fo many impoftures , as the other way might have been under
pretended Revelations. For then Men are not put to a continual
Trial of every Perfon pretending Divine Revelation, as to the
evidences which he brings of Divine Authority, but the great
matters of concernment being already recorded and attefted by all
rational evidence as to the truth of the things, their minds therein
reft fatisfy'd without being under a continual hefitancy, left the Re-
velation of one fliou'd contradift another,
ir. For flippofing that God had left the matters of Divine Reve-
lation unrecorded at all, but left them to be difcover'd in every
Age by a Spirit of Prophecy, by fuch a multitude as might befuf-
ficient to inform the Worlci of the truth of the things } we cannot
but conceive that an innumerable company of croaking i:'w/^/:)///}'tf/?/
wou'd be continually pretending Commifllons from Heaven, by
which the minds of Men wou'd be left in continual diftraftion,
becaufc they wou'd have no certain infallible Rules given them,
whereby to difference the good and evil Spirit from each other.
But now fuppofing God to infpire fome particular Perfons , not
only to reveal, but to record Divine Truths, then whatever evi-
dences can be brought attefting a Divine Revelation in them, will
likcwifc prove the undoubted certainty and infallibility of thole
writings, it being impofllble that Perfons cmploy'd by a God of
truth, fliou'd make it their deflgn to impofc upon the World;
which gives us a rational account, why the wife God did not firf-
fcr the Hiftory of the World to lie ftill unrecorded, but made
choice of fijch a Perfon to record it, who gave abundant evidence
to the World that he adled no private defign, but was peculiarly
cmploy'd
Book II. Cap. I. RIGINkS SACRyE. 7^
employ'd by God hinilclF For the doing oF it, as will appear af-
terwards. Belides, wc find by our farmer Difcourfc, how liable
the mofl certain Tradition is to be corrupted in progrefs oF time,
where there are no (landing Records, tho' it were at firFt deiivcr'd
by Perfons oF undoubted credit. For we have no reafon to doubt,
but that the Tradition oF the old World, the Flood and the con-
Icquences of it, with the nature and worfhip oF the true God,
were at firfl fpread over the greateff part oF the World in its firft
Plantations J yet we fee how foon for want oF certain conveyance,
all the ancient Tradition was corrupted and abus'd into thegrcateft
Idolatry. Which might be lefs wonder'd at, had it been only in
thole parts which were furthefl: remote From the feat oFthofe grand
Tranfadions > but thus we find it was even among thofe Families
who had the neareft refidence to the place of them, and among
thofe Perfons who were not far off in a lineal defcent from the
Perfons mainly concern'd in them 5 as is mofl evident in the Fa-
mily out of which Abraham came ( who was himfelf the tenth
from Noah) yet of them it is laid, That they ferved other Gods. jo(h.i4.2.
How unlikely then was it, that this Tradition Ihou'd be afterwards
preferv'd entire, when the People God had peculiarly chofen to
himfelf, were fo mix'd among the tians were skilled in Geometry, and the
knowlcdg relating thereto.
And for the promoting of all other knowledg, whofe end is v.
Contemplation, the very conftitution of their Commonwealth did
much conduce thereto : For thereby it was provided that there
fliou'd always be a fuiBcicnt number of perfons freed from all other
Employments, who might devote themfelves to a ledulous enquiry
into the natures of things. Such were the Egyptian Priefts, who
by the peculiar nature of the Egyptian fuperllitions, were freed
from that burdcnlbmefervice of facrificing beaflis, which the Priefts
of other Nations were continually cmploy'd about, and fo they
enjoy'd not only an cafy but a very honorable employment > for
they were the perfons of the greateft honor, efteem, and authority
among the i'^i -n ^
fiamxim lea,, The Triefts minded the ftiidy of Thilojophy and Aftro-
nomy-i and convers d moft '■jvith their Kings : And alter, ipeaking
of their Kings being ftudy'd in their Arts, as well as others of the
Priefts, he adds, i^^^' ^» l^ «"2r5 k\hui i /3/©-, with ivhom they [pent moji
of their li'ves. Agreeable to this, "Plutarch tells us, that the Kings mtanh.
themfelves were often Priefts ■■, and adds out of Hecataus-t that ^ W- &
the Kings us'd to drink wine by meafure, .'ff«5 iW?, becaufe they ^^"'
were Triejis i for as he laith, the Kings of (iyEgypt were chofen,
either out of the rank of Priefts or Souldiers, ^ /^ »/ a^^J/x'oc, rS JV 2>l^'
m(p!u* yivcui dijuyj, ^ lifhlw 'i;^,Z'i tkofe two orders being of the greatefi ho-
nor-, the one for 'valor-, and the other for wifdom i and if the King
were chofen out of the Souldiers, he was prefently entred among
the Priefts, to learn their Myftical Sciences. T>iodorus feems to hm. i. ,.
reckon fome great perfons after the Priefts, and diftind" from the
Souldiery ; but if he means by thefe any other than fome of the
other two profeflions, I muft fay, as Cafaubon doth in another
cafe of T)iodorus, Sane Strabonis au£loritas miiltis Siculvs apud me c^aub.
pra-valet. Diodorus his teftimony not to be weighed with Strabo V. ^ty'J"ji,„,
T'rom whence we may underftand the reafon why that Potipherah-,
whofe Daughter Jofeph married, is called fn3. which fome render oen. 41.
the Prieft, others the Trince of On ; but thefe two we fee are 4r
L 2 very
84 O RIG INKS SACRJE. Book II. Cap. II.
vcrv confident, then- Prices being their great Princes-, and He-
liop'olis, or On-, of which 'Fotiphcrah v/as Prince or Priefl, being
the chief Seat and Univerfity of the Prieils of <:_y£gypt. Now it
clem. A- is evident from Ckmens Alex andr inns-, that the iodorus t 'f>iogenes Laertius-, and others, divides it into
i-i-p-19- four pzrtSy Mathematical, Natural, 'Divine and Moral. Their skill
in the Mathematical parts of Learning hath been partly ihew'd al-
ready, and might be more largely from that skill in them, which
the Grecians gain'd from the (lyEgyptians, as both lamblichiis and
Iambi. dt 'Porphiry fpc-xkof "Pythagoras, that he gain'd his skill in Geometry
-vit* Pyth. cIi\q^y froxnthcc^f'gyptians : for thefe as Porphiry faith, of along
torfhp.de time had been very iludious of Geometry, as the '■Pbanici'ans of
nAt.vyth. Arithmetic, and the Chaldaans of Aflronomy. But lamblichus
^' ' ^ (and I think dcicrvcdly) takes notice of the •" <^(^OT&<^Al!•n)/. the dif-
ficnlt accefs of the /Egyptian Prieils, cipccially as to acquaintance
itraitiAj. with their MyilerieSj and ib Strabo calls them, /^.i^nxi? ^ A(r,x,!5c^;gi,5,
fuch who concealed their learning under many Symbols, and were
not eailly drawn to unfold it. And yet we might think the two
and twenty years time, which Pythagoras \s thought to have ipcnt
among them, had been enough to have iniinuated hiniiclf into
their utmoil acquaintance, and to have drawn from them the know-
ledg of their grcatcfl Myileries ; but yet we have no great reafon
to think he did, if we believe the ilory in 'Diogenes Laertius of
his
EooK II. Cap. II. ORIGINES SACRA). 85
Ill's facrificinr; an Hecatomb For the lindiiig out chat Dcmonilration,
which is now contain'd in the 47 propolition of the firft of Eu-
clide. Y' t this did not abate the Grecians efteem of the zy^gv-
ptians Nj-athcmatical Leariiing-, for in "Plato's time, Eudoxus Cni-
ditis went into ^^Egypt on purpofc to acquire it j and T)emocritus
his boall, that none of the Arfepedonapta: in c^Egypt (fo their f^'^'^- ■^'•
Priefts were call'd, as Clemens Alexandrinus and Eufebius tell us, i.uf^prif.
who relate the flory) exceeded him in the Mathematics, proves '-icci,
at lead inferred, that they were then in greateft efteem for them.
Their great skill in Aftronomy is attefted by 'Diodorus-, Stra- Dhdor.
bo-, HerodotiiSi and others, and by their findnig out the courfe '•'•'^•47»
of the year by the motion of the Sun, which was the invention l°traii.n.
o( the Heliopolitan Prices. How much they valued Geography, ap- uerodot.
pears from Clemens his defcription of the 'hg9;)f«/*/<^TO5, ox J acred ^' *•
Scribe-, in the folcmn procelTion j for he was requir'd to be skilful f/rTm^'i 6
in Hieroglyphics, Cofmography, Geography, the motions of the p-e^i.e/.
Planets, the Chorography oi' ^'/ff£nn^« aycupi^em eii U u^ y^^^^c^^, with a
great deal of curiofity infert in their facred Records i and Herodotus
adds, that more things of that nature are obferved by them, than by
any other Nation j which, faith he, they not only diligently preferve,
but frequently compare together, and from a fimihtude of prodigies
gather a flmilitude of events. But that which gain'd the i^yEgyptians
the greateft repute abroad, feems to have been their early skill in Thy-
Jic-, which is fo much fpokenof by//(?w^r, Tlato^ Herodotus-, Tlu-
tarch-, ^Diogenes LaertiuSiZnd others, that it were impertinent trou-
bling a Reader's patience with the proof of that which is fb generally
confefs'd. A great evidence of the antiquity of this ftudy among
them is (if Manetho may be fo far credited) that Athotts-, the fe-
cond King of the firft Dynafty of the Thi?iites-, was a Phyfician
himfelf, and writ fome Books of Anatomy -, and the fecond King
of the third Dynafty of the Memphites-, was, for his skill in Thy-
Jic-, honored among them by the name of •
bodies to be difTefted, to find out the nature of Difeafes j and elfe- f'/i. **"
where tells us, that the original of Thyfic among them was from
the relation of thofe who by any remedy v^^ere cured of any Dif-
eafe, which for a memorial to pofterity were recorded in their
Temples. Their Hieroglyphical and Myftical Learning hath made
the greateft noife in the world and the leaft of Subftance in itj
which whoever will not be convinced of without perufal of Kir-
cher''6 Oedipus z^gyptiacust will at laft find it fully done to his
hand by the fucceflefs endeavors of that otherwife learned Man. I
cannot think any rational Man cou'd think that ftudy worth his
L 3 pains,
8^ ORIGINES SACRAL. Book II. Cap. II.
pains, which at the highcll can amount but to a conjcclure; and
when it is come to that with a great deal of pains, it is nothing
but fome ordinary and trivial obfcrvation. As in that famous Hie-
roglyphic of 'T)iofpolis-, lb much fpoken of by the Ancients, where
was a Child to exprefs coming into the World, an old Man for
going out of it, an Hawk for God, an Hippopotamus for Hatred,
and a Crocodile for Impudence •, and all to exprefs this venerable
Jlpophthegm-, O ye that come into the World-, and that go out of ity
God hates impudence. And therefore certainly this kind of Learn-
ing deferves the highell form among the difficiles Nnga ; and all
thefe Hieroglyphics put together, will make but one good one,
and lliou'd be for Labour lofi.
VII. There is yet one part of Learning more among them, which
• the (:_yEgyptia7is are efteemed for, which is the Political and Civil
part of it, which may better be called AVifdom, than mod of the
foregoing; two things fpeak much the wifdom of a Nation,
goocl Laws, and a prudent management of them : their Laws are
highly commended by Strabo and 'Diodorus -, and it is none of the
leaft commendations of them, that Solon and Lycurgus borrowed
fo many of their Conflitutions from them ; and for the prudent
management of their Government , as the continuance of their
State fo long in peace and quietnefs, is an invincible demonftra-
tion of it; fo the report given of them in Scripture adds a fur-
ther teftimony to it; for therein the King of c^yEgypt is called
ifa. 19. II, the Son of the Wife, as well as the Son of ancient Kings; and
'*■ his Counfellors arc called '■joife Coimfellors gyptian Priefts might ib readily and plainly have triumphed
over him, by difcovering the falfliood of what he wrote? Thus
we fee that Alofes was as highly qualify'd as any of the acuteft
heathen Philofophers cou'd be, for difcerning Truth from Falf-
hood", nay, in all probability he far excelled the mofl renowned
of the Gracian Philofophers in that very kind of Learning where-
with they made fo great noife in the World, which was originally
Egyptian, as is evident in the whole feries of the Gracian Phi-
lofophers, who went Age after Age to zyEgypt-, to get fome fcraps
of that Learning there, which Mojes cou'd not have but full meals
of, becaufe of his high place, great intereft, and power in o^^^y/if.
And mufl thofe hungry Philofophers then become the only Ma-
flers of our Reafon, and their Didlates be receiv'd as the fenfe and
voice of Nature, which they either receiv'd from uncertain Tradi-
tion, or elfe deliver'd in oppofition to it, that they might be more
taken notice of in the World? Muft an ai-ri'. ^m. be confronted
with, Thus faith the Lord? and a few pitiful Symbols vye autho-
rity with Divine Commands ? and Ex nihilo nihil Jit be fboner be-
liev'dthan, In the beginniiigGodcreatedthe Heavens audthe Earth?
What irrefragable evidence of Reafon is that fo confident a pre-
iumption built upon, when it can fignify nothing without this/i/y-
pothefisi That there is nothing but Matter m the World? and let
this firft be prov'd, and we will never flick to grant the other. I
may confidently fay, the great guUery of the world hath been,
taking philofophical Didates for the ffandard of Reafon, and un-
prov'd Hypothefes for certain Foundations for our difcourfe to
rely upon. And the feeking to reconcile the Myfteries of our
Faith to thefe, hath been that which hath almoft deftroy'd it, and
turn'd our Religion into a mere philofophical Speculation. But
of this elfewhere. We fee then that infilling merely on the ac-
complifhment and rational perfedions of the perfons who fpeak,
we have more reafon to yield credit to Mofes in his Hiflory, than
to any Philofophers in their fpeculations.
And that which in the next place fpeaks Mofes to be a perfbn vili.
of wifdom, and judgment, and ability to find out truth, was his
Age and Experience when he deliver'd thefe things to the World.
He vented no crude and indigefted conceptions, no fudden and
temerarious fancies, the ufual iffues of teeming and juvenile
Wits ; he liv'd long enough to have experience to try, and judg-
ment to diftinguifh a mere outfide and varnifli, from what was folid
and fubftantial. We cannot then have the leaft ground of fufpi-
cion, that Alofes was any ways unfit to difcern Truth from Falf^
hood, and therefore was capable of judging the one from the
other.
But tho' perfons be never fo highly accompliflit for parts, learn-
ing, and experience, yet if they want due information of the certain-
ty of the things they deliver, they may be ftill deceiv'd themfelves j
and if they preferve it for poflerity, be guilty of deceiving others.
Let us now therefore fee whether Mofes had not as great advan-
tages for underflanding the truth of his Hiflory, as he had judg-
ment
88 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book 11. Cap. II.
ment to difcern it. And concerning all thole things contained in
the four kft Books of his, to his own death, it was impollibic
any fhou'd have greater than himfelf, writing nothing but what
he was pars mag'iia himfelf of, what he faw and heard, and did-,
and can any teitimony be defired greater than his whofe actions
they were, or who was prefent at the doing of them-, and that
not in any private way, but in the moft public capacity ? For al-
tho' private perfons may be prefent at great adions, yet they may
be guilty of mif-reprefenting them, for want of underftanding all
circumftances precedent , and fubfequent, or for want of under-
ftanding the defigns of the chief inliruments of aftion: but when
the perfon himfelf, who was the chief in all, ihall undertake to
write an exaft Hiftory of it, what evidence can be deflred more
certain than that is, that there cou'd be no defeft as to informa-
tion concerning what was done ? The only fcruple then that can
be made, muft be concerning the pafTages of former times which
Mofes relates. And here I doubt not but to make it appear, that
infifting only on all that can be dcfired in a bare Hiftorian (fetting
afide Divine Revelation) he had as true and certain information of
the Hiftory of thofe former Ages, as any one can have of things
at that diftance from themfelves ■■, and that is-> by a certain uninter-
rupted tradition of them, which will appear more clear and evi-
dent in that Nation of which Mofes was, than in any other Na-
tion in the World : and that on thefe two accounts : Firft, The
undoubted lineal defcent from Father to Son in the Je'-ji^ip Nation.
Secondly, Their inter eft lying fo much in the preferving this Tra-
dition entire.
IX. Firft, That there ii'as a certain unmixed lineal defcent from Fa-
ther to Son in the Jewifh Nation: the great caule of moft of the
confufion in the Tradition of other Nations, was the frequent
mixing of feveral Families one with another ^ now that God
might as it were on purpofe fatisfy the World of the Ifraelites
Capacity to prelerve the Tradition entire, he prohibited their
mixture by Marriages with the people of other Nations and Fa-
milies. So that in Mofes his time it was a very cafy matter to
run up their lineal defcent as far as the Flood, nay, up to Adam-,
for Adam converfed fomctimes with Lamech-, Noah's Father j for
Lamech was horn A.M. 874. Adam died 5)30. fothat 56 years, ac-
cording to that computatio/i, were Adam and Lamech contempo-
rary. Can we then think Noah ignorant of the ancient Tradition
of the World, when his Father was fo long co-avoits with Adam-,
and Mathufelah his Grand-father, who was born A. M. 6Sy. died
not till /^. M. 1 65- 6. according to our moft learned 'Primate of
Armagh, i. e. was 600 years contemporary with Noah. Sevt his
Son was probably living in fome part of Jacob's time, or If'aac's
at Icafti and how cafily and uninterruptedly might the general Tra-
dition of the ancient Hiftory be continued thence to the time of
Mofes., when the number of Families agreeing in this Tradition
was incrcafcd, and wkhal incorporated by a common ligament of
Religion.^ I demand -then, where can we fuppofe any ignorance
or cutting oft' this general Tradition in fo continued a fuccelfion
as here was? Can we imagine that the Cirand-children oi Jacob
coU'd be ignorant of their own pedigree, and whence they came
into
Book 11. Cap. II. ORIGINES SACRA^.. 8^
into z^lgypt'^ can \vc think x thini^ lo lute and lo remarkable as
the account of their coming tliither, lliou'd be forgotten, which
was attended with lb many memorable circumdances, efpecially
the fcHing and advancement of Jofeph-, whofc memory it was \v\\-
poflible fhou'd be obHterated in fo Ihort a time? Cou'd Jacob be
ignorant of the Country whence his Grand-father Abraham came?
efpecially when he lived fo long in '\x. himlelf, and married into that
branch of the Family that was rcmaming there, when he had
fervcd his Uncle Laban ? Cou'd Abraham^ when he was con-
temporary with Sem-, be ignorant of the truth of the Floud, when
Seni', from whom he derived himfelf, was one of the perfons who
cfcapcd it in the Ark? Cou'd Sem be ignorant of the adions be-
fore the P'loud, when Adam, the firft Man, lived fo near the
the time o^ Noah? and, cou'd Noah then be ignorant of the Crea-
tion and the fall of Man? Thus we fee it almoll impoHiblc, that
any age among them then cou'd be ignorant of the paflages of the
precedent, which they were fo few Generations removed from,
that they cou'd with cafe derive themfelves from the Firft Man.
What then can we fay? that anyof thefe had a defign of deceiving
their pofterity , and fo corrupted the Tradition ? befides, that it cou'd
be hardly poflible at that time, when there were fo many remaining
teftimonies of former times -, what end can we imagin that any
parents fliou'd have in thus deceiving their Children, or what ad-
vantage fhou'd come to them by fuch a deceit ? Nay, I fhall now
manifeft: in the fccond place, That the whole interefl: of their
Children lay in preferving this Tradition certain and entire. For
their hopes of poflefling Canaan and title to it, depended upon
the promife made unto Abraham 400 years before j which wou'd
not only keep awake their fenfe of Divine Providence, but wou'd
make them careful during their Bondage to preferve their Genea-
logies , becaufe all the Right they cou'd plead to their pofreflions
in Canaan, was from their being of Abraham's Seed. And be-
fides this, on purpofe to be a memorial to them of paflages be-
tween God and Abraham-, they had in their flefli a badge of Cir-
cumcifion , which wou'd ferve to call to mind thofe tranfaftions
which had been between God and their Fore-fathers. Thefe things
then do fully demonftrate, that infilling only on Rational Evi-
dence, the Ifraelites were the moft certain confervators of the an-
cient Hiftory of the World ; and can we think, that Mofes who
was the Ruler among them, (hou'd not fully underftand thofe
things which every Ifraelite cou'd fcarce be ignorant of, and might
correft the mA^keso^ Mofes in his Hifl:ory, if he had been guilty
of any fuch ? Thefe things I fuppofe have made the firft propo-
fition evident, That it was morally impoflible Mofes fliou'd be de-
ceived himfelf, or be ignorant of the things whicli he reports to
others, both becaufe he had abilities fufficient to diicover Truth
from Falfliood, and fufficient information of the paflages of for-
mer times,
M CHAP.
5,0 ORIGINES SACRyE. BookII. Cap.III.
CHAP. III.
Mofes his fidelity and proved.
L Mofes conjidered as an Hijiorian, and as a Laio-giver ^ his
jidelity m both proved j clear evidences that he had no intent
to deceive in his Hijiory, freedom from private inter eji, im-
partiality in his relations^ plainnefs and perfpicMtty ofjiile. II. As
a LaiV'giver, he came armed 'with Divine Authority, '■cukch
heing the main thing, is fixed on to he fully proved from his
aBions and 'writings. III. Ihepovjer of Miracles the g-eat evi-
dence of Divine Revelation. Two grand ^iieffions propounded.
In 'what cafes Miracles may he e.xpeUed, and ho'w knovjn to
he true. No necejjity of a conjlant ponver of Miracles in a
Church : IV. Tv:o cafes alone 'wherein they may he expecfed.
When any thing comes as a La'w from God, and 'when a Di-
vine La'w is to he repealed. The neceJJity of Miracles in thofe
cafes as an evidence of Divine Revelation afferted. V. VI. VII. Oh~
jeBions anf-wered. No ufe of Miracles 'when the DoBrine is fettled
and ovcned hy Miracles hy the frfi Revelation. No need of
Miracles in reformation of a Church.
THc fccond Propofition contains the proof of M^fes his fide-
lity* That he was as far from having any intent to deceive
others, as he was.from being deceived himfelf Two ways Mofes mutt
be confidered, as an Hiftorian, and as a Law-giver •, the only in-
ducement for him to deceive as an Hiftorian, muft be Ibmc par-
ticular intercft which muft draw him afide from an impartial de-
livery of the truth -, as a Law-giver, he might deceive, if he pre-
tended Divine Revelation for thofe Laws which were only the
ifTues of his own Brain, that they might be received with a greater
veneration among the people, as Numa 'Pompilms and others did.
Now if we prove that ^\ofes had no intereft to deceive in his Hi-
ftory, and had all rational evidence of Divine Revelation in his
Laws, we fliall abundantly evince the undoubted fidelity o^ Mofes
in every thing recorded by him. We begin then with his fidelity
as an Hiftorian -, and it being contrary to the common intereft of
the World to deceive and be deceived, we have no reaibn to en-
tertain any fufpicions of the veracity of any perfon where we can-
not difcern fomc pecuhar intereft that might have a ftrongcr byafs
upon him than the common intereft of the World. For it is other-
wife in Morals than in Naturals-, for in Naturals, we He that every
thing will leave its proper intercft to preferve the common interelt
of Nature j but in Alorals, there is nothing more common than
deferring the common intereft of Mankind, to fct up a peculiar
intereft againft it : It being the trueft defcription of a Politician, that
he is one who makes himfelf the centre, and the whole World his
circum-
BooKlI.Cap.III. RIG INKS S^CRAl. 5,1
circumfcixnccj that he regards not how much the whole World
is abufcd, if any advantage dt)th accrue to himfelf by it. Where
we Ice it then the deiign of any perfon to advance himlclf or his
pollerity, or to fet up the [credit of the Nation whole Hiftory
he writes, we may have jull caufe to fupeft his partiality, bccaufe
wc then find a fufficicnt inducement for fuch a one to leave the
common road of Truth, and to fall into the paths of deceit. But
we have not the lead ground to fufpc^L any fuch partiality in the
Hiiiory of Alo/h i for nothing is more clear than that he was free
from the ambitious defign of advancing himfelf and his pollerity,
whonotwithftandingthe great honor he enjoy'd himfelf, was con-
tent to leave his pollerity in the mcancft fort of attendance upon
the Tabernacle. And as little have we ground to think he intended
to flatter that Nation, which he io lively defcribcs, that one wou'd
think he had rather a defign to fet forth the frowardnefs, unbe-
lief, unthankfulnefs, and difobedience of a Nation towards a gra-
cious God, than any ways to inhance their reputation in the world,
or to ingratiate himfelf with them by writing this Hillory of them.
Nay, and he fets forth fo exadly the leifcr failings and grofler
enormities of all the Ancefl:ors of this Nation, whofe ads he re-
cords, that any impartial Reader will foon acc|uit him of a defign
of flattery, when after he hath recorded thofe faults, he feeks not
to extenuate them, or bring any excufe or pretenfe to palliate them.
So that any obferving Reader may eafily take notice, that he was
carried on by a higher defign than the common people of Hifto-
riansarc} and that his drift and fcope was to exalt the goodnefsand
favor of God, towards a rebellious and obfl:inate people. Of which
there can be no greater nor more lively denionftration, than the Hi-
fl:ory ofall the tranfadtions of the y^ifi/^ Nation, from their coming
forth of z_yEgypt-, to their utter ruin and dcfolation. And Mofes Deut. ^.
tells them as from God himfelf, it was neither for their number-, 7' ^•
nor their goodnefs-, that God fet his love upon them-, but he loved
them-, becatife he loved them-, i. e. no other account was to be given
of his gracious dealing with them, but the freenefs of his own
bounty, and the exuberancy of his goodnefs towards them. Nay,
have we not caufe to admire the ingenuity as well as veracity of this
excellent perfonage, who not only lays fo notorious a blot upon
the flock of his own Family Levi, recorded fo pun£lually the in-
humanity and cruelty of him, and Simeon in their dealings with Gen. 34.
the Sechemites i but hkewife inferts that curfe which was left upon ^r-
their memory for it, by their own Father at his deceafe! And e!'^]'^^'^'
that he might not leave the leafl; fufpicion of partiahty behind him,
he hath not done as the Statuary did, (who engraved his own name
fo artificially in the Statue of Jupiter-, that one fliou'd continue
as long as the other,) but what the other intended for the praife
of his skill, Mofes hath done for his ingenuity, that he hath fo
interwoven the Hiftory of his own failings and difobedience with
thofe of the Nation, that his fpots are like to continue as long as
the whole web of his Hiftory is like to do. Had it been the Icaft
part of his defign to have his memory prefcrved with a fuperfti-
tious veneration among the Jews-, how eafy had it been for him
to have left out any thing that might in the leaft entrench upon
his reputation ? but we find him very fecure and carelefs in that
M 2 parti-
5?i ORIGINES SACR^. Book II. Cap. III.
particular -, nay, on the other fide, very fludious and induftrious in
depreflingthe honor and defcrf? of Men, and advancing the power
andgoodnefs of God. And all this he doth, not in an affected drain
o^ Rhetoricy whofe proper work is impetrare Jidem r/iendacio-, and 3.S
Tnlly fomewherc confefleth , To make things feem otherwife than
they are; but that innate fmiplicity and plainncfs, and yet withal
with that Imperatorta brevitas-, that Majelly and Authority, that it is
thereby evident he fought not to court acceptance, but to demand
belief: Nor had any fuch pitiful defign of pleafing his Readers
with fome affefted phrafes, but thought that Truth it felf hadpre-
fence enough with it, to command the fubmillion of our Under-
ftandings to it.
n. Efpecially when all thefe were delivered by fuch a one who came
fufficiently armed with all motives of credibility and inducements
to aflent, by that evidence which he gave, that he was no preten-
der to Divine Revelation, but was really imploy'd as a peculiar
inftrument of State under the God and Rulerof the whole World.
Which if it be made clear, then all our further doubts muft pre-
fently ceale, and all impertinent difputes be filenced, when the
Supreme Majefty appears impowering any perfon to diftate to the
World the Laws they muft be governed by. For if any thing be
repugnant to our Rational Faculties, that is, that God fhou'd di-
ctate any thing but what is moft certainly true, or that the Gover-
nor of the World fliou'd prefcribe any Laws, but fuch as were
moft juft and reafonable. If we fuppofe a God, we cannot que-
ftion veracity to be one of his chiefeft Attributes, and that it is
impoflible the God of truth fliou'd imployany, to reveal any thing
as from him, but what was undoubtedly true. So that it were an
argument of the moft grofs and unreafdnable increduUty, to diftruft
the certainty of any thing which comes to us with fufficient evi-
dence of Divine Revelation, becaufe thereby we iliew our diftruft
of the veracity of God himfelf All that we can defire then, is
only reafonable fatisfaftion concerning the evidence of Divine Re-
vdation in the perfon whofe words we are to credit, and this our gra-
cious God hath been fo far from denying Men, that he hath given
all Rational Evidence of the truth of it. For it implying no in-
congruity at all, to any notions of God or our fclvcs, that God
ftiou'd, when it pleafcs him, fingle out fome inftrument to mani-
fcft his will to the World-, our enquiry then leads us to thofc things
which may be proper Notes and Charafters of fuch a perfon who
is cmploy'd on fo high an Embafty. And thofe are chiefly thelc
two, If his anions be fuch as cou'd not flow from the power of
mere Natural Caufes-, and, If the things he reveals be fuch as cou'd
not proceed from any created Underftanding. Firfi then, for his
Aftions, thefe ftriking moft upon our outward Senfes, when they
are any thing extraordinary, do tranfmitalong with the impreftlons
of them to the Underftanding, an high opinionof the perfon that
doth them : whereas the mere height of knowledge, or profoundnels
of things difcovered, can have no fuch prcfent power and influence
upon any, but fuch as are of more raifed and inquilitive minds.
And the World is generally more apt to fufpcd" its Iclf deceived
with Words, than it can be with Actions-, and hence Miracles, or
the doing of things above the reach of Nature, hath been always
embraced
Book II. Cap. III. ORIGINKS SACRAL. 5,5
embraced as the grcarcll tcftimony of Divine Authority and Re-
velation. For which there is this evident Rcafon, That the courfc
of Nature being fctlcd by Divine Power, and every thing acting
there by the force of that Power it recciv'd at firft, it Teems impof-
fible that any thing iliou'd really alter the feries of things, with-
out the fame Power which at firil produced them. This then we
take for granted, That where-ever fuch a Power appears, there is
a certain evidence of a Divine Prelcnce going along with fuch a
Pcrfon who enjoys it. And this is that which is moft evident in
the aftions of Mofes., both as to the Miracles he wrought both in
^_yi^gypt and the Wildcrnefs, and his miraculous deliverance of
the Jjraelites out of (L/'Egypt-, this latter being as much above the
reach of any merely Civil Power, as the other above Natural.
We therefore come to the Rational Evidence of that Divine
Authority whereby Mofes afted, which may be gathered from that
Divine Power which appeared in his Actions, which being a mat-
ter of fo great weight and importance (it being one of the main
Bafes whereon the Evidence of Divine Revelation, as to us, doth
rtand) and withal of fo great difficulty and obfcurity, (caufed
thro' the preferring fome Parties in Religion, above the common in-
tereft of it) it will require more care and diligence to fearch what
influence the Power of Miracles hath upon the proving the Divine
Commiflion of thofe who do them. Whether they are fuch un-
doubted Credentials, that where-ever they are produced, we are
prefently to receive the Perfons who bring them, as Extraordinary
Embafladors from Heaven, cmploy'd on fome peculiar Meflage
to the Sons of Men ? For the full flating of this important Qiie-
ftion , two things muft be cleared : iv>//. In what cafes Miracles
may be expefted as Credentials to confirm an immediate Commit-
fion from Heaven ? Secondly , What Rational Evidences do at-
tend thofe Miracles, to aflure us they are fuch as they pretend to
be.?
Firft-) For the caufes wherein thefe Miracles are to be expected iii.
as inducements to, or confirmations of our Faith, concerning the
Divine Imployment of any perfons in the World. And here I lay
down this as a certain Foundation, That a power of Miracles is not
conftantly and perpetually neceflary in all thofe who manage the
atfairs of Heaven here on Earth, or that aft in the name of God
in the World. When the Doftrine of Faith is once fetled in Sa-
cred Records, and the Divine Revelation of that Doftrine fuffi-
ciently attefted, by a Power of Miracles in the revealers of it.
What imaginable necefllty or pretext can there be contrived for a
power of Miracles, efpecially among fuch as already own the Di-
vine Revelation of the Scriptures ? To make then a power of
working Miracles to be conftantly refident in the Church of God,
as one of the neceflary Notes and Charadlers of it, is to put God
upon that necefllty which common Nature is freed from, viz. of
multiplying things without fiifficient caufe to be given for them j
and to leave Men's Faith at a ftand, when God hath given fiaffi-
cient teftimony for it to rely upon. It is a thing too common and
eafy to be obferved , that Ibine perfons out of their eagernefs to
uphold the intereft of their own party, have been fain to eftablifli
it upon fuch grounds j which when they are fufiiciently (earched
M 3 to
54 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Cap. III.
to the bottom, do apparently undermine the common and fare Foun-
dations whereon the BeheF of our coriimon Chriftianity doth mainly
i)i.ind. It were eafy to make a large Difcourle on this Subjeft,
whereby we may rip open the wounds that Chriftianity hath re-
ceiv'd, thro' the contentions of the Icvcral parties of it j but this
imputation cannot with fo much reafon be faften'donany party, as
that which is nailed to a pretended Infallible Chair •, for which we
need no other inftance, than this before us. For while the leaders
of that party make a Power of Miracles to be a neceflary Note of
the true Church, they unavoidably run Men upon this dangerous
precipice, not to believe any thing as a matter of Faith, where
they find not fufficient Miracles to convince them that is the true
Church which propounds it to them. Which neceflanly ibllows
from their acknowledg'd principles -, for it being impollible, ac-
cording to them, to believe any thing with a Divine Faith, but
what is propounded by the Church as an infallible Guide; and it
being impoflible to know which is this infallible Guide, but by
the Notes and Charafters of it, and one of thofe Notes, being a
Power of Miracles, I cannot find out my Guide but by this Power-,
and this Power muft be prelent in the Church, (for nothing of
former Ages concerning Faith, as the Miracles of Chrifi, his Re-
ilirreftion, &c. is to be believ'd, but on the Church's account) and
therefore where Men do not find futficient convidtion from pre-
fcnt Miracles, to believe the Church to be an infallible Guide,
they muft throw off all Faith concerning the Gofpel ; for as good
never a whit, as never the better. And therefore it is no wonder
Atheifrn ftiou'd be fo thriving a plant in Italy i nay under, if not
within the walls of Rome it k:\i\ where inquifitive Perfons do daily
fee the jugglings and impoftures of Priefts in their pretended Mi-
racles, and from thence are brought to look upon ReHgion its
felf as a mere impofture, and to think no 'Foj?e fo infallible, as he
that faid, ^luantum nobis profitit hac de Chrifio fabulal Such hor-
rid confequences do Men drive others, if not bring themfelves,
to, when they employ their parts and induftry rather to uphold
a corrupt intereft, than to promote the Belief of the acknowledg'd
principles of Chriftian Faith. But as long as we affert no nccellity
of fuch a power of Miracles to be the Note of any true Church,
nor any fuch neceffity of an infalhble Guide, but that the Miracles
wrought by Chriji and his Apoftles, were fufficient evidences of a
Divine Spirit in theni; and that the Scriptures were recorded by
them to be an infallible Rule of Faith, here we have more clear
reafon as to the primary motives and groundsof Faith, and withal
the infallible veracity of God in the Scriptures, as the laft reiblu-
tion of Faith. And while we aflert fuch an infallible Rule of Faith,
delivered to us by fuch an unanimous confent from the firft deli-
very of it, and then fo fully attcfted by fuch uncontrouhible Mi-
racles, we cannot in the leaft underftand to what end a power of
Miracles fliou'd now fcrvc in the Church, efpccially among thofe
who all believe the Scriptures to be the Word of God. Indeed
before the great harveft of Converts in the primitive times were
brought in, both of Je\j:;s and Gentiles^ and the Church fully fettled
in receiving the Canon of the Scriptures univcrfally, we find God
did continue this power among thcoT, but after the Books of the
New
Book II. Cap. III. ORIGINES SACR/IL 95
New Tcftament were p;encrally embraced as the Rule oF Faith
among C^hriitians, we Had them fb far from pretending to any
fuch Power, that they reject the pretenders to it, fuch as the 'Do-
natijis were, and plead upon the lame accounts, as we do now
againil the neceility of it. Wc ice then no reafon in the world
for Miracles to be continued where the Dodrine of Faith is fet-
tled, as being confirmed by Miracles in the firft Preachers of it.
There arc only thefc two cafes then, wherein Miracles may juft- iv,
ly and with reafon be expeded. Firji-, When any perfon comes
as by an extraordinary commillion from God to the World, either
to deliver fome peculiar meflage, or to do fome more than ordi-
nary fcrvice. Secondly-, When fomething that hath been before
eftablifli'd by Divine Law, is to be repealed, and fome other way
of worfhip eftablifh'd inftead of it. Firjt-, When any comes upon
an extraordinary meflage to the World, in the name of, and by
commifllon from God, then it is but reafon to require fome more
than ordinary evidence of fuch Authority. Becaufc of the main
importance of the duty of giving credit to fuch a perfon, and the
great fin of being guilty of rejefting that Divine Authority which
appears in him. And in this cafe we cannot think that God wou'd
require it as a Duty to believe, where he doth not give fufhcient
arguments for Faith, nor that he will punifh perfons for fuch a
fault, which an invincible ignorance was the caufe of Indeed
God doth not ufe to neceflitate Faith, as to the aft of it, but he doth
fo clearly propound the objeft of it, with all arguments inducing
to iti as may fufficiently juilify a Believer's choice in point of rea-
fon and prudence, and may leave all Unbelievers without excufe.
I cannot fee what account a Man can give to himfelf of his Faith,
much lefs what Apology he can make to others for it, unlefs he
i>e fufficiently convinced in point of the higheft reafon, that it
was his duty to believe -, and in order to that convi£tion, there
muft be fome clear evidence given , That what is fpoken hath the
ifnprefs of Divine Authority upon it. Now what convictions
there can be to any fober mind concerning Divine Authority in
any perfon without fuch a Power of Miracles going along with
him, when he is to deliver fome new Doftrine to the World to
be believ'd, I confefs I cannot underftand. For altho' I doubt not
but where.ever God doth reveal any thing to any perfon immedia-
tely, he gives demonftrable evidence to the inward fenfes of the
Soul, that it comes from himfelf j yet this inward fenfe can be no
ground to another perfon to believe his Doftnne Divine, becaule
no Man can be a competent judge of the actings of another's fenfes j
and it is impoffible to another perfon to diftinguifli the a£tings of
the Divine Spirit from ftrong imprefHons of fancy by the force
and energy of them. If it be faid. That c^r are bound to believe objea.
thofe-, who fay they are fully fatisffd of their divine Commiffion. ^„y„_
I anfwcrFir/?, This will expofe us to all delufions imaginable; for
if we are bound to believe them becaufe they fay fo, we are bound
to believe all which fay fo •, and none are more confident pretenders
to this than the greateft deceivers, as the experience of our Age
will fufficiently witnefs. Secondly-, Men muft neceffarily be
bound to believe contradictions ; for nothing is more ordinaryt
than for fuch confident pretenders to a Divine Spirit, to contradict
one
<)6 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap.IIl.
one another, and it may be, the fame perlbn in a httle time con-
tradift hmilelf : and muft wc ftiU be bound to beHcve all they lay ?
If fo, no Philofophers woud be {o much \x\ requeft, as thofc Jf-
rijiotle dilputes againft in his Metaphyfics-, who thought a thing
might be, and not be, at the fame tmic. Thirdly-^ The ground
of Faith at laft will be but a mere human teftimony, as far as the
perfon who is to believe is capable of judging of it. For the
Queftion being, Whether the perfon I am to believe hath Divine
Authority for what he faith. What ground can I have to believe
that he hath fo? Muft I take his bare affirmation for it? If fo,
then a mere humane teftimony muft be the ground of Divine Faith,
and that which is laft refolv'd into : If it be fud, 'That I am to
believe the T>ivme Authority by which he [peaks -, when he /peaks in
the name of God: I anfwer, The Queftion will again return, how
I (hall know he fpeaks this from Divine Authority ? and fo there
muft be a progrefs in infinitum, or founding Divine Faith on a mere
humane teftimony, If I am to believe Divine Revelation merely
on the account or the perfon's affirmation who pretends to it. For
in this cafe it holds good, Non apparentis & ?ion exiftentis eadem
eft ratio j if he be divinely infpired, and there be no ground in-
ducing me to believe that he is fo, I fhall be excufed, if I believe
him noti if my wilfulnefs and lazinefs be not the caufe of my
unbehef.
V. If it be faid, That God willfatlsfy the minds of good Men con-
cerning the truth of 'Divine Revelation. I grant it to be wonder-
fully truej but all the Queftion is de modo^ how God will fatisfy
them ? whether merely by Infpiration of his own Spirit in them,
affuring them that it is God that fpeaks in fuch perfons> or by
giving them Rational Evidence, convincing them of fufficient
grounds to believe it. If we affert the former way, we run inta
thefe inconveniences : Firft-, We make as immediate a Revelation
in all thofe who believe, as in thofe who are to reveal Divine
Truths to us •, for there is a new Revelation of an objeft imme-
diately to the mind; viz. That fuch a perfon is infpired of God i and
is not after the common way of the Spirit's illumination in Be-
lievers, which is by enlightning the faculty, without the propofi-
tion of any new ob je£t, as it is in the work of Grace : So that
according to this opinion, there muft be immediate Infpiration as
to that aft of Faith, whereby we believe any one to have been
divinely infpired , and confequently to that whereby we believ^e
the Scriptures to be the Word of God. Secondly, Doth not this
make the faireft plea for Men's unbelief? For, I demand, Is it
the duty of thofc who want that immediate Illumination to believe
or no? If it be not their duty, Unbelief can be no fin to themj
if it be a duty, it muft be made known to be a duty ; and how
can that be made known to them to be a duty, when they wane
the only and neceffary means of Inftrudion in order to it? Will
God condemn them for that, which it was impolfiblc they fhou'd
have, unlcfs God gave it them? And how can they be left inex-
culable, who want fo much as rational inducements to Faith ? for
of thelc 1 now fpeak, and not of efficacious perfuafions of the
Mind , when there are rational arguments for Faith propounded.
But, Laftly, I luppofe the cafe will be clcar'd, when we take notice
what
Book II. Cap. III. GRIG INKS SACR/Ii. c, 7
whaccourfc God hath always taken to give all rational Ihtislaction
to the minds oF Men, concerning the perlbns whom he hath mi-
ploy'd in either of the foremcntion'd cafes. Firjh For thoFc who
have been imploy'd upon Fonie fpccial mefT'age and fervicc For
GoDj he hath Fent them Forth Fulliciently provided with maniFe-
ftations oF f he Divme Power whereby they adcdj as is mofl: clear
and evident in the prcFent call- oF Mofes, Exodus 4. i, 2, 3, 4, f.
where Mofcs puts the cafe to God, which wc arc now debating
oF Suppoflng, i'aith he, that I fliou'd go to the IJraelites and tell
them, God had appear'd to me, and lent mc to deliver them, and
they (liou'd lay, God had not appear'd unto me 5 how iliou'd I
latisly them? God doth not rcjed" this objeftion o^ Mofes as fa-
vourmgoFunbelieF, but preFently iliews him how he fliou'd fatisFy
thera, by caufnig a Miracle beFore his lace, r/^r»/>?j^ his rod into afer-
pent ; and God gives this as the reafon ofit,-verf. 5-. T/jat they may
believe that the LordGodof their Fathers-, theGodof AhrAram-, the
God of Ilaac, and the God of Jacob, hath appeared unto thee. It
feems God himfelF thought this wou'd be the moll: pregnant evi-
dence oF God's appearing to him, iF he wrought Miracles beFore
their Faces. Nay, lell they fliou'd think one Angle Miracle was not
fufficient, God in the immediate Following verFes adjoyns two more,
which he fliou'd do in order to their fatisFaition •, and Further, verf.
21. God gave him a charge to do all thoFc wonders beFore 'P/^tfr^*?^,
which he had put into his hand: and accordingly we find Tharaoh
prefently demanding a Miracle oF Mofes., Exodm 7. p. which ac-*
cordingly Mofes did in his prefence, tho' he might fuppofe 'Tha-
raoh's demand not to proceed From defire oF FatisFad-ion, but From
fome hopes that For want oF it, he might have rcndred his credit
fuFpefted among the Ifraelites.
Indeed aFter God had delivered his people, and had fetled them vi.
in a way oF fervuig him according to the Laws delivered by
Mofes-) which he had confirm'd by unqueftionable Miracles among
them, we find a caution laid in by Mofes himlelf, againfl: thoFe
which fliou'd pretend figns and wonders to draw them ofl^ From
the Religion efl:abli(h'd by the Law oF Mofes. And fo likewife ocut. 13.
under the Gofpel, aFter that was eftablilh'd by the unparalell'd Mi- «. i> 3-
racles oF our Savior and the Apofl:les, we find Frequent cautions
againft being deceiv'd by thoFe who came with pretences oF doing
great Miracles. But this is Fo Far From inFringing the credibility
oF ilich a Tefl:imony which is confirm'd by Miracles, that it yields
a fl:rong confirmation to the truth oF what I now aflert. For the
Doftrineisfuppos'd to be already eftablifli'd by Miracles, according
to which we are to judge oF the fpirits oF fuch pretenders. Now
it ftands to the greatcFt reafon, that when a Religion is once efta-
blifli'd by uncontrolled Miracles, we fliou'd not hearken to every
v^hifiling Conjurer that will pretend to do great Feats, to draw us
off From the truth eftablifli'd. In which cafe, the fureft way to
difcover the Impofture is, to compare his pretended Miracles with
thofe true and real ones which were done by Mofes and Chri(i •,
and the ground oF it is, becauFe every perfon is no competent judg
of the truth oF a Miracle; For the Devil, by his power and fub-
tilty, may eafily deceive all fuch as will be led by the nofe by him,
in expe£tacion of fome wonders to be done by him. And therefore
N as
5,8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap. 111.
as lon^ as we have no ground to queftion the certainty oF thole
Miracfes which were wrought by Chrift or Mofes-, I am bound to
adhere to the Doctrine ellabhfh'd by thole Miracles, and to mak(?
them my rule of judging all perfons who fliall pretend to work
Miracles: Becaufe, i. I do not know how far God may give Men
over to be deceiv'd by lying wonders, who will not receive the
truth in the love of it j i. e. thofe that think not the Chrijtian Re-
ligion fufficiently confirm'd by the Miracles wrought at the firft
promulgation of it. God in jullice may permit the Pevil to go
further than otherwife he cou'd, and leave luch perfons to their
own credulity, to believe every impofture and lUufion of their fenies
for true Miracles. 2. That Doftrine which was confirm'd by un-
doubted Miracles, hath aflur'd us of the coming of Lying Won-
ders, whereby many lliou'd be deceiv'd. Now this part of the
Doftrine of the Golpel is as certainly true as any of the reft ; for
it was confirm'd by the fame Miracles that the other was •, and be-
Udes that, the very coming of luch Miracles is an evidence of the
truth of it, it falling out fo exadly according to what was fore-
told fo many hundred years fince. Now if this Do£lrine be true,
then am I certain the intent of thefe Miracles is to deceive, and
that thofe are deceiv'd who hearken to them •, and what reafon
then have I to beheve them.' 3. To what end do thefe Miracles
ferve? Are they to confirm the truths contain'd in Scripture?
But what need they any confirmation now, when we are aflur'd
by the Miracles wrought by Chrift and his Apoftles-i that the Do-
ctrine by them preach'a came from God? and fo hath beenreceiv'd
upon the credit of thofe Miracles ever fince. Were thele truths
fufficiently prov'd to be from God before or no ? If not, then all
former Ages have believ'd without fufficient ground for Faith 5 if
they were, then what ground can there be to confirm us in them
now ? Certainly God, who never doth any thing but for very
great purpofes, will never alter the courfe of Nature , merely for
fatisfaftion of Men's vain curiofities.
VII. But it may be it will be faid, It was fomething not fully reveal'd
in Scripture which is thus confirm'd by Miracles : but where hath
the Scripture told us, that any thing not fully reveal'd therein,
Ihou'd be afterwards confirm'd ? Was the Scripture an infallible
rule of Faith, while this was wanting in it? Did Chrift and his
Apoftles difcharge their places, when they left fomething unre-
veal'd to us? Was this a Duty before thclc Miracles, or no? if
it was, what need Miracles to confirm it ? if not, Chrifl hath not
told us all ncceflary conditions of Salvation. For whatever is requi-
red as a Duty, isfuch, as the negleft of it runs Men upon damnation.
Laftly-i Men's Faith will be lett at continual uncertainties-, for we
know not according to this principle, when we have all that is ne-
cefiary to be behev'd, or do all that is necellary to be praiitis'd in
order to Salvation. For if God may ftill make new Articles of Faith,
or ccnftitutenew duties by freih Miracles,! muft go and enquire what
Miracles arc wrought in every place, to feel mils nothing that may
be necellary for me, in order to my happinefs in another World.
\i Men pretend to deliver any Doclrine contrary to the Scri-
pture i then it \^ not only necelTiu'y that they confirm it by Mi-
racles, but they mull manifcll the lalfity of thofe Miracles on
which
Book II. Cap. III. RIG I NFS SACRAL. 5,P
which that Doftrinc is bchcv'd, or clfc they muft ufc another
Miracle to prove that God will fct his Seal to confirm both parts
©f a con tradition to be true. Which being the hardell task of
all, had need be prov'd by very fufficient and undoubted Miracles,
fuch as may be able to make us believe thofc are Miracles, and arc
not, at the lame time, and fo the ilrength of the Argument is ut-
terly dellroy'd by the medium produc'd to prove it by.
By this Dilcourfe thefe Two things are clears Firft-, That no
prctenfes of Miracles are to be hcarkn'd to, when the Dodrinewe
are to believe is already ertablifli'd by them, if thofc Miracles tend
in the leaff to the derogation of the truth of what was cftabUfh'd
by thofe former Miracles. Secondly', That when the full Doftrinc
we are to believe is eilablifli'd by Miracles, there is no neceflity at
all of new Miracles, for confirmation of any of the truths therein
deliver'd. And therefore it is a moft unreafonable thing to de-
mand Miracles of thofe to prove the truth of the Doftrine they
deliver, who do firft folemnly profefs to deliver nothing but what
was confirm'd by Miracles in the firft delivery of it, and is con-
tain'd in the Scriptures of the Old and New Teftament ; and fe-
condly do not pretend to any immediate Commiffion from Heaven,
but do nothing but what in their Confcicnces they think every
trueChriftian is bound to do; much more all MagiftratesandMi-
nifters, who believe the truth of what they profefs, which is in their
places to reform all Errors and Abules which are crept into the Do-
£brine or Praftice of Chrijiianity-, thro' the Corruption of Men or
Times. And therefore it is a moft unjuft and unreafonable de-
mand of the 'Papifls-, when they require Miracles from our Firft
Reformers, to prove the truth of their Doftrine with. Had they
pretended to have come with an immediate Commifllon from Hea-
ven to have added to the Doftrine of the Gofpel, there had been
fome plea for fuch a demand ; but it was quite otherwife with them :
Their only defign was, to iz:hip the buyers and fellers out of the
Temple-, to purge the Church from its abufes : And altho' that by
Jerome was thought to be one of our Savior's greateft Miracles,
yet this by us is conceiv'd to be no other than the duty of all
Magiftrates , Minifters , and private Chriftians ; thefe by their
prayers, Minifters by their Dodrine, and Magiftrates by theit
juft Authority.
N 2 CHAP.
xoo ORIGINES SACRJE. Eook II. Cap. IV.
CHAP. IV.
The fidelity of the Prophets fucceeding Mofes.
I. An order of Prophets tofucceed Mofes, hy God's onxn appointment
in the Laiv of Mofes. II. The Schools of the Prophets, III. the origi-
7ialandinjlitiition of them. IV.Jhe Cities of the Leuites. The occa-
fion of their firfl injlitution. V. The places of the Schools of the Pro-
phet s^and the tendency of the injlitution there to a prophetical ojjice.
Yl.Ofthe Miific Its' din the Schoolsofthe Prophet s,Vl\.The Roman
Affamenta,andthe Greek Hymns in their folemn nL-orJhip.VlU.The z
forts of Prophets amongthe ]ews, Leiger and extraordinary. Or-
dinary Prophets taken out of the Schools,prov'd hy Amos a7id Saul.
BUt dtho' now under the Gofpel (the Revelation of G o d's
Will being compleated by Chnfl and his Apoftlcs) we have
no reafon either to expedl new Revelations, or new Miracles for
confirming the Old-, yet under the Law, God training up his
People by degrees till the coming of Chrijl, there was a neceflity
of a new fupply of Divine Meflengers (call'd Trop/jets) to prepare
the People, and make way for the coming of Chrift. Ks to whom
thefe two things are confiderable.
F/>/?,Thofe Prophets whofc work was to inform the People of their
duties, or to reprove them for their fins, or to prepare them for the
coming of the MeJJias (which were their chief tasks) had no need to
confirm the truth of their doftrine or commiflion from Heaven by the
working of Miracles among them. And that on thefe two accounts.
Firft-, Becaufe God did not confummate the Revelation of his
Mind and Will to the Jev^s by the Miniftry of Mofes-> but ap-
pointed a fucceflion of Prophets to be among them, to make
known his Mind unto them. Now, in this cafe, when the pro-
phetical ofhce was eftablifli'd among them, what neceflity was
there that every one that came to them upon an Errand from God»
Ihou'd prove his Tertimony to be true by Miracles, when in the
difcharge of his Office he deliver'd nothing dilfonant from the
Law of Mofes? It is one argument God intended a fucceflion of
Prophets, when he laid down fuch Rules in his Law for the judg-
ing of them, whether they were truly uifpir'd or no, ^eiit. i8.
21, 22. And in that fame place God doth promife a fucceflion of
Prophets, 'Dent. 18. if, 18. A Trophet li'ill the Lord Godraife
7ip unto thee like unto me ; to himjimll ye hearken. AVHiich words,
tho' in their full and compleat fcnfc they do relate to Chrifl (who
is the great Prophet of the Church) yet who ever attends to the
full fcopc of the words, will cafily perceive that the immediate
fcnfc of them doth relate to an order of Prophets, which fliou'd
iiiccced Mofes among the Jcjis -, bctweeji whom and Mofes there
wou'd be a great fimilitudc as to their Birth, Calling, and Dodrine,
tho' not a jull equality, which is excluded, "Dcut. 34.. 10, 11. and
the chief reafon why it is faid there that the other Prophets fell
fo much fliort of Mofes is, in regard of the Signs and VVonders
which he wrought, as is there largely cxprcfs'd. Nor may it feem
ftrange, that by a Prci}'>Iict /hou'd be undcrltood an order or fuc-
ceflion
Book II. Cap. IV. ORIGINES SACli/E. loi
ceflion of Prophets when it is acknowlcdg'd by mod: TroteJtantS:,
th.Tt by 'o •A.X'x3 the AnticJorift-, is undcrftood a Rank and Suc-
cellion of fevcral Pcrfons in the fame name and funftion : And
that it is to be undcrflood in thofc words concernini.!; a fucceflion
of Prophets, will appear by the occafion of their being brought
in s for ver. 14. God prohibits them to hearken after the man-
ner of their Neighbour-nations, to Obfervers of times and Divi-
ners, and then brings in the following words, -ver. if. as to the
rcafonof thatProhibition, ih^tGod'-jJonld raife up a Trophet among ^- Arabic,
them/elves like unto Mo(es, a?2d to hmfiould they hearken. Now '^cliv ^
let any rational Man judg whether it were fo probable an Argu- loci: Fa-
ment to keep them from hcarkning to Diviners of other Nations, fl""' ^''•
that there fliou'd be a Prophet arifc 2000 years after like unto cZ.cilf
Mo/es, as that he wou'd raifc up a contiinied fucccffion of Pro- '■"^ 3-
phcts among themfelvcs, to whom they fliou'd hearken. Thus'^"^"'^'
Or/gen in his excellent Book againit Celjlis-,' flievvs the neccffity q^ 'Origin. con.
the Prophetical Office among the Jews from hence-, For, faith he, m!'""'
it being writt en iii their Law that the Gentiles hearkened unto Oracles Ocut. ig.
and 'Divinations -, but God would not fuffer it to be fo among them-, ^'^'
it prefently follows-, A Prophet will the Lord God raife tip in the
niidJlofthee-,S>zc. Therefore-, faith he, when the Nations round about
them had their Oracles, a7id fever al ways of 'Divination-, all which
were ftridlly prohibited among the Jews, if the Jews had no way
of foreknowing things to co?ne, it had been almoft impoffiblcy confi-
dering the great curiofity of humane nature-, to have kept them from
defpifing the Law of Mofes, or apoftatizing to the heathe-a Oracles-,
or jetting up fomething like them among themfelves. Which Inter-
pretation of his feems to have a great deal of Reafon, not only
from the Coherence of the words here, but from the Analogy of
many other Precepts of the Law n't Mofes, which it is mofl: certain
have a refpeft to the cuftoms of the Idolatrous Nations round
about them. Another reafon why it is moft probable, that by
this is undcrftood a fuccefllon of Prophets, is the charge which
follows againft falfe Prophets, and the Rules to difcover them,
f(fr. 20,21,22. which had not been fo pertinent and coherent, if
the oppofition did not lie between the order of true Prophets
among the Jews-, and the falfe Prophets, which fliou'd rife up in
the midll of them. And that which yet further juftifies this In-
terpretation, is, that there is no other place in the whole Tenta-
teuch which doth expreily (peak of a fiiccefllon of Prophets, if
this be not underilood of itj and is it any ways probable a matter
of fo great moment and confequence fliou'd be wholly pretermitted ?
Efpecially v/hen we find it fo exaftly perform'd in the fuccecding
Ages of the Jewifli Commonwealth ; their immediate Ruler like
Dictators at Rome-, after Mofes's death, being moft rais'd up by
immediate incitation and impulfe from God, and many of them
infpir'd with a Spirit of Prophecy. How fliou'd the Jews have
expcftedthefe, orobey'd them when they appear'd, had not God
foretold it to them, and provided them for it by the Law of Mofes.
Neither did thefe Prophets arife lingly among them, like blazing ir.
Stars, one in an Age, to portend future Events, but whole Con-
ftellations of them fometimes appear'd together j yea, fo many
finallcr Prophets were fometimes united together, as made up a
N 3 perfe£t
loi ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap.lV.
pcrfed Galaxy, when they were entrcd into Societies, and became
Schools of the Prophets j for fuch we frequently read of in Scri-
pture. The Original and Inititution of which may caft a further
light into our prelent defign, and fiiew'd us the little reafon the
Je'-jjs cou'd have to expecl Miracles from them to confirm their
Doctrine, who were brought up in the knowledg of their Law,
and were call'd out for their feveral Societies into the prophetical
office by the immediate incitation of God himfelf. Which being
fo commonly known among them, there needed no fuch extraor-
dinary proofs to manifell the Divine Authority by which they were
employ'd. Two things then we fnall endeavor to clear: Ftrfi,
The Original and Inflitution of thefe Schools of the Prophets;
and Secondly , That it was the ordinary courfe for the Prophets
by employiiients to be taken forth of thefe Societies wherein they
were educated. Firjl, for the Original and Inflitution of thefe
Schools of the Prophets. The firfl Seminaries, or places of Infli-
tution among the Je'ji's, were the Cities of the Lev/fes, which
were difperfed up and down in the feveral Tribes o? Ifrael i God
thereby turning that into a Blcfllng, which was pronounc'd as a
Gen.49.7. curfe n^on Lei'i by his Father Jacob, Viz. that he Jhould be divided
in Jacob, and fcattered in \ix7ic\. But tho' the fulfilling of that
Prophecy might be the primary ground of that fcattering, yet it
is evident that God aim'd at fome further good in it, both in re-
ference to the Levites and the Ifraelites. Lyra undertakes to allign
four reafons of this Diflribution of the Cities of the Levites among
jofh. 21. the Tribes, (i.) Becaufe if they had liv'd but in one Tribe, the
Worfhip of God wou'd have feem'd to have been confin'd to that
Tribe. (2.) Becaufe they wou'd have been a burden to that Tribe
they had their habitations in. (3.) 'From the equity of being main-
tain'd by all who ferv'd for all. (4.) Becaufe it was their office to
teach the People , and therefore it was necefiary they fhou'd live
AhuUnfis among them. Thefe Reafons are mofl of them oppos'd by Abu-
'"^"^'l'' lenfis, but defended by others. The lafl is that which moll infifl
V. 'sheriog. on, it being the peculiar office of the Z/£"i;/>^j- to teach the People j
Amiq.He- £-Q J Chron.7,').^. And [aid unto the Levites, qui erudiebant omnem
c"{.fX Ifr^d^w, as Vatablus renders it, V!:ho taught all Ifrael; and Mafius
Mafiusm infifls ou that as the great reafon of their difperfion, to be ready
Jofl'-^- 14- j-Q (-each the Law among the Ifraelites. But yet all thofc who are
agreed that Teaching the Law was the Duty of the Levites , are
not yet agreed of the manner of that Teaching -, for there being
two parts of their Law, the one Ceremonial and Judicial, and the
other Moral and Spiritual, the Queflion is, Whether of thefe two
did belong to, or was perform'd by the Triefts and Levites. There
are many who undcrfland all that Office of Teaching, which be-
long'd to the Triefts and Levites to be merely concerning the Ce-
remonial Law, /'.f. deciding all Cafes and Controvcrfy which Ihou'd
arife concerning their Ceremonial Worfliip, which in Levit. to. 10.
is call'd putting a dijference between holy and unholy, and between
clean and uncle an. But it fccms fomewhat ftrangc that God fliou'd
take fo great care about the Shell and Oiitfidc of his Worfliip,
and none at all for the Moral and Spiritual part of it, cfpccially
when he had fct apart a whole Tribe merely for his own fervicc,
and freed them from all other employments, that they might have
a greater
Book II. Cap. IV. ORIGINES SACRAL 105
a greater liberty to attend upon the things relating to his fervicc;
eipecially when it is mention'd as the Duty of the Triefts and Le- 1
'vites-, to teach all the fiat at es 'which the Lord had fpoken to them f-^v. 10. ' j
by the hand of Mofcs, and that they Jhall teach Jacob thy fiatutes-, 0°^^ '
andH^rvLcXthy law. Which notwithitanding what Abarbmel -xnk i"- ^^ 1
others fay,"muft certainly comprehend as'wcll the Moral as the I
Ceremonial part of V\/<^/<:^J- his Law. And the Triefis lips are faid ^^^-^-i'
topreferve knoxjoledg: and God faith they fwuld feek the law at his
mouth; for he is the mefienger of the 'Lord of Hofts. Do thefe ]
things import no more than mere deciding the cafes of the Cere-
monial Law ? But whatever God's intention in the inflitiition of
the Levites was, we find not much in Scripture of what they did
for the promoting the Moral and Spiritual part of Divine Wor-
fliip; but it is no news to hear that Societies inftituted for good
and pious ends, fliou'd degenerate from the firll intention of the
Founders of them j and thus it is probable it was with the Z/£'w>£'j, i
who finding the moft of their benefit and advantage to come in by 1
the Ceremonial Cafes, might grow more negligent of the Moral J
part of Divine Service, which brought no fecular emolument to I
them.
And thence we read not of thefe Schools of the Prophets, which m. '
were Societies in order to Spiritual Inftrudion, till about the time |
of Samuel; and many think him to have been the firft Author of
them. For it is evident, that about his time the Priefthood was '
grown to a great degeneracy, and Men thereby eftranged from the .'
Worfhip of God, fo that there feem'd almoit a neceflity then of
reftoring fome Societies, who might have a fpecial eye to the Spi- '
ritual part of God's Worfliip and Service. The occafion of the i Sam, j;
Inftitution of them, feems to have been from the refort which the ''
People had to the high places for facrificing, during the captivity
or uncertain abode of the Ark of God-, after the defolation o^ Shi-
loh : now the People reforting to thefe places to perform their So-
lemnities, it was fo order'd, that a company of Prophets fhou'd i
be there refident to blefs the facrifices-> and inftruft the People. ' Sam.j. I
Two of thefe places with the Societies in them we find mention'd '^''^* 1
in the time 0I Samuel. The frfi mention'd i Sam. 10. 5-, 10. which :
cannot be Ramah-, altho' the Syriac and Arabic Verfions fo render
it. For Samuel had his own refidence in Ramah whither Saul .|
went to him, i Sam.^. 18, 19. but in this Chapter we find Samuel
fending Saul on a journey from him beyond Bethel-, and the plain
of Tabor ^ and there tells him he fliou'd meet with the company of \
Trophets upon the hill of God-, ver. f . Some think it was called \
the Hill of God-) becaufe of its height, as the Cedars of God:, and I
the Mountains of God for the highefi ; fo Tirinus underflands it, |
but Menochius far more probably, quia in ea erat coetus & velutt -
fchola prophetanim. The Chaldee Paraphraft renders it, ad collem 'Sam.7.
in quo area 'Domini. R Solomon makes this Hill to be Kirjah- '' y
jearim-, and therefore call'd the hill of God; becaufe the Ark was 1
there in the houfe of Abinadab in the hill. But Lyra thinks he !
hath prov'd, that before this time the Ark was remo v'd from Kirjah- {
jearim to Mizpah; but Abulenfis more probably conceives it was vid.jun. \
never remov'd thither, and thinks this hill of God to be no other '" '<"^-
than Gibeah of Benjamin^ where Saul inhabited -, and thence the
wonder
104 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book 11. Cap. IV-
wonder was the greater, to fee him proph^y among thofewhohad
I Sam. 19. known his former life and education. The other place is Naiotb
18,10. iixRamahi w\x.xc ^zs 2. high place-, whither the People came to
I m.t. I. ^^^j.ju^g. j.|-,jg Rarnah feems to have been the place of 6Ww«f/'s na-
tivity, caird Ramathaim Sophim-, which the Syriac verfion renders
coUis fpecularum (fomc who wou'd be ready to improve everything
for their purpofe, wou'd think it was fo call'd in allufion to the
imployment of the young Students there. So Heinfins conceives
Heiuf.ix- D'£3f T\l& to be underdood, Numb. 27,. 14, the place of /^/f/:/w?f»,
ercH.sacr& ^^q^ which word faith he, without doubt, the Greeks deriv'd their
<7Tipoi, who were wont in fuch high places to obferve the courfe and
motions of the Heavens j But to pafs by fuch frivolous conjedures. )
It feems a great deal more probable, that this Ramah which the
Septuagint by a light mutation of the initial letters, calls a>rt^5a.>,
was the fame with Arimathaa-, the Town of Jofepb mention'd in
the Gofpel. But the place where the School of the Prophets was,
feems to have been, with greateft conveniency, for a place of E-
ducation, at fome diftance from the Town. Vatablus conceives
it was built in the fields of Ramah , and the word Naioth, faith
fet. Martyr-, properly fignifies paftures-, and fome remote places
qii£ fere funt Jlndius aptijjma. The Chaldee Paraphraft renders
Naioth by N33^1f< rio, a College or School of pnophetical Educa-
tion : Over this College Samuel himfelf was Prefident, as moft
underftand that place, i Sam. 15). 20. And when they f aw the com-
pany ofTrophetsprophefying-, and Samuel /landing as appointed over
them; 'Jonathan renders it, Et Samuelem ftantem docentem fuper
eos. To which we may well apply the words of Thilo-, fpeaking
Thii. Jud. of the Jewtfi manner of In(lru£lion, Scfi^" »>«i«'o>'©- iip»iy>s^« ^ ^iUx^^^i^,
de-u. Mof. - ^< im^h'vm, «? ,»6;io^p«3-,a* ^ fio^lov/S^'nt ^'tt s> i r /3,o»- The ^rcfident go-
■ '■ ing before and teaching-, the reft increafingin goodnejs -, and improving
in life and manners.
Neither can we think fo good and ufeful an Inftimtion fhou'd
prefently degenerate, or be turn'd into another Channel > and
therefore fome conceive that the moft noted Prophets to the time
of 'David were the Prefidents of thefe Colleges ; fuch as befides
Samuel \jevc Hclcana-, Gad-, Nathan-, Heman:,d.nd'yeduthuni and
that they ielefted out the choiccft and moft hopeful of the young
Levites i and here educated them, together with the Nazarites
which came out of other Tribes. And it feems very probable,
that in all the moft noted high places whither they went to lacrifice,
there were fuch Schools eredted after the firft Inftitution of them.
Thence we read of llich multitudes of the Prophets together, in
the time of Ahab, i Kings 18. 4. for when Jezabel cut oft' the
Prophets of the Lord, Obadiah took an hundred:, and hid them in,
taues i certainly their number was very great, when an hundred
; might be fiv'd without milling. The chief places where they re-
' fidcd, fccm to have been Bethel^ 2 Kings 2. 3. and Jericho-, which
was a large College-, for therein we read o( fifty fons of the Tro-
phets ftanding together out of their number-, 2 Kings 2. 5,7, if. and
Gilgal-, which had been a place of Religion from the fir ft entrance
into Canaan -, there we find the fons of the '^Prophets fating before
Elifmy 2 Kings 4. g8. It feems moft probable that the purity of
Cod's Worfiiip among the ten Tribvs after the defection in the
time
IV.
Book II. Cap. IV. ORIGINES SACR/E. 105
rime of Jeroboam was prcferv'd by rhe Prophets in their fe'veral
Schools mid places of habitation -, which hath (lifficicnt foundation
in that place, 2 Kings 4. 23. where the Shunamite's husband asks
her Wherefore pe 'iiould go to the man of God that day-, feeing it
'S'as neither 7ieiii:-moon nor Sabbath. Whereby it is both evident,
that the Prophets did undertake the office of inftrucling the People
on their folemn Fcrtivals, and that it was their cuftom to rcfort
to them for that end. Thus wc fee what care God took for the v. Mmnjf.
inftruftion of his People, in a time of lo general an Apolhify as ^(^"JJ''f^^
that of the ten Tribes was, when the Church of God cou'd not eToI'^"
be known by that conftant Villbility and outward Glory, which ??•
fome fpeak io much of, but was then clouded in obfcurity, and
Ihrouded it lelf under the Mantles of fome Prophets which God
continued among them, and that not by any lineal fucceffion nei-
ther, tho' the jfen's wou'd fam make the gift of Prophecy to be
a kind of Cabala too, and convey'd in a conftant fucceffion from
one Prophet to another. Neither were thefe Schools of the Pro-
phets only in Ifrael, but in Judah likewife was God known, and
his Name was great among thefe Schools there. In Jenifalem it
felf there was a College where //?//<^^/?theProphetefsliv'd, 2 Kings
22. 14. fome render Mifma in fecund a tir bis parte j for yerufalem was
divided into the Upper and Nether part of the City. Abnlenfis
and Lyra will have it refer to the threeWallsof the City ni which
the three chief parts of it were compriz'd; in the /&•/?, the Temple
and the King's Palace-, in the fecond, the Nobles and the Pro-
phets HoufeSj and in the third-, the common People. Jofephus Jofeph. it
fcems to favor the divilion of the City into three parts-, but ?*/- '"^^■J'^^-
neda thinks the fecond part of the City was moft inhabited by Ar- pinedfde
tificers, and that the Prophets, and the Wife Men, and fiich as ''^^- ^°^'>'"-
frequented the Temple moft, dwelt in the City of 'David within ' ^" "' ^^'
the firft Wall -, and therefore he conjedtures that the College was
upon Mount Sion-, (and fo properly call'd Sion College) and he
explains that Houfe-, which IVifdom is [aid to have built', and hewn
out her fevcn pillars-, Prov. 9. i. by this College, which he flip-
pofeth was built by Solomon in Mount Sion, and thence ver. "if-fhe
isfaid to cry upon the highefl places of the City. Thus much may
ferve concerning the Original and Inftitution of thefe Schools of
the Prophets.
I now come to the iS'ff(?«oth tedious and impertinent to recite much of their Opinions
Ug. c!^'. concerning them : who, lince they have loft the gift of Prophecy,
fea. I.Mr, ^gni to have loft too that Wifdom and Natural Underftanding,
Prophecy, which they make one of the moft neceflary qualifications of a Pro-
<• 8. phet. It IS not cafy to imagine what fubferviency Riches cou'd
have to a Prophetical Spirit , unlefs the jfe'^'s be of S/mon Magus
his Opinion, that thefe gifts of the Holy Ghoft may be purchas'd
with Money •, and if fo, they think themfelves in as likely a way
to bid fair for a Prophetical Spirit, as any People in the World.
Or is it that they think it impollible any without them ftiou'd have
that free, cheerftil and generous Spirit, which they make fo ne-
ceflary to a Prophetic Spirit, that it is an Axiome of great Autho-
rity with them, Spiritus fanSfus non refidet fitper hominem maefium:
and they think EliJJoa his fit of paflion did excufs his Prophetic Spi-
rit from him, which he was fain to retrieve again with a fit of Mufic.
There arc only two forts of thofe antecedent difpofitions which
feem to bear any affinity with the Prophetic Spirit : And thofe are
fuch as tended to the improvement of their Natural Faculties, and
fuch as tended to their advancement in piety, and confequently
to the fubduing all irregular motions in their Souls : Not that ei-
ther of thefe did concur by way of efficiency to the produdion
MaimoK. of a Spirit of Prophecy (which is an opinion Maimonides feems
More Nev. ygj.y favorable to) but that God might make choice particularly
■^■'•Z • Q jT ^'y^j^ perfons, to remove all prejudices againft them in thofe
they were fent unto. For nothing cou'd polllbly diffatisty them
more concerning Divine Infpiration, than if the perfon who pre-
tended to it were of very weak and ftiallowintelledtuals, or known
to be of an irregular converfation. In order therefore to the ful-
ler fatisfaftion of Men concerning thefe two qualifications , this
Inftitution of them in the Schools of the Prophets was of great
fubferviency , becaufe therein their only Employment was to im-
prove in knowledg, and efpecially in true piety. This latter being
the moft necefl^ary dipofition, fince the Apoftle hath told us that the
zPct.i.ji. Prophets were i^<7/;'Wfw, who /pake as they were moved by the Holy
Ghoft. And in order to this, thegreateftpart wecanfindof theex-
ercifes of thofe who were educated in thefe Schools of the Prophets,
were Inftrudions in the Law, and the folemn celebration of the
praifes of God : Which appears in Scripture to have been their
chicfemployment as Prophets, and by which they arc fiid to pro-
phefy : So at Gibeah at the Oratory there, we find a company of
1 s«m. 10. '^Prophets coming down from the high place with a "Ffaltery, a Ta-
bret and Tipe^ and a Harp before them, and prophefytng.
VI. It may feem fomcwhat ftrange to confidcr what relation thefe
Mufical Inftrumcnts had to the prophefying here mention'd. Are
Mufical Notes like fomc Seeds Naturalifts fpeak of, which will
help to excite a prophetic Spirit? Or do they tend to elevate
the Spirits of Men, and fo put them into a greater capacity of
Enthufiafm? Or is it becaufe Mufic is fo excellent for allaying the
tumults of inward paflions > and fo fitting the Soul for the better
enter-
f-
Book II. Cap. IV. ORIGINES SACRj^. loy
entertainment of the Divine Spirit? Or was all this prophcfying
here fpoken of nothing elfe but Vocal and Inftrumental Mufic?
So fomc indeed undcrftand it, that it was only the praifing God
with fpiritual Songs and Melody-, wherein one as the '^Pracentor
began a Hymn, which the reft took from him and carry'd on. I
confefs it carries the faireft probability with it , that this prophe-
lying with Mufical Inftruments was at their places and times of
facnfice, an adjund, if not a part of the folcmn fervice of God:
which was manag'd chiefly by the Choir of the Sons of the Pro-
phets which were refident there , and were train'd up in all exer-
cifcs of piety and devotion. But yet I cannot fee any reafon to
think that all this prophcfying was merely fmging of Hymns, and
playing upon their Mufical Inftruments to them, as fome imagine,
becaufe there feems to be implied fome immediate impulfes of a
prophetic Spirit, by what Samuel faid to Saul-, that when he came
among the Prophets, the Spirit of the Lord -jnonld come upon him-t isam. lo.
andhe Jhoiild prophefy with them-, and he Jhonld become another man. ^'
What ftrange impulfe and wonderful transformation was this merely
for Saul to joyn with the Prophets in their praifes of God.^ And
this needed not fo much admiration as foUow'd there upon this afti-
ono'i Saufsi that it fliou'd become a Proverb, Is Saul alfo among the iSam. lo.
'Prophets'^ Certainly Saulwzs a very great hater of all fpiritual '*'
Mufic before, if it became a Proverb merely for his being pre-
fent at, or joyning with this company in finging their Hymns.
Therefore others think that thofe who arc faid particularly to
prophefy at thefe Mufic meetings, were fome perfons as chief
among the reft, who having theirfpiritsclcvatedby the Mufic, did
compofe Hymns upon the place by a Divine Energy inwardly
moving their Minds. So that there were properly Divine Raptures
in fomc of them, which tranfported them beyond the ordinary
power of Fancy or Imagination, in diftating fuch Hymns as might
be futable for the defign of celebrating the honor of God.
Neither may it feem ftrange that fuch an Enthiifiaftic Spirit ftiou'd vii.
feize on them only at fuch folemn times, fince we read in the New
Teftament of a like exercife of fuch gifts in the Church of Co-
rinth-, I Cor. 14. 26. where we fee in coming together every one had
a Tfalm-, a 'Do^rine-, a Tongue-, a Revelation-, &c. Whereby it ap-
pears that they were infpir'd upon the place-, etiam extemporales
Hymniftepe ab ajflatu erant-, as Grotius there obferves-, as we fee
it in frequent inftances in Scripture, of Simeon and Anna-, Mofes
and Miriam-, Deborah and Ifaiah ; and in the Chriftian Church
after that Land-flood of Infpired Gifts was much abated in the
Church, they kept up a cuftom much like to thefe extemporal Hymns, Tertuii.
as appears evidently by Tertullian, pofi aquam manualem & lumina ^f'- '■^9-
ut qtiifque de Scriptiiris fanBis vel de proprio ingenio potejh provo-
catur in medium 'Deo canere : After they had ended their Love-
Feafts, they begun their Hymns, which were either taken from
the Scriptures, or of their own compofition. Which Tliny takes pUv.Ep.l.
notice of as a great part of the Chriftian worfhip, that they did 'o-^f*?.
fecum invicem carmen Chrifto quaji Deo dicer e-, they joyned iti fing-
ing hymns to Chrift as God Nay, we find fometHing very parallel
to this preferv'd among the ruins of the Heathen worftiip > fuch
were the Affatnenta among the old Romans^ which were peculiarly
O 2 fung
io8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap, IV.
"^ lung to the honor of Ibme particular God-, thence the AjJ amenta
Jannal}a-,Junonia-> Minervia-, which yactcprivatapocmata d^' carmma
sculigxonj. ijiflngiilos eos T>eos confer ipt a-, as the learned Jojeph 6caliger ob-
w f'^.rr./.. ^^y^g g^ likewile the Greeks had their folemn Hymns to their
Gods, ibme to the propitious Gods, which they cali'd >-.;>.;&? «^»!f«,
and the Latins properly Indigit amenta') and Carmen calatoritimi
others they had to their Fejoves, or Lava liimina , which they
cali'd i'/^w!-? ^rgjTra/o:.;- the Latins-^ Carmen Averruncale -, but befides
thefc, they had fome peculiar to the feveral Deities, as i M-i<>^ to
THana-, nar** to Apollo^ iba®- to Ceres-, 'Ditbjrambus to Bacchus^
Froriuiap. Adomdia to AdouiS:, as Troclus tells us in his Chrefiomathia. And
ctTi^'^^' ic is withal evident, that the Heathens thought fome of their Priefts
^'' infpired while they were performing thefe folemn Devotions to
the Gods (which probably was by Satan^ as many other things in
Heathen worlhip taken up in imitation of thefe infpired Hymns>
and Mufic us'd by the Sons of the Prophets) but their Hymns
were fo compos'd, as to be fit rather to tranfport Men beyond
the power of their reafon, than to compofe and fweetenit, which
was fuitable to the fanatic Entkiijiafnh which was fo common among
them. So Troclus tells us that the lo-Bacche was /SwaTlo-'^"'"^ ^^^
(p^Uyi^., full of noije and dm; and the 1) it hyr ambus was xfw»,^'(^ i
mxi li c^%v^'"'> u kind of cxtatic Morice- dance ^ and
their Priefts were apprehended by them to be under a real Enttm-
fiajniy at thefe folemnities. So the Corybantes are defcrib'd rather
like mad Men than mere Enthufiajls by Strabo -, they were c;«.«!i«-
vHSi Ivii C Yiiiy-;t►-
Z>,J )*,n zrxmx^ni', this Enthiifiafm Jeemed to have aTiivine touch "with
iti and to come wry near to ajnophetic fpirit.
But tho' theprophefying with Mufic among the Sons of the Pro-
Ehets, Xiiv^X.hQh^iom.^ Extemporary Hymns immediately dilated
y the Triccentor of the Chorus-, yet we are not to imagine any
fuch frantic aftions among them as were among the Curetes and
Corybantes-, it being always the Devil's temper to over-do, when
he ftrivcs to imitate, and inftead of folemn and fet devotions, to
carry Men beyond all fenfe and reafon. The Spirit of God did
iiever didatc any Io-Bacche'soxT>ithyrambszozr:ir\(\)on:ind:3Lmvi(c
tlic fpirits of Men -, but thofc fweet Airs which might both com-
pofe and elevate the fpirits of all that heard them. For in proba-
bility the fpiiits of all thele Prophets were as Lutes tuned to the
fame height, that when the Spirit of God did ftrike upon one of
them, the reft prefently anfwer'd to it , and fo made up an entire
Confort among them. So Menochun thinks the Spu'it of God not
only moved the fpirit of him who was the Tracentor-, but the reft
likcwifcwhojoyn'd with him-, and they arc laid Ko prop hefy, faith
jornuih Torniellus-, forte quod non quafcunque fed Tropheticas duntaxat can-
^n.Mua. tjones pracinerent ; but from hence we clearly lee what the great
19+J-. i««. Employment was in thefe Schools of the Prophets, which, as
''*• the fame Author expreficth, it \ixsjlatis horis de rebus divtnis dif-
ferere-, 6" divinis laudibus vacare -, and thereby we undcrftand what
reference this Inftitution had iw order to the prophetical Office,
becaufe
BoOKlI.Cap.lV. ORIGIN ES SACK/E. ~ T^
bccpule the Spirit of God did much appear among them, and all
their Exercifes tended to piety, and To did remove all prejudices
from their perfons, when God did fend them abroad afterwards.
And fo it is evident he frequently did, not to fay always, for viir.
that were to put too great a redraint upon the boundlefs Spirit .
of God: For fomctimcs, as will appear afterwards, God fent the
Prophets upon extraordinary mcfiages, and then furni/h'd them
with fuffici^nt Evidence of their Divine Commiffion, without be-
ing beholding to the Tcftimonials of the Schools of the Prophets.
But befides thefe, God had a kind of Leiger-Prophets among his
. People > fuch were the moll of thole whom we read of in Scri-
pture, which were no Pen-men of the facred Scripture-, fuch i/i
"■David's time we may conceive Gad and Nathan-, and afterwards
we read of many other Prophets and Seers among them, to whom
the People made their relbrt: Now thefe in probability were fuch
as had been train'd up in the prophetic Schools, wherein the Spi-
rit of God did appear, but in a more fixed and fetled way than
in the extraordinary Prophets , whom God did call out on fbme
more fignal occafions , fuch as Ifaiah and Jeremiah were. We
have a clear foundation for fuch a dift indion of Prophets in thofe
words of Amos to Amaziah) Amos 7. 14, if. / was no Trophety
neither was I a 'Prophets fon-, but I was a herd/man, and a gatherer
of fycamore fruits : And the Lord took me as I followed the flock i
and the Lord f aid unto me-, Go prophefy to my people Ifrael. Some
underfland the firft words, / was not a Trophet-, that he was not
born a Prophet, as Jeremiah was, not deiign'd and fct apart to it
from his Mother's womb; but I rather think by his not being a
Prophet, he means he was none of thoie refident Prophets in the
Colleges or Schools of them, not any of thofe who had led a pro-
phetic life,and withdrawn themfel ves from converfe with the world >
nor was I (faith he) the fon of a Trophet, i. e. not brought up in
Difciplefliip under thofe Prophets, and tl>ereby trained up in order
to the prophetic funftion. Non didici inter difcipulos Trophet arum,
as Tellican renders it> nee inftitiitione qua filii Trophet arum qnaji
ad donum Trophetia aparentibus prceparabantnr-, faith Eft ins. Non
apuero educatus in Scholis Tropheticis -, fo Calvin and moft other
modern Interpreters underftand it, as well as Abarbinel and the
Jewifli Writers. Whereby it is evident that God's ordinary way
for the Prophets, was to take fuch as had been trained up and
educated in order to that end , altho' God did not tie up himfclf
to this method, but fometimes call'd one from the Court , as he
did Ifaiah s fometimes one from the herds, as here he did Amos,
and bid them go prophefy to the houfe of Ifrael. TJlere was then
a kind of a (landing College of Prophets among the Ifraelites,
■who fliined as fixed Stars in the firmament j and there were others
who had a moft planetary motion, and withal a more lively and
refplendent Illumination from the fountain of prophetic Light.
And further it feems that the Spirit of Prophecy did not ordina-
rily feize on any, but flich whofe Inftitution was in order to that
end, by the great admiration which was caus'd among the People
at SaiiPs fo fudden prophefymg, that it became a Proverb, Is Saul 1 sam. la.
alfo among the Trophets ?\j\\ich. had not given the leaft foundation '*■ '9'**'
for an Adage for a ftrange and unwonted thing, unlefs the moft
O 3 common
no ORIGINES SACRAL. Book II. Cap. V.
common appearances of the Spirit of Prophecy had been among
thofe who were trained up in order to it. Thus I fuppofe wc
have fully cleared the firft reafon why there was no nccefllty for
the ordmary Prophets, whole chief office was inftruflion of the
People, to prove their commiffion by Miracles, bccaufe God had
promis'd a fucceffion of Prophets by Alofcs-, and thefe were brought
up ordinarily to that end among them ; fo that all prejudices were
fufficiently remov'd from their perfons without any fuch extraor-
dinary power as that of Miracles.
CHAP. V.
The tryal of the Prophetical Dodrine.
I. Rules of trying Prophets ejlahlifiedin the Laiu of Moies. II. The
punijhment of pretenders. The fenjeral forts of falfe Prophets,
The cafe of the Prophet at Bethel difcuffed. III. The tryal of falfe
Prophets belonging to the great Sanhedrin. W .The particular rules
nvherehy the do&rine of Prophets 'was judged. The proper notion
of a Prophet, not foretelling future contingencies , hut halving
Immediate dinjine Re'velation. V. Several Principles laid don^n
for clearing the dotfrine of the Prophets, i . That immediate di-
Bates of natural light are not to he the medfure of diiine Re've-
lation. Several grouyids for divine R enj elation from natural light.
VI. 2. Whatever is direBly repugnant to the dicfates of nature,
cannot he of divine Revelation. VII. 3 . No divine Revelation
doth co?itradici a divine poftive Lavj 'without fu^cient evidence
of God's intention to repeal that La^oj. VIII. ^. Divine Revela-
tion in the Prophets, 'was not to he meafured by the 'words of the
Law, hut by the intention andreafon of it. The prophetical off ce
a kind of Chancery to the La'w of Mofes. :
»
THc fecond Reafon why thofe Prophets whofe main office was
inftruftion of the People, or merely foretelling future events,
needed not to confirm their Doftrine by Miracles, is, bccaufc they
had certain rules of tryal by their Law whereby to difccrn the
falfe Prophets from the true. So that if they were deceived by
them, it was their own ofcitancy and inadvertency which was the
caufc of it. God in that La'cj which was confirm'd by Miracles
undoubtedly divine, had eftabliffi'd a Court of tryal for prophe-
tic Spirits, and given fuch certain rules of procedure in it, that no
Men needed to be dcceiv'd, unlefs they wou'd thcmlLlvcs. And
there was a greater neceffity of fuch a certain way of tryal among
them, becaufe it cou'd not otherwife be cxpeftcd but in a Nation
where a prophetic Spirit was fo common, there wou'd be very
many pretenders to it, who might much endanger the Faith of
the
Book II. Cap. V. RIG INKS SACRAL ni
the People, unlefs there were fome certain way to find them out.
And the more eft'edually to deter Men cither From counterFeitmg
a prophetic Spirit, or from hearkening to luch as did, God ap-
pointed a fevcre punifliment for every fuch pretender) i;/,z. upon
legal convidion, that he be puniflicd with death. Deut. i8. 20. But
the 'Prophet lahich jhall prejnme tofpeak a word in my name which I
have not commanded him to Jpeaki or that Jh all [peak in the name
of other Gods-, Jhall furely die. The Jews generally underftand
this of ftrangling, as they do always m the Law, when the parti-
cular manner of death is not exprcflcd. And therein a falfc Pro-
phet and a Seducer were diftinguiflied each from other , that a
mere Seducer was to be ftoned to death under fufficient teflimony,
^etit. 13. 6, 10. But the falfe Prophet is there faid in general only v.MaimM.
to be put to death, 'Deut. 13. i, f. The main difference between f'^'^'l:
the Seducer and falfe Prophet was, that the Seducer fought by voffium.' '
cunning perfuafions and plaufible arguments, to draw them off from
the worrfiip of the true God •, but the falfe Prophet always pretend-
ed divine revelation for what he perfuaded them to, whether he gave
out that h^ had that Revelation from the true God, or from Idols
and falfe Gods. So that the mere pretence to divine Revelation
was that which God wou'd have puniflied with fo great feverity.
The Jews tell us of three forts of Prophets who were to be n.
punifhed with death by Men, and three other forts who were re-
lerved to divine punimment: Of the firft rank were thefej i. He ^- Except.
that prophefied that which he had not heard , and for this they t^Tr'.c^To.
inftance in Zedekiah the fon of Chenaanah^ who made him horns /• 3.
of iron, and faid. Thus faith the Lord-, this was the Lying Pro-
phet. 2. He that fpeaks that which was revealed not unto him,
but to another, and for this they inftance in Hananiah the fon of ' King.12.
Azur-, (but how truly I ftiall not determine) this was the Pla- ""
giary Prophet. 3. He that prophefied in the name of an Idol, as
the Prophets of ^ but this muft
be underftood of a lower degree of Prophecy > for at fome times
their Prophecies were as fire in their bones-, that they were never Jcr. lo.p,
at any reft till they had difcharged their Office. But withal by
the example of Jonas-, we fee, that tho' the Spirit of Prophecy,
like the Fire on the Altar, cou'd only be kindled from Heaven,
yet It might be deftroyed when it was not maintained with fbme-
thing to feed upon-, orwhenitmetnot withfuitable entertainment
from the Spirits of thofe it fell upon, it might retreat back again to
Heaven, or at leaft lie hid in the embers , till a new blaft from
the Spirit of G o d doth aV«C»"wf"'> retrieve it into its former heat
and a^ivity. Thus it was with Jonas. 2. The other was, He that
defpifed the words of a true Prophet-, of fuch God, faith, 'Deut.
18. I p. And it jloall come to pafs-, that whofoever 'will not hearken
to my -words which he Jhall fpeak in my name-, 1 -will require it of
him.
I I z
Maim. J e
fundam.
leg's. '"• 9-
/. 4. V- A-
iariinel de
Cereth. a.
pud Bux-
torf. de
fponf. 6"
divort. p.
iSi.
1 King. 1 5.
9-
Ver. iS.
ORIGINES SACK/E. Book II. Cap. V.
riL'.Oiy >-1'3
death
Tertullian.
dejeJHniis,
'^»f. 1(5.
him. Which Maimorades explains b^'
the harJs of God^ \\'hi(jh be thus di'llinguiflicrh from the Ccrcthi
that he makes the dtzth per manus cwU-, to be lefs than the Cer:tb-,
becaufe this ktter coiltinucd m the Soul after death, but t\\c other
was expiated by death-, but generally they interpret it of a iliJden
death, which falls upon the perfon. 3. The lalHs, He who hearkens
not to the word5 of his own Prophecy; of- which v/e iiave a moft
remarkable infirance in Scripture, concerning the Prophet whom
God fent to Bethel (whom Tertullian calls Sameas-, the Jewsj He-
^//^) whom God dellroy'd in an unufual manner for not obferving
the command which God had given him, not to eat bread nor drink
Kvater at Bethel, nor turn again by the \va]' he came. Neither was
it any excule to this Prophet, that the old Prophet at Bethel told
him that an Angel fpake unto him by the 'jjord of the Lord', that he
(honld tarn back. For, i. Thofe whom God reveals his will unto,
he gives them full afliirancc of it, in that they have a clear and
diftinft perception of God upon their own JNIinds; and fo they
have no doubt, but it is the Word of the Lord which comes unto
them j but this Prophet cou'd have no iuch certainty of the Di-
vine Revelation which was made to another, efpecially when it
came immediately to contradirt that which was fo fpecially en-
joyn'd him. 2. Where God commands a Prophet to do any thing
in the purfuit of his Meflage, there he can have no ground to que-
ftion whether God fliou'd countermand it or no by another Pro-
phet j becaufe that was in efFeft to thwart the whole defign of his
MefTage. So it was in this a£tion of the Prophet ■■, for God in-
tended his not eating and drinking in Bethel to teftify how much
he loathed and abominated that place fince its being polluted with
Idolatry. 3. He might have juft caufe to qucftion the integrity of
the old Prophet, both becaufe of his living in Bethel-, and not
openly, according to his office, reproving their Idolatry, and that
God lliou'd fend him out oijttdaa upon that very errand, which
wou'd not have feem'd fo probable, if there had been true Pro-
phets refident upon the place. 4. The thing he delired him to do,
was not an aft of that weight and importance, on which Goous'd
to fend his Word to any Prophets, much lefs by one Prophet to
contradict what he had laid by another ; and therefore Tertullian
faith of \i\m-, p(enam deferti jejuni i Itiit-, God punifh'd him for
breaking his fafl: at Bethfli and therefore that Mellage of this
Prophet feem'd to gratify more Man's carnal appetite, than ufu-
ally the adVions of Prophets did, which were moft times matters of
hardffiip and uneafinefs to the flcHi. f. However all thcfe were, yet
he yielded too fooli, efpecially having fo much reafon on his hdc
as ne had -, being well aflured that God had commaiidcd him, he
had reafon to fee fome clear Evidence of a countermand, before
he altered his mind : if he had fcen any thing upon tryal which
might have ftaggcred his faith, he ought to have made his immediate
recourfc to God by Prayer for the llttlcmcnt of his mind, and remo-
val of this great temptation. But fo cafily to hearken to the words
of 1 lying Prophet, which contradi£Ved his own Meflage, argued
either great Unbelief as to ins own Commiffion, or too great Ea-
linefs and Inadvertency in being drawn alide by the old Prophet.
And therefore God made that old Prophet himfelf ui the midft of
his
Book II. Cap. V. ORIGINES SACR/E. 1,5
his entertainment, as with a Hand-writing againjl the wall, to
tell him he was weighed in the ballance-, and found too light ; and
therefore his Life fliou'd be taken from him. Thus we lee how
dangerous a thing it was either to counterfeit a Spirit of Prophecy,
or to hearken to thofe who did.
It is the generally received Opinion among the Jcwifli Dodors, m.
that the cognizance and tryal of falfc Prophets did peculiarly be-
long to the great Sanhedrin. And that this was one end of its In-
llitution. So Naifnonidcs after he has largely difcourfcd of the Maimon.
punifhment of a Seducer, and fpeaking of that of a falfe Prophet, ''^' ^''"!'J^'-
he lays this down as a {landing Rule among them, N''3] pm'Ni ^•^•■'■"■
X]; '7ty -1:3 nSn -ipcn No falfe Trophet was to be judged but in
the Court of Se'venty one ; which was the number of the great San-
hedrin. And there is ibmcthing looks very like this in the pro-
ceedings of the People of Ifrael againd the Prophet Jeremiah -, jci-.id.s.
for the People, the Priefls and the Prophets, they laid hold on
him ; and mimediately after we read that the Princes of Jiidah ver. 10.
(by whom Grotius underftands the Senators of the great Sanhe- j^'^J"'','"
drm') they came up from the King's houfe to the houfe of the Lord-, Z'synli.
and fat down in the entry of the new gate of the Lord's houfe ^ ''■'f-f-^-
which probably was the place where the great iS'^^z^^^m/ fat) whereof ^■'^■'^"
after a particular Examination of Jeremiah-, they acquit him as a .1". 26.16.
perfon not worthy to die upon a counterfeiting Prophecy, but de- J'-''''5-'''
clare that he fpake unto them in the name of the Lord. And in this
Icnfe Grotius likewife underftands what is faid of Zedekiah con-
cerning Jeremiah to the Princes of Judah afterwards, Behold he
is in your hand; for the King is not he that can do ought againfl
you ; i. e. faith Grotius-, In manibus Sytiedrii cujus efi judicare de
Tropheta -vero aut falfo. And to this many make thofe words of
our Savior refer, That it is impofjible a Trophet fhould perifh out ofhuk. ij.
Jerufalem, becaufe the leat of the ^ve^t Sanhedrin was in Jerufalem; 33-
and fo elfewhere our Savior faith, O Jerufalem, Jerufalem, thou Matth. ij.
that killefi the T'rophets, and flojieft them which are fent unto thee : '°-
becaufe there it was the true Prophets were deftroy'd as tho' they
had been falfe ones, and God's own MefTengers pumfhed with the
death of Seducers, which was Lapidation. And on this very ac-
count many are of opinion that our Savior was condemned by
the Sanhedrin at Jerufalem -, which is fuppofed to have been af-
fembled in the houfe of Caiaphas the High Priefl, when Chriji
was carried thither for Examination -, which fome think to have
been at his Lodgings in the Temple , others at his Palace in the
City. For we read that the Chief Priefts, and the Elders, and all umh. i6.
the Council were met together at the High Prieft's Palace in order S9'
to our Savior's Tryal. The next Morning they were met early
together again in order to the further fcanning of this bufinefs j
but they feeni not to examine Chrift concerning a true Spirit of
Prophecy, but concerning his being the MeJJias , and calling
himfelf the Son of God; and fo they would feem rather to pro-
ceed upon the Law againfl Blafphemy, than that againft falfe Pro- 63^" ' ^^
phets.
But that which was the greateft fecurity of the People againft iv.
the impofture of falfe Prophets, was the certain Rules of judging
them which were laid down in the Law of Mofes : which may be
P com-
114 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Cap. VI.
comprehended under thefe two Heads, lUch as concern then- Do-
ftrine, or iuch as concern their Prcdidions. Firji, fuch as con-
cerned the Prophets Do£Vrine, which Ihou'd eipecially be looked
after, becaufe the main office of a Prophet was to be interpres &
internuncius dlvlrne voluntatis-, to be a revealer of God's IVill to
Men. For the primary Notion of a Prophet doth not lie in fore-
telling future events, but in declaring and interpreting to the world
the Mind of God, which he receives by immediate Revelation from
himfelf So that the receiving wlwt he makes known by imme-
diate Revelation, is that which formally conftitutes.a Prophet j but
it is wholly extrinfecal and accidental what time his prophecy re-
fpeds, whether paft, prefcnt, or to come-, but becaufe future con-
tingencies are the furtheft out of the reach of humane underftand-
ing, therefore the predictions of fuch have been chiefly looked
on as the chief Note and Charadier of a Prophet, as being appre-
hended to be the ifrongeft evidence of Divine Revelatioa. And
pfal. lof. hence it is in Scripture that the Patriarchs as Abraham and others
Gen. 10. 7. are called Prophets, not becaufe of any prediction uttered by them,
but becaufe of the frequency of immediate Divine Revelations
among them. And hence likewife thofe in the New Teftamcnt
who expounded the Scriptures by immediate Infpiration, arc call'd
'Cor. 14. Prophets-, and this Wvis the 'aot,k«ai;v)/i5 fpoken of by the Apoftle,
the Expofition of the hidden Myfteries of the Old Teftamcnt by
an immediate Infpiration. And there is no word in the Hebrew
for a Prophet, which may not equally refpe£t all differences of
time, but every one doth import immediate Infpiration •, for ^"33 pro-
perly is one qui revelat abfcondita-, HNi a Seer chiefly refpedfs the
Vide Aide- ^^^^''' reprefentation of the intellectual fpecies by the lumen prophe-
iii Trifoi. ticum to the undcrftanding, and i^^n carries an equal indifferency
froph.p.ji. jQ 2I1 circumftances of time.
^" This being then the chief notion of a Prophet, whatever he de-
clared as the Mind and Will of God, muft be fearched and exa-
mined, to fee what confonancy it hath thereto. For the queftion
which Mofes fuppofethj is founded upon clear and evident reafon,
Deut. 18. ^j2^ jj- fjriQji p alt fay in thine heart ■> How Jh all lije know the Word
which the Lord hath not fpoken ? For it being plain that there
may be falfe Prophets as well as true, we had need of fomc cer-
tain rules to judg of what is delivered for Divine Revelation. For
the clearing of which important Queftion, I lay down thefe prin-
ciples.
I . The immediate diBates of natural light are no fufficient ftan-
dard io judg of "Divine Revelation by. I mean not in reference
to confonancy or repugnancy to natural light, but in reference to
the extent and latitude of Divine Revelation, i.e. that natural light
doth not contain in it whatever may be known of God or of his
Will-, and that upon thefe reafons: i. It implies no repugnancy to
any dictate of nature, that God fliou'drevcalany thing more of his
Mind and Will, than is contained in the light of nature. 2. Na-
ture reacheth, as to matters concerning Religion, no further than
the obligation to Duty, but leaves the particular determination of
the manner of obedience to divine poiitivc Laws, as is clear \\\
reference to the time, place, and particular duties of worfliip. 3. Na-
ture owning an univcrfal obligation to the Will of God m what-
ever
BooKlI.Cap.V. ORIGINES SACRAL. 115
ever he fliall command, dotli ilippolc a power in God to
command what he plcafcth. 4. Nature is Icniiblc of its own
decaySi and the imperfection of its own hght, and therefore feems
rather to require further iUumination than to put any bar againll
it. 5". Man's happinefs being a free gift of God's, it Hands to the
highefl reafon that he fliou'd have the piefcribing of the conditions
which are in order to it-, now thcfc conditions being the refults,
not of God's nature, but of his arbitrations Will, it is impolliblc
that natural light cou'd ever reach to the full difcovery of them.
6. It hath been the general fenfc of all Nations in the World, that
God may reveal more of his Will than Nature can reach untoj
which fenle difcovers it fclf in two things, i. Praying to their ie-
veral Gods for direftion. 2. Hearkening after pretended Oracles,
which the Devil cou'd never have had that advantage of deceiving
the World by, had it not been for this general i'cnfe of Mankind,
that there wanted fome particular Revelation from God to make
Men happy. So then this may be aflumed as a principle , That
God may reveal more of his Mind and Will to Mankind, than he
hath done by the dictates of mere natural light and reafon.
2. fi h at e-ver /peaks a dirc£i repugnancy to any of the fundamental vr.
dictates of nature-, cannot be of '■'Divine Revelation. For thofc be-
ing founded, not upon any pofitive or arbitrary Will, but upon
thofe inward impreuions which arc derived from the Divine Na-
ture its felf, it cannot in reafon be fuppofed that God fliou'd com-
miflion any to enervate his own Fundamental Law ; and lb by one
Will to contradict another. 'Placitttm Regis muft never Hand
againft the Tlacita Corona: Thofe things which depend upon
Fundamental and Eftablilhed Laws, hold good againft any pofi-
tive fentence or declaration of a Prince's Willj Becaufe he is fup-
pofed to have bound up himlelf by the eftabliflied Laws; and
therefore any thing elfe which comes from him, contrary to them,
is fuppofed not to be the Will of the Prince, but of the perfons
perfuading him to it. But this now cannot be luppofed in God,
that he fliou'd be any ways drawn to caflate the Obligation of
what is imprinted upon the Souls of Men as his own Law. But
yet we mufl: diftinguifli between nulling the general Obligation,
and altering the particular nature of any thing which depends
upon that general Lawj ihcfrji in any cale is impoflible, that any
Divine Revelation fliou'd make it not to be Man's Duty to obey
his Maker, or not to be a fin to commit Murder, to lye, or to
ileal from another ; but there may come a particular Revelation
from God to alter the refped-s and nature of fuch things as do im-
mediately depend upon his own dominion;, as the lives of perfons
and the properties of things are ; and thus God did reveal to Abra-
ham that he fliou'd go and facrifice his Son , which had been no
murder, when done upon God's immediate command, and a fa-
crifice to himfelf, and therefore wou'd have been acceptable as a
teftimony of entire obedience (which God did accept without the
a6t) and fo the Ifraelites taking the z^Egyptians Jewels, and dif-
poflefling the Canaanites-, did depend upon God's immediate dif-
pofal of thefe things to them , which otherwife had been a fin in
them, and no doubt was fo to any that were unfatisfy'd whether
God had immediately commanded it or no. Or from hence to
P 2 infer
ii6 ORIGINES SACRJE. BooKlI.Cap. V.
infer any general rule, is no doubt a breach of Divine Commands,
and contrary to his Nature and Will.
VII. ;. Where God kath eftabltjhsd a pofitroe Lav:-, prefaribmg a form
and manner 'H'herem he -jvill be -Ji-orfiippedy it is Jiifficient evidence
of a falfe Trophet, to go about to null the obligation of that Law -,
iinlefs there be as great evidences given , that God did intend the
ejiablijhing a new Law by that T'erfon, as he did at firft the infli-
tntion of the old by the hand of Mofes. This latter claufe is inier-
ted, to fhew that the fucceeding of the DocVrine of Chrift^ into
the place of the Law of Mofes-, doth not bear any repugnancy to
the Hypothefis laid down, there being greater evidences of God's
intending the abolilhing the Ceremonial Law by the Gofpel of
Chrijly than there were of the eflablifliment of it by Mofes. But
of thofe afterwards. I now only fpeak of fuch as upon the mere
pretence of Divine Revelation, ihou'd deftroy any precept of an
elfabliflied pofitive Law > and this, as far as we can find, was the
great Rule the Jews went by; if any thing were fpolcen by any
Prophet, contrary to the Law of MoJ'es-, or tending to the altera-
tion of the worfliip of God eflablithed thereby, he was accounted
a falie Prophet. The modern Jews to juftify themfelves in their
own Belief, as to the Doftrine of Chrift-, extend this further than
the Law doth> for they enlarge it to all the precepts of the Ce-
remonial Law; whereas God in the Law feems to limit it to the
Moral Law, and chiefly infifts on the three firft precepts of the
decalogue ; and therefore condemns fuch a one as fpake in the
name of the Lord-, when he had not commanded them-, Dcut. i8. 20.
and fuch endeavoured to bring in idolatry 1 Deut. 13. i, 2, 3. where
tho' the falfe Prophet fliou'd offer to do figns and wonders before
them, yet if his intention were to draw them to worfhip falfe Gods,
MAimon. they were not to hearken unto him. And therefore Maimonides,
de fimd. where he largely difputes about the truth of Prophecies, lays this
'i-^- -J-i- clown as a certain Rule: Si Tropheta furrexerit-, atqne magna mi-
racula aut prodigia fecerit-, & adlaboraverit falfitatis cojivincere pro-
phet iam Mo lis M. N. ijium non audimus-, quia certo novimus prodt-
gium praftigiis aut incantationibus produ£tnm ejfe-, as l^'orfliiis ren-
ders him. If a 'Trophet do never fo great Miracles-, and feeks to
convince Mofes of faljhood-, we are not to hearken to him; for we
know that they are not done by the power of God-, but by the illu-
hiemJe fiou of the 'DcvU. And elfewhere he tells us, that if any pretends
//"'"'"'h ^^ prophecy Cn3y CTttO in the name of Idols-, they mufi not fo
' much as difpute with him-, nor anfwer him-, nor defire any Signs or
Miracles from him-, and if of himfelf he Jhews any-, we are not to
regard or mind them } for, faith he, whoever doth but doubt in his
Dcat.i;.;. mind Concerning them-, he breaks that Command-, And thou floalt not
hearken to the words of that prophet. So that the Dodnnc once
cfl:abliflicd, ought to be our mod certainRulc, according to which
wc muil: judge of all pretenders to Miracles, if their dcfign be to
draw Men (jff from God's Word, wc arc not to hearken to what
they either lay or do.
viii. 4- The '■'Doctrine of thofe "Prophets who feek not to introduce Ido-
latry, mil ft not be meafured by a ftriff conformity to the words of
Molc'S his Law-, but to the main reafon and intention of it. T he
great rcafon of this is, bccaufe God did not intend the ;7^*:e^'jfliou'd
always
Book II. Cnp. V. ORIGINES SACR^. ny
always reft in the 'tcedagogy oF the Ceremonial Law, but lent
them Prophets to train them up by degrees, and to fit them for
a flate of better pcrfeftion; and therefore it wou'd be very un-
rcafonablc to judge whether they were true Prophets or no, ex-
a£tly by that which they came gradually to wean them from ; which
were ail one, as to try one whether he were grown a Man or no,
by the Swadling-clouts he wore when he was a Child. God tem-
pered the Ceremonial Law much according to the condition and
capacity of the pcrfons it was prefcribed to, and therefore the
Sanations of it did immediately refpedb their temporary concerns ;
but we are not to think the end of that difpenfiition was to be
merely a Covenant for the Land of Promiie; but as the Cheru-
bims in the Temple did always look towards the Mercy-feat, fo
did this whole (economy look towards the coming of the Mefflas.
But it was with the generality of the Jeivs-, as it is with ignorant
people, who looking up to the FIcavens, cannot fiincy the Stars
to be any bigger than they feem to them -, but Aftronomers by the
help of their Optic-tubes and Tele/copes-, do eafily difcern the juit
magnitude of them -, fo the Jcn's ordinarily thought there was
no more in thele Types and Shadows, than was vifibiy reprelcnted
to them; but fuch as had the help of the Divine Spirit (the beft
Telefcope to difcern the '■Day-Jlar from on high with) cou'd cafily
look thro' thofe ProfpecVives, into the moil glorious Myfteries of
the Gofpel of Jefus Cbrift. Thefe Types being like triangular
Prifmcs, that mull be fet in a due light and pofture, before they
can reprefent that great variety of Spiritual Myfterics which was
contained in them. Now the great office of the Prophet was to
adminifter this Light to the people, and to dire£t them in thofc
excellent pieces of Perfpeftive, wherein by the help of a Prophetic-
glafs, they might fee the Son of God fully repreiented to their
view. Belides this, the prophetical office was a kind of Chancery
to the Mofaic Law, wherein the Prophets did interpret the "Pa-a-
de£fs of the Law ex aquo & bono-, and frequently fliewed in what
cafes God did difpenfe with the outward letter of it, to exalt the
more the inward fenfe and reafon of it. Hence the Prophets feem
many times to (peak contemptibly of the outward prefcribed Ce-
remonies, when their intent is not to condemn the obfervation
of them, but to tell the people there were greater things which
God looked at, than the outward obfervation of fome Ceremonial
precepts, and that God wou'd never accept of that by way of
commutation for real and internal goodnefs. Hence the Prophets Pfai. jo. 8.
by their own praftice, did frequently fliew that the Law o^ Mofes ^^^ ^^- ^
did not fo indifpcnfibly oblige Men, but that God wou'd accept 13. 66. j
of thofe aftions which were performed without the regularity re- )"■ '•__ ^'•'
quired by the Law of Mofes -, and thus he did of facriKcing upon ' ^'
high places, not only before the building of the Temple, but
fometimes after, as he accepted of the facrificeof £'///Vz^onMount ' ^'"S*
Carmel-, even when high places were forbidden. Which the ^fv^'x ' ' ' '
are become fo fcniible of, that they grant that a true Prophet may vid.farchi
fometimes command fomething to be done in violation of the Law ^^"'' '^"
of Mofes-, fo he doth not draw people to Idolatry, nor deftroy Etvorji.ad
the obligation o^ Mofes his Law. But this they reftrain roHViy '3"? i^^^^'"'^'
fomething done in cafe of neceflity, and that it fliou'd not pafs /^, (j^;!'
P 3 into
II.
ii8 ORIGINES SACR/E. J^ook II. Cap.Vi.
into a precedent or a perpetual Law •, and therefore their rule is
'b^O T} ^^yD'V 7]V'C' -ih. The prophet '■jjas to be hearkened to in
every thing he cowmanded in a cafe of neceffity. By this it is clear
that the Prophets were not to be try'd by the Letter of the Law
of Mofes-, but by the end and the leafon of it. Thus much I
fuppoTe will make it clear what Rules the people had xo try the
Prophets Dodrine by, without Miracles.
CHAP. VL
The Tryal of Prophetical Predictions and Miracles.
L The great d^culty of trying the truth of prophetical Predicfions
from Tcr. i 8. 7, 8, Sec. Some general Hypothefcs promifed for
the clearing of it. IL The f.rfi concerns the grounds ivhy Predi-
Bions are accounted an e^vidence of Divine Revelation. Three
Confe^aries dra-'cun thence. III. Thejecond, the tnanner of Gods
Re-o elation of his Will to the Minds of the Prophets. Of thefeve-
ral degrees of Prophecy. IV. 7he third is, that God didnot al-
'waysrenjeal the internal purpofes of his Will mito the true Pro-
phets. V. The grand §lueJlion propounded, Honx) it may be kno^um
''ivhen Prediilions exprejs God's decrees, and ^hen only theferies
of caufes. For the firfffe^ueral rules laid do^vsn. 1 . Wh£7i the Pre-
diBion is confirm' dhy aprefe?it Miracle, z. If-loen the things fore-
told exceed the pr oh ability of feco?id caufes. VI. 5 . When confrm'd
hy God's oath. VII. 4. Whet? the BleJJlngs foretold are purely fpi-
ritual. VIII. Three rules for interpreting the Prophecies 'which re-
fpecl the flat e of things under the Gofpel. IX. When all circum-
Jlances are foretold. 6. When many Prophets ififeveral ages agree
in th e fame pr editions. X. Predictions do not exprefs God's un-
alterable purpofes, ivhen they only contain comminations of judg-
ments, or are predictions of temporal Blejfings. XI. The cafe of
theNinevitcSfHezekiAi, and others, opened. XII, XIII. Of re-
pentance in God, luhat it implies. XIV. The Je-ccifj ohjeBions
about pre dictions of temporal BleJJings a?ifvjered. XV. In nvbat
cafes Miracles 'were expected from the Prophets : nvhen they 'were
to confirm the truth of their Religion. Injlanced in the Prophet at
Bethel, Elijah, Eliflia and Mofes himfelf-^ XVI. "whofe divine
authority that it 'was proved by Miracles, is demon fir at ed again fl
the modern Jews, and their pretences anfivered.
THe next thing which the Rules of Tryal concerned, was the
prcdiftions of the Prophets. Concerning wliith God him-
fclf hath laid down this General Rule, 'J.)eut. iS.22. fi'^hen a "Pro-
phet jpeaketh in the name of the Lord, if the thing folloi^' wt, nor
come
Book II. Cap. VI. OHIO INKS SACRyJL up
come to pajs-, that is the thnig lahich the Lord hath riot J/jakcn,
but the ^trophethath fpoken it prefumptiioujly ; thouJJmlt ?iot be afraid
of him. Gr otitis undcrflancls this place of the Prophet's telhng
the people he wou'd do Ibnie Miracles to confirm his Do(Slrine >
but, if thofe Miracles were not done as he laid, it was an evident
demonftration of a falle Prophet. It is certain it was fo> for then
his own mouth told him he was a lying Prophet j but thele words
leem to refer rather to fomcthmg future than prefent, and are
therefore generally underdood concerning the truth of prediftionSj
which was a matter of very difficult tryal, in regard of the good-
nefs or the juftice of God, fo frequently interpoling between the
predidtion and the event. That place which makes it fo difficult
to difcern the truth of a prediction by the event, is Jer. 18. 7, 8,
5), 10. At what infant I fall [peak concerning a Nation-^ and con-
cerning a Kingdom-, to pluck up-, and to pull doujn-, and to defray
it ; If that Nation againf whom I ha've pronounced-, turn from evih
I will repent of the evil I had thought to do unto them -, And at
what infant If all fpeak concerning a Nation-, and concerning a
Kingdom, to build and to plant it -, if it do evil in my fight-, that it
obey not my voice-, then will I repent of the good wherewith 1 faid
I would benefit them. By which place it feems clear, that even af-
ter the predictions of Prophets, God refcrved a liberty to him-
felf, either to repent of the evil or the good that was foretold con-
cerning any people-, how then can the fidelity of a Prophet be
difcovered by the event when God may alter the event, and yen
the Prophet be a true Prophet? This being a cafe very intricate
and oblcure, will call for the more diligence in the unfolding of
it: In order to which, we ffiall firft premife fome general Hypo-
thefes-, and then come to the particular refolution of it. The ge-
neral Hypothefcs will be concerning the way and method of God's
revealing future contingencies to the Prophets, without which it
willbeimpoilible to rcfolve the particular emergent cafes concern-
ing predictions.
The prediSlion of future events is no further an argument of a ^^•
prophetic Spirit-, than as the foreknowledg of thofe things is fuppofed '' ^yf"*^-
to be out of the reach of any created under flan ding; and therefore
God challengeth this to himfelf in Scripture, as a peculiar preroga-
tive of his own, to declare the things that are to come, and there-
by manifefts the Idols of the Gentiles to be no Gods, becaufe they
could not foew to their worfippers the things to come-, Ifa. 44. 6, 7.
From this Hypothefis thefe three ConfeCtaries follow :
1. That the events that are foretold, muft be fuch as do t'i.ctt^
the reach of any created Intellect j for otherwile it cou'd be no
evidence of a Spirit of true Prophecy > fo that the foretelling of
fuch events as depend upon the feries of Natural Caufes, or fuch
?s tho' they are out of the reach of Human Underftanding, yet
are not of the Diabolical, or fuch things as fall out cafually true,
but by no certain grounds of prediction, can none of them be
any argument of a Spirit of Prophecy.
2. That where there were any otner evidences, that the Pro-
phet fpake by Divine Revelation j there was no reafonto wait the
fulfilling of every particular prophecy before he was beheved as a
Prophet. If fo, then many of God's chicfeft Prophets cou'd not
have
I20 ORIGINES SACRAL. Book II. Cap. VI.
■ — —I-. . ^ ■■■ ■ ■ ■■-■ -■■ ■ ' - — — — — ■
have been believed in their own Generations •, bccaulc their Pro-
phecies did reach fb far beyond them, as Ifaiah's concerning Cy-
rus-, the Prophet at Bethel concerning Jofias: and all the prophe-
cies concerning the Captivity and Deliverance from it, niuft not
have been believed till fulfilled, that is, not believed at all: for
when prophecies are accompliflied, they are no longer the objefts
of Faith, but of fenfe. Where then God gives other evidences
of Divine Infpiration, the credit of the Prophet is not fufpended
upon the minute accomplifliment of every event foretold by him.
Now it is evident there may be particular Divine Revelation of
other things befides future contingencies, fo that if a realbn may
be given, why events once foretold may not come to pafs, there
can be no reafon why the credit of any prophecy fliou'd be inva-
lidated on that account-, becaufe every event is not exa£Vly corre-
fpondent to the prediftion. It is moft certain that whatever comes
under Divine Knowledg, may be divinely revealed j for the ma-
nifellation which is caufcd by any light, may extend it felf to
all things to which that light is extended : but that light which
the Prophet faw by was a Divine Light, and therefore might e-
qually extend it felf to all kind of objeftsj but becaule future
contingencies are the niofl remote from humane knowledg, there-
fore the foretelling of thcfe hath been accounted the great evi-
dence of a true Prophet-, but yet there may be a knowledg of
other things in a lower degree than future contingencies, which
may immediately depend upon Divine Revelation j and thcfe
are,
1. Such things which cannot be known by any particular Man,
but yet are certainly known by other Men j as the prcfent know-
ledg of things done by perfons at a remote diflance from them :
1 King. J. thus Elijha knew what Gehazi did, when he followed Naaman-,
*'^- and thus the knowledg of the thought of another's heart depends
upon immediate Divine Revelation, whereas every one may cer-
i Cor. 14. tainly know the thought of his own heart j and therefore to Ibme
*/• thofe things may be matters of fenfe or evident demonftradon, which
to another may be a matter of immediate Revelation.
2. Such things as relate not to future contingencies, but are
matters of Faith exceeding the reach of humane apprchenfion -,
flich things as may be known when revealed, but cou'd never have
been found out without immediate Revelation ^ fuch all the My-
fterics of our Religion are, the Myftery of the Trinitfy Incarna-
tioriiHypoftdt'icalUnion-, the Death of the Son of God for the par-
don of the fin5 of Mankind. Now the immediate Revelation of
either of thcfe two forts of objefts fpeaks as much a truly Pro-
phetical Spirit, as the prediction of future contingencies. So that
this mufl: not be looked on as the jufl: and adequate rule to mea-
furc a Spirit of prophecy byj becaufe the ground of judging a
prophetical Spirit by that, is common with other things without
that, feeing other objefts arc out of the reach of human Under-
Itanding as well as future events, and therefore the dilcovery of
them mud immediately flow from Divine Revelation.
3. The Revelation of future events to the Undcrlfanding of a
Prophet, is never the lefs immediate, altho* the event may not be
correfpondent to the predidion. So that if it be manifcllcd that
God
B ook II. Cap. VI. ORIGINES SACR/E. m
(/OD immediately reveal fuch future eontingcncics to a Prophet,
he wou'd be ncvertheleis a true Prophet whether thole prediftions
took c^e& or no. For a true Prophet is' known by the truth of
Divine Revelation to the perlbn of the Prophet, and not by the
fuccefs of the thing, which, as is laid down in the Hypothefis-, is
no further an evidence of a true Prophet, than as it is an zx<^-
ment apojieriori to prove Divine Revelation by. If then the altera-
tion of events after predictions be reconcilable with the truth and
faithfulnefsof God, thereisnoqueftion but it is with the truth of
a prophetical Spirit, the formality of which lies in immediate Re-
velation.
The "Prophets coti'd not declare any thmg more to the people than itt.
"jvas immediately revealed unto themfelves. What was prefently re- *• ^y}<"^-
vealed, To much they kn.ew, and no more, becaufe the Spirit of
prophecy came upon them per modum imprejjionis tranfemitM-, as
the Schools fpeak, 2.nd not per ffiod/im habitus i the lumen prophe-
ticum was in them, not as lumen hi cor pore hicido-, but as lumen in
aere i and therefore the Light of Revelation m their Spirits de-
pended upon the immediate irradiations of the Divine Spirit. The
Prophets had not always a power to prophefy when they wou'd
themfelves-, and thence it is faid, when they prophefy'd, that the
Word of the Lord came unto them. And therefore the Schools de-
termine, that a Prophet upon immediate Revelation did not know
omnia prophet abilia (as they fpeak in their barbarous language) all
things which God might reveal; the reafon y^hcrto^ Aquinas thus 2-m-'7'-
gives j The ground-, laith he, of the connexion of divers objects to- "'"'•*•"'»■•
gether is fome common tie or principle -^ •'jvhich joyns them together i
as charity or prudence is in moral vertues -, and the right tmderftand-
ing of the principles of a fcience-, is the ground why aU things be-
longing to that fcience are underjlood -, but now in TDivine Revela-
tion-, that which connects the objects of Tiivine Revelation is God
himfelfi now becaufe he cannot be fully apprehended by any human
intellect-, therefore the under flandiiig of a Prophet cannot compre-
hend all matters capable of being revealed-, but only fuch as it plea-
feth God himfelf freely to communicate to the Propbefs under/land-
ing by immediate Revelation. This is further evident by all thole
different degrees of illumination and prophecy, which the Jews
and other Writers fpeak fo much of, viz,, of Dreams and Vilions,
the infpirations of the Holy Spirit, the Gradus Mofaicm-, the Ex-
ternal Voice, &:c. Now in every one of thele degrees the Prophet
cou'd go no further than his prefent Revelation extended-, and
therefore Aquinas determines. That the Underftandings of the i.i.^.j;?.
Prophets were inftrumenta deficientia refpeStu principalis agentis-, "'"'• 5-
i. e. that in prophetical illumination the Mind of the Prophet was
fo moved by the Spirit of God, as an inllrument in the hand of
an Artificer, which bears no proportion with the skill of the work-
man: And therefore the Mind of a Prophet is moved fometimes
only to apprehend the thing reprefented (which they call /w/?/»^«^
T^ivimts., of which they fay a Prophet may have no certainty
whether it comes from God or no) fometimes it is moved fo far
as to know certainly that this Revelation is from God (this they
cd\\ Lumen Propheticum ;) fometimes a Prophet may be moved
to Ipeak thofe things which he fully underftandsj fo it was with
Q_ moft
\x% ORIGINES SACR^. Book II. Cap. Vl.
mort of the true Prophets -, but fomctimes Meji may be moved to
fpcak that which they undcrfland not, as is plain in Caiaphas-,
and probable in Balaam. Sometimes a thing was reprelcnted to
the Fancy of one, without any polFibility of underlfanding the
meaning of thofe imaginary fpecies, as in Tharaolfs and Nebii-
cha^nezz^ar' sDrciims; and to another may be given the true judg-
ment of thofe motions of Fancy without the rcprefcntation of the
thmgs to them, as in Jofeph and Daniel. Now in thefe and many
other different impreilions of this prophetical Spirit, the Prophets,
to whom the things were revealed , cou'd go no further than the
degree of the Revelation made to them did extend.
IV. God did not ahjuays reveal to the Trophets the internal counfels
.HypBth. and decrees of his own IVill-, but often only the method and f tries of
his providence in the adminijhation of things in the vi'orld. Which
is the ground of that threefold diltindion of prophecy in the
Schools, into Trophetia pradejiinatioriis -, Trophetia prafcientia,
and Trophetia comminationis -, which is taken from the ordinary
GXoisM^on Matt h. i. where they are thus explain'di TheTrophccy
of "Fredeftination is, when the event depends wholly upon God's
Will, without any refped- to ours, as the prophecy of the Incar-
7iation of Chrifi ; and the Trophecy of Trefcience is of fuch things
as depend upon the liberty of Man's Will •, and the Trophecy of
Commination only denotes God's denunciations of heavy judg-
ments againft a people. But ylquinas doth better reduce the two
former to one, and the ground of the difference is to be fetched
from the different ways whereby God knows things in the world j
which is either as they are in their caufes, and fo they note the
order and feries of thuigs in the world, with the mutual refpcfts
and dependencies they have upon one another , and this refers to
G o d's adminiilration of things in the world ; or elfe God
looks upon them as they are in themfelvcs, or according to his own
pofitive determinations of them -, and now in this fcnfe they are
unalterable; but in the other they are not-, but God may alter
thofe refpefts of things when he plealeth. Now tho' theic diiferent
manners of knowledg can never be conceiv'd feparate from one an-
other in the Divine Underllanding, yet in the Revelation made to
the Mind of a Prophet, they may be disjoyn'd from each other,
bccaufe God doth not always reveal things in the highefr degree
to the Prophets-, for no free Agent doth always aft as far as Ixc
can. And therefore prophetical Revelation is fometimcs a repre-
lentation of God's internal Decrees, and then they always take
cffeft; and fometimes only the order of Caufes and Etfeifs, and
they may admit of an alteration, and the prophecy ncverthclels
be true, becaufc then it referr'd only to the feries of Caufes in the
world, according to which the Events wou'd follow, if God him-
felf did not interpofc. Thefe things being thus premis'd, we come
to particular Refolutions, which muft arife from the Evidences
that may be given when prophetical predidions did exprefs God's
internal purpofe and decree, and whenonly the order of the Cau(es
in the world-, for in thefe latter it is apparent that events might
not anfwcr predictions, and yet the Prophet be a true Prophet:
which is a matter of greater difficulty, viz,, to find out the cxacl
differences of thefe two, till the event hath made it apparent which
came
Book J I. Cap. VI. ORIGINES SACRAL 1x5
came from God's unalterable purpofc, and which not. But tho' it be
a fubjedi little fpokcn to either by Jeiii:'tjh or Chrijliaii- Writers,yet wc
are in hopes there may be ionic flich clear Notes of didinction
dilcovcrcd between them, even a priori-, which may fufficiently
clear God's faithfulnefs, and the Prophet's truth, tho' the event be
not always correfpondent to the words of a prediction.
I begin then with the evidences that may be given when predi- v-
ftions do flow from internal purpofe and decree.
I. Every f redid ion confirrad by a prcfint Miracle-, doth not ex-
prefs merely the order of canfes-, but the determinations of God's wil/y
bccaulc there can be no fufficient reafon given why the order of
cauies in Nature fliou'd be altered to exprefs the dependences of
things on each other ; for herein a Miracle wou'd rather tend to
weaken than ftrengthen Faith, beeaufe the end of the Miracle wou'd
be to confirm their Faith as to events following upon their caufes-,
hutnow xhcmediiimus' d for that end Teems to prove the contrary,
viz.. That God can alter the leries of caufes when he pleafes him-
felf, by working Miracles, and therein going contrary to the courfe
of Nature-, and therefore a Miracle feems to be a very incongruous
argument in this, becaule its felf is an evidence that may be, which
it comes to prove Ihall not be. But when Prophets come to de-
clare the internal purpofes of the Will of God concerning future
contingencies, no argument can be more fuitablc to demonftrate
the truth of what is fpoken, than the working of a prefent Mi-
racle, for this demonllrates to the {enfes of Men, that however
unlikely the event may be to them which is foretold, yet with
God all things are poiliblc, and that it is very unlikely God wou'd
fend fuch a Meflenger to declare a falfhood, whom he cntrufted
with fo great a power as that of working Miracles. Thus it was
in that ixmarkable prophecy concerning J ojias by thc^an of God
at Bethel-, 260 years before his Birth, which tho' it were to come
to pafs fo long after, God confirm'd it by a Sign, which was the iKing.ij.
renting of the Altar-, and the pouriyig out of the ajhes upon itt and
the vjithering of Jeroboam'j hnyid. We cannot therefore in rea-
fon think that God wou'd ict fo clear a Seal to any Deed which he
did intend himfelf to cancel afterwards.
2. '^Predictions exprefs God's in'-jvard purpofe -, ■oi'hen the things
foretold do exceed all probabilities of fecond caufes i in which caule
tho' thofe words of Tertidlian feem very harfli, credo quia impojf-
bilcj yet taking that Impoilibility as relating to fecond caufes, and
the ground of Faith to be fome divine prediction, we fee what
reafon there may be for them : For the more unlikely the thing is
to be eft'efted by fecond cauies, the greater evidence is it, that the
Prophets in foretelhng it did not refpedl the mere order of things
in the world, but the unalterable counfels of the will of God,
which therefore wou'd certainly have their timely accomplifliments.
When therefore any Prophets did foretel things above the reach
of Natural caufes, and thoie things did not come to pais, it was
a certain evidence of a falie Prophet, as the contrary was of a
true one i for none cou'd know fo long before-hand fuch things as
were above all human power, but fuch to whom God himfelf,
who alone was able to effect them, did reveal and communicate*
the knowledg of them. And hence wc fee in Scripture thofe pre-
0^2 didions
3-
124 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap. VI.
didVions which have feemcd the grcateft improbabilities with them,
have had the moll: pundual accompHflimcnts, as the Ifraelites re-
turning out oi z^€gypt at the end of 430 years-, their dchverance
Gal. J. 17. by Cyrus after the Captivity in Babylon-, which fcemed fo impro-
tfa.44.ij-, bable a thing, that when God fpeaks of it, he ufliers it in with
*^' ^^" this preface, That he frnftrateth the tokens of the lyers^ and maketh
the deviners mad, but corifirmeth the ^-^ord of his fervant-, and per -
formeth the counfel of his mejfengers-, that faith to Jerufalem, Thou
fhalt be inhabited, &c. The more unHkely then tlie thing was to
come to pafs, the greater evidence there was in fo clear a prophecy
of it fo long before (above 100 years) and fo exaft a fulfilling of
it afterwards precifely at the expiring of the LXX years from the
firfl Captivity.
VI. 3- Treditf ions concerning future e'vents, '-Ji'hich are confirmed by
an oath from God himfelf do exprefs the immutable determinations
of God's '■^■ill. For which we have the greateft aflurance we can
defire from that remarkable exprellion of the Apoftle to the He-
bre'-^'S, Heb. 6. 17, 18. Wherein God "jvilling more abundantly to fhew
to the heirs of promife the immutability of his comifel, confirmed it
by an oath, that by fjio immutable things in 'n-hich it 'H'as impo£ible
for God to lye, we might have ajirong confolation, &c. Wherein
the Apoftle obviates and removes all doubts and mifprifions, left
God after the declaring of his Will fliou'd alter the event foretold
in it, and that he dotli, both by fliewing that God had made an
abfolute promife, and withal to prevent all doubts, left fome tacite
condition might hinder performance, he tells us that God had an-
nexed his oath to it, which two things were the moft undoubted
evidences of the immutability of God's counfel. The word ^inuh^
here us'd, doth in Scripture often note the fruftrating of Mens
hopes and expectations-, fo it is us'd Heb. 317- *iu^ i ?«©- i-\'ii-
,-m, without any repentance on ifa. ^j. 3,
God^s part.
4. Vr editions made by the Trophets concerning Blejings merely Jpi- vir.
ritual, do exprefs God's internal purpofe-, and therefore, mv.ft have
their certain accomplifhment in the time prefixed by the Trophets.
The grand reafon of this propofition, is, that the beftowing of
Bleflings merely fpiritual, doth immediately flow from the Grace
and Favor of God, and depend not upon conditions on our part,
as procuring caufes of them, and therefore there can be no account"
given why God fhou'd fufpend the performance of fuch promifes,
which wou'd not more ftronglyhave held why he fliou'd not have
made any fuch promifes at all. And therefore when we fee that
notwithftanding the highcft demerits, God made fuch free pro-
mifes, we can have no reafon to think that any other demerits in-
Q_3 terpofing
i2 but that the number of fuch under the Gofpel,
Ihou'd fo far exceed thofe under the Law, that they cou'd hardly
apprehend the difproportion between them, unlels it had been
fct forth in fo large an exprelTion. Which leads me to the next
Rule.
3 . Things foretold as univerfally or indefinitely to come to pafs under
the Gofpel, are to be nnderftood as to the duty of all-, but as the event
only of God's chofen people. Thus when there is fo great peace
prophefy'd to be in Gofpel times, that then men fould beat their ifa. %. 4.
fwords into plow-pares , and f pears into prtmmg-hooks i that the "•*5.7-
Wolf pould lie down with the Lamb, and Leopard with the Kid-,
that Nation pould not lift up fword againfi Nation, nor learn war
ariy
lis ORIGIN ES SACRyE. Book 11. Cap. VI.
anymore; with many others to the flime purpole ; all thefe fpeeches
are to be undcrllood of what the nature and defign of the Gofpel
tends to, and what is the duty of all that profefs it, and what
wou'd effeftually be in the Chriftian world, did all that profefs
the ChrilHan Doctrme, heartily obey the Dictates of it-, and fo
far as the Gofpel doth prevail upon any, it fo far cicurates their
wild and unruly natures, that of furious Wolves they become in-
nocent Lambs, and of raging Lions, tender Kids; fo far from
hurting and injuring others, that they dare not entertain any
thoughts of ill-will or revenge towards their greateft enemies.
And thus we may fee, that notwithflandmg the feeming repugnan-
cies of the prophecies of the Old Tefiament concerning the Itate
of the New, with the events which have been obferv'd in it, yet
that all thofe prediftions which concern'd the befcowing of the
fpiritual Blefllngs which concern'd the Gofpel ftate, have had their
punctual accompliHiment in the Icnfe they were intended,
i.x. 4- Trediciions concerningjnture e'vents \zhcre not only the thing its
felf IS foretold-, butthefeveralcircnmftancesofperfons., time:, a?id place
enumerated, are to have their due accomplijhment, and confequently
exprejs God's iyiijjard purpofes. For thofcpromifesorcomminations
which are capable of alteration by fome tacite conditions imply'd
in them, do moil: commonly run in general terms > or elfe are fpoken
by way of immediate addrefs to the perfons concern'd in order to
the (lirring them up the more to the duty God aims at by thofe
comminations •■, as when Jonas limited the Ninevites deftruftion
to forty days. But when prophecies are recorded, not by way of
commination but mere prediction , and particular circuraftances
fet down, it flands to reafon that fuch prophecies muft have their
certain accomplifliment i and that firjt-, becaufe God by letting
down the circumftances wou'd give them greater evidences that
the predictions came from himfelfi as when the Prophet at Bethel
not only foretold the deltruftion of the Altar there, but particu-
larly named the Man that fliou'd do it. wx.jojias. So when God
by Ifaiah call'd Cyrus by name, it was doubtlefs a great confirma-
tion to them, that the deliverance of the Jews Hiou'd be by that
perfon. Secondly-, becaufe the circumftances are intended for
Land-marks to know the certainty of the accomplifliment of the pro-
phecy. For when they find the circumftances fall out exactly ac-
cording to the prediftion, they have no ground to c[ucltion the
accomplifliment of the prophecy. And hence it was that in the
grand prophecy of the coming of the MeJJias all particular cir-
cumftances were fo long before foretold. The firlt dawning of
his day being to Adam after his fall , when the nature he fliou'd
be born of was foretold, viz,, not Angelical but Human, of the
{^Qt\ of the Woman. To Abraham it was further revealed of what
Nation of Mankind, viz,, from his Pofterity; to Jacob at what
time, when the Scepter jhould be departed from ]\.k\x\\\ and from
whatTribc, viz. his own i to Ifaiah of what perfon in that Family,
a Virgin J to Micah in what place, viz. Bethlehem ; andto'Daniel
at what precife tiniCj toward the expiring of his fcventy weeks j
which according to the molt probable computation of them did
commence from the fcvcnrh year of Artaxerxes Longimanns -, and,
fo the 490 years expired near upon our Saviour's pailion. No'^-
certainly
Book II. Cap. VI. ORIGINES SACRAL. it^
certainly the particular enumeration of all thefc circumitances
fpokcn of lb long before, and falling out fo exactly, cou'd not but
o-ive the greateft conviction and evidence, that our blcfled Savior
was that perfon fo much fpoken of by the Prophets, in whom all
thefe feveral lines did meet as in their center.
f. Laftly, ^Prediftions then exprefs divine pttrpofes ijchen many
"[Prophets in feveral ages concur in the fame predictions ; becaufe it
is hardly feen but all thofe tacite conditions which are fuppos'd
in general promifcs or comminations may be alter'd in different
ages j but when the conditions alter, and the predictions continue
the fame, it is a ftronger evidence it is fome immutable counfel of
God which is exprefs'd in thofe predictions. And in this cafe one
prediction confirms the foregoing, as the Jc'-jjs fay of Prophets >
One Prophet that hath the tejiimony of another Prophet-, is fuppos'd
to be true ; but it muft be with this fuppofition, that the other
Prophet was before approv'd to be a true Prophet. Now both
thelb meet in the prophecies concerning our Savior •, for to him
bear all the Prophets witnefs; and in their feveral ages they had
feveral things reveal'd to them concerning him ^ and the uniformity
and perfect harmony of all thefe feveral prophecies by perfons at
fo great dirtance from each other*, and being of feveral interefts
andimployments, and in feveral places, yet all giving light to each
other, and exaCtly meeting at laft in the accomplilTiment, do give
"us yet a further and clearer evidence , that all thofe feveral beams
came from the (fame Sun, when all thofe fcattered Rays were at
laft gathered into one Body again at the appearance of the Sun of
Righteoufnefs in the World.
Thus have we now cleared when predictions are expreftive of x,
God's internal purpofes -, by obfervation of which Rules we may
cafily refolve the other part of the difficulty j when they only ex-
prefs the feries and dependencies of things which wou'd have their
idue and accomplilhment, if God by his immediate hand of Pro-
vidence did not cut off the entail of effeCts upon their natural caufes.
Now as to thefe prophecies which concern things confidered in
themfelves, and not precifely as they are in the counfel of God,
we are to obferve thefe Rules.
I. Comminations of judgments to come do not in themfelves /peak
the abfolute futurity of the event, but do only declare what the per-
fons to whom they are made are to expe^ , and what fh all certainly
come to pafst unlefs Cod by his mercy interpofe between the threat -
ning and the event. So that comminations do fpeak only the de-
bitum pwn£-i and the neceflary obligation to punifhmentj but
therein God doth not bind up himfelf as he doth in abfolute pro-
mifesi the reafon is becaufe comminations confer no right to any,
which abfolute promifes do; and therefore God is not bound to
neceffary performance of what he threatens. Indeed the guilt,
or obligation to punifliment is necefTary, where the offence hath
been committed to which the threatmng was annexed ; but the
execution of that punifliment doth ftill depend upon God's arbi-
trarious Will, and therefore he may fufpend or remove it upon
ferious addrefTes made to himfelf in order to it. For fince God was
pleas'd not to take the prefent forfeiture of the firft grand tranf-
grcflion, but made llich a relaxation of that penal Law, that con-
R dition.
1
_ I30 PRIG IN ES SACR^. Book II. Cap. VI. j
dition oF pardon were admittable, notwithftanding Icntcnce pais'd j
upon the malcfaftors, there is (Irong ground of prcfumption in '
Humane Nature that G o d's forbearance of Mankind notwith- i
{landing fin, doth fuppofc his rcadinefs to pardon oficnders upon '
their repentance, and therefore that all particular thrcatnings of I
judgments to come, do fuppofe incorrigiblenefs in thofc they are |
pronounc'd againft : Upon which the foundation of hope is built,
that if timely repentance do intervene, God will remove thofe ;
judgments which are threatned againll them. \
XI. And this was certainly the cafe of the Nhievites upon Jonas \
Jonah 3. 4. jjjs preaching among them. For when the threatning was fo per- '
emptory, let forty days-, and Nineve Jha// be dejiroyed, all the hope
they cou'd have of pardon mull be from the general pcrluafions j
of Men's Souls of God's readinefs to remove judgments upon re- i
pentance. For otherwife there had been no place for any thing
but defpair, and not the leaft encouragement to fupplicate the j
Mercy of God, which we fee they did in a moft folemn manner
after they were convinc'd thefe comminations came from God i
himfelf by the mouth of his Prophet. Some think that Jonas '
together with the threatning of judgment did intermix cxhorta- i
tions to repentance j but we can find no probability at all for that '
on thefe two accounts : Firft, Jonas then wou'd not have been i^o \
unwilling to have undertaken this meflage > for as far as we can
fee, the harfhnefs of it was the main reafon he fought to have
avoided it by flying to Tarjhijh. Secondly, Jonas wou'd have had '
no pretence at all for his anger and difpleafure at God's pardoning 1
Nineve i which is moft probably conceiv'd to have been, becaufe !
the Ninevites might now fufpeit him to be no true Prophet, be-
caufe the event anfwer'd not his prediction. Now there had been |
no reafon at all for this, if he had mix'd promifes together with !
his threatnings •, for then nothing wou'd have fall'n out contrary 1
to his own predi£lions. And therefore it feems evident that the '
meifage Jonas was fent with, was only the commination of their j
fpeedy rum, which God did on purpofe to awaken them the fooner, i
and with greater carnertnefs to repentance, when the judgment I
was denounc'd in fo peremptory a manner-, altho' it Iccms Jonas fl'
jonah4.i. had before fuch apprchenfions of the merciful nature of God-, and
his readinefs to pardon, that he might fuppofe God's intention by
this Icvere denunciation of judgment, might be only to take occa- '
Hon upon their repentance, to iliew his goodnefs and bounty to i
them. But this was no part of his inftrudlions, which he durll j
not go beyond in his preaching, whatever his private opinion might
be; for the Prophets were to utter no more in their preaching or j
particular mcflagcs than was in their commiflion, and were not to !
mix their own words with the Word of the Lord.
XII. And by this we may further undcrftand the denunciation of j
ifa. 38. I. death to Hezekiah by the Vro^hct If aiah, Set thy honfe in order-, for
thonjhalt die and not live. I qucftion not but the Prophet rcvcal'd |
to Hezekiah as much as God had rcvcal'd to him (for to fay as jj
MoUn. Va- MoUnaits doth, that the Prophet fpake thefe words of his own '
head, before he fully underftood God's mind, is very harfli and i
incongruous) but God might at firft difcovcr to Jfaiah not his '
internal purpoic, but what the nature of the difcafe wou'd bring
him ,
. I
its, I. I
f.i6.
' i
'■ I
I^ooK 11. Cap. Vl. ORIGINES SACRyF.. " T^
liim ro (unlels his own immediate hand of Providence mtcrpos'd)
which mcflhge he wou'd have Ifriiah carry to Hezekiab for the
tryal of his Faith, and exciting him to the more Hvely acts of
Grace, and for a further demoniiration of God's goodnefs to him
in prolonging his Life beyond humane probabihty and the courie
of Second Caufes. Now what repugnancy is there to the truth
and faithfuhiefs of God, that God lliou'd conceal from his Pro-
phets in their Meflages the internal purpofes of his Will, and in
order to the doing good to Men Ihou'd only reveal what wou'd
certainly have come to pafsunlefshimfelf hadotherwifedetermin'd
it. And thus the repentance which is atttributed to God in refe-
rence to thefe denunciations of judgments, is far from importing
any real mutation in the internal purpofes of G o d (a rock fomc
have fplit themfelves upon) but it only fignifies the outward chang-
ing of the Scene towards Men, and afting otherwifc than the
words of the Prophets did feem to import ; and all the alteration
is in the outward difcovery of his Will, which is certainly far
from being any collufion in God : Unlefs we muft fuppofe God
fo bound up, that he hath no liberty of ufing his own methods
for bringing Men to repentance, or for tryal of his People's graces,
but mult in every inftance of his Word declare nothing but his
own internal purpofes, which is contrary to the general method
of God's dealing with the World, which is, ro govern Men by
his own Laws, and thereby to awaken them to duty, and deter
from fin by his annex'd tlireatnings, without revealing any thing
of his internal purpofes concerning the ftate and condition of any
particular perfons at all ; which threatnings of his, tho' pronoun-
ced with the greateft feverity, do not fpeak God's inward refolu-
tions as to any particular perfon, but what all muft expert if they
continue impenitent and incorrigible. For the only conditions ,
imply'd in thefe threatnings being repentance, it neceflarily follows,
that where that is wanting, thefe Hypothetical comminations are
abfolute predictions of what fliall certainly come to pafs on all thofe
who are deftitute of the condition fuppos'd in them. ^^; ^\.^^ -^t^i
So that where any comminations are pronounced by any in a xiiL
prophetical way concerning any perfon or people, and no altera-
tion happen at all in them, but they continue impenitent and in-
corrigible, there the not coming of them to pafs may be a token
of a falfe Prophet. For in this cafe the only tacite condition im-
ply'd in thefe threatning prophecies is fuppos'd to be wanting, and
fo the comminations muft be underftood as abfolute predictions :
Now in thofe comminations in Scripture, which are abfolutely
exprcfs'd, but conditionally underitood, we find fomething inter-
pofing, which we may rationally fuppofe was the very condition
underftood. As jibimelech's reftoring of Sarah was the ground Geh.io.g.
■why the fentencc of death after it was denounced, was not exe-
cuted upon him: So Ahab's Humiliation, Hezekiab his carneft iKing.jT.
Prayer, the Ni?ievites Repentance, all interpos'd between fentence 'y"
and execution, whereby we may be fully fatisfy'd of the reafon
why thefe denunciations did not take effed : But where the per-
fons continue the fame after threatnings that they were before,
there is no reafon why the fentence fliou'd be fufpended, unlefs
we Ihou'd fuppofe it to be a mere eff^ed: of the patience and long-
R 2 fuffering
ORIGINES SACRjE. Book II. Cap. VI.
fuffcrins; of God, leading Men to repentance and amendment of
life : Which is the ground the jfe-jys give, why the not fulfilling of
denunciations of judgment was never accounted fufficient to prove
M*im.Je a Man a falfe Prophet-, to which purpofe thefe words of Maimo-
funi. leg. nides are oblervable in his Jefiide Thorah-, where he treats particu-
'• '°-^-^- larly on the fubjecl of Prophecies : If a 'Prophet foretel fad things-,
as the death of any one-, or famine-, or war-, or the like -, if thefe
things come not to pafs-, he fh all not be accounted a falfe Trophet -,
neither let them fay^, Behold he hath foretold-, and it comes not to
pafs i for our bleffed God is fovo to anger-, and rich in mercy , and
repent eth of the evil; and it may be that they repent-, and God may
fpare them, as he did the Ninevites-, or defer the piinifhment-, as he
did HezekiahV. Thus we lee that prophetical comminations do
not exprefs God's internal purpofes, and therefore the event may
not come to pafs, and yet the Prophet be a true Prophet.
XIV. 2. 'Predictions concerning temporal blejjings, do not al-jvays abfo-
lutely fpeak the certainty of the event-, but ivhat God is ready to do,
if they to '■juhom they are made continue faithful to him: For which
we have fufficient ground from that place of Jeremiah 18. 5), 10.
At 'H'hat inftant Ifhall fpeak concerning a Ki?igdom, to build and to
plant it i if it do evil in my fight-, that it obey 7iot my voice, then
"Will I repent of the good wherewith I faid I would benefit them.
So Ifaiah 1. ip, 20. If ye be willing and obedient, ye fhall eat the
good of the land; but if ye refiife and rebel, ye Jhall be devoured
with the fword ; for the mouth of the Lord hath fpoken it. Whereby
we fee it evident, that all Promifes of Temporal Bleflings are not
to be taken abfolutely, but with the condition of obedience. But
this the Jews can by no means digeft, whofe Rule is , that all
prophecies of good things to come muft neceflarily come to pafs,
Uid.f.TS. or he was no true Prophet who fpake them : For, faith Maimoni-
des. Whatever good thing God hath promifed-i alt ho' it be premifed
under a condition, he never revokes it -, and we never find that God
repented him of any good thing promised, but in the defiruBion of
the fir fi Temple, when God had promised to the righteous, they fJwud
not die with the wicked; but he repented him of his words. But ic
is very plain to any one that confiders the Jewifh Interpretations
of Scripture, that in them they have always an eye to themfelves,
and will be fure not to underfland thofe Scriptures which fecm to
thwart their own intcrcft, as is mofl apparent in the prefent cafe-,
for the grand reafon why the Jews infift fo much on the punftual
accomplifliment of all Promifes of good to be the fign of a true
Prophet is, to uphold their own intcreft in thofe Temporal Blef-
/ings which arc prophefy'd of concerning them in the Old Tcfta-
ment} akho' one wou'd think the want of correfpondency in the
event in reference to themfelves, might make them a little more
tender of the honor of thofe Prophecies which they acknowledg
to be divine; and have appcar'd to be fo in nothing more than
the full accomplifjimcntof all thofe thrcatnings which are denoun-
ced againft them for their difobcdicncc, even by the mouth of JV/l?-
/ipj himlelf, '■Deut. 28. from the if*^'' to the end. Can any thing
be more plain and evident, than that the enjoyment of all the pri-
vileges conferr'd upon them, did depend upon the condition of their
continuing faithful to God's Covenant!* The only place of Scri-
pture
Book II. Cap. VL ORIGINES SACR/t'.. 133
ptiire produced by them with any plaulibility, is that Jcr. 28. 9.
The '"Prophet which propheckih of peace-, wheti the word of the
"Prophet jhall come to pafs-, then Jhall the "Prophet be known that
the Lord hath truly fent him. For reconciling of which place with
thofc already mcntion'd, we are to undcrftand that here was a par-
ticular contcfl: between two Prophets, Planamah and Jeremiah y
Jeremiah he foretold evil to come, tho' unwillingly, "ver. 6. Hana-
7iiah he prophecied peace. Now Jeremiah-, according to God's
peculiar directions and infpiration , appeals to the event to deter-
mine whole prophecy was the trueft: Now, faith Jeremiah-, if
the prophecy of Hananiah concerning peace be fulfill'd, then he is
the true Prophet, and I the falfe. And in this cale when two
Prophets prophefy contrary things, it ftands to reafon that God
will not reveal any thing by the mouth of his own Prophet which
lliall not infallibly come to pafs, that thereby the truth of his own
Prophet may be fully manifelted. Befides Jeretniah refers not merely
to the event foretold, but gives a fudden fpecimen of his own
truth in another prophecy concerning the death o^ Hananiah-, which
was punftually accomplifli'd the fame year, ver. 17. And which
is raoll confiderable to our purpofe, both thefe JProphets confi-
dered the fame people under the fxme circumftances, and with the
fame conditions j and fo Jeremiah-, becaule of their mcorrigible-
nefs, foretels defolation certainly to comcj notwithftanding this,
Hananiah foretels peace and fifety, which was contrary direftly to
God's method of proceeding, and fo the falfity of his prophecy
wou'd infallibly be difcovcred by the event. So that notwithftand-
ing this Inftance, it appears evident, that predictions of temporal
Blefllng do fuppofe conditions, and fo have not always the event
fulfilled, when the people do not perform their condition of obe-
dience. And thus we have now laid down the Rules whereby the
truth of prophecies was to be judg'd •, by which it appears what
little need the conftant Prophets had to appeal to Miracles to ma-
nifeft the certainty of Divine Revelation in them. So we have
finiflied our firft Propofition concerning the manner of trying Di-
vine Revelation in the Prophets God fent among his people.
We now come to the fecond general Propofition concerning the xv.
Prophets. Thofe 'Prophets whom God did imploy np>on fome extra- i- P^p-
ordinary menage for confirming the truth of the Religion efiablifhed
by him-, had a power of Miracles conferred upon them in order to
that end. So that we muft diftinguifli the ordinary imployment
of Prophets, which was either Inltru6tion or Prediction of future .
events among God's own people, from their j>eculiar meflages
when they were fent to give evidence to the truth of that way of
Religion which was then fetled by God's own appointment. Now
the Prophets generally did llippofe the truth of their Religion aS'
owned by thofe they were fent to, and therefore it had been very
needlefs imploying a power of Miracles among them to convince
them of that which they believed already. For we never read among
all the revolts of the people of the Jews, that they were lapfed Co
far as totally to rejeCt the Law of Mofes, (which had been, to alter
the conftitution of their Common- wealth) altho' they did enor-
mouily offend againft the precepts of it, and that in thofe things
wherein the honor of God was mainly concerned, as is moll plain
R 3 ia
34 ORIGINES SACR/F.. Book 11. Cap. VI.
in their frequent and grofs Idolatry: Which we are not lb to
underftand.as the' they wholly caft off the worHiip of the true
God, but they fuperiiiduccd (as the Samaritans did) the worfliip
of Heathen Idols with that of the God of Ifrael. But when the
revolt grew fo great and dangerous that it was ready to fwallow
up the true worfliip of God, unlcfs fonie apparent evidence were
given of the faliity of thofe Heathen mixtures, and further con-
firmation of the truth of the eftabliflicd Religion, it pleafed God
Ibmetimes to fend his Prophets on this peculiar meflage to the
main inftruments of this revolt : as is moft confpicuous in that
dangerous defign of Jeroboa^n-, when he out of a politic end kt
up his two Calves in oppofition to the Temple at Jerufalem; and
therein it was the more dangerous in that in all probability he dellg-
nednot the alteration of the worfliip it felf, but the eftabUfliment
I King. 11. of it in T)an and Bethel. For his interefl lay not in drawing of the
*7- people from the worfliip of God, but from his worfliip zt Jerufalem,
which was contrary to his defign of cantonizing the Kingdom, and
taking the greatelt fliare to hinifelf Now that God might confirm
his peoples Faith in this dangerous juncture of time, he fends a
Prophet to Bethel, who by the working of preient Miracles there,
iKing.ij. "^'^-s. the renting the Altar and -Ji'ithering of ]crohozm's hand, did
*• manifefl: to them that thefe Altars were difpleafing to God, and
that the true place of worfliip was at Jerufalem. So in that famous
I King. i8. Fir e.Or deal for trying the truth of Rehgion between God and Baal
^ upon Mount Carmel by Elijah, God was pleas'd in a miraculous
way to give the mofl pregnant teflimony to the truth of his own
worfliip, by caufing d.fre to come down from Heaven and f5. upon a prefent' Miracle. And Mofes iind, Hereby flail ye knozj
that the Lord hath fent me to do all thefe ijnorks -, for I have not
done them of mine o'jin mindy If thefe men die the common, death
of all men-, then the Lord hath not fent me-, &c. Can any thing be
more plain than that the only intent of this Miracle was to make
It appear, that Mofes took not his office upon him, but was im-
mediately fent and imploy'd by God in what he did. But that
■which will put an end to this controverfy is God's giving Mofes
a power to work Miracles for that very end that the Ifraelites
fhou'd believe him. Exodus 8. 8,5?. And can we think they wou'd
have ever left (^y^gypt as they did, and followed Mofes into the
wildernefs, unlefs they had been fully convinced he was a deli-
verer fent from God ^ It is true (that which the Jens fpeak fo
much of) the flatio in monte Sina was a great confirmation both to
their own Faith and to Mofes his, according to what God had
told him, Exod. 3. 12. but yet it follows not hence they had no
firm bottom for their Faith to ftand on before (for then they might
have been drowned in the Red fea as well as the (ly^gyptians^hnt
God knowing their incredulity and readinefs to difobey his Law,
did at the promulgation of it teftify to their eyes and cars his own
Exod. 19. prefence in the midft of them. And this certainly was one of the
9- greateft Miracles of all : and therefore to oppofe this to the evi-
dence that is produced by Miracles is only to oppofe a power of
working Miracles to a power of doing them. So vain and empty
then, fo falfe and fallacious, yea fo direftly contrary to Holy Scri-
pture is that Axiome of the Jews-, Trophetia; Veritas non confir-
matiir miracidis: for Miracles are fufiicient evidences of Divine
Revelation in any whom God imploys, to all but fuch as are re-
folved not to believe them-, and as one well faith, Tertinacia nul-
lum remedmm pofuit 'Dens -, God never voorks Miracles to convince
obftinate Atheijts and wilful Infidels. This now is the firfl: cafe
wherein Miracles are to be expeded, which is, when God imploys
any upon an extraordinary mefi^age, to be as credentials to con-
firm their Divine Commiflion.
