• -•r^^. ■J 'X • ^■.-^w% ^' -.'^.^ •X?--' /V.''> THE PEDIGREE OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE INVESTIGATED. Ex 3^ Twv tlprifUviav TCKfxrtplutv 6fiui roiaOra Sv rts voidiutv /iiXurra i ii^\6ov ovx afiapravoi, Kal oUn wj iroiriTal vfivriKaai vepl avrwy, ivl ri (k'i^ov KOfffiovyres, /jlSXKov TnanCuiv, oCre wj \oyoypd OIJkW» riKSMtX rftlKTIllO iroKJCS, OOCTOES' COUUi THE QUESTION STATED: THE COURSE OF THE ARGUMENT. The early annals of Britain, and the Race relations of the English People are j in our day gaining increased attention. The - liberalizing influence of science has relaxed many sturdy prejudices, and its light has . so far dispelled historic superstitions, that a chance of obtaining a hearing- is now afforded even -when "cherished national beliefs are sought to be dislodged. . The Author -is not aware that the main positions he has been led to lay down have ever been expressly advocated by any of bur historians. The ground, it is true, is old, -and the materials, always in great part at hand, have of late, been much increased by the quarrying of our public archives ; but no structure has hitherto been planned and reared. A presumption lies against the soundness of all 118440 VI innovating ideas. The popular theory, believed in from the time of Gildas, that the English nation is the proper descendant of the Anglo-Saxons, is ** in possession,'' and enjoys all the force of an article of national faith. Whoever, therefore, wishes to show that a moiety, perhaps the greater part, of the subjects of the early Anglian and Saxon kingdoms must have been of the ** British" race, and not men who had come over in small open boats from the barren shores of the Baltic ; and that subsequent changes during long ages of immigration, conquest, and revolution, brought no substantial ethnical change upon the people of Britain, must, of course, give his Reasons. Notwithstanding the freedom now professedly con- ceded to scientific Inquiry, the Author advances his Faith and his Reasons with a measure of diffidence. Of their truth and solidity he entertains no question, although he has written throughout as an inquirer and student. But the inveteracy of national sentiments, long dominant, and supposed to be in defence of national heraldic dignity, is proverbial. When learned men accommodate their teaching to the popular apprehen- sion, instead of guiding and correcting it, that man has not an altogether pleasant prospect who thinks it vu his duty to put in a word for a neglected Truth : he must seek comfort by an appeal from Tradition to Fact, and go on, saying, with Galileo Galilei, E pur se muove ! The Question Stated. The object of the work is to trace, step by step, that process of race-amalgamation which has issued in the compound people called English, maintaining special reference throughout to the proportion of that people's descent from the Celtic inhabitants of Britain usually called the ** Ancient Britons." The latter term, when used in this volume, signifies the different tribes, clans, or nations inhabiting Britain at the time of the Roman invasion, and their descend- ants ; and the '* English People" means the great body of the English nation proper in Great Britaia and its dependencies. The course of the Argument proceeds thus : — It is first shown that the numerous tribes found by the Romans in possession of the British Isles, were all presumably of what is called the Celtic race, and presented only such dissimilarities as would arise from Vlll separation into independent clans or States — dissimi- larities, indeed, which marked them on the Continent as well as in Britain, as proved by recent discoveries of Gaulish inscriptions which seem to reveal dialectic varieties in the Celtic language of Ancient Gaul similar to those which still distinguish the Cymro from the Gael. To this question further reference is made in Appendix C. Although out of these numerous tribes, the Cy^nry may rightfully claim pre-eminence, as that branch of the family which both sustained the heaviest shock from the Teutonic descent, and also tinged most deeply the new race with Celtic blood — the Gaels having from pre-historic times pushed their way far north, and into Ireland — the term ** Ancient Britons'* cannot be confined to them, but must be made to comprehend Belgse, Lloegrians, Brython, Gaels or Gwyddyls, Picts, Scots, &c., in short, all the early Celtic inhabitants of Britain cmd Ireland. The amount of Celtic blood, therefore, which, from whatever tribe, has entered into the English people in the British IsleSy is taken as the measure of their derivation from the Celtic Abori- gines, or Ancient Britons. The object of introducing a sketch of the general IX condition of the Britons before the Roman invasion has been twofold: first, the supplying of information expurgated from myth and tradition to the general reader in a field of history but little traversed ; and, secondly, the constructing of a subsidiary argument^ ■a priori^ from the improbability of a people such as were the Britons being dislodged wholesale by the kind of people who became their subduers. Stress is laid, not only:on. the substantial oneness, but also on the member , distribution, and intellectual 'develop?nent of the Ancient British populations. From all these would arise their fitness to assert their place, as history proves them to have done, as against both Romans and Anglo-Saxons. The direct and negative testimony of histor}'' is carefully employed ; and, when corroboratory to this, but never when contradictory of it, even the voice of legend and tradition (as in the case of the Triads) is with proper caution listened to. The researches of modern writers in Ethnology, Philology, Physiology — German, French and English, are then taken into account ; and it is believed that as the result, the mixed and largely Celtic character of the English nation is demonstrated from a point of view and the use of evidences sanctioned by the most recent labours of science. From a conviction of the importance of the argu- ment from Philology, though with a consciousness of its great liability to abuse, the chapter on that subject has been prepared with laborious care. The Tables given are the fruit of an analysis of the modern Dictionary and of early English for which the author alone is^ responsible. It is believed that there has never before been an attempt to distinguish with something approaching to precision that class of Celtic words which the English must have derived directly from the Celtic tongues, and in Britain. And yet it is this class alone that can have a legitimate bearing on the question. The result of a careful and rigorous application of the arguments, inductive and deductive, drawn from various fields of evidence, has been a conviction more clear and positive than the writer, when some years ago he resolved to investigate the subject, had anticipated, that the English people embraces a much larger infusion of Ancient British blood than English his- torians have been accustomed to recognise, and that some of the most valuable attributes, physical, intel- XI lectual, and moral of the ** True Briton,'' are owing to this fact. The aim throughout has been to produce, on how- ever small and humble a scale, a contribution to genuine history and ethnology. The author is not ambitious of gaining a name for bold hypotheses. Conjectures, except as means for unravelling the entanglements of facts, are an impertinence in history. Of theories respecting the inhabitants, language, and literature, of Ancient Britain, we have had more than sufficient. Too free a reliance on legendary '' history," fanciful etymology and ingenious theory, has estranged scholarly men in England from the study of the Ancient British Annals, and the Celtic tongues ; and it is only by the adoption of a sober and painstaking method of treatment, such as will promote knowledge rather than visionary theories, and satisfy science rather than national vain-glory, that we can hope to regain for it the attention it deserves. By the accumulation of facts ; by the careful inductive use of those facts ; and by the adoption of the best established views in ethnology — on which all sound discussion of this question, must depend — the writer has endeavoured to contribute to the establishment of a truth in our Xll national history hitherto unaccountably neglected. Opinion on this subject is gradually changing. Among our most accomplished English annalists, Turner, Palgrave, and Kemble ; and among Eth- nologists and Philologists, Prichard, Latham, and Garnett, have done much to prepare the way for its candid investigation. The author has to acknowledge his great obligations to Professor Max Miiller, M.A., of Oxford, to Dr. R. G. Latham, F.R.S., to Dr. S. Davidson, to Dr. Row- land Williams, and to Rev. E. Mellor, A.M., for valuable criticisms on the work in MS., and sugges- tions which have contributed in no small degree to its improvement : and the list of Authors appended, to- gether with the voluminous references throughout will show to what extent he has availed himself of the best sources and authorities, ancient and modem, and of the most recent scientific investigations bearing on the subject in hand and collateral questions. Part L IS to be understood as introdiutory : the main Argument is embodied in the succeeding parts. The less accurate orthography Celtic instead of Keltic is followed in deference to prevailing custom. ' Xlll Until the hard sound of c before e and /, as well as before a and o, \n words of Latin and Greek origin, is restored in practice, or the place of c filled by k in our classical scholarship, it is hardly worth while making an exception in the single case of the word Celt and its associates. The same rule would apply to Cicero, Cecrops, Cimbri, Cilina, in all of which the c should, in strictness, be sounded like >6, and is so sounded by our cousins of Germany. Ger- man scholars, like those of other continential countries, are led by the analogy of their own language, to the more accurate pronunciation of the classical tongues. The English, who in this and other matters are slow to adopt the linguistic reforms pleaded for by Pro- fessor Blackie, have unfortunately an impediment to rational usage sanctioned by the rules of their own orthoepy. London, January, 1868. TO THE BINDER. The Maps and Diagrams to be placed thus : — Routes of Celtic Migratiofiy io {sice . . . page 37 Roman Cities of Britain 202 Parts which supplied the Norman Army . . . 319 Crania 519 Contents PART I. Introductory. CHAPTER I. NATIONAL ORIGIN. PAGE Section I.— The Composite Character of Nations . . . 19 Section II. — The Origin of the Aboriginal British Population obscure — The Analogy of other Early Nations . . .22 CHAPTER 11. THE ANCIENT BRITONS — THEIR ETHNOLOGICAL AFFINITIES — THEIR STATE OF CULTURE. Section I. — Results of Modern Ethnological Research respect- ing the Early Inhabitants of the British Isles . . .26 (a.) Preliminary Ethnological data 28 (^.) The remote relations of Celts and Teutons . , 29 (f.) The relations of the Celtic Tribes of Britain amongst themselves — The Cymry, Belgae, &c. . . -35 1. The Cymry, Ktju,/x€ptot, Cimbri, Cimmerii . • 36 2. The Belgae 40 3. The Celts of Britain and Gaul generally . . 45 4. The Celts of Ireland and Caledonia , , . 47 5. The Lloegrians and the Brython . * . . 56 (^.) The Welsh Triads on the Early Settlers in Britain . 57 B 2 - Contents, PAGE Section II. — An estimate of the Social Condition and General Civilisation of the Ancient Britons prior to, and at the time of, the Roman Conquest 63 (a.) Early Notices — Herodotus, Himilco, Polybius . 64 {b.) Caesar and Tacitus 66 (c.) Organisation and Government 68 \d) The Arts of Civilised Life . . . . .69 {e.) Intellectual Culture 76 PART II. The Invasions of Britain— The Elements of Ad- mixture OF Race accumulating — Admixture Commencing. chapter I. The Roman Invasion 94 CHAPTER II. The Anglo-Saxon Invasion 109 CHAPTER III. The Danish Invasion 120 CHAPTER IV. The >IoRMAN Invasion 129 Contents, PART III. The Argument for Admixture of Race — The Question : ** To what Extent is the English Nation of Celtic Origin ? '' Discussed. CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL ARGUMENT. PAGE Section I. — The Compound ** British " People . . .139 Section IT — The Extent to which Britain was Populated at the time of the Roman Invasion 145 1. Britain at the coming of the Romans generally popu- lated ... 146 2. The Expulsion or Destruction of the Natives no part of the Roman policy 152 Section III. — The Extent and Power of the British Population during subsequent stages of the Roman occupation . . 156 1. The prolonged resistance offered by the Britons to the progress and completion of the Roman Conquest . 156 («.) From Claudius to Severus : a.d. 43 — 211 . , 157 (3.) Retention of the Conquest — Troubles — Prepara- tion for Departure : a.d. 2 1 1 — 412 . . -174 (<:.) Recapitulation lyg (z'.f7, Colonice, &c., as indices to the distribution and im- portance of the British Population . . -195 3. The addition to the population through the accession of Roman residents comparatively small , . . 207 (a.) The first and largest accession of Roman blood was in the Army tb. {b.) The Civil Functionaries, &c 208 (c.) Merchants, Traders, Artists, &c. . . . . 209 {d.) But the Romans were confined to the towns . tb. 4. The Roman residents withdraw from the Island when the military occupation terminates . . . .210 Section IV. — Admixture of Race during the Roman occupation 2 1 4 Section V. — The Influence of the Roman Conquest in render- ing prominent the Celtic Character of the Western side of Britain 220 Section VI. — The Numerical and Material Strength of the Britons at the time of the ^wj^/(7-^a.r^« Invasion . .225 1. The effect of the Roman dominion on the Spirit and Capacity of the Nation 226 2. The Recovery of the Ancient Spirit and Rule . 228 3. The Britons, at the Coming of the Anglo-Saxons, widespread and numerous ..... 232 4. The Resistance offered to the Jutes, Saxons, and Angles, an Evidence of the Numerical nnd INIaterial Strength of the Ancient Britons .... 233 Section VII. — The Extent to which the Britons and Anglo- Saxons became incorporated into one people 243 1. Gildas examined 245 2. The Aboriginal race surpassed in number their Anglo-Saxon invaders. 259 3. The Britons during their wars with the Anglo- Saxons, did not suffer, relatively, a diminution of number 261 Contents. PAGE 4. The extent to which the Britons remained on the conquered territory, and amalgamated with the Anglo-Saxon conquerors 268 (a.) From the first Saxon invasion to the founding of the kingdom of Mercia in A.D. 586 . . . . . . .lb. {b.) From the founding of Meicia to the union under Egbert of Wessex, a.d. 586 — 828 276 {c.) From the death of Egbert to the Conquest, and forwards .287 Section VIII.— Influence of the Danish and Norman invasions on the Ethnological Character of the English people. . 308 1. The Danish Invasion in its influence on the distri- bution and admixture of Race . . . .308 2. The Eff'ect of the Norman Conquest on the Ethnical Character of the English people . . . -3^3 Section IX. — The History of the Political and Social Rela- tions of the people, as indicative of the presence of the Ancient British race, and of its condition, in the settled Anglo-Saxon kingdoms 335 1. The Constitution of Society among the Anglo- Saxons . . . . . . * • 336 2. Britons in a state of bondage . . . . 346 CHAPTER II. THE EVIDENCE OF PHILOLOGY. Section I. — Early stages of relation between the Anglo-Saxon and British Celtic languages . . . . . . 354 1. The language of Britain at the Anglo-Saxon Inva- sion, British, not Roman ib. 2. The Anglo-Saxon replaces the Celtic in the Anglo- Saxon States : an Objection based on this fact considered 358 . 3. The Comparative Freedom from Celtic of the earliest Anglo-Saxon literature considered and accounted for . ....... 365 6 Contents, PAGE Section II. — Celtic elements in the English language . •370 1. Celtic elements in the English language derived directly from the Celtic tongues, and subsequent to the Anglo-Saxon Conquest 379 The Criteria used, (a.) {h.) {c.) . . . .385 (i.) Celtic words in the modern English Dictionary 386 (2.) Celtic words in the living dialects of England . 403 (3.) Celtic words once found in the written English, but now wholly discontinued . . .412 Remarks : i . The vernacular of England during the " Semi-Saxon " period must have contained a large infusion of Celtic 419 2. A large proportion of the British Celtic of the Modern Dictionary was assimi- lated since the ** Semi-Saxon " period . ih. 3. A large proportion, almost the whole, of the British Celtic of all three classes, belongs to the C^/w^nf branch. 420 4. Elements of foreign origin in the Welsh language 421 5. Welsh words often improperly derived from Latin, &c 425 2. Elements in the English language derived from Latin, which are also present in Celtic . . . 426 3. Elements in the English language derived through the Teutonic tongues, or through Norman-French, found also in Celtic 430 4. Concluding Remarks on the English language . 441 CHAPTER III. THE EVIDENCE OF TOPOGRAPHICAL AND PERSONAL NAMES. Section I.— The enduring nature of Local Names . . 445 Section II. — The various uses of Local Names . . . 448 Contents. 7 PAGE Section III. — The Ethnological Value of the Celtic Local Names of England 451 1. The Celtic local names of England as evidence of Celtic Settlement ib. (a.) Celtic names of Mountains and Hills, omitting Scotland and Wales . . " . . . .452 (^.) Celtic names of Rivers and Streams in Britain, omitting Wales and Scotland . . . -454 (f.) Celtic names of Valleys, Dales, &c., in England, omitting Wales and Scotland . . . 457 (t/.) Cities, or fortresses, towns, homesteads, in Eng- land, bearing Celtic names . . . .458 2. Celtic local names as evidence oi Admixture of Race . 463 Section IV. — English Proper Names and Surnames . .472 1. Surnames, a modern invention in England . -473 2. The value of English Surnames as proofs of inter- mixture 477 3. The disuse in modern times of both Celtic and Saxon Names . 47^ 4." Recent Celtic Names 479 5. Teutonic names of Persons and Places in Wales . 481 CHAPTER IV. Evidence of the Influence of the Ancient British Race upon the Anglo-Saxons supplied by the de- velopment OF EARLY English Law . . . -485 CHAPTER V, The Evidence supplied by the Physical, Mental, and Moral Qualities of the English . . . .496 Section I— Physical Characteristics of the English people . 497 1. Complexion, and hair colour 5°^ 2. The form of the Cranium 5^7 8 Contents. PAOK Section II. — Mental and Moral Characteristics of the English People 523 Recapitulation. 541 Conclusion . 546 Appendix A 559 Appendix B 582 Appendix C 590 Index. 593 ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES AND OTHER WORKS CONSULTED. Adelung, J. C. und Vater : Mith?'idates ; oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde. 4 vols. Berlin, 1806-1817. Akerman, J. Y. : Ancient Coins of Cities and Princes. Lond. 1841. Ammiani Marcell. : in Monii- menta Hist. Brit. Lond, 1848. Anglo-Sajcon Chronicle : in Monumenta Hist. Brit. Lond. 1848. Arndt, C. G. von : Ueber den Urspru7ig, &'c., der Europdis- chen Sprachen. Frankft. 181 8. Barth, C. Karl : Ueber die Druiden der Kelten. Erlangen, 1826. Beddoe, J., ]\LD. : on Perma- nence of Antkrop. Types. Me- moirs of Anthrop. Soc. Lond. 1865. On Head Forms of West of England. On Prevalence of Dark Hair in Eiigland. Anthrop. Rev. 1865-6. Betham, Sir W. : Etruria Celtica. 2 vols. 8vo. Dublin, 1842. Betham, Sir W. : The Gael and Cymbri. 8vo. Dublin, 1834. Bender, Dr. J. : Die Deutsche?i Ortsnamen. 8vo. Siegen, 1846. Blackstone : Comment t. on Laivs nf Engl., by Stephens. 4 vols. 1848. Blumenbach, J. Fried. : Deca- des Graniorum. Gottingen, 1828. Bosworth, Dr. J., F.R.S. : Dic- tionary of Anglo-Saxon Lang. 8vo. Lond. 1848. Bosworth, Dr. J. : Origin of English, Germanic, &'c., Lan- guages. 8vo. Lond. 1848, Brandes, K. : Das Ethnograph. Verhdelt. der Kelten und Ger- manen. Leipsig, 1858. Buckle, H. T. : History of Ci- vilization in England. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1857. Bunsen, Baron, C, C.Jos., D.D., D.Ph., &c. : Philosophy of His- tory. Lond. 1850. Bunsen, Baron C. C. Jos., D.D., D.Ph., &c. : Results of Recent Egyptian Researches in reference to Ethnology. Rep. of British Association, 1847. C^saris, Jul. : Opera Omnia ; Co7nmentarii. Ed. Var. Cambro-Briton. 3 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1819-1822. Camt>E'N,W.: Britannia. Gough's Ed. 4 vols. fol. Lond. 1806. Chalmers, G. : Caledonia. 3 vols. 4to. Lond. 18 10, &c. 'Camden Society : The Publica- tions of, but chicflv.-l Dialooue lO Original Authorities, &€., Co7isulted, between the Soul and Body. Political Songs ; Temp. Henry III. and Edward I. Ed. by T. Wright, M.A. Chaucer, Geoff. : Poetical Works. Ed. by Bell. 8 vols. Lond. 1856. Coleridge, Herbert : Diction- ary of Oldest Words in the Eng- lish Language. Lond. 1863. CouRSON, AuREL. DE I Histoire des Peuples Bretons. 2 vols. Paris. Crania Britannica: by Dr. B. Davis, and Dr. J. Thurman. Lond, 1856-65. Crichton, Dr. A., and Dr. Wheaton : Scandinavia. 2 vols. i2mo. Edin. 1838. Darwin, C. : Origin of Species. 8vo. Lond. i860. Davies, Ed. : Celtic Researches^ 6fc. 8vo. Lond. 1804. Davies, Rev. J. ; Races of Lan- cashircy ^c. Trans. Phil. Soc. Lond. 1855. DeBelloquet, Roget: Ethno- g6nie Gauloise, &'c. 8vo. Paris, 1858. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. By Dr. Smith. 2nd edition. Lond. 1848. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and My t hoi. By Dr. Smith. 3 vols. Lond. 1849, &c. DlEFENHACH, Dr. LORENZ. : Cel- tica^ P. L et H. 2 vols. 8vo. Stuttgart, 1850, &c. DlEFENRACH, Dr. LORENZ.: Oft- gines EuropcccB. 8vo. Frank- fort-a-M. 1861. DiODORUS Sic. : in Monument, Hist. Brit. Rolls Office. Lond. 1848. Dio Cassius : in Monument, Hist. Brit. Rolls Office. Lond. 1848. Domesday Book : Ed. by Sir H. Ellis. 4 vols. fol. Lond. 1783-1816. Donaldson, Dr. J. W. : Varro- nianus. 8vo. Lond. 1852. Donaldson, Dr. J. W. : On English Ethnography. Camb. Essays, 1856. Dosparth Edeyrn Davod Aur: Ed. Rev. J. Williams Ab Ithel. Llandovery, 1856. Ducange, C. Dufr. : Glossari- um Med. et Inf. Latinatis. 7 vols. Paris 1840, &c. Edwards, Mons. W. F. : Des Caractlres Physiologiques, &'c. Paris, 1829. Encyclopcedia Britan. : 8th ed. Various Articles. Ellis, George: Early Metrical Romances. 3 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1805-1818, &c. Ersch undGruber: Allegemeine EncyklopcBdiCy dfc. 122 vols. Leipsig. EsQuiROS Alphonse : V Angle- terre et la Vie Anglaise. Paris, 1859. Evans, John, F.R.S., F.G.S., F.S.A. : The Coins of the An- cient Britons. 8vo. Lond. 1864. Ewald, Hen RICH von : Gesch- tcte des Volkes IsraeL 3 vols. Gott. 1843. Ferguson, Rob. : The North- men in Cumberland^ &c. Lond. 1856. Fo RSI EM ANN, E. : Die Deutschen Ortsnamen. Nordhausen, 1863. Garnett, Rev. Rich., M.A. : Original Authorities, &c.. Consulted. II Philological Essays. 8vo. Lond. 1859. GiLDAS : Hist, in Monumenta Hist. Brit. Lond. 1848. Gibbon, Edw. : Decline and Fall 0/ Rom.Emp. 8 vols. Lond. 1838. GoBiNEAU, Comte A. de. : Sur rinegalite des Races Humaines. Paris, 1850. Grimm, Jacob : Deutsche Gram- matik. 4 vols. Gotttingen, 1822, &c. Guest, Dr. E. : On Gentile Names. Phil. ' Proceedings, vol. I. Guest, Dr. E. : On English Rhythms. Lond. 1850. Hardy, T. Duffus : Descript. Catalogue of Materials re- lating to the History of Great Britain, &c. Rolls' Office. Lond. 1862-5. Halliwell, J. O.: Dictionary of Archaic and Prov. Words. 2 vols. Lond. i860. Hallam, Henry : State of Eu- rope during Middle Ages. 3 vols. Lond. 1829. Havelok the Dane. Ed. by Sir F. Madden, for Roxburgh Club. Hawkins, Ed. : Silver Coins of England. Lond. 1841. Herodotus : Hist. Ed. Bekker, 1845, and in Mon. Hist. Brit. HiCKES, Dr. G. : Thesaurus Grammatico-Criticus. 3 vols. Fol. 1705. Holtzmann, Adolf : Kelten und Germanen. 4to. Stuttgart. 1855. Hoveden, Roger de : Ex Scrip- tores post Bedam. By Saville. Humboldt, W. Von. : Priifung der Untersuch, &'c. Berlin, 1821. Huxley, Prof. T. H. : Elements of Compar. Anatomy. Lond. 1864. lolo MSS., The : Pub. by Welsh MSS. Society. Lond. 1848. Kemble, J. M. : Codex Diplo- maticus ^vi Saxon. 5 vols. Lond. 1845. Kemble, J. M. : The Saxons in England. 2 vols. Lond. 1849. KiNGSLEY, Rev. C. : The Roman and the Teuton. 8vo. Lond. 1864. King Alysaunder. In Weber's Romances. Vol. i. Knox, Dr. Rob. : The Races of Men. 8vo. Lond. 1862. Laing, S., and Huxley, Prof. T. H. : Pre- historic Remains of Caithness. Lond. 1866. Lappenberg, J. M. : Hist, of Engl, under Anglo- Sax. Kings. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1845. Lappenberg, J. M. : Hist, of Eng. under Anglo-Norman Kings. 8vo. Lond. 1854. Latham. Dr. R. G. : The English Language. 4th Ed. Lond. 1855. Latham, Dr. R. G. : Ethnology of Brit. Islands. 8vo. Lond. 1852. Latham, Dr. R. G. : The Nation- alities of Europe. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1863. Latham, Dr. R. G. : The Ger- mania of Tacitus, with Dissertt. Lond. 1 85 1. Latham, Dr. R. G. : Prichard's 12 Original Authorities, &c., Consulted. Celtic Nations, with supp. Chapters. Lond. 1857. Latham, Dr. R. G. : The Nat. Hist, of the Varieties of Man. 8vo. Lond. 1850. Leges WalliccB Hoeli Boni, &c. Ed. Watton. i vol. fol. Lond. Leges WalliccB. The Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales. Ed. Aneurin Owen, published by the Record Commission. I vol. fol. Lond. 1 86 1. Leo, Dr. Heinrich : Vorlesungen iiber die Geschichte des Deutschen Volkcs und Reiches. 3 vols. 8vo. Halle, 1854-61. Leo, Dr. Heinrich : Ferienge- schriften : Ueber Deutschen und Keltischen. Halle, 1847- 1852. Leo, Dr. Heinrich: Wahlen und Deutsche. (Kuhn's Zeit- schrift.) 1853. Lewis, Sir Geo. C. : on the Romance Languages. 8vo. Lond. 1862. Lhuyd, Ed. : Anhaologia Bri- tannica. Fol. Oxford, 1707. LiNGARD, Dr. J.: Hist, of the Anglo-Saxon Church. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1845. LoBiNEAU, AL : Histoire de Bre- tagne. 8vo. Paris. Lyell, Sir Charles: Elements of Geology. 6th Ed., 8vo. Lend. 1865. Lyell, Sir Charles: On the Antiquity of Man. 8vo. Lond. 1863. Mackintosh, Rev. J. : Hist, of England. 3V0IS. i2mo. Lond. 1830. Matthkw I'nki-.: F»_::h'sh Ifi:^~ tory, by Giles. 3 vols. Lond. 1852. Marsh, G. P. : Origin and Hist. of Engl. Language. 8vo. Lond. 1862. Meyer, Dr. C. : On the Study of Celtic Languages. Rep. of Brit. Assoc. 1847. Monumenta Historica Britannica ; or. Materials for the History of Britain from the Earliest Periods. Published by com- mand of Her Majesty. Ed. by H. Petrie and J. Sharpe. Introd. and Pref. by G. D. Hardy, Esq. i vol. fol. Lond. 1848. This Vol. contains, besides Extracts from Classical Writers: Bedae Ven. His- toria Ecclesiasiica ; et Chro- nicon. Gildae Sapientis de Ex- cidio BritannicE. Roman In- scriptions in Britain. British Coins. The Anglo - Saxon Chronicle (in A.-Sax.) Asserii Meneven. Rer.-Gest. Alfredi Magni. Ethelwerdi, Chronico- rum, lib. quatuor. Florentii Wigorn, Chronicon. Simeonis Dunelm. Hisioria, &c. Hen- rici Huntendunensis Historia. EEstorie des Engles, solum Geffrei Gaimar. Annates Cam- briae, ab a.d. circ. 444, usque ad 1066. Brut y 'Tyioysogion (Chronicle of Princes of Wales) &c., &c., &c. MULLER, C. O. : Hist, and An- tiquities of Doric Race. 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1839. MuLLER, Max. : Lectures en the Science of Language. Lond. 1862. Myvyrian Archaeology of Wales. } vol*;. 9^r> J nnd. i8or-7. Original Authorities^ &c., Consulted. 13 Napoleon Bonaparte, Em- peror: Life of Julius Gcesar. Vols. i. ii. 8vo. Lend. 1863, 1866. NiEBUHR, B. G. : Lectures on Ajicient Ethnography and Geo- graphy. Lend. 1853. NiEBUHR, B. G. : The Hist. ojT Rome. Translated by Hare and Thirlwall. 1847-51. Palgrave, Sir Francis. : His- tory of Normandy and Engl. 2 vols. Lond. 185 1-7. Palgrave, Sir Francis : Hist, of English Commofiwealth. 2 vols. 4to. Lond. 1832. Percy, Bishop : Reliques .of Ancie?it English Poetry. 3 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1858. Penny Cyclopcedia (Various Ar- ticles.) Percy Society : The Various Publications of, but chiefly The Owl and Nightingale. Ed. by T. Wright, M.A. The Life and Martyrdom of Thomas Beket. Ed. by Mr. Black. Pickering, Dr. C. : The Races of Man. Ed. Dr. J. C. Hall. Lond. 1850. PoucHET, Georges : Pluraliti des Races Humaines. Paris, 1864. Philological Society: Trans- actions and Proceed, of 1845- 1863. Pictorial History of England. New Ed. by Chambers. 7 vols. roy. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1855, &c. Piers Ploughman^ Vision of; Creed of . Lond. 1832. Pike, L. Owen, A.M. : The English and their Origin. Lond. 1866. PosTE, Rev. Beale : Britannic Researches. 8vo. Lond. 1853. Pott, Dr. Aug. Fried. : DiePer- sone?tnamen, &c. 8vo. Leipsig, 1853. Pott, Dr. Aug. Fried. : Lndo- Germanischer Sprachstamm. In Ersch uud Gruber's Encyklop. Vol. xviii. Prichard, Dr. J. C. : Physical Hist, of Mankind. 4 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1841-47. Prichard, Dr. J. C. : The Eas- tern Origin of the Celtic Nations. Ed. Latham. 8vo. Lond. 1857. Prichard, Dr. J. C. : The Na- tural Hist, of Mart. 8vo. Lond. 1843. Procopius : Hist, in Monumenta Hist. Brit. Ptolem^i Cl. : Geographia. In Monumenta Hist. Brit. PuGHE, W. O. Dr. : Dictionary of the Welsh Language. Second Edition. Denbigh, 1832. Rask, E.G.: Anglo-Saxon Gram- mar. Tr. by Thorpe. Lond. 1865. Renan, Ernest: De VOrigine du Langage. 8vo. Paris, 1858. Reports of Commissioners on Public Records. Lond. var. dates. Rees, Rev. W. J. : Lives of Camhro- British Saints. Lan- do very, 1853. Retzius, Anders : Ethnologische Schriften. Stockholm, 1864. 14 Drier hial Authorities, &c.. Consulted, Robertson, E. W. : Scotland and her Early Kings. 2 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1862. Schleicher, A. : Die Sprachen Europas. 8vo. Bonn, 1850. SiSMONDi, J. C. L. S. de : Hist, de la Chute de V Empire Romain^ et du Die lift de la Civilisation. ■ Paris, 1835. Smith, C. R. : Collectanea An- iiqua Numis. Lond. 1848. SouvESTRE, Emile I Les Demiers Bretons. 2 vols, post 8vo. Paris, 1858. Spurrell, W. : Welsh- Eng, and Eng.- W. Dictionary. Carmar- then, 1859. Strabonis : Geographia^ in Monument. Hist. Britannica. SuETONii, C. Tranquilli : VitcB. Ibid. Sullivan, Dr. Rob. : Did. of Derivations. Seventh Edition. Dublin, 1855. Taciti, C. Corn. : Opera Om- nia. Ed. Bekkeri, &c. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1831. Taylor, Rev. Is., M.A. : Words and Places. Lond. 1864. Thierry, Amedee : Histoire des Gaulois. 3 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1 844. Thierry Augustin : Hist, de la Com/uete de V Angle tcrre par les Normands. Paris, 1825. Translated in Bohn^s Libr. 1856. Thirlwall, Dr. Connop: His- tory of Greece. 8 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1845. Thorpe, Benj. : Northern My- thology. 3 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1851. Thurman, Dr. J.: On Ancient British and Gaulish Sculls. In Memoirs of Anthropol. Society. Lond. 1865. Trench, Archbp. : On the Study of Words. Lond. 1853. Turner, Sharon : The Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons. 3 vols. ' Lond. 1828. Villlemarqu^, Vicomte H. Hersart de la: Poemes des Bardes Bretons du VI. Siecle. Paris et Rennes, 1850. 8vo. ViLLEMARQU]^, Vicomte H. Hersart de la: La Legende Celtique en Irelande, en Cambrie^ et en Bretagne, &c. i2mo. St. Brieux, 1859. ViLLEMARQu^, Vicomtc H. Hersart de la: Barzaz-Breiz: Chants populaires de la Bre- tagne. 8vo. Paris, 1839. Vocabularies, a Volume of: Yo\. i., part of a ** Library of National Antiquities." Published under the direction of J. Mayer, Esq., F.S.A., &c., of Liver- pool. Ed. by Thos. Wright, M.A. 1857. Whitaker, Dr. J. : History of Manchester. 2 vols. 4to. Lond. 1775. Whitaker, T. D. : History of Whalley. Fol. Lond. 1818. Whitaker, T. D. : History, &c. of Craven. 4to. 1805. Williams, Ven. Archd. : Es- says on Various Subjects. Lond. 1858. Williams, Rev. Rob., M.A. : Lexicon Comu-Britannicum. 1 vol. 4to. Llandovery, 1865. Original Authorities y &c,y Consulted, 15 WoRSAAE, J. J. A. : The Danes and Norwegians in England^ &c. Lond. 1852. WoRSAAE, J. J. A. : Primeval Antiquities of Denmark. Lond. 1849. Wright, Thos., M.A. : Wander- ings of an Antiquary^ &c. Lond. 1854. Wright, Thos., M.A. : The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon. Lond. 1861. Wright, Thos., M.A. : Essays on Archcelogical Subjects. Lond. 1861. Zeuss, J. C: Grammatica Celtica. 2 vols. 8vo. Leipzig, 1853. Zeuss, Kaspar : Die Deutschen und die Nachharstdmme. 8vo. Miinchen, 1837. CORRIGENDA. Page 71, note i, for 17, read 21. 76, heading, for (2), read (4). 168, 2nd line from top for south rtzd. youth. 217, note, for IFalton's Tea.d fVblton's. 286, note, for Sua Leges read Inai Leges. 302, note, for Lappenhurg read Lappenberg. Part I. Jfntjioliuftorg. The Pedigree of the English People . Investigated. CHAPTER I. ONAL Origin. SECTION I. The Cofnposite Character of Nations. "A /TOST thoughtful students of ethnology have, -*-^-*- probably at a somewhat early stage in their investigations, arrived at the conviction that purity of national descent — such purity as would entitle any one nation to pronounce itself entirely distinct in blood from other nations — is a thing impossible. The inter- mixture of different sections of mankind has been more like that of the waves of the sea than of the river of snow-water passing through the Swiss lake. The race of man has been so unsettled on the face of the globe— its migrations have been so prolonged and c 2 20 The Pedigree of the English. extensive ; admixture, through aniity and interest, or through force of conquest and necessity, has in every country so much prevailed — that few nations, even of quiescent oriental climes, can predicate of themselves that they belong simply and exclusively to this race or that, or can satisfactorily trace their lineage to a single tribe or family. Many persons may not readily acquiesce in the conclusion that, by an ordination of Providence, the development of the higher qualities of the race has been made dependent upon this intermixture of blood. But if facts which lie on the field of history do not fully and beyond contradiction justify such an hypo- thesis, they at least go far to establish its probable truth. Peoples, in proportion as they have been quiescent, ignorantly self-sufficient, suspicious of foreign customs and alliances, have, in the course of ages, given signs of exhaustion, and have at length paid the penalty of over-conservatism by decay and extinction. On the other hand, the mightiest nations have been those whose origin is traceable to mixed sources. That combination of noble qualities which culminates in national greatness, is found at the focal point where the varying but still harmonizing attributes of different stocks of the race meet and blend. There seems to be a tendency in prolonged isolation to leave in bolder relief some one or some few of the great qualities of a people, and it seems by no means improbable that Co7nposite Character of Nations. it by a beneficent law* of the universe such idiosyncracies are made to disappear, or at least recede, before less marked but more solid qualities. In the Celt we have the fervid impulse ; in the Teuton, patient perse- verance : the combination of the two forms a com- pleter, stronger personality than either by itself. Aptness to luxuriate in the ideal, and power to embody the ideal in actual form — philosophical meditativeness and practical industry — are oftener found apart than in combination. In China, India, Japan, they are not wedded together. But they are found more or less associated among the more composite peoples of Greece, Rome, Germany, France, England, America. The Jews, the most unmixed people, perhaps, in the civilized world, seem in this, as in other things, to form a strange exception to a general rule. Though deprived of empire, of political unity, of country^ they still maintain a vitality and display at times an intellec- tual energy and practical talent perfectly marvellous.. But there is one consideration which will to some extent account for this seeming mystery. The Jews, though unmixed, are not properly isolated. They mingle in the daily life and imbibe the habits and modes of thought of all nations. While fortified by a sense of national unity which no other people enjoy, their intellectual treasury is enriched by the literature of all the civilized world. An intellectual renovation proceeding from such various sources, and the physical influences of the various climates of the globe, may 22 The Pedigree of the English. be sufficient to account for the persistent vigour of the Jewish race, while also giving a clue to some of its manifest defects. SECTION II. The Origin of the Aboriginal British Population^ Obscure — The Analogy of other Early Nations, The historical tree of England spreads its deeply imbedded roots in forms so tangled and directions so diverse as sorely to perplex the student who would understand the whole history of its growth. The labours of the historian and ethnologist are much of a kind with those of the geologist, who has to search out and classify the formations of many thousand ages. He finds the strata twisted, dislocated, intermixed, presenting sudden faults which break off the thread of evidence, strange materials transported from regions wholly unknown, and by forces enormously surpassing any subject to modem experience. The historian, standing over the field of ancient British history, finds himself in similar plight. He has before him a kind of unwieldy chaos he wishes to reduce to some order. Whence came those numerous and busy tribes faintly pictured in the pages of Avienus\ Diodorus', Strabo', Caesar,* Tacitus,*^ and in the Welsh Triads ? What was the age of their arrival ? Which was the first » Ora Maritima^ vers. 94 tt seq. * Lib. v. ' Lib. iii. * De Bell. GalL^ passim. » Opera, passim. Origifi of Ayicient Nations Obscure, 23 comer, if their arrival was in succession ? And which continued to bear the generic designation of the stock, if their arrival was simultaneous ? Assuming, as we must at last assume, that they all belonged to what modern ethnologists call the great Indo-European family, and to the Celtic branch of that family, whence the wide varieties of their speech, and the designations whereby in Ireland, Caledonia and Wales, they have continued to be known ? The same or a similar difficulty besets the ethnolo- gist's path, proceed whither he may in the field of ancient history. Thucydides tells us that Hellas was- at first the abode of many tribes ; that these tribes were migratory : that the stronger pressed upon and dispossessed the weaker, forcing them into the wilder and remoter parts ; that thus the fairer and more fertile regions, such as Thessaly, Boeotia, and most of the Peloponnesus became the theatres of contention, and that Attica, by reason of its poverty, enjoyed greater repose, and through this means grew in strength and importance^ But beyond these general facts which had come down by the hand of tradition from primeval times, Thucydides can give us but little information. When he begins to assign to separate tribes their dis- tinct origin, he at once falls back upon the aid of myth and fable, the story of the Trojan war, of Hellen the son of Deucalion, Minos, &c.^ The Athenians, all account of their ancestry failing them, ingeniously ' Thucyd. i. 2, 3. ' Ibid. i. 3, 4. 2/\. The Pedigree of the English. made profit out of the disadvantage, and boasted that they were descendants of neither this man nor that, but o\ avTo^Boveg, veritable sons of the soil.^ This idea was afterwards, along with many others, borrowed by the Romans. Hence their indigenes aborigines, Horace speaks of the human race issuing out of the earth — ** Cum prorepserunt primis animalia terris'' — showing that the ancients were not at least inferior to the framers of the** development" doctrine of modern times ; only the old Greeks and Romans chose to be considered children of ** mother earth,'' rather than those of apes — a pride of ancestry which, though not ambitious, is on the whole worthy of com- mendation. An impenetrable veil hangs over the progenitors of the Romans, search for them from what quarter we may. This people, therefore, failing a better account of their own origin, fell back upon the confused and contradictory legend of ^neas and Ascanius conduct- ing, after the fall of 'f roy, the Trojans into Latium. The Pelasgi, it is likely enough, formed the generic stock whence proceeded the various tribes of Italy, the Sabines, Tyrrhenians, Siculians, Prisci, Sacrani, Umbri, Liguri ; and these, though brethren in blood, indulged in hostile incursions upon each other, as the ancient Britons also did, from motives of jealousy and interest. But of the degrees of their kinship we know ' Herodotus^ i. 171. Origin of Ancient Nations Obscure. 25 little ; and still less of the consanguinity of the Pelasgi to the old Etruscans, the probable progenitors of the different tribes of Hellas.^ The story of Hercules arriving in Latium and slaying the giant Cacus, and the whole account of Romulus and Remus, founders of Rome, betray a people as helplessly dependent on fable as were the old Cymry in their legends of Hu Gadarn and Prydain ab Aedd Mawr, Again, we possess but the most shadowy knowledge of the tribes which wandered up and down the plains of India before they coalesced into the mighty Hindoo race ; or of the manner in which the same or related tribes founded the other great empires of the East, of which China forms the chief. How the hordes of the North strove together before joining their rude forces to overwhelm the Western Empire ; or how many elements fused with the Franks to found the great empire of Charlemagne, it is easier to imagine than to specify. The absence of historic records is cause of all the uncertainty. The mystery which hangs about the early inhabitants of Britain is the product of the same cause. ^ See Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece, vol. i. 2. 8vo. ed. 26 The Pedigree of the English. CHAPTER II. The Ancient Britons. — Their Ethnological Affinities. — Their State of Culture. It will be useful, preliminarily to entering upon the argument of this essay, to cast a glance at the ethno- logical unity and the culture of the various tribes, and confederacies of tribes, known by the generic term ** Ancient Britons." We shall thus virtually supply an answer to two pertinent questions : — First : Were all the early inhabitants of Britain of the Celtic race, and of near kindship ? Secondly : Was their state of culture and general development such as to fit them, while beaten in the field, to form a vital and powerful element in the future population of the country ? section I. Results of Modern Ethnological Research respecting the early Inhabitants of the British Isles, We are to show in the course of this inquiry how far the English nation has, in the process of crystal- Early Ethnology of Britain. 27 lizing into form, gathered into its body elements from among the Ancient British race. In order to this we must determine at the outset the meaning of the term '* Ancient Britons," either eliminating from the mass some of the *' nations" found among the early- inhabitants of these islands, or supporting by reliable evidence the hypothesis that all the dwellers in Britain and Ireland when Csesar arrived were, under different names, substantially one people. The latter alternative shall be our task. In maintaining this hypothesis, we shall not attempt ignoring the fact that Teutonic settlements had been made on our eastern and north and south-eastern shores prior to Roman times. Whither did not the pirates and freebooters of the Elbe district and Scan- dinavia penetrate? Still, the aborigines of Britain were a Celtic people, and the conclusion we shall rest upon shall be, that in so far as aboriginal blood has been absorbed in the rearing up of the great commu- nity now called the English Nation, so far has the English nation been derived from the Ancient Britons. Even though Teutonic blood should be accounted alien to the Celtic, and be allowed to have in some measure mixed with it in Britain in the early ages, still this admixture is demonstrably so slight, as in no sense materially to affect the soundness of our con- clusion. The kinship of Celts and Teutons, however, and their departure at no very remote period from a common centre, is a question of great interest, and 28 The Pedigree of the English. must be taken account of, here and there, during the progress of our investigations. {a). Preliminary Ethnological Data. We are of the opinion that the human race is oru — having originated in one created pair. This ground is taken not merely on the faith of Scripture, but also as the demonstration of science.^ It is too dogmatic and too little ** scientific," to declare that the nations of the earth, which in mental, moral, and physical consti- tution possess so much in common, have sprung from different centres and at different epochs. As surely as that ** one touch of nature makes the whole world kin,'' so surely does the universal kindred everywhere develop the same touches of nature. Among the arguments for the unity of the race, as well as for the near consanguinity of some of its branches, that of language is one of the most interesting and conclusive. The common possession of the same terms as signs of the same ideas by nations inhabiting widely remote regions, argues relationship ; and the more ample the common property, the nearer, pre- sumably, the kinship. A comparison of the various languages spoken in Britain, Ireland, and Gaul in the time of Caesar, in so far as their elements are now ascertainable, leads infallibly to the conclusion that those tribes and ** nations*' who spoke them, though » It is hardly necessary to observe that the most eminent naturalists agree in this opinion, as ^.v. gr. Prichard, Cuvier, Blumenbach, Humboldt, Pickering, Owen, Latham. . Ethnological Data. 29 torn asunder by dissension, and widely separated by locality, constituted substantially but one people. The united race is divided by modern scientific clas- sification into three varieties — the Mongolian, Negro, and European.^ The Indo-European class of lan- guages, embracing as chief branches the Sanscrit, and the Classic tongues, contains abundant materials in favour of the comparatively recent origin of man on the earth — recent, we mean, when compared with im- measurable geological periods. Bunsen, one of the most adventurous, untrammelled thinkers of our age, has shown that the Egyptian antiquities and language, and other languages, furnish evidence that all the nations, which from the dawn of history to the present time, have been the pioneers of civilization in Africa, Asia, and Europe, must have had one beginning.^ It has taken long time, doubtless, to separate the one race into sections so unlike; and again long periods to elaborate the subdivisions of each. But facts care- fully compared leave no room to doubt the nature of the process. (3.) The remote Relation of Celts and Teutons. The family of languages termed Indo-European, embraces the Sanscrit, Iranian, Hellenic, Romanic, ^ See Latham's Varieties of Man, p. i-i, et seq. Cuvier's designa- tions are Mongolian, Ethiopian, and Caucasian. Latham prefers the terms Mongolidae, Atlantidae, and Japetidae. 2 See Bunsen's paper on Egyptian Researches in Relation "to Asiatic and African Ethnology, read before the British Association at Oxford. 30 The Pedigree of the English. Slavonic, Teutonic and Celtic. A ** family likeness" exists in all these. The Teutonic and Celtic, then, are found related. It may be argued that the points of analogy are few. In one sense they are few : in another they are very numerous. They are sufficient to establish a proof of relationship.^ In our subse- quent chapter on Philology, many of these points of analogy are brought to view. It is true that the early relationship of Celts and Teutons is not a question whose treatment is essential to the object of this work, — that object being to unfold relationships which arose between a portion of the Teutonic, and a portion of the Celtic race, not in re- mote, but in historic times, and having as the theatre of their operations the British Isles. We have to show, in short, how far the native Celtic tribes of these islands have entered into the ancestry of the present British people. To inquire, therefore, into prior relationship between Celts and Teutons as members of the great Indo-European family, would only be to take a step in the direction of universal ethnology, which would eventually land us at the universal brotherhood of all men. We must not run into this wide generalization. Our point of incidence is at a recent stage in the his- tory of mankind, where national distinctions had fol- lowed race distinctions, and these had obtained such » See Prichard's Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, Latham's ed., 1857. Confer also Schilter's Thesaur. Antiq. Teuton,, and Wachter*s Glossarium German., passim. Relation of Celts and Teuto?is. 31 prominence as to sever into widely separated sections the originally one family of man. Teutons and Celts, for the objects of this essay, form distinct Ethnological stocks, meeting in the course of their migrations in these Western regions as strangers, and more or less coalescing with each other, so as to constitute in pro- cess of time one great nation. It is impossible, for the sake of an artificial arrange- ment, to ignore the fact that these people were only communities, which, if each followed for itself the line of its descent backwards, would as infallibly as the rays of the sun or the branches of an arterial system, meet at no great distance in a common centre. Their modern coalition is only a new confluence of streams, now divided into many branches, which not only as tiny rivulets had taken their departure from the same fountain, but had now and then glided closely past each other, and even partly mixed their waters in traversing the continent of Europe. *' Britons, Anglo- Saxons, Danes, and Normans," says Sir F. Palgrave, were all relations : however hostile, they were all kins- men, shedding kindred blood. "^ Where could thse races have met before they crossed swords on British ground? The Cimbri had once possession of the Cimbric Chersonese or yutleind, and being so near and in such teeming numbers, had most probably peopled the same tracts which afterwards yielded the Angles, ^utes, and Saxons, who followed ^ English Commonwealth, vol. i. p. 35. ^2 The Pedigree of the English. them more as despoilers than friends to Britain. Nor is it at all beyond the bounds of probability that the Britons sent for help to North Germany, not merely as the wonderful region whence brave and heroic warriors and fierce sea-rovers in countless myriads issued in those days, but also as the land which they knew by tradition to have once been the home of their own ancestors. Commerce had evidently existed between the two people. Saxons had been allowed to settle in Britain prior to the Roman occupation. There was a ** Saxon Shore" of the island on the south {litus Sax- onicum), which most likely had derived its name from Saxon settlements in those parts.* The point of junction in early times referred to between the ancestry of Britons and Saxons would form a parallel to the relation subsisting between the Saxons and Danes of England and the followers of William at the Conquest, for these also were for the most part children of the North of Germany and of the Scandi- navian peninsula. It is curious to notice by the way another antecedent junction, mentioned by Appian.' He says that the Nervii, one of the Belgic tribes, were descendants of Cimbri and Teutons. The names given by Greek and Roman historians are at times very vague and perplexing. For example, * See Grimm, Gcsch. derDeuhch. Sprocket p. 625. De Reb, QaiL, iv. i, 4. N^/9tot ^prw ^ K{fifipo>¥ kcu Tcvtomot dirt^KOi. Relation of Celts and Teutons, 33 Dion Cassius says that the Greeks called some of the Celts ** Germans": KcXrwv -^a^ nvec ovc ^17 Tep/mavovQ KaXovfiEv, &c., and the country they inhabited (Celtica), Germany. The opinion held by some accomplished ethnologists, such as Latham/ that the *' so-called" Cimbri oi the Chersonese were not Celts, and that they were not related to the Cymrioi Britain, is, we humbly conceive, more ingeniously than soundly advocated. Local names in Jutland, and words in the vernacular of Schleswig and Holstein are found to be Cymbric. It is difficult to know why the Chersonese should be called Cmtbrica at all, except for the reason that Cimbri abode therein ; and it is impossible to account for the belief of ancient historians that this peninsula was inhabited by Cimbri unless such was the case. Equally difficult is it to account for the adoption of the name Cymry or Cymri by the people now repre- sented by the inhabitants of Wales, unless we allow as the reason their relationship to the ancient Cimbri. Not much importance can be attached to Zeuss's assertion, that the name is of recent adoption by the ^ See The Germania of Tacitus. Ed. by Dr. Latham. Lond., 1851. Append., p. civ. Though in this instance compelled to dissent from Dr.Latham,we are bound to confess to the highest admiration of his various writings. An accomplished modern writer, coupling his works with the late Dr. Donaldson's, speaks of them as "somewhat dangerous." They can only be so as the great erudition he com- mands enables him but too successfully to advocate a wrong opinion when he happens to adopt it. D 34 The Pedigree of the English, Celts of Britain. It may be so, and yet be only a revived ancient name, and revived on the ground of conscious right of consanguinity. The etymology Zeuss gives to Cyinroy Cymru^ &c., is also very fanciful and misleading : can (in comp. cyri) — same as Latin, con, with; and bro, land; whence he arrives at the meaning of indigenous, belonging to the country} There ,is no ground whatever for having recourse to such etymology as this. The plain account of the name is that it is a modification of Cimbri, just as Cimbri again, according to the testimony of Diodorus, is **a slight modification" of Cimmerii.' Be the case as it may with respect to the Cimbric Chersonese, there can be no dispute as to whether the Celts of the continent are found in frequent contact with Teutons. As we have just shown, they are said by Appian to unite with the Teutons in the composition of the people called Nervii, and the name he gives them is Cimbri, Paterculus mentions Cimbri and Teu tones together as a ** German** people.* Ceesar informs us that they overran Gaul together, and were only put in check by the Belgse,* &c. That people thus intimately associated should to a great extent become mixed, and their languages in future times exhibit many materials in common — as we find them now to do — is all but unavoidable. * Confer Zeuss, Grammatica Ctllica^ pp. 226, 227. • Diod, Sic, v. 2. » Lib, ii. 8, 12. * De Biil, Ga//. ii. 4. Early Britons all Celts, 35 (c.) The relation of the Celtic tribes of ancient Britai^t amongst them- selves, the Cymry, the Belgce, the Lloegrians, the Brython, the Gaels y PictSy and Scots. Having thus glanced at the earlier relations of the stocks which in conjunction have contributed the main materials of the English nation, we now confine our attention to Celtic tribes of Britain, and their relation to each other. We need not stay to prove that the native population found by the Romans in Britain were Celts. Very few even among the wildest theorists have denied this, while the united voice of competent his- torians, ancient and modern, is in its favour. But while the British aborigines were all Celts, they still presented many diversities. They were divided into several independent sovereignties. They went by different names, and spoke languages which to a stranger might appear to be different. They had arrived in Britain, it cannot be doubted, at different times, and probably at different points of the coast, and from different parts of the continent. Some had come from the north of Germany, some from Belgic, some from Armoric Gaul. Their separation prior to their reunion in Britain may have been very long. The only question we need settle here is whether that separation had been so prolonged as to occasion such diversities in speech and manners, and such intermixtures with other races, as would render it improper to consider them one nation or people, under the common desig- nation '* Ancient Britons." D 2 36 The Pedigree of the English, The researches of modem historians unequivocally favour the opinion that under the names of KcXrat, Ya\a- Tai, Gauls, Gaels, Gwyddils, Celts, Cimmerii, Cimbri, Cymry, Brython, Lloegrians, Scots and Picts, only one race, under different tribe or clan divisions, political organizations, and periods of existence, is spoken of, and while different degrees of diversity through shorter or longer periods of estrangement and foreign ad- mixture had intervened, still no such diversity prevailed as would materially affect their unity and integrity, and hence their classification as onepeopie, I. The Kt/x/tfpioi — we mean the historical Kt/i/«pioi, not those of Homer — the Cimmerii, Cimbri (hence Welsh Cymry), at one time peopled the valley of the Danube, the shores of the Sea of Azof, the Crimea on the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and the Chersonesus Cimbrica or Jutland. From this last locality it was that they issued forth in such formidable hosts in the second century, B.C., and committed such havock among the Roman armies under Papirius Carbo, Junius Silanus, Mallius, and Servilius Csepio, until they were at last brought to bay by Marius near Verona and completely and finally defeated. This great branch of the Celtic race was probably its chief representative in Roman times, but they had brethren in the form of scattered tribes in various parts of the continent of Europe which are occasionally mentioned by ancient historians both Greek and Roman. These were doubtless frag- ments of the great Celtic stock left behind during mi- SUPPOSED ROUTES OF CELTIC MIGRATION. s/A '^;'MJ ' ^^^ ^ Routes of Celtic Migration. 37 grations, cut off by war, or voluntarily wandering in search of better fortune. At what time, or from what quarter, the Cimbri (Cymry) came first to Britain it is impossible to ascertain. For the Celtic race, in their westward pro- gress from Asia, Meyer assigns two principal routes, and along one or other of these, and perhaps chiefly by the northern (if credit is given to the declarations of the Triads) the Cymry made their way to their final home. Meyer listens to the intimations, slight as they may be, of history, but mostly relies on the abiding footprints discovered in local names. He traces one route through Syria and Egypt, along the northern coast of Africa, across the Strait of Gibraltar, and through Spain to Gaul, where it separates into three branches, one terminating in the British Isles, the other in Italy, and the third near the Black Sea. The other great stream of migration ran less circuitously, and more northwards, through Scythia in Europe, the shores of the Baltic Sea, Scandinavia or Jutland, Prussia (the supposed Pwyl of the Welsh Triads) through Northern Germany, the plains of the Elbe (the region of the Saxons), and to Britain across the German Ocean, the '*hazy sea," {Mor Tawch) of the Triads. It is conjectured, moreover, that the stream which came by Africa and Spain was the earliest to reach Britain. The two routes are roughly represented on the annexed sketch. Whatever the origin of the name Cymr}% and whence- 38 The Pedigree of the English. soever the people bearing the name, it is obvious from the whole tenor of their history that they had from early times obtained a commanding position among the other Celtic tribes of Britain. They seem, by pre- eminence, to have been called by the old ancestral name, Ciinbri — the name, however, of a section only of the generic stock, the Celtae (KcXrai). While, there- fore, all the British Celtic tribes shall be compre- hended by us under the term ** Ancient Britons," a place of distinction must be accorded the Cyynry as the strongest, and most persistent in maintaining lan- guage, race and territory of all their brethren. It may be that this distinction was won at the cost of greater comparative reduction in number than fell to the lot of the more yielding tribes — (the Brython, Lloegrians, and Cumbrians,) and the cost also of exclusion from the honour of entering in equal degree into the composi- tion of the great English community. Be this as it may, history presents no section of a great people standing forth more conspicuously from the general mass, and solemnizing with more impressive sacrifices the worship offered at the shrine of home and country. They yielded — but only inch by inch, to a superior foe; but, at the last, carried away with them, as ./£neas did from Troy, their choicest and most valued treasures — their kindred, and their " . . . . sacra .... patriosque pcnates," made Mona the sanctuary of their priesthood, and the Snowdon mountains the citadel of their freedom. The Cyniry find Rest at last. 39 Their name, language and honour they have to this day preserved as memorials of their past ; and though they have left behind them to be engulphed in the great vortex of conquest and incorporation, their brethren of Strathclyde, Cumbria, Cornwall, and the long ago vanished Lloegrians and Brython, they them- selves still survive, and constitute a part, not insigni- ficant, not morally or politically unhealthy, but in some respects significant, interesting, vital, of the renowned people of Britain. Their time of painful conflict for independence is past; their time of peace, good government, prosperity is come — of which their good genius long centuries ago might have said : — " Revocate animos, moestumque timorem Mittite ; forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit. Per varies casus, per tot discrimina rerum Teudimus in Latium ; sedes ubi fata quietas Ostendunt." The "Latium'' to which, *' through so many pe- rilous adventures," and much against their will, they have been conducted, and where for 1,900 years at least they have first found ''peaceful settlements," is union with England. And now that they have been taught at last to value peace, let them understand their pre- sent happy predicament, and gird themselves for distinction in a new field — to thejn in modern times perfectly new — the field of the industrial arts, and intellectual culture. With respect to these things, the people of every civilized country, knowing their story. 