CHAP
11
Book 11. Cap. VII. O RIG INKS SACRA-:. 157
CHAP. VII.
The eternity of the Law of Mofes difcufled.
I. Thefecond caje ivherein Miracles may he expecled, 'when a Divine
pojjtive Lanv is to he repealed, and ayiother "way of worjhip ejla-
blijhed injiead of it. Ihe pojjlhility in general of a repeal of a Divine
Lanv ajferted 3 the particular cafe of the La^w of Moles difputed
again fi /^^ Jews : II. the matter of that Law proved ?iot to he im-
mutahly ohligatory 5 hecaife the ceremonial precepts were required
not for themf elves y hut for fome further end j that proved from
Maimonides his confejjion : III. the precepts of the Ceremonial
Law frequently dijpenfed with while the Law was in force. Of
the Pajfover of I'lczckhh, and feveral other injlances. IV. It is
not inconfijlent with the wifdom of God to repeal fuch an ejla-
hliJhedLaw. Ahr3.\:ind' s arguments anfwered. V. Of the per-
fetlion of the Law of Mofes, compared with the Gofpel. VI. If^oe-
ther God hath ever declared he woud never repeal the Law of
Mofes. VII. of adding to the precepts. VIII. Of the exprejfwns
feeming to imply the perpetuity of the Law of Moles. Reafons af-
jigned why thofe exprefjtons are ufed, tho perpetuity he not imply -
ed. IX. we Law of Mofes not huilt upon immutable reafon, he-
caufe many particular precepts nuere founded upon particular oc~
cajions, as the cujloms of the Zabii ^ X. many ceremonial precepts
thence deduced out of Maimonides •, XI. and hecaufefuch ajlate
of things ^as foretold, with which the ohfervation of the Ceremo-
monial Law woud he inconfijlent. XII. Ihat largely difcovered
from the prophecies of the Old Tejlament.
I Now come to the fecond cafe wherein Miracles may be juflly i|
expefted, which is. When fomethiy^giijhich hath been before efta-
blijhed by 'Divine La\v, is to be repealed, and fome other way of J For -
Jhip to befet up infteadofitT^^o things are very neceflary to be (poken
to for the clearing of this Propofition: Firll, Whether a Law once
eftablifhed by God himfelf be capable of a repeal; Secondly, What
neceffity there is of Miracles to manifeji God's intention of repealing
a former Law. Thefe Two contain the main foundation of the
Difpute between the y^u'j and Us, viz. Whether the Law tor Hiy they, How can it be that God did not
command them concerning Sacrifices, when a great part of the
Law is about them : But Maimonides well refolves the doubt thus,
That God's primary Intention, and that 'u.'hich he chiefly looked at,
was obedience; but God's Intention in facrifces and oblations, was
only to teach them the chief thing, which was obedience. TJiis then
is of the number of thofe things which are fpoken abfolutely, but
to be underflood comparatively -, as, / will have mercy and not fa-
crifice. My doBrine is not mine, but his that fent me. It is not you
that fpeak, but the Holy Ghoft, &c. So that we fee all thcgoodnels
which is in thefe things, is convey'd into them by that which is
morally good, which is obedience -, and God did never regard the
performance of thofe Laws any further than as it was an expreflion
of obedience, and it was conjoyn'd with thofe other moral duties
which were moft agreeable to the Divine Nature. And in this
fenfe many underflood that difficult place, Ezek. 20. 25'. And I
gave them CD'3lt3 N'l n2'''\>T\ fatutes that were not good, i. e. fay
they , comparatively with thefe things which were fimply and in
themfehes good ; to which purpofe they give this Rule : Aliquid
negatur ineffe alicui, quod alter ins comparatione exifiimatur exiguum.
But I rather think that which the Chaldee Paraphrafl fuggefts, and
others explain further, to be the meaning of that place, viz. that
by the Precepts that were not good, is meant the cruel and tyran-
nical impofitions of thofe enemies God for their fins did deliver
them over to, which were far from being acceptable to them, which
is frequently the fenfe of Good in Scripture. Thus we fee one
reafon why the Ceremonial Precepts do not in themfelves imply
an immutable obligation, becaufe they are not commanded for
themfelves, but in order to a further end.
2. Becaufe God hath freqimitly difpenfed with the Ceremonial iii,
Precepts whenthey were in greateft force, if the end of them cotCd be
attained without them. Thus the Precept of Circumcifion flept du-
ring the Ifraelites travels in the Wildernefs. Thus'D^zw^ateof the
iS'^f'X'-^rf^^, which is exprelly forbidden in the Law •, th^Jewsxkvvv^ E.\-Qd. ly.
to evade this by diftinguilhing between the Bread of Confeflion ??•
in the Eucharijiical Offering, mentioned Levitictis 7. 13. and the
proper Shew -bread: Now they fay "David eat only of the Firfl,
and not of the Second j but this is Glojfa Aurelianenfis , which
overthrows the Text; for it is exprefly faid, that the ground why
the Priefb gave him Holy Bread, was becaufe there was none there
butCD'jS*^ CDH'?, the pew-bread, i Sam. 21. 6. A like violation
82 of
I40 ORIGINES SACRi^. Book II. Cap. VII.
"' _^ — —
of the Law without reproof, is commonly fuppofed by the Je-jjs
to have been in the fiege of Jericho-, I'iz. in the cafe of the Sab-
bath. But it is more plain in that Anamalom Taffover obferved
by Hezekiab-, which many of the ye\z:s themfelves acknowledg
was not obferved as the Second '^PaJJover-, provided by the Law to
Numb. 9. be celebrated on the i^^^^ day of the fecond month by thofe ijvho 'were
"• debarred of the firji for their legal nncleannefs ; but they fuppofe it
to have been intended for the Legal 'Paffover -, only becaufc the
fourteenth of Nifan was pafled before the Sanftification of the
I chron. Temple ''ji'as finijhcd-, left they fliou'd celebrate none at all that year,
ip- 17- they tell us that Hezekiab with the confent of the Rulers, did make
an Intercalation that year of a whole Month, and fo Nifan was
reckoned for the fecond Adar, and Jiar for Nifan-, from whence
Vid.selden they fay that Hezekiah did intercalate Nifan in Nifan-, that is, ad-
de Anno (jg^ anothct Nifan to the firft. But where do we read any fuch
"at.'/'"' thing permitted in the Law as the celebrating the Firfl: Pajfover
the 14* of the fecond Month ? But granting that it was oblcrved
as a fecond Pajfover-, becaufe of the want of Legal Sanftifica-
tion both in Pnefts and People-, yet we find great irregularities in
I Chron. the obfctvation of it ■■, for it is exprefly faid, That a multitude of
'°' '^' the people had not cleanfed themfelves, yet they did eat thePaJfover
otherwife than, it rji^as 'uritten. And yet it is faid upon Hezekiah'' s
ver. 20. prayer t that the Lord hearkned to Hezekiah, and healed every one.
So that we fee God himfelf did difpenfe with the ftrift Ceremonial
Precepts of the Law, where Men did look after the main and fub-
ftantial parts of the worfhip God required from them. Nay God
himfelf hath exprefly declared his own Will to difpenfe with the
Ritual and Ceremonial Law , where it comes to ftand in compe-
tition with fuch things as have an internal Goodnefs in them,
Hof.6.6. when he faith, He defired mercy and not facrifce, and the knoivledg
of God more than burnt-offerings. Thus we plainly fee that the
Ceremonial Law, however pofitive it was, did yield as to its ob-
ligation, when any thing that was Moral, flood in competition
with it. And fo the Jc'-ji's themfelves fuppofe an open violation
a Sam. II. of the Judicial Law to have been in the hanging up o^ Saul's Sons^
9, 10. a long' time together, dircftly contrary to 'iJeut. 21. 23. which
they conceive to have been from the 16 of Nifan to the 17 of
Marchepvan-, which is as much as from our March to September^
whereas the Law fiith exprefly that the body of one that is hatt-
gedfoall not remain all night upon the tree , but thou fhalt in any
'-^■ife bury him that day. One of the Je-s:ip Rabbies-, as G. Vorftim
tells us, is fo troubled at this, That he wifieth that place in Samuel
Kor/?. vot. expunged out of Scripture-, that the Name of God might be fan£ii-
m Abrn-j. j^^^ gyj. -^yhethcr this were done "fa'^n '£3 ^y, l;y the command
of the Oracle or no, or whether only by a general Pcrmilfion', wc
ice it was acceptable unto God; for upon that thcGibconites famine
was removed, and God -was intreated for the land. Thus we have
now proved that there is no immutable and indifpcnfible obliga-
tion which arifeth from the things themfelves.
IV. Secondly, It is no way inconllflent with the Wifdom of God
to repeal fuch a Law when once cllablillied. The main argument
Ahravand of that Icamcd R.Abravanel, whereby he wou'd cflablilh the etcr-
nma^c'^T. "'^7 of thc Law of Mofes, is fetched from hence, That thu Lavs
WAS
Book II. Cap. VII. ORIGINES SACRAi). X41
was the refult of the IVifdom of God-, who knows the fuitablcnefs of
things he appoints to the aids he appoints them for -, as God hath ap-
pointed bread to be the food of Man' s body : Now we are not to enquire
why God hath appointed bread arid no other thing to be the food of Man ;
no moreiix\t\\ he,are we to enquire why God hath appointedthis Law ra-
ther than ayiother for the food of our Souls ; but we are to reft conten-
ded with the coiinfels of God, tho' we underftajid not the reafon of
them. This is the fubftancc of that Argument, which he more
largely deduceth. To which we anfwer, that his Argument holds
good for Obedience to all God's pofitivc Precepts of what kind
or nature foever they be, fo long as we know their Obligation to
continue -, but all the queftion is, whether every pofitive Precept
mufl always continue to oblige. And thus far his (imilitudc will
hold good, that whatever God doth command, we are to look
upon it to be as neceflary to our Souls, as bread to our Bodies ;
but hence it follows not that our Souls mull be always held to the
fame pofitive Precepts, any more than our Bodies to the fame kind
of food. Nay, as in our Bodies we find fome kind of food always
neceflary, but the kind of it to alter according to age, health, and
confl:itutions j fo we fay fome kind of Divine Revelation is always
neceflTary •, but God is gracioufly pleafed to temper it according to
the age and growth of his People j fo he fed them as with ^lilk
in their Non-age, with a Ritual and Ceremonial Law, and trained
them up by degrees under the Nurfery of the Prophets, till the
Church was grown to age, and then God fed it with the fl:rong Meat,
which is contained in God's Revelation of his Will by the Gofpel
of his Son. And therein was abundantly fcen God's ^>^vnvMiX<^ ^qiU,
his "Variegated Wifdom^ that he made choice of fuch excellent and
proportionable ways to his People's capacity to prepare them
gradually for that full and compleat Revelation, which was referved
for the time of the appearance of the true Meffias in the World.
For can any thing be more plain than the gradutU progrefs of Di-
vine Revelation from the beginning of the World .^ That fair re-
femblance and portraiture of God himfelf, and his Will upon his
Word (if I may fo exprefs it) had its Ground-work laid upon
Man's firft Apoftafy, in the Promife made Gm. 3. i f. whereon fome
further lines were drawn in the times of the Patriarchs, but it had
its (Txiayytip/a, it was fliadowed out the moft in the Typical and Ce-
remonial Law, but was never filled up to the life, nor had its per-
fect C'»"'^'"P'«' 'till the Son of God himielf appeared unto the World.
If then it be inconfiflent with the Wifdom of God to add any
thing to the Law of Mofes-, why not to the Revelation made to
Adam or the Patriarchs ? or efpecially to the feven Precepts of
Noah-, which they fuppofe to have been given to all Mankind
after the Flood .^ If it were not repugnant to the Wifdom of God
to fuperadd Rituals and Ceremonials to Morals and Naturals, why
fhall it be to take down the fcaffolds of Ceremonies, when God's
Spiritual Temple the Church of God is come to its full height ?
Is there not more reafon that Rituals fhou'd give place to Sub-
Itantials, than that fuch Ihou'd be fupcr-induccd to Morals .^
There are only two things can be pleaded by the Jews why it v.
fliou'd be more repugnant to the Wifdom of God to add to the
Law of Mofes-, than to any former Revelation, which are the
S 3 greater
142 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cap.VII.
greater perfeftion they fuppolc to be in this Revelation above
others, and that God in the promulgation of it did exprefs that
he wou'd never alter it. But both thefe arc manifeft-ly defective
and infufficient, in order to the end for which they are produced.
YorfirJ?, what evidence is there that the Law o( Alo/es contained
lo threat perfcftion in it, as that it was not capable of having
any^additions made to it by God himfelf ? We Ipeak not now
of the perfedion of the Moral Law, which it is granted con-
tained in it the foundation of all pofitive Precepts-, for this
pfti. 19. vve never contend for the abrogation of, but the Ritual Law
'"■ is that we meddle with-, and is it poflible any Men fhou'd
be fo little befriended by Reafon as to think this to be the ut-
moft pitch of what God cou'd reveal to the World , as to the
way of his own Worfliip? Let any indifferent rational Peribn take
the Precepts of the Gofpel, and lay them in the balance with thofe
of the Ceremonial Law, and if he makes any fcruple of deciding
on which fide the over-weight lies, we may have caufe to fufpeft
him forfaken of that little Reafon which gave him the name of
Man. Let but the fifth of Matthcjn be laid againft the whole book
of Le-vitic7is-, and then fee whether contains the more excellent
Precepts and more fuitable to the Divine Nature.'* I fpcak not
this to difparage any thing which had once God for the Author
of It, but to let us fee how far God was from the neceflity of Na-
tural Agents to act to the height of his Itrength in that difcovery
of his Will. God is wife as well as righteous in all his ways?
as he can command nothing but what is jufh -, fo he will com-
mand nothing but what is good, nay excellent in its kind. But
tho'all the Stars be in x)aQ.bLVs\zYnm2.ms.\\t-, yet one Star differs from
another in glory -, tho' they may be all Pearls , yet fbme may be
more Orient than others are y every place of Holy Scripture may
have its Crown, but fome may have their Aureolie-> a greater ex-
cellency, a fuller and larger capacity than the other hath; every
parcel of Divine Revelation may have fome perfection in its kind,
yet there may be fome monftra perfe^ionis-, in Scaliger's exprefiion
that may far out-vye the Glory and Excellency of the reit. Can
we think the mifts and umbrages of the Law cou'd ever caft ib
glorious a Light as the Sun of Righteoufnefs himfelf m his Me-
ridian Elevation? As well may we think a dark fiiady paffage
more magnificent and glorious than the moil princely Palace, a
Pidture drawn in charcoal more exquifite and curious than the lines
of Apellesi fome imperfect rudiments more exa£t and accurate than
the moft elaborate work, as go about to compare the Law of M?-
fcs with the Gofpel of Jesus Chri.st in point of excellency and
perfection. Let the Jeisjs then boafl never fo much oithQixgradm
Mofaicust and how much it exceeds the degree of Revelation in
other Prophets, we know if his light be compar'd with what the
Gofpel communicates, Mofes himlclf fiw but as in a glafs darkly,
and not \w fpcctdo lucido-, as the Jc-ji's are wont to fpeak. We ho-
nor Mofis much, but we have learnt to honor him at whofeTranf-
figuration he was prefent more-, neither can that be thought any
difparagement to him, who zcconntcdthe reproach of Chrijt greater
riches than the treasures of c_/F.pypt.
But
Book II. Cap. VII. ORIGINES SACR/E. ,43
»
" ■ II.
Maimon.
de fund.
leg.c.(,.f.s
Ikkarim I,
3. <-. 14.
But it may be, tbo' the Laxju m its Jelf be 7iot fo abjolutely per- vr.
fe^, yet God may have declared he will never alter it, and then it is
not confiftent with 'Divine IVifdomto repeal it. Very true: God will
never alter what he hath fiiid he will not-, but where is it that he
hath thus bound up himfelf ? Is it in that noted place to this purpofc
Thou Jhalt not add thereto nor diminijh from it '^ So indeed Mai- Deut,
monides argues •, but therein more like a 'Jew than himfelf i and yet 5
one of his own Nation therein far more ingenuous than he, gives
not fo much from the mere importance of the word, as from the
Muimon. ncceflary exiftenceof the Divine Nature. Thence Alaimonides him-
MoreNcv. felf can fay, Troinde fciendum eft quod Olam non necejfario fignifcet
at emit at em, nifi ei conjiingatnr Ed {^'^- vel^'^-) idque vel poft illud
lit Olam vaed-, vel ante Ad Olam. Altho' this Rule of his hath no
certainty at all in ity as appears from his Colledlion of it, which is
becaufe it is faid, 'Pfal. 10. 16. The Lord he u King Olam vaed,
for ever and ever : but as I faid already, that is not from the figni-
iication of the word, but the nature of the thing. And it is moft
plain in .Scripture that CL^^IJ? is fo fir from implying a necefliiry
perpetuity, that it is apply'd to fuch things as can have no long
duration, 2.s Exod. 21.6. and he fhall ferve him-, CZj'^iy^, that is,
(as the Jevos themfelves expound it) to the nex Jubilee^ tho* it
were near or far off. So i Sam. 1.22. where Samuel is faid to abide
before the Lor d^^'^'^V'^V for ever, where we find Maimonides his
Ad Olam in a fenfe very far fliort of Eternity, this is fo plain
that the formerly cited i?. y«K. u4 rl,,) kMitcmv r.M xiriii ^>'f'"'M'i fot which he iaith, they :2^./3f^A^f<,/«j,
fonnacd- repTOdched by the Heathens., becaufe their Laivs and 'Polity were fo
fum, 1. 4. differeyit from the Cnftom of other Nations. Thus we fee then that
many Precepts of the Ceremonial Law, were founded neither on
the goodnefs of the things themfelves, nor on any unalterable reafon,
but were enforced on a peculiar reafon on the People of the Jews
at that time, as they were a People feparated from the reft of the
world for the worfhip of the true God. And for the other great
offices wherein their Religion did fo much confift, viz. Sacriiices,
Diftinftion of Meats, Obfcrvation of Feftivals, Circumcifion, and
fuch like: The particular account and reafon of them is either fo evi-
dent in the Law its felf, or fo fully acknowlcdg'd by their own Wri-
ters, that it is here fuperfluous to infifton thcm^ elpecially iince fb
GrotJe-ve- many havc donc that fo largely already (particularly (rr^/«j)whofc
"cZla T' ^^^'^'"S ^ intend not to tranfcribe.
xi ^ ^ come therefore to the fecond thing, which is, That the Cere-
monial Law was fo far from being founded on an immutable reafon-^
that while it was in its greatefl force fuch a fiate of things was plain-
- ly foretold., with which the obfervation of that Law would be in-
confiftent. For which we are to confider, that tho' the Law of
Mofes feemed outwardly to refpeft the temporal advantages of
the People embracing it in the Land of Cayman -, yet there was a
Spring of Spiritual Promifes whofe head was higher than Jorda7i
was, that ran down from the Patriarchs, and was more fully opened
to fome of them, which tho' it Icemed to run under ground in
the midft of the Ceremonial Obfervations of the Law ; yet it fre-
quently brake forth and opened its felf in the midll: of them, and
by degrees in the Prophetical Age did make its felf a larger Chan-
nel, 'till in the time of the Meffias by its force and violence it
overthrew thofe banks which ftood in the way of it, and over-
fpread the face of the whole Earth. It is evident by the whole
leries of the Scripture of the Old Teftament, that God's ultimate
intention was not to confine the faving Knowledg of his Will only
to the Jews j for the great Proniife to Abraham was. That in his
feed all the nations of the earth JJjould be blejfed i And as Abraham
rejoyccd to fee that day afar off ; fo ^ood Jacobs when he leaned
on his Jacob's Staff, took the height of that Tiay-Star from on
high) which tho' like fome of the fix'd Stars, might not for fomc
time be vifible to the inferior World -, yet foretold the time when
he fliou'd defcend into a lower Orb, and become confpicuous in
our Horifon. And confcquently to his appearance in the World,
wou'd be the drawing not fo much the Eyes as the Hearts of the
Gen. 49. World to him; for no fooner is it mentioned that Skiloh comes
when the Scepter departs from Judah -, but it immediately follows,
And to him fhall the gathcrmg of the people be. Thus wc lee be-
fore ever the Law of Mofes came to inclofe the People of the Jews
^"3 Cods peculiar people., there was a defign on foot, for inlarging
the bound of God's Inheritance, and making the tittermojl parts of
the
Book II. Cap. VII. GRIG INKS SACR/E. 15, 5>
the earth his Sons po(Je£Jon. Can we then think that the Law
which came afterwards, cou'd difannul the Covenant made 430
years before, as the Apoftlc excellently reafons? Can we believe Gai.4. ,7.
the Mofaical difpcnlation was the urmoll of what God did in-
tend, when God had before promifed that the BleHlng of ^^r^/&^?,»?
fhou'd come upon us Gentiles alfo ? To which purpofe it is very Rom.4.10;
obfervable, that Abraham v;as jujiiffd not in circumcijion, but in "•
uncircumajion ; for he received the fign of circumcifion-, a feal of the
right eoufnefs of faith', being uncircumcifed, that he might be the fat her
of all them that believe-, though they be not circumcifed ; that righ-
teotifnefs might be imputed unto them alfo. Whereby it is evident
that the great Blefllngs promifed to Abraham-, did not refpe£t him
merely as Progenitor of the Ifraelites, but in a higher capacity,
as Father of the faithful} and that the ground of his acceptance
with God did not depend on any Ceremonial Rite, fuch as Cir-
cumcifion was, God imputing his Faith for Righteoufnefs before
his being circumcifed. But becaufe the time was not yet come
wherein the grand Myftcry of Man's Salvation by the death of the
Son of God was to be revealed •, therefore when God called the
Nation of the Jews from their bondage, he made choice of a more
obfcure way of reprefenting this Myftery to them thro' all the
umbrages of the Law : And withal inforced his Precepts with fuch
terrible fanftions of curfcs to all that continued not in all that vuas
written m that Law to do ity to make them the more apprehenfive
that the ground of their acceptance with God, cou'd not be the
performance of the Precepts of that Law, but they ought to breathe
after that higher difpenfation wherein the way and method of Man's
Salvation fhou'd be fully revealed when the fulnefs of time was come.
Now therefore God left them under the Tutorage and 1t*adagogy
of the Law, which fpake fo feverely to them, that they might not
think this was all God intended in order to the happinefs of Men,
but that he did referve feme greater thing in ftore to be enjoy'd
by his People when they were come to Age.
So that tho' the Ceremonies of the Law had not a Mouth to xit
Ipeak out Chrifl -, yet they had a Hand to point to him; for they
were the fliadow or dark reprefentation of that which was to be
drawn afterwards to the greatefl: life. And this was underftood by
all thole whofe hearts were carried beyond the outward faplefs Let-
ter of the Law, to the more inward and fpiritual meaning of it,
(there being an «ra.7Te/x«' and tWe/t^ in the Law as well as Philo-
fophy,} thcfe Myfteries were too not fo veiled and hidden, but
all that were iVoVV fully initiated-, might fully underftand them;
which made that true Spiritual Cabala:, which was conflantly pre-
fcrved among the Ifraelttes-, which was more largely commented
on by the Prophets of fuccceding Ages •, whofe care it was to un-
lock this Cabala:, and to raife up the hearts of the People in a
higher expectation of the great things which were to come. Thence
we not only read of the folemn Prayer of the Church of the y£";x'j,
that the knowledg of God might be difperfed over all the Na- pfai.^y.a.
tions of the earth, but we have many Prophecies that when the ifaiah.i. 2.
mountain of the Lord's houfe fhoiCd be exalted-, all nations foould flow Mai. 1. 1 1.
unto it : that from the rifing of the Sun to the going down thereof
God's name fh all be great among the Gentiles ^ and in every place in-
T 3 cenfe
ICO ORIGINES SACR/E. Book 11. Op. VII.
cenfe fhould be offered to his name^ a?id a pure offering, for his name
pall be (Treat among the Heathen. That the Infcription on the High-
Prieft's" Forehead, Holinefs to the Lord, lliou'd by reaibn of the
laro-e diffufion of a Spirit of HoHnefs in the days of the Gofpcl,
Z»ch. 14. l^ejet upon the bells of Horfes, that the pots inthe Lor d^ s houf'e fhould
"■ be as the bon^ls before the Altar-, i. e. that when the i.cvitical Ser-
vice fhou'd be laid afide, and that Holinefs, which was that appro-
priated to the Priefts and Inftruments of the Temple, ihou'd be
difcerned in thofe things which feemcd moft remote from it. That
pfai. no. a Triefthood after another order than that of Aaron fooiild be efta-
4. 5. <5- blifhed, viz. after the order of Mclchifedec -, and that he that was the
Triefl after this order, fhould judg among the Heathen-, and \vound
vcr. 3. the heads over many Countries -, that in the day of his poiver the
Teopleihow'd (not be frighted to obedience with thunder-claps and
earth-quakes, as at Mount Sinai) but ihou'd come and yield them-
felves as -3. free.'-jL'ill offering unto him, and yet their number be as
great as the drops of the dezv '■^■hich dijlil in the morning. That
ifa.66.21. God out of other Nations 'u: odd take unto himfelf for "Friefts and
Hag. 1.7. for Levitesi that the def re of all Nations fjoul'd fpeedily come i that
Mai. 3. 1, the Meffenger of the C oveyumt fhordd come into his Temple ; nay, that
V)aa.9.i.^.feve7ity '■jjeeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy City -,
i6. 27. that then the Vifion and Trophecy fhould be fealed up -, that the Sa-
crifice and Oblation pould be caufed to ceafe ; that the City and the
Saniluarv fijould be defrayed-, and the end thereof fhall be '■ji:ith a flood,
and unto the end of the War defolations are determined; that after
three fcore and t\zo "jveeks Meflias fould be cut off, but not for him-
felf; that by him tranfgreffion fhould be finifhed, and reconciliation
for iniquity fhould be made, and ever la fling right eoufnefs fhould be
brought in. And left all thefc things ftiou'd be apprehended to be
only a higher advancing of the Levitical Worfhip, and the way
of external Ceremonies, God exprefly faith, That he Kvould make
jcr.3t.31. a nevi) Covenant vi'ith the houfe of Ifrael, and with the houfe&f ju-
?»• dah •, not according to the Covenant that I made with their Fathers,
in the day I took them by the hand to bring them out of the Land of
o£lrine Jhould be
true li'hich depends not upon the Evidence of the thing it f elf By
evidence of the thing I underlland fo clear and diftin6t a Perception
of it, that every one who hath the ufc of his rational Faculties,
cannot but upon the firfl: apprehenfions of the Terms yield a certain
aflent to it ; as That the whole is greater than a part ; That if wc
take away equal things from equal, the remainder muft be equal.
Now we are to obfervc, that as to all thefe common Notices of
Human Nature which carry iuch Evidence with them, the certainty
of them lies in the Propofition as it is an aft of the Mind abftra-
&td from the things themlelvcSj for thefe do not fuppofc the Ex-
iftenceof the things-, but whether there be any fuch things in the
World or no as Whole or Parts, the Underftandingisafluredthat
the Idea of the whole carries more in its repreientation than that
of a part does. This is the great Reafon of the certainty and evi*
dence of Mathematical truths, not as fome imagin , becaufe Men
have no interefl, or defign, in thofe things, and therefore they ne-
ver quertion them, but becaule they proceed not upon fenfible but
abilra£ted matter, which is not liable to fo many doubts as the
other is : for that a Triangle hath three Angles no Man queftions j
but whether fuch fenfible parts of Matter make a Triangle, may be
very queflionable. Now that the truth of Beings, or the certainty
of Exiftence of things cannot be fo certain as Mathematical De-
monflrations, appears from hence : becaufe the manner of convey-
ance of theie things to my Mind cannot be fo clear and certain as
in purely Intelleftual operations, abftradted from exiftent Matter.
For the higheft Evidences of the Exiftence of things muft be ei-
ther the judgment of Senfe, or clear and diftin£t perception of the
Mind: now proceeding in a mere Natural way, there can be no in-
fallible certainty in a either of thefe ; For the Perception of the
Mind in reference to the exiftence of things being caufed fo much
thro' thofe Ideas or T'hantafms which are conveyed to the Un-
derftanding thro' theimpieflions of Senfe, if thefe may be demon-
ftrated to be fallacious, I may well queftion the certainty of that,
which I am certain I have been deceived by •, fuppofing then I fliou'd
queftion the truth of every thing which is conveyed in an uncertain
way to my Mind, I may ibon outgo even Tyrrho himfelf in real
Scepticifm. Neither can I conceive how clear and diftin£t perce-
ption of any thing, tho' not coming thro' the fenfes, doth necef-
farily infer the exiilence of the thing; for it only implies a Non-
repugnancy of it to our Natural Faculties, and confequently the
bare poflibility of it. For otherwife it were impoflible for us to
have a clear perception of anything any longer than it exifts > nay,
than we know it to exiftj for Exiftence or Non-exiftence is all one
to the Underftanding, while it is not afliired of either. And it is
withal evident that things imaginary may clearly affe£t the Mind
as well as real , for I may have as real and diftin£t Perception of
a Thcenix in my Mind, as of a Cartridge j doth it therefore follow
that the one is really exiftent as well as the other ^ and it will be
a very hard matter to allign a certain difference between Imagina-
tion and pule Intelledtion in fuch things, which tho' not aftually
U exiftent,
154 PRIG INK S SACRAL. Book II. Cap. VIII.
exHlent, yet imply no repugnancy at all to the Faculties of Mens
Minds. It IS evident then, that there cannot be fo great certainty
oF the exiftence of things as there may be of Mathematical De-
monllrations.
III. And if that Principle be fuppofed as the foundation of all 'P^/-
fical certainty as to the Being of things, -viz. That there is a Godj
who being infinitely good, will not futfer the Minds of Men to be
deceived in thofe things which they have a clear and diftindl per-
ception of (without which fuppofition we cannot be afiured of the
certainty of any operations of the Mind, becaufe we cannot know
but we were fo made, that we might be then mofl deceived, when
we thought our felves moft fure: ) I'l this Principle, I iay, be
fuppofed as the foundation of all certain Knowledg, then from it
I infer many things which are very much advantageous to our cer-
tainty in matters of Faith.
I. That the foundation of all certainty lies in the ?iecejfarji exi-
ftence of a Being abfolutely perfeit. So that unlcfs I know that
there is a God, I cannot be ailured that I know any thing in a
certain manner 5 and if I know there is a God, I mult ncceifarily
apprehend him to be abfolutely perfect -, becaufe the grounds ofmy
Knowledg, that there is a God, are from thofe abfoluteperfeftions,
which there arc in him •■, and if I cou'd fuppofe him not abfolutely
per fed, I muft fuppofe him not to be God; for that is necellarily
imply'd in his Definition. Now then if all certainty doth fuppofe
the exifi:ence of a Being fo abfolutely perfect, I mull, before I can
know any thing certainly, conclude that there is an infinity of Know-
ledg, Wifdom, Power and Goodnefs in this G o d j for thofe are
things which all who undcrftand them will granttobeperfeftions j
and if they be in God, they muft be abfolutc, /. e. infinite. And
if they be infinite, it neceffanly follows that they muft tranfcend
our apprehenfionsj fo that now we have gained this Principle in
order to Faith, that we muft grant fomething to be unconceivable
before wc can come certainly to know any thing. From whenpe
it follows that thofe who will not believe any thing to be true, be-
caufe it is above their apprehenfions, muft deny the foundation of
all certainty, which (as we have proved) doth fuppofe fomething
to be infinite, or above our capacity to comprehend.
jv. 2. That ii'e have as great certainty of 'jn hat ever is revealed to us
from God:, as ii;e can have of the truth of any thing tjihich we mofl
clearly nnderfland. For the truth of Knowledg depending on this
I'uppolition, That there is a God, whofe goodnefs will not fufter
us to be dcceiv'd in the things we clearly undcrftand > there is the
fame foundation for the aft of Faith as for that of Knowledg,
'viz,. That God will not fuffcr us to be dcceiv'd in matters which
himfelf hath rcveal'd to us. Nay, there fcems to be greater on
thcil' accounts, htrjl-, That there is not fo great danger to be dc-
ceiv'd in reference to objcdts of i'enfe, as there is in reference to
objects of Divine Revelation: becaufe objects of fenfe make a con-
tinual iniprcifion upon the organs of fenfe; and as to thefc things
we fee the whole World agrees in them fo far as they are neceflary
to life, and withal they bear a greater corrci'pondcncy to the pre-
fcntltatcof impcrfcftion which the Soul is now in: but now mat-
ters of Divine Revelation are of a more fubUmc and Ipiritual na-
ture.
Book II. Cap. VIII. RIG INKS SACRAL 1^5
cure, which Mens Mmds on thac account are more apt to doubt
of, than of things obvious to fenfc-, and withal they call the Mind
lb much off from fenfe, that on thefe accounts the pronencfs to doubt
is greater, and therefore the .foundation of Certainty from God's
not fuffering us to be deceiv'd muil be llronger. Secondly^ There
is not fo great danger m being deceiv'd as to matters of fenfe or
knowledg, as there is in thmgs of Divme Revelation. For we
fee, granting lenfe to be deceiv'd , and that we have no certainty
at all in natural things, yecaftairs of Life are managed ftillj Men's
outward well'are depends not on the judgment of "lenfe-, the Mer-
chant hath never the lefs gold in his Ship, becaufe his fenie deceives
him in judging that the Earth moves from him, when the Ship
moves from it. The Sun doth never the lefs enlighten the World,
tho' our Senies be all of Epicurus his Mind, that the Sun is no
bigger than he feems to be; but now as to matters of Divine Re-
velation, they are things of the mofl unfpeakable weight and im-
portance, which depend upon our believing or disbelieving them.
And therefore if the Goodnefsof God be fuch as it will not fuller
us to be deceiv'd in our judgment of material and fenfible Beings >
how much lefs in reference to the foundation of our certainty as
to things divinely rcvcai'd .^ We ice then what Rational Evidence
there is not only confiltcnt with, but neceflarily imply'd in the foun-
dation of Faith, even as great as in any thing which we do mofl: pcr-
fedfly know ; fo that the in-evidence, which is fo much fpoken of
as an ingredient of the nature of Faith, muft not be underftood
of the foundation whereon the ad of Faith doth fland, but of the
condition of the obje£f, which being a matter of Divine Revela-
tion, is a thing not obvious to our Senfes. In which fenfe the A-
poftle Ipeaks, that Faith is i>.mZp^at vs^'fuam, zr^yiU-n^t £Asy;t(^ a (iXtm/^^av,
The firm expeBation of things hoped for-, andflrong conviction of things
vjhtch are not feen : In which words, as Erafmus obfervcs, is con-
tain'd only an high Encomium of Faith, and no dialectical Defini-
tion of it; 'VIZ,, that Faith foars above things of fenfe or prelent
enjoyment; yea, tho' the objefts of it be never fo remote from ei-
ther, yet where there '\s fufficient Evidences of Divine Revelation,
Faith boggles at no difficulties, but is firmly refolv'd that that God
who hath reveal'd thefe things, can and will bring them to pafs in
his own time. There is not then any fuch contrariety between the
foundation of Faith and Knowledg, as the Schoolmen have per-
fuaded the World ; we fee both of them proceed on the fame foun-
dation of certainty ; all the difference is, Faith fixeth on the vera-
city of God immediately in reference to a Divine Teftimony;
Knowledg proceeds upon it, llippofing no Divine Revelation as
to the things it doth difcover.
3. We hence infer, That if the certainty of our Knowledg de-
pends on this Principle, That God will not fuffer us to be deceiv'd,
then we are bound to believe whatever God doth reveal to us,
tho' we may not be able to comprehend the nature of the things
revealed. For as to thefe things, we have the fame ground of cer-
tainty which we have as to any Natural Caufes ; for as to them, we
now flippofe from the former Principles, that fetting afidetheexi-
ftence of God, we cou'd have no certainty of them, but that
the formal Reafon of our certainty is refolv'd into this, That God's
U 2 Goodncfs
I5 and he that fhall fay he cannot have a clear Perception
of God without comprehending him, dothcontradifthimfelf-, for
if he be a Being infinite, he muft be incomprehenfiblc ; therefore
there may be clear Perception, where the object it felf is above our
capacity. Now whatever foundation there is in Nature for fuch
a Perception without Comprehenllon •, that and much more is there
in fuch things as are reveaPd by God, tho' above our Apprehenfion :
For the Idea of God upon the Soul of Man cannot be fo ftrong
an Evidence of the Exiftence of a Being above our Apprehenfion,
as the Revelation of matters of Faith is, that we fhou^d believe
the things fo reveal'd, tho' our Underftandings lofe themfelves in
firiving to reach the natures of them, and the manner of their
Exiftence.
Secondly-, That which is the only foundation of a fcruple in this
cafe, is a Principle moft unreafonable in it felf. That we are to em-
brace nothing for truth, tho' divinely reveal'd, but what our Rea-
fon is able to comprehend as to the nature of the thing, and the
manner of its exiftence-, on which account the Doftrme of the
Trinity-, Incarnation-, Satisfaction-) and confequently the whole
Myftery of the Gofpel of Christ muft be rejecied as incredible,
and that on this bare pretence, bfccaufe altho' many expreflions in
Scripture feem to import all thefe things, yet we are bound to in-
terpret them to another fcnfe, becaufe this is incongruous to our
Reafon. But altho' Chriftianity be a Religion which comes in the
higheft way of Credibility to the Minds of Men, akho' we are
not bound to believe any thing but what we have fufficient reafon to
make it appear that it is reveal'd by God -, yet that any thing fiiou'd
be queftioned whether it be of Divine Revelation, merely becaufe
our Reafon is to feek, as to the full and adequate conception of
Jt, is a moft abfurd and unreafonable pretenfc: And the Allcrtors
of it nuift run themfelves on thefe unavoidable abfurd ities.
Firjh Of believing nothing either in Nature or Religion to be
true, but what they can give a full and fatisfaftory account of, as
to every mode and circumftance of it. Therefore let fuch Pcrfons
(irft try themfelves in all the appearances of Nature-, and then we
may luppole they will not believe that the Suniliincs till they have
by dcmonftrative Arguments prov'd the undoubted truth of the
'I'tolematc or Copernican Hy^ot he/is -, thatthcy will never give eredit
to the rtux and reflux of the Sea, till they clearly refolve the
doubts
Book II. Cap. VIII. ORIGINKS SACR/F.. ,57
doubts which attend the feveral opinions of it. That there is no
fiich thing as Matter in the AVorld, till they can fttisfa(3:orily tell
us how the Parts of it arc united-, nor that there are any Material
'Beings, till they have rcfolv'd all the perplexing difficulties about
the feveral Affeftions of them-, and that themfelves have not fo
much as a rational Soul, till they are boundtofitisfy us of the man-
ner of the union of the Soul and Body together. And if they
can expedite all thcfe, and many more difficulties about the moit
obvious things ("about which it is another thing to frame handfom
and confiflent Hypothefes-, than to give a certain account of them j
then let them be let loofe to the matters of Divine Revelation j as
to which yet (if they cou'd perform the other) there were no rea-
Ibn for fuch an undertaking -, for that were.
Secondly y To commenfuratc the Perfe£tions of G o d with the
narrow capacity of the human Intelledt; which is contrary to the
natural Idea of God j and to the manner whereby we take up our
conceptions of God: for the Idea of God doth fuppofe Incom-
prehenfibility to belong to his Nature j and the manner whereby
we form our Conceptions of God, is, by taking away all the im-
perfe£fions we find in our felves, from the Conception we form of
a Being abfolutely perfecV, and by adding Infinity to all the Per-
feftions we find in our own Natures. Now this method of pro-
ceeding doth neccffarily imply a vaff diftance and difproportioii
between a finite and infinite Underflanding. And if the Un-
derftanding of God be infinite, why may not he difcover fuch
things to us, which our ffiallow Apprehenfions cannot reach unto?
What ground or evidence of Reafon can we have that an infinite
Wifdom and Underflanding, when it undertakes to difcover mat-
ters of the higheff nature and concernment to the World, ffiou'd
be able to deliver nothing but what comes within the compafs of
our imperfedt and narrow Intelledfs .* And that it ffiou'd not be
fufficient that the matters reveal'd do none of them contradift the
prime Refults or common Notions of Mankind (which none oftheni
do) but that every particular mode and circumflance, as to the
manner of exiflence in God, or the extent of his omnipotent Power,
mufl pafs the fcrutiny of our Faculties, before it obtains a placet
for a Divine Revelation ?
Thirdly, It muff follow from this Principle, That the Pretenders vl
to it muff affirm the Rules or Maxims which they go by in the
judgment of things, are the infallible flandard of Reafon: Elfe
they are as far to feek in the judgment of things as any others are.
They muft then, to be confiflent with their Principle, affirm them-
felves to be the abfolute Maffers of Reafon : Now Reafon confifl-
ing of Obfervations made concerning the natures of all Beings,
for fo it muil be confidered, as it is a Rule of judging, (ws. as a
Syftem of infallible Rules collefted from the natures of things)
they who pretend to it, mufl demonflrate thefe general Maxims
according to which they judg, to be collefted from an univerfal
undoubted Hiflory of Nature, which lies yet too dark and obfcure
for any to pretend to the full Knowledg of, and wou'd be only a
demonflration of the highefl Arrogance after fo many fucceflefs
endeavors, of the moft fearching Wits in any fociety of Perfons
to ufurp it to themfelves, cfpecially if fuch PerfonS are fo far
U 3 from
15
RIG INKS SACK /E. Book IL Cap. VIII.
from learchin^ into the depths of Nature, that they ilifter them-
fclves very fairly to be led by the Nofe by the moit Dogmatical
of all Philofophers -, and that in luch Principles whicli the more
inquifitive World hath now found to be very (liort, uncertain
and fallacious. And upon feverc enquiry we Ihall find the grand
Principles which have been taken by thefe adorers of Rcafon, for
ahiioft the ftandardof it, have been fome Z'/6ftfr/
and the Being of God himfclf If thefe things be difown'd as the
flandard of Reafon, let us know what will be fubllituted in the
i-oom of them-, and what Laws our Faith muft be try'd by. Are
they only Mathematical Demonftrations, or the undoubted common
Notions of Human Nature, which whofoever underftands aflcnts
to them .' let any of the forementioned Myfteries be made appear
to contradict thefe, and we will readily yield up our fclves captives
to Reafon : But in the mean time let no jejune unproved Hypo-
thefes in 'Philofophy-, be fct as Judges over matters of Faith, whofc
only warrant for that office muft be Stat pro ratione voluntas. Let
the Principles we proceed by, be firftmaniteftcdtobecollcdfedfrom
a nioft certain and univerlalinfpcftion into the nature of all Beings,
let the manner of proccfs be iliewcd how they were collected (left
they labour with the common fault of the C^yw^/Zj", of cftablifliing
Hypojlatical Principles from the Experiments of fome particular
Bodies, which others do as evidently refute) and laftly, let it be made
appear that thefe Principles, thus colleded, will fcrve indifferently
for all Beings, fpiritual as well as material, iinfinitc, as well as finite,
and
Book II. Cap. VIII. ORIGINES SACR/E. 155,
and when this Task is cxaftly pcrforni'd, wc will make room for
Reafon to fit upon the Bench, and bring the Scripture as the pri.
Ibner to its Bar.
Fourthly-, According to this Principle, what certainty can we vii.
have at all of any thmg wc arc to believe? who hath fixed the
bounds of tliat which Men call Reafon? how fliall we know that
thus far it will come, and no further ? If no Banks be raifed againft
it to keep it in its due Channel, we may have caulc to fear it may
in time overthrow not only the Trh//ty, Incarnation-^ Refurretiion
of the dead-, but all other Articles of the Creed too. What Pre-
fcription can be pleaded by one fort of Men for Reafon more than
for another? One will not believe this Article of his Faith, be-
caufe againft his Realbn •, and why not another reject another Ar-
ticle on the fame prctenfc? for whatever the ground of Unbelief
be, if it be but baptized by the name of Reafon, it muft by this
Principle pal's uncontroulecf. If a fullen Philofopher fhall tell us,
that the Notion of an immaterial fubftance contradicts his Reafon
as much as the Trinity doth theirs, and that the Univerfe is no-
thing elfe but a Syftem of Bodies -, by what Artifice will our Ma-
iler of Reafon purge away all that black Choler, that fo clouds
his Mind, that he cannot lee the Notion of a Spirit thro' it? And
luch a one will make a hard lliifr, but he will reconcile his Opi-
nion with Scripture tooj and therefore why Ihou'd he be bound
up to Mens Explications of Scripture, when there is no neccflity,
that he can fee, of underftanding it in any other way than his
own? If another fliou'd come and tell us, that we muft be all
Anthropomorfhites-i and that otherwife the Scripture were not in-
telligible 5 fliall not this Man put in for Reafon too? Nay, laftly-,
if another fliall come and fpcak out, and tell us Religion is but a
device of fubtle Men, that all things come to pafs thro' chance,
that the World was made by a fortuitous concourfe o^ Atoms-, and
that all are fools which are not Atheifts-, and and that it is im-
poflible to apprehend the Being of a God, and therefore by the
fame Reafon that they rejeft fome Myfteries of Religion, he
rejeds the foundation of all 5 becaufe an infinite Being is inconi-
prehenfible: whither now hath our Reafon carried us? while
we pretend to rejeft any thing as divinely revealed, merely on
that account , that it is above our Reafon ? But it may be re-
ply'd, On ijuhat account then do we reject the Dolirine of Tran-
ilibftantiation, and the ubiquity of the Body of Christ, as repug-
nant to Reafon-, if we do not make Reafon judge in matters of Faith?
I anfwer, i. We rejedt thefe opinions not only as repugnant to
Reafon, but as infufficiently proved from Scripture; whereas
we here fuppofe (it not being our prefent bufinefs to prove it) that
the feveral Doftrines of the Trinity-, Incarnation^ RefurreEiion
of Bodies-, Sec. are only rejefted on that account, that tho' Scri-
pture feems to fpeak fair for them, yet it is otherwife to be inter-
preted, becauie fuppofed to be repugnant to Reafon. 2. Thofc
Dodrines before mentioned are eminently ferviceable to pro-
mote the great end of the Gofpel, and are inlaid in the very foun-
dation of it, as that of the Trinity-, and 'Divinity of C h r i s t -,
but thefe we now mention are no ways conduceable to th^ end,
but feem to thwart and overthrow it •, and Tranfubjlantiation efla-
bhflieth
j^o ORIGINES SACR/E. Book 11. Cap. VIII.
fheth a way of Worfiiip contrary to the Gofpel. 3. All the foun-
dation of Tranfiibftantiation is laid upon ambiguous places of Scri-
pture, which muit of necelllty have fome Tropes and Figures in
themi but the Doftrinc of the 'Trinity is not only contained in
plain Scripture, but is evidenced by vifiblc appearance, as parti-
cularly at the Baptifm of our Savior. 4. There is far greater ground
why we fhou'd rejed Tranfitbjiantiation and Ubiquity, as inconll-
itent with Reafon, than that they Ihou'd the Trmity-, on this ac-
count, becaufe the grounds of Reafon on which we reject thofc
opinions, are fetched from thofc ellential and infcparable proper-
ties of Bodies, which are inconfiftent with thofe opinions -, now
thefe are things within the reachof our Underftandings (in which
cafe God himfelf fometimcs appeals to Reafon) but it is quite an-
other cafe, when we fearch into the incomprehenfible Nature of
God, and pronounce with confidence that fuch things cannot be
in God, becaufe we cannot comprehend them -, which gives a fuffi-
cient anfwer to this objecfion. The fubitance then of this Dif-
courfeis, that whatever Doftrine is fufficiently manifcfted to be of
Divine Revelation, is to be embraced and believed as undoubtedly
true, tho' our Reafon cannot reach to the full apprehenfion of all
the Modes and Circumftances of it. So that as to thefe fublime
Myfteries our Faith ftands upon this twofold bottom, ivr/?. That
the Being, Underftanding, andPowerof God doth infinitely tran-
fcend ours, and therefore he may reveal to us matters above our
reach and capacity. Secondly-, That whatever God doth reveal is
undoubtedly true, tho' we may not fully underftand it; for this is
a moft undoubted Principle, That God cannot and will not dieceive
any in thofe things which he reveals to Men. Thus our firft Sup-
polltion is cleared. That it is not repugnant to Reafon, that a Do-
ctrine may be true, which depends not on the evidence of the thing
it felf
The Second is. That in matters na-hofe truth depends not on
the evidence of the things themfelvest infallible tefti7no7t.y is the fulleji
demonftration of them. For thefe things not being of Mathema-
tical evidence, there mufl: be fome other way found out for demon-
flrating the truth of them. And in all thofe things whofe truth
depends on Teltimony, the more creditable the Teftimony is, the
higher Evidence is given to them •, but that Teftimony which may
deceive, cannot give fo pregnant an Evidence as that which cannot •,
for then all imaginable objections are taken off. This is fo clear,
that it needs no further Proof; and therefore the Third follows.
That there are certain '-Ji.ays 'Ui'hereby to kno-jn that a Te(Hmony
delivered is infallible ; and that is fully proved by thefe two Ar-
guments. I. That it is the duty of all thofe to whom it is pro-
pounded to believe it ; now how cou'd that be a duty in them ta bc-
lievcwhich they had no ways to know whether it were a Teftimony
to be believed, or no? 2. Becaufe God will condemn the World
for Unbelief: In which the Juftice of God's proceeding doth
ncceffarily fuppofe that there were fufficient Arguments to induce
them to believe, which cou'd not be, unlels there were fome certain
way fuppoicd whereby a Teftimony may be known to be infallible.
Thelc three things now being fuppofed, viz. That a Doctrine may
be true which depends not on evidence of Reafon; that the grcatell
demon-
Book 11. Cap. VIII. GRIG INKS SACRA']. iCi
dcmonilrationof the truth of fuch a Do6trine, is its being dcHvcrcd
by infalhble Tcftimony j and that there arc certain waies whereby
a Teftimony may be known to be inlalliblc: Our firfi: Principle is
fully confirmed, which was, That ijobcre the truth of a '-Doctrine
depends not on Evidence of Reafon^ but on the Authority of him that
reveals it-, the only way to prove the 1^o£trme to be true-, is to prove
the Teftimony of him that reveals it to be hifallible.
The next Principle or Hypothefts which I Jay down, is. That viir.
there can be no greater evidence that a Teftimony u infallible, .than ^- ^yp'^'-
that it is the Teftimony of God himfelf The truth of this depends
upon a common Notion of Human Nature, which is the Veracity
of God in whatever way he diicovers himfelf to Men •, and there-
fore the ultimate Refolution of our P aith, as to its formal objedb,
mufl be alone into the Veracity of God revealing things unto us>
for the "Frincipium certitudini^-, or foundation of all certain alFent
can be fetched no higher, neither will it Hand any lower than the
infallible Verity of God himfelf; and the Tri^icipium patefa£iionisi
or the ground of difcovery of Spiritual truth to our Minds muft be
lefolved into Divine Teftimony, or Revelation. Thefe tv/o then
not taken afunder, but joyntly, God-, who cannot lye-, hath revealed
thefe things, is the only certain foundation for a Divine Faith to
reft it felf upon. But now the particular exercife of a Divine
Faith lies in a firm aflent to fuch a particular thing as divinely re-
veal'd ; and herein lies not fo much the Teftimony, as the peculiar
energy of the Spirit of God in inclining the Soul to believe pecu-
liar objeds of Faith, as of Divine Revelation. But the general
ground of Faith, which they call the formal object, or the ratio
propter quam credimus-, is the general infallibility of a Divine Te-
ftimony. For in a matter concerning Divine Revelation, there are
two great Queitions to be refolved : The firft is. Why I believe a
Divine Teftimony with a firm aflent.^ The Anfwer to that is, Be-
caufe I am aflur'd, that whatever God fpeaks is true: the other
is. Upon what grounds do I believe this to be a Divine Teftimony ?
the refolution of which, as far as I can underftand, muft befetch'd
from thole rational Evidences, whereby a Divine Teftimony muft
be diftinguifli'd from one merely Human and fallible. For the Spi-
rit of God in its workings upon the Mind, doth not carry it on
by a brutifli impulfe, but draws it by a Spiritual difcovery of fuch
ftrong and perfuafive grounds to aflent to what is reveal'd , that
the Mind doth readily give a firm aflent to that which it fees fuch
convincing Reafon to believe. Now the ftrongeft Reafon to believe,
is the manifeftation of a Divine Teftimony ; which the Spirit of
God fo clearly difcovers to a true Believer, that he not only firmly
aflfents to the general foundation of Faith, the Veracity of God,
but to the particular object propounded , as a matter of Divine
Revelation. But this latter Queftion is not here the matter of our
Difcourfej our Propofition only concerns the general founda-
tion of Faith, which appears to be fo rational and evident, as
no Principle in Nature can be more. For if the Teftimony
on which I am to rely be only God's, and I be aflur'd from Na-
tural Reafon , that his Teftimony can be no other than infallible,
wherein doth the certainty of the foundation of Faith fall fhort
of that in any Mathematical ditmon^x'^iixQW ? Upon which account
X a
161 ORIGIN ES SACR/E. Book K. Cap. VIII.
a Divine Teftimony hath been regarded with lb much veneration
among all who have own'd a Deity, altho' they have been unac-
quainted with any certain way ot Divine Revelation. And the
reafon why any rcjefted fuch a Teftimony among the Heathens-^
was either, becaufe they believ'd not a ''Deity -, or elfe that the
particular Teftimonies produced were mere frauds and impoftures,
and therefore no Divine Teftimony, as it was given out to be. But
the Principle ftill remain'dindifputable, that on fuppofition the Te-
ftimony were what it pretended to be, there was the grcateft rea-
Ibn to believe it, altho' it came not \\\ fuch a way of probation, as
their Sciences proceeded in. From which Principle arole that fpeech
vrngm. Qf Tiilly^ which he hath tranllated out of 'Plato's Timaas -, Ac dif-
ficillimnm fa^n a Dips ortis fidem non habere-, quanquam nee argti-
ynentis nee rationibus certi-s eorum ratio coyifimetiir. By which we lee
what a prefumption there was of Truth, where there was any evi-
dence of a Divine Teftimony. And no doubt upon the advantage
of this Principle it was the Devil gain'd lb great credit to his Oracles •,
for therein he did the moft imitate Divine Revelation. From hence
then we fee what a firm bottom Faith in the general ftands upon,
which is nothing ftiort of an infaUible Divine Teftimony: other
things may conduce by wajj of lubferviency for the dilcovery of
this; but nothing elfc can be a furc foundation for a Divine Faith,
but what is a Teftimony of God himfelf
IX. A Teftimony may be kno'oon to be divine and infallible') tho" God
J. Byfotk fjimfelf do not [peak in an immediate -ui-ay. By being known, I do
not mean the firm perfwafion of a Mind inlightned by the Spirit
of God, but that there arc fufficient Evidences ex part<; rei, to
convince Men of it, which are not wilfully blind and obftinate,
I. e. that the ground of unbelief in any cannot be imputed to the
defeft of fufticient Motives to Faith, but to their own pcrverfnefs
and prejudice in not difcerning them. Now that God may reveal
and declare his Mind to the World, not in an immediate way, but
by fome Inftruments he may make ule of to that end, is not only
evident from the great futablenefs of fuch a way to the conditions
of the Pcrfons he fpcaks to, but from the general perfuafion of the
World concerning the poftlbility of Infpiration. The Je'vus are
fo far from denying this, that it is the very foundation of their
Religion as well as ours-, God dilcovering the moft of his Will
to them by the Prophets, or by Perfons divinely inlpir'd. And
this general confent of all other Nations, that there is fuch a Prin-
ciple as Divmation in the World, doth make it evident, that \t
carries no repugnancy at all to Natural Light, fuppofing that there
is a God, that he fjiou'd reveal his Mind by Ibme particular Pcr-
fons unto the World. For which purpofe the teftimony o(Tully
in the entrance of his Books de 'Divinattone-, is very confiderablc.
^tD°ivm ^^^^''-^ opinio eft jam jtfqite ab Heroicis duel a temjwribns , eaqne &
pop-nil Romani & omnium gent turn jirmat a confenfihverfari quandam
inter homines divinationem-, quam Kjneci f^^xU appellant-, \. e. pra"
Jhijionem c?' feicntiam rernmfuturannn; and foon after adds, gentcm
quidcm niillam video 7jeqne tarn human am at que dotlam , 7ieqite tarn
immanem atqm barbaram^, qute non ftgnificari futura-, & a qm^ufdiim
intelligi-, pro'diciqne poffe eenfeat. He makes it appear to be an
univerfal lenriment of all Nations in the World, and inftnnceth
parti-
I3oOKll.Cap.Vni. GRIG INKS SACRJE. i6 ^
particularly in the Jjjyriuiis, c^-gyiHiuns^y LiLictans-, •tijidians-, Tam-
phyliansi (Jrecians-, Romans-, Etrurians-, and others. It is true
indeed he after mentions fomc Philolbphcrs who deny'd it; but
they were moll part the followers of Epicurus-, who deny'd any
"Fro^idence^ and therefore might well take away 'Divination: but
if Xenophanes Colophonim had any followers who aflertcd the one,
and deny'd the other (as Tully ieems to intimate that he was alone
in that perfuafionj) yet we may probably llippole the rcafon of
their rejedling it might be the Impodures which wejit under the
name of 'Divination among them-, which are excellently difcover'd
by that Prince of Roman Philofophers as well as Orators, in his le-
condBook of Divination: But it is apparent by the iame Author,
that the generality of Philofophers confented with the People in
this perfuafion, as the Followers of thofe three great Setts of So-
crates-, 'Pythagoras and Arijlotle., were all approvers of it ; but of
all Perlons the Stoics were the mod zealous contenders for it,
elpecially Chrjjippus-, Diogenes Babylonius-, Antipater and Toffido-
Tiim. Some indeed rejefted fome ways of Divination-, yet embraced
others, as Dicaarchiis and Cratippns, who rejeded all but Dreams
and Ecftafies •, but in the general we find thefe two Principles went
together among them, the exiftcnce of a Deity, and the certainty
of Divination; lb that from Divination they prov'd a 'Z)«?>', and
from a Deity Divination. Si fiint genera divinandivera, cJfeDeos i
•vicijjimque fi Dii fint , ejfe qui divinent , as ^intus Cicero there
{peaks: and at laft thus triumphs in the multitude of his witnelles.
An dum bejiite loquantur exfpetiamus^ hominum confentiente auHori-
tate contenti nonftmus? It may not be amifs to produce the chief
Argument on which the Stoics infilled to prove the necellity
of Divination, fuppofing the cxiflence of a Deity. If there be
Gods, fay they, and they do 7iot reveal to Men things to come ; it ei-
ther is becaufe they do not love them, or btcaufe they do not know
themf elves what Jhall come to pafs, or they think it is of no concern-
ment to Men to know future things, or that it doth not become their
Majefty to reveal them, or that they cannot reveal them to Men if
they would: but neither is it true that they do not love Men; for
the Gods are of a bountiful nature, and friends to Mankind; neither
can they be ignorant of future things, becaufe they are appointed and
decreed by them •, neither is it of no concernmerit to Men to know fu-
ture thifigs i for that makes them more cautious if they know them -,
neither is it repugnant to their Majefty to reveal them, for nothing
is more noble than bounty and doing good i and they muji needs know
thefe things ; therefore they may make them known to others -, and if
they do make them known, there muft be fome way whereby to know
that they dofo; or elfe they fignifie them to no purpofe. If now in-
ftead of the knowledg of future contingencies, and the multitude
of their Gods, they had infilled on the difcovery and revelation
by the true God of thofe ways, which may lead Men to eternal
HappmeiSi that Argument had been ftrong and convincing, which
as it (lands is fophiftical and fallacious. So that it is very plain,
that not only a poflibility of 'Dmw^/^/ow wasacknowledg'dby thofe
who wanted Divine Revelation, but that this Divination did not
ariie from mere Natural Caufes, but from an afftatusDivinus, and
a cencitatio quadam animi, as they there fpeak, which imports
X 2 nothing
i6j^ ORIGINES sacral. Book 11. Cap. VIII.
nothinc^ fhort of Divine Infpiradon. Nay the opinion oF this was
fo conunon among them, that they thought any extraorduiary
Perfons had Ibmedving of Divine tnthufiarm in them, as Ttilly
Cicero 1.1. elfewhere tells us, NeMO vir magnns fine aliquo afflam 'Divino wi-
de Nat. ^jf^^„ fjiit. Altho' then thcfe Heathens were greatly milbken as
Beorum. ^^ x\\ok things they took for a Divine Afflatus ^LXid'Di'vmationy ycc
we cannot conceive lb general a Scnfe fjiou'd be imprinted on the
minds of Men of flich a thing as that was, were it not a thing
highly confbnant to Principles of Realbn, that God fhou'd com-
municate his mind to the AVorld by the infpiration of ibme Per^
fons. And therefore I conceive ih^t Cicero and his Brother ^in.
tusy who manage that excellent difpute of 'Z)mK<«://tfw between them,
have divided the Truth between them too. For on the one fide
Cluinttis evidently proves the poJlibility of the thing, the confe.
quence of it upon the acknowledgment of a Deity, and the
general confent of Mankind in the owning of it j andon the other
lide Tiilly himlelf excellently lays open the vanity, folly, and un-
certainty, not only of the common waics of '\D ruination-, but of
the Oracles which were in fuch great efteem among the Heathens.
And altho' Tnlly doth lb Iharply and farcallically anlwer the Ar-
gument from the common confent of Men ; quafi vera qiiidquamfit
tarn valde, qnam nihil faf ere, I'ulgare ; as though nothing Men did
more generally agree in-, than in bei7igFools: yet as it is evident that
the ground of that Scoff was from the feveral manners of 'Divi-
Ttation then in ufe, fo it cannot be thought to be a general impeach-
ment of Human Nature in a thing fo confequent upon the being
of a God, which as himfelf elfewhere proves, is as clear from
LuBunt. reafon as from that Teftimonium gentium in hac una, re non difji-
u/flp T '^^'^f^^'^i ^s the Chriftian Cicero, La£iantius fpeaks, The confent
of Nations, '■uihich fcarce agree m any thiyig elfe, but that there is a,
God. That which we now inferr from hence is, That God may
make known his Mind m a way infalhblc, tho' not immediate j
for in cafe of Infpiration of mere Men, it is not They fo much
which fpeak , as God by them ; and in cafe that Goo himfelf
Ihou'd fpeak thro' the veil of Human Nature, the Teftimony
mull needs be infallible, the' the appearance of the Divmity be
not vifible
X. Thofe evidences ijuhereby a 'Divine Teflitnony may be krurji:n, mufi be
^^' ''' fuch as may not leave Mens minds in fufpejife, but are of their oivn^ na-
ture convincing proofs of it. For altho' as to the event fome may
doubt, and others disbelieve the Teftimony fo prov'd -, yet it is
fufficient for our purpole, that in the nature of the things (fup-
poling them to be fuch as we fpeak of) they are fufficient for the
evidtion that the Teftimony attcftcd by them is divine and infallible.
1 know it is a great difputc among many, whether thole things*
which are ufually call'd the common Motives of Faith, do of their
own nature only induce a probable pcrfuafion of the truth of the
Do(R^rine as probable which they are join'd with, or ellc are they
liuficicnt for the producing a firm aflent to the Do^^tine as true?
I grant they are not demonftrativc {o as to inforce ailcntj for vvc
Ice the contrary by the experience of all Ages-, bur that they ai-e
nor fufficient foundation for an unprejudic'd Niind to eftablifti a
lirm aflciit upon, is a thing not eafie to be granted ; chiefly upon
this
BookII. Cap.VIIL ORIGINES SACR^. i6^
this account, that an obhgation to bcHcve doth licupon every one
to whom thefe evidences of aDivineTcllimonyarelufficiently dif-
cover'd. And othcrwjfc of all Cms the fin of Unbelief, as to God
revealing his mind, were the moll cxcufablc and pardonable lln •,
nay, it wou'd be httle lefs than a part of prudence ; becaufe what
can it be accounted but temerity and imprudence in any to believe
a Doftrine as true, only upon probable inducements ? and what can
it be but wildom to with-hold afFcnt upon a mere Veriilmilitude ?
confidering what the Lyrick Poet hath long fmce truly told us y
That a Falfiiood may frequently feem truer to common under-
ftandings than Truth it felf : and as Menander fpeaks, -ji mja^lv ,'^«Ji2
«a«9ji'<« 'iyji cli'oTt fbit^c^. (f -mjzivu-Ai^^ i'^AB, that u wcre verijtmilitude may have
more force on vulgar minds thanTriithhath. If therefore there be
no evidences given fufficient to carry the minds of Men beyond
mere probability, what fin can it be in thofe to disbelieve who
cannot be obliged to believe as true what '\s only difcover'das pro-
bable ? 1 cannot therefore fee how an obligation to believe a Di-
vine Teftimony is confiftent with their opinion, who make the
utmoft which any outward evidences can extend to, to be only
the bare credibility of the Doctrine attefted by them. I can very
well fatisfie my felf with the ground and reafon why the more
fubtle Wits of the Church of Rome do affert this j for if nothing
elfe can be produced by all motives of Faith but only a pro-
bable perfuafion of the Truth of Chriftian Dodlrine, then here
comes in the fairefb pretenfe for the Infallibility of their Church :
for otherwife they tell us we can have no foundation for a Divine
Faith i for how can that be a foundation for Divine Faith, which
can reach no higher than a Moral Inducement, and beget only a ♦
probable perfuafion of the credibility of the Do£trine of Chrift ?
jBut on what account thofe who difown the Infallibility of the
Church of Rome in the propofal of matters of Faith, fliou'd yet
confent with thofe of it in an Hypothejis taken up in probability,
merely out of fubferviency to that moft advantageous piece of the
myftery of Iniquity, is not eafie to refolve. Unlefs the over-
fondnefs of fome upon the Doftrine of the Schools, more than of
the Gofpel, hath been the occafion of it. For how agreeable can
that opinion be to the Gofpel, which fo evidently puts the moil
defenfive weapons into the hands of Unbelief? For doubtlefs in
the judgment of any rational Perfon, a mere probable perfuafion
of the credibility of the Doftrine of Chrifl:, where an ailenttoit
as true is requir'd, can never be look'd on as an aft of Faith : for
if my affent to the Truth of the thing be according to the ftrength
of the Arguments inducing me to believe, and thefe Arguments
do only prove a probability of Divine Teftimony, my aflent can
be no ftronger than to a thing merely probable, which is, that it
may be, or not be truej which is not properly affent, but a fuf-
X 3 pending
1 66 RIG IKES SACRJE. Book II. Cap. VIII.
pending our judgments till fome convincing Argument be produced
on either fide. And therefore according to this opinion thofc who
faw all the Miracles which Chnll did, cou'd not be bound to be-
lieve in Chrift, but only to have a favorable opinion of his Pcrfon
and Doftrine, as a thing which tho' not cvidenc'd to be true by
what he did, yet it was very pioully credible -, but they mult
have a care withal of venturing their Belief too far, only on fuch
Moral Inducements as Miracles were, for fear they fliou'd go fur-
ther than the force of the Arguments wou'd carry them. Had not
this opinion now, think wc, been a very probable way to have
converted the World upon the Preaching of Chrift and his A-
joh.to,38. poftles; when Chrift faith, though ye believe not me-, believe the
'■jiorks-, that ye may knovo and believe that the Father is in me-, and
I in him? Nay, faith this opinion, that is more than we are bound
to do -, tho' we fee thy Works wc arc not bound to believe thy
Teftimony to be Divine and certainly true : but we will do all we
are bound to do ■■, we will entertain a favorable opinion of thy
Perfon and Doftrine, and wait for ibmewhat elfe, but we do not
well know what, to perfuade us to believe. When the Apoftles
Heb. 2. 3, preach the danger of Unbelief, becaufe the do6irine of the Gofpel
*■ 'a: as confirmed by Jigns and wonders-, and divers miracles and gifts of
the Holy Ghoft\ what a fair anfwer doth this opinion put into the
mouths of Infidels, that notwithftanding all thefe Signs and
Wonders, they were never bound to believe the Gofpel as a cer-
tain Truth, and therefore they hope the danger is not fo great in
neglcdf ing the Salvation promis'd by the Gofpel ?
XI. 1 cannot conceive that Men otherwife learned and fober, fhou'd
with fo much confidence aflcrt that the rational evidences of a
Divine Teftimony are infufficient to prove a Doftrine true, unlefs
it be from hence, that they find that notwithftanding the ftrong-
eft evidences many Perfons continue in Unbelief For fay they,
If thefe Arguments imere fcientifical and demonflrative-, (as they
fpeak) of the truth of the TioBrine attefled by them^ then all per-
fbns to vuhom they are propounded-, mufl certainly believe. But this
'\& very eafilyanfwer'd; for we fpeak not of internal, but outward
Evidence j not of that in the Subject, but of theObjeft, or more
fully of the Reafon of the thing, and not the Event in usj for
doubtlefs there may be undoubted Truth and Evidence in many
things which fome Perfons either cannot or will not underftand.
If Epicurus ftiou'd contend ftill that the Sun and Stars are no big-
ger than they fcem to be, will it hence follow that there can be no
rational Dcmonftration of the contrary ? Nay, if the way of de-
monftration be oftcr'd him, and Telefcopes put into his hands,
yet if he be rcfolv'd to maintain his credit, and therefore his O-
pinion, and will not ufe the Telefcopes, or fufpeft ftill they arc
intended only to deceive his fight-, whatpollible way will there be
of convincing fuch a Perfon, tho' the thing be in its felf demon-
ftrablc.^ Now if the ftrength of Prejudice or maintaining of Cre-
dit can prevail fo much in matters of Mathematical evidence, to
with- hold aflcnt-, what power may we think a corrupt Intereft may
have upon the Underftanding, as to the Arguments which tend to
prove the truth of that Doctrine, which is fo repugnant to that
carnal Jntcreft which the heart is already devoted to! OurblcHed
Savior
Book II. Cap. VIII. ORIGINES SACR/F.. ^cj
Savior h:ith himlclf given us lb Full an account of thcongaialand
caufes of Unbelief in the pcrfons he convers'd with, that that
may yield us a fufficient Anfwer to this Objeftion. He tells us
the ground of it was not want of light, nay, there was light fuffi-
cient to convince any, but that thofc to whom the light came /^vV Joh.j. 19.
darknefs rather than it-, becattfe their deeds '•^ere evil. That they j„[j_
could not believe '^.•hile they received honor one of another ■> and
fought not the honor 'which vuas of God only-, i. e. That they were
fo greedy of Applaufc from each other, that they wou'd not im-
parnally fearch mto the truth of that Doftrine, which did touch
their Sores fo to the quick, that they had rather have them fclter
upon them, than go to the trouble of fo fliarp a cure. That the
reafonlb few follow 'd him was bccaufe the ■\ziay was narroiij and the
gate jir ait which men miift go in at; and therefore no wonder fo Mat. 7. 14.
few of the rich and proud Pharifees cou'd get in at it •, they were
fjartly fo fwell'd with a high opinion of themfelves, and partly fo
oaden with their riches, that they thought it was to no purpofe
for them to thmk of going in at fo flrait a gate, while they were
refolv'd to part with neither.
That the final ground of the rejeftion of any, was not want of
evidence to bring them to believe, nor want of readinefs in Chrift
to receive them if they did, but it was apeevifi-, wilful-, obflinate-, Job. j-. 40.
malicious fpirit that they would not come to Chrift nor believe his
DodVrine (for thoie import the fame) but when the moft convin-
cing Miracles were us'd, they wou'd rather attribute them to t/^e Matth,ii-
'prmce of Devils than to the ^ower of God. And tho' our Savior ^'''
prefently by rational and demonftrative Arguments did prove the
contrary to their faces -, yet we fee thereby it was a Refolution not
to be convinced, or yield to the Truth, which was the caufe why
they did not believe. Now from this very inftance of our Savi-
or's proceedings with the Tharifees by rational Arguments, I de-
mand, whether thefe Arguments of our Savior were fufficient
foundations for a Divine Affent to that Truth , that our Savior
did not his Miracles by any Diabolical but by Divine power, or
no.^ If they were, then it is evident that rational Evidence may
be a foundation for Divine Faith, or that fome motives to believe
may be fo ftrong, as to be fufficient evidence of the Truth and
certainty of the Doftrine: If thefe Arguments were not fuffi-
cient proofs of what our Savior fpakc, then welfare the 'P/^/^ri/^'^x;
itfeemsthey faid nothing but what might be thus farjuftify'd, that
the contrary to it cou'd not be demonftrated. And if the evi-
dence of our Savior's Miracles were fo great, as fome fuppofc,
that the Pharifees cou'd not but be convinced that they were Di-
vine •, but out of their malice and envy they uttered this Blaiphemy
againft the Holy Ghoft, to keep the people from following Chrift j
then we hence infer two things : Firfl-, How firong an evidence
there was in the Miracles of Chrift-, when it convinced his moft re-
folute enemies that they were Divine. Secondly, What power a,
corrupt Will may have over a convinced Underftanding. For altho'
the Will may not hinder the conviftion, yet it may foon ftifle it,
by fuggefting thofe things to the Mind which may divert it from
thofe convidtions of Truth •, and leek to find out any ways xo
difgrace it. It wou'd be no difficult task to difcover in all thole
inftances
1 68 ORIGINES SACRAL. Book II. Cap. VIII.
inftanccs wherein the Unbelief of Men is diicover'd in the New
Teftament, that the Perfons guilty of it did not proceed like rati-
onal Men, or fuch as defir'd Truth, but were wholly carried away
thro' palTion, intcrell, prejudice, diiafl'eclion, or fomc other caufe
of that nature, which may give us a fufficient account why thofe
perfons did not believe, altho' there might be clear and undoubted
evidence to perfuade them to it. But altho' I affcrt that thefe ra-
tional evidences are futficicnt arguments of the truth of the Do-
ftrine they come to manifeft > yet I wou'd not be fo underilood,
that I thereby refolve all Religion into a mere aft of Reafon and
Knowledg, and that no more powerisrequir'din the Underftand-
in^ to believe the Gofpel, than to believe a iV/^;/:/^//;^//V^z/Demoii-
flration : which is another Objedion Ibme lay in the way of this
Opinion ; but it is not difficult getting over it. For the lufficiency
which I attribute to rational Evidence, is not abfolute and fimple,
i3Ut in ftio generey as an objeftive Evidence. Notwithftanding this,
the whole work of the Spirit of G o d in its peculiar energy and
\vay of operation upon the Soul, is left intire to it felf: But then
when the Spirit works as to the planting of a truly Divine Faith, I
do not think that it only perfuades the Soulof the truth of a Divine
Teftimony, but withal reprefents the truths reveal'd by that Te-
llimony, 'with all that excellency and futablenefs that there is in
them, that by the moll: agreeable, yet effedual influence of the Spi-
rit upon the Soul, it cheerfully embraceth that Truth which is re-
veal'd, and cordially yields up its felf in obedience to it. This
is the Divine Faith which the Scripture acquaints us with, and not
fuch a one as merely believes the truth of a Divine Teftimony ;
and as to the production of this Faith, I acknowledg mere ratio-
nal Evidence to be infufficient, becaufe they proceed in two very
different waies i the one is to fitisfy Mens Minds in the.truth of the
Dodrine, the other is to bring them effeftually to adhere unto it.
The aflerting of the one therefore doth no more tend to deftroy
the other, than the faying that a Telefcope will help us to difco-
ver very much of the heavenly Bodies, doth imply that a blind
Man may fee them, if he makes but ufe of them. Altho' there-
fore the natural Man cannot favingly apprehend the things of God j
yet there may be fo much rational Evidence going along with Di-
vine Revelation, that fuppofing Reafon to be pure, and not cor-
rupted and ftccp'd in Senfe as now it is, it wou'd difcover Spi-
ritual Evidence to be the moft real and convincing Evidence. Thus
far we have prov'd. That 'where there is any infallible Tejlimonyy
there is fufficient rational Evidence going along izith ity to make it
appear that it is from God.
CHAP.
Book II. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR/IL i^c,
CHAP. IX.
The rational Evidence of the truth of Chriftian ReKgiori
from Miracles.
I. The poJJihHity of Miracles apf ears from God and Prcvidence j the
evidence of a Vhine Tefimonj by them. God alone can really al-
ter the courfe of Nature. The De'vil'spo-cuer of ^working Miracles
conftder'd. Of Simon Magus, Apollonius. The cures in the Tem-
ple of yElcuIapius at Rome, ^ c. II. God rienjer ^orks Miracles,
hut for fome particular end. The particular reafons of the Miracles
of Chrill, The repealing the Law of Mofes, which had heenfet-
ledhy Miracles. U4)y Chrill: checked the Pharifees for demand-
ing a Sign, when himfelf appeals to his Miracles. The power of
ChriftV Miracles on many who did not throughly believe. III.
ChriftV Miracles made it en^ident that he was the MelTias, he-
caufe the Predictions were fulfili'd in him. Why John Baptift
wrought no /Miracles. IV. ChriftV Miracles neceffary for the
overthrow of the Devils Kingdom. V. Of the Demoniacs and Lu-
natics in the Gofpel, and in the Primitive Church. The power of
the Name of Chrift over them largely prov d hy fever al TeJlimO"
nies. VI. The evidence thence of a Divine Power in Chrift. VII.
of counterfeit difpoffejfions. Of Miracles wrought among Infdels.
WW. of the future jlate of the Church. IX. TheneceJJtty of the
Miracles of Chrift, as to the propagation of Chrijlian Religion :
that prov d from the condition of the Publijhers, andthefuccefs of
the Do&rine. The Apojlles knew the hazard of their employment,
before they eyitred into it. X. The boldnefs and refolution of the A-
pojlles notwithfianding this, compard with heathen Philofophers.
XI. No motive coud carry the Apojlles thro' their employment, hut
the truth of their Do&rine 3 XII. not feeking the hoyior, profit or
pleafure of the World. XIII. The Apojlles evidence of the truth of
their Do&rine lay in being eye-witneffes of our Saviors Miracles
andRefurreSiion. XIV, XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII. That attefled
hy themfelves 5 their fu^ciency thence for preaching the Gofpel.
XIX. of the nature of the DoElrine of the Gofpel:, contrariety of
it to Natural Inclinations. XX. Strange Juccefs of it, yiotwith-
jlanding it came not with human power : No Chrijlian Emperor,
till the Gofpel univ erf ally preach' d. XXI,XXII,XXIII,XXIV.
Ihe weaknefs andftmplicity of the injlruments which preach' d the
Gofpel. From all which the great Evidence of the power of Mi-
racles is provd.
Y Of
lyo ORIGINES SACR/E. BookII. Chap.IX.
j_ g^^F all rational Evidences r^hich tend to confirm the truth of a
J-. Byioth. \^ T>ivine 'TeJUmony-, there can be none greater than a poiz^er of
'■jiorking Miracles for confirmation that the Teftimony zihich is re-
veal' d is infallible. The pofllbility of a power of Miracles can-
not be queftion'd by any who aflert a 'Deity and a Trovidence -, for
by the fame Power that things were either at firft produced, or are
ilill conferv'd (which is equivalent to the other) the cour{c of Na-
ture may be alter'd, and things caus'd which are beyond the power
of inferior Caufes : For tho' that be an immutable Law of Nature
as to Thyfical Beings, that every tiling remains in the courfe and
order wherein it was fct at the Creation •, yet that only holds till
the fame power which kt it in that order fhall otherwife difpofe
of it. Granting then the portibility of Miracles, the fubjeft of this
Hypothefis is: That a power of Miracles is the clearcft Evidence
of a Divine Tefcimony, which will appear from thcfe following
Confidcrations.
I. God alone can really alter the conrfe of Nature. I fpcak not of
fuch things which are apt only to raife admiration in us, becaufe
of our unacquaintednefs with the caufes of them, or manner of
their produdion, which arc thence call'd Wonders-, much lels of
mere juggles and impoftures, whereby the Eyes of Men are de-
ceiv'd •■, but I fpeak of fuch things as arc in themfelves cither con-
trary to, or above the courfe of Nature, i. e. that order which is
eftabli/h'd in the Univerfe. The Devil no queflion may, and doth
often deceive the World, and may by fubtilty and the agility of his
nature, perform fuch things as may amufe the Minds of Men, and
Ibmctimes put them to it, to find a difference between them and
real Miracles, if they only make their Senfes judges of them. And
llich kind of Wonders, tho' they are but fparingly done, and with
a kind of fecrefy (as tho' they were confultingwithC^fiZ/'/'/^" about
the burning Rome) yet the Devil wou'd have fume (efpecially when
Ignorance and Superftition are afcendants) to keep up his mterefi;
in the ^yorld. Or elfe, when he is like to be difpoilcfs'd and thrown
out of all, he tries his utmoft to keep as many to him as may\bc:
Thus when the Spirit of God appear'd in the Miracles of our Sa-
vior and his Apoftlcs and the Primitive Church, he then conjur'd
up all the infernal Powers to do fomething parallel , to keep pof-
fcllion of his idolatrous Temples, as long as he cou'd. Thus .we
find Simon Magus dogging the ApolHcs (as it were) at the heels,
that by his Magic he might ftaggcr the People concerning the Mi-
racles wrought by the Apoftles: After him yi/>tf//tf/7;/.'j appear'd
upon the Stage J but his wonders are fuch pitiful things, compar'd
with thofe wrought by Chrift or his Apoftles, that it cou'd be
nothing but malice in Ilierocles to mention him in competition
with Chrifi. But thole things which fcem a great deal more con-
liderablc than cither of theib, were, The cure of a blind Man by
suem. Vefpajian in £monem coyifitebitur
de veroi qnam alibi ''Deum de falfo: a que producatur aliquis ex iis
qui de T>eo pati cxiftimantur , qui aris inhalantes numen de nidore
concipiunti qui rutlando ctirantnr, qui anhelando prof antnr. Ifla ipfa
Virgo ccelefiis phiviarum pollicitatnx-, ifie ipfe c^EJculapius Medic i-
7iariim dimonfirator, alias de morituris fcordii & denatii & Afclepia-
doti fubminiflrator-, nifife TDamones confejfi fuerint-, Chrifiiano men-
tiri non aude7ites-, ibidem illius Chrifiiani procaciffimi fanguinemfun-
dite. ^uid if to opere manifeftins-, quid hac probatione fidelius ? fim-
plicitas veritatis in medio eft i virtus illi fua afjifiit -, nihil fufpicari
lice bit, magia aut aliquafallacia fieri. T)i£fis nonfletis , fi octdi vefiri
^ aures permiferint vobis. In thefe very daring words, we fee how
the Chnftians appeal'd to their Senfes, even with the hazard of
their own lives, that they wou'd make even c^/Efculapius himfclf
confefs what he was, and by whofe power all the cures were
wrought upon the Dreamers in his Temples. And for the manner
of the Devil's cures, the fame Author explains it thus. Ladunt Uid.
primo, dehinc remedia pracipiunt ad miracnlum nova , five contra-
ria , pofi qua definunt ladere, & curajfe creduntur. They firfi
foffefs the Bodies themfelves (as Demoniacs were common in thole
times) and affeB it ijoith various difiempers, afterwards upon ufing
theftrange remedies pnefcribed by ^fculapius, they forfake their fia-
tion, and the perfon is cured. And for the cures perform'd by the Em-
perors, thofe who confider what various artifices were about that
time ufed to procure an opinion of Divmity in the Emperors, will
not much wonder that fuch reports fliou'd be fpread of them, or
that any perfons fliou'd feign thefe diftempers to give themfelves
out to be cured by them. But granting fomewhat wonderful in
thefe, what arc they, compar'd with thofe done by Chrifiians?
and who ever wou'd lay down his life to atteft any of them? So
that tho' the Devil by his fubtilty may eafily impofe upon Spe£ta-
tc -s eyes, yet it was nnpoilible for hmi by any power of his own
t( -"y the courfe of Nature, or produce any real Miracle. For
o true Miracle is a produdion of fomething out of nothing
Y 2 (which
t.^^.
172.
RIG INKS SACR/E. Book II. Chap. IX.
(which cannot be done by Icfs than an omnipotent arm) and that
either in the thing it Iclf, or the manner of producing it. In the
thing it fclf, when it is of that nature that it cannot be produced by
any Second Caufes, as the raifing of the dead ; in the manner of
doino- it, when tho' the thing lies within the poflibility of Second
Cauies, yet it is perform'd without the help of any of them, as in
the cure of difcafes without any ufe of means, by a word Jpeaking,
the touch of a garment^ Sec. Now that all thofe Miracles which
were wrought in confirmation of the Chriflian Doftrine were fuch
true and proper Miracles, will be difcover'd afterwards.
II. 2. God never alters the courfe of Nature, but for fome very confi-
derable end. For otherwife when he did it, it wou'd not be taken
notice of, nor thought to be an alteration of the order of Nature,
but only fome rare contingencies which lie hid in the order of Caufes>
but only break out at fome times : of which fort are all thofe things
which the ignorant World is apt to account as Prodigies. Of all
which rare ^contingencies in Nature , I fay, as the Roman Ora-
ctcero de tor doth, Si ouod raro fit, id portentum putandum efl, fapientem ejje
^'^•'•^- portentum ejl i ftepius enim muhtm peperiffe arbitror, quam fapientem
fuijfe. If all rare contingencies be accounted prodigies, a wife Alan
is certainly the great eji 'trodigy. But thefe are quite of another
nature from true Miracles, which are immediately produced
by a Divine Power, and intended for a confirmation of fome Di-
vine Teftimony. There are now feveral weighty Reafons, which
might make Miracles neceflary in the time of our Savior, as an Evi-
dence of his Divine Authority and Power.
I . That he came to take do wn that way ofworjloip, which had been at
firflfetledbyapowerofMiraclesin Mofes. God wou'd not be fo much
wanting to the Faith of that People, which had receiv'd their Law
by Signs and Wonders from Heaven, but that there fliou'd be as
ftrong an Evidence given to them, that the fulnefs of time was
come when that difpenfation was to have an end, and to give place
to one more perfeft, which was to be eftablifli'd inflcad of it. Upon
which account the Jews might rationally enquire after a Sign,
where any new Revelation was difcover'd, which might null the
obligation of any former Law : and when they enquire fo much
after a Sign, our Savior doth not rejed the enquiry as in it felf
unreafonable, but as made in an unreafonable manner •, for they
wou'd not be contented with the Miracles which our Savior
wrought, which fufficiently manifefted a Divine Power -, but all
Matth. i». that they defired was, A Sign from Heaven, i.e. fuch as were done
;8. i6. 1, jj. j.|^g giving of the Law, the Thundring and Lightnings there j
or, ■2S\\\Q.raming of Mannainthe wildernefs : Now our Savior juftly
checks this demand as importune and impudent •, partly as know-
ing upon what account they asked it, merely to tempt him-, and
not out of any real defire of fatisfadion j and partly bccaufe on
that abundant Evidence which was given in the Miraculous cures
which were wrought by him, which were more futable to that de-
fign of doing good in the World, than all the Thunder-claps on
Mount Stnai were : neither were the People in a condition to be
fed by Manna as they were in the Wildernefs, God gracioufl^ fut-
ingthc difcovcries of his Power to the peculiar advantages of the
People which they were made to, and the difpenfation they ulher'd
in.
Book II. Chap.IX. ORIGINES SACRyE. 173
in. Thofc terrible Signs at Mount Sinai being very futable to the
fcverity and rigor of the Law: and the gracious Miracles o'' our
Savior to the iwectnefs and grace of the Gofpel. And on this ac-
count our Savior charged tbcjfe\z's with Hypocrify, in requiring a
«!;*«<»■, as iomething above <^W/*.5, a '■Prodtgy rather than a Miracle-,
An evil and adulterous generation feeketh after a Sign-, and there Matth. iz.
Jhall no Sign be given it hit that of the Trophet Jonas, i. e. ^5*
this People which are To far from the Faith of ^^r^^^w?, (and there-
fore are fuppofititious Children) that no Miracles which I do, will
convince them, but they feek only to have their Humors gratify'd
more than their Faith confirm'd by fome Prodigy from Heaven,
fhall not by me be thus gratify'd ; but having done enough already to
perfuade them, if they had any heart to believe, inflead of a Sign
from Heaven, they fliall have only one from the Earth, and that
not fo much intended for the converfion of fuch wilful Unbe-
lievers, as for the teftifying my innocency to the World, viz. his
Refurreftion from the dead. And fo ellewhere when the Je'-j:;s
demand a Sign, it was upon the doing of that, which if they had
attended to, had been a fufficient Sign to them, viz. his driving jo\i,n%,
the buyers and fellers out of the Temple: Which being a thing per-
mitted by the Sanhedrin and the Priefts-, how cou'd they think
fo mean a Perfon, in appearance, as our Savior was, cou'd ever
have effefted it, had it not been for a Divine Majefty and Power
which appear'd in him ? It was not then the expedtation of Mi-
racles which our Savior rebuked in the Jews-, but being unfatif-
fy'd with the kind and nature of our Savior's Miracles. It was
their hypocrify and unbelief which Chriji condemn'd, notwith-
ftanding the frequent Miracles which he wrought among them :
For we plainly find our Savior very often appealing to his Miracles
as the evidences of his Divine Commiffion : If I had not done the Joh. j. j6.
works among them which no man elfe did-, they had not had fin, i. e. \^^^'
in not believing me. Whereby C^r//? both fcts forth the neceility xo."
of his working Miracles, in order to the conviftion of the World,
and the greatnefs of the Miracles which he wrought: hedidthofe
no Man elfe had done, no not Mofes and Elias-, in curing all man-
.ner of difeafes by the Word of his Mouth; and thofe Miracles
which they had done, he exceeded them in the manner of doing
them. Mofes fed them with bread from Heaven •, but ChriJI multiply 'd
on Earth ^omc few loaves and fijhes-, to the feeding of many thoufands :
Elias indeed railed one from the dead •, but ChriJI raifed more, and
one after he had been four days in the grave. And upon this very
evidence of our Savior's Miracles we find many believing on him.
And even of thofe who were not fo far wrought upon as to be-
come followers of Chri s t , as the only Meffias-, yet we find them fo joh. i. 49;
far perfuaded by the power of his Miracles, that they looked up- ^- »'•
on him as a great Prophet, or one that was fent from God. So
Ntcodemus-, who came firft to Christ more as a rational Equirer
than a Believer, yet we fee he was perfuaded that he was a teacher joh. 3. 2;
come from God-, hecaufe no man could do the miracles which Chriji
did', unlefs God were with him. And before him many of the Jews
at Jerufalem believed in his name when they faw the miracles which
he did; yet thefe perfons ChriJI would not iruji himfelf with-, becaufe Joh. i. a j.
he knew their hearts were not fubdued to his Dodrine, tho' their
Y 3 under-
174 ORIGINES SACR^E. Book II. Chap. IX.
undei-ftamlin2;s were convinced by his Miracles. And after this
other of the jeiis that looked not on him as the Alef/ias-, yet it is
joh. 7. 31. faid they behev'd on him on the account of his Miracles, ^nd
many of the people belie'ved on him-, and faid-, When Chrtft comet h
'will he do more Miracles than thefe iz'hich this man hath done ?
Altho' herein they were moft unreafonable in believing the Evi-
dence, and not the Truth attefled by it, in believing Chrift to be
one fent from God by his Miracles, and yet not believing him to
be the Mefjias, which was the thing attclled by them. Not that
mere Mn-acles wou'd prove the Pcrfon to be tlie MeJJias who did
them, but the Miracles prov'd the Teftimony to be Divine; now
that which Chrift deliver'd to them as a Divine Tcftimony, was
his being the Mefftas-, and therefore by the fame rcafon they belie-
ved him to be fent from God, they ought to have believed him
to be the Meffias; for one fent from God cou'dncA^er falfifieinthe
main of his Meflage, as this was of our Savior's preaching. And
hence it is obfervable our Savior did not fliew forth his Divine
Power till he entrcd upon his Office of Preaching; thereby making
it appear he intended this as the great evidence of the truth of
the Doifbrine which he preached to them. And herein the
blind man in the Gofpel faw more Truth and Reafon than the
whole Court of Sanhedrin-, before which in probability he was
convented about his Cure by Chrift; for when they fought to get
fomcthing out of him in difparagement of our Savior's peribn
and miracle, he fliarply and roundly tells them, when they faid
loh. g.io. they knew God fpake to Mofes-, but for this fcllo'j:;:, we knoiv not
30. from-ji'hence he is ; Why herein:, faith he, is a 'marvelous thing-,that
ye kno:s: 7iot from "-ji' hence he is, and yet he hath opened mine eyes.
ver. 33. If this man "uuere not of God-, he could do nothing; (as tho' he had
laid) is it not plain that this man is imploy'd by God in the World
by the Miracles which he doth .^ for otherwife God wou'd not fo
ver. ■> I. readily aflift him in doing fuch great Works •, for -we know that God
heareth 7iot finners : but If any man be a worfiipper of God, and doth
his 'will, him he heareth ; /'. e. if this man pretended a Commiilion
from Heaven falfly (whereby he wou'd be the greateft of Sinners)
can wc thmk God wou'd fo miraculoufty aflift him? but we know
by our Law, if one comes with a Commifllon from God, and
draw men not to Idolatry, which is meant by a worfhipper of
GoD; fuch a one God is prefcntwith, and we are bound to believe
liini. And for this very miracle, or curing one born blind, was
the like ever heard of before.^ did ever Mofes or the Prophets do
it? Thus we fee what ftrong Rational Evidence there was in this
Miracle of Chrift in the judgment of this blind man, which he ut-
ter'd with fo much reafon before the Court of Sanhedrin, when
he knew how like he was to be excommunicated for it; and yet
this very perfon was as yet ignorant that Chrift was the true Mef
vcr. 36. fas, as appears by the Sequel of the Chapter ; but upon (^Ihrift's
vcr. 38. Revelation of himfelf to him, he pre fent ly believed on him. How
ftrangely irrational were the Jews then in rcjedling our Savior,
when his Miracles not only exceeded thofe of Mofes both in num.
bcr and quality ; but which was more, they law themlelves the
Miracles which Chrift did, but they received thofe of Mofes only
upon the credit of their Fathers! And from the ftrength of the
F^vidcnce
Book II. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR/E. lyj
evidence ariiing from the power of Miracles it is that St. "Feter
tells the promifcuous Aflembly, y^tJ. 2. 22. Tbatjefiis of Naza-
reth 'oi'as a man approved of God among them-, by miracles-, '■ponders
andfgns-, Vi^hich God did by him in the midf of them-, astheythem-
Jelves alfo knew. He appeals to their own knowledg, which he
■wou'd not certainly have done, had it not beeninacalc beyond all
diipute among them. Which was a thing fo notorious among them,
that we find the Tharifecs themielves confelling it •, What do 'uae ?
For this man doth many miracles : Now then in a Nation whofe J°'^- "
Religion had been eftabliili'd by Miracles, and the certainty of '^''^
the truth of it, among thofe who then profefs'd it, did depend fo
much upon the conflant credit which the report of the Miracles
done at the fetling of their Law had among them ; whatcou'dbea
more rational and convincing way of proceedmg, than for our Savior
to raanifeft by a greater Power of Miracles in hmifelf the undoubted
credentials of his Commiflion from Heaven; and that he was the
true MeJJias-, which was foretold by their own moft lacredandau-
thentical Records.'* Which will appear more.
Becaufe the poiz'er of miracles did evidently declare that he was iii.
the very perfon promifed. For if the exadt corrcfpondency of the ^'^^ ^
event to the Prediftions in a Nation owning them as Drvine,
be an undoubted evidence, that they are exaftly fultiU'd -, our Sa-
vior was moft certainly the Perfon fo often fpokcn of in the Old
Teftament. For many of the Prophecies of the Old Teftamcnt
concerning the Meffias-, if they were not fulfiU'd inChrift, in the
conditions the Jews have been in fince their difperfion, (which
fell out exaiSfly according to the Prediction of Chrift) itisimpof^
lible they Iliou'd be fulfiU'd at all. So that either the Predidions
muft lofe their Divine Authority, or they muft be accompliflicdin
our blclTed Savior. For as Tertullian fliarply fays to the Jews-, Redde rmuii d
fiatrim Judaa quern Chrijlns inveniat-, & alium contende venire ; Let JuJms, c
the people of the Jews be in their former condition-, and then plead '''
for a Meffias to come. For can any thing be more plain than that
the MeJJias was to be born in Bethlehem of Judaa ? but where
is that now? and how long fince the '/^x'^enjoy'd any civil Polity
there ? What is become of the fecond Temple, in the time of
which the Defire of all Nations fliou'd come.'' Is not Jerufalem
already deftroy'd, and the Oblation there long fince cealed, which
was to come to pafs fo foon after the Mejfias-, and did according-
ly? \s not the Scepter yet departed from ]\xdTL\\^ and the Lawgiver
from between his feet-, and is not Shiloh yet come ? What ftrange
unintelligible Weeks were thofe of Daniel, if they were extend-
ed to fo indefinite ; what certain ground cou'd from hence be ga-
ther'd of any time wherein their Accomplifhment was to be ex-
pefted? But not to Expatiate on thofe things which are already fo
largely prov'd beyond all poflibility of contradiction, by the an-
cient and modern learned Writers againft the Jews: To infift
therefore on our prefent bufinefs-, are not the Prophecies concern-
ing the Miracles which the Meffias fhou'd work , exactly fulfiU'd
in Chrift? Then the eyes of the blind f jail be opened-, arid the ears of ifa. 3,-. j-,
the deaf jh all be unftoppedj then (hall the lame 7nan leap a^s an ^■
Hart-, and the tongue of the dumb jh all fing. He muft be a great
ftranger in the Hiftory of the New Teftament that is to feek for
an
/
V. Grot, in
i-jc ORIGINES SACRJE. Book 11. Chap. IX.
^ an exact liiltillmg oF this Frophecy. Nay, and the Jeisjijh Mi-
']o\^y9. ii. drafch, uponTfal. 146. 8. iaich, th:itv^henAIe//ias comes, hepou/d
open the eyes of the blind; and the Je'-jjs thcmiclvcs often fpeak of
the ^reat Miracles wich the MeJJias fliou'd do when he appears •,
and therefore out of their own mouths will they be condemned,
when the Miracles of Chrift make it fo evident that he was the
true MeJJias. Hence when John ^^/'////fent his Difciples to Chrift
for them to be fully fatisfy'd concerning him -, he bids them tell
Mm. J I. f. him, the blind receive their Jighti and the lame tz-alk, and the lepers
are clean fed, and the deaf hear, and the dead are rat fed np, &c. as
tho' the mentioning of thefe Miracles was fufficient to make it
appear to them who he was whom they came to inquire after.
And therefore it is obfervable that Jo/m Bapt if h.im(cK, tho' grea-
Mat. 11.9, ter than the Prophets, nay, than ijvhom there rs)as not a greater born
"• of iz-omen, by our Savior's own Tellimony^ yet of him it is faid,
joh. 10, that he izrought 710 miracle: of which no account can be given fo
4'- probable and rational, as that God in his infinite Wifdom was
pleas'd fo to order it, that the Evidence of our Savior's being the
Meljias might be made more clear by the Miracles which he wrought,
that the minds of the People might not be diftracted between
John and Chriji; he therefore referv'd the glory of Miracles whol-
ly to the name of Chrift, that there might be no pretenfc of Com-
petition between John and him.
Another reafon of the neceflity of Miracles in our Savior by
^ p ' way of Rational Evidence, is, the overthrowing the power and
kingdom of the T) evil in the world. For which purpofe it is ob-
fervable that the Devil had fcarce ever greater power over the Bo-
dies of Men as well as their Souls, than at that time 5 thence we
read of fuch a multitude of 'Demoniacs in the Gofpel. For it
feems very harfli to interpret thofe merely of Epileptical and Lu-
Mat.4,z4. natic Perfons, both becaule the "^^ito"^"!"^"'' and .Li»^iiSi.<,i, andsj^^i/W.
are mention'd diftinclly, and that it appears by the Primitive
Church afterwards how frequent it was to ejeft the Devil out of
pofledcd perfons. Nay, fo far am I from thinking that the Dc-
voftui tU moniacs were mere Lunatics, that I rather think with VolJJiis that
idokt.t.i. the Lunatics were truly Demoniacs, only they were notconftantly
'' '^" under the power of the Devil, but as their paroxifms return'd up-
Mat I ^" them, the Devil loving to Fifli in fuch troubled Waters. And
14. thence the fame perfon is called a Lunatic in one place, who is
Luke 9. called a Demoniac in another-, bccaule he did mere in prificipiis lii-
^'" nationum, as the Arabic verfion exprefleth it; or as Rnfticus Elpi-
dins more fully explains it,
siuji.zifut. Repferat in medium rabies horrenda furoris
''^■f- 'Do'monis ajflatu, propria qui pefte nocivus
Allidit c apt as fa do difcrimine mentes,
Menftriia deciduos cum Luna recolligit ignes.
f
'Thcophylati is of opinion, that the Jews in the time of our Savif
Mat.8. 18. or fuppos'd, that the Souls of dead men became Demons, and
thence we read in Scripture of the Demoniacs among the Tombs:,
but it is far more probable which Grotius conceives, that the '/f^^i^'j
were of opinion, that the Souls of dead men did hover up and
down .
BooKir. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR/E. jjj
down about their Bodies, and that thefc were lb long under the
Devils power, which many of the Je'ii's to this day believe and
make uic of the inftance of the Fythonifs raifmg Samuel i on
which account the Devils, to favor an Opinion fo advantageous
to their Intereft, might appear with greater terror and fury about
their burying places, as we fee they did m thofe pofTcfled perfons.
But on whatever account it was, we find it evident that about the
time of our Savior's appearance, and fome time after, the truly
cijpyaV/^.i were very frequent; whether it were that the Devil by
fuch frequent polfeillons of perfons, and making them to do fuch
ftrange things, might thereby endeavor to invalidate the evidence
of our Savior's Miracles (from whence it is probable the 'Phari-
fees railed their Calumny, that Chrill: did Miracles by Beelzebub,
becaufe they faw fo many ftrange appearances caus'd by poflefled
perfons) or whether it were thro' the Admirable Providence of
God, which might give Satan the greater liberty at that time, on
purpofc to heighten the glory of our Savior in difpoflefling of
him, and thereby to give the higheft Rational Evidence, that his
Power was of God, which tended fo much to the deftrucHon of the
Kingdom of Satan.
And hence the Primitive Chriftians did fo much triumph, and v.
as it were infult over the Devil where-ever they found him, ma-
king him to remove his lodgings from poflefs'd perfons, byaWrit
of Ejed-ion from the Name of Chrift. Thence Origen rationally
concludes that Chrift had his Power given him from above, be-
caufe at his very Name the Devils forfbok the bodies which they
liad poflefS d, Ei-f'/J^n^oJiv «» outzS h'^Tt/uFufami, SK «»(at(taf3^*ilJi>oyoy iii(£ii7ti avs^^isv iin niv \}amonasi de fe verum confitentibus credite -, adjuratienimper'Deum
venim&foliim-, inviti-, miferi corporibus inhorrefcunt -, O'velexftliunt
ftatim, vele-vanefcunt gradatim-,prout fides patientis adjuvat-, aut gratia
curantis afpirat. Can we now think the Devil fhou'd not only forfake
his Tyranny over the bodies of men, but let go fo advantageous
a pillar of his Tyranny over the Confciences of men in Idolatrous
worfhip, as the concealing himfelf was, had lie not beenfbrc'dto
Z It
lyS ORIGINES SACRAL. Book II. Chap. IX.
it by a Power far greater than his own ? So Cyprian ad Tjetnetria-
nnnh appeals to him being the Proconful of Africa-, about the
lame thin^ (who had written (harply againll the Chrilfians) for
fneaking of the Devils whom they worfhipped in their Idols, O
Cyprian, n auJire eos -velles & videre-, quando a nobis adjurantitr & torquen-
adDemetr. ^^^^ Spiritiialtbiis fagris & 'verbornm tormcmtts de obfeffis corporibus
eiiciuntur-, quando ejulantes & gemcntes 'vo^e humana-, e>" potefiate
di-vina flagella & "uerbera fenticntes^ ■venturiim judkiumconfitentur ,
■veni & cognofce 'vera effe qua dicimus : and a little after, videbis
fub manu nofira flare vin&os, & tremere capti'vos:, quos tu fufptas
ir venerans ut 'Dominos. Did ever any of the Heathen Magici-
ans (of which there were good flrore) extort fuch things from the
Devils, as the Chriftians did, merely by their Prayers, and Invo-
cations of the name of God and Christ ? did they ever make
them confefs to be what they were, not only in pofleis'd bodies
but in their Temples too? that was beyond the power of their £-
phejian Letters, or any of their Magical Incantations. Did the
Devils ever dread fo much the Name of Socrates or Arijiides as
Laciant.de they did that of God and Christ ? Of which Latiantius thus
fkflitm. fpeaks, Gjio aiidito tremnnt-i exclamant-, cr uri fe verberarique te-
'^ ^ fiantur, lir tyiterrogati qui fintt quando venerint-, quando iyi homi-
ncm irrepferint, confitentur fie cxtorti) & excruciati virtiite divini
numinis exidant } propter hac "verbera & fninas, fan6ios (b'juftos vi-
rosfemper oderunt. And even Apollo himfelf atthenameof Chrift
trembled as much as ever the Tythian Prophctefs did in her great-
eft furies j fo Trudentius tells us.
Prudent. Torquctfir Apollo
A{otheof. Nomine percujjus Chrifii-, nee fulmina verbi
Ferre pot eft j agitant miferum tot verbera lingua ^
§luot laudata 'I)ei refonant miracula Chrifti.
To thefe we may add what Firmieus 0ith to the fame purpofe,
rirmicus Ecce T) anion eft quern eolis -, cum T>ei ^ Chrifti ejus nomen audie-
pro7,Tiiii, ^^^■> eontremifeiti & ut interrogantibus nobis refpondeat trepidantia
verba-, -vix fe colligit , adharens komini laceratur., uritur-, lapulati
Cx ftcitim de eommiffis feeler ibus eonfitetur. By which Teftimonies
it appears what power over Satan, when he was in his Kingdom,
the Chriftians by the power of Chrift had; not as tho' the bare
name of Chrift had fo great an efficacy in the eie»« (pAint^ci, no vulgar "Fhilofbphers j were catched by the
Magic of ApoUonmSt (and altho' Thilofhatus difown this Hillory
f)f Maragenes as fabulous, yet he that thijiks Thiloftratus for that, Lui. viva
to be of any greater credit, is much deceived, of whom lAid. Vi- j''/'?''"
Hjes gives this true Charafter, that lie doth w^?^«^ Homeri mendacia
majoribus mendaciis corrigere, Mend one hole and jnake three-,') but, origen.
faith Origen, as to the Chrijlians-, this is undoubtedly true: a<«/3£- comr.cdf
^eudfJjtJw. S\ ^[Aei^ KKt T^ •srs'^ci -u^~^a>\.vMov'nCi olt el Kec(9c ^ir.cMta-t/^cv ^jef. Tea 'V/iazO T t^n •Trutn
'^^mvenTti ^ef, km iSiotW? xx^ ri £ci«>fjAio» auToil '^Ti «5©^;(;^ 'ijri.; ^ lixxii irmsp^in^v y.M hen-
■raii tVKTVi icai >ifji,i^i;)^a'i3j.ei, '^Tt fi^yiix 'urt ^aftsn'eii um cl?iu:,u ±htS^ faith he, ISO 6
are moft certain of-, and have found it by experience true-, that thofe
who according to the Principles of Chrijlianity do 'ivorfhip God over
alii thro' Jefus-, and do live according to the GofpeU being conjiant
in their folemn Prayers night and day^ are not obnoxious to the power
of any Magic or Devils vskatfoever. Now then if the Devil who
had then fo much power over others, had none upon the true
followers of Chrifl -, and if inftead of that they had fo great a
commanding Power over the Devil even in things which tended
mofl: to his difadvantage, not only diflodging him cut of Bodies,
but out of his idolatrous Temples 5 what can be more evident, than
that this power which was fo efficacious for the overthrowing the
Kingdom of Satan-, muft needs be far greater than the power of
Satan \s^ For it is an undoubted Maxim in Natural Reafon, That
whatever is put out of its former place by force and violence-, is ex-
truded by fomething jlronger than its feff; for if the force on either
fide were equal, there cou'd be no difpoflefling of either j if any
thing then be caft out of its former polfeffion unwillingly, it is an
undeniable proof there was Ibme power greater than his who was
difpoffeffed. Now we cannot conceive, if there be flich malignant
Spirits, as by many undeniable proofs it is evident there are, that
they fliou'd willingly quittheirpofTcflionstofuchaDoftrine which
tends to the unavoidable ruin of their Intcreft in the World : if
then the power of this Doflrine hath overthrown the Devils King-
dom in the World, whcre-ever it hath been truly entertain'd, it
muft neceflarily follow, that this power is far above the power of
any damned Spirits. Now what folly and madnefs was it in the
Heathens to worfhip thofe for Gods, which they cou'd not but
fee, if they wou'd open their eyes, were under fo great flavery to
i8o ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Chap. IX.
a power above chem, which cou'd make them confcls what was
moft to their difadvantage in the prefence of theu" great adorers ?
vir. Neither ought the many Counterfeits and Impoftures which have
been in the World in this kind fince the crtabhlhment of Chriihan
Reh"-ion (among the advancers of particular intcrefts and dcfigns)
make us fufpect the truth of thofe things which were done in the
firil Ages of the Church of Chrift. For, Jir/l^ it ftands to the greateft
Reafon, that the llrongeft Arguments for the truth of a Religion
ought to be fetched from the Ages of its firft appearance in the
World i if then the Evidence be undoubted as to thofe firft times, we
ought to embrace our Religion as true, whatever the inipodures
have been among thofe who*" have apparently gone afide from that
purity and fimplicity of the Gofpel , which had fo great power.
Then, fecon^y, if all that hath been done in this kind of ejecting
Devils, where Chriftianity is own'd, be acknowledg'd for impo-
ftures ; one of thefc two things muft be fuppofed as the ground
of it: either that there was no fuch thing as a real pofleflion by
the Devil, or elfe there was no fuch thing as a difpoireOing him. If
the /r/?, then hereby will be fcen a confirmation of our former Argu-
ment, that where Chriftianity is own'd, by the power of that, the
Devil is more curb'd and reftrain'd, than where it is not, orclfeis
much over-run with ignorance and fuperftition. Of the latter, the A-
ges of the Chriftian Church, from the lo^h Century to the beginning
of the 1 6 th Current, are a clear Evidence -, Of xhcfirj}-, all thofe who
have been converdint in the places where Taganifm or grofs Idolatry
do yet reign, will bring in their creditable Tertimonics, how tyranni-
cal the power of the Devil is yet among them. If it be not fo then,
where careful endeavors have been ufed for retrieving the ancient
purity of Chriftian Dodrine and Worfliip, we ought to impute it to
the power of Him who is ftronger than Satan-, who where-ever
he comes to dwell, doth difpoflcfs him of liis former habitations.
If the fecond then be entertained as the ground of concluding all
things as impoftures, which are accounted difpoflelhons of Satarh
viz. that he never is really difpofiefted ; then it muft either be faid,
that where he is once feized, there is no poftlbility of ejecting him-,
which is to fiy, that the Devil hath an abfolute and infinite power,
and that there is no power greater than his, which is to own him
for God i or elfe that God fufters him to tyranize where and how
lie will, which is contrary to Divine Providence, and the care God
takes of the World, and of the good of Mankind ; or elfc, /afi/y,
that thofe Perfons who pretend to do it, are not fuch Pcrfons who
are armed fo much with the power of Chrift-, nor poflefled with
fuch a due Spirit of the Gofpel, which hath command over thcic
infernal Spirits. And this in the ca(es pretended by the great Juglers
and Impoftors of the Chriftian World, the "Popifi Pricfts have
been fo notorious, that none of their party of any great faith or
credit would ftand to vouch them. And we have this impregnable
Argument againft all fuch Impoftures, that the matters which they
by fuch adions would give an Evidence to, being fo vaftly dilVc-
rciit from, if not in fome things diametrically oppofitc to the nrft de-
livery and delign of the Chriftian Faith, it is inconfiiknt wirli the
way ufed for the confirmation of (>iiriftian Religion in the firft pub-
1 ifiiing of It, to attert the truth of fijch things by any real Miracles ;
For
Book II. chap. IX. ORIGIN US SACRJE. i8j
For I'o It would invalicuut; the threat Force of the Evidences of the
truth of Chriilianity, if the lame Argument fliou'd be ufed for
the proving of that which in the judgment of any impartial Perfori
was not delivered, when the truth of the Doilrine of C'/?r/^? was coji-
firmed by fo many and uneoiurouled Miracles. But hereby wc fee
what unconceivable prejudice hath been done to the true primitive
Dodrine of the GofpeJ •, and what ftumbling-blocks have been laid
in the way of confiderativc Pcrfons, to keep them from embracing
the truly Chrillian Faith, by thofe who wou'd be thought the in-
falhble Diredors of Men in it, by making ufc of the Broad-fcal of
Heaven (fct only to the truth oi the Scriptures) to confirm their
unwritten and fuperititious ways of worilup. For if I once fee
that which Hooked on as an undoubted Evidence of Divine Power,
brought to atteft any thing diredly contrary to Divine Revelation >
I mull either conclude that God may contradid himlelf by icaIino£irine, unlefs they had been mdottbt-
edly certain that the ''DoSlrine '■ji'as true-, and they had fufficient E-
vidence to perfeiade others to belieue it.
2. That no fatisfaE'tory account can be gi'ven-, confidering tbe na-
ture of the "Do^rine ofChrifti and the manner of its propagation^
'-jvhy it fhouldmeet "u: it h fo great acceptance in the World-, had there
not been fetch convincing Evidence as might fully perfuade Men of
the truth of it.
I begin with thtfirfi-, from the Tublijhers of this 'Doctrine in the
World. All that 1 here require by way of a Tofivtlatmn or
Suppofition, are only thefe two things, which no Man right in
his wits I fuppofe will deny : i . That Men are fo far rational A-
gents-, that they "jvill not fet upon any iz'ork of moment and difficulty ^
without fufficient grounds inducing them to it -, and fo much the
greater the work is, the more fure and ftedfill had the grounds
need to be which they proceed upon. 2. That the Apoftles orfirfl
Tttblifhers of the Chriftian Do^rine were not men dift raffed-, or be-
reft of their ivits, but aSled by principles of common fenfe-, reafonand
under ft anding-, as other men in the World do : Which if any one
fhou'd be fo far befide his wits as to quellion, if he have but pa-
tience and underftanding enough to read and confider thofe admi-
rable Writings of theirs which are convey'd to us by as certain un-
interrupted a Tradition as any thing in the world hath been, by
that time he will fee caufe to alter his Judgment, and to fay that
they are not mad , but [peak the words of the greateft Truth
and Sobernefs. Thefe things fuppofed , I now proceed to the
proving of the thing in hand, which will be done by thefe three
^things-, Firft, That the Apoftles could not but know how hazard-
ous an employment the preaching of the Gofpel would be to them. Se-
condly, That no motive can be conceived fufficient for them to mider-
take fetch an employment-, but the infallible Truth of the 'DoStrine which
they preached. Thirdly, That the greateft aftitrance they hadthem-
felves of the Truth of their 'Doctrine-, was by being eye-witneffes of
the Miracles ofChrifi.
Firft,
84 ORIGINES SACK/E. Book II. Chap. IX.
Firft, That the Afojtles could not but undcrjlaiid the hazard of
their employ nmit-, notiz-ithftanding '■jjhich they cheerfully undertook
it. That Men armed with no external Power, nor cried up for
their Wit and Learnmg, and carrying a Doctrine with them fo con-
trary to the <^encral Inclinations of the World, having nothing in it
torcconimendittoMankindbutthcTruthof it, iliou'dgo about to
perfuade the World to part with the Religion they owned, and was
fetlcd by their Laws, and to embrace fuch a Rchgion as called them
off froni all the things they loved m this World, and to prepare them-
felvcs by Mortification and Self-denial for another \^'"orld, is a thing
to Human Reafon incredible, unlefs we fuppofe them afted by a
higher Spirit than Mankind is ordinarily acled by. For what is there
fo defirable in continual Reproaches and Contumelies ? what delight
is there in Racks and Prifons? what agreeablenefs in Flames and
Martyrdoms to make Men undergo fome, nay all of thefe rather than
difown that Doctrine which they came to publilh? Yet thefe did the
Apoftles cheerfully undergo in order to the Converfion of the World
to the truth of that Doftrine which they deliver'd to it. And not
onlyfo, but tho' they did forefce them, they were not difcoui-aged
from this undertaking by it. Iconfefs, when Men are upon hopes
of profit and intereft in the World, engaged upon a defign which
they promife themfelves impunity in, having Power on their fide,
tho' afterwards things fliou'd fall out contrary to their expe6Vation,
fuchPerfonsmaydieinfuchaCaufe, becaufe they muft, and fome
may carry it out with more refolution, partly thro' an innate forti-
tude of Spirit, heightncd with the advantages of Religion, or an
Enthufiaflic temper. But it is hard to conceive that fuch Perfons
wou'd have undertaken fo hazardous an employment, if beforehand
they had fore-fcen what they muft have undergone for it. But now
the Apoftles did foix-know that Bonds and Imprifonmcnt, nay
Death it felf muft be undergone in a violent manner, for the fike of
the Dodrine which they preached •, yet notwithftanding all this, they
go boldly and with refolution on with their work, and give not over
becaufe of any Hardftiips and Perfecutions they met withal. One of
thechiefeftof them, '$>x..Teter-> and as forwarcl as any in, preaching
joi1.11.19. theGofpel, had the very manner of his death foretold him by Chrift
himfelf, before his Afccnfion ^ yet foon after we find him preaching
Chrift in the midft of thofe who had Crucify'd him, and telling them
to their faces the greatnefs of their fin in it, and appealing to the Mi-
set. 1. 12 racks which Chrift had done among them, and bidding them repent
13.58. ' and believe in him'-j:;hom they had crucified-, if ever they \s:ould be faved :
A'^^-?'?, And this hedid, not only among the People who gave their confent
m.l'.r^ to the Crucifying of Chrift j but foon after, being conventcd toge-
ther with y
iS6 ORIGINES SACRAL. Book 11. Chap. IX.
People ; and will be fure to be Dogmatical only in this, '/ hat nothwg
is to be htnovatcdin the Religion of a Comawn'-j^jealth-, and that the Cu-
floms of our Anccjhrs are inviolably to be obferved. Which Principles,
had thev been true as they were fate For the Pcrfons who fpakc them,
the ChriiKan Religion had never gain'd any entertainment in the
World-, for where-ever it came, it met with this potent Prejudice
that it was look'd on as an Innovation, and therefore was flircwd-
ly fufpefted by the Governors of Common- wealths, and the Preach-
ers of it puniflied as fadious and feditious Pcribns ; which was all
the pretext the wife Politicians of the World had for their cruel
and inhuman Perfecutions of fuch multitudes of peaceable and
innocent Chriftians. Now when theie things were fore-told by
thcApoftles themfelves before their going abroad fo plainly, that
with the fame Faith they did believe the Doftrine they Preached
to be true, they mud believe that all rhefe things fhou'd come to
pafs, what courage and magnanimity of Spirit was it in them thus
to encounter dangers, and as it were court the Flames ? Nay and
before the time was come that they muft die, to feal the Truth of
their Doctrine, their whole Life was a continual Peregrination*
wherein they were as fo nrxxvj.Jobs in Pilgrimage, encountrcd
with perils and dangers on every fide-, of which one of the moll
i.Cor. (5. p^iinful and fuccefsful, St. ^aitU hath given in fuch a large Inven-
'■^' '^' tory of his perils, that the very reading of them were enough to
undo a poor Epicurean 'Philofopher-, and at once to fpoil him of
the two Pillars of his Happinefs, the quietnefs of his Mind and
eafe of his Body. Thus we fee what a hazardous imploymeiit
that was which the Apoftles went upon, and that it was fuch as
they very well underftood the difficulty of before they fetuponit.
XL Secondly, JFe cannot find out any rationahnotive rjvhich could car-
ry them through fo hazardous an employment-, but the full convitfi-
ons of i heir mrnds of the undoubted truth and certainty of the IDo-
thine lahich they delivered. We find before that no vulgar motives
in the Worlci cou'd carry them upon that deiign which they went
upon ; cou'd they be led by Ambition and Vain-glory, who met
with iiich Reproaches where-ever they wentj and not only Perfe-
cutions of the Tongue, but the iliarper ones of the Hands too ?
We never read of any but the Primitive Chriftians who were am-
bitious of being Martyrs, and thought long till they were in the
Flames: which made ^rm/j Antonius being Pro-conful oi Afia^
when Chriftians in multitudes bcfct his Tribunal and thronged in
to be Condemn'd, fay to them, ^ A,a<.;, « '^\m ^hi^^i,, y.fuju,»i5 S fiey'v^^
lertuU. ad ^^(tt. Q miferable People , had not ye -jjays enough to end your lives
scApiLc.^. fif lygfjjg^ but ye muft croud for an execution! This was a higher
ambition by far than any of thofe mancipia gloriic-, thofe Chamele-
ons that liv'd on the breath of Applaufc, the Heathen Philofophcrs
ever reached to, who were, as Tertullian cxprefteth it, Homines
idtmApo.&^'^^^^^ cloquentia folius libidinofi, nnfatiable thirfters after theho-
i<'z-c.^y. 7ior ajid eloquence of the laor Id i but the Spirit of a Chriilian did
loar too high to quarry on lb mean a Prey. When the more fobcr
Heathens had taken a ftridier notice of tnc Carriages and Lives of
the Preachers of the Gofpe! and all their genuine Followers,they in-
ftead ol the common and rude name of Impoftures, gave them a more
civil title oi''Philofophers-, and looked upon their Do^.h•i^c as alub-
limer
Book II. Chap. I X. ORIGINES SACR/b). 187 ;
limer kind of Phiiolbphy, Nou utiqite divinitm negotiiini exijlimant
fedmagis Thilofophice germs-, as Tertullian tells us, bccaufe the Philo- ;^,^. ^_ .^j. ■
fophcrs pretended lb mueh to Moral Virtues whieh they law the Chri-
ftians fo excellent in -, but as Tertullian there replies, Nomen hoc Thi-
lofophorum 'Damoitia nonfiigat, The ''Deviliji:as ne'ver afraid of a 'Phi-
lofoj)her's beard, nor were diieaics cured by the touch of a Philofophic
pallium. There was Ibmething more Divme in Chriflians than in the
grave Philofophers j and that not only in reference to their lives,
and the Divine Power which was ^ccn m them, but in reference to *
the truth and certainty of their Doftrine, it benig a true Charafter
given of both, by that fame excellent Writer m behalf of the
Chriftians of his time : Ventatem "Philo fopbi qmdem affetlant, pof- uum ad
Jident autcmChrijliani i What the Philofophers dejired only-^ theChri- ^'*tio''"'
ftians enjoy i which was Truth: and as he ellewhere more fully ■'•"•''- 1
fpeaks, Mimice Thilufophi affetlant veritatcm, & affect ando cor- UemA^U. I
rumpnnt-, ut qui gloriam captant -, Chriftiani earn ?iecejJario appetunt-, '■•4-6- i
& mtegri prajiant, ut qiu faluti fua cur ant. Truth is the Philo- ''
phefs Mijirefs, which by courting he vitiates and corrupts., lookifig . j
at nothing but his o\Z'n glory : but Truth is the Chriftian's Matron.,
wbofe direSiions he obferves and folloiz's, bccaufe he regards no glory '
but that to come. And to let them further fee what a difference ■;
there was between a Chriflian and a Philofopher-, he concludes that ''
Difcourle with thefe words, ^id adeo fimile Philofophus & Chri-
fiianus ? Gnecia 'Dtfcipulus & cceli ? fama 7iegotiator & vita ? i
verborum & faiiorum operator? rerumadificator^deftruElor? ami- \
cus & inimicus err oris ? veritatis interpolator 6" integrator ? fitra- \
tor ejus & cuflos? As much difiance (faith he) as there is be- , \
tweeit Greece and Heaven, between applaufe and eternal glory •, be- :
tween words and things-, between building and deflroying-, between
truth and err or ■> between a plagiary and corrupter of truth-, andapre-
ferver and advancer of it -, fo much is there between a Philofophe'r
and a Chriflian. The //if^/^/^^wj might fufpedt indeed fome kmd of 1
affinity between the firft Preachers of the Golpel and the ancient \
Sophifts of Greece-, becaufe of their frequent going from place to i
place, and pretending a kind of Enthufiafm as they did : but as
much difference as there is between a Knight -Errant and Hercules,
between a Mountebank and Hippocrates -, that and much greater
there is between a Greek Sophift and an Apoftle. Socrates in Pla-
to's Euthydemus hath excellently difcover'd the vanity and futility '
of thofe Perfons under the Perlbns of Euthydemus and T>ionyfodO'
ruSi and fo likewilc in his Protagoras i their intent was only like
the Retiaries in the Roman Spectacles, to catch their adverfaries
in a Net, to intangle them with fonie captious Queflion or other :
but how vaftly different from this was the defign of the Apolfles, :
who abhorr'd thofe endlefs Contentions which then were in the ^
heathen World ; and came to fliew them that Truth which was \
revealed, with an intent of making them better Men ! j
We fee the Apoftles were not carried forth by any mean and xii. j
vulgar Motives, neither did they drive on any private ends of their 1
own ; all that they minded was the promoting of the Doctrine I
which they preached. Nay they accounted no hazards comparable I
with the advantage which the World enjoy'd thro' the propagation
of the Chriftian Religion. This iliewed a truly noble and gene-
Aa 2 rous I
1 88 ORIGINES SACR/E. EookII. Chap.IX.
rous Spirit in them, which wou'd nor be hindcr'd from doing the
World good, tho' they found (b bad entertainment fiom k; yea
they rejoyced in their greateft furicrings which they underwent in
fo ^oodacauici wherein thofe Primitive Chriftians who were the
Genuine followers of the Apollles, did fo far imitate them, that,
TmidUm. etiamdamnati gratias agimt-, they gave the Judges thanks x\-\-xx.i\\^^
Api.c.^6. (.fought; them worthy to lofe their Lives in a caufe which they had
reafon to triumph in, tho' they died for it. And when any of them
Mm.Fciix. were apprehended, they difcover'd fo little fearof punifliment, Ut
nnum folummodo quodnon ante fuerint paen iter et-, That nothing trou-
bled them fo much as that they had been Chriftians tio fooner-, as one
of their number fpeaks. And when the Heathens ufually fcoffed
at them, and call'd them Sar?nentitii and Semaxii, becauie they were
burn'd upon the Crofs, one of them in the name of the reft an-
TertuWan. f^yej-g, //^'^ eft habit US fiStoriie noftra-, hac palmata veffts-, tali ciirru
tnumphamus ; The Crofs was only their Triumphant-chariot,
which carried them fooner to Heaven. Now this courage and re-
folution of Spirit which was feen in the firft Planters of Chriftia-
nity in the World, made all ferious and inquifitivc Pcrfons look
more narrowly into thofe things, which made Men flight fo much
the common bug- bears of Human Nature, fufferings and death.
u, ik. Guis enim 7ion contemplatione ejus concutitur-, ad requirevdnm quid
inttis in re fit "^ quis non iibi requiftvit accedit ? ubi accejjlt pati ex-
opt at ? Thefe Sufferings made Men enquire •, this Enquiry made
them believe -, that Belief made them as willing to fuffier them-
felvcs, as they had feen others do it before them. Thusitappear'd
to be true in them, Exquifitior quaque cnidelitas-, illecebra magis
eft feEia ; plures efticimiir quoties metimur d t'obis; femen eftfanguis
Chriftianorum; The cruelty of their enemies did but increafe their
number ; the harvefl of their pretended juflice '■ji'as but the feed-time
ofChriftianity-i and no feed 'ivas fo fruitful as that which ijcas fteeped
in the Blood of Martyrs. Thence Juftin Martyr ingenuoufly faith
of himfelf. That while he was a Tlatonic Philofbpher, he derided
and fcoffed at the Chriftians -, but when he confider'd their great
courage and conftancy in dying for their Profcffion, he cou'd not
think thofe cou'd pofflbly be Men wicked and voluptuous, who
when offers of Life were made them, wou'd rather choofe death
than deny Christ. By which he found plainly that there was a
higher Spirit in Chriftianity than cou'd be obtain'd by the fublime
Notions and Speculations o^Tlato-, and thata poor ignorant Chri-
ftian wou'd do and fuff'er more for the fake of Christ than any
of the Academy in defence of their Mafter Vlato. Now fince all
Men naturally abhor fufferings, what is it which fhou'd fo power-
fully alter the nature and difpofition of Chriftians above all other
Pcrfons, that they alone (hou'd icem in that to have forgot Hu-
manity, that not only with patience, but with joy they endur'd
torments and abode the flames.^ What! were they all poffeftcd
with a far more than Stoical Apathy-, that no fenfc of pain cou'd
work at all upon them.' or were they all befottcd and infatuated
Pcrfons that did not know what it was they underwent? It is
true fome of the more blind and wilful Heathens derided them as
I'uch •, but who were the more infatuated, let any fobcr Pcrfon judge :
they who llightcd and rejcdcd a Doftnne of lb great concernment,
whiclx
frzi.
Book II. Chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR^. 7^
which came atteftcd with fo much reiblution and courage in the
ProfeHors of it ; or they who were fo fir perfuaded of the truth
of it, that they wou'd rather d\c than deny it? 'Dkimiu & palam TemMan
dicimHS-, & I'obis torquenttbiis lac er at i ^ emeriti '■cociferamnr^ 'Deum ^M»
colimns per Cbrifhim. They were not afliamcd to beheve m the
Blood of Christ, even when their own Blood ran down before
their Eyes, and contefs Christ with their Mouths, when their
Bodies were upon the rack. C'ertainly then there were fome very
powerful and convincing Arguments which buoyed up the Spirits
of true Chriftians in that deluge of Sufferings which they were to
fwim thro' -, it mud be a flrong and well-grounded Faith which
wou'd hold out under fo great Tryals, and they cou'd not be to
feek for the mod: perfuafive Motives to Faith, who were fo ready
to give an account to others of the Hope that was in tJiem, and
to perfuade all other Perfons to the embracing of it. With what
face and confidence otherwife cou'd they perfuade Men to embrace
a DodVrinc fo dangerous as that was, had tiierc not been Motives
fufficient to bear up againft the weight of Sufl'erings, and Argu-
ments perfuafive to convince them of the undoubted certainty of
that Dodlrine which they encouraged them to believe.^
Now that which appears to have been the main ground of fatif- xiii.
faftion to the Primitive Chriftians as to the truth and certainty of
the Do£frine of Christ, was this, That the Dodrine of the Go-
ipel was at firft delivered to the World by thole Perlbns, who were
themfelves Eye-witnefles of all the Miracles which our Savior
wrought in confirmation of the truth of what he fpake. They
were fuch Perfons who had been themfelves prefent, not only to
hear mofl: of our Savior's admirable difcourfes when he was in the
World, but to fee all thofe glorious things which were done by
him, to make it appear that he was immediately fent from God.
Let us now appeal to our own Faculties, and examine a little what
rational Evidence cou'd poflibly be defir'd , that the Doftrine of
the Gofpel was true, which God did not afford to the World?
What cou'd the Perfons who were the Auditors of our Savior de-
fire more as an Evidence that he came from God, than his doing
fuch things which were certainly above any created power,either Hu-
man or Diabolical, and therefore mult needs be Divine ? What cou'd
other Perfons defire more who were not prefent at the doing of
thefe Miracles, but that the report of them fliou'd be convey'd to
them in an undoubted manner, by thofe Perfons who were Eye-
witneffes of them, and made it appear to the World they were far
from any intention of deceiving it? Now this makes the Apollles
themfelves in their own Writings (tho' they were divinely infpir'd)
appeal to the rational Evidence of the truth of the things, in that
they were deliver'd by them who were Eye-witnefles of them.
There St. Teter fpeaks thus to the dilperfed Je'-jvs, i ^ i iPet..M^
«»' iVot!«/ >«Ki5t,7t5 @- y^-is^' not Hkc the Heathen My-
thology concernino; the ^e?"":^ and i-^r» s^ync^"^, things which
are abundantly proved to be true-, for being Matters of Fad:, there
cou'd be no ftrongcr proof of them, than by llich who were eye-
witnelles of what they fpake. And this we find the Apoftles them-
felves very cautious about, in the choice of a new Apoftle in the
Aa. 1.21, foom of Judas. Wherefore of thefe Men which have companied
with us all the time that the Lord }c{\is wetit in and out among us,
beginningfromthe Baptifm o/ John, unto that fame day that he was
; taken from us-, mujl one be ordained to be a wttnefs of his Refurre-
ition: For, becaufc Christ was mightily declared to.be the
Son of God by his ReJnrreBion from the dead, (as that which was
the sj;rcat Seal of our Savior's being the Son of God) therefore
we hnd the Apoftles fo frequently attefting the truth of the Re-
furredfion of Chemist, and that thcmielvcs were eyc-witneflcs of
A(ft. ». 31. it. This Jefus-, faith '■Pctcr, hath. God raifcd up-, whereof wc all
z. i;. are witncjjes. And again, And killed the 'Prince of life, whom God
hath
Book II. Chap.IX. O ii i G INKS SA C R /E. i j> i
hath raifcd up from the dead-, iL-hereof lije are iJuitneU'es -, and both
'Teter and John to the Sanhedrim For iji'e cannot but [peak the 4. 10.
things 'which --jne haie feen and heard. And the whole College
of A poftlcs afterwards, AndijoearePAs 'witntjjes of thefe things :, and t- 31-
fo is alfo the Holy Ghoft, 'whom God hath given to them that obey
him. In which words they givc them th-it twofold rational Evi-
dence which did manifeft the undoubted truth of what they fpakcj
for they dcliver'd nothing but what themfelvcs were witnelTcs of,
and withal was declar'd to be true by the power of the Holy Ghoft
in the Miracles which were wrought by and upon Believers. Af-
terwards we read the funi of the Apoliies preaching, and the man-
ner ufcd by them to perfuade Men of the truth of it, in the
words of '-peter to Cornelius and his company, Hou; God anointed 10.39,40,
Jelus of Nazareth with the Holy Ghoft and wiih power-, who went 41.41-
about doing good-, and heali?ig all that were opprejjed of the'De'vil, for
God was with him: Andwje are "witneffes of all things which he did
both in the land of the jews and in H-erufalcm, whom they flew and
hanged on a tree : Him Godraifed up the third day^ and flwwed him
openly i not to all the people-, but unto 'witneffes chofen before of God-,
even to us who did eat and drink with him after he rofe from the
dead. And he commanded us to preach unto the people-, that it is he
which was ordamed of God to be the judge of quick and dead. By
all which we fee what care God was pleafed to take for the fatif-
fadion of the World in point of rational Evidence, as to the truth
of the matters which were difcovcr'd concerning our Savior Chrift-,
becaufe he made choice of fuch Perfons to be the Preachers and
Writers of thefe things- who were the beft able to fatisfy the World
about them, viz. inch, as had been eye-witnefTes of them.
Now in order to the making it more fully evident what ftrength xiv.
there was in this TcPcimony given by the Apoftles to the Miracles
oi Chrift, we {hail more fully manifeft the rational Evidence v>^hich
attended it in thefe following Propofitions.
Where the truth of a TioBrine depends upoyi a matter of faB, the prop. ,.
truth of the 'DoBrine is fifficiently manifefted-, if the matter of facl
be evidently proved in thehigheft way it is capable of. Thus it is in
reference to the Doftrine of Chrift ; for the truth of that is 'io in-
terwoven with the truth of the ftory of Chrift-, that if the Rela-
tions concerning Chrift be true, his Doftrine muft needs be Divine
and Infallible. For if it be undoubtedly true, that there was fuch
a Perfon as C^jrift born at Bethlehem-, who did fo many Miracles,
and at lafl fuftercd the death of the Crofs, and after he had lam
three days in the Grave rofe again from the dead ; what reafoii
imaginable can I have to qucihon, but that the teftimony of this
Perfon was certainly Divine, and confequently whatever he preached
to the World was moft" certain and undoubted truth .^ So that if
we have clear Evidence as to the truth of thefe paftages concerning
our Savior, we muft likewife believe his Doftrine, which came at-
tefted With fuch pregnant Evidences of a Divine Commiflion which
he had from God to the World. No Prince can think he liath
any reafon to refuie audience to an Embaflador, when he finds his
Credentials fuch as he may rely upon, altho' himfelf doth not fee
the fealing of them -, much lefs reafon have we to queftion the
truth of the Dodlrine of the Gofpel, if we hare fufficient Evidence
of
1 5?i
ORICjINES SACR/E. Book II. chap. IX.
of the truth of the matters of fad't concerning Chrijt, in fucli a way
as thofe thmgs are capable of benig proved.
Tro^. 1. The zrsatejl e-jidence -juinch ca7ibe given to a matter of fact-, is the
attefting of it by thofe per fans isoho -^-ere eye.rjvitnejfes of it. This is the
foundanon whereon the firmcrt Ailent is built, as to any matter of
fa6t; for altho' we conceive we have reafon to llifpeft the Truth of
a Story, as long as itisconvey'donlyinageneralway, by an uncer-
tain Fame and Tradition ; yet when it comes to be attefted by a
fufficient number of credible Peribns who profefs themfclves the
eye-witnefles of it, it is accounted anunrealbnablethingtodiftruft
any longer the Truth of it> efpecially in thefe two cafes. i.lVben
the matter they bear li.'itnefs to is a thing ''jnhich they might eafUy and
clearly perceive. 2. JVhen many vvitneffes exaBly agree in the fame
Teftnnony.
I . H 'hen the matter it f elf is of that nature that it may be fully percei-
ved by thofe v::ho favo it : i. e. if it be a common Object of Senfe.
And thus it certainly was as to the Perfon and Actions of jefus
Chriil. For he was of the fame nature with Mankind ; and they
had as great Evidence that they convers'd with Jefus Chriflin the
Flefli, as we can have that we converfc one with another. The
Miracles of Chriil were real and vifible Miracles -, they cou'd be
iio illufions of Senfes, nor deceits of their Eyes •, the Man who
was born blind and cured by our Savior, was known to have been
born blind thro' all the Country, and his Cure was after as public
Toh.9. i6. ^s his blindnefs before, and acknowledged by the greateft Enemies
Luk.7.12. of Chrift at the time of its being clone. When Chrift railed up
the dead Man at Nairn^ it was before much People, andfuchPer-
fons in probability who were many of them prefent at his Death.
But lell there might be any fufpicion as to him, that he was not
really dead, the cale is plain and beyond all difpute in Lazarus^
J° •"• 39- ^^\^Q l^^itl been totheknowledgof allperfons thereabouts dead four
days 5 here cou'd be no deceit at all when the Stone wasrowl'd a-
way, and Lazarus came forth in the prefence of them all. And
yet further the Death and Paflion of our Savior was a plain objedl
of fenlc done in prelencc of his greatcil Adverfiries. The Soul-
diers themfelves were fuilicient WitnelTes of his being really dead,
when they came to break his Bones, and fpared him becaufe they
fuv he was dead already. At his Reiiirreftion the Stone was
rowl'd away from the Sepulchre and no body found therein, al-
tho' the Sepulchre was guarded by Souldiers, and the Difciplcs of
Chriil all fo fearful, that they were difperfed up and down in fe-
vcral places. And that it was the fame real Body which he rofe
withal, :\ndno aereal vehicle^ appears by 77j' ^T- the hole of his fidcy and fee in his hands the print of the nails ; now
our Savior condcfcending fo far as to fitisfy the incredulity of St.
Thomas-, hath made it thereby evident that the Body which our
Savior rofe from the Grave with, was the fame individual Body
which before was crucified and buried in the Sepulchre. And wc
lind all the Apollles together upon our Savior's appearance to them
alter his Refurredion, {o far from being credulous in embracing a
Phannlininllead of Chriil, that they fufpeftcdthat it was either a
inerc Pliantalin, or an evil Spirit which appeared among themi
upon
Book II. Chap. IX. OR WINES SA CIWE. T^T
I i' ■ I II ■ II I ■■ — — — ^^— ^^— — — ^ — ■ ^ I I
upon which it is laid, They ivere terrified and affrightedy and ////>- Luk. h-
pof'ed they hadfeen afpirit. Which our Savior cou'd nor beat them "'
off from, but by appcahng to the judgment oF their Scnics,//^!^^/^ ^^^
me and fee i for afpirit hath no flefi and bones as ye fee me have i
and afterwards more fully to convince them, he did eat inthemidji vcr. ^j.
of them. Now the more fufpicious and incredulous the Apolllcs
thcmfclves at firll were, the greater evidence is it how far they
were from any dcfign of abuiing the World in v/hat they after
preached unto it, and what llrong conviction there was in the
thing it felf, which was able to fatisfic fuch fcrupulous and fufpici-
ous perfons.
2. When many '■jvitnejfes concur in the fame Tefimony. Nothing
can difparage more the Truth of a Tcftimony , than the countcr-
witnefs of fuch who were prefcnt at the fame aftions; but when all
the Witnefles fully agree not only in the fubftancc, but in all mate-
rial circumftances of the Story, v/hat ground or rcalbn can there be to
fufpeft a Forgery or Defign in itj clpecially when the perfons can-
not by any Fears or Threatnings be brought to vary from each
other in it ? Thus it is in our prefcnt cafe, we find no real diflent
at all mention'd either as to the Birth, Miracles, Life, Death, or
Refurreftion of Jefus Christ -, all the Witneilcs attcil the fame
things, tho' writing in different places, and upon different occa-
llonsj no alteration in any circumltance of the Story, out of any
defign of pleafmg or gratifying any Perfons by it. Moft of our
Savior's Miracles, not only his Apoftles, but the People and his
very Enemies were witnefles of, whofe Pofferity to this day dare
not deny the truth of fuch ftrange Works which were wrought by
him. And for his Refurredion, it wou'd be very ftrange that five
hundred Perfons fliou'd all agree in the lame thing, and that no
Torments or Death cou'd bring any of them to deny the truth of it^
had there not been the greateft certainty in it.
There can be no reafon tofufpefifuch a Teftimony which is given xv.
by eye-witnefj'es-, but either from quefioning their knowledg of the ^''"^^ 3-
things they fpake of-, or their fidelity in reporting them. Now there
is not the leaft ground to doubt either of thcfe, in reference to
thole perfons who gave Teftimony to the World concerning the
Pcrfon and Actions of our bleffed Savior.
For firfi, they '■j:: ere fuch as vcere intimately converfant both with
the perfon and anions of Jefus Chrift; whom he had chofen and
trained up for that very end, that they might be fufficiently qua-
lify'd to acquaint the World with the truth of things concerning
himfelf after his Refurreftion from the Dead. And accordingly
they follow'd him up and down wherefoever he went-, they were
with him in his Solitudes and Retirements, and had thereby oc-
cafion to obfcrve all his Actions, and to take notice of theunfpot-
ed innocency of his Life. Some of his Difciples were with him
in his Transfiguration, others in his Agony and bloody Sweatj
they heard the Expreffions which came from his mouth -, in all
which he difcover'd a wonderful fubmiffion to the Will of God,
and a great readinefs of Mind to luffer for the good of the World.
Now therefore the firft thing cannot at all be queftion'd, their
means of knowing the truth of what they fpake.
Neither, fecondly^ is there any reafon to fufpedi their fidelity in
B b reporting
15)4
ORIGINES SACP^yE. Book II. Chap. IX.
reporting 'ujhat they knei;:: For, i. The truth of this 'Doctrme
lirGUghi fo far upon them-, that they parted '■^ith all their '■worldly
fubfijience for the fake of it. Altho' their Riches were not great,
yet their way oF iublillence in the World wasnecelfary j they left
their Houfes, their Wives and Children, and all for Chrift, and
that not to gain any higher Preferments in this World (which had
thcv done, It woif d have rendred their dcfign fufpicious to the
curious and inquifitive World) but they let go at lead a quiet and
eafie life, for one nioft troublefome and dangerous. So that it is
not, how much they parted withal, but how freely they did it,
and with what cheerfulncfs they underwent Difgraces, Pcrfecuti-
ons, nay Death it felf for the fake of the Gofpel. Now can it be ima-
gin'd, that ever Men were fo prodigal of their Eafe and Lives, as to
throw both of them away upon a thing which theinfeives were not
fully affur'd of the Truth of? It had been the highcft folly imagina-
ble,to have deceiv'd themfelves in a thing of fo great moment to them,
as the truth of that Docbrine which they preached was-, bccaufe all
their Hopes and Happincfs depended upon the truth of thatDoftrine
which they preached. And as Tertullian obfcrvesjNonfas ejtulli defua.
religione mentiri i for, faith he, He that fays he '■ji:orfhips any thing
befides ijuhat he doth-, he denies --Ji'hat he doth ii;orfjip-, and transfers
his 'izorfiip upon another, and thereby doth not ii:orJhip that 'oiihich
he thus denies y Befides what probability is there Men fliou'd lie
for the fake of that Religion, which tells them that thofe which do
fo will not receive the Reward which is promifed to thofc who
cordially adhere unto it? Nay, they declar'd themfelves to be the
1 Cor. xf. mod miferable of all perfons // their hopes were only in this pre-
'^ fent life. Can we now think that any who had the common Rea-
fon of Men, wou'd part with all the contentments of this World,
and expofe themfelves to continual hazards, and at lall undergo
death it felf for the fake of fomething which was merely the Fi-
£fion of their own Brains? What fliou'd make them fo Sedulous
iCorp.ifi. ^'^ci Induftrious in preaching iuch things, that they co\i^ fay neccf-
fity iL-as laid upon them-, yea-, wo was unto them if they preached 7tot
the Gofpel-, when yet they faw fo many Woes attending them in the
Preachnig of it, had there not been fome more powerful attraftive
in the beauty and excellency of the Dodrine which they preached,
than any cou'd be in the Eafe and Tranquillity of this prefent
World ? Thus we fee the Fidelity of the Apollles manifefted in
iiich a way as no other Witncflcs were ever yet willing to hazard
crigen. theirs. And therefore Ortgen defervedly condemns Celfus of a ri-
/ ^f'l^' diculous Impertinency, when he wou'd parallel the Relations of
Herodotus and Tindarus concerning Arifleus Troconnefius with
thofe of the Apofl:les concerning Chnit -, For, faith he, Titd ei-
ther of the fe two venture their lives upon, the truth of what they writ
concerning him-, as the Apo files did to at t eft the truth of what tfoey
preached concerning our Lord and Savior Jefus Chrift ?
XVI. 2. The Fidelity of the Apoftles is evident in their manner of
reporting the things which they deliver. For if ever there may be
any thing gather'd from the manner of Exprcnion, or the « ;tf<^ Ttti
''>". concerning the particular Temper and Difpolition ol the
Pcrfon from whom it comes, we may certainly read the great Fi-
delity in the Apoftles from the peculiar manner of their exprelhng
ihcmfelves to the World. Which thev do, i. Ifith
1300K II. Chap. IX. OHIO INKS SACRyF.. 1^5
1. IFiffj the greatefl hnpartiality : not declaring only what was
glorious and admirable to the World, but what they knew wou'd
be accounted fooliflincis by it. They who had fought only to
have been admir'd for the rare Difcoveries which they brought to
the World, wou'd be furc to conceal any thing which might be
accounted ridiculous j but the Apofllcs hxcd thcmlelves moil on
what was mod: contemptible in the Kycs of the World, and what
they were moll mocked and derided for, that they delighted moft
in the preaching of, which was the Crofs of Chrill. 'Fa/// was Co
much ni love with this, which was a ftumbling-block to the J cwsy
and foolidinefs to the Greeks, that he -vali/ed the knowledg of no- "Cor. 2. 2.
thing elfe in comparifon of the knoimlcdg ofChriJh and him crucified. P'i'l-8. 3.
Nay he clfcwhere faith, God forbid that 1 fioo//ld glory fave in the '^*'-''- '•+•
Crofs of Chrifl. What now fliou'd be the reafon that they flion'd
rcjoyce in that moft which was moft defpicablc to the World, had
not they kew far greater truth and excellency in it, than in the
moll fublime fpeculations concerning God or the Souls of Men in
the School of 'Plato-, or any other Heathen Philofophers ? That
all Men flioii'd be bound in order to their Salvation, to believe in
one who was crucify'd at Hierz/falem-^ was a ftrange Doftrine to
the unbelieving World : but if the Apoftles had but endeavor'd
to have futed their Doftrine to the School of Plato-, what rare
Perfons might they have been accounted among the //.f^^^/^'ra Philo-
fophers ! Had they only in general terms difcours'd of the Benig-
nity of the Divine Nature, and the Manifeftations of Divine Good-
ncls in the World j and that, in order to the bringing of the Souls
of Men to a nearer participation of the Divine Nature, thepcrfeft
Idea of true Goodnefs, and the exprefs Image of the Perfon of
God, and the refplendency of his Glory had veil'd hintfelf in Hu-
man Nature, and had every where fcatter'd fuch beams of light
and Goodnefs, as warm'd and invigorated the frozen Spirits of
Men with higher fentiments of God and themfelves, and raifed
them up above the feculency of this terreftrial Matter to breath in
a frcfher air, and converfe with more noble objed s, and by degrees
to fit the Souls of Men for thofe more pure illapfes of real Good-
nefs, which might always fatisfy the Soul's defires, and yet always
keep them up 'till the Soul fliou'd be funning it felf to all eternity
under the immediate beams of Light and Love: And that after
this Incarnate Deity had fpread abroad the wings of his Love for
a while upon this lower World, 'till by his gentle heat and incu-
bation he had quickned the more pliable AVorld to fome degree
of a Divine Life, he then retreated himfelf back again into the
fuperior World, and put off that veil by which he made himfelf
known to thofe who are here confin'd to the prifons of their Bo-
dies : Thus, I fiy, had the Apoftles minded applaufe among the
admired Philofophers of the Heathens-, how eafy had it been for
them to have made fome confiderablc additions to their higheft
fpeculations, and have left out any thing which might feem fo mean
and contemptible as the death of the Son of God ! But this they
were fo far from, that the main thing which they preached to the
World, was, the vanity of Human Wifdom without Chrift-, and the
necefllty of all Mens believing in that Jefus who was crucify'd at
Hier/ifalem.
Bb : The
15? x\"uiTic, -f 'ok* »'>'bu a^^i'ls! i?'6<«« ■" hiHsit 5r5 »»»(>?? aj%uiluj
■nS hi'/cf tZ, xeA^"*^' elphico mos efl Deo
Arcana tegere.
Scrvius tells us, that Jupiter Amnion was therefore piftur'd with
Rams-horns, becaufe his anfwcrs had as many turnings and wind-
ings as they had. But the Horns which Mofes was wont to be pi-
(ftur'd with, did only note the light and pcrfpicuity (fromrheam-
biguity of y^V-^ which notes the fending forth of rays of light like
a horn, ) and yet Mofes himfelf was vcild jn compariibn of the
opennefs
Origin.
contr. Cel-
fitm, I. 3.
Strviiis in
4. Aintid.
Book II. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR/E. ip
3. The yipojlks delivered their '■Doctrine with the greateft open-
nefs and freedom of fpirit -, they did not give out one thing to the
World, and another to their private Dilciplesj but with great
freedom and boldnefs declared their dodlrrine in the mofl public
places, and before their greateft enemies. They knew they were
looked on as deceivers by the World, but yet they knew themlelves
to be true, «'? ■n!A««(, x«.' «^>;C«?. This is the uliial requital good Men 2 Cor. 6.8.
have from the AVorld, that they are looked on as the greateft de-
ceivers of it; if it be fo with others, they have much lefs caufe to
wonder at it, when even He, who by one Prophet is ftiled the de- "^s-^z-
fire of Nations-, is by :xnothcr hid to be defpifed and reje£ted of Mem J^^- si- ?,
and when Christ was in the World, he was called i •a*«'v(i^, the Mattli. 27.
deceiver i no wonder then if his Difciples were accounted fuch, ^^'
altho' they manifefted their veracity by their open carriage and
free fpeaking to the faces of their greateft adverfaries. The Apoftles
neither feared the Jews skill in their Law, nor the wifdom and
fubtilty of x\\cGreeks : Saint 'P/3'?//preacheth Christ openly among
the Jews in their Synagogues, and among the Athenians he en-
counters the Epicureans and Stoics-, and preacheth to them Jesus
and the Refurre^ion. If the Apoftles had any thing of deceivers
in them, as to the things they related concerning Christ, they A6t.17.18.
wou'd not certainly have fpoken with fo much confidence concern-
Chrisi in the prefence of thofe who had been his murtherers-,
but we fee they appeal'd to themfelves, as to the Miracles which
he had wrought among them, and for his Refurredtion they were
ready to lay down their Lives in giving Teftimony to the truth of
it. That his Body was gone, was evident •, that the Apoftles fliou'd
take it away was imporfible, confidering what a guard of Souldiers
they had fet upon it, and how timorous and fearful the Apoftles
were, that they fled upon Christ's being apprehended. Now
what cou'd it be, cou'd make fuch fearful Perfons afterwards fo
courageous and refolute as they were, had there not been fome
more than ordinary power to convince and encourage them .'
4. lihe Apoftles deliver their Teftimony with the greateft particu-
larity as to all circumftances. They ao not change or alter any
of them upon different Examinations before leveral Perfons •, they
ail agree in the greateft conftancy to themfelves and uniformity with
each other. As to matters of Indifferency, we find the Apoftles
very yielding and condefcending •, but as to any thing which con-
cern'H their Teftimony, moft conftant and refolved. Had the
Gofpel been fome cunningly-contrived fancy, it had been impof-
fible but fo many different Perfons, in fuch different places, and
under fuch different conditions, wou'd have varied as to fome ma-
terial circumftance of it : Or elfe they wou'd have been {o
wife as to have deliver'd it in general terms, without infifting
much upon fuch particular circumftances, which if they had been
falfe, might have been very eafily difprov'd •, but with what particular
enumeration of circumftances do the Apoftles preach Christ to
the World .^ 'Peter tells the Jews that it was Jefus of Nazareth ^£1.2. 22
whom he preached i and left they fliou'd think it was not the fame
Perfon who rofe agahi, with great boldnefs and freedom, of Spirit
he faith unto them. Therefore let all the houfe of Ifrael know affu- ^ j^-
redly i that God hath made that fame Jefus whom ye have crucified-,
both
iCO
ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Cliap.I X.
doth Lord and Chrijt. Yea, that iainc individual Pcrfon who was con-
Aft, y. verfant in the World, and died upon the Crofs-, is no'Ji' become a
3'- 3»" Trince and Savior-, to give repentance to\i'n\c\and remijjion of fins. If
there had been any ground of fufpicionastothciethings, who had
been fo able to difprove them, or fo ready to do it, as thofePerfons
who had crucify'd him ? For wc cannot conceive but thofc who had
a hand in his dfeath, wou'd endeavor by all polhblc means to dif-
prove his Refurreftion from the dead. For what a caie were they
like to be in, if thofc things which the Apoftles fo confidently
preached were true? If Chrijt had all power no-Jo in his hands-,
and there isaere falvation in no other Name-, but only iyi his vuhom
they had crucify'd, they were like to be in a moll: defperate con-
dition; therefore if any Men can be fuppos'd inquifitive after the
truth of thefe circumftances, no doubt thefe were: And if they
cou'd have found the leaft flaw in their Teftimony , the World
wou'd foon have ring'd of it •, and the Je-vi's who were then fo
much difperfed abroad, would have divulg'd it into all parts, the
Apoftles wou'd have h^&\\ told of it as they preached Christ in
the Synagogues. And can we in any reafon think, but thofe Jevi's
who perfecuted ?*rt/// as he preached in the Synagogues o'i Afia-,
and afterwards impcach'd him fo OY>en\y in'J erufalem, wou'd there
enquire into all the circumftances concerning Christ, and all the
other Jews wou'd write to their Friends at Jernfalem to be fully
inform'd of thofe ftrange things which were told them openly in
all places in their Synagogues by Men of their own Nation and
Language, concerning one Jefiis who was crucify'd and rofe again
from the dead? Had there been now any fo muchasplaufible pre-
text that any of thefe circumftances were not true, can we think
but that a People fo unmeafurably given to their own ways and
Traditions , woif d in all places have vented any thing that might
have tended to the difparagcment of Christ and his Apoftles?
But we fee Malice it fclf cou'd not find any flaw in the Apoftles
Teftimony ; for if it had, we fliou'd certainly have heard of it,
either from the Jews-, or from the great oppofers of Chrifrianity
among the Heathens-, who pretended to be curious and inquifitive
Perfons, fuch as Celfus-, Juliarh Hierocles and Torphyry were. What
reafon can wc have then in the leaft to fufpcdl fuch a Teftimony,
which pafled founcontroulcdin that time when it was alone capable
of being difprov'd, and Mens Intereft and Defign wou'd put them
fo much upon it.^ The ftrength of which will appear in the next
Propofition, which is,
xvil. J No Teftimony ought to be taken againft a matter of faB thus at-
^•'"P- 4- tefted, but from fuch 'Perfons who hadgr eater knowlcdg of the things
attefted, and manifeft greater fidelity in reporting them. It is eafy
to make it appear, that fuppofing any Perfons at that time had
contradi£led the Teftimony of the Apoftles concerning our Savior,
yet there had been no reafon in the world to have hearkncd to their
Teftimony in oppofition to that o'i the Apoftles ^ and thatonthele
accounts, i. The Apoftles witneffcd the Affirmative-, which is more
capable of being attcfted than any Negative canhe. i.'l'hcApo/lles
were more converfant with Christ than any other Perfons were,
becaufe they were chofcn for that very end by him to beconftantly
with him : cou'd any therefore be more capable of knowing the
truth
BooicII. Chap.IX. ORIGINES SACR/E. zoi
truth oFall particulars concerning C'hrist than thcfc were? Had
there been any ground of fulpicion concerning the dcfign of
ChrisT} why cou'd not the Je'vvs prevail with Judas to difcover
it as well as to betray his Peribn ? Judas had done but a good
work, if C-HRisT had been ilich an Impoflor as the Jews blaf-
phcmoufly faid he was: what made Judas then fo little fatisfy'd
with his work, that he grew weary of his Life upon it, and threw
himfelf away in the moft horrid defpair? No Pcrfon certainly
had been fo fit to have been produced as a witnefsagainfbCHsisT,
as Judas who had been fo long with him, and had heard his
Speeches, and obferv'd -his Miracles ^ but he had not patience c-
nough to ftay after that horrid fift to be a witnefs againll him:
nay he was the greateil witnefs at that time for him, when he who
had betray'd him came to the Sanhedrin when confulting about his
death, and told them tPjat he had finned in betraying innocent blood. Mat. 17. j
What poffible Evidence cou'd have been given more in behalf of
our Savior than that was ? When a Perfon fo covetous as to be-
tray his Mafter for thirty pieces of fdvir-, was fo weary of his bar-
gain, that he comes and throws back the Money, and declares the
Perfon innocent whom he had betray'd? And this Perfon too
was fuch a one as knev/ our Savior fiir better than any of the
Witneffes whom afterwards they fuborn'd againfb him , who yet
contradicted each other j and at laft cou'd produce nothing which
in the judgment of the heathen Governor cou'd make him judg
Christ worthy of death. 3. The ur^f?/?/^.? were freer from de-
lign than any counter-witnefs at that time cou'd be; we have already
prov'd the Apoftles cou'd not poflibly have any other motive to
affirm what they did , but full conviction of the truth of what
they fpake •■, but now if any among the Jews at that time had af-
ferted any thing contrary to the Apoftles^ we have a clear account
of it, ana what motive might induce them to it; viz. the pre-
ferving of their Honor and Reputation with the People, the up-
holding their Traditions, befides their open and declar'd enmity
againft Christ without any fufficient reafon at all for it; now
who wou'd believe the Teftimony of the ^ycr/^f'x and Tharifees who
had fo great authority among the People, which they were like to
lofe, if Christ's Doftrine were true, before that of the Apoftles
■who parted with all for the fake of Christ, and ventur'd them-
ielves wholly upon the truth of our Savior's Dodtrine? 4. None
ever did fo much to atteft the Negative-, as the Apoftles did to
prove their Fidelity as to the Affirmative. Had fufficient counter-
witnefs been timely produced, we cannot think the Apoftles would
have run fo many continual hazards in preaching the things which
related to the Perfon and Adions of Christ. Dideverany lay down
their Lives to undeceive the World, if the Apoftles were guilty of
abufing it ? do yield a fufpcient foundation for a firm af-
fent to be built upon. I take it for granted that there is liiffici-
ent foundation for a iirm aflcnt, where there can be no Rcafon gi-
ven to queftion the Evidence -, which that there is not in this pre-
fent cafe, will appear from thefc following confiderations.
I . That the midtitndes of thofe perfons ''juho did believe thefe
things-, had liberty and opportunity to be fatisffd of the truth of
them before they believ'd them. Therefore no Rcafon or Motive
can be allign'd, on which they fliou'd be induced to believe thefe
things, but the undoubted Evidence of Truth which went along
with them. I confefs in Mahotnetifm a A'cry great number of per-
fons have for fome Centuries of years continu'd in the Belief of
the Doftrine of Mahomet -, but then withal there is a fufficient ac-
count to be given of that, •v/.s. the povuer /:'<' /ic7?r^wluch keeps
them in awe, and flrictly forbids all the Followers of Mahomet to
dilpute their Religion at all, or compare it with any other. There-
fore I can no more wonder at this, than I do to fee fo great a part
of the World under the Tyranny of the great Turk : Neither on
the other fide do I wonder that llich a multitude of thofe profcl-
fing Chriftianity fliou'd together with it, believe a great number
of erroneous Doftrines, and live in the practice of manygrofsSu-
pcrflitions, becaufe I confider what a ftrange prevalency Educati-
on hath upon foftcr Spirits and more eafie Intellectuals, and what
an awe an Inquifition bears upon timorous and irrefolv'd Perfons.
But now when a great multitude of perfons fober and inquifitive,
fhall contrary to the Principles of their Education, and without
fear of any human Force, (which they before-hand fee will perfe-
cute them) and after diligent enquiry made into the Grounds on
which they believe, forlake all their former Perfuafions, and rc-
folvedly adhere to the truth of the Dotlrine propounded to them,
tho' it "coft them their lives ■, if this give us not reafon to think
this Doftrine true, we mull believe Mankind to be the moft un-
happy creatures in the World -, that will with fo much rcfolution
part with all Advantages of this Life for the fake of one to come,
if that be not undoubtedly certain, and the Doftrinc propofingit
infallibly true. It is an obfervable Circumltance in the propaga-
tion of Chrillian Religion, that tho' God made choice at firft of
perfons generally of mean rank and condition in the World to be
Preachers of the Gofpcl, God thereby making it appear that okv
iCor.i. ,-. faith did not Jt and in the izifdom of men-, but in the pov:er of God-,
iCor.1.17. ^i^j therefore chofe the iveak things of the -world to confound the
flrong; yet foon after the Gofpel was preached abroad in the
World, we find perfons of great place and reputation, of j;re:u
fiarts and abilities engaged in the Profclfion of the Chriflian Faith
n the Hiflory of the A^s wc read of Sergius a Proconful, of
'Dionyfus ihc Jrcopagite converted to the Faith, and in the fol-
lowing Ages of the Church many perfons of great eilceni for their
excellent
Book II. chap. IX. O RIG INKS SACR/E. ^03
excellent Learning and Abilities > Ilich was Jujtin Martyr-, one
who belbrc lie became a Chriftian, was converlanc with all Se£^t.s
of 'Philofophcrsy Stoics-, Teripatetics-, Tythagoreans-, and at lail
was a proFefs'd Tlatonijt till he was converted From ^-"/^/o to Chrijt-,
and then Found that true which he Ipeaks oF in his '■Dialogue with
Trypfjo, that aFter all his enquu-ies uito Philofophy, fpeakino- of
the Doctrine oF Christ rajTi^ iAi,L iveA,^ -n Aii f«eftr; in/eufi^.7&- ^i» x^ i>jvU(i>i ^piism, y.eti Ti^Xcai p^e/^ : J hat tljC ChrifHaflS did
not give credit to empty Fables-, and improvable Ajfertions-, but to
fuch a T>o^rine as isi'as full of a "Divine Spirit and Po-ui'er-, ayid
flour ijJoevi with Grace: The proving of which is thefubjeftoF that
dilcouFe. At Alexandria we meet with a Succellion oF excellent
Perfons, all which were not only Embracers themlelvcs, but De-
fenders oF the Chrillian Faith -, for fetting afide there Abiliusy
Jujim-, Cerdo-, Eumenes, Marcus, Celadion-, Agrippmus-, Juliamis,
"Demetrius, and others who flouriflied about the fccond Century,
I Fhall only fix on thole perfons, who were famous Enquirers after
Truth} and noted for excellency in Heathen Learning ; yet thefe
perfons after all their enquiries found nothing to fix on but the
Chrillian Faith, and valu'd no other difcovery of Truth in com-
parifon with that. Such was Paritanus, who as Eufebius tells us,
was an excellent Stoic before he became a Chriftian, and was after
fo eminent a one, that in imitation of the Apoftles he went into
India to convert the Inhabitants to the Chriftian Faith, and at his
return was made Re£tor of the School at Alexandria i which as
the fame Author tells us, was much frequented by fuch who were
ci AoV? y-ai Tj? de^m V* m-s^y^va-m', lijell skUl'd iu Human as well as "Di- £ r/,n(i
vine Learning. How excellent "Pant anus was in Human Learn- £«/■ /. f.
ing, may appear in that Origen and Hierome both make his exam- "' '°'
pie their plea for their ftudying of it. AF'ter him fucceeded Cle- ^^"'" '' ^'
mens Alexandrinus-, Pantanus's Scholar, a perfon of great depth
of learning and cxquifitely skill'd in all Heathen Antiquities, as
appears by his remaining Writings. The learning of Origen is llif-
ficiently know, which was in fuch great reputation in his own time,
that not only Chriftians but Philofophers riock'd to his Leftures
at Alexandria as Eufebius tells us, wherein he read the Mathema- uu.i.a,
tics, and other parts of Philofophy as well as the Scriptures 5 and "" '^"
the fame Author informs us that the Philofophers did dedicate their
Books to him, and fomctimes chofe him as Arbitrator between
them in matters of Difpute •, and Porphyry himfelf in his Books
againft the Chriftians vouch fafed a high Encomium of Origen for
his excellent Learning. In Origen's time Heraclas a Presbyter of
Alexandria for five years together Frequented the Schools of the
Philofophers, and put on the Philofophic/'^///;/;??, /3», aud wds vcTy converfant in the Books of *"■ ^°-
the Grecian Learning. Befides thefe we read of Pierius and A-
Cc 2 ckillas
i04 ORIGJNKS SACR/E. Book 11. Chap. IX
i^icefhor. chUl^s t'wo Prcsbytcrs of Alexandria, who were T^y.aC i>iJw^ -TzathU y^
"'5' f"- 'P'^'"'y x^i -TmihiCK i A/jjfe^'ar, as Nice-
phorns fpeaks, a perfon verfed in all kind of ingenuous Litera-
ture. Anatoliiis Bifhop of Laodicea-, one verfed m Geometry-, A-
Uem.U.6. ftronomy ■> and all kind oi Thilofophy-, as well as the Doftrine of
"■"i^- Christ. Thus we fee how in thofe early days of the Gr^-f^
Church what excellent perfons many of thofe were who were
zealous ProfefTors of Chriftianity •, and concerning thofe of the
Latin Church, I fhall only mention that Speech of St. Aujlm who
was himfelf an inftance of the lame nature and a Star of the iirft
^ jiu ufi magnitude among them. Nonne afpicimus quanta aiiro & argen-
m. de do. to & 'vefte fujfarcinatus exierit de ^^/Egypto Cyprianns 'Dot! or
Or. chri. [iiaiifrimus d^ Martyr beatiljimus ? quant Laitantius ? quant
cap. 40. ViEiorinnSi Optatus-, Hilar lus < tit de -xi-vis taceam : quanto in-
nnmerabiles Graci ? quod prior ipfe fidelijjimus "Dei fervus Mofes
fecerat-i de quo fcriptum ejt , quod eruditus fuerit omni fapientia
(l^l^gypttorum. To whofe Catalogue of learned perfons, among
the Latin Chriftians Tertullian-, Arnobius and feveral others may
be defervedly added. But as St. Aiiftin there well obferves, tho"
the Ifraelites 'isjeyit rich out of yEgypt, yet it '■jjos their eating
the Taffover iz'hich fa'ued them from dejtruciion -, fo tho* thefe
were accompliflied with thofe perfections and riches of the Soul,
the ornaments of Learning, yet it was their eating the truePaflb-
ver which was Christ, by their adhering to his Doftrine, was
that which wou'd be of more advantage to them , than all their
Accomplifhments wou'd be. Now then fince in the firll Ages of the
Chriftian Church, we find not only innumerable multitudes of
Perfons of great Integrity and Sobriety in their Lives embracing the
Dodrine of Christ, but fo many Perfons that were cunons en-
quirers after the truth of things •, we can certainly have no reafon
to diftrufl: fuch a Teftimony which was receiv'd in fo unanimous a
manner by perfons as able to judge of the truth of things, and as
fearful of being deceiv'd in reference to them as any now in the
World can be.
XIX. 2. As this Tcftimony was receiv'd by perfons inquifitive after
the Truth of things, fo the T)ocirine cono^rine conveyed by it -,
becaufe thofe who unanimoufly agree in this thing are fuch per-
fons, whofe other^ defigns and interefts in this World differ as
much as any Men's do. If it had been only a confent ofthe Jews,
there might have been fome probable pretence to have fufpecleda
matter of Intereft in it ; but as to this thing, we find the Je\vs
divided among themfelves about it; and the flifFeft deniers of the
truth of it, do yet inviolably preferve thofe facred Records among
them, from which the Truth of the Dodrine of Christ may be
undoubtedly prov'd. Had the Chriftian Religion been enforced
upon the World by the Roman Emperors at the time of its firft
promulgation, there wou'd have been fome fufpicion of particu-
lar defign in it-, but it came with no other llrength but the evidence
of its own Truth; yet it found fudden and ftrange entertainment
among perfons of all Nations and Degrees of Men. In a fliort
time it had eaten into the heart of the Roman Empire, and made
fo large a fpread therein, that it made Tertullian fay, Hefterni fii- '^enuii.
mus, & veftra omnia implevimus-, urbes-, infulas-, caftellay muni- ^"'"'^ '
cipia^i conciltabula-, caftra ipfa, tribus-, decurias-, palatium-, fena-
tum-, forum; fola vobis relinquimus Templa. We have but nevu-
ly appeared-) faith he, and yet we have filed all places with our
Company-, but only your 'Temples i and before fpeaking of the Hea-
thens, Obfejfam vociferantur civitatem-, in agriS) in cajiellisi in ^^'^- '■ '•
infidis Chriftianos-i omnem fexum, at at em-, conditionem^ etiam dig-
nitatem tranfgredi ad hoc nomen quaf detrtmento mcerent. All
forts and conditions of Men in all places-, were fuddenly become
Chriftians. What common tye cou'd there be now to unite all
thefe perfons together, if we fet afide the undoubted truth and
Cc 3 certainty
7^7" ~ ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Chap. IX.
certainty of the Doclrine oF Christ which was iiril preached to
them bv inch who were Eye-witneffes of Christ's Actions, and
had left facred Records behind them, containing the llibftance of
the Doctrine of Christ, and thofe admirable inftrucVions which
were their only certain Guides in the way to Heaven ?
4. Becaufe many perfons do join tn this confent '-juith true Chri-
ftiansy who yet could heartily wifi that the Tfocirine of Chri-
anity were not true. Such are all thofe perfons who are fenfual
in their Lives, and walk not accordmg to the Rules of the Gof-
pel, yet dare not quedion or deny the Truth of it. Such who
cou'd heartily wi(h there were no future State, nor Judgment to
come, that they might indulge themfelves in this World without
fear of another ; yet their Confciences are fo far convinced of,
and aw'd by the truth of thefe things, that they raiie many per-
plexities and anxieties in their Minds which they wou'd mofl wil-
lingly be rid of-, which they can never throughly be, till inftead
of ^having the name of Chnftians, they come to live the Life of
Chriilians, and become experimentally acquainted with the Truth
and Power of Religion. And withal we find that the more Men
have been acquainted with the practice of Chriftianity, the great-
er Evidence they have had of the truth of it, and been more ful-
ly and rationally perfuaded of it. To fuch I grant there are fuch
powerful Evidences of the truth of the Doftrine of Christ by
the effedual workings of the Spirit of God upon their Souls, that
all other Arguments, as to their own fatisfaftion, may fall fliorc
of thefe. As to which, thofe Verfes of the Poet "Dantes^ rend-
er'd into Latin by F. S. are very pertinent and fignificantj for
when he had introduced the ApolHe Teter-> asking him what it
was which his P'aith was founded on, he anfwers,
TDeinde exivit ex luce profunda
^a illic fplendebat pretiofa gemma.
Super quam omnis virtus fundatur.
i. e. That God was plea fed by immediate revelation of himfelf-, to
difcovcr that 'Divine Truth to the World whereon our Faith
doth Jt and as on its fare foundation -, but when the Apoftle goes on
to enquire how he knew this at firll came from God, his anfwer
to that is, .
larga pluvia
Sptritus San£fi-, qua eft dift'ufa
Super veteres c^ fuper novas membranas,
Eji fyllogifmus ille qui earn mihi conclufit
Adeo acute, tit pra ilia demon fir at ione
0mm s demonftratto alt a ?nihi videatur obtufa.
i. c. That the Spirit of God doth fo fully difcovcr it felf both
in the Old and New Tef lament, that aH other Argmncnts are
but dull and heavy if compared with this. It is true they arc fo
to a truly inlightned Confcience which difcovers fo much Beauty
and Glory in the Scriptures, that they raviOi the Soul, altho'itbe
unable to give fo full an account of this unto others who want
the
Boo K II. chap. IX. ORIGINFS SA C R AL 2 o ;
the Eyes to fee that Bcr.uty with, which a Heart truly gracious
hath. We fee ordinarily in the World, that the attraction of
Beauty is an unaccountable thing; and one may difccrn that which
ravifcethhim, which another looks on as mean and ordinary; and
why may it not be much more thus in Divine objcds which want
Spiritual Eyes to difcover them ? T hereForc I grant that good Men
enjoy that latisladion to their own Confcienccs, as to the truth
of the Doftrine of Christ, which others cannot attain to; but
yet I fay, that fuch do likewife lee the moft Ilrong, rational and
convincing Evidence which doth induce them to believe; which
Evidence is then moit convincing, when it is feconded by the pe-
culiar Energy of the Spirit of God upon the Souls of true Be-
lievers. But yet we fee that the power and force of the truth of
thefe things may be fo great, even upon fuch Minds which are
not yet moulded into the fafliion of true Goodnefs, that it may
awe with its light and clearnefs, where it doth not foften and alter by
its heat and inilucnce. Now whence can it be that fuch convictions
iliou'd flick fo fail in the Minds of thofe who wou'd fain pull out
thole piercing arrows, but that there is a greater power in them
than they arc MaUers of, and they cannot Hand againfl: the force
whereby they come upon them ; nor find any Salve to cure the
wounds which are made within them, butby thofe weapons which
were the caufes of them ? And therefore when wicked Perfons
under conflidls of Conlcience, cannot eafe themfelves by diredt
Atkeifm-, or finding reafon to call off flich convidions by difcern-
ing any invalidity in the Teftimony whereon the truth of thefe
things depends, it is a certain Argument that there is abundant
truth in that Teftimony , when Men wou'd fain perfuade them-
felves to believe the contrary, and yet cannot.
5. The truth of this conlent appears, from the nnanimity of it
among thofeTerfotis in'ho have yet Jhangely differed from each other
in many controverjics in Reltgion. We lee thereby this unanimity
is no forced or defign'd thing , becaufe we fee the Perfons agree-
ing in this, do very much difagree from each other in other things.
And the fame grounds and reafons wliereon they difigree as to
other things , wou'd have held as to thefe too , were there not
greater evidence of the certainty of thefe things, than of thofe
they fall out about. It hath not yet become a Queftion among
thofe who ditler fo much about the fenfe of Scripture, whether
the Scripture it felf be the Word of God, altho' the very ac-
counts on which we are to beheve it to be fo, hath been the fub-
jeft of no mean Controverfies. All the divided parts of the Chri-
flian World do yet fully agree in the matters of fa£t, viz. That
therewas fuch a'Perfon as ^v.svs Christ, andthat he didmany great
Miracles-, that he died on the Crofs at JeruiklcnXjand rofe again from the
dead; now thefe contain the great foundations o( Chr if ian Faith-,
and therefore the multitude of other Controverfies in the World
ought to be fo far from weakning our Faith, as to the truth of the
Dodlrine of Christ (which Men of weak judgments and Athei-
ftical Spirits pretend) that it ought to be a ifrong confirmation of
it, when we fee Perfons which fo peeviflily quarrel with each
other about fome inferior and lefs weighty parts of Religion, do
yet unanimouily conlent in the principal foundations of Chriftian
Faitht
2.08 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book II. Chap. IX.
Faith, and fuch whereon the nccenicy of Faith and Obedience, as
the way to Salvation, doth more immediately depend. And this
may be one great Reafon why the infinitely wile God may fuffcr
liich lamentable Contentions and Divifions to be in the Chriftian
V/orld, that thereby inquilltive Perlbns may ice that if Religion
had been a mere Del'ign of Ibmc few politic Perfons, the quarrel-
fom World (where it is not held in by force) wou'd never havecon-
fentcd fo long in the owning fvich common Principles which all the
other Controverfies arc built upon. And altho' k be continually
feen that in divided parties, one is apt to run fromany thing which
is receiv'd by the other, and Men generally think they can never
run far enough from them whofe Errors they have difcover'd, that
yet this Principle hath not carried any coiiliderablc party of the
Chriftian World (out of their indignation againft thofe greatcon-
ruptions which have crept into the World under a pretence of Re-
ligion) to the dilbwning the foundation of Chriftian Faith-, mufl
be partly imputed to the fignal hand of Divine Providence, a'nd
partly to thofe ftrong Evidences which there are of the truth of
that i^eftimony which conveys to us the foundations of Chriftian
Faith. Thus we fee now, how great and uncontrouled this con-
Tent is, as to the matters of fa6t deliver'd down from the eye-
witnefTes of them, concerning the Aftions and Miracles of our
Blefled Savior, (which are contain'd in the Scriptures as authentic
Records of them,) and what a fure foundation there is for a firm
alfent to the truth of the things from fo univerfal and uninterrupted
a Tradition.
5ix. Thus far we have now manifefted the neceflity of the Miracles
of C H R I s T, in order to the propagation of Chriftianttj in the
World, from the confideration of the Perlbns who were to pro-
pagate it in the World > the next thing we are to confider, is, the
admirable fuccefs which the Gofpel met with in the World upon
its being preached to it : Of which no rational account can be given,
unlefs the Aftions and Miracles of our Savior were moil un-
doubtedly true. That the Gofpel of Christ had very ftrange
and wonderful fuccefs upon its firft preaching , hath been partly
difcover'd already , and is withal fo plain from the long continu-
ance of it in thefe European parts, that none any ways converfant
in the Hiftory of former Ages, can have any ground to queftion
it. But that this ftrange and admirable lucccfs of the Doiib'ine of
Christ fliou'dbeanP>idencc of the truth of it, and the Miracles
wrought in confirmation of it, will appear ftom thelb two Confi-
derations. i. That the '\Dotirine it felf -ji-as fo directly coyjtrary
to the general inclinations of the JVorfd. 2. That the propagation of
it "Ji-as fo much oppofed by all '■jiorldly po\z;er.
I . That the DoHrine it felf '■jcas fo oppofite to the general in-
cU-nations of the IVorld. The Dodtrine may be confider'd either
as to its credenda-, or matters of Faith, or as to its agenda-, or mat-
ters of Life and Pradticcj both thefe were contrary to the inclina-
tions of the World-, the former jccm'd hard and incredible, the
latter harfii and impoifible.
I . The Matters of Faith which were to be bclicv'd by the World,
v/cre not (licii things which we may imagin the vulgar fort of Men
wou'd be very forward to run after, nor very greedy to embrace.
i.Be^
Boo K II. chap. IX. ORIGIN K S SACK AL i o 9
I . Becaufe contrary to the '■frincipks of their Education , a7id the
Religion they ivere brought up i7iy the generality of Mankind is
very tenacious ofthofc Principles and Prejudices which arc fucked
in in the time of Infancy. There are fome Religions one would
think it were impofllblc that any rational Men Ihould believe them •,
but only on this account, becaule they are bred up under them.
It is a very great advantage any Religion hath againll another,
that it comes to fpeak firll, and thereby infinuates luch an apprc-
henfion of its felf to the Mind, that it is very hard removing it
afterwards. 1 he Underftanding fcems to be of the iiaturc of
thofe things which are communis juris-, and therefore primi funt
poffidentis ; when an Opinion hath once got poflbflion of the Mind,
jt ufually keeps out whatever comes to difturb it. Now we can-
not otherwife conceive but all thofe Peribns who had been bred
up under 'Paganifm and the moll grofs Idolatry, muft needs have
a very potent Prejudice againft fuch a Doftrine which was wholly
irreconcilable with that Religion which they had been devoted
to. Now the flronger the Prejudice is which is convey'd into
Mens Minds by the force of Education, the greater ftrength and
power mud there needs be in the Gofpcl of Christ, which did
fo eafily demolifli thefe llrong holds, and captivate the Under-
rtandings of Men to the obedience of Christ. To which pur-
pofe Arnobius excellently fpeaks in thefe words to the Heathens ; ^rnobim
Sed non credit is gefta hac. Sed qui ea confpicati funt fieri & fuh '"'""'■ &"''
oculis fuis viderunt agi, teftes optimi certijimique au^ores-, er
crediderimt hac ipfh & credenda pofieris nobis hand exiltbus cum ap-
probattonibiis tradiderunt. ^luinam ifti fortajfe quaritis ? gentes-,
populi-, nationes (ir incredidum ilhid genus hiimanum. §luod iiifi a-
perta res ejjet-, cr hice ipfa qiiemadmodum dicitur clanor, mmquam
rebus hupifmodi credulitatis fu£ commodarent ajfenfiim. An nunquid
dicemus illius temporis homines ufque adeo fuiffe vanos-> mendaces-,
ftolidos, briitos-, ut qua nmiquam 'viderant vidiffe fe fingerent ? S"
qua fa£iaomnino non erant falfis proderent teftimoniis aut puerili af^
fertione firmarent^ Cumque pojjent vobifcum & nnanimiter vivere-,
O" inofienfas dticerc conjun£fiones-, gratmta fufciperent odia S' exe-
crabili haberentur in nomijie? §luod fi falfa ut die it is hiftoria ilia
rerum eft-, unde tarn brevi tempore tot us mundus ifta religione com-
pletus eft ? Aut in imam coire qui potuerunt mentem gentes regioni-
biis dijjita-i mentis coalique convexwnibus dimota ? Afteverationibus
tllecia funt nudis, hidnSla in [pes caff as-, & in pericula capitis im-
mittere fe fponte temeraria defperatione -voluerunt-i cum nihil tale iji-
diffent quod eas in hos cidtus novitatis fu£ poffit excitare miraculo.
Imo quia hac omnia ab tpfo cernebant geri & ab ejus praconibus qui
per orbem totum niijjl beneficia patris (b' munera fanandis animis ho-
minibufqne portabant-, veritatis ipfius vi 'viSia-, & dederunt fe 'Deo-,
nee in magnis pofuere difpendiis membra 'vobis projicere-, & -vifcera
fua lanianda prabere. The fubftance of whofc Difcourfe is, that
it is impoflible to fuppofe fo many Perfons of fo many Nations to
be fo far befotted and infatuated, as not only to believe a Reli-
gion to be true which was contrary to that they were educated in,
but to venture their Lives as well as Eftates upon it, had it nor
been difcover'd to them in a moft certain and infallible way by
fuch who had been eye-witnefles of the Aftions and Miracles of
Dd Christ
zio ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Chap. IX.
ibid.iib.i. Christ and his JpojHes. And asheellcwhercipcaks, Fel hac fal-
/•44- temfidem "c obis fact ant argument a credcnd'h quod ja?n per omnes ter-
ras intam bre-vi tempore & parvo immenji nominis hujiis facr amenta
dijfufa flint ; quod nulla jam natio eft tam bar ban maris, & man-
fiietudmem nefciens-, qu£ non ejus amore verfa molliverit afperita-
tem fuam-, & in placidos fenfus ajjiimpta tranquillitate migraxe-
rit ; quod tmm magnis ingeniis praditi Or at ores-, Grammatici, Rhe-
tores, Confulti juris ac Medici, 'Fhilofopbia etiam fecreta rimantes,
magifteria hac expetimt, fpretis quibus paulo ante Jidehant,&c. Will
not this perfuade the World what firm foundations the Faith of
Chriftians (lands on, when in fo lliort a time it is fpread over all
parts of the World ? that by it the moft inhuman and barbarous
Nations are foftn'd into more than civility ? That Men of the
greatcft Wits and Parts, Orators, Grammarians , Rhetoricians,
La-Ji'jers, Thyftcians, Thilofophers, who not? have forfaken their
former fentiments, and adhered to the Doftrine of Christ.
Now, 1 fay, if the power of Education be fo ftrong upon the
Minds of Klen to perfuade them of the truth of the Religion they
are bred up under, (which Atheijlically difpos'd Perfons make fo
much advantage of,) this is fo far from weakning the truth of
Chriftianitj, that it proves a great confirmation of \t, becaufe it
obtain'd fo much upon its fird Preaching in the World, notwith-
Handing the higheft prejudices from Education were againlt it. If
then Men be fo prone to believe that to be moft true, which they
have been educated under, it muft argue a more than ordinary
Evidence and Power in that Religion which unfettles fo much the
Principles of Education, as to make Men not only queftion the
truth of them, but to renounce them, and embrace a Religion
contrary to them.
XXI. Efpecially when we withal confider what ftrong holds thefe
Principles of Education were back'd with among the Heathens,
when the Doctrine of Christ was firft divulg'd among them,
i. e. what plaufible pretences they had of continuing in the Reli-
gion which they were brought up in, and why they iliou'd not
exchange it for Chrijfianity i and thofe were,
Tertuii. ad I. 'The pretended Antiquity of their Religion above the Chriftian i
Nat. 1. 1, tlie main thing pleaded againft the Chriftians was divortium ab in-
^symmarh. Jtitutis majorum, that they thought themfelves wifcr than their
ep.Lio. E^ore- fathers-, and Symmachus, Lybanius, and others, plead this
*\}iban. "loft in behalf of Faganifm -, fervanda eft tot facuUs fides, (^ fe-
orat.'de quendi funt nobis parentes qui fecuti funt feliciter fuos ; their Rc-
Tempiis. ligion pleaded Prcfcription againft any other, and they were re-
folv'd to follow the fteps of their Anceftors wherein they thought
Mmutius themfelves happy and fecure. Cacilius in Minutius Felix firft
rdix. f. 6. -^xv^^uvs much againft dogmatizing in Rehgion, but withal fays it
Jiiort becomes a lover of truth, Majorum excipere difciplinam, re-
iigiones tr adit as colere , deos quos a parcntibus ante imbutns cs
timerCi ncc de miminibus ferre fcntentiam, fed prioribus credere. So
Armbson- Amobius tells us the main thing objcded againft the Chrifians
tl-f'^o.' '^'^^ f'ovellam eft'e religionem no fir am, & ante dies nut am propemo-
dum paucos, neque vos potuiJJ'e antequam & patriam linquere, & in
^T'n'or ^^^^^^^^ ^'^"^ peregrinofque traduci. And Cotta in 'Tully long be-
/ ', ■ '"' fore laid this down as the main Principle of 'Pagan Religion,
majoribuf
Book II. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR^:. n,
w a j or lb as 7ioJtris etiam nulla ratio7ie rtddlta credere-, to be it eve the
Traditt07i of our Fathers', alt ho' there be no evidence in reafon for
it: And after he had difcovcr'd the vanity of the Stoical Art^u-
ments about RcHgion, conckidcs witli this as the only thing he
refblv'd his Reh'gion into, M/hi nnmn fatis erit-, majores noflros
it a tradidifje, It is enough for me that it comes by tradition from
ottr Fore-fathers. LaHantws fully fcts forth the manner of plead-
ing us'd by the Heathens againft the Chriftians-, in point of Anti-
quity, ha funt religiones qnasji'bi a majorihiis (nis tr adit as, per- La-imt.de
tinacijjime ttteri ac defender e perfevera?it -, nee confiderant quales f'^' ^7"''
fint, fed ex hoc frobatas atque 'veras effe confidnnt, quod eas -ve-
teres tradiderunt ; tanta^qne eft ait^'forttas vetuflatis, nt inquirere
in earn fcelus effe dicatiir. The Englifo is, They accounted Tra-
rion infallible, and knew no other way whereby to find the truth
of Religion but by its conveyance from their Fore-fathers. How
like herein do they fpeak to thofc who contend for the corruptions
crept into the Chriflian Church? who make ufe of the iamc pre-
tences for them, viz. that they were deliver'd down from the Fa-
thers -, tantaque efl anBoritas vetnftatis, nt inquirere in earn fcelus
ejfe dicattir •, is:ho are '■jve isjho ijcill fee further than Antiquity ? But
it is no wonder if Antiquity be accompany'd with dimncfs of light j
and fo it was undoubtedly as to the Tagan World -, and as to" the
Chriflian too, when fuch a mixture of Heathenifm came into it.
And the very fame Arguments by which the pleaders 'ioxChriftia-
nity did jufrify the truth of their Religion, notwithftanding this
pretended Antiquity, will with equal force hold for a Reforma-
tion of fuch inveterate abufes, which under a pretence of Anti-
quity, have crept into the C^r//?//«?2 Church. Nulhis pndor eji ad ^mbrof.
meliora tranfire, faith Ambrofe m his Anfwer to Symmachus, isjhat '^' '"• '^P''
fhameis it to gro\v better? ^id fades? f^ith La^antius, ^^Jorefne ^^^^^^ j^
potius an rationem fequeris? Si rationem mavis, difcedere te nee effe orig.-Error,
efl ab inftitntis & au£foritate majorum: quoniam id folum rednm^'"'''''^'
eft, quod ratio prafcribit. Sin aittem pietas majores fequi fitadet :
faterts igitur ir flultos illos ejfe qui excogitatis contra rationem re-
ligionibus fcrvierint ; & te ineptnm qui id colas quod falfnn effe
conviceris. Where Reafon and mere Authority of Fore- fathers
f!:and in competition , he is more a Child than a Man that knows
not on which fide to give his Suffrage. But with the greateft
ftrength, and cleareft reafon Arnobius fpeaks in this cafe. Itaque ^'•«'^-"'«'
cum 'nobis intenditis averfottcm a Religione priorum , caufam conve- 'Cl?^'"^'
nit ut infpiciatis, non fa£fum ; nee quid reliquerimus opponere, fed
fecuti quid fmus pot ifflmum contueri. When you charge us, fiith he,
that vi'e are revolted from the Religion of our Fore-fathers, yon ought
not prefently to condemn the fa£t, but to examine the reafons of it i
neither ought you fo much to look at vohat vue have left, as what it is
vi'e have embraced. Nam fi mntare fententiam culpa efl v.lla vel cri-
men, S" a veteribns infitutis in alias res novas voluntatefque mi-
grare, criminatioifla &vosfpeBat, qui toties vitam confuetudinemque
mutaftis ; qui in mores alios, atque alios ritus priorum condemnatione
tranfiflis. If mere departing from the Religion of our Anceftors
be the great fault, all thofc who own themfelves to be Chriflians,
were themfelves guilty of it when they revolted from Heathenifm.
If it be here faid that the cafe is different, becaufe there was fuffi-
Dd 2 cicnt
XIX
ORIGINES SACRAl. Book II. Chap. IX.
cicnt realbn for it, which there is not as to the corruptions of the
Chrifiian Church -, if fo, then all the difpute is taken off from the
matter of faft, or the revolt to the caufes inducing to it; and if
the Troteftant be not able as to the caufes of our Separation from
Rome to mamfeft that they were fufficient , let him then be
triumph'd over by the Romanift, and not before. I alfert then,
and that with much affurance of Mind, that the Principles of the
Reformation are juftifiable upon the fame grounds of Reafon, which
the embracing Chrijiianity was, wlien Men of Heathens became
Chriftiansi and that the Arguments made ufe of by the Romanifls
againfl our Separation from them, are fuch as wou'd have juftify'd
a Tagan Philofopher in not embracing Chrijiianity. For jf it be
unlawful for any party of Men, to divide from others in a matter
of Religion which pretends Antiquity and Univerfality , it had
been unlawful for a Philofopher to have deferted 'P^?^^?///?/^, as well
as for a Trotefiant to depart from Rome. For according to the
Principles of the Romanijis, the judgment in the caufe of the Se-
paration, and of the truth of Religion lies in that party from which
we depart j if we do now but apply this to the old Roman Senate
or Emperors in the cafe of Chrijtian Religion:, and dividing from
Heathen Woriliip, we fliall quickly fee how eafy a matter it will
be to make Chrijiianity it felf a Schifm, and the Dodtrinc of Chr i s t
the greateft Herefy. But as ftrong as thofe pretences were then,
or have been fince, the power of the Dodrine of Chis.ist hath
been fo great, as to conquer them, and thereby to manifell, that
it was of God, when fuch potent Prejudices were not able-fo with-
lland it. Of which -^«//^w/>y is the hrfl. :> ' -. ,■
2. The large and univerj'al fpread of T agan Religion-, yhpnCZ*/-;/-
ftianity came into the World : there was never fo great CatboH-
cifm-, as in Heathen Worfiiip, when the Apojilcs firil: appeared in
UinM.hi the G^w/^//^ World. Inde adto per miiverfa imperia-, proxincias-, op-
oaav.f. 6. pi^^^ videmus Jingulos facrorum rittis gentiles habere :, (^ 'jDeos co-
lere municipes-, faith Caciliiis in Minutius Felix. The great charge
againfl the Chriftians \j-;is Novcllifm-, that they brought in a ftrange
and unheard of Religion. The common Queflion was, JVhcre
■jj as your Religion before Jesus i?/" Nazareth ^ as it has been fincci
Where ■-^•as your Religion before Luther.^ and the fame aniwcr which
ferv'd then, will ftand unmovable now, There 's.'here no other Re-
ligion is, in the Word of God. For this was the weapon whereby
the Primitive Chriflians defended thcmfclvcs againft the aOaults of
'Puganifm-, and the Evidences they brought that the Doiffrme
preach'd by them, and contain'd in the Scriptures, was originally
from God, were the only means of oA'-erthrowing "Faganifin, not-
withflanding its pretended Univerfality.
3. Settlement by La-s:s of Heathen Worjhip. This was io mucK
pretended and pleaded for, that as far as we can find, by the Hi-
Itory of the Primitive Church, the pretence on which the Chri...
Jlians fuffcr'd, was Sedition, and oppofuig the eftabliHi'd Laws.
jmuU. The Chriflians were reckon'd inter illuitas fiBiones-, as appears by
j^oi.c.if,. Xertullian-, ■xxaow^Unla'ivfulCorporations -, the Politicians and Statcf-
men were all for preferving the Lawsj they troubled not them-
fclvcs much about any Religion, but only i hat which was fettled
by Law they fought to uphold, becaufe the ading contrary to it
might
Book II. Chap. IX. ORIGINES SACliyE. 213
might bring fomc di/turbanccro the civil State. There were leveral
Laws which the CbriJUans were then brought under, and con-
demn'd for the breach of. i. The Law againft Materia, or Con-
venticles, as they were pleas'd Frequently to Ib'le theMecting oiChri-
filans together-, thence the places where the Chrijtimis aflembled
for worlhip, ^jqyc common\y cAVd Conventiaila -, ha appellabant
loca-, iiiith Heraldus-, ub'i cojigrcgabantnr Chnjtiani oratiiri, & verbi Herald,
di'viiu interpret at ionern acceptiiri-, ac faeras Synaxes habit tiri : but o for /''"• f^'^'
we fee he troubled not himfelf much about the Truth and Evi-
dence of Chriftian Religion, but fuch Perfons were brought be-
fore him •, and after he had Interrogated them whether they were
Chriftians, or no, feveral times, ifthey perfifted, hethen punifli-
cd them, not fo much for their Religion, as for their obftinacy and
contempt of Authority. For fo much is imply'd in thofe words
of his, Neque enim dubitabam-, qiialectinque efj'et quod faterentur-,
pervicaciam certe-, & inflexibilem obftinationem debere puniri : That
whatever tjpeir Religion ijvas-, their obftmacy and difobedience defer-
red punipment. That which the Chriftians now pleaded for them-
ielves, why they fliou'd not be reckon'd among the Factions of
the People, was that which they gave to Tliny-, that all their fault
Dd 3 ' wasj
2. 1 4 ORIGINES SACRJE. Boom II. Chap.I X.
was, Giiod eifent foliti ftato die ante Iticem cenverufC^ carmenqrie
Chrifto quafi'Deo dicere fecimi invicem -, (eqne facrarnento ?wnin fce-
lus altqnod objhingere-, fed ne fiirta-, ne latrocinia, ne adulter la com-
mitter ent-, ne fdem fallerent-) nedepofitnmappellatiabnegarent. That
they "jjere -j:ont upon their folem'ii days to meet together for 'Divine
JVorjhip-, and to covena'at '■Ji-ith each other only for the pra^ice of
thoje things '■juhich li-ere as much for the good of Mankind as their
oxL-n, viz. that they '■^•onld not '■jvrong and defraud others, as to their
Tinuii. Bodies or Eftates. And Tertullian approves of the Law againfl:
Afoi.e.i'^. pa£^iQn5j zs de procidentia & modeflia publica', ne civitas in partes
fcinderetur, as wifely intended to prevent Seditions 5 but withal
pleads, that the Society of Chriftians cou'd not be reckon'd inter
illicit as fact tones ; for, {■x\i\\\\Q.-,hiec coitio Chriftianorum merit fane
illicitatfi illicitis par i^nerito damnanda (i quis de ea queritur eotitulo quo
defactionibus querela eft. In cujus perniciem aliquando convenimus ?
Hoc fumus congregati quod & difperft; hoc nni-verjiquod c^ finguli ; ne-
minem ladentes-, ntminem contrifi antes -, qnumprobi-, quumbonicoennt',
quumpii,quum cafti congregantur-,non eftfa^io dicendafedcuria.If(z.\t\\
he, the Societies of Chrijlians '■^•ere like others, there might be form
reafon to condemn them, under the head of Factions : but as long as we
meet together for no Man's injury, that 'oi'hether divided, or af-
fembled, \Z'e are ft ill the fame, that tz-^e grieve and injure no bo-
dy i iz'hen fuch a company of good Men meet together , it is ra-
ther a Council than a Faction.
2. Another Law the Chriftians were brought under, was, That
againll Innovations in Religion •, thence it was laid fo much
to the charge of the Chriftians, that they did K^^ Q%«oV.fi.5. go con-
i.ufeb.i.6. trary to the eftabliflid Law-, as Torphyry faid of Origen, be-
Eccicf.hift. cjufe he was a Chriftian, he did ;^t'nMuc,Q, .^-)^>..>»5i and when he
'"/•'p- fpealcs of Ammo7iius revolting from Chriftianity to Taganifrny
sVJi/V OT?o5 ■",'» i(^^ ti/^vc inXi\e^av (Af77?«'Atr, hc tUTT^ d tO thc IVUV of LtfCy
which was agreeable to the eftablifto'd Laws. Now Chriftiani-
ty was every where look'd on as a great Innovation, infomuch
TertHil that the Chriftians were accufed to be legnm, morum, natnra ini-
yipoi. c. 4. mici, as Enemies to Mankind as well as the Laws, bccaufe they
drew Men off" from that way of Religion which Mankind had ge-
nerally agreed in. Thence c^/Emilia7ius tlie Pra;fe6t of Majeftatis-, and thence they y^^/^,//
are commonly called /'/i^/ia koftes, enemies to all civil Govern- -^p'l- t-j.
went. Which they niferred from hence: i. Becaufe they would'' '^'^'
not facrifice for the Emperor's fafety -, Ideo committimus, faith 7^,^ ^ ,
Tertullian, in Majeftatem Imperatorum-, quia illos non fubjicimus
rebus fins -, §luia non ludimus de officio falutis eorum-, qui earn
non putamus in manibus effe plumhatis. The Accufation for Trea-
fon lay in their refufing to fupplicate the Idols for the Emperor's
welfare. 2. Becaufe they vcould not piz-ear by the Emperofs Ge-
nius. Thence Saturnius faid to the Martyr, Tatitum jura per ge- nerau. /»
Tiium Cafaris noftri-, if he wou'd but fwear by the Gemus of La- '^"f^ii.
Jar, he ftiou'd be fav'd. Yet tho' they refus'd to fwear by the il°!- ''^'
Emperor's Genius, they did not refufe to teftify their Allegiance,
and to fwear by the Emperor's fafety. Sed & juramus-, faith Tertuii.
Tertullian, Jicut non per genios Cafarum-, it a per falutem eorum -^{"^■'^■i^-
qua eft auguftior omnibus geniis. 3. Becaufe they would not
worjhip the Emperors as Gods i which was then grown a com-
mon Cuftom. Non enim 'Deum Imperatorem dicam, vel quia ^btd.c.s,-!,.
mentiri nefcio-, lel quia ilium deridere non audeo, -vel quia nee ip-
fe fe 'Deum njolet did ft homo fit , as the fame Author fpeaks
Nay the Primitive Chriftians were very fcrupulous of calling the
Emperor TDominus, hoc enim Dei eft cogtiomen-, becaufe the name
Lord was an Attribute of God's, and apply'd as his name to
him in Scripture. The reafon of this fcrupulofity was not, from
any queftion they made of the Sovereignty of Princes, or their
obligation to obedience to them, ( which they are very free in the
acknowledgment of,) but from a jealoufie and juft fufpicion that
fomething of Divine honour might be imply'd in it, when the A-
doration of Princes was grown a Cuftom. Therefore Tertullian
to prevent mif-underftandings, faith, Dtcam plane Imperatorem ' '"■2*
Dominum, fed more Communis fed quando non cogor ut Domi-
num Dei vice dicam. They refus'd not the name in a common
fence, but as it imply'd Divine honour.
f. Becaufe they would not obferve the public Feftivals of the
Emperor's in the way that others did, which it feems were obfer-
ved with abundance of Loofenefs and Debauchery by all forts of
PerfonSj and as Tertullian fmartly fays, Malorum morum licentia ^jj ^^
fietas erit -, & occafto luxuria religio deputabitur ? Debauchery is
accounted a piece of Loyalty-, and Intemperance a part of Reli-
gion. Wliicn made the Chriftians rather hazard the reputation of
their
ZI6 OKIGINES SACRyE. Book 11. Chap. IX.
their LoyalrV) than bear a part in fo much Rudencfs as was then
us'd, ancl thence they abhorred all the iolcmn ipc£l-ac!cs of the
TertuU. Romans; Nihil eft nobis, faith the fame Authcr, duiu:, vifti,
"/■• 38- audit Us cum infania Circi-^ cum impndicitia Theatric aim atroci-
tate arena-, cum Xyfti i-amtate. They had nothing to do either
zi'ith the '/nadnefs of the Cirque, or the immodefty of the Thea-
tre, or the cruelty of the Amphitheatre, or the vanity of the
public IFrefllings. We fee then what a hard Province the Chri-
ftians had, when fo many Laws were laid as Bird-lime in their
way to catch them, that it was impofllble for them to profefs
the'mfelvcs Chriftians, and not to run into a pramunire by their
Laws. And therefore it cannot be conceiv'd that many out of af*
feclion of Novelty fhou'd then declare themfelves Chrillians,
when fo great hazards were run upon the profeiling of it. Few
foft-fpirited Men, and lovers of their own eafe, but wou'd have
found fome fine diftinftions and nice evacuations to have recon-
cil'd themfelves to the public Laws by fuch things which the Pri-
mitive Chriftians fo unanimouily refus'd, when tending to Pro-
phanenefs or Idolatry. And from this difcourfe we cannot but
(, J. ,„ conclude with the Apoftle Taul, That the i;:eapons whereby the
4! 5-. Apoftles and Primitive Chriftians encountred the Heathen '■^orldy
'u:ere not fiefhly or ijneak, but exceeding ftrong and powerful, in
that they obtain'd fo great a conqueft over the Imaginations and
carnal Reafonings of Men (which were their ftrong holds they
fecur'd themfelves in) as to make them readily to forfake their
Heathen worfliip, and become chearful Servants to Christ.
Thus we fee the power of the Do£lrine of Christ, which pre-
vail'd over the Principles of Education, tho' back'd with pre-
tended Antiquity, Univerfality , and Eftablifliment by civil
Laws.
^^^^JJ But this will further appear if we confider that not only the
matters of Faith were contrary to the Principles of Education,
but becaufe many of them feem'd incredible to Men's natural Rea-
foiii that we cannot think Perfons wou'd be over-forward to be-
lieve fuch things. Every one being fo ready to take any advan-
tage againft a Religion which did fo little natter corrupt Nature
either as to its power or capacity •, infomuch that thofe who preach-
ed this Doftrine, declar'd openly to the World, that fuch Per-
fons who wou'd judge of the Chriftian Doctrine, by fuch princi-
ples which mere natural Rcafon did proceed upon (fuch one I
iCor.i. fuppofe it is whom the Apoftle calls +%"-«« aV^jp&.ir©-, one that own'd
M- nothuig but natural Reafon, whereby to judge of Divine Truths)
cou'd not entertain matters of Faith, or of Divine Revelation,
becaufe fuch things wou'd feem but folly to him that own'd no
higher principle than Philofophy, or that did not believe any Di-
vine Infpiration •, neither can fuch a one know them, becaufe a
Divine Revelation is the only way to come to a thro' undcrftand-
ing of them: and a perfon who doth not believe fuch a Divine
Revelation, it is impoilible he iliou'd be a competent judgeof the
truth of the Doftrine of Christ. So that the only ground of
receiving the Doftrine of the Gofpel is upon a Divine Revelation,
that (ion inmfelf by his Son and his Apoftles, hath revcal'dthcfc
deep Myllcnes to the Worldj on which account it is we arc bound
to
BooKlI.CL-ip. IX. GRIG IN ES SACRA]. ^^j
to receive them, altho' they go beyond our reach and compre-
henfion. Bur we koi generally n\ the Heathen World how few of
thofe did believe the Doctrine of Christ in comparifon, who
were the great admirers of the Philofophy, and way of Learning
which was then cry'd up: the reafon was, becaulc Chriftianity
not only contain'd far deeper Myllerics than any thev were ac-
quainted with, but dehver'd them \\\ fuch a way of Authority,
commanding them to believe the Doftrine they preached on the
account of the Divnie Authority of the Revealers of it. Such a
way of propofal of Dodtrines to the World the Philofophy of the
Creeks was unacquainted with, which on that account they de-
rided, as not being luted to the exaft method which their Sciences
proceeded in. No doubt had the Apoftlcs come among xhcGreeks
t^ !r.»?5 ip«<&(nW, with Ti. great deal of pomp and ojlentation-, and had
fed Mens curiofitics with vain and unnecelfary Speculations, they
might have had as many Followers among the Greeks for their
fakes, as Christ had among t\\c Je^-ji'S for the fake of the Loaves.
But the matters of the Gofpel being more of inward worth and
moment, than of outward pomp and fliew, the vain and empty
Greeks prefently find a quarrel with the manner of propofing them j
that they came not in a way of clear demonftration, but ftood fo much
upon Faith as foon as they were deliver'd. Thence Celfus and
Galen think they have reafon enough to rejedt the Laws of Mofes
and Christ, becaufe C^^/j calls them v<>/As«/•/>>' of heart and life, which
1 6, 24. call upon Men to deny thenifclves-, and all ungodlmefs, and
JTim T" "lordly lujls, and to live foberly-, arid rigbteoufly^ and godly in
19. " ' this prefent '■^iorld; that, all that name the name of Chrifi miifi
iCor.7,1. depart fro'in iniquity-, that, all true Ckrifiians muji he cleanfed
from all flthinefs of fejh and fpirit-, and muft perfect holinefs w
the fear of Cod. And the Gofpel inforceth theie precepts of
Holinefs with the moil terrible Denunciations of the wrath of
iTheH I. God on thofe who difobey them; that, the Lord Jefus Chrifi
7, 8. floall be renjealed from Heaven "with his mighty- yingels in
ffarning fire-, taking -vengeance on them that know not God-> and
Rom. T. that obey not the Cofpel of Jefus Chrifi. That , the wrath of
>8- God is revealed from Heaven againfl all ungodlinefs and unrigh-
teoufnefs of men-, viho hold the truth in tmrighteoufnefs. That,
iCor.6. no perfons who live in the habitual practice of any knownlin,^^^//
Gai!4. 20. inherit the Kingdom of God. That, no man fJwuld deceive them
Ephef. j-. '■a)ith vain izords, for becaufe of thefe things comes the vjrath
^' ^' of God upon the Children of difobedience -, that Men do but vain-
ly flatter themielves when they feek to reconcile unholy Lives with
Hcb. 12 ^^^ hopes of future Happinefs-, for 'without holinefs no man fh all
14. fee the Lord. And then in reference to the things of this pre-
fent Life which Men bufie themfelves fo much about, the Gofpel
iToh.i.14. declares, that they who love this world, the love of the Father
is not in them-, that, the friendfhip of this 'world is enmity with
Jam. 4. 4. God; atid whofoever will be a frie?id of the world is an enemy to
Col- 3- '. God: That ChrifHans mufl not fet their affeBions on Earth, but
Phil. 3.20. on the things in Heaven-, That the converfation of true Chri-
lA'M.^.io. fliaris is in Heaven. That, we ought not to lay up our treafure
\'&°^ *' ^^ Earth-, but in Heaven; That, we mufi not look at the things
which are feen, but at the things "which are not feen ; for the
things which are feen are temporal-, but the things which are
not feen are eternal. Now the whole dcfign of the Doctrine of
Christ being to perfuade Men to lead a Holy and Heavenly
^^-^j Life while they are in this World, and thereby to be made meet
' to be partakers of the inheritance vfith the Saints in light-, can
we think fo many Men whofe hearts were wedded to Sin, and the
World, cou'd fo fuddenly be brought off from both without a
Divine Power accompanying that Doftrine which was preached
Rom.i.i6. to them.'' And therefore the Apollle faith, »» iwai^jiu/V"^ -^ ii»[yihm ?
;tgo^rine of Chriji did convert the moft '-picked
/• ^'' Terfons 'i^-ho embraced it-, from aU their debaucheries-, to a life moft
finable to Nature and Reafon-, and to the practice of all Virtues.
Therefore certainly the Gofpel cou'd not want that commenda-
tion among all ingenuous Moralifts, that it was the moft excellent
inftrument in the World to reform the lives of Men, and to promote
real goodnefs in it. When they cou'd not but take notice of fo
many Perfons continually fo brought off fromtheir follies and vain
convcrfations, to a life ferious, fober, and unblameable ; nay and
fbme of the Chriftians were of fo much integrity and goodnefs, that
their greateft Enemies were forced to fay that their only fault was,
that they were C^r//?/<3»j. Bonus vir Cajus Sejus-, tantum qiwdChri-
ftianus. A very good man-, only a Chrijtian. But one wou'd think
this fliou'd have made them have a higher opinion o( Chriflianity,
when it did fo fuddenly make fo many good Men in the World.
Efpecially when this power was fo manifeft on fuch Perfons who
were fuppos'd uncapable of being reform'dbyPhilofophy, young,
illiterate, and mean-fpirited Perfons ; therefore it may be juftly fup-
pos'd that it was not by the ftrength of their own Reafon that this
alteration was wrought within them, but by that Divine power
which was able to tame the moft unruly 5 to inftrud the moft igno-
rant, toraife up the moft fordid Perfons to fuch a Generous temper,
as to flight the good things of this life, in comparifon with thofe
to come. And fo remarkable was the difference of life then between
thofe that were Lhriftians-, and thofe who were not (asthcrcisftill
betv/een true Chriftians^ and mere Pretenders) that Origeyi dares
Celfus to compare them in point of Morality with any other Socic-
Or'ig.contr. ticS in the World. «; v^ 5'?fS Xs^^f nci(-^/^(tlt>;Ai;tf:'«(, C"^'-^lm^!>!^'ti rcC;<,l,
T«» ^CT "^ citxAWxj) ^ C^yjt?'''^ fitMj5. ujery quiet and peaceable^ becaufe it feeks to approve it felf
to God j but the popular Ajfembly at Athens, that is T»
^ there. So it is-, ifiz'e compare the Churches of Corinth and A lexandria
isi'ith the Affemblies oj the 'People there. So that aiiy candid Inquirer
after Truth will exceedingly wonder (how iiich fur Iflands lliou'd
appear nantes in gurgite 'vaflo-, in the midft of fuch a Sea of wicked-
neis as it was in thole Cities) how thcfe Churches of God Haou'd
be
Book II. chap. IX. OR WINES SACR/E. zzi
be planted in llich rude and profane places. So the flime Author
goes on to compare the (Church's Senate with that of the ("itics,
the Church's OiHcers with theirs-, and appeals to themfelvcs, that
even thofe among them who were moft hike- warm in their Office,
did yet for exceed all the City-Magiilrates in all manner of Virtues.
From whence he rationally concludes, «<" 7ri, who
own'd anj generous principles of "P hilofophy -, and did not defpair of
recovering -virtuei as a thing feafible by human nature ; and gives in-
ilances ad hominem-, to prove the poflibility of the thing from the
ancient Heroes, Hercules and Ulyfjes-, from the two Philofphers, So-
crates and Mufonius., and the two famous Converts to Philofophy,
'^Fn^don and Polemon. But yet-, laith he, thefe are not fo much to be
wondnd at-, that the eloquence and reafon of the Thilofophers pou'd
prevail on fome very few per fans-, but that the mean andco?itemtible lan-
guage of the Apojiles fooifd convert fuch multitudes from intemperance
to fobrietyy fom injuftice to fair-dealing-, from cowardice to the higheft
confiancy-, yea fo great as to lay down their lives for the fake of virtue -,
how can we but admire fo 'Diviyie a Power as was feen in it ? And
therefore-, laith he, we conclude^ «i ^4 %'? aoV? «(/'!t'4'«/ "^j"** tii xal 8 sj-a*!/ ^AsWv. That it is fo far from being im-
poffblc-i that it is not at all difficult for corrupt nature to be chang'd by
the JVord of Gon. LaElantius excellently manifefts that Philofophy i^„[}^„t ^i^
cou'd never do fo much good in the W orldzs Chrifti anity did-, be- faif.fap.
caufe that was not futed at all to common capacities, and did require ^-S-^-^f-
fo much skill in the Arts to prepare Men for it, which it is impoiliblc
allfliou'd be well skill'din, which yet are as capable of being happy,
as any others are. And how inefficacious the Precepts of Phi ofo-
phy were, appears by the Philofophers themfelves, who were far
from having command by them over their mafterlefs Pallions, and
were fain fometimes to confefs that Nature was too head-ftrong
to be kept in by fuch weak Reins as the Precepts of Philofophy
were : but-, faith he, what great command T)ivine Precepts have
upon the Souls of Men-, daily experience fiews. T>a mihi virum qui q^.^ ^g,
fit iracundus-, maledicus, effrenatus -, pancifjmis T)ei verbis ^ tarn pla-
cidum quam ovem reddam. T)a cupidum-, avartim^ tenacem -, jam tibi
eum liber alem dabo, (^ pecuniam fuamplenis mtimbtis largientem. T)a
timidnm dolor is ac mortis -, jam cruces-, i^ ig?ies, taurum contemnet.
Ee 3 T>a,
iii ORIGINES SACRAL. Book 11. Chap. IX.
I^a libidinofnmy adult erum, ganeonem-, jam Jobrimm cajiiim, conti-
nente7n lidebis. 'Da crudelem , & fangninis appctenttm ; jam m
veram clement tarn furor tile mutabitur. iJa injufhimt injipientemt
pec cat or em; continno & aqmis., & prndens-, & innoceris erit. In
which words that elegant Writer doth by a Rhetorical Scheme
fet out the remarkable alteration which was in any who became
true Cbrijiians, that altho' they were paffionate, covetous, fearful,
luftful, cruel, unjuft, vicious, yet upon their being Chrijtians-, they
became mild, liberal, courageous, temperate, merciful, jufl and un-
blameable; which never any were brought to by mere Fhilolbphyj
which rather tcacheth the Art of Concealing vices, than of heal-
ing them. But now when Chrifttanity was fo eft'cdlual in the cure
of thofe dillempers, which Philofophy gave over as beyond its
skill and power, when it cur'd them with fo great fuccefs, and
that not in a TarUcelfian way, for them to lelaple afterwards with
greater violence, but it did io throughly unicttlc t\\Q fomcs morbid
that It fliou'd never gather to fo great a head again-, doth not this
argue a power more than Philofophical, and that cou'd be no lefs
than Divine Power which tended fo much to reform the Worldj
and to promote true goodnefs in it?
XXIV. Thus wc have confider'd the contrariety of the Doctrine of C/jri/?
to Mens Natural Inclinations, and yet the llrange fuccefs it had
in the World, which in the lafl: place will appear yet more llrange,
when we add the almofl: continual oppojition it met 'with from
ivorldly po'^er and policy. Had it been poflible for a cunningly-
devifed fable, or any mere contrivance of Impoilors to have pre-
vail'd in the World, when the moft potent and fubtile Perfonsbenc
their whole Wits and Dellgns for fupprelTing it.^ Whatever it were
in others, we are fure of Ibme of the Roman Emperors, as Julian
and 'Dioclefian, that it was their Mafter-dehgntorootoutandabo-
lifli Chriflianity -, and was it only the fubtilty of the Chrijiia7is which
made thefe Perfons give over their work in defpair of accomplifh-
ing it ? If the Chrifiians were fuch fubtile Men, whence came all
their Enemies to agree in one common calumny, that they were a
company of poor, weak? ignorant, inconfiderable Men .'* and if
they wcrefo, how came it to pais that by their power and wifdom
they cou'd never exterminate thefe Perfons -, but as they cut them
down, they grew up the fafler, and multiply'd by their ilibtraclion
of them.' There was fomething then certainly peculiar in Chrifli-
anity-, from all other Doclrines, that it not only was notadvanc'd
by any civil power, butitgot ground by the Oppofition itmet with
in the World. And therefore it is an obfervablecircuniilance, that
the firll Chrillian Emperor (who aftcd as Emperor for ClMiflia-
vitf) viz. Conflantine (for otherwilc I know what may be laid for
'Philippus^) did not appear in the World 'till C/:*;'////^?///;' had fpread
it Iclf over moH parts of the habitable World. God thereby letting
us lee, that tho' the civil Power, when become Chrillian, might
be very ufeful for proteding Chriflianity-, yet that he Itood in no
need at all of it, as to the Propagation of it abroad in the World.
But wc fee it was quite otherwilc in that Religion which \\x6.Mars
its Afcendant, viz. Maho7netifm: For like 'T aracelfis hxs'Diemorh it
alwayslatcupon the pummel of the Sword, and made its way in the
A\''crld merely by force and violence-, and as its lirll conllitufion
•" ■ bad
Book JI. chap. IX. ORIGINES SACR/E. izj
had much of Blood in it, lb by it hath it been fed and nourifli'd ever
fince. But it was quite otherwile with t\\cChriJtian Rehgion, it never
thriv'd better than in the moft barren places,nor triumph'd more, than
when it llifi'er'd moft -, nor Iprcad it fllf further, than when it encoun-
ter'd the greateft Oppofition. Becaufe therein was feen the great force
and efficacy oftheDoftrine of Christ, that it bore up Mens Spirits
imder the grcatefl: miferics of Life, and made them with cheerfuhiefs
to undergo the moft exquifite torments which the cruelty of Tyrants
cou'd invent. The Stoics and Epicureans Boafts, that their wile Man
wou'd be happy in the Bull of ^halaris, were but empty and Thrafo-
nica/ words, which none wou'd venture the truth of by an experiment
upon themfelves. It was the Chriftian alone, and not the Epicurean-,
that cou'd truly fay in the midfl of torments. Suave eji (^ nihil eu-
ro-, and might juftly alter a little of that common laying of the C/'r/-
jlians-, andiliy, Non magna loc^iiimur, fed pat imur-, ns wcWas v/vi/nus i
The Chriftians didnot Jpeakgreat things-, but do andfnffer them. And
this gain'd not only great reputation of integrity to themlelves, but
much advanc'd the honor of their Religion in the World, when '\t was
fo apparently feen, that no force or power was able to withftand it.
Will not this at Icaft perfuade you that our Religion is true, and from
God, faith Arnobius? ^uod cum genera poenarum tantajint a vobis Amoh.u.
propojita Religionis hnjus fequcntibus leges-,augeatur res magis-, & con- ''• ^''""•
tra omnes minas atque interdict a formidinum ammojius populus obni-
tatur, ^ ad credendi fiudium-, prohibit lonis ipjius fiimiilis excitetur ?
Itane ijiud non diviniim & facrum eji, aut fine T)eo, eorumtan-
tas animorum fieri connjerfwnes, tit cum carmfices unci, aliique in-
Ttumeri cruciatus , quemadmodum diximus, impendeant credituris,
■veluti quadam dulcedine , atque omnium virtutum amore correpti,
cognitas accipiant rationes, atque mundi omnibus rebus praponant a-
micitias Chrijii^ That 710 fears, penalties, or torments, iz'ere able to
make a Chriftian alter his profej/ion, but he iz-oti'd rather bid adieu
to his Life than to his Savior. This Origen likewife frequently takes origen.i.u
notice of, when Celfus had objected the Novelty of Chrijlianity ■-, y^f^'^:'^'-
The more '■-s^onderful it is {f'^xxh Origen) that infojhort atime itpoud i.z'p. no.
fo largely fpread it f elf in the World; for if the cure of Mens Bodies
be not wrought ivithout 'Divine'Providence,ho-ci' much lefs the cure offo
many thoufands of Souls -n'hich have been converted at once to Hu-
manity and Qhn^ic\n\tY,efpecially vi-hen allthe'Tovjers of the JVorld
were from the fir jl engaged to hinder the progrefs of this TioEirine,
and yet notwithjl andnig all this oppofition, '^Uyxri, /«.« TF<, ao-
y^ ©fotf x«( j^vo'/ity.®^ 7!)(r87»» dii^pvuati I'^v^'n^®^, C7»'«)5 fOf 'E^koi©^, jth "SiAtiov «i -f /Sap.
6«gjti oiigjsTJjai , xal Wi'n-mi/iai /Jtive/eif o'itw; •vI'U^'s swj tJjw xaT auTit '^H^^itv. x fOC IvOrd
of GoT> prevailed, as not being able to be ft opt by Men, and became
Mafter over all its enemies, and not only fpread it felf quite thro'
Greece, but thro' a great part of the JVorld befides, and converted
an innumerable company of Souls to the true ivorjhip andfervice of
God. Thus we have now manifefted from all the circumftanccs
of the propagation of the Doctrine of Christ, what evidence
there was of a Divine Power accompanying of it, and how ufeful
the firft Miracles were in order to it.
CHAP.
224
ORIGINES SACR^. Book II. Chap. X.
CHAP. X.
The diftcrence of true Miracles from Eille.
I. The tmreafonahlenefs of rejecHng the Enjtdencc from Miraclesy
hecaufe of Imfofiures. That there are certain rules of dijl'm-
gmjhing true Miracles from falfe, and Divine from Diabolical,
provd from Gods intention in giving a povjer of Miracles,
and the Providence of God in the iVorld. II. The inconve-
Tiience of taking a'way the rational grounds of Faith, and
placing it on f elf evidence. Of the f elf evidence of the Scri-
ptures, and the infufficiency of that for refolving the quejlion
about the Authority of the Scriptures. III. Of the pretended
Miracles of hnpojlors and falfe Chrijls, as Barchochebas,
David f /-David and others. IV. The Rules 'vjhereby to judge
true Miracles from falfe. i. True Divine Mimcles are
lurought to confirm a Divine Tejlimony. V. No Miracles Tie-
ceffary for the certain conveyance of a Divine Tejlimony :
provd from the Evidences that the Scriptures coiid not he
corrupted. VI. 2. No Miracles Divine "which contradicl
Divine Revelation. Of Popijh Miracles. VII. 3. Divine
Miracles leave Divine EffeEls on thofe luho believe them. Of
the Miracles of Simon Magus. VIII. 4. Divine Miracles
tend to the overthronv of the Devil's povoer in the IForld:
the Antipathy of the DoBrine of Chrijl to the Devils defign
in the World. IX. 5 . The dijlin&ion of true Miracles from
others, from the circumjlances and tiianner of their operation.
Tloe Miracles of Chrijl compard ni:ith thofe of the Heathen
Gods. X. 6. God makes it evident to all impartial judgments,
that Drvine Miracles exceed Created po'cjer. This manifejled
from the unparalleWd Miracles of Mofes and our Savior.
From all vjhich the rational evidence of Divine Revelation is
manifejled, as to the Perfo?is the only rcmuijiing qucltion
concernui it willbefoon reply'd, that
Self-evidence in a matter of Faith can imply nothing but either a
firm pcrfuafion of the Mind concerning the thing propounded j
or elfe that there are fuch clear Evidences in the thing its felf, that
none who freely ufe their Reafon can deny it. The firfl: can be no
Argument to any other perfon any further than the authority of
the perfon who declares it to have fuch Self-evidence to him, doth
extend it lelf over the mind of the others and toonesfelf itfeems
a ftrange way of arguing, / believe the Scriptures becaufe they are
tnie-s and they are true becaufe I believe them-, for Self-evidence
implies fo much, if by it be meant the perfuafion of the Mind,
that the thing is true: But if by felf-evidence be further meant
fuch clear Evidence in the matter propounded, that all \t ho do
confider it, mu ft believe it ; I then further inquire whether this
Evidence doth lie in the naked propofal of the things to the Un-
derftandingj and if fo, then every one, who aflents to this Pro-
pofition, that the whole is greater than the part, muft likewife af:
lent to this, that the Scripture is the Word of God -, or whe-
ther doth the Evidence lie, not in the naked Propof il, but in the
efiicacy of the Spirit of God, on the minds of thofe to whom it
is propounded. Then, i. The Self-evidence is taken off from the '' "'
written Word which was the obje£l, and remov'd to a quite dif-
ferent thing which is the efiicient caufe. 2. Whether then any
Perfons who want this efiicacious operation of the Spirit of God,
are or can be bound to believe the Scriptures to be God's Word.^
If they are bound, the duty muft be propounded in fuch a way as
may be fufficient to convince them that it is their duty j but if all
the Evidence of the Truth of the Scripture lie on this Teftimony
of the Spirit, then fuch as want this, can have none at all. But
if,^ laftly, by this Self-evidence be meant fuch animprefs of God's
authority on the Scriptures, that any who confider them as they
ought, cannot but difceruj I ftill further inquire, whether this
imprefs lies in the pofitive aflcrtions in Scripture that they are
from God, and that cannot be unlefs it be made appear to beim-
F f 2 pofiible
Z28 " ORIGINES SACK/E. Book II. Chap. X.
poflible that any Writing fliou'd pretend to be from God when it
is not •, or elfe in the written Books of Scripture, and then let it
be made appear that any one merely by the evidence of the Wri-
tings themfclves without any further Arguments can pronounce the
Troverbs to be the word of God, and not the Book of JVifdom •, and
Ecclefiaftes to be Divinely infpir'd, and not Ecclefiafticus : or elfe
the Self-evidence muft be in the excellency of the Matters which are
reveal'd in Scripture •, but this ftill falls very fliort of refolving
wholly the queftion, whether the Scripture be the Word of God?
Fortheutmoft that this can reach to is, that the things contani'd
in Scripture are of fo high and excellent a nature, that we cannot
conceive that any other fhou'd be the Author of them but God
himfelf-, all which being granted, I am as far to feck as ever what
grounds I have to believe that thofe particular Writings which we
call the Scripture are the Word of God, or that God did imme-
diately imploy fuch and fuch Perfons to write fuch and fuch Books :
for I may believe the fubftance of the Doftrme to be of God, and
yet not believe the Books wherein it is contain'd, to be a divine
and infallible Teftimonyj as is evident in the many excellent De-
votional Books which are in the World,
But yet further, if the only ground on which we are to believe
a Doftrine Divine be the Self-evidencing Light, and power of it,
then I fuppofe there was the fame ground of believmg a Divine
Teftimony when the Doftrine was declar'd without Writing, by
the firft Preachers of it. So that by this method of proceeding,
the ground of believing Christ to be fent as the AleJJi as (cnt
from God, mufl: be wholly and folely refolv'd into this, that there
was fo much Self-evidence in this propofition utter'd by Christ,
/ am the light of the World-, that all the Jcji's had been bound
to have believ'd him fent from God, (for light manifeds its ielf,)
altho' our Savior had never done any one Miracle, to make it ap-
pear that he came from God. And we cannot but charge our Sa-
vior on this account with being at a very unneceflary cxpcnce up-
on the World in doing fo many Miracles, when the bare naked
affirmation that he was the Mejjias-, had been fufficient to have con-
vinced the whole World. But is it conceivable then upon what
account our Savior fliou'd lay fo much force on the Miracles done
by himfelf in order to the proving his Teftimony to be Divine,
joh.f. 36. ^^'^^ ^^ l^'^ith himfelf, That he had a greater '■ui'itnefs than that
of ]ohn-, (who yet doubtlefs had Self-evidencing light going along
with his Doftnne too,) for the 'X'orks "x-hich the Father hathgi-veu
fne to fintflo:, the fame iz'orh that I do-, bear iz'itnefs of me that
the Father hath fent me ? Can any thing be more plain, or have
greater Self-evidence in it, than that our Savior in thefe words
doth lay the evidence of his Divine Teftimony upon the Miracles
Nvhich he wrought, which on that account he fo oiten ap-
joii. 19. peals to, on this very Reafon, becanfe they bear iii'it7iefs of him-,
^S' 38- and if they '■jnorild not believe him on his ou:n Teflimonytyst they
If. 24^ ^'^^^^ /(? believe him for his '■ji'orks fake? Doth all this now a-
mount only to a removing of Prejudices from the Perfon of
'Christ.^ which yet according to the tenor of the Objedion
wc are coniidering of, it is impoiTible the power of Miracles
fliou'd do, if thefe Miracles may be fo far done or counterfeited
by
Book II. Chap. X. ORIGINES SACRA^.. z^^
by folic Christs, that we can have no certain evidence to diftin-
guifli the one from the other.
Which the objcdtion pretends; and was the great thing where- ur.
ill Ce/fus the Epicurean triumph'd fo much, "that Cfmjt Jhould '^'^'&■''^^■>■^
foretell that others jhould come and do Miracles which they muji ''^''^'
Tiot hearken to-, :^^^d thence wou'd infer as from Christ's own
cSnfcllion that Miracles have in them o^AV 5,ro», 7iothmg divine but
'vihat may be done by wicked Men : a-^s »» d %nxm ^ t «;to, \fy^, ?•
^" %>, TB5 A" jjV-* !i}*Ai Is it not a wretched thing-, faith he, that
from the fame works one fiould be accounted a God, and others
'Deceivers ? "Whereby thofe who wou'd invalidate the Argument
from Miracles, may take notice how finely they fall in with one
of the moft bitter Enemies of Chriftian ReHgion, and make ufe
of the iame Arguments which he did; and therefore Origen's re-
ply to him, will reach them too. For-, faith he, our Savior in
thofe words of his doth not bid Men beware in general of fiich
as did I'liracleS-, «'»'^ts 7B tos dvap^iuovm icwTm ilva^ r ^^^-^^ rH 9t5, y.al Tm^uf^oH
i/tt 7J»«» <^Mi-m promifing to fhew them many 'Prodigies and
firange Appearances. Not long after in the times of Adrian ap-
pear'd that famous Blazing-ftar Barchochebas-, who not only por-
tended but brought fo muchmiichief npomhcjews ; his pretenfc
was that he vomited Flames ; and fo he did, fuch as confum'd
himfelf and his Followers : after him many other Impollors a-
rofe in avid, whofe Hory is thus briefly reported by2)^-
VI d Ganz. David el-T>avid pretended to be the true Meffias and ^wl
rebelled againfi the Kitig of Perfia, and did many Signs andTro- 89,-.
digies before the Jews and the King of Perfia : at laft Ins Head
was cut off-, and the Jews fined an hundred Talents of Gold;
in the Epiftle of Rambam or R. Mofes Maimon. It is faid, That
F f 3 the
Z3 RIG INKS SACRJE. Book II. Chap. X-
the King of Perlla de fired of him a Sign^ and he told him that
he fjoidd cut off his Head and he 'ocoidd rife again -, ( which he
cunningly dclir'd to avoid being tormencedj) iivhich the King '■jvas
refolv'd to try, and accordingly executed him-, but I Ilippolc his
v.ei>.Mai- Refurrcftion and Mahomet's will be both in one day, altho' jMai-
monin not. piontdcs tclls usj fomc of the Jews are yet fuch Fools as to expe^
rlim!^" his RefurreEiion. Several other Impoilors Maimonides mentions
Dav. jn his Epiftle de Auftrali Regione. One who pretended to be the
Aleffias becaufe he cur'd himlelf of the Leprofy in a nighty feve-
ral others he mentions in Spain-, France:, and other Parts, and the
idue of them all was only a further aggravation of the Miferies
and Captivities of the poor 'Jen's, who were fo credulous in fol-
lowing Impoftors, and yet fuch ftrange Infidels where there were
plain and undoubted Miracles to perfuade them to believe in our
blefled Savior as the true Meffias. We freely grant then that ma-
ny pretended Miracles may be done in the World, to deceive Men
with ; but doth it hence follow that cither there arc no true Mi-
racles done in the World, or that there are no certain Rules to di-
ftinguifli the one from the other? But as 0;'/«"^;z vet further replies
, to Celfus-, as a Wolf doth very much refemble a Dog, yet they are
not of the lame kind -, nor a Turtle-Dove and a Pigeon ■-, fo that
which is produced by a Divine Power is not of the fame itature
with that which is produced by Magic i but as he argues, Is it
pojfible that there fhould be only deceits in the World and Magi-
cal operations ? and can there be no true Miracles at all 'wrought ?
Is Human nature only capable of Impojiures-, or ca7i none work
Miracles but T)ei;ils? JVhere there is a worfe, there may be a
better i and fo from the Impofturcs and Counterfeits, we may in-
fer that there are true Miracles, wrought by a "Divine Tower ■,
otherwife it were all one as to fay, there are Counterfeits, but
no Jewels -, or there are Sophifms and Taralogifms, but no legi-
timate 'Demonf rations : if then there be fuch deceits, there are
true Miracles too-, all the bufnefs is /3iSa,ii j'|£ra^^, ftriElly and feverely to examine the pretenders to them and
that fromthe Life and Manners of thofe that do them, and from the ef-
fects a?idconfequents of them, whether they do good or hurt in the world,
whether they correct Mens manners, or bring Men togoodnefs, holinefs,
and truth ; and on this account we are neither to reject all Miracles, nor
embrace all pretenfes, but carefully and prudently examine the rational
evidences whereby thofe which are true and I^ivine, may be known
from fich as are 'Counterfeit and Diabolical.
IV. And this now leads us to the main fubjedt of this Chapter, x-'ic;.
What Rules we have to prroceed by, in judging Miracles to be true
or falfe ; which may be thcfe following.
I . True Divine Miracles are wrought in confirmation of fome Di-
vine Tejlimony. Becaufe we have manifelled by all the precedent
difcourfe, that the intention of Miracles is to feal fome Divine
Revelation. Therefore if God fliou'd work Miracles when no
Divine Tellimony is to be confirm'd, God would fct the Broad-
Seal of Heaven to a Blank. If it be faid no, becaufe it will w'it-
ncfs to us now the truth of that Tcftimony which was delivered fo
many ylgesfincci I anfwcr, i. The truth of that Tefvimony was
lufficiently Ical'd at the time of the delivery of it, and is convey-
ed
Boo K II. chap. X . ORIGIN E S S A C R /E . 2
ed down in a certain way to us. Is it not iUilicicnt that the Char-
ter ofu Corporation had the Prince's Broad-Seal in the time of the
giving of itj but that every liicceirion of Men in that Corporati-
on niuft have a new Broad-Seal, or elie they ought to qucltion
their Patent? What ground can there be for that, when thcorigi-
nal Seal and Patent is preferv'd, and is certainly convxy'd down
from Age to Age ? So I fay it is as to us, God's Grand Charter of
Grace and Mercy to the V/orld thro' Jesus Christ, was Scal'd
by Divine Miracles, at the delivery of it to the World; the ori-
ginal Patent, w;r. the Scriptures wherein the Charter is contain'd,
is convey'd in a mofl certain manner to us-, to this Patent the Seal
is annex'd, and in it are contain'd thofc undoubted Miracles which
were wrought in confirmation of itj fo that a new icaling of this
Patent is wholly needlefs, unlefs we have fome caufe of ibfpicion,
that the original Patent it felf were loft, or the firft fealing was
not true. If the latter, then Chriftian Religion is not true, if
the Miracles wrought for confirmation of it were falfe, bccaufethe
truth of it depends fo much on the Verity and Divinity of the
Miracles which were then wrought. W the firft be fufpedted, i;/.^;.
the certain conveyance of the Patent, viz. the Scriptures, fome
certain grounds of fuch a fufpicion muft be difcover'd in a matter
of fo great moment, efpecially when the great and many Socie-
ties of the Chriftian World do all confentunanimoufty in the con-
trary. Nay it is impoflible that any rational Man can conceive
that the Patent which we now rely upon, is fuppofititious or cor-
rupted in any of thofe things which arc of concernment to the
Chriftian Worlds and that on thefe accounts.
I . From the ivatchjulnefs of 'Divine Trovidence for the good
of Mankind. Can we conceive that there is a God who rules and
takes care of the World, and who to manifeft his fignal Love to
Mankind, ftiould not only grant a Patent of Mercy to the World,
by his Son Christ, and then feal'd it by Divine Miracles, and
in order to the certain conveyance of it to the World, caus'd it
by Perfons imploy'd by himfelf, to be recorded in a Language fit-
teft for its difperfing up and down the World, (all which I here
fuppole: ) Can we I fay conceive that this God fhou'd fo far have
caft off his care of the World and the good of Mankind, which
was the original ground of the Grant it felf, as to fufter any wick-
ed Men or malignant Spirits to corrupt or alter any of thofe
Terms in it, on which Mens eternal Salvation depends 5 much lefs
wholly to fupprefs and deftroy it, and to fend forth one that is
counterfeit and fuppofititious inftead of it, and which fiiou'd not
be difcover'd by the Chriftians of that Age wherein that corrupt
Copy was fet forth, nor by any of the moft learned and inquifi-
tive Chriftians ever fince .^ They who can give any the leaft enter-
tainment to fo wild , abfurd and irrational an Imagination, are fo
far from Rcafon, that they are in good difpofition to Athetfm i
and next to the fufpeding the Scriptures to be corrupted, they
may rationally fufped there is no fuch thing as a God and Provi-
dence in the World ; or that the World is govern'd by a Spirit
moft malignant and envious of the good of Mankind. Which is
a ftifpicion only becoming thofe Heathens (among whom it was
very frequent) who worfliippcd the Devils inftead of God.
2. Becavff
iji ORIGINES SACRJE. Book II. Chap. X.
2. Becaiife of the general dtfperfion of Copies in the J For Id up-
on the firft publifhing of them. \Vc cannot otherwife conceive,
but that Records containing (o weighty and important thnigs,
wou'd be tranlcrib'd by all thole Churches which believe the truth
of the things contain'd in them. We fee how tar cunofity will
carrv Men as to the care of tranfcribing ancient MSS. of old Au-
thors, which contain only fome Hiftory of things pall that arc of
no great concernment to us: Can we then imagine thofe who ven-
ture Eftates and Lives upon the truth of the things reveal'd in
Scripture, wou'd not be very careful to preferve the authentic In-
ftrument whereby they arc reveal'd in a certain way to the whole
World? And be'iides 'this, for a long tinie the Originals thcmfelves-
of the Aportolical Writings were preferv'd in the Church; which
De fref- makcs Tertnllian in his time appeal to them. Age jam qui voles
"I'int'c^^f, f//r/^/>^//'fw melius exercere in negotio fahitis tua -, percurre Eccle-
fias Apojtolicas-, apud quas ipfa adhuc cathedra Apofiolorum fuis
locis prafidenturi apud quas ipfa authentic^ eonim ltter£ recitan-
tUTt fonantes -'cocemt O" reprafentantes faciem imiufcujiifque. Now
how was it pollible that in that time the Scriptures could be cor-
rupted, when in fome of the Churches the original Writtings of
the Apollles were preferv'd in a continual fucceflion of Perfons
from the Apollles themfelves, and from thefc Originals lb many
Copies were tranlcrib'd, as were convey'd almoll all the World
over, thro' the large fpread of the Chrillian Churches at that time?
And therefore it is impolliblc to conceive that a Copy lliould be
corrupted in one Church, when it wou'd fo fpeedily be difcover-
ed by another i efpecially confidcring thefe three circumftances. i.
The innumerable multitude of Copies which wou'd fpeedily be taken,
both confidcring the moment of the thing, and the ealincfs of do-
ing it ; God, probably for that very end, not loading the World
with 'Pandects and Codes of his Laws, but contriving the whole
Inilrumcnts of Man's Salvation in fo narrow a compafs, that it
might be cafily preferv'd and tranlcrib'd by fuch who were palFi-
onatc admirers of the Scriptures. 2. The great numbers of learn-
ed and inquifitivc Men who foon fprung up in the ChrilHan
Church-, whole great care was to explain and vindicate the facrcd
Scriptures-, can we then think that all thefc Watchmen Ihould be
allecp together when the Evil one came to few his Tares, which it
is moft unreafonable to imagine, when in the Writings of
all thefe learned Men, which were very many and voluminous,
i<:> much of the Scripture was inferted, that had there been cor-
ruptions in the Copies themfelves, yet comparing them with thole
Writings, the corruptions would be foon difcovcr'd? 3. The
great veneration which all Chrillians had of the Scripture, that
they placed the hopes of their eternal Happincfs, upon the truth
of the things contain'd in the Scriptures: Can we then think thefc
would fuifcr any material Alteration to creep into thefe Records
without their oblervingand dilcovering it ? Can wc now thijik when
all perfons are lb exceeding careful ol their Deeds, and the Re-
cords whereon their Ellatcs depend, that the Chrillians who va-
lu'd not this World in comparifon of that to come, ihould fuflcr
ihc Magna Charta of that to be loft, corrupted, or imbczzcllcd
away? Efpecially confidcring what care and induftry was us'd by
many
Book II. Chap. X. R IGIN E S SACRAi. 233
many Primitive Chriiiians to compare Copies together, as is evi-
dent in "Pant^yiusi who brought the Hebrew Copy of Matthew
out of the Indies to Alexandria-, as Eufebius tells us : in Tamphi-
lius and the Library he cre,5bed at Ctefarea-, but cfpecially in Ori-
gen's admirable Hexapla^ which were mainly intended for this
end.
3. It is impofllble to conceive a corruption of the Copy of the
Scriptures, bccaufe of the great differences which were all along
the fcveral ages of the Church, between thofewho acknowledg'd
the Scriptures to be Divine. So that if one party of them had
foifted in, or taken out any thing, another party was ready to take
notice of it, and wou'd be fare to tell the World of it. And this
might be one great reafon, why God in his wife Providence might
permit fuch an increafe of Herefies in the Infancy of the Church,
'viz. that thereby Chriftians might be forced to ftand upon their
guard, and to have a fpecial Eye to the Scriptures, which were
always the great Eye-fores of Heretics. And from this great wa-
rinels of the Church it was that fome of the Epillles weicfolong
abroad before they found general entertainment in all the Churches
of Christ, becaufc in thofe Epiftles which were doubted for
fome time, there were fome pafiagcs which leemed to favor fome
of the Herefies then abroad -, but when upon fevere inquiry they
are found to be what they pretended, they were receiv'd in all the
Chriftian Churches.
4. Becaufe of the agreement between the Old Teftament and
the New: the Prophecies of the Old Teftament appear with their
full accomplifhment in the New which we have-, lb that it is im-
poflible to think the New fhould be corrupted unlefs the Old were
too, which is mod unreafonable to imagin, when the Jews-, who
have been the great Confervators of the Old Teftament, have been
all along the moft: inveterate Enemies of the Chriftians: So that
we cannot at all conceive it poftible that any material Corrupti-
ons or Alterations fliou'd creep into the Scriptures, much lefs that
the true Copy fliou'd be loft, and a new one forged.
Suppofing then that we have the fame Authentic Records pre-
ferv'd and handed downtousby the care of all Chriftian Churches,
which were written in the firft Ages of the Church of Christ :
what necefllty can we imagin that God Ihould work new Mira-
cles to confirm that Doftrine which is convey'd down in a certain
uninterrupted way to us, as being feal'd by Miracles undoubted-
ly Divine in the firft Promulgation and Penning of it.^ And this
is the firft Reafon why the truth of the Scriptures need not now
be feal'd by new Miracles. 2. Another may be, becaufe God in
the Scripture hath appointed other things to continue m his
Church, to be as Seals to his People of the truth of the things
contain'd in Scriptures. Such are outwardly, the Sacraments of
the Gofpel, Baptifm, and the Lord's Supper, which are let apart
as Seals to confirm the truth of the Covenant on God's part to-
wards us in reference to the great Promifes contain'd in it, in re-
ference to pardon of Sin, and the ground of our Acceptance with
God by Jesus Christ: and inwardly God hath promis'd his
Spirit to be as a Witnefs within them, that by its working and
ftrengthening Grace in the hearts of Believers, it may confirm to
G g them
234 ORIGINES SACR^. Book II. Chap. X.
them the truth of the Records of Scripture, when they find the
Counter-part of them written in their Hearts by the finger of the
Spirit of God It cannot then be with any rcalbn at all llippos'd,
that when a Divine Teftiniony is already confirm'd by Miracles
undoubtedly Divnie, that new Miracles "ihou'd be wrought in the
Church to aflure us of the truth of it. So Chryfoftom fully ex-
chryfofl. prefleth himfelf concerning Miracles, fpeaking of the firll Ages
i«iCor.i Qf fi^ig Chriftian Church: >;s>'i ^ '^ •"''' ;fcf Wj**? ir-yt-n, >g v/v ;j;f wVb? » ii,i-nv„
id. Eton. 1-ery ufeful then, and not at all no\V -, for no-w \ve manifeji the truth
of \^'hat ijvefpeakfrom the f acred Scriptures-, and the Miracles vir ought
in confirmation of them. Which that excellent Author there fully
manifefts in a Difcourfe on this fubjecl, JVhy Miracles isDcre necef-
fary in the beginning of the Chriftiayi Church-, and are riot noi:;. To
the fame purpofe St. Aufiin fpeaks where he difcourfeth of the
-De tier, ttuth of Religion : Accepimiis major es noftros I'ifibilia miracula fe-
Reiig. cap. flit OS effc } per quos id a^iim eft tit necejfaria non effent pofteris -, bc-
*^" caufe the World believed by the Miracles which were wrought at
the firft preaching of the Gofpel, therefore Miracles are no longer
neceflary. For we cannot conceive how the World fhou'd be at
firft induced to beheve without manifeft and uncontrouled Miracles.
For as Chryfoftom fpeaks, «'' (nif/jtiw ^ueii iV^r** , m».^ ft,uZoii -ri juSf^ (pxlu-m^.
It ijvas the great eft Miracles of all-, if the World fhou'd believe
isjithout Miracles. Which the Poet T)antes hath well exprefs'd in
the Twenty-fourth Canto of Taradife. For when the Apoftle is
there brought in, asking the Poet upon what account he took the
Scriptures of the Old and New Teftament to be the Word of God >
his Anfwer is,
'Probatio qua verum hoc mihi recludit-i
Sunt opera-, qua feciita funt-, ad qua Natura
Non candefecit ferrum unquam aut percuffit incudem.
i. e. The evidence of that is the 'Divine To-j:)er of Miracles which
was in thofe who deliver' d thofe things to the World. And when
the Apoftle catechifeth him further, how he knew thofe Miracles
were fuch as t-hey pretended to be, viz. that they were true and Tii-
'vine i his Anfwer isj
Si orbis terra fefe convertit ad Chriftian ifmum,
Inquiebam egOt fine miraculis: hoc unum
Eft tale-, tit reliqtia non ftnt ejus centefima pars.
i. e. If the World fhou' d be converted to the Chriftian Faith whJ}'
out Miracles-) this wou'd be fo great a Miracle, that others were
not to be compafd with it. I conclude this then, with that known
ne Civil, faying of St. Auftin -, ^ifquis adhuc prodigia-, tit crcdat-, inquiret-,
Dei, I. ti. magnum- eft ipfe prodigium qui mundo ere dent e non credit : He that
'"f- 2- feeks for Miracles jl ill to induce him to Faith-, when the World is
converted to the Chriftian Faith, he needs riot feek for prodigies abroad;
he wants only a looking-glafs to difcovcr one. For as he goes on,
Unde temporibtis eruditis-,0' ornne quod fieri non potefi refpuentibtis-,
fine tillis miractdis nimium mirabiUter incredibilia credidit mundus .?
IP'heJice
Book II. chap. X. O RIG INKS SACR/E. 135
JVbence came it to pafs that info learned and'-joary an Age as that was
which the ApojHcs preached in-, the Ji or Id without Miracles Jhowd
be brought to believe things fo Jlrangely incredible as thofewerewhich
Christ andhis ylpoflles preach'd? So that by this it appears that
the intention of Miracles was to confirm a Divine Tellimony to the
World, and to make that appear credible which otherwife wou'd
have fecmed incredible; but to what end now, when this Divine
Teftimony isbeliev'd in the World, fliou'd Miracles be continu'd
among thole who believe the Doftrinc to be Divine, the Miracles
wrought for the confirmation of it to have been true, and the Scri-
ptures which contain both, to be the undoubted Word of God ?
To what purpofe then the huge out-cry of Miracles in the Ro'
man Church is, is hard to conceive, unlefs it be to make it appear
how ambitious that Church is of being called by the name of him,
whofe coming is after the working of Satan-, with all power, and 1 Thef: 2.
figns-i and lying wonders-, and with all deceivablenefs of unrighte- ^' '°*
oufnefs in them that perifh becaufe they receiv'd not the love of
the Truth that they might be fav'd. For had they receiv'd the Love
of the Truth of the Gofpel, they wou'd have believ'd it on the
account of thofe Miracles, and Signs, and Wonders which were
wrought for the confirmation of it, by Christ and his Apofiles-.,
and not have gone about by their Juglings and Impoftures inftead
of bringing Men to believe the Gofpel, to make them queftion the
truth of the firft: Miracles when they fee fo many Counterfeits -,
had we not great allurance the Apoftles were Men of other De-
figns and Interefts than Topifh Priefts are, and that there is not now
any iuch neceflity of Miracles , as there was then when a Divine
Teftimony reveahng the truth of Chriftian Religion was confirm'd
by them.
2. Thofe Miracles cannot be 'Divine -, which are done now for the vL
confirmation of any thing contrary to that 'Divine Tefiimonji which
is confirm'd by imcontrouled Divine Miracles. The cafe is not the
fame now, which was before the coming of Christ-, for then
tho' the Law of Mofes was confirm'd by Miracles ; yet tho' the
Doftrine of Christ did null the obligation of that Law, the
Miracles of Christ weretobelook'd on as Divine, becaufe God
did not intend the Ceremonial Law to be perpetual ; and there
were many Prophecies which cou'd not have their accomplifli-
n:cnt but under a new State: But now under the Gofpel, God
hath declar'd this to be the laft Revelation of his Mind and Will
to the World by his Son , that now the Prophecies of the Old
TefL-ament are accomplilh'd, and the Prophecies of the New re- j
fped only the various conditions of the C/>r////^w Church, without |
any the leaft intimation of any further Revelation of God's Mind j
and Will to the World : So that now the Scriptures are our ad- j
equate Rule of Faith, and that according to which we are to judg j
all pretenders to Infpiration or Miracles. And according to this ■
Rule we are to proceed in any thing which is propounded to us |
to believe by any Perfons, upon any preten fes whatfoever. Un- j
der the Law after the cftabliihment of the Law its felf by the Mi- j
raclcs of Mofes, the Rule of judging all pretenders to Miracles, 1
was by the worfliip of the true God. If there arife among you a Deut. ij. i
Prophet, or a dreamer of dreams, and giveth thee a fign, or a '> *» J-
Gg 2 wonder i \
\
\
"T^^ 'OKIGIHES SACRJE. Book II. Chap. X.
ivonder-, and the fign or the iz'onder come to pafs ■, '■^hereof he
fhake to thee, frying i Let us go after other Gods {^■-jahich thoa
hall not kno\z;n) and let us ferve them i thou fialt not hearken unto
the iz'ords of that Trophet-, or that dreamer of dreams : for the
Lord your God proveth you to kno-^ '■ji'hethcr you love the Lord your
God 'with all your heart-, and 'with all your foul. Whereby it is
plain, that after the true Doclrine is coniirm'd by Divine Miracles,
God may give the Devil or falfe Prophets power to work, if not
real Miracles , yet fuch as Men cannot judg by the things them-
felves whether they be real or no-, and this God may do for the
tryal of Mens Faith, whether they will.forlakc the true Do61rine
confirm'd by greater Miracles for the iake of fuch Do£lrines which
are contrary thereto, and are confirm'd by falfe Prophets, by Signs
and Wonders. Now in this cafe our Rule of tryal mull not be fo
much the Wonders confider'd in themfelvcs whether real or no, as
the comparing them with the Miracles which were wrought in con-
firmation of that Doftrine, which is contrary to this, which thcfc
Wonders tend to the proving of Therefore God's People under
the Law were to cxamin the fcope and drift of the Miracles -, if
they were intended to bring them to Idolatry, whatever they were,
they were not to hearken to thofe who did them. So now under
the Gofpel, as the worfliip of the true God was then the Stan-
dard whereby to judg of Miracles by the Law of Mofes-, fo the
worfliip of the true God thro' Jesus Christ, and by the Do-
ctrine reveal'd by him, is the Standard whereby we ought to judg
of all pretenders to work Miracles. So that let the Aliraclcs be
what they will, if they contradift that Dodtrine which Christ
reveal'd to the World, we are to look upon them as only tryals
of our Faith in Christ, to fee whether we love him 'with our
•whole hearts or no. And therefore I think it nccdlefs to examin
all the particulars of Lipfius his Relations of Miracles wrought
by his T)ivaVirgoHall€nfis7!i\\<\Afprecollisi for if 1 fee, that their
intention and fcope is to fct up the worlhip of 'Dccmons-, or a
middle fort of 'Deities between God and us, which xho. Scripture
is ignorant of, on that very account I am bound to rejedl: them all.
Altho' I think it very podible to find out the ditfcrcnce between
true Miracles, and them, in the manner and circumflances of their
operation •, but this, as it is of more curiofity, fo of lefs neccffity -,
for if the Do6trinc of the Scriptures was confirm'd by Miracles
infinitely above thcfe, I am bound to adhere to that, and not to
believe any other Doftrine, though an Angel from Hciiven fhonld
preach it-, much lefs, altho" fbme "Popifh Priefts may boaft mucli
of Miracles to confirm a Doftrine oppolitc to the Gofj^cl: which
1 know not how far God may in judgment give thole Images
Power CO work, or others Faith to believe, bccaulc they wou'd
not receive the truth in the love of it: and thelc are now thofe
TKcf. 1. „'^.g, -i^ii^ts^, lying 'wonders -i which the Scripture forewarns us that
we ihou'd not believe, viz. fuch as lead men to the belief of Lies,
or of Doftrines, contrary to that of the Golpcl of j es u s Christ.
\\\. ^. Where Miracles are true and divine-, there the effects 'which
follow them upon the Minds of thofe 'who believe them, are true and
divine, i. e. the cifeft of believing of them, is the drawing of
men from fin unto God. This the Primitive C/yr//?/^;^ infilled
much
Book II. Chap. X. OR WINES SACK A<:.
^37
much upon, as an undoubted Evidciicc that the Miracles of Christ
were wrought by a Divine power, becaurctiiecflcd which folJow'd
them, 'ivas the -ji'ork of convcrjion of Souls from Jin and Idols to God
and dor if-, and all true piety and virtue. As the elFect of the Mi-
racles of Mofes was the drawing a People off from Supcrftition
and Idolatry to the worfliip of the true God; fo the effect which
follow'd the Belief of the Miracles of Christ in the World
was the purging Mens Souls from all Iin and wickedncfs to make
them New Creatures, and to live in all exacfnefs and holinefs of
converllition. And thereby Origen difcovers the great difference
between the Miracles of Christ and Antichrifl-, that the intent
o^ -aW Antic hr if s Wonders was to bring men m d-rmri^ -f d'},y.,'x,, to the
deceivablenefs ofunrighteoufnefs., ii'hereby to deflroy them; but the L'b.i.cmi.
intent of the Miracles of Chrijt 'x.'as am. d-TrJ-m d».d m-moia. -iu^,, not the ^'"'-^•
deceiving but the favtng of Souls ; lie ^ r K^i:-n<»c<. /3,'o, xul nfi».o>'^ ^ ■^ ^.
xiof ii!ri(jjtccij i7n to i^xriov , iti'xiyiic, (piijii iiji «7ktji5 }^iii^i liy'/jo cuH ivith uHv Pro-
bability fay that reformation of life and daily progrefs from e-
vil to good foould be the effeB of mere deceit ? And therefore lie
faith, Lhrijl told his T>ifciples-, that they fjou'd do greater 'works
than he had done j becaufe by their T reaching and Miracles the eyes
of blind Souls are opened^ and the ears of fetch as izere deaf to all
goodnefs are opetied fo far as to hearken to the '^Precepts arid 'Promifes
of the Gofpel: and the feet of thofe "who were lame in their inward
man-, are fo healed as to delight to run in the ways of God's Com-
mandments. Now is it poilible that thefe fliou'd be the effedfs of
any evil Spirit? But on the contrary we fee the effefts of all Im-
pollures, and pretended Miracles wrought by Diabolical power,
was to bring men off' from God to fin, and to diffolve that ftrid:
obligation to duty which was laid upon Men by the Gofpel of Chrifi.
Thus it was in that early Ape of the Apqflles-, Simon Magm, who
far out-went Apollonius Tyaneus or any other Heathen in his pre-
tended Miracles, according to the report which is given of him
by the Primitive Chrifhians •, but we fee the intent of his Miracles
was to raife an admiration of himfelf, and to bring men off" from v. Grot m
all holinefs of converfation, by afferting among other damnable ^ TheC 2.
Herefies, that God did not at all regard what Men did-, but only ^' '""f'fi-
what they believed: wherein the Gnoftics were his followers.
Now when Miracles are wrought to be Patrons of fm, we may
eafily know from whom they come.
4. Thofe Miracles are wrought by a Tiivine Power ^ which tend to
the overthrow of the Kingdom of Satan in the World. This is evi- vrir.
dent from hence, becaufe all fuch things as are out of Man's power
to effed", mull: either be done by a Power ^Divine or diabolical:
For as our Savior argues , Every Kingdom divided againfl its felf
is brought to defolation, and every City or Houfe divided againfl its '^«t''- '*-
felf cannot ft and; and if Satan caft out Satan-, he is divided againft ^^'' '^'
himfelf how pall then his Kingdom ft and? Now Chrift by his
Miracles did not difpoffefs Satan out of Mens Bodies, but out of
his Temples too, as hath been fliewn already. And befides, the
Do6lrine of Christ which was confirm'd by thofe Miracles,
was in every thing direftly contrary to the Devil's defign in
the World. For, i. The Devil's delign was to conceal himfelf
among thofe who worfliipp'd him; the delign of the Go-
Gg 3 fpel
2.38 ORIGINES SACR^. Book II. Chap. X.
fpel was to difcover him whom the Gentiles worfliippcd, to be an
evil and malignant Spirit, that dcfign'd nothing but their ruin.
Now it appears in the whole Hiftory of Gentilifm-, the grand My-
ftcry of Satan which the Devil us'd among the Heathens was to
make himfelf to be taken and woriliipp'd for God, and to make
them believe that their Damons were very good and benign Spi-
rits-, which made the ftotf^/Z/jr and other Philofophers fo much
incenfed againft the Primitive Chrijtians-, when they declar'd their
'Damons to be nothing elfe but infernal and wicked Spirits which
fought the deftrucfion of Souls.
2. 'The Devil" s great dejign -Ji-as to dra-jn men to the pratfice of
the great eft '■^ickednefs under a pretenfe of Religion ; as is very ob-
fcrvable in all the Heathen Myfteries, which the more recondite
and hidden they were, the greater wickednefs lay at the bottom
of them, and fo were to purpofe Myjteries of Iniquity: But now
the defign of the Gofpel was to promote the greatell purity both
of Heart and Life j there beii>g in no other Religion in the World
either fuch incomparable Precepts of Holinefs, orfuchincouraging
Promifcs to the praftice of it (from eternal Life hereafter as the
Reward, and the afliftance of God's Spirit to help Men here) or
fuch prevailing motives to perfuade men to it, from the love of
God in Chrifi to the fVorld-, the Undertakings of Chrift for us in
his Death and Sufferings, the excellent Pattern we have to follow
in our Savior's own example : now thefe things make it plain that
the defign of Chrifi and the Devil are diametrically oppofite to
each other. 3. The defign of the Devil \s to fct God and Man-
kind at the greateft diftance from each other •, the defign of Chrifi
in the Gofpel is to bring them nearer together. The Devil firfl:
tempts to fin, and then for fin 5 he makes Men prefumetolln,and
to defpair becaufe they have finned. Chrifi iirft keeps Men from
fin, by his Precepts and Threatnings; and then fuppofing fin, in-
courageth them to repent with hopes of pardon procur'd by him-
felf for all truly penitent and believing Sinners. Thus in every
things the defign of Chrifi and the Devil are contrary, which
makes it evident that the (Miracles wrought in confirmation of the
Doftrine of C/^r//? cou'd be from no evil Spirit, and therefore mufl:
be from a truly Divine Power.
IX. 5". True and Divine Miracles may be krwj^n and diftinguifhed
fromfalfe and diabolical -, from the circumflancesy or the manner of
their operation. There were fomc peculiar Signatures on the Mi-
racles of Chrifi which are not to be found in any wrought by a
jiymh.r. power lefs than Divine. Which Arnobius well expreflcth \\\ thefe
ieniesA. I. .^yords to thc Hcathcns. Totefiis aliqiiem nobis defignare-, monjlrare
^c^'^ ' ey: omnibus illis Magis qui unquam fuere per fecula-, confimile aliquid
Chrifi millefima ex parte qui fecerit ? qui fine ulla vi carmmumi
fine herbarum aut graminum Juccis-, fine ulla aliqua obfervatione
follicita facrorum-, iibaminum-, temporum ?- At qui conjlitit Chri-
fium fine nllis adminiculis rerum-, fine ullius ritus obfervatione^ vel
lege-, omnia ilia qua f'cit-, nominis fui poljibiiitate feci fie-, (^ quod
proprium, confentaneum-, Deo dignum fuerat vera-, nihil nocens aut
noxiuiu-, fed opiferum-, fed falutare , fed nuxiltaribns plenum bo-
nis pot cfiat is muntfica liberalitate donafie? He challengeth the
Heathtns to produce any one of all their Magicians who did the
thou-
Book II. Chap. X. ORIGINES SACRAL. lyj
thoulandth part of what our Savior did : who made ufc of none
oF their Magical Rites and Oblervations in whatever he did-, and
whatever he did was merely by his own power, and was withal
moft becoming God, and moft beneficial to the Wold. And
thence he proceeds to anfwer the Heathens about the Miracles
wrought by their Gods, which fell fliort of thofe of Christ in
three main particulars, the Manner of their working, and the Num-
ber of them, and the finality of the things done.
1 . The manner of their 'work'mg. What they did was with a great i
deal of pomp and ceremony-, what Christ did was with a word
fpeaking, and fometimes without it by the touch of his Garment :
N.071 inquiroy non exigo-> (:xixh\\Ci quis 'IJeusy aut quo tempore^ cut fii-
erit auxiliatiis-, aut quern fra^nm rejlituerit fanitati ; illud folum au- . \
dire defidero-, an fine iillius adjunifione materia-, i. e. medicaminis ali-
ctipis ad taSium morbos jujferit ab hominibus evolarer, imperaxerttife-
cerit-i fame prefcriptions or other -, or which of them ever
commanded T>tfeafes out of Bodies by their mere touch-, and quite re-
moved the caufe of the T^ijiempers. <:_yEfciilapius-, he fays, cured
Difeafes, but in the way that ordinary Thyficians do, by prefcri- i
bing fome thing or other, to be done by the Patients. Nulla au-
tern virtus eft medicaminibus amovere qua: noceant -, beneficia tjia re-
rum-, nonfuntcurantiumpoteftates. To cure 'Dtfeafes by Prefcri- ' J
ptions argues no jjower at all in the prefer iber-, but virtue in the \
Medicine. j
2 . In the number of the Terfons cured. They were very few which
were cured in the Heathen Temples; Christ cured whole mul-
titudes, and that not in the Reveftries of the Temples where fraud j
and impofture might be eafily fufpefted, but in the prefence of
the People who brought to him all manner of Perfons Tick of all
forts of Difeafes, which were cured by himj and thefe ^o nume-
rous, thztthc Evangelift who records many of Christ's Miracles
which had been omitted by the other, yet tells us at laft, the Mi- *
racles of Christ were fo many, that the whole JVorld would not joh.n.a/. !
contain them. But now Arnobius tells the Heathens-, §luid pjrodeft
oftendere unum aut altermn fortaffe curatos-, cum tot millibus fiibve-
nerit nemo , & plena fint omnia mifcrorum infeliciumque delubra ?
What matter is tt tojhew one or two cured-, when thoufands lie con- \
tinually perifhing for want of cure ? yea liich as did (^^fculapttim
ipfum precibus fattgare-, ^ invitare miferrimis votis-, that cou'd not i
beg a cure of Jaturc, that all who had any fenfe of goodnefs left, cou'd
not but loath and abhor fuch Deities. And therefore wc find all
the flouts and jeers of the reputed Atheijis among them, fuch as
^Dionyjius-, Niagaras, Thtodorns-, Eiihemerns-, Ale [fenins^nd others-,
were cafl: upon their venerable T)eities-, which they lb foleinnly
worfhipped, who had been befoi-c, as Euhemerits p\2.m\v zoldxhcmt
poor mortal Men, and thole not of the beft Reputation iieither :
and therefore as the Epicurean in Tnlly well fays, omnis corum cul- ckero d?
tits eJJ'et m liitiih the moff fu table Devotion for them had been ^"'-^^"^
lamenting their Death. Now when thcfe common '^Deities were
lb much derided by inteUigent Men, and yet the order of the
World feem'd to tell them there was really a God, tho'thofewere
none; thofe who had Philofophical wits, (uch as T>emocr itus znd
Eptcunis-, let thcmfelves to work to fee if they cou'd folve the
'Phanomena of Nature without a Tfeity -, and therefore aflerted
the Origin of the Univerfe to be only by a fortuitous Concourfe
of infinite little Particles: but hei-ein they befool'd themfelves and
their greedy Followers, who were glad to be I'id of thofe Anxie-
ties of mind which the thoughts of a 'Deity and an immortal Soul
did caufe within them. And altho' Ijucretiiis in a bravado tells us
of his Mafter, that '■^hen Mens minds ii'ere funk under the bur-
den of Religion-,
Humana ante oculos foede cum vita jaceret Lumt.i.i.
In t err is oppreffa gravi fnb relligione :
Trimum Grants homo mortales tollere contra
Efl oculos aufus-, primufqiie objijiere contra.
That Epicurus '■Ji'as the firft true Gyant '■jvho durji encounter the
Gods-, and if we beHeve him, overthrew them in ope?i field -,
§luarc relligio pedibus fubje^a vicifjlm
Obteritur, nos exaquat vi^oria coelo.
Yet Cotta mTully reports the iffue of this Battle quite otherwifcj
for altho' the greateif triumph in this Viftory had been only to
become like the Beads that perifiii yet if we believe Cotta, Epi-
curus was fo far from gaining any of his belov'd Eafe and Pleafure
by his Sentiments, that never was School- boy more afraid of a
Rod, nor did any Enemy more di-ead a Conqueror, than Epicu-
rus did the thoughts of a God and Death. Nee quenquam vidi cke^o it
qui magis ea qua timenda efj'e negaret-, timeret -, morteyn dico & ^"f-^eor.
"Deos. So hard it is for an Epicurean even after he hath Proftitu-
ted his Confcicncc, to filence it-, but (whatever there be in the
Air) there is an Elaftical power in Confcience that will bear its felf
Hh 3 up
Z4^ . ORIGINES SACRJE. Book IIL Chap. I.
up /otwithflanding the weight that is laid upon it. And yet after
ail the labors of Ej/icirms-, he knew :t was to no purpolc to en-
deavor to root out wholly the belief of a Deity out o!" the World,
becaule of the unanimous confent of the World in if, and there-
fore he admits of it as a neccfl'ary "Prolepfis or Anticipation of
Human Nature, c^uod in ormiium animis T>eornra notionem impref-
Jiffet ipfa natura-, that nature its felf had ft amp' d an Idea of
Cicero de God iipon the minds of Men -, ami enitn non inftituto aliqno-, ant
Not. Dear. ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ j^^ Opinio confUtuta-, matieatqne ad tinum omnium
' ' ' ' -ft-^yna cmfenfiOt inteliigi necefje eft T>cos efte-, qnoniain i7ifitas eo-
rum^ vel potius innatas cognitiones habemus -, de quo aiittm omni-
um natura confentit-, id verum eftfe necefje eft-, as KeHeius the Epi-
curean argues. Since the belief of a Deitj', neither rifes from
Cuilom nor was enacted by Law, yet is unanimoully aflcnted to
by all Mankind -, it neceflarily follows that there mull be a Deity,
becaufe the Idea of it is fo natural to us. If it were thus ac-
knowledg'd in the Philolbphical Age of Greece-, when Men bent
their wits to unfettlc the Belief of fuch things as tended to Reli-
gion-, how much more might it be efteem'd a general Principle of
Human Nature in thofe elder times, when not fo much as one
Difl'cnter appear'd that we read of among the more ancient Na-
tions.^ ^wt Secondly-, it was lefs needful for Mofes to iniift much
on the proof of a Deity in his Writings, when his very imploy-
ment, and the Hiftory he wrote, w as the grcateft Evidence that
there was one. Cou'd any of them queftion, whether there were
a God, or no, who had heard his voice at Mount Sinai-, and had
rccciv'd a Law from hmi, who had been prelcnt at fo many Mi-
racles which were done by Mofes in (^/Egypt and the Wildernefs?
What more evident demonftration of God cou'd be delir'd, than
thofe many unparallell'd Miracles, which were wrought among
them .^ And thofe who wou'd not be convinced by them that there
was a God, wou'd certainly be convinced by nothing. Thirdly^
It was unfutable to the purpofe of Mofes to go about to prove a-
ny thing he deliver'd by the mere force of Human Reafon, be-
caufe he writ as a Pcrfon imploy'd by God •, and therefore by the
Arguments on which they were to believe his Teftimony in what-
ever he writ, they cou'd not but believe there was a God that
imploy'd him. And from hence it is that Mofes with fo much
Majcfly and Authority begins the Hiftory of the Creation, with,
La the beginning God created the Heaven and the Earth. There
cou'd be no greater Evidence that there was an infinitely wife, good,
anc{ powerful God, than that the Univerlc was produced out of
nothing by him-, and what reafon cou'd there be to dillrull his
Tcdimony who relates it, who manifefted not only that there was
a God, but that he was imploy'd by him, by the Miracles which
he wrought.^ So that all our former difcourlc concerning the Evi-
dences of Divine Revelation, are a molt palpable demonltration
of a Deity > for if there be ilich a power which can alter the courfe
of Nature when he plenfcs, the Being wherein it is, mud needs
be infinite; which is the fame which we mean by God.
in. But yet for thofe whole minds are lb coy and fqueamifli as toa-
ny thing of Divine Revelation, we want wot flillicicnt Evidence
\w
Book III. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRjE. ' ~^
m point of Kealba to prove to them the Kxillcnce ot- a Deity. In
order to which, I ihiiU clear thefe following Propofitions.
1. That the true notion of a 'Deity is mojl agreeable to the faculties
of Mens Souls-, andmoft confonant to Rcafon and the Light of Nat ure.
2. That thofe isaho 'uuill not believe that there is a God-, do
beliefe other things on far lefs Reafon-, and mnft by their O'Jun
'Principles deny fame things lahich are apparently trite.
3. That iz-e have a certain Evidence that there is a God-, as
it is fofjible for lis to have-, confidcring his nature.
That the true notion of God is moji agreeable to the factdties ^«/'- 1.
of Mens Souls-, and moft confonant to Reafon and the Light of
Nature: i. e. that the Idea of Ciod (or that which weconccivein
our minds when we think of God) is fo far from being any ways
repugnant to any Principle of Reafon within us, that it isliardto
pitch on any other Notion which hath fewer entanglements in it,
to a mind fo far Metaphyfical as to abllradl from Sence and Pre-
judice. I grant it very difficult, nay impollible, for thofe to have
any true fctl'd notion of a God, who fearch for an Idea of him in
their Fancies, and were never confcious to themfelves of any
higher faculty in their Souls than mere Imagination. Such may
h:xv(i imagi7iem Jovis-, or galeat a Minerva-, as he in Tully fpeaks,
fome Idea of an Idol in their minds, but none of a true God. For
we may as foon come by the fight of colours to underfta;id the na-
ture of Sounds, as by any corporal Phantafms come to have a
true Idea of God. And altho' fometimes an Idea be taken for that
imprellion of things which is lodg'd in the Phantafy, yet here we
take it in a more general fence, as it contains the reprefentation of
any thing in the Mind •, as it is commonly faid in the Schools that
the Divine Intelleft doth underftand things by their Ideas, which
are nothing elfe but the things themfelves as they are objcilrively
rcprefented to the Underftanding. So that an Idea in its general
fence in which we take it, is nothing ellc but the obje£live Being
of a thing as it terminates the Underftanding, and is the form of
the a£b of Intelleftion : that which is then immediately rcprefent-
ed to the mind in its perception of things, is the Idea or Notion
of it. Now fuch an Idea as this is, may be either true or falfe.
For better underftanding of which we muft confider that an Idea
in the Soul may be confider'd two ways. i. As it is a mode of
Cogitation, or the a6t of the Soul apprehending an Objeft •, now this
way no Idea can he faifcj for as it is an act of the Mind, every
Idea hath its truth : for whether 1 imagine a Golden Mountain, or
another, it matters not here •, for the one Idea is as true as the o-
ther, confidcring it merely as an aft of the Mind. For the Mind
is as really imploy'd about the one as the other j as the Will is a-
bout an Objecl whether it be feafible or no. 2. The Idea maybe
confider'd in regard of its Objedive Reality, or as itreprefents fome
outward obicd"i now the truth or falfliood of the Idea lie$ in
the Underftanding pafllng " judgment oncerning the outward
Objed:, as exiftent , which doth correfpond to the Idea
which is in the Mind. And thepronenefs of theUnderftanding's
error in this cafe arifeth from the difl'erent nature of thofe things
which arc reprefented to the Mind^ for fome of them are general
and abftrafted things, and do not at all fuppofe exiftence, as the
nature of Truth, of a Being, of Cogitation > other Ideas depend
upon
Z48 ORIGINES SAVR/E. Book III. Chap. I.
upon Exiftence fuppos'd, as the Idea of the Sun, which 1 appre-
hend in my Mind bccaufc I have Icen it^ but bcildcs thcfe, there
are other Ideas in the Mind, which the Underllanding forms
within its felf by its own power, as it is a Principle of Cogitati-
on ; fuch are thofe which arc called enlia rationis-, and have no o-
ther Exiftencc at all but only in the Underllanding, :\sChm£ra's-,
Centaiires, &:c. Now as to thcle, we are to obferve, that altho'
the compofition of thefc things together by the Underftanding,
be that which makes thcfe Ideas to be only ficbitious, yet the
Underllanding would not be able to compound fuch things, were
they not Icverally reprcfented to the Mmd •, as unlcfs we had
known what a Horfc and a Man had been, our minds cou'd not
have conjoyn'd them together initsapprehenfion. So that m thefc
which are the moft fictitious Ideas, we fee, that altho' the Idea
its felf be a mere creature of the Underllanding, vet the Mind
cou'd not form fuch an Idea but upon Pre-exiilcnt matter, and
fome objeftivc reality muft be fuppos'd in order to the intelleftual
Conception of thefe Anomalous Entities. By which we fee that
that ftrange kind of Omnipotency which fome have attributed to
Underftanding, lies not in a Power of conceiving things wholly
impoflible, or fanfying Ideas of abfolute Non-entities, but in a
kind of African Copulation of fuch Species of things together,
which in Nature feem wholly incompollible, (as the Schools fpeak)
or have no congruity at all in the order of the Univerfe. So that had
there never been any fuch things in the World as matter and mo-
tion-, it is very hard to conceive, how the Underftanding cou'd
have form'd within its felf the variety of the Species of fuch things,
which are the refults of thofe two grand Principles of the Uni-
verfe. But becaufe it is fb impoflible for minds not very Contem-
plative and Metaphyfical to abftraft from matter, thence it is we
are apt to imagin fuch a Power in the Underftanding, whereby it
may form Ideas of fuch things which have no objeftive reality
at all. I grant thofe we call entia rationis have no external reality
as they are fuch j but yet I fay , the exiftence of matter in the
World, and the corporeal Phantafms of outward Beings, are the
foundation of the Soul's conception of thofe Entities, which have
no cxiilencc beyond the Human Intelledt.
IV. The great int]uiry then is, how tar this Plaflric Power of the
Underftanding, may extend '\is iblf in its forming an Idea of God.
That there is fuch a one in the minds of Men, is evident to every
one that confults his own Faculties, and inquires of them, whe-
ther they cannot apprehend a letl'd and conliftent Notion of a Be-
ing which is abfolutelyPerfeft. For that is all weunderltand by the
idea of God J not that there is any fuch connate Idea in the Soul,
lathc fcnfe which connate Ideas are commonly underftood-, but
that there is a Faculty in the Soul, whereby upon the free ufe of
Rcal'on, it can form within its iblf a letl'd Notion of luchaBeing,
which is as perfedl as it is poflible for us to conceive a Being to be.
If any difficulty be made concerning the forming iuch a Notion in
ones mind, let thcPcrfon who Icruples \x-, only inquire of hinifelf
whether he judges all Beings in the World equal -, whether a
MuJJyroom hath in it all the pcrfeftions which Man hath i* which 1
luppolenonc, who havea Mind within them can queltion. If then it
be
Book III. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRJE. ^
be granted that Man hath fonic Fcrfedions in him above infenor
Creatures, it will be no matter of diJiiculty to Ihew wherein Man
exceeds other inferior Beings. For is not Life a greater Perfecti-
on than the want of it? Is not Reafon and Knowledge, a Pern
fed ion above Senle? andfo let us proceed to thofc things, where-
in one Man difi'ers from another -, for it IS evident, that all Men
are not of equal Accompliflinients ; is not then Forecaft and
Prudence above Incogitancy and Folly ? Is not the knowledge of
Caufes of things better than Stupidity and Ignorance ? Is not Bene-
ficence and Liberaility more noble than Parlimony and Narrownels
of Spirit? Is not true Goodnelsfar above Debauchery and Intem-
perance? And are not all theic flar better, when they are joyn'd
with fuch a power as hath no limits or bounds at all ? Now then
is it not pollible for a Man's mind, proceeding in its ordinary way
of Intelledtion, to form a notion of fuch a Being, which hath
Wifdom, Goodnefs and Power in it, without any limits and
bounds at all, or any of thofe Abatements, which any of thefc
Perfeftions are found with in Man? For it is unconceivable, that
the mind of Man can attribute to its felfabfolute Perfection, when
it cannot but fee its own defeds in thofe things it excells other
Creatures in •, and fuppofing it had Power, Goodnefs and Know-
ledg far above what it hath -, yet it cannot but fay, that thele Per-
fections wou'd be greater if it were always poflefs'd of them, and
it were impollible that it ihould ever ceate to be, or not have been.
So that now joyning infinite Goodnefs, Wifdom and Power, with
Eternity and neceflity of Exiftence, the refult is the notion of a
Being abfolutely perfeCV. So that now whoever queftions the fu-
tablencfs of fuch a Notion or Idea to the faculties of Mens Souls,
mult queftion the truth of his own Faculties, and the method they
proceed in, in their cleareft Conceptions and Ratiocinations. And
the Mind of Man may as well queftion the truth of any Idea it
hath within its felf, as of this we now difcourfe of Nay, it may
be far fooner puzl'd in any of thofe Ideas, which are tranfmitted
into the Phantafy by the imprefllons of Corporeal Beings upon
the Organs of Senie, than in this more intelledual and abftradted
Idea, which depends wholly upon the Mind.
All the diffitulty now is, whether this Idea of fuch an abfolute-
ly perfect Being, be any thing elfe but the Underftanding's Plaftic
power, whereby it can unite all thele Perfections together in one
Conception-, or doth it neceflarily imply, that there muft be fuch
a Being really exiftent, or elfe I cou'd never have form'd fuch a
fetl'd Notion of him in my mind? To this I anfwer, i. It is as
much as 1 defire at prefent, that the forming of fuch an Idea m
the Mind, is as futable and agreeable to our Faculties as the form-
ing the Conception of any other Being in the World. For here-
by it is moft evident that the notion of a God imports nothing
incongruous to Reafon, or repugnant to the Faculties of our Souls •,
but that the Mind will form as fetl'd and clear a notion of God,
as of any thing which in the judgment of Epicurus-, his infallible
Senfes did the moft aflure him of So that there can be no fha-
dow of a pretenfe, why any fliou'd rejeCt the Being of a God
becaufe of the impoflibiHty to conceive any fuch Being as God
is. If to this it be objeCted, that fitch things are imply d in this
I i Idea,
V.
zjo ORIGINES SACR^. Book III. Chap. I.
I^ea, '■jnhich make it unconceivable^ in that allthe'Perfeciions inthis
Beings are fiippos'd to be infinite-, and Infinity tranfcends our capacity
of apprehenjion. To this I anfwcr, i. That thofe who deny Infi-
nity in GoD» mud ncccllanly attribute it to Ibmcching cllc, as to
infinite Space, infinity of fuccelllon of Ages and Pcrions, if the
World were Eternal j and therefore it is moll unreafonable to rcjcdl
any Notion for that, which it is impoilible, but if I deny that, I
mufl attribute it to fomething elfc, to whofe Idea it is far Icfs proper
than it is to God's. 2. Left I fliou'd rather feek to avoid the Ar-
2;ument than to fatisfy it> I fay, that tho' infinite as infinite can-
not be comprehended, yet we may clearly and diilinctly apprehend
a Being to be of that nature, that no limits can be aflign'd to it,
as to its Power or Prcfencc ; which is as much as to underftand it
to be infinite. The ratio foTMaiis of Infinity may not be under-
ftood clearly and diftinftly, but yet the Being which is infinite may
be. Infinity its felf cannot be on this account, becaufe however
Pofitive \vc apprehend it, yet we always apprehend it in a Nega-
tive way, becauic we conceive it by denying all limitations aod
bounds to it-, but the Being which is infinite we apprehend in a
Pofitive Manner, altho' not adequately, becaufe we cannot com-
prehend all which is in it. As we may clearly and diftinftly fee the Sea,
tho' we cannot difcover the bounas of it > fo may we clearly and
diftinftly apprehend fome Perfeftions of G o d when we fix our
Minds on them, altho' we are not able to grafp them altogether
in our narrow and confin'd Intellefts, becaufe they are infinite.
Thus wc fee that God's Infinity doth not at all abate the clearncfs
and diftinftnefs of the Notion which we have of God ; fo that
tho' the Perfeftions of God are without bounds or limits, yet it
bears no repugnancy at all to Mens natural Faculties, to have a fetl'd
Idea of a Being infinitely per fed in their Minds.
vL To the Queftion I anfwer , It leems highly probable and far
more confonant to Reafon than the contrary, that this Idea of
God upon the mind of Man, is no merely fiditiousldea, but that
it is really imprinted there by that God whofe Idea it is, and
therefore doth fuppofe a reality in the Thing correfpondenttothat
obje£live reality which is in the Underftanding. For altho' 1 amnot
fo well fatisfy'd that the mere obje^Srive reality of the Idea of God
doth exceed the cflicicncy of the mind, as that Idea is nakedly
confidcr'd in its felf, becaufe of the unlimited power of the Un-
derftanding in conception : Yet I fiy, confidering that Idea in all
the circumftanccs of it, it fccms highly probable that it is no mere
ens ratiorus-, or figment of the underftanding j and that will ap-
pear on thcfc confidcrations. i. This Idea is of fuch a Nature as
cou'd not be form'd fi-om the Underftanding's confideration of any
corporeal Phantafms. Becaufe whatever hath any thing of Matter
in it, involves of neccfllty many imperfcftions along with it ; for
every part of Matter is divifiblc into more parts. Now it is a
thing evident to Natural Light, that it is a greater Perfection not
to be divifible than to be fo. Befidcs, corporeal Phantafms are
fo far from helping us in forming this Idea, that they alone hin-
der us from adiftind: Conception of it, while we attend to thcmv
LKicauilthtfc bear no proportion at all to fuch a Being. So that this
IdcaJiowever muft be u pure ad of Intclledion, and'thcrefcwc fup-
pofing
Book III. Ckip. I. ORIGI N E S S A C R A']. z 5
polint^ there were no other fluuJtyiiiMan butIma|^ination, it wo ud
bear the grcateft repugnancy to our Conceptions, and it wou'd be
according to the Principles of Epicttrns and fomc modern Philo-
Ibphers, a thing wholly impolliblc to form an Idea of God> un-
Icfs with Flpicurus we imagin him to be Corporeal, which is to fay,
he is no God. Which was the reaibn that Tully laid, Epicurus
did only, nomine ponere^ re toUere T>eos-, becaufc llich a Notion of
God is repugnant to Natural Light. So that if this Idea doth
wholly abftraft from corporeal Phantafms-, it thereby appears that
there is a higher faculty in Man's Soul than mere imagination,
and it is hardly conceivable whence a faculty which thus extends
it to an infinite obje^f, Jhou'd come, but from an infinite Being:
efpccially if we confider, Secondly, That the Undcrftanding ui
forming this Idea of God, doth not by diftin-ib acfs, firfl colledt
one Perfed"ion, and then another, and at lafl: unite thefe together,
but the fimplicity and unity of all thefe Pcrfe^.-1-ions is as ncccfla-
rily conceiv'd as any of them. Granting then that the Under-
Handing by the obfervingof feveral Perfeftions in the World, might
be able to abdraft thelc fcA'erally from each Being wherein they
were, yet whence fhou'd the Idea of the Unity and Infeparability
of all thefe Perfe£Vions come.^ The Mind may, it is true, knit
Ibme things together in fiditious Ideas, but then thofe are ^o fiir
from unity with each other, that in themfelves they fpeak mutual
Repugnancy to one another, which makes them proper entia ra-
tionis ; but thefe feveral Perfcftions arc fo far from fpeaking re-
pugnancy to each other, that the Unity and Infeparability of them
is as neceflary to the fotming of this Idea, as any other Perfed-ion
whatfoever. So that from hence it appears that the confideration
of the Perfeftions which are in the Creatures, is only an occafion
given to the Mind to help itin its Idea of God, and not that the Idea
itfelf depends upon thofe Perfeftions as the caufesof it: as in the
cleared Mathematical truths the Manner of demonftration may be
neceflary to help the Underftanding to its clearer aflent, tho' the
things in themfelves be undoubtedly true. For all minds are not
equally capable of the fame truths j fome are of quicker apprehen-
fion than others are •, now altho' to flower apprehenfions a more
particular way of demonftrating things be necefl'ary, yet the truths
in themfelves are equal, tho' they have not equal Evidence to feve-
ral Perlons.
3. It appears that this is no mere fictitious Idea from the uni-
formity of It in all perfons who have freed themfelves from the
Entanglements of corporeal phantafms. Thofe we call eyitia ra-
tionis-, \/e find by experience in our Minds, that they are form'd
ad placitum i we may imagin them as many ways as we pleafcj but
we fee it is quite othcrwife in this Ideaof God > for in thofe Attri-
butes or perfe(ftions which by the light of Nature we attribute to
God, there is an uniform confent in all thofe who have diverted
their Minds of corporeal phantafms in their conceptions of God.
For while men have agreed that the objedl of their Idea is a Being ab-
folutely perfeft, there hath been no diffent in the Perfedions which
have been attributed to it; none have qucftion'd but infinite Wif-
dom, Goodnefs, and Power, joyn'd with neceiTity of Exiftcnce, have
been all imply'd in this Idea. So that it is fcarce pollible to in-
li 2 fiance
ijz ORIGINES SACRAL. Book III. Chap. I.
ftance in any one Idea, no not of thofe which are nioft obvious
to our Senles, wherein there hath been fo great an uniformity of
Mens conceptions as in this Idea of God. And the moit grols
corporeal Idea of the moft Icnfible matter hath been more Hable to
heats and difputes among Thilofuphers., than this Idea of a Being
infinite and purely fpiritual. Which llrongly proves my prefent
Propofition, That this Idea of God is very confonant to Natural
hght", for it is hardly conceivable that there fliou'd be fo uni-
verfal a Confent of minds in this Idea, were it not a Natural re-
fult from the free ufeof ourReafon and Faculties. And that which
adds further weight to this Argument is, that altho' Infinity be
lb neceflarily imply'd in this Idea of God, yet Men do not attribute
all kind of infinite Things to God-, for there being conceivable in-
finite Number, mfinite Longitude, as v/ell as infinite power and
knowledg, our minds readily attribute the latter to God, and as rea-
dily abftra£t the other from his Nature, which is an Argument this
Idea is not fictitious, but argues Reahty in the thing correfpondenc
to our conception of it. So muchraay fufficc to clear the firft Pro-
pofition, njiz,. That the notion of a God is very ftitable to the Fa-
culties of Mens Souls-, and to that light of Nature ii:hich they prO'
ceed by informing the conceptions of things.
^^^' Thofe ivho deny that there is a God-i do affert other thifigs on far
^''"l'' *■ lefs evidence of Reafon-, and miifi by their oun principles deny fame
things laihich are apparently true. One wou'd expeCt that fijch Per-
fons who are apt to condcmnthewholeWorlci of folly in believing
the truth of Religion, and wou'd fain be admir'd as Men of a
deeper reach, and greater wit and fagacity than others, wou'd, when
they have exploded a 'Deity., at leaft give us fome more rational
and confident account of things, than we can give that there is a
God. But on the contrary we find the reafons on which they re-
jeft a 'Deity fo lamentably weak, and fo eafily retorted upon them-
felves, and the Hypothefes they fubftitute inflread of a Deity fo
precarious, obfcure and uncertain, that we need no other Argu-
ment to evince the reafonablenefs of Religion, than from the ma-
nifefl: folly as well as impiety of thofe who oppofc it. Which we
fliallmake evident by thcfe two things: i. That iji'hile they deny a
'Deity , they ajfert other things on far lefs reafon. 2. That by thofe prin-
ciples on '■johich they deny a Deity-, they majl deny fome things which
are apparently true.
I. 1. That they affert fome things on far lefs reafon than we do that
there is a God. For if there be not an infinitely powerful God
who produced the World out of nothing, it mult neceflarily follow
according to the different Principles of the Arijlotelian and Epi-
curean Atheifisy that either the World was as it is from all eter-
nity, or elfe that it was at firft made by the fortuitous concourfe
of Atoms. Now I appeal to the Reafon of any Perfon, who hath the
free ufe
for why may not one Senfe be fet to judge of all objefts of Senfe
with far more Realbn, than Senfe it felf be fet as Judge overln-
telleftual Beings .' But yet it is wifely done of the Atheifi to make
Senfe his Judge > for if we once appeal to this, he knows our
Caufe is lofti for as he faidof a Phyfician, when one ask'd him,
whether he had any experience of him : No, faid he. Si pericu-
Itim fecijfemy non viverem j If I had try'd him-, I had been dead
e'er now -, fo here. If God were to be try'd by the judgment of
Senfe, he muft ceafe to be God ■■, for how can an infinite and fpi-
ritual Being be difcern'd by the judgment of Senfe .'^ and if he be
not an infinite and fpiritual Being, he is not God. But it may be
the Atheifi's meaning is not fo grofs, but he intends fuch a de-
monfiration to reafon as That two and two make foiir^ or That
the whole is greater than the parts-, with fuchademonftrationhe
wou-'d fit down contented. But will no lefs than this ferve him?
What becomes then of the World's being made by a fortuitous con-
courfc of Atoms ? Is this as evident as that two and two make four ?
And will the Philofophical Atheifi really believe nothing in Na-
ture, but what is as evident to him in material Beings, as that the
whole is greater than the parts ? By any means let Atheifis then write
Philofophy, that at the laft the Clocks in London may ftrike to-
gether.
Z56 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book 111. Chap. I.
%j-
gether, and the Philolbphers agree-, for 1 fuppofe none of them
queftion that. But yet it is poilible the Atbeilt may in a good
humor abate fomething of this, and mean by demonftration fuch
a proof as takes away all difficulties. If he means as to the Ground
of Ailent, we undertake it; if as to the ObjeA apprehended, we
rejefl it as unreafonable, becaufe it is impolfible a Being Infinite
fhou'd be comprehended by us-, for if it cou'd, it were no longer
Infinite. But let us try this Principle by other things, and how e-
vident is it, that on this account fome things mull bedeny'd which
himfelf will confefs to be true ? For inllance, that opprobrium
Thilofophorunh thedivifibility of Quantif)^ or extended matter in-
to finite or infinite parts -, let him take which fide he pleafe, and
fee whether by the force of thefc Arguments on either fide, if he
hold to this principle, he muft not be forced to deny that
there is any fuch thing as matter in the World : and then we may
well have an infinite empty fpace, when by force of this one Prin-
ciple, both God and Matter are banilli'd quite out of tlie World.
But if the Atheiji will but come one llep lower, and by his de-
monftration intend nothing elfe but fuch a fufficicnt proof of it as
the nature of the thing is capable of, he will not only fpeak mod
confonant to Reafon, but may be in fome hopes of gaining fatif-
fadion. For it is moft evident, that all things are not capable of
the like way of proof i and that in fome cafes the pollibility of
the contrary muft be no hindrance to an undoubted aflcnt. What
thefe proofs are, will appear afterwards. I come to the next
ground of the Atheiji's opinion, which is,
2. The \veaknefs of fame Arguments brought to prove a 'Deity.
But let us grant that fome Arguments will not doit, doth it there-
fore follow that none can do it.^ What if fome have prov'd the
Sun to be the Center of the World i and the motion of^ the Earth,
by very weak Arguments, will the Atheift therefore queftion it^
What if Epicurus hath prov'd his Atomical Hypothefis by fome fil-
ly Sophifms-, will the Atheift therefore rather believe the Creation
of the World than it? What if the ^r^^/// may make himfcff port
at fome Stories of Apparitions infifted on to prove a Deity, doth it
therefore follow there is no God, becaufe fome Perfons have been
over- credulous.^ What if fome having more Zeal than Knowledg,
may attribute fuch things to God's immediate hand, which may
be produced by natural Caufes, doth it thence follow that Goo
hath no hand in governing the World at all.^ What if Fears, and
Hopes and Perfuafions, may depend much on Principles of Edu-
cation, muft Confcience then be lefolv'd wholly into thefe .^ What
if fome devout Melancholill may embrace the iflijcs of his own 1-
magination for the imprclllons of the Divine Spirit, doth it there-
fore follow, that Religion is nothing but flrength of Fancy im-
prov'd by principles of Education.^ What if fome of the nume-
rous proofs of a Deity were cut oli', and only thofc made ulc of,
which are of the greatcfl: force, wou'd the Truth fuffer at all by
that.^ I grant, advantage is often taken againfl a thing more by
Qne weak Argument brought for it, than for it by the flrongelt
Proofs: but I fay, it is unreafonable it Ihou'd be fo-, and were
Men Rational and Ingenuous it wou'd not be fo. Many times
Arguments may be good in their order, but they are mif-placed;
fbmc
Book in. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRAL. 157
fbmc may prove the thing rational, which may not prove jt true;
fomc may fliew the Abilirditics of the Advcrliiries, rejefting the
thing, which may not be liifticicnt to prove it; now when Men num-
ber and not weigh their Arguments, but give them in the lump
to the main qucftion, without fitting them to their feveral places,
they do more diilervice to the main of the Battle by the diforder
of their Forces, than they can advantage it by the number of
them.
3. Another great pretenfethe Atheift hath, is, that Religion is
only an invention of Pohticians, which they awe People with aS
they pleaie, and therefore tell them of a God, and another World, as
Mothers lend young Children to School to keep them in better or-
der, that they may govern them with the greater cafe. To this I
anfwcr, i. Religion I grant, hath a great influence upon the well-
governing the World, nay fo great, that were the Atheijis opini-
on true, and the World perfuaded of it, '\t were impoHible the
World cou'd be well govern'd. For the Government of the
World in civil Societies, depends not fo much on Force, as the fa-
crcd Bonds of Duty and Allegiance, which hold a Nation that
owns Religion as true, in far furer Obligations to endeavor the
peace and welfare of a Nation than ever Violence can do. For
in this calc only an opportunity is watch'd for to fhake off that
which they account a Yoke upon their Necks ; whereas when
Mens minds arc poflefs'd with a fenfe of duty and obligation to
Obedience out of Confcience, the Reins mdy be held with great-
er eafe; and yet the People be better manag'd by them, than by
luch as only gall and inrage them. So that I grant true Religion
to be the moft lerviceable Principle for the governing of civil So-
cieties; but withal, I fay, 2. It were impoflible Religion fhou'd be
fo much made uie of for the governing of People, were there not
a real propenfity and inclination to Religion imprinted on the
Minds of Men. For as, did not Men love themfelves, and their
Children, their Eflates and Interefts, it were impoflible to keep
them in Obedience to Laws ; but doth it follow, becaufe Magi-
ftrates perftiade People to Obedience by futing Laws to the gene-
ral interefl: of Men, that therefore the Magiftrates firfl: made them
love themfelves and their own concerns .' So it is in Religion, the
Magiftrate may make ufe of this propenfity to Religion in Men
for civil ends, but his making ufe of it doth fuppofe it and not in-
ftill it. For were Religion nothing clfe in the World butadefign
only of Politicians, it wou'd be impoffible to keep that defign
from being difcover'd at one time or other; and when once it came
to be known, it wou'd hurry the whole World into confufion ;
and the People wou'd make no fcruple of all Oaths and Obligati-
ons, but every one wou'd feek to do others what mifchief he cou'd
if he had opportunity, and obey no further than Fear and Force
conflrain'd him. Therefore no Principle can be fo dangerous to a
State as Atheifm-, nor any thing more promote its Peace than true
Religion j and the more Men are perfuaded of the truth of Reli-
gion, they will be the better Subje£ts, and the more ufeful in civil So-
cieties. As well then may an Atheift fay there is no fuch thing as
Good Nature in the World, becaufe that is apt to be abus'd, nor
any fuch thing as Love, becaufe that may be cheated, as thatRe-
Kk ligion
158 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. I.
lis^ion is nothing but a defign, becaufc Men may make ft flalk to
their private ends. Thus we fee how the Atheifl by the force of
thofe Principles on which he denies a God, muft be forced to deny
other things, which yet by his ovrn confefllon are apparently
true.
X. So I come to the third Trofojition-, which {$■> That '■s:e have as
Fnp. 3. certain Ei'idence that there is a God-, as 'oce can hai-e^ conjider-
ing his Nature. When we demand the proof of a thing, our
firft eye muft be to the nature of the thing which we dcfire maybe
provu; for things equally true, are not capable of equal evidence,
nor have likemanners of probation. There isnodcmonftration in
Euclide will ferve to prove that there are fuch places as the /««3'/>y:
we cannot prove the Earth is round by the judgment of fenlej
nor that the Soul is immortal by corporeal Phantalins. Every di-
ftinft kind of Being hath itspeculiar way of probation-, and there-
fore it ought not to be at all wondred ar, if the fupreme and in-
finite Being have his peculiar way of demonftrating himfelf to the
minds of Men. U then we have as evident proofs of the Exi-
ftence of God, as we can have, confidering the infinity of his
Nature, it is all which in reafon we can defire-, and of that kin4
of proofs we have thefe following. For, i. If God hath ftamp-
ed an umverfal Chara^er of himfelf upon the minds of Men. 2.
If the things in the JVorld are the manifefi ejfe£is of infinite
Wifdom-, Goodnefs and 'Po'-ui-er. 3. If there be fuch things in
the JVorld '■Ji'hich are unaccountable iji-ithout a 'Deity-, then wc
may with fafety and aflurance condwde. that there is a God.
1 . That God hath imprinted an univerfal Character of himfelf
on the minds of AIe?i -, and that may be known by two things,
1 . If it be fuch as bears the fame zrnportance among all Terfons.
2. If it be fuch as cannot be miflaken for the Character of any
thing elfe.
I. I begin with the firft, whereby I ftiall prove this Character
tp be univerfal, becauie the whole World hath confcnted in it-
This Argument we may rely on with the greater f'^curity, becaulc
it was the only Argument which retain'd the Deity in the ancient
School of Epicurus -, which cou'd he have thought of as eafy a
way of evadmg, as he thought he had found out as to the Origin
of the Univerle, he was no fuch great Friend to the very name of
a God, as to have retain'd it as an Anticipation or Prolepfis of
Human Nature. And this Argument from the univerfal confent
of the World, was tJiat which bore the greateft fway among the
Philofophers, who went by nothing but Diftates of natural Light,
which they cou'd not fo clearly difcover in any things, as inthofc
which all Mankind did unanimoully conlent in. Two things I
ftiall make out this by. i. That no fujficient account can he given
of fo univerfal a confent ^ nnlefs it be fupposd to be the voice of
Nature. 2. That the diffent of any particular Terfons is not
fujficient to controul fo univerfal an Agreement.
I . That no fifjicient account of it can be given, but only by
afertwg it to be a "Di^fate of Nature. Info ftrangc adiHcntas
there hath been in the World concerning moft of thofe things
which relate to Mankind in common, as the Models of Govern-
ment, the Laws they are rul'd by, the particular Rites and Cu-
ftoms.
Book III. Chap. I. RIG INKS SACP./F.. zyj
itoms of Worfliip-, wc have the greatcn.' reafonto judge thiuthofe
common Principles which were the Foundations on which all thcCc
fevcral difl'crenc Cuftoms were built, were not the effect of any
politive Laws, nor the mere force of principles of Education, but
fomcthing wjiich had a deeper root and foundation in the Princi-
ples of N:iture it felf A common and univcrfal Effect muft flow
from fomc common and univerial Caufe. So the Stoic argues in
Tiiliy, {^' there were no God, non tarn jlablUs opinio permmierety c^'w <''
ncc conjirmaretur dintitrnitate temporiS', iiec una cum fcculis at a- ^ j'' ^'"'
tibufque hominum inveterare potiiiffet. It is flrange to think that
Mankind in fo many Ages of the World fliou'd not grow wife c-
nough to rid it fclf of lb troublefome an Opinion as that was, of
the Being of God, had it not been true. .liOY-'f
We fee in all the alterations of the World, other vain Opini-
ons have been deteiStcd, refuted and fliaken oft'-, if this had been
ilich, how comes it to remain the lame hi all Ages, and Nations
of the World ? Opinionnm comment a delet dies-, natnra judicia
confirmat. It is a great dilcredit to Time to make it like a River
in that fence, that it bears up only lighter things, when matters of
greateli: weight are funk to the bottom and paft recovery. This
may pals for a handfom Alluilon, as to the Opinions and Writ-
ings of particular Perfons, but cannot be underlfood of fuch things
which are founded on the univerfal confent of the World-, for
thelc common Notions of Human Nature are fo futed to the tem-
per of the World, that they pafs down the llrong current of Time
with the Hime facility that a well built Ship, tho' of good burden,
doth furrow the Ocean. So that if we mull: adhere to the Allego-
ry, it is eafily reply'd, that it is not the weight of things which makes
them fmk, but the unfutablenefs of their Superficies to that of the
water -, ^o we fee a fmall piece of Wood will fink, when a ftately
Ship IS born up -, lb fuch things which have not that agreeablenels
in them to the Didatcs of Nature may foon be loft, but fiieh as
lie fo even upon the fuperficies of the Soul, will ftill float above
the Water, and never be loft in the fwifteft current of Time.
Thus we allcrt this univerfal confent of Mankind, as to the cxi-
ftcnce of a Deity, to be a thing fo confonant to our Natural rea-
fon, that as long as there are Men in the World it will continue.
But now it is hardly conceivable, according to the Principles of ^i,
Epicurus', how Mankind fhou'd univerfally agree in fome common
Sentiments J much lefs how it fliou'd have fuch an Anticipation as
himfelf grants of the Being of God. For i'c the Soul be nothing
elle but Ibme more active and vigorous Particles of Matter (^.s'Dio-
genes Laertius tells us, that his Opinion was, that the Soul was /. i^'.hiv.
nothing clie but a^y^'/F^wz i\ aV^wv XH^U-mo
we find great divcrfitics among themfclvesin the meaning of them,
and many Nations that never heard of them. But all things are
quite otherwife in this Tradition 5 wc have none to fix on as the
firlt Authors of it; if the A¥orld were eternal, and the belief of
a Deity fabulous, we cannot underfl:and by what Artifice a fabu-
lous Tradition cou'd come to be fo univerfally receiv'd in the
World, that no Nation of old cou'd be inftanced in by theinqui-
fitive Philofophers, but however rude and barbarous it was, yet
It own'd a Deity. How cou'd fuch a Tradition be fpread fo far,
but cither by torce or Fraud. ^ It cou'd not be by force, bccaufe
embraced by an unanimous confent v/here no force atall hath been
us'd, and hath been fo rooted in the very Natures of thofe Peo-
ple who have been mofi: tender of their Liberties, that they have
rcfentcd no Indignity fo highly, as any Affronts they conceiv'dto
be offer'd to their Gods. Nay, and where any Perfons feem to
quit the belief of a Deity, we find what Force and Violence they
have us'd to their own Reafon and Confcience to bring themfelves
to Atheifm-, which they cou'd not fubdue their Minds to any longer
than the Will cou'd command theUnderftanding; which when it
gain'd but a little liberty to examin it felf, or view the World, or
v/as alarm'd with Thunder, Earth-quakes or violent Sicknefs, did
bring back again the fenfe of a Deity with greater force and pow-
er than they had endeavor'd to fliake it off with. Now had this
Tradition come by force into the World, there wou'd have been
a fecret exultation of Mind to be freed from it, as we fee Nature
rejoyceth to fhake off every thing which is violent, and to fettle
every thing according to its due order. It is only Fraud then
which can be with any Reafon imagin'd in this cale ; and how
unreafonable it is to imagin it here, will appear to any one who
doth confiderhow extremely jealous the World is of being impo-
kd upon by the Subtilty of fuch who are thought to bethegreat-
c(l' Politicians. For the very Opinion of their Subtilty makes
them apt to fufpeft a Defign in every thing they fpeak or do, fo
that nothing doth more generally hinder the entertaining of any
motion fo much among vulgar People, as that it comes from a
Perfon reputed very Politic. So that the moft politic way of gain-
ing upon the Apprehenfions of the Vulgar, is by taking upon one
the greatefb appearance of Simplicity and Integrity; and this now
cou'd not be done by fuch Politicians which we now fpeak of, but by
accommodating themfelves to fuch things in the People which
were fo confonant to their Natures, that they cou'd fufpeft no de-
fign at all in the matters propounded to them. And thus I aflert
it to have been in the prefent cafe, in all thofe Politic Governors
who at firfi: brought the World into both Civil and Religious So-
cieties, after they were grown Rude and Barbarous; for as it had
Kk 3 , been
x6% ORIGINES SACRM. Book III. Chap. I.
been impofliblc to have brought them into Civil Societies, unlels
there had been iuppos'd an inchnation to Society in thcni, 1(; it
had been equally impoillble to have brought them to embrace any
particular way of Religion, unlels there had been a natural pro-
penfity to Religion implanted in them, and founded in the gene-
ral belief of the exiilence of a Deity. And therefore we never
find any of the ancient Founders of Common-wealths go about
to perfuade the People that there was a God, but this they fup-
pos'd and made their advantage of it, the better to draw the Peo-
ple on to embrace that way of Worlhip, which they dehver'd to
them, as moft futablcto their owndefign. And this is plainly evi-
dent in the vaft difference of Defigns and Interefts which were
carry'd on in the Heathen World upon this general apprchcnfion
of a Deity. How came the World to be fo eafily abus'dnito Re-
ligions of all Ihapes and falhions, had not there been a natural in-
clination in Mens Souls to Religion, and an indelible Idea of a
Deity on the Minds of Men? W^erc then this propenlity ground-
lefs, and this Idea fiditious, it were the greateft llur imaginable,
which cou'd be caft upon Nature, that when the Inrtinds of ir-
rational Agents argue Ibmething real in them-, only Man the moft
noble Being of the vifible World, mull be fatally carry'd to the
belief of that which never was. Which yet hath fo great a force
and awe upon Man, that nothing creates (o great Anxieties in his
life as this dothi nothing lays him more open to thcdcligns of a-
ny who have an intent to abufe him. But yet further, thelc Po-
liticians who firft abus'd the world, in telling them there was a
God, did they themlelves believe there was a God or no ? If they
did, then they had no llich end as abufing the world into fuch a
belief If they did not, upon what accounts did they believe there
was none, when the People were fo ready to believe there was
one? Was that as certain aTradition before that there was no God,
as afterwards they made it to be that there was? If fo, then all
thofe People whom they perfuaded to believe there was a God,
did before, all believe there was noncj and how can it polfiblv en-
ter into theReafon of any Man to think, that People who had been
brought up in the belief that there was no God at all, nor any
State after this Life, fliou'd all unanimouily quit the Principles of
Education which tended fo much to their Eafc and Pleafure here,
to believe there was a God and another Life, and thereby to till
themlelves full of Fears and Difquietments, merely becaufe their
Kulcrs told them fo? Again, if thefe Rulers themlelves were fo
wile as n.ot to believe a Deity, can wc imagin there ever was fuch
an Age of the World wherein it fell out fo happily, that only the Ru-
lers were Wife, and all the Sub jcccs Fools? Butit maybe, it will be
(aid, That all iji-bo ivere '■ji'ife themfelvcs did not believe a ''Deity-,
u:'.t yet confented to the practice of Religion-, becaufe it '■ji:as fo
iifefnl for the Government of Mankind i but can it be thought that
all thefe wifeNien, which wc mull fuppofc of fcvcral Ranks and
l^egrecs, (for Philofophcrs are not always States-nun, nor States-
men PhilolbplK'rsj fliou'd fo readily concur in fuch a thing which
tended moll: to the intered of the Prince, and to the abulc of tiic
World .^ W'ou'd none of them be rc.idy to alfert the 'I'ruth, tho'
it were but to make a Party of tlu ir own, and difcovcr to the
People,
Book III. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACRA']. 16^
People, that it was only the Ambition and Dcfio;!! of their Gover-
nors which fought to bring the People to Slavery by the belief of fuch
things, which were contrary to the tradition of their Fore-fathers,
and wGu'd make their Lives, if they believ'd them, continually
troublefome and unquiet? Or if we cou'd fuppofe things fliou'd
hit thus in one Nation, what is this to the whole World which the A-
theifi here fuppofeth eternal? What, did all the Rulers of the
World exaftly agree in one moment of time 5 or at leafl: in one
Age thus to abuife the World? Did the defigns of Governors and
the credulity of all People fall out to be fo iiitable together? But
on the contrary, we do not find that Governors can have the Judg-
ments of People fo at their command, that they can make them
to believe what they pleafc; if it were fo, we may well fay with
th-M AtheiJHc^l'Po^c, Hen qnam minimo regitur mundus -, JVhat a
t'-JL'ine thread 1^:111 Rule the Jl orldl But granting thefe things, (which
any but an Atheifl will fay are impoflible) yet whence fliou'd it
come to pafs that the World, v/hich is generally led more by the
Opinions of their Fore- fathers, than by Reafon, fliou'd fo cancel
that former Tradition that there was no God, that no remaining
foot-fl^eps of it can be traced in any Hifl:ory of thofe times? Or
did the Governors all confent to abolifli all Records of it? Pub-
lic and Written I grant they might, but not thofe out of Mens
Mn.ds and Memories j which wou'd have been for the eafeof the
Minds of their Pofl:erity convey'd in fome fecrct Cabala from Fa-
thers to their Children. It may be it will be faid, fo it was:, but
Men ditrft not profefs it for fear of the Laws : but, it is not e-
vident that the Laws of all the ancient Common-wealths were fo
fcverca^.aini\:Atheifms and withal how came fome of the wifefi:
and moft philofophical Men of Greece and Rome to embrace the exi-
gence of a Deity, as a thing far more confonant to Reafon than the
contrary Opinion, and efl:ablifli'd their belief on fuch Evidences
from Nature it felf, that none of their Antagonifs were able to
anfwer them ? It was not certainly the fear of Laws which made
Men rational and inquifitive into the Natures and Caufes of things j
and yet thofe who were fuch amidft the great Idolatries of the
Heathen, and being deft:itute of Divine Revelation, yet freely and
firmly aflented to the exifl:ence of a Deity. Had it been only
Fraud and Impofl:ure which brought Men to believe a God, whence
came it to pafs that this Fraud was not difcover'd by thefe Philo-
fophers, who were far better able by their nearnefs to thofe eldeft
times, and much converfe abroad in other Nations (for fomeTra-
vell'd into zy^gypt-, Chaldea-, Terfia-, India-, merely to gain Knov/-
ledg) to have found out fuch an Impofture, had it been fuch,
than any of our modern Atheifts ? Whence come thelc now in
this almofl: decrepit Age of the World to be the firfl; Smellers out
of fo great a Defign? By what Means, what Tokens and Evidence
came fuch an Impofture to their knowledg? Becaule, forfooth,
the World is fl:ill apt to be abus'd by a pretenfe of Religion -, but
he that doth not fee how filly and ridiculous a Sophifm that is, ei-
ther by his own Reafon, or by what hath gone l^fore-, hath Wit
and Reafon little enough to be an Atheifl. Some therefore w^ho
wou'd feem a little wifer than the vulgar fort of Atheifts (for it
feems there is a Vtilgus among them too, I wifli it be more for their
Meannefs
zvhen all the Pretenfes of the ./^//;f //? againll it are fo weak, ridicu-
lous and impertinent.