40 The Pedigree of the English. and respecting the honesty and brightness of their nature will say to them : — ** Durate, et vosmet rebus servaie secundis." 2. The Belgce, The opinion has always prevailed, and cannot be invalidated, that Britain was first peopled from Gaul. A large portion of Gaul, corresponding with modem Belgium and Holland, with portions of Flanders, Picardy, and Normandy, was inhabited by the **Belgae," and by the Romans named Gallia Belgica, Tribes were found in Britain also, whom Caesar calls Belgce, and gives us to understand that they were of the Belgae of Gaul. Now it has been a question in ethnology whether the Belgae of Gaul, and by consequence those of Britain, were Celts (like the Galli in general), or Germans, or a mixture of both. We believe that the Belgae of Gaul themselves were largely a Celtic people, with an infusion of Germanic blood. There is nothing to be gained to ethnology by denying that the Belgae of Britain were a branch of those of Gaul. Not only the statements of Caesar, but the local names on both sides the channel, show that they were one people. Now the only point material to us in this place is, whether these ** Belgae'' were a Celtic race— Celtic in the main. That they had received a Teutonic tinge is admitted ; but were they Celtic in the main ? They were. And more : they were a branch of the Celts nearly re- lated to the Cymry. This is proved by the language The Belgce, 41 they spoke. Strabo was not a careless or incorrect his- torian, and he not only states that the Celtic name was given to all the Gauls/ but distinctly affirms that the language spoken by the Celts was, with few variations, the language spoken hj \h% Belgce ; **Eadem non usque quaque lingua utantur omnes, sed paululum variata." ^ The nature of this language may also be learned from the local names, and tribe names, of Belgica. The dwellers on the sea coast opposite Dover were the Morini (Welsh, 7nor, sea; Corn., mor; Arm., mor),' Many of the towns of the Belgse situated on rivers were called by names commencing with dur, the Celtic word for ** water," as Z^/^rocortorum (modern Rheims), T^^rmacum (Tournay), Z^z^rocatalaunum (Chalons), (Welsh, dwr, water, river). ^ Others, and their inhabi- tants, commenced as in Welsh, Cornish or Armoric, with Ire, ** abode"; as, Tm^iri, Atrehdln, TV/casses. Some, again, contained the Celtic dmi (Welsh, din, dinas, *^a high place of strength," citadel ; Corn., dun, a hill), as NixodunViVsx, hugdtmum. Others had the Celtic caer (Welsh caer; Corn., caer; Arm. hr; Irish, cathir, pronounced, cair, a ** fortress," **city"), as Caere€\, G?rtovallum, CurmiliSica,. Their rivers had the Celtic avon and wysg, as Ma,tron3,, Axona,, Sequandi^ 1 Nomen Celtarum universis Gallis inditum, ob gentis claritatem. Lib. iv. 2 Strabo, lib. iv. ^ Comp. Part III. chap iii. sect. 3 {b) of this essay. * Ibid. It is often said, since the opinion was given by Lluyd, 42 The Pedigree of the English. The Celtic character of tribes whose names, and the names of whose towns and rivers, contained such ele- ments — elements observable in the most purely Celtic districts of Britain, cannot for a moment be questioned. That great numbers of these people moved across to our island, as intimated by Caesar, is obvious. The Atrcbatii of Belgica had their counterpart in the Atrebatii of Wilts and Berks ; the Catalauni in the Cateuchlani inhabiting the central parts north of the Thames, &c. Names of towns and rivers likewise cor- respond. As to the language. Sir F. Palgrave gives it as his opinion that at least one-third of the vocabu- lary of the Cymbric consists of roots which it possesses in common with the Belgic.^ The Belgse of Britain, therefore, were of a cognate race with the Cymry, and their presence under a name somewhat non-Celtic disturbs not the substan- tial unity and integrity of the Ancient Britons. But we have historic as well as philologic testimony respecting the Celtic character of the Belgse. Out of some fifteen Belgic tribes enumerated by Caesar, he that wysg and esk can only be derived from the Irish uisk, "water/* and this is used as one chief argument for the priority of occupation of Britain by the Gael. But it is observable that rivers designated by this term are rapid streams, and we are much inclined to take the word as an adjective marking this quality. In Welsh, gwysg^ gwisgit feminine form wisgi\ is an adjective signifying quick, brisk, gay, precipitate, headlong. Gwysg also in Welsh signifies "stream," and this is from guiy^ water. ' £ngL Comm., vol. i. p. 27. <^ OF THE % T/ie BelgcB wer^^. Celts. .^ J 43 '-\ selects only three or four as distinctively Germanic. To none of the great tribes of Belgica, but only to a few of the more insignificant, does Tacitus attribute a German origin. Such Is the case with Strabo. The Galatse of Asia Minor are allowed to be Celts, but St. Jerome testifies that the Belgic Trevlrl spoke a language similar to theirs. We have seen that Appian relates that the Nervii — probably the least Celtic of all the Belgic tribes — ^were a compound of CimbrI and Teutons. When Csesar, In giving a general description of the people of Gaul, divides them into three portions, Belgae, Galll (who called themselves, as he says, ** Celtse"), and AquitanI, and Informs us, '* Hi omnes in lingua, institutis, leglbus, inter se differunt," he gives information which, if taken absolutely, is now allowed by all competent judges to be Incorrect, but If taken simply as a loose and general statement, meaning only that dialectic variations, even of a marked character, prevailed, may be received as history. The only difference In language in Belgic and other parts of Gaul, so far as we can judge, was one which may fairly be termed dialectic ; and when the same people crossed over to Britain, some from Belgica, some from Lugdu- nensis (which Included Normandy and Brittany) they knew each other as brethren of one stock, and had pro- bably fewer differences of speech as a barrier to Inter- course, than would be presented now if Cymry from Wales and Bretons from Finisterre tried to colonize a new region In concert. 44 The Pedigree of the English, With this view agrees the opinion of the accom- plished Frenchman, M. Emile Souvestre, who, with reference to Caesar's **trois grands peuples," says: — ** Mais il est clairque cestrois nations, qui avaient une meme origine, les memes institutions politiques, la meme religion, parlaient, a peu de chose pres, la mtme langue ; et quand Cesar dit : * Hi omnes lingua^ institu- iisy legibus^ inter se differunt^ il faut traduire ici le mot lingua par dialedey And he then adds with much force, that if this is not so, then the language used else- where by Caesar, with respect to the German king Ariovistus, is incomprehensible : ** Sans cela, ce que dit le meme Cesar serait incomprehensible, lorsqu'il assure, sans distinguer entre les Beiges, les Celtes, et les Aquitaines, qu' Arioviste, roi des Germains, avait appris la langue gauloise par un long commerce avec ce peuple. Que signifierait la langue gauloise s'il ne s*agissait d'une langue parlee dans toutes les Gaules ? " ^ Much can be said in favour of the view that the "Belgse*' and the " Galli" of Caesar stood in about the same relation to each other as the Cymry and the Gaels of to-day, both as to blood and language. Put into tabular form they would stand thus : — The Ancient Galli ( Representatives of the true The Modem Gaels, or Gwyddyls ( " Celtse." The Ancient " Belg» " ( Mixed, but cognate to the The Modern Cymry ( true *' Celtse." » Les Demurs Bretons t vol. i. pp. 141, 142. The Celts of Britain and Gaul, 45 Caesar may have meant by Belgse, Galli, and Aquitani, the peoples otherwise called Flemings, Gauls proper (/. ^., Celts), and Basques, or, otherwise named, Cimbri, Celtse, and Basques, the two former according to this view being as distinct in language as the Cymry of Wales and the Gaels of Ireland are now.^ The only effect of this theory would be to widen the distance to some small degree between the Galli and Belgse of ancient times, and between the Gaels and Cymry of to-day, respectively ; making the Irish and Welsh to differ, as languages, though cognate lan- guages, and not as dialects of the same language. In fact Irish would then be to Welsh what Greek is to Latin, or Sclavonic to Lithuanian. 3. The Celts of Britain and of Gaul generally. In Britain and in Gaul the Celtic race was broken up into a great variety of tribe distinctions. In Gaul they are said to have constituted sixty-four states or bodies politic (civitates^) ; and Caesar mentions four ** kings" among the Britons of Kent alone, in league with Cassibelaunus against the Romans.^ Whatever length of time may have elapsed since the British Celts had left the parent stem, it is clear that intercourse and recognition of kinship had con- ^ This is the view given in a private communication by Dr. Rowland Williams, who is known to have bestowed much searching attention upon this question. ^ Tacitus, Annates, iii. 44. ' De Bell. Gall.y v. 18. 46 The Pedigree of the English, tinued. Caesar's reason for invading Britain — that ** in all his wars with the Gauls," the Britons had rendered them assistance, is proof of this. Their com- munications with each other in times of danger were frequent and rapid. Caesar no sooner purposes to invade, than his purpose is known to the islanders through ** merchants" passing to and fro.^ The warmest national sympathy was exhibited when dan- ger threatened, although probably — as the manner of the race has always been — they allowed no delay in fighting each other, when no foreign foe threw down the gauntlet. As to language^ Tacitus has left a most significant statement : their speech was nearly alike — " Eorum sermo haud multum diversus."^ As to religion^ the same Druidic religion prevailed in Gaul and Britain, only the latter seems to have been considered its chief seat. The same kind of houses were built. The social and political institutions of both had much in common ; in their manners and customs, modes pf dress and life, as well as in personal appearance and temperament, they manifested all the characteristics of the same people. As to the inhabitants of that part of Gaul, called in earlier times Armorica, and now Brittany, or Bretagfu, > De Bell. Gall. iv. i8. And yet the Emperor Napoleon thinks " the Britons had no shipping in the time of Caesar." — Hisi. of Julius Ctrsar, vol. ii. p. 184. • Vt/a Agric. xi. The Celts of Ireland and Caledofiia. 47 evidence, both of history and of language is super- abundant to prove their close relationship with the Cymbric Celts of Britain. The language of both people, in spite of a separation of more than a thousand years, and the natural changes in inflection, through loss or addition of words, and through the influence of Latin and French on the Armorican, and of Latin, Eng- lish, and Norman -French on the Welsh, are still so nearly alike as to merit no stronger separating name than that of ** dialects" of the same speech. History relates the conquest of Armorica by the Britons, and the settlement at different times of vast hosts of them, now by force, now by permission, in that land, mixing anew the blood of ancient kindred, and swelling into a more copious body the vocables of long-separated branches of the one ancient speech. Hence, the state- ment made by M. Emile Souvestre is correct: *'Le bas Breton actuel n'est done pas un reste de Gaulois, mais de langue Britannique." ^ It is beyond doubt that, while the language of ancient Armorica, along with that of Gaul generally, not omitting Belgica, be- longed to the generic Celtic, that same language, through more modern vicissitudes, may now be termed Britannic-Celtic, rather than Gallic-Celtic. 4. The Celts of Ireland and Caledonia. In the absence of historic record, we are justified in presum- ing on grounds of antecedent probability, that Ireland would receive its first inhabitants from Wales or Scot- ' Les Derm'ers Bretons, vol. i. p. 144. 48 The Pedigree of the English. land. Wonderful explorers were those ancient Celts f Probably they soon pushed their way through thicket and swamp to the Highlands of Scotland, and finding there an end to their territory, they then from the highest eminences looked out westward, and descried the misty coast of the Green Isle. The early separa- tion of these pioneers of the Gallic or Celtic race through their crossing to Ireland, whether that took place from Scotland or Wales, is quite sufficient to account for the marked difference now existing between the Gaelic or Irish language and the Welsh. The first tribes to arrive in Britain would probably be the first settlers in Scotland and Ireland. Pressed towards the interior by subsequent arrivals, as nomadic hordes but slightly attached to any particular spot, they would readily move forward to new pasturages, rather than fight for possession of the old. The Gaelic or Gadhelic people, therefore, may be presumed to have had the advantage of priority of occupation. But the ground, of course, is one of presumption — not one of historic statement. The Gaelic language, a sort of standing difficulty with philologists, undoubtedly differs very widely from the Cymraeg, So does the Irish. These two, the Irish and Gaelic, are so nearly alike, that for the general pur- poses of philology, they maybe considered as one, and in this light wc treat them, here and in the chapter on philology. Adelung, and with him Schloezer, followed our great Cambrian philologist and antiquarian, Gaelic and Cymbric Celtic. 49 Edward Lluyd, in directing special attention to the divergence of these two dialects of the Celtic language from the Welsh. Modern philology has pursued the inquiry to further results, and has established beyond question not only the fact that Welsh, Gaelic, Irish, Cornish, Armoric, and Manx are cognate languages, or rather dialects of the same mother language, but also, that these six are to be divided into two groups of three each, according to their nearness of approxi- mation to each other: fErse, in Ireland. Gaelic, in the Highlands of Scotland. Manx, in the Isle of Man. / Welsh, in Wales. 2. Cymbric Branch < Armorican, in Brittany. \ Cornish, extinct.^ A language commences the process of forming itself into two languages the moment those who speak it separate into two communities occupying different territories. The number of communities formed, determines the number of new languages, or dialects, to be developed. All things being equal, divergence will increase according to time given. These positions are allowed to be indisputable. If therefore the Irish, Gaelic, and Manx have diverged from the Welsh more than the Armorican and Cornish have done, this is proof 1 The Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum, by the Rev. R. Williams, M.A., of Rhydycroesau, is the best contribution yet made to Cornish philology, and demonstrates the propriety of this mode of grouping the Celtic toncrues. 50 The Pedigree of the English, only of longer separation. The insular position of the Gaels of Ireland would almost completely cut them off from their brethren in Britain, and. thus facilitate the growth of dissimilarity in the cognate languages, or dialects. The Armoricans, though in like manner separated by the sea, are proved by history and tradi- tion to have through many hundred years maintained intercourse with their British kindred, and to have at times received large accessions of population from them. The effect of territorial (and length of) separa- tion would by this means be greatly neutralized, and the substance and forms of the two dialects be kept more nearly alike. As to the Cornish, this was lopped off from the Cymbric stock in comparatively recent times, and its divergence therefore is not great. The greater similarity of modern Irish to modem Gaelic than of either to modern Welsh^ may be seen at a glance by comparing one sentence of the Lord's Prayer in each : English : Give us this day our daily bread. fjrish : Ar nardn lac'athamhail tabhair dhuinn a riii. Gaelic : Tabhair dhuin an diugh ar n'aran laitheil. Welsh : Dyro i ni heddyw ein bara beunyddiol. * But how much more similar to each other were all these Celtic dialects a thousand or fifteen hundred years ago it is needless to remark. The old Cornish vocabulary of th^ thirteenth century, in the British Museum {Cotton, Bill. Vcspas. A. 14) will show the student who is familar with the Welsh of the twelfth century how much nearer these two languages were then to each other, than the Cornish Remains of the Fifteenth Century y recently published under the able editorship of Mr. Norris, are to the Welsh of the present time. Armoric, Corjiish, Irish. 51 The Armoric bears decided similarity to the Welsh. Armoric : Ro deomp bep deiz hor bara pemdeziec. Welsh : Rho i ni bob dydd ein bara beunyddiol. Again : — Armoric : Merc'hed Jerusalem, na oueilit ked warnoun me, mes goueilit warnoc'h hoc'h-unan, &c. Welsh : Merched Jerusalem, na wylwch o'm plegid I, ond wylwch o'ch plegid eich hunain, &c. One sentence to show how much the Armoric has been corrupted by French. Armoric : Mes araog an holl draouze hei a lakaio o daouarn warnoc'h, hag o persecutor o livra ac'hanoch d'ar sinagogou, hag o lakaad ac'hanoc'h er prizonioUf hag e veot caset dirag rouaned ha gouarnerien^ ^c. The Cornish language comes nearer to the Welsh than does the Armoric. Words italicised are corrup- tions.^ Cornish. Welsh. Pan welas na ylly delyffre. Pan welodd na allai draddodi. NynsusponswardhourCedron. Nid oes pont ar ddwr Cedron. Yma gena un be da, gorra hag Y mae genyf un baich da, gwair eys kemyskys. ac yd cymysg. Mesk ow pobel ny vynnaf na Ymysg fy mhobl ni fynaf yn fella agas godhaf. bellach eich goddef. Dour ha ler, ha tan, ha gwyns, Dwr a llawr (daear), a than, a haul ha lour, ha steyr kyffris, . . . gwynt, haul a lloer, a ser yn gyf- anken y a wodhevys. ryw, ing a oddefasant. Godheveuch omma lavur, ha Goddefwch yma lafur, a gwyl- gollyouch genef. iwch genyf. ^ Confer Williams's Lexicon Cornu-Britann. On the analogy of the different Celtic tongues, see at length Zeuss's Gramm. Celtica, passim; on the conjugation of the verb, especially, pp. 427 — 560. E 2 52 The Pedigree of the English. Cornish. Welsh, Pan y'th welaf, L6s hep hyreth Pan y'th welaf, bod heb hiraeth my ny allaf. ni allaf. Yn levyr yma scrifys, dre Yn y llyfry maeyn'scrifenedig, cledhe nep a vewo, ef a vyru yn y neb a fo fyw drwy y cleddyf, ef sur dredho. yn siwr a fydd farw drwyddo. Mi a credy yn Dew an Tas Mi a gredaf yn Nuw Did Olgallusek, Gwrdar an nef ha'n Hollalluog, Creawdwr nef a 'oar. daear. Ny a whyth yn dhy vody sperys^ Ni a chwythwn yn dy gorph may hylly bew6. yspryd, mal y gelli fyw. Govyn orto mar a*m bydh oyl Gofyn wrtho (iddo) pa un i mi a vercy yn dywedh. fydd olew trugaredd yn y diwedd. From the foregoing examples it is evident, both that all these six divisions of Celts are nearly related to each other, and that nearest to the Cymry come, first the Cornish and next the Armoricans. The Gaels, or Gaedhils, of Ireland, through longer and completer separation, have departed further from the Cymbric type, in language, if not also in blood. The Picts and Scots have usually been associated with Caledonia. These names are recent in origin, being used only by later Roman writers.^ Bcde (sixth cent.) calls Caledonia **provincia Pictorum" ; and it would seem that in his time the name Picts, or Pehts, ' Neither Caesar nor Tacitus has any mention of Picts. Nor has Ptolemy or Dion Cassius. Eumenius's Oration to Constantius Chlorus, A.D. 296 : " Soils. . . . Pictis modo et Hibemis adsueti hostibiis," first brings forward their name in British history. They are alluded to repeatedly by Amm. Marcellinus. All details re- specting the " Pictish question " are contained in Pinkerton, Chalmers, Ritson, Prichard, Grant, and Betham. .The Pids and Scots. 5j^ Iiad nearly superseded the older term Caledonii — derived, perhaps, from the Cymbric Celyddon, and this related to the gfeneric GalatcE, Celtce, Galli. That the Picts were a branch of the Cymry^ and the Scots immigrants from Ireland,^ where the name Scotii originated, is to be considered as certain. The name ** Picts" is of doubtful origin ;^ but that the people who had probably pushed their way from the Cumbrian kingdom into the hilly regions of South Caledonia, were Cymry in language is evidenced by the local names they impressed on that region, and also by the names of some of their later kings found in a MS. in the Colbertine library. We find the words ben a,ndpen used to designate mountains and eminences, as Ben- Nevis, Ben-L.om.ond ; and Penwdl is said by Bede to have been the Pictish name for a place at the ** termi- nation of the wall " of Antoninus. Now Ban and Pen are also Cymbric words of like meaning, as seen in Bangor, BamM (pL), Brycheiniog (the Brecknockshire Beacons), Pencdi&er, P^;^maenmawr. The Pictish name ^ Bede, Eccles. Hist. Bi. ci. 2 As the valley of the Loire {Liger) has strong claims as the former home of the Lloegrlans, and probably also of the Brython, the name Picts leads us to favour the idea that these people last came from a part of the same region (now Poitou), where a tribe called Pidones are said to have dwelt. Tie only objection to receiving this view is the statement of the Triad — that the Picts (Gwyddyl Fichti) came to Alban by the sea of Llychlyn (North Sea) ; but they might well have come to Britain by that Sea, and yet have previously dwelt in South-Western France, as well as have Scan- dinavia for their more ancient seat. 54 The Pedigree of tlu English. Pen-val is pure Cymbric in both its parts. Pen, top, head, extremity, and gwal (constr. state, wal) giving the signification ** wall's-head,'* or termination — the same as that of the Gaelic rendering of Pen-val, Cenail, {Cean, head, dind/hail, of the wall) the modem Kinneil. Bryneichy the original of the Latin Bemicia, is pro- bably a Pictish name. The Welsh etymology of the word is from bryn, a hill. In Fife are the Ochil Hills (Welsh, Uchel, high). Cairngorva has many corre- spondences in Wales, as Carn^^A. Llywelyn, Gzrwedd Dafydd, Gzrwedd y Filiast, Tr^igarn, &c. The register of Pictish kings from the fifth century downwards contained in the Colbertine MS. gives several names which are Cymbric : Taran (Welsh, laran, thunder) ; Uvan — a slight modification of the Welsh levan, Ivan, or Owen; Talorg — Welsh, /«/, high, as talcen^ high part of the head, "forehead" ; 7^/iesin ; local names, 7^/garth, TTz/og ; Wrgwst — Welsh, Gwrgwst; Drust — ^Welsh, Trwst ; Drostan — Welsh, Trwstan, &c.* The word Aber, applied in Wales for a confluence of waters, whether of inland streams or of rivers and the sea, was used in Caledonia in a similar way. Many places once called abers in Scotland have been changed * The cen in this word is the Ir. and Gael, ceatty head. Lewis Glyn Cothi (circ4 1450) uses /d/ for "head": "A dawn Duw'n fiodau'n ci See the Works of Tim Bobbin. Ed. 1862. Pp. 41, 83. The Lloegrians and Brython. 57 from whom is derived the modern Welsh name for England {Lloegr), a branch of the ** Nation of the Cymry/' came from South-Western France, the valley of the river Liger, modern Loire, and settled in the south and east of Britain. The Brython probably came from the same part of France, held the same re- lation to the *' Nation of the Cymry," and settled in the North of England. These, in all probability, have their name still preserved in the common designation ** Bretons." But more of the Lloegrians and Brython in the next sub-section, where we give the evidence of the Welsh Triads} (d.) The Welsh Triads on the early Settlers in Britain, and the identity of their origin. Whatever value may attach to the Triads as historic records, they are at least in many respects documents of great interest, and may be received even by the most hypercritical of the Wolfian school as corrobora- tory of other evidence. They are exponents to us of what the now lost records of Welsh history contained, and of the testimony of tradition. The Triads are clear and positive in according the first colonization of Britain to the Cymry (Cimbri). Triad First says : — '* Three names have been given to the Isle of Britain from the beginning. Before it was inhabited it was called Clas Merddin, and afterwards 1 The Welsh Triads, or Trioedd Ynys Prydain, are given in full in the Myvyrian ArchcBology of Wales. Vols, ii, and iii. 58 The Pedigree of the English. F61 Ynys. When it was put under government by Prydain, son of Aedd the Great, it was called Inis Prydain (the Isle of Prydain), and there was no tribute paid to any but to the race of the Cymry, because they first possessed it, and before them no men dwelt in it, nor anything else except bears, wolves, beavers, and the oxen with the high prominence." The sixth Triad contains the following : — ** The three national pillars of the Isle of Britain : — First Hu Gadarn (Hu the Mighty) who originally conducted the nation of the Cymry into the Isle of Britain. They came from the summer country which is called Defifrobani (where Constantinople now stands), and it was over the hazy sea (the German Ocean) that they came to the Isle of Britain and to Llydaw (Armorica, Bretagne) where they continued.''^ The seventh 7>/Wruns thus : ** The three social tribes of the isle of Britain : The first was the nation of the Cymry that came with Hu the Mighty into the isle of Britain, &:c. The second was the tribe of the Lloegrwys, \LocgndinSy Ligurians ?'] that came from the land of Gwasgwyn [Gascony ?] being descended from the primi- tive nation of t/ie Cymry, The third were the Brython, who came from the land of Armorica, liaving their descent from tlu same stock with tJie Cymry ^ &c. Now these Three Triads are categorical on the fol- lowing heads : — I . That the first inhabitantsof Britain were the Cymry. * Myv. Arch, of Wa/es. ii. 57. Evidence of the Welsh Triads. 59 2. That the region whence they came was the ** summer country," and that their path was across the German ocean. 3. That the same people settled also in Armorica. 4. That besides and after the Cymru, two other tribes, the Lloegrwys from Gwasgwyn, and the Brython from Armorica, came.^ No attempt at chronology is here made, but an order of succession is plainly indicated. All the tribes are of one blood. The later comers settle, as if for conso- lidation, with the consent and friendship of the first possessors — the Cymry. Note also that the regions whence they came are those frequently mentioned by Roman historians as parts inhabited by the Celtse. In all this, there is no tone of hypothesis, no hesitation in statement, nor is there any clashing with the utter- ances of authentic history, but rather the reverse. Avoiding, therefore, the scepticism which is quite as hostile to the investigation of historic truth as is the weakest credulity, we receive the 7>/W account as sub- stantially worthy of reliance. Next comes a Triad (the eighth) which puts a little change upon the scene. The Cymry and their kins- men the Lloegrwys and Brython were not to have it all their own way in the ''isle of honey" (Fel Ynys). Still, as yet, there are no hostile arrivals ; but certain " refuge seeking" people from the far north, and from across the water. ** The three refuge-seeking tribes ^ Myv. Arch, of Wales, ii. 57. 