XIII, The only thing then left for him, is, to deny the truth of the
thing, 'VIZ,, that there is fuch an univerfal confent > becaufe fome
Pcrfons have been found in the World who have not agreed with
the reft of Mankind in this Opinion. To this I anfwer, (which
was the fecond Particular for clearing this Argument) that the
diflent of thefe Perfons is not fufticient to manifeft the confent not
to be univerfal, and to arife from a Diftate of Nature : For I de-
mand of the greateft AtheijU whether it be fuflicient to fay, that
It is not natural for Men to have two Legs, becaufe fome have
been born with one, or that it is not natural for Men to defire
Life (which the Atheift loves fo dearly) becaufe there have been
fo many who have taken away their own Lives .^ If it be fxid that
thefe are Monfticrs and Anotnalies in Nature, and therefore not to
be reckon'd in the regular Account of things, the fame 1 may
with as great reafon fay of Atheifts^ that they arc to bcdifpung'u
out of the Cenfus of fuch who aft upon free Principles of Rca-
ibn •, becaufe there may be fome peculiar Reafons givdU of their
Diflent from the reft of Mankind in the denial of a Deity Wc
fee by the old Philofophers how far the Aft'eftation of Novelty,
and Ambition of being cry'd up for no vulgar Wits, may carry
Men to deny fuch things, which are moft common and obvious in
the World. Is there any thing more plain and evident to Reafon,
than that it implies a contradiction for the fame thing to be and
yirijl.Me- not to bc at the fame time .^ and yet if we believe Ar//h(/('y n\ ho
tfphyf.l.Jt. lai-gcly difpUtCS againft them, "'in ^ ""S «»' tulhi tt Ci
'"•■*•■ ,*, h",«,. There '■j;ere fome '■jubo ajjirm'd that a thing might be and
vot he at the fame time. What fo evident in Nature as Motion .V
yet
BooKlJl Ch.ip.r. ORIGINES SACR/E. xc<^
yet rhc Fhilofophcr is well known who diiputed againll it, and
thought himfclf iiibtiic in doing fb too. What are Men more af-
fur'd of, than that they live, and yet (if it be not too Dogmati-
cal, even in that to believe the Sceptics) it was a thing none cou'd
be aflur'd of? What arc our Scnfcs more adur'd of than that the
Snow is white, yet all thePhilofophers were not of that Opinion?
Is this then fuffieient Reafon on which to deny an univcrial con-
fcnt, becaufe fome Philolbphers oppos'd it, when it is moll un-
doubtedly true, which Tnl/y Hiarply fpeaks of the ancient Philo- cuero it
Ibphers, Nihil tarn abfiirdtim quod 7ion dixerit altquis Thilofo- f'*'-^'"'''
■phorum; There was no abfurduy fo great-, but it found a ''Pbilo-
fopher to i:ouch it ? But in this cale thole Philofophers who que-
flion'd the cxiftence of a Deity, tho' they were not for number to
be compar'd with thofe who alfertcd it, yet were not fo inexcufa-
ble therein as our modern Atheijts •, becaufe they then knew no o-
ther way of Religion, but that which was joyn'd with horrible
Supcrllition, and ridiculous Rites of Worfliip •, they were Stran-
gers to any thing of Divine Revelation, or to any real Mh-acles
wrought to confirm it, and to fuch a way of ferving God which
is moil agreeable to the Divine Nature, moil futable to our Rea-
fon, moll efle6lual for advancing true Godlinefs in the World.
And alfho' this mod excellent Religion, v/'x;. the Chriflian, be
fubjed" to many Scandals by reafon of the Corruptions which have
been mix'd with it by thofe who have profefs'd it, yet the Religi-
on itsfelf is clear and untainted, being with great Integrity prefer-
ved in the facred Records of it. So that now Athetfm hath far
lefs to plead for its felf than it had in the midll of the Ignorance
and Superflition of the Heathen Idolatries. But if we iliou'd
grant the Atheift more than he can prove, that the number of fuch
who deny'd a Deity hath been great in all Ages of the World ■■, is
it probable they fliou'd fpeak the Sence of IStature, whofe Opini-
on, if it, were embraced, wou'd diflblve all Ties and Obligations
whatfoever •■, wou'd let the World loofe to the highefl Licentiouf-
nefs, without check or controul, and wou'd in time overturn all
Civil Societies ? For as Tnlly hath largely fliewn. Take away the ckerode
Being and Tro'vidence of God out of the World-, and there fol- f'',''^X*
lows nothing but Terturbation and Confujion in it-, not only all San- ugib. i. a
^ity, Tiety and 'De'uotion is deftroy d-, but all Faith-, Virtue and
Humayi Societies too •, which are impoflible to be upheld without
Religion, as not only he, hviX.^lato-> Ariftotle:mAT hit arch., have
fully demonllrated. Shall fuch Perfons then who hold an Opini-
on fo comxary to all other Didates of Nature, rather fpeak the
Sence oCKature, than they who have aflerted the belief of a Dei-
ty, which tends fo much to advance Nature, to regulate the World,
and to reform the Lives of Men? Certainly if it were not a di-
ctate of Nature that there was a God, it is impoifible to conceive
the World fhou'd be fo conftant in the belief of him, when the
thoughts of him breed fo many Anxieties in Mens Minds, and
withal, fince God is neither obvious to Senfe, nor his Nature
comprchenfible by Human Reaibn. Which is a flronger Evi-
dence it is a Charader of himfelf which God hath imprinted on the
Minds of Men, which makes them fo unanimoufly agree that he
is, when they can neither fee him, nor yet fully comprehend him.
L 1 For
2.6^ ORIGINES SACRAL. Book 111. Clup. I.
For any whole Nation, which have confentcci in the denial of a
'Deity-, wchave no evidence at all-, fomc fialjiicions it is true there
were at firll concerning ibmc very barbarous People in America-,
but it is lince evident, tho' they are grofly mifcaken ns to the Na-
ture of God, yet they worlhip fomcthing inllead of him, fuch as
the Toupinambonlts-, Caribes-, Tatagons-, Tapuiie-, and others •, of
^'dff^fi' ^'^^ ^^^^ ^^ which Foffiits from one Chrtfiophorus Arciffe'wski-, a
i.T.Jeiloi. 'Polonian Gentleman, who was among them, hath given a large
?• ^- account of their Religion, and the manner of their Worftiipping
of then- Gods, both good and bad. And that which among thelc/w-
dians much confirms our prel'enr Argument, is, That only thofe who
have been the moft barbarous and flivage Nations, have been fu-
Ipctlcd of Irreligion, but the more civiliz'd they have been, the
more evident their '^c\-\{^ of Religion. The Tenivians worlhip one
vd.Aco. chief God, whom they call ^/r^r/j(?f^<7, and 'Tachacamak-, which
flam, I. j^. jg ^g much as The Creator of Heaven and Earth. And of the Re-
Liff. Men. ligion of the Mexicans^ Lipjins and others fpeak. So that the
^Exempi. nearer any have approach'd to Civility and Knowledg, the more
ready they have been to own a Deity, and none have had fo little
fenieof it, as they who are almofl: degenerated to Brutes-, and whe-
ther of thefe two now comes nearer to Reafon, let any one who
hath It judg.
XIV. Another great Evidence, that God hath imprinted a Charadcr
2. or Idea of himfelf on the Minds of Men, is, becaitfe fuch things
are co72tanrd tn this Idea of God-, '■Ji-hich do nccejfarily imply his ex -
iftence. The main force of this Argument lies in this, That 'isuhich
'■ji-e do clearly and dijiin^ly perceive to belong to the nature and ef-
fe?ice of a thing-, may be "joith truth affirmed of the thing -, not that
it may be affirm'd with truth to belong to the nature of the thing,
for that were an empty Tautology , but it may be affirm'd with
truth of the thing its lelf-, as if 1 clearly perceive upon exaft en-
quiry, that to be an Animal doth belong to the nature of Man, I
may with truth affirm that Man is a living Creature-, if I find it
demonflrably true that a Triangle hath three Angles equal to two
Right ones, then I may truly affirm it of any Triangle: But now
we afiume, 1 hat upon the moll exact fearch and inquiry, I clear-
ly perceive that neceflary exifkence doth immutably belong to the
nature of God-, therefore, I may with as much truth affirm, that
God cxilis, as that Man is a living Creature-, or, a Triangle hath
three Angles equal to two Right ones. But becaufe many are fo
apt to lul'peft fome kind of Sophifm in this Argument, when it is
managed from the Idea in Mens Minds, becaufe that fo^-'-is to im-
ply only an objective reality in the Mind, and that K\^>jing can
be thence infcrr'd as to the exificnce of the thing w^o'fe Idea it
js, I therefore fhall endeavor to manifed more clearly the force of
this Argument, by proving leverally the fuppofitions which it
IhuuLs upon, which are thcic three: i. That clear and dijlinB per-
ception of the Mind is the great cfl Evidence -cC/'f can have of the
truth of any thing. 2. That we have this clear perception that ne-
cejfary cxijlence doth belong to the nature of God. 3. Ihat if necef-
lary exijience doth belong to God's nature-, it unavoidably follows-,
that he doth exiji. Nothing can be defir'd more plain or full, to
demon (Irate the force of this Argument, than by proving every
one of thefe. " ^ x.That
{^ooKllI.Chap. I. ORIGINES SACRAL. z6-
I. That the gnat cjt Evidence -j.'e can have of the truth of athinv^
is a clear ayid dijlinci perception of it in our Minds. For other wife
the rational Faculties of Man's Soul wou'd be wholly ufelefs,
as being not fitted for any end at all, if upon a right ufe of them,
Men were ftill liable to be deceiv'd. I grant the imperfection of our
Minds in this prefent ftatc is very great, which makes us lb obno-
xious to error and miflake-, but then that imperfeftion lies in the
proncnefs in Man's Mnid to be led by intereft and prejudice in the
judgment of things -, but in fuch things as are purely fpeculative
and rational, if the Mind cannot be certain it is not deceiv'd in
them, it can have no certainty at all of ■J.n-^ Mathematical X^tmon-
ftrations. Now we find in our own Minds a clear and convincing
Evidence in fomc things, as foon as they are propounded to our
Underflandings, as thdX ^ thing catinot be and not be at the fametime ;
th^it a non-entity can have no proper Attributes ; that 'while 1 reafo7v
and difcourfe-, I am-, thefe are fo clear, that no Man doth fufpedt
himfelf deceiv'd at all in them. Befides, if we had no ground of cern
tainty at all in our judging things, to whatpurpofeis there an Idea
of true and falfe in our Minds, if it beimpofllble.to know the one
from the other? But I fay not, thatin all Perceptions of the Mind
we have certain Evidence -of truth, but only in fuch as are clear
and diflinft j that is, when upon the greatcil: confideration of the
nature of a thing, there appears no ground or reafon at all to doubt
concerning it-, and this mult fuppofe the Mind's abftraftion wholly
from the Senfes -, for we plainly find that while we attend to them,
we may judg our felves very certain and yet be deceiv'd, as thofc
who have an l£ierifm in their Eyes, may judg with much confi-
dence that they lee things as clearly and difi;in6tly as any other doth.
Befides, there are many things taken for granted by Men, which
have no Evidence of Reafon at all in them : Now if Men will
judge of the truth of things by fuch Principles, no wonder if they
be deceiv'd. But when we fpeak of clear and diifind: Perception,
we fi.ippofe the Mind to proceed upon evident Principles of Rea-
fon, or to have liich Notions of things, which as far we can per-
ceive by the light of Reafon, do agree with the natures of the things
we apprehend-, if in fuch things then there be no ground of cer-
tainty, it is as much as to lay, our Faculties are to no purpole>
which highly reflefts either upon God or Nature. It is a noble
Qiieftion as any is in Thilofophy , What is the certain y-e^-r^e^o, of
the truth of things, or what ground of certainty the Mind hath
to proceed upon in its judgment of the truth of fuch objects as
are reprefented to it.^ Nothing can render the Thilofophy of Epi-
curus more juftly fufpefted to any rational and inquifitive Mind,
than his making the Senfes the only conveyers of the truth of things
to the Mind. The Senfes I grant do not in themfelves deceive any j
but if I make the impreflions of Senfe to be the only rule for the
Mind to judg by of the truth of things, Imakeway for thegreatefi:
impoftures, and the moll erring judgments. For if my Mind af-
firms every thing to be in its proper nature according to that Idea
which the Imagination hath receiv'd from the impreflions upon
the organs of Senfe, it will be impoilible for me ever to under-
ftand the right natures of things. Becaule the natures of things
may remain the fame, when all thofe things in them which afFedt
LI 2 the
i(j8 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. I.
the oro-ans of Senfe may be aker'd, and bccaufe the various Mo-
tion and Configuration of the Particles of Matter may make luch
an imprcllion upon the Senfes, which may caufe an Idea in us of
that in the things themfelvcs, which yet may be only in the man-
ner of Senfation j as fome Philolbphcrs fuppofc it to be in Heat
and Cold. Now if the Mind judgcth of the nature of things ac-
cording to thofe Ideas which come from the nnprcflions made up-
on the organs of Senfe ; how is it poilible it Ihou'd ever come to
a right judgment of the natures of things ? So that in reference
even to the groflcft material Beings, it muft be the Perception
only of the Mind, which can truly niform us of their proper Na-
ture and Eflence. Befides, there'are many Ideas of thmgs in the
Mind of Man which are capable to have Properties demonftrated
of them, which never ow'd their original to our Senfcs> and were
never imported to the Mind at the Keys of the Senfes. Such are
mod Mathematical Figures, which have their peculiar Properties
and Demonftrations; inch are all the mutual refpecls of things to
each other, which may be as certain and evident to the Mind as
its felf is : now it is plain by this, that all certainty of Knowledg
is not convey'd by the Seniles •, but our trueft way of certain un-
derflanding the Nature of any thing, is by the clear and dillinft
Perception of the Mind, which is founded on the truth of our
Faculties -, and that however we may be deceiv'd when we do not
make a right ule of our Reafon, becaufe of the imperfeftion of
our prefent ftatej yet if we fay our Minds may be deceiv'd when
things are evident and clear to them upon plain Principles of Rea-
fon, it is highly to reflect upon that God who gave Men ratio-
nal Faculties, and made them capable of dilcerning Truth from
Falfliood.
2. That liue have clear and diftinci Perception that necejjity of
Exijfence doth belong to the Nature of God. For which we are
to confider the valt dilterence which there is in our Notion of
the Nature of God, and of the Nature of any other Being. In
all other Beings, I grant we may abftraft Eflence and Exillencc
from each other -, now if I can make it appear, that there is evi-
dent Reafon, ex parte rei^, why I cannot do it in the No-
tion of God, then it will be more plain that neceflity of Exiftence
doth immutably belong to his Nature. It is manifeil: to our Rea-
fon, that in all other Beings, which we apprehend the Natures of,
nothing elfe can be imply'd in the Natures of them beyond bare
pollibility of Exiftence •, no, altho' the things which we do appre-
hend, do really exift ; bccaufe in forming an Idea of a thing, wc
abftraft from every thing which is not imply'd in the very Na-
ture of the thing: now Exiftence being contingent and pollible,
as to any other Being, it cannot be any ingredient of its Idea, bc-
caufe it doth not belong to its Effence-, for we may fully appre-
hend the Nature of the thing, without attributing Exiftence to it.
But now in our Conception of a Being, abfolutely perfedV, bare
poftibility or contingency of Exiftence fpeaks a dired repugnancy
ro the Idea of him; for liow can we conceive that Being abfolu-
tely perfcd, which may want that which gives life to all other Pcr-
f«dtions, which is Exiflence? Theonlylcruple which Mens Minds
arc fubjca to in apprehending the force of this Argument Hes m
this.
Book III. Ckip. I. OR IG INKS SACRAL. j.69
this, IVhether this necejjary Exijlence doth really belong to the Na-
ture of that Being iji'hofe Idea it is, or elfe it be only a Mode of our
Conception in apprehending God? For clearing of this, \vc mufl
conllder by whnt certain Rules we can know when the compofi-
tion of things together in the Underlianding doth depend upon
the mere Operation of the Mind, and when they do belong to
the things themfelvcs and their immutable Nature. For wliich wc
have no Rule ib certain and evident as this is, that in thofc things
which depend merely on the A£l of the Mind joyning together,
the Underlianding cannot only abftradt one thing iVom another, but
may really divide them in its Conceptions from each other: but in
fuch things which cannot be divided from each other, but the
EfTence of the thing is quite aker'd, it \s a certain evidence that
thofe things were not conjoyn'd by the mere Ai^l of the Mind,
but do immutably belong to the Natures of the things themfclves.
As for inftance, when 1 conceive a Triangle infcrib'd in a Square,
a Man walking, a Horfe with wings, it is evident I may under-
ftand the Natures of all thefe things without thefc Aftcftions of
them, becaufe 1 can fully apprehend the Nature of a Triangle,
without imagining a Square, a Man without walking, a Hor{c
without wings-, thence it necelTarily follows, that the joyning of ''•'
thefe things together, was merely an A6t of the Mind : But now I
cannot conceive a Triangle not to have three Angles equal to two
right ones, nor a Man that hath not Rationality belonging to him j
for if I divide thefe Attributes from them, I deltroy their Natures j
and therefore the joyning of thefe together is not any mere AcVof
the Mind-, but thefe are fuch things as are imply'd in the very no-
tion of them, and therefore immutably belongs to them. So now,
when I conceive the notion of a Body, I can imagine all Perfe-
ctions belonging to it, without conceiving it necelFarily to exiftj
for it may be a Body ftill, tho' it hath not its Being from it felf;
but when I conceive a Being abfolutely perfeft, it is impoffible to
imagin it fhou'd have its Being from any other; and if it be from
it felf. It mud of necefllty exift. For tho' the Mind ftill be apt
to doubt, whether Exnlence in this Idea be only a Mode of Cogi-
tation ; yet that doubt may be eafily remov'd, if the Mmd doth
but attend to this, that at leaft Pol]lbility of Exigence doth belong
to all thofe Beings which we have a clear Idea of in our Minds i^
and the reafon why vv-e attribute bare poflibility to them, is be-
caufe we apprehend fome Reafon in our Minds which keeps us
from attributing necefllty of Exiftence to them, as that it is not
imply'd in its Nature, or that it doth depend on fome other Be-
ing, or that it wants mfinite Power, 8rc. Now all thefe Rcafons
which make us attribute bare pollibility of Exiftence to any Being,
are taken away when we conceive a Being abfolutely perfed ; for
then Exiftence is imply'd among the number of Perfections ; and
this Being is independent upon all others, and infinitely power-
ful-, fo that nothing can hinder its Exiftence j and therefore we
rauft conclude that necefllty of Exiftence doth immutably belong to
the Nature and Nature of God, and is not any Mode only of our
Conception-, becaufe if we take away necefllcy of Exiftence from
God, we lofe the notion of a Being abfolutely perfed.
LI ^ The
xyo ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chm L
The third thing, That if necejjary Exijtence belongs to the Na-
ture of God, he doth exifti not only follows as a ncccflary Con-
clufion from the other two, as the Prcmifles, but is in it fclf evi-
dent to any one's Reafon^ for it implies no Icfs than a Contradi-
ction for a Being to exifc necefParily, and yet it be queftionablc,
Whether it doth cxift or no? Thus much I fuppofe may fuffice
here to explain and inforce this Argument-, if any arc yet unfatif-
fy 'd, I refer them to thofe judicious Authors, who have made it
vid. Dei fj-j^^ij. peculiar buluiefs to manage it, and vindicate it from all ob-
Metlphyf. jecfions : which I'alls in only here as an Evidence that God hath
MeMt/'& "imprinted a Characler of himfelf on the Minds of Men, feeing
otfeci"'' we have fo clear and diftinft an Idcaof fuch a Being, from whom,
D:H.'More if we takc away neccllity of Exiftence, we deftroy that Notion
Antidote ^yi-,ich our Minds have of an abfolutely perfeft Being. This is
A^theiim, the firft way whereby we can conceive an infinite Being may
/. I. ch.s. make himfelf known to Mankind, by imprinting an indelible Cha-
f/.i^e'j. r''^<3^er of himfelf upon the Soul, which can be attributed to none
befides himfelf without doing manifeft violence to our own Fa-
culties, and fufpeftingourfelvcs deceiv'd in things which are moft
clear and evident to us.
XV. I come to the fccond Evidence which God hath given us of his
own Exiftence, which is the mark , and imprejfion \z:hich he hath
left of an infinite JVifdom and Counfel-, in the appearances '■jvhich
are in Nature. There needs no great Criticifm to find out the
true Author of all the Works of Nature ; the Works themfelves
fliew the Author as plainly, as if his effigies were drawn upon
them. If the great curiofity and contrivance of any artificial En-
gine fpeak the excellency of the Mechanical Wit of the Framer of
itj what ridiculous folly will it be to impute that rare Mechanifm
of the Works of Nature to the blind and fortuitous motion of fome
Particles of Matter.^ Suppofe a multitude of Letters cafually
thrown together, fliou'd fall lb handfomly in order, that we might
read in them the Names of Troja-, Juno, (:_yEneas-, '■Dido-, Tnrmis-,
j^fcaniiis or thclikc; is it poilible for any to imagin that ever they
ihou'd reach the Grandeur, Stile, Matter and Accuracy of the whole
Books of the ay
depended tipon his prej'efice-, and upon his withdrawitig fhoii'd view
the face of the heavens again (as it were the fecond courfe of
Nature) the order and ornament of the Stars-, the varieties of the
light of the Moon-, their rifing and fetting-, and their fixed and im-
moveable coiirfes ; they coiCd not hold from believitig there was a
Deity, and that thefe were the effects of his "Tower. So vaftly
different are the free and natural emanations of our Souls, from
that which we force and flrain out of our lelves by diftorting and
wringing thofe free Principles of Reafon which God hath given
lis. When a few forry Experiments and fome arbitrary Hypothefes^
muft make us form other Conceptions of things, than the Ma-
jelty, Order and Beauty of them do naturally fugged: to us: We
ice, when once we can but abftraft our Minds from thofe preju-
dices which continual converfation with the World brings upon
us, by that Speech o^ Ariftotle-, how readily our Minds will frame
an excellent Commentary upon thofe words of theKoyzlTfalmifl,
The Heavens declare the glory of God) and the Firmament f jews his
handy-work. To which purpole likewife thofe words of the ex-
cellent Orator himfelf in another place, are very obfervable-, §>uid ciceera de
efl cnim verius quam mrninem ejfe oportere tamjiulte arrogayitem-, nt //f_' "''
in fe mentem & rationem putet ineffe-, in ckIo mundoque non putet ?
avt ea qua vix fumma ingenii ratione comprehendat , nulla ratione
moveri pjutat ? §>nem vero aftrorum or dines-, quern dierumnoStium-
que vicijjitudmes-, quern menfium temperatio-, quemque ea qua gig-
nuntnr nobis ad Jruendum-, non gratum ejfe cogant-, hunc hominem
omnino numerare qui dicet ? What monflrous arrogancy woiCd it be
in any Man to think there is a Mind and Reafon in himfelf-, and that
there is none in the World "^ Or to think thofe things are mov'd
without Reafon and Underftanding-, which all that he hath is fear ce
able to comprehend'^ Neither can he deferve the name of a Man-,
from whom the obfervation of the courfes of the Stars-, the fucceffion
and order of Seafons^ and the innumerable benefits which he enjoys
in the World-, doth not extort gratitude towards that Being which
ordered all thefe things. What a low opinion then had thofe more
refin'd and generous Spirits, who went only upon Principles of
pure and undiftorted Reafon, of thofe mean and ignoble Souls,
which were inclin'd to Atheifm-, efpecially then, when Reli-
gion was fo abus'd, that it was true of the wifefl: of them, what
one faid of Erajmus, Magis habuit qmdfngeret quam quid fequere-
tur.
2.7X ORIGINES SACRAL. Book III. Chap. I.
tUTi they knew what to avoid, but not what they (liou'd embrace:
And yet when they f;iw fo much into the Folly and Superfticion
of Heathen Worfliip, they faw the greatefl: realbn ftill to ad-
here to the belief of a Deity, as may be clearly feen, efpecially in
the fecond of thofe excellent Dialogues of Tull)i 'De Natura De-
oriim: Where this particular Argument to prove a Deity from the
admirable contrivance of the Works of Nature, is manag'd with
a great deal of Eloquence and Reafon, and by particular enume-
ration of mofl confidcrable parts of the Univerfe. So unbecom-
ing a late Philofophcr was that Reafon of his, why he wav'd the
Argument from the confideration of the World, to infer a Deity,
becaufe the ends of God are unfearchable, as flowing from his
Infinite Wifdom. For, what tho' God may conceal fome things
from Men, which he intends, and are of no concernment for Men
to know, muft therefore of neceflity thofe ends of his be unfearch-
able in his works of Creation, which refer fo immediately to the
advantage of Life, and tend fo much to the veneration of the
Deity ? "
XVI. Nay, the peculiar ufe and ferviceablenefs of many parts of the
Univerfe, efpecially of Animals, and chiefly of Man , is fo c-
vident, that this hath been the main Argument which hath indu-
ced fome, otherwife Atheiftical enough, to acknowledg and adore
a Deity. And altho' the Epicureans be lamentably puzled to give
any tolerable account of many other appearances in Nature, yet
they no where difcover fo much Weaknefs and Ignorance, as when
they come to difcourfe Tie ufu partium, about the contrivance of
the parts of Man's Body. Whofe Opinion is thus briefly deliver-
ed by Lucretius i
Lucret.i.^. Nil idco quofiiam natuni'ft. in cor fore ut ttti
Tojfemus ; fed quod natum'fi id procreat iifum.
i. e. that no parts of Man's body iscere defign'd for that ufe which
they are imploy'd for-, but the parts by chance fell into that form
they are in-, and Men by degrees brought them to their prefent
ufe and ferviceablenefs. An Opinion at firft view fo ftrangelyun-
reafonable, that we cannot think Epicurus fliou'd have ever em-
braced it, had it not unavoidably follow'd upon his hhpothefis of
all things in the Univerfe refulting only from a fortuitous Con-
courfe of Atoms : According to which he fuppos'd in Man a dif-
ferent configuration of Parts wou'd happen from the various A-
gitation and Concretion of thofe little Particles which at firfl run
together in the fafliion of a Man ■-, and becaufe that Man had in
him a more florid and vivacious Spirit, made up of the mofl fr.b-
tle and movable Atoms, thence Motion came into the feveral
parts futable to the diH'erent Conformation of them. Andbecaulc
thole yVtoms of which the Soul is composed, are capable of Sen-
fation, thence it comes to pals, that it fees in the Eye, hears m
the Ear, and fmells in the Noflrils. This is the mofl which is
made of the Opinion of Epicurus by the late fedulous Vindicator
of- him, which yet himfelf c-xW^ intolerajida opinio -, and it will ap-
pear to be fo, not only as contradicting, what God himfelf hath
delivcr'd concerning Man, but what Reafon it fclf will eafily fug-
gcfl
Book III. chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. Z75
gcll fnjm the conlidcration ot the Icvcral pares oF Man's Body.
it niuit be confcfs'd there were Tome Phiiolbphers elder than Epi-
atrusi who were much incHn'd to this Opinion, as 'Democritus-,
Empedocies-, Anaxagoras, and others •, yet we find thofc who more
narrowly fearch'd into the Natures oF living Creatures, were there-
by brought to acknowlcdg a Divine Providence, which with a great
deal oF Wifdom did order the Fevcral parts oF An'mals, and ad-
apted them to their peculiar uFes. Andaltho'^r(//<;//£'in his Book
de part thus Animalhtmi hath Ihid enough to reFute the Fond Opi-
nion oF thofe Phiiolbphers-,' yet none hath handled this Argument
with more exaitnefs and accuracy, and with a more peculiar refle-
ction on Epicurus-, than Gale7i hath done in his excellent piece 'Df*
nju parti am. Which G^^/Z^Wi^wj thinks GWi?« writ with a kind o^ cajfeaj.
Enthnfiafm upon him ( adeo totiim opus videre confcriptnm c;^»a7«n;c^5 ) ^'"»' *•
and {o ail thofe feventeen Books oF his on that llibjeiF, are a kind '^'
oF I itjth Tfalm in Philofophy, or a perpetual Hymn upon the praife
of the great Creator, a juft Commentary on thole words oF the
Tfalmiji-, Pfal. 139. 14. I am fearfully and vjonder fully made-,
marvellous are thy iiorks-, and that my Soul knoweth right '•ji^ell.
In the entrance of thofe Books, Galeji firfl: Ihews the great varie-
ty of parts which is in Icveral Animals futable to their fcveral Na-
tures; the Horfc becaufe of his Swiftnefs and Pride, hath the
itrongeft Hoofs and moll cuil'd Mam ; the Lion becaufe of his
Fiercenefs and Courage hath his Strength lying in his Teeth and
Paws-, the Bull in his Horns j the Boar in his Tusks •, the Hart
and Hare being timorous Creatures, their parts are made fitteft for
flight : but Man becaufe he hath a principle of Reafon in him,
hath no defenfive or offenlive Weapons in his Body, but he hath
Hands to make ufe of both j which being joyn'd with, and im-
ploy'd by his Reafon, far exceed all thofe advantages which any
other Creatures have, beijig imploy'd not only to defend himfelf,
but to build Houfes, make Cloaths, Arms and Nets, whatever is
ufeful for himfelf, or hurtful to thofe Creatures which he hath
command over; but becaufe Man was made for Society and civil
Converfe, therefore his Hands were not only imploy'd to defend
himfelf or hurt other Creatures, but for the mutual benefit and
advantage of Mankind •, for by thefe were Laws written, Tem-
ples built, all Inflruments of Arts fram'd-, by them we enjoy the
benefit of others Wits, we can di{cou(c\v'iX.\\Tlato->Arifiotle,Hip-
pocratest and other Ancients, tho' at fuchadillancefromus. Now
that the Configuration of Parts is not the caufe of the ufe of them
afterwards-, as the Lion's paw of his Courage, the Bull's horns of
his Fiercenefs, or the ilendernefs of the Hart of its Fearfulncfs;
appears by this, becaufe the young Ones of the feveral kinds of
Animals, before their parts arc grown up, flrive to make the fame
ufe of them which the others do. As Galen faith, he had often
feen a Bull-calf puOiing with his Head before any Horns were
grown out, and a Colt kicking when his Hoofs were yet tender, and
a young Boar defending himfelf with his Jaws before he had any
Tusks, which is an evident Argument that the parts were defign-
ed for the ufe, and not the ufe to follow the parts. So, faith he,
take three Eggs, one of an Eagle, another of a "Duck, and a
third of a Serpent, and after they are hatched thro' a moderate
M m heat.
2.74 ORIGINES SACRjE. Book 111. Cliap.I.
heati '■yZ-e Jhall find '■sjheri they are but newly hatclfd-, the fjvo
-firjl 'inill be firi'ving to fly before they have JVlngs-, a?id the third
endeavoring to creep a's:ay on its Belly j artd if you breed them
up to greater TerfeBion, and bring them into the open Air-, you
iji-ill prefently fee the young Eagle mounting into the Air-, the
'Duck quoddling in a Tool:, and the Serpent creep under Ground.
Afrerwards he comes particularly to handle the fevcral parts of
Man's Bod)^ and firfl begins with the Hand, and fhews in each
part that it were impoffible to have fram'd them with greater con-
veniency for their fcveral ules than they have. The ule of the
Hand is to take hold of any thing which Man canufci now there
hemg things of fuch different lizes which Men may ufc, it had been
impoffible for the Hand, if it had been one intirc thing, and un-
divided, that it cou'd have held things greater or lefler than its felf,
but it mufl" have been equal to it. But now as the Fingers are
placed and divided, they are equally fit for laying hold of Objcds
of any fizc or quantity > for the leall things as a Barley Coin, are
taken up with the Fore-finger and the Thumb, things fomewhnt
bigger are taken up by the fame, but not by the extremities of them
as before; things fomewhat bigger than thefe, with the 1 humb.
Fore-finger and Middle-finger, and fo on by degrees, till at lafl:
the whole Hand is us'd: fo that the divifion of the Hand into
Fingers is neceflary. Neither were this enough, but the very po-
fition of the Fingers as they are, is neceifary tgo ■■, for they had
been ufelefs if they had been all divided in a right line; for the
firmed hold is either circular, or at Icaft in two oppofite points •,
but now this is provided for, by thepofitionof theThumb, which
may equally joyn with any of the Fingers in taking hold of any
thing. After this , he largely fiiews the particular neceility of
the foftnefs, roundnefs of the Flefli, and Nails on the tops of the
Fingers -, and the fpecial ufefulnefs of thefe -, and then comes to
the Bones of the Fingers, how necefTary they are for firm-hold,
and if there had been but one Bone in each Finger, they wou'd
have fcrv'd only for thole things which we take up when they are
extended; but now feeing they have three feveraljoynts, they are
fitted for all kinds of things } for when we bow our Fingers, wc
ufc them as tho' they had no Bones at all, and when we ifretch
them out, as tho' they were all but one intire Bone; and the le-
vcral infiedions of the Joynts fcrve for all kind of Figures: and
then he flicws the necelhty of the Flefli within the Fingers, and
on either fide of them, and upon them; and fo with wonderful
accuracy handles the magnitude, number, figure of the Bones,
and nature of the joynts of the Fingers, and then the Tendons
and Mulclcs belonging to the fevcral Fingers, which after he hath
difcours'd on thro' his firll Book, he concludes it with the mani-
fciliiKonvenicncy which wou'd follow in the hand, wercnotcvcry
thing in it m that exadi magnitude, pofition, and figure in whicn
it is. AV ith the fame exaftnefs he goes thro' all the parts of the Bo-
dy, iKUKlHni'; in the fecond Book all that belonas to the Arm, '\n
the thn-d the Legs, in the fourth and fifth the Organs of Nutrition,
HI tlie fixth and (eventh the Lungs, in the eighth and ninth the
Head, in tlie tenth the peculiar and admirable Fabric of the {'"yes,
jji the elevcntli the other parts of the Face, in the twelfth the parts
of
iJooK III. Chap. I. OR WINES SACK /hi. 27^
of the Back, and fo in the thirteenth, in the fourteenth and fif-
teenth the Genitals, in the fixtecnth the Arteries, Veins, and
Nerves, and in the lafl: the pecuHar Difpofition and Figure of all
thcfe Parts, and the ufefulnels of the whole Dcfign: Which is as
great as can be in any Work whati'oever, which is for us to take
notice of the admirable Wifdom of God in contriving the fcveral
parts of the Body of Man: So that, that whole Book contains in
it a mofl full and pregnant demonftration of a Deity, which every
Man carries about with him intheStruftureof hisBody, on which
account Men need not go out of thcmlclves to find proof of a
Deity, whether they confider their Minds or their Bodies, of
which it may be more truly faid than Heraclitus of old did of his
Stove, Etiafii hie T>ii fiint. So that of all Perfons, 1 fiiou'dmofl: ^"Pt. de
wonder at thofe whofe Imployment particularly leads them to the fj,^'' f\
Underftanding the parts and nature of Man's Body, if the Pro-
verb be not a great injury to them, fince they have fuller infight
into this demonfiration of a Deity in the Fabric of Man's Body,
than many others who converfe only with fome jejune and iliplcfs
Writings. And certainly, whatever is imagin'd to the contrary by
Men of weak Underftandings, the befl: way to cure the World of
Atheifm-, is true Philofophy, or a fearch into the Natures of things;
which the more deep and profound it is, the more impoflible will
it be found to explicate all the Tha7wmena of Nature by mere
Matter and Motion. It was wifely obferv'd of a great Perfon and
Philofopher, that a narrow and flight Infpeftion into Nature, in-
clin'd Men of weak Heads to Atheifm -, butamorethorow-infight
into the caufes of things, made them more evidently fee the ne-
cefi^ary depcndance of things on the great and wife Creator of
them. A little knowledg of Philofophy is apt to make Mens heads
dizzy, and then in danger of falling into the Gulf of Atheifm -y
but a more careful and diligent view of it, brings them into Sobri-
ety and their right Wits again. Such a ilight Infpedion had the
Followers of Epcnrus into the Nature of things ; for when they
found how in the prefent State of the W^orld the various Motion
and Configuration of the Particles of Matter wou'd handfomcly
lalve many appearances of Nature, they, drunk with the fuccefs, reel
prefently into an Infinite Space, and there imagin they behold In-
finite Worlds made of the concretion of Atoms, and ever fince
their Eyes have been fo dufted with thefe little Atoms, that they
cou'd fee nothing elfe in the World but them. Which howgrofs
and unreafonable it is-, will appear from our prefent fubjeft ; for
who but Lucretius or Epicurus cou'd ever think that our Nofirils
were at firfi: fafliion'd as they are merely by the violent impulfc of
the Air within, which wou'd force it felf a paflage out.^ But how
came the Air into the Body before it was forced out .^ Did it break
open the Lips, make all that round cavity in the Mouth, for a
pafiage thro' the afperaArteria? But if when it was in, it wou'd
come out again, was not the Mouth wide enough to let it go? Or
did the firft Man fiiut his Mouth on purpofe to find another vent
for the Air.^ If fo, how chance the force of the Air did not carry
away the Epiglottis ? Or if it got fafely up to the Nofe, ho\v
came it not to force a pafi^age out about the Eyes rather than to go
down fo low firft ? But i,f we believe thefe rare Contrivers of Man's
Mm 2 Body,
Z7^ ORIGINE.S SACR/E. Book III. Chap. I.
Body, all the inward Vcflels of the Body were made by the courfe
of Water, as Channels are; but how is it pollible, to iniagin,
that the Oefophagus and the Stomach lliou'd be lb curioiiily con-
triv'd by the mere force of Water? and that all the Inteftines
Ihou'd be made only as Channels, to let it out again when it was
once in ? but how comes then fuch a kind of Reciprocation and
Terifialtic Motion in thofe VeOels ? how comes the leveral Coats
of them to be fo firm? if it had been only a forced paflage, it
wou'd have been direct and thro' the fubftance of the parts, as we
find it to be in all forced paflages in the Body of the Earth. Be-
iides, if the Water receiv'd into the Stomach forced the paflage
thro' the Guts, how comes it not to run in the channel it had made
for it felf ? or did it not like that paflage when other things came
into it, and therefore found out a more iecret one into the Bladder ?
but if that were made by the Water, how came it to be fo full of
Membranes, and fo fubjed to dilatation ? Thus ridiculous will Men
make themfelves, rather than fliew themfelvcs Men in owning and
adoring that infinitely wife and powerful God, who orders all
things in the JVorldt according to the counfel of his Will. What
can be more plain and evident than the peculiar ufefulnefs of the
feveral parts of Man's Body is? What other intent can be ima-
gin'd that Man is form'd with a Mouth , but only for taking in
of Nouriflimcnt, and for receiving and letting forth of Air ? or
that an Infant is fo ready to open his Mouth, but that there are
Breafl:s and Milk for him to fuck in order to his Nourifliment ?
Why fliou'd the Oefophagus be fo hollow and the Stomach fo wide,
but that one was provided for the better conveyance of the Meat
down, and the other for the Fermentation of it? Whence come all
the other VefTels to be fo conveniently plac'd, were it not for the
diflribution of Nourilhmcnt into the feveral parts, or for convey-
ing away the Excrements of it ? Can any one think that the feveral
Mufcles and Tendons fliou'd be plac'd in the more folid parts for
any other end than for the better Motion of them ? or that the
Nerves fliou'd be deriv'd from the Brain into the feveral parts of
the Body for any other dcfign than to be the inflruments of Senfe
and Motion? or that the continual motion of the Heart fliou'd be
for any other purpofc, than for receiving and diflributing of the
Blood thro' the Arteries into the parts of the Body? or that the
Eye with all its curious Fabric fliou'd be only accidentally imploy'd
in feeing? Thcfc things arc fo plain, that however the £))/V//r^/z;zj"
may more eafily lofe themfelves, and deceive others m explaining
the appearances of Nature in fonie inanimate Beings, yet when
they come with their blind concourfe of y^/ewj" to give an account
of the parts of Animals, they miferably befool themfelves, and
expofe themfelves only to contempt and pity. It were eafy to
multiply examples in this kind, but I fliall only mention one thing
more, which is, if all the parts of Man's Body have no higher
original than the concourfc o'i yitoms in thefirflManand Woman,
by what were the Umbilical Vcflels form'd whereby the Child in
the Womb receives its Nourifliment? by what y/^(?w.f was the paf-
fage of the Sncciis nutrittns fram'd from the Mother to the Child?
how come thofc Vcflels to clofe up fo naturally upon the birth of
the Child, and it to feck its Nourifliment in quite another way?
Will
Book III. chap. I. O RIG INKS SACR/F.. ^jj
Will the Parndes of Matter whitli by their concretion form'd the
firllpair, lalve this too? Thusftill wel'eehow impoHible it is (to go
no further than our fclves) to give any tolerable account of things
without an indnitc Power and Being which produc'd all thele
things, and hath left fo plain an inlcnption of Himfelf upon the
works of Naturcj that none but thofe who lliut their Eyes can ab-
flain fi"om feeing it.
T come now to the third Evidence of a Deity^ which is, That ^^ir,
litre are fo?ne Beings in the I For Id-, "which cannot depend upon Mat- 5 '
te\' or Motion , i e. that there are fome Spiritual and Immaterial
Subftances or Beings, (for if the thing be acknowledg'd, it is un-
bccomin!;;;; a Man to contend about words) the conlequence of
this for th.e proving a T)eity , neither hath been nor 1 fuppofe
will be deny'd, by liich who queftion an infinite Being; the lame
Principles leading to the denying and the Proof of both, and im-
material Beings being the ftrongeft proof that there is Ibmething
.Tbove Matter in the World. If there be then fuch things in the
World, which Matter and Motion cannot be the caulcs of, then
there arc certainly ipiritual and immaterial Beings, and that I fliall
make appear both as to the Minds of Men, and fome extraordi-
nary etFe£ts which are produc'd in the World.
I . I begin with the nature of the Soul of Man. And herein I muft
confine my felf to thofe Arguments which dire£Hy prove my pre-
sent purpolc, and on that account muft quit all thofe common Ar-
guments to prove the Soul's immortality from the Attributes of
GoD; for all thefe do fuppofe the exiftence of a 'Deity as already
evident; neither can I rely with fafety on the way which fome
have taken to prove the immortality of the Soul merely from the
Thanomena of Senfation, which they endeavor to prove, cannot
be perform'd by mere Matter and Motion ; for granting all this,
yet the utmofl that can be prov'd by it is no greater immortality
in our Souls than in the Souls of Brutes ; and in the fence in which
that is admitted, I fuppofe an Epicurean will not deny the Soul
of Man to be immortal, as 'Demonax in Lucian faid, when he was
ask'd whether the Soul were immortal or no. It is (faid he) but as
all things elfe are ; for thole who make the Soul to be nothing but
fome more fiibtile and adive Particles of matter, do not think that
upon death they are annihilated , but that only they are difpers'd
and diflipated, or in the Tlatonifis Phrafe, may return to the Soul
of the World. Thefe ways I cannot think to be fufficient proba-
tions of fuch a fpiritual and immaterial Being in Man, which we
now inquire for, much lefs can I make ufe of lb precarious and
infirm an Hypothefis as Tra-exijlence, which makes Men apt to
fufpeft the cogency of fuch Reafons which tend to prove the ini-
mortahty of the Soul, which are linjc'd with a fuppofition , not
only inevident either to Senfc or Reafon, butlikewifeneedlefsand
impertinent. For I know no one Argument which doth directly
prove the immateriality of the Soul, that doth in the leaft inter any
necellity of Tra-exiftence-, but on the fame accounts it will prove
the Soul's eternity. Being therefore thus at liberty to inquire into
the Nature of the Soul confider'd in her felf, our only way muft
be to find out fuch peculiar properties in the Soul of Man, which
cannot be falv'd on fuppofition, there were nothing elfe but Mat-
Mm 3 ter
278 ORIGINES SACR^. Book III. Chap. I.
ter and Motion in the World. Suppofing then that all Senfatiori
in Man doth arife from corporeal Motion , which is ib (Irongly
alferted by the modern Philolbphcrs, and that the higheft Con-
ceptions which depend on Scnfc, can amount no higher than Ima-
gination, which is evident-, if it can then be prov'd that there is
a Principle of Aftion in Man, which proceeds in a different way
of operation than Scnfation doth, and that there are fuch opera-
tions of the Soul which are not Imaginations, it will be then clear that
there is a Principle in Man higher than Matter and Motion. Now
altho' it be a task fufficiently difficult to explain the manner of Sen-
fation it felf in a mere mechanical way, fuppofing no higher Prin-
ciple than mere Matter, yet it will appear far more difficult, nay
impoilible without a fpiritual or immaterial Being to falve fuch
appearances in Man which tranfcend the power of Imagination j
which will appear by thefc following Operations of the Mind,
which every one who hath it, may find within himfelf
1. Correcfing the errors of hnagmation. For if all our Perce-
ptions were nothing elfc but the Images of corporeal things left
in the Brain, the judgment of the Mind muft of neccffity be ac-
cording to the impreillons, which are made upon the Organs of
Senfe. But now \i our Minds can and do form apprehenfions of
things quite different from thofe which arc convey 'd by S'en(e,
there muft be a higher Principle of knowledg in Man than Imagi-
nation is. For which the common inilance of the jufl: magnitude oi"
the Sun is very plain > If we judg according to the image which is
convey'd to the Brain by our Eyes, we can never imagin the Sun
to be bigger than he fcems to us to be; nay tho' the Sight be ad-
vantaged by the help of 21f/^/rtf/»^j-, it cannot receive fuch an Image
or Idea of the Sun which anfwcrs to its jull magnitude, liz. that
it is 160 times bigger than the Earth. From whence now comes
this apprehenlion of the bignefs of the Sun above that proportion
which can poffibly come in at our Senfes ^. If it be faid. That by
the obfer vat ion of the lefenmg of objeBs according to the proportion
of dijlance-) the Mind may come to underfiand how jnuch bigger the
Sun may be than he feems -, I grant it, but withal inquire how the
Imagination comes to have Proportions and Diftances which arc
mere refpetfs, and can have no corporeal phantafms whereby to
be reprefented to it ; fo that by this very way of ratiocination it
js evident , that there is fomc principle in Man beyond Imagina-
tion. Again, when the Mind by ratiocination hath proceeded
thus far, and finds the Sun to be fo great, what Idea is there of
this magnitude in the Mind.^ the Mind cannot fix it felf on any
thing but it muft have an Idea of it; from whence comes this
Idea ? not from corporeal phantafms •, for none of them cou'd ever
convey the due magnitude of the Sun to the Mind, and therefore
the forming of this Idea muft be a pure a6t of Intelle£lion which
correcis the errors of Imagination, and \'& a Principle above it. So
in the fight of a ftick, when under water, the reprelentation of
it by the Senfe to Imagination is as crooked; for corporeal Mo-
tion carries things to the Eye, without any judgment upon them-,
the Eye conveys the Imagination to the Brain-, and according to
the rules of corporeal Perception muft prefently take every tiling
for true which is convey'd thither; now from what Principle is it
that
Book III. chap. I. O RIG INKS SACRAL. zyp ~
tlKit rhis error of our Scnlcs is corrc6tcd? So in many other
things wherein our Imaginarions arc quite puzl'd, and when wc
go according to them, it is impoHiblc to apprehend things as our
Rcafon tells us they arc-, thus as to tiie Antipodes our imagina-
tions arc wholly of the Mind of the Ancients, that the Antipodes
to us muCt needs be in danger of knocking their heads againft the
Stars, and if they go upon any thing, it imid be their Heads, and
that that part of the Heavens which is in the other Hemifphere is
below us-, thefe are pertinacious errors of Imagination while wc
adhere to that, and are only corrigible by our Rcafon, which makes
it evident to be othcrvvirc. Befides, there arc many things our
Rcafon and Undcrllandmg inform us that they may be, and yet
our Imaginations can form no Idea of them-, \cx.7m Epic tire anY\y\-
lofopher try the power of his Imagination in his Inane or Infinite,
empty Space-, and he will foon find, that as ftrong as his Phancy is,
it will ioon tire and retreat, as not being able to courfc thro' fo
unimaginable a Space. So for Eternal Duration our Reafon tells us
the thmg is poillblc, but when our Imaginations begin to fardle
up fome Conceptions of it, they are prcfently tying both ends to-
gether ; which will make a ilrange Idea of Eternity ; the cale is
the Tame in the infinite Divifibility of Qiiantity, which Epicurus
was fomewhat aware of when he deny'd the thing. But how many
MathematicalTroblems are there which will jade our Imaginations
prefently, and yet our Rcafon ftands ftill and afl'urcs us of the
poflibility of the things, as in tijco lines coming nearer fiill to each
other-, and yet never meeting-, and in many other things, which moft
clearly evince that there is a higher Faculty in Man which exceeds
Matter and Motion, when it is able thus to corred the faults and
to fiipply the defeats of Imagination.
2. Reflex a£is of the Mind upon tt felf-, argue a higher Principle xviii.
than Imagination. That there are fuch things is evident to any
one who hath any ufe of Cogitation -, and if any one doubt of it,
his very doubting argues he hath reflex A£Vs-, for he cou'd not
doubt whether he had or no, but by Reflexion upon himfelf
Now that reflex Afts fhou'd be caus'd thro' Matter and Motion,
or thro' mere Imagination is unconceivable. For wc fee no Mat-
ter can aft upon it felf: indeed one part of extended Matter
may aft upon another, but not purely upon it felf j the extremi-
ties of the Fingers can never feel themfelves, tho' they can touch
each other j neither can Imagination refleft on it felfj for that
proceeding upon Corporeal Images, muft: have fuch a reprefentation
from the Senfes of what it afts upon ; now what image of it felf
can be convey'd to the Imagination thro' the external Organs of
Senfe.^ The Eye may fee thro' the motion of the objefts of Sight
prcfling upon it •■, but how can it fee that it fees ^ fo the Imagina-
tion receives the images convey'd to the Brain j but what ihop
hath it to make new ones in of it fcif, and fo be guilty of the
greatell Idolatry or worfliipping its own Image ^ But tho' the
Imagination cannot thus refleft, yet we find fuch a Principle
within us that is very apt to retire into it felf, and recolleft things
which cou'd never have been conlerv'd fo long in that fliop of fha- *Hobbes'j
dows, the Imagination. For if Imagination be nothing elfe bur, as ■w««^»«
a modern * Philofopher defines it, Conception remaining, and a lit- ch.T/eh.t.
tie
z8o ORIGINES SACR^. Book IK. Chap. I.
tie and little decaying fro-in and after the a6i of Senfe-, like the Motion
of JFater after a Jtone is thrown into it -, how is it poliiblc that at
fo great a diftance of Years, as wc commonly find, the image of
a thing may be rctriev'd with as much faciUty and frcllineis as to
circumrtances, as if it were but new done? And that account which
he gives of Remembrance is very weak and infufficicnt, when he
tells us, that Remembrance is nothing elfe but the miffrng of parts-,
'xhich every Man expeEieth fhonld pureed after they have a conce-
ption of the '^■hole. For according to this, it is impoilible for the
Men to retrieve any objedt without mutilation of it -, and fo there
cannot pollibly be a recoile>:fing of all circumfianccs, when an ob-
je6f is once pafs'd, and the Motion begins to decay. But all this
while, we underlland nothing by what means this decaying Mo-
tion fliou'd continue fo long as our Memory can fetch things back,
or by what means an object when once pais'd , can be recover'd
again, if Memory be nothing elfe but decaying Motion. Such per-
plexities muil needs ariic, when Men will undertake to falve the
inward operations of the Soul by mere Motion •■, but is it not evi-
dent that many times when the Mind is imploy'd about other
things, fome Phantafmsof things long ago pall will come and pre-
fent themfelves to the Mind with as muchclearnefsasif newdone?
whereas if Memory were decaying Motion, the longer paft, the
more impoflible wou'd it be to recover any thing; but, do we not
find that many old Men will better remember the circumlfances of
many things they did in their Childhood, than a year or two be-
fore ^ Befides, we lee what quicknefs and vivacity there is in ouc
Intelledtual Faculties above Corporeal Motion, with what facility
the Mind turns it felf from one object to another, how lliddenly
it rangeth the whole World, how it trips over Mountains, crofletli
the Ocean, mounts to the Skies, and at lall quarries upon it felf,
and all in the twinkling of an intellectual Eye. As quick as the
Eye of the Body is, the Mind far exceeds it, and can withdraw
the Imagination from attending the Organs of Senfe, thus do Men
who have their Minds much fix'd, fix their Eyes too; and yet af-
terwards can fcarce tell themfelves what they have look'd on all
that while. Sometimes the Mind fits and compares Phantafms to-
gether, and fports it felf in forting them into feveral ranks and or-
ders, and making matches between fuch things which arc lure to
have no afiinity with each other, which arc thence called entia ra-
tionis., or the Creatures of the Mind. And can all thcfc and many
other fuch operations which Men arc conlcious to thcmlelvcs
ol-, be nothing elfe but the Motion of fome liegmatic Matter, the
Reaction of the Brain, and the mere effe£ts of Imagination?
3. The profound fpecnlat ions of the Mind ar git e a po\ver far above
Imdgination and Corporeal Mot 1071. I wonder how Epicurus his Soul,
when, if we believe him, it was made up of Atoms-, cou'd ever
imagin an Infinite Vacuity? Cou'd mere yltoms ever difpute whe-
ther they were Atoms or no? For I doubt not but Epicurus was
fain to argue much againlt himfelf, before he cou'd pcrfuade him-
fclf to fo (lupcndious a piece of folly. Were there nothing in
Man but mere Corporeal Motion, whence came the difpute, whe-
ther the Soul were Corporeal or no? Can Atoms frame Syllogifnis
nwV(?tf^and Eigurc? and mere Matter argue /r^ andr^w, whtthcc
It
Book III. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/F.. 281
it be Matter or foincthing elfc? What kind of Acrcal Particles
were their Souls compounded of, who fird fanfy'd thenifclvcs to
be immaterial? What (irangc agitations of Matter were thofe
which firft made Men think of an Eternal ftatc? which thou;2;hts
have ever fuKerofluck upon thclc little Spherical Bodies, tliatthcy
cou'd never yet dJsburthen themfelves of tkcm ? Whence come
fuch amazing fears, ilich dreadful apprehcnlions, fuch finkin"-
thoughts of their future condition in Minds that wou'd fain eafe
themfelves by believing, that death wou'd put a period both to
SoulandBody? Whence on the other iide come fuch incouraging
hopes, fuch confident cxpeftations, fuch comfortable prepoflcf-
fions of their future flate, in the Souls of good Men, when their
Bodies are neareft to the grave? Seneca-, who was fomewhat du- senec.pnf.
bious fometimes as to the future condition of the Soul, yet cou'd "'' -^''A-
tell his dear LncU'ius with what pleafure he cou'd think of it-, and '""'^'
cou'd elfewherc lay of the Soul, Et hoc habet argmnentum divini-
tatis fu£ quod ilium divina deleBant-, nee itt alietus inter eft fed ut
fuis : The Soul had that mark of '-Divinity in it-, that it '•ji'as mofi
■pleased with 'Divine Speculations-, and conversed -with them as with
matters which nearly concerned it. And when it hath once view'd
the dimenfions of the Heavens, contemnit domicilii prioris angu-
jlias-, it was afham'd of the Cottage it dwelt in 5 nay, were it not
for thefe Speculations, non fuerat opera pretium nafci, it had not
been worth while for the Soul to have been in the Body ; and as
he goes on, detrahe hoc ineftimabile bonum-, non ef vita tanti ut
fiidem-, ut aftuem. Cou'd there be now fo great an Epicurifm in
Contemplation, were the Soul of Man of Epicurus his mould, a
mere complexion of Atoms ? wou'd dull and heavy Matter ever
have delighted to have fearch'd fo much into the caufes of things,
to have gone over the World in its Speculations, and found more
fweetnefs in Knowledg, than the little Epicure-, the Bee, tafts in
his choiceft Flowers ? Epicurus his own Philofophy is a demon-
ftration againft himfelf-, if his Soul had not been of a purer Na-
ture than he fanly'd, when his Brain had been well heated at his
Study, thofe more vivid and fpirituous Particles, like the fpirits of
Wine, had been in danger of evaporation, and leaving the more
lumpifh matter to complete his work. Of all Perfons, I moft ad-
mire that Philofophers, who make fo much ufe of their Under-
ftandings, fliou'd fo ungratefully requite them, and ferve them like
old Horfes, when they have made them do all the fervice they
cou'd, turn them into the high- ways, and let them die in a ditch.
But yet all Philofophers have not been fo unthankful, fome have
underilood the worth of their Souls, and aflerted it, if they have not
us'd too high, i. e. Tlatonical expreflions of it, making it a Par-
ticle, not of Matter, but of the Divine Nature it felf, a little Deity
in a Cottage, that flays here a- while, and returns to that upper
Region from whence it came. As Manilius ipeaks,
An dubium eft habit are 'Deximfub peEiore noftro-, unmU.A,.
In cceliimque redire animas^ coeloque venire ?
And while the Soul is here in its Cage, it is continually fluttering
up and down, and delighteth to look out now at this part, and
N n thea
i8z ORIGINES SACRAL. BooKlII. Ckip. I.
then at another , to take a view by degrees of the whole Uni-
verle, as the lame Poet goes on,
^id niiriim nofcere mtindum
Si pojjiint homines-, qmbns eft & mundns in ipfis :
Exemplnmqiie "Dei qnifqne eft in imagine par v a?
The Soul hath nothing more dehghtful to it than Knowledg, and
no Knowledg fo pleafing and latisfaftory as of him whofe Image
and Superfcription it bears, who makes Himfelf moft known to
fuch as enquire after him ■■,
Seqne ipfum inculcat & ojfert
Ut bene cognofci pojjit.
I conclude this with xhztoi Seneca-, in that excellent Preface to his
Natural §lueft ions-) O qnam contempt a res eft homo niftfiipra hnmana
fe erexerit ! What a pitiful thing is Man-, 'were it not that his Soul
ti-as apt tofoar above thefe earthly things? And by this Aptnefs
to foar fo high above thefe Terrene Objeds, and to converfe with
fo much freedom with fpiritual Beings, as well as abftraded No-
tions, we may certainly infer that our Rational Souls are of a tar
more noble and refin'd Nature, than that more feculent Principle
of Imagination, which always converfes in face Romuli-, and can
go no further than our Senfcs carry it. And thus I have made
good the iirft proof, that there is fomething above Matter and
Motion in the World, which is from that immaterial Being which
is in Man.
XIX. The next Evidence which we have of a Being above Matter and
2. Motion, is, from the extraordinary ejfe^s izihich have been in Na-
ture. I fpeak not now mcrelv of fuch things which by their Na-
tures and Effefts are manifcftcd to proceed from Ibme Beings which
bear ill-will to Mankind, multitudes of which are related by Men
philofophical and inquifitive, with fuch enumerations of circum-
Ilanccs, and particular Evidences, that they are not mere inipo-
flures, that one may on the lame grounds queftion any Matter of
fa«St which himlelf did not lee, as fuch relations which are deli-
ver'd by Perfons without intcrclt or dclign, and fuch as were able
to judge of the truth of circumftanccs ; liich are both ancient and
modern Philofophers, Phylicians, States- men, ahd others. Nei-
ther lliall I infill on fuch Prodigies, which oft-times prclage revo-
Machiav. lutions in States, if we beheve Machiavel himfelf, who in a whole
f/f't^''' ^'Ji^Ptcr defignedly proves it; and profelfeth himfelf utterly to
fcek for the caufes of them, unlcls they may be attributed to Ibme
Spirits and Intelligences in the Air , which give the World notice
of fuch things to come. But thofe things which I fuppofe have
the moft clear and undoubted Evidence of true and undoubted Mi-
racles (the Matters of faiSt being aflirm'd by Eye-witneifcs, who
fcal'd the truth of them with theiV Lives) are thofe recorded in the
Holy Scriptures •, which there are only two ways to evade, either
byqucftioning the truth of the things, which I fuppofe in the pre-
cedent Book we have prov'd with as much rational Evidence as
any thing of that nature is capable of, or clfe that the things therein
recorded
BooKlII.Clmp.il. ORIGINES SACRAL. 185
recorded might be lalv'd wirliouc a ''Deity. For which only two
ways have been excogitated by Atheijtical Spirits, either attri-
buting them to the power and influence oF the Stars, the founda-
tions of which fond and abfurd Opinion have been taken away by
thole many Writers, wlio have rationally confuted the whole Art
oVJiidicicil Jftrology-, or clfc that they are done by mere power of ^- P- "•
Imagination, which is the way o'i Aviccnna and fomc other Ara- ftwy of^
bic Writers, which is fo wild an efFecl of the power of Imagina- Godiincfs.
tion, that nothing doth fo much dcmonftrate the irregular Mo- ^\1'X^^'
tions of it, as fuch an Opinion doth -, and is fuiticiently derided
and refuted by Toniponatius himfelf Now then, it being an ac-
knowledg'd Principle in Nature, That every thing continues in the
courfe it is iriy till fomething more poiz-crfiU put it out-, if then fuch
things have been in the World, which have been real alterations
of the courfe of Nature, as the Sun's [landing Jtill in the time of
Jofliua, then there mufv be fomething above Matter and Motion,
and confequently that there is a G o d.
C H A P. II.
Of the Origin of the Univerfe.
The 7ieceJJity of the belief of the Creation of the Tf'^orld in or-
der to the truth of Religion. Of the federal Fypothefes of
the Philofophers "who contraSB A loles : ~2;ith a particular ex-
amination of them. II. The ancient Tradition of the World
confonant to Mofes ; prou^d from the Ionic Philofophy of
Thales, and the Italic of Pythagoras. III. The Pythagoric
Cabala rather ^Egyptian than Mofaic. Of the fluid Matter,
'which nvas the material Principle of the Univerfe. IV. Of
the Hypothefss of the Eternity of the World af^erted hy Ocel-
lus Lucanus and Ariftotle. V. The lueaknefs of the Founda-
tions on lihich that Opinion is huilt. Of the manner of form-
ing principles of Philofophy. VI. The poffibility of Creation
prou'd. [No arguing from the prefent Jiate of the World a-
gainjl its beginning, Jhe^-jSd from Maimonides.] VII. The
Platonijls arguments from the goodnefs of God for the Eternity
of the World, anf-v:erd. VIII. Of the Stoical Hypothecs of
the Eternity of Matter ^ ^whether reconcilable ^^^ ^^^ Hopes ivhich are grounded on the '■Prumifes of
f. zf. God, are vain and fruitlefs. For if the World did of necclTlty
cxiR, then God is no free Agent; and i'^ fo, then all Inftitutcd
Religion is to no purpofe-, nor can there be any cxpcftation of
Reward, or fear of PuniOiment from him who hath nothing clfc
to do in the World ■■, but to fet the great \^^heel of the Heavens
going. So much is it our concernment to inquire into the true O-
riginal of the World-, and on what Evidence of Rcafon thofeO-
pinions are built, which arc fo contrary to that account given of
it in the very entrance of the Books of Mofes. Wherein we read
the true Origin of the Worltl to have been by a Produdlion of it
by the Omnipotent Will and V7ord of God. This being then
the plain Aflcrtion of Mofes-, we come to compare it, in point of
Realbn, with all thofcfcvcral //y/'(?//;r/^j' which are repugnant to it,
which have been embrac'd in Icveral Ages by the Philofophers
of grcated ellccm in the V*''orld. Which may be reduc'J to thcfc
f(»ur: J. Such as fuppofe the J For Id to have ex i (ted as it is from
all Eternity. 2. Such as attribute the Format ion of the I (or Id
as It is to Cod: but '■ji.it hal affcrt the pra-exi(tence and etcrni-
' ' ty
BooKllf.Chap.il. RIG I NHS SACli/ii. 285
ty of JSlatter 3. iSucb as deny any eternity to the fVorld', but
afjert the Origin of it to have been by a cafnal contour fe of A-
toms. 4. Such as endeavor to explain the Origin of the Univerfe
atid all appearances of Nature-, merely by the Mechanical Laws
of the motions of Alatter.
I begin with thofc who aflcrt the eternity of the World asitisj n.
among whom Ariflotle hath born the greatcit name j who fcems to
have arrogated this Opinion to himlelF-, For when he inquires
into the judgment oF PhiloFophers, who had writ bcFore him,
he fays ci tliem, ■^I't^o^ ^ »» u.ymm<, ^yui ^xav, all the 'Phtlofophers -^^ipt- ie
afjert ed that the World was made-y tho' fonic one way, Ibme a- '^\'^' '*
nother. And were this true which Anfiotle faith, it wou'dbethe
flrongeft Prejudice againll his Opinion-, For iF the World had been
eternal, how Fliou'd it come to pafs, that the eldeft Philofophers
fliou'd fo readily and unanimoully embrace that Opinion which
aflerted the Produdtion of the World? Was it not a iFrong pre-
llimption of the novity of the Univerfe, that all Nations to v/hom
the Philofophers reforted had Memorials left among them of the
firft Oric^in of things? And from henceitisobfervable, that when
the humor of philofophizing began to take the Greeks (about the
XL Olympiad, when we may fuppofe Thales to flouriflh) the be-
ginning of the World was no matter of difpute, but, taking that
for granted, the inquiry was, out of what material Principle the
Univerfe was form'd 5 of which Thales thus delivers his Opinion
in Tully ; aquam dixit effe initium rerum-, '\Deum ant em earn men- cueroie
tem qua ex aqua cun£la finger et -, wherein he plainly diftinguifh- ^'^'"- -^'"■■•
eth the efficient from the material Caufe of the World. The ' '" '' ^^'
pi'ime efficient was God, the material principle, Water. It is a
matter of fome inquiry, whether the firlf principles of Philofophy
among the Greeks were not rather fomeTraditional things convey-
ed to them from others, than any certain Theories which
they had form'd from their own Experiments and Obfcrvations.
The former is to me far the more probable on many accounts, but
chiefly on this, that the firll principles of the two Founders of the
chief Sedts of Philofophers, viz. thclonic znd Italic (for all the o-
ther were but the various iffijes of thefe two) did come fo near to that
which we have the grcatefl: Reafbn to believe to have been the
moil certain account of the Origin of the World. For this O-
pinion of Thales fecms to have been part of that Univerfal Tradi-
tion which was continu'd in the World concerning the firft prin-
ciples of things : for I do not fee any reafon to aver with fo much
confidence, as fome do, that thofe Philofophers who fpake any
thing confonantly to Mofesy muftprefentlyconverle with the J^ixt,
tranlcribe their Opinions out of the Scriptures, or have them con-
vey'd to them in fome fecrct Cabala of the Creation, as it is af-
firm'd of Tythagoras and Tlato, and may with no lefs reafon of
Thales. But this I fuppofe may be made evident to any confider-
ative Perfon, that thofe Philofophers of Greece^ who convers'd
moft abroad in the World, did fpeak far more agreeably to the
true account of things, than llich who only endeavor'd by their
own wits to improve or corre£t thofe Principles which were deli-
ver'd by the other Philofophers. Which I impute not fo much to
their converfe with the Mofaic Writings, as to that Univerfal Tra-
Nn 3 dition
TsT ORIGINES S ACK/E. Book III. Chap. II
dition of the firi^ Ages of the World, which was preier v'd far
better among the jP/:'(r'«/a^«i'5 ^^^gyptians^ Chaldeans-, and others,
than among the Greeks. For \rhich we have this evident Reafon,
that Greece was far more barbarous and rude in its elder times,
than thofe other Nations were, which had means of preferving
fome Monuments and general Reports of the firft Ages of the
\^^orld, when the Gr avians wanted them. And therefore we find
that Greece from its beginning lliin'd with a borrow'd Light -, and
faw not by an extramiiHon of Rays of Knowledg from its felf,
but by an intromiflion of thofe reprefentations of things which
were receiv'd from other Nations. Thofe who form'd Greece ^^^^
into civil Societies, and lick'd it into the iliapc of well order-
ed Common- wealths, were fuch who had been Traders for knowledg
xyiodorm, into foreignParts. To which purpofe 'Diodorus Siculiis informs us
'••• ^' ^"^ /■^/7/^Lycurgus ^W(^ Solon, as --ji-ell as the Toets-, Orpheus, Mufcus,
^^■^„^J/^^" Melampus^zw^ Homer, and theThilofophers-, after-jcards Pythago-
l- 10. ras, Plato, and others-, had gain' d rnoft of their K7io-ji'le'dg and
IFifdom out of ^gypti nay, he faith in general, i^. r -^^ '£»,«
5» >o[ii,lfi,uv ,^ -mihlui jj^iUxain'- All thofi' ''ji'ho wcrc reno-ji'7i'd among the
Greeks for JVifdom and Learning-, did in ancient time refort to
yEgypt, to be acquainted "jvith their Laujs and Kno'sjledg. On
this account therefore we are not to feck for the ancient and ge-
nuine Tradition of the World from the native and home-bred
Greeks-, fuch as Ariftotle and Epicurus-, but from thofe who took
the pains thcmlelves to fearch into thofe Records which werepre-
ferv'd among the elder and more knowing Nations: And altho*
the Nations they reforted to, fought to advance their own Repu-
tation in the Hiftories of their Ancient Times, of which we have
already given a large account, yet they were more faithful in the
account they gave of the Origin of the whole Univerfe. For it
Diog. La- appears fvom'Diogenes Laertius-, that the (L/:£^J'/'/^/V7«j did conftant-
ert.froocm. ly bclievc. That the World had a beginning-, and '-^•as corrttpti-
^' ''' ble i that it was a Spharical-, and the Stars "-Ji'ere of the nature
of Fire -, that the Soul '■ji'as of an Immortal nature-, ajid did pafs
up and da\z-n the IVorld. Which Laertius cites from Hecataus
and Ariftagoras. So that we need not make ^Pythagoras acquaint-
ed with iiich a Cabala of the Creation, which in all probabilitv
neither the Jews nor he ever dreamt of-, we find a fair account
may be given of moil of the Opinions of '■p)'//:'rt;^^(9rrtx, and whence
he dcriv'd them, without forcing the words of jMofes into fuch a
Icnfe, which the plainncfs and perfpicuity of the Writings of v^/£, «AxoV {c^ ifi V85 jio?) an a£iive and forming Principle-, and that "^"f 3-
was God, whom he call'd Mind, (as y/w^Ar^^tfir^x like wife did) the
other -ri TmyiMv 71 ^ ixtMv (o^ iiif i^tii »oV;«.®-) pajjive and material^
which is, the vifible World.
And thus we lee thefe two renowned Founders of the Ionic and "i-
Italic Societies of Philofophers, both giving their concurrent Te-
ftimony with Mofes as to the true Origin of the World, and not
at all differing from each other j for thus Thales fpeaks in 'D/'o- ^'"s-^y-
genes IiaertiUSy •^tsirft/'&Si' r ovrau, JfA* dyiwn'^y Y^* xu»i^y yjirf/i<^-, m:Uy^ V> ')^i,
God is the eldeft Being-, becaufe unbegotten j the IVorld the fnojl beauti-
ful, becaufe it is God's workmanjhip. To which thofeexpreilionsof ^ifto'"
Vlato-, in his Timaus-, come very near (whofePhilofophy was for fub- ,047. e^.
Itance the fame with thcPythagorean) when he had before afcrib'd the R«w.
Produftion of the World to the goodnefs of God, which good-
nefs of his did incline him to make all other things like himfclf
©/(Ai5 Br' iw KJ-' 157 tJ ci&i^(» J)i«» «»!> ■sfKiu) -TO xdx^iTtv. For the mofl excellent
Being cannot but produce the mofl excellent Effecls. And as to
the material Principle out of which the World was made, there
appears no great difference between the i'Ji^ of Thales, and the i-Ai
oi Plato ^ndPythagoras ; for Plato, when he tells us what a kind
of thing the material Principle was, he defcribes it thus, em 'vim-
;ya»'«j3»(««i» x(i'B|i4"oi' '^•')i«'i«'fAiir? 1^ «&V.7a?, wliich as Chalcidius renders it, is rim.p.zj.
motu import uno flu^ua?is neque unquam quiefcens, it was a -oifible '^- Meurf.
corporeal thing {-^^ oii? or mixture of Mud and A^^ater together
which others fpeak of as the Principle of the Univcrfe; asOrpheus, crot. An.
in Athenagoras, z.\\dx\\(t^c\\o\\.a'i^o\\ApolloniusQ\x.zd\yjGrotius and '""-w^ «.
others. Which we have the more reaibn to believe, becaufe the chrifi. Rtj.-
Sue-
i8 8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. I! .
Succcilbrs oF Thales-, Anaximander wndAnaxagoraSi cxprcis thcm-
felves to that purpofe. Anaximander call'd the Sea, v ■rfwTDc 4y^cw3^
^j iu.i Tnp-JitS^ix.. all things "were at firft confused together : which
muft needs make that which Chalcidius tells us Nmnenius attri-
tzhdctd.m butes to ^Pythagoras-, which his Tranilator calls Syham jlmdam-, or
Ttm.f.-i,<)3, jliiid Matter. Which is the fame likewifc with the \Phce/iicians M«r,
which as appears by Eufebius-, fomc call ''a«'^. others ^'Aa-a'^-s; /*i'|f».5 ^-
pri^.k- •■}"'" fome, Af/Zt:/ or Slime, others, the pntrefa£fion of 'ivatery Mix-
lang.l. I. tnres-, which they fay was, '^"is- y-Tiir^ui »l m,xu tsd
•f vfM -pr-Adiu!, v^.\ qtfuTKc ')i„?,o y>i miv'^: , that the moft ancient and remote '^Per-
fons and fir ft Writers of 1 heology held this Opinion of JVater being
the fir ft material Principle of thi?igs.
Having thus made it appear what a confcnt there was between
the ancient Tradition of the World, and the Writings of Mofes
concerning the Origin of the World; I now come to coniidcrup-.
on what pretenfc of Reafon this Tradition came to be contradict-
ed, and the Eternity of the V/orld aflertcd. F'or which we are to
confider, that the difference of the former Philofophersof the Io-
nic Seft, after the time of Thales-, as to the material Principle of
the World, one fubrtituting Air, another Fire inftead of Water,
rcndred the Tradition it fclf fufpe<£ted among other Philofophers,
efpecially when the humor of innovating in Philoibphy was got a-
niong them, and they thought they did nothing unlefs they con-
tradicted their Mafl:ers> thence came that multiplicity of Seds
prefently among them, and that Philofophy which at firfl went
much on the original Tradition of the World, was turn'd nito
Disputes and Altercations, which help'd as much to the finding out
of Truth, as the fightmg of two Cocks on a Dung-hill doth to
the finding out the Jewel that lies there. For which, fcrapingand
learching into the Natures of things had been for more proper, than
contentions and wranglings with each other; but by means of
this litigious humor, Philoibphy from being a Dcfign, grew to be
a mere Art, and he was accounted the beft Philofopher, not that
fearch'd further into the Bowels of Nature, but that drefs'd and
trick'd up the Notions he had in the befl:pofture of defence againfl:
all who came to oppofe him. From hence thofe Opinions were
moft plaufible, not which were moft true, but which were moft
defenfible, and which \\\it.'T>es-Cartes his fecond Element, had all the
Angles cut off, on which their Adverfaries might have an advan-
tage of juftling upon them, and then their Opinions were account-
ed moft pure when they were fo Sphcerical, as to pafs up and down
without interruption. From fuch a degeneracy of Philofophy as
this we have now mention'd, arofe the Opinion of the Eternity of
the World -, for the certain Tradition of the World being now loft
in a crowd of PhilofopherS) whofe main aim was to let up for
themfelves, and not to Trade with the Common- bank, fo that
there cou'd be no certain and conviclive Evidence given to a fliuf-
fling Philofopher that things were ever otherwife than they are j
they found it moft defenfible to aflert that the World never had a
beginning, nor wou'd have an end, but always did, and wou'd
continue in the ftate they were in. This Opinion, tho' Ariftotle
feems to make all before him to be of another mind, yet was hatch-
ed, as far as we can find, at firft, under Pythagoras his Succefi^ors by
Ocellus Lucanust as appears by his Book ftill exftant, '^i -^ ? -^^-^i
o ORIGINES SACRyE. BooicIII. Chap. II.
ed in his Notes on Ocelius, altho' Jlriftotle had not the Ingenuity
of Tl'my-, agnofcere per qiios profeccrit. From Ariftotle this Opi-
nion together with his Name, Ipread it felf much farther, and be-
came the Opinion moft in vogue among the Heathen Philofophcrs,
efpecially after the rife of Chrillianity •, for then not only the 'Pe-
ripatetics-, but the modern Tlatonifts-, 'Plotinus-, Apukius-, Taurus-,
lamblichus-, Alcinous-, Proclus-, and others, were all engaged in
the defence of the Eternity ofthc World, thinkmg thereby the bet-
ter to overthrow Chriftianity. Hence came the hot and eager Con-
tefts between Trocliis-, Simplicius-> and Thiloponiis-, who undertook
to anfwer Troclus his eighteen Arguments for the Eternity of the
World, and to charge Ariftotle with felf-contradi£tion in reference
to it. But nothing were they more troubl'd about, than to recon-
cile the Titnaus of 'Plato with the Eternity of the World, which
they made to be a mere Hypothefis-, and a kind of T)iagramme to
falve Providence withal j altho' the plain words of Plato not on-
ly there, but elfewhere do exprefs, as far as we can judg by his
way of writing, his real Judgment to have been for the produ-
Flato.SD- £Vion of the World by God. For which purpofe we have this
^EdVc^^' obfervable Teftimony in his Sophifta-, where he divides all manner
of Produftions of things into 'Divine and Human-, and oppofes
the Opinion that conceiv'd all things to be produc'd by an Eternal
Power, to the Opinion of the vulgar, which faith he, was ■">» (piai'
aiV- 'Jl'JtSv >in Xc®- aiWoK au(ifjt,dTi,» ^ hi-m V" itiAoV*, imiifi
Ariji. dt ^».. by Generation) and yet was incorruptible, therefore
he concludes it impoOible it fliou'd befb with theUniverfe. By which
we evidently fee what the grand Principles of Reafon among the Phi-
lofophers were : viz:,, llich Oblcrvations as they had made from
the prelcnt courfe of Nature in the order of the Univerfe. From
hence arofe that ftrong prefumption among them, which hath been
fo taken for granted, that it hath been look'd on as common No-
tion of Human Nature, 'viz,. Ex nihilo nihil fit-, which was the main vid-Laert.
Argument us'd by them to prove the Eternity of the World: and '"'^":^^-
by otheis to prove the Tra-exijhnce of Matter. So Ocellus zv^uqs """'"''
againft both the Diflblution and Produ£fion of the World from
this Principle J If the World be dijjolv'd-, faith he, it mufl either be
ii-m u\ IT? c>, S 1.5 ii 1^,1, iv, either into that '■jvhich is, or into that which is
not: It cannot be diffolv''d into that which is-, becanfe then the
Univerfe cannot be defhoy'd; for that which is-, is either the Uni-
"verfe, or a part of it : neither can it be diffolv'd into that which it
JS nOty a/Aii^i^toii ys TO o» ^ttAss^ c« T jk<(i cvlut, >) «i'? tv /«.» o> ti»tt?iv6^tccf. For it tS OcellusLn-
impoffible that a thing fJooiCd be made out of that is not-, or be dif- '^'""'[P-^6.
folv'd into yiothing. And yi^ri/Zo/^/f fomewhere tells us, that it is a """""
Principle which all the Writers of Natural 'Philofophy are agreed
in, (-sfet Y* '■""'■"'S il*3yiuH3i'Sin ■? JV|)j« KTiKfni oi i^tct -^ > otru) Ariflot.
yn^ u^y»1sv, that is irnpoffible for any thing to come out of nothing, ^^yf"^- '■ 4'
But now when we obferve upon what grounds this Principle was
took up by thefe Philofophers, we have no reafon to admit of it
as an univerfal ftandard of Nature. For we find thefe Naturalifts,
who thus aflertcd this Principle, that when they go about to prove
it, it is only from the courfe of Generations in the World, or
from the works of Art, both which fuppofe Matter 'Pra-exifienty
and from thefe fhort collections they form this univerfal Maxim.
And from hence when they difcours'd of the manner whereby
God did produce the World, their Imaginations ran prefently up-
on that which the Epicurean in Tully inquires after, ^a molitio ? '^"^^"^ ^'^
qiiie f err amenta? quiveBes? qua machine ? qui mmijlri tanti ope-
ris fuerunt ? they apprehend God only as an Artificer that con-
trives the World firft into a Platform, and then ufeth inftruments
to ereft it, and coniequently ftill fuppofe the Matter ready for
him to work upon. So true is that of Balbus in Tully, when he Uid. 1. 1.
comes to difcourfe of the Nature of God-, In quo nihil efi diffi-
cilius qiiam a cotifuetudine oculorum aciem mentis ab due ere j nothing
is more difficult than to abflraSi our Minds from the obfervations of
this vifible World when wefeek to apprehend the Nature of the 'Deity.
Thus we fee upon what general grounds the Philofophers pro-
ceeded, and from what they took them, and how infufficient any
colleftions from the prelent order of the Univerfe are to deter-
mine any thing concerning its Produftion by. For fuppofing a Pro-
duction of the World, feveral things muft of neceflity be fuppos'd
in it, different from what the prefent order of the World is ; and
it is an unreafonable thing to argue from a thing when it is in its
greateft prefe£tion, to what muft always have been in the fame
thing ; for by this means we muft condemn many things for falfi-
ties which are apparently true, and believe many others to be true
which are apparently falfe. For which Maimonid^s ufeth an ex-
Oo 2 cdlcnt
2c,i GRIG IKES SACRJE. Book 111. Chap. II:
Maimon. ccUenc limilitudc. Snppofe-, lakh he, one of exqiujite Natural parts^
More sev. r^'/jfije Mother dies ajjoon he is born-) and his father brings him up
'■ ^■'" '^' in an IJland-) --^here he may have no fociety with Majikind till he be
gro-^nup to years of t'.nderjianding^ and that he never fava any female
of either Man or Beaft : Suppoje novo this T erf on to inquire of the
jfirfl Man he fpeaks with-, how Men are born-, and how they come in-
to the World. The other tells him-, that every Man is bred in the
Womb of one of the fame kind with onr f elves-, thus and thus formed -y
and that while we are in the Womb we have a -very little Body,
and there move and are noitrifhedi and we grow up by little and lit-
tle till we come tofuch a bignefs , and then we come forth into the
World, and yet grow fill till we come tofuch a proportion as we are
of. Here pre fe7itly this young Man flops him and inquires, when we
were thus little in the Womb arid did live-, move and grow, did we
not eat and drink, and breath at our Month and No (hi Is as we do
now ? did we not eafe Nature as we do 7iow ? If it be anfwer'd
him. No } then he prefently is ready to deny it , and offers to bring
demon ftr at ions that it was utterly impofjible that it foou'dfo be : For,
faith he, if either of us ceafe breathing, but for an hour, our Motion
and IJfe is gone -, how is it then poffible for one of us tho' never fb
little, to live and move in the IFomb for fo many Months, when it
is fo clofe, and flout up, and in the middle of the Body ? If one of
us, laith he, fljou'd fwallow a little Bird, it wou'd prefently die a-s
foon as it came into the Stomach, bow much more if it were in the
Belly ? If we flooud be but for few days without eating and drink-
ing, we cou'd not live -, how can a Child then continue fo many
Months without it ? Again, if one doth eat and not -void the ex-
crement of what he eats, he will be kiWd with it in few days ^ how
can It poffibly be otherwife with a Child? If it be replfd that there
is a paffage open in the Belly at which the Child receives his nourifh-
ment, he will prefently fay that it is as impofjible as the other s for
' if our Bellies werefo open, we floiCd be quickly deflroy'd. And again,
if the Child hath all its Limbs perfect and found, how comes it not
to open its Eyes, ufe the Feet, Mouth and hands, as we do ? And
fo concludes it impofjible that Manflwu'd ever be born after after this
manner. Much after this way, laith that excellent Author, do Ari-
fiotle and others argue againll the Production of the World; for
if the World were procTuc'd, fay they, it mull have been thus,
and thus; and it is impoflible that it fliou'd have been fo: Whv?
Becaufc we lee things arc otherwife now in the World. Which
how infirm a way .of arguing, it appears from the confideration of
the former fimilitudc, in which the Arguments arc as ftrong to
prove the impofllbility of that which we know to be true, as in
the cafe about which we difpute.
VI. And this now leads us to the fecond falfe Hypothefis which the
2, opinion of the World's Eternity was founded on, which is. That
there is no other way of Brodutiion but by Generation. Moll of the
Arguments which arc us'd by Ocellus and Ariflotle againft the Pro-
duciion of the Vv^orld, run upon this Suppoiition, that it mull be
generated as wc fee things arc in the World. So Ocellus argues,
yicM. LUC. -xnv -n -n '^\v:(nai «p%^-! ii'Aij^cs. icui Silg,Xu(nv( o^£>it' Kctttinnti, ^ile (Tn^i^raf /*t5t»«A«5" fViitk
/a/, t!ui ^.-e ;/,ii'c»©- i-jti li fbiiSfit', y»\ rm iia "iS ^i(S>&' iri -n fit^JIiet' KttXunfj ii is f^) aV
Book III. Chap. II. ORI GINES SACRAL. ^^7~
,*«?£T«( -.«:? :^m
xal amvrui s^r,>,u y.al 'inti tf^m cui-m jougj'' but the IVorld is fempcr idcm, it
varies not nor alters any thing from it f elf. For which he particu-
larly inflanceth in the Courlcs, Symmetries, Figures, Pofitions,
Intervals, Proportions of Motion which are in the World, which
things all are capable of fuch a Mutation, yet we fee no fuch thing
in the Univerfe, from whence he infers that the Univerfe was al-
ways and will be as it is. Upon the fame Principle doth Ariftotle
difpute for the Eternity of the World from the Nature of his ma-
teria prima -, becaufe if the Firft Matter were generated, it muft
be generated of other Matter, and fo in infinitum ; and fo argues
from the Nature of the Heavens, that they are not capable of Ge-
neration and Corruption as other Bodies are. All which Argu-
ments fignify no more than this, that the World was not generated
as Plants or Animals are-, and whoever right in his Wits aflerted
that it was ^. But do any of thefe Arguments prove it impoflible
that God having infinite Power, fhou'd produce the Univerie
after another way, than any of thofe things are produc'd in, which
we obfervc in the World .^ For we alFert an Infinite and Eternal
Being, which was the Efiicient Caufe of the World, who by his
Omnipotent Power produc'd it out of nothing, and continues it
in its Being •, which is well exprefs'd by the Author of the Refu-
tation of Ariftotle in Jujtin Martyr s "U-'orks. IFe ajfert, faith he, Ariflot.
one God who is eternal himfelf, that hath nothing elfe co -equal ''l"'"^^-
with himfelf, neither by way of fubjeBion or oppofition, whofe°^''^'^'^"'
power is fo great that nothing can hinder it, by which power he
produc'd the IVorld, atx'" %''2=? -nS Jncf, xxl tS 2} Jva^, y.y.i %S ^5 'J^-i^hu -pU
(Muvn ^xnm ; which hath no other caufe, either of its beginning, or of
its being, or conti?iuance, but only his Will. Who fully anfwers
in a Philofophical manner, the particular Allegations out of Ari-
ftotle, concerning the Eternity of the IVorld: his defign being, as
helaith, to fllCW f*1 ^^ ■^l' ^A(k7:kiii' s7n^'yj>iv, xei6' k» £5tw./j<»io»tk^ "EXiijvs? -f^' ©sod
Tt Ktti xMa^at 7-a? Ao'yas ^^uTr, StTs TrmniKo^i;, u.».' sj'xao-fftw 75 J^kooh i^og/.cmf^H^. That the
CreekThilofophers in their difcourfes concerning God and the Crea-
tion, were very far from being as good as their word to obferve the
laws ofDemonftration, but inftead of them proceeded only upon Opi-
nions andConje^ures. And to this particular of the Pofllbility of
another way of Produd'ion, befides that of Generation, he proves
it lromy^ri//o?/i?'s own Opinion, from the equal necellity of the ex-
iftence of Matter, as of God. For, faith he, // God can pro- juft.Mar.
diiCe any thing out of Matter, which is as necejfarily exijient as him- 'pp-"v
felf, he may produce fomething out of nothing. For the fame repug-
Oo 3 Jiancy
194 GRIGINES SACR/E. EooKlII.Chap.il.
nancy that there is in that ivhich is ab fblutely nothing to be prod itc'd-,
the fame mnjl there be in that ivhich is necejfarily cxiflent. How
then can God produce fomething out of Matter which ncccfTarily
cxifts, and not be able to produce fomething cue gf nothing? For
if Matter have its original from it felf, how can it be liibjecl to
the power of another? And befides, if we acknowledg God to
have his Being from himfelf, and on that account attribute infinite
Power to him, by the fame reafon we muft attribute it to Matter.
But whatever hath infinite Power in it lelf, hath a Power upon
fomething beyond it felf j but if God and Matter have it both,
they can never have Power upon each other, or without themfelves.
Which is a far greater Abfurdity than the mere ailerting a Power
to produce fomething out of nothing, which is imply'd in the
very Notion of infinite Power > for if itbeconiin'dtoany Matter,
the Power is not infinite, becaufe we cannot but conceive the
bounds of it •, for it extends no farther than Matter doth. So that
a Power of Creation is imply'd in the very Notion of a T^eity i
and therefore it is a mere Sophifm to argue becaufe the World cou'd
not be generated, therefore it cou'd not be produc'd, unlefs any other
way of Production but by Generation, be prov'd impolTible.
VII. A third falfe Hypothefis they proceeded on was this, That the
?• Bei7ig of the World "Ji'as no effect of God's JFill, but of the neceffity
of Nature. For altho' the Philofophers we now fpeak of, did
affert a 'Deity ^ which in fome fenfe might be call'd the caufe of
the World, yet they withal afferted that the World was co-equal
with God himfelf, and fo tho' there might be fome priority in or-
der of Caufes between them, yet there was none in order of time,
or duration, as we fee the Light, tho' it flows from the Sun, yet
the Sun is never without Light. This Arifiotle proves from the
neccflity of Motion and Time: For, faith he, liihate'ver is mov'dy
muft be movd by fomething elfe-, andconfeqiiently there muft be a run-
iiing in infinitum-, but this runs on a falfe Suppofition of the ne-
ceility of a continual T'hyfical Motion in things, which we deny,
lince God by his infinite Power may give ^lotion to that which
had it not before j and fo all that can be prov'd, is theneceflityof
fome firfl Caufe, which we aflcrt, but no neceflity at all of his con-
tinual Afting, fince he may caufe Motion when he plcafe. And
for time continually exifting, it denotes nothing real in it felf cx-
ifling, but only our manner of Conception, of the Duration of
things, as it is conceiv'd to belong to Motion > and fo can argue
nothing as to the real exiflence of things from all eternity. But
the latter Tlatonifts look upon thefc as infuflicient ways of Pro-
bation, and therefore argue from thofe Attributes of God, whick
they conceive mofi: neceflary and agreeable to God's Nature j and
by which the World was produc'd if at all: fo that by the fimc
Arguments whereby wc prove that the World was made by God,
they prove it to have been from all eternity. It was well and truly
faid in '^Plato-, in his TimauSi That the goodnefs of God "-xas the
caufe of the produSfion. of the JVorld; from which Speech the more
modern Tlatonifts gather a neceflity of the World's eternity, for
from hence they infer, that fince God was always good, he mufl
always have an object to exercife his Goodnefs upon-, as the $un
d/fperfeth his light as foon as he is himfelf. True, were G o d of
the
Book III. chap. II. OR IG INKS SACR/IL 2 see-
the Nature oF rhe Sun, it wou'd be (b with him-, or were the Sun
of the Nature of God, it wou'd not be fo with it. But there is
this vaft difference between them, that tho' God be eflentiaily
and neceflarily good, yet the communications of his Goodncfs arc
the effects of his Will, and not merely of his Nature-, For, were
not tiie ads of Beneficence and Goodncfs in God the free afts of
his Will, Man muft be made as happy as he was capable of be-
ing, not only upon his firfb exiftence in the V/orld, but as long
as it fliou'd continue, by mere neceflity of Nature, without any
intervention of the will or actions of Men. And fo there cou'a
be no fuch difi'erence as that of good and bad Men in the World -,
For, if the lettings forth of God's Goodncfs to the World be fo
neceffary, all Men muft become neceflarily good, if God's Good-
ncfs be 10 great as to be able to make Men foj which I fuppofc
■will not be qucftion'd. By this then when we iec that the com-
munications of God's Goodncfs to the World are free, and de-
pend upon the eternal Counfcls of his Will, v/hich is a depth too
great for us to approach, or look into; by what neceflity then,
xi God be a free Agent, and of infinite Wifdom, as well as Good-
ncfs, mufl we either aflcrt the Eternity of the World, or fear to
deprive God of his cfTential Goodnels.^ Whereas to make tb'"
communications of God's Goodnefs ad extra necefTary, and there-
fore to make the World from Eternity, that he might have an ob-
jed; to exercife his Goodnefs on, is, to take as much off from the
infinite Perfedtion and Self-fufficiency of the Divine Nature, as it
wou'd feem to flatter his Goodnefs. For God cannot be himfelf
without his Goodnefs -, and if his Goodnefs cannot be without fomc
Creature to fhew or difplay it upon, God cannot be perfeilt nor
happy, without his Creatures, becaufe thefe are necefTary ifTues of
his Goodnefs-, and confequently we make the Being of the Crea-
tures neceflary to his being God. Which is the higheft deroga-
tion from the abfolute Perfedion of the Divine Nature. We af-
fert then fo much Goodnefs in God , as none can be imagin'd
greater; we afTert, that it was from the communication of this Di-
vine Goodncfs which gave Being to the World ; but withal we
acknowledg God to be an Agent infinitely wife and free, who di-
fpenfeth this Goodnefs of his in fuch a way and manner as is befl
pleafing to himfelf, tho' ever agreeable to his Nature. As God
IS infinitely good in himfelf, fo whatever he doth is futable to this
Nature of his ; but the particular determinations of the Afts of
God's Beneficence belong to the Will of God, as he is a mofl free
and independent Agent •, fo that Goodnefs as it imports the ne-
ceflary rectitude of the Divine Nature, implies a Perfection infe-
parable from the true Idea of God ; but as it is taken for the ex-
preflions of Divine Bounty to fomewhat without, as the objedt
of it. It is not imply'd in our conception of God, as to his Na-
ture, but belongs to the free determinations of his Will. We can-
not then, neither ought we to determine any thing concerning the
particular ways of God's Bounty towards the whole Univerle, or
any part of it, any farther than God himfelf hath declar'd it to
us. Now we fee the World exifts, wc have caufe to adore that
Goodnefs of God, which not only gave a Being to the Univerfc,
but continually upholds it, and plentifully provides for the Crea-
tures
196 ORIGINES SACRAL. BcoKlII.Chjp.il.
tures which he hath made in it. AVhich the Heathen was lb Ten-
Cicero Je iiblc oF, that the Stok' in 77///)' taking notice of the abundant pro-
Nat.Beor. vifion which is made in the World, not only for Man's ncccflitjr>
■*■ but for delight and ornament, cries out, Ut inter dum "Troncca no-
ftra Ep'icurea eJJ} videatur : God's '^Providence doth abundantly ex-
ceed Man's necejjity. We fee then from this Difcourfe, how un-
fafeandunfatisfadory (that I may not fay bold and prefumptuous)
thofe Arguments are, which arc drawn from a general Confidera-
tion of the Divine Nature and Goodnefs, without regard had to
the determinations of his Will, as to the exigence of things in the
World. It cannot certainly then be an Argument of any great
force with any candid Inquirers after Truth and Rcafon, which
hath been lately pleaded in the ht\\-A'i xhTsxPythagorean Hypothejis
of the Pra-exiftence of Souls, viz. That if it be good for Men's
Souls to be at all-, the J'ooner they are-, the better ; but 'n.'e are moji
certain that the JFifdom and Goodnefs of God vsill do that n'hich
is beft ; and therefore if they can enjoy themfelves before they
come into thefe terreftrial Bodies { it being better for them to en-
joy themfelves than 7iot~) they mnft be before they come into thefe
Bodies. JFherefore the Tra-exiftence of Souls is a yiecefary re-
fult of the Wifdom and Goodiiefs of God-, who can no more fail
to do that vjhich is bejl ., than he can to under fiand it. I now
fcriouily inquire of fuch who love Reafon above ''Plato and 'Py-
thagoras-, whether if the Eternity of the World were put into the
Argument inflead of the Pra-cxijlence of Souls, this Argument
wou'd not hold as ilrongly for that, as it doth for Pr^-exiftence -y
and if I am bound to believe Pra-exiflence on this ground, I be
not likewife bound to believe at leaft the Souls of Men eternal, if
not the Univerfc. But how reconcilable the Eternity of the
World is to the Pythagoric Cabala of the Creation, I am yet to
underftand. But if this Argument doth not at all infer the Eter-
nity of the World, as we have fhew'd it doth not, much Icfs doth
it Pr£-exiftence of Souls.
VIII. We have thus far confider'd the firfl: Hypothefis-, U'hich is re-
pugnant to Alofes-, concerning the origin of the Univerfe, which
is that which afferts the Eternity of the JVorld as it is -, we come
now to the fecond, which attributes the Formation of the World
as it is, to God, as the efficient Caulc-, but attributes Eternity
to the Matter out of which the World was fram'd. I am not ig-
norant that fome who wou'd be taken for the Mafters of Reafon,
arc fo far from conceiving this Hypothefis to be repugnant to the
Text of Mofesy that they conceive it to be the genuine fenlc of
7!lfr"rei ^^' ''''^^' That tlierc was a /'r^-^;f//?^«^ iV/^??^r, out of which God
t.i.c.^!' form'd the World. But I wou'd willingly underftand how A/i?-
fes wou'd have exprefs'd that Matter it felf was created, llippofing
It had been his intention to have fpoken it; for altho' the word
'^"'-2 may not of it felf imply ncccffarily the Produftion of things
out of nothing, /. c. out of no pra-exiflent Matter-, yet it is ac-
knowledg'd by all, that no word us'd by the 'ye-ji:s is more pro-
per to that than ^'''3 js ; and P. Fagins cites it from R. Nach-
jnani-, That the Hcbrevu Language hath no other v:ord to fignify
(nch a Production out of nothing but ^'''3- It is therefore a very
weak manner of arguing, That bccaufc ^"^"13 is fomctimcs us'd for
no
BooKlII.Cliap.il. ORIGINES SACRAL x^j-j
no more than^^CV, therefore the World was created out of "-Pra-
cxijfent Matter J all that can rationally be nilerr'd, is, that from
the mere force and importance of that word the contrary cannot
be colledcd: but if other places of Scripture compar'd, and the
evidence of Reafon, do make it clear that there could be no Tr^-
exijient Matter which was uncreated, then it will neceilarily fol-
low that Creation mull be taken in its proper Senfc. And in this
Senfe it is evident, that not only Jc-ji's and Chrijlians-, but even
the Heathens themfelves underftood Mofes-, as is plain by Galen-, Gak>,.,it
where he compares the Opinion of Mofes-, with that of Epicii- /'f"/"'"'"
rus, and ingenuoufly confefleth that of Mofes, which attributed
the Produdion of things to God , to be far more rational and
probable than that of Epicurus, which aflignd the origin of
Things to a mere cafual concourfe of Atoms: but withal adds,
that he mud diflent from both> and fides with Mofes :\s to i\\c ori-
gin of fuch things as depend on Generation, but allerts the Tra-
exiflence of Matter, and withal, that Gods po'j::er could not ex-
tend it felf beyond the capacity of the Matter ijchich it 'wrought
upon. At que id eft, faith he, /';; quo ratio nofha ac Platonis,
turn aliorum qui apud Gracos de reritm natiira recle confcripfe-
runt, a Mofe diffidet. How true thefe words are, will appear
afterwards. Chalcidius in his Commentaries on Tlato's Timaus-,
where he (peaks of the Origin of '•iM, which in him is llill tranllated
Sylva-i and inquires into the different Opinions of all Philofo-
phers about it, takes it for granted, that according to Mofes, this chaUu.
iM had its Production from God. Hebrai Sylvam generatam effe '" ^""•
confitenturi quorum fapientijftmus Moyfes non humana facundiay^'^^^'
fed 'Divina , ut ferunt , infpiratione vegetatus, in eo libro , qui
de genitura mundi cenfetur, ab exordia fie eft profatus, juxta in-
terpret at ionem LXX. prudentium } Initio 'Deus fecit cxlum ct:
terram. Terra autem erat invifibilis & incompta. Ut vero ait
Aquila i Caput rerum condidit "l^eus coelum & terram s terra por-
ro inanis erat & nihil i 'velut Symmachus -, Ab exordia condidit
'Deus caelum d^ terram. Terra porra fuit otiofum quid, confu-
fumque ^ inordinatum. Sed Origenes affeverat it a fibi ab He-
brais eft'e perfuafjim, quod in aliquant um Jit a -vera proprietate
derivata interpretatio. Fuiffe ejiim in exemplari. Terra autem fiu-
pida quadam erat admiratione. Omnia tamen hac in unum aiunt
concurrere , ut (tr generata, fie ea qua fubjeBa eft univerfo cor-
poris fylva, fermonefque ijjfos fie interpretantur. Where we
find by the teflimony of Chalcidius an univer£il confent as to
the Produ£bion of the Univerfal Corporeal Matter by Godj
for that is all which is underftood by his term of Generata eft.
But this fame Author afterwards tells us, that by Heavens and
Earth in the firft verfe of Genefis , we are not to underftand the
vifible Heavens and Earth: For, faith he, the Heavens, '•Ji;hich ,
are called the Firmament , were created after, and on the third
days when the Waters were feparated, the dry Land appear-
ed, which was called Earth, ^ui tumult uario content i fitnt in-
telleBu, coelum hoc quodvidemus, S' terram qua fubvehimur, dici pu-
tant ; porro qui alttus indagant, negant hoc coelum ab initio fa^um,
fedfecundo die. And therefore by the Heavens he underftands Incor-
poream Naturam, and by Earth, i'^'j. or the Triifiogenial Matter.
P p And
2^p8 ORIGIN ES SACRyE. Book 111. Chap. II.
Jnd this, iaith he, appears by the follo-j)iyig -j-ords. The Earth
isoas invifible and without form-, i. e. this Corporeal Matter, be-
fore it was brought into order by the Power andWifdomoFGoD,
remain'd a rude and indigefted Lump •, and that which is ^o-, might
well be call'd invifible and without form. And therefore it is cal-
led inanis and nihil-, becaufc of its capacity of receiving all forms,
and having none of its own. Synmachns calls it otiofa ^ indige-
fia; the former, becaufe of its inability to produce any thing of
iis felf: the latter, becaufe it wanted a Divine Power to bring it in-
to due order. The llupidity and admiration which Origen attri-
butes to it, he conceives to" relate to the Majcfty of God, who
was the Orderer and Contriver of it, 7%/.'/V/^»? Opificis & Au&oris
fni Majeftate capta ftupuerit. Thus we fee that according to Mo-
fes-, the firft Matter of the \\^orld was produced by God, which
origm. is largely manifefted by Origen againll the Marcionijfs, a fragment
l''%'jrt',iii o^ \A-\ich is c^zznt in hisT hi localia i and by Tertnllian againft
'adumnog. Hermogenes, and others, who from the Opinion of the prx-exi-
{ertot. ftence of Matter, are call'd Mater iarii.
IX. Having thus clear'd the Scnfe of Mofes-, it. is far more difficult
to find out the true Opinions of the ancient Philofophersconcern-
thc produflion or eternity of Corporeal Matter, there having
been fo great Diffentions, not only about the thing it felf, but a-
riutanh. bout the opinions of fome about it. For it is plain by 'Plutarch
toTeM^'e his ^vptv^"' as well as the Difcourfes of the later Tlatoniflsy how
lim. eager fome have been to interpret 'Plato's Timaiis in favor of the
Eternity, at leaft of Matter, if not of the World. But altho*
5P/<2^«? doth affert therein a pra:-cxiftence of rude Matter, before the
formation of the World, yet I fee no reafon why he fliould beo-
therwife underllood than in the fame fcnfc that we believe a C/y^
to have gone before the bringing the World into the order it is
now in. And in that fence may thofe places inP hit arch be inter-
preted, i ^■' iM ^ fij\ i'v'i®- ii ytKf.i, «'»' o« T» («.ii K»XSi xai UmZi i^',<^' anu fo
likewile thofe following words, » y^ %i '^-^ <^m ■" »'»/»'?''. «« ^J"-?*!' ■«'
il-^v-jv s'^/xffEV for the meaning may be no more than that Plato con-
ceiv'd that all the produftions of the kinds of things, which are
in the World, was out of a prx-exiftent Hyle, the one Spiritual
and Intelligible, out of which he fuppos'd Souls tobcform'd, the
other Senfible and Corporeal, out of which other Beings which
chaicu.in -vvere more grofs and material, were produced. So Chalcidi»s tcUs
""■^■^''^' us that both Pythagoras and Plato look'd upon conflitntionan
Sylvce to be opns providetitia : which I fuppolc relates not only to
the bringing of Matter into form, but to the produki:lion of Mat-
ter it (elf But after this he takes a great deal of pains to fearch
/«£. 401. ""t the true meaning of Tlato concerning the Origin of Hylc, and
mentions the great DiOcntions among the Platonijis about it, and
the obfcurity of the Timmis in it. To him therefore 1 refer the
iR-eadcr: Who likewife brings in A^«;»f«;//jlargelydifcourfing con-
cerning the Opinion of 'Pythagoras about it, who condemns all
thofe, as not underitanding Pythagoras-, who attribute to him the
fi^g-i^y produdion of the indeterrninatc Hyle: Thefe arc his words, Nu-
men ins ex "Pythagora Magijlerio Stoic or nm hoc de initiis dogma re-
fellensi 'Pyihagora dogmate, ciii concinere dicit dogjna "Platonicinn-^
ait Pythagoram-i '■Deiim quidc7n Jingtdaritatis nominajje {yto-
7nine
BooKlII.Chap.il. OR IG INKS SACR/E. z.^.j
mine appellajjc) [ylvam vero duitatis. (^a7n diiitatem indetermina-
tam quidtnh minime gcnitdm-, limit at am vcro-, generatam ejj'e die ere.
Hoc efh antequam exornaretiir quidem, for?namque & ordinem nan-
cij'ceretitr-, fine ortu & generatione ; cxornatam vero at que illufiratam-,
a T)igeftore Deo cfje generatam. yltqne it a qniagenerationis fit for -
tuna poJJerior, inornatmn illnd minime generatitm-, aqiuevum Deo-, a
quo eft ordinatum^ intelligi deb eat. Sed nonnullos "tythagoreos-, ^im
fente7itice non re^e ajj'ecutos-, putaJJ'e^ dici etiam. illam indetermina-
tam c^ immenfam duitatem-, ab una ftngnlaritate inf]itutam-> rece-
dente a natura fua ftngularitatCi & in duitatis habit nm migrante.
But however thefc ^Pythagoreans might be dccciv'd, who thouf^ht
the Unity it felf became the Deity, yet it is evident by iVwwi?-
nius-, that he look'd on the undctcrmin'd and confus'd matter to
have been co-aval with Gob himfelf, and not produced by him.
And if Numenius be as much to be credited in this as when he calls
'Plato-, Mofes Atticus, then the Creation of Univerfal Matter
can be no part of Pythagoras his pliilofophic Cabala. But what-
ever were the Opinions of Plato and Pythagoras-, concerning the
firft Origin of Matter, we are certain that the Stoics generally af-
ferted the improduftion of Matter, and make that to be as necef-
fary a paflive Principle for the Being of the World, as God is the
aftive and efficient Caule. So T>iogenes Laertius reports of the
.y^t^^r^/ Principles concerning the Origin of the Univerfe: ^"'■^'^ ^ Laen.v.
■7>!« 'ilxluj ■ -ri H !TB(Bc T an cUit^ >iipii T %':>. Thcf Make two principles of the y. Uffium
Univerfe ■) one active, and the other paffive -, the paffive-, an EJ fence ^"^f^-'f"^,
■without quality ■> called Hyle or confufed Matter -, the aBive-^ the
Reafon which a6fs on the other, which is God. Thele two Princi- senec.Ep,/i.
pies Seneca calls Caufa e5" materia -, effe vero debet-, faith he, ati- ^f-
quid unde fiat i deinde-, a quo fiat ■, hoc caufa eft, tlltid materia. Al-
tho' Seneca feems to make a Query of it elfcwherc j quantum 'Deus idem Pn.
pqftit? materiam ipfe fibi formet, an data utatur? But Zeno is ex- ^"^■"''f^'*'-
prelS in dtobaUS, Oiaiav ilsoj 75j» t ovtsv Tnivrat m^uitit ixLu, ixurlw /t' •^Mcrai' df^ot, ^^ Eclo7
S7J •=*£<« yyiiai^lvj 87T tA«T?». The fir ft Ejfence of all is Matter, which is ^h'f'<^-
eternal, a^id not capable of acceffion or diminution. To the fame
purpofe C^^/a'^/i^/j fpeaks, Stoici ortum fylva rejiciunt, qiiin po- chaidd.m
tius ipjam & IDeum, duo t otitis rei fumunt initia-, 'Deum, ut o- '^•m.p.iss.
pificem i Sylvam, ut qua operationi fubjiciatur. Una quidem effen-
tia pr adit OS facientem, & quod fit ac patitur, id corpus effe ; di-
ver fa vero virtute ; quia faciat, 'Deum -, quia fiat, Sylvam effe.
Having now found out the certain Aflertors among the Heathen x.
Philofophers of the eternity and improdu6lion of Matter as the
paflive Principle of things, we come to examin the reafon of this
Hypothefis, and whether there were foundation enough for this
matter to fubfift upon to all Eternity? It might be fufficient pre-
judice againft this Opinion, that it was built on the lame infirm
Conclufions which that of the Eternity of the whole World was,
viz. that Maxim which Lipfius attributes to "Democritiis, but was
embraced by all thofe Philofophers who deny'dproduftion of Mat-
ter, M^*
for,
1. It is repugnant to the natural Notion of a Deity, which muft
imply in it an Omnipotent Power j For otherwife wedegradehini
to the imbecillity of finite Creatures, if he cannot produce any
thino- which doth not imply a contradiftion : but what contradi-
aion is there in this, that God fliou'd give a Being to that which
had none before? For that is all we underftand by Creation,
riz. the producing of fomething out of nothing, or which had
nothing out of which it was produc'd. Now what repugnancy is
there to any free Principle of Reafon, that a Power infinite Qiou'd
raife an Infeft into Being without any palTive Principle out of which
It was caus'd-, and if an Infinite Power can do that, it may as well
produce the World out of nothing, elfe the Power wou'd not be
Infinite -, for it wou'd have its bounds fet, that thus far it cou'd
go and no further. Now if fuch a Power in God implies no con-
tradiftion in it felf, I fay, the aflerting the necefiary exigence of
Matter implies a contradiction to this Power. For i. a Power t3
produce fomething out of nothing wou'd be to no purpofe, if a
pallive Principle or pra^-exiftent Matter be neceflary to the pi odu-
«ilion of any things and fo that Being which hath a power Co pro-
duce fomething out of nothing, hath only a power to produce
fomething out of fomething, which is a plaincontradiiHion. .i.If
God hath a power to produce fomething out of nothing, eith-r^r
this power doth extend to the produftion of this Matter, or not-,
if it doth, then it depends on him •, if not, his power is not In-
finite, and fo the fame power is Infinite and not Infinite j which is
another contradiftion. So that it is plainly repugnant to the No-
tion of a God, toaflertthe nccell'ary and eternal exifi:encc of Mat-
ter.
2. If Matter be unproduced, then necefTary Exiftence mufl
belong to it as well as to God-, and if necefTary Exiffence belongs
to Matter, Infinite Power muft belong to it too-, for whatever ne-
cefiTarily exifts is Self-originated j whatever is Self-originated, cou'd
not by anyCaufe whatfoevcr be hinder'd from Being-, what can-
not by any Caufe be hinder'd from Being, hath Infinite Power-,
what hath Infinite Power, may produce any thing, and is God,
and fo Matter cannot be a mere pafiive Principle, but muft be an
aftive, and muft be God himfelf, or elfe there muft bcmoreGods
than one. To an Argument fomething of this n^xmtc Hermogencs
'^"■'"'i- in TertiiUian replies, that Matter wou'd not lofe the Name or Na-
"mrmog. ture of Matter, becaufe of its Co-eternity with God, neither
C'),- cou'd it be God merely on that account, unlefs it had other things
that were agreeable to the Nature of God as well as that. But I
have already fliew'd that neceflary Exiftencc implies other Perfis-
clions going along with it: which is likewife thus prov'd bv Ter-
tidllan in anfwcr to Hermogenes -, 7'he reafon of theImpcrfc>iHons
which arc to be feen in any Creatures, is from hence, that they de-
rive their Beings from a higher Caufc, who creates them in what
order he plcafcs-, but that which hath its original frtjni it fclf,
muft on that account want thofe Impcrfcdions which other Crea-
tures in the World have -, and therefore if neceft'ary Exiftencc be oFthc
Natui'cof Matter, all other Pcrfeftions muft belong to it too: andfo
there
BooKlII.Clijp.il. ORIGINES S ^ c'rTe. " ^
there can be no lUpenority and inferiority between God and Mat-
ter, becaufe on both iidcs there will be ncccllliry Exiftence. ©i- Tmul.c.j
'vmitas gradtrm non habet , ittpote miica : and lb the eternal exi-
ftence of Matter, is repugnant to the Unity of God.
3. It is repugnant to the Independency of God: for it makes
God fubjedt to Matter, and not Matter to God. For if God can-
not produce any thing without prx-exilfent Matter, the Matter is
ncceflary to his Adion, and fo God muft depend on that which
he can do nothing without j and fo God's ufuig Matter, is as Ter-
tullian fpeaks, ex nccejjitate mediocritatis futc, to help him in the
produftion of things. Nemo non fiibjicittir ei ciijus cget ut po(- ii"i-<-Z-
Jit Mti-, as he goes on. Thus Matter at laft is crept above the De-
ity, that God can do nothing without its aid and concurrence j
and fo as TertiiUtan ftiarply fays, God is beholding to Matter for e-
'very Being kno\z-n to the I For Id ^ grande bene fie iitm "Deo contulit tit
haberet hodie per quam IDeus cognofcerettir-, & omnipotens iiocaretnr-,
7iifi quod jam no?i omnipotens-, Ji non & hoc potens ex nihilo omnia
proferre. Thus we fee how irreconconcilable this Hypothefis is
with thefc Attributes of G o d.
4. It is repugnant to the Immenfity of God. For cither God
did exift feparate from this Eternal Matter, or was conjoyn'd with
it: if conjoyn'd with it, then both made but one Being, zsMaxi- orig.phi^
mus, or Origcn argues j if feparate from it, then there mufl: be ''"'•^•^+*
fomething between them, and fo there will be three rcalimDrodu-
ced things. If it be anfwer'd that they are neither conjoynd nor
feparate, but God is in Matter as in his proper place, as t\\c Stoics
aflerted, it is eafdy reply 'd, that cither then he is in apart of Mat-
ter, or the whole Matter i if in a part only, he cannot be immenfej
if in the whole as his adequate place , how cou'd he then ever
frame the World .^ For either he muft then recede from that part
in which he was, and contract himfelf into a narrower compafs,
that he might fafliion that part of the World which he was about,
or elfe he might likewife frame part of himfelf with that part of
the World which he was then framing of, which confcquence is
unavoidable on the Stoical Hypothefis of God's being Corporeal
and confin'd to the World as his proper place. And fb much for
this fecond Hypothefis concerning the Origin of the Univerfe,
which fuppofeth the eternity of Matter as co-exifting with
God.
I come now to that which makes moft noifc in the World, xr.
which is the Atomical or Epicurean Hypothefis -, but will appear to
be as irrational as either of the foregoing, as far as it concerns the
giving an account of the Origin of the Univerfe. For otherwife
Iiippofmg a Deity which produc'd the World and put it into the
order it is now in, and fupremely governs all things in the World,
that many of the Thanomena of the Univerfe, are far more in-
telligibly explain'd by Matter and Motion than by fubftantial Forms,
and real Qualities, few free and unprejudic'd Minds do now fcru-
ple. But becaufe thefe little Particles of Matter may give a to-
lerable account of many appearances of Nature, that therefore
there fliou'd be nothing elfe but Matter and Motion in the World,
and that the Origin of^the Univerfe (liou'd be from no wifer Prin-
ciple than the cafual concourfe of thefe Atoms-^ is one of the Evi-
Pp 3 dences
;o2
ORIGINES SACR^. BooKlIl.Chap.il.
dehces of the pronenefs of Mens minds to be intoxicated with
thoic Oninions they are once in love with. When they are not
content to allow an Hypothefis its due place and fubferviency to
God, and Providence, but think thefe Atoms have no force at all
in them unlefs they can extrude a Deity quite out of the World.
For it IS moll evident that it was not lb much the truth asthefer-
viceablenels of this Hypothefis-, which hath given it entertainment
among Men o^ Atheifiical Saints. Epicurus himfelf in his EpilHc
to Tythocles urgcth that as a confiderable circumilance in his Opi-
nion that he brought no God down upon the Stage to put things
in order, "» -^ 5"'» i^»f^li iog.
Lnert. 1. 10-
turret, tie
Kit. 1. f.
Nequaquam nobis divinitus ejfe par at am
Naturam rerum.
Pr£p. E-
iiang.l.n.
e. 22. p.
421. K. St.
Tliilarch.
de flacitis
Thil.l.u
f.4.
Muret.
Annot. in
Senec. de
pnvid.
If this Opinion then be true, the Hiftory of the Creation quite
falls to the ground j on which account we are oblig'd more parti-
cularly to confider the realbn of it. The Hypothefis then oi Epi-
curus is, that before the World ^i'as brought into that Form atid Or-
der it is now in, there was an infinite empty Space, in which were an
innumerable company of f olid T articles or Atoms of different fizes
and fhapes-, which by their weight were in contiyiual fmtion-, and
that by the various occurfions of thefe, all the Bodies of the Uni-
verfe were framed into that order they now are in. Which is fully
exprefs'd by 'Dionyfius in Eufebius-, and very agreeably to the Sence
of Epicurus in his Epiftles to Herodotus i\\&Tythocles:,-xndto\i\\xt
T bit arch reports of the Sence of Epicurus-, tho* he names him not
Cif at leaft that Book be his, which Muretus denies) the words of
'Dionyfius are thele concerning the Epicureans-, «<' 4-' -^ «''n.>»5 t^ai-^,.
■ir©Sa»o/c4<.»i) 7kk'5« ^ (pxin luc, driibXi «« nv^t ci -nS xtvd (psg^fd^uf, cw(s\ijiItz,«, tt mjfi,-mie\ov(jcA
xdTiii.ev, y.cii m c* cuinS, j«,«»e)i h xoV/ak; cim^^i MnnMT". So that aCCOtding tO thlS
Opinion, all the account we have of the Origin of the World, i.s
from this general Rendczvouz of Atoms in this infinite Space, in
which after many encounters and facings about, they fell into their
feveral Troops, and made up that order'd Battalia which now
the World is the Scheme of It was not imprudently done of E-
picurus to make the Worlds infinite, as well as his Space and A-
toniSj for by the fame rcafon that his Atoms wou'd make one
World, they might make a thouland -, and who wou'd fpare for
Worlds, when he might make them fo eafily.^ Lucretius gives us
in fo exact an account of the feveral courfes the Atoms toc^kupin
difpofing themfelves into Bodies, as tho' he had beenMuilcr-Ma-
iTcr General at the Rendezvouz ; for thus he Ipeaks of his Atoms.
Lucre 1. 1. 1 .
^lu£ quia multa modis imiltis mutata per omne
Ex Infinito vex ant ur percita plagis,
Omne genus motus & coetus experiundo.
Tandem deveniitnt m taleis difpofituras-,
^alibus hac rerum confifiit fumma creata.
And
Book III. chap. II. ORIGINES SACRA-:. 303
And more particularly afterwards}
Se{^ quia tmilta modis mult is primordia rerum Lumt. i.j.
Ex Infinito jam tempore percita plagist
'Fonder ibufqne fnis confuerunt concita ferri,
Omnimodijqite coire-, atque omnia pertentare-,
^uacunque inter fe pojjunt congreff'a creare -,
Ut non Jit minim-, ji in taleis difpofituras
'Deciderunt qnoque-, cr in taleis venere meatus^
^ualibus hac rerum genitur nunc fiimma novando.
Thus we fee the fubftancc of the Epicurean Hypot he/is-, that there
was an infinite number of Atoms, which by their frequent occur-
llons did at laft meet with thofc of the lame nature with them,
and thefe being conjoyn'd together made up thofe Bodies which
we fee-, fo that all the account we are able to give according to
this Hypothefis of all the 'Thanomena of the Univerfe, is from the
fortuitous concourfe of the Atoms in the firll forming of the World,
and the different contexture of them in Bodies. And this was de-
liver'd by the ancient Epicureans not with any Doubt or Hefitati-
on, but with the greateft Confidence imagmable. So Tully ob-
lerves of Velleiiis the Epicurean^ beginning his Difcourfc, fiden-
ter fane ut folent ifii-) nihil tam "verens quam ne dnbitare de ali-
qua re videretur -, tanquam modo ex T)eorum concilia-, & ex Epi-
curi intermundiis defcendijjet : Confidence was the peculiar Genius
of that Seft, which we ftiall fee in them to be accompany'd with
very little reafon.
tor thofe two things which make any principles in Philofophy xir.
to be rejedted, this Atomical Hypothefis is unavoidably charg'd with j
and thofe are, If the principles be taken tip 'without fujficient ground
in reafon for them s and if they cannot give any fufficient account of
the Pha:nomena of the JVorld. I fliall therefore make it appear.
That this Hypothefis-, as to the Origin of the Univerfe, is fir fl-, mere-
ly precarious-, and built on no fufficient grounds of Reafon. Se-
condly-) That it cannot give any fat is factory account of the Origin of
things.
I. That it is a precarious Hypothefis-, and hath no evidence of
Reafon on which it fhou'd be taken up •, and that will be prov'd
by two things, i. It is fuch an Hypothefis as theRpicwcans them-
felves cou'd have no certainty of according to their own principles.
2. That the main principles of the Hypothefis its felf are repugnant
to thofe Catholic Laws of Nature 'which are obfcrv'd in the Uni-
verfe.
1. The Epicureans according to their own principles coiCd haveno
certainty of the truth of this Hypothefis. And that, i. Becaufe
they coud have no certain Evidence of its Truth. 2. Becaufe their
way of proving it was infuffcient .
I . That they cou^d have no certain evidence of the truth of it, I
prove from thofe Criteria-, which Epicurus lays down as the only
certain Rules of judging the truth of things by^ and thofe were
Senfe, Anticipation and fPafimi. Let Senfe be never fo infallible
a Rule of Judgment, yet it is impollible there fhou'd be any Evi-
• dence
304 OKIGINES SACRAL. Book III. Chap.H.
dence to Senfe of the truth oF this Hypothejis -, and let him extend his
tJ OT©cr^/G>ii-.o, as long as he pleafe, which was his great help for cor-
refting the Errors of Senfe, -uiz. as it was in the Roman Court
when the Cafe was not clear, mnpliandnm eji -, So Epicurus wou'd
have the Obje£V reprefented every way it cou'd be before he pall
his Judgment", yet this prudent Caution wou'd do him no good for
this Hypothejis-, unlefs he were fo wife as to ftay till this \\^orld
were crumbl'd into Atoms again, that by that he might judg of
the Origin of it. There is but one way left to find out the truth
■ of things inevident to Senfe, (as by Epicurus s own confefllon all
thefc Atoms are, which are now the component Particles of Bo-
dies; much more thofe which by their fortuitous concourfe gave
Being to the World) and that is, if fomcthing evident to Senfe
doth apparently prove it, which is his way of proving a Vacuity
in Nature and Motion; but tho' that be eafily anfwer'd by Princi-
ples different from thofe of Epicurus^ and more rational ; yet that
very way of probation fails him in this prefent Hypothejis. For
what is there evident to Senfe which proves a fortuitous concourfe
of Atoms for the produftion of things ? nay if we grant him that
the compofition of Bodies is nothing elfe but the Contexture of
thefe infcnfible Particles, yet this is far from being an evidence to
Senfe, that thefe Particles without any wife and diredmg Provi-
dence fliou'd make up fuch Bodies as we fee in the world. And
here when we fpeak cf the evidence of Senfe, we may well ask, as
the Stoic in Tully doth, whether ever Epicurus found a Poem made
by the cafual throwing of Letters together; and if a concourfe of
ckiro de Atoms did produce the world, cur port icum-, cur temphtm-, cur do-
N-t-Dwr. .^^J^yy^^ ^j^^ urbem non poteji? Why did it never produce a cloyjier, a
temple-, a houje-, a city, which are far eafier things than the world ?
I know Epicurus will foon reply. That things are otherivife in the
IVorld no'UJ than 'H'hen it -Jias produced -, I grant it, and from thence
prove, that becaufe no fuch thing ever happens in the world now,
as a merely cafual concourfe of Atoms to produce any things, E-
picurus could have no Evidence from Senfe at all to find out the
truth of his Hypothejis by. And as little relief can he find from
[\iskcondCriierium-, viz. Anticipation; for by his own acknow-
ledgment, all Anticipation depends on the Senfcs, and Mcji have
v.cajfmd. it only one of thefe four ways, 1. By Incurfion, as the Species
^Epicu'rT "^ '^ ^^^n is preferv'd by the fight of him. 2. By Proportion, as
op.To.i. wc can enlarge or contradV that Species of a Man either intoaGy-
c.-j.can.-j. ^Y\x. or Pigmy. 3. By Similitude, as we may fanfie the image of a
City by rcfcmblance to one which we have fecn. 4. By Compo-
fition, whereby we may joyn different Images together, as of a
Horfc and a Man to make a Centaur. Now tho' it be very quc-
llionable how fome of thefe ways belong to a Criterium of Truth,
yet none of them reach our cafe ; for there can be no Incurfion
of infenfible Particles as fuch upon our Scnfes; wc may indeed by
proportion imagin the parvitudc of them : but what is this to the
proving the truth of the Hypothefis? Similitude can do no good,
unlefs Epicurus had ever feen ^ world made fo; theonly relief muH;
be from compofition, and that will prove the Origin of the world
by Atoms to be as true as that there are Centaurs in the world,
which wc verily believe. Thefe are the only Criteria which Epi-
curiit
BooKlII.Chap.il. ORIGINES SACP./IL 30;
^iirits vvou'd judg of the truth oF natunil things by (for the third,
Pafllon relates wholly to things Moral and notPhyfical) andnow
let any one judg, whether the Hypothejis of the Origin of the U-
verfc by Atoms can ever be prov'd true, either by the judgment
of Senlc, or by Anticipation.
The way they had to prove this Ilypothcfis wasinfufficicnt-, and ^^i'
that was by proving that the Bodies of the World arc compound- '"
cd of fuch infenfiblc Particles i now, granting the thing, I deny
the confequence; for what tho'thc compofitiou of Bodies be from
the contexture of Atoms, doth it therefore follow, that thcfc Par-
ticles did cafually produce thelc Bodies? Nay doth it at all follow,
that becaufe Bodies upon their refolution do fall into infenfible
Particles of differcntfizc, figure and motion, therefore thefe Parti-
cles muft be prx-exiftent to all Bodies in the world? For it is plain,
that there is now an Univerfal lump of Matter out of which thefe
infenfible Particles arife, and whither they return on the difibluti-
on of Bodies j and all thefe various Corpufcles may be of the fame
uniform fubftance only with the alteration of fize, fliapc and mo-
tion} but what then? Doth this prove, that becaufe particular Bo-
dies do now emerge out of the various configuration and motion
of infenfible Particles of that Matter which exifis in the world,
that therefore this whole Matter was produc'd by the cafual oc-
curfions of thefe Atoms ? It will ask more time and pains than is
ufually taken by the Philofophers either ancient or modern , to
prove that thofe things whatfoever they are, whether Elements or
Particles out of which Bodies are fuppos'd to be compounded, do
cxifl feparately from fuch compounded Bodies, and antecedently
to them. We find no Ariftotellan Elements pure in the worla,
nor any Particles of Matter deftitute of fugh a fize, figure and mo-
tion as doth make fome Body or other. From whence then can
we infer either the exiflence of Ariftotles materia prima, without
quiddity, quantity, or quality, or the Epicurean Atoms without
fuch a contexture as makes up fome Bodies in the world? Our
profound Naturalifl Dr. Harvey-, after his mofl accurate fearch in-
to the Natures and Generation of things, delivers this as his Ex-
perience and Judgment concerning the commonly reputed Elements
or Principles of Bodies. For fpeaking of the different Opinions
of Empedocles-, and Hippocrates-, and 'Democritus, and Epicimis,
concerning the compofition of Bodies, he adds. Ego vero jieque Harvey,
in animalium prodiihione-, nee omnino in ulla corporum Jimilarium
generatione, (Jive ea partium animalinm-, five plant arum-, lapidum-,
mineralimn-, Sec. fuerit') vel congregationem ejtifmodi, vel mifcibi-
lia divcrfa in generationis opere iinienda pra-exiftere, obfcrvare
unquam potui. And after explaining the way which he conceiv'd
mofl rational and confonant to Experience in the Generation of
things, he concludes his difcourfe with thefe words; Idemque in
omni generatione fieri credideri^n -, adeo iit corpora firailaria mifia-,
element a fua tempore priora non habeant, fied ilia potins dementis
fiiis prius exifiant inempe Empedoclis at que Ariftotelis igne, aqjta,
aerCi terra^ vel Chymicorim fale-, fnlphure, & Merci'.rio, aut "De-
mocriti atomis^ utpote natnra quoque ipfis perfieSfiora. Stmt, in-
quam', mifia, & compofita, etiam tempore priora elemejitis qnibujli-
bet fie di£tis, in qute ilia corriimpnntur & definnnt -, difiolvv.ntnr
Q^q ficilieet.
deGenerat,
Ariim.
2,o6 ORIGINES SACR/E. BooKlII.Chap.il.
fcilicct-, m {ft a rat tone pot ins qiiam re ipfu 6"' ddu. Elanenta i-
taque qua dicihitiir-, tion funt priora ijHs rebus qua generantur
ant oriuntur ; fed pofteriorc potiiis-) & reliquia magis quam princi-
pia. Neqtte Ariftoteles tpfemet ant alins qutfpiam unqnam demon-
Jiravit-, elementa in rcrnm natura feparatim exijlere^ ant principia
ejfe corponmi fimilarinm. If then none of thefe things which Bo-
dies are refolv'd into, and are fuppos'd to be compounded of, ei-
ther have been or can be prov'd to exift feparatc from and antece-
dent to thofe Bodies which they compound, what then becomes
of all our company of Atoms which are fuppos'd by their concourfe
in an infinite Space to be the Origin of the worla? I know not
where to find them, unlefs dancing with the School-men's Chime-
ra's in a 'vacuum^ or in a Space as empty as the infinite one, 'viz.
fome Epicnrean's Brains. Neither therein will they be much un-
like their great Jvlafter Epicnrns, if we believe the character which
ckers de the Stoic in Tullji gives of him, who faith he was howo Jbie arte-,
Nat.Deor. j^^^^ //>fm, infultaus in omnes-, fine aciimine uUoi fine aucioritate^
fine Icpore. But allowing the Stoic fome of that Paflion, (which
he difclaim'd fo much) in thele words j yet wc may rather believe-
what Tully himfelf elfewhere ipeaks of £/»/(r«r7/j-'s Sentiments, that
Idem de they were none of them handfom or becoming a Man. At ilk
Divtnat. qj^^^^ feutit ? laith he of Epicurus -, and foon replies, fe'ntit autem
idemde nihil unquam elegans-, nihil decorum-, and in another place fpeak-
Tmibiis, iiig of his Morals, he faith, nihil generofum fiapit atque magnifi-
cum-, there -jijas nothing Noble and Generous in him. Which
Cenfure of Epicurus-, all the pains that 'P. Gaffendus hath taken in
the Vindication of the Life and Opinions of Epicurus, hath not
been able to wipe off. For altho' we fliou'd yield what that learn-
ed Man fo much contends for, that all the Calumnies which were
cafi: on Epicurus arife from the antipathy between Zeno and the
following Stoics-, and the School of Epicurus -, yet all this will not
make Epicurus to have been comparable with fome other Philofo-
phcrs for parts and judgment, whofe Principles have fomewhat
more generous and yenerable in them, than the Morals of Epicu-
rus had, taking them in their more rcfin'd ienfe.
XIV. But it is not the Morality of Epicurus which we now inquire af-
ter •, our bufinefs is to fee how well he acquits himfelf in rcndring
an account of the Origin of the Univcrfe without a Deity. And
lb we come to confider the Hypothefis it felf) whether it be rati-
onal or no, or confiftent with the Catholic Laws of Nature which
appear in the world. Two things I fliall here inquire into, which
arc the main Principles of Epicurus-, viz. the motion of thefe A-
toms in the infinite Space, and the manner of the concretion of
Bodies by the concourfe of thefe Atoms.
I. I begin with their motion-, which Epicurus attributes to his
Atoms without any hcfitation, and yet never undertakes to give
an account of the Origin of that Motion-, whichargucs his whole
Hypothefis to be extremely precarious. The thing then, (which
he mufi: alfumc as his main Principle, without whicii all his other
do nothing) is. That Motion doth infcparably belong to the lead
Atom or infenfible Particle J for without this there cannot be ima-
gin'd any concourfe of Atoms at all, much Icfs any fuch contex-
ture of Bodies out of them. But for one to fay that Atoms move,
bccaufc
Book IJ I. Chap. II. ORIGIN E S S A CR Ai. 307
becaulb it is their nature to move, and i^ive no other account of it,
is fo precarious, that it will never give the lead llitisfacVion to an
inquilitive Mind. And it will be the leafb oF all pardonable in the
exploders oF fubftantial Forms and occult Qualities, when the Origin
oF the whole World is rcfolv'd into an occult Quality which gives
motion to Atoms. And herein the y^/^^w/Z/.r out-do themod credulous
Teripatetics-, feeing they lay the prime Foundation oF the World and
of their own Philofophy together in a thing they can give no ra-
tional account of at all, which is, the motion of Atoms in an in-
finite Vacuity. If It be reply'd, which is all Epicurus hath to fay.
That the motion of Atoms depends upon their gravity ; the queftion
returns upon him with the fame violence, how comes this gravity
to belong to thefe Atoms in fuch an empty Space, where there can
be no impulfion from other Bodies, no attraftion from any mag-
netic Particles which are fuppos'd to be the caufes of the defcent
of heavy Bodies.^ Nay, Epicurus himfelf takes away any center
of that motion of Atoms •, and yet attributes a neceflary defcent
to his Atoms by virtue of their gravity; and if a Philofopher may
beg fuch things as thele are, io repugnant to the Thanomena of cafTendu
Nature, without alfigning any other Reafon for them, but that it ^hyf.f. ,,
is their Nature, let us never venture Philofophizing more, but fit '^'' *"• 7-
down in that contented piece of Ignorance which attributes the rent mag.
Caufes of every thing unto fpecific Forms and occult Qualities. """.'7>i&, becaufe of their indiflbluble firmnefs; and f^^Y'^'^
the different fizes of thefe Atoms is fo neceflary a Principle, that
from thence they undertake to refolve many Thanomena of the U-
niverfe: let us now fee how confiilent thcfc things are with the in-
feparable property of Motion belonging to Atoms : For if there
be Particles of fuch different llzes, then it is plain that there are
fome Particles which may not only be conceiv'd to be bigger than
others, but are really fo; and fo there muft be more parts of Mat-
ter imagin'd in this bigger Particle than in another lefs ; and if
there be more parts, thefe parts may be conceiv'd feparate from
each other, that this Particle may be equal to the other; now then,
I demand, if Motion doth infeparably belong to the leafl: Particle
of Matter, how comes one to be bigger than the other ? For here-
in we fee that every Particle is not in diflin£t motion; for there
cannot but be more imaginable Particles in an Atom of a bigger
fize than in a lefs-, and if fo, there muft: be fome union of thofe
imaginable Particles in that bigger Atom ; and how cou'd fuch an
Qc[ 2 union
5o8 ORIGINES SACP./E. BooKlII.Chap.il.
union be without rcll, and what reil cou'd there be if motion
doth infcparably belong to every particle of Matter? And lb it
muft be in all thofe Atoms which are fuppos'd to have Angles and
Hooks, in order to their better catching hold of each other, for
the compofition of Bodies •, how come thefe Hooks and Angles to
be annex'd to this Atom ? For an Atom may be without them •,
whence comes this union, if fuch a principle of motion be in each
Particle? If it be anfwer'd, That Motion did belong to all thefe
T articles-, but by degrees the leffer T articles hitting together made
up thefe angled and hooked Tarticles -, I foon reply, that the dif-
ficulty returns more ftronglyj for if thefe angled and hooked Par-
ticles be fuppos'd neceflary to the contexture and union of Bodies i
how came thofe lead imaginable Particles ever to unite without
fuch Hooks and Angles ? And fo the Queilion will return in infi-
nitum. If then thefolidity and indivilibility of thefe angled A-
toms, doth depend on the union and reft of thofe leffer imaginable
particles joyn'd together, then it is evident that Motion is no in-
feparablc property of all thefe Particles, but fome are capable of u -
nion, in order to the making of fuch Hooks and Angles, which
are neceffary for the contexture of Bodies ; and where there is u-
nion and folidity, there is reft, which is at leaft accompany'dwith
it, if it be not one of the great Caufes of it. And without which
the Atomiftst of all other Philofophers, will be leaft able to give
an account of firmnefs in Bodies, when they make Bodies to con-
fift of an aggregation of Particles, by which it will be very hard
v.-Defcay- finding a fufficient account of the difference between fluid and firm
tes,fnnc,^. Bodics, uulcfs it bc from the quicker motion and agitation of the
^" ^" "% P^'ticles of fluid Bodies, and the reft of the fmall and contigu-
' ' ous parts that make up the firm Body, according to that Catho-
lic Law of Nature, whereby things continue in the ftate they are
in till fome ftronger force puts them out of it. The only thing
which the Epicurean Atomifts have left to give any account of the
folidity of Particles of fuch different fizes, is, the want of Vacu-
ity j for fay they, The gromid of divifibility of Bodies is the in-
ter fperfion of a difjeminated Vacuum -, notv -sphere there is no P'^a-
cuity-, thd" the particles be of different fize-, yet they may be fo-
ii'fioryof ^ lid and indivipble. But this is taken off bv the inftance produced
againft other perfons by that Ingenious and Honorable Pcrfon Mr.
hoyle in his Thyfiological Ef'ays, which is to thispurpofc, Suppofc
tiL'o of thefe prefum'd indivi/ible particles-, both fmooth and of a
cubical figure., fhould happen to lie upon one another-, and a third
fjoiild chance to be fitly placed upon the upper of the t\:jo -, "-j^'hat
fhould hinder but that this Aggregate may by the violent knock
of fome other Corpufcles be broken in the midfi of the iji'hole Con-
cretion, and confequently in the middlefyiofi Body .? For fuppofc
them as folid as may be, yet fincc Corpufcles as hard as they, can
bc made very violently to knock againft them, why may not thofe
grate or break the middlemoft Corpufclc, or any of the others?
And if there be a poflibility of breaking oft' thel'c cubical parti-
cles in the middle, then mere want of Vacuity is no fufficient ac-
count of their being indivifiblc. By this wc ice how far the Ato-
mifis are from giving any rational account of the Origin of the
motion of the Atoms thcmfclvcs without a Deity-
2. Sup-
Teluti. anil
'Firm.f.
202.
'Hook III. Chap. II. ORIGl N K S S A C R AL 3 09
2. Suppoiiiig this Motion to be granted them, yet they cannot xvi.
giveany fatisfaciory accoimt of the manner of concretion of Bodies
by the cafital occurjions of thefe Atoms moving in an infinite empty
(pace. Which appears from thofc grols and extravagant fuppofl-
tions of Epicurus-, in order to the nriking thcfe y//-■« and "are;, or upwards and downwards:, miijt
be conceived without any bounds or limits at all. So that tho' we
conceive fomething fuperior-, we muft imagin nothing fupreme-, and fo
on the contrary. Whereby it is evident, as Gajjendus confefleth, caffeni.
that Epicurus thought the furface of the Earth to be a plain, and ^^#/-'-
this plain to be continued up in^a level fuperficies to the Heavens, "'* ''^'
and fo to all that immenfe fpace of the Univerfe. So that all thofe
heavy Bodies which fliould fall downwards in any parts of the
widefl diftance on the Earth, as in £?/r<^^, Afia-, diXvdi Africa-, would
never meet (if they continued their Motion) in the center of the
Earth, but would continue their Motion ftil! in a parallel line-, and
fo he imagin'd that which is faid to be above as to us, was really
the upper part of the World, and fo the defcent of his Atoms-,
muft neccflarily be downwards towards the Earth, according to
the weight of them. And was not this a worthy Mathematical
Suppofition, for one who would undertake to give an Account of
the Origin of the Univerfe without a T^eity ?
This Motion of defcent by reafon of the gravity of y^/^emo-
critus i butthcremjasTi/Z/yobferves, was very unhappy, that where cicero de
he adds to 'Democritus, ea qua corrigere 'vult, tnihi quidem depra- ^'"^^■'■
■ware %'ideatttr ; that he marr'd what Tiefnocritushzdizid, by mend-
ing of it. The reafon of which Motion of Declination is thus
given by Lucretius -,
§>uod niji declinare folerent, omnia deorfmn Lucret.u.
Imbris uti gutta caderent per Inane profundum -,
Ncc foret ojfenfus natus, neque plaga crcata
7rincipiis-i it a nil unquam natura creajfct.
It was obvious to objcft, That, according to the Principles o^ Epi-
curus, there could have been no concourfe at all of ./^/^c^ccnto^ Atoms, and the aqni-velocity of the Motion of all
Atoms of what fize foever, which he likewife aflerted (altho' one
Q_q 3 would
3IO ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. II.
would think, if Gravity were the caufe of Motion, then the more
Gravity, the fwifter the Motion would be) from hence, 1 fay, it
were not eafy to conceive how the Atoms fliould embrace each
other in a parallel line, if they fell down, as Lturetins exprenfcth
it, like drops of ram -, and therefore they faw a necellity to make
their Motion decline a little, that fo they might juftle and hit
one upon another. But this oblique Motion of the Atoms-, tho'
it be the only refuge left to lalve the origin of things by a con-
courfe of Atoms-, is yet as precarious and without reafon as any
cucero Ae othct Suppolition of theirs whatfoever. Ttdly chargeth this Mo-
^'"f"!'; ^ tion of Declination with two great faults, Futility-, and Inefficacy,
""'''''" qua cum res tota fiSiafit pueriliter-, turn ne effcit quidem quod -oult.
It is a childilh Fancy, and to no purpofe : For, Jirfi, It is airertcd
without any reafon at all given for it, which is unworthy a Thi-
lofopher ; neither is to any purpofe > for if all Atoms-, iaithhc, de-
cline in their Motion, then none of them will ftick together -, if
fome decline, and others do not, this is as precarious as any thing
can be imagin'd, to aflign a diverfity of Motion in indivifible Par-
ticles, which yet have all the fame velocity of Motion > and, as
TuUy faith. Hoc erit quafi provincias Atomis dare-, qua re^fe, qua
oblique for antur ; as tho' Epicurus were the General at this Rendez.-
'vous of Atoms-, who flands ready to appoint every one his Task
fiutunh. and Motion. This Tlutarch tells us was the great charge againft
de Anim. ^ Epicurus^ v iTreim-^Ar.itrim^Tts f/.Vio'ii;, hccaufc he ifitToduced fuch a
Timlo^ " Motion of T)eclination out of nothings upon no pretenfe of reafon.
Turnebus Aiid Tumcbus tclls US that the ground why they delir'd fb fmall a
Declination, was, becaufc they were confcious to thenifelves, that
it was founded upon no ground of Reafon j Et Epicurei fibi con-
fc a culpa, timide earn pone ba-nt, & minimam fibi pojlulabant. To
which purpofe Turnebus cites thofe Verfes of Lucretius,
^luare etiam at que etiam paulum inclinare ncceffe efi
Corpora, nee plufquam minimum, ne finger e mot us
Obliquos videamur, & id res 'vera refiitet.
Nam hoc in promptu manifeftumque ejfe 'videmus,
'Ponder a c^uantum in fe eft, non pojje obliqua meare
E fupero cumpracipitant, quod cernere pojfis.
Sed nihil omnino re£fa regione viai
'Declinare quis eft qui pojfit cernere fefe ?
But this Argument of Lucretius will hold, if at all, further than
this little Declination (for it is no more they defire than as little
as may be imagin'd, quo nihil poljit fieri minus, as Tully cxprclfcth
It) but if they may decline a little, why not a great deal more?
nay, it is impofliblc to conceive, but a little oblique Motion at firft
will in an infinite Space grow to be very oblique > for there is no-
thing to hinder the Motion which way it bends: now if there be
never fo little Motion of Declination, the Atom will be inclin'd
that way ; and what then fliould hinder, but tliat the obliquity in
a Motion thro' a great Space fliould at laft come to be very great;
there being no center at all to guide the Motion towards, and the
Cicero Je gravity not hindring this little Declination? Therefore Tully asks
^'"<'- that Qucilion, Cur declinet uno minima, non declinet duobusaut tri-
bus? IVhy only it declines one minim, and 7iot tii'o or three? For,
faith
in Ciceron,
de tate.
Lttcret.l.z.
BOOK III. chap. II. ORIGI N E S SACRA]. ^^
laith he, it !s no impuljion jroyn ariv other Atom zvbicb makes it de-
cline that one mintm; neither is there any impedi^nent in the Space
to hinder it from declining more ; fo lhat-> as he well laith, optare
hoc qnidtm eji-, non diffmtare-, this is to beg Hypothefes , and not
to prove them, which is the thing we have prov'd Epicurus to do.
Which was the firfl: thing premis'd, i-iz. that this Hypot hefis o'i E-
picnrus was very precarious , and is built on no foundation of
Reaibn.
2. It is nnfatisfaciory and infufficient-> as 'nell as precarious i for xvii.
ihould wc grant his two main Principles, Atoms^ and his Infinite
empty Space ; yet we deny that ever his Atoms with all their oc-
curlions would ever produce thofe things which are in the Uni-
verie. To run thro' the noted '■Phmiomena of the Univcrfc, and
to fliew how infufficient an account the Epicureans :xr:c ableto^'^ivc
of them, from a fortuitous concourfc of Atoms-, is a task too large
to be here undertaken. There arc only three things which I ftall
rather fuggell than infift upon, to fee what mifcrablc Hiifts the
Epicureans are driven to for the falving of them, and fliall then
leave it with the Reader to judg, what unmcafurable confidence \t
is in any to rejedt the Creation of the V/orld for the iakc of the
Epicurean Hypothefis; and whether it be not the height of credu-
lity, as well as infidelity, to believe the World ever to have been
made by a fortuitous concourfe of Atoms.
I. The great 'variety of appearances in Nature'^ which are attri-
buted to Particles of the Himc Nature, only with the alteration
of Size, Shape and Motion. That fome things in the world,
iliould have no other reafon given of them, may not only be to-
lerable, but rational, as in the objedls and operations on the or-
gans of Senfe, thofe afteftions which are miftaken for real qua-
lities, &c. But that all thofe effects which are feen in Nature,
fhould have no other caufe but the different Configuration and
Motion of Atoms-, is the height of Folly as well as impiety. To
imagin that the Particles of Matter, as they are in Men, fliould
be capable of Senfation, Memory, Intelleftion, Volition, &c. merely
becaufe of a different Shape, Size and Motion from what they have
in a piece of wood, is a riddle that requires a new Configuration
of Atoms in us to make us underfland. May it not be hoped,
that at leafl: one time or other by this caflial concourfe of Atomsy
the Particles may light to be or fuch a Nature in Stones, as to
make them fly-, in Plants, to make them all fenfitivej and m
Beafls, to make them reaibn and difcourfc.^ What may hinder
fuch a Configuration or Motion of Particles, if all thefc effects
are to be imputed to no higher Principles? We fee in other Bodies
what different appearances are caus'd by a fudden alteration of the
Particles of the Matter of which they are compounded > why mav it
not fall out fo in the things mentioned.'* Neither can this be un-
reafonable to demand, i. Becaufe the Motion of thefe Particles
of Matter is cafual ftill according to them, and who knows what
chance may do ? for the Seminal Principles themfelves are, I f up-
pofc, according to them of the fame uniform Matter with the reft
of the world, and fo are liable to different Motion and Configu-
tion. 2. Becaufe all Particles of Matter are fuppos'd to be in con-
tinual Motion, becaufe of that difleminatcd Vacuity which is pre-
fum'd
3IZ ORIGJNES SACR/E. Book 111. Chap. IL
fum'd to be in the world, and becaufe a Coacervate Vacuity is not
only aflerted as polHble, but is probably exiltent: I alfumc only
then (that which is infiilcd on as probable) ijiz,. that that Space
which lies between our Atmofphere and the Stars, is empty of any
other thing, but only the rays of the Stars which pafs thro' it-, i
then fuppofing it a Vacuiay, whether would not the Particles of
thole Bodies which lie contiguous to that Space prefently diilodg
from the Bodies wherein they are, and begin a new Rendezvous
of Atoms there? for all Atoms are fuppos'd to be in perpetual
Motion; and the caufe aflign'd, why in folid Bodies they do not
fly away, is becaufe of the repercuflion of other Atoms, that when
they once begin to ftir, they receive liich knocks as make them
quiet in their places. Now this cannot hold in the Bodies conti-
guous to this Space; for both thofe Bodies are more fluid, and fo
there is no fuch knocking of Particles to keep them at refl ; but
which is more, thofe which are contiguous have nothing at all to
hinder them from Motion, and fo thofe Particles will neceflarily
remove into that empty Space where there is no impediment of
their Motion, and fo the r\tyx Atoms to thofe muft remove, becaufe
that Space wherein the otherwereismadeempty by their removal j
and fo the next, and fo on, till not only the Air, but the whole
mafs of the Earth will on fuppofition of fuch a Vacuity bediflblv'd
into its firft Particles, which will all mutiny in the feveral Bodies
wherein they are, and never reft till they come to that empty
Space, where they may again Rendez-vons together. So dange-
rous is the news of Liberty, or of an empty Space to thcfe T>e7nO'
cratical Particles of the Univerfe. Neither can I fee how a diflc-
minated Vacuity can falve the difficulty •, for thofe Particles of the
moft folid Bodies, being in continual Motion, and the ground of
their union being repercuilion, it thence follows that towards that
part where the difleminated vacuum is, the Particles meeting with
no fuch ftrokes may Eiirly take their leaves of the Bodies they are
in, and fo one fucceed in the place of another, till the Configura-
tion of the whole be alter'd, and confcquently different appear-
ances and effecls may be caus'ci in the fune Bodies, tho' it refults
from feminal Principles. So that according to the Atomical Prin-
ciples, no Rational account can be given of thole ElTe^ls which
i,ufeb. are iccn in Nature. This 'Dionvfius in Eufebius urgeth againft the
Frep.Ev. Atojriifh, that from the fame Principles without evident reafoii
■'f-'^-H- gjygjj f^^j- jf^ j.j^^,y niai^e of the fame uniform Matter fome things
confpicuous to Scnfe, others not, fome Ihort-liv'd, others ex-
tremely long-liv'd. Ti'ya Ji if'mnt jH>i«« im yjr^ "? euii^i; uTrairut iaiaf, ig 1* avT^f di ny.y.^lu'id yt xic^ Tiv >s-n,c, ivcftia.'tmv'^, tpoAtfojOfci 7t x.i/.t tcipcuti i
II' hat ground can there be ajjign'd of fo vajt a differ e7tce betvjeen
things if they all be of the fame nature-, and differ ojiIy tnfize and
Jl-jape? fajrh that excellent Perfon, who there with a great deal of
Eloquence lays open the folly of the yZ/^^w/r^/Philolbphy, Oauf^l,
iwifx.cl. o-,./.oizi'«* i^nyfS^'crj. It is a rarc '^Democracy of Atoms-, faith he,
•jjhere the friendly Atoms meet and embrace each other, and from
t hence for iz'ard live in the clofcfi fociety together.
2. Not
BooKlII.Clrip.il. ORIGINES SACRyE. 313
2. Not only the variety, but the exaci order and beauty of the
World-) is a thing unaccountable by x\\q Atomical Hypothejis. Were
the whole World dill a Hejiod's, Chaos (frojn the confidcration oF
which T>iogenes Laertius tells us Epicurus began to philolbphize) LaerUjo.
we might probably believe an Agitation of Particles (fuppofing
matter created) might fettle it in luch a confus'd manner j but that
there fliould be nothing elfe but a blind impetus o^ yltoms to pro-
duce thole vaft and moll regular Motions of the heavenly Bodies,
to order the paflage of the Sun for fo great conveniency of Na-
ture, and for the alternate fuccelhon of the Seafons of the Year,
which fhould cut fuch Channels for the Ocean-, and keep that vaft
Body of the Water (whofe ilirface is higher than the Karth; from
overflowing it, which fliould furnifli the Earth with fuch feminal
and prolific Principles, as to provide food and nourifliment for
thofe Animals which live upon it, and furnifli out every thing nc-
ceflary for the comfort and delight of Man's Life; to belicVe, I
fay, that all thefe things came only from a blind and fortuitous
concourfe o'i Atoms ■> is the mofl: prodigious piece of credulity and
folly, that Human Nature is fubjeft to. But this part which concerns
the order and beauty of the parts of the Univerfe, and the Argu-
ment thence, that it could be no blind fortuitous Principle, but an D.H.A/on-
infinitely wife God, hath been fo fully and judicioufly handled by '^"ti^'ot<=
a Learned Perfon already, that I fliall rather choofe to refer the Atheiim,
Reader to his Difcourfe, than infill any more upon it. i^rt i.
3. The ^Produ£iion of Mankind is a thing which the Atomifis are
moll Ihamefully puzzl'd with, as well as the Formation of the in-
ternal parts of Man's Body, of which I have already fpoken in
the precedent Chapter. It would pity one to fee what lamentable
fliifts the Atomifis are put to, to find out a way for the Produ-
ftion of Mankind, 'viz. That our teeming mother the Earth-, at
lafi caji forth fame kind of bags like 'oiombs upon the fur face of
the E art hi and thefe by degrees breaking-, at laji came out Chil-
dren-, which were nourifh'd by a kind of juice of the Earth like
Milk-, by which they were brought up till they came to be Men.
Oh what will not Atheifis believe rather than a Deity and T^ro-
vidence! But left we fhould leem to wrong the Atomifls:, hear
what Cenforinus faith of Epicurus -, Is enim crededit limo c ale fa- cenfor. it
£tos uteros nefcio quos radicibus terra coharentes ^ primum incre- ^l^"''
vijfe , & infantibus , ex fe edit is ingenitum laBis humor em , na-
tura minijlrante prabuiffe ; quos it a educatos ir adult os , genus
humanum propagajfe. But becaufe Lucretius may be thought to
Ipeak more impartially in the cafe, how rarely doth he defcribe it?
Crefcebant uteri terra radicibus apti-,
§^os ubi tempore maturo patefecerit atas
Infantum-, fugiens humorem, attrafque petijfens-,
Con'vertebat ibi natura foramina terra,
Et fuccnm -venis cogebat fundere apertis
Confimilem laBis -, ficut nunc focmina quaque
^uum peperit dulci repletur la£le , quod omnis
Impetus in mammas connjertitur ille aliment i:
Terra cibum pueris , vefem vapor , herba cubile
Trabebatj mult a & molli lanugine abundans.
Rr Had
3M
Aniholog.
I. I.e. If.
XVIII.
Cartefii
Vrincip.
4<5,&c.
ORIGINES SACR/E. BooKlII.Chap.il.
Had Lucretius been only a Poet, this might have pals'd tor a
handfomely dcicrib'd Fable: but to deliver it for a piece of Phi-
lofophy, makes it the greater Mythology : that Man's Body was
form'd out of the Earth we believe, bccaufe we have rcafon fo to
do ; but that the Earth fhould caft forth fuch foUicnVh as he cx-
prefleth it, and then Men fliould be brought up m fuch a way as
he defcribes, deferves a place among the moll incredible and Poe-
tic Fables. But if Poets mufl be credited, how much more like a
Man did he fpeak, who told us,
Nat us homo eft-, five hunc divino femine fecit
Ille opifex rerum, Mundi melioris origo -,
Sive recens tellus , feduSfaque nuper ab alto
c^/Ethere, cognati retinebat femina ooeli -y
^uam fatus lapeto miftam jluvialibus undis-,
Finxit in effigiem moderantum cuntia T)eoruin.
Thus have we confider'd the Epicurean Hypothefs) both as to
the Principles on which it ftands, and the futablencfs of it to the*
Thanomena of the Univerfe •-, and I fuppofcnow there cannot be the
the leafl: fhadow of Rcafon found from the Atomical Thilofophy
to make us at all quellion that Account of the Origin of the Uni-
verfe, which afcribes it not to the fortuitous concourfe o^ Atoms y
but to the infinite wifdom of a Deity. 1 conclude then this Dif-
courfe of the Epicurean Hypothefs with the words of Automedou
in the Greek Epigram.
TcLVT i.Uag Ges-Cartes. For al-
tho' there be as much Reafon as Charity to believe that he never
intended his Hypothefis as a foundation of Atheifm^ having made
it fo much his bulinefs to aflcrt the Exiflcnceof aDEixY, and Im-
materiality of the Soul : yet becaufe it is apt to be abus'd to that
end by Pcrfons Atheiftically difpos'd, becaufe of his afcribing fo
much to the power of Matter; wc fliall therefore fo fir conlidcr
it, as it undertakes to give an Account of the Origin of the Uni-
verfe without a Deity. His Hypothefis therefore is briefly this.
He takes it for granted, that all the Matter of the World was at
firft of one Uniform Nature, diviflblc into innumerable parts, and
divided into many, which were all in Motion: from hence he fup-
pofcth, 1, That all the Matter of 'uuhich the Univerfe is com-
pofcd-, -Ji'as at firft divided into equal particles of an indifferevt
fize-, and that they had all fuch a Motion- as is no\Z' found in
the
BooKlII.Chap.il. OR IG INKS S^CRjE. 31^
t/je World. 2. That all thofe particles "ji^ere not at firft Spheri-
cal^ bccaufe many fuch little Globes joyn'd together ijutll not fill
tip a continued Space., but that of izhatever figure they ijuere at
firft ^ they izoidd by continual Motion become Spherical .> becaitje
they '■jvoiild have 'various circular Motions ; for feeing that at firft
they '•jvere mov'd Vi-ith fo great force that one particle would be
disjoyn'd from the other., the fame force continuing would ferve
to cut off all angles which are fuppos'd in them, by their fre-
quent occurfions againft each other -, and fo when the angles were
cut off, they would beco?ne Spherical. 3. He fuppofeth that no
Space is left empty, but when thofe round particles being joyn'd,
leave fome intervals between them , there are fome more fubtile
particles of Matter-, which are ready to fill up thofe void Spaces,
which arife from thofe angles which were cut off from the other
particles to make them Spherical -, which fragments of particles are
fo little, and acquire thereby fuch a celerity of Motion, that by the
force of that-, they will be divided into itinumerable little frag-
ments, and fo will fill up all thofe Spaces which other particles
could not enter in at. 4. That thofe particles which fill up the
intervals between the Spherical ones, have not all of them the
fame celerity of Motion , becaufe fome of them are more undivi-
ded than others are, which filld up the fpace between three glo-
bular particles when their angles were cut off, and therefore thofe
particles muft necejfarily have very angular figures, which are unfit
for Motion, and thence it comes to pafs that fuch particles eafily
ftick together, and transfer the greateft part of their Motion upon
thofe other particles which are lefs, and therefore have a fwifter mo-
tion -, and becaufe thefe particles are to pafs thro'' fuch triangular fpa-
ces which lie in the midft of three globular particles touching each
other, therefore he fuppofeth them as to their breadth and depth to
be of a triangular figure -, but becaufe thefe particles are fomewhat
long , and the globular particles thro" which they pafs with jo fwift
motion have their rotation about the poles of the Heavens, thence he
fuppofes that thofe triangidar particles come to be wreathed. Now
from thefe things being thus flippos'd, 'Des-Cartes hath ingenu-
oufly and confonantly to his Principles undertaken to give an Ac-
count of the moft notcd'P henomena of the World, and thofe three
forts of particles mention'd , he makes to be his three Elements.
The firft is that fubtile Matter which was fuppos'd to arife from the
cutting off the angles of the greater particles j and of this he tells us
the Sun and Fix'd Stars confift, as thofe particles of that fubtile
Matter being in continual motion have made thofe feveral vortices
or <:_yEthereal H'hirpools. Thcfecond^\ement confifts of the Sphe-
rical particles thcmfelves, which make up the Heavens i out of
the third Element, which are thofe Wreathed particles, he gives an
Account of the Formation of the Earth, and Tlanets, and Co-
mets ; and from all of them, by the help of thofe common Affe-
ftions of Matter, Size, Figure, Motion, Sec. he undertakes to
give an Account of the Thenomena of the World. How far his
Principles do conduce to the giving Mens Minds fatisfadion, as
to the particular Thenomena of Nature, is not here our bufinefs
to inquire, but only how far thefe Principles can give an Account
of the Origin of the Univcrfe without a Deity ? And that it
Rr 2 cannot
3
l6
ORIGJMES SACR^. Book HI. Chap. II.
cannot give
Dr. More
Antidote
h. i.ch. I.
Immorta-
lity of the
Soul,'^. xc.
Cartef.
f . S8
a iatisfa£lory account how the World was Fram'd with-
out a 'iDeity, appears by the two grand Suppohtions on which all
his Elements depend, both which cannot be from any other Prin-
ciple but God. Thoie are, i.The Exijience of Matter in the JVorldt
which we have already prov'd cannot be independent on God, and
neccflarily exiftent ; and therefore fuppofing that Matter exigent
and put into Motion, would grind it felf into thofeieveral particles
by him fuppos'd, yet this cannot give an Account of the Origin of
the Univer je without a "Deity . 2 . The motmi of the particles of Mat-
ter fuppofeth a Deity -, for Matter is no felf-moving Principle, as hath
been fully demonftrated in feveral places by that judicious Philofo-
pherDr. H.More^ who plainly manifcfls that if Motion did necef-
ii/.'j.&c. farily belong to Matter, it were impoflible there lliould be Sun^ or
if. I. ad ^f^-f^^ or Earth-, or Man in the World •, for the Matter being uni-
form, it muft have equal Motion in all its particles, if Motion doth
belong to it. For Motion being fuppos'd to be natural and eflen-
tial to Matter, muft be alike everywhere in it, and therefore every
particle muft be fuppos'd in motion to its utmoil capacity, and fo
every particle is alike and mov'd alike : and therefore there being
no prevalency at all in any one particle above another in Bignefs
or Motion, it is manifeft that this Univcrfal Matter-, to whom Mo-
tion is fo eflential and natural, will be ineffectual for the producing
of any variety of appearances in Nature ; for nothing could be caus'd
by this thin and fubtile Matter, but what would be wholly imper-
ceptible to any of our Senfes: and what a ftrange kind of vifiblc
World would this be? From hence then it appears that there muft
be an infinitely powerfiil and wife God, who muft both put Mat-
ter into Motion, and regulate the Motion of it, in order to the pro-
ducing all thofe varieties which appear in the World. And this ne-
ceftity of the Motion of Matter by a power given it from Goo is
freely acknowledg'd by Mr. Ties-Cartes himfelf in thefc words -,
Confidero materiam fibi libere permijfam-, & nullum aliunde impulfum
fnfcipientem-, tt't plane quiefcentem -, ilia autem impellitur a 'Deo-^ tan-
tnndem motus fi^e tranfationis in ea confervante quantum ab initio
pofiiit. So that this great improver and difcoverer of the Mechanical
power of Matter, doth freely confefs the neceftlty not only of God's
giving Motion in order to the Origin of the Univerfe, but of his con-
serving Motion in it for the upholding it : So that we need not fear
from this //>'/'eity from being the prime
efficient caufe of the World. All the Queftion then is concerning the
particular manner, which was us'd by God as the efficient caufe in
giving Being to the World. As to which I fliall only in general
uiggcft what Maimonides fays of it. Omnia fimul creata erant-, O"
pojica fucceflive ab invicem'feparata -, altho' I am fomcwhat inclin-
able to that of Gajfendnst Majus eft mundus opus-, quarn ut ajjequi
mens humana illius molitionem pojfit : To which I think may be well
apply'd that Speech of Solomon-, Then I beheld all the nork of
Ci o d , that a man can7iot fmd out the ivork that is done under
the Sun : becaufe tho' a man labor to feek it out •> yea further-,
tho" a 'i^-ife man think to kno\v it-, yet fhall he not be able to find
it.
Cartef.
reff. adep.
■^. H.Mori,
f. 104.
Mnimon,
More Nev.
I. 2.r. ;o.
Ctfjetldi
I'hyfu.f. I.
l.j.c.6.
Fcd.S. 17.
CHAP
Booic III. chap. III. OR IG INKS SACR/E.- 317
CHAP. III.
Of the Origin of Evil.
I. of the Being of Pronjidence. II. Epicurus his Arguments again fi
it refuted. The neceffity of the belief of Providence in order to
Religion. III. Pron^idencepro^vd from a confederation of the na-
ture of God, and the things of the World. Of the Spirit of Na-
ture. IV. ihe great ohjeHions again fl Providence propounded.
Thefrfl concerns the Origin of Evil. V. God cannot he the Au-
thor of Sin, if the Scriptures he true. The account luhich the Scri-
ptures give of the fall of Man, doth not charge God vjith Man's
fault. God spovser to govern Man by La^'s, thd he gives no par-
ticular reafon of every poftive Precept. VI. ThereafonofGoDs
creating Man luith freedom of Will, largely JhevSd from Sim-
plicius ; and the true account of the Origin of Evil. VII. GodV
permittingthe Fall, makes him not the Author of it. VIII. The
account nihich the Scriptures give of the Origin of Evil compard
vcith that of Heathen Philofophers. IX. The antiquity of the opi-
nion of afcribing the Origin of Evil to an evil Principle. Of the
mdgment of ?/;^'Per{ians, ^Egyptians, and others about it. X. Of
Manichaifm. XI, XII, XIII, XIV. The opinion of the ancient
Greek Philofophers 5 of Pythagoras, V\dito,the Stoics • the Origin
of Evil not from the jieceffity of Matter. XV, XVI. The remain-
ders of the Hiflory of the Fall among the Heathens. X VII,X VIII,
XIX. Of the malignity of Dxmons. XX, XXI, XXII. Pro-
vidence vindicated as to the fufferings of the good, and impunity
of had Men. An account of both from Natural Li^t, manifejled
^Seneca, Plutarch, and others.
IT being now manifefted not only that there is a Godj but that
the World had its Being from Him-, it thence follows by an
eafy and rational Deduction, that there is a particular Hand of Di-
vine Providence, which upholds the World in its Being, and wifely
difpofeth all Events in it. For it is a moft irrational and abfurd
Opinion to aflert a T>eity, and deny Tr evidence : and in nothing
did Epicurus more difcover the weaknefs and puerility of his judg-
ment than in this. Indeed, i^ Epicurus had no other defign in af-
ferting a Deity, than (as many ancient Philofophers imagin'd) to
avoid the imputation of direit Atheifm , and yet to take away all
foundations of Religion-, he muil needs be faid to fcrve his Hy-
pothefis well, tho' he did aflert the Being of an Excellent Nature,
which he call'd God •, while yet he made Him fit as it were with
his Elbows folded up in the Heavens, and taking no cognizance
of Human anions. For he well knew, that if the belief of Di-
Rr 3 vine
3i8 OR WINES SACRj€.. Book III. Chap. III.
vine Providence were once rooted out of Mens Minds, the
thoughts of an Excellent Being above the Heavens , would have
no more awe or power upon the Hearts and Lives of Men, than
the teUing Men that there are Jewels of ineftimable value in the
Indies-, makes them more ready to pay Taxes to their Princes.
For that Philofopher could not be ignorant, that it is not Worth
but Power, nor Speculation but Interefl: that rules the World.
The poor Tenant more regards his petty Landlord, than the greatcll
Prince in the World that hath nothing to do with him: and he
thinks he hath great reafon for it; for he neither fears punifh-
ment, nor hopes for reward from him j whereas his Landlord may
difpoflefs him of all he hath upon difpleafure, and may advan-
tage him the mofl if he gains his favor: Suppofine then that there
were fuch an Excellent Being in the World which was compleatly
happy in Himfelf, and thought it an impairing of his happniels
to trouble Himfelf with an infpeftion of the World > Religion
might then be indeed deriv'd ^relegendo-, but not a rcligando } there
might be fome pleafure in contemplating his Nature, but there
could be no obligation to Obedience. So that Epicurus was the
firft founder of a kind of Thilofophical Antinomianifm-, placing all
Religion in a Veneration of the "Deity , purely for its own Ex-
cellency, without any fuch mercenary Eye (as thole who fervc
God for their own ends, as they fay, are apt to have) to reward
and punilhment. And I much doubt that Good-woman whom the
Story goes of, who in an Enthujiajiic pollure ran up and down the
Streets with Emblems in her Hands, Fire in the one, as Ihe faid,
to burn up Heaven, and Water in the other, to quench Hell-, that
Men might ferve God purely for Himfelf, would, if llic had com-
pafs'd her defign, foon have brought Trofelytes enough to Epicu-
rus^ and by burning Heaven would have burnt up the Cords of
Religion-, and in quenching Hell would have extinguifli'd the Awe
and Fear of a Deity in the World. Inded the incomparable Ex-
cellency and Perfedion which is in the "Divine Nature, to Spirits
advanc'd to a Noble and Generous height in Religion, makes them
exceedingly value their Choice j while they difrcgard whatever
rivals with God for it -, but were it not for thofe Magnetical hooks
, of Obedience and Eternal Interefl:, there are few would be drawn
to a due Confideration of, much lefs a Delight in fo Amiable and
Excellent a Nature. And it is impofllble to conceive, why God
in the Revelation of his Will fhould ever fo much as mention a fu-
ture punifhment, or promifc an eternal Reward, were not the Con-
fideration of thcfc things the Sinews of Religion.
II. Which they whofc defign was to undermine the very Founda-
tions on which all Religion was built, undcrfliood far better, than
thofe weak pretended Advancers of Religion, who while in ilicli
a way they pretend to advance it, do only blow it up. For if Men
ought not to have an Eye and refpedb to their own future conditi-
on, nor ferve God on the account of his power to make our Souls
milcrablc or happy, much lefs ought Men to fervc God with any
regard to his Providence, fnice the matters which Providence is
cmploy'd about in this World, are of infinitely lefs moment, than
thofe which concern our future State. And if v.c have no Eye on
Divine Providence in the exercife of Religion, we fliall fcarcc be
able
Book III. chap. III. O RIG INKS SACR/E. 31^ :
able to underdand ibr what end God iliould take io much care of 1
Mankind, and manifcfl: lb much of his goodncls to them, were it '•
not to quicken them in their Icarch after him, and excite them to
the more cheerful Obedience to him. And when once we quelH-
on to what end God troubles himlclf with the World, wc are J
come next door to Epicurus-, and may m few fleps more delight in
the Flowers of his Garden. For this was his (hongeil: plea againft '
Providence, that it was beneath the Majcfty and Kxcellency of the '
Divine Nature to ftoop fo low, and trouble himfelf fo far, as to '
regard what was done on Earth. This being one of his Rata \
Sententia^ or undoubted Maxims, tJ. it.».x.dc/.m Kai £/.(- well obfervcs, is rather a defcription o't -xSardana- Max. Tyr.
faliis -, than a Deity; nay, of a worfe than a Sardanapalus ; fof ■d#«.2s>.
he in the midll of ail his foftnefs and effeminacy wou'd yet entertain
ibme Counfcls for the iafety and good of his Empire; but Epi-
curus his Deity is of fo tender a nature, that the Icafc thought of
Bufincfs wou'd quite fpoil his Happinefs. This Opinion of Epi- j
curus made the more raifed-fpirited Moralilts fo far contemn the j
unworthy Apprehenfions which he entertain'd of the Divine Na- 1
ture, that they degraded him from the very title of a Philofopher
in it, and rank'd him beneath the moft fabulous 'Poets, who had ;
writ fuch unworthy things of their Gods, as is evident by the Cen-
flires which TttUy-, Tlutarch-, and others, pafs upon him for this ckeroje
very Opinion. And they tell him that Ibme of their own Men ^""'^- '• '■ I
were of a more noble and excellent Spirit than Epicurus his Deity, x»L^T 2 '
who abhorr'd Softnefs and Idlenefs, and made it their greatell de- ^luturlh. '
light to do good to their Countries. But Epicurus mull needs J'^^'^'^^"-
make his God of his own humor (the ufual flattery which Men ■
bear to themfelves, to think that moft excellent which they de- \
light in moft) as Xenophanes was wont to lay, that if his Horfe,
were to defcribe a God, it would be with a curl'd Main, a broad Cheft,
^c. and in every thing like himfelf Had ^jCir/^r/zi" himlelffo lit-
tle of an Athenian in him, as not to make it fome part of his de-
hght to underftand the Affairs of the World } Or at leaft, did he
take no pleafure in the walks of his famous Garden, nor to order
his Trees, and {tt his Flowers, and contrive every thing for his
ov/n delight.^ Wou'd Epicurus then count this a part of his Hap-
pinefs ? KwAis'iz inconliftent with the Happinefs of the Deity to
take notice of the World and order all things in it for his own
Glory? Muft fo excellent a Nature as God's vras, by his own ac-
knowledgment, be prefently tired with Bulinefs, when the more ;
excellent any Nature is, the more active and Aagorous it is, the '
more able to comprehend and difpatch matters of moment with
the leaft difturbance to it felf.^ Is it a pleafure to a Nurfe to fill the
Child with her Milk ? Doth the Sun rejoice to help the M'"orld
with his conftant Light? And doth a Fountain murmur till it be
deliver'd of its Streams which may refrefti the Ground? And is it
no delight to the Divine Nature to behold theeffcvTrsof hisGood-
nefs upon the World ? We fee here then the foundation on which
Epicurus went, viz. that his God muft be like himfelf, or there
muft be none ; and truly he might more lutably to his Principles <
que ft lo a
;zo ORIGINES SACRAL. Book III. Chap. Ill-
queftion his Exirtence, than llippollng his Exiftcnce deny his Pro-
vidence on luch miferable accounts as thefe arc, which yet are the
chief which either Epcurus or Litcretiiis cou'd bring againft it,
from the confideration of the Divme Nature.
in. The which to any one who confiders it, doth neccffarily infer
a pecuhar Eye and Hand of Providence in the World, for can
we imagin tnat a Being of Infinite Knowledg fliou'd be ignorant
of what is done in the World ? And of Infinite Power, Ihou'd
ftand by and leave things to Chance and Fortune.^ Which were at
firfl: contriv'd and brought into Being by the contrivance of his
Wifdom, and exercife of his Power. And where the foundation
of Exiftence lies wholly and folely in the power of an Infinite Be-
ing producing, the ground of continuance of that Exigence mufi:
lie in the fame power conferving. Wlien Men indeed eife*^ any
thing, the work may continue, whatever become of him that did it ■-,
but the reafon of that is, becaufe what Man doth, is out of Mat-
ter already exiftent, and his work is only fetting Materials toge-
ther-, but now what God effefts, he abfolutely gives a Being to,
and therefore its duration depends on his confervation. What is
once in its Being, I grant, will continue till fome greater force
than it felf put it out of Being •, but withal I add, that God's
withdrawing his Confervation is fo great a force, as mull needs
put that Being which had its Exillence from his Power, out of
the condition it was in by it. The light of the Sun continues
in the Air, and as long as the Sun communicates it> nothing can
extinguifli the Light, but what will put out the Sun: but cou'd we
fuppofethe Sun to withdraw his Beams, what becomes of the Light
then .^ This is the cafe of all Beings, which come from an Infinite
Power-, their fubfiftence depends on a continual Emanation of the
lame Power which gave them Being: and when once this is with-
drawn, all thofe Beings which were produced by this power mult
needs relapfc into nothing. Befides, what dependence is there up-
on each other in the moments of duration of any created Being?
The mode of Exillence in a Creature is but contingent and pofli-
ble, and nothing is implyd in the notion of an exiftent Creature,
beyond mere poflibility of Exiftence: what is it then which gives
actual Exiftence to it .-* That cannot be it fclf , for it wou'd be nc-
ceflarily exiftent : if another then gives Exiftence, this Exiftence
muft wholly depend upon him who gave it: for nothing can con-
tinue Exiftence to it fclf, but what may give it to it felf, ( for it
gives it for the moment it continues it) and what gives Exiftence
to it felf, muft ncccftarily exift, which is repugnant to the very
notion of a created Being: So that cither we muft deny a poflibi-
lity of Non-exiftence, or Annihilation in a Creature, which fol-
lows upon neceility of Exiftence -, or elfe we muft aftcrt that the
duration or continuance of a Creature in its Being doth immedi-
ately depend on Divine Providence and Conlcrvation, which is
with as much reafon as frequency laid to be a continu'd Creation.
But yet further : was an Infinite Wifdom and Power neceftary to
put things into that order they are in.^ And is not the fame neccf-
firy for the governing of them .' I cannot fee any reafon to think
that the Power of Matter when {ex. in motion, (hou'd either bring
things into that exquifitc order and depcndancc which the parts of
the
Book III. Cliap. III. ORIGIN E S S A CKAL ^
the World have upon each other: much lefs that by the mere force
of that firft motion all things (hou'd continue \\\ the ftate they arc
in. Perpetual Motion is yet one of the defiderala of the World :
the moft cxquifitc Alechanifm cannot put an Engine beyond the
neceflity of being look'd after: can we then think this dull, un-
adfivc Matter, merely by the force of its firll motion Hiou'd be a-
ble ftill to produce the eiVecls which are \^ccn in the World, and to
keep it from tumbling, at leafl by degrees, into itsprifl:ineC/;^(?j-.'?
It was an Infinite Power, I grant, which gave that firfl motion >
but that it gave power to continue that motion till the Conflagra-
tion of the World, remains yet to be prov'd. Some therefore
finding that in the prefent Hate of the World, Matter will not
ferve for all the noted and common Thanomena of the World,
have call'd in the help of a Spirit of Nature, which may fervein-
ftead of a Man-midwife to Matter, to help her in her production
of things. Or, as tho' God had a plurality of Worlds to look af-
ter, they have taken care to fubftitutc him a Vicar in this, which is
the Spirit of Nature. But we had rather believe God himfelf to
be perpetually refident in the World, and that the power which
gives Life, and Being, and Motion to every thing in the World,
IS nothing elfe but his own Providence-, efpccially fince we have
learnt from himfelf, that it is in him '■jue live and move and have Adsiy.
our being. ^8-
Thus then we fee a neceflity of afllerting Divine Providence iv.
whether we confider the Djvine Nature, or the Thanomenao^ t\\c
World i but yet the cale is not fo clear but there are two grand Ob-
jeftions behind, which have been the continual exercilb of the
Wits of inquifitive Men almofl: in all Ages of the World. The
one concerns the firfl: origin of Evil -, the other concerns the difpenfa-
tions of Providence, whence it comes to pafs that good Men fare
fo hard in the World, when the bad triumph and flourilh : if
thefe two can be clear'd with any fatisfa£fion to Reafon, it will be
the higheft: Vindication of Divine Providence, and a great evi-
dence of the Divinity of the Scriptures, which give us fuch clear
light and diredtion in theie profound Speculations, which the dim
Reafon of Man was fo much to feek in.
I begin with the origin of Evilj for, if there be a hand of Pro-
vidence which orders all things in the World, how comes Evil
then into it, without God's being the Author of it ? Which is a
Ipeculation of as great depth as necelfity, it highly concerning us
to entertain the highefl: apprehenfions of God's Holinefs, and how
far he is from being the Author of Sin ; and it is likewife a matter
of fome difliculty fo to explain the origin of Evil, as to make it ap-
pear that God is not the Author of it. leafily thenafl"entto v/hat
Origen laith on this fubjeft , when Celfus upon fome miftakcn
places of Scripture, had charg'd the Scripture with laying theo-
ngm of Evil upon GoD} «''Op i"! «»©- •"« tiV®- r c* d^'jfumi.c, iltTOOja? haf^- Orig.c.
«5. ^^ti^-nq in T-jf (putrri iifttm, on TS^tj ^ tf r Ktcx-ut mx%» «■' y'i^-i- If any t kins' p.zoi
which calls for our inquiry be of difficult invejligation-, that vuhiclj
concerns the origin of Evils is fuch a thing ; and as Simplicius
well begins his difcourfe on thisfubjectj '^ "^ ximfa'aiws =? y.a.^m i >,iy^ simpUc in
Af^^li, y^ !»i»«r? Kill tl>,u%t, "iino^oni c'ti^ctAs -nli ffcti x«A«5 aiTioAovS'S^ atitln. I he dtf-
S f pite
3Z2 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. III.
pttte concerning the nature and origin of Evil-, not being '■joell
ftatedt is the catife of great Impiety towards God-, and perverts
the principles of good Life-, and involves them in innumerable
perplexities Vi'ho are not able to give a rational account of it.
So much then is it our great concernment to fix on fure grounds
in the refolution of this important queftion •, in which I intend
not to lanch out into the depth and intricacies of it, as it relates
to any internal purpofes of God's Will, (which is beyond our
prclent fcope) but I fhall only take that account of it which the
Scripture plainly gives in relating the fall of the firft Man. For
the clearing of which I fhall proceed in this method:
1. That if the Scriptures be true, God cannot be the Author
of Sin.
2. That the account vjhich the Scripture gives of the origin
of Evil-, doth not charge it upon God.
3. That no account given by Thilofophcrs of the origin of E-
viU is fo clear and rational as this is.
4. That the mo ft material circumfiances of this account are at-
tefted by the Heathens themfelves.
I. That if the Scriptures be true., God cannot be the Author
of Sin. For if the Scriptures be true, we are bound without He-
iitation to yield our afTent to them in their plain and direft affirma-
tions > and there can be no ground of fufpending aflent, as to any
thing which pretends to be a Divine Truth, bvrt the want of cer-
tain Evidence, whether it be of Divine Revelation or no. No
doubt it would be one of the mofl: effeftual ways to put an end to
the numerous controverfies of the Chriftian World (efpecially to
thofe bold difputes concerning the method and order of God's
Decrees) if the plain and undoubted affertions of Scripture were
made the Rule and Standard, whereby we ought to judg of fuch
things as are more obfcure and ambiguous. And cou'd Men bur
reft contented with thofe things which concern their eternal Hap-
pincfs, and the means iji order to it (which on that account are
written with all imaginable perfpicuity in Scripture) and the mo-
ment of all other Controverfies be judg'd by their reference to thefe,
there wou'd be fewer Controverfies and more Chriftians in the
World. Now there are two grand Principles which concern Mens
eternal Condition, of which we have the greateft certainty from
Scripture, and on which wc may with fafety rely, without per-
plexing our Minds about thofe more nice and fubtilc Speculati-
ons (which it may be are uncapable of all full and particular refo-
lution) and thofe are. That the ruin and deftru^ion of Man is
wholly from himfelf, and, That his falvation is fro'm God alone.
If then Man's ruin and mifery be from himfelf j which the Scri-
pture doth fo much inculcate on all occafions; then without con-
ti overly that which is the caufc of all the mifery of Human Na-
ture, is wholly from himfclf too, which is. Sin. So that if the
main fcope and dcfign of the Scripture be true, God cannot be
tlic Author of that, by which (without the intervention of the
Mercy of God) Man's mifery unavoidably falls upon him. For
with what Authority and Majefiy doth God in the Scripture for-
bid all manner of Sin? with what earncftnefs and importunity doth
he wooc the Sinner to forfakc his {\n^ With what loathing and dc-
cellation
Book HI. chap. III. ORIGINES SACR/E. ^
teflatlon doth he mention Sin ? With what jiiflicc and leventy doth
he punifli Sin? V/ith what wrath and indignation doth he threaten
Contumacious Sinners? And is it poflible, (after all this and much
more, recordfd in the Scriptures, toexprcfs the Holinels of God's
Nature, his hatred of Sin, and his appointing a day of judgment
for the folemn punifliment of Sinners) to imagin that the Scriptures
do in the Icaft afcribc the Origin of Evil to God, or make him
the Author of Sin ? Shall not the Jndg of all the 'iz'orld do right ?
will a God of infinite Juftice, Purity, and Holinefs, punidi the
Sinner for that which himfelf was the caufe of ? Far be fuch un-
worthy thoughts from our Apprehenlions of a Tieity-, much more
of that God whom we believe to have dcclar'd his Mind fo much
to the contrary, that we cannot believe that and the Scriptures to
be true together.
Taking it then for granted in the general, that God cannot be
the Author of Sin, we come to inquire, Whether the account 'which
the Scripture gives of the Origin of Evily doth any "way charge it up-
on God? There are only two ways, according to the Hillory of
the fall of Man recorded in Scripture, whereby Men may have a-
ny ground to queflion whether God were the cauie of Man's fall j
either frjl, by the giving him that pofitive Law, which was the
occafion of his foil ; or fee ondly, by leaving him to the liberty of
his own Will. Firjl, The giving of that pofitive Law cannot be the
leaft ground of laying Man's fault on Godj becaufe, i. It was
mofl: llitable to the nature of a rational Creature to be govern'd
by Laws, or declarations of the Will of his Maker: forconfider-
ing Man as a free Agent, there can be no way imagin'd fo confo-
nant to the nature of Man as this was, becaufe thereby he might
declare his obedience to God to be the matter of his free choice.
For where there is a capacity of Reward and Punilhment , and
afting in the confideration of them, there mufbbea declaration of
the Will of the Law-giver, according to which Man may expc£t
either his Reward or Punifliment. If it were futable to Gods
nature to promifc Life to Man upon Obedience, it was not unfut-
able to it to expeft Obedience to every declaration of his Will -, confi-
dering the abfolute Sovereignty and Dominion which God had o-
ver Man as being his Creature, and the indifpenfable Obligation
which was in the nature of Man to obey whatever his Maker did
command him. So that God had full and abfolute Right to re-
quire from Man, what he did as to the Law which he gave him to
obey-, and in the general we cannot conceive, how there fhou'd
be a Teftimony of Man's Obedience towards his Creator, with-
out fome declaration of his Creator's Will. Secondly, God had
full Power and Authority, not only to govern Man by Laws, but
to determin Man's general obligation to Obedience to that parti-
cular pofitive Precept by the breach of which Man fell. If God's
power over Man was univerfal and unlimited, what reafon can
there be to imagin it fhou'd not extend to fuch a pofitive Law ?
Was it, becaufe the matter of this Law feem'd too low for God
to command his Creature ? But whatever the matter of the Law-
was, Obedience to God was the great end of it, which Man had
teflify'd as much in that Inftance of it as in anyotherwhatfoeverj
and in the violation of it were imply'd the highefl aggravations of
S f 2 Difobe-
3 24 ORIGINES SACR^. Book III. Chap. III.
Dilobedience •, for God's Power and Authority were as much con-
temned, his Goodnefs flighted, .his Truth and Faithruhicfs que-
ftion'd, his Name dillionor'd, his Majefty afironted in the breach
of that, as of any other Law whatfoever it had been. If the Law
were eafie to be obferv'd, the greater was the SinofDifobcdicnce-,
if the weight of the matter was not fo great in it fclf, yet God's
Authority added the grcateft weight to it 5 and the ground of O-
bedience is not to be fetch'd from the nature of the thing requi-
red, but from the Authority of the Legiflator. Or was it then
becaufe God conceal'd from Man his Counfel in giving of that
politive Precept? Hath not then a Legiflator power to require a-
ny thing, but what he fatisfies every one of his reafon in command-
ing it ? If £0, what becomes of Obedience and Subjedion ? It
wiU be impoillble to make any probative Precepts on this account j
and the LegiOator mufl: be charg'd with the Difobedience of his
Subjefts, where he doth not give a particular account of every
thing which he requires : whicli as it concerns Human Legiflators
(who have not that abfolutc Power and Authority which God
hath) is contrary to all Laws of Policy and the general Scnfe of
Plutarch, the World. This 'P/«/^^rf/& gives a good account of, whcahedif-
flro'tum- courfeth fo rationally of the Sobriety which Men ought to ufc iu
untur a their inquiries into the grounds and reafons of God's Actions v
mmme. p^.^^ faith he, ^hyjicians ivill give prefcriptions iz'iibout giving the
'Patient a particular reafon of every circumjhwce in them : ciii ^ oi?
Aor« T 'Ts&iuyfi.U-mtt. Neither have Human Lwjjs al\zays appareyit reafon
for them-, nay fame of them, are to appearance ridiculous i for which
he inlfanceth in that Law of the Lacedamonian Ephori-, /^oi iff^K^ (*<;-
^'■^■> to which no other reafon was annex'd but this, ■"-«' ^n!^-^ nn >^fJisn
«i /ii, ^ahts; Jajy cii^Ti : They commanded every Magiflrate at the entrance
of his Office tofhave himfelf ayidgave this reafon for it-, that they
might learn to obey La'-jus themfelves. He further infbanceth, in
the Roman Cuftom of Marmmijfion-, their Laws about Teftaments,
Solon's Law againfl- Neutrality in Seditions, and concludes thcncc>
i>M^u T y^»^o^m. Any one '■ji'ould eafily find ma7iy Abfurdities in La'jvSf
■juho doth not confider the intention of the Legifator^ or the ground
of vjhat he requires. r/J^rfjat-^^si^, faith he, «x a.y%-Jnmi sto; >>r»i'>'Ta> hi&t-
.c'vTOv ysxd^soK,- What vsonder is it-, if vi:e are fo puzled to give an ac-
count of the A £1 ions of Men-, that vaejhou'd be to fee k as tothofcof
the 'Deity? This cannot be then any ground on the account of
mere reafon, to lay the charge of Man's Difobedience upon God,
bccaule he rcquir'd from him the oblcrvance of that pofitivc com-
mand of not eating of the forbidden Fruit.
VI. The only thing then left, is, v;hether God be rwt liable to this
charge as he left I\Ian to the liberty of his Will: And that may be
grounded on two things j either that God did not create Man infucb
a conditio7h in '-^z'hich it had been impoffible for hifn to have fin-
ned i or that k?io-ui'i7ig his temptation he did not give him po-ji)er
to refifi it. If neither of thclc will lay any imputation of thcO-
rigin of Evil upon God, then God will appear to be wholly hcc
from it. ivr//, concerning Alan's being created a free Agent; if
the
Book IIL Chap. III. ORIGINES SACRAL. 3x5
the determination of the Schools be tr,ood, that pollibility ot" Sin-
ning is imply'd in the very notion of a Creature > andconfcquent-
lythat impeccability is repugnant to the nature of a created Be- yid.Ugm.
ing-, then we fee a neceflTary reafon, why Man was created in a ^jf^^'^j"
ilate of Liberty: but endeavoring to fiiew that the grounds of our jiium in
Reh'gion are not repugnant to natural Reafoii, 1 Hiail ratiier make ^'■"''."'- '•
ufe of thcTeftimony of fuch who profefs'd to be Followers ofjia.^.^
nothing elfe but Rcai'on and Philofophy. Among whom 1 fliall
make choice o'i Simp lie ins both for the Reafon he produceth, and be-
caufe he '\s farthelt from any fufpicion of partiality, by reafon of
his known oppofition to the Mofaic Hiftpry of the Creation. He
then in his Commentaries on Epitiettis profeflcdly difputes thisvc- ^'""fi^.
ry fubjeft of the Origin of Evil, and after having rejcfted that ^^al-a,.
fond Opinion of two Principles, one of Good, and the other ^ijj-.
of Evil, undertakes to give an account whence Evil came into the
World; which becaule it tends fo much to thcilluftratingourpre-
fent fubjeft, I fiiall give an account of God-, faith he, '■^'ho is the
fountain and principle of all Good-, not only produced things iz'hich
irere in themfelves good-, nor only thofe things iivhich ijuere of a mid-
dle nature-, but the extremes too-, 'jjhich -jvere fuch thir2gs '-jvhich '-Ji'ere
apt to be perverted from that which is according to nature, to that
which we call Evil. And that after thofe Bodies ivhich isuere fas
he fuppofeth) incorruptible-, others '■were produced iz'hich are fubjecl
to Mutation and Corruption -, and fo after thofe Souls which "were
immutably fixed in Good-, others were produced which were liable to
be perverted from it -, that fo the riches of God's goodnefs might be
difplafd in making to exijf all Beings which are capable of it i and
■ that -the Univerfe might be perfeEi in having all forts of Beings in
it. Now-, he luppolcth that all thofe Beings which are above this
ftiblimary World are fuch as are immutably good-, and that the lowefl
fort of Beings which are liable to be perverted to Evil-, are fich which
are here below- Therefore-, faith he, the Soul being of a more no-
ble and immutable Nature, while it is by it felf-, doth not partake
of 'Evil; but it being of a nature apt to be joyned with thefe T er re-
fir ial Bodies {by the "Providence of the Author of the Univerfe,
who produced fuch fouls , that fo both extremes might be joyned by
the Bonds of vital Union~) thereby it becomes fenfible of thofe Evils
arid Tains which the Body is ftibjeEl to -, but thefe things are not
properly Evils but rather Good-, confidering our Terreftrial Bodies as
parts of the Univerfe which is upheld by the changes andviciffitudes
which are in this lower JVorld: Which he largely difcourfcsonto
fhew that thofe particular alterations which are in Bodies, do conduce
rather to the perfcdion and beauty of the Univerfe, than arc any real
Evils in it. But now-, fiith he, for the Origin of thofe things which
are properly E.vils, viz. Moral Evils-, which are -m -^ ^>Jfamm-^«x^iT^(im T 71 dei d>i» iBfitsmv -^v- ^^.^
' ■ Sf3
^^C ORIGINES SACR/E. EooTlII. Chap. III.
'An'ui, Tm-c/^'s^i ox£r»K. vmn ii 'sr^si luZ^ o/«i«ra(. 'The Soiil of MuTi IS ncxus u-
triufqiie mnnd'h in the middle betia-een thofe more excellent Beings
'u:hich perpetually remain above-, '■joith -^hicb it partakes in the fub-
limity of its Nature andU7iderftanding-, and thofe inferior'TerreJirial
Beings -jvith -jshich it communicates thro" the -vital Union '■jnhich it hath
ivith the Body-, and by reafon of that freedom and indifferency -ji;hich
it hath-, it fometimes is a/Jimilated to the one-, fometimes to the other
of thefe extremes. So that izhtle it approacheth to the nature of the
fuperior Beings-, it keeps it felf free from Evil:, but becanfe of its freedom
it may fometimes fink do-jun into thefe lovuer things-, and fo he calls the
caufe of all evil in the Soul -ri^ a.ul'^'i y.ci^^oy «i? mh ^t>nii -nmy^ its 'volun-
tary defcent into this lower World., and immerfing it felf" in the fe-
culency of Terreftrtal flatter, x-4' ?"''"' " a/«.pi'ooAo» iXci,^i, chy, dtny-^c^'i^i'i xa-m-
e-.v'^ usMr.t, ol».' x-n.% \:sii>i, ui'o^v aiT^')ix^ x.»%iytti-n i Uiiitai. rOr tho' the Soul be
of a kind of Amphibious Nature-, yet it is not forced either upwards
or downwards i but a^s either way according to its internal liberty.
But faith hej while the rational foul keeps that power which it hath
in its hands over the Body-, and makes nfe of it only as an inftrument
for its own good-, fo long it keeps pure and free from any fain of evil -,
but wheyi it once forgets the fmilitude it hath with the more excel-
lent Being-, and throws away the Scepter of its power-, and drowns
it felf in the Body and Brut if j Afeiiions {preferring the pie afire of
Se7ife above that of Reafon^ when it fo far degC7ierates below the
principles of Reafon-, that inflead of commayiding the Brutifj Facul-
ties it becomes a flave to them-, then it conceives and brings forth e-
vili but this it doth not thro' any coa6iion or neceffity-, but thro the
ahufe of that power a?id liberty which it hath : For the choice
is a proper action of the Soul it felf: which he proves
from hence, becaufe Godi and the Lawsy and all good Alen, do
not me a fur e the good and evil of A ^f ions fo much by the event,
as by the will and intention of the '^Perfon-, and that Tunifh-
meni and Reward have chiefly a refpetl to thofe. And therefore
Men are pardoned for what they do out of conftraint and forcct
and the fault is afcribed-, "^ -rrS a^d-fi^A dTi.^ iiM^„f/A>m, not to him that
did it-, but to him that forced him to the doing of it. And {o
from hence he concludes, that becaufe of the freedom of the will
of Man', nothing elfe can be faid to be the Author of Evil pro-
perly -, but the Soul of Man-, and concludes that difeourfe witii
this excellent SpeCchj ''i.X-i'"'< *" '^'" "^'"'^ ""^ x.ansJ', >.itiJi,'nt£-n ^mvi fioufS^, o-niQia
7r» • mii* Afj9i& Sixaiai;. pjaVniQ'
thus found out the true origin of Evil-, let us cry out with a loud
voice-, that God is not the Author of Sm-, becaufe the Soul freely
doth that which is evil-, and not God; for if the Soul were forced to
do what it doth-, one might juftly lay the blame on God-, who permits
fuch a force to be offered it., neither could it be properly evil which
the Soul was con framed to -, but fine e it a^ted freely, out of choice,
the Soul tnufi alone be accounted the Author and Caufc of Evil.
Thus we fee that God cannot with any fhadow of Reafon be ac-
counted the Author of Evil, becaufe he gave the Soul of Man a
principle of internal hecdom, when the very freedom of acting which
the Soul had, put it into a capacity of flandini^ as well as faliini.^.
f ^ And
Book III. Chap. III. ORIGINES SACRAL 3^7
And certainly, he can never be faid to be the caulc of the break-
ing of a Peribn, who gave him a itock to fet up with, and fup.
pos'd him able to manage k when he gave it him. Indeed had not
Man had this freedom of Will, he could not have fallen j but then
neither had he been a rational Agent, which fuppofing no corrupti-
on, doth fpeak freedom of Adtion. So that while we inquire af-
ter the origin of Evil we have no other cauie to aflign it to, but
Man's abufe of that free power of afting which he had: but if wc
wiU be fo curious as to inquire further, why God did create Man
with a freedom of Will, and not rather fix his Soul immutably on
Good; if the order of Beings be no fatisfadlory Realbn for it,
we can give no other than that why he made Man, or the World
at all, which was the good pleafure of his Will.
But fecondly, fuppojing God's giving Man this freedom of IVill-, vii.
doth not entitle him to be the Author of Evil -, doth not his leav-
ing Man to this liberty of his in the Temptation, make him the
cauie of Sin.^ I anfwer no, and that on thefe accounts.
I. Becaiife Man food then aponfuch terms-, that he could not fall
but by his own free and voluntary act--, he had a power to ftand, in
that there was no principle of corruption at all in his Faculties, but
he had a pure and undefil'd Soul which could not be polluted with-
out its own confent: Now it had been repugnant to the terms on
which Man ftood (which were the tryal of his Obedience to his Crea-
tor) had he been irrefiftibly determined any way. Simplicius puts simpUc. ;•
this queftion after the former difcourfe. Whether God may be cal- ^P'^^^-p-
led the Author of fin-t becaife he permits the foul to life her liberty'? ' ' ' 7-
But-, faith he, he that fays God fhould not have permitted this ufe
of its freedom to the fouh muft fay one of thefe two things-, either
that the foul being of fuch ariattire as is indifferent to Good or Evil-, it
Jhouldhave been wholly kept from the c hoofing EviU or elfe that it fhould
have been made of fuch a nature that it fhould not have had a power
of choofng Evil. The fir ft is irrational and abf'urd; for what free-
dom and liberty had that been-, where there was no choice ? And
what choice could there have been where the Mi?idwas neceffitated only
to one part ? For the fecond we are to confider-, faith he, that no E-
vil is in it f elf de fir able-, or to be chofen i but withal-, if this power
of determining it f elf either way muft be taken away-, it muft be ei-
ther as fomething not good-, or as fome great evil; and whoever faith
fo-, doth not confider-, how many things intheWorldthere are, which
are accounted good and defirable things, yet are no ways comparable
with this freedom of IVill. For it excells all fublunary Beings -, and
there is none would rather defire to be a Brute or Tlant than Alan i
if God then ftjew'd his goodnefs in giving to inferior Beings fuch
^erfe£lions which are far below this, is it any ways incongruous to
Gods Nature and Goodnefs to give Man the freedom of his ABions,
and a felf-determining power, tho he permitted him the free ufe
of it ? Befides, as that Author reafons, had God to prevent Man's
fin taken away the liberty of his Will, he had likewife deftroy-
ed the foundation of all Virtue, and the very nature of Man -,
for Virtue would not have been fuch, had there been no poffibility of
aBitig contrary i and Man's Nature would have been Divine, be-
caufe impeccable. Therefore, faith he, tho' we attribute this f elf -
determining Tower to God as the Author of it, which was fo ne-
ceffary in the order of the Univerfe, we have no reafon to attribute the
Origin
5i8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap.IIL
Origin vf that Ei:il to God-, -jihich ccmcs by the abiife oj that- Li-
berty. For-, as he further adds, God doth not at all catife that Aver -
(ion from Good-, '■s:hich is in the Soul'-ji'hen it Jins-, but only gave fuch
a pvzver to the Soul, '■ji'hereby it anight turn it felf to Evil-, out of
'which God might after'jvards produce fo 7nuch Good-, "ji'hich could
■not other-ji'ife have been vi'ithout it. So cowfonanrly to the Scripture
doth that Philofopher fpeak on this fubjed:.
2. God cannot be f aid to be the Author of Sin-, tho' he didnot
prevent the fall of Man-, becaufe he didnot vsithdra-uH before his fall
any Grace or Afjifiance-, which vi'as necefary for his flanding. Had
there been indeed a neceflity of fupernatural Grace to be commu-
nicated to Man for every moment, to continue him in his Inno-
cency, and had God before Man's fall withdrawn fuch Afllftance
from him, without which it were impoflible for him to have ftood, it
would be very difficult freeing God from being the caufe of the fall
of Man. But we are not put to fuch difficulties for acquitting
God from being the Author of Sin -, for there appears no neceffity
at all for aflerting any Diftinction of fufficient and efficacious Grace
in Man before his fall j that the one ffiould belong only to a Ra-
dical power of {landing, the other to every Aft of good which
Adam did: For if God made Man upright-, he certainly gave him
fuch a power as might be brought into ad: without the neceffity
of any fupervenient A£t of Grace, to elicitc that Habitual power in-
to particular Aftions. If the other were fufficient, it was fuffi-
cient for its end -, and how could it be fufficient for its end, if not-
withftanding that, there were no poffibility of ftanding, unlefs effi-
cacious help were fuperadded to it ? God would not certainly require
any thing from the Creature in his Integrity, but what he had a
power to obey j and if there were necefTary further Grace to bring
the Power into Ad, the fubtrading of this Grace, mull be by
way of punilliment to Man, which it is hard to conceive for what
it ffiould be, before Man had finned, or elfe God mull fubtradl
this Grace on purpofe that Man might fall, which would necefla-
rily follow on this Suppofition , in which cafe Man would be ne-
ceffitated to fall, Veluti cumfubduSlis columnis domus neceffario cor-
ruity as one cxprellcth it. As a houfe muft needs fall-, izihen the pil-
lars on which it (hod are taken away from it. But now if God
withdrew not any cffedual Grace from Man, whereby he mull
neceflarily fall, then tho' God permit Man to ufe his Liberty, yet
he cannot be faid to be any ways the Author of Evil, becaufeMan
had Hill :\.poffe fi velleti a power of Handing, if he had made right
ulc of his Liberty, and God never took from Man his Adjutorium
quo potuit flare, & fne quo non potuit-, as T>ivines call it, Alan en-
joying Hill his Power, tho' by the abufe of his Liberty he fell into
fiUj lb that granting God to leave Man to the ufe of his Liberty,
yet wc fee God cannot in the lead be charg'd with being the Au-
thor of Sin, or the Origin of Evil, by the Hidory of the Fall of
Man in Scripture: which was the thing to be clear'd.
viii. ^c come now in the third place to compare that account given
o[ the Origin of Evil in Scripture, with that which was cmbrac'd
by Heathen Philofophers, in point of Reafon ad Evidence. There
was no one inquiry whatfocvcr in which thofc who had nothing
but Natural Light to guide them, wtrc more to fcek for Satisfa-
LYvow
Book III. chap. III. RIG INKS SACR/E. 555
ftion in, than this concerning the Origin oF Evil. They law by
continual Experience how great a torrent of both forts of F.vils,
of Sin and Funinimentj did overflow the World j but they were
like the ayligyptlans-, who had futiicient evidence of the over-
flowing their Banks by the River Rile-i but could not find out the
Spring or the Head of it. The reafon was, as Corruption in-
creas'd in the World, lb the means of Inftrutition and Knowledg
decay'd j and (b as the ^Fhanomena grew greater, the reafon of
them waslefsunderllood; the knowledg of the Hiflory of the firfl:
Ages of the V/orld, thro' which they could alone come to the full
underfl:3nding of the true caufe of Evil, infenfibly decaying in the
feveral Nations: Infomuch that thofe who are not at all acquainted
with that Hiftoryof the World which was preferv'd in Sacred Re-
cords among the Je-jvs-, had nothing but their own uncertain con-
jeftures to go by, and fome kind of obfcurc Traditions which were
preferv'd among them, which while they fought to reftify by their
Interpretations, they made them more obfcure and falfe than they
found them. They were certain of nothing, but that Mankind
was in a low and degenerate condition, and fubjeft to continual
Miferies and Calamities j they who cry'd up the moll the )><^kmv, of that Faculty of
the Soul which was aefign'd for the Government of all the refl:.
The Philofophers could not be ignorant what flaves they were them-
felves to this Terreftrial Hyle, how eafily their moft mettlefome
Souls were mir'd in the dirt, how deep they were funk into cor-
poreal Pleafures, that it was pafl: the power of their Reafon to
help them out. Nay, when the Soul begins to be fledg'd again,
after her a-ltgjppV^OTs, or moulting, at her entrance into the Body, which
y/<«/^<7 fpeaks of, andftrivcs to raife her fclf above this lower AVorld,
flic then feels the weight of flich plummets hanging at her feet,
that they bring her down again to her former fluttering up and
down in her Cage of Earth. So Hierodes complains , that when acroc. in
Reafon begins to carry the Soul to the perception of the moft "".''*'' '""'■'
noble objeds, the Soul with a generous flight would foar above
this World, <"*" f"! ^"Ht, •m^^tmx.cuc, QXr-etXi (iiTGif 71(71 fJtioXv^aiff-.v , -,}srt^i^VTa{ d&i x.u,y.icui.
Were it 7iot born do'^n to that isohich is evil by the force ofT ajjions-,
which hang like leads upon the Soul's feet. What a ftrange unac-
countable thing muft this needs be to thofe who beheld the con-
ftancy of the effeft, but were to feek for the caufe of it? It could
not but be clear to them that the <«;.
or inclination in the Soul, was fo ftrong to the evil ; and could
that be an even ballance, where there was fo much down- weight in
one of the fcales ? unlefs they made, as fome of them did, the vo-
luntary Inclinations of the Soul to evil, an evidence of her Li-
T t berty
3 40 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IIL
berty in this moft degenerate condition, as tho' it were any Argu-
ment that the Prifoner was the freer, becaufe he delighted him-
felf in the noife of his fliackles. Neither was this Diforder alone
at home in the Soul, where there was flill a Xantippe fcoldingwith
Socrates-, '^Pajfwn ftriving with Reafon -, but when they look'd abroad
in the World, they could not but obferve fome ftrange Irregula-
rities in the converfe among Men. What debaucheries, conten-
tions, rapines, fightings and deftroying each other, and that with
the greateft cruelty, and that frequently among Country-men,
Friends, nay Relations and Kindred ! and could this Hoftility be-
tween thofc of the fame Nature, and under the moft iacred bonds
of Union, be the refult of Nature, when even Beads of prey are not
fuch to thofe of their own kind? Befides all this, when they fum-
med up the Life of Man together, and took an account of the
wcaknefles and follies of Childhood, the heats and extravagancies
of Youth, the pallions, difquietmentsanddifappointments of Men
in their ftrength and height of bufinefs, the inquietude, aches
and infirmities of old Age, befides the mifcries which thro' every
one of thefe all Men are fubjeft to, and few efcape, into how
fmall a fum will the folid Pleafure and Contentment of the Life of
Man be reduc'd? Nay, if we take thofe things in the World
which Men pleafe themfelves the mod in enjoyment of, and con-
fider but with what care they are got, with what fear they are
kept, and with what certainty they muft be loft ; and how much
the pofleflion of any thing fails of the expeftation of it, and how
near Men are upon the top of Tenarijf to fiill into the depth of
the Sea, how often they are precipitated from the height of Pro*
fperity, into the depth of Adverfity •, we fhall find yet much le(s
that by the greateft Chymiftry can be extradVed of real fatisfadrioii
out of thefe things. Whence then fliould it come that Mens Souls
ilaould fo delight to feed on thefe Husks, and to embrace thefe Clouds
and Shadows, inftcad of that real Good which is the true obje£b
of the Soul's defire .^ They could eafily fee there was no pure, un-
mix'dGood in the World, buttherewasaContemperationof both
together, according to that of Euripides :
OVK OiV yiVOlTO X^^'' id^Kai (£ XCtHCt,
'Am' i, & «"»J^s?, i'olxi % hvuj Scfn a xuXtCatt arjftmtt r,^ ; *5
^vfjucunuf Tnipvat •are?? -n A)(jJ>' ha*Z'ot utctf, ri AvTiTigjn ; JVhat a (trafl^C thin^ IS
that '■Jihich Men are '■^.ont to call 'Pleafure ? how near a kin is it to
that 'which feems fo contrary to it-, Pain ?
Now the obferving the fl-range and fudden viciflltudes of thefe
things, and what near neighbours Pain and Pleafure were to each
otiicr, (lb that there is frequently a paflage out of one into the
othcrj did yet more entangle them to give a clear account of the
Origin of both thefe. Thole who believe there was a God, who
produc'dthe World and ordcr'd all things in it, diti eafily attribute
whatever was good in the World to the Fountain of all Goocl-
nefs •,
I'htJ.
Book III. Chap. III. O R I G I NKS SACR/E. 341
nefs-, but that any Evil Ihould come from him thcj thought it re-
pugnant to the very Notion of a Dkity •, which rhcy were fo far
right in, as it concern'd the evil of Sin -, v/hich \vc have already
fhew'd God could not be the Author of; but therein they fliew'd
their Ignorance of the true caufe of Eiil, that they did not look
upon the miferies of Life as theetVe^ls of God's Jullice upon the
World for the evil of Sin. And therefore that they might fet the
Origin of Evil far enough off from God, they made two diftcrcnt
Principles of things, the one of good, and the other of evil-, this
Tlutarch tells us was the mod: ancient and univerlal account
which he could meet with of the Origin of Good arid Evil. To
which purpofe we have this ample TelHmony of his in his learned
Diicour(e, T^e Ifide ZT" OJiride-, a.o >i, TmfbTm?.^®- auTu Ktcmmv im 9ioao>» y^.i J '^^ %
AffjIaAM^T^?, CtTK h Xiyii [tjovny, i^ h ip!i(t.Mi:, km ««« iy Ti TrAsS'S £' " '^incui, x«i ^£6p- ed. Fr.
■Tmv, »7T il? J51I' i KBa-rCf y.a.\ xaT^u'^tia', aiwip olx^iv nun 7ntB»o~ii p^Xitio~c, >.o'/^' x.'th.x. wn^a kki
Oiifin'/ i^a ^avsCi x-xl cij^%U, |K/i»»o» of f/jniiv cJi ccT^a^ Ei'^r*. {Ik^.^v it^ojzt •? OT ^uf iitwriuf a^^uv, y.a,t dvu> dyanTraxSv i'uva.Ubtvv, -? mjj iTn fyi di^ia xal icici' tu^icui bii>>i;'< 1^ ii t'fi/'TntXiv anas^e^osaj)? x«i ccvu.K^a(n;i; , 71 ;8i©- f/tiy.-n^, tt xitrftj®^ ti y.Kt (ah
■mi, dxti' i^i'/H<^ »T©- yj^ /t? 'Ti^'i'^ > ci>uijuxx<^ ^ jikkiA®^ yipii, icsci fAs&CoAac; ■mm.',
h^ifOf-^. ii ^ iiit dvaiTiai jri« r.K.' Ka^of, a good and bad Damon -, for v/hich he quotes
vrocem. Dinon-, Arifiotle-, Hermippiis-, Ettdoxus-, and others. The fame
Plutarch makes to be the Opinion of the ancient Greeks^ who at-
tribute the good to Jupiter Olyrnpius-, t\\eh:id to Hades -, the Chal-
deans-, fiith he, make the 'Planets their Gods-, of which two they
fuppofe the caule of Good; two more of only a malignant Influ-
ence; and other three to be indifferent to either. The fame the
affirms of the z^igyptians-, that whatever iwas evil and irregular,
tliey afcrib'd to '7')'y£'/;(? j what was good, comely and ufeful, they
attributed to Ifis and Ofris -, to Ijis as the pallive, OJiris as the
a£Vive Principle.
X- Tiius we lee how large a fpread this Opinion of the Origin of
Evil had in the Gentile World; neither did it expire with //f^zr^^^/-
ifmi But Manes rctain'd fo much of the Religion of his Coun-
trcy, being a 'Perfan, that he made a ftrange medley of the Per-
fian and Lhrifian Doctrine together. For that was his famous
AHguft.dc Opinion, of which St. Auflin tells us; Ijle duo principia inter fe
jurcf.c. di-yerfa at que adverfa-, eademque aterna-, 6^ co-cctcrna-^ hoc eft, fern -
per fnilfe-, compofiiit -, duafque naturas atque fubjlantias, boni, fci-
licci, O" mall, f equals alios antiquos hareticos-, opinatus ejt. St.
Aujlin
Book III. chap. III. OKI GINKS SACK /I'.. 343
Auftin thinks that Manes had his Opinion concerning two Prin-
ciples from the ancient Heretics, by whom I fuppofc he means the
Marcionijts and Valerithnans -, but it Teems more probable that i^/rf-
7ies had his Doctrine immediately from his Countreymen, tho' it
be generally thought that Scjthianns and Bnddas were his Mafters
in it. But from whomfocver it came, the Opinion was merely
Heathen-, and not more contrary to Scripture than it is' to Reafon'-,
the former I meddle not with, that Opinion being now extinct in
the Chriftian World-, I only briefly confider the Unreafonablenefs
of it J to fliew what a far better account of the Origin of Evil the
Scriptures give us, than was difcover'd by the Heathen Philofo-
phers. For on both fides that Opinion is repugnant to the Notion
of a 'Deity., fo that while they would make two fuch Gods-, they make
noneatall. For how can the Principle of Good be God, if he hath
not Infinite Power,as well as Goodnefs ? and how can he have Infinite
Power, if he hath not the management of things in the World ? and
how can he have the management of things, ifthey be liable to Evil,
which the other God-, which is the Principle of Evil, may lay upon it >
from which,according to this fuppofition, the Principle of Good can-
not refcue it? So that they who hold this Opinion cannot, as Sim-
plicius tells us. Give God ™' "V-'"^ ■^ o^'.'5 <^'»«>£4'5, the half of that In-
finite Toijver which belongs to him •, for neither can he keep the
good Creatures which he makes from the power of the evil 'Da-
mon, and therefore if he loves them, mud be in continual fears of
the Power of the contrary Principle-, neither can he free them
from the evil which the other lays upon them ; for then G o d's
Power would be far greater than the o.v'XD amon-, and fo he could
be no Anti-god. And on the other fide the Notion or Idea of an
Infinite ei'il Being-, is in it felf an inconfifl:ent Ideaj for it is an
Infinite Non-entity^ if we fuppofe his very Being to lie in being
evil, which is only a privation of Goodnefs -, and befides if he be
infinitely evil, he mull be infinitely contrary to the good Prin-
ciple > and how can he be infinitely contrary which injoys feveral
of the fame Perfeftions, which the other hath, which are Infinity
of EJfence, znd Necef/ity of Exiflcnce? Now if this Principle
of Evil be abfolutely contrary to the other, it mufl: be contrary
in all his Perfections i for whatever is a Perfedion, belongs to that
which is good:, and now if it be contrary in every Perfection, /w-
fnity of Ejfence, and Neceffity of ExiJIence, being two, it mult
be as contrary as is imaginable to them, by which this evil Prin-
ciple muft be infinitely dcfe£tive in Being and Exiftence, and fo it
will be an Infinite Non-entity which yet exifls, which is the height
of contradiction. Again, if there be fuch a contrary Principle,
which is the caufe of all Evil, then all Evil falls out unavoidably,
and by the power of this Infinitely evil Principle-, by which means
not only all Religion, but all Virtue and Goodnefs will be taken out
of the World, if this evil Principle be infinite-, and if not infinite,
no Anti-god: and not only fo, but all difference of Good and
Evil will be taken away ( and then what need making two fuch
contrary Principles to give an account of the Origin of Evil. ^) for
when once Evil becomes thus neceflary, it lofeth its Nature as a^
Moral Evil; for a Moral Evil implies in it a voluntary breach of
feme known Law; but how can that breach be voluntary, which
Tt X was
3 44 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. III.
was caus'd by an Infinite Power in the moft proper way of Effi-
ciency? And thus if all freedom of Will be deftroy'd fas it is
necefiarily by this Suppofition) then no Government of the World
by Laws can be fuppos'dj and confequently no Reward or Punifli-
menr, which fuppofe liberty of Action, and by this means all Re-
ligion, Law, and Providence are banifii'd out of the World, and
fo this evil 'Damon will get all into his own hands, and inftead
oC two contrary Principles, there will be but one Infinitely evil
T)amon. Which that there is not, appears by this, that notwith-
ftanding all the Evil in the World, there is fo much Good left in
it, of which there would be none, if this evil 'Damon had Infi-
nite Power. By this we fee there cannot be a Principle infinitely
evil ; for while they go about to make two fuch contrary Prin-
ciples infinite, they make neither of them fo, and fo while they
make two Gods-, they take away any at all. So that this Opinion
of the Origin of Evily is manifeflly abfurd, irrational, and con-
tradidious.
XI. But all the Heathen Philofophers were not fo grofs as to imagin
two fuch Anti-gods with infinitely aftive Power ; but yet thofe who
would not in terms affert it, might be driven to it by the confe-
quence of their Opinion concerning the Origin of Evil-, which
did fuppofe a necefTity of it in Nature, as flowing from that paf-
five Principle out of which the World was produc'd. Hence it
was that HeracUtusy as Tlutarch tells us, attributed the Origin of
all things to T^ifcord and Antipathy , and was wont to fay, tliat
\rhcn Homer wifli'd
Je Ifid. & ^ ^ o
Ofiride.
That all contention were banijh'd out of the World-, that he did fe-
cretly curfe the Origin of things, and wifli'd the ruin of the World.
So Empedocles call'd the active Principle which did good, Harmony
and Friendfliip, but the other
Ng<;C©" 'dAOfJ^OV (£ Jiie/-V CtifJiCLTOiOSCtV.
by which he makes it to be a quarrelfom, pernicious, and bloody
Principle. The fame 'Plutarch tells us of thefe two renowned Phi-
lofophers, 'Pythagoras and Plato. Thence he tells us the Pytha-
goreans call'd the Principle of Good, -" ''■' mTm^TfA^iycy, -n i/,i,o<,, -n iv%\ t,
■!^ori», li n':^-/^>o>, -A h^wi, t.' /«(ACTfo». Unity ^ finite^ quiefcent-, ftraight-,
unenjcn number., fqiiure-, right and fplendid i the Principle of Evil,
they call'd '■^ Icc^fa, ii amipjv, TO fitfifSficy, to x«//.)ri/'Aov, to dpZcv, to iTTgo'u//)Kt;, to
u»tn,y. re iceAti^u to wott.vov. Thc Binary-, Infinite, moving, crooked-, even,
long of one fide, unequal, left, obfcure. The Opinion of Plato,
he tells us, is very obfcure, it being his purpofe to conceal it-,
but he faith \\\ his old Age in his Book de Legibus, i ^"i <«»7^<7r. s"/J
jviA,<;o?.,y.^,, "without any ifs or ands, he afferts the World to be mov'd
by more than one Principle, by two at the leaft, t^, (/,;► «>o«p3?V .rv«/.
ny i't i^culia* ^Crvf. y.ui 'f haJU^y Ufui.Hj'^y. Thc onc of agood and bcwgn Na-
* ch^tic.d. fn^f,^ ^i-,g gfjj(,j. contrary to it both in its Nature and Operations.
Numenins m * Chalcidius thus delivers the Opinions of Pythagoras
in Jim
p. ;p4
Book III. Chap. III. OR IG INKS SACRA]. 345
and 'P/afo de origmibiis-, as he Ipcaks •, Igitur '^Pythagoras quoaiie-,
inqnit Numenius-, jhudarn zr fine qualitate fylvam ejjc cenf'et ; nee
tamen tit Stoici natura media-, interqne maloriun-, bonorumque vic't-
niam-, fed plane 710x1 am-, ''Detim qnippe effe [nt etiam 'Piatoni vids-
tur^ initium & caufam bonornm-, jyl-vam malonim: So that :xccoxA-
\nglo Nttmenius-, both ''Plato and 'Prr//^^, x.ai xds^fiv, aoTB!ii»))S» ^ K«« y-ifiitxi" "fy^'y j4 confufed
infinite-, felf-moving-, ftirring Principle-, which (faith he) he elfe-
where calls Necefiity-, and in his de Legibus-, plainly, ■^i y.«-'i'al^i^ -miiTr.^-^nU'
■jv'&i Ku] h-wUfi'iai cUilui sfof*o», IVithont form or figure-, and deftitntc of all
qualities and power of operation : and it is impoffible (faith he)
that that which is of it felf fuch an inert principle as Matter
is-, fioould by Plato be fuppos'd to be the caufe and principle of
EijH-, which he elfewhere calls iiidyy.ru m»~» -nS es/ heus &fylva. ''Dtusfummum (^'pracellens bonum j fyl-
•va, nt cenfent, nee bonum nee malum. They give no rational ac-
count whence this perverfity of Matter fhould arife, when accord-
ing to the Stoics, there are but two Principles of Things, God and
Matter, whereof the one is perfet^lygood, the other neither good
nor evil But this perverfity they tell us is fomething neccllanly
confc-
:^4.6 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap, III.
confequent upon the Generation of Things. T«i& j^V «?> w^&Jvj
^i^i .jjosot'jk^". ''Vsp ."©- tJ ;wakJ', ^ o pw^s 7-i
as ruji comes upon brafs-, and filth upon the body-, as the counterfcit
Trifmegifius fpeaks-, fo Maximus Tyrlus faith that Evils in the
Muxim. World are ^ W;k"I! ''r/"- "*' "^i? '™'>' «tf^ any iJi'orks of arty but the af-
Tyr. serm. j-^^jgj.^^ of Matter. Non poteft artifex mutare materiam-, faith Se-
^slntca de neca, when he is giving an account IVhy God fuffers E-vils in the
Trovid. World: and elfewhere gives this account why Evils came into the
"■ ^- World, non quia cejjat ars-, fed quia id in quo exercetur inobfeqiiens
illnJuf' ^''^^^fi- So that the Origin of Evil by this account of it lies wholly
qus/i. ' upon the perverfity of Matter, which it feems was uncapable of
being put into better order by that God who prcduc'd the World
out of that Matter which the Stoics fuppos'd to be eternal. And
the truth is, the avoiding the attributing the caufe of Evil to God,
feems to have been the great Reafon, why they rather chofe to
make it matter neceffary and co-cxiftent with God, and this was
the only plaufiblc pretence which Hermogenes had for following
the Tlatonifts and Stoics in this Opinion, that he might fct God
far enough off from being the Author of Sin j but 1 cannot fee
what advantage comes at all by this Hypothefis-, but it is chargeable
J. with as many difficulties as any other. For, i. It either deftroys
God's Onmipotencyt or elfe makes him the approver of Evil -, fo that
Tmtiiud- if he be not AuBor, he mwix be J (Jent at or mali-, 2isTertul/ian{pc^ks
■verf. Her. agaiuft Hermogcnes, becaufe he fufTer'd Evil to be in Matter -, for,
'"."fo.' ss h^ argues , y^ut enim potuit ejnendere fed noluit -, aut voluit
quidem-, ventm non potuit ijifirmus T>eus: fi potuit & noluit-, ma-
lus & ipfe-, quia malo favit i & fc Jam habetur ejus licet non
inftituerit : quia tanmi fi. noluiffet illud ejfe , non ejfet -, ipfe jam
fecit ejje-, quod noluit non effe: quo quid efi turpius? fi noluit effe
quod ipfe noluit fecife-, adverfum ftmetipfum egit-, cum & voluit
ejfe quod noluit fecijfe-, O' noluit fecijfe quod voluit effe. So that
little advantage is gain'd for the clearing the true Origin of Evil
by this Opinion •, for either God could have taken away Evil out
of Matter but would not, or elfe would but could not-, this laft
deftroys God's Omnipotency, the former his Goodnefs; for by
that means Evil is in the World by his confent and approbation-,
for if God would not remove it when he might, the Being of ic
will come from him j when if he would have hindrcd it, it would
not have been, and lb God by not rooting out of E.vil, will be
found an Afiertor of itj Male fi per voluntatem: turpiter fi per
neceffitatem-, aut famulus erit mail 'Deusy aut amicus: if God's
Will were the caufe why Sin was, it reflefts on his Goodncfs, if
God's Power could not hinder it , it deftroys his Omnipotency.
So that by this Opinion God muft cither be a flave or a friend to
2, Evil. 2. This Trinciple overturns the foundations of Religion-, and
all tranfaiiions hettveen God and Mens Souls in order to their vi-cl-
fare., becaufe it makes Evil to be neccftarily exiftcnt in the World-,
which appears from hence, in that Evil doth rcfult from the Being
of Matter, and fo it muft neceHarily be as Matter is fuppos'd to
be-, for whatever rcfults from the Being of a thing, muft be co-
cxiftcnt with it-, and fo what flows from what doth ncccflarily
cxift, muft have the fame Mode of Exiftencc which the Being it
felf
Book III. chap. III. ORIGINES SylCli/E. 347
felf h;ith-, as is evident in all the Attnbures oF God, which have
the fame immvitability with his Nature: now then, il" 1'- vil did exift
from Eternity together with Matter, it muit neceflliriJy exift
as Matter doth, and fo evil will be invincible and unavoidable in
the World; which if once granted, renders Religion ufelcfs, makes
God's Commands unrighteous, and dctlroys the foundation of
God's Proceedings in the day of JLidgmcnr. 3. This Opinion makes 5.
God 7iot to be the Atithor of Good-, while it denies him to be the
Author of Evil. For either there was nothing elfebut Evil in this
eternal Matter, or there was a mixture of Good and Evil -, if no-
thing clfe but Evil which did neceflarily exill, itwereasimpolTible
for God to produce Good out of it, as to annihilate the neceffa-
rily exiftent Matter. If there were a mixture of Good and Evil,
they were both there either neeeffarily or contingently ; how
could either of them be contingently in that which is fuppos'd to
be neceflarily exifl:ent, and no free Agent ? If they be both there
neceflarily, i. It is hard conceiving how two fuch contrary things
as Good and Evil, fliould neceflarily be in the fame uniform Mat-
ter. 2. Then God is no more the Author of Good than of E-
vil in the World •, for he is faid not to be Author of Evil becaufe
it comes from Matter ; and fo it appears Good doth too, and fo
God according to this Opinion, is no more the Author of Good,
than he is of Evil. But if it hcizidthat Good is not in Matter-, Out
God produced that out of nothing: Then I reply, 1. If God did pro-
duce Good out of nothing, why did he not produce Matter out
of nothing too ? If he were fo powerful as to do the one, there
could be no defeft of power as to the other. What infufficiency
is therein God's Nature for producing all thingsout of nothing, il-'he
can produce any thing out of nothing ? 2. If God did produce Good
out of Evil, why could he not haveremov'd all Evil out of Matter?
For Good could not but beproduc'd by the removing of fome Evil
which was before that Good, and fo God might have remov'd all Evil
out of Matter. And fo by not doing it when he might, this opinion
gives not the leafl:SatisfatHon in point of Reafon for acquitting God
from being the Author of Sin,nor for clearing the truejongin of Evil.
Thus we have now compar'd the account given of it in Scri- xiir.
pture, with that given by the Heathen Philofophers, and find it
in every thing more clear, rational and latisfa£fory than theirs is.
Which doubtlefs is the reafon, why the more modern Philofophers,
fuch as Hieroclesi Porphyry-, Sunpliciits and others, tho' otherwife
great oppofers of Chriifianity, did yet in this fide with the Scri-
ptures and attribute the original of Evil not to Matter but to the
Will of Man. And whoever is feriouflyconverfant with the writ-
ings of thofe Philofophers, who were <^ ■? u^i ji^is.c, of the facred
fucceflion out of the School of Ammonius at Alexandria-, fuch as
Tlotinus-, TorphyriiiSi lambltchus and Hierocles-, will find them
write in a higher flirain concerning many weighty and important
Truths, as of the degeneracy of Mens Souls from God, and the
way of the Souls returning to Him, than the mofl: fublime of the
ancient Philofophers had done. Which Speculations of theirs no
doubt arofe not fo much from the School of "Plato-, and Tythagoras-, 2„jeb. ic
as of that great reft:orer of Philofophy Ammonius of Alexandria -, def.hiji. i.
whofe Scholars Herennius-, Origen and 'Vlotinus were. Who \vj- %f,g^^'j^
U U ing Script. Zed.
3 48 RIG INKS SACK^. Book III. Chap. III.
ing and dying aChriftian, as Enjebius and Hierom aflureus,whar-
Hoiflen.ie evcr T^orphyrius fuggefts to the contrary, did communicate to his
l'cr$.vor. Scholars the fubhnier Myfteries of Divine Revelation, together
fhyr.c.6. with the Speculations of the ancient Philofophers: which Holfte-
nhis conceives he did with an adjuration of fccrecy, which he tells
us Torphyrius himfelf acknowledgeth, that thofe three Scholars of
Ammonius-, Hereymiiis-, Origen and 'PlotinuSi were under an obli-
gation to each other not to reveal and difcover, tho' it were after
violated by them. It is an eafie matter to conceive what an excel-
lent improvement might be made of the ancient "Platonic Philofo-
phy by the advantage of the Scriptures, by one who was fo well
vers'd in both of them as Ammonius is fuppos'd to have been 3
and how agreeable and becoming would that Philofophy feem
which had only its rife from Tlato-, but its height and improve-
ment from thofe rich and truly Divine Truths which were inlaid with
them ? The want of obferving this, viz. whence it was that thofe
excellent difcourfes in the latter ^latonifts had their true Original,
hath given occafion to feveral miftakes among learned Men: asfirft
the over- valuing of the Platonic Philofophy, as tho' in many of
the difcourfes and notions of it, it feem'd to fome (who were more
in love with Philofophy than the Scriptures) to out-go what isdi-
fcover'd therein concerning the fame things. A moll groundlels
and unworthy Cenfure ! when it is more than probable (and might
be largely manifcfted, were it here a fit opportunity) that what-
ever is truly generous and noble in the fublimefb difcourfes of the
T'latonifts i had not only its primitive rife, but its acceflion and
improvement from the Scriptures wherein it is dill contain'd in its
native luftre and beauty, without thofe paintings and impure mix-
tures which the fublimeft Truths are corrupted with in the Tlato-
nic Writings. The reafon of which is, tho' thefe Philofophers
grew fuddenly rich thro' the fpoils they had taken out of the Scri-
ptures, yet they were loth to be known, from whence they had
them, and would fccm to have had that out of their own Gardens
which was only tranfplanted from the Sacred Writings. There-
fore wc find them not mentioning the Scriptures and theChrillian
Doftrine without fome contempt of its meannefs and fimplicityi
and whatever improvement they had gain'd by them, they would
have it lefs taken notice of by profelling their oppofition to the
Chriftians, as is notorious in thofe great Philofophers, Torphyri-
iiSi lamblichuSf Hierocles-, Simplicins and others. It being their de-
iign to take fo much and no more out of the ChrifHan Doflrineas
they could well fuit with their 'Platonic Notions, by which means
they fo difguis'd the Faces of theTruths they ftolc, that it were hard
for the right owners of them to know them again. Which was
the grand Artifice of their great Mafter Tlato, who doubtlcfs by
means of his abode and acquaintance in Tmui. a~
thty czmc on\j ex negotio curiojitatisy more to pleafc the itch ofM'--47-
their curiofity than to cure it.
And wherein they feem'd moft toagrcewith the Scriptures, their
difference was beyond their agreement. Siqiiidem vera quieqiie ^ 7-,^,^; j
confonantia^ Trophetis aut aliunde commendant ant aliorfnm fubornant -^nimi,
cum maxima injuria veritatis-, quam effichmt aut adjuvari faljis aut pa- "" ^"
tr acinar i. Whatever the Thilofophersfpeak agreeable to the Scriptures^
either they donot o-Ji'ntz'hencethey had 2t-, or turn it quite another ivay:,
in'hereby they have done the truth a great deal of injury, by mixing it
with their corruptions of it, and making that little Truth a plea for the
reft of their Errors. Neither was this only among the ancient Phi-
lofophers, but the primitive Chriftians began to difcern the under-
hand workings of fuch, who fought to blend Philofophy and Chri-
flianity together ; for Tertullian himlelf takes great notice of fuch,
who did Veritatis dogmata ad Thilofophicas fententias adulterare,
fuborn Chriftianity to maintain Philofophy j which makes him cry
out, Viderint quiStoicum, i^Tlatonicum, &T>ialeC~hcum Chrijlia- Tertui.de
nifmum protulerunt i by which we fee what tampering there was ^''r'y'r
betimes rather to bring Chriftianity down to Philofophy, than to w!!^. 7. ^
make Philofophy truckle under the truth and fimpHcity of the
Scriptures. Whether Ammonius himfelf, and fome others of the
School Q^ Alexandria, might be guilty in this kind, is not here a place
to inquire, tho' it be too evident in the Writings of fome, that they
rather feek to accommodate the Scriptures to the Sentiments of
the School of Tlato, than to reform that by the Scriptures > but I
fay, however it were with thofe who were Chriftians, yet thofe
who were not, but only Philofophers, made their great advantage
by it. For when they found what was reconcilable with the Do-
ctrine of ^lato in the Scriptures, done already to their hands, by
the endeavors chiefly of Ammonius and Origen, they greedily em-
brace thofe improvements of their Philofophy, which would tend
fo much to the credit of it, and as contemptuouflyrejeft what they
found irreconcilable with the Diftates of their Philofophy. Now
what an unreafonable thing is it, when whatever was noble and ex-
cellent in the Heathen Philofophy was derivative from the Scri-
ptures, as the facred Fountain of it, that the meeting with fuch
things fhould in the leaft redound to the prejudice of the Scriptures,
from whence it was originally deriv'd.^ When on the other fide it
fhould be a great confirmation to our Faith, as to the Scriptures,
that they who were profefs'd Philofophers and Admirers only of
Reafon, did fo readily embrace fome of thofe grand Truths which
are contain'd in the Word of God.
Uu 2 For
3 50 ORIGINES SACR^. Book III. Chap. III.
XIV. For which \vc need no other inftance, than that before uS) con-
cerning the origin of Evil, the making out of which will tend to
the clearing the laft thing mention'd concerning it, which was,
That the moft material things in it are attefted by the Heathens
themfelves. And this Honey which is gain'd out of the Lion's
mouth, muft needs tafte fweeter than any other doth. For it is a
weak and groundlefs miftakc on the other fide, which is the fe-
cond (which arifeth from meeting things confonant to the Scri-
ptures in the Writings of Fhilofophers) prefently to conclude from
liich things, that they were Chriftians (as it is faidfome have lately
done in the behalf of /i/Vrof/px.") For their being fuch clear accounts
given in Scripture of the grand difficulties and perplexities whi^h
the minds of Men were troubl'd with, when thefe came to the
knowledg of fuch who were of Philofophic and inquifitivc Heads,
wc cannot but think they would meet with acceptation among them,
cfpecially if they might be made confiftent with their Cormer Spe-
culations : thus it was in our prefent cafe concerning the origin of
Evil, we havfe already beheld the lamentable perplexities the an-
cient Fhilofophers were in about it, what Meanders they were loft
in for want of a Clue to guide them thro' them; now it pleas'd
God, after the coming of Christ in the flel"h, to declare to the
AVorld the only way for the recovery of Souls and their eternal
Salvation, the news of which being fpread fo fir that it foon got
among the Fhilofophers, could not but make them more inquifi-
tive concerning the ftate and condition of their Souls ; and when
they had fearch'd what the Fhilofophers had formerly difcover'd of
it, their curiofity would prefently prompt them to fee what account
of things concerning the Souls of Men was deliver'd bythcFrea-
chers of this new Dodrine. By this they could not bu't prefently
underftand that they declar'd all Mens Souls to be in a moft dege-
nerate and low condition, by being fo continually under the po-
wer of the moft unreafonable and unruly paflions, that they were
eftranged from God, and prone to fix on things very unfutableto
their nature, as to all which, their own inward fenfe and experi-
ence could not but tell them that thefe things were notorioully
true; and therefore they inquire further how thefe things came to
be fo-, which they receive a full account of in Scripture, that Man's
Soul was at firft created pure and holy, and in perfeft fnendlhip
with God, that God dealt bountifully and favorably with Man -,
only cxpeclcd Obedience to his Laws -, that Man being a free A-
gent, did abufc his Liberty, and difobey'd his Maker-, and thence
came the true -n^ffMai, the feathers of the Soul, whereby it Ibar-
ed up to Heaven, moulted away, and the Soul funk below it fell,
into a degenerate and apoftatc Condition, out of which it isim-
poifiblc to be rccover'd without fome extraordinary cxprcllion of
Divine Favor. Now what is there in all this account, but what
is hugely futable to principles of Rcafon, and to the general ex-
perience of thcWorld, as to thofc things which were capable of being
try'd by it.^ And thofe Fhilofophers who were any thing ingenu-
ous, and Lovers of Truth, could not but confefs the truth of thofe
things which we are now fpeaking of, wx;. That Mens Souls are
m a 'Very degenerate condition i That the 7noJl rational account
nf it iS:, that Man by the a^i of his own '■jiill brought himfelf
into
Book III. chap. III. GRIG INKS SACR/E. jji
into it i and that in order to the happinefs of Mens Souls-, there
was a necejjity of recovery out of this condition.
As to the degeneracy of the Soids of Men -, tliis was the com- xv.
mon complaint of thofe Philorophcrs, who minded the govern- ^•
meat of themiclvcs, and the praccicc of Virtue, cfpccially of the
^Platonifls and Stoics. Seneca in all his Moral Difcourles, cfpeci-
ally in his Kpirtles, may fpcak fufficiently in behalf of the Stoics,
how much they lamented the degeneracy of the World. And the
Tlatonijts all complain of the ilavery of the Soul m the Body, and
that it is here by way of punifliment, for fomething which was
done before j and which makes me fomewhat inclinable to think,
that Tlato knew more of the lapfe of Mankind, than he would
openly difcover, and for that end difguis'd it after his ufual man-
ner in that Hypothefis of prx-exiftencc, which taking it Cabalilli-
cally (for I rather think the Opinion of prx-exiftence is fo to be
taken, than the hiftory of the Fall of Man) may import only
this, That Mens fouls might be jujllj fuppos'd to be created hap-
py-, but by reafon of the Apojiafy of Man's foul from God-, all
Souls conie now into their Bodies as into a kind of Prifon, they
being enfav'd to the brutifh part within them , there having been
fuch a true -x-n^f^inm^, the foul being now depriv'd of her chiefefl
perfetiwns in this her low and degenerate condition. And it leems
far more rational to me to interpret thofe Perfons Opinions to a
Cabaliflical, or an Allegorical Senfe, who are known to have writ
defignedly in a way oblcure and ambiguous, than to force thofe
Mens expreflions to Cabala's, who profefs to write a plain Hifto-
ry, and that with the greateil fimplicity and perfpicuity. But it
cannot but feem very ftrange that an Hypothefis capable of bemg
reconcil'd to the plain literal lenfe of the Scriptures (deliver'd by
a perfon who ufeth great artifice and cunning to difguile his Opi-
nions, and fuch a perfon withal, who (by fuch perfons themfelves
who make ufe of this Opinion to that end) is fuppos'd to have
been very converfant with the Writings of Mofes') fhould be ta-
ken in its literal fenfe, as it really imports prar-exiftence of each
particular Soul in the groffeft manner j and this fliould be made to
be a part of the Philofophic Cabala of the Writings of fuch a
Perfon, who ufeth not the leaft Artifice to difguife his Senfe, nor
gives us any where the leaft intimation that he left behind him fuch
plaited Piftures in his Hiftory of the beginning of the World,
that if you look ftraight forward, you may lee a literal Cabala,
on the one fide a Philofophical, and on the other a Moral. But
now if we remove the Cabala from Mofes to Plato-, we may find
no incongruity or repugnancy at all either as to y^;^ w? ie/ihif, tint tHxim ■^ifkijtt,
Uu 3 «*-
352. ORIGINES SACRjE. Book III. Chap.lII.
Jti li 5tri» x.a.1 eir.ii^'&v. Mi ivTrnm u.QxaQ'ic,imt,iptvfe*5 p^» viZr.i
h^oT. The moft of Men in the World are bad-, 'and under the command
of their pafjions-, and gro'jjn impotent thro^ their propenfity to Earth i
\vhich great evil they have brought upon themfelves-, by their \iJilful
Apojlafy from God-, and -jjithdravjing themfelves from that Society
■-s;ith him -jjhich they once enjoy d in pure light : vihich departure of
of Mens Souls from God, zvhich is fo hurtful to the minds of Mcjh
IS evident by their fir ong inclination to the things of this JForld. The
lame Author mentions, with much approbation, that Speech of
Heraclitus-) fpeaking of thofe Souls wliich are ^■^■n.lsi ih y.»y.ia*. which
I cannot better T^tnd^v xh-xnundeclinably good-, he faith, e^^«A' rtVcf^o.,
jUtct%,,, -niny-ai^ a T c«£(i«v ^,'„- We Hvc thcir death , and die their life :
y-dmr. -^ x«i '^Tn^ri 'P iiS'xii/,o}i&' ^fu^c, i avjf uis-®-. for Man is novo falli7i do jsn
from that blejfed Region ^ and as Empedocles the 'Pythagoreau
ipcaks,
Which words cannot be better rendred, than in the words the
Scripture ufeth concerning Cain, and he vaent from the pre fence of
the Lordy andvcas a fugitive in the earth-, and under continual per-
plexities. For the Soul of Man having left TA«(*arv«iSj^'^,y^ (^jj. jg
Hieme.in Hicroclcs's own cxprellion) the pleafant ?neado\zi of truth (a fit
yt^ng. defcription of Paradilc) t^ of/^f •f 7TT.^\jmir,i>c, j.'s ywoi' sV;)*™* sZ,^ ix%u «!»»©-
"V-sA^!,';, thro" the violence of her moulting-, or deplumation, foe comes
into this earthly Body-, deprived of that blejfed Life, v^hich pe
before enjoy'd- Which he tells us is very confonant to Tlato\
lenfc of the y.»"h>^^, or defcent of Souls, that when by reafon of
their impotency of fixing wholly on God they fuffer mv-nxi'M h«i b-tt-
ejppu,,r.,, fome great lofs, and a depravation of former perfeciions,
(which 1 fuppofc is meant by the ^-noji^Umr., the Souls impotency .;f
flying up above this earthly World) then they lapfe into thefe
1 crrelh'ial and Mortal Bodies. So Hierocles concludes with this
excellent and divine Speech, ■ v 5!»5f» ^Wi^ "«' « v-n^'fCuir.!, " Mvpi^r.m,
KUtai «J&"5 W utu £15 T T S'yoT wiyxi tzojDi, 01; tb xo-km (nyil^Ttct ' btju? in !i "P 9'»»i?5 ■."^fsajra^ii*
i.wZ', uyciij- As therefore by apojlafy from God, and the moulting of
thofe feathers of our Souls, iv hereby voe may be raised up above
this JVorld, v^'e have fallen into this place of Mortals ivhich is
compaffed about v:ith Evils : fo by cafiing off carnal affe-
tiions , and by the groivth of Virtues like ne^vi' feathers to the
foul, vDcfmll afcendtothe place of pure and pcrfetl good, and to the en-
joyment of a Divine Life. So much more becoming Chriftinns do rliic(c
excellent Philofophers fpeak of the degeneracy of McnsSouls, and
Book III. chap. III. OR WINES SACR/E. 353
the confequcnts of it, than fome who would be accounted the
followers of Reafon, as well as of Christ, who make it fo much
of their bufinefs to extenuate the fall of Man. Which we find
thofe who were mere Philolbphers, far more rational and ingenu-
ous in, than thofe who pretend fo highly to Reafon^ but 1 think
with as little of it as any, fuppofing the Scriptures to be of Di-
vine Authority. But it is not here our bufinefs to confiderthcO-
pinions of thofe who pretend to Chrifiianity, but only of fuch
who pretending only to Reafon, have yet confcnted with the Do-
ctrine of the Scriptures as to the Degeneracy of the Souls of Men,
that it lies in an Apoftafie from God, and having loft thofe Pcr-
fcdions which they had before.
That Man's Fall is the caufe of his Apojlafie -, this we have ^^-i.
already manifefted at large from the Teftimony and Reafon of Sim- *•
plicius-, and Hierocles is as large and clear in it as the other, with
Expreflions much of the fame nature, ui^ -^ xmii rS Uvjp^^is iaicc T^nUii Hieroc.m
^OTboAJf, eriffi TK' Jiia* c/oiwJJk j^ tii» ^>)f«ov, 2^1^ ro •? pursue, dfAipi'Siov dvafiiie®^ oitcnevuitttf
Man's Nature lying betinjeen thofe Beings •izihich perpetually con-
template Cod, and thofe ijvhich are uncapable of it, it fometimes
afcends to thofe, and fometimes defcends to thefe, according as it
obferves or reje^fs the T>i&ates of Reafon, and fo by reafon of
the indifferency of the Will is liable to take upon it the fimilitiide
of QrOd or a i>eaft. Txut it i mil -^ dv')fU7ri»K iyvuxa^ oumet4> olh 7m<; aujul^i'^ ""rifi^'
s^vr.v ci a!tjfam!i, i^ Ttui rxiffs'ni y.al ■mXcun izcTi sctuV ul^iirhin yttovTui. yind IzhoeVeT
throughly confiders this will eafily underfland, how Men are the
caufes of their oizn Evils, and become tinkappy and miferable thro'
their own choice and felf-wills. Which he brings m by way of
explication of that truly golden 'Pythagorean Verfe,
TT^fjLovct?.
Men are grown miferable thro' their own fault. And afterwards
Hierocles excellently defcribes the nature of Evil in thefe words,
in a aviJi,- HaA IvU-v&i yitMH kkxov, >» TiJ auT^^min'oii Zr^ Ipumv r.i'tYir.e,. DOth OW
natural and contracted pravity, is nothing elfe but the unnatural
motion of our free Wills: according to which, faith he, cVa*77S4 ^r?
fiiiton Tii% 7ripA«5 of»»T!?, 'ill iilivijyi fo/i d^tiytci(raf T (Mii»s '^trf/im. J'yC dare tO COn-
tradici the Laws of God, not being fenfible how much we injure
our felves when we do it s and only look at this, that we are
able to caft off the reins of God's Laws from our necks. And
he truly faith. That it is the greateft abufe of liberty to offend
God, when we either do what he forbids, or negle[f what he re-
CjUireS. ''"* sxali^a^) -f dS-Xio-nTl®^ icwizui ■JJA^faWini' ci T JiTo* fot^v e*.cMi»o»7!s, ni n ft,n
miiT' TO Is&ft^'/fS/j'u. x.a.1 -raf vniut m «m)j9p.50jw,£»«. So that On bot/o fldCS McU
bring mifery upon themfehes, by tranfgreffing the 'Divine Law,
both by not doing what they are commanded^ and by doing what
they are forbidden. So that he fully afcribes the origin of Evil to
the '•0 wi.'TiJKn" '"'"'iKS' s%' (fin" 2l«-Ttf,y, as he calls it, the irregular motion
of
354 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. III.
of the JVillof Man, which we have ahxady fhew'd to be the Dodinne
of the Scriptures.
3. As to the necefl'ity of the Soul's recovery from this condition,
in order to her fehcity, we have thclcPhiloibphersexpreiring their
^uguft.dc conlent with the Scriptures; Torphyrius-, as St. Angtiftine tells us
f'lTc^"' "'' ^'""^ ^""^ '^^ ^^'^ ^""^ Book, TDe regrejfit anima, doth acknowledg
the neceflity of a way of recovering Souls, which lliould be uni-
vcrfal. Ctim mitem die it 'Porphyrins-, Nondnm rcceptam nnam
qtiandam fe^am, qua nniverfalem I'iam anima contineat liber an-
da-, nondumqne in fnam notitiam eandem viam hifioriali
cognitione perlatam, prociildnbio confitetur ejfe aliqiiam, fed non-
dnm in fnam venijfe notitiam. But the ncceffity of the purgation
of the Soul in order for the Felicity, is fo largely and fully dif-
cours'd of by all the 'Platonifts and "Tythagoreans-, that it will be
needlefs to infill upon it. Thus far then we find the account gi-
ven of the origin of Evil in Scripture to be embrac'd by the fub-
limeft of the Heathen Philofophers, as moft rational and fatif-
fa6f ory -, which was the thing to be prov'd.
XVII. Neither do we find only the main of this account acknowledg-
ed as rational, but we may trace fome not obfcure foot-ftcps of
the truth of particular Circumftances which concern the fall of
Man, among the Heathens: fuch as the 'Devil's envying of Man's
happinefsy his difgiiifng himfelf under the form of a Serpent-) and
Man's being thro'jvn out of Taradife upon his fill.
Ti.cafaub. I. The 'Devit s envying the happinefs of Man. It hath beentru-
r/'^e'm' ^y obfcrv'd by a learned Man, that the original of that very an-
rai Evils, cient Opinion among the Heathen, de invtdia Dafnonis-, had its
rife from the Hiflory of the fall of Man, which he hath made out
fo fully, that I fliall the lefs need to prove it. And that there was
an undoubted Tradition of fome malignant Spirits, which cnvy'd
the welfare of Mankind, appears by that ample Teftimony of jP/«-
tarch-, in his T)io-, mention'd by the fame Author; o^x ^.h., ^], t w-
yv ■miXtuu) T atv-nu'iiiiv clvu.yKaijufiajj Tsf'trh^S^ Ac'jjk, Ui tk ^awAa caif/jitta. y^ fidmata,
^SiSr^JntcZii^ TtTi K^%Ti at^^gjv ^ -jaTi JrgjcfsffTv ct.^'fOz-cc, TKgjt^s f ^o'teK; iirdyi, mUt^
r^ i» ai's ^n 2i|*f(.36i. calamities of Life and Misfortunes Men meet with, do not agree
with
Book III. Chap. III. ORIGINES SACRA:. 355
with, do not agree with that veneration which we have for the
Deity and good Spirits, 'A»' tTvai i?.af fS/} Kf-i i%v^i, ^_
5-(»9'ct»« J^ xcrl axvjfuTrai, «J ;M!oyv 'oamoni- cti.R}.i>-
cum Serpentem-, qui antefignanus fuerit agminis a T>ivin£ mentis dig.Amiii.
placito deficientis. This Therecydes-, as appears by Eufebius, had ^f;//'^/"
much converfe with the ^Phoenicians -, where he purpolely fpeaks Pr*;.£-
concerning this Ophioneus. Now the Phoeyiicians-, as Eiifebius like- '-"'^z-i- '•
wife tells us, worfhipped their God under the form of a Serpent j
which probably might be occafion'd by the Devil's ambition and
X X tyranny
3S^ RIG INKS sacra:. Book III. Chap. III.
tyranny over Men, that would be worfliipped among chcminthac
very Form wherein he had done Co much mifchicf to the World.
It was very early in the World, when the Phoenicians and oy/V5i«>. Neither was this only among the Thtenicians and cxE-
gjptianst bat where-ever the Devil reign'd, the Serpent was had
jiifl.Mart. in fome peculiar veneration : thence Jiiftin Martyr faith, a%! -naJH
A^ilog. 2. ,o(^,^oj^ji.(i,B Tm^ vflni ')iut iV'? iti!xar ;j^vnuy -s^liii^ ToTi ^oTi, they wcrciX/ont
. . to put the form of a golden Baflisk to their -Gods. Heinfius con-
pl"i'.p"s. ceives that the firll worfliip of Appollo at ^Delphi was under the
ed. 1627. form of a Serpent, whither Nonnus tells us that Cadm^ts the 'Vhw-
nician went upon his iirft coming into Boxtia-, and from hence he
derives the name Tytho from the Hebrew f^S which fignrfies a
Serpent. Ut non dubitandum fit., faith he, qtiin 'Pytbiv^ Apolb-,
hoc eft, Spurcus ille fpiritus, qiiem Hebrai Ob & Abaddon, Hel-
lenifta ad verbum 'a^xti^Jw.*, aeteri "aw*..** fub hac forma qua mi-
feriam hiimano generi invexit-, prima cult us fit in Gracia. And
which is further obfervable, the Devil was always ambitious to
have the World think that the knowledg of Good and Evil was
to come by the Serpent Hill •, thence the famous Oracle of Apollo
here at \Delphi •, thence came the ufe of Serpents fo much in Divi-
nation, thence i^'i^l iignifies to divine, from C^™ a Serpent i andfo
among the Greeks 'tan^i'^> is taken in the fame fenfe, from »i'«'05
a Serpent. So that excellent Glollbgrapber Hefychius -, «/<»«?. «?"«•
ilttHY-u!, Asj3ii7W< t5 TO5 yutuiTiito; Tooi «ip«5 'i/(^' ii iccct oimovt, tMp'i. 1 lie SorpCttt ^3.S
reckoned among i\\c pedeftria aitfpicia by the Romans -, and Homer
tells in that folemn Divination concerning the Greeks fuccefs at
Troy there appears,
Which, faith Heinfius, is an exa£t defcription 'of the Nachas ■,
whom they would have fo call'd from the marks on his back, which
they accurately obfcrv'd in Divination. Thus we lee how carefiri
the Devil was to advance his honor in the World under that
form, wherein he had deceiv'd Mankind into fo much folly and
mifcry.
;. Wc meet with fome remainders of Man's being caft out of Pa-
nrigc.cri. radife, upon his Fall amone the i:/f<«z//j^«j. Ori^en thinks that iP/*?/*?
'•+■^•S9. by
Book III. chap. III. O RIG INKS SACRA:. 557
by his convcrfe with the Jews in ryiJ.gypt^ did undcrftand the Hi-
ftory of the Fall of Man, which he after his way enigmatically
defcribcs in his Sympofiacs. Where he brings in Porus the God of
plenty feaftlng with the reft of the Gods ; after flipper Pcnia comes
a begging to the door -, Porus dehjg drtmk with Nectar., goes into
jupktr's garden^ and there falls afleep ; Pcnia abferving it.,fteals to
him, and by this deceit conceived by him. In this Fable of 'Plato,
Origen takes notice what a near refcmblancc the garden of Jupiter
hath to Taradife, T'enia to the Serpent which circumvented Adam,
and ^orus to Man, who was deceiv'd by the Serpent. Which he
conceives more probable becaufe of 'P/^^o's cuftom, ^iM}^^«.iuo-rS.'I ts icav otts ^// «;«>u5 ^u^-^vtthi, ■mm it Ktnaoi cv
c. 38. .
It conies to pafsi that fit ch ii)ho have no grounded belief of a Tkei-
ty-> izhen they objerve the miferies of good iMen-t and the tranquillity
and felicity of bad Men-, they regard not the commoymotions they have
of a '\Deity-, and are ready to cry out with the Tragccdian^
Shall I not dare to fay there are no Godst
When thofe do proffer who have injured me?
And it is obfervable, that the moft of thofe who have taken oc-
cafion amongft the Heathens to queftion Providence, have done
it upon fome remarkable injury which they have conceiv'd to be
done to themfelves, and fo we have ground to think that it was
more Pafllon and Intereft, than any clear Reafon which was the
inducement to it. So T>iagoras refolves to fet up for an Atheifl^
becaufe the perjur'd Perfon was not ftruck down in the place.
And Jafon in Seneca-, when he fees Medea fly away after killing
his Children} cries out,
Teftare nullos effe qua veheris Tieos.
Thou teirfl the World there are no Cods that way
Where thou dofi fly.
And fo Claudian-> who largely reafons the cafe on both Udes, for
Providence and againft it, at laft tells us what it was which was
the main caufe of his doubts, viz. the long impunity oi Rttfimis.
Abflulit hunc tandem Rufini poena tumult um
Abfolvitque 'Deos.
RufinusV death doth clear the Gods^ and fet
My Mind at eafe.
ccero 1. 3. But becaufe fome carry it higher, as Cotta in Tully, who reafons
^ N«r. the moft (as became a Statef-man) in reference to iiich Perfons
who had been ufcful or hurtful to the Common-wealths, we may
fuppofc there might be fomewhat more of Reafon than Intereft in
fuch Argumentations; and yet even in thofe Difcourfes we may
ftill find that the main original of this quarrel againft Providence,
was an over-high cftcem of themfelves, that they thought thcyde-
fcrv'd better from the Gods, than to receive fuch injuries, or un-
dergo fuch calamities. Therefore Cotta cries out on Providence,
becaufe fuch Perfons who were uleful to the Roman Commonwealtli,
were dciboy'd, when the enemies to it efcap'd, as tho' Providence
had been only a Tutelar "Deity of Rome, and had nothing to do elle-
wlicrc.
Deer.
Book III. chap. III. ORIGINES SACR/E. 355,
where. Thence he cries out, If there be Providence, why were
the two Scipio's deilroy'd in Spain by the Carthagmians? Why
was Maximus killed by Hannibal? Why were the Romans with
T'aiiMS xwincdAtCanna';' Why did Regiilus undergo {o much
cruelty by the Carthaginians'? Why did not Africanus die in his
owiibed? Nay, laith he, to come nearer home, why is my Uncle
Rvti.ins in banifliment? Why was my Friend T>ritfhs killed in his
owrihoufe? On the other fide, why did Alar ins die in peace, and
the moil cruel Cinna enjoy fo long tranquillity? with many other
inftances of both forts. But this is it which I take notice of thefe
for, bccaulc we hereby lee how common it is for Men to queftion
Providence, more out of pafllon and Interefb, than out of any
folid Girounds of Reafon.
Let us therefore appeal from pcrfons who were particularly en- xxi.
gaged by Ibme private intereft in thofe paflages, from whence they
would infer that there was no Providence, to fuch who Hood by
unconcern'd, and made ufe of the free didates of their Reafon
in thefe cafes. And fuch perfons when they come to reafon the
cafe like Philofophers, and Men out of paflion, have given fitif-
fadory and rational accounts why God in his wife Providence may
fometimes fuffer the worft of Men to go on in impunity, when
good Men may go thro' the troubles of thi^ World. As,
I. God forbears 'wicked Alen^ to propound the example of his
goodnefs to their imitation-, to teach them not to revenge their in-
juries too greedily on each other. This T hit arch-, in that admirable plutarck.
Difcourfe of his on this fubjeft, infills on as his firft realbn, why ^'J'' ?*"
God doth not prefently punifh wicked Men. For, faith he out J^Lr"!''
of TlatOi God hath fet forth himfelf in the midft of the World for n»n»m, p.
our imitation ; and true Virtue is nothing elfe but an imitation of the ^^°'^ ' ^'
'Di'vine Nature. And therefore God-, faith Plato, gave Man the
ufe of fight-, that by the fight of the heavenly Bodies-, and the exact
motions rsjbich are in them-, Men Jhould learn •"" si-W"" >&' T^'^yf^"", that
nji'hich '■jvas comely and orderly-, and hate all diforderly and irregular
motions -, For as he excellently fpeaks, oi ?«> «'?i» i', -n yjfi^^, cIv^utt®- ^-
is no greater benefit Man can receive from God-, than to attain true
Virtue by the imitation and piirfuit of thofe perfeBions ijuhich are in
him. And thence, faith Tlutarch-, God forbears to punilh wicked
Men prefently, not leil if he fhould punifh them he might do that
he would repent of afterwards, a's^' ''i«"»'' •"' -^ &'« TtfjuueJ.u^ jyi&iZhi^ Aa.sgj*
d^a^^Sy, but that he might take aivay the fury and 'violence of Men in
revenging their injuries on each other', that they fliould not do it in
wrath and anger, with as much eagernefs as they fatisfy their hun-
ger and thirfl-, whereby they do, i'mm^^o Sr? Xi\wn,yjimu leap upon them
who have injur' d them , with as much fury as a wild beaft upon
his prey •, but Men fhould learn to imitate ■^» ««>» v^i-m'^ t fbi».mf,
God's gentlenefs and patience, whereby he gives the offender time
to confider with himfelf what he hath done, before he doth leverely
punilh him. As Tlato when his Boy had angrcd him. Hood Hill a
while without ftriking him, «' V" "'xUi^m, as he £z\d, punijhing him-
felf firjl for his anger-, before he would chaftife the Boy for his
fault; and Archytas whenhefaw how negligent his workmen had
been, and began to be very angry with them, told them, ti-nx^-n
Xx 3 ;'«
36o RIG INKS SACR/E. Book III. Cliap. III.
07! if/i^'ij,*^ iiJuTv, It is iirll for you that I aw angry --joitb you. Now
faith "Plutarch:, i'i the conficlcration of this forbearance in Men
fliould tend to moderate Mens heat and violence, how much more
fhould the conlideration of the lenity and patience of God, do it !
%tu Jtrov >i> a'fS'->?5 ■n.i TS-^oniiff, y.ai tki f/>i;«>.o-ra^««*, aUd tO aCCOWlt (fCTltle-
nefs and forbearance to be an imitation ofT)ivineperfe£fions. Now
what can be more rational and agreeable to our Apprehenfions of
a Divine Nature than this is, that he lliould flicw his Goodnefs to
all, and by his forbearance of lb many, teach the World more
meeknefs and gentlenefs towards each other ? For if offences riie
by the quality of the perfon againft whom they are committed, no
injuries can be fo great in one Man to another , as thofe affronts
are which Men put upon God by their continual provocations
of Him : and if God then be of ib infinite patience to forbear
fuch who have offended him, what juftice and reafon is there, but
that Men lliould exprels more lenity and patience towards each
other ? So Hierocles excellently fpeaks, ^^i,"-"'^ "a' c* S~5 >^^ /*s7?«-®- ^ aV(iJ» t^' iiJi.c,>,%,«i eiJ, Jt is the height of
goodnefs to be like to God; we fee what excellent reafon there is for that
Luk. 6. Command of our Savior, Love your enemies, and do good, aiid lend, ho-
^^'^ ' ping for nothing again i and your ren'ardfjall be great, and ye fhall be
the childre?i of the Higheft -, for he is kind unto the unthankful, and
to the evil. Be ye therefore merciful, as your Father is merciful.
2. God forbears pre fently to punifh '-picked Men, to give thejn time
viutanh. to becojne better. This the fame excellent Morahll gives as another
P-fs^- account of God's patience, that thereby he gives them xd"" «^'«
ri?%>ai,, afpace to repent in, as the Scripture call it. For Men, faith
'Plutarch, in their punifiments look at nothing firther than mere fa-
tisfying their reveytge and malice, and that makes thejn pur fie thofe
that have offended them ivith fo 7uuch rage and eagernefs -, but God,
faith he, aims at the cure of thofe ijuho are not utterly incurable, to
fuch he gives, [Af&?«A£'=!^ x?9«"' (i time to reform in. Here he brings in
the examples of fuch who were bad at firft, and came afterwards to
be chang'd from what they were •, for which he inftanccs in Cecrops,
who was thence call'd a<^u«, bccaufc from a cruel feverc Prince*
he became gentle and mild; :\nd^oGelond.ndHieron of Sicily, and
'Pi/i/lratus the Son of Hippocrates, who, from being Ufurpcrs,
became excellent Princes. If Miltiades, faith he, had been cut
olf while he adcd the part of a Tyrant, and Cimon in his Incefl:,
or Themifhcles in his Debaucheries, what had become of Mara-
thon, Eurymcdon, '■Dianiuni, by which the Athenians got fo great
Glory and Liberty? and as he well obfcrves, o<;>V y^ <>«v?«'m *'''»^«
f/,ixej» , Great Spirits do nothing mean ; oc^i «'()j..r H iiuTt,'^ -n tr(!)o^c,
That
Rev. 2, 21.
Book II!. chap. III. O RIG INKS SACRJE. 3^,
That (loarp and atiive Spirit that ts in them can never lie at re It
by reafon of its vigor-, but they are tofs'd up and do-^'n, as it were
in a tcnipeji., till they come to a fettled composed life. Hut as the
mulcitiide of weeds argues the riehnefs and (bFtneis of the ground,
tho' for the flike of thofc weeds one not skill'd in Husbandry would
not account fuch ground worth looking after ; fo, faith he, «5tb
vnTka, Kxi ^ciSx» {si"H> dm^im^ -n ^M^ovm, aS 'Plutarc/j gOCS Oil, God
fp ares fome from pimijhment , that by them he might punijh others.
Which he fuppofeth to be the cafe of all Tyrants •, and thereby
Cottas difliculty concerning Marius^, Cinna, Sylla-, and thole other
cruel and tyrannical perfons, who ufurp'd Authority among them,
is clearly taken off: For Divine Providence might let thofe Trees
grow from whence he intended to take his Rods to fcourge others
withal. God makes the lame ufe of Tyrants (faith T bit arch) to
Common- wealths, that Phyficians do of the Gall of a Hyana and
other hurtful Creatures-, which may be good for curing fome dan-
gerous Difeafes i fo may the tyrannical Icverity and lliarpnefs of
fuch perfons be conthiued « •" I'^S^ «7ik»«|«/ »«.' x;«jBf«/, till the difeafes
of the political Body be cur' d by thefe Jharp Medicines. Such a one
was Thalaris to the Agrigentines-, and Marius to the Romans : and
the Oracle told the Sicyonians in exprefs terms, {*a?':i9i'o>tt-» h:£ii 7>,V Wa<».
The City wanted fome fever e difcipline. Thence Totilas-, when he
found what ftrange fuccefs he had in his enterprizes, call'dhimfelf
Flagellum Tiei-, and thought God rais'd him up on purpofe to be
a Scourge for the fins of the World. And no doubt thole ftrange
palfages of the Row.an Common-wealth (which made Lato at leaft
difpute Providence, and fay, Res divinas multnm habere caliginis,
when he faw Vompey fuccefsful as long as he ferv'd his Ambition,
but prefently overthrown when he ftood for the Common-wealth)
thele things, I fay, had a higher end than they look'd at, which
was to make both Tompey and C^f/^r the Inftruments of Divine Ju-
ftice to punifli the Romans for their Lufts, Ambition and Cruelty,
which were never greater than in that Age. Now then, if God
muft juftly punilh Offenders, why may he not fpare fome to make
them his Inftruments in the punilhing of others, efpeciallyfmce af-
ter he hath us'd his Rods, he may call them into the lire too ? as
was evident in the inftance o^Cafar-, who, after all his llaughters
and triumphs, was murthered in the Senate-, and that by fome who
had been as adive as any for him. And herein Divinejuftice, both
as to the punifhment of the perfons, and the means of it, hath been
very remarkable in multitude of Inftances, which every one's read-
ing may aftord him. .
4. There-
3(Jz ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. III.
4. Therefore, another account why God may fpare wicked Men
a while, is, That "Divine "Fro'vidence might more remarkably be ob-
ferv'd in the manner of their pimijhment afteriz'ards. Tlutarch
tells us o? Callippus, who was ftabb'd by his Enemies with the fame
Dagger with which he had kill'd Dion under a pretence of friend-
fliip. And when Mitius the Argive was kill'd in a tumult, after-
wards, upon the day of a folemn Shew, a brafs Statue in the Mar-
ket place fell upon his Murtherer, and kill'd him there. But moil
remarkable is the Story of Belfus recorded by the fame Author,
who having kill'd his Father, and a long time conceal'd it, goes
one night to Supper to fome Friends, and while he was there,
thrufts up his Spear into a Swallow's Nert, and pulls it down, and
kills the young ones ; his Friends asking him the reafon of fo ftrange
an action'. Ou ^ f'f^lj ftsS mXa^ xa^/w-apTOgjoffJH (w/TOf -^^jiSi^ 6 xuicZtuirit, a^ «otxS-
1.0T©- T 7iw1s£?i Do not your hear-, faith he, hos) they falfly accufe me,
and cry outs that I have killed my Father '^ Which being by the
perfons prefent carry'd to the King, and the truth of it found out,
he was executed for it. Such ftrange ways doth Providence fome-
times ufe to fliew how vigilant it is, even when we think it fleeps
the moft.
5". Tho" God [pares the per Jons of wicked Men^ he doth not defer
their piinifhment -, when the thoughts of their evil aftions is the
greateft torment to tlrcm j Maxima peccati poena eft-, peccajfe-> as
Seneca fpeaks. Sin bears its own puniJhment along with it. Wick-
ednefs is ^''^ ^5 ^j?5 o.x7?k, the mojl exqiiiftte contriver of mifery-,
which fills the Minds of thofe who commit it whith continual con-
fternations, anxieties and perplexities of Mind. But as that often
and defervedly cited Author on this fubjedt, 'Plutarch tell us, moft
Men arc in this like Children, who when they behold Malefaftors
in the Theatres in their Cloth of Gold, and Purple Robes, with
their Crowns on their Heads dancing about, they admire them,
and imagin them to be moft happy Men, till they fee themlalh'd
and beaten, and fire come out from their brave Apparel •, fo faith
he, as long as Men fee others in their Pomp and Grandeur, they
think them very far from punifliment,till they behold their execution 5
which fiith he, is not fo much the entrance of their punilhmcnt,
as the pcrfeftion of it. So that the longer the time of their Lives
is, the longer is the time of their punifhment here •, ooH -^^im-nc,
;iy.cxt, d».' iyi^^m* .oAa^o'^c.- Thcy arc Hot puuifhed when they grow
old-, but are grown old in puniJJoments. Cannot we fay a pcrfon
is punifhed while he is in Prifon and hath his fetters upon hmi,
till his execution comes .^ nor that one that hath drunk Poifon, is
a dying while he walks about till the cold comes to his Heart, and
kills him? If we deny-, faith he, that all the inquietudes-, horrors
and anxieties of Mtnd winch wicked Men have-, are no part of their
pimifhment ■i we may as well fay that a Fifh which hath fwallow'd the
hook is not taken-, becaufe he is not fry' d, orcut in pieces. So it is with
every wicked Man, he hath fwallow'd the hook when he hath com-
mitted an evil adVion ( ti v^mu r ao^xiW «' m &»'■»» ««-,«,
I am the caiife of all this. God deals by wicked Men, as Caligula
was wont to lay of thoie he coininanded to be executed, Ferit tit
fentiant fe mon-, he fo punilhcs them, as to make them Icnfible of
their punidiments. And as Tacitus fpeaks of cruel and wicked
perfons , quorum mentes fi recludavtur , pojjint afpici lamatus &
i£ius ; quando lit corpora verberibus ■, it a fkvitiay libidine., malis
confultis animus dilaceretur. Wickednefs is the only Fury which
continually haunts and laflies thole who delight in it, and leaves
Hill behind it "'%£?■' y.»l, loathfome and terrible perturbations^
fccret gripings of Confciencc and Iclf-condemning thoughts for
their folly and wickednefs-, \\kc Lyfimachiis, who for extreme thirfl
ofter'd his Kingdom to the Geta to quench it, which when he had
done, f'io 'f ifMii jccirJat, 05 ii' vihtlvj Htu /Sjjt^iK*, ift^r,fjijc.i fiunXilvji -ntMicxu-nii;. IP' hat
a "jiretch iji'as I ( faith he) to lofe fuch a Kingdom for fo (hort a,
pleafurel And tho' wicked Men be not lenlible of the lols of a
far more glorious Kingdom than this of Lyfimachus, viz. that of
Heaven, yet they cannot but be fenfible how much they have loll
that Kingdom which every good Man hath in the tranquillity of
his Spirit, and the command of his pallions.
6. The time that Godfpares "n-icked Men, is not fo long as "jce
think for. It is all one, as Tlutarch faith, as if we Ihould com-
plain, that the Malefaftor was punifhed in the evening , and not
in the morning i God's forbearance is but for a very little time,
compar'd with his own duration. We meafure God by the fliort
hour-glafs of our time, when we are fo ready to connne him to
our meafurcs. The time feems long to us, but it is as nothing in
It lelf: iml'^ti r! ^iTi 7TO» civjpujrti'ov (itov s^g.^ft'Ci, to (K/i;JV» sii. Thc ii'/jole life of
Man compared "juith eternity is nothing. Befides, all this time
God fuffers wicked Men to live here, he hath them under fafe
cuftody, he doth but let them take the air within the Prifon-wall,
or it may be they may play and fport themfelves there, but there
is no pollibility of efcaping out of the hands of Divine J uflice.
7. God forbears iLicked Men here-, becaufe the time is to come
wherein God intends to ptmifh them. This is the higheft vindica-
tion of Divine Providence, as to the prefent impunity of wicked
Men in the world, becaufe this is not the proper feafon for the
open Execution of Juftice. There are but few in comparifon whom
Juftice caufeth to be executed in the Prifon, of what are relcrv'd
for the General Allizes -, God referves them for a fair and open
Trial, for the greater vindication of his honor, and mamfeftarion
of hisjuftice to the World. And altho' God's judgments even in
this World be fometimes fo remarkable, that we cannot but fee
a hand of Providence in them, yet they are but few whom God
doth fo remarkably punifh here, to make us more firmly believe a
day of Judgment to come. Which tho' it be molt clearly and
fully reveal'd in Scripture, yet the Heathens themfelves from mere
Reafon have had fuch a perfuafion of it, that they have given this
as another great reafon, why God did forbear to punilli wicked
Men here, becaufe he did referve them for future punilhment
V y For,
«».
3<^4 ORIGINES SACRj^. Book 111. Chap. III.
For, as the fame Moraliil fpeaks in the fame Difcourfe concerning the
^■^^'" xir.e,,. This prefent life is i he place of the Soul's combat-, lihich
when it hath finifi'd, it then recei'vcs according to its perfor-
mance of it . And as he before fpeaks, Ef? i?? xiy^ i 2 J Gi» t^^ «r&'»oi«« aV^^
fame reafon which confirms ^Providence-, doth like-wife confirm the
Immortality of the Soul-, and if one be taken away-, the other follows.
the Soul doth fnbfift after death , it ftands to the great eft reu"
fan-, that it Jhould there rcciei-e either reward or punifhment. Thus
we lee how far Natural Light, and Moral Reafon will carry Men
in the vindicating of Divine Providence, as to the prelent impu-
nity of wicked Men.
XXII. The other part which concerns t\\t fujferings of good Men-, is
not of fo great difficulty, becaufe there are none fo good as not to
have a mixture of evil mthem, and as they have a mixture of evil,
fo they have but a mixture of punifliment-, none lying under io
great miferies here, but withal they have fome Oiare in the com-
forts of this Life. And therefore it is lefs wonder, that this part
of Divine Providence which concerns the fu'ferings of Men, hath
not wanted fome among the Heathen Moraiifts, who have made
it their dcfign to vindicate it-, which fetting afidc what Sijnplicius
on EpiSletus, and many others have done, is fully performed by
Seneca in his Traft on this fubje£f, Cur bonis male fit, cum fit 'Fro-
njideyitia ( as iV/«rf/^//x reftores the title of that Book) wherein thefe
following accounts are given of it.
1. God brings them up as his Children under Jharp difcipline for
stnec. de their futurc benefit. A good Man in Seneca's language is, Difci-
irmiid.cA. piilus Tici-y amulatorque-y ^ f era progenies: which in the language
of the Scripture is, one taught of God-, and a follower of God-, and
one born of him. Now, faith he, Parens ille magnificus-, virtutum
non Icnis exa^or-, ficut feveri patres-, durius educat. God-, who is
the great Father of good Men-, keeps them under difcipline while
under age-, and by hardfiip fits them for the practice of I'^ir.ne.
Thence he bids us take notice of the different indulgence of Fa-
thers and Mothers to their Children •, the Father he haffens thcni
to School, fuffers them not to be idle on their play-days, makes
them toil, and fometimes cry; the Mother fhe is all for holding
them in her lap, keeping them out of the Sun, and from catching
cold, would not willingly have them either cry or take pains. Pa-
trium habet "Deus adverfus bonos animum-, & illos fortius amat.
God bears the indulgence of a Father towards his Children , and
loves them with greater fe verity.
2. Good Af en receive benefit by their fitjferings -, Quicquid evcnit in
fuum colorem trahit-, faith Seneca of a good Man, which in the
language of the Apoftleis, Every thing works together for his good.
The fea lofeth nothing-, faith he, of it s faltnefs by the rivers running
into It-, neither doth a good Man by the current of his fit fierings. And
of all benefits which he receives, that of the exerciic and trial of
his Virtue and Patience is moft difcernible. Marcet fine adverfa-
rio virtus ; as foon as Carthage was deflroy'd, /'^t?;;/^ fell to Luxury:
True ff'rejlkrs defire to have fome to try their firength upon them ;
Cut
Book III. chap. III. ORIGINES SACR/E. 3(^5
Cui non induftrio otium pwfia eft? An aftivc fpirit hates idlenefs and
cowardilc-, For, ctiamfi cec'idtrit-, de genu piignat •, tho' his legs be
cut ojfi he im 2 II fight on his knees.
3. It redounds to (Jod's honor -^ when good Men bear up under
fnftcrings. Ecce par 'Deo dignunh "v'lrtus fortis cum mala fortuna
compofitus. It is a fpcftaclc God delights to fee, a good Man com-
bat with calamities. God doth in Seneca's phrafe quofdam fafti-
dio tranfire, palleth them by in a flight -, An old lureftler fcorns to
contend "Ji-ith a Co-Jiardi one who is 'vinci paratus-, ready to yield
upprefently. Calamitates fiib jugum mittere proprium magni "Viriejiy
It argues a noble fpirit to be able to fubdue miferies.
4. It tends to the trial and increafe of their ftrength. Seneca
highly extols that fpeech of the Philofopher Demetrius, Nihil in-
felicius eo cui nihil tmquam C'vetiit adverji; non licuit enim illi fe ex-
periri. He is the moft unhappy Man who never knew what mi-
fery meant j for he could never know what he was able to bear.
And, as he faith, to pafs one's Life away fine morfiu animi-, with-
out any trouble, it is ignorare rerum natura alteram partem, not to
know what is upon the reverfc of Nature. Idem licet fecerint qui
integri revertuntur ex acie, magis fpeBatur qui fiaucius redit. The'
he that comes home found, might fight as well as he that is wound-
ed > yet the wounded perfon hath the more pity, and is moft cry'd
up for his valor. The Pilot is feen in a Tempeft, a Souldier in the
Battel, and a good Man in Sufferings. God doth by fuch as Ma-
ilers do by Scholars, qui plus laboris ab his exigunt, quibus certior
/pes efi i who fet the beft Wits the hardeft tasks.
5-. God exercifieth good Men with fujferings, to dificover the indif-
ferency ofthofie things which Men value fio much in the PFor Id, when
he denies them to good Men. Blindnefs would be hateful , if none
were blind but fuch whofe Eyes were put out-, and therefore Ap-
pius and Metellus were blind. Riches are no good things , there-
fore the worft as well as the beft have them. Nullo modo magis
pot efi Deus concupita traducere, quamfi ilia ad turpififimos defiert, ab
optimis abigit. God could not traduce or defame tliofe things more
which Men defire fo much, than by taking them away from the
beft of Men, and giving them to the worft.
6- That they might be examples to others of patience and conftancy :
For, as Seneca concludes, Natifunt in exemplar, they are born to
be patterns to others. If to thcfe things we add what the Word
of God difcovers concerning the nature , grounds , and ends of
affliftions, and that Glory which iliall be reveal'd, in comparifon
with which exceedingweight of Glory, thefe light and moment any af-
fli£iions are not at all to be valu'd; then we have a clear and full
vindication of Divine Providence, as to the fufferings of good Men,
as well as to the impunity of fuch as are wicked. But how-
ever, from hence we fee how far the mere light of Reafon hath car-
ried Men in refolving thefe difficulties concerning God's Provi-
dence in the World, and what a rational account may be given of
them, fuppofing evil of puniftiment to arife from fin, and that
there is a God in the World, who is ready to punifti the wicked,
and to reward the good : Which was the thing to be Ihew'd.
Yv 2 CHAP.
■^76~ ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. IV.
C tl A P. IV.
Of the Origin of Nations.
i. AU Mankind derh'd from Adam, if the Scriptttres he true.
II. The contrary fuppojition an introduElion to Atheifm. III.
The truth of the Hijiory of the Flood. Ihe poJfihiJtty of an
imi'v erf al Deluge pronid. IV. The Flooduniverfal asto Aian-
kind, 'whether imuerfal as to the Earth and Animals 3 no ne~
cejjity of averting either. V. Tet fuppofing the foffthility of
it demonjlrated 'without creation of ne-cj Waters. VI. Of
the Fountains of the Veep. The proportion ^cchich the height
of Mountains hears to the Diameter of the Earth. Ko Momi-
■ tains much aho've three Mile perpendicular. Of the origin of
Fountains. The opinion of Ariilotle and others concerning it
difcufsd. The true account of them from the vapors arifinv
from the mafs of fuhterraneous JVaters. VII. Of the capa-
city of the Ark for recei'oing the Animals, from Buteo and 0-
thers. VIII. The truth of the Deluge from the Tejlimony of
Heathen Nations. Of the propagation of Nations from
Noah'.r Poflerity. IX. Of the heginning of the Aflyrian
Empire. The multiplication of Mankind after the Hood. Of
the Chronology of the LXX. Of the time hetaveen the Flood
and Abraham, and the advantages of it. X. Of the pre-
tenfe of fuch Nations, 'who called themf elves Aborigines.
XI. A difcourfe concer?iing the fir ft Planters of Greece : the
common opinion propounded and rejeBed. The Hcllens n^^ere
not the firjl Inhabitants of Greece, hut the Pelafgi. Tloe large
fpread of them over the parts of Greece. XII. Of their
language diff^erent from the Greeks. XIII. Whence thefe Pc-
Lifgi came;, that Phaleg 'was the Pelafsjus of Greece, and
the Leader of that Colony, provd from Epiphanius. XIV.
The language of the Pelafgi in Greece Oriental : thence an ac~
cou7it given of the 7nany Hebrenv 'words in the Greek language,
and the remainders of the EafJern languages in the Ijlands of
Greece, both nvhich not from the Phoenicians, as Bocharciis
thinks, hut from the old Pelafgi. XV. Of the ground of the
afjinity between the Jews and Laccdxmonians. Of the Peo
pling of America.
T H I-
Book III. Chap. IV. ORIGINES SA Cli /£. ^cy
TH E next thing we proceed to give a rational account of, in
the Hiflory of the firft Ages oFthc World contain'd in Scri-
pture, is the peophng the World from Adam. Which is of great
confequence for us to undcrfhind, not only for the fatisfadtion of
our curiofity as to the true Origin of Nations, but alfo in order to
our believing the truth of the Scriptures, and the univerfal cfteds
of the fiill of Man. Neither of which can be fufficiently clear'd
without this. For as it is hard to conceive how the elfedts of
Man's fall {hould extend to all Mankind, unlefs all Mankind were
propagated from Adam-, fo it is unconceivable how the account of
things given in Scripture fhould be true, if there were perfons exi-
gent in the World long before y^^-s';^ was. Since the Scripture doth
lb plainly affirm, That God hath made of one blood all Nations Ad. 17.26.
of Men-i for to douell on the face of the Earth -, fome Greek Co-
pics read it ^'l i"°«> leaving out "iW^f^ which the vulgar Latin fol-
lows : the Arabic Vcrfion to explain both, reads it ex homine^ or
as de lyieu renders it ex Adamo uno-, there being but the difference
of one letter in the Eaflern languages between Di and DHN', the one
denoting Blood, and the other Man. But if we take it as our
more ordinary Copies read it il i«»« «i'«5"^©-. yet thereby it is plain,
that the meaning is not, that all Mankind was made of the fame
imiform Matter, as the Author of the ^Pra-Adamitesy^tzkly ima-
gin'd(for bythatreafon, not only Mankind, but the whole World
might be faid to be ^1 «'«? wW©-. of the fame blood, fniceall things
in the World were at firft form'd out of the fame Matter) but «i«35
is taken there in the fenfe in which it occurs in the beft Greek Au-
thors for the flock out of which Men come : So Homer i
Horn. O.
Thence thofe who are near Relations, are call'd in Sophocles^ »' •s^'s
»/<^T©-, thence the name of Confanguinity for nearnefs of Relati-
on j and Virgil uikth fangttis in the fame fenfe, •
Trojano a fanguine duct.
So that the Apoflle's meaning is-, that however Men now are fo
difpers'd m their habitations, and differ fo much in Language and
Cuftoms from each other, yet they were all originally of the fame
flock, and did derive their fucceffion from that iirfl Man whom
God created. Neither can it be conceiv'd on what account ^^^m
in the Scripture is call'dthe firilMan, and that he'wasmade aliving ^^^^^
fouli and of the earth., earthy -, unleis it were to denote that he 4^-, 47.
was abfolutely the firfl of his kind, and fo was to be the ftandard
and meafure of all that follows. And when our Savior would re-
duce all things to the beginning, he inilanceth in thofe words
which were pronounc'd after Eve was form'd. But from the be- ^j^^j, ^^
ginning of the creation God made them Male and Female j for 6, 7.
this caufe fhall a Man leave Father and Mother-, and cleave un-
to his wife. Now nothing can be more plain and eafie than from
hence to argue thus j thofe of whom thefe words were fpokcn,
Y y 3 were
; and be-
fides all things which were done before the Flood, being all quite
obliterated by it, and all the numerous Pofterity of Adam being
then deftroy'd (only Noah and his Family excepted) to whatpur-
pofe had it been any further to have reported the paffages before
the Flood, otherwife than thereby to let us underftand the certain-
ty of the fucceflion of Perfons from Adam^ and fuch Aftions in
thofe
J^ ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV
thofc timei which might be remarkable ditcovencs of God's Pro-
vidence and Man's Wickcdnels in it •, which bemg moft apparent
at firll in Cain and his Poilerity, did by degrees lb fpread it felf
over the tace of the then inhabited World, that thejull: God was
thereby provok'd to fend a Deluge among them to fweep away the
prcfent JnhabitanSj to make room for another Generation to llic-
cecd them,
ni. This therefore we now come to confider, 'viz. The Hijiory of
the Flood-, and the certainty of the propagation of the World
from the Pofterity of Roah after the Flood. 1 begin with the
Hiftory of the Flood it felf, as to which two things will be fuffi-
cient to demonftrate the truth of it. i- ^ ^^^^^ ^^ nothing in it
repugnant to Reafon. 2. If ijue have fit jjic tent e-vidence of th? hrntb
of it-, fromfuch isoho yet have not believ'd the Scriptures. There
arc only two things which feem quelHonable to Reafon concern-
ing the Flood; ihcfirfi-, is, concerning the pojftbility of the Flood
it felf ; the other is, concerning the capacity of the Ark for preferr-
ing all kinds of Animals. The only ground of queliioniag the
poillbility of fuch a Flood, as that is related in Scripture, hath
been from hence, that fome have fuppos'd itimpoilible,thatalIthe
Water which is contain'd in the Air, fuppofing it to fall down,
fliould raife the furface of Water upon the Earth a foot and a half
n\ heights fo that either new Waters mufl: be created to overHow
the Eath, or elfe there muft be fuppos'd a Rarefaclionof the Wa-
ter contain'd in the Sea and all Rivers, fo that it mufl: take up at
lead fifteen times the fpace that now it doth; but then, they fay,
if the Water had been thus rarefy 'd, could neither have dellroy'd
Man nor Beaft, neither could Noah's Ark have been born up by
it any more than by liquid Air. To this therefore I anfwer.
Firjl, I cannot fee any urgent ncceflity from the Scripture toaf-
fert, that the Flood did fpread it felf over all the furface of the
Earth. That all Mankind (thofe in the Ark excepted) were de-
ftroy'd by it, is molt certain according to the Scriptures. When
Gen.6. j-, the occafiou of the Flood is thus exprefs'd, And God fa-j; that the
''' iz'ickednefs of Man 'vvas great upon Earth-, and that every imagina-
tion of the thoughts of his Heart '■Ji'as only evil continually. And
the Lord faid-, 1 will dejtroy Man whom I have created from the
face of the Earth. It could not be then any particular Deluge of
fo fmall a Country as Talejline, which is here exprefs'd, as Ibme
have ridiculoully imagin'd; for we find an univerlal corruption in
the Earth mcntion'd as the caufc-, an univerfal threatning upon all
Men for this caufc; and afterwards an univerlal dcftruction exprcf-
ccn.7.11. ^cd, as the cffedl of this Flood. And all flejh died that moved up^
on the Earth-, and every Man. And every living fubflance was de-
ftroyed which was upon the face of the ground-, both Man and Cat-
tle-, and the creeping things-, and the Fowl of the Heaven-, and they
were deftroyed from the Earth-, and Noah only remained alive^ and
they that were with him in the Ark. So then it is evident that the
Flood was univerfal as to Mankmd; but from thence follows no
nccellity at all of afl"erting the univcrfality of it as to the Globe of
the Earth, unlcfs it be fuflicicntly prov'd that the whole Earth was
Peopled before the Flood : which I defpair of ever feeing prov'd.
Ana what Reafon can there be to extend the Flood beyond the oc-
cafion
V.13.
Book III. C.liap. IV. ORIGINES SACR/E. 3^1
cafion ol- It, which was the corruption of Mankind? Antiitlcems
very llrange that in fo fliort an interval in comparilbn, as that was
from Adam to the Flood according to the ordinary computation,
viz. i6f6 years, and not much above two thoufand, according
to the hirged, the World fliould then he fully Peopled, when in
ib much longer a Ipace of time fince the Flood to this day, the
Earth is capable of receiving far more Inhabitants, than now it
hath. The only probability then left for aflcrting theunivcriality
of the Flood, as to the Globe of the Earth, is from the Deflru-
drion of all living Creatures together with Man ; now tho' Men
might not have fpread thcmfelves over the whole furface of the
Earth, yet Beafls and creeping Things might which were all de-
ftroy'd with the Flood : For it is faid. That all flejh died that
7noved upon the Earth, both of foial and of cattle, and of beafi,
and of every creeping thing-, that creepeth upon the Earth-, and
every Man. To what end fliould there be not only a noteof uni-
verfality added, but fuch a particular enumeration of the leveral
kinds of Hearts, creeping Things, and Fowls, if they were not
all deftroy'd ? To this I anfwer. I grant as far as the Flood ex-
tended all thefe were deftroy'd •, but I fee no reafon to extend the
deftrudion of thefe beyond that compafs and fpace of Earth where
Men inhabited : Becaufe the punifliment upon the Beafts was oc-
cafion'd by, and could not but be concomitant with the deftrufti-
on of Mankind, but (the occafion of the Deluge being the Sin of
Man, who was punifh'd in the Beafts, that were deftroy'd for his
fake, as well as in himfelf ) where the occafion was not, as where
there were Animals, and no Men, there feems no neceftity of ex-
tending the Flood thither. But to what end then, itwillbereply-
ed, T^id God command Noah with fo much care to take of all
kind of Beafts, and Birds, and creeping Things into the Ark with
him, if all thefe living Creatures were not dejhoyed by the Flood?
I anfwer, becaulc all thofe things were deftroy'd where ever the
Flood wasj fuppoie then the whole Continent of Afia was Peo-
pled before the Flood, which is as much as we may in reafon fuppofe,
I fay, all the living Creatures in that Continent were all deftroy'd j
or if we may fuppofe it to have extended over our whole Conti-
nent of the anciently known World •, what reafon would there be
that in the oppofite part of the Globe, viz. America, which we
fuppofe to be unpeopled then, all the living Creatures fliould
there be deftroy'd, becaufe Men had finned in this .'' And would
there not on this fuppofition have been a fufficient reafon to pre-
ferve living Creatures in the Ark for future propagation, when all
other living Creatures extant had been in flich remote places as
would not have been acceflible by them in many Generations, and
thofe Beafts growing wild for want of Inhabitants, would not
have prov'd prefently ferviceable for the ufe of Men after the
Flood ? Which was certainly the main thing look'd at in the pre-
fervation of them in the Ark, that Men might have all of them
ready for their ufe after the Flood, which could not have been,
had not the feveral kinds been preferv'd in the Ark, altho' we fup-
pofe them not deftroy'd in all parts of the World.
All this proceeds on fuppofition that Animals were propagated iv.
much further in the World than Men were, before the Flood.
Zz Which
^71 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
Which 1 confcfs fecnis very probable to me on this account, bc-
caufc the produ£lion of Animals is parallel in Genejis with that of
Gen. 1. 20, Fiflies, and both of them different from Man^ For God faith,
^'" Let the li-aters bring forth e-vcry moving Creature that hath life i
viz. Fijh-, and Foivl ; and accordingly it is laid, that the -paters
brought forth abundantly every living Creature after their kind,
and every FovjI after his kind. Accordingly in the production of
Bealls, we read. Let the Earth bring forth the living Creature
ver. 24. ^fter his kind-, Cattle-, a?id creeping thing-, and Beafi of the Earth
after his kmd-, and it 'v:as fo : But in the production of Man, ic
vcr.itf. is faid. Let us make Man in our o^jcn likenefs. From hence I
obferve this difference between the production of Animals, and
of Man, that in the one God gave a prolific Power to the Earth
and Waters for production of the feveral living Creatures which
came from themj fo that the feminal principles of them werecon-
tain'd in the Matter out of which they were produc'dj which was
othcrwife in Man, who was made by a peculiar Hand of the great
Gen.1.6. Creator himfelf, whothenceisfaidto \\2iWQ formed Manof the dufl of
the ground. Now therefore altho' there were but one Male and
Female of Mankind at firft, which had a ipccial formation by God
himfelf; yet there is no reafon we fhould conceive it to be io as
to the Production of other living Creatures, whether Fifli, or
Fowl, or Beaftsj but the prolific Virtue being by God's power gi-
ven to that material principle out of which they were form'd, it
may very well be fuppos'd that many of the lame kind were at firll
produc'd. For it feems very Itrange to imagin that ni the whole
Ocean there lliould be only two of a land produc'd; butFilhand
Fowl both arillng from the Water, we may have jult reafon to
think, that the Waters being leparated before this prolific Virtue
was communicated to the whole mafs of Waters, might m the
feveral parts of the Globe of the Earth, bring forth both Filh and
Fowl after their kinds. The fame I fay of the production of A-
uimals in the fixth days work, which arc rank'd into three forts,
Cattle, creeping Things, and Bealls of the Earth after their kinds •,
now God laying, Let the Earth bring forth her living Creatures^
(and that after the Waters had divided fome parts of the Earth
from other, fo that there could be no palTage for the Cattle, creep-
ing Things, and Beafts out of one part into another, without the
help of Man,^ it fcems very probable that at Icall thole parts of
the Earth which were thus divided from each other, did bring forth
thcle feveral living Creatures after their kinds, which did after
propagate in thole parts without being brought thither by the help
of NIan. If now this fuppofition be cmbrac'd, by it we prcfent-
ly clear our felvcs of many difficulties concerning the propagation
of Animals in the World, and their converlation in the Ark,
which many have been fo much to leek for latisfaCtion in. As
how the unknown kind of Serpents in Brafil-, the llow-beliy'd
Creature of the Indies^ and all thofe Itrangc fpccics of Animals
fcen in the Wefl-lndies fliould cither come into the Ark of Noahy
or be convcy'd out of it into thofe Countries which arc divided
from that Continent where the Flood was by lb vaft an Ocean on
the one fide, and at Icalt fo large a traCt of Land on the other ffiip-
pofing any palTagc out of one Continent into another, which yet
hath not been difcover'd.) Bcfidcs, fome kind of Animals cannot
live
Book III. Chap. IV. ORIGINES SACRjE. 373
live out of that particular Clime wherein they are^ and there arc
many forts of Animals difcover'd in America-, and the adjoyning
Ifland, which have left no remainders of themfelves in thefe parts
of the World. And it fcems very flrangc that thefe fhould pro-
pagate into thofe remote parts of the World from the place of the
Flood, and leave none at all of their number behind them in thofe
parts from whence they were propagated. Thefe things at leaft
make that Opinion very probable which extends the produftion of
Animals beyond that of Mankind in the old World, and that the
Flood tho' it deftroy'd all Mankind, and every living Creature
within that compafs wherein Mankind inhabited, yet might not
extend it felf to thofe parts, and the Animals therein, in which
Men had never inhabited. And by this means we need not make
fo many Miracles as fbme are fain to do about the Flood ; and all
thofe difficulties concerning the propagation of Animals do of
themfelves vanifli and fall to the ground. This is the firft way of
refolving the difficulty concerning the poffibility of the Flood, by
aflerting it not to have been over the whole Globe of the Earth,
but only over thofe parts where Mankind Inhabited.
Secondly-, Suppofe the Flood to have been over the whole Globe v.
of the Earth, yet there might have been Water enough to have
over-whelm'd it to the height mention'd in Scripture. For which
we are to confider that many caufes concurr'd to the making of
this Deluge j firfi-, the Air was condens'd into Clouds, and thofe
fell down with continu'd force and violence, not breaking into
drops, but all in a body (which Sir Walter Rawleigh parallels with sir Walter
the fpouts of the Weft-Indies) which are thence call'd the Cata- j^fT:^ ^._
ra£ts or Flood-gates of Heaven, God loofening (as he exprefleth flory.
it) the power retentive which was in the Clouds, and fo the Wa-
ters muft needs fall in abundance, according to the expreffion of
"Job-, Behold he with-holdeth the waters-, and they dry up-, alfo he JolJ-^-if-
fendeth them out-, and they overturn the Earth. Now I fay, altho'
thefe Waters falling down with fo much fury and violence, as well
as in fo great abundance might quickly deftroy all living Creatures ;
yet this was not all -, for God who held in the Ocean within its
bounds, whereby he faith to it. Thus far it jh all go-, andno further-,
might then give it commiffion to execute his Jufticc upon the fin-
ful World : and to all this, we have another caufe of the Deluge,
which was. That the Fountains of the great 'Deep were broke7i^^^-i-^i-
up. By which A^/z?^^/«x, moft probably underllands, Immenfamtl-
lam & profundam aquarum copiam qua eft fubter terram , that
vaft body of Water which lies in the bowels of the Earth •, now
when all thefe Fountains were broken up, and the Waters within
the Earth rufti out with violence and impetuofity upon it, it muft
needs caufe an Inundation fo great as that is mention'd in the Scri-
pture. For as that judicious Hiftorian Sir W. Rawleigh obferves, '^''■^='.'^"
Let us confider that the Earth had above 21000 Miles compafs, ^l^^^'
the Diameter of the Earth according to that Circle 7000 Miles,
and then from the Superficies to the Center 3 500 Miles •, take then
the higheft Mountain of the World, Caucafus, Taurus, Teneriff-,
or any other, and I do not find, faith he, that the higheft exceeds
thirty Miles in height : It is not then impoffible, anfwering Rea-
fon with Reafon, that all thofe Waters mixed within the Earth,
Zz 2 3500
3 74 ORIGINES SACRjE. Book III. Chap. IV-
5 -TOO Miles deep, fliould be able to cover the fpacc of 30 Miles ;a
hcighc, which 30 Miles upr-'ght being found in the depths of the
Earth 1 16 times-, for the Fountains of the great Deep were bro-
ken, and the Waters drawn out of the bowels of the Earth. But
then withal, faith he, if we confider the proportion which the
Earth bears to the Air about iu we may ealily undcrfland thepof-
fibility of the Flood, without any new creation of Waters •, for
fuppofing fo much Air to be condens'd, and fo turn'd into Water
which doth encompafs the Earth, it will not fcem ftrange to Men
of Judgment, yea but of ordinary Underrtanding, that the Earth
(God fo pleafing) was cover'd over with Waters, without any
new Creation. But this will yet appear more probable, if the height
of the highefl Mountains doth bear no greater proportion to
the Diameter of the Earth, than of the 1670 part to the whole,
Guffend. fuppofing the Diameter of the Earth to be 835") Miles, :isT.Gaf-
^vh'nf°^ y^'Ki/z/j computes both. And it is more than probable, that Men
/. I. have exceedingly miftaken, as to the height of Mountains, which
comes fo fhort of what Sir JValter Ra-juleigh allows to them, that
the higheft Mountain in the World will not be found to be five
direft Miles in height, taking the altitude of them from the Plain
they ftand upon. Olympus whofe heigth \s foextoll'd by the Poets
fiuuinJE- gnd ancicnt Greeks-, that it is faid to exceed the Clouds-, yet Tlu-
Tii'u"".! ^^''^^ tells us that Xenagoras meafur'd it, and found it not to exceed
f.65-. a Mile and half perpendicular and about 70 Paces. Much about
the fame height 'P//;^' faith xXrxtlDlcaarchus found the Mountain
Telio'n to be. The Mount Athos is fuppos'd of extraordinary
heisht, becaufe it calls its fliadow into the Iflc of Lemnosy which
according to Tliny was 87 Miles, yet Gajjendcus allows it but two
voff.in Miles in height j hwx. Ifaac Vojjius v\ -x learned dilcourfc concern-
V^\ t!' "^S ^^'^^ height of Mountains in his Notes on Tomponins Mela-,
c.^lf.iip doth not allow above 10 or 11 Furlongs at mofl to the height of
^'- Mo»nt Athos. Caucafns by Rkciolns is faid to be )i Miles 111
height : Gaj[endus allowing it to be higher than Athos or OlpHpits,
yet conceives it not above three or four Miles at moft i but yet
VoJJlus will not yield it above two Miles perpendicular, for which
he gives this very good reafonj '^Folylpins zfUnns, there is no Moun-
tain in Greece which may not be afcendedinadavstime, andmakes
the higheft Mountain there not to exceed 10 Furlongs 5 which,
faith VoJJius-, it is fcarce pofllble for any one to reach unlcfs he be
a Mountainer born; any other will fcarce be able to afcend above
fix Furlongs perpcjidicular j for in the afccnt of aMountain every
Pace doth reach but to an hand breadth perpendicular; butif wc
do allow eight Furlongs to a days afcent, yet thereby it will ap-
pear that the higheft Mountains in the World are not above twen-
ty four Furlongs in height, fince they may be afcendcd in three
days time: and it is aflirm'd of the top of Mount Cdi:cafiis, that
it may be afcended in lefs than the compafs of three days, and
therefore cannot be much above two Miles in height. Which may
be the cafier belicvd of any other Mountain, when that which is
reputed the jiigcft of the World, viz the 'PikcoVTincriff-, which
the Inhabitants cxWTica de Terraria^ may be afcendcd in that com-
pafe qf time, viz,, three days; feu- in the Months of ^w/yand^w-
.^<^.'(jwhich are the only Months in which Men can afcend it, be-
C0(5 • cuufc
Book III. Chap. IV. R I G INK S SACK /R. 375
cau(c:illochci-cimGsof the year Snow lies upon it, altiio' neither in
the Illc of Tenerijf nor any other of the Canary-ljlands there be ^- ^"^fi-
Snow ever Icen) the Inhabitants then afccnd to the top of it in "T^fr//"^'^'
three days timcj which top of it is not Pyramidal but plain, from /.i.e. 10.
whence they gather fomc Sulphurous Stones, which are carry'd in ^''''''' 3'
great Quantities into Spain. So that according to the proportion
of eight Furlongs to a days journey, this Tike of TcmeriJJ' \>-'\\\not
exceed the height of a German Mile pcrpendiculai-, as l-^arenius
confcflcth, than which he thinks hkewiie, that no Mountain in the
World is higher. For what Tlmy fpeaks of the yllps being fifty
Miles in height, muft be undcrltood not perpendicular, but in re-
gard of the obliquity of the alcent of itj lb that he might account
lb much from the foot of the Alps to the top of them, and yet
the Alps in a perpendicular line not come near the height of a G^r-
man Mile. If then the highcit Mountains do not exceed much a-
bove three Miles in height, (for the Spaniards themlclvcs amrni,
that thofe lofty Mountiansof 'P^n/, in comparilbn of which, they
lay, the Alps are but 1 ike Cottages, may be afcendcd in four days com-
pars,)we ice from hence then far greater probability,how the watersiu
the time of the general Flood might overtop the highefl Mountains.
Efpecially if it be made evident that there is {o great an Abyls vr.
of ilibterraneous AVatcrs, that the breaking open of the Fountains
of it may fo much increaie the Inundation ariiing from the Clouds,
and from the breaking in of the Ocean upon the main Land. And
that there is fuch a mals of Waters in the body of the Earth, is
evident from the origin of Fountains ; for the opinion of Ariftotle
imputing them to the condenfation of Air in the Caverns of the
Earth, and that of other Fhilofophers afcribing them to the fall of
Rain-water receiv'd into llich Cillerns in the Earth which are ca-
pable of receiving it, are both equally unfatisfaftory, unlefs we
fuppole a mafs of Waters in the Bowels of the Earth, which may
be as the common ftock to fuply thofe Fountains with. For it is
very hard conceiving, how mere Air fliould be fo far condens'd,
as to caufe notonlyllichanumberof Fountains, but fo great a cjuan-
tity of Water as runs into the Sea by thole Rivers which come from
fhem, (as the River Volga is fuppos'd to empty fo much M^aterin
a years time into the Cafpian Sea, as might fuffice tocover the whole
Earth,) by which likewife it is mod evident that there mull be
fome fubterraneaii pallages into the Sea, or elie of necellity, by
that abundance of Water which continually runs into it from the
Rivers, it would overflow and dro\yn the World. And from this
multitude of Waters which conies from Fountains, it is likewilc
evident, that the origin of Fountains cannot be merely from fuch
Water which falls from the Clouds, which would never fuffice to
maintain fo full and uninterrupted a itream as many Fountains have:
Efpecially if that be true which fome affert, that Rain-water doth
never moiften the Earth above ten foot deep, for of far greater
profundity many Fountains are. And belides, the Rain-water
runs moft upon the furfacc of the Earth, and fo doth rather fwell
the Rivers, which thereby run with greater force intheirpalfageto
the Ocean, and doth not lodg it felf prefently in the Earth, e-
fpeciallyif it defcends in a greater quantity, which alone is able to
fill fuch Ciftcrns fuppos'd to be in the Earth, efpecially in Moun-
Zz :? tains,
37^ ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
tains, whichmay keep a ftream continually running. Altlio' there-
fore we may acknowledg that the fall of Rain may much conduce
to the over-flowing and continuance of Fountains, as is evident by
the greater force of Springs after continu'd Rains, and by the de-
cay of many of them in hot and dry weather, (which yet I had
rather impute to the Sun's exhaling by his continu'd heat thofe
moift Vapors in the Earth, which fhould continually fupply the
Springs, than merely to the want of Rain,) and by the rife ot moft
great Rivers from fuch Fountains which came from the foot of
Mountains ; where the ground is fuppos'd to be of fo hard and
confiftent a fubftance, as Stone or Chalk, or fomething of Hke
nature, which might help to the confervation of water there, from
whence it after ran in ftreams to the Ocean, (which was thegreat
v.Gajfend. argument of the famous Teireskiiis for his Opinion,) altho' I fay,
w.Pf/rf/- jj^g^g things may argue thus far, that Rain-water doth much con-
f'.'itf'i, duce to the prelcrvation of Springs, yet it cannot give a fufficient
account of the origin of them : Which with the greateft rcafon and
probability is imputed to thofe fubterraneous Waters which pafs
Up and down thro' the Bowels of the Earth. Some have fanfy'd
the Earth to be as one great Animal, whofe fubterraneous paflages
were like Veins in the Body, which receiv'd Water out of the
Sea, as the Veins do Blood out of the Liver •, and that there are
fome kind of Vapors in the Earth which fupply the place of vital
Spirits, which are diffus'd up and down the Body thro' the Arte-
ries. And that as in an Animal, there are fome parts which upon
the leaft prick do fend forth Blood, and others arc more callous
where the incifion mufl: be deeper before any Blood appears-, fo
it is in the Earth : when it is open'din a right Vein we find prefent-
ly a Spring of Water -, but if we chance to hit on a wrong place,
we go deep and may find none-, not that Water is wanting, but
we have not hit on the Veins thro' which it runs. And thence
the Blood with equal freedom and velocity afcends into the Head
as it runs into the Legs, becaule it is equally difpers'd into all the
parts from the Center of it -, fo in the body of the Earth it is as
natural for the Water to afcend into the tops of Mountains, as it
is to fall down into the Center of the Earth. And that it is no
more wonder to fee Springs iflue out of Mountains, than it is to
iec a Man bleed in the Veins of his Fore-head when he is let Blood
there. So in all places of the Earth the parts of it arc not difpof-
cd for apertion -, for fome of them are fo hard and compaft, that
there feems to be no paflage thro' them, (which is the moft pro-
bable rcafon, why there is no Rain neither in thofe places, bccaufc
there is no fuch cxfudation of thofe moift vapors thro' thefurfacc
of the Earth, which may yield Matter for Rain, as it is in many
of the fandy places of Africa •,) but ufually Mountainous Coun-
tries have more large, and as it were Temple-veins thro' which the
moill vapors have a free and open paflage, and thence there arc not
only more frequent Springs there, but Clouds and Rains too.
Now if this account of the origin of Springs in the Earth be as
rational as it is ingenious and handfome, (and there is not much
can be laid againlt it, but only that then all Fountains fiiould be
flit as the Water is from whence they come,) then we eafily un-
dcrfland how the Earth might be overflow'd in the univerfil l)c-
Kigc;
Book III. chap. IV. ORIGINES SACRAL. 377
lugej for then the Fountains of the Deep were broken up, or
there was an univerfal opening of the Veins of the Earth,
whereby all the Water contaui'd m them would prefently run up-
on the lurfaee of the Earth, and muil: needs accordnig to its pro-
portion advance it ielf to a conliderable height. But becaulc
the lalving the difference of the Water in Springs from what it is
in the Sea is fo conliderable a T hanomenon in our prefent calc, I
therefore rather take this following as the molt rational account of
the origin of Fountains, viz. That there are great Cavities in the
Earth, which are capable of receiving a confiderable quantity of
Water, which continually runs into them from the Sea, (which as
it continually receives frefli fupplies from the Rivers which empty
themlelves into it, fo it dilpatchetii away a like quantity thro' thole
fpungy parts of the Earth under the Ocean, which are moft apt
to fuck in and convey away the furpluiage of Water,) fo that by
this means the Sea never fwells by tiie Water convey'd into it by
the Rivers, there being as continual a circulation in the body of
the Earth of the Water which pallcth out of the Ocean into the
fubterraneous Caverns, and from thence to the Mountains, and
thence into the Sea again-, as there is a circulation of Blood in
Man's Body from the Heart by the Arteries into the exterior parts,
and returning back again by the Veins into the Heart. According
to which we may imagin fuch a place in the Heart ofthe Earth like
Vlato's Baratruniy
As T/ato in. his Thadrus defcribes it out of Homer ■> a lo7ig and
deep Jubterraneous Cavity. ""« nF' '■"^ ■" /t«'''«^ mffUd -n vnit-nc, «; miSi^i, ea Syria concerning the whole ftory, and fo of Melon '^'^j'J" ,
and Nicolaits T)amafcenus. Befides it is manifelled by others, how avit.Det
among the Chaldeans the memory of Noah was preferv'd under the V^;.^-"'
Fable of Oannes, which had part of a Fifli, and part of a Man, ^J/.'^^v^,.
as is evident from the fragments of Apollodorus, Abydenus-, and
Alexander Tolyhiflor-, preferv'd in Eufebius's Greek Chronica -, a- ^"i'^fj"^^
mong the Chinefes under the name of Tuoncuus-, who by them is srliiger.
A a a f^^id
38o ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV
faid to have crcap'd alone wkh his Family out of the univciial
r/.vofe- Dehigc, faith Ifaac Vojjins., who fuppofcth Tii or Ti to be only a
^■Ifurn^p'.^' prefix to the name, and To that TuoncmiSt is the fame with i Ni;>.«.