6o The Pedigree of tlie English, who came in peace, and by consent of the nation of the Cymry : The first was the people of Celyddon in the north : the second was the Gwyddelian tribe who dwelt in Alban, (the Highlands of Scotland) : the third were the men of Galedin (Holland ?) who came in naked vessels to the Isle of Wight when their country was drowned, and where they had land assigned them by the nation of the Cymry." * No intimation is given that these arrivals were of another race. They came as brethren seeking shelter when in distress, and were allowed to settle down as part of the family of states. Who can doubt, there- fore, that the regions of Caledonia (Celyddon), and Alban (the Highlands), were in these early times peopled by tribes the consanguinity of which with the Cymry was well known ? And who can fail to suspect that the names ** Celyddon" and ** Galedin," are cog- nate with Galatae, Celtse, and Galli ? As yet, then, we see that according to the Triads, Britain, north and south, was inhabited by one single race. But now times of sore trial are coming. The ninth Triad relates that the ancestral estate is invaded by strangers. ** The three invading tribes that came unto the isle of Britain, and never departed therefrom :* the first were the Coraniaid, who came from the country * Myv. Arch, of Wales, ii. 57. ' In allusion to the Romans, &c., who, when the Triad was written, had taken their departure. Evidence of the Welsh Triads, 6i of Pwyl (Poland ? more probably some region of northern Germany) : the second, the Gwyddyl Ffichti (Gaelic Picts), who came to Alban by the sea of Llych- lyn :^ third, the Saeson (Saxons). The Coranians are situated about the river Humber, and the shores of the German Ocean ; and the Irish Picts are in Alban, on the shore of the sea of Denmark. The Coranians and the Saxons united, and brought the Lloegrians into confederacy with them by violence and conquest, and afterwards took the crown of monarchy from the nation of the Cymry," &c.^ The following remarks we subjoin : — 1. The events here shadowed forth occurred after the departure of the Romans, and in Saxon times. 2. Some, even of these ** invading" tribes, are kins- men to the Cymry. The ** Gwyddyls" ^ are the people mentioned in a preceding Triads as one of the peaceful refuge-seeking tribes, and come from the same region of ** Alban." This reflection upon their character as intruders, therefore, must have reference to their first appearance from *' the sea of Llychlyn," or to a change in their disposition and conduct in Saxon times, and after long residence in the country. 1 Llychlyn may be translated ** the lake of pools," and would, therefore, be applicable to the inland waters of Denmark, opposite to which, in Alban, the Triad immediately afterwards locates them. 2 Myv. Arch, of Wales, ii. p. 58. 3 Gwyddel, woodsman, or wildman, is probably the British, i.e,, Cymbric, depravation of the name Gadhel = Celt, borne by the more Westerly tribes. 62 The Pedigree of the English. 3. The ** Coranians" who came from the country of Pwyl, supposed by some, as Edward Lhuyd, to mean Poland, are a people unknown in history. From the position of their settlement about the Humber, it is probable that their preceding home was North Ger- many or Denmark. The Triad contains no intima- tion that the Coranians were of an alien race. They took possession by force, and afterwards conspired with the Saxons ; and this rendered them obnoxious. Had they been of an alien race, this would probably, under the circumstances, have been mentioned to their further discredit. 4. The ** Lloegrians," who also conspired with the Saxons, are said in the seventh Triad to be from Gwasgwyn, and were therefore, if this region is in the south-west of France, of remoter connection, although of the same stock, with the nation of the Cymry, and hence more liable to be won over into confederacy with the ** invaders." The ** Saxons" are the only intruders, hitherto enu- merated, who are certainly known to hav^ been of Teutonic race, and who made good their stay in Britain. All others are either expressly claimed by the Triads as relations to the ** nation of the Cymry," or are pre sumptively such. Lloegrians, Brython, ** the people of "Celyddon," the Gt£^fl?i/^//^«" tribe of Alban," the men of Galedin, are all relations and friends. The Coranians^ though an invading tribe, are not said to be alien. The Gwyddyl F/ichti, another invading tribe, are The Civilization of the Britons, 63 certainly kinsmen. The Saxons alone, therefore, are known by positive declarations of history to be strangers in blood as they are in this Triad declared to be hostile invaders of the country. We have accomplished this portion of our task. The substantial unity of race of the early inhabitants of Britain has been shown. These multifarious tribes, all of one kindred, though arrived from different countries, across different seas, at different periods of time, we embrace under the one general designation Ancient Britons. Having done this much, we next proceed to give an estimate of their general condition, social and intel- lectual, with a view of establishing a priori the pre- sumption, that a people conditioned as they were, would not be bodily dislodged, but would continue on the soil, and enter into the new body politic established by their conquerors. SECTION II. An estimate of the Social Condition and general Civili- zation of the Ancient Britons previous to, and at the time of, the Roma7i conquest. The early Greek and Roman historians — the only sources we are disposed here to rely on — give but few and fragmentary accounts of the Ancient Britons ; and of these accounts we propose noticing only such as tend to show that the aborigines were by no means of 64 Tlu Pedigree of the English. the lowest type of barbarians, as ill-informed writers too commonly assume. They might indeed be, as the poet, speaking as a poet, and from a Roman point of view, describes them : " Penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos." » but their life had still a connection with the greater life which pulsated on the continent. They had divers means of intercourse with distant peoples, and had re- ceived into their bosom many of the attributes of the old Eastern civilization. {a.) Early Notices. What is said by Herodotus and Aristotle is of no weight. Festus Avienus, a writer of the fourth century, in a geographical poem, furnishes a very interesting piece of information, of the correctness of which we have no reason to doubt. Avienus, be it observed, wrote in the fourth century ; but his statements on the matter in hand relate to a time 700 years earlier. He says that in the fourth century before Christ, Hlmllco the Carthaginian penetrated beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and surveyed the coast of Britain. Pliny, referring to the same voyage, assigns It to the time when Hanno explored the Western Coast of Africa, and when Carthage was at the height of its glory — ** Carthaglnis potentia florente." Now, according to Himllco, what, at that early time was the character of the Britons ? They were no con- ' Virg. Eelog. I. Polybins, Diodorus, Strabo^ 65 temptible barbarians. They were *' a numerous race, endowed with spirit, very dexterous, all busy with the cares of trade.' '^ Midway between Himilco and the Christian era, Polybius simply indicates the importance of Britain by remarking, that ** many had already treated of the Britannic isles and the working of tin."^ Diodorus Siculus, a contemporary of Csesar, says that the Britons in their wars, " used chariots, as the ancient Greek heroes are reported to have done in the Trojan war ; were simple in their manners, and far removed from the cunning and wickedness of men of the present day . . . that the island was thickly inhabited — Jvat Sc koX TToXvavOptjjirov rrjv vriaov — that those of Cornwall were particularly fond of strangers and civilized in their manners — ^tXo^cvoi re ^lafe^ovTCjg Hcri Kai ^la ttjv twv ^tvcjv €/JL7r6p(i)V tTTifxi^iav i^Y]jLiep(t){ji£voi rag ayojyag &C. Strabo, the geographer, describes the inhabitants in a still more picturesque way: They were **clad in black cloaks {/jteXay^Xaivoi) , with tunics (^^crwvac) which reached to the feet, and girt about the breasts {elwajULsvoi) ; walking with staves in their hands (ficra /oajSSwv irepnra- TovvTEg), and bearded like goats; subsisting by their cattle, and leading for the most part a wandering ^ Ora Mariiima. Ed. 179 1. ** Multa vis hie gentis est, Superbus animus, efificax sollertia, Negotiandi cura jugis omnibus." Vv, 98 — 100. • Polyb. Hist. lib. iii. 57. ^ Diod. Sic. lib. v. 21, 22. F 66 The Pedigree of the English. life/' ^ Strabo was no poet, but rather a matter-of-fact geographer, and yet this description gives us the picture of a people enjoying almost ideal happiness. (^.) Ccesar and Tacitus. Caesar, in his account of Britain, speaks with the ill-concealed bias of a not very successful invader, and betrays on occasions very imperfect knowledge of his subject. He never saw far into the interior, for the very reason that the inhabitants were not the bar- barians he has described them, and of the Cymry especially he had clearly no knowledge whatever. Be It observed that what is implied in some of Caesar's statements takes off completely the edge of his most damaging descriptions. For example: Britain, he tells us, was well peopled, full of houses built after the manner of the Gauls ; brass and gold money was used, •and iron rings of a certain weight (in barter).^ The men of Kent were the most civilized, differing but little from the Gauls. The greater part of those in the interior tilled not their land, but lived on flesh and milk, and were clad in skins — precisely the mode of * Geogr. lib. iii. 5. It is generally allowed that Strabo by his KaTTtWpiScs, and Herodotus by his Kao-o-trcptSes, referred to the British Isles. « De BelL Gall. v. 10. On the "ring money" of the Celts. Comp. Sir W, Betham's paper read before the Royal Irish Acad. Dublin 1836. On the text of Ca?far, respecting the coin of the Britons, see further under ( Ibid, xiii. Arls of Civilized Life. 69 in culture. This is taking for granted the thing to be proved. They were low enough in culture doubtless^ but it has not been proved that they were "' so low in culture" that no organization, salutary customs, and ** government" existed among them. We have the authority of Caesar, amongst others,. for saying that the Britons' form of government was monarchical. They had as many as four kings in Kent alone. ^ The power of the king was tempered by an element of popular right exercised in public assembly, and by the influence of the Druidic priest- hood. This indicates organization, government,, subordination of estates, checks and counter-checks — the results of experience and wisdom. The influence of the Druids in the conduct of public affairs, whatever may be thought of their superstitions, argues the subjection of the popular mind to the governance of religious ideas ; and if we are to judge of the quality of the Druidic teaching from the ethical maxims of the Triads^ the guidance received from this quarter could scarcely be otherwise than salutary. The kings of the Britons were not tyrants, nor military adventurers, but in the main hereditary sovereigns, governing by force of public law. {d.) The Arts of Civilized Life. The above remarks naturally suggest the inquiry,, how far those arts and usages we generally associate ' De Bell GalL v. 14, 18, 70 The Pedigree of the English, with the term civilization^ and which are considered to rescue a people from a state of barbarism had a place among the Ancient Britons. If our expectations be moderate, as they ought to be, we shall not be dis- appointed. The Britons had some knowledge of the arts of life. They were not barbarians. Were they semi-barbarians ? Skill in warlike tactics and in the construction of war implements is not, we admit, the best exhibition of knowledge ; but it yet remains skilly and is evidence of culture of a certain sort, however ill applied. This culture the Britons had, and Caesar was bitterly con- vinced of this fact. They were industrious, devoted to ** trade." A tribe, however obscure, was never yet touched with the negotiandi cura ascribed to the Britons, but that it entered thereby the school of civilization. Four hundred years before Christ, or thereabouts, the Britons were found by Himilco to be adepts in the matter. They were ** fond of strangers " — a sign that they were either in a helplessly early state of national childhood, or advanced beyond that condition of bar- barian life where strangers are deemed as enemies. In Caesar* s time, they were workers in metals ; coiners of a kind of money; builders of houses like those of Gaul ; lived in entrenched towns and villages, and worshipped in colossal, though rude and mysterious, temples, which time itself seems incapable of demo- lishing. Caesar testifies — not surely with the object of The Britons Comers of Money, ji exalting his own skill in taking it— that the capital of Cassivellaunus (Caswallon) was admirably defended — egregie munitum} The Britons' skill in fortification is evidenced by the remains of their great works which continue to this day, ex. gr. the dun or dinas called the Catterduns in Scotland, Cku7i Castle and Caer-bran in Cornwall, the camp on the Malvern Hills, and Tynwald in the Isle of Man.^ But a word further on the account given by Caesar concerning the kind of money used by the Ancient Britons. The text which reads, *' brass money and iron rings," &c., is allowed to be corrupt. Mn. Hawkins, having examined and collated all the MSS.. of Caesar within his reach in England and on the Con- tinent, states that they all give the reading of the pas- sage thus : ** Utuntur aut aere aut nummo aureo, aut annulis ferreis at certum pondus examinatis pro nummo.'* *' They (the Britons) use either brass, or gold coin, or iron rings suited to a certain weight, for money." This is a most important correction, and gives fair ground for the confident belief that brass and gold coins were in use among the Britons before Caesar's arrival. The compiler of the important work issued by the Master of the Rolls, says, with respect to this question, ** The existence of a large number of coins found in 1 De Bell. Gall. v. 17. ' Confer Moniimenla Anttqua, vol. i, p, 27 ; Meyrick's Origin. Inhab.y p, 7 ; Camden, Cough's Ed., i; 700, f2 The Pedigree of the English, various parts of the island (the types and fabric of some of which are unlike any which have been discovered in other countries, and have all the appearance of being some centuries older than Julius Caesar's first expedi- tion into Britain) appears greatly to support the opinion that the Britons were acquainted with and practised the art of coining previously to that event. . . If the Britons refused to take foreign money (as Solinus states) . . . and coins considerably older than Julius Caesar's invasion are found in the island, the money so found must have been coined in the national mints of this country The reign of Cunobelin may be considered as the time when British coins reached their highest perfection." ^ The most important work by far, which has yet appeared on the ancient British coinage, is that of Mr. Evans, where the Britons' knowledge of the art of coining is clearly proved.' That the arts of life had been considerably developed among the Ancient Britons has been very unex- pectedly illustrated within recent years by the open- ing of barrow-tombs. Proofs of skill in the manipu- lation of pottery are found in drinking cups, incense * Monumenta Historica Britannica ; or. Materials for the History of England from the Earliest Period. Published by command of Her Majesty. London, 1848. P. cli. Nine 6f the coins of Tasciovaniis, supposed to be the father of Cunobeline (Cynfelin), and fifty-three of the coins of the latter, some of them showing delicate workmanship, are figured in plate I. Most of them are to be seen in the British Museum. ' The Coins of the Ancient Britons, by J. Evans, F.R.S., F.S.A., Ac. Evidence of Barrow Tombs, 73 dishes, cinerary urns, of graceful forms, found in these sacred receptacles. Gold ear-rings, ornaments of amber set in gold, beads of curious construction have been discovered/ The bossed shields, the flat circular shields with metal coatings in the Goodrich Court Collection,^ and the elebrated golden breast-plate, embossed with beautiful figuring, discovered near Mold,^ all testify to superior knowledge in the metallic arts. We thus go to the tombs of the dead to read the history and know the habits and acquirements of the living. The depositions here made are those of im- partial witnesses, whom no prejudice can bias, no sophistry baffle. The great fortresses in which they dwelt, many of their majestic temples, like their weapons of war, and tools of handicraft, have passed into oblivion ; but the repositories of their ashes and calcined bones have been proof against the decay of time, and preserved for us more of the history — the history of the internal life — of the people than of their mortal remains. We might distrust or smile at the glowing portraiture of the British bard, or the wondrous later legend of the romancer, and have but qualified faith in the Greek or Roman annalist; but the characters written on the walls of the solemn mausoleum, are faithful, and when read amid its * Comp, Hoare's Ancient Wiishtre, passim. ^ See ArchcBologia, vol. xxiii. p. 95. ' This interesting relic is at the British Museum. 74 The Pedigree of the E7iglish. deep and monitory silence, sink with conviction into the mind. It is of interest to notice the ** imports" and ** ex- ports," such as they were, of the Ancient Britons. ** Painted savages" — the reader of school histories will say — ** what could they know of transactions only be- fitting Liverpool or London?" The plain Britons, it is granted, had no deep knowledge in trade-lists and prices current, but neither had we ourselves five hundred years ago. If we are to believe Strabo, these people carried on a good trade with the Romans^ — sending their produce to the continent, and receiving back such articles as they had need of. Of course he speaks of their commerce at a period anterior to the Roman Conquest, and when, therefore, their ideas of trade and of luxury and their skill in working in metals and pottery had not been heightened by contact with this new instructor. Strabo enumerates among the goods exported from Britain, gold, iron, silver, corn, cattle, skins, fleeces, dogs ; and among the imports, ivory, bridles, gold chains, cups of amber, drinking- glasses, &c., all articles suitable to a people whose ideas were somewhat advanced beyond the brass buttons, glass beads, and gilt paper shreds so much in demand among savage tribes. The personal ornaments of Britons of the better class were tasteful and costly. The Gauls are said to have been fond of dress (^(XoKo/j^wyt." The poet Golyddan, assigned to the 6th century, writes thus : ** Dysgog2in awen The Pedigree of the English. obtained the honour of a triumph, and received the surname Britannicus^ — another indirect proof of the importance attached at Rome to the subjugation of the Britons. As yet, the sea coast of the south, and the country a little way into the interior alone had been brought under tribute. Caradacus, king of the Silures, and the Britons of the mid-country, and of north, east, sind west, had not been affected. Ostorius came next. He lost no time, but immedi- ately pushed on towards Shropshire and Lancashire, and was brought to a stand by Caractacus. This puissant prince, after the noblest efforts on record for the defence and honour of his country, was destined to defeat at the hands of Ostorius, and to betrayal at the hands of Queen Cartismandua,'^ (a ** Roman Matron,'* as Richard of Cirencester calls her — ^who had married Venutius ruler of the Brigantes) with whom he had sought shelter. But his defeat was not an easy or sudden thing. For nine whole years had this heroic man kept the field against the power of Rome, fight- ing meantime many battles, and inflicting terrible losses on 'the imperial army. When led a captive to Rome, his arrival created one of the most exciting and impressive spectacles history has depicted. ^* Curiosity was eager," says Tacitus, ** to behold the heroic chieftain who for such a length of time made head against a great and powerful empire. Even at ' Dion, Cass. Ix. 23. ^ Aregwedd Foeddawg f Caradacus led to Rome. loi Rome, the name of Caractacus was in high celebrity."^ What Briton can read the speech put in the foiled warrior's mouth by Tacitus without emotion. ** If to> the nobility of my birth, and the splendour of exalted station, I had united the virtues of moderation [care- ful direction] Rome had beheld me, not in captivity y- but a royal visitor and a friend. The alliance of a/ prince descended from an illustrious line of ancestors ^ a prince whose sway extended over many regions, would not have been unworthy of your choice. A reverse of fortune is now the lot of Caractacus. The. event to you is glorious, — to me is humiliating. . . . The ambition of Rome aspires to universal conquest... I stood at bay for years : had I done otherwise, where on your part had been the glory of conquest, and where on mine the honour of a brave resistance ? I am now in your power ; if you are bent on vengeance, execute your purpose : the bloody scene will soon be over, and the name of Caractacus will sink into ob- livion. Preserve my life, and I shall be to late pos- terity a monument of Roman clemency." Caractacus won the favour of Claudius, and was set at liberty ; but whether he ever left Rome, or what became of him, or his family, history does not relate. " : . . . Nimius vobis [Cimbrica] propago Visa potens, superi, propria hsec si dona fuissent ! " Britain, as far as Yorkshire and WaleS; was under Ostorius made tributary to Rome. After Ostorius, a ^ AmtaleSy xii. 36. I02 The Pedigree of the English. long line of generals, Including several of the emperors in person, commanded the invading forces. A. Didius Gallus, Suetonius, who conquered Mona (Anglesea), slaughtered the Druids/ and quelled the rising under Boadicea,^ when 80,000 men are said to have fallen — Cerealis, Frontinus, and Agricola, a wise and brave governor, invader of the Caledonians, and the fortu- nate father-in-law of Tacitus, whose pen has illuminated his life for all coming ages.^ In this last commander's time the rampart from the Forth to the Clyde was erected, as a barrier to check the unsubduable Caledonians, and the subjugation of Britain may be said to have been in a sense completed. In a.d. 121, Hadrian the " travelling emperor," paid a visit to Britain, and ** Hadrian's Wall," more southerly than Agricola's, was constructed from the Tyne to the Solway. Then came Marcellus, Albinus, and the Emperor Severus, who in a.d. 209 constructed the famous wall of solid masonry from Tynemouth in the East to Bowness in the West, and two years afterwards died at York. Next came ConstantiuSy who is said to have married the British princess Helena,* who died also at York, and Constantine the Great (Cystenyn Fawr) his son, who for thirty years promoted peace and prosperity among the Britons, and died a.d. 137. * Tacitus, Annal. xii. 30^ » Ibid, 31 et seq, * In his Vita Agricola. * Geoffrey of Monm. Hist, v. Richard of Cirenc. ii. i, 24. This story must be allowed to be •' doubtful." Troubles of the Roman Empire. 103 Then follow Constans and Theodoslus ; and lastly, Maximus (who in Welsh history is called Macsen Wledig), following whose fortunes many thousand British youth are said by Nennius to have left for Gaul, and eventually settled in Armorica/ Overwhelming troubles were now gathering in store for the Roman Empire. The storm in which she foundered and sunk, soon broke in fury upon her. In A.D. 395 the empire is parted between the sons of Theodosius the Great. The Huns devastate the eastern provinces. The Goths, under Alaric, invade Italy, and in a.d. 410 sack and burn the Eternal City. Two years later the Roman legions are recalled from Britain, and the Britons are left their own masters and their own protectors. The withdrawal of the Roman army from this island took place just 465 years after the first landing of Julius Caesar. This, then, was the extreme period of the Roman occupation of Britain. But from Ccesar to AgricolavfdiS, 135 years, and this length of time elapsed before the Roman arms became victorious over the southern, central, and western parts of the island, and succeeded in hemming in the Caledonians to the mountains of the north. From Agricola to Maximus was 330 years, and this long period it took, first to 1 Nennius, Hist. 23. This whole story is very doubtful. Lobineau, in his Histoire de Bretagne, totally rejects it, as inconsistent with the fact that Maximus's expedition landed on the Rhine, and not in Armorica. I04 The Pedigree of the English, establish a kind of general government of the island, and then to convince the Romans that the occupation was more costly than pleasant and profitable. Both these facts are of material importance in their bearing on our argument, and to them, in the proper place, we must recur. During this long period of Roman conflict and ascendancy, a stupendous change had been effected in Britain. The Roman civilization had been completely introduced ; and the condition of the Britons — barring the loss of independence and freedom for which nothing could compensate — had doubtless been greatly im- proved. Military roads had been constructed from end to end of the country, and vast works of public utility and ornament had been completed. The bridges, gardens, baths, and villas of Rome had been repro- duced in Britain, and all the pomp and luxury of the Imperial Court made familiar to our forefathers. The complete and rigid municipal government of the Roman cities, and the Roman laws generally, had prevailed for nearly 300 years.* In fact, Britain had lavished upon her all the care and attention which the chiefest of Roman Provincial enjoyed. In the words of one of our ablest historians : ** The country was replete with the monuments of Roman magnificence. ' For the laws which were in force in Britain, seeHeineccii HisL Jur. Rom. i. 379. The Theodosian code did not embrace the whole Roman law. As to the Justinian, or Corpus JuriSy this of course was not yet compiled. Roman Magnificence in Britain, 105 Malmesbury appeals to those stately ruins (which still remained in his time — twelfth century) as testimonies of the favour which Britain had enjoyed : the towers, the temples, the theatres, and the baths .... excited the wonder and admiration of the chronicler and the traveller."^ William of Malmesbury says, **That Britain was held in high estimation by that people (the Romans) may be collected from their history, and be seen also in the ruins of their ancient buildings. Even their emperors, sovereigns of almost all the world, eagerly embraced opportunities of sailing hither, and of spending their days here."^ This impressive display of power and refinement would of itself be a valuable teacher to the youth of Britain. Prompted by natural disposition, and en- couraged by their governors, they would soon lay aside the simple attire of their ancestors and don the Roman toga ;^ intermix with the lessons of the Druids the study of the pages of Cicero and Horace, and receive in silent admiration the impress of grace and beauty produced by the sculptured marble ornamenting every temple pediment, every porch, and every garden. ^ Palgrave, Engl, Comm. vol. i. 323. See also Girald. Cambr., Itin. Cambr. lib. i. 5. ' Gesia Regum Anglor. i. i. ' Agricola " encouraged the natives to build temples, courts of justice, and commodious dwelling-houses. . . . The Roman apparel was seen without prejudice, and the toga became a fashionable part of dress Baths, porticoes, and elegant banquets grew into vogue," &c. Tacitus, Vit. Agri'c, 21. io6 The Pedigree of the English, But all was not magnificence, solidity, and peace. To counterbalance these advantages, a heavy sorrow rested on the heart of the British race. The image of their lost independence ever stood before their eye. Oppression sat as ruler. The Roman procurator was, as a rule, in those degenerate times, an extortioner ; and this operated as chief cause in the insurrection under Boadicea, and in many other breaches of the public peace. The British youth were, according to Roman custom in a conquered country, drafted into the imperial legions and sent off on foreign service. An army of some 50,000 men was maintained by a grinding taxation in order to keep in subjection the very people taxed. ^ The native population, deprived of all power, restrained from the exercise of self- government, although improved by contact with refine- ment and knowledge, sank into a condition of inaction and dependence. Though externally cultured, they were internally debased ; surrounded by all the tokens of taste and magnificence, they themselves were not the creators of them, nor received them as their own. By the prevalence of power, and even of learning, they were not in reality ennobled, but were much rather deprived of the native force and genius which in former times they had displayed. However ridiculous and unworthy of credit the ex- aggerations of Gildas concerning their helplessness in the face of their old northern assailants, their kindred ' See Horsley'b Brit, Ronumat B. i. and ii. Christianity in Britain. 