409.' Martinins tells us, de diluvio mult a eft apud Stnuos Script ores
^hTs"- wev.tio^ that the ancient Writers of the Sbiic Hiftory fpeak much
I i.f"\i. of the Flood. Johannes de Laet tells out of Lefcbarbotus how
Joh.ie confcant the Tradition of the Flood is among the Indians^ both
^orig'gcnt. '" Ne'-jj- France, 'Pern-, and other parts. This bcmg therefore lb
American, fully attcfted by the evident and apparent confent of fo many Wri-
i.i.f.it^. jgj.g ^^^ Hiftorians, which did not own the Authority of the Scri-
ptures, I fhall fuppofe this fufficiently prov'd, and proceed to the
main thing which concerns the Origin of Nations, which is, the
certainty of the propagation of Mankind from the pofterity of
Noah. Of which there this is ftrong and convincing evidence, that
in all that account which the Scripture gives of the propagation of
Nations from the Sons of Noah-, there is fome remainder in the
Hiftory of that Nation to juftify the reafon of the impofition of
the name from the names of the Nations themfelvcs, which have
preferv'd the original name of their Founder in their own, as the
Gre.Amot Mcdcs from Madai -, the Thracians from Thiras i the lonians from
ndi. X. de Javan-, the Sidonians from Sidon-, xhc'Fhiliftins froni '■Polefthim;
Arl'.Mm- the Arctcans-, Aradians, Elym^ans, Ajjyrians-, Lydians, fron Ar-
fan.rha- ki-, Arad, Elam-, Ajfur and Lnd-, and many others produc'd by
^jumui in Grot ins-, Mont anus-, Junius, and elpecially Bochartns, who with
Gtn. 10. admirable Induftry and Learning hath clear'd all this part of (acred
^ochart. Hiftory, which concerns the reafon of the impofition of the names
^fo^r.y.w. ^p j.j^g People which were propagated from thepoftentyof iY*?/?^,
and given a full and fatisfaftory account of the feveral places
where the pofterity of Noah ieated rhemfelves after the Deluge.
Inftead of that therefore, I fiiall confider the pretenfcs which can
be brought againft it, which are chiefly thefc three, i. That the
Chaldean Empire feems to have greater Antiquity than can be at-
tributed to it by the Hiftory of Mofes. 2. That the moft learned
Heathen Nations pretend to be feif-originated, and that they came
not from any other Country. 3. That no certain account is given
from whence America fliould be Peopled.
IX. I. The Hiftory of the Ajfyrian Empire feems inconfiftent with
the propagation of the World from the Sons of Noah ; for the
Reign of A^;;?//j- and Semiramis'xs'^A'xc'di by many Chronologers \^'iz\\-
m the firft Century after the Flood, which leems a manifeft in-
coniiftcncy with the propagation of Mankind from the Sons of
Noah i for it feems utterly impoilible that the foundations of fo
great an Empire ihould be laid in fo final! a compafsof timeby the
Pofterity of three Perfons J andbcfides, NirmsddidSc/mraniiswexc
not the firft who began the Affyrian Empire j for Beliis not only
rcign'd fifty five years before Ninus, but according to the Chalde-
an Antiquities from Eirchous, who they fay firft rcign'd among
them, are reckon'd 45)f years. But admit that the Beginning of the
veuv. de AJJyrian Empire be plac'd fo low as Tetavius and otlicr C'Jirono-
i°.^'.c.Tl' ^"o^"'^ would have it, viz. in the year after tiic Flood, if 3, yet
■i«w. 1. the difficulty is only fomcwhat abated, but notrcmov'd-, for it
feems yet unconceivable that from three Perlbns in ifo years, fuch
nniltiiudcs fliould fpring, as to make fo large and Empire as that
of
Book III. chap. IV. ORIGIN ES SACR/E. ^
of Nmiis, and that withm an hundred years after the Flood there
lliould be fuch vafl: multitudes For the buildini; the Tower of 5^^^'/
and difpcrlion up and down the World, fo that according to the
Hebrew computation in the compafs of 300 years, 'viz,. about A-
braham's time, the World was lb fully peopl'd, that wc read of
leveral Kings cneountring one another, by which it is evident the
World had been peopl'd iomc time before, or clfe there could not
have been luch potent Kings as fome of them were at that time.
This being the grand Difficulty, to it I anfwer thefe things.
I. There is no fuch certainty of the beginning of the' Ajfyr tan
Empire, as for the fake of that, to queflion the truth of the Pro-
pagation of the World by the Sons of Noah. I have already large-
ly manifefted the want of credibility in the Chronology of the
ancient Chaldeans-, and that we have no certain grounds to rely
upon in reference to it. Efpecially as to thefe feven firft Babylo-
ma?i- Kings, which are cited out of Africamts-, by Eufebius-, and
Georgius Syncelliis-^ viz. Evechoits-, Chomasbolus, foriiSi Nechubes,
Abiiis-, OnibalhiSt CbinziniSt who are laid to reign 2 if years two
months ; and alike fabulous, I fuppofe, is the other iJynafiy of
iix Arabian Kings, whole Empire is faid to have flood 215- years
to the time of Behis-, who expell'd the Arabians, and took the
power to himfclf : And it is much more agreeable to Reafon to re-
je£t thefe two 'Dynajties-, which had no record of them left in any
Hiftory of the AJfyrian Empire, but only in Beroftis-> whofe autho-
rity in this cafe hath been difcufs'd already, than to follow our late
Excellent Primate of ^^rw/2f^, who punftually fets down the Reign
of the Kings of thele two T>jinajties, but cuts off at leaft eight Ages
in the time of the AJJjrian Empire from Ninus to Sardanapalus-i
which times he confines to 496 years, and placeth Ninus in the
2737 year of the World, according to the Hebrew Computation,
and fo to live in the time of the Judges-, and be contemporary with ujfer.Ann.
"Deborah : Which he buidls only on a place in Herodotus^ which '^"■'^'■fi-^-
relates not to the time between Ni?tias and Sardanapalus, but to '*^"^^'^"
the time of the defedion of the Mtdes from the AJJjrian Empire, c^fiigat.
as Ifaac VoJJius hath ^already fliew'd. We cannot then find any '"^'^- ■^'"'"•
certainty in the beginning of the AJJyrian Empire, which may give cemp. i,
us caufe to queftion the Propagation of the World from the Po-
fterity of Noah.
2. We have reafon to think that there was a more than ordi-
nary multiplication of the World from the Sons of Noah after the
Flood. For as God had before punifh'd the World by dellroying
Mankind in it by an extraordinary manner j fo after the Flood, he
doth in a particular manner blefs Noah and his Sons, and fiid un-
to them. Be fruitful and multiply, and replenijh the earth-, which
may well be thought to have then had an extraordinary effeft. Se-
veral ways have been attempted by Learned Men to make appear,
to what a vafl: number the Pofterity of Noah would increafe in
the fpace of two or three hundred years after the Flood. Teta- ^mav.de
vius fuppofeth that the Pofterity of Noah might beget Children ^''"^•^"'"^
at leventcen, and that each of Noah's Sons might have eight Chil- ^ '*'
dren in the eighth year after the Flood, and that every one of thefe
eight might beget eight more > by this means in only one Family,
as of Japhet in the year after the Flood 238, he makes a T>ia-
Aaa 2 gram
jSz ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
grafn confifting of almoft an innumerable company of Men. Jo-
ufchrott. hannes Temporarins-, as our moft Learned Trimate tells us, takes
facr.c.^. j.|^j^ ^^,^y^ that all of the Pofterity oi Noah-, when they attain'd
twenty years of Age, had every year twins, on which fuppofition
by Arithmetical progreffion he undertakes to make it appear, that
in the 102 year after the Flood, there would be of Males and Fe-
males if 54420 ; but taking away the one half, becaufeof theground-
lefs fuppofition of twins, yet then in that time there would be
388605- Males defides Females. Others fuppofe that each of the
Sons of Noah had ten Sons, and by that proportion, in few Ge-
nerations It would amount to many thoufands within a Century.
Others infift on the parallel between the multiplication of the Chil-
dren of Ifrael in ayiigypt -, that if from 72 Men m the fpacc of 2 1 f
years there are procreated 600000, howmany will be born of three
Klen in the Ipace of an hundred years .^ Tome have laid above 2 3000,
Hern. def. but with whaf fuccefs in their Arithmetic-, I fhall not determin. But
dijfert. de ^vhcfliej- r^\\ or any of thefe ways be fufficient, and fatisfaftory, we
di,c.i6. have yet caufe to believe that there was a more than ordinary mul-
tiplication in the Pofterity of Noah after the Flood.
3. If we embrace the account of thofe Copies, which the Se-
ptiiagint follow'd in their Vcrfion, all this difficulty is then ceas'd.
For that account doth very much enlarge the times, and makes al-
moft a thoufand years between the Flood and Abraham^ by which
means there will be fufficient fpace given for the propagation of
Mankind, the building the Tower oi Babel-, the dilpcrlion of Na-
tions, the founding the ^/yf>'r/Vr^^ Empire, the plantation of c/^^^/'f,
China-, and other places, all which feem to have been in that time,
and to concur with that computation,' as well as Jofephus doth, and
the whole Primitive Church before Hierom-, which certainly ought
in no cafe to be difregarded.
The whole controverfy concerning this part of the Chronology
of the V/orld comes at lafl: to this •, Whether it be more probable
that the y^x'i' who lived under the fecond Temple (who then were
the Truftees to whom were committed the Oracles of God) whom
the LXX. follow'd in their Verlion, had the true reading, or the
Talmudic Jc-jijs after their difperfion and banilhme'nt from their
Countrcy, when they were discarded by God himfelf from being
his People, when he broke up houfe among them at the deftru-
ftion of Jerufalem and the Temple. But if the Reader defire
further latisfadlion concerning this difixrence of this Chronology
of the LXX. from that of the prefent Hcbre-w Copies, he may
viohg. ad confult the learned diHcrtation of the late learned Bifliop ofCheJter
BM.i'oiyq. upon the LXX. and the later Difcourfes of Jfaac t-'^oljius on this
df,^.'^/- ^'•'bjcdt. Setting afidc then the controverfy between x\\q prcfcnc
faacvofjius Hebrciz! Copics and the LXX. in point of integrity and incorru-
^innnr''' pfio"> which I meddle not with, I cannot but fublcribe to the judg-
tLtnt.Mun- mcntof our judicious Hiftorian, *^n IV. Raivleigh : That if ne look
<"• over all:, and do not hajlily fatisfy our Under/landing ijjith the
iu'wf/ a' -^^-^^ things offer d, and thereby being fat tat ed do foth fully and
Hiji. p. I. droz::fily fit doui'n, "tcr pall find it more agreeable nit her to folloiv
b.i. c. 1. the reckoning of the LXX. -ji-ho according to fame Editions make
'" ' ''' it above 1072 years befuvcen the Flood and Abraham V Birth, than
to take aix'ay any part of thofe 352 years given. For if 'ive ad-
vifedly
Book III. Chap. IV. ORIGINES SACii/E. ^
•vifedly conjidcr the flat e and countenance of the IVorld •, fuch as
it isjas in Abraham'^ time-, yea before Abraliam lijas born., -we
Jh all find that it "joere ijery ill doyie of us by follo-sjing opinion
without the giiide of Reafon, to pare the time over deeply between
Abraham and the Flood; becaufe in cutting them too near the
quick-, the reputation of the whole fory inight perchance bleed there-
by-, were not the tefiimony of the Scriptures fupream-, fo as no ob-
ject ion can approach it; And that we did not follow withal this
precept of St. Auftin, that wherefoever any one place in the Scri-
ptures may be conceived difagreeing to the whole-, the fame is by ig-
norance of mif-interpretation miderftood. For in Abraham's time
all the then known parts of the IVorld were peopled: all Regions
and Countries had their Kijigs. y^gypt had many magnificent
Cities-, and fo had PaLxftine and all bordering Countries ; yea all
that part of the JVorld be fides as far as India: and thofe not
built with flicks-, but of hewn ft ones-, and defended with I Vails and
RampierSi which magnificence needed a 'Parent of ?nore antiquity
than thofe other Men have fuppos'd. And therefore where the
Scriptures are plainefi- and beft agreeing with Reafon and Nature-,
to what €7id fijould we labor to beget doubts and fcruples-, or draw
all things into wonders and marvels ? giving alfo (Irength thereby
to common cavillers-, and to thofe Mens apifij brains^ who only bend
their Wits to find impojfibilities and monflers in the Story of the
World and Mankind. Thus far that excellent Hiftorian, whofe
words deferve confideration. Thus much for the firft Objeftion.
The fecond is, From the great pretenfe of feveral Nations that
they were felf-originated-, or came not from any other place. This
was the pretenfe of the c^^gyptians, Grecians, ancient Inhabi-
tants of Italy-, and others. But how little reafon we have to give
credit to thefe pretenfes, will appear on thefe accounts, i. The
Impoflibility in Nature that Mankind fhould be produc'd in fuch
a way as they imagin'd, which we have manifefted already in our
Difcourfe of the Origin of the Univerfe. 2. That the Nations
which pretended this, were never able to give fufficient Evidence
of it to any other Nation which demanded it; which is manifeft
by their want of any certain Records of their ancient times, which
is fully prov'd in our Difcourfe in the firfl Book of the want of
credibility in the Heathen Hiftory. 3. The only probable Reafon
which induc'd thefe Nations to make themfelves Aborigines-, was,
becaufe they fuppos'd themfelves to be the firft Inhabitants of the
Countries they liv'd in : which altho' I may allow to the z^gy-
ftians-, and fome other ancient Nations, yet I cannot do it to the
Hellens or Greeks-, who moft vainly and arrogantly pretend to it.
Which becaufe it may give more light into the greateft Antiqui-
ties of Greece, and fome other Nations than hath been yet difco-
ver'd or taken notice of, and becaufe it may further tend to clear
the truth of the Scriptures, as to the Origin of Nations, I fliall
more particularly inquire into the firft Plantation of Greece. That
it was firft inhabited by fome of Noah's Pofterity, is out of que-
ftion with all thofe who prefer the moft ancient and undoubted
Records of Scripture before the fabulous Impoftures of Mens
Brains. But by whofe immediate Pofterity the Country of Grifi?^^
was firft inhabited, is not yet fo clear as it hath been generally
Aaa 3 pre-
84 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. IV.
prcrum'd to be, by moft who had rather follow the diftates oF
others, than fpend time in fuch inquiries themfelves: Which yet
certainly are lb far from being unworthy Mens labor and induftry,
that nothing tends more clearly to advance the truth of Scripture-
hillory, than the reconciling the Antiquities of the elder Nations
to what we find deliver'd of the Plantation of the World from
the Pofterity of Noah. As to this particular therefore of the firft
Plantation of Greece, I fliall firll propound the opinion generally
embraced among Learned Men, and then (hew how far it is defe-
ctive, and what other more true account may be given of it. It
is evident from Mofes, Gen. to. f. that the Pofterity of Japhet
took pofleflion of the Illes of the Gentiles-, i. e. according to the
//fi^rf'-^ Idiom, not only llich as are properly fo call'd, but all thole
Countries which lay much upon the Sea, bemgatanydillancefrom
'Palajtine-, efpecially fuch as lay between the Ocean and Mediter-
ranean Sea j and fo both Greece and Italy come under the name of
the I[les of the Gentiles. Among the Sons o^ Japhet none is con-
ceiv'd fo probable to have firft peopled Greece, as he whofe name
was preferv'd among the Inhabitants of Greece with very little al-
teration. And fo as the Medes from Madai-, the Affyrians from
Ajfur-, the Thracians from Thiras-, by the like Analogy the lonians
Javan. From which it is obfervable, that altho' among the Gr^-^yfe^
themfelves, the lonians were but as one divifion of that People
which inhabited Greece, yet other Nations comprehended all un-
der the name of loyiians. For which we have fufficient evidence
Hefych. V. from Hefychius, and the Scholialt on Ariftophanes. o; -ja'pfc^i lie, "ea-
'^'»*,"- xLof 'imu( ?:iyt&5 t»5 t-n^iwoi lamcK «■ /3«pC«^< o««At(i'. I' or i«»»«« with the
Ariflofh. Infertion of the (italic 'Digamma (which is always done when two
^J%^w""' Vowels meet) is 'i»<»ii i. e. Jaojones i and Stephanns Byzantius
tells usj that from 'i««» comes 'i**. and fo Homer,
de Vrb. V.
And T^ionjfius Teriegetes reckons up 'Uno as one of the Rivers of
Arcadia,
And which much confirms this opinion, the Hcbreiv word for
Javan before the points added by the Maforites, -i/vx:. p* bears a
perfect Analogy with the Greek 'i<^»; and P' l*"^^ in Scripture is
taken for Greece -, and fo T)an. 8. 21. Alexander is call'd P' ~P^^y
which the LXX render EanAiij ,»i!L,'«.»i and Joel 3. 6. Ton have fold
my Sons, CD'ivn '33'7 the Sons of Javan, i. c. to the Greeks, as it
is generally underltood. But as Javan cannot be fuppos'd to have
come into thefe parts without his Family, fo k is generally prc-
fum'd that there are no obfcurefoot-lteps left oVJavan'^ddcW Son,
J'JiJJMS feating himfclf in Greece. For from him Jofephns derives
the name A,«Af7s, with whom the Jeriifaltm Paraphralt concurs.
vL'i^'''"^' Montanus from thence derives the ixxmc Elis, from whence he fup-
5+!"'^^ pofcth the Greeks arc call'd 'i.^l^^f,. Bochartiis finds the clcarell re-
mainders
Book III. Chap. IV. ORI GINE S SACR/E. 385
maindcrs o'i Elijha in EUs-, the fame with 'Feloponnefus, one part
of which by Homer is cull'd Alifinni; thence Ezek. 27. 7. wc read
of the purple and (car let from the IJles of Eliilw, which makes it
niofl: probable to be that part of Greece which lay upon the Ionian Bochm.
Sea, where the bell Purple next to the Tjrian was found, as the ^^"^'s-^--
"LczvncdBoc hart lis hath dcmonllrated from fcvcral Authors. This "^" '"■
is now the fubflance of the gencrally-rcceiv'd account concerning
the plantation of Greece from the Polterity of Noah. Which if
it be taken as to that People which did at length poflefs Greece^
I fee no reafon to difapprove it-, but if it be extended to the firft
plantation of Greece, 1 fee as little to embrace it. That wc may
therefore judg more freely of the firft Inhabitants of Greece^ it is
requifite we take an account of it from thofe who profefs them-
lelves moft vers'd in their own Antiquities, who may in a matter
of this nature, which is attefted by the common confent of the
moft learned Antiquaries of Greece^ be the more credited, in that
what they thus deliver, may be fuppos'd to come from an ancient
and undoubted Tradition.
It is evident therefore, from the judgment of the moft learned xl
and judicious, even of the Greeks themfelves, that Greece wis firft
inhabited by a People by them call'd Barbarous-, i. e. a People dif-
ferent from them in Language and Manners. So EpI oriis-, whom
^olybius commends as the beft Writer of the Greek Antiquities^
faith that Greece was inhabited by a barbarous People before the
Hellens came into it. And Hecaiaiis Milefius cited by Strabo con-
cerning 'Peloponnefmy <"' «^' ^ 'i.»i^av ^K>i(m* u«tL' /3dpS»gg,, which Strabo
himfelf not only believes of ^e/oponnefus, but of all Greece, that
it was Hs^'^^>'■l» fiap^dsm ii Wao^.v, ancicntly a 'Plantation of Barbarians ;
the fame is affirm'd by Ariftotle writing of the Common- wealth sniboi.i
of the Tegeates concerning Arcadia, that before its being pofTefs'd ]„^AMUn.
by the Arcadians, it was inhabited by a barbarous People, who i.if-^.^ai.
becaulethey were expulfed their Country before Moon-nfing, the
Arcadians call'd themfelves t^'n'M^'^h Whether that be the ground
of that vain-glorious boaft (of which many reafons are given by
learned Men) I here dilpute not •, it is fumcient that we find the
Grfr/^»j were not the firft who peopled any of thefe feveral places;
which 5 likcwile attcfted by Herodotus, Thiicydides, and others,
whofe teftimonies we fliall afterwards produce. It being then evi-
dent that the Gr^r/^wj- were not the firft who inhabited that Coun-
try after from them called Greece, it follows to be inquir'd what
this barbarous People was, and from whence they came. Strabo
hath given us in a large Catalogue of the names of many of them, as
the T^ryopes, C auc one s,Le leges, befides the Aones, Tembices, Ely antes,
and many others •, but thefe feem not to have been that ancient
People, but rather fome latter Caftlings of the Carians, who, as
Thucydides tells us, did very often make inroads upon the quarters
of Greece. That People which had the largeft fpread, and greateft
Antiquity, was the "Pelafgi : thence Teloponnefus was anciently
called ndiaryix. StephanUS ByZantiUS IltXtjrBni, c?h« imwitiUl, 'Amu, n«A<«/«
and "Apv(^. and Apollodorus faith, that the Teloponnefians were an-
ciently called Telafgi -, and Euripides,
ITgAot-
8^ ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
Actvctiig.
And clfewherc,
TI^Stov HgAacryoj, ActvoiiSou to iSjTi^v.
straioi.^. Thefe 'Pelajgi were not only in Teloponnefiis-, but in Attica tod,
as appears by Strabo-, where he faith the Nation of the Telafgi did
inhabit, and by the Athenians ( that is after their mixture ) they
were called ■mx^.^-v)]. Storks, 2^" t«v TsfAdvL, for their frequent removals
from place to place : And Taufantas mentions their being under
the Acronoli at Athens: that they were in Thelfaly-, is evident from
HefycbiUS. n£A«(rj5i 01 ^oy«Aoi'' <& 'lym T /iufSd;ut, & ><>©- Jot Tli^iUFpS Sri" 'Afx-dhi
^ji^ci OTA«'=i?i«'»>iS>' 5 Arcadia feems to have the firfl or chief place of
their refidence, for the Arcadians who were accounted waA«.o«&
%hn X i».Um, do vindicate the Founder of this Nation, whom they
cairPf/i^wi", to themfelves, and fay he was an »y-nx%"i among them,
that is, the firft who came into that Country j for all thole, whofe
Original they knew not, they called Terra filios , and Genninos
Taufan. in terra. Tanfania^s rightly conjeftures that he was the firft Man
Anad. among them, not as tho' he was alone, but becaufc the Chief
Ruler and Commander among them , and that brought them iiito
the Country j but tho' they might fix themfelves about Arcadia-,
strab.i.\i. it is evident they fpread further i ^ox Menecrates Eleates \n\\is'&oo\'^
of the Founders of Cities, affirms that all the Sea-coafts of Greece
called lonica-, beginning from Mycale, were firft inhabited by the
iiemi.-j. 'Pelafgi; nay we find them yet much higher in Epirns-, who were,
as Strabo tells us, the firft Founders of that famous Oracle of ©, Jiich that thought the Gods 'u.cre bejl
pleafed '■Ji'ith then fimplicity andfeveritv of life , and therein far dif-
ferent from the Grecian humor. Sitidas in Theffalicis (cited like-
wife by Strabo) faith that the Temple of 'Dodona was rcniov'd
from
Book III. chap. IV. ORIGINES SACRAL. 387
From Scotufa in 'Pelafgia to Thejjala-, which is conrirni'd by Hero-
dot its \\\ Euterpe^ where he largely ipeaks of the Temple ancl Oracle
at 'Dodona. Thelc 'Felafgi coimn'd not thcmrelvcs to Greece nei-
ther, but were difpers'd into the neighbor lilands, as Chios-, Crete->
Lesbos-, Lemnosi Imbro., Santos-, as will appear afterwards > and
at lalt came mto Italy-, as is well kjiown, and are thought to be
tlie fame with the ■r^rr/^m^wj', and by Ibme congciv'd to be the firft
Founders of Rome. We fee what a large fprcad the "Pelafgi had
over Greece-, which was divided after the Hellens began to appear,
into -^ 3TA« from hence they went into
Dryopis-, and thence into Teloponnefus-, and there had the name
Dorians i but before their coming hither, they had firft lecured
themfelvesof the//(?//(?«j lym^ between Theffaly and Teloponnefus,
and there they difpofleft the Telafgi in all the ^?r/V Region j who
were now forc'd to fubmit or to fly 5 they who fubmitted, asmoftof
them did, were incorporated into the Gr^-^^j, and became one People
with them, and fo by degrees loft that former Language which was
peculiar to thcmfelves and wholly diftinft ixovaxhcGreek Tongue.
That the Hellens did thus gradually come into Teloponnefus, is
evident from the names of People and Places common to Theffaly
and Teloponnefus; which came from hence, that tho' the Greeks
left the Cities behind them, yet they carried moft of the names
along with them. Thus the Achai-, lonians-, and (lyEolians-, and
Dorians in Teloponnefus came from thofe of the fame names in Thef-
faly i and fo likewife the names of thefe following Regions and Ci-
ties were common to both, ^sEllopia-, Efliaa-, Eretria-, zndOroposy
Graia-, Larijfa-, Tfophis-, Iton-, Oechalia-, and very many others.
Salmaftus feems to be of opinion, that the Telafgi never us'd any ^''^"'''f- i*
Language diftinft from the Hellens-, but befides that it is direftly 31/"'^
Bbb con-
588 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
contrary to the tcllimony o^ Herodotus-, the Arguments he pro-
duceth for it are very weak. The firfl: is becaufc the "Pelafgi that
\v'ent into Italy-, did ufe the Greek Tongue » from their caUing
ylnlla Care-i from ^rff. a word pronounc'd from one on the Walls; and
becaufe the Arcades us'd only the Greek Language in the not that the Habitations of the Sons of Koah
had their bounds and limits fet them cither by God or Noah-, but
rhatthcpoflcriryof 7^M^^ did chiefly addrefs thcmfelves to thofc
parts which lay towards Europe-, but yet not fo, as to cxcludcauy
of
/
Book III. chap. IV. ORIGINES SACRAL. 385?
of the Pofterity of Sewy if their neccflities for further room made
it neccflary for them to feek for Habitations further abroad. For
we can have no rcafon to think, that becaufe the chief of Sem's
Pofterity did live together, therefore none of them went further
off, which ncccfllty would put them upon becaufe of their great
increafe ; for we read of ^thaleg and others, that befides thofe in
direft Line to Abraham-, (whofe Genealogy it was Mofes his great Gen. n.
defign to recount) they begat many other Sons and Daughters, '^'^'"
which would make it neceflary for them, to fcek their Habitations
further abroad. And that 'Phaleg and Ragau did fo, we have the
exprefs teftimony of Epiphaniiis^ *«^iy "^ 'p*?*/ emu? M ti -f zi^umn xa.'- Epiph. dt
fTTtKeiya, 1% 5^ oi 0f«x£? ■)t'pvnm. That fvom tkc agc of Therah and thence acu. ^
forward Phaleg a7id Ragau diverted towards the clime of Europe-, ^'"'''""•
to part of Scythia, and were joyn'd with thofe Nations from which
the Thracians arofe. Several things make this not fo improbable
as fbme have imagin'd it to bcj for firft, it is the conftant acknow-
ledgment of all fober Inquirers into the Original of the Greeks-,
that Greece was firft peopled from Scythia-, and indeed aimoft all
the Nations in Europe have come out of that Country : befides
there is evidence of it, even in the Grecian Fables j for '^Prometheus
(from whom the Greeks d^riv'd themfelves) is fancy'd by them to
lie bound in Mount Caucafus-s which muft be fuppos'd to be the
Country from whence he came. Again, it is evident already that
the Hellens came not into Greece before it was peopled by the 'Te-
lafgi, and that thefe had difterent Language and Cuftoms from one
another; now then in all probability, altho' the Pofterity of £///d!
might come firft down from Scythia into thofe parts, and feat
themfelves in Macedonia and Thejfaly-, where they had in probabi-
lity more than room enough at firft, and a Country to their defire:
they might be willing to permit the Pofterity of Thaleg to pafs on
further j for in thofe firft Plantations we cannot otherwile con-
ceive, but that the laft comers muft be the fiirtheft goers ; unlefs
they had ftrength enough to drive the former Inhabitants out of
their Seats whereof they were already poftcfs'd, as the Scythians
did afterwards, and fo the Hellens -, So then the Pofterity o^ Tha-
leg being forced to quit their own Country becaufe of the multi-
tude of Inhabitants, muft be fuppofcd to take that courfe, where
in probability they might find an empty Seat fit for them to dwell
in -, thence they come towards Europe ; for they faw how the Po-
fterity of Sem did fpread it felf Eaftwards already, and Chajn
Southwards, and coming to part of that vaft Country o^ Scythia,
which was both already taken up, and not fo convenient an Habi-
tation for them, they draw downwards towards 7"/6r^«W, and there
thePofterityof 716ir/7J, from whom the Z/^r^f/^wj came, had already
poflTefled themfelves -, pafling further into Thefaly-, they find that
already planted by fome of the Pofterity of EUfa-, but as yet but
leant and thin of Inhabitants; therefore they difperfe themfelves
up and down through fome part of Epirus-, moft part of Ellas^
and fome pafs into Peloponnefiis-, where they fix themfelves chiefly
upon Arcadia-, and thence fpread up and down by degrees tqwards
the Sea-fide ; for we cannot but think that the Maritime parrs were
the laft peopled, partly for fear of another Deluge, partly for want
Bbb 2 of
35?o ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV.
of conveniency of Navigation, mofl: of their travels being by
Land-, and partly when Navigation grew more in ufe for fear of
Pirates, who drove a great Trade upon the Coafts of Greece in
elder times, as is mofl: evident from Thuycidides in the beginning
of his Hiftory. Thus we have a reafonable account given of the
Telafgi their firfl coming into Greece , and how by degrees the
Hellens came to poflefs their Country, and what a fair pretence
the Arcadians had to boaft of the grcatefl: Antiquity, their Coun-
try being probably firfl: peopled by the Telafgi of any part of the
whole Cherfonefe-, and the Seat of the Leader of the wiiolc Com-
pany whom they call Telafgns-, and the Scriptures Thaleg.
.^^- Having thus far clear'd the Antiquities of Greece as to the firft
Planters of it, whom we have cvidenc'd to have been the Telafgi^
and thefe deriv'd from Telegi it will be no great difficulty to re-
folve what Language they brought along with them, which muft
be fuppos'd to be the fame with that us'd in the Family from whence
'Peleg or Thaleg came, as to the fabfl:ance of it, altho' it might
admit as great variation of Dialed: from it as the Lbaldee or Sy-
riac doth. But this I will not only fuppofe, but ofler thefe pro-
babilities for the proof of it ; the firfl: is, the agreement of the an-
cient Greek Language with the Hebre'-Jj in many of its primitive
words-, and here we have a moll rational and probable account
given of it i which is, t\\Q Greeks mixing with tiic Telafgi-, and
both coming to be one People, they mufl: needs retain many of
the old words us'd by the Telafgi in their Greek Language j
which are evidently of an Eafl:ern extraction, the ground of which
cannot with fuch probability be fetch'd from Cadmus and the Thoe-
nicianst becaufe it is not fo eafy admiflion of a foreign Language
after the perfe£lion of their own, unlefs by long trail- of time, or
great numbers over-running the former People, neither of which
can be fo truly afiirm'd of Cadmus and his company-, for they
were foon driven out of Greece.^ he himfelf ending his days in llly-
ricmrh neither was their fpread fo large as that of thcTclafgi-, who
were before pofleflbrs of the Country -, and it is continually fcea
how impofllble it is for any Conquerors, as the Greeks were, to
bring their own Language fo into a place, where fome of the for-
mer People are fuffered to live, and not to retain many of their
old words among them, and fo make the Language mixt of both>
as it is in all Nations conquer'd by the Romans ; the Roman not
being purely fpoken by any, but corrupted with a mixture of the
former Language in ulc among them. The fccond Argument is
from the different Pronunciation and Diale£ls in ufe in the Greek
Language i of which no account fb likely can be giveni as the
mixture with different Languages. This is mofl: evident in the
jO(?r/f Dialed-, hx thcTiorians inhabiting probably where mofl:
of the Pelafgi had been, their Pronunciation and Dialccl comes
the ncarell to the Eailern of any of the Greeks : For in the Doric
Dialect the nA«r««(r(Ai<, or broad pronunciation-, is mofl taken notice
of: So he in Theocritus upbraids the ''DoriayiSt in •s5\«1««Vl^BaJ•/ «Tn»S;,
they fpcak every thing 'very broad; which anfwers to the pronun-
ciation of the Eaflern Languages-, bcfidcs, the l^oric Dialed de-
. lights much in adding a to\he end of words, which befidcs that
it is the cuflom ofFuiUr.n Tongues, cfpecially the Syriac, it doth
much
Book III. chap. IV. OR IG I NFS SACR/F.. 35,1
much widen the Pronunciation. The third Argument is from the
remainders of the Eaftern Tongues in thole places, efpccially where
the Telafgt had been. The Telafgi are much taken notice of for
their frequent removes and travclhng from one place to another j
which I fuppofe was chiefly after the Hellens had conquer'd the
Country where they dwelt, then they were forc'd to go feek bet-
ter Habitations abroad; thence Strabo calls the Nations o^ the strah i. ^.
T'elafgi mxu-a^^ctret (f ^x' "^ «*''©' «^"5 tV«*«fwW? ■- and elfewhere that they
were m».Maccab. Je-ji's and Lacedemonians : "ff J^ ci y^((>^ t^ ■n t -z-7m(%a-n~y ^ 'u^caut i-n
^4o((p.An- ""' "^'"P"'' "^ *" ^''"' "^ J*'*' 'A^e?«(*" which is explain'd by Jofephus thus ;
'■9- ..•x.«o7),l(^ ■ They had found m a boook that the Jews and Lacedx-
monians "iz'ere of the fame Jiock-, from their mutual relation to
hjf.de I- Abraham. Vojjius thinks the original of this was from thofe
dou.i.cij. ^^ j.j^^ pofterity of Armk, who came into Greece, and Peopled
Sparta-, and would feem to have been of the pofterity of Abra-
ham i or that they were partly of the Pofterity of Abraham
by Agar or Cetttrah-> and partly of the Canaanites , driven
out by Jopua: But how unlikely a thing is it (fuppofing Sparta
Peopled by the Canaanites, which yet is not evident) that they
fliould give out themfelves to be of that ftock which they had been
expell'd their Country by ^ And for the true pofterity of Abra-
ham coming thither, as we have no ground for it but the bare af-
fertion, fo we have this ftrong evidence againft it, that all that
came from Abraham were Circumcis'd, as the Ipmaelites, Haga-
rens, &c. which we never read of among the Lacedamonians. H.
Grotins differs not much from the opinion of Vofjins concerning
the ground of this kindred between the Jews and Spartans : For
in his Notes on that place '\n the Maccabees, where it is fpoken of,
he gives this account of it. The ''Dorians, of whom the Sparta-as
were a part, came from the T^elafgi -, the language o^ the 'Pelafgi
was different from that of the Greeks, as appears by Herodotus in
his Clio: iimv c! nt?,ait,dyn.. -n Ariftoph.
■xi®^ iinTti^iciy «]>• ^Wn^i^jixiv ((aitll thc SchoHaft) i. e. »n-n».av, lAjai'vovS /^^aTJ- ^^ ^ .'
ti'aovS 01 Gri^Kti 7» (ei'^r* y^ '.MtT^avif^oc iT}«> au-m. vi'^hereby It js plain that
Circumcifion was in ufe among the Thracians ; for thefe Odoman- \
tes were (faith the Scholiaftj a People of Thrace. ?>«« a aJris 'i*^/-
«f? «'«/• It feems it was a Tradition among them that they were
"Jews. If fo, it feems molt probable that they were fome of the ]
ten Tribes, who were plac'd about Cd?/r/^/>, and the adjacent places:
For Herodotus in Euterpe faith, that the Syrians that liv'd about
t\\e.K\\'CvsThermodoon znd'Tartheniusy learn'd Circumcifion from '
the Colchiy of whom he faith, mkvi)< Wvto» Ko'A;t^ 'AiyiAt >i, "ai«iW« -sx^- '
■AihvoD-nn «v i^;^5 m M^Ta. Only thc Colchi, and v^gyptians, and E- j
thiopians had originally the cuftom of Circumcifion. Or elfe the x
Odomantes might be fomeof thedifpers'dyfx'j-iny^r;>/?m/^, where ;
Strabo mentions a Region call'd Odomantis, and fo they retain'd Sf'*i>ol-\u
the name of the place from whence they came, after their removal I
into Thrace. But whatever thefe Odomantes were, they were far \
enough from the Spartans-, who never were thus fufpedted of Jti- 1
daifnii nor laught at for Circumcifion. So that this opinion of
Grotius on that account feems not very probable. Bochartus-, who Bochart.de \
hath been fo happy in many other Conjedures, yet here gives out, f^"^"' ^"'^ ;
unlefs it may depend upon the Teflimony of Claudius lolaus in ' " ' ° ]
Stephantis Bizantius, who fabuloufly derives the Jews from one I
Jud£us Sparten^ who went from Thebes along wjth Bacchus into '
the Wars-, which Sparton they might confound with another iS/'^zr-
ton-i the Son of Vhonorens-, the Founder of Sparta i which yet is
rejected as a Fable by Taufanias in Laconicis. Surely the Lace-
demonians were very ambitious of Kindred with the Jews, that
would claim it upon fuch grounds as theie, efpeciallyatfuchatime \
when the People of the Jews were under diftrefs, and their Kind-
red might be like to cofl: them fo dear > and if they had never fuch
a mind to have claim'd Kindred with the Jews-, they would cer-
tainly have done it upon a more plaufible Teftimony than the Fa- i
h\tof oneClaudius lolaus-, that had neither Senfc nor Reafon in it j
and yet fuppofing his Fable true, it had been nothing to the pur-
pofe, without the linking another Fable to it, which was fo grofs,
that even the Greeks themfelves were afliam'd of it, who were al-
ways the moft daring Forgers of Fables in the World. But let us
fee further what the Divine (as fome have lov'd to call him) Jof. scdig. Ca. j
Scaliger faith to it: All that he faith, is only a wonder or two at f"' j^""^' |
it: ^uid magis mirum quam Lacedemonios ab Abraham progna- 1
tos effcy &CC. and a refutation of an abfurd opinion, that Oebalus |
the ;
35?4 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. IV-
the Father of Tyndareus-, and Grandfather ofC/ij/or, •Foliux, and
Helena:, was the fame with Ebal-, mencion'd Gen. lo. 28. which
there can be no reafon for, fincc Ebal was the Son of Joktan, and
ib of another Race from Abraham -, and Joktans Sons were plac'd
Eaftward, but chiefly Oebalus was within an hundred years before
the dcftrudion of Troy -, but Thaleg Unkle to Ebal-, died 664. years
before Oebalus in A. M. 1993. Thus far then we cannot find any
plaufiblc account of this claim of Kindred : but tho' it be anend-
lefs task to make good all the claims of Kindred in the World,
efpecially to Peribns of Power and Authority, yet there being no
vifiblc intercft or defign which the Spartans could have in fuch a
claim, efpecially at that time with a Nation generally hated and
maligned by Heathen Idolaters, we cannot fuppofe but there mufl:
-be fome at leafr plaufible ground for fuch a pcrfuafion among them.
What if we fliould conjedture that the Spartans might find m the
Greek Verfion of the 'Pentateuch', which was much fpread abroad
at that time among the Sons of IJhmael, one whofc name makes
the nearelt approach to their Cadmus-, from whom they fuppofe
thcmfelves deriv'd-, for the youngeft of IJhmael's Sons was call'd
Kedemah-, Gen. 25". if. which the Syriac renders Kedem-, the very
name of Cadmus in the Eafliern Tongues. But this being a light
conjeflure, I pafs it by, and return to the fubjedofourdifcourfe,
which gives a plaufible account of the ground of this Kindred.
We have already fliew'd that the Telafgi were the firft who Peo-
pled Greece-, C"*™ W» 'E».d^» -mim^ t'^^'Aajj, isStrabo's expreflion of that
Nation, that it fpread over all Greece-,^ and withal it appears that
. 'the chief Seat of the Telafgi was in Arcadia-, to which next ad-
joyns Laconia -, and therefore in all probability was Peopled by
them ; and bcfides, the 'Dorians fprang from the Telafgi^ and the
Spartans were a part of the Dorians-, as appears already out of
Grotius ; fo that what Kindred theTelaJgi had, was deriv'd down
to the Spartans } and we have manifefted that thefe Telafgi were
Gen.11.17, i'vomThaleg-, and the Scripture tells us that Thaleg was the Son of
*^" £^f r,from whom Abraham came in a diredt and lincalfucccnion. And
thus the Je-ji's coming from Abraham and the Spartans by the Telafgi
from Thaleg, they both came out of the fame flrock : For fo Jofephus
expreffcth it, notth^itxhe Lacedemonians came from Abraham, but
that the Jcji's and they were both «l »«« j^'"?. out of the fa?ne Jhcky
and both had relation to Abraham-, the Je-jvs as cominginadireft
line, the Spartans as deriving from Thaleg-, from whom Abraham
came. And thus much may now fuffice to clear the firft Plantation
of Greece-, and to fiiew how confonant it is to facred Scripture -,
which I have taken the more pains in, becaufe of the fcrviceablenefs of
this diicoUrfe to that end, and to fiicw what u(c may be made of ths
kind of Learning, for vindicating the honor of the Sacred Scriptures.
7 lie only thing remaining as to the origin of Nations, is the
Peopling of that vaft Continent o^ America,\\h.\c\\ I cannot think wc
have yet fufficicnt information, either concerning the pafi'agcs thi-
ther, efpecially Eaft and North, or concerning any Records the /»-
ditws have among themfelves abfolutely to detcrmin any thing in it.
Ft iecms moft probable that the feveral parts of it were Peopled at
fcvcral times, and from feveral parts, cipccially North and Eaft ■■,
but to go about abfolutely todctermin from what Nation, in what
Age.
Book III. chap. V. ORIGINES SACR/E. 3^^
Age, by what means they wcfe firll Peopled, were a piece of as
great confidence as ignorance, till wc have more certain difco-
veries of it. I chuie therefore rather to refer the Reader to the v.am.
bandyings of this Controverfy in the many Writers about -[feiHor
it, than to undertake any thing as to the decifion of it. On- deori^.
ly in the general it appears from the remaining Tradition ^'"'■^^
of the Flood, and many Rites and Culloms us'd among them, v. M^nlfe
that they had the fame original with us, and that there can be no ^c"- ^frael.
Argument brought againft it from themfelves, fince fome Authors ^'d-^Zl
tell us, that the eldelt Accounts and Memoirs they have, do not deiirad.
exceed 800 years backward-, and therefore their Teftimony can be ^'""'"■'"'•
of no validity in a matter of fo great Antiquity, as the origin of
Nations is.
CHAP. V.
Of the Origin of the Heathen Mythology.
I. 7hat there luere fome remainders of the ancient Hiflory of the
World frefer'v d in the fe^veral Nations after the difperfon.
II. Honv it came to he corrupted : hy decay of Knoivledg, in-
creafe of Idolatry, confufion of Languages. III. An inqui-
ry into the caufe of that. Difficulties againjl the common 0-
pinion that languages ivere confounded at Babel. IV. Ihofe
difficulties clear d. V. Of the fahuloufnefs of Poets. The
particidar 'ways loherehy the Heathen Mythology arofe. At-
tributing the general Hijlory of the World to their oiun Na-
tion. The corruption of Hebraifins. Alteration of names.
Ambiguity of fenfe in the Oriental layiguages. VI. Attribut-
ing the aUions of many to one perfon, as in Jupiter, Bacchus,
d^c. VII. The remainders of Scripture -hiflory among the
Heathens. The names of God, Chaos, formation of Mana-
mong the Phoenicians. Of Adam among the Germans^ J^-
gyptians, Cilicians. Adam under Saturn. Cain amongthe
Phoenicians. Tubal-Cain and Tubal under Vulcan and A-
pollo. Naamah under Minerva. VIII. Noah under Sa-
turn, Janus, Prometheus and Bacchus. IX. Noah'x three
Sons under Jupiter, Neptune arid Pluto. Canaan under
Mercury, Nimrod under Bacchus, Magog under Prome-
theus. Of Abraham and Ifaac amorig the Phoenicians. X.
JacobV feruice under Apollo'j. The (^oUTvT^ict from Bethel.
Jofeph under Apis. Moles under Bacchus, [ofhua under
Hercules. Balaam under the old Silenus,
Ccc THE
3P6 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book ill. Chap. V.
!• ^m ^HE main particulars contain'd in the Scriptures concerning
J[ the Hillory of ancient Times being thus flir clear'd, there
remains only that Evidence which there is of the truth or theHi-
llorical part of thofe elded: times, in thofe foot-ftecps of it which
arc contain'd in the Heathen Mythology. For we cannot conceive,
that fmce we have manifefted that all Mankind did come from the
Pofterity of Noah-, that all thofe pailages which concern'd the Hi-
ftory of the World, fliould be prefently obliterated and cxtinguifli-
ed among them, but fome kind of Tradition would be preferv'd,
altho' by degrees it would be fo much alter'd for want of certain
Records to preferve it in, that it would be a hard matter to difco-
ver its original, without an exa£l: comparing it with the true Hiflo-
ryit felf from whence it was firft taken. Foritfar'd with this Tra-
dition of the firft Ages of the World, as with a Perfon vvho hath a
long time travell'd in Foreign Parts, who by the variety of Climes
and Countries may be fo far alter'd from what he was, that his
own Relations may not know him upon his return, but only by
fome certain marks which he hath in his Body, by which they arc
aflur'd, that however his Complexion and Vifage may be alter'd,
yet the Perfon is the ilmie ftill. Thus it was in this original Tra-
dition of the World ; thro' its continual pailing from one Age to
another, and the various humors, tempers, and defigns of Men, it
receiv'd ftranj^c difsuifes and alterations as to its outward favor and
complexion -, but yet there are fome fuch certain marks remaining
on it, by which we find out its true original. Two things then
will be the main fubje^l: of our inquiry here. i. By i^.'hat means
the original Tradition came to be alter'd and corrupted. 2. By
'what 7fiarks we may difcern its true original-, or what Evidences
we have of the remainders of Scripture-hillory in the Heathen
Mythology.
II. I. Concerning the means whereby the Tradition by degrees
came to be corrupted. There may be fome more general, and o-
thers more particular. The general caufes of it were;
i. The gradual decay of Knowlcdg and incrcafc of Barbarifai
in the World •, occafion'd by the want of certain Records to pre-
£»5* f.f.i. fcrve i\\Q: ancient Hiftory of the World in : Which we at large dif-
'"■"'■ cours'd of in our entrance on this fubje^f. Now in the decay of
Knowledg, there muft needs follow a fudden and ftrange alterati-
on of the memory of former times, which hath then nothing to
preferve it, but the moll uncertain report of Fame, which alters
and difguifeth things according to the humors, and inclinations,
and judgments of thofe whofe hands it paflcth thro'.
2. The gradual incrcafc of Idolatry in the World: which began
foon after the difpcrlion of Nations, and in whofe Age, we can-
nf)t at fo great a dillance and in fo great obfcurity prccifcly deter-
min-, but as foon as Idolatry came in, all theancientTradition was
made iubfervient in order to that end; and thofe PcrLbns whofe
memories were preicrv'd in fcveral Nations, by degrees came to be
worOiippcd under diverfities of names; and fuch things were an-
nexed to the former Traditions as would tend moft to advance the
greateil Supcrftition in the World.
3. The
Book III. Cliap. V. ORIGINES SACRJE. 55,7
3. The ConFulion oF Langiuigcs at Babel-, was one great reafuu
of corrupting the ancient 1 radition of the World. For in fo
great variety Tas fiiddenly happcn'd) of Languages in the World,
It cannot be conceiv'd but luch things which might beprelcrv'din
Tome uniform manner, had all Nations us'd the Hime language,
would thro' the divcrfity of Idioins and Properties of leveral
Tongues be ftrangely alter'd and dilguis'd, as will appear afterwards.
This alteration of Languages in the World upon the confulion of
Tongues at Babel-, brought as great a confufion into the original
Tradition, as it did among thofe who were the Defigncrs of that
work.
And becaufe this fubjeft of the original and caufe of this diver- m.
iity of Languages among Men, doth both tend to explain thepre-
fent fubjedl, and to clear the truth of Scripture-hiflory, I fliall a
little further inquire into it. Chiefly on this account, becaufe it is
pretended that luch a confufion is needlefs which is deliver'd in
Scripture, for the producing fuch diverfities of Languages, which
would arife thro' mere length of time, and the varieties of Climes
and Cuftoms in the World. But if we only fpeak concerning the v.Mcr.
lenfe of Mofes about it, the inquiry is of greater difficulty than at J^-^","^" .
lirll view it feems to be. For it is pretended that Mofes nowhere p. 3. '^""
fpeaks of a diverfity of Languages, as we undcrfland it, but only
of a confufion of their Speech who were at Babel-, which might
well be, altho' they all us'd the lame Language ■■, that is, there might
be a confufion rais'd in their Minds, that they could not under-
11 and one another-, their notions of things being difturb'd, fothat
tho' they heard one word, they had different apprehenfions of it ;
fome thinking it fignify'd one thing' and feme another: as Julius scal.Exer-
Scaliger tells us that the Je-ji's he had convers'd with, did not un- "J-j^^ ^<"'-
derftand by it a multiplication of Tongues i but only by that con- y-Xi.*^''
fufion their former notions of things by the fame words were al-
ter'd. As if one call'd for "13N a Stone, one by that word under-
Itands Lime, another Water, another Sand, &c. this muft needs
produce a Urange confulion among them, and enough to make
them defift from their work. But luppofing no fuch divillou of
Languages there, yet after their difperlion, which might becaus'd
by the former confufion, by the difl'erent Laws, Rites, and Cuftoms,
Commerce, and Trading, and rraft of Time, there would have ri-
len a divifion of their feveral Tongues. But if there were fuch a
divifion of Tongues miraculoufly caus'd there (that as it is com-
monly faid, all thofe who were of the fimc language, went toge-
ther in their feveral companies) whence comes it to pafs, that in
their difperfion we read of feveral Families difperfed, which ufed
the fame language after their difperfion j as all the Sons Oi Canaan
mentioned, Gen. 10. if, 16, 17, 18. ufed the Canaanitifi Tongue:
in Greece^ Javan and Eli fa had the fame language. Li ciyEgypt-,
Miff aim and Tathrujim-, in Arabia the Sons of Joktan and Chus -,
in Chaldaa Aram and Uz, the Inhabitants of Syria-, Majh of Me-
fopotamia-, Nimrod o^ Babylon-, Ajfur of AJfyria: whence conies it
to pafs if their leveral Tongues were the caufe of their difperfion,
that thefe feveral Heads of Families ffiould ufe the fame Tongue?
Another reafon againft the common opinion, is this, which fcems
to have a great deal of force in it. If Tongues were divided at
Ccc 2 Babei
>
55>8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. V.
BaM as it is imagin'd ; whence was it, that the nearer any ISTation
lay to thole who had the primitive language the Hebren-^ they
did participate more oF that Tongue than thoie who were more re-
mote, as is plain in the Chaldeans-, Canaatiites-, Gr^^yfej, and others ?
Whereas if their language were divided at Bahcl, they would
have retani'd their own languages as well as others. This very ar-
cafaub. gument prcvail'd fo far with the learned If. Cafaiiboni as appears
Dintrib.de by his Adverfarta on thisfubjeft (publifli'd by the learned Dodor's
f",^'^,g_ Son) as to make him leave the common opinion, and to conclude
the feveral Tongues to be only fome variations from the Hebrexjv
but yet fo as many new words were invented too. Hence he ob-
ferves that the AJiatic Greeks came nearer to the Hebrcji; than the
p. 47- European. And if this opinion hold true, it is the beft foundation
for deriving other languages from the i/^Z-r^x' ; a thing attempted by
the fame learned Perfon, as you may {ee in the Book fore-cited,
and endeavor'd by Giiichardns-, Avenariiis and others. Thus we
fee there is no agreement in Mens minds concerning the divilion
of Tongues at Babel.
^^- But having iet down this Opinion with its Reafons, I ihall not
fo leave the receiv'd Opinion, but fhali firll fee what may be laid
for that, and leave the judgment concerning the probability of ei-
ther to the underflanding Reader. And it feems to be grounded
on thefc Reafons. i. That had it been left to Mens own choice,
there cannot be a fufficient reafon allign'd of languages in the
World. For there being one language originally in the World,
whereby Men did reprefent their conceptions to one another j we
cannot imagin that Men Ihould of thcmlelvesintroducefo great an
alteration , as whereby to take off that neceflary focicty and
converfe with each other , which even Nature it felf did
cahm. pyj ^Iqw upon. Hencc Calvin and others conclude that pro-
Gm.ii.i,dtgn loco habenda ejt Imgtiarum diverjitasi becaule there having
*• been that freedom of converfe among Men, it is not to befuppof-
cd they fliould of themfelves cut it off to their mutual diladvan-
tage. But to this it is faid, That the long tra£i of time and diver-
fity of Citflorns might alter the language. I grant it much, but not
wholly 5 and they would only therein differ in their languages,
wherein their Cuftoras differ'd : fo that, there would remain Itill
fuch an agreement as whereby they might underlland each other j
which it will be hard to find in many of the eldelt languages. As
for the length of time, tho' that doth alter much in reference to
Words and Phrafes, in which that of Horace holds true, Malta
renafcentiir qua jam cccidere-, crc. yet it will be more difficult to
find where mere length of time hath brought a whole language
out of ufc, and another in the room of it. But that which 1 think,
delerves well to be confidcr'd, is this, that the greateft alteration
of languages in the World hath rilcn from Colonies of Nations
that us'd another language ^ and fo by the mixture of both toge-
ther the language might be mucii alter'd : as the Hebreiv by the
Chaldccs in Babylon: the Spanifh-, Italian and othcis by the Lati7h
Enenvood \xs Breerzjood flicws, our own by the Normans and others. So
iiKjuinw x\vxx. were there not a diverfity of languages fuppos'd, this inter-
fering of People would bring no conliderable alteration along with
it, no more than a Colony from Nes^-Eyigland would alter our
Ian(;uaci,L
Book III. chap. V. RIG INKS SACIiyF.. ^cj.j
language here. And as lor another caiife aHign'd of the change of
languages, the difference of Climates, which Bodin gives as the ^'"''" ^^"
rcalbn why the JV«?r?^/^r« People ufc Confonants and Afpiratcs fo'.'p.' ^'^'
much, efpecialiy tht Saxons-, and thole that live by thcBa/tic Sea
who pronounce thus, Ter thenm fernm pibimus pejium fimim. And
io R. T>. Kimchi obferves of the Ephnumites, Judg. 126. that it
was the Air that was the caufe of their lifping, and calling it Sib- Mayer.
bolethi as he there obferves the ]\4en of Sarphath-, that is, the chMai/m
French, that they could not pronounce Schin, but pronounc'd it c- 1-
like Thau Raphe. But by thefe examples we fee that this would
caule only an alteration as to fomc Letters and Syllables, and ra-
ther as to the pronunciation, than any variety of the language.
So that we fee that, fetting afide theconfufion of languages at i?'t. is cafily prov'd from the dividing Father and Children, vv'hofe Fa-
T7f. ' '' i^'^ilies could not certainly be without them: and fome fuppos'd to
BuxtJiatr. bc uubom then, as Joktari's 13 Children-, efpecially if we fliy, as
^ibid\a ^^"y^O' ^h^t the confufion was at the birth of "Pkaleg-, zndjok-
68. tan was his younger Brother, as the Je\z's generally do. To the
laft objeftion it may bc reply'd, that the agreement of languages
in fome radical words doth not infer the derivation of the one
from the other, as is plain in the Terfian and Germaih in which
ijff.cent. learned Men have oblcrv'd fo many words alike. And fo by Buf-
Bu7beTep ^^^//^'/J of the Inhabitants about T/jj/zrir Cherfdnefe -, andfoinmofl:
14. of our modern tongues there may be fome words alike without a-
ny fuch dependence or derivation. Again, tho' it bc granted that
the languages of them who were zi Babel \jcxt confounded, yet it
Mayer, is not neccflary we fliould fay that all Noah's pofterity were there. It is
pWo/.^cr. thought by fome that they were chiefly Cham and his company-,
if fo, then Sem and his Pofterity might retain the language they
had before, only with fome variations. But this is very uncertain,
I unlefs we take it for Heber -xnA'Phakg-, from whofe vicinity other
bordering Nations might make ulc of many of their primitive
words : and for the Greeks^ it will be granted that many of their
words, efpecially the old ^cor/f, had affinity with the Hebreisj;
but It was from the Telafgi at firft, and Cadmus the 'Phoenician af-
terwards: the old Crt';^^rf!y//Y//7? language, being if not the ^uxcHe-
bre\ji!i yet a dialed of that tongue, as is prov'd by many learned
Men. But however thefe things bc, it is not neceflary to fay that
all Mother tongues fo call'd, were then exiftent at that confufion:
but the prelent curfe did divide their languages who were there,
and that all divifion of languages fince, is to be look'd upon as the
cfleft of that curfe.
It being thus manifeftcd what a ftrange confufion of languages
was caus'd in the World, we may thereby ealily underftand how
the ancient Tradition came to bc corrupted and altcr'd in the World.
^- Another reafon of the alteration of the ancient Traditions, was
4- the fabuloufnels of the Poets: for thefe made it their delign to
difguilc all their ancient Stories under Fables, in which they were
lb loft, that they could never recover thcni afterwards. For the
ckkr Poets of Greece being Men of greater learning than general-
ly the People were of, and being converfanr in r_,Jig)'pt and other
parts, did bring in new reports of the ancient times which they
rcceiv'J from the Nations they went tOj and by mixing their own
Traditions and others together, and by futing what was remaining
ot the ancient Tradition to thefe, they mud needs make a Itrange
eonfulion of things together, and leave them much more obfciirc
and
Book III. chap. V. ORIGINES SACR/E. 401
and Fabulous than they found them. And hercui all their cunnin and thence Saturn who was the fame with Noah
(as will appear afterwards) is made by Mythologijts the husband of
RheUi which was the fame with the Z^-^r^^^. So the Gyants making
war againft Heaven, was only a Poetical adumbration of the de-
fign at the building of Babels whofe top in the Scripture is faid to
Cen.11.4. reach D'^ti^a, which m the Hebre'-^ ii2,m(ies only a great height ;
but to aggrandize the Story, was taken in the literal Interpreta-
tion, that they attempted Heaven. So when they are faid to fight
againft the Gods, Bochartus thinks it might be taken from that
phrafe oi Nimrod, thzthe was zmighty huntery I f^* '32^ before the
Lord we render it,but it fometimes iignifies againft the Lord. So w liat
Ai-i-ufeb. Abydenus laith the -Gyants, that they were ^ -^ 7^', «w^.i.t7?, thofe
vrtf. '£v. fjrf'^f (.^^fig gjif qJ- fije earth , is fuppos'd to be taken from that
■ ^' phralc. Gen. 10. 11. 5^"^'' \'\iVJc. lacAfso t aU, faith Herodotus -, him whom
the Greeks call ZfW, the <:_yEgyptians call Cham. So Japheth, whofe
memory was prcferv'd under Neptune^ to whofe portion the Illands
in the Sea fell, was called by the Greeks nc^rcfCri?^/^, they mud needs
fwell his Story up with abundance or Fables. Voffius hath taken a i
great deal of pains to digeft in an Hiftorical manner the Stories of i
the feveral Jupiters, whereof he reckons two Argives, a third the ',
Father of Hercules, a fourth a King of Fhrygia, and two more of
Greet i to one of which, without any Diftindtion, the Actions of
all the reft were alcribed, and who was wordiipped under the name !
of Jupiter. And fo befides the ancient Neptune, who was the
fame with Japhet, they fometimes underftood any Infular Prince, '
or one that had great power at Sea •, but befides thefe, there were J
two Famous Neptunes among the Greeks, the one of Athens, the 1
other the Builder of the Walls of Troy : Now the Stories of all
thefe being mixed together, muft needs make a ftrange confufion. ,
So for Mars, befides that ancient one they had by the Oriental j
Tradition, they had a Spartan, Thracian, and Arcadian Mars. *cicer9i. -
What abundance of Mercuries are we told of by * Tully ? and of joeor. " * \
Ddd no j
404
GRIG IKES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. V
Stefh. V.
V.Scaliger.
Not. in
Trag.Grac,
Selden.de
mis Syr.
Sorhart.
Cana. I. 2.
c. i.
VoJf.de Ido-
loUt. I. I.
c*p. 38.
'ftuit. de
moribus
Cerman.
no left than five Minervas? Every angry, fcornt'ul, jealous Queen
would fill up the Fables of Juno, who was equally claini'd by the
Argives and Samians. What contcfls were there between the Grff'/^j
and c_/Egyptia7is^ concerning the Country of Bacchus, or Liber
'Pater, whofe Story was made up of many patches of the Orien-
tal Srory, as will appear afterwards. The fame may be faid of
Hercules. Now what a ftrange way was this to increafe the num-
ber of Fables? when they had one whofe memory was anciently
preferved among them, they attributed the Aftions of all fuch to
him, who came near him in that which his Memory was mofl: ix-
markable for : And in thofe things which they did retain of the
Eaftern Tradition, it was an ufual thing to confound Perfons,
Places and Aftions together. So the Story of Enoch and Methu-
Jelah is joyned together by Stephanus de Urbibus, under the Name
of "Ay»«w. who is there faid to live above 300 years (which agrees
wi^h Enoch as the Name doth) and that at his death the World
fhould be deftroy'd by a Flood; which agrees with iWi?//^///^/^/-'. So
Abraham by Orpheus is called huvc^^n, which belongs to Ifaac his
Son; fo the Actions oi Nimrod, Ninus and Cham, are confounded
together in their Mythology. By thefe feveral ways now v/e under-
ftand how the Original Tradition was by degrees corrupted and
altered in the Heathen Mythology.
I come now to the footfteps of Scripture-hiilory, which noc-
withftanding thefe corruptions, may be difcern'd m the Heathen
Mythology, which I fliall methodically inquire after according to
the ieries of Scripture-hiftory. That the Names given to God
in Scripture were preferv'd among the 'Phoenicians, appears fuffi-
ciently by the remainders of the Phoenician Theology , tranflatcd
by Philo Byblius out of Sanchoniathon -, wherein we read of the
God '\iu, which hath the fame Letters with mrr, belldcs which
there we meet with 'i.>.io*'> the fame with P'^V, The moft High^^nd
"iA@-, which is ^^ The Jirong God; Beelfaman, which is, y^^ Hya
The God of Heaven: and 'EAa.£.>, the very Name of God us'd in
the beginning oiGenefis fo gften. Befides in thofe Fragments wc
have exprefs mention of the Chaos, and the Evening following it,
or the T)arknefs on the face of the T)eep -, the Creation of Angels
imder the z»?>atr^/*;., CD' J^BTlSiV thofe Beings which contemplate, the
Heavens: and the Creation of Mankind, '£■>■■ 3^x»;^:r» «■..«.», i. e. ^'?
n» 'D, laith Bochartus, The voice of the mouth of God, which is
by G od's Word and Infpiration, when it is exprefs'd that God
faid. Let us make Man, and that he breathed into him the breath
of life. After we read of r/i'®- and «utoV*», which properly agree to
Adam, who was made out of the Earth. Voffius conceives that
the memory of Adam was prcfcrv'd among the old Germans, of
whom Tacitus fpeaks. Celebrant antiquis carmmtbus Tujjlonem
'Deum terra edittim, e^ f ilium Mannmn, originem gent is, condito-
refque. Either by Tuijlo Ada^n is undcrftood, who was form'd of
the Earth, and by Mannus-> Noah: or by Tuiflo God may be un-
dcrfiood, and by Mannus, Adam-, to which conjefture may be
added further that the fame Author reports that fomc of the Ger-
mans facrificed to Ifis, which Voffius likewife conceives to be a re-
mainder of the Hebre-ji) Ifcha. And (b among the c^Egyptians it
IS with like probability concciv'd that Adam and Ifcha were pre-
ferv'd
Book III. chap. V. O RIG INKS SACR/E. 405 ■
ferv'd under OJiris and Ifts-, as they were lulrorically taken. In 1
Cilicia-, the City Adana is thought to hare fome remainder of the
Name of A.dam-y for the Greeks had no termination in Mi there-
fore for Adam they pronounced it Adan-, and that from 'aJU.«?. and \
fo the City Adana: Now that 'k^^^I',, by Stephantis de Urbibus, is
laid to be the Son of Heaven, and Earth. "En /i « 'A(yc.; Tmr?. stephan.v.
This AdamiSi he tells us, was otherwife called Ke^i.(^, or Saturn^ '
under whom the Greeks prcferv'd the memory o^ Adam-, for '£)/' 'Us, xx^n^dbl,, d^u*, to find find out firft the way of
building Houfes. That Tubal-Cain gave firft occafion to the Name
and Worfliip ofVulcan-, hath been very probably conceiv'd, both . i
from the very great aflinity of the Names, and that Tubal-Cain is \
exprefly mention'd to be an InftruBer of every Artificer in brafs and Gen,4.22. ^
iron i and as near relation as Apollo had to Vidcan-, Jubal had to \
Tubal-Cain^ who was the Invent er of Mufic-, or the Father of all ^,.^\, <
fuch as handle the Harp and Organ ; which the Greeks attribute to
Apollo. And if that be true which Genebrard and others afcribc
to Naamaht the Sifter of Jubal and Tubal-Cain-, viz. that ftie was
the Inventer of Spinning and Weaving, then may flie come in for
Minerva. Thus we fee there were fome, tho* but oblcure foot-
fteps prelerved, even of that part of Scripture- hiftory which pre-
ceeded the Flood.
The memory of the Deluge it felf we have already found to be viii.
preferved in the Heathen Mythology -, we come therefore to Noah
and his Pofterity. Nany parcels of Noah's memory was preferved
in the fcattered fragments of many Fables, under Saturn^ Janus-,
Trometheus-, and Bacchus. Bochartus infifts on no fewer tlian 14 ^"^han.
Parallels between Noah and the Heathen Saturn^ which he faith ^ "' ■"''*
are fo plain, that there is no doubt but under Saturn^ Noah was
underftood in the Heathen Mythology. Sattirn was faid to be the
common Parent of Mankind , fo was Noah i Saturn was a juft
King, Noah not only righteous himfelf, but a preacher of Righ-
teoulhefs -, The Golden Age of Saturn was between Noah and the
difperfion of Nations. In Noah's time all Mankind had but one
Language, which the Heathens extend under Saturn-, both to Men
and Beafts: The Plantation of Vines attributed to Saturn by tl*
Heathcnsj as to Noah by the Scriptures: The Law of J'^z/^wm men-
Ddd 2 tioncd
^o6 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. V.
tioned by the Poets, that none fliould fee the nakcdncls of the
Gods without punifliment, feems to refpe£c the Fact and Curie of
Chaf/ii in reference to Noah. Saturn and Rhea-, and thofe with
them are faid to be born of Thetis-, or the Ocean, which plainly
alludes to Noah and his companies efcaping the Flood > thence a
Ship was the fymbol of Saturn i and that Saturn devoured all his
Children, feems to be'nothing elfe but the DefliuStion of the old
World by Noah's Flood. And not only under Saturn-, but under
Trometheus too, was Noah's memory prefervcd. \Diodorus fpeaks
DhJ.i.i. of the great Flood under Trometheus -, and Trometheus implies
one that hath Forecaft and Wifdom, fuch as Noah had, whereby
he foretold the Flood, and was faved in it, when others were £/>;-
metheus'sy that had not Wit to prevent their own deftruftion.
And no wonder if Trometheus were Noah-, that the forming Man-
kind was attributed to him, when the World was peopled from
him. Herodotus his faying that .Afia was Trometheus his Wife.,
might relate to the Country Noah lived in, and our propagation
from thence. Another part o^ Noah's memory was preferved un-
der Janus ; the Name oi Janus is mofl probably derived from {"•',
becaufe of Noah's planting a Vine, and Janus was called Confi-
V. Mayer, viusy {iith. Macrobius-, a conferendo-, hoc ejt-, a prof agine generis hu-
Hiloifacr. jfjani, qu£ Jano autore confcritur ; now to whom can this be fo
*• '• ^ properly apply'd as to Noah, from whom Mankind was propa-
gated .'' and Janus his being bifrons or looking -s^o^u rj,^ i-xiasu, for-
'ward and backvaardi is not fo fit an Emblem 6f any thing as of
Noah's feeing thofe two Ages before and after the Flood. And
it is further obfervable which Tlutarch fpeaks of in his Roman
§lueftionSi that the ancient Coins had on one fide the Image of
Janus with his two Faces, on the other •=*«'8 «j?i/>»«i' « «tj%v (V-f^ej'P
^Lj> the fore or hinder part of the Jhip, by which the memory of
the Ark of Noah feems to have been preferv'd. Thus we fee what
Analogy there is in the Story of Janus to that of Noah : not that
I give credit to thofe fooleries which tell us of iW^Z/'s coming from
TaUJiine with his Son Japhet into Italy-, and planting Colonies
there, for which we are beholding to the fpurious Ethrufcan An-
tiquities •, but all that I aflert is, that the Story of Noah might be
preferv'd in the eldeft Colonies, tho' difguifea under other Names,
as here in the cafe of Janus. And on the fame account that the
Name of Janus is attributed to Noah, fome likewife believe him
to have been the moft ancient Bacchus-, who was according to 2)/mAK, thc firjt planter of Vines and inflru£ier of Men
m making Wines: and befides j^^fr^wj his being twice born, feems
only an adumbration of iV and Magog and
Prometheus together. The Name of Bacchus is but a light varia-
tion of ^1^ "^^5 Bar-chust as Nimrod was the Son of Chus, and
Bacchus is called Nebrodes by the Greeks-, which is the very Name
of Nimrod among them, and Bacchus is called z^y^.i,?, which ex-
cellently interprets Nimrod's being a mighty hunter. Bacchus his
Expeditions into India were the attempts of Nimrod and the A/Jy-
rian Emperors. On which account VoJJius makes Nimrod or Be- ^'"Jliti zt\xxniji'homtheV\\c£n\c\znscall\ir7[.e\-, '•juhen
he reigned in thofe parts andhadanonlyfoncalled]to\xdy of a Nymph v-scaUgir.
called Anobret, being under fome great calamity:, did facrifice that ^^f/'*^'
fon of his-, being clothed '■juith a royal habit. Here we have a Royal
Perfon called 7/rd!^/j and that Abraham fhould be accounted a King
in thofe elder times, is nothing ftrange, confidering his wealth, and
-what petty Royalties there were in thofe times. But Grotius-, and Gr«. /«
from him l^ojjius-, do not think that Abraham was here called If- ^^"^^''^^'
raeli but that the Tranfcriber of Eufebius meeting with S^. fup- voffms ie
pofed it to be a contraftion of 'ir^s^A, and fo writ at length : it ^''"g'- '•
muft be acknowledg'd that Ta is ufed in the Phoenician Theology for
Saturn-, but yet the circumrtanccs of the Story make the ordinary
reading not improbable.-, neither is it {\:rzngei that Abraham (hould
be called by the name of the People which he was the Progenitor
of That Ifaac fhould be meant by his only Son called Jeoud is
moft likely-, for when God bids y^/'j'/?/;^^ go facrifice him, he faith.
Take thy fon-, ""^S thy only fon ; Jehid is the fame with the Ph(Eni- Gen.ii. t.
cian Jeoud. That Sara is meant by Anobret-, the original of the Name
implies, which is as Bochartus derives it r~ii3ij? fn, Annoberet, that BochAu.dt
is , ex gratia concipitns , which the Apoftle explains , Through ^^'^*^'«'''
faith Sara her f elf received ftrength to conceive feed. Now all the Hei>,ii.W.
difference is, that which was only defigned and intended by Abra-
Ddd 3 hami
4o8 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. V.
haffi, was bclicv'd by the Thocnicians as really done, that it might
be as a precedent to them for their '^••'if-i^iviA^, facrific'mgo'i Wtn-^-x
thing fo much in ufe among tne -PhcemciatiSi and all the Colonies de-
rived from them, as many Learned Men have at large fliew'd. But
befides this, there are particular teftimonies concerning Abraham-,
his age, wildom and knowledg, his coming out of Chaldaa-, and
^^ r^ ,, the Propagation of Knowledg from him among the Chaldaansy
Anf^.i'i. Thccnicians-, and (lyFgyptians-, are extant out of Beroftts, Enpole-
'■ 7- mns, and others in * Jofephus and Eufebius-, and from thence tran-
^lang.it. icribed by many Learned Men, which on that account 1 forbear
c. 1 6. tranfcribmg, as being common and obvious.
X. Some have not improbably conjeftured, that the memory of
Jacobs long peregrination and fervice with his Uncle Laban-, was
prcferved under the Story of Apollo his banifhment and being a Shep-
cdUmxch. herd under Admetus. For Callimachus reports that Love was the
Hymn, in ^aufe oi ApolJo's travails, as it was o'i Jacob's-, and withal mentions
'^^° ' a ftrange increafe of Cattel under Apollo' sczvc-, anfwerabletowhat
the Scripture reports concerning Jacob. But it is more certain,
Gen. i8. that the memory of Jacob's fetting up the Stotte he had reded on
'8. for a Pillar, and pouring (Jyl upon it, and calling the place Bethel-,
scaiig. not. was prcferved under the Anointed Stones, which the Bhwnicians
mir^g.Gr. from Bcthcl called ^M-n^x, as hath been frequently obferv'd by
^itT'i Learned Men, from whence came the cuuom of Anointing fi ones
c. 2. among the Heathens, of which fo very many have largely di/-
seid. de courfcd. Thciicc the Proverb of a fuperititious Man, W-&;i/9»» a.-
r'nemfUn '^w'' ««P'^''-«'»«> which Arnobius calls hibricatmn lapidem-, & ex olivi
clem. Ai. iingiitnefordidatum. Itfcems the anointing the Hones with oyl, was
^clhHb'on. t'^cn the fymbol of the confccration of them. The Name b*7.ai^
0dTheo^h. for fuch a ftone occurs in Hefychius, the Greek Etymologifts-, 'Da-
^HirMxd *^^^f^^^^^ '" 'Phociiis, and others. That the memory of Jofeph in
JrnoL.ii. c^yEgjpt was prcferved under the <:_y£gYptian Apis, hath been {hew'd
coivtmn ^yjfj^ ^ great deal of probability by the Learned Vojjius-, in his often-
rwf" ' cited piece of Idolatry-, from the teftimonies of Julius MaternuSi
oiizei.6' Rufinns-, and Suidasi and from thele three Arguments, i, The
f!^"'ad gi'catnefs of the Benefit which the c^gyptians received hy Jofeph ;
Minuc. de which was of that nature that it could not eafily be forgot, and that
idoioi. 1. 1. j.,Q fy,-nbol was fo proper to fet it out as the ^_y£gyptian Apis y be-
"' ^^" caulc the flimine was portended by lean Kinc, and the plenty by
fat -, and Minucius at Rome, for relieving the People in a time
of famine, had a Statue of a golden Bull ereded to his memory.
2. The (lyEgYptians were not backward to tcftify their rclpcct
to Jofeph , as appears by Tharaoh's rewarding him-, now it
was the cuftom of the C/Egyptians to prcferve the memories
of their great Benefaftors by fome fymbols to poftcrityj which
were at firft intended only for a Civil ule, altho' they were al--
ttr abus'd to Superllitioil and Idolatry. 3. From the Names of
Apis and Serapis. Apis he conceives to be the facrcd Name of
Jofeph among the ayEgypttans, and is as much as ^^^ Father -, fo
Jofeph himfelf laitii, he was a Father to Pharaoh. And Serapis-,
as Rufinns and Suidas both tell us, had a Biijhel upon iiis Head,
Gen.4j-.8. and *5Vr<7///j is probably derived from ""'1^', Sor, which fignifies a
^^ Bull, and Apis. So that by this means the Story of Jofeph is at-
tcftcd by the (^yF.gyptians fuperftitions, of which they can give no
account fo likely as this is. Many
Book III. Chap. V. ORIGINES SACRAL. ^
Many things concerning Mofes arc prefcrv'd in the Story of Bac- xi.
cbtiSi not that from thence wc arc to conclude that Alofrs \v:xs the
Bacchus of the Greeks-, as Vojjius thinks, bur they took fcveral
parts of the liaftcrn Traditions concerning him, which tliey might
have from the 'Phoenicians who came with Cadmus into Greece^
while the memory of Mofes was yet frelh among the Canaanites.
In the Story of Bacc/jits-, as VoJJins obilrvcs, it is exprelly faid, vojimi i^
that he was born in zyEgypt-, and that ibon after his birth he was ^''"'^ '• '•
put in an Ark, and expos'd to the River, which Tradition was '' ^*"
preferv'd among the Brajiata of Laconica: iind Bacchus in Or-
pheus is called Mi'<^i, and by 'Plutarch de IJidc & Ofiride-, Talccltinus :
and he is called Bi(A«7ap, which agrees to A/fl/iJ'j, who, bcfides his own
Mother, was adopted by Pharaoh'^ Daughter : Bacchus was likcwifc
commended for his Beauty as Mofes was, and was faid to be educa-
ted in a Mount of Arabia called Nyfa-, which agrees with Mofes
his refidcnce in Arabia forty years •, fo Plutarch mentions i"-?*'* aw-
(i/Vk, the banifhnmits of Bacchus -, and Nonnus mentions Bacchus Nam.
his flight into the Red-fea : who likewife mentions his Battles •D;<'«./.13.
in Arabia, and with the neighboring Princes there. 'Diodorus faith, dw. /. 4.
that Bacchus his Army had not only Men but Women in it , which
is mod true of the company which Mofes led. Orpheus czUs Bac-
chus QfT/^ipi)^), and attributes to him AiWvaxa qktijAii, whereby we uii-
derfland Mofes his being a Legifator-, and that he deliver'd the
Laws in two Tables. Mofes his fetching Water out of a Rock with
his Rod, is preferv'd in the Orgia of Bacchus-, in which Euripides
relates that Agave and the reft of the .^^rr^^ celebrating the Or^/^,
one of them touched a Rock, and the Water came out: and in
the lame Orgia Euripides reports how they were wont to crown
their Heads with Serpents, probably in memory of the cure of the
fiery Serpents in the Wildernefs. A Dog is made the companion
of Bacchus -, which is the fignification of Caleb, who fo faithful ad-
hered to Mofes. To thefe and fome other circumftanccs infifted Bochan.
on by Voffius, Bochartus adds two more very conlidcrable ones j ^'""»''»-
which are, that Nonnus reports of Bacchus that he touched the
two Rivers Orontes and Hydafpes with his Thyrfus-, or Rod, and
that the Rivers dried, and he pafs'd thro' them : and that his I-vy-
flaff being thrown upon the ground, crept up and down like a
Serpent, and that the /« faith * Lucian of the old Stlenus -, and that^. j,,*. '
which
4IO ORIGINES SACRjE. Book III. Chap. VI.
which makes it more probable, is that of 'TaitfaniaS'^ '£' r '■ir'E%""
^6/j« SiA-i^J f/-»s,!«<, which ibme Learned Men have been much puzlcd
to find out the truth of-, and this eonjcfture which I here propound,
may pafs at leaft for a probable account of it. But I lli?.!! no lon-
ger infift on thefe things, having, I fuppofe, done what is fuMi-
cient to our purpofe, which is, to make it appear what footlteps
there are of the truth of Scripture-hiftory amidlt all the corru-
ptions of Heathen Mythology.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Excellency of the Scriptures.
l.Concermng matters of pure Di-vine Re~o elation in Scripture: the
terms of Salivation only contain d therein. The ground of the
difejleem of the Scripture is tactte Unbelief. II. "The Excellency
of the Scriptures manifefled as to the matters ijjhich Got> hath
re'veal'd therein. IV. The Excellency of the difcoi.-eries of GodV
Nature "which are in Scripture. V. Of the Goodnefs and Lo-ve
of God in Christ. The futahlenefs of thofe difcoDeries of
God to our Natural Notions of a Deity. The neceffity of
God'j" making knoivn Himfelf to us in order to the regulating
our Conceptions of Him. VI. The Scriptures giz'e the fulleff
account of the flat e of Metis Souls, and the corruptions "which
are in them. The only "way of pleajing God difco"verdin Scri-
ptures. VII. The Scriptures contain matters of greatefl Myjle-
rioufnefs, and mofl uninjerfal fatisfaHion to Metis Minds.
VIII. The Excellency of the tnanner "wherein things are re-
"veald in Scriptures, in regard of Clearnefs, Authority, Purity,
IX. Uniformity, and Perfuaji"ve7!efs. X. the Excellency of the
Scriptures as a Rule of life. Ihe Nature of the Duties of Religion
and the Reafonahlenefs of them. The Greatnefs of the Encou-
ragemetits to Religion contained in the Scriptures. Xl. The great
Excellency of the Scriptures, as containing in them the Cove-
nant of Grace in order to Mans Salivation.
HAving thus largely prov'd the truth of all thofc pafHxges of
lacred Scripture which concern the Hiftoryof the firil: Ages
of the World, by all thofe Arguments which a fubjcft of that na-
ture is capable of, the only thing left in order lo our full proving
the Divinity of the Scriptures, is, the confidcration of thole mat-
ters contain'd in it, which are in an efpccial manner laid to be of
Divine Revelation. For thofe hillorical paflages, the* we believe
them as contain'd in the Scripture, to have been divinely infpir'd
as
Book III. chap. VI. ORIGINES SACR/F.. 411
as well as others : yet they arc fuch things as fuppofing no Divine
Revelation, might have been known llitficicntly to the World,
had not Men been wanting to themfelves as to the care and means
of prcferving them ; but thofe matters which I now come to dif-
courfe of, are of a more fublime and tranfccndent nature, luch as
it had been impofllble for the Minds of Men to reach, had they
not been immediately difcovcr'd by God himfclf And thofe arc
the Terms and Conditions on which the Soul of Man may upon
good grounds expect an eternal Happincfs, which we aflcrt the
Book of Scriptures to be the only authentic and infallible records
of Men might by the improvements of Reafon and the fagacity
of their Minds difcover much, not only of the lapfed condition
of their Souls, and the neccllity of a purgation of them, in or-
der to their Felicity •, but might in the general know what things
are pleafmg and acceptable to the Divine Nature, from thofe dif-
ferences of Good and Evil which are unalterably fix'd in the things
themfelves : but which way to obtain any certainty of the Remif-
fion of Sins, to recover the Grace and Favor of tjOD, to enjoy
perfect Tranquillity and Peace of Confcience, to be able to pleafe
GoD in things agreeable to his Will, and by thefe to be aflur'd of
eternal Blifs, had been impolHble for Men to have ever found, had
not God himfelf been gracioufly pleas'd to reveal them to us. Men
might ftill have bewildred themfelves in following the Ignes fatui
of their own imaginations, and hunting up and down the World for
a path which leads to Heaven, but could have found none, unlefs
GoDhimfelf taking pity of the wandrings of Men had been pleas'd
to hang out a Light from Heaven to direft them in their way
thither, and by this Tharos of Divine Revelation to diredl them
fo to fteer their courfe, as to efcape fplitting themfelves on the
Rocks of open Impieties, or being fwallow'd up in the Quick-
fands of terrene delights. Neither doth he fhew them only what
Shelves and Rocks they muft efcape, but what particular courfe
they muft fteer, what Star they muft have in their Eye, what Com-
pafs they muft obferve, what Winds and Gales they muft expedt
and pray for, if they would arrive at laft at eternal Blifs. Eternal
Blifs! What more could a GoDof infinite Goodnefspromifc, or the
Soul of Man widi for ? A Reward to fuch who are fo far from
deferving, that they are ftill provoking •, Glory to fuch who are more
apt to be aftiam'd of their Duties, than or their Offences •, but
that it fliould not only be a Glorious Reward, but Eternal too, is^jihat
which tho' it infinitely tranfcend the Deferts of the Receivers, yr'
it highly difcovers the infinite Goodnefs of the Giver. But wiit-x"
we not only know that there is fo rich a Mine of ineftimableTrea-
fures, but if the Owner of it undertakes to fliew us the way to it,
and gives us certain and infallible directions how to come to the
full pofleflion of it-, how much are we in love with Mifery, and
do we court our own ruin, if we negle£t to hearken to his Dire-
ctions, and obferve his Commands !
This is that we are now undertaking to make good concerning n.
the Scriptures-, that thefe alone contain thofe facred difcoveries, by
which the Souls of Men may come at laft to enjoy a compleatand
eternal Happinefs. One would think there could be nothing more
E c e needlcfs
411 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book III. Chap. VI.
necdlcls in the World than to bid Men regard their own welfare,
and to feck to be happy •, yet whoever cafts his Eye into the World,
will find no counfel ^o little hearkened to as this, nor any thing
which is more generally look'd on as a matter trivial and imperti-
nent. Which cannot arife but from one of thefe two grounds,
that either they think it no great wifdom to let go their prefcnt
hold as to the good things of this World , for that which they
fecretly queftion whether they fhall ever live to fee or no -, or elle
that their Minds arc in fufpenfe, whether they be not fcnt on a
Guiana Voyage to Heaven-, whether the certainty of it be yet fully
difcover'd, or the inftrudtions which are given be fuch as may in-
fallibly conduft them thither. The firft, tho' it hath the advan-
tage of fenle, fruition, delight, and further expectation-, yet to
a rational Perfon who ferioully reflefts on himidf, and fums up
what (after all his troubles ana difquietments in the procuring, his
cares in keeping, his difappointments in his expedations, his fears
of loling what he doth enjoy, and that vexation of Spirit which
attends all thefe) he hath gain'd of true contentment to his Mind,
can never certainly believe that ever thefe things were intended for
his Happinefs. I* or is it poflible that the Soul of Man fhould
ever enjoy its full and corapleat Happinefs in this World, when
nothing is able to make it happy, but what is molt futable to its
Nature, able to fill up its large Capacity, and commcnfurate with
Its Duration .* but in this Life the matter of Mens greateft delight
IS flrangely unfutable to the Nature of our rational Beings, the
mealure of them too fliort for our valt Defires to ibetch them-
felves upon, the Proportion too fcant and narrow to run parallel
with Immortality. It mull be then only a Supreme, Infinite and
Eternal Being, which by the free communications of his Bounty
and Goodnels can fix and fatiate the Soul's Defires, and by the
conftant flowings forth of his own uninterrupted ftreams of Fa-
vor will always keep up Defire, and yet always fatisfy it : One
whole Goodnefs can only be felt by fome tranfient touches here,
whofc Love can be leen but as thro' a lattice, whofe conftant pre-
fence may be rather wilh'd for than enjoy'd, who hath referv'd
the full fight and fruition of himfelf to that future ilate, when all
thefe dark veils fiiall be done away, and the Soul fhall be conti-
nually funning her felf under immediate beams of Light and Love.
But how or in what way the Soul of Man in this degenerate con-
dition fhould come to be partaker of fo great a Happinefs, by the
enjoyment of that God our Natures are now at fuch a diftancc
from, is the greateft and moft important inquiry of Human Na-
ture-, and we continually fee how fuccellefs and unfatisfaftory the
endeavors of thofe have been to themfelves at lafl, who have fou^dit
for this Happinefs in a way of their own finding out : The large
volume of the Creation, wherein God hath defcrib'd fo much of
his Wifdom and Power, is yet too dark and obfcurc, too fhort and
imperfcft to fet forth to us the way which leads to eternal Happi-
ncls. Unlcfs then the fame God who made Mens Souls at firlf,
do flicw them the way for their recovery j as they are in a dege-
nerate, fo they will be in a defperate condition : but the lame Bounty
and Goodnefs of God, which did at firlt difplay it fclf in reiving
Berne
Book III. Chap. VI. ORIGIN ES SACKjE. 4 , ,
Being to Mens Souls, hach in a higher manner enlarged the Dif-
covery of it felf, by making known the way whereby we may be
taken into his Grace and Favor again.
Which it now concerns us particularly to difcovcr, thereby to nr.
make it appear that this way is of that pecuhar excellency, that
we may have from thence the grcatelt evidence, it could come from
no other Author but God himielf, and doth tend to no other end
but our eternal Happincis. Now that incomparable excellency which
is in the facrcd Scriptures, will fully appear, if we confider the
Matters contain'd in them under this threefold capacity, i. As
Matters of 'Divine Revelation. 2. As a Rule of Life. 3. As coi\-
t^inin^t hat Covenant of Grace which relates to Man's eternal Hap -
finefs.
I. Confider the Scripture generally, as containing in it Matters
of Divine Revelation, and therein the excellency of the Scriptures
appears in two things, i. The Matters '■jjhich are revealed. 2. The
Manner whereifi. they are revealed.
1. The matters which are ri"i;^<«/f^inScripture, may bcconfider'd
thefe three ways. i. ^s they are matters of the great eft weight
and moment. 2. As matters of the greateft depth and myfterioiifnefs.
3. As matters of the moft imiverfal fatisfaliion to the Minds of
Men.
I. They are matters of the greateft moment and importance for
Men to know. The Wifdom of Men is moft known by the weight
of the things they fpeak > and therefore that wherein the Wifdom
of God is difcover'd, cannot contain any thing that is mean and
trivial} they muft be matters of the higheft importance, which
the nipreme Ruler of the World vouchfafes to fpeak to Men con-
cerning : And fuch we fhall find the matters which God hath re-
vealed in his Word to be, which either concern the redifying our
apprehenfions of his Nature, or making known to Men their ftate
and condition, or difcovering the way whereby to avoid eternal
Mifery. Now which is there of thefe three, which fiippofing God
to difcover his Mind to the World, it doth not highly become him
to fpeak to Men of?
I. What is there which doth more highly concern Men to know iv.
than God himfelf? or what more glorious and excellent obje6l
could he difcover than himfelf to the World ? There is nothing
certainly which fhould more commend the Scriptures to us, than
that thereby we may grow more acquainted with God -, that wc
may know more of his Nature, and all his Perfeftions, and many
of the great Reafons of his actings in the World. We 'may by
them underftand with fafety what the eternal purpofes of God
were as to the way of Man's Recovery by the death of his Son j
we may there fee and underll:and the great Wifdom of God -, noc
only in the contrivance of the World, and ordering of it, but in
the gradual Revelations of himfelf to his People, by what fteps
he train'd up his Church till the fulnefs of time was come -, what
his Aim was in laying fuch a load of Ceremonies on his People of
the Jews i by what fteps and degrees he made way for the full re-
velation of his Will to the World by fpeaking in thefe laft days
by his Son, after he had fpoke at fimdry times and in divers manners
by the Trophets^ 6cc. unto the Fathers. In the Scriptures we read
Eee 2 the
414 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book 111. Chap.V-
the mod rich and admirable difcoverics of Divine Goodnefs, and
all the ways and methods he ufeth in alluring Sumers to him lei f-,
with what Majefty he commands, with what Condcfcentionhein-
treats, with what importunity he wooes Mens Souls to be recon-
ciled to him, with what Favor he embraceth, with what Tcnder-
nefs he chaftifeth, with what Bowels he piticth thole who have
cholen him to be their God ! With what Power he fupporteth,
with whatWifdom he diredeth, with what Cordials he refrelheth
the Souls of fuch who are dejefted under the fenle of his difpleafure,
and yet their love is llncere towards him ! With what profound
humiHty, what holy boldnefs, what becoming diftance, and yet
what reftlefs importunity do we therein find the Souls of G o d's
People addreiling themfelves to him in Prayer ! With what cheer-
fulnefs do they fervc him , with what confidence do they truft
him , with what refolution do they adhere to him in all ftreights
and difficulties, with what patience do they fijbmit to his Will m
their greateft extremities ! How fearful are they of finning againll
God, how careful to pleafe him, how regardlefs of lulTering,
when they mull choole either that or finning, how little appre-
henfive of Mens difpleafure, while they enjoy the favor of God !
Now all thefe things which are fo fully and pathetically cxprefs'd
in Scripture, do abundantly fet forth to us the exuberancy and
'Pkonafm of God's Grace and Goodnefs towards his People, which
makes them delight fo much in him, and be fo fenfible of his dif-
pleafure. But above all other dilcovcries of God's Goodnefs, his
fending his Son into the World to die for Sinners, is that which
the Scripture lets forth with the greateft Life and Eloquence. By
Eloquence, I mean not an artificial compofure of Words, but the
gravity, weight, and perfuafivenefs of the matter contain'd in them.
And what can tend more to melt our frozen Hearts into a current
of thankful obedience to God, than the vigorous rcliedtion of the
beams of God's love thro' Jefiis Chrijt upon us ! Was there ever
fo great an expreilion of love heard of I nay, was it polllble to be
imagin'd, that that God who perfectly hates fin, Ihould himfelf
offer the pardon of it, and fend his Son into the World to fecure
it to the Sinner, who doth fo heartily repent of his fins, as to deny
himfelf, and take up his Crols anci follow Chrifi ! Well might
I Tim. I. the Apoftle fay. This is k faithful faying, and it'orthy of all ac^
'^ captation-) that Jefus Chtifi came into the 'uvorld to fave finners.
How dry and faplefs are all the voluminous difcourfcs of Philofo-
phers, compar'd with this Sentence! How jejune and unlatisla-
dtory are all the Dilcoveries they had of God and his Goodnefs,
in comparilbn of what we have by the Gofpel of Chriftl Well
might 'Faul then lay. That he determined to know nothing but
I Cor. i. 2. Chrijt ■> and him crucified. Chrijt crucified is the Library which
triumphant Souls will be ftudying \\\ to all eternity. This is the
only Library which is the true ■i«n"«<" ^".v*' that which cures the
Soul of all Its Maladies and Diftempers : other Knowlcdg makes
Mens Minds giddy and flatulent j this fettles and conipofcs them:
other Knowledg is apt to fwell Men into high Conceits and Opi-
nions of themfelves-, this brings them to the truclf view of them-
felves, and thereby to humility and fobriety : other Knowledg
leaves Mens Hearts as it found them -, tliis alters them and makes
them
Book III. chap. VI. O RIG INKS SACRAL, 41/
them better. So cranfcendenc an excellency is there in the
knowledc^ of Clrijt crucifii.d above the fublimcfl: fpeculations iw
the World.
And is not this an incftimable benefit we enjoy by the Scripture,
that therein \vc can read and converfe with all thefc cxpreflionsof
God's Love and Goodnefs, and that in his own Language.^ Shall
we admire and praife what we meet with in HeatherrPhilofopherSt
which is generous and handfom > and (hall we not adore the infi-
nite fulnefs of the Scriptures, which run over with continued ex-
prcflions of that and a higher nature.* What folly is it to magnify
thofe Lean Kine-, the Notions of Philofophers, and contemn the
Fat, the Plenty and Fulnefs of the Scriptures.* If there be not
far more valuable and excellent difcovenes of the Divine Nature
and Ferfeftionsj if there be not far more excellent Directions and
Rules of PraiSticc in the facred Scriptures, than in the fublimeft
of all the Philofophers : then let us leave our full ears, and feed
upon the thin. But certainly no fober and rational Spirit that puts
any value upon the Knowledg of God, but on the fame account
that he doth praife the Difcourfes of any Philofophers concerning
God, he cannot but fct a value of a far higher nature on the
Word of God. And as the goodnefs of God is thus difcover'd
in Scripture, fb is his Juftice and Holinefs: we have therein re-
corded the moft remarkable judgments of G o d upon contuma-
cious Sinners, the fevereft denunciations of a judgment to come
againft all that live in fin, the exafteft Precepts of Holmefs in the
World } and what can be defir'd more to difcover the Holinefs of
God, than we find in Scripture concerning Him .* If therefore
acquaintance with the Nature, Perfedions, Defigns of fo excel-
lent a Being as God is, be a thing defirable to Human Nature;
we have the greateft caufe to admire the excellency, and adore the
fulnefs of the Scriptures, which give us fo large, rational, and
compleat account of the Being and Attributes of God. And which
tends yet more to commend the Scriptures to us, thofe things
which the Scripture doth moft fully difcover concerning God, do
not at all contradidt thole prime and common Notions which are
in our Natures concerning him, but do exceedingly advance and
improve them, and tend the moft to regulate our Conceptions and
Apprehenfions of God, that we may not mifcarry therein, as other-
wife Men are apt to do. For it being natural to Men fo far to
love themfelves, as to fet the greateft value upon thofe excellen-
cies which they think themfelves moft mafters of: thence Men
came to be exceedinglymiftakenintheir Apprehenfions of a 2)^///,
Ibme attributing one thing as a Perfection, another a different
thing, according to their humors and inclinations. Thus impe-
rious felf-willed Men are apt to cry up God's abfolute Power and
Dominion as his greateft Perfedion -, eafy and foft-fpirited Men
his Patience and Goodnefs •, feverc and rigid Men his Juftice and
Severity : every one according to his humor and temper, making
his God of his own complexion: and not onlyfo, but in things re-
mote enough from being Perfections at all •, yet becaufe they are
fuch things as they prize and value, they fuppofe of neceflity they
muft be in God, as is evident in the Epicureans 'a.»^%m, by which
they excluded 'Providence, as hath been already obferv'a And
Fee 3 wkhal
4i<^ ORIGINES SACK^. ' Book III. Chap. VI.
withal conlidering how very difficult it is For one who really be-
lieves that God is of a pure, juft, and holy Nature, and that he
hath grievoufly offended him by his fins, to believe that this
God will pardon him upon true repentance: It is thence ncceflary
that God fliould make known himfelf to the World, to prevent
our mif-conceptions of his Nature, and to aflurc a fufpicious, bc-
caufe guilty Creature, how ready he is to pardon iniquity, trani-
grellion, and fin, tofuch as unfeignedly repent of their follies, and
return unto himfelf Tho' the light of Nature may diftate much
to us of the Benignity and Goodnefs of the Divine Nature, yet it
is hard to conceive that that fhould difcover further than God's
general Goodnefs to fuch as pleafe him : but no foundation can
be gathered thence of his readinefs to pardon offenders, which be-
ing an a£t of Grace, mull: alone be difcovered by his Will. I can-
not think the Siin-, Moon-, and Stars-, are fuch ituierant Preachers,
as to unfold unto us the whole Counfel and Will of God in refe-
rence to Man's acceptance with God upon repentance. It is not
every Star in the Firmament can do that which the Star once did
to the JVife-men-) lead them unto Chriji. The Sun in the Yleavens
is no Tareliiis to the Sun of Right eoufnefs. The bell Aftronomer
will never find the TDay-fiar from on high in the reft of his num-
ber. What St. Aufiin faid of Tully's Works, is true of the whole
Volume of the Creation, There are admirable things to be found
in them : but the Name of Chrifi is not legible there. The work
of Redemption is not engraven on the works of 'Providence -, if it
had, a particular Divine Revelation had been unneceflary, and the
Apoflles were fent on a needlefs errand, which the World had un-
2Cor.j-.i8, derftood without their Preaching, viz. That God '-jvas in Chriji re-
conciling the World unto himfelf, not imputing to Men their tref-
pajfesi and hath committed to them the Minijlr^ of Reconciliation.
How was the word of Reconciliation committed to them, if it were
common to them with the whole frame of the World >. and the
Rom. 10. Apoflle^s ^are elfewhere might have been eafily anfwer'd. How
'4« can Men hear -without a Treacher ? For then they might have known
the way of Salvation^ without any fpecial MefTengers fent to de-
liver it unto them. I grant that God's long-fuffering -xn^ patience is
intended to lead Men to Repentance, and that fonie general col-
Icdions might be made from Providence of the placability of Goo's
Act. 14. 14. Nature, and that God never left himfelf ivithout a witnefs of
Luk.6.3j-, ^^^ Goodnefs in the World, being kind to the unthankful-, and do-
ing good-, in giving rain and fruitful feafons. But tho' thefc things
might fufficiently difcover to fuch who were apprchcnfive of the
guilt of fin, that God did not a£t according to his greateft feve-
rity, and thereby did give Men encouragement to hearken out and
inquire after the true way of being rcconcil'd to God s yet all this
amounts not to a firm Foundation for Faith, as to the remilllon of
fin, which doth fuppofe God himfelf publifliing an A£l of Grace
and Indemnity to the World, wherein he aflhres the Pardon of
i\y\ to fuch as truly repent and unfeignedly believe his holy Gofpel.
Now is not this an ineftimablc advantage we enjoy by the Scri-
ptures, that therein we underftand what God himlclf hath difco-
vcr'd of his own Nature and Perfeftions, and of his rcadincls to
pardon fin upon thofc gracious terms of h'aith and Repentance.,
^ and
Book III. chap. VI. ORIGINES SACRAL. 417
and that which ncccdhrily follows from thcfe two, hearty and fin-
ccrc C)bcdicncc ?
2. The Scripture gives the moft faithful reprefentatien of the vi.
flate and condition of the Soul of Man. The World was almoft
lort: in Difputcs concerning the Nature, Condition, and Immorta-
lity of the Soul, before 'T>ivine Revelation was made known to
Mankind by the Gofpel of Chrift -, but Life and Immortality was
brought to light by the Gofpel, and the luture rtate of the Soul of
Man, not dilcovcr'd in an uncertain ^Platonical way, but with the
greateft light and evidence from that God who hath the fuprcme
difpofal of Souls, and therefore beft knows and underftands them.
The Scriptures plainly and fully reveal a Judgment to come, in
which God iL'ill judg the fecrets of all Heart s^ when everyone muft
give an account of himfelf unto God-, and God will call N'fcntogive
an accomit of their ftcoi'ardfiip here, of all the Receipts they have
had from him, and the Expences they have been at, and the Im-
provements they have madeof theTalentshcput into their hands
So that the Gofpel of Lhrift is the fulled Inftrument of difcovery
of the certainty of the future flate of the Soul, and the conditions
which abide it, upon its being diflodg'd from the Body. But this
is not all which the Scripture difcoversas to the ftate of the Soul >
for it is not only a Profpedive-glafs, reaching to its future (late,
but it is the molt faithful Looking-glafs , to difcover all the fpots
and deformities of the Soul : And not only fhews where they are,
but whence they came, what their nature is, and whither they tend-
The true Original of all that diforder and difcompofure which is
in the Soul of Man, is only fully and fatisfadtorily given us in the
Word of God, as hath been already prov'd. The nature and
working of this corruption in Man, had never been fb clearly ma-
nifefted, had not the Law and Will of G o d been difcover'd to
the World : that is the Glafs whereby we fee the fecret workings
of thofc Bees in our Hearts, the corruptions of our Natures j that
fets forth the folly of our Imaginations, the unrulinefs of our Paf-
fions, the diftempers of our Wills, and the abundant deceitfulnefs
of our Hearts. And it is hard for the Elephantin finner (one of
the greateft magnitude) fo to trouble thefe Waters, as not therein
to difcover the greatnefs of his own deformities. But that which
tends moft to awaken the drowfy , fenflefs Spirits of Men, the
Scripture doth moft fully defcribc the tendency of Corruption,
that the wages o^ fin is deaths and the iflue of continuance in fin
will be the everlafting milery of the Soul, in a perpetual fepara-
tion from the prefencc of God, and undergoing the lafhes and
feverities of Confciencc to all eternity. What a great difcovery
is this of the faithfulncfs of God to the World, that he fuffers
not Men to undo themfelves without letting them know of it be-
fore-hand, that they might avoid it ! God feeks not to entrap
Mens Souls, nor doth he rejoyce in the mifery and ruin of his
Creatures; but fully declares to them what the confequence and
iflue of their pradices will be, affures them of a Judgment to come,
declares his own future feverity againft contumacious Sinners, that
they might not think themfelves furpriz'd, and that if they had
known there had been fo great danger in fin, they would never
have been fuch fools, as for the fake of it to run into eternal mi-
fery.
41 8 ORIGINES SACRyE. Book III. Chap. VI.
fery. Now God, to prevent this, with the greateft plainnefs and
faithfuhiefs hath fliew'd Men the nature and danger of all their
fins, and asks them before-h?nd what they will do in the end thereof j
whether they are able to bear his Wrath, and wreftle with ever-
lafting burnings ? if not, he bids them bethink themfelves of what
they have done already, and repent, and amend their Lives, left
iniquity prove their rum, and deftrudiion overtake them-, and that
ii;ithout remedy. Now if Men have caufe to prize and value a
faithful Monitor, one that tenders their good, and would prevent
their ruin ■, we have caufe exceedingly to prize and value the Scri-
ptures , which give us the trueft reprefentation of the ftate and
condition of our Souls.
3. The Scripture dif covers to us the only way of pleafing God, and
enjoying his favor. That clearly reveals the way (which Man
might have fought for to all eternity without particular Revela-
tion) whereby fins may be pardoned, and whatever we do may
be acceptable unto God. It fliews us that the ground of our ac-
ceptance with God, is thro' Chrijl, whom he hath made a propitia-
tion for the fins of the World, and who alone is the true and living
isjay, whereby we may dravo near to God isaith a true heart, in full
ajjurance of Faith, having our hearts fprinkled from an evil conf'ci-
ence. Thro* Chrijl we underlland the terms on which God will
ihew Favor and Grace to the World, and by him we have ground
of a n«ffW«, accefs voith freedom and boldnefs unto God. On his
account we may hope not only for Grace to fubdue our fins, refift
temptations, conquer the Devil and the World-, but \\2.vm2, fought
this good fight and finifhed our courfe, by patient continuance in ■sjell-
doitig, we may juftly look for glory, honor, and immortality, and that
crovon of right eoufnefs which is laid up for thofe '■^'ho '■j.'ait in faith,
holincfs, and humility, for the appearance of Chrifi: from Heaven.
Now what things can there be of greater moment and importance
for Men to know, or God to reveal, than the Nature of God, and
our felves, the ftate and condition of our Souls, the only way to
avoid eternal mifery, and enjoy everlafting Blifs?
VII. The Scriptures difcover not only matters of importance, but of
t. the greateft depth and myfterioufncfs. There are many ii:o7iderful
things in the Laiv of God, things we may admire, but are never
able to comprehend. Such are the eternal Purpofcs and Decrees
of Godj the Do6trin of the Trinity, the Incarnation of the Son
of God, and the manner of the Operation of the Spirit of God
on the Souls of Men, which arc all things of great weight and mo-
ment for us to underftand and believe that they are-, and yet may
be unfcarchable to our Reafon, as to the particular manner of
them. What certain ground our Faith ftands on as to thefe things
ch°8Sca ^^^^'^ hQcn. already fliew'd, and therefore I forbear inlifting on
J, 6, 7. ' them.
5. The Scripture comprehends matters of the moft univerfal fatif-
flidion to the Minds of Men-, tho' many things do much exceed
our Apprehenfions, yet others are moft iiirablc to tlic Dictates of
orig.imtr. our Nature. As Origen bid Celfus fee, e» /*!» &' ■^ '^""s "Sm-*' &<« '»"«<
Crlf. I. 3. ci»8itM? 'J^^C'?"' nwajjffJoi'^'. f'l'^TiJ'Kn rut tvym/jtiittn; «'x»o»3«« ■"'» Aij?,<^'«», IVhcther it
was not the agreeablenefs of the Principles of Faith with the C07n-
mon Notions of Human Nature, which prevailed mojt upon all
candid
f- 'Sf-
Book III. chap. VI. ORIGIN ES SACRJF.. 415,
candid and ingerwous auditors of them. And therefore as Socrates
(aid of Heraclitus his Books, What he underftood was excellent,
and therefore he fuppos'd that which he did not underftand was
ibtoo: fo ought we to fay of theScfiptures i If thofe things which
are within our capacity be i'o I'utable to our Natures and Keaibns,
thofe cannot contradift our Rcafon which yet arc above theni.
There arc many things which the Minds of Men were fufficiently
aflur'd that they were, yet were to feek for fitisfacfion concerning
them, which they could never have had without Divine Revela-
tion. As the Nature of true Happinefs, wherein it lay, and how
to be obtain'd, which the Philolophers were fo puzl'd with, the
Scripture gives us full fatisfacVion concerning it. True content-
ment under the troubles of Life, which the Scripture only ac-
quaints us with the true grounds of 5 and all the prelcriptions of
Heathen Moralifts fall as much fhort of, as the dircdlions of an
Empyric do of a wife and skilful 'Phyjician. Avoiding the fears of
'Death-, which can alone be thro' a grounded Expectation of a flate
of Happinefs which Death leads Men to, which cannot be had
but thro' the right underftandmg of the Word of God. Thus wc
fee the excellency of the matters themfelves contain'd in this Re-
velation of the Mind of God to the V/orld.
As the Matters themfelves are of an excellent Nature, fo is the viii.
manner wherein they are reveal'd in the Scriptures, and that,
I. In a clear andperfpicitous manner -, not but there may be flill fome ^ •
paflagcs which are hard to be underftood, as being either prophe-
tical, or confifl:ing of ambiguous Phrafcs, or containing matters above
ourcomprehenfionj but all thofe things which concern the terms of
Man's Salvation are deliver'd with the greateft evidence and per-
fpicuity. Who cannot underftand what thefe things mean, fVhat
aoth the Lord require of thee^ but to do jtiftly-, and to love mercy ,
and to walk humbly with thy God? that without Faith it is imp of -
fible to pleafe God; that without Holme fs none fhall fee the Lord;
that tinlefs we be born again-, we can never enter into the Kingdom
of Heaven? Thefe and fuch Hke things are fo plain and clear, that
it is nothing but Mens fhutting their Eyes againft the Light can
keep them from underftanding them : God intended thefe things
as Dircftions to Men ; and is not he able to fpeak intelligibly when
he pleafe .^ He that made the Tongue, fhall he not fpeak fo as to
be underftood without an infallible Interpreter ? efpccially when
it is his defign to make known to Men the terms of their eternal
Happinefs. Will God judg Men at the great day for not be-
lieving thofe things which they could not underftand .^ Strange !
that ever Men Ihould judg the Scriptures obfcure in matters ne-
ceflary, when the Scripture accounts it fo great a judgment for
Men not to underftand them. If our Gofpcl be hid-, it is hid to i Cor.4..
them that are loft •, In whom the god of this world hath blinded the ?■ 4-
minds of them which believe not-, left the light of the glorious Go-
fpel of Chrift fhould fhine unto them. Sure Lofs door was vilible
enough, if it were a judgment for the \A&no^ Sodom not to fee itj
and the Scriptures then are plain and intelligible enoughs if it be
fo great a judgment not to underftand them.
Fff 2/«
4ZO ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. VI.
2. In a po-o:;erfid and authontati've mariner-, as the things con-
tain'd in Scripture do not fo much beg acceptance as comniand it ■■,
in that the exprellions wherein our duty is concern'd arc iuch as
awe Mens Confcienccs, and pierce to their Hearts and to their
Heb.4. 1 J, fecret thoughts -, All things are open and naked before this IVord of
'3- God; ei:ery fecret of the Mind and thought of the heart lies open to
its Jiroke and force -, it is quick and po-^-erful-, fharper than a t^o-
edged fji:ord-, piercing to the dividing afiinder of foul and jpint-, and
of the joynts and marrow^ and is a difcerner of the thoughts and
intents of the heart. The TVord is a Telefcope to difcovcr the great
Luminaries of the World, the Truths of higheft concernment to
the Souls of Mens and it is iuch a Microfcope as difcovers to us
the fmalleft Atom of our Thoughts, and difcerns the mod: fecret
intent of the Heart. And, as far as this Light reacheth, it comes
with Power and Authority, as it comes arm'd with the Majcfty of
that God who reveals it, whofe Authority extends over the Soul
and Confcience of Man in its nioft fecret and hidden recefTes.
3. In a pure and unmix' d manner -, in all other Writings how good
foever, we fee a great mixture of drofs and gold together •, "here
is nothing but pure gold. Diamonds without flaws, Suns without
Ipots. The moll current Coins of the World have their Alloys
of bafer Metals, there is no fuch mixture in Divine Truths •■, as
they all come from the fame Author, fo they all have the fame pu-
rity. There is a Urim and Thummim upon the whole Scripture,
Light and Perfedion in every part of it. In the Philofophers we
may meet, it may be, with fome fcattcred fragments of purer
Metal, araidft abundance of drofs and impure Oar j here we have
whole wedges of Gold, the fame vein of purity and holinefs run-
ning thro' the whole Book of Scriptures. Hence it is call'd the
iTim. I. form of found \i:ords i here have been no huckfters to corrupt and
'3- mix their own Inventions with Divine Truths.
IX. 4. In an uniform and agreeable manner. This I grant is not fuf-
ficient of it felf to prove the Scriptures to be Divnie, becauic all
Men do not contradid themfelves in their Writings} but yet there
are fome pecuUar circumflances to be confidcr'd in the agreeable-
nefs of the parts of Scripture to each other, which arc not to be
found in mere human Writings, i. That this Doctrine li.-as deli-
vered by perfons ijvho lived in different Ages and Times from each
other. Ufually one Age correds another's faults, and we are apt
to pity the Ignorance of our PredecefTors, when it may be our Po-
fterity may think us as ignorant as we do them. But in the lacred
Scripture we read not one Age condemning another ; wc find Light
ftill incrcafing in the ferics of times in Scripture, but no reflexions in
any time upon the Ignorance, or Weaknefs of the precedent-, the
dimmeft Light was fufficient for its Age, and was a ilep to further
^nt.i.i. difcovery. ^intilian gives it as the reafon of the great uncer-
«/>. 6. tainty of Grammar Rules, ^ia non analogia dimiffa cceb formam
loquendi dedit i that which he wanted as to Grammar, wc have as
to Divine Truths-, they arc delivcr'd from Heaven, and therefore
arc always uniform and agreeable to each other.
2 By perfons of different interefls in the World. God made
choice ot Men of all ranks to be Inditers of his Oracles^ to make
it
Book III. Chap. VI. OR IG I NILS SACR/E. ^ti
itappcar it was no matter of State-policy or particular intcrcd which
was contain'd in his Word, which Pcrfons of luch diflercnt in-
terefts, could not have agreed in as they do. We have Mofes^
"David, Solomon, Perfons of Royal Rank and Qiialityj and can
it be any mean thing, which thele think it their glory to be Pen-
ners of? We hzvc Ifaiah, 'Daniel, and other Perfons of the
highefl: Education and Accomplilhments-, and can it be any trivial
thing which thefe imploy themfelves in ? Wc have Amos, and
other Prophets in the Old Teftament, and the Apoftlcs in the
New, of the meaner fort of Men in the World, yet all thefe joyn
in confort together j when God tunes the Spirits, all agree in the
fame ftrain of Divine Truths, and give light and Harmony to each
other.
3. By perfons in different places and conditions -, fome in profpe-
rity in their own Country, fome under banifliment and advcrfity,
yet all agreeing in the fame fubftancc of Do£trine-, of which no
alteration we fee was made either for the flattery of thofc in power,
or for avoiding miferics and calamities. And under all the diffe-
rent difpenfations before, under and after the Law, tho' the ma-
nagement of things was ditlerent, yet the Doftnne and Defi^n
was for Subftance the fame m all. All the different difpenfations
agree in the fame common Principles of Religion 5 the fame ground
of acceptance with God, and obligation to duty was common to
all, tho' the peculiar inllances wherein God was ferv'd might
be different, according to the Ages of growth in the Church of
God. So that this great uniformity confider'd in thefe circum-
ffances, is an Argument that thefe things came originally from the
lame Spirit, tho' convey'd thro' different Inflruments to the know-
ledg of the World.
5. In a perfuafi've and convincing manner : and that thefe ways.
I. Bringing Divine Truths do'ucn to our capacity, clothing Spiritual
matter in familiar expreflions and fimilitudes, that fo they might
have the eafier admiflion into our Minds. 2. Tropounding things
as our inter ejl ijvhich are our duty : thence God fo frequently in
Scripture, recommends our duties to us under all thofe motives
which are wont to have the greateft force on the Minds of Men •,
and annexeth gracious Promifes to our Performance of them-, and
thofe of the moft weighty and concerning things. Of Grace, Fa-
vor, TroteBion, Deliverance, Audience of Prayers, and Eternal
Happiiiefs: and if thefe will not prevail with Men, what Motives
will.^ ■^. Courting us to Obedience, 'ochen he might not only command
us to obev, but pimifh prefently for difobedience. Hence are all thofe
moft pathetical and afl'edtionate flrains we read in Scripture. O Dcut.y.
that there icas fuch a heart iz'ithin- them, that they vcould fear me ^^^
and keep all my commandments altn'ays, that it might go isaell ■■juith
them, and vi:ith their children after them. Jlo unto thee, O Jeru- jer.1j.27.
falem, i!t:ilt thou not be made clean ? isjhen foall it once be .? Turn ye, j-^^j^
turn ye from your evil --joays, for --johy will ye die, O houfe of Ifrael? u.
How fhall I give thee up, Ephraim? how fhall I deliver thee. If- Hof. u.s.
rael7 how Jhall I make thee as Admah ? how fhall I fet thee as Ze-
hoim ? mine heart is turned within me, my repent ings are kindled
together. O Jeru falem, Jcrnfalnn, how often would I have gathered ''^'^"^' '^^■
Fffi thy^''
411 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book III. Chap. V I.
thy children together-, as a hen gathereth her chickens under her
"jiings-, and ye -sjonld not. What Majcfty, and yet what fwcetncrs
and condeicenfion is there in thele exprellions? What obllinacy
and rebellion is it in Men for them to Hand out againtlGod, when
he thus comes down from his Throne of Majefty, and wooes re-
bellious Sinners to return unto him that they may be pardoned ?
Such a matchlefs and unparallell'd i\.x:i\no? Rhetoric is there in the
Scripture, far above the Art and Infinuations of t'le moH; admired
Orators. Thus we fee the peculiar excellency of the manner wherein
the matters contain'd in Scripturearereveard tous: Thus we have
confider'd the Excellency of the Scripture, as it is a Diiboverv of
God's Mind to the World.
X. The Scriptures may be confidered as a Rule of Life-, orasaZ/^w-
2 of Gody which is given for the Government of the Lives of
Men, and therein the Excellency of it lies in the Nature of the
Duties, and the Encouragements to the Practice of them.
I. In the Nature of the Duties requir'd, which are w*?// becomitig
God to require-, mofl: reafonable for us to perform.
1. AIol^ becoming God to require-, as they are moft futable and
agreeable to the Divine Nature, the imitation of which in our
A6fions, is the fubftance of our Religion. Imitation of him in
his Goodnefs and Holincfs, by our confrant Endeavors o5 morti-
fying Sin, and growing in Grace and Piety. In hiS Grace and
Mercy, by our kindnefs to all Men, forgiving the mjuries Men
do unto us, doing good to our great eft enemies. In his J u (lice and
Equity, by doing as ix^e iz-onld be done by-, and keeping a co-afcience
void of. offence to-ji-ards God and to-jiards Men. The lirll
takes in the Duties of the firft, the other the Duties of the (e-
cond Table. All acts of piety tozvards God-, are a part of Jullice-,
for, as Tully faith, ^idaliiid eft pietas, niftjiiftitia advcrfus T)eos?
and fo our losing God iz'ith our isjkole hearts-, our intire and fine ere
obedience to his Will-, is a part of Natural J u ft ice-, for thereby wc
do but render unto God that which is his due from us as we are
his Creatures. We fee then the whole Duty of Man, the fearing
God and keeping his Commaudments-, is as neceflaryapartof Juftice,
as the rendring to every Man his own is.
2. They are moft reafonable for us to perform, in that, i. Re-
ligion is not only a fervice of the Reafonable Faculties which arc
imploy'd the moft in it, the cpmmands of the Scripture reaching
the heart moft in it, and the fervice requir'd being a fpiritual fer-
vice, not lying in Meats and Drinks, or any outward Oblerva-
tions, but in a fandify'd temper of Heart and Mind, which difco-
vcrs it felf in the courfe of a Chrijlian's Life: but, 2. The Service
it felf of Religion is reafonable j the Commands of the Gofpel 2.xc
tlich as no Man's Reafon which conftders them can doubt of the
excellency of them. All Natural Worfliip is foimded on the Di-
lates of Nature, all inftituted Worfliip on God's revealed Will-,
and it is one of the prmic Diftatcs of Nature, that God muft be
univerially obey'd. Befides, God requires nothing but what is
apparently Man's intereft to do; God prohibits nothing but what
will dcftroy him if he doth it-, fo that the Commands of the Scri*
ptures are very juft and reafonable.
2. The
Look III. Ckp. VI. 0RIGINB:S SACli/E. 4^3
2. I'hc Encouragements arc more than proportionable to the
difficulty of Obedience. G6d's Commands are ni themfclves ealy,
and moit ilitable to our Natures. V/iiat more rational tor a Crea-
ture than to obey his Maker .^ all the difficulty oF Religion arileth
from the corruption of Nature. Now God to encourage Men
to conquer the difficulties arifmg thence, hath propounded the
ftrongeft- Motives and moll prevailing Arguments to Obedience.
Such are the conliderations of God's Love and Goodneis mani-
fefted to the World, by fending his Son into it, to die for Sinners,
and to give them an example which they are to follow, and by his
readineis thro' him to pardon the ilns, and accept the Peribns of
fuch who Jo rcceize him as to ■s.'alk in him i and by his Promifes of
Grace to affifl: them in the wreftling with the enemies of their Sal-
vation. And to all thefe add that glorious and unconceivable re-
ward which God hath promis'd to all thole who fincerely obey
him-, and by thefe things we lee how much the encouragements
over-weigh the difficulties, and that none can make the Icaft
pretence that there is not motive fufficient to down-weigh the
troubles which attend the excrcife of Obedience to the will of God.
Thus we fee what a peculiar excellency there is in the Scriptures as
a Rule of Life, above all the Precepts of mere i^/(?rrt///?j; the foun-
dation of Obedience being laid deeper in Man's Obligation to ferve
his Maker, the pradice of Obedience being carry'd higher in thofe
moft holy Precepts which are in Scripture, the reward of Obedi-
ence being incomparably greater than what Men are able to con-
ceive, much lefs to promifc or beftow.
The Excellency of the Scriptures appears, as they contain in
them a Covenant of Grace, or the Tranfaftions between God and
Man, in order to his eternal Happinefs. The more memorable
anyTranfadionsare, the more valuable are any authentic Records
of them. The Scripture^ contain in them the Magna Chart a of Hea-
ven, an Aft of Pardon with the Royal AfTent of Heaven, a Pro-
clamation of Good-will from God towards Mcn^ and can we then
fct too great a value on that which contains all the remarkable
palTages between God and the Souls of Men, in order to their
Felicity, from the beginning of the World .-^ Can we think, fince
there is a God in the World of infinite Goodnefs, that he fliould
fuffer all Mankind to perifli inevitably, without his propounding
any means for elcaping of eternal Milery .' Is God (o good to Men
as to this prefent Life-, and can we think if Man's Soul be im-
mortal, as we have prov'd it is, that he fiiould wholly neglect
any offer of good to Men as to their eternal welfare ^ Or is
it pollible to imagine that Man fhould be happy in another World
without God's promifing it, and prefcribing conditions in order
to it.^ If fo, then this Happinefs is no free gift of God, unlefs
he hath the beftowing and promifing of itv and Man is no rational
Agent, unlefs a reward fuppofe conditions to be perform'd in or-
der to the obtaining itj or Man may be bound to conditions
which were nfver rcquir'd him; or if they muft be requir'd, then
there mull be a Revelation of God's Will, whereby he doth re-
quire them: And if fo, then there are fome Records extant of the
Tranfaftions between God and Man, in order to his eternal Hap-
pinefs : For what reafon can we have to imagine that fuch Rc-
Fff 3 cords,
414 ORIGINES SACRuE. Book III. Chap. VI.
cords, if once extant, fhould not continue Hill, efpecially fmcc the
fame Goodnefs of God is engag'd to preferve fuch Records, which
at firft did caufe them to be mdited ? Suppofmg then fuch Re-
cords, extant fomewhere in the World of thefe grand Tranfa-
ftions between God and Mens Souls, our bufinefs is brought to
a Period} for what other Records are there in the World that can
in the leaft vye with the Scriptures, as to the giving fo jufl an ac-
count of all the Tranfaftions between God and Men from the
foundation of the World ? Which gives us all the fteps, methods
and ways whereby God hath made known his Mind and Will
to the World , in order to Man's eternal Salvation. It remains
only then that we adore and magnify the Goodnefs of God in
making known his Will to us, and that we kz a value and cfteem
on the Scriptures, as on the only authentic Inftruments of that
GrandCharter ofTeace^ which God hath reveal'd in order to Man's
Eternal Happinefs.
I I N I S,
r
ORIGINSS SACRAE:
O R A
RATIONAL ACCOUNT
Ol the Grounds of Natural and R e v e a l'd
RELIGION
WHEREIN
The Foundations of Religion, and the Au-
thority of the Scriptures are aflerted and clear 'd^
WITH
An Anfwer to the Modern ObjeBiom
o F
ATHEISTS andDEISTS.
In Five Books.
By the Right Reverend Father in God EDWARD,
late Lord Bijhop of Worcester.
CAMBRIDGE,
Printed at the Univerfity-Prefi, for H e N R y M o r t l o c k,
at die Sign of the Phxnix in St. Pauh Church-yard. 1 70 1 .
0^ \
r~ r-
oti
IT A
. )
I I
THE
CONTENTS
Bo o K I. Of the Grounds of Natural and Reveal d Religion.
II. Of the Credibility of the Scriptures compafd with other
Accounts.
III. Of the Authority of the Writings of Mofcs, and the mat-
ters contained therein.
IV. Of the Authority of the Trophetical Writings, and other Books
of the Old leftament.
V. Of the Authority of the Writings of the New Teft amenta and
the matters therein contained.
CONTENTS of Book I.
A General Tiifcourfe in vindication of the Trinciplesof^-xtm-Aayid
Reveal'd Religion j with an Anfwer to the Ohje^iions of Atheifts
tfW^Deifts. ^^^*^
CHAP. I.
The generalTrejudices againjl Religion in our Age examined, and the
old Atheiftical Hypothefes confider'd p: i
CHAP. II. •'
The Modern Atheiftical Hypothefes examined, and the Vnreafonable-
nefs of themfhew'd 86
CHAP. III.
The tedfonablenefs of Reveal'd Religion fuperadded to Natural i with
an Anfwer to the moft fpecious Arguments againft Revelation.
CHAP. IV.
General Confiderations about the 'Divine Revelation contained in the
Holy Scriptures i as to Antiquity , Integrity , Conjiftencei and mm'
ner of Writing.
(a 4) CONTENTS
The CONTENTS.
CONTENTS of Chap. I. Book I.
CHAP. I.
The Atheiftical Prctenfes of this Age conjider'd and anfivefd p. i
An Inquiry into /"^^Atheiftical Pretenfes of this Age i
The fir ft i That k is a Contrivance of Pohticians Ibid.
The falfJjood of that fhe'ufd^ from the firft Hiftory of Religion in
Egypt I
tn Phoenicia ^
In Greece 8
Diodorus SiculusV Account of the beginning of Religion exa-
mined I J-
The abfiirdity of his Opnion about the Trodu6iion of Animals^ at
large made out 17
The feveral Hypothefes who aim'd only at keeping the
W-^orld in better awe, and Themfelves in a better condition. Tin's
hath
I
I
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRjE. 3
hath been fuggelted by Athcillical Pcribns in all Ages, where they
haVcdar'd to appear-, and was rhought the moft plaufiblc Artifice
to draw in the People to their party •, for no Mcii love to be im-
pos'd upon, efpccially in what concerns their eafe and intcrefl:-,
but they were not able to make out the Pcrfons, Times, or Places,
when the Notions of Religion were firft fpread among Mankind.
For they could never produce any inltances of Pcrfons who de-
fign'd to impofe upon Mankind in matters of Religion, but they
found the general Principles of Religion were cntcrrain'd among
them before-, as will appear by the following Examples of the E-
gyptians and Greeks-, which are inoft infifted upon.
The Egyptians arc faid by Liician to have been the firft who fct i»«<»«. it
up Religions Worjhip : and Herodotus fccms to be of the fame opi- ^^ff/Jg'"'
nion ; ^Plutarch faith it was done by Ofiris-, and ^Diodorus Siculus z. 4.
faith it 'wns direBed by Hermes, '■Ji'ho 'jn.'as a great Politician-, and j"'"/''^',
Chief Connfellor to OJiris. But all that T>iodoriis faith is, that he o/ride.
brought the Honors and Sertices of the Gods into Order i which oiodMcui.
fuppofes, that there was Religion among them before, but he me- '' ''
thodiz'd it. And if we believe Sanchoniathon, who makes him Eufii.
firfl Counfellor to Cronus Father to Mifor or Ofiris, he began the P''^?-^-^-
Symbolical Images of the Gods, which caus'd fuch confufion in their nut'/trct.
Worfliip afterwards. T>iodorus faith that Ofiris built Thebes or 'Diof- de ijid. e^<
polis ; where there v^^STiTcm^Xt to the Immortal God that made the ^'"/^
World-, as appears by the Teftimonies both of T hit arch and Tor- vnp. ev.
phyry. And the former obferves, That the moft ancient-, and univer- '/'"■'/•
faland mofi credible Tradition-, both of Law-givers and others-, Thi- ^"f^lo^.
lofophers-) as'wellasToetsand'Divines,waSithat the World was not
made by chance-, without a Mind and Reafon to order and govern it.
From whence it follows, That before fuch 'Politicians took up-
on them to order matters of Religion, there was a generally re-
ceiv'd Tradition of a Divine Being, which made and govern'd
the World, and was the true foundation on which religious Wor-
fliip was built. And the fame Plutarch in that Difcourfe affirms
it to be a7i Impious and Atheiftical opinion to attribute the Name
of God to infenfible matter ; and adds, that there is One univerfal
Reafon which governs the World. Ammi anus Marc ellinus {ixxh-, that Amminn. \
the fir II beginnings of Religion were in Egypt long before they were MarcUz.
in other parts Here therefore we muft fcarch out for the firft lay-
ing this defign by Politicians -, and here we find it fix'd upon Her-
mes Trifmegiffus-, who by the accounts given of h;m, was a very
great Man, and that in the beginning of tlie Egyptian Monarchy.
"Philo Byblius faith, he was call'd by the Egyptians Thoth-, by the
'PhoeniciansTaautus-, by the Greeks Hermes-, heflourifh'd, he faith, nufeL Pr.
with great reputation for wifdom among the Phoenicians -, who it ^^■■'- '^'■■
feems at that time, were under the government of Cronus Father
to Ofiris (or Mifor as they call'd him from Mifraim-, the Son of
Ham., who firft peopled thofe Countries.) And fo far there is *"/,''~"|?
nothing improbable in the Story. For the fame Perfon being of 0=,,^'
an extraordinary Capacity, might be in favor both with Cronus in '^■^^
Thwnicia-, and with Ofiris afterwards in Egypt ; but he gocth on, ^,g^l^;~-,
and faith, That Taautus was * the firft who took the matters of re- iTn^m^^i-
ligious Worfhip-y out of the hands of unskilful Men-, and brought '-^ ,^^,^
them into due method and order. So that we find plainly there was '^i„.
A 2 Religion
TluV
4 ORIGINES SACB/E. Book I. Chap. I.
Religion among the People before, but this wife Politician
thought he could manage it better, if he appointed the Rites of
public worfliip, fo as to be moft ferviceable to Government.
And for that end he fet up the worfhip of Princes after their
Death (efpecially of 0/iris, after his being cut in pieces by his
Brother) and joyn'd their Names with thofe of the Stars, as vi-
Ilble Deities -, and of fome Animals, as fo many living Images of
their Gods. And herein, as far as we can find, lay the politic in-
vention of Hermes Trifmegiftus -, not ni the firft plantmg the prin-
ciples of Religion, but in turning them that way, as he thought
would ferve beft to the ends of Government j by railing a high ve-
neration for deceas'd Monarchs j and deifying fuch things as they
thought moil ufeful to Mankind. This was indeed playing the
ToUtician with Religion. But that tliere was a fenfe of Religion
before among the People, not only appears by the former faying
of Thilo BybliuSt but by another in his 'Proem to Sanchoniatbon :
where he faith, That the Phoenicians and Egyptians agreed ( from
'whom other Nations took it up') to worjhip thofe as their chief
Gods, ijvhich were moft ufeful to Mankinds and to this purpofe
K^ u\ t', they turned the Temples already ft anding and ere6ied Tillars & Sta-
;^iu, <^5c- fji^^ fQ their Memories, and made Feftivals to them. From whence
™^«&- it appears that there were Rites of public worfliip among them
>
but from the teftimonies of 'Plutarch and lamblichus, which cannot
be fufpeclcd : To which the opinions of Pythagoras and Plato,
who fojourn'd fo long among the Egyptian Prielts to learn their
Doctrine, may be added. But it is not pretended, that in thofe
times, this was the common and profefs'd Religion among the
People •, but that it was kept up as a Secret, not to be communi-
cated, but only to fuch who were prepar'd for it. According to
this opinion, the defign of Hermes was not to cftabHfli any true
Tiutarch. Religion among the People, but to entertain them with Pomp
ofir7\^_ and Sacrifices, and Ceremonies j and fas fome in Plutarch and
Diod.aic. T>iodorus think) to keep up a difference among them about the
'■ '• facred Animals to fecure rhemfrom an univerfilConfpiracyagainil:
the Monarchy. But if the true notions of Cion and Providence,
and another World, were prcfcrv'd among the Priells, clpecially at
'Diofpolis, or the funous Thebes, where the chief of their refidencc
waSi then it appears, that thefe were not fcatrcr'd among the com-
mon People, by Priefts and Politicians -, but were kept ll'crctj as not
fo
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACRylL J
fo fie for their capacities, which would go no further than vifiblc
Deities, and a pompous worfliip. So that the True principles of
Religion were not fow'd by them to ferve their ends, but the Cor-
ruptions of it in order to the plcafing and entertaining the lenfcs
and devotions of the common People, who they knew were moft
affe£ted with what was moft agreeable to their fuperflitious fan-
cies. And there was much more of 'tolicy than Religion^ in keep-
ing the Bcft parts of it from the knowledg of the People: but the ,
^Politicians knew very well, thofc wouldnotfervetheir turn fo well
as the fopperies of their Superftition.
But there is another opinion which depends moft upon the cre-
dit o^Thilo Byblins, who liv'd about Hadrian's time. This Man
being learned, had a Mind to make Ibmc noife in the World with
the Antiquities of his own Country (for Byblus was a Phwnician
Town.) He found the Jewifli Antiquities aflerted by Jofephns
and others, and the Egyptian by Apion -, and now he thought
was a fit time to vye with them both. To that end, he produces
Nine Books of the "Phoenician Antiquities:, written, as he pretend-
ed, long fince by Sanchomathon-, andtranllated by him into Greek; ^tf'i>.
which he pretends to have found after a mofi diligent fearch into Y''^' '^*'
the Phoenician Monuments. And to make it appear how credible ^
this account of Sanchomathon was, he faith. He took it out of the
Records of Cities-, and the Monuments of Temples -, which were kept up
in the f acred Ammonian Letters. A nd this Man is very much com-
mended by Porphyry writing ^.^xiw^thtChriftians {ox\i\s Antiqtiity ^u/ei. i
and Veracity. What ground there is for thefc pretenfes may be '°" *"• ^
examin'd afterwards ; 1 am now only toconfiderthefcheme of Re-
ligion, which is produc'd with fo much pomp j and yet the Au-
thor of it, whoever he was, was neither Divine, Philofophcr, nor
Politician, for it is one of the rankcft and moft infipid pieces of
Atheifm that is to be found in Antiquity. And Porphyry could
not hut deteft it, unlefs he had produc'd it in fpite to the Chri-
fiians. For he doth on all occafions declare not only his belief of
God and Providence, but that he was the Maker of the World;
as Holftcnius hath made it appear in his Life, cap. p. and it is well
known that he was a profeis'd Platonijt. But let us now ice what
an account we have from this Phoenician Scheme^ about the making
of the AVorld. '< At firft there was a dark, confus'd, reftlefs Chaos,
"which was agitated for a long time, and nothing came of it. At
"length, a mixture happened, and this was the nrft principle of
*' making the Univerfe: but it was ignorant of its own making.
*' From this Mixture came AUt-, or a ilimy kind of fubftance, out
"of which iflued the Generation of all things. There were Ibme
*' Animals which had no Senfc-, out of which came thofe which had
*' Underftanding, and were called Zophafemin^, i. e. Beholders of
" the Heavens, and were made in the figure of an Egg : and the
"A/«5? fhined forth, and the Sun and Moon and great Stars ap-
"pcar'd. But it fcems thofc living Creatures were faft alleep, till
"they were awaked by dreadful Thunders, and then they began to
" beftir themfelves. This is the fliort account of this matter, which
depends not, we are told, on Sarichoniathon's Authority > but he
took it out of the Records of TxMnus hitufelf. And fo we have the
Original of tlie World according to this ancient Hermes. And if
A 3 thi«_
ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. I.
C. I(J.
this were his true Dodrine, it is one of the moll abfurd and fenllefs
pieces of Atheiim, and tends direftly to overthrow all Religion
in the World. For can any thing do it more effeftually, than to
fuppofe, that there was nothing originally in the World but ftupid
Matter-, which by its own motion, without a God to give and di-
rect It, fliould produce the Heavens and Earth, and all livmg Crea-
tures-, and that Senflefs creatures fhould beget thofe that hadUn-
derftanding-, and thefe not capable of adting, till they were
throughly awaked by cracks of Thunder? Can we imagin this
Taaiitus to have been any deep Philofopher or Politician, by fet-
ting down fuch extravagant and unrealbnable fuppofitions as thefe ?
But let us fee how it was poflible for him to advance any thing
like Rehgion upon thefe grounds: He muft be a Politician indeed
that could do it. The firft Men, he laith, confecrated the fruits
of the Earth, by which they liv'd, and worfhip'd them, and
made oblations to them. This was a very notable beginning of
Religion, according to this admirable Politician; for Mankind to
Ecquem worfliip what they dcvour'd. But Coita in Cicero thought No Man
uvmamen- could be fo mad to '■juorjhtp -jnhat he did eat. But he faith. That thefe
fHt«',t(t notions of worfoip iJi'ere futable to their weaknefs and piifillanimity .
iUud quo This doth not give any account how they came to have any no-
""ctiTir ^'°"^ °^ Divine worfhip at all. What was there in the Plants,
Deumejfe? which madc them give iuch Reverence and Devotion to them?
Cicero They faw how they grew out of the Earth, and had no power to
Deor. 1. 3, help themfelves, when they made ufe of them for food. And how
was it poflible then to give Divine worfliip to them ? which muft fup-
pofe Power at leaft in what is worfhip'd , or elfe it is a moft ri-
diculous folly in Mankind to ftoop to things fo much below them.
Now this original inclination to give Divine worfliip to fomething
or other, is that which argues that there is that which fome call
a Natural Seed of Religion in Human Nature -, and muft come
from fome antecedent Caufe, fince there could be nothing in thefe
objeds of worfliip, which fhould move them to it-, if it had been
fo, as Sanchoniathon rcprefents it from the ancient Records of
Taaiitus.
The fjuo firft Mortals^ he faith, ■were c^on ^nd 'Protogonus ;
and their Children were Genius and Genea-, rssho inhabited '"Phoeni-
cia i and '■Ji'hen they 'onere fcorched 'onith the heat-, they lift up their
hands to the Sun-, whom they believed to be the Lord of Heaven^
and called him Beel-famen-, the fame, fiith he, whom the Greeks call
Zfi/'s. But how came they to imagin any Lord of Heaven, if they
knew that the Sun was made out of fenllefs Matter, aswellasthem-
Iclves ? It may be faid. That they being weak and ignorant, did
not know it. But how then came their poiferity to know it, if
the very firft Race of Mankind were ignorant of it? By what
means came Taautus to be fo well inform'd ? Revelation cannot
be pretended, for that fuppoles what they deny; viz,, a Supreme
Being, above Matter, which hath I'nderllanding, and gives it to
Mankind. But here Mankind come to be undcrftanding Creatures,
by being born of Animals that had no Scnle: which is a moft un-
rcafonable Suppofition. They could not have it by original 1 ra-
dition, for that foils in the Fountaui-hcad, if the Hrlt pair of Mor-
tals knew nothing of it. Then rhev mull lini.1 it our bv Reafon:
and
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/IL 7
and how was that pofliblc, if there was no Maker of the World,
that there fliould be a Lord of Heaven? It is a remarkable lay-
ing o't yhiftotle obfcrv'd by Cicero, (who faw Icvcral of his pieces u« hm.
A\hich we have not, after rhey were brought to Rome by Sylla-, ^"''■'■^'
:^nd put into order by Androntcus Rhodius) "J hat if there were ^^'
Men bred under ground, and had there all conveniencics of Life,
without conjing upon the furface of the Earth; but Ihould only
hear that there was a God and a Divine Power •, and afterwards
thcfc Pcrfons fhould come out of their Caves, and behold the
Earth, Sea, and the Heavens ; the grcatnefs of the Clouds, the
force of the Wind, the bulk, and beauty, and influence of the Sun,
with the orderly motions and courfes of the heavenly Bodies: they
could not but think, not only that there was a Divine Power, but
that thefe things were the cfi'eds of it. And why fhould there not
have been the lame thoughts in this hrfl: Race of Mankind, unlcfs
we can fuppofe that they had never heard of any fuch thing as
God, or a Divine Power in the World? But then 1 ask, How
they fliould come to think of worlliiping this Beelfamen or Lord
of the Heavens ? for fo he confefles they did, and lift up their hands
to the Sun. What could the lifting up their hands fignify to a fenllefs
mafs of Firej which lately happened to be united ;together by
chance in one body ? If he had made Mankind wholly devoid of
Religion, till they had been inllruiled in it by fome crafty Politi-
cian, it had been much more agreeable to this Hypothefis -, but to
fuppofe them to pray to the Heavenly Bodies fo early, and with-
out any Inftruftor, mull imply fome natural apprehenfion of a
Deity, altho' they were fo much miftaken in the Objeft of Divine
worlhip. But it is not reafonable to believe this flaould have been
fo early and fo univerfal, but that they prefum'd the Sun, Moon>
and Stars to have been the vifible Deities appointed to govern the
vilible World •, and that the Supreme Mind was to be worlhip'd in a
wayfutabletohis own Excellency, byaftsof the Mind> which was
the opinion of many Nations, and fome of the greateft Philofophers.
Then he proceeds to relate, how after fome of their pollerity
had found out fome ufeful Inventions, as to the conveniences of
Life -, after their death their Children erefted Statues and Pillars
to their Memories, and worfliip'd and kept Annual Fellivals at
them : and that after the death of Uranus-, and Cronus-, and ^Dagon
and the reft, 7<7^///;/.r made Symbolical Images of them, being made
King of Egypt by Cronus ; and thefe things he laith, the Cabiri-, by
Taaiitus his own command, enter'd into Records ; from whence
we are to believe that Sanchoniathon took them, and Thilo By-
blius tranllated them out of the 'Phoenician Language. And Eu-
febius feems not to queftion the antiquity of them, but prefers this
plain and fimple Story far before the Inventions of Poets, or the Al-
legories of the Philofophers. If thefe things were recorded by the
Cabiri-, the fons of *![y^j')'r. Brother to A///2>r, the Father oiTaautus-,
they do not fcem to have confulted the honor of Taautus > for
they make him not barely to be chief Counfellor to Cronus, in the
defign againft his father Uranus, but that he made ufe of Magical
Arts againft him, (but they do not tell us who invented them-,
nor upon what principles they could be founded, if there were
nothing but Matter in the World) and befides this, he advis'd
CronuSi
8 ORIGINES SACRyE. Book I. Chap. I.
Cronus, having a fufpicion of his brother, to bury him aHve in the
Earth. And one would think fo great a FoUticiaii as Hermes,
would never have commanded the Cabiri to have prefcrv'd thele
Stories of himfclf and his Anceflors.
However, this is the account given by 'Philo Byblius, out of
Sanchoniatkon-, about the firft planting Religion by Hermes, who
was after, worfjiiped himfelf as a God by the Flgypfians. And
noY/ let any one confider, whether this be a reafonable or tolerable
account of the firft fo'jving the feeds of Religion among Mankiyid.
And yet this was the foundation of that fort of Religion which
came out of 'Phcenicia and Egypt into Greece : For they pretend
to give an account of Uranus and Cronus, or Saturn, and his Sons,
and of Minerva at Athens, to whom Sanchoniathon faith, Saturn
gave the dominion of it -, but the Greeks, as Thilo Byblius com-
plains, confounded all '■jjith their Fables and Allegories : but this,
he faith, is the true foundation which they rais'd their Mythology
upon.
It is evident by what is faid by Herodotus, 'Diodorus Siculus and
others, that there were feveral Colonies that went out of Egypt
into Greece, in the times of Cecrops, Cadmus, 'Danaus, and Ere-
^heus ', and it is very probable that they carry'd the Egyptian Su-
perftitions along with them: but the Perfon who is pretended to
have fetled Religion among the Greeks, was Orpheus, who is faid
to have reduc'd them firft from Barbarifm, and then to have mo-
del'd Religion among them, and to have brought out of Egypt
the Doclrine of the Immortality of the Soul, and the Rewards and
Punifnments of a future ftate.
This muft therefore be more particularly inquired into. Orpheus
is reported to have been a Man of Quality in his own Country of
Thrace, his Father having a Command over a fmall Territory there,
TUn.i..^. called Sithonia, faith 'Pliny, x\.t2x the Mountain Rhodope, whence
'• "• . he had his Title Rhodope'ius Orpheus. But 'Diodorus Siculus faith,
/. T& '1. That ■vjheyi he had accomplifoed himfelf at home, he '■s:ent into Egy pt >
i«/e!£ii. j.-^^ -^f^ Greece, only changing the Names from Ofiris andl{\s, to
Bacchus and Ceres ; and fo he did, as to the ftate of the good and
L. 10. f.s. bad after death. For, faith he. The Elyinnf elds for the good, and
the torments of Hades /tfr the bad, vaere both of Egyptian original.
I do not queftion but the Egyptian fuperftition was in great mea-
fure the foundation of the Greek; but it is hard to dctermin any
thing concerning Orpheus-, fincc Arijtotle, who was born in Ma-
De Nat. cedonia, knew nothing of him, as Cicero informs us, and That the
i^for. . I. y^YJ^g^ under his Name vi^ere varitten by a 'Pythagorean. Which is
not at all improbable. But not only 'Diodorus fpeaks pofitively
about him, but Strabo and 'Paufantas fcem not at all t.o queftion
him \ and Diogenes Laertius mentions an Epitaph upon him at
Dios in Macedonia: But I lay no weight on the Vcrfcs under his
Name-, for Suidas mentions feveral ancient Poets of tliat Name-,
and it is allow'd on all hands, that there have been at Icart great
Additions and Interpolations in the Verfes that bear the Name of
Orpheus. The Argonautics, Suidas faith, were written by one Or-
pheus o^ Crotoyie, one well acquainted with 'Pififtratus ; others fay,
rhc true Author of the Orphic 'Poems, was Onomacritus, who liv'd
about
Book I. Chap. I. GRIG IN US SACRA':. ^
about that timcj and the 'Defcent into Hades was written by one
Orpheus of Camarine-, faith Suidas. The nioft probable opinion
IS that of Arijlotle., that his Sacred Poems were written by a 'Py.
thagoreari; and therefore the '/Vdr/'tf«///j i5>r/^w/.r and '/-'r^xr/wj- might
well boaft of the agreement of the Orphic and ^Pythagorean 'Do-
brines. It is no objeftion, that there is no fuch thing now to be
found in Artftotle -, for I think Cicero may be trufted, who faw
more of Arijiotle than we now have. But I confefs if ^Diodorus
were not decciv'd by the Egyptian Pricfh, their mentionmg him
with '^Pythagoras-, llatOy Etidoxus., and ^Democritus-, who were
certainly in Egypt-, makes it very credible, that Orpheus had been
there tooj and carry'd many of the is^^/'/^/^wlliperftitions with him:
and he might the ealier fettle them iii Greece^ becauie as 'Diodorus
Siculus obfervcs, he had a particular interefl: in the Colony which
Cadmus brought, and was much elleeni'd by them; and Cadmus
himfelf was originally of Thebes or '^Diofpolts -, altho' Cadmus himfelf
might call it after his own Name; or at leaft the CalUc, which
long continued it, when the City was called Thebes.
But that Orpheus did not find thoie parts fo barbarous, as to be
deftitute of all Religion before, will appear from the account 'D/'o-
dorus Siculns himfelf gives of him, njiz. That he was very well in-
firu^ied in the Theology of hii Country before he went mto Egypt. '^^ ^''J^'
How could this be, if they were a wild and barbarous People. ;i<,y*^«
without any fenfe of God and Religion, till he return'd and planted k;^''*"'^
it among them? It's true, he calls it a Mythology -, and what elfe ^.^"Z-^
were the Egyptian Doftrines about Ofiris and^j, or about .iB^zf- tI"- i^
chus and Ceres-, as Orpheus chang'd them? But whether it were ^' ^^^'
a Mythology or not, he cAWxfSiTheology -, fuch as was then known
and thought to be true Dodrine, and I am apt to think, more de-
cent and agreeable to their natural notions of Religion, than the
Myfteries which Or/^CMJ- brought among them from ihCyEgyptiaus.
Some have obferv'd, that the very Name of Religion among the
Greeks was deriv'd from the Thracians ( ©fu^^"'* ) and fuch religion
they had among them, before Orpheus was born, as 'Diodorus him-
felf confefles. Whether Zamolx is had inlfrudTed them in Religion
before the time of Orpheus-, we cannot detcrmin, unlcfs his time
had been better fix'd : The Greeks-, who write Pythagoras his Life
in favor to themfelvcs, make Zamolxis his Servant-, and that he
went from them to inftrud the Get a-, among whom he was honor'd as
a God. But liirodotus-, who extols them U'S the mojl valiant and
jujf of the Thracians-, after he hath told the Greek Story about Za- Herodot.
molxis being Servant to Pythagoras-, he concludes, That he thought ^■9-<^-9:-
him long before 'Pythagoras. And he faith, that the Thracians had
that opinion of his 'Do^rine-, that they defpis'd death -, faying-, they
only went to Zamolxis. From whence it is plain, that the Thra- mcULz.
cians then believed the Immortality of the Soul: and Pomponius ''• ^•
Mela faith, That Belief continud among them to his time. But
whereas Diodorus Siculns athrms, that Orpheus brought all the mod. sk.
Mythology about Hades and the Jlate of the dead out of Egypt-, and the '• '•^- ^^'
ctifloms of Burial there ; For the Body was to be conveyed over the
Lake Acheron by Charon, where on one fide were pleafant fields -, and
not far off the Temple of Hecate-, and Cocytus-, and Lethey 1 do not
deny that Or/'/;raj- might add particular circumftances from what
B he
6i.
lo ORIGINES SACRAL. BookI. Chap. 1.
he had obfery'd in Egypt ; but that the whole Tradition concern-
ing a future Hate came from thence, is fo far from being true, that
the Thracians-) the Geta and Hyperborei had the hke Tradition
i.iia. My- among them -, as appears by the Gothic Edda's, where we read of
thai. c. }. ffjg Judgment of another World, and that the Good fhall dwell
with Odin in a happy ftate, and the Bad go to Hellen and Thif-
fulheim; and a large account is given of the manner of Judicature
in the other World, from the Brafs Tables of the Hyperborei in
the Illand of "Delos-^ which are mentioned in the Dialogue ^at/j?-
cloKs in Tlato's Works. And however it be not genuine, it is fuf-
ficient to our purpofe, that all this Tradition came not out of E-
gypt. One would think by the Account given by Tizodorus, that
neither Orpheus, nor the Egyptians, believ'd any thing at all con-
cerning a future ftate : but that only fome Ceremonies were us'd
about Burials, wherein the Lives of Men were inquir'd into, and
judgment pafs'd upon them; which the Hiftorian thinks more ef-
feftual for reforming Mankind, than the Greek or Poetical Fables.
But that the Egyptians had a real Belief of another llatc, appears
from 'Diodorus himfelf For, if any Perfon were accus'd before
the folemn judicature, which fat upon hinij if the matter were
not prov'd, the Accufer was feverely punifh'd •, if it were, the Body
was depriv'd of BuriaU if there were no Accufation, then the
Perfon's virtues were remembred, his piety, juftice, chaftity, Sec.
and they concluded with a Prayer, that he might be admitted to
Torfhyr. the blcfled Society of the Good -, and the People applauded his
De Ahftin. Happincfs in that refpe£t. But Torphyry, who cannot be fufpeded
. \.c. 10. of poi-gei-y jn this matter, gives a more particular Account of this
Prayer ; which he faith Eiiphantus tranflated out of the Egyptian
Language j and the fubftance of it is this: They firft take out the
Bowels, and put them into a cheft on purpofe, and then lift it
up towards Heaven; and the Perfon to whom it belongs, makes a
Prayer in the name of the Deceafed, to the Sun and all the Gods,
which give life to Men, that they would receive him into the So-
ciety of the immortal Gods. F'or he had pioufly worfhip'd the
Gods his Parents had taught him, as long as he liv'd; he had ho-
nor'd thofe from whom he came into the World; he had not
kill'd, nor injur'd or defrauded any one, nor had committed any
horrible wickedncfs; but if he had ofl'ended in eating and drink-
ing, it was for the fake of that which was in that Chcft; and fo
they took that, and threw it into the River, andintombcd the reft
of the Body. By this we fee a diftincHon is to be made between
the general fenfe of another Life, and fome particular jfiiperfti-
fc*/.i.6. tions, fuch as thofe Orpheus carry'd into Greece i where they had
straboi.^. a notion of another World before, as well as in Egypt. For it is
MlneW*. ^^^ reafonablc to prefume that the Greeks fiiould be worfe m this
I IS- refpeft, than the moft barbarous Northern People. For, bcddes
* Nobiiijj:. thofe already mcnrion'd, -^Cafar-, and Strabo-, zndJmmJanus Mar-
7"meo1Z, (^^lltnus fay, that the 'Druids ajjerted the Immortality of Souls-,
inventum and ncithcr Orpheus, nor any out of Egypt ever convcrs'd amont^
Animt. But fome in our Age arc fo fond of the Egyptians, that they
Canon, wij] by ^j] nieaus make the Immorraiity of Souis to be *^ a KobL
In'vention of theirs. What is the meaning of this Noble Invert
P'»'7-
tion ?
I I
Book I. Chap. I ORIGINKS SA CR AL
iion? Is it that none ever thought of it before them-, and all others
deriv'd it from them? That appears already to be otherwifc-, and
that very diilant and remote Nations, who had no eommunication
with thefe Noble Inventors held the func opinions-, as mi^ht, if
it were needful, be prov'd by undoubted Teltimonies, botli of the
Eajt and JVcJt Indies -, where neither Orpheus nor the Kgvptian
Prieils were ever heard of. And 'Paufanias long fince obfcrv'd^ 'That ^""A"- m
the Chaldeans ajid Indians held the fat/ie -, and before the Jigy- ^^'"'
ptians ; for he makes them the firft. But Herodotus I'aith, 'That the ^^'"'"'I't- 1.
f.gyptians were the firft -who ajjerted the hmnoriality of Souls. Not ^' '^' '^''
abiblutely •, but fo as to pajs from one Body to another-, till at laft it
came into a human Body. And of this Noble Invention let the
Egyptians have the due honor-, and not thole Greeks-, who, as he
faith, '■jvould deprive them of it. It is great pity they (liould lofe
k; llnce "Diodorus Sicnlus faith. The Soul of Ofiris paft into a Bull; aiod.sk.
and that is the reafon ii'hy they give fo much honor to it. It cannot '' ^' ^*"
be deny'd, that fomc Greek f^hilofophers of great Reputation did
afTcrt the Tranfmigration of Souls -, if their Doftrine be not mif-
reprefented : but neither Pythagoreans nor Tlatonifts did hold it
univerfiily, nor in fuch a manner as is commonly underllood.
Yox-, they held no Tranfmigration of the Souls of Good Men, which
were fit for happinefs; but allerted that they went immediately
to Heaven, or a Hate of Bhfs ; as may be prov'd by the tellimo-
nies of Epicharmus-, Empedoclesy '^Plato-, and many others: hut upkharm.
the difficulty lay about Impure Souls •, the "Pythagoreans utterly re- ^M C'>''-'-
jedled the poetical Fables about the ftate of the dead; and there- p^^'^^t'
fore they were forcd to thmkof fome way of purifying them after ^i^ment.
death. They had no light to diredb them, but their own Imagina- ^ '*'• ^"''
tion ; and they thought it beft for the fame Soul to come into an- Poefii rhi-
other human Body, to try if it would behave it felf better, that '':/^^^8•
it might be happy: But for profligate and very wicked Perfons,
they told them of going into fuch Beafls, as were moll remarkable
for thofe vices they were moft addicted to j as the cruel into Ti-
gers and bealls of Prey, the voluptuous into Swine > the proud
and vain into Birds -, the idle and foft into Filhes. This is the
Account given, faith Beffarion-, by Timaus in his Book de Mundo
^ Anima. And when Trapezamtius charged Plato with allert-
ing that Brutes were informed by human Souls -, Cardinal Bef-
farion-i a very learned Greeks utterly denies it-, and faith. That Bejpir.ci>nt.
Plato doth not make the Soul of a Man to become the Soul of a ^f"'""'
Brute i but only that it is confined to it as a prifon for a certain
time-, but it is not capable of ailing there for want of proper Organs.
So that thefe Philofophers opinion was very different from the
Egyptians. But whence came the moft ancient Philofophers to
hold the Immortality of Souls? Had they it from the Egyptians^
Plutarch faith. That Thales was the firft , not that held the Soul *0«a?5«'-
to be immortal -, for fo many did before him -, but that maintained ^^'°'^,^
it as a Philofophcr by Reafon •, that is, becaufe it had the principle -^j.^^, it is hardly conceivable, that under all the horrible
fuperftitions of Greece:, there fliould be any fuch thing as a fenfe
of Religion left among them. But the evidence of that was fo
great, as made all Men of Underftanding to put any tolerable
ienfe upon thofe -vile fuperft it ions -, which were fo prevailing in
Greece^ after the Egyptian fopperies \iQ.xQ. brought in among them.
The Rule they went by was this. That Religion mufl: be preferv'd
in the World, not to ferve Politic Ends, but" to fatisfy the Reafon
and common Senfe of Mankind -, and that fince fuch a way of Wor-
fhip was fo generally receiv'd, they were willing to put the bcfl:
conftruftions upon it, arid to make it fome way or other ferve to
keep up the Ienfe of a Divine Power in the management of the
World. And of this we have a remarkable inftancc m Tlutarch-,
with refpe£t to the Egyptian Myfleries-, in his Treatile of l(is and
Ofiris. He profefles at firft a great defire to find out the truth of
thefe things that concern the knowledgof Gov>-, it being the great ejl
Bleffmg God can give ^ and Mankind can receive -, and that without ^
it Immortality is not Life, but 'Duration. Andtheendof all-, he faith, P/ '^^'f;
is the knowledg ofthefirft and principal and intelle£tual Being. But ciflvl y]^
he can make nothing at all of the Matters of faB with relation to ""&** ?"-
Ofiris and Ifis^ which he looks on as very abfurd -, and fo overthrows "p.^Z'".'"''
Althe Thoenician Scheme of Thilo Byblins, who lived much about
the fame time, under Trajan : but Blutarch faith, To underftand v. j^s.
thofe things of a Divine Being literally, u fo abfurd and impious,
that they deftrve to be fpit at vi'ho offer them. And for thofe, Vi'ho
interpret thefe things of great '^Princes in former times, who had
Divine Honor given them, this, he faith, is the way to overthrow
the nattiral fenfe of a Divine Being, and fo open the way to A-
theifm, by confounding Gods and Men together -, as he faith, Euhe-
merus Meffenius had done. And therefore he was fain to turn all
into Allegory, to avoid the mifchief of abfurd and impious opi-
nions concerning that Divine Power , which he owned to be h\
the World ■, and not only fo, but he adds (as is already oblerved)
that there was a very ancient Tradition in the World, among all ^f^^'
forts of Men -, and which had obtained a firm and unfoaken Belief in a^^&t.
the World, not only in common talk, but in their great eft Myfteries, "^"^-f "f
and that both among Greeks and Barbarians, that the Univerfe was !^°^,^> "^
not made by chance , or without reafon , but that it was made and 9'^<"f^|'«
governed by it. From whence it follows, that there was fuch a ^*j,^a'-
B 3 7'radi-
14 ORIGINES SACRjE. Book I. Chap. I.
Tradition among the old Greeks-, which did not lofc its Authonty>
whcnthofc Mvftcries were brought in; and that made the moft in-
telligent Perfons to apply them that way. For it feems, by the ac-
count he giA'cs of Etihemerus MeJJenius-, that Acheiitical Perfons took
great advantages from thefe Stories of their Gods, to prove that
there were none at all ; but only that Great Men in former ages,
that had found out fome ufeful Inventions, were deify'd after their
deaths. Thitarch makes that a fabulous ftory, which he tells of his
Golden Infcriptions in Tanchaa-, to prove the truth of his afier-
tion, ii-hich none ever faw beftdes himfelf; and he affirms, That
there were no fuch Perfons as the Tanchai : but others have fliew'd
that there was fuch a place as Panchaa about Arabia Felix. And
Diod.sind. 'J)iodoriis Sicilian mentions it as a confiderable Ifland in the Ara-
i-yp-i^O' ^/^;^§ep^ and that the Inhabitants are c^llcd'P ancbai i and that near
the City Tanara-, there is a Temple to Jupiter Triphylliiis which
was in great veneration" for its Antiquity and Magnificence, which
he defcribes at large •, and upon the Mountain there, it is laid that
Uranus of old inhabited-, and the People were called Triphyllii,
from three different Tribes which joyn'd there, and were after-
v/ards driven out by Ammon. And to make the Story of Euhe-
fMerifs more probable, he faith, The Inhabitants came firft out
of Crete in Jupiter s time. So that Tlutarch was very much to
feck, when he deny'd that there was any fuch place as 'P^«r^^(2, or
ilich a Perfon as Jupiter Triphyllius. And T)iodorus further laith,
There was in it a golden Pillar in the old Egyptian Letters, wherein
there were Infcriptions containing theAfts oi Uranus -Cind J up iter,
and of 'Diana and Apollo written by Hermes. Which is a very
different account of this matter, from what 'Plutarch gives.
Some are willing to excufe Euhemerus-, as tho' he intended no-
thing more, but to let the Greeks know, that they worfhip'd fuch
for Gods which had been Men > which was true enough. But
this did not reach his defign, according to 'Plutarch i which was
Tiuturck to prove, that there 'onere no other Gods but thefe : fo 'Plutarch
de Tiacitis ninks him with 'Diagoras Melius and Theodorus-, who faid there
a'af' ^jJ '^'^^^'^ '"^ Gods. And the Epicurean in Tullj faid, that Euhemerus
N.D.i.i. dr/lroy'd all Religion-, which could not be true, if he had left any
^Tm^I^ Divinity to be worfhip'd. Sextus Empiricus reckons him among
;. 3 17. '■' the Atheijis -, and faith, he was a conceited Man j but he charges him
only with faying. That fome Great Men in former Ages had been
wade Gods. Which was fo evident a thing, that one would think
none could have been called an Atheiji merely upon that account.
But Jupiter o^ Crete had been advanc'd a long time to the highcll
Divine Honor-, and conl'equcntly thofe who went about to dii-
prove his worfliip, were thought to deflroy the worfhip which
belongs to the Supreme God But 'Diodorus Siculus in a Frag-
ziifeb. Fr. mcnt of his fixth Book prefcrv'd by Eufebius, gives a very diffc-
£-va»2.i.i. j-gnt; account of him; and that from Euhemerus his own words,
VIZ. That the Ancients had deliver'd to their pollerity two diffe-
rent Notions of Gods; one of thoie that were Fternal and Im-
mortal, as the Sun, Moon and Stars, and other parts of the Uni-
verfc-, but others were Terreilrial Gods, that were fo made, be-
caufe they were Bcncfadors to Mankind, as Hercules, Bacchus,
and others. And as to Euhemerus, he faith that he luas a Fa^■orite
of
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRA\. 15
of Caflandcr Kwg of Macedonia, h 'ojhoje command he made a
voyage into thofe parts ; where he found the things before men-
Cion'd. But feme learned Men are ftill of Tlutarchh opinion, that ^ochan
EukaHmis his 'Panchaa is a mere figment of his-, for which I do i'haifg.u.
not fee any reafon fufficientj cfpecially when the fame Perfons do "• *^-
allow Sanc/jiOnatlion's 'Phocnichn Antiquities-, and mcthinks Eu-
hemerus his Account of the Infcriptions on Pillars of the Ads of
Uranus and Cronus-, and Jupiter and Am^non -, and the Sacred Letters
by Hermes-, comes fo near to Thilo Byblius-> that one would think
he had coitipar'd Notes with Eithemerns and IDiodorus Siculus.
But their dcfign was different in this refped, that Sanchoniathon
juftify'd the making Men to be Gods-, but Euhtmerus went about
to prove they were not Gods-, bccaufe they had been Men. It is
pofllble, that the common People might account him an Atheift
for denying Jupiter of Crete to be God, or for faying, that his
Sepulchre was to be found. But why fliould -Plutarch charge him
on this account, when he himfelf lb much finds fault with thofe
who made Men to be Gods ? He cndenvor'd, he faith, to avoid
the extremes both of Supcrjiition and Atheifm-, but he could but
endeavor it, when he aliow'd the pradlices of the Greeks and E-
gyptians-, aiid only offer'd at fome forced Interpretations of them i
againft the general fenfe of the Egyptian Mylleries.
But however it appears from him, that the old Greeks did pre-
ferve the ancient Tradition o^ the World not being made by chance,
which is the foundation of all Religion. And Tlato, when he en- p/^w di
ters upon the Difcourfe againft Atheifm-, begins with two things, ^^•'-'•'•
viz. That the Sim-, and Moon-, and Stars-, and the order of Sea-
fonsjhew'd there ijvas a God and 'Providence i andthe confent of all
Mankind-, Greeks and Barbarians. Now, how could 'Plato have
faid this of the old Greeks-, if they had been without any Religion
till Orpheus came out of Egypt? And we have an eviaent proof
of the praft ice of Divine Worfliip among them, from the Parian
Chronicle; where it is faid, That Deucalion after he had efcaped Mamm.
the Flood vjent to Athens, and there offer'd a folemn facrifice for •^'•«'"'*^;
his deliverance-, and Paufanias faith, he there built a magnif cent J^^Ts''"
Temple. Which are lufficient Evidences of the Religion of the old
Greeks, even before they had the Name of Hellens from the Son
of 'Deucalion. But I have not yet done with T>iodorus Siculus,
who lets fall fevcral infinuations, as tho' he were of the Mind
of Euhemerus Mefenius -, and that the old Religion, both in
Eg)pt and elfewhere, was nothing but a Politic Contrivance.
For in the beginning of his Hiftory, he pretends to give an Ac-
count of the beginning of all things. But it is fuch a one as plain-
ly fhews he was no friend to Religion j for he takes away the very
foundation of it, by fuppofmg the V7orld to be produc'd without
any Intelleclual Caufe. He fiith at firft there were two Opinions
among the Philofophers and Hiftorians : One was, that the World
had been always juft as it is-, the other, that there was a begin-
ning of Mankind, and of other things. But how.' This he un-
dertakes to explain after this manner. At firft there was a Chaos,
or a confus'd Mixture of Heaven and Earth and all together ; then
foUow'd a Separation of Bodies from each other, and thence came
the prefeat Frame of the World. The lighter Bodies mov'd for-
ward.
i6 ORIGINES SACRjE. Book I. Chap. I.
ward, as the Air and Fire, by which Motion came the Sun, Moon
and Stars. But the groflcr and more heavy parts fubfidcd toge-
ther i the moifter made the Sea, and the dry the Earth : which
was very moift, but being quicken'd by the heat of the Sun,
fwcird up in feveral Tumors with thin Skins containing the Ma-
terials of hving Creatures; which having ftrength brake thro'
thofe Skins i and thence came all forts of Animals. But the heat
of the Sun and the Winds hardening the furface of the Earth,
no more of fuch fwellings appear'd; and fo the Animals are fince
continued by Propagation. But the Men whi'^h were thus born
were very wild at firll, but by degrees they came to underftand
one another, and to find out the conveniences of Living. This
is the fhort Abftrad" of the Account he gives : wh. h is jull the
Epicurean Hj'pothe/is inothcvTcnnSy which w.s much in vogue in
the time of 'Diodorus S/ailus, (which, i'v.'^ th Sid das, was that of
Angujhis^ efpecially after Lucretius his Poem was in fuch reputa-
tion : For, he faith, he very well und-crllood the Latin Tongue,
and had great helps to his Hiftory from Rome: and whufoever
compares this with Lucretius-, will fcarce find any difference. And
Eufebius obferves, that he does not fo much as once mention the
Eufeb. Tr. Name of God in it, but leaves all to Chance, and a fortuitous
Evmg.u. concourfei and as it is exprefs'd in ?*////^^rr/^, where the Epicu-
%iutnrch ^^^^ Opinion is dcliver'd much to the fame purpofe, the World is
i^vLcii faid to have come together at firft by a motion of Atoms without
jM /. I. Providence. Where there muft be fomething defeftive in the
"■'*■ beginning, to fhew this to have been the Epicurean Hypothefis;
for as it ftands, it fecms to be Tlut arch's own opinion ; which is
^aJ^'»«|» direftly contrary to what he had faid before in the foregoing Cha-
X.twXt pter, where he blames Anaximander, for leaving out the Efficient
xL-m.^'ii^- Caufe; for, faith he. Matter alone can do nothing without it. And
w.lXt the fame he repeats againft Anaximenes -, and faith plainly, *That
5,-va,«A- it is impoflible that Matter alone fliould be the Caufe of Things j
^*5^.M as it is for Metals to form themfelvcs into Pots and Cups with-
;j^; lWo- out an Artiir. So that ''Flutarch mult be clear d from that opi-
""f"^- , nion, which he fo juftly oppoics •, and he commends Anaxagoras
Filf.'^rhil. in a particular manner, for adding Mind as the Efficient Caufe to
/.i.f.3. JvL-ittcr; which brought it out of confufion into that order that
pUn.N.H. appears in the World. 'Fliny fiith of 'Diodorus, Apud Gracos
/.I.C.I, dejiit nugari i but he only applies it to the Title of his Book-, and
Lii.i.c.,. it is not true of the Beginning of it: 'F//ny himiclf rook the
World to be an Eternal Being, whi;.h he calls God} and I'o was
againft 'Diodorus his Making of the World But 'Diodorus quotes
Euripides the Scholar of ^w without interfering with each other-.
How the moifter and heavier parts came to be divided, fo as to
make two fuch great Bodies, as the Earth and Sea to be fo dillin-
guifh'd and parted from one another: which are confiderable dif-
ficulties, and ought to have been clear'd. It may be faid. That he
writes not like a 'Philofopher-, but as an Hiflorian, and only in gene-
ral lays do\ju7i the principles that had been received by 'Ehilofopbers.
But this doth not vindicate him. For then he fliould have fetdown
all their Opinions, which he doth not -, but purpofely avoids that
which would have refolv'd thefe difficulties. For if an Eternal
Mind be fuppos'd to give and direft the motion of Matter, then
we may cafily conceive, not only whence Motion it felf came > but
whence Gravitation, or the tendency of Bodies towards their
centers whence the fevcral great Bodies of the Heavens came to
have their diflinft circumvolations -, and whence the Earth and
Sea came to be fo divided, and parted from one another.
But 'Diodorus was fenfible that there would be great objections
made againft the prodti^ion of Animals out of the Earth-, without
any other Caufe than the heat of the Sun-, and moifhire and put re-
fallion of the flimy fubjtance of the Earth. And therefore to an-
fwer them, the Egyptians-, he faith, produce this Experiment among
them-, that about Thebes, if hen the Earth is moijtened by the
Nile, by the intenfe heat of the Sun falling tipon it-, an innu-
merable multitude of Mice do fpring out -, which being done after
the Earth was fo much hardened, and the firfi influences abated-,
much more might all kind of Animals come out of the Earth
at frfi.
Butinthefirfl: place, we have nothing but the teftimony of thefe i-
^^y/^iiZ^j for the original truth of thisj who brought it as an Ar-
gument to juflify their own Hypothecs. And from them other O'^''^- w?-^
Writers have taken it, without examining the truth of it, as Oijid-i J'""".
Mela-, Tliny, &cc. cyElia?i goes farther (v/ho Mv'd'm Hadrian's Pim.!.^.
time) for he faith, in his way between Naples and Puteoli, hefaw ^^" •
fuch imperfeEi Animals-, half Mud^ and half li-ving Creatures -, Al-
tera pars "vivit-, rudis efl pars altera tellus -, as Ov/<^defcribesthem.
C But
i8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. I.
But this is very far from making any tolerable proof-, For they
might be perfe'ft Animals, and only one part appeal- out of the
mud or dirt, and the other be cover'd over with it. And this in
all probability was the cafe in Egypt. For theic were fecn only
hi the Mud, after the Nile was rcturn'd into jts Channel, as Mela
•Neq; fa- atiirms, Ubifc davit dilnvia & fejibi reddidit, per humentes camjjos
cKbL^iMi qii^dam nondiim perfeBa animalia-, S^c. Now this was a very iil
in Anima- time for any Perfons to go farther than as to what appear'd to them
lis fahnca, gt ^ fj^ftance : and becaufe they fasv but Ibme parts, they concluded
Omnipo- n- ¥-1 1 ■ ■ n-i 1-
tens crca- the reft to be nothmg but llmie. But this is a very llight and im-
rorin ope. p^j-feft w^y of making Experiments. Did any of the Egyptians
alic'nuni. take and diHect any of thefe Imperfect Animals-, and llicw how it
fcftiuscoa- \^^:^s pofllble in the formation of them, for one part of them to be
iu't"p"rx- nothing but mud, when the reft had all the proper Organs belong-
ientws e- jng to iuch Auimals. ? If the internal and vital parts be firft form'd
^ddt^r^ (as no doubt they are) and the Blood pafling thro' the Heart into
. fmm.49. ^"^^^ outward parts, be the great inftrumentof pcrfc£l-ingtheOr^^;2J
Quapro- of fenfe and motion •, how is it polTible to conceive that where
refte'pieq; ^hc inward parts are perfeft in their kind •, one main part of an
(niea qui- Animal ihould have nothing like Organs, but merely be a mafs of
ciem ftn- j^^j-t? And by what means could that afterwards be joyn'd with
putaverit, the Other to make up one perfect Animal? it is agreed among the
qui rerum \.q^^ Obfervcrs and moft curious Inquirers into thefe things, that
Gooeratic- ^hc Heart is the firlt of the folid parts, and the Blood of the
nes, abeo- Fluid j but whether it be by a dihtztion of the T unci um fa liens, or
demiio3e- ^.^j beating fpeck, into feveral parts, whereof one is for the up
terno atq; 1 - - 1 r t 1 ~ 1
omnipo- per, and the other for the lower and remoter parts -, or it be by
'^f"''' d^" extention of the feveral parts in little, as an Embryo-) (as it is in
duxcrit, i Plants) or by a fermentation raifed in the fluid matter by an adtive
cuusnutu fluid convey'd into it, upon the conjunftion of male and female-,
farumu?' (which are the feveral Hypothefes of the moft inquifitive Perfons
niveiTitas in this Philofophical Age) which way foever we take it.-, this Egy-
i w">r/ Z^^*^'^ Hy pot he/is of Imperfe£f Animals-, is repugnant to the moft ac-
^o. curate Obfervations, which have been made about the Generations
Quod u-^ Qf Animals. And however fuch things might then pafs among
ibn5,fingu- ^"ch who take all upon truft from the Egyptians or others who
lis rerum nevcr cxamiu'd them -, yet it would be the only proof of Im-
"m"operi- P^Kf^^ Animals, to find any in our Age to defend thofc crude and
busnon abfurd Opinions. As tho' any thing were to be bclicv'd rather
fit'""uam' ^^^""^ ^^^ n\oik. reafonable things in the World, "viz,. God and Pro-
to'i u- vidence-, which appear moft confpicuoufly in the produiR:ion of
nivciib. Animals. Infomuch that our fagacious Dr. * Harvey after all his
!!iinc fuo diligent and exact Inquiries, confeflcs that the pc-sjer and prefence
livcProvi- of the Deity is no vnhere more obfervable than in the Formation
frmcntr ^f ^^^^^^l^- And he could find no fitisfaftion in any Hypothefes
Divina of the greatcft Naturalifts, without taking in the immediate 'Fozver
*^' "31^1^' ^^'^ 'Providence of God. And even Mr. Hobbes himlelf, who was as
procrtct. unwilling to call in thehelpof Providence, as another-, yetisforc'd
Uid. to give up the Caufc in this matter ; and freely confeflcs, f That if
i Qui fi Men examin the feveral Machines in order to Generation and Nn-
niiJiiBas trition, and thitik they 'juere not ordered by an intelligent Being to
turn Gcner.tionis turn Nutritioiiis fatis pciTpcxcrint, nee tamcn c.is a mcntc aliqua coiulitas ordinatafquc
li.a quafquc ofHci.i vidcrint, ipii profcfto iinc mcntc cflc ccnfendi iiint. Hobb.ik H;.?mncl. i.e. \. ml fin.
their
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACRJE. 15;
their fever al offices-, rmijt be faid to be 'without Under ft anding them- \
felves. And yet he fcts down the words of 'Diodorus Sicidus in the !
beginning of that Chapter-, and thinks that vs as far as Men can \
go by Thtlofophy-, without Revelation. How can thcfe things con- !
iift? For Men without Revelation may find out all the Machines \
in the Body ; and therefore may be convinc'd that there was an ]
Eternal Mnid which gave a Being to thefe things ^ which is more 1
than "Diodorus Siculus or his Thilofophers could find : For they j
iffirm'd, That Animals were form d by Chance-, out of mudandputre- \
faction without any Mmd; and tliereforc according to him they
had none themfelves. And fome of our mod experienc'd and l
skilful Anatomijls-, after all their debates about the fcveral Mecha- j
meal Hypothefes concerning the Produftion of Animals, have con- • rntcrea
eluded that * it is impofjible that mere Matter and Motion-, of what- '^tumma.
foever figure the particles of Matter be-, fiould make up the Body /?^/$-, much lefs putrified water or flime j but that i-y.RiMJe
lejjer Animals hide thcmf elves under dirt and Jlime, and therefore ^'^M',^-.
have been fufpeSfed to have come out of it -, and if thofe who firfi ^'^^^'^^'
broached this opinion had examined this matter more Jtri6tiy , they
izould have found thc7n only covered over, or at leaft fame part of
them with that earth which they thought had brought them forth.
And for the little frogs, he faith, that they are fo tnuch of the co- p. 108.
lour of the earth, that they might eafily be mijlakcn for parts of it -,
but upon opening of them-, their Jlomachs and inteflines are full of
food and excrements. Which is a plain demonflration againil their
original from the earth j and he concludes it a thing impolfible for P- ^°9-
any fuch creatures that are part mud and part animals, to be pro-
duced by the inundation of the Nile. There is a remarkable paflagc
in Olaus fVormius concern'm^thc Norway mice, which feem to come
out of the Clouds j that affoon as they are fallen, they have found ^^'.^^'""*
green herbs in their bowels -, (and I do not think any grafs grows in lI""^.^,
the Clouds: ) But he thinks ty^^/z^^r's opinion not improbable, f^^^ f i->-<^.
they come from putrified water in the clouds -, andhelaith, The Sea- ^^''^"'^
men have found them fallen into their Vejf els, and that the Clouds ftink ''^" ^*
and hinder their breathing; but at laft he thinks they may be only
carried by fame violent forms from the Mountains and Iflands where
they breed in great abundance. And Etmullerus a German Phyfician ^""uUer.
concludes all (^yEquivocal Generation to be impojfible. Some of ^y'' '
our own mofl: diligent Inquirers, after all their fearches, declare
that they can find no fuch thing as a Spontaneous Generation of Ani- Liflcr in
mals', and I remember I have formerly read a Difcourfe in MS. ^/einflk.
of Mr. Boyle's to that purpole. Our mgenious and learned Mr. p. 47.
Ray pofitively affirms, That there is no fuch thing in nature, as R^yfthe
^^yEquivocal or Spontaneous Ge^ieration, but that all Animals as p^rTl".'
well /mall as great, are generated by animal 'Parents ofthej'amefpe- p. yi.
cies with themfelves. And becaufe fome were offended at it, he
goes about to juftify his Affertion, not on\y from Reafon, but from
the Authority of Malpighius as well as Redi, Swammerdam, and
Lewenhoek, and many others, who have cxamin'd this matter f^zr^-
fully and circumfpeftly -, and therefore their Authority fways more
VDith him, than the concurrent fnffrages of a thoufand others -, as he
faith.
But there are fomethings not yet fufficicntly clear'd as to this
matter, efpecially as to Animals breeding in human Bodies, of par-
ticular times, and in fome difeafes : but as to Plants and fome In-
kdiS about them, in which Redi himfelf gives up the caufe, Alal-
/>/^/j/>/j-contradiashim, and fo do Swammerdam, and others-, par-
ticularly Mr. Hook faith, He obferv'd little eggs in the protuberan- ^^'^^'ira,
cies ''' ^'
Z4 ORIGINES SACR^. Book I. Chap. I.
cies of plants, -vjloich became ijjorms ijith legs-, ivhich eat through
the '■ji-omb li^-hich inclosed them. And in all Galls, he faith, there be ei-
ther holes "jjhere the -^-orm hath eat out its paffage ; or a place -ahere
it had been. All which he attributes to the particular delign of
Providence, in taking care for the conveniencies of the meaneft
Animals. But there feems to be more difficulty in the Apiarium
Tifo Hifi. warinv.m mention'd by Tifo; for it is hard tounderftandhow^/j^/^'
Kat.Brafii. ^//^^, -jjorms cafflc to the bottom of the Sea, '■jjhich coming up iz-ith
"^''^'"" a fpnngy fort of firub groining upon the Rocks-, and being expos d
to the heat-, ttirn'd to little Animals like Bees. But this matter is
not deliver'ddiilinftly enough to form any Argument upon 5 as Mr.
Microgra. Hook hath wcll obfcrv'd. I fee no difficulty in the Ephemeron or
'^"^^' Hemerobiorh as it is defcrib'd by the Authors at the end of Goe-
dart-> who give the bed account of it •, for it feems to be of the
nature oF other Infeds-, and the only difficulty is, why fo much
pains for fo fiiort a life ^ for it is produc'd by fuch changes as other
Infects are. But it cannot be deny'd, that there have been among
us two very learned Men, who have afferted a kind of Sponta-
neous Generation of Animals > I mean Dr. Harvey and his Apo-
Re^t'P-io- loo^ifl- For Dr. Harvey, Redi obfcrves That althd' he ajferts
every Annnal to come of an egg proper to its kind, yet he 'was of
opinion that thcfe eggs are not always contain d in the bodies of Ani-
mals, but are difpers'd up and down by the Air, and after become A-
7iimals in an equivocal manner : but he faith, he hath not deaf d the
grounds of his opinion-, fave only that it comes from the Omnipo-
tent hand of God. So that Dr. Harvey held a true Spontaneous
Generation from mere Matter and Motion to have been impoffible-,
as appears by what is faid of him before. And fo his Apologijl
znt. ^pei. fuppofes a fa line Spirit to be difpers'd in Nature , -which meeting
'■^■{•119- r^nth proper tnatter and a moderate heat, may produce InfeEis, and
fuch kind of Animals : but he was very far from thinking this could
be done without a Power far above Matter and Motion ; which at
.J firft order'd the World, and all things in it. But he thinks fuch
^ Infers come nearer to the nature of 'Plants than Animals^ and live
chief y by the heat of the Sun -, and therefore in the winter, they are
torpid and without motion, and are revived at Spring 'when the heat
increafes-
IV. Suppofing ii to be granted that there were fuch an ^4i,quivocaI
Generation of Mice and Frogs on the Bank of the Nile, how
doth it from thence follow that Mankind had the iame kind of
pim.N.H. Original.^ It is a faying of 'Pli?iy, which hath been carry'd too
/, I I.e. I. ^^^^ (i>uam Natura rerum nufquam magis quam in minimis totafit -,
where he compares Infefts with the greater Animals 5 and feems
to admire the workmanffiip of one fir beyond the other : his
words arc, Nufquam alibi fptUtatiore natura rerum Artificio. And
fo he falls into admiration of the pcrfcdions of fomc Infects, as
tothcquicknefsof fcnfe and motion i and of others as to their pc-
Anji. ie culiar properties. I think y/r//?^?^^' was very much in the right when
;«r. Amm. j.,g j^^j^^ ^^gy 'Were to bc blam'd'who defpifedthe lea ft things in Nature i
for in all of them 'i'f^l^ %<'/^^'. there is fomething'whichdi'ferves admi-
ration : And particularly in Infects, the contexture of their parts, the
manner of their transformations, theditl'erence of their kinds, the va-
riety of their food,and their time of taking it, have fomething in them,
which
Book I. chap. I. O RIG INKS SACK/E. X5
which cannot be accounted For by mere Matter and Motion : But yet,
there is a great difference in tlie inward make of thcle ( features fioni
more perfed- Animals. For Redi affirms, i\\:\tSle7WAnd he opening
Ibme In feds together, they could find no other inward parts, Out one ^''' ''■■
long chmntithro' the 'u.hole Body^ nhout 'u:ljuh there '■juere filaments in a ^!^!^'^
confusU ferics-, which they thought mJghr be inflead of Veins and til intv:,'"
Arteries. When all their inward parts were taken out, and the Head ^^^^ ^'^-^
taken off, they Ji ill lived and moved as other Infe^ls do ; and laid their pautiTh.
eggs. By which we ice what a vaff dillcrencc there is between r-"';;':"'
the principles of Life in Mankind from thofe in thele admirable 2'p/,>.
Infcds. Jul. Scaliger extremely defpifes Cardan's way of reafoning •, '• ' '• '^'4.
Mns e putredine potcft 7iafci^ ergo & homo pot efi: and faith. That ^lf,/\'^^'
the in'oman in ElbpV Fables, '■joho iz-as asked by her husband hou c.6. ' '"*"
the child came ivithoiit him, and Jhe anfijuered-, Out of the fiio'j:; -, ^'^'■h";-
might have made abetter anfjver from Cardan'j Thiloj'ophyt viz. out ipj^'^'
of the mud. And it is wittily laid by Scaliger of him in another
place, 77)9' "^'^'^ .ft^'^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^f-> ''^'^J^l^ they lift up one foot to Exerdt.
get out-, fet the other faficr , and therefore it is bejl to keep out of it '^°- ^•
altogether. But Cardan fcem'd to be ib little concern'd to get out
of It, that he afferts that every putrefaflion produces fome Animal Exenir.
or other i and that all Animals come out of it : '■johich, faith Scaliger, '9°- 193.
is a '■jvicked and profane fpeech. And yet Andr. Cafalpmus under- ^ndr. cs-
takes to defend Cardan, chiefly from the Generation of Infed s j ^'^'"■■^'•
without regarding the difference between them and more perfect /./.Ti'.
Animals, if his fuppofition had been true. Ariftotle, who had all
pofllble advantages for writing his Books of Animals, by the bounty
of Philip or Alexander, or both, coming to fpcak of fuch as had Dt partu,
no Blood, (among which are all Infeds) he ^■x\i\\,They have 710 Veins, -^"'"1.1.4,
nor Bladder, nor Refpiration-, but fomethi7ig that ferves in ft e ad of'^' ^'
a Heart, voithout which they cotdd have 710 Life; but they have the
parts which ferve for Nutrition: and therefore their Life differs
little, according to Tliny himfelf, from that o^ 'Plants and Fruits ;
but he would have them Spir are fine Vtfceribiis, breath without
Lungs ; and he grants they have neither them, nor Heart, nor Liver.
And altho' there be fome higher degree of Life in fuch Animals as
'Diodorus Siculus fpeaks of, yet thole fall fo far fliort of Mankind,
that it is a wonder Men of fenfe could imagin the production of
one could be an Argument for the other. For, if we go no farther
than Nutritio7i, Mice and Frogs are eafily provided for -, but how
lliould Mankind live that were produc'd out of flime and Mud?
But nothing can be more abfurd and ridiculous thaxi the accounts
given of the feveral ways of producing Mankind by a Spontaneous
Generation, as will appear by a particular examination of them.
Franc. Redi hath reckon'd up the feveral Hypothefes to our hands :
The firft is, t\\\x.o'iT>e7nocritiis, That Mankind came into the world Red; de
likewortns, which by degrees grew up to the figure a7idfjape of Men. '^'"■^"M-
I wifli we had more of Democritus his own Writings left;, that we * *
might better judg what his true opinion was 5 but by what remains
it doth not appear that herein he differ'd from Epicurus. It's cer-
tain he did, as to the lirft Principles of all things being made of
Atoms-, but whether he did, as to the im;nediate produftion of
Animals is not fo clear. For they did not imagin that Animals were
form'd immediately by Atoms > which was too general and inde-
D finite
z6 RIG IKES SACR.^. Book I. Chap. I.
finite a Principle j but that the Atoms firft came together in one
form, and then another, till they came to the perfechon of Ani-
mals. And fo 'tis faid, tho.t'Democraus- held Mankind to haveap-
pcar'd firlt in the fafliion of worms. Teironhis Arbiter faith, tlr^c
^DemocrUus {pent his days in making Experiments •, on!cqiicncc, t.e.
that there can be no Generation. But Epicurus impudently h(;kls
the fame Principles, and yet would deny the Confequcnce, andaf-
ferr true Generation-, juftashcdcny'd Providence, andyetafTcrtcd
Piety-, held Friendfhip to be only lor PIcafure, and yet that a Man
mud undergo any hardHiip For his friends; made an infinite fpacc,
and yet placed an upper and lower Region in it. But he declares
he can by no means underftand, how Bodies indu'd with Quali-
ties, fliould be produc'd by Atoms that have none. There can be no
Generation without Heat 5 how comes there to be heat, when the
Atoms themfelvcs have no heat in them, nor become hot when they
arc joyn'd together ^ for if they are capable of heat, then they are
not impafliblc , nor without Qualities. So that according to the
general Principles of 'D and the ways to fecure themfelves
from injuries of the Weather in cold Seafons : but thefe are fuffi-
cient to my purpofe, which was to fhew that 'Democritus made a very
ill choice of Worms, as the inftance of a fortuitous Production. But
if they had been fo, it was a very extravagant fancy to think that
Mankind Hiould undergo fuch transformations as Worms do, be-
fore they come to their perfection. For thefe changes are evident
to Senfe to all that obferve no more than Silk-worms -, but Man-
kind continue in one uniform ftate from an Embryo, to a perfctSl:
Man •, and while he is an Embryo hath one fort of nourifhment
from the Mother, which is wholly different from what all forts of
Worms do live upon •, and the parts of Mankind are extremely re-
mote from the fhape, number and ufe of all forts of Worms. In
fo much that T)emocritus might much better have fanfy'd, that
Mankind were at firft a fort of Trees fct with their Roots upwards:
for the Head to Man is what the Root is to the Tree ; and Trees
come from an Embryo in the Seed, and are prcferv'dintheWomb
of the Earth, and are fed with a dew from above, and have pat-
^2Lgcs\ikc LymphaduSts in their feveral parts; only thcy happen fo
want the inftruments of Senfe and Motion; which are nccdlcfs to
them, fince their food is brought home to them, and thcy grow up
in the fame uniform manner without Transformations, as Mankind
do.
* Plutarch. The ncxx. Hypothefis was that of Anaximander ; and he makes
dei'iadt. thcm to be bred up as Embryo's inthe Bo'juels of other Creatures. Of
c.'"!"/.'^'^' which *Tlutarch gives the fullefl account: Jn one place he only
faith,
Boo K I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACK AL
^V
laith, That the jirjt ylmmals "juere produc" d m moijhire^ couefdover
ii'ith a certain Bark-> like the rind of a Chcflnuc, faith Redi -, and
izihen it grew dry it crackt-, and the A'aimals Jtarted outi but liv'd
not long. Was not this a hopcfu! Ikginnins^ in the early days of
Philolophy? For Anaximandcr iiiizcf^cdcd Thalesy who was tlie
firrtPhilofopher of GVffr^; and a much wifer Man than his Scho-
lar, as will afterwards appear. But we mult now purfue yhiaxi-
ma?ider: i\nd T kt ar c h m dinozhcr place tells us, That he lias of ^'utarch.
opinioji that Mankind 'were jirjl bred in the Bellies of hifhes ; and ^y"'>"'f-^-^-
■when they were Jtrong enough to help themfelves-, they very fairly '' ''
caft them upon dry ground and left thtni to fjift for themfel-ves. Is
not this a very good philolbphical account of this matter? And
he was in the right, when upon this ground he diffuaded Men from
eatiyig of hifj-> left they fliould be like Cannibals. \t is a known
faying, 'That there is nothing fo abfurd-, but it 'UJas faid by one 'Fhi-
lofophcr or other. I think Anaxmiandcr may put in for the firft,
who broach'd his own dreams and idle fancies under the name of
Philofophy. And yet Empedocles in this matter, rather outwent
him. For he fajth. Animals were not intire at firfl ; but came into ^'i"tnrch.
the world by pieces i and fo arms and legs, and all other parts hap- "j'^'^"'-
pening to joyn together, made up one perfcd Animal, liac non '^''''^'
funt Fhilofophorumjudicia., fed delirantium fomnia-, may be much ciuro dt
better apply'd here, than it is by the Epicurean in Cicero to their f'"'-^""'-
opinions of the Gods. But I rather think Empedocles his opinion '"
is niif-reprelcnted -, fmce the Author of the Book 'De Mitndo ( which
is very ancient, if not Arifiotle's) gives another account of him ;
and faith, He deriv'd the forming of Animals from God^ and his
Verfes-> as they are in Simplicius-, do not deny it > but only fhcw,
that all things except God, came from different principles.
But we are not deceiv'd in the third Hypothefis of Epicurus and his
followers -, which as Redi reprefents it is, That Mankind and other
Animals were inclosed iti certain Coats and Membranes in the womb
of the Earthi which being broken in due time, they were all exposed
naked, without any fenfe of heat or cold, and fucked the Earth
for nourifoment i but the Earth grew too old for fuch births-, and
therefore was contented ever fmce to bring forth nothing but lnfe£is.
This is fo well known to be the Epicurean Hypothefis from Lucre-
titiSi Cenforinus-, &cc. that there needs no farther proof of it. But
whether it can be thought reafonablc, is the thing now to be con-
fider'd. And herein thefe two things are fuppos'd: (i.) That
there was a fit difpofition of the Earth to produce thenij and a ca-
pacity in it to form Wombs and Bags to preferve them till they
were able to take nourifhmentj and that the Earth did afl'ord a
fort of Milk to fupport them. (2.) That the ufe of all the parts
of human Bodies came only by chance, and were not form'd with
any dcfign. Both which are very unreafonable fuppofitions.
How can they make it appear that there ever was any fuch dif- (i
pofition of the Heavens and Earth to produce Animals more than
there is ilill? When they were told that if the Earth could at firfl
produce Animals t why not fill? Their anfwer was. The Seafons are
changed-, the Hea'vens were more benign-, and the Earth more fruitful
than they have been fine e.
D 3 At
^o
LaciaHt.
I. I.e. It.
BerigarJ.
Circiil. 10.
f. 6iC>.
fart. f.
Canierar,
Opera, fub
cif. Cent, i
Martin, a
Saum^art,
Peregrin.
/.I.e. 18.
Travels,
P99-
ORIGINES SACRyE. Book I. Chap. I.
./4t novitas Mund't ncc frigorn dura ciehat,
Nee nimios ajlns-^ nee ^nagyiis viribits auras i
Ofnnia enim pariter crefeunt cr robora Jumimt.
Lucrct. 1. f .
And La6fantius fets down their opinion more diftinclly, That cer-
tain motions of the Heavens are necejfary to this production of Ani-
mals-, as "ji-ell as the frejimefs of the Earth; and that then there was
no Winter nor Summer, but a perpetual Spring. But how came fuch
a Troper Seafon for this purpole at that time-, and never lince?
Animals, fay they, can never fince propagate thenifelves : But what
is this to the Seafon ? Do the Seafons alter, as there is occafion ?
Then there is a Superior Mind to dire£t them. If there be a na-
tural courfe of the Heavens, which caus'd the Earth to be then
prolifical ; that muft return and put a new vigor into the Earth,
and make it young again. And this our modern Atheiftical Phi-
lofophers in Italy, fuch as Cardan, Tomponatius and others, faw
very well > and therefore aflerted that upon certain Conjunctions of
the Heavens, the fame ejfe^s 'would follow, ^o Berigardus -, who
faith, that Cardan and Tomponatius laid much weight on this
Story in 'Diodoriis Siculus about Ammals pjroduc'd by the Nile;
and he adds another very ridiculous, as he pretends out of Ca-
merarius, of fever al parts of human Bodies, which are feen to ap-
pear every year rifing out of the Earth about Grand Cairo: and he
thinks they were like the Egyptian Mice, part Earth and part Ani-
mals. What will not fuch Men be inclin'd to believe rather than
the truth ! As when he adds, of the two Green Boys in England,
which catne out of a Wolf's den 'joo years fince -, and the Blew and
Red Men out of the Mountains of Armenia. Which are fuch in-
credible Fiftions, that it is a wonder any one that pretends to
Common fenfe could repeat them. But as to the Egyptian Story
in Camerarius, it relates not at all to the firft making of Bodies -,
but to the Refiirre[iion from the dead. Camerarius neither pretends
to have feen it himfelf, nor that his Friend did •, but that his Friend
heard one that had been a great Traveller fay, That ifi a certain place
not far from the 'Pyramids, at a certain time of the year, a great
multitude met to fee the Refnrre6iion of the lie ad, as they call'd it i
and then he faid fome part of the Body feem'd to come out of the
Earth, fometimes the Head, fometimes the Feet, and fometimes the
greater part of the Body -, which were afterwards hid under the
Earth again. And another Friend of his flicw'd him an old Iti'
nerary to the fame purpofe; and that the place was two Miles froyn
/>b(?Nile, in a^i old Bury ing-place ; and that it lafted three days, and
then no mere were feen that year. But he added. That they weer
not feen rifing up or walking; and he faith, That he faw it not
himfelf. But Camerarius himielf ccnfures it as zfuperftitious folly.
Martmus a Baumgarten faith, That at Cairo it was believed in his
time, that at a certain Mofque near the Nile, the Bodies of the
dead do arife out of their Graves at the time of Trayers, and there
fiand, and difappear when they are over ; which he c ills a 'Diaboli-
cal Illufion. iiut when our Ingenious Mr. Sandys was in Ejgypt,
the rtory was chang'd; for then it was affirm'd, That not far from
the Nilus, upon Good-Friday, the Arms and Legs of a Numbers
of Men did appear firetclfd forth of the Earth, to the aftonifinneyit
of
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/K. 3",
of the inultitude. Which he not improbably conjcdhircs to have
been taken out of the Mummies not far off by the IVatertnen, (who
gain very much by it') and placed conveniently in the Sand to be fecn-,
as they thought would railc the grcateft admiration. Since his
time Monil Thevenot-, who was upon the place laith, That at '^^'•v^iot
(jrand Cairo it is generally believ'd that on three days in TaJJion- ]°^a^,f'
week, fome part of the dead Bodies lie out of the graves, and then P-^^r i.
return into the Earth. He Lad the cnriojity to go and fee, and there ''"' ' ^'
found fome skulls and bones, which they fay confdenily came out of
the Earth ; but he looked on it as a contrivance of the Santons. Hut
if this prove any thing, it is not what Berigardus brings it for,
that Mankind came firft out of the Earth, but that there fliall be sdion i.i,
a Rcfurreftion of the Dead : for he Hiith, It was in a place where c. 47.
many dead Bodies did lie buried; and not far from the Mummies-, ^vdl^vli'^
which was the moft famous place for Burials in all Egypt: an ac- \.utt.\\.
covuit whereof is given by Bellonius, '■Peter della Voile, Bnratine §■ ^•
mThevenof s Colletiion, Prince /^^rf^z/w'/andfeveral others: Prince Ma'^pln.
I^adzivil oh{'crv''d. That there were vafl numbers of skulls and bones ^"ifi"-
fcattcfdup and down, where the fep had been taken off, and fold pl'^f"!'
away for Mummy. But bcfides theic Mummies (as they are call'd) RaJzivd,
there was continu'd a place of folemn Burial near to Grand ^''^'''
Cairo by the Turks ; fo that there were always Bodies ready that
were not proper Mummies, to make this annual Ihew with, to de-
ceive the limple. But Berigardus is aware of the difficulty ofaf-
figning the manner how Animals come out of the Earth -, and there-
fore he thinks it fufficient to fliew that the Earth can produce them
oneway or other, and afford them Nourifoment when they are
produc'dj this he thinks abfolutely neceffary, and he fufpefts that
Lucretius his Folliculi will not do the buflnefs •, becaufe it is impof-
fible for Children to fubfift, if they did break the bags they were hi-
clos'd in, which were f aft ened to the Earth: But if there were fuch
a Milky Subftance in the Earth for new born Children to fuck, is
that all that is neceffary for their fupport, when they are fo un-
able to help themfelves ? Of all things one would not expect to
find Milk in the breafts of the Earth -, and it muff be Ibme very
happy Conjunftion of the Planets to make the Earth to give fuck.
How much would thofe who are friends to Religion have been de-
fpis'd and laugh'd at,if they had made iiich abfurd and ridiculous Hy-
pothefes as thefe ? If fuch a thing did arife from natural and neceffa-
ry Caufes, it muff continue-, and lince we are certain it hath never
been fince, we have no reafon to think it ever was. If it were by
chancer what hinders the fame effeft, unlefs Chance were ty'd up
to one certain time? and by what Laws can Chance be bounded?
If it were by particular defign at that time for the fupport of new
born Animals, then there muff be a Providence owned -, and yet
all this was invented on purpofe to exclude Providence : which
fliews how weak and inconfiftent this Hypothejjs is.
We account it a wonderful work of Providence, that at the
fame time the Child is form'd in the womb of its Mother, there
fhould be fo ample and futable provifion made for its nouriffiment
in the Mother's breads againll its coming into the World. Whether
it be by turning the Blood into Milk, as was generally thought, or
by apaffage of the Chyle from the Ventricle thither, as fome of late
think ;
3 z ORIGINHS SACRjE. Book I. Chap. I.
think-, It cannot but be look'd on as a work of Dellgn, to turn
the noufifliment another way on purpofe to ferve the necelfities of
the new born Child. But this is not all -, but continual care and
watchfulncfs of the Nurfe is neccflary to preferve it, otherways,
as well as by feeding it. But thele unadvis'd and fanciful makers
of Mankind think they have done their bufniefs, if they can but
imagin the Earth to afford fome M^ikj Subftance-, to fupport the
poor helplefs Infants to a little fuck from the Earth : why did
they not as eafily find out all other conveniencies for them ^ But
there is fo much abfurdity in the whole Suppofition, that Berigar-
dus concludes, That Mankind tnuji come full groiji'n out of the Earth,
and able tofiift for themfehes -, or elfe that fome other Animals miift
come out before them to afford Milk for thtm, as the Wolf did to
Romulus and Remus. Such miferable fliifts muft thofe run into,
who will not allow a wife Providence to have brought Mankind
into the World,
ii. But how came Mankind, if they came into the World fo by
chance, to be fo admirably provided in all parts of their Bodies of
liich inflruments of fenfe and motion, that look as like a defign
as any thing can polllbly do.^ The Bodies of Men are not
like mere lumps of dirt and water put together, for there is
not the lead part about them, but is made up of fuch a Wonderful
Mechanifm, that there cannot be a difcompofure in it without a
diforder in the whole. But, fuppofe the fleflily and bony parts
could be made by the mixing and tempermg feveral particles of
Matter together •-, yet what can be imagin'd as to the Mufcles and
Nerves and Fibres-, which are fo conveniently difpers'd over the
Body ^ The Heart it felf is found to be a very flrong Mufcle,
conlilling of abundance of Nerves, and all kind of Fibres com-
plicated within each other, and a ftrong Tendon at the Bafis of it •, by
virtue whereof it is able to contradl it Iclf, and fo makes the Blood
to pafs into the Arteries, which convey it to all parts of the Body.
Now let any one think ^ij'ixh himfelf how it is poffible for a mere
Lump of Earth made in fuch a form as the Heart is, to have fuch
a force and power to contraft it felf to fuch a degree as to fend
out fo much Blood continually, and to receive it in again by the re-
laxation of It fcif How comes this Motion to begin in fuch a piece
of Clay made with a Bafis and a Cone? How came the inward
cavities to be form'd, and kept fo diflinft from each other ^ For,
if there were any ftop of the paflagc. Life is at an end. How
comes fuch a Motion to Continue fo long and fo uniform.'* Thofe
who have moll narrowly fcarch'd into it, have found that no o-
j.owcr dc ther account can be given of it, but that the Wife Creator that
conu, p. form'd tlie Heart, doth both give and continue its motion. Aiid
as to all the other Mufcles of the Body, if we confider their num-
ber, their pofition, the contexture of their parts, and their con-
tinual ufcfulnefsi wc can never imagin that all thele tilings could
be the rcfult of Heat and Mud, or a cafual conflux of the dull
particles of Matter. Every Mufcle hath its proper Fibres laid
upon one another, and its oppofitc Tendons, with an inward ca-
vity, and the Artery, Veins and Nerves belonging to it, and a
Membrane to cover all; and all parts capable of luc.tion have feve-
ral Mufcles peculiar to thcmfclvcs, for diftind uics and dificrcnt
fort
IJOOK I. Chap. L OKIGINES SACRyi'.. 3^
fort of motions; as may be fccn at larf^c in nil that treat of tlicic
matters. Who tell us and affoon as we come into the
World, we do not deliberate whether we fhould ufe Eyes or
not, for we prefendy fee with them. And how can the Eye being
made teach us the ufe of it, when we prefently make ufe of our
Eyes without any previous deliberation? We may hinder the ufe of
them, if wepleafe, by blinding our felves, but we cannot turn them
to any other ufe. If Lucretius in the extravagancy of his imagi-
nation, might fancy the ufe was arbitrary, then Men might have
heard with their Eyes, or have feen with their Ears, or have taued
with their Nofes, or fmelt with their Tongues : But this I fuppofc
none can think that he meant. What was it then.' that Men could
not ufe them till they were made ? We grant it. But doth it fol-
low thence that they were not made dellgnedly for fuch a ufe?
How can we judg of that, but by examining the feveral parts.' and
if they were fitted for fuch a ufe and no other, we have reafon to
conclude they were fo intended. Now what eould the Mufcksy
and Tunicles-, ^.nd feveral Humors of the Eye be made for, but for
Sight? How came that Cavity to be form'd in the Forehead in
which the Eyes are plac'd? What motion of the particles of Mat-
ter made two fuch hollow places in the Skull? How came one not
to be fufficient? How come the Eye-lids to be fo plac'd? Could
they be defign'd for any other ufe? How come the Glands to be
fix'd in the corners of the Eyes, and with the Lymphatic Vejfels be-
longing to them ? Could they have ferv'd for other ufes ? How
comes the Optic Nerve to be continued to the three Tunicles of
the Eyes? and that v/hich partakes moft of the fubftance of the
Brain to be the chief organ of Sight, as fitted to tranfmit the ima-
ges to the Brain ? What was the Chryftall'm Humor defign'd fory
but to receive the imprefTions of outward objeds? How comes
the Optic Nerve to be fo inferted into the Eye, not diredtly be-
hind, but on one fide, but only for the more intire tranfrnittiiig
the images receiv'd by the Eye ? Can now any one think that the
Eye could be ever made for any other ufc, but for fight? And wc
do not therefore ufe it, becaufe we find it ready prepar'd •, but it
was therefore fo prepar'd, that we might ufe it to fuch a purpofc.
E 2 And
■)
6 ORIGINES SACR.€. Book I. Chap. I.
And as to fii^ general faying, Thaf nothhig in the Body is made for
life-, but that the ufe follc-jjs the making of it i let us apply it to other
Animals, and it will appear ridiculous. What could any Man an-
Iwer ferioufly to one that fliould fay, that four-footed Animals had
not Feet given them to go with -, but that finding fo many Feet,
they did go with them ? And fo for the Wings of Birds, and the
Fins of FifhcSj and the particular fliapesoffome Animals for their
particular ufe : As, the long Neck of the Swan, for going deeper
in the water for his food ; will any one fay, that the Swan finding
his Neck fo long, us'd it for that purpofe ? Or that Sheli-fijh find-
ing their hard Shells ready made as a defence againft the Rocks,
crept into them for that end? Whereas all the Mufclcs they
move by, are cover'd over with a hard bony fubftance-, and
io they are the neceffary parts belonging to them. What can
be faid to the thick horny fubftance of an Eagle's Eye, which
makes it bear the flrongeft beams of the Sun-, was this only us'd
for that purpofe, but not intended by Nature.^ Whence came that
outward covering of the Eye, not only in Eagles but in other greater
Birds, which they can draw over it as they pleafe, and is fo ftrong
a defence againft light, that Anatomifts tell us, by the help of it
put to their open Eyes, they could look on the Sun without trouble,
zorruh. gj; j^onichins informs us ^ Steno-, upon the obfervation of the won-
"!fTis9- <^^''^u^ Mechanifm of the Eye both in Mankind, and Beafts, and
uia. Dan. Birds, faith, That if a Manfirfi tinderftands Mechanics^ and then
1. 1. oif. cur ion fly examins the fabric of Animals^ he miijl either put off his
"'" Reafon-) or he mnft admire the '■juifdom and contrivance of ^Provi-
dence. And he underftood the frame of thcfe things far beyond
what either Lucretius or Epicurus did.
And fo for the Ear j that was made-, faith Lucretius-, long before
any Sound was heard.
Multoque creata fnnt prius Aures-,
^uamfonus efl audit us.
No doubt of it. For how fhould we hear without Ears?
But can any Man iniagin they could be made for any other
ufe but to hear with ? How came they be to be plac'd in the
Head and not in any other part of the Body ? W^ere there any
form'd before with Ears in other parts, which did not do fo well ?
In other cafes they fay. Nature was put to try divers Experiments,
becaufe the imperfc^ Animals could not fubfifi -, but this cannot hold
here: For Mankind might have lived without Ears in other places,
but the Head is certainly the beft for Sounds being receiv'd and
tranfmitted to the Brain. How comes the outward part of the
Ear to be fo fram'd as it is, but for the better gathering and more
diftind' conveyance of the Sounds, as appears by the confus'd
noifc which thofe have who have loft that part? VVhat made the
mward paftagc fo winding, and fuch an exquifite Membrane at the
end of it, and a Cord behind it, but for the advantage of the Sound?
How come the three cavities behind, the firft witii little bones of
an extraordinary figure, whereof one triangular, the better to give
paftagc to the Air-, the fccond called ths Labyrinth-, and the third
with Spiral JF'mdingj and an Internal Air^ and all particularly icr-
ying trie purpofe of Hearing, by the Sound pafling from one to
another ?
Book I. Chap. I. OKI G I N H S S ACR/E. 57
another? Whence came all thcfe lubtlc and intricate pana<;cs, if
our Bodies were made by chance? And yet, iF any of tliein be
not in their due order, our fenle of Hearing is prejudiced-, which
flicws that this contrivance nMs necclTary in order to it. And
which is again obfervable, the greater difcoveries Iiavc been made
in thcfe matters, the more rcafon wc have to admire the con-
trivance of them. As in this fcnfe of Hearing, the lateft difco-
vcrics about the finall bones of the firfl cavity, call'd the Hammer-,
the Anisili -xn^ the Stirrup-, and another in the joyning the twf) lafh
acquaint us with more than what the Ancients knew •, llnce there arc
two rh ings remarkable about them. 1 . That they do move each other ;
the Drum moves the Hammer, the Hammer the Anvil, that the Stir-
rup, which opens the paflage into the lecond cavity. 2. That the fe
bones are cis big in an Infant ■> as i7igro'wn''Terfojis. Now how comes
this to pais in a way of JSIechanifm? How come thefe bones not
to incrcafe as the other parts of the Body do-, fince the moll
folid of them, the Hammer and Anvih as well as the Stirrup-,
liave manifeft- Pores in them to receive nouriHiment? But not only
thefe, but the other fmall bones in the inner cavities, the Semicir-
cular pajT^gcs and the Cochlea only receive a greater firmnefs and
hardnefs by Age. Thcfe things I can only mention, and refer the
Reader to Mr. T>u Verney and others, who have treated mod ex-
aftly of them.
The frame of the Mouth as it is, is neceflary for Refpiration^
and NouriJIoment 1 and Speech. For Refpiration-, the Mouth opened
affords a paffage to the Air, and there arc inward veffels fitted to
convey it to the Lungs > and without breathing it is impofllblc to
live. But how came the two different paffages for the j4ir and Food?
How came the Vahe to fccure the paffage to the Lungs from
fuch things which may prejudice it, and pafs the other way.^ As
to NoUri/hment-, the Mouth not only takes in the Food, but the
Teeth are conveniently plac'd for the preparing it for its farther
paffage and alteration ni the Stomach, in order to Nutrition -, for
which end there are veffels prepar'd with w^onderful variety and
contrivance. How come thofe Channels into thofe hard bones in
the Mouth, which we call Teeth, by which an Artery, a Vein and
a Nerve fpread thcmfelves in branches to each particular Tooth ?
How come the figures of them to vary according to their ufc, and
to have ftronger Roots where the work is harder.^ And becaufc
Speech is one of the peculiar excellencies of Mankind, there is an
Inftrument fram'd on purpofe for it in the Mouth (which ferves
for Taftivg likewifc) and without this, all the communication of
Mankind with each other by words had been loft. And I cannot
fee how mere Matter and Motion could help Mankind either to
frame words, or to utter them to others without a Tongue -, nor,
how it could be fram'd by it.
The Ha7id is fo provided with Joynts, Mufcles and Tendons, for
thegrcat variety of nccffary ufes it ferves Mankind for, that he that
can think it could be fo contriv'd by chance, doth thereby fliew
that fome can think only by Chance without any Reafon -, and it
is a vain thing to hope to convince them. I fliall not need to in-
fift on the curiofity of the contrivance of all the Mufcles of the Hand,
but it is impoffible for any Man to give an account of the Terfo-
E % ration
^8 ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. I.
ration of thole Mufcles, which fervc For the ufe of ibmc of theFiii-
Ridan. A- geis and Toes, from mere Matter and Motion •, nor the Ligaments
nato-m.i. j. a^Qut: thc Tendons of thofc Mufcles, for the greater eafinefs of their
''J'rio dc motion, ylriftotle hath a Difcourfc about the great ufe of a Hand
Tat:, a
to Mankind ; Anaxagoras-) he faith, faid that Alan isjas the ivifeft
>s:m. I. 4. jinlfnalt bccaiife he alone had Hands -, but, faith he, therefore Man
'' ''■ had Hands-, becanfe he iji:as the 'uuifefi : being bejt able to make ufe
of flic h an excellent Injlrmnent. For that u the 'u:ifdom of Nature
to do as a wife Man would do-^ i. e. to give the beJt inftruments to
the beft workman. Now, faith he, the Hand is the mofl ufeful In-
frument to him that zs capable of making a good ufe of it. And
therefore he blames thofe that faid, Man was the worft provided
for of any Animals -, for they have but one help afforded them by Na-
ture-^ but the Hand is inftead of all-, for it can make ufe of all. And
for that reafon he fliews how very convenient the make and fafliioii
of the Hand is, and the divifion of it into five parts, on which he m-
fifts at large. So that Ariflotle was fully fatisfy'd that the produ-
ction of Mankind was no cafual or fpontancous thing, but the ef-
feft of Wifdom and Underftanding.
Thefe things I have here laid together at firfl:, becaufe this Hy-
pothefis of T>iodonis Siculns hath been thought by fome in our Age
to be The natural fenfe of Mankind without Revelation ; whereas
in truth it is the foundation of Irrcligion, and the reproach of
Mankind •, but not the fenfe of the wifeft part of them. And to
make out this more effedually , I fhall now proceed to confider and
compare the fenfe of the moll Ancient ^hilofophers on both fides,
as to this point, whether the World was the effect of Chance, or
of a wife Providence. For if the World were made by a wife and
intelligent Being, it can never be fufpefted that Religion is an im-
pofture, or a contrivance of Politicians j for then it will appear to
be built upon the trueft Reafon. And I fliall the more carefully
inquire into the opinions of the cldefl: Philofophersj becaufe they
were neither 'Priefls nor 'Politicians-, having no intereft to carry on
by the praftice of Religion. And fome of them were born in a
very good condition, and quitted their Eftates, or neglected other
bulinefs, thc more freely to attend on their philofophical Inqui-
ries. And therefore we have the more reafon to fearch into their
Opinions, fo far as relates to thefe matters.
it cannot be deny'd that after Men began to be inquifitive into
thc philofophical Reafons of Things, there were fome who (ct up
for material Caufes only, without an t^fficicnt. And there were
two ditl'crent forts of thefe, and thc other Schemes may be well
reduced to them.
The firfl: was of thofc who were thc immediate SuccefTors of
Thales. For I fee no reafon to put him in the head of them, if what
Cicero-, 'Diogenes Laertius and "Plutarch report of him be true. For
Off. de it is faid in Cicero-, That Thales ?nade God to be the Mind that
Ntit.Deor. foj-ffi'd all things. And to what purpofc lliould Velleius fay this, if
this had not been then known to have been his opinion.^ For it
had been better for his defign to have made fo great a Man as Tha-
les was eflecm'd, to have excluded God and Providence. 'Dioge-
genes Laertius k.\t\\^ That he not only made God an Eternal Be ing-t
but that the World was of his making. And he was no more par-
tial
^T-
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACli/lL " 3;,
tial in this cafe, than the Epicurean in Tully. Itisoblcrvablc, that
when Tlutarch blames Anax inlander antl Anaximenes for Icavinv
out the Efficient Caufc-, lie rakes no notice oF Thales on t!iat ac-
count-, which he ought to have done, as being the Head oF that
Se£t oF PhiloFophers called the Ionic i as himfcIF acknowledges I'l'i^r «v
in that phice. And Stobaus laith, That Thales OoLm'd a Divine f"'- '''"^■
ycxrr, '■^jijhich pafs'd thro" and gave motion to the jluid Matter ■, out siobzdo-
of '■^hich he fiippos'd all things to be made. The great OiijecMon vhjf.c. ,'
againfl; this, is, that ieveral oF the ancient Writers Fay, That Ana-
xagoras 'ui'as the firjl 'PhilofopJJer, isuho attributed the making of the
World to an Infinite Mind-, and that Plutarch himfelF, in the LiFe
oF Pericles-, laith the fame. But the true anFwer to this, is,
that y/wAv^^or^x was the firfl who own'd this in writing-, whoFc
words arc produc'd by fo many j but Thales wrote nothing about
it that appear'd, and therefore his Scholars going another way,
there might be forae prefumption againft him. For, it is too evi-
dent that Anaximander^ his Difciple, did never mention a G o d
in tlie making oF the World -, but he mentions federal Gods made
out of the World-, T)ii nativi i a fort o'i Phoenician Gods-, which
rofe out of Matter i and fuch as the 'P^^^x had poffefs'd the People
with among the Greeks. I have already obferv'd from Plato-,
That the old Greeks iz'orfhip'd the Sun-, Moon and Stars-, &c. as other
barbarous Nations did: Now herein lay the artifice of Anaximan- ■
der-, that he took care to alfcrt the Popular T>eities-, and fo avoided
the imputation o? Atheifm among the People j who look'd no Far-
ther, than whether Men own'd the Religion in vogue : But whether
there were an Infinite Mind fuperior to thofe Gods they worfliip'd,
they look'd on as a Speculation too deep for them -, and therefore
they let thofe alone, who fpake nothing againfl: the Gods they fo-
leninly worfhip'd. And this was the true reafon of the different
ufage of Anaximander and Anaxagoras. The former aflerted the
Beginning of all things to have been from Infinite Matter, without
an Efficient Caufe -, the latter faid, this was impoffible -, but there
muft be an Eternal Mind to give motion to Matter , and to dired
it. Now one would have thought that Anaxagoras fhould have
been in favor with the People, who hated Atheifm-, and Anaxi-
7nander puniflied : But on the contrary Anaximander kept up his
Interefl: among the People where he liv'd, at Miletus in Afia-, and
at laft carry'd a Colony along with him to Apollonia. The reafon JEiiAn.i-^.
was, the People of Miletus had a wonderful veneration for the '■ '7-
Sun and Moon-, under the names o? Apollo 2ndT>ianai and as long ^"''* ■'•'"*■
as Anaximander comply'd with them, as to thefe Tiii nati'vi^ they
let him alone in his Philofophy. But Anaxagoras coming to A-
thens-, and being there in favor with Pericles^ a leading Man in the
City, but oppos'd violently by a different Fadion of Thucydides
Milefimi who took all advantages they could againft Pericles his
Party : They finding that Anaxagoras had fliew'd too much of
his Philofophy, when he call'd the Sun a Mafs of Fire; this fet
them all in a flame, and made fuch a dilturbance about it, that
Anaxagoras was accus'd of Atheifm -, and Pericles with all his In-
tereft and Eloquence, could not fave him from Banilhment, in which
he died, as appears by Laertius and and he
knew very well what the fenfe of Anaximander ■> and his Scholar
Anaxitnenes were, by whom he was inllru£ied. And why fliould
Socrates, Tlato, Arifiotle-, Thcophrafms-, &c. look on it as fo ex-
traordinary a thing in Anaxagoras to aflert an Eternal Mind, as the
firfl: Caufe, if his predeceflbrs meant the fame thing .^ But there
is a paflage in Ariflotle which feems moPc to favo-r Anaximander i
viz. That he o-'SJ'ad an hifinite firfi Principle-, ijjhich did contain and
govern all things-) and is:: as Immortal and Incorruptible. And this
DePerenm Aug. Stcuchtis Etigubiyius in his learned Book T)e perenni Philofo-
Thiioj.Lii. p}jj^,j^^ infills much upon. (A Book written with fo good a defign,
^' and bating fome fuppofititious Authorities, fo well manag'd, that
jof.smUg. the Elder Scaliger-, as his Son tells us, commended it particularly
dcLit.Ju. to a great Friend of his, too inclinable to ^?^ no Titles of
Books will be a furticient Excule for him.
And I confefs k is all one to me, whether thofe who fram'd
the Atheijiical Hvpotbefes proceeded in the way of Forms and
dualities-, or o^ Atoms and Vacuity ; becaufe I think the one way
as impoflible as the other. For as Ariftotle hath well obfcrved, the
great difficulties as to the firll Principles lay in two things i The be-
ginning of Motion-, and the Order of the World: and in both thefe
■ the different Hypothefes of Anaximander and Tiemocritus-, were
equally defe£Vive. But whether the World were made by the Cir-
cumvolution of hi finite Matter-, endued with contrary ^alities -, or
by the motion of Atoms-, which had nothing but Bulk and Figure-,
ilgnifics nothing as to the main point. I do not deny but oncHy-
pothefis may in fome refpcfts be more intelligible than the other,
and tend more to explain the difference of Body and Mind : but
there are ftill difficulties on both fides : fome things may be taken
for Real §lualities-, which are not-, and the many Experiments of
this Age have fully prov'd it: but then there are other things, efpe-
cially relating to Animals-, which can never be explain'd in the
Mechanical way, to the fatisfaftion of any reafonable Man.
But :At\\o' Anaximayider and T>emocritus ftarted thefe two diffe-
rent Hypothefes about the Origin of the World; yet thofe who
aflei ted an Eternal Mind to be the firft Caufe, had m common
Reafon very much the advantage of either ; fince it wasimpoffible
for them to give an account how the motion of Matter began, or
how it fell into that order, and beauty and uiefulnefs which we
find in thofe parts which make up the vifible World. All that we
viutnrch. can learn of Anaximander' s Hypothefis is. That the Heavens and
afud Eiif. Infinite IVorlds ( for why fliould they fi:op, when they could make
i.^l'i ''' Worlds fo eafily) were produced by an Infinite circumvolution of
all things -, that thefe had in them very different ^lualities from
each other-, fome hot fome cold-, fome dry fome nioift-, &c. that thefe
being in cant initial motion-) a mixture of them happened-, and accord-
ing to the different mixtures of §iualities-, the fever al forts of things
did arife. This, as fir as 1 can apprehend , was his fcheme of
the Produdion of things.
There is little diffiL^eiice between the two Hypothefes oi Anaxi-
wander and T)emocritus-, but only in the point of Mixture, which
one attributes to Qualities, and the other to the Bulk and Figure
of Atoms. They both afi~ert the Production of things by the cir-
cumvolution of the parts of Matter > both held infinite Worlds j
and that the things of this World came together of themfelvcs,
without any fupcrior Caufe.
But were not all the Thilofophers of their Mind? No; fo far
from it, that the beil: and greateft of them utterly rejedcd this
Dodrinc, as unfitisfaiHrory to human Reafon. Of which wc have
an evident proof from Ariftotle., who cannot be fufpedlcd of any
partiality in this matter. In the beginning of his Mctaphyfics he
gives an account of the Opinions of Thilofophers before him about
the firft ^Principles ofi things. I know that he is hardly thought of
by many for mif-reprefenting the Opinions of tho(c before him,
and that he endcavor'd to lelFen their reputation to advance \\\s
own) but I can fee no manner of reafon for it in this cafe. 'Tis
pofllblc
Bo(«K I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACRAL 43
puliiblc as to the "Pythm^orean and Eleatic (HI-, he might not re-
prcfcnt their Opinions lb fairly as they were capable of: but as to
l\'\cQ^''F hyfiologiji s^i as he calls them, he charges nothing upon them,
but what they own'd-, only he makes Tkales the Head of than; ;
for which 1 have oflcr'd Reafons to the contrary. But in general ' j
he faith, That tkofe '■^ho began fir jt to philofophize-, look' d upon Mai- ^^^',tphf-
ter as the only 'Principle-, out of ■-ji'hich all things came, andtoinhich ' \
they did return; the Subjlance remaining the fame-, and the Affettio'iis
only changd. As Socrates is the fame Man-, alt ho' his in-^ard ha- \
Litsij::erechajig\l. But what this Material principle was, they werC -;
not agreed. ^\i\\Az^-, the firfl of them-, thought it to be IVater -, Ana- \
xmnenes rtw^ Diogenes yi/'/'r J Hippafus^;z<^Heraclitus i*Vr^; Empe- ]
docles to them added t'.arth. Hitherto, iaith he, we find nothing j
but the Material Caufe-, but, Iaith he, when they had gone ib i
far, the very Nature of things carried them farther in their In- n^xii-m*
quiries. For whatever change be made in Generation and C'orru- <^f''™««''-"
ption, there mud be feme Caufe why it fo happened. For mere Hw.wT j
Matter doth not change it felf As Wood doth not make it felf «"2r? .-^ >
into a Bed, nor Brafs into a Statue j but fome Artificer doth it. ^^"^'i'^"^-,.
But the feeking this-, is looking after another "Principle-, which he " '
calls, the ''Principle of Motion. Which thofe ii'ho ajjerted from the
beginning-) ran themfelves into difficulties-, altho' they ajferted Mat-
ter to be one ; but thofe iz'ho --Jijent 710 farther than Matter, '■ji-hether 1
Water-i or Fire, or Earth, vjere never able to clear the '■Produ£iion
of things i and therefore 'ojere forc''d by Truth it felf, (f^' o'.^v:? i-??
rixyfjuiiK^ to feek for another ^Principle. Where it is very confiderablc \
th:it Arifotle ikkh, That there were fome from the beginning who j
alferted both Principles ; and that thofe who aflcrted only a Ma-
terial Principle, ran themfelves into fuch difficulties which they
could never fee their way through ■, but were forc'd at lafl by the
mere power of Truth to feek for another Principle. Which not only 1
fhews his own Opinion, but that others upon confideration, were
fain to fetupanew//)'/'(?/-/^^i-againfl-thefeMateriali{ls-, not wholly "!
new, as he fliews, but new in oppofition to them, who thought ,
at firft by pretending to skill in Philofophy, to have run down the I
ancient Opinion of Mankind, founded on fuch a Tradition of
which none could trace the Original. Of which I have already j
produced the teftimonies of Tlato and Tlutarch. But now the '
humor of philofophizing coming among the Grfi'^x, the firft fet- ^
ters up of this were very apt to contemn any thing that was built ]
on Tradition i for that gave no Reafon of things-, which it was j
their bufincfstodo. In fome things then unknown as to the natural '
caufes of them, they wonderfully fuprifed the common fort, who
thereupon admired them as Men that could do any thing. Being 1
thus puffed up with a vain opinion of their own skill, they attem- . j
pted to give an account of the very beginning of the Worlds and :
finding out what they thought the main Principle of which things
were compoled, they had no more to do, but to fuppofe them all
reduced to a Mafs or Chaos-, and then they fancied that by the I
motion of thefe fcveral parrs of Matter, things would fall into that !
Irate, we now fee them in the World. But as much as they pleas'd '•
themfelves with thelc Speculations, thofe who camx after them, j
found them extremely dcfe£l:ive> both in the beginning of this Mo- ]
F 2 tion, i
'^ ORIGINES SACRJE. Eook I. Chap. I.
tion, and the Order of it. For they Found Matter to be a dull un-
aclive thing of it felf-, and that no Matter could form it icif with-
out an Agent; and therefore they faw it ncccllary to add a Su-
preme Efficient Caufe, which Ihould both put the parts of Matter,
however qualified, into motion, and direft and regulate the courfe
of it. For otherwife it was impofilble to conceive^ that there iliould
be fuch diftinft Syftems or Bodies of Matter, as there are in the
World. For how come the feveral Vortices not to niterfere with
each other .^ What made the Centers of them to be diftind from
one another -, fo as that the Matter within fuch circumference Ihould
move about that alone? And without this it is impolfible to con-
ceive there fliould be fuch Bodies as the Sun, Moon, and Stars are-,
^o great-, nnd yet fo diftmft from each other. But what Caufe then
was found fo necellary to be fuperadded? Ariftotle faith, That
the order and iitnefs of things, which he calls eS if k«a*5, niuil pro-
ceed from an Intelligent Caufe-, for thefe things could never come
either from mere Material Caufes, as Fire, Earth, &c. or only by
Chance. And therefore he faith, Anaxagoras wrote like a Man in
his fenfes, in comparifon of thofe before himj which Ihews that he
jook'd on the others Speculations as dreams and idle fancies. And
he will not allow Anaxagoras to have been the firfl that afierted
this-, but he did it ?>«♦«?««. openly and plainly, in oppofition to fuch
as had fct up another Hypothefis. For before him, he faith, Her-
motinus Clazomenms had faid the fame thing, astoafuperiorCaufe.
AikI fo no douLt had many others j but he mentions him as a Philo-
fopher of the fame City from whence Anaxagoras came. But it feems
the reputation of Thales and his Scholars had obtani'd fo much in
the Greek Colonies where they inhabited, that they buried the name
of others, altho' Clazomena were a City o^ Ionia too.
But that Anaxagoras was a Perfon of a jufl: efteem, appears by
Ti&vmiii- the great value which '^Pericles fct upon him-, who not only had
iCv^V- ^'J'"^"'^*^'" '"''"» Counfellor, but ventur'd his intered to preferve him:
^«'»^5 / and altho' he was over-rul'd by the contrary Fadion, as to his Ba-
"l^f'-V" nilhmenf, yet he took care of him in it. And as Plutarch faith,
inPclicie. he obtain'd the name of nodi's; he cannot tell, whether it was for
his Opinion, or the reputation of his Wifdom. And after he was
buried at Lampjacus-, a City of Afta Minor near the Hellefponti
there were two Infcriptions on the Altar cre£ted to his Memory,
which tcftify'd the very great Efteem of him in two words, the
Miar,.i.%. Qne ^yas ^./j, anj the other 'aa«'5««. And what can be faid greater
''^^' of a Philofopher, than that Underflanding and Truth belong'd to
him.'* Tmon, who was not very civil to the memories of moft
Philofophers, gives him a high character in Laertiiis : who faith
likewife, That he was born to a confiderable Eftate -, but he had a
stxt. zm- Mind above Riches. And Sextus Emptricus faith, he rz-as the nioji
?"••^';^ skilful m Natural Philofophy -, and he was blam'd hothby Socrates
Plato in ;,,^(] Ari/rotle, for running too far into Natural Caules, as tho' he
^^'nfi. made ufe of his Supreme Mind only to help him out, when nothing
Mn.ipk clfe would. But therein he fhcw'd that it was not for want of
Undcrlhnding Natural Caufes, that he aflcrted an Eternal Mind,
lur'uie. pure and unmixed, which was the firll Caufe of things ; but it was
his true skill in Philofophy, which brought him to it. For he
fix'd on the Principle of Gravitation, as the main foundation of
Union
/.a.
I'lul/ir.-li
Book L chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 45
Union and Compofitioni but the other Hypothefes o'i Cortices-, or
Circi'jnlations v/ithout it, iic look'd on as weak and inliiJiicient.
So vain is that faying o'i Lucretius and a modern Philolbpher, that
Igticrance of Cauf'es mclined Aleji to Religion-, especially as to the ch^'iL ""
Heavenly Bodies :
Traterea coeli rationes ordine certo-,
Et varia annorum cernebant tempora verti-,
Nee pot er ant quibns id fieret cognofcere caujis -,
Ergo perfiigiiim Jibi habebant omnia 'Divis
Trader e-, & illonim nutu facere omnia fie£ti.
Lucret. I. f.
For the trueft and cxadell fearcher into Natural Caufes, we fee,
was the mod firm and fteady alferter of a God. Lucretius mag;-
nifies his Hcroe, that neither the common hame-, nor the Thunder
and Lightning had frighted him into any fenj'e of Religion -, but that
he had gone bey oyid the Clouds by theftrength of his Witt and had fe-
tied all the bounds of Nature.
^lucm nee fania T)eim-, nee fulmina-^ nee minkanti
Murmure comprefjlt coelum-, Sec.
Which was all becoming the more than Poetic fury of Lucretius
to fiy. But 'Plutarch in the Life of '^Pericles faith, That Anaxa-
^or<^jexplain'd to him the Natural Caufes of thofe Meteors which
are fo apt to terrify Mankind; and thereby took away an igno-
rant Superftition ; but inftead of that he fetled in his Mind -^^
«vly-, as when ^Protagoras and Tiiagoras were forced to ablcond
for fear of their lives > and Arijlotle upon a fufpicion of a profane
Hymn to withdraw to Chalets. But in the time of Epicurus-, the
irate of the City was altered, and the Government was in the hands
o'i Alexander's Succcflbrs ■■, for Epicurus lived with his Scholars in
p';r/ vit. Athens-) when it was lb clofely beiieged by 'Z)f»i'f/r///j-, is 'Plutarch
informs us, who loon after had the polleffion of it delivered to him.
Now in buly and difordcred times, llich as Epicurus might be far
more iecure than at another time-, and yet even then he was afraid
cf giving any diftafl, as to his opinions about Religion-, and Hill
aH'erted his owning the Anticipation of a T)eity-, altho' not confi-
(rcnt with his ^wn grounds of certainty. But where was the vi-
clory th'j mean isi'hile over Religion', which Lucretius boafts of? His
Defenders fay. It ivas over the ill effe^s of Superfiition-, but we
lind nothing like that effected by him. The World was not made
one jot the better, but a great deal the worfe for his Principles j
for the very name of a Philofophcr went a great way with Per-
fons of bad inclinations: and they do not govern themfelves by any
Reafonj but when they can bring an Authority ofaPerfonof any
reputation, they inquire no farther, but go on with greater con-
fidence in their former practices-, and then they charge Ignorance
and Superfiition on thofe that contradidt them. I do not deny but
Ibme of the Defenders of Epicurus in our Age, have been Perfons
ot Wit and Learning, and they have uttterly difown'd his irreli-
gious Principles : but yet the very undertaking to defend the Au-
thor of fo much impiety, hath done unfpeakable mifchief to the
Age we live inj and all the diicoverics of Natural Philofophy can
never make amends for it. We arc now comparing the Notions
of Epicurus and Anaxagoras as to Religion -, and that method which
Tlutarch tells us Anaxagoras took, as to the freeing the Mind of
'^Pericles from Superfiition-, wasfar better than that of A/'/V/zn/J. For
Anaxagoras latisfy'd him, that there were natural caules of Thun-
der and Lightning, but thcfc were the effects of a Divine Provi-
dence, which order'd the affairs of Mankind for the beff, as well
asthcMcteois in the Air-, and therefore there was no rcalbn why
any Vv'ilc and good Man fhould not entertain a comfortable Hope
of Divine Protection : but in the way of Epicurus there is a bare
account of Natural Caufcs, which whether true or falfe, can give
no I'lrisfaction to a thinking Man. For the utmolt ctjnics to tliis)
Such and fuch Effects do naturally follow fuch Caufcs. And what
tlipn.- 'Then if fuch things happen-, ■■jve cannot help it. And what
lol].ows.^ Nothing more. And is this all the comfort of Epicurus
his
Rook I. Chap. I. OlilGlNK S SACK ^. ^ 47
his Inquiry into C.'auics? 1 o undcrltand this better, I will put :i
Calc, which lately happened in the place where I live at prelcnc, ]
to a Man working in his Garden near a great River: while he 1
was there bul'y, a violent (liower oF Rain fell of a fudden -, and '
the Man thinking to divert it, the Rain beat down a great heap of
earth above him, and carried it through his Garden, and tookaway
the Man with its force into a precipice hard by, and with great vio-
lence hurried him down into the River, which made him if upid and *
ienllelefs -, but it plcas'd God he was taken up, and recover'd. Now '
ht us confider what would tend mod to the fatisfaftion of this i
Man's Mind, when he was in that deplorable ftatc, if he had been
then fenfible of his cafe: What comfort would it have been to him j
to have been told, that as things were, the earth above him falling ^
down, and there being fuch a precipice below him, there was no '■
help for him, and he muft be contented to fuffer? But would it
not be far greater ihtisfoftion to be told , there were thofe above
who faw him fall, and pitied his ca/e, and would be fure to help 1
him out, and give him what was neccflary for his relief and remedy ?
Now this is the cafe of NcceJJity and Trovidence : the one gives i
only that heavy comfort, Thmgs muji be fo, and ive cannot help it-, ^ 1
the other ftiU keeps up reaibnable hope, and the expeftation oF \
Ibmething better. So that no one can deny, that upon mere Prin- ' :
ciples of Natural Reafon, this is the more dcfirable Hypothefis % i
and nothing but invincible arguments fliould remove Mankind
from it : but neither 'Democritiis nor Epicurus could offer any thing :
but a very precarious Hypothejis againll it.
From Anaxagoras I now come to Socrates (for Achelous pur-
fued his Principles at /f?^wj, \]\\Qtt Socrates was his Difciple.) He
was a Perfon of great vogue at Athens-, for the Natural Jharpnefs
of his Wit-, and the freedom he us'd in con-verfation 'oi'ith all forts-, \
without regard to his own intereft. And for this he appealed to 'i
his Judges, and to the whole City, that he was far from any defign p/^^^ -^
to enrich himfelf, as they all knew : he did not deny but that he a^oI. soct. \
had great prelents offer'd him j but he took no more than to keep '
him from poverty, as in the cafes of the King of Macedonia and 1
Alcibiades : and none could blame him for being refraftory to their
Laws about Religion-, for he dcclar'd that to be his Principle, i
That God ought to be ii:orJhip'd according to the Laws of the City i
vjhere a Man liv'd. And for this, Xejiophon faith, he trufied to the xenoph. J-,
Pythian Oracle-, which was thought of good Authority among ^""•'•'•
them : however fome in our time have reprefented it zs fogrofs an y^'„ jj^i^„ i
impojture-, that is hardly credible any Men of common fenfe could Diffin.de ;
be deceiv'd by it, much lefs the Athenians i who for all that we °'''^'-^'^"' ]
can perceive had as good an opinion of it) as the Boeotians them- ,
felves. i
This was a very hard point at that time among Men of better . !
imderftanding, and who had a true fenfe of God and Providence, i
how they fiiould behave themfelves with refpeft to the Popular
Superftitions. There was no difficulty, as to fuch as had no Re-
ligion at all-, for their Principle was to keep fair and to fecure them- •
felves j and they look'd on fuch as 'Protagoras and "Diagoras-, as
Pcrfons who deferved be punished for their folly. But for Men
who truly believ'd a wile God to govern the World, as Socrates
and
ORIGINES SACR/E. BooKl.Chap.I.
namque Nariiram, & earn fufpi-
cientjjm aiiniirandjmcj; homi-
num geneii.pulchritudo Mundi,
ordoque rerum cccleftium cogit
confiteri. Cu. de Div. I. i.e. 7 2.
and his two excellent Scholars Tlato and Xenophon did, the cafe
was very difficult: For, if they did not comply, they were fure to
be prolecutcd as guilty of impiety ■■, if they did, this feem'd to ju-
liify all their Superft-ition.
The way which Socrates took was this: He avoided giving any
offence as to the contempt of their public worfhip. Nay, Xerio-
pkon {iiith, he was lb far from any impiety that way, that he was
rather more remarkable for his diligence therein > and that no Man
ever heard him fay or do any thing that tended to the dilhonor of
Religion > fo that from the whole courfe of his life, he might be
... well concluded to be 't.in^^ifu'^i, a very devout Man.
Propter ejus n-agnitudmem ^. , , • 1 /-l V n
Ingenii. De orat. i. 54. Qui Licero had a vcry particular eltecm or doer at es-, not
quum omnium ihpientiffimus Q^ly for the greatnefs of kis JFit-, but for his JVifdom
^ and (joodnels ■ and rrom him we learn what the
grounds were which fuch Men went upon. They found the
World horribly corrupted with Superfliition, which was to be re-
mov'd in the beil way they could -, but there w\as great danger,
leaft under that pretenic, all Religion fliould be deflroy'd. And
Eflepr.(iantemaii4uamxter- they Hiw an abfolutc neccffitv of keeping up that,
' ' ■ fmce the Beauty and Order of the Ji or Id-, 'ivas fup-
cient to convince Mankind that there -jvas an Excel-
lent and Eternal Being, izhich was to he adored and
'worjhiped by Mankind. This was their fundamen-
tal Principle •, and they rather chofe to comply with the follies of
their Superftitions, than not keep the folemnworfhipof the'lDf/ry.
And to fatisfy themfelves, they put fuch interpretations upon the
public Rites, as made them ferve to fome part or other of natural
worOiip, with refpe£t to the benefits God beftows on the Worlds
and thus, even the Eleufinian Myfteries were underftood by them.
But how then came Socrates to be fo feverely profecuted at
Athens? 'Tis true, that his enemies charg'd him with Impiety
and Atheifm, as appears both by 'Plato and Xenophon. In
'Plato's Apology we find that Melitiis downright accus'd him
that he thought there were no Gods. Socrates being much fur-
pi iz'd at this charge, ask'd him what ground he had for it-, and
all the proof he offer'd was, that he was of Anaxagoras's opinion
that the Sun and Moon were not Gods : which Socrates deny'd •, and
faid his charge was inconfiftent, for he both accus'd him of bring-
ing in new ^Deities-, and aflerting that there were none at all. But in
the conclufion of his Apology, he fully own'd a 'Divine 'Provi-
dence taking care of good Men living or dying -, but whether of the
two were better for a Alan-, he thought God alone knew.
But to (hew more plainly what Socrates his judgment was as to
the Production of the World : Xenophon gives this account of it. That
he looked on it as a great piece of folly in Mankind to
attempt it from Material Caufes j and he wonder' d
that they did not find out:, that the fe things were above
their reach. And he thinks thole * Thilofophers ar-
gued like mad Men -, neither agreeing with one ano-
ther-, nor "with the nature of things : for fome faidt
that it confifled of One thing; others-, of Infinite:
fome faid t all things were in motion-, others faid-, there
was no motion at all: fome faid-, that all things were generated a7id
cor-
^OF, 071 -JUL'^. a OlvXTVV f^!f UV-
Jfumiii fi,fi;v. Xenoph. Mem.
I. I. c. I.
"E»I( tij TV, i/tiy^'i ^^tSt^i
;iii>,»!. Hid.
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINE S SACK JE.
49
corrupted; and others as more certainly known^
and of greater ufe to Mankind.
But as to Providence, Xenophon is very particular in it. That it xmopLU:
extended to all things f aid or done, alt ho' in never fo great filence ; ": '• "'^l'"-
and that Cioo was prefetit in all places. To the (iime purpofe Dio- %.'' '^'"'^
genes Laertius mentions a faying oVThales ; Being asked-, whether
a man could do an unjujl aifion without Got>' s knowing it : No,
faith he, not if he only thinks to do it. V/hich, faith Valerius Ma- v^icr.
ximuSi was intended to keep Mens Minds clean and pure, as well f'"-^-
as their hands. But the Atheiftical Club at Athens in Socrates his ''''''"^'
time, turn'd this another way. For they faid. This was only a con-
trivance of fome cunning man-, to keep Mankind more in av:e. And
that this was their lenfe, appears by the Verfes ftiU preferv'd in
Sextus Empiricus i and part in Tlutarch and others j but by the
former they are attributed to Critias, and by the latter to Euriti- sext. Emp.
des-, both of Socrates his time. But there fcems to be far greater p^'°'pi /.
probability as to the former, becaufe fuch a faying was very agree- f.fl '•'
able to the Charader of the Man. For Critias was one of the tloirty
Tyrants fet up by Lyjander at Athens i a Man of wit, andaddidVed
to Poetry > as Socrates himfelf owns in Tlato's Charmides-, that
he deriv'd it from Solon : He and Alcibiades had been both under
Socrates his care, as Xenophon tells us, but they both forfook him,
and changed their Manners upon it. Critias went into Thefjalfy
and there fell into lewd and debauched company -, and from thence
came to hate Socrates-, whom he had admir'd before : and when
^e was one of the thirty Tyrants, he and Charicles fliew'd a parti-
cular difpleafure againil him^ for Socrates had fpoken too freely
againft their Government. He was the head of the number, as
appear'd by Theramenes drinking a Health to Critias, when he
took off his Poifon-, and whcnThrafybulus came to dcUver Athens^
upon his being kill'd, the whole Faftion funk. Nothing can be
more agreeable to the Charafter of fuch a Man, than to make him
look on all Religion as an impoflure and contrivance of fome
crafty PoUtician. But nothing of it agrees v/ith that of Euripi-
des, who was Scholar to Anaxagoras, a friend to Socrates ; and on
all occafions wrote decently with refpcft to Piety and Virtue. But
Tlutarch faith, He wrote the Verfes in the name of Sifyphus for F-Pn't.
fear of the Areopagus. It cannot be deny'd, that Author (whether ^'/'■'"•'•''
Tlutarch or not, for fome queftion it) doth fay fo. But if Tlu-
tarch had faid it on good ground, how came Sextus after him, fo
G pofi-
59
ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. I-
pofitively to ^ivc them to Critias? And which is more to the
purpofe, the fame Author had but a little before quoted a paflage
of Eurij)idcs very agreeable. to a Scholar of Anaxagoras-> 'That
riutarch. ffrig Heavens -were k«>[o« mUtXfig. TiS'®- <"?>*, The beautiful lijorkman-
ndoT'i'i fi^P '^f ^ '^'(/^ ArchiteEi ; and from thence we come to the xN^otiou
c.e. ' of God. How different is this from the fenfe of thofe Atheilb-
cal Verfes ! But it is no'eafy matter to judg what the true fenfe
of a Poet is, when it is his defign to perfonate others. And fo
Eiyfipides might introduce Sifyphus as fpeaking agreeable to his
own Charafrer, who is reprefented as an ill man-, and given to
fraud; and therefore it is no wonder fuch a Man fliould look on
Religion as fuch a contrivance. For either Sifyphtis or Critias
might be well fuppos'd to utter fuch things, but the queftion is,
how far Euripides is to be cbarg'd with them; and whether he
fpoke his own fenfe under the name of Sifyphiis-, for fear of the
Areopagus. This ought certainly to be prov'd fome other way:
and if not, it feems to be a very unjuil imputation; efpecially
Mmn.l.'i.. fince Socrates exprcfs'd fuch an efteem for Euripides -, which he
*■•'?• would never have done, if he had fufpefted that under the Per-
fon of Sifyphiis he had overthrown the foundations of Religion.
But what the true fenfe o^ Socrates was, may be feen byhisDif-
xmofh. courfe with Ariftodemus-, of which Xenophon hath preferv'd the
Mem. L I. remembrance. This Ariftodemus was one of thofe that not only
'"^ neglefted Religion himfelf, but defpis'd and laugh'd at thofe that
regarded it. Socrates finding what fort of man he was, takes him
to task after his dry manner. And are there no Perfons, Ariftode-
mus-, faid he, that you have any efteem of for being wifer than
others ^ Yes, faid he briskly and like a Man of Wit, / admire
Homer for an Epic Toem-, Melanippides in T>ithjrambics-, Sopho-
cles in Tragedy, Polycletus in the Art of making Statues^ and ^h\~
di-CiS inTainting. The Man we fee was a kind of Virtiiofo in other
things, but without any fenfe of God or Religion. Well! £iid
Socrates-, and 'uuould you not admire thofe more who make living and
moving Statues-, than fuch only as have neither fenfe nor motion ?
No doubt the former, Ariftodemus reply'd, if they are made by
Deilgn, and not by Chance. Of that, laid Socrates, we may belt
judg by the ufe they are intended for. For thofe things which are
for a manifeft ufe, are moft agreeable to Defign. As for inftance,
the Senfes of Men are fo plainly given them for particular ules,
that we cannot reafonably think, but that he that made Mankind
at firft, gave them them for that purpofe-, as he particularly h\-
ftances in the fabric of the Eye, and the care of Nature to prcfervc
It, (which he calls a work of Providence) and fo for the Ears,
Nofe and Mouth, which are fo fram'd, as to be ct©v8«Jk«5 !o«»?«y4"«»
done by a wife Defign, and not by Chance. And I cannot, iaith
Socrates, look upon them otherwife than as the workmanlhip i;-.***/
2:,.©- ^t(A.»p7s y^ (f.;i<es"f^'' ^. a reach beyond other Animals; and they
have not only a Body made out of t!arth, but a Mind which we
perceive within our lelves. And can thefc great and wonderful
things come to pals ^V «.(p^«., without IVlind or Undcrftand-
inc .''
Book I. chap. I. RIG INKS SACR/K. 5.
ingi* To which our P'irtuofo had nothing no iay^ but that he could
not fee the Artificer here, as he did in other cafes. Well! And
do not you contrive and dclign things in your own Mind? And
yet you can no more fee that, than the wile contriver of thcfc
things. All that Arifiodemus had to fay, was that lie did not dil-
own or defpilb a Divine Being, but he thought it too great to re-
gard his Service. Hold a little, laid Socrates-, For thegreater he is>
the more he ought to be honor'd by Mankind. Then hequeilion'd,
whether there were liich a thing as Providence , with refpedt to
human atiairs. For that, Socrates again bad him look to the Frame
oF I-Iuman Nature, and the Fcveral parts oF Man's Body, and he
could not but Fee a Providence in the contrivance oF the Fevcral
parts oF the Body-, buteipecially the Mind, which he hath inFpir'd
into Men. t^ ■i^vy^* x.^^^* t-J dvjfuTru ciscpi/si. Not blo'juing fame fubtile
Air into Ma?h as Fome modern PhiloFophers would tranllatcit-, or
giving a mere Vital motion. But Socrates was Far From thinking an
Incorporeal Snbfiance within us to be a Contradiction -, nor that it
wasanyabFurdity to take a Metaphor From Air-, to expreFs the in-
fuFion oFan Immaterial Soul. And he fhews the excellency oF the
human Soul above others, bccauie it alone apprehends the being
oF God, who made and contriv'd the greateft beFt things •, and
alone is capable oF doing him fervice. Belides, that it hath Pru-
dence and Memory above all others. So that Mankind are as Fo
many Gods among inFerior Creatures. IF a Man had the body oF
an Ox and the Mind oF Man together, he could not do what he
would •■, nor iF Brutes had Hands and wanted Minds, could they
do much with them. But you, Faid he to Arifiodemus-, have both,
and can you think there is no care oF Providence about you .^ Can
you think, Faid he, that the Gods (as he Fpeaks) fliould plant in
Mens Minds an opinion that they are able both to reward and pu-
nifli, iF It were not Fo? A.nd that Mankind fliould be always de-
ceiv'd in this Matter, and not be FenFible oF it? Do not you fee,
faith Socrates, that the mofi ancient and wifiefi Cities, and Mations,
and Ages, ha^ve al'j:ay s fioe-sj;^ d the greateft regard to Religion ? This
is a very remarkable teftimony oF Socrates concerning the fenlc oF
former Ages about the Foundations oF Religion ; anci that the A-
theiftical temper Fome were then Fallen into, was a late Innovation,
and in probability occafion'd by that Fmattering in PhiloFophy,
which was crept in among the Greeks From the Principles o( Ana-
ximander and Democritus. But Socrates allures us the befi and
'■ji'ifefi Ages had a very diflerent FenFe oF theFe matters. And this
Xenophon tells us he had From Socrates his cxn Mouth -, and that
he heard this 'Dificourfie between them.
And what now is to be Faid to Fuch a Tefiimony as this, con-
cerning the FenFe oF Mankind about Religion ? Have we any rea-
fon to miihull fuch a Tedimony as that oF Socrates, who was lb
much valu'd For his integrity-, and loft his hFe, becauFe he could
not flatter nor dilTemble? tor any one that will careFully examin
the circumftances oF his Trial will Find, the true reaFon oF his pro-
fecution was, that he had difobliged fo many forts oF People by his
plain dealing. For, as he told his Judges, his way was when he Pltto"-
heard any Man had a great opinion For his own wifdom and skill ^H'^'
above other Men, to talk with him on purpofe, to fee whether
G 2 there
^z ORIGINES SACRyE. Book I. Chap. I.
rhere were any lufficienc ground for fucli an opinion : which was
oneof rhemoildifobliging courfcs in the world-, confidering how
fond Men are apt to be of themfclves, and to think themfelves
wifer than others -, at Icaft in that which they mod pretend to. By
which means he difobliged the '5P of their li-ves^ that they put an end to them by hanging themfelves.
invid. ^j^j j.^ lliew their great efteem of him, they caus'd a Statue made
by Lyfippusy to be let up in a public place in the City, as a perpe-
tual Monument of his wifdom, and their own folly. And his car-
riage at his death was with fo much courage, and conflancy, and
cvennefs of Mind, that they were all latisfy'd as to his integrity
and freedom from any ill defign. AVhat reafon can there be then
to fufpeft his Teilimony in this point of Religion, when there was
not the lead conllraint or byafs upon him, and this attciled by
fo unexceptionable a witnefs as Xenophon: A Perfon of great ho-
nor and judgment-, and whole Writings arc fuch, as could hardly
be counterfeited by any fince him, by reafon of their unaffe£led
fyi^eetnefs ; for which the ancient Critics fo much admired him>
cktro dc even Cicero, as well as T>ionyfiHs HalycarnaJJ'eus-, and ^intilian.
orat.i.z. From Socrates I go on to "Plato, who in Cicero's opinion (and
jiaiyairn. J^c was a vcry good judge) was 'Frinceps Ingenii & \Do£lrin£, the
ad'pomp. Top of ancient IVit and Learning-, and to the fame purpofe i^in-
ci'Z'ad' tilian, whom Valla erteem'd above all other Critics. But I need
Mn'm-i.u not go about to let up the Reputation i^VPlato. He was dcfccn-
A&(\ from Solon by his Mother, and by his Father from Codrus ;
he was nearly related to Cr/>/^.r, the firll of the thirty Tyrants, and
head of the Atheiltical Club at y-/r/r«j-i and therefore it will be
worth our while to find out Ins true 'lcw'^^ and opinion about thclc
matters. Towvhich I fiiall confine my Difcourfe concerning him.
And in his tenth Book of Laix:s he gives an account of three Opi-
nions then in vogue among the loofer fort ol I'cople at Athens.
One
Book I. Chap. I. OR WINES SACRAL 53
and
Atticus the Platonifi in Eufebms makes him woriethan Epicurus ^
tufcb. btcauje he put Ins Gods quite out of the IVorld-, 'u:hich Ariftotic did
•Frxp. Ev. fiof 3 l>ijf^ laid he, he overthrew all Religion by denying 'Provide?ice.
^'iHim'^'de ^"^ Lnciantius is very fliarp upon him, and makes him a contem-
iraDci, 7ier of GoD Mid Religiou : but to do him right, he faith at other
'■• '9- times. That he placd one Mtnd over the World; and that At'Aox\c
^'^ f"^f- and his follo-Ji'ers were of the fame mind with Antifthenes, that
^tirloti there was but One God in Nature-, and many popular Gods. But
f- "• was not Arillotle charg'd with Impiety at Athens, and forced on
^cdumn. that account to withdraw to Chslcis-, where he died; or as fome Jay,
was poi foiled? So Eumelus and the anonymous Author of his Life,
pubbliOi'd by Menagius. It cannot be deny'd that there was a profe-
cution againlL him by Etirymedon and 'Demophilus ; but fo there
■ was agairiit Anaxagoras and Socrates; but the pretence againll
Ariflotle-, was not for hnpiety in his 'Docfrine-, but for a profane
Hymn which he was faid to have made on his Friend Hermias j
Athen.i\s. fuch as wcre wont to be made to Apollo. This Athenaus denies j
smi. in and Ariflotle fent an Apology for himfelf to Athens-, but it was
-^"A not xeceiv'd. The truth was, Ariftotle found it was time for him
to be gone-, left, as he told his Friends, that City Jhould offend
jEUan. 3. twice agamfi Philofophy : For, as he faid in his Letter to Antipa-
3*^- ter-, He found the Ltty abounded with Sycophants ; and he was fallen
under Alexander ^ difpleafure, on the account of Califihenes his
Kinfman; and in a Letter of his to Antipater he had faid, he
would be revenged on the Sophijier ; and he publicly affronted him
by the great Prefcnt he fent to Xenocrates-, and none to him : which
was fufficient intimation to his Enemies, which he never wanted,
£«/,*. faith Ariflocles-i becaufe of the intereji he had in Trinces. And if
pm/.. £r. 'Pliny's Story be true, (which Plutarch and Appian intimate too)
^''^■'^■^' OiS to yintip at er's de\\2,n-, Alexander had caufe for his difpleafure.
Tim.-ii.H. But Arif odes {"zith, 'iW Apellicon {to whom his Books came) wrote
1. 50. f. \6. £0 fill a Vindication of him-, that thofe who read that need no more.
But they are his Principles which we inquire after, and not his
i.x.c.%. PraiHrices. Alexander Aphrodijienfis-, who is thought to have un-
'^phrnfif. derftood Ariflotle's Mind as well as any Commentator, owns that
in Arifi. Ariftotlc wtthout doubt affertedi that there was one Eternal Mind,
^'hf"- which gave the firfl motion to Matter ; and that thereby things were
put into fuch an order-, yiot by Chance-, but from the firfl Mover-, fo
as to produce the variety of fpecies in the IVorld-, and to make them
ufeful to each other-, and for the good of the whole; and fuch anuni-
verfal Providence, he faith, Ariftotle did hold. So nnich then is
confefs'd by one who was thought his moft judicious Interpreter.
But let us fee, whether Ariflotle may not be reafonably prcfum'd
Met. 1.4. to go beyond this: For (i.) he blam'd Anaxagoras for making 710
more ufe of his Eternal Mind-, thanmerely to fet things in order at firfi.
Then it follows, that according to him, God nuift be more than
a mere Firfl Mover. (2.) He makes this famous concluilon of his
Mutafhj/f. Aletaphyfics-, That things are befl governed by one head ; which flgni-
p'^"-'' ^<^^ nothing, if there be no Providence. Claufulani hanc lam in-
schoi. Mt-Jigncmample6ior S' laudo-, faid one of his moft bitter Kncmics; and
t»phyfUi. it cannot be denied, that he there compares the Government of the
'' '"■ JVorldi with that of an Army or Family, wherein are there feveral
.'^anks
BookI. chap. I*. ORIGINES SACRjE. '" c;
■ — — ~-.,i~ — ^ __
Jtianks and Orders of Men for different purpoj'cs ; ■'^hichmnji fuppofe a
particular mfpeStion and care. ( 3.) He makes the complete Plappinefs zth. 1. 1.
cF Mankind to be 0sr«'va, a 'Divine thing; and muft luppole 'Provi- ^- '°-
^lim-^, as Ifhall now make it to appear. He affirms that a Man's com- Eih.i. 10
pletchiippinci's depends upon/omct/jwg'Divine in h/m-i in theexercife «■• ;•
'mhcrcof his happinefs confljis. And therefore lie advills tho(c that
lludy to be happy 'A^ajw^a^j'^wi-, to draw themf elves of from mortal thin^^Sy
and to live according to that rz'hicb is the befl thing in lis-, v\7..our Minds.
Which ahho" they do notfo appear in Oiilk-, yet in reality are far greater
andofmore value than other things. By which he plainly owns fucli
a Principle in Mankind as is capablcor a greater happinefs than the
thingsof this World can give him-, becauic his Mind is of a higher
Nature than they. But then the Qucltion arifes, whether Man-
kind can make themlelves happy by this Divine Principle within
them ? He grants in one place, That if there be any gift from God, Eth. 1. 1.
It is mofi reafonable it fhoiild be that 'u,hich is bcjifor them-, but he '^' '°'
avoids the difpute there-, becaufe his bufinefs was to put men upon
ufnig their own endeavors to be happy: but in his lafi Book, where
he Ipcaks of this Divine happineis, he faith, That he that acts
according to his mind-, and ts difpos'd to do the befl things^ is the
moii likely to be beloved of Govt: for-, if there be ariy •„ m 7, ,. , ..^„.
care above of human ajfairSi as there feems to be-^ it <^^vwo» t :4^,mI^(^ .
iiZ/.9X>
is moff reafonable to fvppofe that the Gods love "^ ,Q"'?"^«f«^'5 ioir-^^ I'ly.^. e.
what is: bejl and near eft to them; which is our Mind, ^l n^'&lsl^^n-i^' i^^^'^o-
But doth he not leem to fpeak very doubtfully in ''■'~\^ "'■' *' '''^>^'>p> -.-kw -n
this matter.^ It is obferv'd by his Commentator, ursliff^S""ftT-'
that b IS manner or exprellion is luch as he ules when c. 9.
there is no manner of doubt. But we muft take Ariftotle^' ^sz.'Ph.i-
lofopher; and confider on what grounds he went. He had no Re-
velation to dircdl" him, and fo was to judge according to what he
thought mofi reafonable; and this he declares he took to be fo. And
in his following words he faith, *That thofe who did mojl efteem
6ind value their o-jin minds-, the Gods did regard as their friends-, and
fiich as did the beft atfions. That word 'Avr^^m^tv is
very emphatical in this cafe-, for it implies a Retri- *^'^'^^^*j"-^^'^'iv-dxim%^Ti
tnbution of a Reward for doin^ good. So that here „ T^"h t^^^'"^' ^ ">^~^
we have the complacency, which God takes 111 thole
that are good, and do good -, and the reafonablenefs of expefting
a recompenfe for it. Ariflotle was no fool, but was eiJDCcially ad-
mired by very great Men, particularly by Cicero, and Ar.ftoteks vir fum^oingemo,
G^intilian-i and Tliny-, lox the greatnejs oj his lyit rdentix copia. Tup.i.^.xa.A-
and Siibtilty: and fuch a Perfon would never have T^'^'t singuian viringemo
.,-'-- . . /-J /- t Anltottlcs, & pcnc Divino. Be
been guilty of lo great impertinency to let down luch d,v.i . ij-. ^««. x. uvun. n.
Exprefilons as thefe, if he had not thought them lit ^•^■^- ^^.is.j^.
to be believ'd -, but he would have fet fome mark upon them, that
they were the opinions of other men, and not his own. And in
this cafe he had more particular reafon to have done it. For any
one that compares thefe exprefilons with tbokinTlato, 10 de Rep.
would think that Ariftotle had taken them from thence. ¥ or T lata
there faith the fame thing-, That a good man is e«^iAi,«, one in favor
with God ; and whofoever is fo, floall receive the beft things from
him. And we cannot fitppofe-, that he that deftgns to be good, and
minds the practice of verfue, will be neglecfed above, when he makes
if
^J-n> i^'. «>£- i,e negkcttd of one fo like him. And Ariftotle in the
,.cA ^ ^ ^f--«- foregoing Chapter faith, The Gods are in a fiat e of
perpetual blifs, and Mankind are capable of happinefs-, as they come
nearer to a refemblance of them. Can any Expref-
If-t'Str'^ ''"' ^""''''" ^'o"s ^o^"^ "^^'■^'" ^^^^" "^"'^^^^ do? We find Ariftotle
'^'''^"^ " on other occafions not very fliy of exprening his
diflent from 'Plato-, even in thefe Books of Morals. How warmly
zth. 1. 34. doth he difpute againft Plato's notion of Ideas? He faith, tber€
are three kinds of Men pretend to happinefs-, the fenfual and vohi-
ptuous ; which he faith, is the happinefs of Slaves and Brutes: the
bnfy and active Men place it in Honor -, '■jvhich is not in their po-^-er.
But bcfides thefe, there are thofe isaho place it tn Contemplation -,
'■j:;hich is moft agreeable to the moft perfeii faculty iz'e have : but then
he faith. Some Friends* of his had introduced Ideas to this purpofe -,
ho'wever he vjas refolved to prefer truth before them. Here wc fee
he Hicks not at contradifting Plato-, as to his Ideas -, but is fo far
from doing it in the prefent cafe, that he takes his very Expref-
fions as his own -, which he would never have done, if he had not
thought them agreeable to Truth and Reafon. He did not like Pla-
to's Ideas i nor his Poetical Fi6tions about a future State ; which made
him more referved in difcourfing about it ; but he was fatisfy'd in
thefe three things, i. That the Mind of Man was capable of a
real happinefs diftind from the Body. 2. That this Happinefs lies
in a fimilitude to God, as the moft perfeft Being. 3. That it was
reafonable to fuppofe God fhould make the beft to be moft
happy.
iJag.Mor. In his Great Morals-, he declares it not to be Courage but Mad-
*-^- nefs not to be afraid of the Gods. And if there be no Providence,
what reafon can there be for Fear ?
In the conclufion of his Eudemian Morals^ he makes it the befi
i.udem.i.-j. end of a man to contemplate G o d j and [aid that it argues a very
'' '^' ill mind to hinder his "cvorfinp and fervice-, a7id the befi temper of
mind to be little affeBed vjith fenfual inclinations ; and this-, faith
he, is the great end of Virtue and Goodnefs.
Thefe are not the Expreffions of a Man that defpis'd God and
Providence-, and wc are as certain thefe were his, as we are, that
wc have any Books of his. For even Fr Patritins himfclf makes
very flight objections againft them-, andthcAuthorof the Ancient
i>\fcHjf. Paraphrafe upon his Ethics ad Nicomachum (fuppoa'dtobc^wdV^?-
rinpatet. j^^^^^j- J^/jodius) is a fir better evidence for them> who is faid to
To 1,1.''.
' ' '"' h:ive paraphrafed upon Ariftotle' s IFritings-, and not upon any other
Man's. And he puts this matter out of doubt; for he thwspara-
raiaphr. phrafesh\s\io^ds-, If God doth take care of Mankind, -'"V^p 77ti.*' ^^ ^^ /f'fW5 to all and is true. And not only Plutarch in the
Life of Sylla-, but Porphyry in that of Plotinus fay, that Andro-
nicus Rhodius took great care i?i digefiing and explaining Kn^ot\c"s
A\^orks.
Let us now compare thcfc Sayings with the Objections taken
out of him againft Providence. Alex. Aphrodficnfis is of opinion
that Arifiotle meant no mote by Providence, but an UniverfalCare
to
Book I. Chap. I. OR 10 INKS. SACR/E. ^7
to preferve the fpectes of things ^ and the Order of the I Tor Id; but
he doth not deny that foj^rr it extends even to (uhlunary things. Buc
if he did allow fuch an univerfal Providence as to the good of the
World; I ask then, Whether God did know and ijitejid this good
and order that is in the World? \'s he did, then his great Argu-
ment againft particular Providence is taken offi which was, That
it -dvas belo^sj the '^Divine "Terfetiions to take 7iotice of Jnch mean
things. For if it were not below it at firrt to appoint and order
thcic things, then it cannot be below it to mind or regard them.
And fince they cannot deny fuch an Univerfal ^Providence-, they
cannot for this reafon rejedl: a Particular j for it is no more unbe-
coming God to regard the good of his Creatures, than it was at
firft to make them. But Arifhtle utterly rejcds tlieir Opinion,
that attributed the making of things, or the order that appears in
them, to blind NeceHlty or Chance ^ and then God mud have a
Power and Will to make and order t.hefe things as they are, and
with a defign for the good of the whole. Then it follows, that
a Providence that regards the good of th(^ whole, is agreeable to
the Divine Nature j and why not then a Particular Providence for
the fame end.' If the lame Power and Wifdom can manage the
whole for that end, with regard to Particular Events, why flioukl
that be reje6fed, and the other allowed ^
All that is pleaded from Arifiotle is this, That the kno-^Udg and Metaphyf,
care of particular things is tronblefom and nneafy -, that the Eternal '' ^^'^'
Being is happy in it felf; and ifs better not to fee and kno'-jj fome
things-, than to fee and kno-w them. But I urge from Arijiotle him-
lelf, that he yields, that the Divine Happinefs doth not lie in an
UnaUive fiate-, or fuch a perpetual feep-y as they fancied of Endy- Af-^/./.io.'
mion. And what can be more agreeable to Infinite Goodnefs, than '^'^'
fuch an Activity as imploys it felf in the care of his Creatures .''
But faith Arijhtle-, Hoi^' can God underftand any thing below uetufhyp.
himfelf? He is a perfedl objeB-, and fit for his o-jin contemplation-, and '" ' 5- ^- )"•
all other things are infinitely below him. If any made the Divine
happinefs to confifl: in the knowledg of his Creatures, they were
extremely miftaken ■■, but I do not find that Socrates or T'lato^ who
were hearty Aflertors of Providence, fay any thing like it: All
that they fay, is, 7 hat God being infinitely good and wife, takes
care of the good of the whole, and efpecially of thofc that are
good J and if he did not, it mufl: be either from wrait of Power
or Will, neither of which can be fuppos'd in the Divine Nature.
And if he vv'anrs neither of thefe, why is it not done? It cannot
be faid, That hxi^ox\c abfohitely denied Goxis knowledg of all things -, ^^'p^- f^
for in one place he faith, It is the Chara^er of a bad man to fup- ^^•''•*
pofe any thi'izg hidden frvm GoDi and m another. That we attribute dc net.
to God the knowledg of all things. But 'tis poflible he might be "" '^'
to feek as to the manner of Goi>s kowing all things, as who is
not.'* But if he could not comprehend it, it doth not therefore
followj that he denied it. If God, faith he, underflands nothing-,
then he is like one that fleeps-, which is not confijlent with that ve-
neration which we owe to God. If he doth nnderfland, and the
principal object be without himfelf^ then he is not the belt Subftance
himfelf. But none ever thought, that if there were a God, \.\\c
principal objed of his Underflanding could bg. without himf and yet he know nothing beyond himfelf? Are the
feveral /^^f/>J of things of his ordering and appointing, and yet
he not know them ? This is impofilble. But Arijiotle faith, That his
Ejfence-, as mo fi perfect , is the moft proper obje£i ofDivme Contem-
plation i and his Underflanding is nothing but the under jtanding of
himfelf: and fo, as he exprefles it, his Underflanding is the tmder-
Scdi^er. flanding of his Underflanding. Wherein, :isSca/iger i.th, he did
£.xercit. apprchcnd things fnpra hnmanum captiim; and 1 a- •, apt to think
36^.».f. ^^ j.^^ jgyj. Qui-'bufinefs is not to unfold the Myitery of Divine
Knowledg with refpeft to it felf, but to confider whether it be re-
pugnant to it to know other things? ^ [^•> ^'^^'^^'^ Ariftotle-, there
mufl be a change and motion-, but the divine Ejfence is always the
fame. As tho' an Infinite Mind could not comprehend all things
without a change in it felf, or fuch trouble as we find in our gra-
dual perceptions of things, which arifes from our wcaknefs and
imperfedion. ThQOh]cdi\on^romthemeannefs of things is very in-
confiderable. For, if they were fit to make up a part of the Or-
der of the World, why are they below Divine Knowledg and
Providence ? If God thought fit to make them, why not to pre-
lerve them ?
Tes, fay they, as to the fpecies he doth, but not as to all the lit-
tle accidents about them. The Schoolmen diftinguifh in Provi-
dence the Ratio Ordinis from the Exerutio Ordinis i the firft they
lay, is wholly immediate, the other is by fubordinate Caufes,
which we call the Courfe of Nature -, which is no more than the
conriion Order which God hath appointed in the Worlds which
generJ'y obtains, but yet fo as that there mufi: be a due fubordi-
nation othe firft Agent i if he fees caufe for particular ends to or-
der things otherwifc. And 1 cannot fee any kind of incongruity
or repugnancy in fuch a Suppofition, becaufe it anfwers the fame
ends, which the original intention and defign of Univerfal Provi-
vidence doth. As that in the ordinary courfe of Nature, Fire
burns, i.e. dilTolves that contexture of Bodies which it meets with >
and this it doth by virtueof that order of Caufes and Effects, which
is eflablifhed by Univerfal Providence : but fuppofe that there be
a flop put to this method by an extraordinary ait for great and
wife ends becoming the fupremc Governor of the World, why
fliould not this be as agreeable to the defign of Providence, as the
firft appointment of things in the common order was? Why not
as well to work miraculous cures at fome times, as to leave things
to the ordinary methods at other times? But we muft ftill fup-
pofe the ends to be wife, and great, and good > for otherwifc they
do not reach the general defign of Providence -, and we mean no
other particular Providence, but I'uch as anfwers the fame general
ends which an Univerfal Providence is dcfigned for.
Magn. But, faith Ariflotle-, If we fuppofe a particular Trovidence with
Moral,l.i. refpeit to Mankind, then he mufl give to Men here according to their
'* ^' defcrts ; which cannot be, fince bad men often hn'ct with good for-
ttmet and therefore God Oeing Lord over thcfe things would deal
unjnftly
Book I, chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 55, \
unpifily as a Jndg-, -ivhich is not becoming him to do. Here it cannot \
be dcny'd that Arijtotle doth exclude a Judicial T)ifpofal of thefe
things-. For if it were fuch, his Argument muft hold} but wc di- j
Itinguifh between that and a '^Providential management-, in order to i
the real good of Mankind. And I need no other than Arifiotle's 1
own Arguments in this cafe: for if a Man's real happinefs lies in \
a fimilitiide of the mind to God, how can that be inconfiftent with ■
DivincJullicetocxercifegoodMcn here in fuch a manner, as tends ;
mofl: to draw off their Minds Irom flicfe tranlltory and decaying ^
pleafiircs? And if thcfc things cannot make a Man really hap- ^
py without virtue, which is the great defign of his Morals to j
prove-, how is it inconlillcnt with his Juftice to let bad Men meet '
with good fortune f For thclc things can be no demonftrationsof i
the favor or difpleafurc of God, which himfelf grants relates moft '
to the inward temper of Mens Minds. But the real difficulty in i
this cafe, is a fuppoiition that there is no future ftate. I confefs
that 'Plato clears this matter cafily and plainly ; A good man-, faith J''^"" >,-
eternal Governor and Ruler over ally being one and the fame always, "''"'*^*'
and different from all others. Which we find in Philo, and have «w»to,
no rcafon to miftruft his Teftimonyj confidering what the other V'"^'^"-*^'
'Pythagoreans faid concerning the Divine Nature. They made XCss^J-
G o d to be one Eternal, perfe£t Being, and that the happinefs of "« «'"^»-
Mankind lay in afimilitude to him -, as appears by the Pythagorean '^'^4 Tx-
Fragments in Stobaus, and ellewhere, which I need not repeat-, as-*. FhUo
but 1 fliall only fet down the pafTages of Zaleucus and Charondas, opfl""'!^'
who were known Pythagoreans as appears by Porphyry, lambli-
chus, Laertius, &c. in the excellent Prefaces to their Laws. Za-
leucus faith, That in the firji place all perfons ought to own and ac- stob.serm.
knowledg the Gods ; which, faith he, is manifejt by feeing the Hea- '^*'^" ^^^'
ven and the IVorld, and the ordet that is therein } for thefe are not
the work of Fortune, or of Mens hands ; and they ought to be wor-
fhifd and honoured as the Author of all good things to us. And to
that end they ought to keep their Souls pure from evil -, for God is not
honoured by bad men, nor by coftly facrifices, but by virtue, and the
choice ofgoodandjuJtaBions. Charondas laith, That men ought f'^^o-
to bigin their atlions with piety. For God is the caufe of all: and
they mujt abftam from evil actions, for the fake of their refpeEi to
to God. For God hath 710 regard to wicked perfons. Thefe were
Men of great and juft efteem in their Cities, and their memory is
preferv'd by all that ipeak of them with great veneration.
1 might purfue this matter much farther j but if this be not fuf-
ficient to my purpofe, more will be lefs regarded : for Mankind
are better pleas'd with Choice, than a Heap -, and I have only pitch'd
upon Perfons of great elleem in the World. Only '/^;'/^/:;^^(?r/^j did
not go down well with Ibme of the Greeks, becaufe of his Myfii-
cal and Symbolical ways of Inllruction j which the Greeks were by
no means fond of; as appears by Xcnophons Epillle to zyF.fchines ^
(if It be genuine, and I lee little reafon to queftion it) for he up-
H ^ braids
6r ORIGINES SACR^E. Book I. Chap. I.
braids 'Flato with mixing t/je 'Pythagoric Extraiagancies with the
plain Doftrine of Socrates', which Xenophon kept ftriftly to. But
as td'Pythagoras himlclf, Ctcero extols him hhn for his izsifdom and
77//5:.4. I. Giiality i and he laith, The Tythagoreans for a great ijchile isoere
^^ ^'^- accounted the only Learned mm. Pliny admires him for his faga-
Tuji.1.16. city ; Apuleius for the greatnefs of his fVit -, and the People of
f An. N. H. Crotone and Metapontum-, as more than a Alan. His greatcll fault
^Atui.Ftor. was that he was too wife; for he lock'd up his Secrets fo clofe,
umbi. vit. that the greateft part of Mankind were not much the better for
Fyth.c.6. fiigQ^. only the Cities of Magna Gnecia were wonderfully re-
form'd by his means (if the 'Pythagoreans may be believ'dj but
at laft the prevalent Faction of Cylon and his brutifli Party at Cro-
t07ie dcftroy'd many of the Difciples of Tythagoras-, and dilper-
fed the reft. And Pythagoras himfelf ended his days cither by
violence, or the difcontent he had to find his good defigns difap-
pointed in fuch a manner. The reputation or his School was for
fome time kept up by Archytas and Thii^laus -, and fome that e-
fcaped the common clanger, as Lyfts (who went to Epaminondasm
Greece^ and is fuppos'd to have publiili'd the Golden Verfes') and
feveral others are mention'd by Torphyry and lamblichiis. But
Torphyry obierves. That they only preferv'dfome dark and obfcure
notions of the Pythagoric T>o^rine-, and made '■jnonderful fecrets of
them-y which i;e thinks did not contain the true Dodrine of P/?/^^-
gorasi but only fome f parks of it-, which were far from being clear.
And the decay of thQTythagoreanDo^rine-, he doth not only im-
pute to the violence of the Fadtion rais'd againft the ^Pythagorean
Society in thofe Cities of Italy where they flourifli'd > but to their
Enigmatical way of exprefllng their minds by Numbers and Figures %
and to the 'Doric Dialect-, which was almoll: facred among them :
and after their Books were come into Greece., he faith, Plato and
others took out the bejl-, and put it into fmoother Language-, which
made the reft be flighted. And he thinks fome invented things on
purpofe in their names to expofe them the more. So that it is no
eafy matter to judg now what was the genuine Pythagorean 'Do-
ctrine-, except what we find mix'd with 'Plato -, wlio had the beft
opportunities of underftanding their Doftrinc by going among
them himfelf, and afterwards getting the Books or ^Philolans into
his hands. And Torphyry in the Life of Photmus doth particu-
larly commend him, ioK joyningtheDo^rines o/" Pythagoras and
Plato together-, beyond any that had gone before him. From whence
It appears, that there was no dillcrcncc between them, as to the
firft Caufe and the Produdion of things.
But what fliall we fay to Ocellus Ltieanus-, who is mention'd as
a Difciplc o^ 'Pythagoras by lamblichus -, and Archytas in his Epi-
ftle to ''Plato mentions a Book of his of the Generation of things %
which hath been often publifli'd out of MSS. and doth plainly af-
fert the JVorld's Eternity , and being from it felf-, ana fo over-
throws the 'Pythagorean Doctrine of God's being the Beginning
ofall.?
In anfwer. That there is fomething genuine o^ Ocellus extant, I
do not queftion. For Stobaus produces a Fragment out of his
^lob.tclog. ^00^ of I^a-jJi written in the "Doric Dialed:-, according to their
;.ji.* ' cuftom, and the precept of 'Pythagoras-, whcioni lie doth poii-
nvcly
BooKlChap. I. GRIG INKS SACRyE. r,i^
tivcly aflTcrt, That God '■joAs the caufe of the World «ivine-i having Reafon and Underjlandmg ; the other is made., un-
reafonable-, and liable to changes. How can this be reconciled to
the Principles of the other Book? And yet Vizzanius who com-
pared it with feveral MSS. and publifli'd it, hath printed this Frag-
ment at the end of the other. As to the different T>ialett., he fup-
pofes it '■Ji'as firft "jiritten in Doric, but after ttirn'd into the Attic :
but of this he offers no proof-, only he laith, It was done as words
are tranfated out of Portuguefe into Clathlian ; or which anfwers
more to the "Doric, out of Scotch into Englip. No one qucftions
but fuch things have been done, and may be fo again. But how
doth it appear that the whole Book was fo ? For there are fome
Fragments of this very piece in Stobaus in the Doric DialetU which
is the conclufion of the firft Chapter, and fome parts of thefecond
and third-, which I fuppofe to have been genuine, and the ground-
work of the reftj which fome unknown Philofopher built more
upon, and turn'd thcfe Fragments into the Attic Greek, to make
them all of a piece. The 'Pythagoreans did afferr, that the World
was incorruptible, as appears by the Fragments of 'Philolati^s and
othtrsm Stobaus i but that which is afferted in this Piece is, That stob.^chg.
the World was felf-originated, which was contrary to thcp Do- ^hf-'-'>-'f
ftrine, and of Ocellus Liicanus himfelf There can be no difpute
about the Fragment of the Book of Law, where his opinion is
plain and clear, That God is the caufe of all, and that the frfi
Caufe is a wife and intelligent Being: let us now compare th's
with the Doftrine of this Book, wherein he aflerts, * That the *oi-rui h
World is the catfe of perfection to other things, and therefore is per- ff^J-^J^'
feB from it felf J^izzanius would have it beJiev'd that this was >-
L^. 1. 2. rioufiy and v;ith grrat attention of Mind; and not by the By, and
by Chance. That our Minds vi'cre mojt affected \x:ith Religion and
Tiety
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 65
''Piety in the due ij but that the feed of Religion ts alfo ^ '^"
only in Man-, and confijleth in fome peculiar quality-, or at leaf in
fome eminent degree thereof not to be found in other \living Crea-
tures.
But what is this Peculiar §^ality in Mankinds For, therein
the difficulty lies. How come Men of all forts to be poflefs'd with
it.^ Not merely the unthinking multitude, butMenof thedcepeft
Senfc and greateft Capacity, and who have taken the moft pains
to inquire into thcfe matters.
And firft ■) faith he, it is peculiar to the Nature of Man to be in-
fuifitive into Caufes of the Events they fee-, fome more fome lefs -,
lit all Men fo much as to be curious in the fear ch of the Caufes
of their own good and evil Fortune. To be inquifitive i?ito the
I Caufes
ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. 1.
Lanfes of Eirnfs is very proper for Rational Beings ; but we do
hot mean I'uch as relate merely to their o'ojn good or evil Fortune-,
which is no commendable curiolltyi but into the nature and rea-
fon of things, which they fee in the World-, and this we fay leads
Men to a firft Caufe, which is God. This he mentions m the
next words.
Seco?idly-, upon the fight of any thing that hath a beginning to
think alfo it had a Caufe^ to deter min the fame to begin '■Jihen it did-,
rather thanjooner or later.
And was not this a very reafonable thought? For '■juhat hath
a Beginning muft certainly have a Caufe which produced it; which
determined its being at that time. And if this be fuch a Peculiar
^ality in Mankind-, then there is fomcthing in Reafon which car-
ries them to the owning a Godj which gave a Being to the World,
and to the things in it.
Thirdly-, Man obferveth hovj one event hath been produced by an-
other-, and remembreth in them Antecedence and Confeqiience ; and if he
cannot find out the true Caufe s of things-, he fuppofes Caufe s of them
rather from his own fancy, or Authority of others -whom he efleems.
But how come Mankind not to find out the true Caufes of things "i
For this is here very flily fuppos'd, without giving the leaft reafon
for it ; and withal the things that Men fcarch for the Caufes of,
are fuppos'd to be only fuch as relate to their good and evil For-
tune i (which are faid to he for the mofl part invifible') but is ic
not pollible for Men to inquire into the Caufes of other things,
which we plainly fee .'' Do we not fee our own Bodies, and thofe
of other Animals, as well as the Heavens and Earth ; and is it not
as proper and reafonable for Mankind to inquire into the Caufes
of thefe, as well as into their good and evil Fortune ? What ftrange
fluff is this to fuppofe all Mankind only to run after Fortune-
tellers i and never to concern themfelves about the Caufes of
the vilible World.'* Could any one that in the leaft pretended to
'Philofophy-, ever think fo meanly of the reft of Mankind i* But
thcfe are the Caufes which we fearch for > and we hope Natural
Reafon will conduit Men in this inquiry to their fatisfadion j
fo that they need not to have recourfe to Fancy ov Authority .
But he goes on : The two fir (I make anxiety -, i. e. a Man's Inqui-
fitivencfs into Caufes in general, and thinking what that had a Be-
ning nmft have a Caufe. For being affur'd that there be Caufes of
all things, this fills him with folic itude for the time to come i andfo
his heart is gnaw'd on perpetually by fear of death , poverty or
other Calamity -, and hath no repofe or paufe of his anxiety but in
deep. What? Do Men think of nothing but what Calamities may
befal them ? And muft they needs perpetually perplex themfelves
with the fear of future Evils? Thofe who were called ''Philofo-
phers in former times, thought it poffiblc for flich who believed
God and Providence, not to live under fuch perpetual anxiety.
But what follows? This perpetual fear always ac complying Man-
kind in the ignorance of Caufes, as it were in the dark, muft needs
have for obje6i fomething -, and therefore when there is nothing to
be feen, there is nothing to accufe, either of their good or evil For-
tune-, but fame power or agent invifible. Thence the "Toetsfatd, tltat
the Gods were firft created by hunmn Fear ; which being fpoken of
the
Book I. chap. I. _ ORIGINES SACRAL. c-j
the 7nany Gods of the Gentiles-, is -very true, iiuc how come we
from the §lualities of Human Nature to fall upon the Gods of the
Gentiles ? I'he Qucftion was, What it is m Mankind which in-
clines them to believe a God? the Anfwer is, That Fear made the
Gods of the Gentiles. What is that to all Mankind'^ Suppofe
thc«re had been no llich faying among the ToetSy nor fuch Gods
among the Gentiles^ the QuefUon ftill remains, whence comes Man-
kind to apprehend a 'Deity ? Doth it all come from a vain fuperfli-
tious Fear, fuch as Men have in the dark of they know not whatj
And becaulc they fee nothing, they imagin fome Invijible Tower?
Is this the true ground of the Seed of Religion in Mens Minds? If
fb, then there is no ground in Reafon to believe a God, but only
an ignorant fuperflitious Fear.
Not fo, laith Mr.Hobbes. But the acknowledgment of one God,
Eternal-) Infinite and Omnipotent ■> may more eafily be derived from
the defire Men have to knoiv the Caufts of Natural Bodies-, and their
Jeveral virtues and optrations-, than from the fear of what was to
befall them in time to come. What is the meaning of this ? The
acknowledgment of o?ie God may be more eafily derived-, &c. If he had
meant fincyrely, he would not have faid. That it may be more eafily
derived', but that no tolerable account can be given of thole things
any other way. But we are to obferve, That he makes i^'^w^r^;?^^ and
Fear toh^the general Seeds of Religionin Mankind : fo that this Ac-
knowledgment of one G'tf^doth not come from the Seed of Religion-, but
only from Mens being puzzled about a (eries of Caufes. iisi)hich
is proper only to things Corporeal. Before he feem'd only to fay, That
the ignorant fuperftitious People entertain'd this notion of Spirits
or invifible pou;ers being only Creatures of the Brain like the images
in jleep : but now it feems Tlato and Ariftotle were no wifer, and
that we receive it from them. But I have made it appear that the
difl'erence of Mmd and Matter was before them j and that not by
mere fancy, but by invincible Reafon : becaufe otherwife there could
be no fuch thing as the Motion and Difpofition of Matter in fuch
a manner, as we fee it in the World. And this was the ground
which thofe Philofophers went upon •, who were as little given to
be impos'd upon by their dreams, as any before or fince their time.
And it is a ftrange confidence in any Man to think to bear down
the general fenfe of the moft Philofophical part of Mankind, with
bare faying, that an Immaterial Subftance implies a contradidion.
/. 33. But he offers to prove it, after an extraordinary manner > For-> faith
he, it is in Englifli, fomething that without a body ftands under
Stands under what ? Will you fay ^ under Accidents ? Ridiculous !
did Tlato or Ariftotle ufe the word Subftance .^ And when it came
to be us'd, the word fignify'd the fame with Being; andfothejcft
is quite loft. Such pitiful things as thefe muft pafs for Wit and
Philofophy with fome Men.
But to proceed with Mr. Hobbes-, After he hath reckon'd up
the many follies which the Gentiles fell into by their fuperftitious
Fear, he concludes in this manner. So eafy are Men to be drawn
to believe any thing from fuch as have got credit with them-, and
can with gentlmefs and dexterity take hold of their Ignorance and
Fear. Still we meet with nothing but the refult o^ Ignorance and
Fear in the Gentile World. We do not deny that Religion was
exceedingly corrupted among them •, but we affirm, that the true
foundations of Religion were kept up among Men of Underftand-
ing j as fully appears by the Difcourfcs of Socrates-, F'lato-, Xeno-
pho7i-, Ariftotle^ Cicero-, &c. Why are their Rcafons never {o much
as mention'dj and nothing thought worth infifting upon, but only
the grofs fuperftitions and follies of the People.^ This doth not
look like fair dealing with Mankind; toreprefentonly thcmcaneft
cicm dt and moft deform'd parts, and to conceal what any ways tended to
Ntit.DtQr. ti^e honor of them, and of Religion. Cicero dealt with Mankind
in this matter in a much more ingenuous and candid manner. He
doth not conceal the follies cither of the Tcople or of the 'Philo-
fophers dhont their Gods-, but then he lets down all the Argu-
ments for GoD and Providence, and urges them with all his force.
Aiad
1
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SAC R /E.
And in other places he owns the genera/ conjent of Mankind-, as <-^"->i'Leg.
to the eftecm and worfhip of a Divine Nature: which he is far ^'J;^ ,
from imputing to Mens Ignorance and Fear ; but he laith, it is the if. '^
voice of Nature it felf. Nay he goes fo far as to fay, * that there ".Qy'd e-
is nothing more evident to any one that looks up to the Heavens-, than "f,"' ^"'^f '
that there is a mofl excellent Mind-, by vjbich thefe things are go- apcnum,
vernd. *{- yind he quejiions-, "jvhether it be more evident that the Sun ^r^"}' P*^''
fhines. At what another rate doth that excellent Orator fpeak of a™ ca'.
Human Nature^ with refpeft to Religion, than our modern pretcn- '"'" ^"'f"-'^
ders to Philofophy? Nay \SextusEmpiricus himfelffets -down the k-i'iuquT'
Arguments fairly which prove the Being of God: viz,. The Confcnt coiutm.
of Mankind; the Order of the World; the abfurdities of Atheifm.and^^^^^ ^"'
-', , Art A /- • -.TT-i • I I 111 1 -V mii:;,quam
the iiveaknejs of the Arguments font. Which he doth largely iniirt cai- aii-
upon-, and diilinguilhes between the re Nat'
fight, 'o:je iz'oiild rely mofl on thofe v:jho faisj befl ; or after a found-, fo'^'''^',
on thofe of the quickefl hearing : fo in matters of f peculation-, the opi- duw" '^^^
'Iter,
nion of 'Thilofophers ought mofi to be regarded. Which he never ''^"'' ^^'"'^
anfwers when he fets down the Arguments on the other fide; c"Jrnon'
which are chiefly thofe of Carneades againft the Stoics, who laid 'Jem soi
themfelves open by fome Hypothefes of their own. [us^ft"ir'"
But Mr. Hobbes tells us, That the firfl Founders and Legiflators bitare pof-
of Common-ijvealths among the Gentiles took great care to keep the ^^•. Qh''^
People in obedience and peace -, and to that end pretended to Re- hoTiii'^
o e-
velation for their Laws : and prefcrib'd Ceremonies, and Supplica- videntms ?
tions, and Sacrifices, c^r. by which they were to believe the an- \'txtus
ger of the Gods might be appeased. Aud thus the Religion of ^mpr. ai
the Gentiles was a part of their ^Policy. Who goes about to ■'^^'"^'""■
deny this? or to juftify the vain pretenfes to Revelation among ' ''^'
fome of the ancient Legiflators, befides Numa Pompilius, whom
^iodorus Siculus takes care to preferve the memory of; as of Mnenis,
as he calls him, the' firfl: Legiflator in Egypt-, who pretended to
have his Laws from the God Hermes : but this feems to have been
a miftake for Menes, whofe Counfellor Hermes was : his others
are, Minos of Greet, Lycurgus at Sparta, Zathamufies (as he calls
him) among the Arimafpi, Zamolxis among the (7^^^; and among
the reft he reckons Mofes, who had his Laws from the God lao.
No queftion 'Diodorus Siculus believ'd all alike; but I hope to DioJ.sic.
fliew the mighty difference between Mofes and the reft in the fol- '•'•^^9^
lowing Difcourfes. But here I am only to confider the force of
the Argument. Thefe Gentile Legiflators did pretend Revelation
when they had it not, only with a defign to deceive the People. Doth
it hence foflow, that there is no fuch thing as Religion; but that
it is only a Trick made ufe of by cunning Legiflators to draw the
People the better to Obedience.'* Now I think the Argument
holds the other way. For, if the People were not before well
perfuadedof the x.x\xx\\o'i Religion in general, this Argument would
have no force at all upon them. For, let us fuppofe a People al-
together unacquainted with Religion, or uncertain of the truth of
it, to be dealt with, by fome cunning Legiflator, and he comes
and
-J1L ORIGINES SACR.£. Book I. Chap. I.
and tells chem, he had brought them an excellent Body of Laws,
which he had by Revelation from Godj what would this fignify
to a People that were poflefs'd with Mr. Hobbes'^ Notion of In-
■vifible To-vi'ers that were only Fancies-, fiich as appear in a 'Dream
or a Glafs -, would they be at all perfuaded by fucii an Argument
to obedience ? No ; but they would rather look on him as an Im-
poftor, that went about to deceive them in the grofleft manner-,
which would raife an invincible prejudice againft them. But, faith
Mr. Hobbes-, they had the Original feeds of Religion-, viz. Ignorance
and Fear-, and upon thefe fuch Legijlators did '■jiork. But he can
never make it out, that ever there was a People poflefs'd with fucli
Ignorance and Fear-, but they had a notion or a Deity among them
before fuch Legiilators appearing •, and all the advantage they had,
was from fuch an antecedent Belief of a God; then indeed it was
no hard matter for fuch Legiilators to impofe upon them > but
without it, the fuppofitionisunreafonable. But Air. Hobbes faith,
that Meti in the dark are afraid of Invifible 'Powers. As tho' there
were no more to be faid for the Being of God and Providence,
than for llories o^ Hob-goblins i and this lies at the bottom of all his
Difcourfe. Wherein he contradids the common Scnfc and Reafon
of Mankind, who have agreed in the Notion and belief of a Dei-
ty, and that as I have fliew'd from Socrates and Xinophon-, as well
as others in the eldeft and beft Ages-, even of the Gentile JVorld.
vhyf.c.zc. But Mr. Hobbes faith, where he fpeaks his Mind more freely,
"■ '■ that there is no Argument from Natural Reafon doth prove that
the World had its beginning from God; and yet he faith, there is
no Argument to prove a 'Deity but from the Creation. So that all
proof of a God in point of Reafon, muft be deflroy'd by him.
This he knew was objedled againft him -, and the Anfwer he gives
ur.Hobbis is. That there are no Argumetits from Natural Reafon ^ except
confi..kr'd, ^^g Creation-, that have yiot made it more doubtful to many than
it vaas before : and therefore his opinion is, that this matter is
to be left to the Lavi' to determi'n. A very philofophical An-
fwer ! But why doth not the Argument from the Creation hold>
when himfelf had faid, that from the feries of Caufes there muft be
one firft Mover-, i. e. a Firft and an Eternal Caufe of all things?
But that came in by the by, to avoid odium in a Book for all Per-
fons readings but in his F'hilofophical "Difcourfes ■> he doth not
allow this Argument to hold. iFor what reafon? .fi^r^z///^, faith he,
it only proves-, that a Man's Mind cannot go on in infinitum-, but he
muft flop fomtviihere ; and at laft he gro-jjs vi'eary-, and kno-jis not
vnhether he ftjould go on farther or not. And is this all the force of
the Argument from the Creation .^ What becomes now of the Ar-
gument from the Mechanical Contrivance of the Human Bodyy
vi'hich he faid, was fo clear a proof of a vnife Maker ^ that he muft
be faid to be without a Mind, that did not afert that it was made
by one ? And this is in one of his Thilofophical Treatifes-, pub-
bliflicd after the other > but in his Vindication of himlclf, he ju-
ftilics the former pafl^ige-, only he faith, except the Creation. So
that he knew not well what to fiy in this matter, but only to keep
himfelf out of danger, he was refov'd to fubmir to the Law. But
that is not our Point : and why did he not go about to take off
the Argument from the wife Contrivance of things-, which ought
to
Book I. Chap. I. OR WINES SACliAL 73
to go along With the other? But he knew it was far cafier to
darken an Argument, wherein Eternity and Infinity is concern'dv
and io from thence would infer that in the feries of Caufes Man-
Mind are only puzzled and not convinced. But why, 1 pray, mud ,
a Man's }s\\\vigive over in the fearch of Caufes-, us not knovumg
'[johethcr he may go on or not ? Can any thing be plainer in common
reafon, than that in the order of Caules a Man muft go on till he
arrive at a firft Caufe? What (liould make a Man to ftop hercj
for he ices he mud go on till he comes at a firll? No; faith Mr.
Hobbes-, A firft Caufe is infinite-, and whatever is infinite is above
our conception-, andfo we are loft But that is running from the
order of Cauies to the nature of the objeft, which is a thing of
another conlldcration.
But he faith yet farther, That the Argument from motion doth
only prove an eternity of motion-, and not an eternal firft Mover -,
becaufe as nothing can be mov'd from it felf, fo whatfoever gives
motion mull be firft mov'd. But all this depends upon the fup-
pofition that there is nothing in the Univerfe but Body; and if
that be granted, his Argument holds: but if( there be Mind diftin6t
from Body, and can give motion to it, there is not fo much as the
color of reafon in this Argument. And fo much in anfwcr to the
Second Atheiftical Pretenfe.
The Third Atheiftical Tretenfe to be confider'd, is. That there
is nofiich common confent of Mankind, as to God and Trovidenccy
as was aft'erted by the Ancients-, and is ft ill by the defenders of Re-
ligion-, j or upon the late T>ifcoveries whole Nations have been found
without any fenfe of God or Religion. This is a thing very fit to
be inquir'd into, with more care than hath been yet us'd about it :
for, altho' we do not ground the truth of Religion merely upon
fuch a general confent; but upon thofe Arguments which the wiier
part of Mankind hath infifted upon; of which I have given fome
account in the foregoing Difcourfe : yet fuch an univerfal confent
doth manifeftly fhew that there is nothing repugnant to the com-
mon lenfe of Mankind in it; nothing that looks like a Trick or
Impofture, which could never fo univerfally prevail as this hath
done; efpecially among the more fenfiblc and civiliz'd part of
Mankind.
But for our better underftanding this Matter, it will be necef-
fary to lay down fome general Obiervations.
That we have reafon to diftinguifh the more Brutifto and Savage '*.
People, from the morcTraBable znd Reafonable -, becaufe it is pof-
fible for Mankind by an affeded and univerfal negle£t of all kind
of Inftruftion, to degenerate almoft to the nature of Brutes. But
furely fuch are not fit to be brought in for the inftances of what
naturally belongs to Mankind: which we ought to judge of by
a due meafure, /. e. by fuch as neither want natural capacity, nor
are profefs'd Savages, nor have the improvements of the moll civi-
lized People. There are two forts of brutifli People in the World,
whofe fenfe in thefe matters is not much to be regarded. (1.) Such
as have very little of common Humanity left among them ; fuch as
Acofta defcribes the Uros, who were fuch dull and brutifh Teople-, Acofta of
that they did not think themfelves Men -, and fuch are the Caffres or '^' ^»^'".
Hottentots-, at the Cape of Good hope^ who by the laft Account we
K have
/ T
ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. L
have oF thenl remain as BeJUal and Sordid as ever ; inlbniuch that
\^'o):igetv fh^ Author who Was among them, laith, 77?^? if there be any me-
^'rtSo!'/"' ^^"^^" hct'u.-een Men and Beajts-, they lay in the fair eft claim to that
ihSp- fheeies. And ilich afe the Cargtia of Taragnaria (of whom after-
°'^i:."" \vards.) (2.) Such as cxprefs open contempt and defiance of La'-Jis
fnd.'ontd. as well as Religion^ as the Chichimeca in the Northern part of A-
l. ij.c.ts. ffitrjca^ who ave faid to have lived "Ji it hoitt any Government as well-
clr^TTm. as Religions (jinlefs that they offer the firft -mid Beaft they catch
f. 17- to the Sim) Ltn-d lb Acofta defcnbes fome other Savages among
'^he%S ^h^'"'"' "^^^- "^'^t^^^^f King-) Lav:;-, God-, or Reafon: Thofe oi Brafil
hidJsj.-}. are laid to .be '■jvithout Faith-, 'xithout Lavi'^ vsithout a King, and
'''■ Vjo^, the Savages of Canada are defcrib'd after the fame manner. So
ferlzihn^' that if auv Argument can be drawn from fuch againft Religion,.
/urk vov- it -vvill as wellhold asiainft Law and Civil Government.
age tie Pi- , . ,., ^
raid, f . I ; 1- ^^ ^^^^ ^"^- '^"''- '■ *• '• ' *•
2. \Vc mufl: not judg by light informations of mere Strangers, and
Peffonslook'd on as Enemies-, which is the cafe of the Inhabitants
niartum (y{ ^hc Southern Iftands-, which we have only from Seamen who
schouten. j^j^ j^^ ^p^^^ them, and were fuppos'd to come with an ill defign >
T)efcr:ft. whofc AccouHts mufl: bc Very impcrfeft and partial. But in Le
Na-vig. j^julfs Account we only read, that they could obferve 710 Office of
Mair. 31 Religion ainongthem : And Schouten to the fame purpofeof the In-
Mati. habitants of Horn Ifland (as they call it) not far from New Gui-
fieai but they feem'd) he faith, to live like the Birds of the Airy
ivithout any care, upon the fruits cf the Earth. But no certainty
can be grounded upon fuch Obfervations. Nor can we build any
thing upon the JVant of Religion in places not yet fully difcover'dj
as what is faid by fome of the People o^ ledfo or Jejfo: For the
Maff.Epift. firft Account given of it was from the Jefijit Fronim, who liv'd
i8 V^r ^°"? "^ Japan i and he defcribes it as a Country of Savages; and
he laith, that they have no other Religion but the worfhip of the
Diod.sk. Heavens. And To 'Diodorus Siculus laith, the fight of the Heavens,
1. 1. {.J. ^^j fij^f '■ji-fjich brought Men firft to T>ivine tvorftoip -, and he doth
not attribute it to Ignorance and Fear, but to Admiration -, and
therefore fix'd on the Sun and Moon as their chief Gods i which
was the molT: prevailing Idolatry in the world. But from hence we
are not to infer that they believ'd no God above them-, but they
thought he that was above them was above their fervice: but
their vifiblc worfliip they thought ought to be pay'd to thefe
vifible Gods, as hath been already obfcrv'd of the old Greeks-,
4nd 'Diodorus Siculus faith the lame of the Egyptians. But as to
thefe People of Tedfo we find the firft Account of them was, that
they were a very Savage 'People, but had fuch kind of Religion as
moft ancient Idolaters had : fince that tin>c, there hath been no
fe^aft Account given of them-, the befl: we have is from the 'Dutch,
^arofi, who was Rcfidcnt in Japan, faith only that this 'Peo-
ple are brntifh ; and that the japoncle cmUd ywvcr make a full
difcovery of the Country -, vihich is parted from ]^YAn by an Arm of
the Sea, vjhtre it bounds on vaft Mountains and Deferts , fo that
the com?non pnffage is by ferrying over. ' If this be rrue, there is a
paftage by Land beyond that Arm of the Sea, and io Japan is one
Contine;it with it, which extends in probability to the Northern
parts of America : For in the Account of the Dutch Embaffy to
japan
Book I. chap. I. RIG INKS SA C IL A']. 7 y
Japan-, A. '^D. 1641. wc are cold, That in tlic Treaty between the -■'">'">/[«-
Japoncfe Agent Syvoan and the ^'Dutch-, he produc'd a Map of j'^^/^/f'T*'
rhole parts agrceablc.to what Caron had iaid •, and they ohkrvQ that p. 17.
Jeilb 'xv/J in it of a -vaji extent-, and reacffd to North America,
iL'ithout any Streight of Anian. Martinius makes no doubt, that Martin.
Japan iscas inhabited from Eafi Tartary, as ivell as by a Colony from nlm Jt'
China; wiiich he proves from their Cii ft oms xwA Language ; but/'- 170.
he thinks they came over the IVater^ or at leaf over the Ice-, for he
faith-, there are fevere Winters there. But he faith withal, that the Mnnin.
Chinefe do make ]c^o apart flfTartary, and that it is joyn'd 'Vitth ^''"'f'^'
the Province of Niuthan and Yupi. h . Couplet agrees with Mar-
tinius-, that ^'^/w^ was peopled from 7'/2rf'j and he laith, they Coupict
have a Chronology of their Kings for 660 years before C/&r/// j ^]'l!"'-
and long before that the Northern 'Tartars took poflcllion of J a- Cunt^c."
pan. So that the People of lejfo and Japan are of the fame Ori- "-'[">■■ p-Si-
ginal. In the 'Dutch Account of ledfo printed by Thevcnot-, in
the Iccond Part of his CollcdMons, (which was taken from a Ship
which went upon the Coafls of that Country and People) wejiavc
a more favorable Defcription bothof theC^^/m/^ryand'/'^fl/'/t'j only
it is faid, that they do not love to take pains-, have little (Sovcrn-
ment or Religion -, but they obferv'd fome Superflitious Tra^ices
among them. And what exact Account could be expefted from
fuch, who went not thither to acquaint themfelves either with the
Country or their Religion, but to find a paflage farther that way?
That It is no certain rule that the People have no Religion, be- 3.
caufc Strangers cannot find any fet times and places of worfliip
among them. For this was a Principle among many Nations,
thzt the Supreme God was to be worfliip'd only by afts of the Mind-,
and that external worfhip was only for leffer Deities. And Triga- Tngaut/r
tius (or rather Riccius-, who lived a long time in China') gives this 'f^'t'd'''
Account of the Religion of that ancient and famous Kingdom, sinlfc^L.
That at fir ft they own'd the Supreme God-, Lord of Heaven-, but
afterwards they came to worfhip mferior Deities -, and this-, he faith,
he took out of their moft ancient Annals and Books of Wifdom-, which
he faith, did not in refpeB to Religion and Morality-, come fhort of
the beft Thilofophers of Greece. He affirms, that the Sect of the
Learned-, as he calls them, did ft ill worfhip one God-, becanfe all in-
ferior things are preferved and governed by him-, but that they gave
an inferior worfhip to Spirits under him. They are ftlent about the
beginning of things^ as out of their knowledg -, but there are fome of
no fuch reputation-, that talk their own vain Dreams-, to which little
regard is given. But Martinius hath given fome account of thele Martin.
Notions among them -, fome would have all by chance-, others held f'^^- ^'""•
the eternity of the World. He faith, that their ancient Books fpeak
of the fiipr erne Governor of Heaven and Earth -, and altho' they have
not a proper name for God-, yet he confefles they have fuch as ex-
prefs his Authority and Government of the World- Bartoli faith, gjrtoii
they are extremely miftaken who charge this Learned Se£t with y^- nift.^pat.
theifm-, becaufe they have no Temples-, nor public ceremonies ofwor-^^''''^-^'^'
fhip for him-, becaufe they apprehend that the fupr erne God is to be
folemnly worjhip'd only by him that is fupreme among them. And Magaiiians
Magaillans who was well acquainted with the Court of C^;>/^, and j^'/^f''
died there about 20 years lince, gives this account 01 Divine wor- ch.xi.
K 2 jHiip,
7^ ORIGINUS SACR^. Book 1. Chap. I.
lliip, that at Pekim there is a 'Temple^ called the Temple of Heaven-,
ijij herein there is a nscry large Cupolo fitpported by %z pillar s^ i:j herein
the Emperor hitnfelf ojfers facrifce on the day of the Winter Solftice^
izith great folemnity and humility -, and another ivherein he doth the
fame at the Summer Soljlice : Before iji-kich, he faith, they obferve a
firiEi Faft for three days. He inquired of one of their learned Men-,
'H'hat they meant by this folenm '■jjorfoip of Heaven -, isohether it '■jvas
directed to the material Heaven ? He anf^er'd that they took Hea-
ven not only for the vifible Heaven-, but for the Creator and Go-
vernor of all things ; and that at the four feafons of the year thiir
Emperor did offer facrifce in Temples on purpofe, not to the Crea-
Coupiet tttres-, but to the fpiritual Heaven. F. Couplet faith, That by the
T'^' ad <^^^^^"^ cuffom of China, the Emperor only facrifce d to the King of
Co^fuc. Heaven-, as often as there vi-as great occafion for it. And that if
h 83- he vL-cre in aprogrefs, he did it upon the Hills and Mount aitis. And
L:Com- by the laft account we have from China-, we find the fame cuftom
pre ^art. 2. ^^ ypf jgp ^f Pekim by the prefent Emperors-, fince the conqueft of
Ltit.i. Q\^[^^ Now it were very unreafonable to infer, that there is no
ReHgion or Worfhip of the Supreme Being in China-, becaufe it
is not commonly praftis'dj fmce according to their Notion of
Ceremonies, wherein they are the nicefl People in the World,
they think none ought to perform Worfliip to the Supreme in
Heaven, but he who is their Supreme upon Earth.
A Another thing we are to obferve in palling our judgment, whe-
ther Nations have any Religion among them, is to have a care of
trufting too much to the Sayings of known and profefs'd Enemies j
but as much as may be we ought to take the Opinion of the moft
free and difinterefs'd Perfons, who have convers'd among them on
theaccount of Rehgion. This I intend chiefly with refpeft to the
Spaniards accounts of the fVeJf -Indies, when their defign was to
enflave the poor Indians-, for then they made it their bufinefs to
blacken them as much as poflible, by reprefenting them as a People
without any fenfe of God or Religion^ or any Virtues belonging to
Human Nature. But the contrary appears from the firft, the moft
impartial and the lateft Accounts we have of them, from fuch as have
been converfant among them, upon the account of Religion.
In the firft Account we have of the Difcoveries of the Wefl~
Coiurabi Indies-, we find that when Columbus came to the Iflands of Hifpa-
Navi^at. ^iIqI(i and Cuba-, he foon found tloat they worfhip'd the Sun and
'' ^' Moon-, and the Heavens-, but could not then difcover vjhat other 'Dei-
Pet. Mart, tics they vcorfjip'd: which Teter Martyr AngleriusviwAQx^zn^shoth.
Dec.i.c.i. Q^fjjg Jslatives and of the Caribbians-, who were Savages and very
troublefom to them. And he tells a remarkable Story of one of
the Natives coming to Columbus at Cuba-, being a Man of 80 years
of age, and defir'd to difcourfc with him by an Interpreter. The
fubftancc of it was. That he underftood that he laith his pip had
given a great difiurbance to the Natives-, and bad him to confider-,
that after death there ivere tvjo paj] ages for fouls -, the one dark and
dreadful for thofe 'tuho Vocre troublefom to Mankind, the other plea-
fant and delightful for thofe VL'ho promote the peace and '■joelfare of
'People; and if he confider" d that every Man "^'as to receive according
to hii actions after death, he vcould give over being fo uneafy to them.
Columbus took the Advice very well, and pretended that they only
came
Book I. Ckp. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 77
came ro aflift them againft the Savages and Lamiibals-, ajid izonld
hurt none of thm; wliich the old Man was (o pleas'd with, that
as old as he was, he iaid he was ready to go with liim in fo f^ood
a dcfign. Was there any thiiig that iavor'd oF Barbarifm or hre-
ligion in this Difcourfc, or what would not become a good Lhri-
fiian to fay? Beiidcs, the fame Author commends their way of
h'ving far beyond what the Spaniards brought among them (asap-
pear'd by Cohmbtis his own fulfering for checking their enormities.)
They enjoy' d the profits of the Earth in common without any divifion
or property y having enough for every family -, and none fitjfWd hut
fiich as injur' d others } and without Laws and 'Judges, they did what
was right. This was a great Character from one who was parti-
cularly intruded in the Affairs and Council of the Indies-, and had
all the Accounts fcnt to him, out of which he fram'd his 'Decades.
They thought-, as he faith, that contenttnent lay m a little compafs -,
and they had more than they knew what to do with. To the fame
purpo(e Lerius gives an account of a Conference he had with a Ler- ufi^
Brafilian old Man about Trade. 1 pray , faid he, why do your ^^^f'"
Countrymen take fo much pains to come hither for our JVood'^ Have r.^j.
they not enough for fuel? Yes, faid Lerius, but your Brafil-wood is
of great advantage to them in Trade, by which they grow very rich.