107 the '* Picts and Scots," it cannot be denied that on the departure of their Roman protectors, they exhibited much of the weakness and disorder to be expected from a race which had been under tutelage, and trained to obey rather than command. And what a demonstra- tion is here supplied of the compatibility under despotic governments of the highest culture and splendour in the governing with advancing sickliness and decrepi- tude in the governed ! We must not pass from this part of our subject without^ noticing the grandest event of all in this eventful period in British history — the introduction of Christianity. During these 465 years of Roman occu- pation what a change had this great moral power effected in the British heart and life ! The people had lost their liberty, but had gained at the same time those great moral truths which gave liberty to the spirit while the person was a bondsman — truths which were destined as ages advanced to make Britain the ruling power on earth — the home of liberty and the refuge of the oppressed of all lands. This was a stirring time, not in Britain alone. The wonderful spirit of migration and conquest which had possessed the northern barbarians, led to a remodelling of most of the communities of Europe. The Christian Church had become a great power. Her influence and life had permeated the Roman Empire, and many of the emperors had professed the faith of Christ. This was the time when Augustine and Jerome, Eusebius io8 The Pedigree of the English, and Socrates (the historian) ; Chrysostom, Cyril, and Theodoret, flourished. The sun of Athanaslus, Basil, the two Gregorys, had scarcely set. The spirit of Denial had also confronted the Faith. The mental struggles and bold theories of Arius, of the Welsh- man Morgan (Pelagius), and of Celestius, belonged to this age. It may be doubted whether the stir of thought, the battle of truth and error, in our day of boasted mental activity, are greater and more earnest. I09 CHAPTER II. The Anglo-Saxon Invasion. No sooner has one affliction taken its departure, than another, and a heavier one, sets in. The occasion is known to all. The Picts and Scots of Caledonia, old enemies of both Romans and Britons, though of the same Celtic stock with the latter, rush over the wall of Severus, and devastate the land. They have learned that Rome has withdrawn her army, that the Britons are torn asunder by faction on questions of rank and precedence in the establishment of a new Govern- ment, and, taking advantage of the opportunity, they threaten suddenly to overwhelm the country. The Britons, though numerous, and determined enough to maintain their ground, having an imperfect organiza- tion, and having recently been deprived of their military leaders, find themselves unequal to the emergency. They appeal to Rome for assistance, and Rome — to her credit be it said — came to the rescue. Although herself in greatest straits, and having hardly a man to •spare, once and again she despatched a force to Britain, and assisted to clear the country of the foe. no The Pedigree of the English, But Rome at last grew tired of this, and, in fact, grew unequal to it. Gallio Ravennas was the last Roman general who trod on British ground. He chastised the Picts and Scots, repaired the wall of Severus, gave directions for its future defence, and, after exhorting the Britons to be brave and hopeful, took his departure for good in a.d. 427, just fifteen years after the withdrawal of the Roman army and occupation. Would that some one had written a book — that some quiet Nennius, or Robert of Gloucester, had chronicled the events of that dreadful interval — of all intervals in the life of the British people in historic times the most fascinating ! An impenetrable veil hangs over it, and yet its great eventfulness cannot be doubted. Some sort of government had been set up when the Romans left in A.D. 412. Probably several small states had been formed, and a confederacy attempted. But bitter disputes intervened, on the question especially of the Pendragon-ship. A time of anguish and perplexity, of great fears and great hopes, was this first age of recovering but tottering independence. What wonder if the longing spirit of a people wildly imaginative and fervently patriotic, after centuries of cruel subjection, should now at the first dawn of a new era of liberty, conceive wild dreams of Messiah deliverers in hero warriors of praeternatural power and genius, and should see omens and miraculous prodigies ? King Arthur; and his knights of the Round Table, whether fabulous, Dark Times in Britain, 1 1 1 or veritably historical — a question we need not strive to settle here — were characters which had their origin In this age. The terrible struggles which took place in the sixty years following the recal of the Roman legions between Britons and Britons, between Britons and the men of Caledonia, and between Britons and the Saxons, have never been recorded, and shall never more be heard of. But that was a gloomy, eventful, sanguinary time, and doubtless called for, and we would fain believe witnessed, the rise of a man of the genius and prowess ascribed to Arthur, the renowned son of the Pendragon of Britain.^ Vortigern (Gwrtheyrn) was, It seems, king of South Britain when the Britons were left in the predicament described. To him, and to the Britons for ages, as well as to the Romans, the so-called ''Saxons" — a branch of the great Teutonic family which had spread Itself along the shores of the Baltic, and between Holstein and the Rhlne,*^ had not been unknown. They 1 For the fabulous history of Arthur, the fertile seed of the Romance literature of all Europe in the middle ages, see Geoffrey of Monmouth, B. ix., and also Nennius, 50. For a defence of Arthur's really historic character, see Turner's Anglo-Saxons, vol. i, p. 268 et seq. Every critic will allow that Geoffrey is highly legendary, but nothing but the dilettanteism of criticism would therefore consider as legendary the whole story of King Arthur. True, neither Bede, Florence of Worcester, nor the Saxon Chronicle mentions him. But Nennius does. The British Bards and Triads are express and circumstantial witnesses in his favour. 2 Bede, Eccles. Hist, i 15; Ptolemy, Geogr. ii. 2 ; Sax. Chron. ann. 449. 112 The Pedigree of the English. had frequently paid threatening visits to the British shores, and as explained elsewhere, had probably formed extensive settlements. They had obtained unenviable notoriety for their roving and plundering habits, and their terror had fallen on all the shores of the German Sea. It would seem that about the year a.d. 449, Vortigern thought he might strengthen his claim to the Chief Sovereignty, or Pendragonship, and put a stop to the ravages of the Caledonians, by forming an alliance with some of these freebooters. Hengist and Horsa (whom we take as historical and not mythic personages) and their followers, were therefore invited to his assistance. This is the Saxon account. Their coming over was the entrance of the wedge which, by and by, totally wrenched the greatest part of the island from the dominion of the Britons. Britain presented an appearance of fertility and beauty which the Men of the North Sea did not find in their native regions. Once they had found a firm footing, therefore, pretexts were easy for the prolonga- tion of their stay. They had come over as the Britons' protectors ; but Quis custodict tpsos custodes ? The end was open hostility, and a declared intention oh the part of the strangers to enjoy a home in Britain. The scorn of the old Cymry at this proposal may be imagined. They, the original, only rightful possessors, now to be quietly deposed ! Not so ! But the wary north-men, to strengthen their case, invited horde Saxons flock into Britain. 113 after horde of their lean and needy countrymen to join them. Their enterprise became every day more hopeful, and therefore, after their code of morals, juster. More and more adventurers arrived. They came **like swarms of bees," says an old chronicler. Repulsed at one point, they only seemed to gain renewal of strength at another.^ The more they were slaughtered — for grim fighting had now commenced — the more they increased. News flew from the Rhine to the Elbe and thence far into Denmark, that Britain, the fairest of islands, was becoming a prey to the first comers, and the passion for settlement on her shores became so strong that, according to Bede, the regions about the Baltic and the south of Holstein — regions, however, which cannot be supposed to have ever sustained a large population — ^were left well-nigh depopulated. For 150 years it became the employ- ment of the Britons to contest the possession of their country with these uncompromising invaders, and after fighting, to grant them room. It will be sufficient for our purpose to enumerate in the briefest form the successive arrivals of the Anglo- Saxon bands, and their settlements in different provinces of Britain. The Anglo-Saxon conquest, like the Roman, were effected by slow degrees and at terrible cost to both parties. The slowness of the con- quest is a feature which has a most material bearing upon our argument, and to this the especial attention ^ Nennius, Hist. 50. I 114 '^he Pedigree of the English, of the reader is invited. There must have been specific reasons for that slowness ; and those reasons all tell, a priori^ in favour of the conclusion, at which, step by step, we expect to arrive. The Anglo-Saxon Arrivals. 1. A.D. 449, and just 22 years after the departure of the Romans, Hengist and Horsa by invitation of Vortigem, arrive, and after 20 years of conflict^ succeed in founding the small Saxon kingdom of Kent in A.D. 473.^ These were Jutes, and the Saxon Chronicle says their conflicts were with the Welsh, {with Walas), meaning probably ** the strange people.'' 2. A.D. 477. The Frisians, or Old Saxons, make an incursion under Ella their chief, ** in three ships," (;;///// thry scipuvi)^ and in 20 years, or thereabouts, establish the kingdom of the South Saxons, or Sussex ; that is about the year 496. They, also, fight with the Walas, 3. A.D. 495. Cerdic, with his son Cynric, comes to Britain **in ^\^ ships," {?nithffscipum), "and the same day," says the chronicler, ** fought with the Welsh," {gefuhtun with JValum);^ and in a.d. 519, find themselves in possession of the kingdom of the West Saxons (Wessex). This was after 24 years of fighting. These were Saxons. » Bede, EccUs. Hist. i. 15 ; Sax. Chron. ann. 449—473. ' Sax. Chron. ann. 477. ' Ibid. ann. 495. Anglo-Saxon Conquests. 115 4. A.D. 530. Ercenwine, or Aescwln, with his Saxon followers, arrives, and after about 1 2 years' contest, succeeds in forming the kingdom of the East Saxons or Essex, comprehending modern Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herts, &c. *' It is doubt- ful," says Sir F. Palgrave, *' whether this kingdom ever enjoyed independence." It became subject to Mercia in the seventh century, and was merged in Wessex in ^22,. 5. In A.D. 540, the Angles, under Uffa their chief, established themselves in *'East Anglia," which included Norfolk and Suffolk. 6. In A.D. 547, Ida, with a tribe of Angles, established a footing in the North of England between the Tweed and the Forth, and formed the kingdom of North-Humber-land,^ — the most important of all the original Anglo-Saxon settlements. 7. About A.D. 585, was established the kingdom of Mercia, it is said by Crida, whose followers were Angles. This was the last of those successive incursions which may with some latitude of expression be termed *' Saxon invasions," and this last took place just 136 years after the first hostile intrusion under Hengist and Horsa. What an amount of fierce conflict and carnage is here implied ! And what evidence is also furnished of the power and persistency of the Ancient Britons. ^ Sax. Chron. ann. 547; Ethelwerd's Chron. ibid.; Nennius, Hist. 61. I 2 1 1 6 The Pedigree of the English. To this aspect of the question, we shall very especially and repeatedly have to recur. It will be useful here to say a few words on the topography of the various settlements. ** Winning their way by slow and painful efforts,'' observes Gibbon, ** they advanced from the North, from the East, and from the South, till their victorious banners were united in the centre of the island." This conclusion of their labours, however, thus rather rhetorically, and in few words set forth, was not accomplished without some 300 more years of contest : for the Saxon power was triumphant in England only with Egbert of Wessex, whose reign ended in a.d. 836. The efforts were truly ** slow," and equally ** painful !" The first invasion made the Jutes in tivehty years masters of the whole of Kent. The seco7id in another twenty covered Sussex and Surrey — (South -Saxons, and SoviXh-rica, or kingdom). The third, under Cerdic, included Hants, Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Oxfordshire, Berks, and Bucks. This was a work of twenty -four years. T\iefi)urth embraced Essex, Middlesex, and part of Herts ; and was the work of about twehfe years. The fi/th included Nor- folk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, and part of Lincolnshire, and Northamptonshire. The sixth, and most impor- tant of all, made the Angles masters, we do not know in how long or short a time, of part of the South of Scotland, Northumberland, Durham, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Lancashire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, &c. Where were now the Britons ? 117 The seventh set up Mercia, the particulars of whose establishment are rather obscure : but that it em- braced Chester, Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln (or part of it), Shropshire, Staffordshire, Leicestershire, Rut- land, Northampton, Huntingdon, Hereford, Worcester^ Warwick, is known. The question will perhaps be asked : If so, where were now the Britons ? Another question were exactly appropriate : Where were not the Britons ? To suppose that from all England, thus at last covered with nomi- nal Saxon governments, the Britons had been expelled, is to involve the task of answering the question. Whither? Wales had its own people, and could at best but offer asylum to a limited number of fugitives, or persistent patriots, who refused on any terms to submit to Anglo- Saxon rule. The body of the people must have re- mained where they were, as far as the unsettled times would allow, taking the conquerors as their masters, but still in many instances enjoying their own customs, laws, and language, until by degrees, by intermarriage, by the experience and exhibition of kindly offices, and through the healing influence of time, they and their subduers became eventually one people. But the illustration and proof of this will be the business of the next part of our work, and here we must abstain from further entering upon it. We now only gather materials. We have thus had just a glance at the people, who, by bold adventure and steady pertinacity, obtained the 1 1 8 The Pedigree of the English. mastery in government over the aboriginal British race, and gave England her name and institutions. The name England is derived from the Angli of Northum- berland, and they succeeded in thus perpetuating their name in the country, not because the state they had founded was the most important of the Heptarchy, but probably in part because in their northern home they were the parent stock, and partly, and even chiefly, for a very different reason. It was the Church, in point of fact, that attached the name of the Angli to this land. It is at once a baptismal designation, and a memento of affliction and misfortune. All know the story about the British youth exposed for sale in the Forum at Rome, and Pope Gregory's exclamation, **non Angli sed Angeli,'' and the consequent mission of Augustine to the Anglo-Saxons (a.d. 597.)^ Ethel- bert, king of Kent, whose Teuton subjects were not Angles, but Jutes, was by Gregory styled ** Rex An- glorum.'' It would appear that the inhabitants of Britain were henceforth in all ecclesiastical documents styled Angli, and in process of time in the Saxon lan- guage the country was by a statute of Egbert called Engla-lond — whence our modern England. While Britain was thus the theatre of conflict between * It seems almost unaccountable that the Britons had made no efforts up to this time to convert the Anglo-Saxons. The force of Christian charity seems to have been overcome by national antipathy. Gildas is not far from faithfully reflecting the British feeling when he styles the Saxons, "m/andi nominis Saxont\ Deo hominibusque Contemporary Events, 1 1 9 the Wealas and their Angle and Saxon troublers, what great events were transpiring elsewhere ? The whole of Europe and a great part of Asia has been in a state of ferment. The Goths have taken and consumed Rome. The Western Empire has been extinguished. The renown of Clovis, Theodoric, Alaric, Belisarius, has been established. Mohammed has founded a new religion and a new epoch ; and Abu-beker, Omar, and Ali have had their names emblazoned as champions of the faith. Charlemagne has created a magnificent em- pire. Boethius has thought. Justinian has compiled the civil code. Aneurin, Taliesin, Merlin, and Llywarch the Aged, in the language of the Cymry, have courted the muse ; and Columba and Winifred (Boniface) have gone forth in the spirit of true apostles to publish the Gospel in heathen lands. Truly, an eventful time. 1 20 Th^ Pedigree of the English, CHAPTER III. The Danish Invasion. The Britons are no sooner overpowered by the Anglo-Saxons, than the Anglo-Saxons are invaded by predatory bands from the same country, and almost the very regions whence they themselves had come. Denmark, {Dane-mark : the line or boundary of the Dane) once more pours forth its fierce warriors and intrepid sea-captains on the shores of Britain, and the Saxons of the South and Angles of the North, when just beginning to settle their mutual differences, and sit down quietly in the seat of empire, are called out to measure swords with new claimants, who boldly propose to share the plunder. As early as a.d. 787, nearly fifty years before Saxon power had been consolidated in Egbert of Wessex, the Danes begin to make their appearance in British waters. In Egbert's time they greatly increase in boldness, in strength, in mischief; and in spite of this" king's success in fortifying the Anglo-Saxon cause by the concentration of power in Wessex, the Danes, inch by inch, win their ground, until at last, in about 150 years after Egbert had reached his zenith, they The Speedy Success of the Danes. 121 succeed in placing a warrior of their own race — Canute — on the throne of all England ! The overthrow of Saxon power by the Danes, there- fore, was more speedy than the overthrow of Ancient British power by the Saxons ! This may appear very marvellous at first sight ; but there is really no mystery in the matter. We have been accustomed to under- rate the number, power, and civilization of the Britons at the coming of the Saxons, and hence find ourselves incapable on any rational grounds of accounting for the length of the contest they maintained. We cling fondly to a theory we have created, independently of facts, and are then brought to a pause by facts which totally belie it. We have been willing to forget that the Britons maintained their long and weary contest, despite the circumstance that at the outset they had been caught under the disadvantage of mutual jealousies and divisions — as they had indeed been caught before by the Romans. If we take these two circumstances into account, viz., the Britons' weak- ness, through division among themselves, when first attacked by the Saxons, and the fact that notwith- standing this, they contrived to rally their forces, and keep the foe at bay for 150 years, we must, on all grounds of truth and fairness, give them credit for a good share of political vitality, as well as material power. No historian denies that the Anglo-Saxons, when the Danes disputed with them the empire of England, were powerful, numerous, and somewhat 122 The Pedigree of the English, civilized. But, we repeat It, Anglo-Saxon power was broken by the Dane in less time than British power had been broken by the Anglo-Saxon. It has been said that the Dane had one great advantage on his side as compared with the Saxon, namely, that while the latter had to fight with a nation which came forth as one man to oppose him, the former found frequent help from the oppressed and smarting Britons, who preferred a change of masters to a continuance of the hardships they were enduring. But the former part of this representation is as contrary to fact as the latter part is in harmony with the same. The Anglo-Saxons had not to encounter a united British people ; whole tribes, the Lloegrians and Brython^ went bodily over to the foe. Glance now at the progress of the ** Danish-men." Brithric married In a.d. 787, Eadburga, daughter of Offa of Mercia, and ** in his days first came three ships of Northmen out of Haerethaland (Denmark). These were the first ships of Danish men which sought the land of the English nation.'** ** First" indeed perhaps to seek the ** land," but by no means the first to seek plunder. Nor are they the last. More came after them, and more again. Like the Saxons before them, they ** swarm like bees." The wild rovers of the Baltic, the fierce banditti of the Norwegian and Danish mountains, embark in their **cheols" and make for the coveted isle, safe of winning something, safe of ' Sax, ChroH. ann. 787. Ineffectual Resistance. 123 losing nothing. They increase in number. In a.d. 840, they came in thirty-five ships} In a.d, 851 came three hundred and fifty ships to the mouth of the Thames, and the crews landed and took Canterbury and London by storm ; but ** King Ethel wulf, with his son Ethelbald, with the army of the West Saxons, fought against them at Ockley, and there made the greatest slaughter among the heathen army" [we Saxons are Christians by this time !] '' that we have heard reported to the present day, and there got the victory." ^ But the ** heathen men " were not to be cowed by a single victory. They meant to find a home, and in choosing one, were not inferior in taste, perseverance, or daring, to the Saxons. In a.d. 853 there was more hard fighting '' in Thanet ; " and two years later it is significantly recorded : ** This year the heathen men for the first time remained over winter in Sheppey." ^ Ten years further on, ** the heathen army" again **sat down in Thanet," ** and the men of Kent promised them money for peace" !^ The ** heathen men " were clearly improving their fortunes. Ethelred, brother of the great King Alfred that was coming, now ascended the throne of Wessex — the leading kingdom of the so-called Heptarchy — and in the year succeeding his accession (a.d. 866) an army of northmen, numbering 20,000 men, landed in East * Sax. Chron. ann. 840. ^ Ihid, ann. 851. 3 Ibid. ann. 855. * Ihid. ann. 865. 24 The Pedigree of the English, Anglia, under the command of Inguar and Ubbo, sons of Ragnar Lodbrog, and at York the day declared in favour of the invaders.^ A second fearful encounter ended in the same way. The Saxons lose heart : many fly, but a few, true and brave, resolve to make another attempt, and conquer or die; which latter they do. Through a whole day they continue im- moveable against a numerous host ; but the ** heathen men'* feigning a retreat, the patriots fall into the trap, and are surrounded and cut in pieces almost to a man. The victors spread havoc far and wide. No lives are spared. Town after town falls into their hands. The kingdom of the East Angles, as well as Northumbria, now becomes subject to the Danes. The army of locusts moves on — eating up every green thing. In a.d. 871, ** the Pagan army of hateful memory,'' as Asser calls it, invades the kingdom of Wessex ; but at Reading meets with a severe check. ** The Christians gained the victory." * And again at or near Ashdun or Ashdown, when young Alfred first encountered them, ** the Pagans, not able to bear the attacks of the Christians, and having lost the greater part of their army, took to a disgraceful flight."* Their bodies covered the plain of Ashdown. In this one year eight battles were fought, and before its end peace was concluded: but the Danes were, by the terms of this peace, allowed to remain in the country * Asscr, Life 0/ Alfred , ann. 867 ; Sax, Chron. same year. " Ibid. 871 ; 6a.v. Chinn. ihid. * I hid. , King Alfred. 125 — though still a hostile force under arms. Two years after this ''peace,'' the Danes took possession of the kingdom of Mercia — the last founded state of the Heptarchy — and the year following reconquered the Northumbrian kingdom, and ravaged the British king- dom of Strathclyde.^ Thus, while Rollo the Dane was invading France, and forming a part of Neustria into Normandie, his countrymen were spreading desolation over Britain, and both alike were preparing new forces which by- and-bye were to meet in deadly combat on the field of Hastings, and inaugurate a new dynasty and a new nobility for England ! The Danes swept over the country in all directions, now obtaining advantages, now encountering reverses : but wherever they went their presence was like the blast of the lightning. At last King Alfred rose to be the hero of the Saxon race. He made prodigious exertions by sea and land to meet the emergency. He collected supplies, built a navy, organized troops, fought battles, and displayed unparalleled personal bravery and endurance. In a time of extraordinary stress and agony, when Saxon liberty and Christianity itself in Britain seemed to be lost, Alfred, in bitterness of spirit, retired into the woods of Somersetshire — probably to tear himself away from the turmoil and unavailing care of the world for a season, and, in the enjoyment of internal peace to hold calm communion ^ Asser, Life of Alfr. ann. 875 ; Bax. Ghron, same year. 126 The Pedigree of the English, with Heaven. But in the spring of the year 878, he came forth from his retreat, and was at once surrounded by great hosts of the ** men of Somersetshire and the men of Wiltshire" — almost all of the Ancient British race — who had looked upon their king as dead, "and they were joyful at his presence," and eagerly followed him to meet the enemy. Near Westbury, probably on the eminence of Eddington Hill, a great battle was fought, which ended in a complete victory for Alfred.^ The great army of the ** heathen men," however, was soon again in action. After ravaging great part of the country, it crossed the Channel into France ; returned again to England in a.d. 893, having appa- rently never disbanded, landing at Tynemouth in 250 ships. In A.D. 901 the good and great Alfred died, **six days before the mass of All Saints." He ** was king over the whole English nation, except that part which was under the dominion of the Danes ; and he held the kingdom one year and a half less than thirty years." ' The death day of Alfred was a dark day for the land ! For thirty years after the death of Alfred England continued to be a battle-field. The sword during this weary time did not rest in its scabbard, nor the blood of Saxon and Dane cease to flow. But the balance of advantage was in favour of the Dane. The English had now been reduced to the miserable necessity of * Sax. Chron, ann. 878. " Ibid, ann. 901. Extortion, Massacre, Triumph. 127 systematically purchasing peace for money — so ex- hausted were they of soldiers and so broken in heart. At first ;^ 10,000 was given, then ^48,000. The Danes for a little while retired, but soon got a pretext for returning. They continually increased their price. They next extorted ^160,000, and a fixed amiual tribute of ^48,000. Thus was the country, already exhausted of men, completely drained of its money. Rage and impotence now entered into alliance, and the massacre of the Danes was resolved upon. Many thousands of their warriors unquestionably perished by this dreadful deed ; but so far from crushing the Danish power, it only exasperated that people both in England and abroad to more terrible deeds of ven- geance and ** outrages even beyond the usual tenor of the Danish cruelty." Sweyn, King of Denmark, was placed on the English throne in the year 1013. Canute the Great, his son, became king of all England in A.D. 1017. Now what strikes the reader of these stirring pages in our past history very foicibly, is the fact that these usurpations were effected by a comparatively small number of strangers. The Danes, it is true, came over in vastly greater numbers than the Saxons and Angles had done ; but the Danes that came over in ships — though these ships were numbered by the hundred at a time, were but a handful compared with the people, now grown numerous on the soil, whom they contrived 128 The Pedigree of the English. to subjugate. They were in fact an organized horde of adventurers, who, by overmatching the military force of the Anglo-Saxons, usurped dominion over the land. Long and desolating wars, such as those of the Danish period, are doubtless very destructive of popu- lation. But as both sides would suffer about equally, the proportion at the end, as between Saxon and Dane, would be the same as at the beginning. But since these were both alike of Teuto7iic race^ if their united number at the end was much larger than the Anglo- Saxon population itself (with its Ancient British element omitted) was at the beginning, this excess must in fairness be specified as a gain of Teutofiic over Celtic blood through the Danish conquest. That there was a gain we admit ; but the gain was small. Both the Danish and Anglo-Saxon regimes were purely military creations. The superiority which pre- vailed was simply superiority of fighting force. It had no relation to preponderance of popiclation. The British element of population was by far the most copious in Saxon times. The British, with its admixture of Anglo-Saxon, was inconceivably the greatest in Danish times. The change was a change of ruling men—oi legal, political, and ecclesiastical arrangement and policy. How does this tell upon the question in hand ? 129 CHAPTER IV. The Norman Invasion. It has already been mentioned that the Normans, the next invaders of England, were of kindred blood with the Danes, as both were with the Angles, Jutes, Frisians, and Saxons, who had long ago obtained and now lost the ascendancy in Britain. Rollo, the ancestor of William the Conqueror, had fought for himself a settlement in Neustria {Nor?nandie) in the years 898 — 9 11.^ A hundred and fifty years after, that is, in the year 1066, his descendant William obtains the title *' Conqusestor," and sits on the throne of England. This great event of the *' Conquest " was preceded by no long-continued sanguinary struggle. The fighting which took place was, appropriately, between Northmen and Northmen, and the prize the throne of a country to which neither had any right beyond the right which the sharpest and longest sword confers. The time of a fearful retribution has now come upon the Anglo-Saxon race. Already crushed to the very dust by the strong arm of the Dane, they are now ^ Thierry, Conquete d'Angleterre, liv. ii. K 1 30 The Pedigree of the English. destined to still deeper humiliation from the heel of the contemptuous Norman. In their fall they had the consolation of seeing the Dane adopt their language ; but now their language, too, is cast aside, as fit only to be articulated by **ceorls'' and mean persons. Normans became the great, the "high men," and the Saxons are deemed **low men," as Robert of Gloucester hath it in his Chronicle : — "The Folc of Normandie Among us woneth yet, and schulleth ever wo : Of the Normannes beth thys hey men, that beth of thys lond. And the lowe men of Saxons." Ethelred, the last Saxon King of England, while less than a match for the Danes, who, under Sweyn, made their triumphant progress through the land, had engaged in hostilities against Richard II., Duke of Normandy, but this dispute being arranged, he, with better policy sought the hand of the Duke's sister, Emma, in marriage, and thus, in a.d. 1002, the North- men of England, and the Northmen of France became re-united, and the foundation was laid, which sixty years afterwards supported the claims of William of Normandy to the throne of England. Ethelred, by and by deserted by his subjects — who by force or choice became obedient to Danish rule — fled with his family to Normandy, and Sweyn first (a.d. 1013), and then Canute, a.d. 1017), obtained the title of King of all England. Canute, who, on the death of Ethelred the Saxon, The Way for William Prepared. 