Very well, faith he, and when they are fo rich do they not die as
other Men do ? And whither then go all thefe riches ? To their
Children or Relations. Then faid the poor Brafilian, your Country-
men are a company of great fools (jnfigniter fatui.') For why Jhould
they under go fo much tod and danger by fea a?id land, to get that which
they mufi part with when they die -, and for the fake of thofe Chil-
dren, who might live as contentedly without thofe riches ? T)o not
you think that we love our Children as well as you, but we are con-
tented that the fame Earth which nourifo'd us, will do as much for
them ? Thefe barbarous Brafilians, faith Lerius, will rife up in judg-
ment againft too many Chriftians. To the fame purpofe, he faith,
one of the Natives of Teru difcours'd the Spaniards who took
fo much pains to get their Gold j and faid. They were the froth of
the fea, reftlefs and uneafy ; who might with far lefs trouble get a
fubfiftence at home. Thefe things I mention to fliew, that thele
People were far enough from wanting Senfe and Capacity when
the Spaniards came among them \ and (eem'd to have a much truer
notion of the happiness of human Life than they had.
But to fhew how far they were from being without Religion at
that time, we have an Account by Benzo (who liv'd a great while
in the Weft-Indies, upon their firil Difcovery) of an Oracle among
them, which foretold the Spaniards a confiderable time before. BenzoH/^.
For the Cnchiqui and Bohitii, (/. e. their Great Men and Triejis) ^'>'"' 0''^«
told Columbus, That in the time of the Father of their prefent ' '' "' ^'
King, he and another King had a great Mind to underftand what
would happen after their time i and tothat endrefolv'dto apply them-
felvestotheir Zemes (the Gods they worlliip'd) in an extraordinary
manner, by f aft ing ^ days together in a moft fad and mournful condition.
And then they receiv'd that Oracle i upon which they made a moft
^/i(?/(?/?// .y the account being fo diflcrent
from that of the firft Difcoverers, who mud certainly know beft
what Religion they had among them : but in probability he fol-
lowed the "later Spaniards, who give the worft accounts of them,
to juftify the moft inhuman cruelties which were us'dagainft them.
Bcnzo /. I. For Benzo faith, That of two millions of Natives in Hifpaniola,
c. a,-. there iz^ere left not above i^o in his time i and the like defolation
was made in Cuba, Jamaica, Torto-Rico and other places j and de
Laet confefles that they 'J^ere all longfince deftroy'd. But if we take
the Account given of thefe People upon the firft Difcovery, we
Pet. Mart, fliall find it was very different. For Peter Martyr, who was im-
ntc.x.c.c,. ployed by the King q{ Spain, as himfelf tells us, to take the beft
intelligence he could meet with from the Indies, faith. That at
firft they could find no other isuorpip among them but that of the Sun-,
and Moon, and the Heavens i but up 07i further acquaintance with
them , they found out a great deal more , which related to their
Religion-, which he faid, he received from one who was imploy''d by
Columbus himfelf in inftruSiing them. They had little Images^
which they call'd Zemes ; which they fuppos'd to be inhabited by-
Spirits, which gave anfwers to them i but which is confiderable,
he faith. That they looked on them only as a kitid of Meffengers be'
tweenthem and the Only Eternal, Omnipotent, Invifible God: This
■was extant long before 'De Laet wrote his pompous Defcription
of the JVeft-Indies i was Teter Martyr unknown to him.^ So far
from it, that he mentions and commends him for his diligence:
How then comes he to differ fo much from him in his Account of
their Religion.^ And he there mentions the fame Oracle which
Benzo had done; and adds, That the Natives underftood it at firft
of the Caribbians or Cannibals-, but at laft found it too true of the
■Dund.i. Spaniards. In another place he gives an Account of Hifpaniola
'•9- from Andreas Morales his own Mouth, who was imploy'd by the
Governor to fearch out what he could find concerning the Illand
and the Natives. And he found that they came from another Iftand-,
and built a Houfe at the place of their landing, which they after
confecrated and enriched, and reverenced to the time of the Spa-
jiiards coming: and he makes it to have bee?i in as much efteern
among them, as Jcrufalem to the Chriftians, Mecca to the Mahu»
mctans, and Tyrcna in the Grand Canaries -, which he faith, was
m fuch e lie em among the Natives, that Terfons would with finging
leap off from that Holy Rock, in hopes their Souls ftiould be made hap-
py by it. But altho' this were a great Ax^wmcm o'i fuperflit ions
folly in them, yet it fliews the falfcnefs of that faying in the firft Re-
lation
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E.
79
lation of Columbus his Voyage, That there 'ovas no fiicb thing as Coiumbi
Rel,\^ion in the Canaries : but thofc wlio pretend to give a more ^''^'•^'"""
exa6t Account favi That the Natives Md believe one God:, v;ho pu- conqmSi
nilhed the evil-, and rewarded the good. ''.' <^'»»''-
Thc next we arc to confider, are the Savages which diflurbcd ^'."'0^
the Natives, before the Spayitards -, who were call'd the Caribbians-,
or the inhabitants of the Caribbe IJlands: Thefc were a wild ibrt
of People, and a great terror to their Neighbors, whom they were
wont to cat in triumph, after they had taken them-, which was
not the general practice of the Indians^ but only of the moll Bru-
tijh and Savage People among them, as the Caribbians and thofe
of Brafil; but the other Natives both of the Illands and Conti-
nent abhorr'd it, as is found by the lateft Difcoveries. This ap-
pears by Chrift. dAainna^ who was imploy'd A. T). 16^9. to dif- j^^i^,i^^j^
cover the People about the River of Amazons y and there he uuvkro
found a confiderable People call'd Agua (the Spaniards call them ''" Ama-
Omagiia) and they were reprefented to be £^rerj of the jiefh ^y ''""=''^- ^'•
their Enemies -, but he faith that it was very falfe, and only a ma-
licious calumny of the Tortngnefei and there he faith. It was a
particular cuftom of the Caribbes, and not us'd by other Indians.
And '■Dampier faith, That in all his Adventures among the Indians oampicrv
both Eajl andWefi-, he never met with any ftich Teople as eat Man's 'V-f'
Jieflh and that he knew fame of the Cannibal Jiories to be falfe. But *"*'^^*
on the other fide, it cannot be deny'd that there had been fuch a
barbarous praftice not only among the Caribbians-, but the Savages
of Brafd and elfewherc ; as appears by the particular Accounts of
fuch as liv'd among them, and law their manner of doing it-, as
in Joh. Lerinsi Tet. Carder :, Ant. Knivet ; but efpeciallyinC/rt«^. ur.Hift.
d' Abbeville his Kehtion of Alaragnan, who is moft particular in it; Q^^-jf'J'^
and he faith, that it arofe from the hatred and revenge they ex- Piigri'msf
prefs thereby to their greateft Enemies •, and he adds, that their P""- 4-
Stomachs cannot bear or digeft it; but notwithftanding it had been ^,i',^f '
continu'd among them, becaufe their Enemies did fo by them 5 but ^i/^- u Tertre-, who both agree, that they have fome know- Jf^^b^^*
ledg of One Supreme God in Heaven, who is of infinite Good- t. ij.
nefs>
8o RIG INKS SACR.€.. Book I. Chap. I.
Dn Teitic i^q{'s, and Iiurts no body -, but as 'Du Tertre-^ who liv'd longer a-
^^AnnHcJ mongthem, faith, they account the fcrvicc of him a needlcfs thing,
fj,-.7.§. 3. being fo far above them 5 but they are mightily afraid of the Ma-
bogas or evil Spirits, which they think defign to do them mifchief:
and to appeafe them they have their Boyez-, who are a kind of
Sorcerers among them. They both agree, that they believe the
immortality of the Soul-, and that the principal Soul, which is that
in the Heart, goes to Heaven. And Rochefort from hence con-
cludes the truth of Cicero's faying, That the kno'Ji)ledg of a 'Divi-
nity IS planted in the Hearts of Men.
But De Laet reprefents the Northern Indians to have been as much
without Religion, as the Natives of G/i'<2 and ////^^w/o/^i and from
Laet.Df/f. I1Q good grounds, altho' herein he did not rely upon the iy/'/2W{/& Re-
\r. tfi" ports. So he faith of the Natives of New-found Land,o^ Nc'-jv-Fraitcey
of the Souriqtiojiii and other People of Canada, and the parts there-
z,.3.c.i8. abouts, and oi Virginia, &cc. But I fhall make it appear, that he took
up with very flight Informations in this matter j which are contra-
diftedby thofewho liv'd longer among them, and underftood their
Scnfe and Language better. 'Tis true, which I fuppofe gave oc-
cafion to the miftake, that the Savages had no fet and conftanc
ways of Devotion ; but at certain Seafons of the year, or in tmie
of War and Calamities they had •, or however, to Perfons that dif-
courfed with them, they did by no means deny a God, bur thought
it was no great matter whether they fervu him or not in fuch a
manner J fothat their chief fault lay in a grofs negleft of Religion,
and not in any fetled Principles of Irreligion. So the Sieur de
usX'oyages Qfjamplain faith. He difcours'd with the Savages of Canada, and
dfe Chim- found they wanted no Capacity -, and he asked one of them, why
plain,/. J. fiiey did not pray to Godj he anfwer'd, that every one was left
' '^' to pray as he thought fit in his own Mind. So, faith he, for want
of a Law for Divine Worfliip, they Uv'd like Brutes : and he im-
putes a great deal to their Savage way of living upon Hunting j
whereas if the Land were cultivated, it might be much eafiertore-
Purchas ducc them to Civility and Religion. Mr. IFinfloisj one of the firfl
30.4./. 10. Planters in Ne'w-England, had fome difcourfe with the Indian Sa-
'' ^' 'vages about Religion, and God's being the Author of all our
Bleflings, which they agreed to, and faid, That they own'd God»
and caWd him Kirtitan : upon which I obferve, that he ingenuoully
retrads the Accounts he had given before of the Natives j viz.
That they had no Religion or Kno-juledg of God j for, faith he, is:f
find thai they do own onefupreme Being, who was creator of Hea-
ven and Earth -, but they likewife own'd many 'Divine '^Powers tm-
^T^ i/^r him. Therefore y^cof a, fpeaking of the Indian Savages, laith.
Indict I. y. ^^ ^^ no hard matter to perfuade them of a fupreme Cson, be they ne-
t' 1. ver fo barbarous and brutiflj.
But I muft do that right to Joh. de Laet, as to /hew that after
To. lie Laet he Jiad receiv'd better Information, he did fpeak more favorably
Gm?'A- of the Religion of the Indians : For in his Book agaiiifl Grotiusy
mciican. tcn ycars after the other, he hath an Obfcrvation on purpofc to
Lc' Grand ^^^^'^ '^'"''^ matter. Father Sagard had publifh'd an Account oF his
Voyage ju Voyage to the Hurons, a People of New-France, or Canada, near
Huront ^^^ ^'^^'^ call'd Mare dulce, where he learnt their Language, and
urons. ^^^yj^5 bcttcr able to judg of their Opinions i and he laith. Their
general
Book I. Chap. I. ORIGINES SACRA]. 8i
general Senfe was, tliat there was one Creator, who made the
World ; and that in their Language he was call'd Ataouacan. Which
is fince confirm'd by the Account oi' the Frendj MiJJions into thofe
parts-, cfpccialiy of 'P^a/i^Af Jtivenaust who fpcnt a Winter among Hifl.cmi.
them, to converfe with them in their own Language. And when '^■'.'•if?*-
he prcach'd to them about God, they all asked him, what he meant
by it i he told them he meant iUch a Being who had infinite Power,
and made Heaven and Earth : upon which they looked upon one
another, and cried out Ataouacan. Sagard faith. They believe the
Immortality of the Soul; and the later Accounts fay, That he w^s ' ^^
told that the Souritjuofii did truly believe one God that created all
things. Which is very different from de Laefs former Account
of them. But de Laet goes on, that he underftood by "Davis and
Baffin^ that the Natives of thofe parts imhere they had been-i i. e.
{■ahovLtFretumT)aviso.nd Groen-land) \avis in the Account o^ his Voyage faith. That they Hackluirj
-ji^ere a very tractable 'Teoj^le, void of craft or double dealings-, and '^°- 5-
eafy to be brought to any Civility or good Order -, but they jndg'd^' '°°'
them to be Idolaters and to vaorfhip the Sun. This is quite another
thing from being mere Savages-, and havingno Religion among them.
Farther he owns HarioVs Account of the People of /^/r^/w/^, that
they believed many Gods of different degrees-, but one fupreme God
•who v:: as from eternity. But he had publifli'd to the World in !iis
1>efcnption-, that their only Religion was to ijuorjhip every thing
they were afraid of as Fire, Water-, Thunder^ Guns-, Horfes-, ^ic.
and the 'Devil-, whom they called Okie. Hariot •> who converfed Harlot »/
among them, faith no fuch thing; but he faith exprefly. That they V""g™'*»
own'd that God made the World-, and that Souls are immortal-, and ^' * '
that they fhall receive in another World according to their aSliotis in
this. What a different Account is this concerning the fame
People? And if Lederer may be belicv'd, who went among the Lederer-i
Indian Natives-, not far from Virginia) he faith, Okxe was the ^'J'"'^'"')''
name of the Creator of all things among them i to him the high
Trieft alone offers facrifice -, but their ordinary'Devotion is perform' d
to lejfer 'Deities-, to whom they fuppofe fublunary affairs are com-
mitted. 'Dentony who liv'd among the Indian Savages about New- Denton «/
Tork:, faith. That their folemn worfhip was not above once or twice ^ewYork
a year -, unlefs upon extraordinary occafions-, as making War-, 8cc.
I fhall not need to purfue this matter any farther -, fince he owns
the Religion that was pradis'd not only in Teru and Mexico-, but
in other parts of the We fi -Indies. Only as to Chili he faith,
that we have no certainty-, but only that they have folemn Oaths by
one they call Enonamon. But Marcgravius in the account he gives g. Marc-
of Chill., faith at firfl. That they know not God, nor his worfhip-, |'^^^^^ '''
&:c. but this muft be underflood of a clear and diflinft knowledg chiii, e, 3.
of him-, for he faith afterwards. That they have fome knowledg of
a fupreme Being-, by whom all earthly things and human affairs are
governed; whom they call Pillan.
The only difficulty then remaining as to the Weft-Indies-, is as to
the People of 'Bar aquaria and Brafd. For it is affirm'd, That there
are whole Nations there who know nothing of G o Dj or Religion.
Which mufl be more ftridly inquir'd into-
L As
8i ORIGINES SACR^. Book I. Chap. I
As to Para^naria, it is laid, that N/choias del Techo in his Let-
ters frojn thence, faith that the Caigua-, (a People of that Coun-
try) had no name for God, or the Soul of Man-, and no public 'U)or-
Hiji. vro-j. p3tp-> nor Idols. But the fame Nicholas delT echo hath pubUdi'd a full
Paraquar. Relatioii of all the Proceedings in Taraquaria and thereabouts,
Mho'dd' o" the account of Religion, and therein he hath acquainted the
Techo.ic- World with the feveral Nations that inhabit thofe parts between
*•'" "^73' Brafil and Teru, Sec. which were fcarce heard of before. The
'Diaigrit^e, (who rather belong to Tiicumania, hetween'Paraqnaria
L. i.f, i8. and Chili) he faith, were 'norjhipers of the Sim-, after apartitiHar
manner , and they believed the immortality of Souls , and that the
Souls of their great Men isjent into the greater Stars-, and of ordi-
L.4.C. 16. jf^j^y (people into the leff'er. The Guaicnrai "-jjorfiiped the Moon and
L.^.c.-j. Bootes. The Guarani were a very fnperjiitious People, but they
c.r/>. 2;. could not tell --johat God they isoorfjiped; but they 'z:; ere mightily ad-
di^ed to Sorcery. The Calchaquini '■Ji-orfiiped the Sun, and Thun-
L. J. f. 12. der, and Lightning. In the Plains between Rio del Plata and 7?/-
cumania, he faith, are a very large People, i;:;ho have little regard
to Religion ; but they believe that after death, their Souls return to
L. 2. c. z6. their Creator. In Chili, he faith, 'H'hen one God the Creator was
preach' d to them, one of their Cafiqucs {or great Men) flood up and
faid, that they would not bear that the power of creating JJjould be-
long to any but their God Pillan •, and that he placed the Souls of
their great Men after death about the Sun. After all thefehemen-
i.5. e. 24. tions the Caaigua; as the fmallefl and mofi inconf der able and brut if 3
people among them: They were a moft favage fort of Creatures,
that could hardly fpeak fo as to be underftood •, he faith, They were
much more like to Apes than Men, and liv'd ijpon Mice, and Ants,
and Vipers, &c. utrique fexui, faith he, tenuijjimus rationis ufus efl:
they are harder to be tamed than wild Beafts ; and if they are put
in chains, they ftarve themfelves. And this is all the account he
there gives of them, and faith not a word of their Religion } and
it were very unreafonable to expeft any from them. It is not im-
probable that others could not find a word for God or the Soul
among them •, for they were not able to fpeak fenfe, at leaft fo as
to be underftood by Strangers.
Come we now to the People of Brafil, who are faid to be with-
out any notion of God. But thofe who have been bcft acquainted
Hiji. Navi. among them afturc us, that they believe the immortality of Souls,
in Brafil, and rcwatds and punifhments after death. And from hence Le-
f.^^;>.223, ^-^^^ himfelf argues againft the Atheiftical Perfons of his time;
and that altho' they will not in words own God, yet he fiith,
they llicw the inward convidion they have of him; efpccially
Lact. Je when it thunders; which de Laet confeffcs they call Tupd cunan-
MuQtk"' ^^'> '^ noile made by the Supreme Excellence : for Tupd he faith
/. 193.' fignifics fo much in their Language. And he adds. That they are
very apprehenfive of evil Spirits -, that they do own a God of the
Mountains, and of the Highways-, and altho" they differ in their
idolatry and fuperjlitiony yet he confefies it generally prevails among
them , and the other innumerable People who live on both fides the
Marcgrav. vajl River de la Plata. Marcgravius, a Learned Man, who liv'd
If/f.t-' '"^'■^/{^' and underftood their Language fo far as to write a Gram-
mar of it, faith cxprefty. That they call God Tupa znd Tupana i
and
Book I. chap. I. GRIG INKS SACRAL. 83
and in the fhort Dictionary of Emmanuel Moraes-, Tiipana is ren-
dred T^eiis. But the great Argument to Lerius was, that they
had 710 public exercife of Religion-, which was the common cufc of
the Savages in all parts, who liv'd under no Laws; not that they
believ'd no God, but they would not be at the trouble to ferve
him. Ludolphus faith of the Gallani-, a {iivage People who had f''"'"iph.
almoft over-run Abifjlnia-, that they had no public worlliip, but if opijj, £'f."
any asked them about a Supreme God, they would anfwcr, Ilea-
'uen. So 'Dellon faith of the Inhabitants of Aladagafcar-, that they nciionRc
did not quefiion a Supreme Being that governs all; but vvtth a tvT^/jT
firange obftinacy denied that there vsas any necejjlty of praying to i.e. 3!
him. Francis Cauchc, who fojourned a long time among them, ^f^'^'l""
laith, he could ob ferve no public exercife of Religion among them-, c de
convers'd) That they are the moft brntifh and barbarous Teople in '^';''""P'^
the World; but they hold the immortality of the Soul, and have a ch'.\. " ''
confused knowledg that there is a Great God from a Natural In- Pu'"chas
fiinSt; but they pray not to him. But for thofc Caffres at the Cape ,6,^^.' ^'
of good Hope, they may vye with any for Brutifhnefs -, but by the
laft Accounts given of them, by thofe who liv'd among them, and
publifli'd by F. Tachard, we find that they do worjhip one God, al- voy.tie dt
tho' they have a confus'd knowledg of him ; but they feem to have ^'^'^' '• ^•
little regard to another Life, but facrifice for rain and good Seafons. ^
By which it appears that the Account given of them in Thevenot's rhevenot
Colledions is not true, viz. That they have no knowledg of God •> ^"^'t- »•
altho' it were not much to be wonder'd at, fince the fame Author
iaith, they are the mo ft barbarous Teople in the World. But that
was a haliy Obfervation by Strangers, who could not underftand
one word they fpake: For Sir James Lane after Hiid, That infeven Pjrchas
weeks time, the fharpefl Wit among them coidd not learn one word J^' ^' I' ^'
of their Language ; their Speech being uttered only in the Throat, * scridorq;
like the Caamia in F^araquaria. And fo * Fliny mentions a People "?° ^°^*
r ytr ■ 1 1 ^ ■ n . 1 ■ 1 ■ ■ adco Ser-
or Africa, who made a noife without any articulate pronunciation ; monis
•who were furely the A'nceftors of thofe Hotentots, concerning commer-
whom it is hard to affirm any thing, unlefs they have learnt lately p/°„"^^h;
to exprefs themfelves better. As it {eems they have done by Monl. i. f-c s.
delaLoubere's Accountof them j for he faith, That they have fome ^" ^T
kind of worjhip at new and full Moons i and he thinks they own a siam,ro.2.
good God, to whom they need not to pray i but that there is a badf- "^•
one, to whom they pray not to hurt them. And in the Journal of Journal du
Monf de Chaumont, we read, That they have no great regard to ^J^!^'. \
Religion -, but when they want rain, they pray to a certain Beings
whom they know not, but that lives above ; and offer milk, the befi
thing they have; and that the Dutch Secretary had feen them at this
Sacrifice with Eyes lifted up to Heaven^ and in a profound filence.
L 2 Thus
8^ ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. I.
Thus 1 have gone thro' all the Nations 1 have met Vv'ith, who
have been faid to be '■juithout any notion of God or Religion-, there
remains only one Objection to be taken ofF, which relates to a
Seft in the kajl-lndies which is faidtobe^/-^^//?/V^/ni their Trin-
ciples-, having an ExternalT^odrine {ox xh^Vzo^^X^^ a.nd :\nlntema/t
which they keep from them.
To give the belt Account I can of this matter; All the late Wri-
ters of China do agree, That befides the original Doctrine of the
Country, there was brought in long fince, (they generally fay
6') years after Chrift) a new SeB from Indofthan-, which they
call Xekiao. The Author is fuppos'd to be one Xekia^ or Xa-
ca (as the Japonefe call him) who liv'd long before. Matt.
Trigaut. RicciuSi {ox Trigaiituis') h.ix.h-, This SeB '■Ji-as at frfi received \Z'ith
I I.e. lo. ^yg^f applaiife-, becaufe it fet forth the Immortality of the Soul-, and
the Reiivards and Tunifhments of another Life; kit not eternal i
becaufe it introduc'd the Dodrinc of Tranfmigration of Souls. In
order to the happinefs after death, it requir'd 'Particular 'Dela-
tions to Idols-, which by that means fpread over all China and Ja-
pan, as well as other parts of the Indies ; and AbJHne^icefromfieJh,
as well as from murder', ftealing-, &c. And Aufterities, Celibate,
Retirement from the World, and great Liberalities to the Tapoins
and Bonzes. Wherein Bertoli^ Marim-> and the reft agree. But
there was a fecret under all this ■■, viz. That this was but an exter^
nal T>o£irine for the Teople-, but the internal T>ocirine iz-as another
thing-, that the fupreme JPelicity lay in eternal Nothing ^ or as they
Martin, rathcr called it, an Eternal §^iet-, and that Souls are to pafs from
AtUi,hi- Body to Body-, faith Martinius, till they are fit for it. F, Couplet t
Froxm^' "^"^'^^ ^^^^'^ givcH thc fuUcft Accouut of this matter, faith, Thaf
Dechr'.ad when Xaca came to die-, he fent for fome of his choiceft Difciplesy
Confuc. ^^^ fgi^ them-, that the T)ocirine he had hitherto declared to them
recimpte was Only afhew-, and not the truth y and that all things came out of
Memoires nothing-, and would end in nothing ; as the late Author Z^ C^e
^i",\]^' exprelfes it; and that is the Abyfs where all our hopes muji end.
But Couplet faith, That his T)ifciples take great care-, that this
come not among the Teople -, and only thofe, he faith, even among
the Bonzes and others are admitted to it-, who are thought capable
of fuch a fecret. The Eternal 'Doclrine they look on-, as he faith,
as the wooden Account which is raifed to fupport the other } but
they are by all rneans for keeping that up among the Teople. But
it is not clear what they underftand by Returning to Nothing i for
Monf 'Z)^ la Loubere faith. They do not underftand proper Annihila-
Loubere' tiou by it-, btit in a Myftical fenfe ; and two things are imply'd by
in noyau- it, I. That fuch Souls as arrive to it-, are p aft all fears of returning
am t/I" to the Body : 2. That they live in per fed eafe and quiet-, without any
e.U. ' kind of atlion. AndCo Couplet explains it, by Ading, Under/landmg,
anddefiringnothitig ; fo that this is the higheft degree of ^//^'/^//?«i
tiji.Nar. and fo Monf Gervaife^ who was among thofe of Siam-, and cn-
&Foi,Uu dcavor'd to underftand their Do£frinc, Ikith, That Annihilation is
X^i.T^x. to ^^ myftically underftood, and not in a Thyfical fenfe. As appears
"by what Couplet faith, That one of ^ac:\.'s pofterity fpent nine years
with his face to the wall thinking of nothing-, and fo became perfect .
But from hence he fadly laments thc fprcading o( Atheifm among the
Chinefe-, who were willing to underftand it in thc groflcft fcn/e.
And
Book I. chap. I. ORIGINES SACR/E. 85
And llippoic it be fo taken, what imaginable ground can it be for
Men of Icnfc, (as the Chine fc would be thouglit above others) to
take this for granted, becaufe fuch an Impollor faid it; concern-
ing whom fo many incredible things arc (aid by them, that fomc
have qiicdion'd whether there ever were fuch a Perfon or not :
and L if this were known. If the Bonzes were fo bad as tlicy make
them, they might rather think the People would be better with-
out them ; and the beft fervice they could do, was to lay open the
fraud and impofturc of thefe Men , as thofe who preach'd Chri'
flianity in China and Japan after they underflood their Languages>
did very freely. And yet they did aflcrt God and Trovidence,
and the Rewards and Tttnijhments of another Life., againft all the
Dodtrines o^Xaca-, both as to the Externa/ and Internalpart. Matth.
Riccius having attain'd to good skill in the Language of Chinuy
publifh'd an account of the Chrifttan 'Do5frine at 'Pekim, A. T).
1603. wherein he afferted the Being of God, not only from Na-
tural Reafon, but from their own mofi Ancient Books-, of which
Couplet gives a large account, and how the Interpreters of latter Coupiet
times had perverted the Senfe of them. We have in Kircher a ^^'''"■•
Summary of the Chriftian Faith-, as it was publifh'd in China-, and xw^r
therein we find on what grounds they aflerted the Being of God, china(7/«-
againft the Atheiftical fenfe of Xaca^ Doftrine, That all things ^l'[''_\l'^*'
came out of nothing:' Vox ^ if nothing were firji-, how came things
into Being"? therefore to bring them into Being, there muji be a
Creator before them-, and this Creator is he whom we call God.
This was plain and true Reafoning, and impoflible to be anfwer'd
by the fubtilefb of thofe Atheiftical Wits of China. For nothing
can produce Nothing. So, that if Xaca's interior Dodrine were
true, That all things came out of Nothing, it niufl: neceflary followj
that there muft be Nothing before any thing i and what poflible '
imagination can any Man of fenfe have, how any thing fliould by
it felf come out or Nothing? There is no repugnancy at all in
conceiving that an Infinite Power Ihould give a Being to that which
had it not before-, for, altho' the difference between not being and
being be fo great, yet where we flippofe a Power Infinite in the
Caufe, that may command the terms of that diflance, by giving a
Being to that which had it not before. To fay that Not/jing can
be produced out of nothing, implies that nothing can of it felf re-
fult out of nothing, where there is no fuperior Caufe-, but co fay
L 3 that
86 OKIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. II.
that by no Caufe whatfoevcrany thing can be put into Being which
had it not before, is to take away all poffibihty of ail Infinite
Power, without any reafon, when the very Being of things is an
impregnable reafon for it. For fince we are certain things are, we
muft be certain that they came into Being s and that muft be ci-
ther out of nothing by themfelves, which is impoflible-, or it muft
be from fuch a Power which can give Being where it was not, which
muft be infinite.
Thus far I have confidered the General Prejudices againft Reli-
gion, and the Atheijikal Pretenfes of this AgCj and have fliew'd
how very little they fignify to any Perfons that will take the pains
to examin them.
Discourse II.
Jhe Modern Atlieiftical Hypothefes examin d^ and the Unrea"
fonahlenefs of them Jhevfd.
I
Now come to confider the Atheijikal Hypothefes of this Age,
which I fliall rank under thefe two Heads :
1. Such as have a Tendency towards Atheifm.
2. Such as diXz plainly Atheifiical.
As to the former, I fhall infift upon thefe two :
(I .) Such as weaken the known and generally receiv'd Proofs of God
and Providence.
(2.) Such as attribute too much to the Mechanical Towers oi Matter
and Motion.
I begin with thofe who have gone about to weaken the known
andgenerallyreceived Arguments for God and Providence •, which
I have at large fliew'd, were thofe taken from the manifeft effeits
of Wifdom and Defign in the parts of Animals, and in the frame
of the World. I am far from intending to lay the charge of A-
theifm onany who have weakned fome Arguments to proveaGoD>
when they have induftrioufly fet themfelves to do it from any
other, altho' not fo firm, nor fo generally receiv'd. For I confi-
fider the fondnefs Men have for their own Inventions, and how
apt therefore they arc to flight other Arguments in comparifon with
Des Cartes thcni. And this I take to have been the cafe of a Modern Philo-
MeJit. 4. fopher of great and deferved Reputation : For he defigning to
nn I'art. to do fomething beyond other Men, thought he did nothing un-
1. f. 21. jefs he produced Arguments which he thought had not been pur-
fucd by others. To this end he fet afidc the Argument from Fi-
Reft. ad;, nal CatifcSi for two Reafons. i. Becaufe in Thyjical Inquiries in'e
° ■^"^' ought to make ufe of none but the Jlrongeft Reafons. 2. Becaufe all
God' J ends are unfearchable by us-, being kept clofe in the Abyfs of
his infinite Wifdom. But when he was fmartly urged by his learned
Advcrfary, That altho' upon another occafion he might fet afide
Final Caufes, yet he ought not when the Honor of God as the
Maker of the Soul is concerned-, for by thefe means the Argument
from the light of Nature, as to the Wifdom, Providence, Power
and
Book L chap. 1. ORIGINES SACKyJL 87
and txiftcnce ol" (ioD would be call: olFi which he looks on as the
chief Argument ( which is taken from the parts of the viliblc
World, the Heavens, Earth, Plants, Animals, and clpecially Man-
kind -, ) He had no other anfwer to make , But that what was
brought for a Final Caufe-, ought to be referred to the Efficient -, i. e.
that jrom thofe things ive ought to know and honor God, as the
Maker-, but not to guefs for what end he made them. Which is a
llrangc anfwer to be made by one of fo much fagacity. For, as
Gajjcndus well urges, how can we honor God for the exccllejit ufe
of thefe things, and not know for what end they were made?
Wherein lies the difference between the Ufe and the End m this
cafe. For he that adores God for the Ufe, mufl: do it for the End
he defigned thofe things for.
But, faith T>es Cartes-, In Moral confiderations-, wherein it is a
pious thing to make ufe ofConjeifures-, we may confider GodV End}
but riot in '^P hyfical fpeculations'^ wherein we mujt only make ufe of
the firongefl Reafons.
To which Gaffendns very well anfwers, That if he takes away
the Final Caufe, he weakens the Argument for the Efficient: for
that leads us to him. And it is not the bare fight of the vifible
World which makes us own God to be the Maker of itj becaufe
it is poflible for Men to think that thefe things were fo from E-
ternity, or came by Chance : but when we obfervc the M'lfdom
of God in the deiign and contrivance, then we come upon good
grounds to own the Efficient Caufe, and to adore him for the
Workmanfhip of his hands. As, faith he, if a Man fees a palla
only put the Matter into motion with fuch Laws, and then every
thing came into the order it is in, without any defign of Provi-
dence. Which takes away all Itfe and fpirit in Religion-^ which
depends upon God's managing the aftairs of the World j and with-
out that Men may own a Fir/t mover-, and yet live as without God in
the World. What reafon can we imagin, why wc ought to give God
i\\o.r\ks^or fruitful Seafons, or to pray to him in time of Drought
and Scarcity, if he hath left all thefe things to the natural courfe,
■which he hath eftabliflied in the World? But it is not denied by
D^j CarteSi That God may reveal to us his own Ends-, and then we
are to believe them-, and to ferve him accordingly s but that without
fuch Revelation-, we cannot find them out. Now this I fay is con-
trary to the general fenfc of Mankind, where there hatii been the
molt confufed Notion of a God. For I have already obferved,
that even the Cajjres o^ Soldania (or at the Cape of good Hope) do
pray lolcmnly to God in their diftrcflcs for want of Rainj and
the
Book I. Chap. II. ORIGINES SACR/E. 85;
the Sa^^ages o^ the Northern parts oF ^wmr^? do the lame at ibmc
Sealbns of the year above others i fo that if the confent of Mankind
llgnifyanythingastothc Being of God, it will do as much as to
his Providential care of the World. And if fuch a confuled idea did
carry along with it the Notion of his Providence, much more the
clear and diflindl Idea of him. For ^es Cartes proves the Being
of God from the Idea oi him in our Minds > now what is there in
that Idea, which doth not equally imply Trovidence', as well as his
Exijience? For, why fliould not a Being abfolutely perjeti as well
regard the Well-being as the Being of his Creatures.'' By the name uuit. 3.
of Gon in this Idea-, he faith he underftands a certain Swbftance-,
infinite, independent-, moft intelligent and moft powerful -, by luhich
himfelf and all other things were created. But this is not all •, for
he acknowledges foon after and in other places, that becaufe there ^>"'^'>.
is no nectjfary connexion bet-ween the fever al moments of Exiftence ^•^•"•^■*
in a contingent Being-, ar mofi evidently know our dependence on this
fuperior Being fof our confer vat ion-, which he therefore owns to be
a continued Creation. From hence I infer, that T>es Cartes his own
Idea of God doth imply a particular Providence. For, if we de-
pend upon him for every moment of ourSubfiftence, and Confer-
vation differ only by an ait of our Mind from Creation, as he afHrms ■■,
then there is as immediate an aft of Providence in our daily Sub-
fiftence, as in our firft Being. But how is this confident v/ith
leaving all to the Mechanical Laws of Motion.^ If it be faid.
That this is only a general a£t of Providence in preferving things
in that ft ate he hath put them into-, I demand farther, Whether
thofe very Laws of Motion, benottheEfFedt of a wife Providence.^
And whether we cannot from them infer, that thefc Laws were
direfted for very good ends.'* I do not think this can be denied.
And if it cannot, then I am fure it certainly follows, that wd
may know fome ends which God hath •, whereas T)es Cartes faidj
That all God's ends are unknown to us-, being kept fecret inthe Abyfs
of his infinite Wifdom. But the ends of appointing the Laws of Mo-
tion may be known j and if thefe, why not as well the particular
ends of thofe works of his which we find fo ufeful to Mankind?
Efpecially when his Providence is imply'd in that very Idea from
whence he infers his Exiftence.
I can by no means fufpeft that T^es Cartes defigned to takt;
away the force of other Arguments for a Deity, that he might
fecretly undermine the belief of a God, by introducing his Argu-
ment from the Idea, which he knew would not hold •, (as fome
have fuggefted) for I am fatisfy'd, that he thought this Argument
beyond any other: For> in a Letter to a Friend, he faith, He had Ren.Des
found out J tic h an Argument as gave him full fat isfaH ion -, and by p^""^^^"
which he more certainly knew that there was a Gody than the truth Ep. loj.
of any Geometrical Tropofition -, but he doubted, whether he could
Make others underftand it fo well as he himfelf did. To the fame
purpofe he fpeaks in a Letter to Merfennus. And in another Let- ^h ^^¥
ter to Merfennus-, he faith. That he thought himfelf bound in con- ^X^'Z'^^->
fcience to publijh his Arguments to prove the Exiftence of God. " ^
Which being written to his intimate Friends, fliew fufficiently his
own apprehenfion of the ftrength of them. But what opinion fo-
evcr he had of it himfelf, they have not met with fuch z reception
M among
90 ORIGIHES SACRj^. Book I. Chap. II.
anions; thinking Men, as a Geometrical Demonftration would have
donej^ altho'he hath endeavor'd to put them into that form. For,
Toft Rejf. after all, they cannot conceive how an obie£livc reality of an Idea
"'ia'-^'-' ^" ^^'^^ Mind, can prove the real exiftence of that object out of the
""" ^ Mind. He grants, That it doth not hold in other Ideas i but that
there is fome thing fo peculiar to this Idea that the Mind could
not frame it, if it had not a real Exiftence: now here lies the main
diiiiculty, what that is in this Idea, diftincl from all others, which
fo exceeds the capacity of human Underftanding, that we could
not have fuch an Idea, unlefs the object were in being.
The force of his Argument, as himfelf hath put it in the Mathe-
matical way, Prop. 2. lies here.
■x.^he\ objeciive reality m our Ideas nnift have fome Caiife in '■jchich
it is either formally , or eminently : but -xr ha've fuch an Idea
ii-itht7i us, 'Vjhich is not "juithin us either of thofe zcays -, and therefore
there mnfl be fome other Caufeof it-, '■ji'hich can be none but God i and
therefore he is. Now here the difficulty returns, -viz. to fhew what
necelfary Connexion there is between the ObJeBive Reality in the
Idea-, and the real Exiftence of the thing out of the Idea. For
that he faith, by Axiom 5. That this is the true 'Principle of Knoiv^
ledgi for-) faith he, '-^e do not know that there is fuch a thing as the
njiflble Heaven, barely becaufe ive fee it -, for that goes no farther
th^n our fenfe : but our knoivledg is an a£t of the Mind from the
Idea-, which arifes from hence that the Obje£five Reality of the Idea
in our Minds doth come from the thing it J elf as the true Caufe , and
the more of Objeciive Reality there is, by Axiom 6. in Siibfia7icethan
Accident, and in an Infinite Subflance than a Finite, fo much more
doth it prove the Exiftence of the thing reprefented by the Idea.
But the cafe ftill feems dift'erent between an Idea raifcd in our
Minds from an objed of Senfe-, and that which the Mind raifes
within it felf about an infinite Subftance. For, altho' it be im-
poftible for the Mind to make an Objeftive Reahty, which is infi-
nite, by Its own power-, yet it doth not appear, but that it may
frame an Idea within it felf to which it fets no bounds, and fo is
infinite to it. And here lies the main ground of the Miftake: If
our Idea were infinitely perfedV as God himfelf is, no doubt it
were wholly out of our power to make itj but then it would
follow, that Idea with its Objcdive Reality muft be God : if it be
not God, it muft be finite > and if it be finite, it is within the power
of our Minds to frame it. For, altho' our conceptions of God
be not merely Negative, yet whatfoever conceptions we have, they
are not adequate } and if not, they are imperfedt ; and fo come
within the reach of our capacities.
Cenfur When the Learned Monf Huet urged this Argument againfl
I'hiLfofh. Ties Cartes, That the Idea m us muft be finite, becaufe it wants
Cmd.c.^. jgf„^f/ji^g fQ ffiake it perfect, beingnot adequate : Monf Regis, who
'■ undertook to defend Ties Cartes, anfwcrs, That if the Idea be
Refonfea taken formally as it is in us-, fo it is finite i but if we take it with
'je ^Mmf! '^'^ objeciive Reality, fo it is infinite, and above our power : And
Huct, as to Its 7iot being adequate, he faith, it doth not follow that it is
p. 192. finite object ively, but only for?nall}' i hcciLwk it reprcfents an infinite
p. 19S. objeSi, and it is fufticient to make it infinite becaufe it reprefents
as much as we can apprehend. I grant, that if it reaches as far
Book I. chap. II. ORIGINES SACR/E. <^i
as our capacity will go, it may be faid to be infinite in regard of
its obie(^t, aklio' it be finite as to our manner of apprehending itj
but itill the main difiiculty returns, ^■^z. how a finite Idea in us
can prove the Exiftence or an infinite Obje6l. For the Queftion '
is not barely about our manner of conception of an infinite Being,
which mult be according to our capacities j but whether fuch a
finite idea, as we are capable of, can prove an infinite Being : for j
our Idea can reprefcnt to us an object to which we can fct no
bounds-, but how doth it hence appear that it mud: be an infinite I
objcft really exiiling, and that fuch an Idea muil proceed from an in-
finite Caufe? Altho' thefe things be not fo clear as -were to be wifh'd,
yet we muft not diflcmble the force of this Argument fo far as it
goes, ^iz. That we cannot form an Idea of Nothing-, and that we ]
have no Ideas in our Minds, but what have a proper Caufe for
them-, either from without us by Senfe., or from within by the ads
of our own Minds. As if a Man hath an I^ea of a rare piece of
workmanfliip, either he hath ken it, or elfe hath been told it, or
was able to invent it. But here can be no evidence from Senfe,
and no Man can find within himfelf a power to frame fuch an ob-
jed- as God-, therefore either he mult have it from others, or elfc
God himfelf hath imprinted it in our Minds. Now if the It^ca of GW
had been alike in all, z'iz. of a Being infinitely wife, powerful and
good, there might have been great reafon to have believ'd it to
have been planted in our Minds ^ but the general Idea of God
among Mankind was too dark and confus'd to form any Argument
from itj and it related chiefly to his power, and fome kind of
goodnefsi but not fo as to exclude any other Beings from being
honored as Gods. So that the force of it cannot be taken from
the confent of Mankind in this Ideaj but if it be only faid. That
this is a true and juft Idea of him-, and that there are other Argu-I
ments to prove it from his Works-, fo far it may and ought to be
allow'd. But the Metaphyfical Subtilty of this Argument, as it was
managed by "^Des Cartes-^ was fo great, that not merely Perfons of '
common Capacities could not comprehend it ; but he complains
himfelf. That the Mathematicians ijvoitld 7iot be convinced of the
demonjirative force of it. Upon which he makes a fharp Refledion, x)^ ancs
That the Mathematics did rather hinder than further Men in Me- rpifi.To.t. ■ \
taphyfical Speculations. -^^ 33-
But my bufincfs is not to lay open the wcaknefs of thefe Argu- i
ments, but only to fhew, that there is no caufe to lay afide thofe
which have been always ufed, and approved by the mod lincere
and intelligent Perfons in all Ages. And this 1 fhall make appear
from his fecond Argument in his Meditations-, but the firft in his <
Principles-) where he briefly lays it down after this manner. That ^nndp.
among the feveral Ideas of our Minds, we find one of a Being in- ^'"''* ^"
finitely perfed in Wifdom and power, which hath not a contin-
gent, butaneceflary exiftence j which being contained in the Idea, \
it follows that fuch a Being adually exifts. 'Des Cartes in his f^
Meditation confefl!es,That at firft appearance this looks like a piece of I
Sophijlry i but he faith, that upon confideration, necefl^ary Exiftence
doth as much belong to an infinite perfed Being, as three Angles
do to a Triangle. But he objeds againft his own Argument, that
our thoughts put no neceflity upon things j as if I conceive a
M 2 Mountain
emonftrationy
which thofc who are mofl verfedin 'Demojiflrations will not allow.
Let the followers of 'Des Cartes magnify and defend this Argu-
ment as well as they can j but let them not defpife and rejeft all
others, which have had the approbation of all Ages, andthewifcfl:
Perfons in them -, and that upon fuch frivolous pretenfcs, that "we
cannot comprehend all the ends of 'Divine H'ifdom.
Boyle of But Dcs Cartcs in an Epiftlemcntion'd by Mr. Boyle-, faith, That
^Uifp^T ''■ ^^ ^ childijh and ah fur d thing to affirm in Metaphyfics, that God
like a proud Man-, had no other end in building the IVorld but to
be pratfed by Men -, or in tnaking the Sitn, vi'hich is Jo much big-
ger than the Earthy but only to give light to Mankind, iziho take
up fo fmall a part of it. Which is an Kxprcfllon not at all bc-
commg the reverence due to the great Creator ol the World, from
any one that doth acknowlcdg him truly to be fo. For the objc-
ftion, if it be any, lies againft his making the World at all : fince
it may as well be faid, to be like a proud ^Prince-, only to Jlwiv the
great-
Book I. chap. II. GRIG INKS SACRAL. 5^3
greatnefs of bis''Fo-sjer and Wtjdoyn. But what is it whicli llidiMca
would have? Can they imagin the World fliould be made with-
out any ends at all? Js that becoming the wifdom oF the Maker?
Or would they not have thefc Q.\\<^s to be known? To what pur-
pole are great and noble ends deiign'd, if they are not to be un-
derftood? ^nd by whom can they be undcrllood, but by ratio-
nal and intelligent Beings? It is a great prefumption in Mankind
to pretend to know all the ends which the wile Creator had in the
vaft Fabric of the Univerfc> For Ibme of the great parts of it arc
almoft wholly unknown to us-, I mean as to the fix'd Stars, every
one of which of the firft magnitude, is faid to be above a hundred
times in bignefs beyond the Globe of the Earth-, and yet how
Imall do they appear to us? And in thofe other Celeftial Bodies,
which we can hardly difcern without the help of Glafles of a late in-
vention : and we are told by skilful Ajlronomers-) that there are many
Stars not vifible, even with the help of Telefcopes j and that they
rather lefTen than add to the greatnefs of the fix'd Stars. But if they
had given us a fuller view of them, we cannot imagin, that God's
great ends could depend upon fuch way of difcovcry : If all his
defign had been to be admir'd by Mankind for the greatncfs of his
work, it would have been plac'd more within our reach; and the
Earth we live upon would have born fonie bigger proportion to
theCelellial Bodies, which is concluded to be but a Point in com pa-
rifon of the Starry Heaven ; and the very Orb of the Sun is thought
to be no more in refpe£V of the whole Firmament. So that the
main parts of the Univerfe cannot be faid to be made for our view.
We grant therefore that the infinitely wife and powerful Creator
hath great and glorious ends, which are above our reach; but how
doth It follow from hence, that he hath no ends which we can
judg of? For even in thofe things which we diicern at fo great a di-
Itance, we fee enough to admire the infinite Majeily of him that made
them; and confequently to adore, and fear him: And whatever other
other ends he may have which we cannot fee into ; yet this is the
befl: and moft proper end for us with refpedt to him. Other ends
might fatisfy our curiofity more, but this tends moft to promote
our true happinefs. As 1 have fiiew'd in the precedent Difcourfe
that the wilcft Philofophers,t5'odtrine of the
zTi'. Soul's immortality gave the jirji occafion to the Greeks to apply
thcmfehcs to Thilofophy -, and from hence Pythagoras began it:
Who was inftru£led therein byhisMafters Thales and Therecydes-y
and after long Travels into feveral Countries for his own fatisfa-
£tion, he at laft fix'd at Crotone in Italy^ and there took upon him
to inftruft others in the way to Immortality: but finding great
reafon to miftruft many who came to be his Scholars, he fet up a
veryievereDifcipline in his School (which prov'd his ruin at laft)
and would admit none but fuch as he had luiTiciently tried. But
when he was ask'd by one of the Great Men of thole parts, JFhat
it 'was he profefs' d-i he faid nothing but Thilofophj^ or a Love of
fVifdomi which he made to confift in two things, A fearch after
Truth-, and a purfuit of Virtue. But by Truth he did not under-
ftand the Thyfical Caitfes of things, but AbftraEied and Metaphy-
fical Speculations j for his Notion was, that there was no certainty
to be had from mere fenfible things, which rather perplexed and
confounded Mens Minds, which were apt to judg by the inv
preilionsof Senfej (and his opinion was that the Scnfe only tranf-
mitted theObjeds, but it iJi^as the Mind which favi' and heard; Sec.)
therefore to prevent falfe judgments, he thought it neceflary to
draw off their Minds from lenfible Objefts; to this end he be-
thought himfelf of the way of reafbning by Figures and Numbers
is before oblcrv'd) which were fo foon and fo groily mifunderftood-
He had learnt •> faith 'Porphyry :, from the Eafiern Magi-, that God -was
Light and Truth -, and therefore he look'd on a fearch after Truth as
one way of allimilation to God. But the main thing wasin the practice
of Virtue ; of which there is a fhort Abftracf in the Golden Verfes-, and
Hierocles declares in the beginning, The dejign of them all in'as tP
stob.£cio£. bring Mankind to a likenefs to the '\Divine Nature. And in this,laith
*• 3- Eudorus in Stobaus-, Socrates and Tlato agreed with 'Pythagoras-, That
this was the chief end of Thilofophy i hwt^latoixddcd k«&' tt' Ava'nV, as
^'i"' far as Mankind could attain to it. And lb Alcinous cxpreflcs the
'■ *''* Icnfe of Plato: but he tells us, ThatVlzto fometitnes fct it forth by
being IVifc-, and Juji:, and Holy -, fometimes by following God;
becaufc according to the ancient Saying God is the bepytnmg and
tnd of all things. This-, faith Hierocles-, is the end of the 'Pytha-
thagorean
Book I. chap. II. ORIGINES SACR/E. 5^5
gorean •Fhilofophy, to give iJinigs to our Souls , that "juben death
comes-) -we may leave a mortal Body behind ns, and fly to the im-
mortal Manjions above-, and partake of a ^Divine Nature-, as far
as -vce are capable of it. And Simpltcius in the beginning of Iiis ^j'"/''''^- "»
Commentaries on Anjtotle (aith, The end of Thilofophy is to at- ^'^"^"^
tain to our mojl perfetl Happinefs ; and if a Man arrived to the top
of "Philofophy-i he might be a (Jod-, and not a Man. Thcfe things
I mention to fliew, that Thilofophy as it was undcrftood by the
Ancients was far from excluding Final Caufes-, or Moral Conjidera-^
tions of things; fince its great end was to bring Men toahkenefs
to God.
This being then the true original end o^Thilofophy-, to improve
Mens Minds in order to their Happinefs, how came the confide-
ration of the great ends of God in the World, to be thought un-
becoming Philofophical Speculations? The reafon was, that the
immortality of the Soul hath been excluded too. P'or, altho' ac-
cording to the Doftrin of 'Des Cartes its diftindion from the
Body be afierted and proved, yet its immortality is pafs'd over -,
under this pretenle, that God may ^x its duration by his Will; and
therefore unlels we know the Will of God in it, we can determin
nothing in Thilofophy about it. But the Ancient Thilofophers
made the immortality of the Soul the foundation of all their In-
quiries, and therefore took in all fuch confiderations as tended to
improve, and refincj and purify the Minds of Men. For which
end Moral Confiderations are moft proper. And therefore it can-
not but feem ftrange to any thinking Man, to obferve thelc to be
fo induftriouily fet alide, on pretenle that we cannot find out the
ends that God had in framing the World-, and the fever al parts of
it : and yet at the fame time they pretend to have found all the Me-
chanical Powers of Matter, which is much more difficult to com-
prehend. But of that afterwards : v/e now confider Final Caufes;
And have we not reafon to conclude from the prefcnt Frame of the
World with refpeft to Mankind, that the Maker of it intended to
difpole things for their advantage ? Let Men conlider the Facul-
ties of their Minds together with the Materials about them, and
the Organs God hath given them to make ufe of them-, and can
they think othcrwife, but that God hath abundantly made up to
them, what other Creatures feem to exceed them in ? Their Un-
dcrllanding, and Contrivance, and al-tificial Inventions go far be-
yond the natural flrength and fagacity of Brutes, as to the com*
ibrtable way of fubfiftence. They can make the Brutes to be very
ferviceable to them, as to Diet, Clothing, Journeying, Habitations^
&:c. They can find out ways to communicate their Thoughts to
each other at a great diftance, and entertain commerce in the re-
moteft parts, by the help of their own Inventions as to Na-
vigation. So that if one Country be not fiifficiently furniftied*
they can bring home the products of others. And lb, all the be-
nefit ot Trading (which in thefe later Ages is grown to fo mighty
a reputation above what it had in elder Ages) is owing to the
happy Invention of the ufe of the Magnet. But fet afide thefe mo-
dern Improvements, and confider Mankind as mere Natives of their
feveral Countries, take all together, and the Inhabitants of the Earth
have no caufe to complain of Providence j which makes up what
06 OR WINES SACR.€.. Book I. Chap. 11.
IS wanting in one thing by luch advantages another way, thatmoft
Nations are fond of their own Countries, and would not change
Heroj.i I. them. The ancient Geographers indeed mention Ycoplc li-ho cur fe4
MeUi. I. fjjg r'tfing and jetting Snth hecaiife his heat ■XW5 intolerable to them -,
km. I. J-. and the 'Philofophers thought they had great reafon to conclude
""•s- the Torrid Zone uninhabitable. But the experience of thefe
latter times have found it quite otherwifej and that the places
there were fully peopled, and their condition tolerable enough,
and in Ibme refpeds pleafant to them : aS to the fruitfulnefs of
Land, and numbers of Rivers and plenty of commodities. And
as to Heat, that is very much quahfy'd, by the conftant breezes
in the Day-time, and coolncfs of the Nights ; and the particular
fituation of fome places, at a very little diftance have Winter and
Summer; which fliews that the Seafons do not merely depend upon
the Sun, but upon the motion of the Air 5 for where that is ftopt by
the height of Mountains, there is Winter on one fide, and Summer
;/. voff. de on the other -, as If. VoJJius obferves on the coaft of Malabar -, and
^'^Ji'h^' ^bo^t ^^"^^ Mountains of Arabia-, Congo and Bengala-, and other
comL'nt. places : And Ludolphus confirms it concerning the Mountains of
ai Hiji. of Malabar ; infomuch, that he faith, the King there may keep a
f.''\ou perpetual Summery only by crojjing the Mountains. Others have given
rhiiofo^h. a more particular account of it, and tell us, That die Cherfonefe
'^^""f''^^'- between the Rivers of Indus and Ganges, is divided in the middle
'^' by a ridge of High HiUs, which they call the Gate ; on the one
fide is Malabar-, and on the other Coromandel -, and that it is Win-
ter on one fide from April to September, and Summer on the other }
and that not above 20 Leagues diftance in crolling the Mountains.
And the fame is faid to be at Cape Razalgate in Arabia, and in Ja-
maica ; which is imputed to the Mountains flopping the current
of Vapors wherein the particles of them are driven together, and
fall down into drops of Rain ; and fo the Seafons depend upon
the Monfons or fix'd Winds in thofe parts •, the Northeaft blowing
on one fide from November to April, and the Southerly on the
■£urch;ii Other from April to November. Sir H. Middleton fpeaks of /2r
pi/. To.i.f. gfg^f cold on the Mountains of Arabia , that he could not have
believ'd it, unlefs he had felt it himfelf; for he deipis'd their in-
formation at Mecca, who knew the Country far better. But he
thought he went according to Reafon, as the Ancients did; but
Experience hath plainly difcover'd their miftakes. For Heat and
Cold are found not to depend merely upon the nearnefs or di-
ftance of the Sun; for other things we find may not only qua-
lify that heat, but produce cold where it was leaft expcfted.
Acoda of Acojta tells us that the old Philofophers went upon Principles of
/.*2.!"t';"' Common Reafon, when they fuppofed the Torrid Zone was mmt-
habitable, but notwithftanding he found it fo far from being fo,
that he thought it pleafant and agreeable, andfaw it full of 'People:
and he faith, that the Air is cleareji 'when the Sun is fartheft ojf,
and full ejl of Clouds and Rain 'when the Sun is neareft. Ashefticws
at large from the experience himfelf had in thofe parts. Some places
c. 9. of the Torrid Zone he obferves to be Temperate, as in §!uitto, and
the ^Plains of Tern-, fome very cold, as at Totofn fome very hot,
c. 10. as in fome parts of ^i[jnres ; and that the remote Northern parts are not to be
c. j. inhabited for the cold. But both thele Aflertions are found to be
^. ^ ^ falfej however his Authority was follow'd. Info much, that 'Pliny.
t.6%. ' faith. Of five Zones tvao are ufelefs by extremity of cold; and that
there is nothing but a perpetual Mift-, and afhining Froft -, and that
iz-ithin the Tropics all is burnt up by the heat of the Sun, ijvhich is
fo intenfe-, that:, he faith, there is no pajfage from oneTemper ate Zone
to the other. This is a ftrange Account to us now, and given by
a Man who had read all Authors then extant about thefe matters y
and it is the flranger, becaufe in the Chapter before he faith. That
Hanno pajfed from Cadiz to the end of Arabia, (which is much
doubted) and th at EyxdoyMS came to Czoiz fromthe Arabian Gulph ;
and that another went from Si^zin to Ethiopia on the account of
Trade -, and that fome Indians trading abroad were cafi by forms on
the Northern Coaftsy who were pre fented to the Trdconful of Gaul.
How could thefe thing be, and yet they fuch ftrangers to the Torrid
ZonCi thro' which they muft pafs ? But he feem'd to take it for
granted, That thofe Regions were unpaffable, and uninhabitable,
i ,_ f. 8. altho' himfelf mentions leveral Nations which liv'd within ^/7^Zl?r-
rid Zone -, as the Negroes on both fides the River Niger, the Ga-
ramantes , Troglodyte ( whom Ludolphiis makes to be the fame
with the Hotentots^ and feveral others. Now if all thefe Coun-
tries were burnt up, how come fo many People to be then known
Hirodot. ^^ '^ve here •, and fo they were from the time of Herodotus, who
/.4.C. 183. mentions thcm.^ But how different are the bed Accounts we now
Fiin.i.;. s. have of thefe places from what the Ancients imagin'd ? The Country
soim.c.^i. qP j.[^g Negroes, thro' which the Niger runs (which is fuppos'd to
be of the lame Nature (if not Original) with the Nile, and over-
Hows the Country of the Negro's, in the fimc manner and at the
fame time that the Nile doth Egypt) is according to a late Author,
Voyage to A populous and fertile Country, who faith, that the Natives endure
S\irM,p.6\. ffjg Ijp^i- r^jjfij gdj'g^ and are healthful and vigorous. Another, who
Reixi'imde fpcut foiiic time in that Country, faith. That the heat is more [up -
la Nigri- portable by the cool Wind which blows -, and that for 6 Months it
^P%^^^^' is as pleafant as France. Andrew Battel, who liv'd about 18 years
Purchasi;. jn AngoU and thereabouts, fpcaks enough of the 'Populoufnefs of
/Jr.' 4. thole parts-, and Lopez, who was at Congo, commends the tempe-
ijidoipi}. rature of the Air there. Lvdolphus in his Account of Ethiopia,
Comment, y^iijch lie had chicflv iVom a Native, fiith, that it is as temperate
n. 36.^ ^^ Portugal. The lame we have already prodiic'il from Acofta of
Pern. Many more fuch Inlhnccs might be prodiic'd, but thefe are
fuffi-
Boo ;'Lut
there is a concurrence of feveral other things which temper the Air,
which they could not underftand. It is true, there are fonie things that
abate the heat which anlcs from the Sun's ncarnefs •, as the equality
of nights to days, and the abundance of rains which fall at that
time-, of which the moil probable account is. That altho' in our
parts the dillance ofithe Sun caufes Cold and Rain, and the near-
nefs Heat and Drought; yet it is quite otherwifethcre, for theSun
raifes up the vapors more there by rarifying the Air, and that to
a great height-, which joyning together, and falling down with
greater force, doth thereby produce a Wind as well as \¥ater, both
which cool and refrefli the Air-, and where the vapors do not produce
Rain, yet they make a Dew, as in fomc parts of Peru, which falling on
the ground makes it fruitful. But thefe things are not fufficicnt; for
were all the Country in the Ti?m for we do not pretend to
give an account of the great ends which the Almighty hadin thole
vaft and numerous Bodies of the fix'd Stars, which are io very re-
mote from us-, but that which we lay, is, that God hath plac'd
Mankind in fuch a ftation here upon Earth, that they cannot but
look about them-, and when they do lb, they cannot but admire
to find fo great and fo wife a Being order all things fo, as to fcc
not only the Wifdora but the Goodnefs of their Maker. And
how doth this appear to be a tf mercFiEiion of Mens Brai7is? Are
there not fuch jult caufes for our admiration.- Are there not fuch
convc-
BookI. chap. II. O RIG INKS SACR/E. loi
conveniences f'ui' human Life.'' Do not all Men lee the wonderl'ul
contrivance and nfcfuhicfs of the parts of their Bodies ? And are
there not great djicovcnes of the like wifdom in Plants and Ani-
mals, and the Farth and Sea? Are all thcfc mere Phantafms and
Fictions of Mens Brains? Why arc not tiic miftakcs about thcfe
things difcover'd in a Mathematical manner? This might have
fignify'd fi/mething: But to go about to confute Mankind by tell-
ing them, 7/:>at Fined CauJ'es are mere jici ions of their Brains-, is far
from being a Geometrical way of Demonflration. Let us cxamin,
however, the method he takes to make it out. (i) In the firft
place, he undertakes to flicw how Mankind came to think fo much
o^ final Canfes i and then (i) how repugnant they arc to the na-
ture of things i (3) How Men came to take up the Notions of
Good and Evil, and of Rewards and Punifliments from this Opi-
nion about Final Canfcs : all which I fliall briefly conildcr. As to
the firft, He fuppofes that all Men are born ignorant of Catifes, and
look after their own advantaget ivhich they are confcioiis to them-
felves of. And what follows? Firjl-, that they fuppofe themfelves
free-, becanfe they know their own defires. And why (hould they
not as well as know that they think? For they have the like in-
ward Perception as to both. But they are ignorant of the Catifes
which determine their defires. How doth it appear, that there are
fuch Caufes-i which they are thus ignorant of? If any Man un-
dertakes to afllgnCaufes which Mankind are not at all fenfible of,
he ought not to take it for for granted, that there are luch Caufes,
but to prove it in fuch a manner, as to overballance the evidence
of their inward Perceptions. For Mankind are confcious to them-
felves of no fuch Caufes; if therefore any one will prove, that
however, they are not free, certainly that Evidence ought to be
clearer than the Argument from our own Perception to the con-
trary. I think I move my Eye freely to this or that object, and
am fully fitisfy'd from that inward Perception I have of the volun-
tary motion of the Mufcles belonging to the Eye: now if any one
goes about to tell me that I am deceiv'd herein, and that there were
other Caules, which determin'd the motion of my Eye 5 is it not
reafon I fliould have Evidence greater than what I have from my
own Senfation ? But here we have no Caules at all aflign'd : there-
fore we mull go on. Secondly-, faith he. Mankind do all things for
fome endi viz. for their own prof t i and therefore defire only to know
Final Caufes-, and if they find thefe they are fatisfy'd. Is not this
well faid by a Man that pretends to 'Demoriftration-, and that in a
Geometrical manner ? Could no other Ends be thought of but
Trofit? I begin to be of l^es Cartes his mind, That Geometry
fpoils Mens Reafonings in other matters. For, how was it polliblc
for a Man of common fenle to argue in fuch a manner -, Men aim
at their own profit, therefore they defire only to know Final Caufes?
What Profit was it which this Author aim'd at in making this
Work of his? He had without doubt fome end m it; for I
hardly think he could take fo much pains for no end at all. Was
it a Good or a Bad end? (For Mankind are ftill apt to be inquifi-
tive into Final Cmtfes.') A Good End, no doubt his Friends will
fay. yNhzt \f?is this Good End? was it mere Trofit? No? cer-
tainly, they will fay, his Mind was above it; for he devoted him-
N 7, felf
I02. ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. IL
fc/f ■-•sjholly (as they chey tell us in the Preface to his Works; to
Tkilofophy ; and retired on purpofe for the prof ecut ion of his Studies.
It IS then more than poilible for a Man to aim at Tome other end,
than mere "Profit. And what was the End he propos'd in Philo-
Ibphy? Still we inquire after the End-, alcho' 'Profit befet afide-,
and we cannot have a better account of it, than from hinifclf. Hetclls
Be ititdi. us, His Mmd was fet upon finding out the true Good of Mankind.
Ernmi. ^hjs was a noble End mdeed, and fit for a Pcrfon thatdefign'd to
^' '''^' improve his Underftanding. But was this true Good nothmg but
'Profit? So far from it, that he £iith, He '■Jjas foon fatisffd-, that
lihat things Mankind generally purfiied-, 'v:ere a hindrance to the
End he amd at : and therefore he fa'-JD it necefjary to grce over the
piirfiiit of Riches-, Honors and fenfual 'Pleafures -, a-nd to fix upon an
eternal and infinite Good, is:hich alone can give fatisfaciion to the
Mind; and therefore ought to be pur fined "jiith all our might. This
one would think were Ipoken like a true Chriftian Philofopher ; but
his way is, to ufe our ExpreiBons, and to couch his own meaning '^
under very plaufibie Terms: but he Ipeaks his Mind more after- I
wards, when he faith, 5 his chief Good of Man is to under (land the I
union betiveen the Mind and Nature. What that is, will appear
P. ,6,. more afterwards •, but here he faith, That this is the End to 'ivhich
our fit ltd les and endeavers are to be dire^ed. Which is fufHcient to j,
my prefent purpofe. For here it is confefs'd, that they are only \ •
vulgar Minds that aim at mere Profit as their End ^ but that there
is a higher, and more certain, and agreeable end for the Minds of
Men to fearch after •, and that their Happinefs lies in the attaining
of that End. Which being allow'd, if we fuppofc a wife and in-
telhgent Being to have created Mankind, there is no incongruity
at all in Man's making that infinite and eternal Good to be his
chief End, nor in purfuing after it with all his endeavors-, nor can
there be any in fuppofing that this God fhould order things in
this World with that defign, that they fliould be fcrviceable to him
here, as to his prefent fubfillence, in order to his main End. For
he allows his Philofiopher to do many things with that defign to
ferve his End-, viz. 'To fipeak as other Men do, 'vahatever he thinks.
To ufe fienfiual Pleafiuresi as they ferve for Health. To get as much
wealth-) as will make his condition eafy. Tiius far then we find that
Mankind may propole ends to themfclvcs-, and that there are
things which have a tendency to them; and that it is very be-
coming to them to ufe thofe means in order to their ends. Why
then may not the wife Creator of the World appoint proper ends
and means to Mankind, as to their conveniencics and future hap-
pinefs.^ what repugnancy is there in this, more than in the for-
mer cafe.^ All that he can fay is. That Mankind finding fomething
very ufeful to them-, as Eyes for feeing-, Teeth for eating. Herbs and
zthic.v.i. Animals for nourifioment-, the Sun to give light-, the Sea to breed
f- ?+• Fifij, &c. and becauje they are fo uficful to them-, conclude that there
was a Being above them-, which prepared all thefie things for them.
And what abiUrdity is there in fo doing.^ What Geometrical 'De-
monfiration is there, that thefc things all came together fo of thcm-
felvcs without any intelligent Agent. -^ All that he fiith is, That
they confidering them as means-, couldriot believe that they made them-
felves -y but bccaufe they were wont to provide things for their own
ufe.
Book I. Chap. 11. GRIG INKS SACR/E. lo
itfe-, I hey fiippofed or believed fame free /I gent 'which ordered all
thefe things for them. And from hence they judging all by them-
felves-, concluded that God ordered all thefe things for their nfe-, to
oblige Mankind to hirn-, that they might honor and fervc him i
and fo under a pretenfe of doing honor to God, they fell into
Super ft it ion ; and '■jvere fo bent upon Final Caufes , till at lafl they
made God no wifer than themfelves. Is not all this 'Demonflra'
tion? They muft think very meanly indeed of the Undcrftand-
ings of Men, that can think they will be fatisfy'd with fuch Ac-
counts as thefe. We find he grants Eyes fitted for Sight-, Teeth
for Eating-, &c. And why I pray, may we not in rcafon conclude,
that they were defign'd for that ufe? He finds fomc things to
cavil at, about Unfeafonable Weather-, Earthquakes, 'Difcafes, See
(which arc confident with the general Ends of Providence) but
he hath nothing to fay, as to his former Inflances, why we fhould
not believe we had Eyes to fee with-, or Ears to hear isoith-, or Teeth
to eat ijuith : But if thefe things were given for thofe ufcs and no
other, doth not this prove particular ends of Providence with
refpeil: to Mankind? What, if Men do provide means for their
ends? Is it an Argument of Folly -^ or Wifdom fo to do ? If it be
Wifdom to aft for an end, and Folly to a£t for none, why may
we not fuppofe an infinitely wife Being to acl for ends agreeable
to himfelf ? Not for mean, foolifli , fordid ends, but fuch as be-
come the great Creator and wife Governor, and bountiful Benefa-
ftor to Mankind. And what is there unbecoming our Idea of
GoD in thefe relations .'' Is it then unfit for a wife Creator and
Governor, and Benefaftor, to beflow on Mankind fuch things
as tend to the ufe and good of his Creatures, or to take care of
their welfare? So as to furnifli us with luch Organs of our Senfes,
filch Faculties of our Minds, as may make ufe of the many con-
veniences which we have about us for our comfortable fubfi-
ftence, and our cheerful fervice of fo great and fo good, and fo
liberal a Benefactor. Can this be call'd Superjiition-, to ferve and
adore him? Is this making God like to our fe Ives, when we ac-
knowledg the infinite diftance between him and us, and ferve him
with devout reverence and godly fear? Far be it from us to think
fo meanly of him, as to attribute the leafl degree of our Paflions
and Weaknefles to him. We know he could not be God, if he
were not infinitely above our Thoughts as well as our Services :
but if he pleale to be fo kind to us, to give us fo many reafons
to love and ferve him, is it fit for his Creatures to defpife his fer-
vice, on pretenfe that he is above it? Superflition is a foolifh
thing, becaufe it comes from mean apprehenfions of God-, but
true Religion is a wife and agreeable thing, becaufe it flows from
a dvie fenfe of a Divine Majefly, and a tender regard to his honor.
And whatever Men pretend as to Thilofophy and T)emonflration^
there are none that really want fenfe and underflanding fo much,
as thofe who defpife Religion, under the nzme of Superjiition. We
cannot deny that there is too much of it in the World : but as
God remains the fame notwithftanding the follies of Mankind,
fo Religion is as jufl and reafonable a thing as ever, alcho' Super-
jiition hath brought fo much difhonor upon it.
The
btA
104 ORIGINES SACRAL. Book I. Chap. II.
The next thing is to fhew, That FtnalCaufes are repugnant to the
Nature of things. This is to the purpofe indeed, if he can make
it out. As to his Argument from the necejjity ■of all things'^ that
mufl: be referr'd to its due time; becaufe it is not prov'd but fup-
pos'd: But here we are to confidcr how Final Caafes do fo lamen-
tably pervert the order of Nature. They make^ faith he, the Caiife
to be the EjfeB-, and the Effe£^l to be the Caufe ; and that 'ujhich
was firjl in Nature to be the laft , and make the moft perfect Be-
ing to be the moft imperfect. Thefe are fad confequences if they
hold i the two former he paffes over, as he had reafon, and fixes
on the laft. That they overthrow the 'Divine Terfe6iion; and he
needs no more, if he can make this out. But how ? J/" G o d
works for an end-, then he muft want that which he works for.
Is this the T)emonftrating Ethics in a Geometrical way ? A Father
out of kindnefs to his Son defigns to advance him in the World,
and furnifhcs him with all neceflary means Co that end ; doth this
argue weaknefs and indigency, or only kindnefs and good-will to
his Son ^ If there may be a defign of doing good to others, with
regard to their welfare, and many means us'd to that end, what
want doth this argue i* But rather it flows from abundant Good-
nefsi and the more perfcft any bemg is, the greater is the benefi-
cence and readinefs to do good to others : and one would think
Men did not want Geometry to know this. Buti faith he, God
did not do this for their fakes , but his own-, his own glory is the end
of all. But if the Glory of God be moft advanced by the good of his
Creatures, how can thefe two be feparated from each other .* Men
may make a diftinftion by Metaphyfical Speculation : but if his
glory be advanced by their good, there can be no real diftindion
between them •, for both are carried on by the fame thing.
After thefe faint Attempts, our Geometrician falls to ignorance
ofCaufeSi (of which I have faid fo much already) and from thence,
he faith, comes Mens admiration of the Fabric of Man's Body^ be-
caufe they know not the Caufes of it. And did our Philofopher
know the Mechanical Caufes of all the parts of it ^ What pity
it is we had not feen them, inftead of thefe loofe and idle Dif-
courfes-, for I can call them no other, when there is fo much blu-
ftering talk about Geometry ^ and fo very little appearance of true
Reafon. But faith he, very fenfibly. The World looks upon a Man
as a very dangerous heretic ^ and impious Terfon-, if he gives an Ac-
count of Natural Caufes ^ and takes away their ignorance. I fee no
fuch great danger from his Knowledge whatever there be from his
Impiety i for he hath fliew'd much more caufe for us to wonder at
one, than at the other. But the Impiety of his Syftem muft be
conlidcr'd in its proper place.
The laft thing he faith as to Caufes is, That Mankind being
perfuaded that all things were made for them-, they fet an efteem
upon fuch things as they found moft ufeful, and meafur'd the value
of things by their agreeablenefs to themfelves. From hence came the
difference of Good and Evih Orderly and Confus'd-, Hot and Cold-,
Beautiful and 'Deform'd; and becaufe they imagined themfelves free,
thauc came ^Praife and Diftjonor, Fault and Merit. And what tcfided
to Health or the IVorftnp of God, they called Good., and the contrary
Bvil; what futed to their Imagination, they called Order, what did
noti
BOOK I. chap. II. RIG INKS SACR/E. 105
rwf, Confujion. iVhat was agreeable to their Senfes they called Beau-
tiful-, Sweet-, HHcafant-, and the contrary to what was not-, and
attributed their Modes of Sen/at ion to the things t hem fe Ives: and
Men jtidg of things by their different Imaginations -, and from thence
come' filch great differences among Marikmd about Good and Evil-,
Order and Conjttjion -, all which come from Mens following Imag^ina-
tion-, and not Reafon. This is the fubihnccof what he faith-, which
in fliort takes away all the real difFcrence between Good and Kvilj
and makes Good to be a mere eflcd of Mens Imaginations, from
refpe6l to their own Conveniency, or what they call the Honor
of God i and £w7 what is repugnant to them. But how comes this
CO follow from Final Caufes ? Yes, faith he, fince all things are
made for them-, therefore Good and Evil are to be taken with refpeil to
them. This is a very weak foundation to build this Doftrin Upon.
For things are not therefore fiid to be Morally Good-, becaufe they
are uleful to Mankind-, but that implies only a Natural Fitnefs for
fuch purpofes , which is quite another thing from Moral Good-
nefs-, and it is fvrange our Philofophers fhould not difcern the
difference. For, is there no meafure of Good and Evil among '
Mankind with rcfpeft to one another.^ If the Good and evil of
things did depend upon Final Caufes, with refpeft to Mankind in
general, then there could be no fuch thing in regard to each other -,
for thefe Final Caufes do not reach to one individual more than
another, for they refpedt the whole kind. But we fay upon good
grounds, that there are things which are good and evil between
Man and Man. Tes-, it may be faid, with refpe^i to Society-, and
the common good of the whole. If it be fo, then it follows that it
doth not depend upon mere Imagination, but that there is a true
and jufl: meafure in things-, for if human Society cannot be pre-
ferv'd without juftice, and keeping Faith and Obedience to Govern-
ment, Conjugal Fidelity, &:c. then there is a real tendency in thefe
things to that end, and a repugnancy in the contrary ; and if foj
then their being good or evil doth not depend upon Mens Fancies
or Humors, any more than the taking away fuel doth forleflening
a fire, or the adding it doth to the increaie of it. For Mens in-
dulging their own Pallions againfl: Reafon and a common intercfl,
doth as much tend to a Civil combuftioii, as the other to a Na-
tural •, and Mens due government of themfelves and adions
doth as naturally tend to peace and tranquillity, as withdrawing
fuel or calling water doth to quench the violence of fire. From
whence it appears, that there are real ends as to Mankind, which
are the meafures of Good and Evil, with refpecb to Society. But
befides this, Mankind cannot be fuppos'd to fubfifi: without the
Relations of Parents and Children : and can any Man in his right
Senfes iniagin that the Duties of thefe to each other depend only
upon Fancy .^ Is there no natural regard due from Children x.0
Parents) no natural affeftion and tendernefs in Parents to Children ?
Is all this only the product of Imagination ? So as to the diffe-
rence of Sexes -, Chaftity, Modefty, and a decent regard to each
other are things founded m Nature, and do not arife from Cuftom
or Fancy. But in all thefc things, altho' there be a jufl: regulation
of them by Laws, yet the foundation of them is laid in the na-
ture and refpcds of things to one another. As to our own Bodiesi
O Health
106 ORIGINES SACR^. Book I. Chap. II.
Health is not the only meafurc of Good and Evil-, for it is fo un-
certain, that thole cxcefles do little prejudice to fome, which are
mifchievous to others : but there is a juil proportion of things to
be obfcrv'd with rcfped: to their ufe •, and lb Intemperance may be
coniifrent with a healthful Body. As to the condition of others,
who by rcafon of poverty or licknefs (land in need of our help-,
it is a thing in it fcif good to afford them our alllftance-, and lb
Liberality, Charity and doing good, are fo far from being good
only from Imagination, that no Klan can imagin them to be other-
wile than good. But befidcs all thcfe, there are duties which are
owing to that infinite Being, from whom we derive all that wc
enjoy or hope for ; and can it be any other than good for us to
fear, and fcrve, and love, and honor him.^ He confelTcs Man-
kind allow that to be good 'oi'hich refpecis the honor of God -, but he
means that it is becaufe -we fuppofe that he made all things for
Men. But altho' his Goodnefs and Providence be very great reafons
for our ferving him j yet if he had been lefs bountiful to Mankind,
they had been bound to ferve him as their Creator. And it is im-
polTible to fuppofe that he fhould difcharge his Creatures from fo
ncceffary a duty, and to make the contrary not to be a Fault.
For, it would imply ingratitude and contempt of the bell Being
in the World not to be evil -, and that he who is infinitely good,
Ihould require what is in it felf evil. From all which it appears,
that the nature of good and evil doth not depend upon the arbi-
trary Fancies and Opinions of Men; but upon the Nature of things,
the Reafon of Mankind, and theRefpeds they ftand in to one an-
other.
And it is a great confirmation of this, that our Philofopher him-
felf makes it the fame cafe as to Good and .£w7,asitis withrefpeft
to Order and Confufwni and Beauty and Deformity^ and Harmony
and T>ifcord. For altho' there may be a Variety of Fancies^ as to
fome 'T>egrees of thefe things •, and that may pleafe fome which
doth not others : yet in the main they all agree in a real difference
between them 5 and none can have fo little judgment, as to think
that there is nothing but Fancy which puts a difference between
a well digelled Difcourfe, and a confus'd heap of Thoughts; or
between an exail Beauty, and the Pidlure of Deformity ; or the
mofl ravifliing Mufic, and the noile of a pair of Tongs. So that
the extremes mull be allow'd to be really different from one another,
what difference foever there be in Perfons Fancies, as to what lies
between -, and yet as to them, when the Idea of the thing it lelf
is agreed upon, then the nearer any approach to it, the more it
hath of the reality, and the farther off, it doth fo much more de-
pend upon Fancy.
But, faith he, in our Objects of Senfe tz-e imagin the ^alities
to be real things without us-, '■jn here as they are only the diffe-
rent impre£ions made upon our Senfes-, and fo conveyed to our Ima-
ginations. And is this an Argument that there is no realdifl'erence
between Bitter and Sweet, Savory and Unfavory-, or that all Sounds
arealike? Or that becaufe fome have fancied the Mufic of the
Spheres, therefore there is no fuch thing as Harmony.^ But fuch
kind of arguing dcfcrves no farther conlideration.
I now
Book I. chap. II. ORIGINES SACRA:. 107
1 — ~ — "J ' : ;■" ■ ■' ■■
I now come ro the Icctjiid Hypothefis-, which tends towards y/- "■
theifm-, and that is of ihoi'cwho attribute too much to the Alcchanical
''Foizers of matter and motion. It cannot be denied by any inge-
nuous Man, that in our Age a great improvement hath been made
in Natural and Experimental ^rhilofophy. But there is a great dif-
ference to be made between thofe who have proceeded in the way
of Experiments-, which do great lervice as they go, and fuch as
have torm'd Mechanical 'Theories oF the Syftcm of the Univerfcj
and have undertaken to give an Account how the World was
fram'd, and what the immediate Caulcs arc of thole things which
appear in the World. I do not go about to difpute, whether many
thmgs arc not better refoilv'd by the New than by the Old l-^hilo-
fophy ; I am not concern'd in the Dodf rines of ylntiperiflafis, Fuga
'vactii-, Occult ^talities. Intentional Sfjccies-, and fuch like: And I
confcfs, that the ^Particular Hifteries and Experiments relating to
things of Nature, as to the Bodies of Animals-, the Vegetation of
tPlants-, and particular Giialities^ tend much more to the true
knowledg of Nature, than the mere nice and dry general Specu-
lations about /'Wwi' and ^^/^;>j
of Bodies be explain'd mechanically-, i. e. by virtue of the known
Affeftions of Matter, 'viz. Size-, Eigure-, Motion-, &cc. and that new
ones can be produc'd by changing the Texture or Motion-, or fome
other Mechanical Ajfctlion of Matter 5 it is far from my defign td
oppofe them, or any fuch Dilcourfcs, which tend only to give us
more light into the Occult Nature (tho' not ^liiaiities) of things.
For to iay, that Things proceed from Occult f^alities-, is in other
■words to lay, that they come fixjm we know not what ; and none
can take that for a good Anfwer from one that pretends to give
the reafon of a thing.
But to proceed more diftindly, I make no difficulty of allow-
ing thefe following Principles, as to the Nature and y^ialities of
Natural Bodies-, which are mofl: infifted upon by a late Excellent
Philofopher, and a truly Chrijlian Virtnofo among us. ( i ) That there ^^'' Boyle
is One Univerfil Matter of Bodies, that is, a Subftance extended, °JiJ„'^f'
divifible, and impenetrable. (2) That thereisadiverfityof Mo- F'"-'W"«^
tion in feveral parts of Matter •, {6 it be not faid to be in Matter '^"^"'"•
from it felf as eflential to it •, for then it muft always move, and
there could be no Reft, and fo no Compofition. (3) That by
virtue of this Motion, Matter is divided into greater and lefler
parts, which have their Determination, Size and Figure. (4) That
befides thefe, their Situation is to be confider'd 5 that is, their Po-
ftttre and order, with rcfped: to one another: and when the feveral i
parts joyn together to make up one Body, that is called the 7V.v-
?//r^ of them, (fj That there is a different Texture both in our Or-
gans of Senfe, and in the Obje£ts which make impreffions upon
them, with a different Motion, Figure and Size-, from whence
arife our different Senfations, and our Apprehenfions of different
fenfible Qualities in things. (6) That by a Coalition of thefmaller
Particles of Matter into one Body, there are different Subilanccs
in the World of diflinft Denominations-, but by a change of Tex-
ture or Motion, or other Properties of Matter, that compound
O 2 Body
io8 OKIGINES SACHJE. Book I. Chap. IL
Body may be put into a dilFcrent ilate, which may be called its
Alteration or Corruption-, and if the change be lb madeas to of-
fend our Senfes, it is then called Tutrefatiion. (j) That there
mav be an incomprehenlible variety ni the Coalition and Texture
of the minute Particles of Matter, which may be lb different from
each ether, as to be thought to be endued with diftinft Qualities.
As the 24 Letters make up an inconceivable number of words by
the diuercnt placing of them.
Butwhenlhaveallow'dthele, I can by no means agree, i. That
there arc no other Qualities in Bodies, but what relate to our Senfes.
it's true we could not be lenlible of Heat and Cold, but from the
imprelTions made on our Senfes: but fuppofing we were not fei>-
fible of the different agitation of Particles without us -, it doth
not at all follow, that there is not a real Alteration in the objeds
themfelves, as that the Fire doth not burn, if we do not feel the
heat of it-, and why that dilpofition in Matter, which is apt to
produce llich a fenfe in us, may not be called an inherent Quality,
IS not fo ealy to apprehend. But if there be luch a real difference
in Bodies, as that one will make fuch an imprellion on our Senfes,
and another will not, we cannot in reafon fay that there is no
Quality in things, but that it wholly depends on our Apprehen-
lion. It is granted, That Sno'UJ hath a greater difpofition to rejic6i
light outvjards-, than aCoal or Soot-, whenthe Sun Jh'mes upon aUthree.
Now why this difpofition fliould be called a diftinft Quality from
what is in the other two, feems to meaDifputeof noconlequence.
So, if an Eccho be nothing but the cavity of a place, whereby it
is difpos'd to retleft the found back to the place from whence it
came, altho' it muft not be called the Quality of the place which
makes the Eccho i yet it cannot be denied to be the peculiar Figure
and Difpofition of the parts which make it. So that, if Men will
allow fuch inherent Dilpofitions in things to produce what we
call G^alities in us, the difference will not be found worth the di-
fputing. And 1 have wonder'd Perfons of Judgment and skill in
thefe matters lay fo much weight upon it, as tho' the Quality muft
be laid to be only in us, when it is confcfs'd to arife from a diffe-
rent Difpofition in the parts without us.
2. That there are no other Qualities in Bodies, but fuch as an
account may be given of by the foregoing Principles : For I do not
find it polliblc for any Perfon by virtue of thefe Principles to give
an account cither of the make or compofition of the Bodies of Ani-
mals, or of the difpofition and relation of the inward Parts, or of
the inilruments of Nature for prefervation of the Individual or
Species -, or of the Difealcs they arc fubjeit to, or of the proper
methods of cure. And the more any Perfon fearches into all the
Mechanical attempts of this kind, the more unfatisfy'dhewill find
himiclf about them ; and will fee reafon to conclude, as a Learned
Sydenham Phyfician hath done, That we may kno'jij enough for our general
pi lijy" di'f^ilion what to do-, but that the jeer et Caufes are fo hidden from
lis-, as we ha've reafon to admire the Supreme Artificer in what we
kno-^-) and to adore him in what we do not.
Thefe things being prcmis'd, I come to the main poiiit, which
is. Whether NIatter being put into motion, can in a Mechanical
mannct produce that frame of the Univcrfc which we fee, and the
fcvcral
KookI. chap. JI. O RIG INKS SACK/F,. 7^
ll'vcial chint^s winch arc in the Heavens, and ni this Globe of
Earth and Sea.
To make this Matter as clear as wc can, we muft firfi: confidcr
the General 'Principles i and then proceed to the Account given of
tlie fcvcral Vhanomcna-, as they are commonly called.
1 begin with the General 'Principles-, which are thcfc;
That the Matter of the Univerfe is one and the fame extended r.
SubftancCj and that all the properties wc clearly perceive in it, are, ^''""^'l'-^-
that it is divifible and capable of motion in its parts. '•"•^j-
That this matter is without bounds, and that the Idea of Ex- i^-
tenfion is the fame with that of Corporeal Subitance. ^ ^'"
That it is capable of divifion into fo many parts, as we cannot ill.
comprehend the utmoft bounds of its divifibility. ^- 34-
That God alone is the firll: and univerfal Caulc of the motion iv.
of matter, which continues the lame in the whole, altlio' it vary "^^ i''-
in the feveral parts.
That there arc certain Laws of motion, whereof thcfc are the v.
chief:
1. That every part continues in the ftate it was in, unlefs mov'd n. ,7.
by an External Caule.
2. That all motion of it felf is in a right Line, but by other Bodies n. 39,
it becomes oblique, and all matter being in motion it becomes cir-
cular.
3. That when two Bodies meet, the weaker lofes not its motion,
butchanges its tendency, and the llronger lofes fo much as it gives " ' ^°'
to the weaker.
That the parts of matter were at firft divided into many parcels vr.
of an equal and indifferent fize, and had among them all that mo- Prinap.
tion which is now in the World. ^'"''^ ^•
That thefe Particles of matter could not at firft be fpherical, be- vil
caufe then there muft be a void fpace between them, but by force ^- 48.
of motion and natural attrition they became fo.
That thofe IclTer Particles which came oft' from the Angles of vm.
the bigger, fill up all the empty fpaces between them, and have a ^.'49.2^0
quicker motion.
That befides thefe, there are fome Particles which are large and ix.
flower than the reft, being full of Angles, and fo more apt to ftick to at. ss.
one another, which by reafon of their paflage thro' the triangular
fpaces between the globular Particles become wreathed.
And thele are the three Elements out of which he fuppofes all
Bodies to be madcj and accordingly the Ingenious Author hath
framed a Syftem of the Univerfe with great Art and appearance of
Reafon ; but at fometimes he is content to let it pafs as a bare Hypo-
the(is^agreeingii:ith the Phenomena of the I For Id -, but withal he faith, Part. in.
That he makes nfe of no Principles but fuch as are mo (I evident-, and "' ^^•
deduces nothing from them but by Mathetnatical Confeqnences. And
in an Epiftle to Merfenniis, to whom he opened his Mind more ^.4^,44.
freely, he faith. That he fhotdd think he kne-jv nothing in Phyfics-,
if he could only tell how things might be-, if he could not demon- Ep. to. n,
ftrate that they could be no other-wife. But to another Perfon he r/-. 57.
calls it his Romance of the World ', which he confefles he was 'very £^ loj.
well pleas' d with.
O 3 But
lo ORIGINES SACR/E. Book I. Chap. II.
But lb have not others been, who have taken great pains both
in TLnlofophy and Mathematics -^ and altho' they cannot deny this
Hypotbefis to be very confiilent and well put together, yet they
will by no means allow it to be a true and fatisfaclory account of the
^ Nature and Formation of the World. But it is not my bufinefs
to lay together the Objeilions of others againft the C^r?f//^<3« /i/^o-
thefis-, but to ("hew the tendency of it to Atheifm in thefe two
Points.
I. In letting up a Notion of Matter-, or Corporeal Siibftance inde-
pendent upon the Power of God.
2 In undertaking to give an Account of the Thanomena of the
Univerfe from the Mechanical La'ws of motion ijvithout a particular
Providence.
As to the former-, His firfl: Principle is, That Matter is one and
the fame thro" the Univerfe -, and is every where kno^jvn by its ejfen-
Trmcip. tial property, tzhich is Extenjion : and therein he places the Ef-
I'art. X. jpy^^^ Qj- ^ 'Corporeal Siibftance i (as will prefently appear.) If then
"■ ^'' the very Eflence of Matter be independent upon God's Power, {o
that he can neither create nor annihilate it, what becomes of the
Creation of the World according to this Hypothejis ?
Du H.miei Soiiic objeft againft his Notion of Matter-, and fay, that he hath
deconfenfti couioundcd Mathematical ztid 'Thyftcal Bodics with one another.
7kiklo"ph.' For, fay they, the llrength of his' whole Hypothefis depends upon
ix.cg.n.^. the fuppofition that Matter is nothing but Extenfton, and therefore
i)/**^'!/ t^^^'^^ ^^'"' ^^ ^^ Vacuity i becaufe all Space is extended-, and therefore
Trmlifiis' Matter is Infinite., or as he calls it Indefinite-, but fo, as he poll-
Cait/..i8. tively faith, that the Idea of Space is thefame with that of Corporeal
^'ink^oph.' Siibjtance, and that we can conceive nothing in it but Extenfion.
Caitcr.c.8. Which they lay, is true, if we fpeak of Mathematical ^antityi
"■ '•'■ but not of Real and Thyfical. But, faith Ties Cartes^ Men may
Tart. II. pretend to diliinguifh Corporeal Subftance fro?n §>uantity ^ but they
"■ ^' utter that in words-, which they cannot comprehend in their Minds }
for either they mean nothing by Subftance-, or attribute a coiifus'd no-
tion of an Incorporeal Subftance to a Corporeal-, and leave the true
Idea of Corporeal Subftayice to F^xtenfton. But this is very far from
clearing this matter. For himfelf lays it as a fundamental Prin-
ciple, That it is capable of Tiivifion into Tarts-, and was aEtually
divided by God himfelf. Nov/ I defire to know what that was
which was fo divided? It mufl: be Something; and that not an
Incorporeal-, but a Corporeal Siibftance: not pure Extenfion, but a
Body that was extended; and of which the Subftantial parts of the
Univerfe arc compos'd. Nay, his whole Hypothefis depends upon
Vart. 3. the actual T^ivifion of Matter i?ito Tarts that are equal, or very
"■46- near iti without which his three Elements could not be madej
which arife from the Motion and mutual attrition of thole Par-
ticles-, and yet he affirms m the Conclulion of the 2'' Parr of his
Principles, That he owns no other Corporeal Matter, but fuch as Geo-
metricians call ^antity, and is the thing which their'Demonftrations
are converfant about. But is there no difference between Geome-
trical and Thyfical f^fuantity ? It's true that in Mathematical
Quantity there is nothing but Extenfion •, but doth it therefore
follow, that there is nothing more in a Real and Phyfical Body?
How can wc imagiii that God Hvould create mere Extenfion in
the
Part. II.
n. 64.
n. lo.
II.
Book I. Chap. II. OR I GINKS SA Cli Al. i i r
the World-, and that out of that all the Bodies in the Univerle i
are fram'd? Nay, upon 'Des Cartes his Trinciples it is impoilible
that Matter fliould either be created or annihilated- For according
to him, the Idea of Matter and Extenfion are the fame ; but he faith i
pofitively, that the Idea of Extenfion and Space are the fame ; there-
fore if Space can neither be created nor annihilated'i neither can
Matter. And it fcem'd ftrange to mc, that a Perfon fo fagacious,
fhould not lay thefe things better together 5 but his Mathematical
Notions ran lo much in his Mind, that his endeavor to accommo-
date them to the nature of things, was that which led him into
fuch inextricable difficulties. It is well obferv'd by Monf 'Z)« Htf.- r>e co»-
mel, that the great miilakesm Natural 'Philofophj have rifen from /f"/" "^"•
Mens applying their former Notions to it -, thus-, fin'th he, the com- ^Jiof'o'f,h.
mon 'Philofophers confounded Natural things isoith Metaphyfical fpe- lic.^.n.%.
dilations : on the other fide-, Des Cartes being a great Mathemati- \
cian-, endeaiofd to reduce Nature to Geometry-, and fo confidcrd no- '
thing in Body but Extenfion. Extenfion, laith he, which conftitutes p^^, ^ I
Space-, is the fame ivhich conftitutes Bodies -, but we confider it more n.
particularly in Bodies , and more generally in Space-, which is not
changed-, as the other is. But is there then nothing to make a Body-, but
mere Extenfion? I mean not a Mathematical, but a real 'l hyfical
Body. No, faith he, in the Idea of a Body^ we may caft off other n.
.^alities, as Hardnefs, Color, Gravity, Heat and Cold, and yet a
Body remains ; to which then nothing belongs but Extenfion, which
is common to Body and Space. This is not fo deep reafoning, as
might have been expeded from fo great a Mafter of it. Foraltho*
the particular Qualities may be caft off, yet the Capacity of them
can no more than Extenfion} as is plain in Figure ^nd Size, as well
as Hardnefs, 8cc. any one particular Figure and Size may be ab-
ftra£fed from Body, but it is impoilible to conceive a Body, but it
muft be capable of one or other. Befides, all this proves no more
but that Extenfion is the Infeparable 'Property of Body. And what
then.^ Muft the whole Eflence of a Body confift in one infe-
parable Property ^ But this is all the Idea we have of Body. Then
I fay, our Ideas of things are fliort and imperfeft, and there is no
forming Worlds upon fuch Ideas. And this was the fundamental
miftake of T)es Cartes. He lays this down as his ground of cer-
tainty ; or that we cannot take falfhood for truth, if we only give vrindp.
affent to fuch things as we clearly and diftin£ily perceive. Then he ^'^' "••*^'
goes on, that the things which fall under our perception, are either
things and their 'Properties, or eternal Truths. Of things, the moft n. 48.
general are Subftance, 'Duration, Order, Number and fuch like, which
extend to all kinds of things. And he faith, they may all be com-
prehended under thofe two : Of IntelleBual or Thinking Subftance s j
or of Material, i. e. of Bodily -and Extended Subftances. Thus far
all is clear and diflinft. Then, as to the Notion of Subftance, he
faith, By that we can imderftand nothing but a thing which fo exifts, a. ft.
as to need nothing elfe to fupport it. There is but one Subftance iii the
World which needs no fupport, and that is God. All created Subftances u. jn
need his fupport, and the Notion ofthemis, that they are things which
only ftand in need of GodV concourfe to fupport them. Hitherto
we find nothing to ftick at. But how come we to have an Idea of
created Subftances ? Not from the bare Emftence-tfor that doth not
affe£i
Hi ORIGINES sacra:. booK I. Chap.II.
^ffi'^ US : but it mnfi be from fame '•Tropertiesy Attributes or fina-
lities -, becaufe Nothing can be attributed to Nothing. From "ji^'hence
"jje conclude from any Real Attribute^ that there mnfi be a thing or
Snbfiance to isuhich it belongs. All this appears very well ftill > only
we muft take notice, that all Properties do afTurc us of a Real Sii(>-
iiance under them : Which is very true, relating to Tbyfical Bo-
dies. But it is pofTible he may from hence aim at proving. That
there mtift be a (Corporeal Siibjlance in Imaginary Space., becaufe there
is an Extenfion there-, and nothing cannot be attributed to nothing -,
therefore there mufi be a Real Body there. But I think it may be
truly anfwer'd, That the Extenfion is no more real than the Space
is, and implies no more but a Capacity of having Bodies which
it had not;, that is, that God might create Bodies beyond this
World-, and if he did fo, then there would be a real Extenfion-,
but as we conceive it, the Imaginary Space is no more but a Pof-
fibility for Bodies exifting out of the compafs of this Univerfe.
And therefore 1 deny this to be any real Extenfion-, and that it can
be no Real Subjlance, becaufe 'Des Cartes himfelf, but jufi: before,
owned that a created Subjiance was that which food in need of God
to fupport it. Now is it pofilble to imagin that <5/'^f^ needs <^©/"'i;/wf>
Concourfe ? Therefore he muft diftinguifti it from Subjlance : or elfe he
muft affirm it to be an uncreated Subftance ; which overthrows his di-
ftindion here between Created andUncreated Subjlances. As to his
Maxim, that nothing can have no properties-, it certainly relates to Sub-
fiance-, and not to a mere Space -, which by the common fenfe of Man-
kind muft be diftinguifti'd from Bodily Subjlance j and there can be no
greater prejudice to Philofophy, than to go againft that. Now let us
proceed. From every Attributed Subftance is known -, but there is one
chief 'Property which conjlitutes the EJfence and Nature-, to which the
refl are referfd. .y^, faith he, Extenfion makes the Nature of a Corporeal
Subftance-, and Cogitation of a Thinking Subjlance. For every thing
which we attribute to Body-, fuppofes Extenfion-, which is only the Mode
of the thing extended; as all things attributed to our Minds-, aredif-
N. fi. ferent Modes of thinking. And thus we come to two clear and dijtinB
Notions or Ideas -, one of a Thinking Subfiance-, and the other of a Cor-
poreal; if we dijtinguijh between the Attributes of Thinking and
Extenfion. After this he (aith, That Cogitation and Extenfion
may be confide/ d-, as conftituting the Natures of a Thinking and Cor-
poreal Subjlance -, and fo their clear Ideas are^ a Subfiance which
thinks, and a Subfiance which is extended: but then thefe 'Proper-
ties-, he faith, may be confiderd likewife only as Modes belonging to
N. 64. thofe Subfiances ; and fo they make a dijlin^ Idea of themfelves-,
not without the Subfiances-, but as Modes belonging to them.
Thus I have carefully laid down his own Notions about thele
matters. And now arifes the main difficulty; viz,, how uponthefc
grounds the Idea of Space-, and of Corporeal Subjlance fiwuld be the
fm. X. fame? All that I can find is, that Extenfion is really Corporeal Na-
^- 9- ttire-, altho" it be caWd an Accident. But did not himfelf diftin-
guifii it as a Mode of Matter-, and as a Subfiance extended? And
was not this look'd on as pitch a Property of Matter-, as Thinking
is of a Mind? But can any Man fay, that Thinking by it felf is
an Intellectual Subjlance -, how then can Extenfion by it felf be a
Corporeal Subjlance? And yet, if it be not, as 1 can lee no reafon
from
N. fj.
W. 6%.
Book I. chap. 11. ORIGINKS SACRJE. itj
From his own i>;rounds why it Hiould bcj tlicn his Suppofirion of
the Infimtenejs of Matter ^ of the 'Plennrty of the LForld, and the
cii-cukr 'motion of his Tarticles of Matter, on which liis whole
thpothefis depends, comes to nothing. And what a ftrangc foun-
d.i.tion is 'i^cj- C/?r/^j- his World built upon? 1 could hardly be-
Iwvc that {o thinking a Man fliould not difccrn the Weakncfs of
his own Grounds. But inftcadof that, it is plain that he laid great
weight upon it: For when a learnctj Man of our own, and ^then
a great admirer of him, objeded to him, that he extended the no- ^f'^- ^«
tion of Corporeal matter too far -, but he thought it of no great con- ^e^s^"'
fequrace td the main of his 'Principles i T>es Cartes takes him up Ep. ss.
fniartty for it, for he laith, he loolid on it-, as one of the chief and
moil certain 'Principles of his Philofupby. And in the Fra(rment
of his lall Anfwer, which he liv'd not-toiinini, he perfided in his
Opinion, That the empty Space izas- a real Body-, becanfe nothino- ^P- 9i-
can have no properties. But there is a difference between RealPro-
perties ^nd Imagiiiary -, if there be any Bodies in that Space, there
will be Extenjioih 'Diftance-, Szc but it is a very unconceivable
thmg that one of his judgment fliould ih much contend to the
laft, That there teas a dtjjerence of parts in fiich a fpace-, '■jvhere
there ^vas nothing but f pace. i.e. That there mufl: be fomething,
where there is )iothing. And therefore Bernier obfcrves, That Bemicr^-
thofe 'uho confound Space and Body-, run themf elves into jirange ab- ^"^^ ''^
furdities by a Corporeal Subjlance to fill all poffible (pace-, or rather Vo^uf.\j.
to be [pace tt felf; and that God cannot annihilate the leaf part of
it. And he concludes it to be neither Sub fiance nor Occident-, but
a mere Capacity. And it was not an improbable Conjedure of that ^
Learned Perfon who wrote to T)es Cartes vtpon this Argument,
that this Doftrine of his, as he explain'd it, laid the foundation h. Mori
of Spinoi5a's opinion of the In finrteextefn and power of matter ;^f"'J^'^
but I cannot think that ^Des Cartes himfelf intended it fo, how- 't- U^'.
ever the other underltood it. And it is grea-t^ pity one (!)f- fo'
clear a Capacity in other things, lliould fofli fly adhere to fo un-
reafonable an Opinion. And yet- v/e find his Difciples go ori
to deiend him in rhisMatter. For when Monf Muet had objeded.
. . _ ., .,.^.. Re-
longed to !riuantity ; whereof the one -ps confidered in it felf and the fn/e » '«
other with: rejpcti to Magnitude. But let it be- confider'd how he fh"v'''Xt
pleafes, it i& itill but a Mode belonging to a SuWlance, and not /. ).. ij-j-. '
the Subftance It felf However, he refers us to his Book o^Phj-
fics for the clearing of this Matter. And there we find indeed,
that he diilinguiflies three forts of Bodies, Phyfical-, Mechanical, ^ ^hh-
and Mathematical. A Phyfical body is one composed of many in- ^TL^."'
fenfible parts in its due order a?id figure, from whence refult the
Phyfical properties. A Mechanical Body is one compos'' d of grofs
and fenfible parts , which by their figure and fituation are proper
for particular motions. A Mathematical Body is a Body confider'd
with its proper extenfion under a regular figure-, as a Cube or a Cy-
linder. But this doth not fliew that T>es Cartes did not confound
a Mathematical and Phyfical Body: For it is an eafy thing to find
out difcindions to avoid a diihculty, but then they ought to be
P agreeable
114 ORIGINES SACR^. Book I. Chap. II.
agreeable to the general fenie of thole Terms. But here a Ala-
thematical Body is confin'd to Regular Figures -, whereas the gene-
ral notion of it is fuch a Body as 'Des Cartes himfelf means, when
he calls it. Geometrical (^anttty^ fuch as is the object of Mathema-
tical '■Demonjlrations : i. e. of any kind of Figures abftraft from
Phyllcal Bodies-, .xnd this-, he faith, is that matter be treated of .
And to fuch a Body Extenfion alone belongs, and to none elfe,
cither Tbyfcal or Alechanical.
Here then lies the difficulty as to Ties Cartes his Principles: he
confiders Matter Geometric atly-, i. e. Abftraciedly-^ with refpecV to
bare Extenfion-, and yet fuppofes the effects of 'Phyfcal Bodies i
fuch as T>ivifion of parts of matter one from another-, and a motion
of thofe parts in ora:r to the compofition of things. But Mathe-
matical Extenfion is capable of no Divifion but in the Mind •, for
no Man imagmsthe Earth really divided by the TaraUels andiV/ he faith,
it is impoffible to conceive fuch a Cavity vsithout Extenfion-, nor fuch
an Extenfion is^ithoiit Matter ; and if the middle fubftance were an-
nihilatedt the fides muft come together-, becaufe there vuould be no-
thing befsjeen. By which we fee, that this of the Indentity of
Extenfion and Corporeal Subftance had funk fo deep into his Mind>
that he makes Annihilation of the Subftance of Matter impoflible
to Divine Power: for there can be no fuch Vacuity, but there muft
remain Extenfion-^ and confequently a Corporeal Subfiance. This
hath been objeded to the followers of "^Des Cartes, and lately by
Repdnfe T>u Hamel-, in his Cenfure of Regis his Cartfim Bhilofophy -, and
2"m^'Du ^^ ^^ worth the while to fee what anfwcr he makes to it. He faith,
Hamel, That his objetlion about the Aniiihilation of the Air betvueen the
Fart. X. Heaven and Earth-, can be of no force to prove a Vacuum ; becaufe
if there be no fpace, they muft touch one another -, and if they do nott
there muft be fpace-, and con fcquenth aCorporeal Subfiance. But faith
1)11 Hamel-, may not God by the fame power by which he pre-
fervcs the Bodies between Heaven and Earth, deilroy them, and
then there muft be a Vacuum ^ He anfwers plainly, 'That an An-
nihilation of the fubftance of matter is impofiible-, even to the poiu'er
of Godi becaufe his IVill is immutable. He grants that God 7nay
deftroy the Air-, and all other Bodies as to their Form-, or prcfent
Modification -, but he cannot deftroy their Matter, i. e. their Exten-
fion , 'xhich is a true fubftance , and fub fiances are indefectible.
Where wc plainly fee that the Cartefians aflcrt the neccdary Exi-
ftence of Matter, and that it is not in the power of God to deftroy
it; and whatever they may talk of the VVill of God, they deny
any power to cxercill' it with rcfpedt to Matter.
But "Du Hamel proceeds. How can thofe Bodies touch one
another, when CioD can create anotiier Body bcLween.' No, laith
Regis, That ft ill fuppofes a fpace between; and if there be a fpace,
there
Book I. Chap. II. ORIGINES SACR/E. 115
there mtijt be a body , and Jo a I'acuum is a repugnancy m it Jelf.
But this Space, faith T^u llamel, is nothing but imaginary, a fi-
diion ot the Mind, and there is no arguing from thence to the Na-
ture of things. Regis replies, that their Ideas depend on the obje-
fhze realities of things -, and that the Idea of /pace or extenjion is
one of their primitive Ideas -, and that it reprefents fnbfiance-, and
all Jubjtance is incorruptible. Still wc fee the ncccflary exigence of
Matter is look'd on by them as a fundamental Principle, and de-
pending on primitive Ideas.
]s/\oni'. Bernier puts thccafc of Air being annihilated between two -^ii-^g'Toi
walls; and he defires to know of the Carte^ans, whether thefc two '^" '''
walls will come together or not? They lay. They mnjl-, if there
be 7iothing bet'-jDcen. True, faith he, there is nothing Corporeal,
or that touches our Senfes, no Subftance or Accidents; but there
is a true diltance remaining. Suppofc a Chamber 20 foot long,
If foot bread, and 10 foot high-, and thefe dimenfions to be mea-
iured, and one wall 20 toot diftant from the other: it cannot be
faid that it is the Air that makes the diftance between them-, how
then comes this diftance to be quite loft, if the Air be deftroy'd.^
They have no anfwer, he faith, but to fay, \t is an impoftible Sup-
pofition; and they will rather deny Cod's Omnipotency in anni-
hilating the Air, than let go their Opinion. Monf Regis in his Kcg.phyf.
'Phyficsi takes notice of Berniers Doubts, and in anfwer to them ^ff'- ^^
he relblv^s it at laft into this. That it is impoffible there fhould be ' ^'"' ''
an Annihilation-, fo as to make a Vacuum -, becaufe Siibftances can-
not ceafe: not from the Nature of things ^ but from the immutable
Will of God. And after all poffible Objeftions, here they ftick,
and feem refolv'd to maintain, that Extenjion and Matter are the
fame.
Even Monf Rohault himfelf, altho'in fome things he faw it nc- Rohauk.
ceflary to leave T>es Cartes, yet in this he perfifts. That the Ef- J^\ ^/^^
fence of Matter confijls in Extenjion-, and that Space and Matter are n. 9.
the fame i and therefore a Vacuum is impojjible. And to the Obje- c.g.i.iyj*
d"ion about the walls of a Chamber ftanding, when the Air is anni-
hilated, he avoids anfwering as to God's Omnipotency -, but, he faith,
according to our Underjlanding the li'alls muji come together. And
to that about the wall's diftance not depending on the Air, he an-
fwers. That the being of the ivalls do's not depend upon the Air --juith-
in-» hut the Jlate or difpofition of them doth upon the Extenfion be-
tween them. Which he fuppofes impolllble to be taken away, and
that the Subftance of Matter hath a necelfary Exiftence.
The fubftance of this Argument comes to this. T)es Cartes
makes all the matter of the World to be one and the fame : but he
aflerts the EJfence of Matter to be extenfion ; and that Extenfion
can neither be created nor annihilated: and therefore it is impof-
fible upon his Principles, to ma..e out the dependence of Matter
upon an infinite Creator. If it be faid, that T^es Cartes exprefly
faith. That it feemed manife(t to him that there is no other General Prm.p.n.
Caufe '■ui'hich created matter with motion and reji but God i And that "" ^ '
in the Fragment of his laft Anfwer to Dr.//. M. he faith, That if ^pfi-T«.h
matter were left to it felf it would not move-, but that it was fir ft ^'''^^'
moved by God: I anfwer, That according to his !Pr/»f;)>/fi' the Sub-
ftance of Matter muft be before, becaufe there muft be Space-, and
P 3 S^ace
ii6 ORIGINES SACRJE. Book I. Chap. II.
Space and Matter arc the fame. And I can fee no pollible way of
clearini^ him, but by laying, that he held two forts of Matter j
onQ ^zxt is Thyjical matter, which God gave motion to at firft
when he created it, and out of which the World was fram'dj and
the other Mathematical, which confifts in mere Extenfion : but
how to reconcile thefe two to his aflerting One and the fame mat-
ter in the IForld, is a thing above my Undcrfianding.
n. The next thing to be confider'd, is T>es Cartes his undertaking
to <^ive an Account of the Thanomena of the Unlverfe from the
Mechanical La-^s of motion, without a particular Providence. We
are told by fome, who have been very converfant with the Athei-
ftical Perfons of our Age, That they defpife the Epicurean Hypo-
Fr. Cuperi thcfis of the IVorld's being made by a fortuitous concourfe of Atoms,
Arcan. ^. ^ ridiciilom thing; and think Mofes his Account more probable
t'ifl!^'^. than that: (which is a great favor indeed.) So that it is to little
purpofe now to fpend time in fhewing ho^^ precarious zv\A unfatif-
fa^ory the Trinciples of Epicurus were, who fuppos'd motion in
matter, without the leaft ground for it; but ^es Cartes wzszMzn
of too great fenfe and judgment to commit fuch blunders as Epi-
curus was guilty of (whom one of his fliarpell Adverfaries allows
Huct.Cf«/. to have hccn of a great and fe arching Wit, ijvell skilled in Geometry i
c'fn"^' t° '-^hich he endea'vor'd to reduce Natural Thilofophy ; {altho' he
'""*' failed in his Attempt^ That he had a faculty of exprefjtng his
mind clearly in fe-ju '■Jiords above any either ap.cient or modern
Writer?) Therefore it will be necelTary toconfider what'D^jC^zr^^x
yields, that we may not miftake or mif-reprefent his defign.
1. He grants, that God did at firft create Matter, which was
capable of reft or motion.
2. That Matter left to it felf would be without any motion j and
therefore the firft motion was from God.
3. That God by his ordinary Providence doth preferve as much
motion in the World, as was given at firft.
4. That we have no reafon to fuppofe any other alteration in
the ordinary courfe of things, according to the Laws of motion,
than what we are certain of by Experience or Revelation.
And now the main point is, Whether matter being thus put into
motion, can produce the '^Phanomena of the World, without any
farther interpofition of Providence, than only to preferve the mo-
tion of matter .'' For which we muft confider. That he doth not
give a fatisfaftory account, i. of the Nature and Laizs of motion i
nor 2. of the Thanomena of the Univerfe.
(I.) As to the former, I fliall inquire into his Notion oi Motion, and
then of the Ea-^s of it.
(i) He aflerts. That Motion, according to his Principles, \s
barely a mode of Matter, without any inward Principle of Motion.
Princ. For Motion, he faith, is the change of the fituation of Bodies,
I'un. II. .^yjj.j^ rcfpeft to one another ; or a retnovifig a Body from the -vici-
nity of fome Bodies to the neighborhood of others -, and he places it
in fuch a Tranflation on purpolc, that it may be undcrftood to
be only a Mode of the Matter moved, as Figure is of a thing fi-
gured. But it is not fo cafy to underftand that Motiua, which im-
ports an Adion, fliould be only a Mode of the Matter moved, as it
is that Figure belongs only to the thing figured. For it is not poflible
for
Book I. Chap. II. ORIGINES SACR /F.. i 1 7
for the Figure to be any where ellc, but in that Body which hach
it j but it is poiliblc to apprehend Motion to come either from aii
external Ai!;ent, or an internal i^rinciple j and fo it is not a mere
mode of the thing moved. But when the whole weight is laid
upon the Nature of Motion in this cafe, fome greater evidence
ought to have been given how motion being once given to Mat-
ter, as a Mode of it, muft always continue, when the refiftence
of Bodies doth certainly weaken it fo as to need a new force to
repair it. For either all motion of matter muft be by a violent
impulfc, without regard to the diifercnt force or magnitude of
things j (which is to overthrow the due Laws of Motion) or elfe
there muft be a proportion in the force of the mover to the refi-
ll ence of the Body moved : and if there be a regard to that pro-
portion (or elfe the fmalleft Body might move the greateftj then
there mull be a refiftence in that Body which is moved: But every
refiftence gives a check to the motion of that Body which moved
it, and every check leflens the impulfe ; and fo from a gradual re-
fiftence there muft come a gradual decay, till at laft all motion muft
ceafe-, as it is in all Machines, whole motion depends upon ex-
ternal force. 'Des Cartes indeed faith, That 'wliuitever motion is loji
by one Body is communicated to the next-, and fo the firjt motion is
Jtill preferved. But it is hardly pofllble to make it appear, that
Motion is not fo much weakned by refiftence, but that it can preferve
it felf in a degree of motion proportionable to that which is not
communicated to another. For the frequency of impulfe leflens the
power of refledion J and it appears in Light, and Sounds, and other
things, that whatever is refle£tcd grows weaker. So that refiftence
muft gradually weaken motion. And in the motion of projeSfed
Bodies i T^es Cartes himfelf grants. That the motion continues ^'"'^- ^^'
till it be hindered by the refiftence it meets with -, and he faith, "' ^^'
It is manifeft that the motion is retarded by the Air-, and other am-
bient fluids-, and fo it cannot continue long. But is that an Argu-
ment that Bodies do continue motion-, till they be hindered-, and iloat
motion is only a mode of the Body tnov'd? Whatever Alode it is, it
comes from the force of the immediate Agent, and not from the
motion at firft given to Matter •, and here we fee the refiftence it
meets with, foon gives a flop to it. Therefore it feems uncon-
ceivable that all the motion in the World, confidering the conti-
nual refiftance of Bodies, fliould be the fame mode of Matter, ^ ^^^^.
which was at firft given to it. And as to his definition o^ Alotion-, Enchmd.
fbme have undertaken to demonftrate it to be falfe, by fiiewing ^'"^phr,
how one Body may come nearer to another, without changing the
fituationof thepartsnextadjoyningtoitj and that there is no fuch
reciprocal motion as he afterts, altho' there be a reciprocal change
of fituation , which is unavoidable. But Monf Rohault faith, Rohiuit.
That motion is to be taken with refpe£i to the next, and not to any c!\ln:
remote Bodies. However Monf Regis thought fit to quit that de-
finition of T>es Cartes for another , which ©« Hamel faith is '^^^'^ ^^"
not at all better ^ but he thought it neceflliry to take in the Effi- RefiJim!
cient Caufe of motion-, which makes it not to be a mere mode of ^""'J'«'
the matter moved. And but for the Authority o'i Mathematicians Hamei,
and ThilofopherSi it would be thought ridiculous for a thing not '•/-'• 7-
to be faid to be moved, becaufe it doth not change the fituation as
P 3 to
I i8
ORIGINES SACRAL. Book I. Chap, II.
to the next Bodies about it -, as that the Kernel of a xVut is not
moved, becaule it is thrown with the Shell upon it> or that the
Wine is not moved in a Ship at Sea, becaufe it keeps within the
VeHei. So, if the Earth be carry'd about with the force of the
Vortex wherein it is, 'tis as certainly moved as a Pendulum is with
the motion of the Ship, altho' it hath a proper motion of its own.
bes Cartes But T>es Cartcs undertakes to give an account of the Propor-
Trin. Part, ^j^^^ ^p j.j,g inctcafe and leflening of motion, upon the meeting of
tic" '^^' two hard Bodies, and he lays do^n fe'ven Rules to determin if,
but it falls out very unhappily, that fix of them are deny'd to be
true-, and that the fir ft doth not anfi'-jner the end it ijvas brought for.
This was a bold charge on fo great a Mathematician -, but all that
r.';ot/p, Regis faith in anfwer to it is. That he did not undertake to defend
&c.Pm.i. ^^ y)qs Cartes his Rules of motion^ becaufe they did not appear to
him exa[i enough. But if the Particular Rules of motion be no
better fix'd nor undcrftood, how come they to be fo certain, that
the fame quantity of motion is ftill preferv'd in the World ? For
■prm.vm. that T>es Cartes hath recourfe to the immutable Will of Go Hy
n n. ;6. rj^'hich hdth determined it. No doubt if G o d hath determin'd it,
fo it mull be. But from whence comes T>es Cartes to know this to
be the immutable JVill of God.'' What antecedent Reafon is there
to fatisfy any Man's Mind, that God ^7 his immutable /^/7/mufi:
keep up the lame proportion of motion in the World .^ Why may
not God alter or fufpend the Laws of motion, as to the parts of
matter, in what way or manner he thinks good > What repug-
nancy is there to the Divine Nature in fo doing? So that thefe
Arguments a priori-, (as they call them) have no kind of Evidence
as to fuch matters, which may be or not be, as G o d pleafes. Be-
fides, what necefHty was there that Motion muft be only a Mode
of Matter? And that Mode to be preferv'd by fuch Laws of AIo-
tion, which are fo very uncertain? A very Skilful and Ingenious
Mr Bovic Philofopher of our own faith, That this Rule-, iz'hich ke faith
of the high is the moft ufeful of all Des Cartes'j, is very metaphyficah and not
Veneration cygyy cogent to him. And he doth not fee how it can be demonflrated i
imeU^aL and he queftions whether it be agreeable to Experience. And he was
wartisGoJ, ^ i^crfou vcfy favotable to 'Des Cartes, as far as he could ; as ap-
f-*^'-*^- pears on all occafions in his Writings; but here we lee he gives
up his Fundamental Rule. Du Hamel Czith, The Argument from
Gov) s Immutability is 710 force-, becaufe it holds not as to Extrinfecal
Ke^onfe ACltons. Rcgis-, to defciid this, runs into that Abfurdity to make
aitx Rtflc God a necclTary Agent, becaufe God's Will and his Eflence are
i!7.'ii'' the fame -,1 which overthrows all Religion in the Confequence of it.
But Des Cartes himfelf excepts fuch mutations as are made in
iLn.lZ' Matter, by evident Experience-, or Divine Revelation. What is
the meaning of this? Can that be an Immutable Will of Go n-,
which is contradided by Evident Experience-, and Divine Revela-
tion? Or were thefe words only put in to avoid Cenfiirc? As
the World was laid to be Indefinite-, Icll he fliould be ch.irg'd with
making the W^orld Infinite -, and the Definition of Motion was al-
tered, to avoid G^//7i£(?'s fate: But there is no dilfenibling in this
matter •, if it be contradidlcd by Evident Experience-, it can be no
fix'd and bmnntable Rule -, if it can be altcr'd in cafe of Miracles,
the Argument from God's Immutability fignifics nothing. For,
jf
/
Book I. chap. II. ORIGINES SACR/E, n^
if It be no repugnancy to the Divine Nature to alter, or fufpend
the Laws or Motion, as he ices caulbj then we can have no afTu-
rance as to God's Will any farther than himfelf hath declar'd it-,
and confequcntly they niult prove that God hath manifefted this
to be his Will. But faith kohault. It is unbecoming Thilofophers Roiuuit.
on all occafions to run to Miracles and '^Divine Tower. W'ho puts f*'''^-^-'=-^°-
them upon it? We may certainly allow an ordinary courfc of
Providence, as to Caufes and Effcdfs, without aflerting thefc No-
tions of 1)es Cartes ; but this is a pleafant way of taking it for
granted, that none but his Principles are fit for Philojophers.
Come we now to examin his catholic La'-jL's of Motion: and of (ii.;
all things, thofe ought to be very clear and certain, bccaufe fb
much depends upon them j and yet I am afraid we fliall hardly
find one of them to be fo.
The firft of them is, That every thing remains in the fame Jiate ii-
it was iny unlefs it be changed by External Caufes. From whence
he concludes, That -jchich is moved always continues to be moved i
and that nothing tends to reft-, which is contrary to the Laws of
Nature^ becanfc Reft is contrary to Motion : andfnothing tends to its ^^tncif.
contrary-, for that would be to tend to its own deflru^ion. The main „.""'
thing intended by this, is to aflcrt the continuance of Motion in
the parts of the Univerfe, upon their being once put into it; (b
that Reft is a ftate of violence to a Body once moved , becaufe
Reft and Motion are contrary to each other. But this is a very
weak Foundation to build fo much upon : For, we are not to con-
fider Reft and Motion Abftradly, but Phyfically, together with
the Bodies in which they are : And I think it will be very hard
to perfuade any Body endued with Senfe and Motion, that after
wearifome Motion, he doth aim at his own deftru6bion by feeking
for Reft. This is a fort of Reafoning would not be expeiared from
Thilofophers -^ that becaufc Motion and reft are contrary Motions,
therefore no Body in Motion can tend to Reft. But every thing
continues in the jiate it was in till it be put out of it ; therefore .
every thing in motion muft conti-nne to move. This is not clearly
exprefs'd. For if it be meant, that every thing from it felf con-
tinues in its original ftate, then it is not true. For Matter , he
confefles, would reft, if God did not give motion to it; and fo
it muft continue to reft, and there could be no Motion at all : If
it be meant, that every thing continues in the ftate God put it
into, unlefs he appointed feveral Caufes to alter it, then it is true;
but it doth not icrve his purpofe. For if God hath appointed
both Motion and Reft for fome Bodies, it can never be faid that
fuch tend to their own deftrudion, when they tend to that Reft
which God and Nature appointed for them. If God hath ap-
pointed them for continual Motion, as the great Bodies of the
Univerfe, then they muft continue in it, not by virtue of any in-
herent Law of Motion, but by the immutable Will of God. T^es
Cartes faw it neceftary for God to put Matter into motion,
but he would have the framing of the Laws of this motion him-
felf; whereas he had afted more refpedtfuUy towards his Maker,
and more like a Philofopher, /'. e. more confonantly to his own
Principles, to have left God that made the World and gave mo-
tion to Matter, to have fetled thofe Laws of Motion, which were
agree-
izo ORIGINES SACRAL. Book I. Chap. II.
agreeable to his Infinite WilHoni. For tliefe Notions are unbe-
coming Thilofophers-, to make Motion a mere Mode of Matter-,
and this Mode to be ilipported by '-Divine Concourfe ; but fo, that
Motion and Reft being contraries, wliatevcr is m Motion mull con-
tinue in itj becaufe Motion and Reft being contraries, nothing can
tend to its own deftruftion.
Vart.\.. Befides, I know not how to reconcile this with another Law of
"• ?9' Jslature, as he calls ix.-) That all Bodies in a circular motion endeavor
n"l\^' "-^hat m them lies to recede from the center of their motion. Is not
a Body put into a Circular Motion in a (late belonging to it? How
comes It then not to continue in that flatc, but to endeavor all it
can to get out of it? And yet all the Tha?iomcna of Light
depends upon this Law : That the round particles of the fecoud
Element endeaior to recede from their centres; not from any cogita-
^' ^ ' tion-, (no doubt of it) but becavfe they are fo placed and incited to
that Motion. Is that poffibie, and yet all Bodies cotiti/iue in the
ft^te they are in, when they endeavor what they can to get out of
it ?• Are not thele more contrary than Motion and Reft .^ I do
riot meddle ^ixki External Hindrances^ but the Natural Endeavors
- rpf Bodies. But it may be faid, That Des Cartes intends his Rule
"''' '" cnly of "Brimary and Simple Motions-, and not of Circular^ nhich
are violent and unnatural. So indeed his words fcem to run at hrfl:,
that- this Rule relates loftrnple and undivided Bodies i but then I
iay, it is of no ufc, as to the prefent ^Bhancmenai and he freaks
.6t the^ Lavas of fuch Motion as we may obferve in Bodies : which
.words fignify nothing, unlefs his Law reaches to the Bodies now
?io being; and I fee no reafon for him to fuppofe Circular Motion
to • be any more repugnant to the Nature of Matter, than any other.
Refonfe, Rcgis to avoid thisj faith. That Circular Motion is not Utmatural^
f^'ll''f^''k^t Accidental i and the ft ate of the Body is to be taken from what
it vaould be, if External Caufes vjere remo'ved; i. e. in a right Line.
But he doth not attend to the Confcquences of this-, for then the
Circular Motion of the Heavens mult be Accidental, and not un-
der the care of Providence, or the immutable Will of God. For
.G o dV Will, he faith, is that every Body be preferved in its own
ft ate; now, laith he, the ft ate of a Body in ^notion is in a right
line, and the endea'vor of Nature is to keep to that. Then lay I,
whatever Motion is againll the flate wherein Nature dehgns it,
mull be not only Accidental but Violent, becaule it is againfl the
courfe of Nature. And if it be viol-cnt, it cannot be fuppos'd to
rbe under r God's immutable Wilh but if it be not Violent, then
a Body in circular motion mull endeavor to preferve it lelf in that
flatc, and not to recede from it, as "Des Cartes llippofcs.
Monf "Du Hamel objecls againll this Law- that Permanent Be-
ings do indeed endeavor to preferve themielves in thpiftate they
are in; but it doth not hold in Beings that arc fucccllive-, becaule
, the former are in their full llatc at liril, but \t is othcrwilc in fuc-
auxB^px. ceflive. But faith Regis, This doth not hinder them from not doing
p»n. 2. any thing to their deftruSlion. So that it is a plain cale, no Body in
'^•9" Motion can tend to Re (I, becaufe Motion and Rejlarc contrary -, and
,this is a Fundamental Law of Nature, for this woghty Reafon.
. The fccond Law is, That all Motion, according to N,ature, is in a
right line, and that oblique and circular motion arifes from the' mo-
tion
Book I. Chan. II. ORIGINES SACRyE.
Ill
tion and interpojition of other Bodies -, and "-jj hat ever Body is moved
circularly ■> hath a perpetual tendency to recede from the center of the
circle it defer ibes.
Now if this Rule had that evidence which is ncceflary to make
it a fundamental Law of Motion, it muft be proved either from
the Nature of Matter and Motion, or from the immutable Will of
God : The latter is not pretended to be proved, but only from the
immutability andfimplicity of the operation vi'hereby God doth pre-
ferve motion in matter-, which only regards that very moment^
ivithont regard to ii'hat was before. But how from hence it follows '
that Motion-, which extends to more moments, fliould be deter-
mined one way rather than another, I cannot apprehend. For if
the Motion be in a right line, it mufl be in more moments than
one, as well as in a circle-, and if it prove any thing, it is that
God preferves motion only in a point: but T)es Cartes owns That
it cannot be conceived in an inflant-, altho" in aright line. How then
comes Motion in a Right Line to come from God's Immiit ability ^
and not in a Circle ? Becaiife it is determined in every inflant to-
wards a right line. This ought to have been made more evidentj
than from the inftance of the Sling: For the falling down of the
Stone to the Earth, is certainly from another caufe; viz. from the
Principle of Gravitation-, and not from the Inclination of matter
to move in a right line. Neither can it be faid to come from the
Nature of Matter , or Motion: For a Circular Motion, hath as
much the Nature and Definition of Motion, according to 'Des
CarteSi as the other : and Matter is of it felf indifferent, which
way it moves; and fome have thought Circular Motion more
perfeft, becaufe they obferv'd the motion of the Heavens to be fo.
But if it arifes from the impediments of other Bodies, they muft
fhew, that Matter was firft put into motion in a ftreight line; and
if God put all the parts of Matter at firft into motion in a right
line, how came the impediments to make it circular.^ For God
prefcrves motion as he gave it •■, he firft gave it in right lines-, and his
Will is immutable-, therefore it muft always fo continue ; and lb
Circular Motion will be impoflible.
But let us fuppofc Circular Motion-, how comes it to be fb evi-
dent as to be made a Law of Nature, That a Body in that motion
always endeavors to recede from the center ? How is this confi-
ft:ent,with the Principle of Gravitation and Attra^ion-, which de-
pends upon Mathematical Demonftrations ? Can it be in the Na-
ture of Bodies to tend to the center, and to recede from it at the
fame time .^ And it is a very improbable thing, that Gravity ftiould
be nothing clfe, but fome Particles being not fo quick in their mo-
tion from the center as others are, thefe being left in the lurch,
and prefs'd by the motion of the other, do fink under them; and
fo come nearer to the center, which is all that 'Des Cartes means
by Gravity. But of this afterwards.
The Uft Fundamental Law of Motion is, That when a Body j^^ .g.
meets another, if it hath not a greater power to proceed in a right
line than the other hath to hinder it, then it turns afide-, but lofeth
not its motion^ if it hath a greater force than the other, then it
communicates its motion to the other, and lofeth it felf as much as
CL it
IZ2. ORIGINES SACR^. BooKl.Chap.il.
it gives. The reafon given of this is, Becaufe it is the immutable
J V til of Godt that the fame quantity of motion Jhal I be always pre-
fer'vcd: Of which I have ipoken already. And as to the whole
Mr. Boyle matter of thcfe Laws of Motion, Mr. Boyle faith, That they have
of Venera- y^^^ receiv'd by Learned Men-) rather upon the Authority of fo fa-
^'.''41.^'^ mous a Mathematician, than upon any con'vi^ive evidence ijahich
accompanies the Rules themfelves.
The next thing we are to do is, to fee whether from t\\ck Laws
of Motion, he gives a fatisfaftory Account of the making of the
Univerfe.
And here we muft confider the Elements out of which he fup-
pofeth it made, and the account of the things made out of them.
Princif. As to the Elements-) this, in fliort, is his account of them.
Tan. 3. y^^ T articles of matter into which it was firfl divided-, could not
^ ' at fir (I be round , becaufe then there rnuft be a vacuum between them }
but they mufi by fucceffion of time become round-, becaufe they had
various circular motions (altho' the Natural Motion be in a Right
Line-, and God's immutable IVtll be that every thing footdd be pre-
ferved i» its Natural fiate.^ But that force which put them into
N. 49. thefe Notions, was great enough to wear off their Angles, and fo
they become round. Which being joyn^d together muft leave fame in-
tervals, which were filled up by the filings off from the Angles i
which were very fmall and of a figure fit to fill up all interfticesy
and were carried about with a very quick motion. So that here we
have two Elements, one of the round 'Particles, and another of
the fubtile ^_yEthereal matter, which came by the attrition of the
N. j2. firfi T articles. But befides thefe, there are others more grofs and
unapt for motion by their figure -, and which make the third Element y
and out of thefe, all the Bodies of the vifible World are compos' d^
the Sun and fixed Stars out of the firfi -, the Heavens out of thefe-
condi and the Earth, with Comets and Planets out of the laft.
The main thing which makes this Hypothefis unlatisfadtory to
me is, that it is as precarious and groundlefs as the Epicurean, and
they differ only as to the beginning of Motion -, which the Epi-
cureans fuppofe to belong to Matter, and 'Des Cartes faith, it comes
from an infinite Agent diftinft from it; becaufe he fuppofes that
it would not move of it felf, unlefs it were put into motion.
Which being fet afidc, there is no more of the Wifdom or Pro-
vidence of God to be found in His making of the World than the
others, nor any more evidence as to the Production of his Ele-
ments. For he firfl: fuppofes, that there can be no Vacuum in Na-
ture, which he proves only from his Mathematical Notion of Body
confifting only in Extenfion; and from hence he undertakes to give
an Account, not of God's creating the matter of the World at
once, nor of his Produdion of things within fix days -, but how
in procefs of time Particles of matter being divided would
come to make up his feveral Elements. And for this, he makes
ufe of feveral Suppofitions v/ithout any ground of reafon why it
murt be fo and no otherwife, which was the thing which he un-
dertook to Merfennns to do. For what reafon doth he give that
matter muft be divided at firft, in order to the prodw^llion of the
Elements.^ When there can be no T>ivifion, but tiiere muft be
Inter-
Book I. chap. II. OR WINES SACR/E. izj
intervals between the Parts-, and if all Matter be One and the famcy i
and the Space of the Intervals be neccfUirily iiU'd up with Ex-
tended Matter -, what divillon of Parts could there be? And how i
can that I- xtenfion be divided into folid Bodies? T)es Cartes ^xznts, \
That by Reafon 'xe cannot find out how big the parts of Matter were Pan. j, '
at fir/h how quick their motion-, 7ior what kind of Circles they de- "■ ^''■
fcribed. Then it is impolliblc to find out by Reaibn how the ;
world was made. For, if God-, as he confefles, might ufe innu-
merable ways of doing it-, and we cannot tell which he pitched upon i "
what a Vain thing is it in any Man to undertake to give an Ac- '
count how the World came to be form'd? And therefore Rohault Trail. i
with great judgment, pretends not to give an Account how Matter ^h^"- '' \
was form'd by God at the firft Creation; but only to fhew a '' " " \
poflibility how it might be fram'd, {o as to folve the Appearances ';
of the V/orld. But neither he nor '^Des Cartes can reconcile this i
iprimitive divillon of Matter into parts, with their original no-
tion of Matter, which is nothing but Extenfion. But if Matter j
be fo divided-, as T>es Cartes fuppofes, may we not reajbnably con- !
elude-, that there were three fitch Elements as he fpeaks of? The I
Queftion is not, Whether there be not a Diftinftion of the Par-
ticles of Matter anfwerable to thefe three Elements, viz. a more \
fubtle and Ethereal Subftance, as in Fire •, a Ids fubtlc and glo- j
bular, as in Air-, agrofler, as in Earth; which are moft made accord- |
ing to thefe Principles, out of fuch different Particles : but the i
point is. Whether thefe Elements can be produc'd ni fuch a man-
ner by the mere Motion of Matter? And 'Des Cartes will by no
means allow them to be made round, forfearof his /^W«?/»?, which ]
would fpoil all, but that by length oftifne they would become round}
nay they mtift become round; Eas non potnijfe fhccejjii temporis non ^- 4S' !
fieri rotundas-, are his words. Now here lies the difficulty, to fhew '
how thefe mull become round by his own Laws of Motion, i. e. i
by a motion in a right line; for he faith, It is done by 'various cir-
cular motions. But how comes the Original Matter of it felf to ;
deviate from the fundamental Law of Motion? That is, from j
whence came thefe Circular motions, without which the Elements \
could not be form'd ? And if the firil: Particles were fo folid, as \
isfuppos'd, how came the Angles to be worn off? For when two \
folid Bodies meet, according to his own Laws of Motion, the \
one communicates motion to the other, and lofes of its own; which \
implies nothing but a mutual contatPc and rebounding upon the
collifion ; but this doth by no means fliew how thefe Bodies come
to wear off" each others Angles. And therefore this is only a pro- ,
duft of fancy, but very neceflary to his purpofe. But let us fuppofe j
that by frequent collifions fome alterations would be made in the '
figure of thefe Bodies ; what a long time mud it be before they be- I
comefphcrical? Too long to be confident with fuch a thing as CV^^-
tion; which at the fame time is pretended to be believ'd. But the i
only agreeable Suppofition to this is. The exiftcnceof matter from ■;
eternity, which having we know not how many Ages fince been put |
into motion, then by a cafual concourfe (for it was not by the Laws
of Motion) thefe Particles jullling one againft another, at laft
rubb'd off' the uneven Particles, fo as to make them round. But
0^2 what
TZi^ ORIGINES SACR^. Book I. Chap. II.
what quantity was there of fuch Particles in proportion to what
was left? For it may eafily be too great and fo the firft Element
£nchiriJ. be too powerful for the fecond, as Ibme have undertaken to de-
Metaphyf. rnonftratc that it muft be, upon iJes Cartes his own grounds. And
Huetce»f. the Anfwer given is infufhcient ; becaufe the Proportion of the
Fhiiofopk firft Element will ftill be too great, notwithftanding all the ufes
Re"^''Rf found out for it ; and therefore Rohault more wifely avoided thefe
fonfech.6. attempts of forming the World out of the firft Chaos of confus'd
■^'■'•^ matter, which he found could give no fatisfadion.
Let us now in the laft place come to the Account he gives of
the Thanomena of the Uni'verfe according to thefe Principles. And
becaufe it would be too large a task to run thro' all, I fliall confine
my felf to thefe following: (i) The formation of the Sun and
Stars. (2) The motion of the Air. (3) The placing of the
Earth. (4) The Mechanifm of Animals.
I. As to the formation of the Sun and Stars : which 'Des Cartes
Pfi„^ip faith was in this manner -, That the matter of the firft Element
vm.'i. increased h the attrition of the particles of the fecond-, and there
^- ^^- being greater quantity of it than '-Ji'as necejfary to fill up the inter-
fiices befween the round particles of the fecond Element-, the remain-
der "uoent to the centers of the fe'veral Vortices. But here arifes a
difficulty, which takes away any appearance of fatisfadtion in this
matter j which is. That 'Des Cartes owns that in this matter of
the firft Element there are fome parcels iz'hich are lefs divided and
fioimer moved-^ having many Angles-, and therefore unfit for motion.
Now why fliould not thefe take up the Center of the Vortex^ and not
thofc which have a quicker Motion, and endeavor to recede from it ?
For we muft obferve, that T>es Cartes fuppofes that thefe bigger
fragments are mix'd with the leffer , and that they transfer their
motion to them: according to the Laws of Nature (v/hich ferve his
turn as he pi cafes) greater Bodies do e after transfer their motion to
lefer, than receive motion from them. So that here we have thefe
bigger fragments of the firft Element mix'd with the lefler, and
communicating their motion to them. Now, who could expe£t
any other than that thefe fliould have fix'd in the centre of the
Vortex ? But if this be fuppos'd, his whole Hypothefis is loft-, for
then the Sun and Stars muft be Opaque-, and not Luminous Bodies.
But "Des Cartes hath found out a notable Invention to fend them
w; 89. far enough from the centre •, which is, That they move in the way
between the Toles-, towards the middle of the Heaven in a right
line-, and there are gathered into little mafes-, fome from the
j^ Norths and others from the South. But when they are in the
X04. Body of the Sun or a Star-, then they make thofe fpots which
hinder their Light-, and are thrown hjf like a thick fcmn from
irindp. heated Liquors. But when he afllgns the reafon of Gravity, he
Tm.j,. faith, It comes from hence-, that thofe particles which have a quick-
' *^* er motion prefs down thofe which are not fo fit for it , and by
that means they get nearer to the center. How comes it i/ien to be
j^. jj.. fo much othcrwifc in thefe parts of the third Element-, how come
they not to be prcfs'd down in the fame Vortex towards the
center? Efpecially when himfelf there faith. That the particles
of the firft Element have more power to deprefs the earthy par-
ticles
JBooK I. chap. 11. ORlGlNEi) SACR/E. " 177
tides ihan of the J'ccond-, becaiije they have more agitation -, and
here he ipeaks of tlie motion within the Vortex : So that accord-
ing to his Principles, the matter of the third Element ought to fub-
iide and be near the center, being leafl: apt for motion. But this
U'ould overthrow his whole Theory about the Sun and Stars ; and
about .Light, and the Ipots of the Sun, and of Magnetic Par-
ticles, &G. fo that thefe Particles of the third Element mufl: be
difpos'd of as he thinks fit, lell they put all out of order. And
it is llrange he fhould parallel the Scum made by the fermentino-
of Liquors, with the natural Motion of the Matter of his Fila-
ments. And if this Principle were true, that the Matter of the
third Element might get above, and leave the thinner and more
fubtle Matter nearcfi: the center, 1 do not fee how the Earth could
be habitable J for then we could breath nothing but thm and e-
thereal Air, which we could not bear. As appears by the famous
inflance of Acofta-, who fpeaks by his own fad experience, as well Acofta of
as of others, that he was in great danger of his Life, by goin"- f^ '"''''''
over one of the higheft Mountains of 'Peru. From whence it i's ioyle^Ex-
obferv'd, that the moft fubtle Air is too thin for Refpiration. But P'^'"'^"'^
how comes it to pafs, according to thcfc Principles, that the hca- "l^^'
vier part of the Air is moft: towards the center, and the lighter
afcends highefl.^ For Air, according to T>es Cartesy is a Conge- frindp.
ries of the T articles of the third Element very thin and dif-joyn'di ^'"■'•
and yet we find this come nearer the center according to its Gra ^' *
4-
vityj and the lighter Air goes higher, and hath very ditferent
efte6ts on Mens Bodies, tho' the motion of it be not llrong nor
violent. For Acofta faith. That Air which is Kb fatal to palTen-
gers on thofe Mountains o^Teru (which are fo high, that he faith,
the Alps and 'Pyrenees were but as ordinary Houfes to lofty
Towers) is fo ft:ill, that it is but as afmall Breath-, neither ftrong
nor violent ; and yet it pierces fb that it often kills Men without
feeling, and makes their Hands and Toes drop off > as he aihrms
from his own knowledg.
From whence it appears to be a mere fetch in Ties Cartes to
keep thefe Particles of his third Element from being nearer to
the center, altho' they are more weighty and indifpos'd to motion
than others are.
But his whole Hypothefis is overturn'd concerning the Celefl:ial
Bodies, if there be a Principle of Gravitation in Matter-, which
naakesa^Natural tendency towards the Cm? Thilofophers have hitherto blundered in Natural
Thilofophy. But we proceed in 'Des Cartes his Account of his
Cceleftial Vortices.
V I N I S,
Books "written by the Right Reverend Father in God Edw. Scillinii-
fleet, T>. 'D. late L. Bijhop of V/orccller, and fold by Mcnry iMorclock
at the Pha'iiix in St. PaulV Church-jard.
ARaiional Account oF the Grounds of the Pro-
tcliam P.digioii; being a Vindication of the
Lord /.I libilhop of Cmccriiiry's Relation of
a Conference, ?j'i-. Horn the pretended Anlwer of T.C.
Wherein the true Grounds of Faith arc cleared, and
the fallc dilcovcred, and the Church of England vin-
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important Controverfics between iis and thole of the
Church of Rome throughly examined. Thefecond Edi-
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Ortgines Britanicx, Or, The Antiquities of the Briei/lj
Churches, with a Preface concerning feme pretended
Antiquities relating to Britain, in vindication of the
Bifliop of St. ylfafh, Fol.
Origmei iacrs.. Or a Rational Account of the Grounds
of the Chriflian Faith, as to the Truth and Divine Au-
thority of the Scriptres, and the matters therein con-
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Irenicum, A Weapon-falve for the Church's wound,
Quarto.
The Unreafbnablenefs of Separation, Or, An Impar-
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prefcnt Separation from the Communion of the Ch.
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A Difcourfe concerning the Unreafonablenefs of a
new Separation on account of the Oath, with an An-
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A Letter to Mr. G. giving a true Account of a late
Conference at the D. of P's.
A fecond Letter to Mr. G. in anfwer to two Letters
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of P's.
A Difcourfe concerning the Nature and Grounds
of the certainty of Faith, in anfwer to f. S. his Ca-
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The Doftrines and Prafticcs of the Church of Rome,
timely reprefented; in anlwer to a Book intituled, A
Papift Mil-reprefented and Reprefented, ^c. ^urto.
An Anfwer to lome Papers lately printed, concern-
ing the Authority of the Catholick Church in mat-
ters of Faith, and the Reformation of the Church of
England, Quarto.
A Vindication of the Anfwer to feme Paperslately
printed, concerning the Authority of the Catholick
Chuch in matters of Faith, and the Reformation of
the Church of England, Quarto.
The Dodtrine of the Trinity and Tranfubftantia-
tion compared as to Scripture, Reafon, and Tradition:
In a new Dialogue between a Protellant and a Papift.
Part I ft. ^htarto.
The Doti:rise of the Trinity and Tranfubflantia-
tion compared, ©r. Part id. Quarto.
The Council of Trent examin'd and difprov'd by
Catholick Tradition, in the main Points in Contro-
verly between Us and the Church of Rome; with a
particular Account of the Times and Occafions of In-
troducing them. Part 1. To which a Preface is pre.
fixed concerning the true fence of the Council of Trent,
and tKe Notion of Tranfuhftantiation.
A Difcourfe concerning the Idolatry praftifed in the
Church o? Rome, and the hazard of Salvation in the
Communion of it, Oclazo.
An Anfwer to feveral Trc.itifes occafioned by a
Book entituled, A Difcourfe concerning the Idolatry
praftifed in the Church of Rome, and tV hazard of
Salvation in the Communion of it : Part I. OBavo.
A fecond Difcourfe in vindication of the Proteftant
Grounds of Faith, againft the pretence of Infallibility
in the Roman Church, in anfwer to the Guide in Con-
troveriy.by R. H. Proteftancy witliout Principles, and
jReafon and Religion; or the certain Rule of Faitli,
by E. W. with a particular Inquiry into the Miracles
ot the Roman Church, Octavo. '' -
An Anfwer to Mr. Crefff% Epiftle apologetial to a
Pcrlon of Honor, touclurig his Vindication of Dr.
Stillmgfleet, Octavo.
A Defence of the Difcourfe concerning the Idola-
try practiied in the Church of Rome, in anfwer to a
Book eniitulcd, Catholicks no Idolaters, Octavo.
Several Conferences between a Roman Prieft, a
Phanatick Chaplain, and a Divine of the Church of
England; being a full Anfwer to the late Diulo"ues
of T. G. Octavo. ■^
A Difcourle concerning Bonds of Rcfignation of
Benefices in point of Law and Conlcieiice, Octavo.
A Dilcourlc concern;ng the Illegality of the Eccle-
fiaftical Commilfion, in anlwer to ihe Vindication and
Defence of it : wherein the true notion of the Legal
Supremacy is cleared; and an Account is given of the
Nature . Original and Mifchief of the Difpenling
The Grand Queftion concerning the Bifhops Right
to votem Parliament in Cales Capital, ftated and ar-
gued, from the Parliament Rolls and Hiftory of for-
mer times; with an Inquiry into their Peerage, and
Three Eftates in Parliament, OStavo.
Two Difcourfes concerning the Doflrine of C/>n/?'s
Satistaftion; Or, The true Reafons of his Sufferings;
wherein the 5of/«(a» and Antimm'uxn Controverfics are
truly ftated and explained : To which is added a Ser-
mon concerning the Myfterics of the Chriftian Faith
preached v4/)r/7 17. 1691. Witha Preface concerning the
true ftatc of the Controverfy about Chrift'i Satisfaftion.
The fecond Edition, Octavo.
Sermons preached upon leveral Occafions, in four
Volumes, Octavo.
A Difcourfe in vindication of the Doiftrine of the
Trinity: with an Anfwer to the late Soc'mian Obje-
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fon. And a Preface concerning the different Explica-
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Socmian Controverfy. The fecond Edition, OBavo.
The Biftiop of Worcefler\ Anfwer to Mr. lorA's Let-
ter concerning fome Paflages relating to his Eifay of
Humane Underftanding,mention'd in the late Difcourfe
in vindication of the Trinity. With a Poftfcript to ibmc
Rcfleftions made on that Treatiie in a late Socmiart
Pamphlet.
An Anfwer to Mr. Lock's fecond Letter; wherein
his Notion of Ideai is proved to be inconfil^ent with
it felf, and with the Articles of the Chriftian Faith, S-".
Ecclefiaftical Cafes relating to the Duties and Rights
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to the Principles of Confcience and Law, Octavo.
The Rule of Faith: Or, An Anfwer to the Treatife
of Mr. J. S. entituled. Sure-footing, (^c. \iy John Til-
loifon, D. D. to which is adjoyned a Reply to Mr. J.
S's third Appendix, &c. by Edward SiiUingfleet, D. D.
A Letter to a Deift, in Anfwer to feveral Objedtions
againft the Truth and Authority of the Scriptures, 8'-*.
The Effigies of the Right Reverend Father in God.
Edrvard Lord Bifhop of Worcefter , Engraven on a
Copper-plate, by Robert White, in Fol. price is.
A Catalogue of other Books., fold by Henry
Mortlock.
The Antiquities of Nottinghamfl)ire, extracted out
of Records, Original Evidences, Lieger-Books, and
other Manufcripts, and Authentick Authorities; beau-
tified with Maps, Profpefts and Pourtraidtures; by
B.ob. Thornton Dr. of Phyiick, Tot.
S«rie»
A CoJalogv.e of Books Printed and Sold by Henry Mortlock.
Scries Glii-onologica, Olympiaduiii, Pythiadum, Ifth-
•nidduni, Ncmcidum, Qiiibus vctercs Grsci Tcmpora
I'ja mctietianuir, per Guhcbnum Lloyd, A. M- Epiicopi
M'igor>:eri;7s filium, fo/.
C.mLri.'ge Concordance.
Cornier on tlieCommou-Prayer.
Cctvley's Works.
Prince Arthur, by Sir Richard Llachn^re.
— His P.^raphrafc on the Book of ^oi, &c.
Dryilen's Faoles.
His Works in i Vol.
Knowlcdg and Praftice; Or, A plain Difcourfe of
tii.e chief things neccllary to be known, believed and
pnidtilcd, in order to Salvation, with a Supplement,
and fever^l Additions, by Samuel Cradock. A Book
nccellary to be read in Families, Fc7.
The Folly and Unreaibnablenefs of Atheifm dc-
monliratcd from the advantage and pleafure of a Re-
ligious Life: The Faculties of Human Souls: The
S.rufturc of Animate Bodies, and the Origin and Frame
of the World; in eight Sermons: Preached at the Le-
cture, founded by the Honor_ble Robert Boyle, Eii]; in
thefirft Year, 169;.
Of Revelation, and the Mcffinr. A Sermon preached
at the Publick Coaimencement at Cambrulge, July
the ^tb. i6r)6. Botit by Richard Bentley, D.D. Cha-
plain in Oroinny, L'brary-Keepcr to his iMajefty.and
Maftcr of Trinity College in Camiridge.
An Hiitorical Examination of the Authority of Ge-
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been ulcd in the pubiiihing of them; and the Difte-
rcncc of the Papijh themfelvcs about their Number.
The iecond Edition corrcclcd, J^arto. By Rob. Jen-
kins, late Fellow of St. John's College in Cambridge.
TheReiloring of Fallen Brethren; containgthcSub-
ftance of two Sermons on Gal. VI. i, i. presched at
the Pcrtbrmancc of Publick Penance, by certain Cri-
minals, on the Lord's Day, ufually called MtJ-Lent-
Sunday 1696. in the Parilli-Cliurch of Old Smnford in
WorcefltrfJ)ire; by Simon h'ml, D.D. and Rettor there:
with a Preiace, by the Right Reverend Father in God
Edward Lord Bifliop of Worcefler.
Soir.e Difcourlcs, Sermons and Remains of the Re-
verend iVIr. GlanTJil, late Rettor of Buthe, and Cha-
plain in Ordinary to his Majefty; collected into one
Volume, and publiflied by Anthony Horneck, D. D.
Preacher at the Sai-oyi with a Sermon preached at his
Funeral, by Jofeph Pleydel Archdeacon of Chichefler,
,^i.zrto.
The Countreyman's Recreation; Or, The Art of
Planting, Grafting and Gardening, Quarto.
TheUnreafonablenclsof a Separation from the new
Bifliops; Or, A Treatile .about Eccleliaftical Hiftory,
/hewing that although a Bifliop was unjuftly deprived,
neither he nor the Church ever made a Separation, if
the Succcflbr was not an Heretick, J^arto.
The Cafe of Sees vacant by an Unjuft or Uncano-
nical Deprivation, fl:itcd; in Reply to a Trcatife cn-
titulcd, A Vindication of the Deprived Bifliops, eyr.
together with the fevcral other Pamphlets lately pub-
blflied as Anfwcrsto the Enroccian Treatife; both by
Humphry Hody, D. D. Fellow of Wadham Coll. in
Oxford, M\A Greek Profejfor.
The Hopes of a ReCurreftion afTcrtcd, and applied
in a Sermon preached December ^th. 1700. at the In-
terment of Mr. 'I ho. IVright; wherein are fome oc-
cafion.d Relleftions on the Abule of Funeral Sermons,
by 1 hilib ktnhhi M. A. late Fellow of Wadham Coll.
Oxon. now Re6tor of St. Alphage, London.
A Difcourle concerning the Nature of Idolatry; in
wiiich a htc Author's true and only Notion of Idola-
try is conlidered and confuted, ,^arto.
Protef!:.nt Certainty, Or, A lliott Trcatife flicwing
how a Proteltant may be well afl"urcd of the Articles
of his l-aith, ^larto.
Vctcres Vindicnli: In an Expoflulary Letter to Mr.
iclater of Putney, upon his Confenfus Vcterum, &c.
wherein the ablurdtty of his Method, and the weak-
neis of his Reafons are fliewn; His faLe Aipcrfions
upon the Church of England are wiped oif, and her
Faith concerning the Eucharifl proved to be 1 hit of the
Primitive Church: Together with Animadveriionson
Dean -rio;7f«'s French Tranflation of, and Remarks up-
on Bertram.
An Anfwer to the Compiler of Ntibes Teftium:
Wherein is flicwn. That Antiquity (in relation to the
Points in Contr6veri'y ict down by himj did not for
the firft five hundred years believe, teach and pra&icc
as the Church of Rome doth at prefcnt believe, teach
and practice ; Together with a Vindication of Ve-
teres Vindicati, from the late we_k and dilingenuous
Attempts of the Author of Tranllblbntiation defen-
ded, by the Author of the Anlwer to Mr. Sclater of
Putney.
A Letter to Father LevK Sairjn Jefuit, in anfwer
to his Letter to a Peer of the Church of England ;
wherein the Polflcript to the Anlv/ertothe A^«I?.f Te-
Jliitm is vindicated, and Father Sairan's Miflakes far-
ther difcovered.
A fecona Lettet to Father Lewii Sabran Jefuit, in
anfwer to his Reply.
A Vindication ot the Principles of the Author of
the AnlWer to the Compiler ot Kubes Teftium, in
anl'wer to a late pretended Letter from a Dillentertothe
Divines of the Church of England. Thefe five by Dr.
Gee, Chap'ain in Ordinary to his Majefty.
A Diftertation upon the Epiftles or Vhalaris: with
an Anfwer to the Objections of th, Honor.ible CAar/ej
Boyle, Eltj; by Richard Bentley, D.D. Maftcrof Trinity
Coll. m Cambridge, jHaio. To which maybeadded a
Chronological Account ot the Lire of Pythagoras and
other Famous Men his Contemporaries, with an Epi-
ftle to the Reverend Dr. Bentley about Porphyry's and
Jamblichuss Lives of Pythagoras; by the Right Re-
verend Father in God William L. Bifliop of Worcefter.
Ten Sermons preached before her Royal Highnefs
the Princefs Anne of Dmmark, at the Chappel at St.
James ; by Lewis Atterbury, L. L. D. and one of the
Si.v Pieachers to her Royal Highnefs.
The Happy Alcetick, or the Befl; Exercife; together
with Prayers futable to each Excrcife : To which is
added a Letter to a Perlbn of Quality, concerning the
Holy Lives of the Primitive Chriftians, Octavo.
Delight and Judgment reprefentcd, in a Difcourfe
concerning the great Day ot Judgiiient, and its power
to damp and embitter Senfual Delights, Sportsand Re-
creations, Oclazo.
The Exercife of Prayer; Or, A Help to Devotion:
containing Prayers and Devotions for feveral occaiions.
Thefe three by Anthony Horneck, D. D. late Preacher
at the Savoy.
Several Eflays in Political Arithmetick, concerning
the multiplication of Mankind and the growth of the
City of London : Obfcrvations on the Dublin Bills, or
Accounts of the Houfes, Hearths, Baptilms and Burials
in that City: Concerning the People, Houfing,Hofpi-
tals,c^c. <^ London and Paris, proving that Lo»(/o» has
as many People as P