1 3 1 had married his widow, Emma, of Normandy — so easily did ladies of that rank and time transfer their affections ! — died in the year 1035, leaving a son by Emma, called Hardicanute. Harold, an illegitimate son, first became king for four years, and then Hardi- canute for two ; after him, his half-brother Edward the *' Confessor," son of Ethelred the Saxon. Edward invited many Normans to England, and gave them offices, emoluments, dignities. Being himself the son of a Norman princess, and having spent the whole of his early life in Normandy, he was more a Norman than an English King; and the fact was not unfelt by his subjects. The preference he ostentatiously gave to Norman favourites, and to the Norman -French lan- guage and manners, expedited the progress of their disaffection, and prepared the way for the great events that were approaching.^ When William came over on a visit of ceremony to the Court of Edward — not without secret ambitious purpose — he found his countrymen teeming in every department of the public service. Normans com- manded the fleet at Dover, Norman soldiers com- mafided the forts at Canterbury, Norman captains and Bishops came to salute him.^ ** Edward's favourites came to pay their respects to the chief of their native country, and thronged round their natural lord. Wil- 1 Guilielm. Malmesb. De Gesta Reg. lib. ii. ; Thierry, Conquete d^AngL liv. ii. « "^ Roger de Hoveden, Annaks, K 2 132 T!u Pedigree of the English. Ham appeared in England more a King than Edward himself. William's quick eye saw his advantage, and no longer despaired of being King of England : ** but he said not a word/'^ When Edward died, William averred that the King had by will made him his successor ; and Harold, the illustrious son of the noble Earl Godwin, chief of the Saxon party in England, had been induced by William during his visit in France to swear a dreadful oath over relics of saints, that he would promote his claims. The nation, however, thinking they had had enough of the Normans, crowned Harold King. William, when he heard the news, was deeply agitated. He immediately began preparations for invading England, and conquering its crown by main force. What to him was the will of the people of England? Such was the prologue to the drama about to be acted. Unfortunately for Harold, his eldest brother Tostig, at this juncture, with an army of Norwegians and Flemings, set up in opposition to him in the North — probably not without collusion with William the Nor- man. Many battles were fought between the two brothers. Harold's strength was thus exhausting, and William looked on, and ** bided his time." At last he saw the moment to act had come. A great fleet of 400 ships, and more than i ,000 transport boats, containing, as is commonly reported, an army of ' Jnpuir of Croyland, Hist, i. 65. " Dc successioni autem regni, bpci udhiic aut mentio nulla facta inter eos fuit.*' The Battle o/ Hastings. 133 60,000 men/ crossed the Channel, and disembarked at Pevensey, near Hastings, on the 28th September, 1066. On the evening of the 13th October, the Norman army and the army of the King of England encamped confronting each other. The morning of the 14th October dawned, and William, mounted on a Spanish charger, harangued his soldiers. The terrible man said : ** Remember to fight well and put all to death ; for if we conquer we shall be all rich. What I gain, you will gain ; if I conquer, you will conquer ; if I take their land, you shall have it, &c."^ The conflict was stubborn and bloody in the extreme. The Normans were repeatedly repulsed. Once they fled in a panic, when the false alarm was given that Duke William himself was slain « At last, however, the tide of battle turned against the Saxons. King Harold and his two brothers fell ; the English army was routed ; the Normans won the vic- tory of Hastings, and without further controversy the crown of England was placed on the head of William Conqusestor. This in brief was the Norman Conquest,^ J This number, however, is considered by many historians exaggerated, and 25,000 to be more like the truth. See Macintosh's Hist, of England, vol, i. p. 97, and Sismondi, Histoire de France, vol, iv. 353. ' Thierry, Conqueie d'Angl. liv. iii.; Roman de Rou, ii. 187, et seq. ; Chron. de Nonnand. Rtc. des Hist, de la France, xiii. 232. ' See Dugdale, Monast. Anglics vol. i. 312; Chron, de N-.j-majid, xiii. 235, 236, &c. ; Guil. Pictav, p. 202; Math. Westmonast. Flor. Hist. p. 223 ; GuiL.Malmesb. Hist. p. 102 ; Math. Paris, i. 2, 1 34 The Pedigree of the English. Now, what is most pertinent here to remark as touch- ing our proper subject is this: The Normans who con- quered England in 1066 were William of Normandy and his 60,000 more or less fighting men. A host of these was left dead on the field of Hastings. The Norman accession to the population of England, therefore, even if all these warriors had been of Norman blood, was not relatively large. If we allow again that already, through the favour of Ethelred, of Emma of Normandy, and of Edward the Confessor, many thousand Normans had found home and fortune in the land, and also that after the accession of William thousands more would flock over to sun themselves in the light he had created ; still the number, compared with the whole people of England, was not large. The power of the Normans, even more conspicuously than that of the Danes, was not the power of numbersy but of individual will and heroism on the part of William and his followers on the field of Hastings. But this number, whether great or small, is, by authority of history, to be materially reduced, when cal- culated for the purposes of our present inquiry. The fact is, that a very considerable proportion of William's army was made up of genuine Breton soldiers. Many of his most renowned captains who became historic names among the "Norman** aristocracy of England, were of pure Celtic blood — cousins of the people of Wales. Each of these brought his company of retainers, also of Celtic blood, and the whole together Celts in the Norman A would constitute no slight portion of the traditional 60,000 ''Norman" warriors of the 14th October, 1066. This subject shall receive careful analysis in its proper place. Meantime, it is just possible that not a few of the foremost among the '* English Aristocracy ' ' who are proud of tracing their descent from a ** Norman Origin '' must be allowed to be, in fact, neither English nor Norman, but authentic Celts from Brittany, Poitou, Anjou, Normandie, and through previous emigration, from Wales itself. Add to this that the old Neustrians, over whom Rollo had established sovereignty, being in the main descendants of the ancient Gauls, it must follow that the mass of William's common soldiery, though Norman in name, were of Celtic race. But of this hereafter. Part III. Cfir Slrflumcnt for ^timijrtuit of ^na. PART III. The Argument for Admixture of Race. The Question, To what Extent is the English' Nation of Celtic Origin? Discussed, CHAPTER I. The Historical Argument. SECTION I. The Compound '^British'''' People. AFTER the details already given of the arrival of SO many tribes and nations in Britain, it will excite no surprise if we now speak of the British people as ** compound." The object of the sketches of the preceding pages is to lay down an historical and ethnological basis upon which to plant the argument of *' Admixture," on which we are now specially entering. That the English are a mixed people, all allow. It is difficult to mention a section of the human family so heterogeneous, unless it be the Anglo-American. I40 The Pedigree of the English. The Celtic race — itself a compound of multitudi- nous elements, forms the first stratum. Next over that are placed the Romans. Then come Saxons, Jutes, Angles, Danes, Normans, Flemings, in quick and crowding succession, including amongst them fractions of numerous less important communities, but nearly all more or less connected together by a link of Teutofiic kinship. We have already recognised the fact that at a period of great remoteness these two generic stocks, the Celtic and Teutonic, would, if traced backwards, meet in one. That period lay in pre-historic times ; but the lines drawn by history, although they disappear from our view, are converging lines, and must as unavoidably meet in a point as the rays of a candle, or the channels of an arterial system. The languages of all these people also display such congruities as justify their classi- fication (along with many others) under one common name as ** Indo-European.*' Very remote, doubtless, was the time when these languages all sprang from one dialect — itself again a variety of a still remoter speech. Less remote by many ages was the point of divergence of Saxons and Danes, Iberic Celtce, and Cymry ; and still more recent — so recent as to have left unobliterated the genealogies of particular households — the separa- tion of the two Norse lines of Danes in England, and Normans in France. Not much further removed was the point of departure of the Celts of Armorica who came over in William's army, and the Celts of the The Compound British People, 1 4 1 West of England and of Wales, who met them on the field of Hastings. But, however remote or approximate the points of departure of these fractions of the human race from each other, their convergence and amalgamation in Britain has been the work of a few hundred years. The whole operation took place between the fifth and eleventh centuries. The cementing has been perfect — the ele- ments of the mosaic work, except in fine shadings, are now happily undistinguishable. The foundations of the great nation — the most painstaking, the noblest in valour, charity, religion on earth — to which, indeed, our patriotism, perhaps insular in its excess, is apt to grudge no eulogy — has been laid in concrete. Its greatness and solidity are partly attributable to the smallness and variety of its component parts : for it has actualized what was symbolized in the Roman fasces — it has united in one the forces of many. But while we are as a people thus furnished with a ground of boasting, we are by the same circumstance also somewhat humbled. We have little claim to a long and remote ancestry. The pedigree of our nation is ridiculously short ; and the parties concerned in '* founding the family " are not all of the sort to be proud of. What are we compared with Jews, Chinese, and Indians, at the door of the Herald's College ? We must find a ground of boasting, if boast we will, in the fact that we are novi homines, or to speak in a figure, that we are the harmony arising from the junction of all 142 TJu Pedigree of the English, sounds — the pencil of light produced by combination of all the rays. The ** Ancient Britons " have receded into the shade ; the Saxons find their name a dispute among schools of antiquarians and philologists: the Danes and Normans are only spoken of as a foreign people who once held temporary and usurping rule ; and the resultant community which in its comprehensive bosom holds them all in one is called the English nation — " Sic rerum summa novatur Semper, et inter se mortales mutua vivunt. Augescunt aliae gentes, aliae minuuntur, Inque brevi spatio mutantur saecla animantum ; Et quasi cursores, vitai lampada tradunt." — Lucretius. Again, it will not appear strange that this compound people is denominat'^d' .. . . ritish people. It is of no use our pleading that we are called the British people because we are inhabitants of BritdAXi. People are not called after countries, but countries after people. The French are not called so from France, nor the Welsh from Wales, nor Scots from Scotland. The country is named from the people. The truth, which lives in the inner sanctuary of history, will in one way or other assert itself, and it is the business of science to give it expression. Names, as memorials of the past, are true witnesses, because imposed for simple purposes, in the past, and with no view to meet and humour the conveniences or prejudices of the present. The Ancient Britons, whether or not they The Names ''''British'''* and ''''English,^'* 143 are allowed to have formed the staple of the people of England during the first 700 years of our era, are com- memorated in a singular way in one of the most familiar designations of our nation — The British People, This fact contains, at the very least, a suggestion. The Angli, the most influential tribe of the Jute- Anglo- Saxon invaders, are the tribe whom history has continued to honour beyond their Germanic brethren by crystallizing their name in that of England, and of the English} The Jutes, who with Hengist founded the state of Kent, have now no memorial in our topographical nomenclature, the Ancient British . name of Kent having to this day asserted its place, and effaced all traces of the conqueror's presence. The Frisians, who, under the command of Ella, set up the South Saxon kingdom, . .. '^qwed a faint inscrip- tion on their tomb in the name of the county of Sussex. The extensive and powerful kingdom of Wessex — Cerdic's great achievement — is well-nigh forgotten, having no modern name to commemorate its glory — its very capital, Winchester, having throughout and down to the present day retained its Ancient British name.^ The East Saxons still live to memory in the county ^ Comp. Dr. Bosworth, Pref. to Gompend. Grammar of Anglo- Saxon, p. ix. 2 Welsh, Caer Went ; the Latin modified this into Venta Belgarum, thence Sax. PTm-tan-ceaster, Winchesier. The root is gwyn, white, fair. The Veneti of Brittany, the Veneii of Italy, Venetia, or Venice at the mouth of the Po, F^w^dotia, Gwynedd, Gwent, in Wales, are all of identical derivation. 144 The Pedigree of the English. name, Essex. The Ancient Britons and the Angles alone are privileged to furnish titles, the one to the whole British people, and the other to the whole terri- tory of England. This may be but the straw on the stream ; but the philosophic historian may see in it much of meaning. It may be argued that the Angli only by accident gave their name to England. Had their youths not appeared as slaves in the Roman market-place, Gregory had never sent his missionaries to convert the Anglo- Saxons, nor entitled their king ** Rex Anglorum'*; nor would the Church ever after in her documents have maintained these designations, and thus led to their unconscious adoption in after ages by Briton, Saxon, Dane, and Norman. The people, it may be urged, are called ** British," and the island ** Britain,'* from the ancient name Britan?iia, and that name is derived nobody knows whence — from brith^ because the natives painted their .bodies in various colours,^ or from Prydain, son of Aedd the Great,' or from some other thing or person. This is the old ** Dryasdust " method — very learned, doubtless, but leaving nothing proved. The fact remains unaltered : the people found here by the Romans were then called Britanni — whether that name was given them by themselves, or by the Phoenicians or Greeks, may be uncertain — and the people found here to-day, notwithstanding all admixtures, are called the British people, and have a ' So Camden thinks. * So the Welsh Triad says. Population of Britain, 145 pride in styling themselves ** true Britons," and our Queen is called her Britannic Majesty. The English- man proud of his descent from pirates, may associate the title of the Sovereign with the territory, forgetting that this, as a new application of an old name, will not really serve his purpose. This name, British^ Britannic, is old, has been adopted by consent, without effort, without the force of authority — even in spite of the political and ecclesiastical prestige of the names Angli and England, adopted from instinctive perception of its suitableness as the description of a people whose infancy was purely '* Briton," and whose manhood has reached its proportions through the vigorous blood and healthful constitution which that infancy imparted, together with the new blood, wholesome nourishment, and severe gymnastics, of subsequent times. SECTION II. The extent to which Britain was populated at the time of the Roman invasion. How large was the population at the outset, when foreign materials began to pour in ? If small, then the accessions in Roman and subsequent times, though not in themselves large, would relatively be so. If large, and this can be made to appear, then we have already one of the bases of our argument laid. Again, it must be remembered, there is a possibility L 146 The Pedigree of the English. that in Roman times the Celtic population of Britain, large though it might be at first, was by the invaders' policy, materially reduced. This might be accom- plished by bodily expulsion of the natives, or by such measures of severity as would gradually cause them to waste away. What are the facts which bear upon this phase of the question ? We propose in this section to show : i. That at the time when Julius Caesar arrived, Britain was generally and even thickly populated. This is the great Roman's own statement. 2. That the expulsion or destruction of the native population was not a part of Roman policy. I. Britain at the coming of the Romans was very generally populated. This position would admit of strong a priori proof, supposing that positive statements in its favour were wanting. But let us look at the facts. More than three hundred years prior to Caesar's in- vasion, this island was the home of a people who, according to Herodotus, exported metals to the East ; and who were described by Himilco the Carthaginian navigator as a, ^* numerous ra,ce, endowed with spirit, with no little expertness, all busy with the cares of trade." This shadows forth to us something like a settled state of society. This people, even then, were not mere wandering hordes, existing only here and there on far distant spots, and gaining a precarious subsistence from the chase, or from their flocks. A Ccesar on Population of Britain. 147 taste for trade, and arrangements whereby commerce with distant nations can be carried on, are conditions befitting a population numerous enough and settled enough to be under government. If the tribes of Britain, in the time of Herodotus and Himilco, were numerous and settled, is it too much to conjecture that in 300 years more they must have greatly advanced, both in number and capacity, especially since, by trading, they were brought into contact with the most enlightened people of Asia, or perhaps of the world — the Phoenicians ? But we are not left to conjecture. Allowing the 300 years to pass by without effect, we have later specific descriptions of the state of the Britons which leave no room for uncertainty. An eye-witness^ — a man whose professional habits, duty, and interest alike com- bined to make him a careful observer, and whose pre- judices as an enemy were not likely to impart a favourable glow to his picture, has sent down to us certain interesting particulars on this point. True, Caesar with his own eyes saw but little of the island, or of its people. He never set his foot in the Midland parts; never saw the Cymry, But Caesar saw much himself, and made careful inquiries from others respect- ing the extent to which the island was peopled. His first duty as general would lead to this. He ascertained the names, localities, and importance of the various tribes, far into the interior; and the kind of rough census he thus gathered is the best that has come down to L 2 148 The Pedigree of the English. our time. It is impossible to take exception to that census. Caesar tells us that when he arrived (b.c. 55), Britain was very largely peopled. *' The population is infinite, and the houses very numerous, built after the manner of the Gauls ;^ the quantity of cattle is considerable. The provinces remote from the sea produce tin, and those on the coast iron. The inhabitants of Cantium (Kent), which lies wholly on the sea coast, are the most civilized of all the Britons, and differ but little in their manners from the Gauls The greater part of those within the country never sow their lands, but live on flesh and milk."^ Note that Caesar's account of the population as being very great, even ** infinite," and the buildings or houses, ** very numerous,'* is not, from the legiti- mate construction of his language, to be limited to that part called Cantium, where the people were most like those of Gaul, but is applied generally to the island. Much of the information he thus embodies in his history he has received from others ; but as a keen and cautious general, assiduous in the employ- ment of spies, and in collecting particulars from all ' De Bell. Gall. v. 12. Strabo says {Geogr. iv. 197), that the houses of the Gauls were generally circular, boarded, and covered with straw, Diodorus Siculus also informs us that the cottages of the Britons were constructed of wood and covered with straw. Can anything much better be said of the greater number of the houses of our English peasantry of the present day? ' VeBell. Gall.y. 12, Oppositmi to CcEsar' s Progress. 149 available quarters respecting the countries be sought to subdue, he must be taken as an adequate authority for the external aspect of the island, though not for all its institutions and customs. The designation, position, resources, and warlike reputation of tribes, would be amongst the easiest points to be ascertained, while upon habits of domestic life, and rites of religion, he might occasionally fall into grave error. Of the southern tribes with whom Csesar came in contact, the Cantii, who were by him distinguished as the most civilized were not those who offered the strongest impediment to his progress. Did he call them more civilized because they more tamely sub- mitted ; or did they so submit because they were less powerful than the tribes of the interior ? These latter, whatever their mode of life, were at least the most difficult to overcome, even after Kent had been se- cured as a base of operations. The Cantii, like the Gauls, soon came to terms, and gave hostages during his first visit. Penetrating a little further inland on his second visit, he found no such ready compliance. The TrinobJntes (Ptolemy's T^ivoavrEc) in Essex, the Cenimagni or Iceni of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Se- gontiaci of Berks and Hants, the Ancalites of Wilts and Berks, the Bibroci, the Cassi, and others, were stubborn, unmanageable tribes. Whatever people were the subjects of the brave Cassibelaunus (Caswal- lon) — and it is difficult to determine their identity — they were beyond doubt a spirited and powerful com- 1 50 The Pedigree of the English. munity. Caesar ought to have immortalized their name^ if only for the reason that they gave the Roman legions the best opportunity of showing their power in battle. The bravery and resolution of these people — supposed to be the Cassi, and the Catyeuchlani (Ptol. Yi.arvk\iy^avoi) inhabiting parts of Herts, Bucks, Beds, ajid Northamptonshire, together with the power gained by confederation, unity of action, and command in the person of Cassibelaunus, proved a worthy match to the forces which Caesar brought over on his second expedition. There are, in fact, good reasons for believing that the Roman general found the Britons so numerous, brave, and powerful, while the hope of booty which their patriarchal mode of life afforded in case of con- quest was so slight, that he was glad to leave the island with a show of triumph, rather than risk more prolonged and unprofitable fighting. The Romans, therefore, soon withdrew, and offered the Britons no further molestation until the reign of Claudius, more than ninety years after the invasion by Caesar. Straboy who flourished soon after Caesar, in his work on Geography, speaking of Britain, says that a great part of the island had become well known to the Romans through the collectors of revenue. This is an important indirect testimony respecting population. That the Britons had generally submitted to the Romans before Caesar's departure, may be admitted. At the same time we may mark what submission in The Britons made ** Tributarii.^ 151 that case signified. It signified simply that the chief states professed friendship, gave hostages, and pro- mised to pay tribute. Technically, they were tribu- tarii, who continued to live under their own laws and government, and not vedigales, who were subject to more severe exactions. No change had taken place in the government of the kingdoms or states ; but a new class of officers were appointed as representatives of the Roman power, whose duty it was fo proceed through the country under the protection of the native rulers, to receive the tribute. If the greater part of the island had become known to the Romans through these representatives of the Procurator, it must have been capable oi yielding taxes — for on this ground alone would they make their visitations. If capable of yielding taxes, . then there was a population, and not merely a population, but one that was taxable — in other words, a population possessed of goods, engaged in trade, and under distinct and fixed government. We may notice, in passing, a remark of Strabo*s which shows the slightness of the hold established by Caesar on the Britons. After saying that ** divine Caesar returned, having effected nothing of conse- quence, nor proceeded far into the country," he ob- serves concerning the temper of the Britons, **they bear moderate taxes," and adds, that these were laid on ** imports and exports from Celtica." The words which follow, are significant as not obscurely intimat- ing the mildness of the Roman rule, and the careful 1^2 The Pedigree of the English, abstinence from force and provocation observed in the raising of taxes ; ** it would require at least one legion and some cavalry to enforce tribute (^opoc, tributum), and some danger would be incurred if force were employed/'^ The revenue raised, then, was not the tributum proper, but simply an impost on trade, and this was raised under the sanctions of a treaty, and without the use of force. Britain, in the time of Caesar and Strabo, therefore, was, from their showing, a place of large and widely distributed population, whose power required that Rome should handle it with discretion. 2. The expulsion or destruction of the natives was no part of the Roman policy. Neither in Caesar's time, nor at any subsequent stage, was there any r'. tempt at expatriation or extirpation. To attempt the former were in direct contravention of the invariable policy of Rome. To attempt the latter would be absurd ; for the island was large, and the natives myriads in num- ber, while the invaders were few, and their presence often elsewhere demanded by public trouble. The Roman policy was, to subjugate in order to use. Hence, they sought to encourage, rather than retard, growth of population. Their keen insight had penetrated into that principle of political economy now universally recognised — that public prosperity and increase of population go together. Dead men pay no taxes. Broad acres, if not tilled, produce no com. * Strabo, Gtogr. lib. iv. 278. The Britons^ Institutions Respected, 153 The extirpation or exile of the natives would leave the fields uncultivated and the flocks dispersed ; and such fields and flocks would pay no taxes. Caesar manifested every desire to cultivate the friendship and alliance of the Britons, if they only consented to recognise the supremacy of Rome. He protected Mandubratius, King of the Trinobantes, and established his authority as that of an ally of the Romans against surrounding, and, as yet, unsubdued states.^ In this, he observed the policy of his country- men. Not only the people, but their institutions as far as practicable, their religion, and their language, were always held in respect ; and thus the prosperity which lay at the basis of revenue, and the goodwill which \^riS the best guarantee against revolt, were in- creased. As remarked by Niebuhr, the power of Rome over her *' colonies'' was in theory, and generally in fact, ** the supremacy of iki^ parental state, to which the colonies, like sons in a family, even after they had grown to maturity, continued unalterably subject." As to the provincicB, restraint here was still more mild. But in the crude state of things in Britain, as left by Caesar, there was neither the shadow of a colonia nor provincia, but simply the general recognition of Roman supremacy by the natives, the delivering of hostages as guarantees of fulfilment of treaties, and the pay- ment of certain imposts in aid of the public revenue. The wisdom displayed by the Romans in conquest, 1 De Bell. GalL'v, 20. 1 54 The Pedigree of the English. and government of subjugated peoples, has never been surpassed. In science, in ornamental and industrial arts, in just views of the rights of the subject, the Romans have doubtless been left behind by ourselves and other nations; but in dexterous use of force in the acquisition of extended empire, and in the origina- tion and administration oi government, it may be doubted whether they have been outshone by any. As their own great poet has said : — ** Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera Credo equidem : vivos ducent de marmore vultus ; Orabunt causas melius ; coelique meatus Describent radio, et surgentia sidera dicent. Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento ; Haec tibi erunt artes ; pacisque imponere morem, Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos,^ Other ancient nations often pursued the blind policy of exterminating or reducing to slavery the conquered inhabitants. The Romans no sooner completed a conquest than they sought to pacify, often to initiate their new subjects into the rights and immunities of citzenship. This policy may have originally arisen, as M. Guizot suggests, from the situation of most of the * jEneidf vi. 854 : — '♦ Let others better mould the running mass Of metals, and inform the breathing brass ; And soften into flesh a marble face : Plead better at the bar, describe the skies, And when the stars descend and when they rise. But, Rome, 'tis thint alone with awful sway, To rule mankind, and make the world dbcy : To tame the proud, the fettered slave to free ; These are impcijal arts, and worthy thee." Parental Policy of the Romans. 155 neighbouring tribes on which Rome first made war.^ They were dwellers in towns. Caere, which gave refuge to the Vestal Virgins when the Celts of Gaul took Rome (b.c. 390) was the first town which preserved its laws and magistrates, and was honoured with the privileges of citizenship.^ Others soon followed ; and the precedents worked so well that a rule of policy was the result. The Romans, however much they may have striven after Roman ** unity," seem never to have conceived the idea of an Italian Nationality. From the beginning to the very end they viewed the empire, the republic, or kingdom, whichever it happened for the moment to be, more in the light of an agglomeration of states, each holding the relation of daughter to the royal mother, Rome, than of a huge and simple unity. Hence it was that they never used their power to crush and efface the institutions of conquered tribes, and reduce the whole to one level of uniformity. Liberty, independence, and territory were alone sacrificed by submission to Rome ; life, religion, language, all the rights which the laws conferred, and the unfailing favour and protection of Rome were guaranteed. Perhaps it was in imitation of this Roman principle ^ Ess. sur V Histoire de France ; prem. Ess, p. 5. ' Livyy V. I. It is obvious to remark how similar the name of this old Etruscan city is to the Cymbric Caer, and the pronuncia- tion by the Roman would be identical with that of the Cymro. 156 The Pedigree of the English. of confederation that the Britons, after the withdrawal of their masters, established the sovereignty of the Pendragon, and that the Saxons afterwards had their Bretwalda^ by virtue of which Wessex held a sort of supremacy over the other states. Upon these considerations there can be no hesitation in concluding that the British population not only was not diminished, but was vastly increased during the occupancy commenced by Caesar. SECTION III. The Extent and Power of the British Population during Subsequent Stages of the Rofuan Occupation. We shall apply two tests : firsty the elements of power implied in the prolonged resistance offered by the natives to the completion of the conquest : secondly, the statistical details left by ancient authors touching the distribution of the population. I. The prolonged resistance offered by the Britons to the progress and completion of (he Roman conquest. The history of the Roman progress and occupation divides itself by the nature of the events into three portions : i . The commencement made by Caesar ; 2. The period of strenuous . action from Claudius to Severus; 3. The time of repose, as far as conflict for conquest was concerned, from Severus to the abandon- Resistance Offered by the Britons, 157 ment of the province. On the first we have already sufficiently touched. The details of the second are of great significancy to our argument. {a!) From Claudius to Severus — a.d. 43 — 211. To stand against great Rome for a single day was no mean adventure. That colossal power under the emperors was the parallel of one of the great military states of modern Europe. If the conquest of India took England a hundred years to accomplish, it were a sufficient proof either of the weakness of England, or of the power of India. If we grant that England was strong, it follows that India, so long to resist it, must have been strong also. But it took Rome a hundred and thirty years of very determined and fierce conflict, with occasional intervals of repose — intervals quite as useful to the aggressors as to the invaded — to subdue the Britons as far as the wall of Severus. This it took them without counting the work of Caesar, and the long interval of inactivity which followed his departure. The subjugation of Britain was not an approximate consummation until Agricola's labours were completed. The tremendous efforts it cost Rome to bring matters to this condition will be learnt by those who will take the trouble to read the eloquent pages of Tacitus. It were idle to say that she was not in earnest, and made no great sacrifices or efforts. Rome never did things by halves. Granted that times of corruption had set in, that the emperors vied with each other in dis- 158 The Pedigree of the English. gracing the old Roman character, and in humiliating the citizens — it is still true that the resources of the empire during the first 150 years of supremacy in Britain were enormous, and capable, when applied as they were applied here, of instantly crushing a weak and barbarian state. And yet the Ancient Britons supplied the Roman legions, the chiefest of the Roman generals, several of the Roman emperors in person, with more than sufficient work to complete their conquest in 150 years; and rendered it an irksome and all but impos- sible task to keep them in subjection for 300 years more. The patience, the energies, and the resources of the Romans were confessedly worn out when their occupa- tion was brought to a close in a. d. 412. This event was not occasioned by British obduracy, for under Roman tutelage the Britons had at length lost their elasticity ; but it was mainly caused by the unparal- leled corruptions which had crept into the administra- tion, the general degeneracy and differences of the Roman people, and the concurrent irruptions of the northern barbarians. For eighty or ninety years after Caesar, Roman ascendancy in Britain was a thing in name only. Neither Augustus (b.c. 31) nor Tiberius (a.d. 14) undertook the responsibility of an expedition, but both were content with receiving such tribute as could be obtained, leaving the greater part of it permanently unpaid. The Britons had leisure to cultivate their lands, and advance In the arts of peace. Their efforts Reassertion of Roman Supremacy, 159 were probably seconded by the Roman officials and merchants settled among them. Their towns grew in importance. London became a city. The coinage of money improyed.^ Many Britons travelled abroad, especially to Rome, the fame of whose magnificence had a peculiar fascination to all subject to her sway ; and the sense of security and self-importance which they now began to entertain, rendered the people by degrees more tardy in their payment of tribute — a badge of subjection which no people ever bore less patiently than the Britons. This contumacy, and the pressing need of the imperial treasury, at last spurred the Emperor Claudius to action, and in a.d. 43 he sent an army to subdue the rising spirit of the islanders. Aulus Plautius, a man of praetorian rank, was the general chosen, and four complete legions, or some 30,000 men, including the auxiliaries, were placed at his command. As Rome had a footing in the island, landing was effected without . opposition. Fighting soon commenced, with results favourable to the imperial troops, but bearing evidence also of skill and stubbornness on the part of the Britons — com- manded in one of two battles by Caractacus, and in another by his brother Togodumnus, sons of Cuno- belinei The Trinobantes of Essex, whose capital is believed to have been Colchester (Camulodunum), were foremost in this revolt. The Emperor Claudius ^ We have already shown that the Britons coined money previous to the Roman invasion. See ante^ pp. 72, 99. 1 60 The Pedigree 0/ the English. himself came over to superintend the campaign. The legions, it seems, were from the beginning little pleased with the duty of fighting those sturdy islanders, and it was found expedient to animate their courage by the emperor's presence in the camp. The Britons, after hard and bloody conflicts, were overcome, and Clau- dius, returning in triumph to Rome, received from the Senate the surname Britannicus, in token of his great achievement in Britain.^ Surely, in the opinion of the Romans, Claudius-had subdued no contemptible foe. But Caractacus, who from the first arrival of Plautius held the chief command, had not yet surrendered. He collected in a short space of time so great an army that for ^\e more years he maintained the defensive, fought between thirty and forty battles, causing the Romans infinite damage by the destruction of life and the exhausting of supplies. The Roman commander was hardly a match for him. Plautius was succeeded in a.d. 50 by the great general Publius Ostorius Scapula, who at once gave promise of the distinction he was to win in Britain, by marching forthwith, although it was the middle of winter, to confront the insurgent troops. The Romans had by this time won their way as far as the rivers Severn and Avon,' on which streams Ostorius estab- 1 Dion. Cass. Hisi. Ix. 2, 3. * Camden is of opinion that the reading Atttona (the river Avon), in Tacitus, is an error, and that Anfona (the Neu), would be the correct reading. The Iceni, Brigantes, and Siliires. i6i lished powerful military camps, or stations, to restrain the incursions of the natives from the West and North. The Southern and South-Eastern parts of the island, comprehending some sixteen of our modern counties, were now subjugated anew, with the exception only of the country of the powerful Iceni — the people of Norfolk and Suffolk, perhaps. These had not yet been attacked, and had not sent in their submission. They now rose in great fury against Ostorius ; but after a most obstinate and heroic resistance,^ were at length totally defeated. Ostorius now advanced more boldly towards the North, leaving the Southern districts under the guard of strong garrisons. He found that the Britons were spread over the parts now included in Cheshire and Lancashire ; but the population here was sparse and offered no resistance. It was otherwise when he went further on to the territory of the Brigantes (Yorkshire). These made a determined stand and had to be quelled by hard and costly fighting. No sooner was this accom- plished than the Silures of South Wales, Herefordshire, and Monmouth were in a state of revolt under the leader- ship of the redoubtable Caractacus. Of all the warlike tribes of Britain the Silures proved the fiercest and most persistent enemies of the Romans. But after repeated encounters wherein neither party gained decisive advantage, they at last came to a stand and challenged battle on the intrenched eminence of Caer-Caradoc — Tacitus, Annah xii. 31, 32; M 1 62 The Pedigree of the English. as Camden judges — in Shropshire. Tacitus tells us that Caractacus harangued his brave warriors in these memorable words : ** This day must decide the fate of Britain. The era of liberty or eternal bondage begins from this hour ! Remember your brave ancestors who drove the great Caesar himself from these shores, and preserved their freedom, their property, and the persons and honour of their wives and children." ^ The Britons were ardent for the fray. The Romans moving on- wards for the attack, forded a stream and then came upon a strongly entrenched position which seemed to defy further progress. Ostorius was dubious of the result. The skill and science displayed in the con- struction of the work surprised him, and the intrepid bearing of the prodigious multitude of warriors for a time seemed to awe him. The signal for attack, how- ever, after some hesitation was given. For a time the tide of battle was clearly in favour of the Britons ; but when the helmeted legionaries pressed on to close combat, the patriots gave way, and fled to regain the crest, of the hill. The day was lost to the Silures. Caractacus escaped, but his wife and daughter and brother were taken prisoners. The brave commander made his way to his stepmother, Cartismandua, queen of the Yorkshire Brigantes, who lent him but a treacherous shelter, for she heartlessly betrayed him into the hands of the Romans. He was sent in chains to Rome, where his presence created the greatest ex- ^ Annal. xii. 34. The Brave Silures. 163 citement and curiosity, as described in a preceding section of this work. But though their great leader was lost, the spirit of the Silures was not yet broken. In a short time they rallied their forces, fell upon the Roman camp and broke it to pieces, killing the prefect, eight cen- turions, and the best of the troops, and routing a foraging party sent to the relief of the. camp": By energetic and rapid movements, they completely foiled the attempt to erect a line of fortifications across their territory, and made prisoners of two whole cohorts of auxiliaries.^ Ostorius, worn by harassment and exces- sive fatigue, found relief in death; and it was the boast of the implacable Silures, that they had com passed his destruction, if not by the sword, at least by the toil and vexation they had occasioned him. It was more than twenty years after the death of Ostorius before this intrepid people, in the time of Julius Fron- tinus's command, became subject to the power of the Romans. We think these facts tell a good deal for the number and strength of the British population of these parts. It would seem as if the power of the Romans had been paralysed by this fierce and sanguinary campaign. For a season, little or nothing was done to extend or consolidate conquest. An army of 40,000 had not done much under Caesar. Aulus Plautius with 50,000 had done still less — for he, and his next in ^ Annul, xii. 39. M 2 1 64 The Pedigree of the English, command, Vespasian, afterwards Emperor, had only- succeeded with this enormous force in reducing the parts south of the Thames, with a small strip of ter- ritory to the north of that river ; and even this acqui- sition was so insecure, that, immediately on the recall of Plautius, it was retaken by the Britons. Ostorius, as we have seen, though on the whole a victor, was made thoroughly sensible that he was waging war with a race difficult to subdue. The number of his army is unknown to us ; it was, doubtless, very large — pro- portioned to his eagerness for conquest, to the danger, and the difficulty. But it could hardly be said to have accomplished its prescribed work : it left the Silures active and defiant in the field. The next governor of Britain was the celebrated general Paulinus Suetonius^ who continued his com- mand from A.D. 59 to 6i. Suetonius was ardently ambitious, and bent upon making his career in Britain brilliant. He had the ill-fortune to undertake two enterprises, which, while felt to be essential to the establishment of Roman ascendency, raised to the highest pitch the indignation and enmity of the natives, and tarnished his own fame. He undertook the cruel task of exterminating the Druids in the Isle of Mona, (Anglesea),* and to suppress the rising under Boadicea with a coarseness of violence befitting a meaner man.' To show the largeness of the population, and the strength of the Anti- Roman party, where the Roman » Tacitus, Anna!, xiv. 30. ' Ibid. 31, ft stq. Suetonius meets Boadicea, 165 cause might be fairly expected to be strongest, Tacitus informs us, that at Londinum (London) , which had now- grown into a *' great mart of trade and commerce" — (Copla negotiatorum et commeatum maxime celebre), though it had no name in Csesar's time; and that at Verulamium (St. Alban's), the insurgent Britons massa- cred 70,000 allies of Rome.^ Camalodunum (Colchester,) which had long been garrisoned with Roman soldiers, was desolated, and the garrison put to the sword. The ninth legion on its way to their relief, was fallen upon and nearly annihilated.^ The statue of Victory (simulacrum Victoriae) at Camalodunum, says Tacitus, with a tone of sadness, ** fell from its base, without apparent cause, as if it yielded to the enemy." Suetonius was now on his way to encounter Boadicea, who at the head of a vast multitude was ravaging a part of the country which acknowledged Roman rule. A dreadful battle was fought, which ended in the defeat and dispersion of the native army. The intrepid Queen, as all know, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy, terminated her own life by poison.^ To accomplish this signal victory, Suetonius, be it observed, had to make extraordinary exertions. None of the steps he took indicate an opinion on his part that he was dealing with an impotent foe. If a woman was the leader of the native battalions, it only proved the heroic character she possessed, and the respect the Britons paid to her sex, as well as her personal merits. ^ Tacitus, A?maL xiv. 33. ^ Ibid. 32. ^ Ibid, 54 — 37. 1 66 The Pedigree of the English. Though the army under Boadicea was gathered from a portion only of the British States, the Romans were evidently alarmed by the attitude they presented. So imminent was the peril from which the Roman cause was by this victory rescued, that the imperial Govern- ment, when the crisis was passed, began to devise means for conciliating so stubborn and untameable an enemy, and sent instructions to the officials to deal more leniently and justly by the Britons. The under- lings of the Procurator — the tax-gatherers — had been the great oppressors, whose extortions the pillaged natives rose in fury to avenge. The Romans perceived that destroying the tax-payers would in no wise increase the revenue, and felt also that the Britons were too strong to be trodden in the dust after the manner of slaves. Suetonius received a reinforcement of some thousands of men from Germany to make sure against another insurrection, and gradually, under careful management, the excitement subsided, -and peace was restored. Suetonius was soon afterwards recalled. A period of inactivity ensued ; the Romans received the tribute- money, and were satisfied. No efforts to extend dominion in the island were for a while attempted. It was some fifteen years after Suetonius' s departure when Julius Frontinus^ in a.d. 78, felt it necessary to commence measures against the Silures. This people had maintained an attitude of opposition to Rome for a period of thirty-five years — ever since their territory was first attacked by Claudius. Wales was as yet The Silures still in the Field, 167 virtually independent ; but now a time of trial comes upon her. Listen to Tacitus. ''The ablest officers were sent to reduce the island ; powerful armies were set in motion;" with the Brigantes ''various battles were fought, with alternate success and great effusion of blood; the fame of Cerealis," who conducted these operations, " grew to so great a height that the ablest successor might despair of equalling it," and "yet, under that disadvantage, Julius Frontinus undertook the command," and proceeded to the task of subduing "the powerful and warlike Silures" (validamque et pugnacem Silurum gentem), "winning fame and glory by the success of so great an enterprise." Evidently, therefore, these parts of the country were thickly peopled, and that by a race of no mean capacity in war. The next Governor of Britain (a.d. 78) was C. Julius Agricola, whose government and military exploits in this country have been better illustrated through the graphic writings of his son-in-law Tacitus, than those of any other general. Agricola had to begin his com- mand by repeating what Suetonius thought he had finally accomplished — the conquest of the Isle of Mona (Anglesea). This completed, he immediately gave proof of the wisdom and moderation of his nature by trying what effect kind treatment and education might have. He interested himself in the prosperity of the natives, encouraged industry and trade^ and the forma- tion of schools for the young, and testified, on wit- nessing the progress of the British youth in learning. 1 68 The Pedigree of the English. that they were possessed of natural genius superior to that of the south of Gaul (** et ing-enia Britannorum studiis Gallorum anteferre/') ^ While he conciliated by tolerance and friendship, however, he was assiduous in using every available means of extending conquest. In three years after his arrival, he had succeeded in pushing his way far into the north, making himself master probably of the whole of Lancashire (thinly populated) Westmoreland and Cumberland. About this time he created the great rampart, from the Tyne to the Solway, called after his name, as a barrier against the Caledonians. In his next campaign, if we judge from Tacitus' s nar- rative, he occupied himself in securing what he gained, and made no new acquisition of territory. The country now called the Lowlands of Scotland, extending from the river Tyne to the Frith of Forth, or from the wall of Agricola to the line along which the wall of Antoninus was subsequently erected, still remained to win. But was this space at that early time settled by a fixed population ? If we are to judge from the dearly bought experience of Agricola and his soldiers, and of others after them, this region, as well as the great mountainous district stretching far on to the extreme north of Caledonia, even at that time swarmed with an energetic and warlike people. The next two years, a.d. 8i, 82, were, therefore, devoted to the Lowlands or Southern parts of Scotland. ' Tacitus, Vita, Agrk. xxi. Agricola and ihe Caledonians. 169 Many battles were fought. In the second year Agricola boldly penetrated into the North-East of Caledonia. Fearing *^ some general confederacy of the nations beyond the Frith of Forth" (Bodotriam), says Tacitus, *' he ordered his fleet to cross the Forth," and explore the coast. **The fleet, now acting for the first time in concert with the land forces, proceeded in sight of the army, forming a magnificent spectacle, and it frequently happened that in the same camp were seen the infantry and cavalry intermixed with the marines, all indulging their joy, full of their adventures, and entertaining each other with their respective tales of the mountains and the sea." ^ In the Caledonians, whom Agricola now met in conflict, he found a people fierce and unbending as the Silures had proved themselves to Ostorius. They not only fought the legions in front, but by rapid manoeuvres and stratagems often gained unexpected advantage. They slipped behind the army, cutting down the rear, and destroying the forts he had just erected for permanent garrisons. They attacked in the night the ninth legion, which was strongly entrenched, committing such havoc as nearly to annihilate it. More fighting, however, by and by, resulted in their dis- persion. Next year, a.d. 84, occurred the great battle of the Grampian Hills, when Agricola completely defeated the Caledonians. In this battle the native commanders ^ Tacitus, Vita. Agric. xxv. 1 70 The Pedigree 0/ the English. marshalled a host of 30,000 warriors. They used war-chariots with scythes in their axles as the South Britons did, and displayed other signs of acquaintance with the art of war which surprised the Romans. It is to be noted that this great force was raised exclu- sively in the districts of North Caledonia — for the Trinobantes, the Silures, the Brigantes, and other ** great nations" of the south and midland parts were not now in a state of revolt — and these districts were populous enough to yield such an army just 138 years after the first invasion of Britain by Caesar, when, if we believe the representations of some ** historians," the interior of Britain contained hardly any inhabi- tants, and such as were found were naked, shrinking savages ! The description of the battle of the Grampian Hills is one of the finest passages in the writings of Tacitus. It shows, as in a dissolving scene, the impetuous attack of the patriots, the firmness of the massed Roman legions, the frightful slaughter on either side, the confusion and distraction of the natives when overpowered, and the heartrending spectacle presented by the field after the terrible work had done.^ There are signs still remaining of the campaigns of Agricola, to the north of the Forth, in the remains of Roman forts at Coupar Angus, Invergowrie, Keithock, and other places. Agricola, after extending the Roman possessions » Tacitus, Vita, Agric. xxxv. — xxxviii. Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. 171 far into Scotland, and placing them under such good government that for more than thirty years the island enjoyed a course of uninterrupted tranquillity and prosperity, was recalled to Rome. Domitian could not endure the growing popularity and success of so good a man; both Agricola and Roman interests, as well as the people of Britain, must suffer, rather than allow the name of a general to outshine that of an emperor. Domitian, the tyrant, was assassinated, a.d. 96. Both Nerva and Trajan, who next enjoyed the purple, gave the Britons quiet. As usual, when the legions were reposing, the Britons unloosed their shackles, practically enjoying independence. We are told by Appian that the Roman government in his time (circ. A.D. 140) did not take the oversight of much rtiore than half the island, and that it managed this half at a loss ; ^ and we imagine the case was pretty much the same during a very large portion of the occupation. In the reign of Hadrian, about a.d. 120, the North Britons once more mustered to arms. The whole of the country north of the rampart of Agricola was at once lost to Roman rule. Hadrian was wisely content with the country south of this line. Antoninus Pius, a.d. 138, resolved to reconquer the lost territory; and later still, in 207, Severus made a most costly and hazardous campaign to the heart of the Highlands, penetrating even far beyond the limits Appiani Alexandr. Roman Hist, pref. v. and lib. iv. 5. 172 The Pedigree of the English. reached by Agricola. The perils and hardships were so great that 50,000 men are said to have perished in this expedition. But the end of the whole was that Severus hemmed in the Caledonians for a time within the rampart of Agricola, and built a solid wall on the same line as a permanent frontier, confessing by this act a consciousness of the impossibility of maintain- ing Roman dominion further north. This wall of Severus was certainly a wonder of that age, and may be compared with the greatest public works of even modern nations. The stupendousness of the undertaking is an index to the power of the people it was intended to restrain, and to the value placed on the possessions it was intended to shelter. This wall, unlike the rampart of Agricola, which was of earth, with castles at certain distances, was a huge barrier of solid masonry, 8 feet thick and 1 2 feet high, with lofty battlements on the side facing the north. It had 81 castles and 330 turrets, distributed at certain intervals along its whole length. Its extreme length was 74 miles ! So firm and durable was the construc- tion that large portions of it remain to this day.^ Severus died at York in a.d. 211, while on his way to punish the Caledonians for a new display of their irrepressible courage. Caracalla, his son, made peace with them, and soon after left the island. Then super- vened a period of seventy years of peace, during which ' In addition to the wall, a ditch, 15 feet deep, was sunk on the northern side. On the southern side a military road ran the whole The Wall of Severus. 173 the lowlands between the wall of Severus and the Friths of Clyde and Forth were settled and cultivated. The people of the Midland and Southern parts of Britain, also, were placed by Caracalla in possession of citizen privileges ; the municipal laws of the Empire were introduced, and the liberty of the subject was placed under the responsible guardianship of the magistrate. The country south of the wall of Severus was very generally, in most parts, well populated ; large and flourishing towns grew up, many of them being Roman municipia and military stations, and these were connected together by high military roads passing from end to end of the island. Trade, com- merce, and agriculture prospered. The military stations and the towns had their clusters of Roman people — the officials of the government and their families, with such merchants and other seekers after wealth as the fame of the province had attracted from length, connecting station with station. The following rough sketch will give an idea of the wall and ditch in section. COUKTRY TO SOUTH. 1 74 The Pedigree of the English. Italy and Gaul. By this time the centres of Roman residence in Britain, such a:? York, Verulam, Caerleon, Richborough, would begin to emulate in the sumptu- ousness of their dwellings and the beauty of their gardens and terraces, the costly villas of Rome and Baiae. But the .country around, stretching from station to station and from sea to sea, while conscious of the presence of a foreign governing power, and confessing to the influence of these centres of life, was of a pri- mitive complexion, and its population what from time immemorial it had been — purely British. The only change felt was a change from freedom and in- dependence, when they called Britain and all that it contained their own, into a condition of subjection to a foreign and iron yoke. The wars had doubtless swept away large numbers of the males of the country, both British and Roman, and many of the British youth had been drafted off for foreign military service, but this diminution would be small, relatively to the whole mass, and would be speedily replaced by the growth of a young population. {h.) Retention of the Conquest ; Troubles^ and Preparatiens for Departure, a.d. 211 — 412. The events of the next reigns were not of special importance to our subject. Up to the year 284, when Diocletian ascended the throne, quietude prevailed. He divided the Empire between himself and Maximian as joint Emperors, or ** Augusti'* ; and Galerius and Retention of the Conquest. 175 Constantius as rulers of secondary grade, or ** Caesars." The portion assigned to Constantius included the province of Britain. Constantius found the island in an unsettled state. Carausius, a naval commander, on account of great bravery and skill in his profession, had been entrusted with the task of punishing the Saxon pirates, who in vast numbers began about this time to ravage the coast of Britain. Carausius succeeded in his enter- prise ; but having thereby obtained influence and wealth, he was suspected at Rome of harbouring trai- torous intentions, and it was resolved to get rid of him by violent means. Understanding this, he took a bold step. Having acquired power, he resolved to use it, and is said to have got himself proclaimed by the army in Britain Emperor ! Britain had thus become a young Empire, under a usurper of daring and resources. Constantius was making preparations to assert his right over the island, when Carausius was assassinated by a chief officer, Allectus, said to be a Briton, who in turn himself, for about three years, assumed the title of Emperor, but was defeated and slain by an officer of Constantius. Both Allectus and Carausius had employed the Frankish and Saxon pirates as auxiliaries to fight against the Romans — a proof that the expedition under Hengist and Horsa was not the first from that quarter to set foot in Britain. Constantius now came into full power. Geoffrey of 176 The Pedigree of the English, Monmouth in his beautiful romance, informs us that he married a British lady, the princess Helena, daughter of King Coel, who became mother of Constantine the Great. ^ She it was who became so famous in the history of the Church, as the discoverer of the Holy Cross.^ Let these stories be taken for what they are worth. Constantine, who was destined to become first im- perial patron of Christianity, arbiter of orthodoxy at the Council of Nice, and the object of Eusebius's un- measured laudation, was thus, if this story of his parentage be true, and we know of no reliable con- tradiction to it, a half-blood Briton. He began his reign over Britain in a.d. 306, and continued till 337, part only of which time he spent in the island. The Britons during these thirty years had a season of peace and growth. About this time, the " Picts and Scots'* began, under that name (instead of Caledonii) to make de- vastating incursions from the North. They crossed the wall of Severus, committing depredations on life and property, far into the lowlands. Great hosts of ** Scots' ' came over from Ireland, their original home, and managed to settle in the southern parts of Scotland? * Geoff, of Mon. Brit. Hist. vi. ; Rich, of Cirenc, ii. 33, ' Eusebiiis, Vit. Const, iii. 46, 47 ; Zosim. ii. 8 ; Sozom. ii. 1 ; Theod, i. 18. ' Nenniiis, Hist. Brit. 1 3 ; Rich, of Cirenc. i. 8, 9 ; Bede, Eccles. Hist. i. I, 12, &c. Roman Troubles, 177 From this time forward till the year 412, when the" Romans quitted Britain, the occupation of the island was as irksome to them as to the Britons. The empire was agitated by civil wars or by the inroads of the northern barbarians, and internal corruption festered in every limb of the body politic, threatening speedy dissolution. For about a hundred years Britain was left to the care of officials who won from lax supervision their own aggrandisement. The ex- tortions of the procurators and their underlings became a matter of universal complaint. Indeed, at a period . much earlier than this, Seneca (the moralist), who had lent the Britons money to the extent of ^322,000, to meet exactions which he himself had promoted, by a harsh and sudden demand for payment contributed to the revolt under Boadicea.^ Their next troubles arose from the inroads of the Scandinavian, Frankish, and Saxon freebooters on the one hand, and the Picts and Scots on the other — enemies with which the Roman forces in the island were hardly equal to cope. The retention of the province became a difficulty. The usurper Constantine, under Honorius, proclaimed emperor by the troops in Britain, took the last remnant of the army away from the island, in order to make himself master of Gaul. Rome, by treachery in her own camp, had become totally unable to defend herself 1 Xiphilinus, Epitomes Dion. Cassii. lib. Ixii. i — 4. This enormous amount — a thousand myriads of money (x^^tas ftrptaSas) — is said bj the historian to have been " lent " the Britons " against their will " . N 178 The Pedigree of the Eyiglish, against the hungry enemies who besieged her on all sides. She left the Britons, therefore, to enjoy freedom if they could, or to be subject to the next powerful foe that cared to invade them. (f.) Recapitulation, From the above sketch we see that the struggle with Rome continued from the landing of Caesar in B.C. 55, to the erection of the wall of Severus, a.d. 209, or for a period of 264 years. This period equals the time from the accession of Elizabeth to the present year of Queen Victoria. The brave Britons, though sadly dis- jointed, seldom, if ever, united as a whole — fought, revolted, and fought again, against the most powerful empire of the world, for as many years as it has taken the English nation to conquer almost all its liberties, and develop almost all its resources. To meet the trained legions which Caesar brought against them, they supplied numbers, courage, and patriotism, but unequal science and inferior armour. Still, Caesar's invasion was, as Tacitus, their own historian, has declared,^ a failure. The only wisdom displayed by Caligula was associated with the most puerile freak recorded in history. After preparing a large army to complete the conquest Caesar had commenced, instead ^ Igitur primus omnium Romanorum divus Julius cum exercitu Brltanniam ingressus, quanquam prospera pugna terruerit incolas ac littore potitus sit, potest videri ostendisse posteris, non tradidisse. Vita Agric. xiii. Recapihilation. 179 of proceeding to encounter the Britons, he commanded the troops to feign a charge upon the ocean^ load them- selves with shells as plunder, and return to Rome to enjoy the glory of a *' triumph! " It took Aulus Plautius seven years to subdue the country south of the Thames. Ostorius met in the Silures as stubborn and invincible a foe as Cyrus met in Greece ; and when Caractacus was eventually led in chains to Rome, Claudius treated him with the respect due to an equal in rank, though fallen — mindful ** how much the dignity of the vanquished enhances the glory of the conqueror.'' The victory over Caractacus *' was mentioned in the Senate with the highest applause as an event no way inferior to what had been witnessed in ancient times, when Publius Scipio brought Syphax in chains to Rome, or when Lucius Paulus led Perses in captivity."^ Ostorius died, baffled and disheartened; and his successors were for years obliged to act on the defensive. Suetonius, stern and resolute, came with a military force proportioned to meet a strong and capable enemy, and that enemy, although unsuccessful in the engagement which followed, proved how willing they were to fight, and how great a host they led to the encounter, by leaving, it is said, 80,000 warriors dead on the field. This is Tacitus' s statement, and not that of a Welsh *' bard." That it was no easy victory, and gained over no contemptible antagonist, is proved by the words of Tacitus : '* The glory won on that day 1 Tacitus, Annal. xii. 37, 38. N .2 . 1 80 The Pedigree of the English. was equal to that of the most renowned victories of the Ancient Romans."^ The glory of the ** victory" could only be measured by the strength of the vanquished. Frontinus and Cerealis occupied seven years in sub- duing the Silures and Brigantes. Agricola consumed eight campaigns in carrying the Roman arms through the north-western parts between Siluria and Caledonia. Severus, as we have seen, had hard work with the Caledonians; lost in one campaign 50,000 men ; and at last confessed the invincibleness of the enemy in its own territory, and the resolution of his government to preserve the province of Britain, by erecting a colossal wall 74 miles long as a barrier against incursion. In a word, the conquest of Britain and its retention were among the costliest labours of Roman ambition in the West. The subjugation of Gaul was easy in comparison — it was done " without much trouble to the conquerors" — and occupied not a tithe of the time.^ The wars in Egypt, in Parthia, in Pannonia, and the successive contests with the great Mithridates, were of much less consequence, if expenditure of time, life, and treasure is the criterion of importance. And what does all this imply ? What does it imply especially with respect to the condition and power of that ** barbarian " people who sustained so long these repeated shocks from a giant aggressor ? Let these questions be fairly answered. Of the resourc.es and * Annal. xiv. 37. ' Ammian. Marcell. Hist, Rom, xv. 12, Recapitulation . i g i resolution of Rome we need not speak. These re- sources were to the fullest extent brought to bear; the resolution is legible in every appointment of a general, in every plan of a campaign, in every vote of the Senate. Let it be remembered, too, that the Britons stood alone in the conflict. We hear of no allied hosts from Gaul repaying the assistance formerly rendered by the Britons. Gaul was now herself a vanquished friend. Few or no foreign mercenaries were employed, for though the Saxon pirates hung upon the shores, the idea of conciliating them by subsidies or employ- ment had not yet entered the mind of the Britons. They were only employed in counter movements by the Romans themselves, as in the case of Carausius. Worse than all, the Britons neutralized their aggregate strength by mutual jealousies. Mutual distrust, the evil genius of all clannish confederacies, whether Celtic or Teutonic, distracted their counsels in this time of peril, and compassed their destruction. ** A confede- ration of two or more States, to repel the common danger," says Tacitus, *4s seldom known. They fight in sections, and the nation is subdued." ^ But broken though they were into factions so suicidal, they man- aged to bring into the field forces capable of meeting Roman troops numbering thirty, forty, fifty thousand men at a time. The importance attached to Britain by the aggressors is in keeping with the populousness and resources here implied. Picked troops were ^ Vita Agric. xii. 1 82 The Pedigree of the English. selected for her conquest ; the most celebrated generals were put in command ; the Emperors themselves in several instances, as Claudius, Hadrian, Severus, Con- stantine, took up their abode in the island, and super- intended operations. So great an influence did successful commanders in Britain obtain throughout the Empire that they not unfrequently aspired to the imperial throne.^ To conquer the Britons was from the first deemed the apex of renown. Hence Csesar's defiant exclamation : ** To what purpose have I so long possessed the pro-consular power, if I am to be en- slaved to any of you, or vanquished by any of you here in Italy, close to Rome — I, by whom you have subdued the Gauls and conquered the Britons?"* ** Here within these walls he (Ceesar) perished,'* says Dion Cassius, *' by conspiracy, who had led an army even into Britain in security."^ **To be trodden under foot by an Egyptian woman (said Augustus) would be unworthy of us — we who have vanquished the Gauls, and passed over to Britain.'' * The quality of the men employed and the eclat connected with their operations at head-quarters, are measures of the estimate formed by the Romans of the quality and power of the people they were in process of subjuga- ting. The number and equipment of their armies ' On this account the island was called by Porphyry, one fertile in usurpers — insula tyrannorum feriilis. See Gildas, Hist, 2, " Dion. Cass. Hist, Roman, lib. xli. 34. » Ibid. xliv. 49. * Ibid. 1, 24. The Christian Church in Britain. 1 83 and the time it took them to accomplish the work of conquest offer testimony to the same effect. It were to prove ourselves either incapable of appreciating evidence, or capable of ignoring or distorting it, to deny in the face of these indubitable facts, that Britain, in the time of the Romans, was inhabited by a numerous, brave, and powerful race. (^.) The Conquests of the Christian Church in Roman Britain. Amid all the confusion and bloodshed of the period from Claudius to Constantine, the Christian Church had not been idle or unsuccessful. Tertullian, about the end of the second century, boasts that the Gospel had subdued the tribes of Britain, who were yet uncon- quered by the Romans} Origen (circ. a.d. 236), says that the Divine goodness of our God and Saviour is equally diffused among the Britons^ the Africans, &:c.^ British Christians were numerous at the time of the Diocletian persecution, and some of them became martyrs to the faith. ** The Britons, Alban, Aaron, and Julius, with a great number of men and women, were condemned to a happy death." ^ Wales had the honour of contributing her martyrs, for though Alban was a citizen of Verulam, and has his name cor memo- ^ Adv. JudcEos. p. 189, Ed. 1664. *' Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita." ' Homil. in Lucam. ^ Richard of Cirenc.W. i, 31. 1 84 The Pedigree of the English, rated in the Abbey and town of St. Alban's, it appears that Aaron and Julius were citizens of the great Roman station, and Colonia, Isca Secunda, or Caerleon on Usk/ called also*'urbs legionum." Constantius put an end to this persecution ; and as a consequence, ** the faithful Christians who had been hiding in woods, deserts, and caves, reappeared, rebuilt the churches which had been levelled with the ground ; founded, erected, and finished the temples of the holy martyrs, and, as it were, displayed their conquering ensigns everywhere This peace continued in Britain till the time of the Arian madness."^ In a few years Constantine convoked the Council of Aries, and there we find three British bishops, one British presbyter, and one deacon.^ There were Britons present, it is thought, at the Council of Nice, a.d. 325. Pelagius, the man who startled Christendom in the 4th century with the boldness of his speculations, was a highly cultivated Briton, and a person of undoubted virtue. He erred in a too eager attempt to reconcile human responsibility with Divine grace, whereby he is judged to have lessened unduly the sphere of the Divine agency. But his countrymen — then, as now, apt for theological subtleties — in great numbers ap- 1 Bcde, Ecclcs, Hist, B. i. 7. ** Passi sunt ea tempestate Aaron et Julius legionum urbis cives^ See GeofTr. Mon. ///>/. ix. 12 ; Gildas, Hist, 10. = Bede, Ecclcs. Hist, B. i. 8. ' Sec Spclman, torn. i. ; Comil, Galli(£t p. 9. Paris ed. 1629. Distribution of Tribes. 185 proved his speculations. Bede relates that the British bishops sent to Gaul for the assistance of logicians to confront the innovator, and adds that those who had embraced the false doctrines were confuted and put to shame, both by argument and miracles^ It appears from Matthew Paris, that the conference took place at St. Albans.^ It must not be confounded with the battle of Maes-Garmon, near Mold (as if *^ Garmon" meant Germanics , one of the Gallic debaters), or with the victorious preaching of St. David, placed by tra- dition at Llanddewi-Brefi, in South Wales. 2. Statistical details left by ancient authors, touching the distribution of the British population in Roman times. We have already, in Section 2, briefly Inquired into the extent of the British population before and at the time of the invasion by Caesar ; and in the last section offered details of conflicts which Imply a greatly aug- mented population in later times of the Roman supre- macy. We now propose bringing forward certain statistical Information respecting the position and importance of towns and cities existing in the same period, and to draw such* inferences respecting /^/^/<:?- tioji as they may warrant. The simple fact, that the Roman armies met such opposition as to make the subjugation of the island ^ Eccles. Hist, B. i. 20. Matt. Par, Flor. Hist. Ann. 446. 2 Stillingfleet, Origin. Brit. ; Hughes' HorcB Britann. ; Usseri, Eccles. Brit. cap. xi. * 1 86 The Pedigree of the English. the work oi two hundred and sixty -four years (b.c. 55 — A.D. 209) — that is, from Claudius' expedition to the conclusion of the contests with the Caledonians, under Severus — argues beyond contradiction, the existence of a powerful aboriginal race. It is morally certain that since Caesar's time the population had greatly increased ; and that the different communities, or kingdoms, into which it was divided, had gone on advancing in civilization ; so that, when Ptolemy, the geographer, wrote his work in Alexandria, great towns had sprung into existence, surrounded in each case by a widely spread rural population, fostered not merely by the policy, but by the humane sentiments of the Romans, as well as by the growing intelligence of the Britons, ^ and the new quickening influences which wrought upon them. It is fortunate that we have at hand, written by men in no sense biassed, and at a time when the objects described were in existence, such statistical accounts as render it unnecessary to base our arguments on doubtful facts, or general considerations. Though we have no census of the people, no tables of property assessments, to guide us to an estimate of the wealth of the land, still we have factors of almost equal value, when the object is not to arrive at specific enumera- tion, but at a general estimate of the populousness of the islands The following are sources for the kind of information we wish here to supply : — Caesar's Account of the Tribes of Britain ; Ptolemy of Authorities, 1 87 Alexandria' s Geography; ^ The Itinerary of Antoninus ; ^ The Notitia Imperii;^ and Richard of Cirencester's State of Britain.^ Britain, according to Caesar and Ptolemy, contained a large accumulation of confederacies or tribes, some- times called '^ nations," but which can only be viewed as clans or princedoms with separate governments under hereditary chiefs, and speaking dialects of one common speech. Ptolemy's account was written in the first part of the second century, and is supposed to relate to the state of the island about, if not before, the time of Csesar, so that these two authors may be taken as contemporary in the effect of their descrip- tions. The Itinerary of Antoninus was a work drawn up for the public service, of uncertain date, and contains a survey of all the roads of the empire, including the roads and towns of Britain within the Roman occupa- tion, as they stood when the Roman sovereignty had been established. The Notitia hnperii contains a detailed account of all the civil and military establish- ments of the empire, including those of Britain. These were peculiarly Roman^ but we argue that to whatever extent they prevailed, to that extent must 1 Cl. PtolemcEi Geogfaphia. Ed. Lugd. Batav. 1 6 1 8. Analysis of, in Monumenta Hist. Britannica. Pp. x. — xvi. ^ Itinerarium Antonjni Angus ti. Excerpt, in Mon. Hist. Brit. p. XX. et seq. 3 Notitia utriusque Imperii. Excerpt, in Ihid. * Translated in Bohn's Antiq. Libr. Six Old English Chronicles. 1 88 The Pedigree of the English. have existed also a body of Britons to be governed and taxed. There is also a work ascribed to Richard of Cirencester, which gives a geographical and political account of Britain. The genuineness of this work is called in question by some, though maintained by many others. Professor Bertram professed to have discovered it in a MS. at Copenhagen in 1757. Opinion seems now to run in favour of the idea that it is nothing more than the composition of a clever and unscrupulous scholar of modern times, and that the author was none else than Professor Bertram himself. This controversy cannot materially affect the use here made of it. Even if a work of imagination, its geographical descriptions and historical statements may yet be in harmony with truth. Whether written at an earlier or a later period, many of its positions are borne out by ancient authors, and few of them are impeached by modern investigations. (d7.) The Tribes of Britain mentioned by CcBsar, We have to premise that as Caesar saw but a small portion of the island, his information must be expected to be partial, and given, though probably not inaccu- rately, in great part at second hand. Tribes. Supposed to inhabit : The Cantii Kent. The Trinobantes Essex. Cenimagni (Iceni of Tacitus ?) Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambr. Tribes of Britain, 189 Tribes. Supposed to inhabit : Segontiaci Parts of Hants and Berks. Ancalites Parts of Berks and Wilts. Bibroci Part of Berks and adjacent counties, Cassii Part of Berks (?). Caesar had more or less visited all these tribes, and had engaged most of them in war. Whether the names he gives be always correct, it is impossible to say. Perhaps some of them went by different names, or adopted, or were called by, other names afterwards, but it is to be noted that Ptolemy covers the regions above enumerated with tribes bearing quite other names. (b.) Tribes of Britain enumerated by Ptolemy^ with the districts they inhabited. Tribes, Occupying : I Brigantes Bptyavrcs Durham, Yorkshire, Cumber- land, Westmoreland, and Lancashire. The south-east of Yorkshire. North Wales. 2 Parisi 3 The Ordovices 4 The Cornavii Ilapto-ot Op8ovtK€s Kopvamot Cheshire, Salop, Stafford, and Worcester. 5 The Coritavi Koptravol Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln, Leicester, Rutland, and part of Northampton. 6 The Catyeuchlani YJxTv^vyXavoi Bucks, Beds, Herts, Hunting- donshire, &c. Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cam- bridge. Essex. South Wales : Carmarthen, Car- digan, Pembroke. South Wales : Brecknock, Gla- morgan, Monmouth, Here- ford, Radnor. 7 The Simeni (Iceni ?) 8 The Trinobantes 9 The Demetae 10 The Silures TpivoavT€9 Arjfxrjrat ^tXvpcs 190 The Pedigree of the English, Tribes, 11 The Dobuni 12 The Atrebatii 1 3 The Cantii 14 The Regni Ao^owot ATpefidrLOL KdvTLOl 'Frjyvoi 15 TheBelgae B^yat 1 6 The Durotriges 17 The Dumnonii Aovporpiycs AoV/XVOVLOt Occupying: Gloucestershire, Oxfordshire. Berkshire (?). Kent and parts of Surrey, &c. Surrey, Sussex, and part of Hants. Parts of Somerset, Wilts, and Hants. Dorsetshire. Devon, Cornwall, and part of Somerset. These, according to Ptolemy, were all the tribes in Britain sotith of the wall of Severus, i.e,, in that part of the island constituting the Roman province proper, and now denominated England and Wales, as distin- guished from Scotland. All these tribes were found in these parts in Ptolemy's time, or in the first part of the second century, and probably much earlier. As to the people dwelling further north, Ptolemy gives some eighteen tribes ; but their names and situa- tions need not here be quoted. (r.) Tribes mentioned by Richard of Cirencester^ which are not included in Plotemys account. The Segontiaci. The Ancalites. The Bibroci. The Cassii As in Caesar's enumeration. And also : The Hedui The Cimbri The Volantii and Sistuntii The Rhemi In Somersetshire. In Devonshire. In Lancashire. In Surrey and Sussex. What these Statistics Imply, 191 These lists of obsolete names would in themselves be scarcely worth the trouble of recording in these pages, were it not for the truth they imply, beyond what they distinctly express. Nothing is said of the number of each separate clan. We are given the bare fact of the subsistence, at the time referred to, of so many more or less organised communities. But this fact of exist- ence, when we examine it, is pregnant with meaning. Nothing less is involved in it than that the whole surface of Britain was settled upon by distinct and independent sovereignties. The population, described by Caesar as dense — " hominum est infinita multitudo, creberrimaque 2edificia"^ — may then, or subsequently, in remoter districts, have been sparse, and there might be wide tracts still monopolised by primeval forests and morasses ; but the country was recognised in all its regions as belonging to known bodies of men bearing common names, united together by common bonds, claiming possessions in land, and capable of enforcing their rights. This is simple fact, and in its barest form is of no small import to our argument. There are implications in it of greater significance than anything shown on the surface. Of necessity, these communities, before they could for a single day subsist as independent States, must be in command of a great variety of resources. Each State, however small, must have possessed all the attributes of a kingdom, with modes ' De Bell. Gall. v. 12. 192 The Pedigree of the English. of administering laws, levying taxes for the public expense, organizing armies for offence and defence. Judged by modern notions of a **kingdom," of course these little sovereignties must appear very insignificant, but for the times, and relatively to their neighbours, they bore quite a different character. At all events each community must have possessed all the essential attri- butes of a ** State " — the augmentation or diminution of the bulk surrounding those attributes, or vitalized by them, would not essentially affect the issue. It is probable that a community of feeling existed among all these States arising from neighbourhood or affinity, or both. Not that they displayed any excess of virtue in the direction of peace amongst themselves. Their normal state was probably one of bickering. Even in times of national peril they found difficulty in agreeing upon terms of joint action. A personal sense of importance and strong individuality, ruled, as in similar stages of society elsewhere, if not emi- nently as a Celtic attribute, and led to the disaster which Tacitus, as we have shown, describes ; they fought separately as tribes, ** and the nation was sub- dued." Still we have on record that they formed confede- racies. This was shown on the second invasion by Csesar, and frequently afterwards. The great tribe or nation of the Brigantes often sent troops to assist the ' southern parts in checking the advance of the Romans; and even between the clans of the extreme North and Caledonii and South Britons Brethren. 193 the tribes of the South there existed a friendly inter- course. Distance, in those times, would seriously bar association ; but as intelligence of events is prized, so its mysteriously rapid communication prevails univer- sally amongst half civilized tribes. Horse and foot messengers are preternaturally fleet among ** barba- rians.'' There is reason to believe that the Caledonian clans, not only knew of events happening in the South as the Romans gained ground northwards, but that they acted from impulse of sympathy and sent their contingents to assist in repelling the foreigners. If we take the speech of Galgacus, the general opposed to Agricola at the battle of the Grampian Hills, as his own, and not the invention of Tacitus, he was well acquainted with the Roman progress through South Britain, and looked upon the subjugation of that part as a misfortune befalling kindred of his own. ** In the battles which have been hitherto fought with alternate success, our countrymen might well repose some hopes in us ; they might consider*tis as their last resource ; they knew us to be the noblest sons of Britain, placed in the remotest recesses of the land, in the very sanc- tuary of liberty .... let us dare like men .... the Trinobantes ^ [the people of Essex] who had only a woman [Boadicea] to lead them on, were able to c^xry fire and sword through a whole colony, and shall not we, &c In their own ranks we shall find a ^ The correction of the text from *' Brigantes" to "Trinobantes" is allowed by all to be good. 194 The Pedigree of the English. number of generous warriors ready to assist our cause. The Britons know that for our common liberties we draw the avenging sword, &c." ^ In these passages we hear the tone of national sympathy. Identity of race and identity of interest between the mountaineers of the North, and the dwellers five or six hundred miles to the South, are clearly indicated. If, again, we limit our attention to individual tribes, we shall see that some of them, standing alone, were not so ill matched against the armies of Rome. It is sufficient to mention the names of the Trinobantes, SilureSy and Brigantes, to justify this remark. These may be allowed to have been the most powerful in the island ; but others were found whose resources and valour were by no means contemptible, as the Cantii, the Iceni, the Catyeuchlani, the Ordovices. Now the fact that there existed south of the wall of Severus some twe7ity different States, or tribes, some of whom displayed great resources ; and that north of that wall, according to Ptolemy's enumeration, there existed some seventeen or eighteen more tribes, of whose temper we may judge from what we know of the ** Caledonii '' ; and that all these were contemporaneous and existing in the early part of the Roman occupa- tion, is sufficient for our purpose in this place. The strenuous opposition offered to the Romans for a period of 264 years, and this generally diffused popu- lation, explain each other. The former without the * Tacitus, Vita Agric. 30 — 32. Roman Municipia and Colonice. 195 latter were impossible. The latter makes the former antecedently probable. In this generally diffused population — diffused, yet compacted into independent sovereignties, we find not only the reason for Rome's long labours, but for the still longer conflicts of the Anglo-Saxons. Here, moreover, we find the most indubitable proof of the preponder- ance of the Celtic element in the compound people of Britain in the early centuries of our era. Not only were these tribes Celts, but they were powerful and numerous tribes. Not only were they numerous when the Romans began their subjugation, or in the early time when Ptolemy wrote, but it is fair to conclude that during the Roman occupation they became more numerous. Rome not only settled over them a regular guardianship, but cultivated thevciy as a garden is cultivated, with a view to the produce they bore. The next part of our statistics will bear upon this aspect of the question. (' 255 are now inquiring — the early Saxon period — and even when treating of those earlier times, he comes into helpless collision with trustworthy historians, such as Csesar and Tacitus, on points involving the credit of the Britons — points which those historians were under no temptation to distort to the advantage of the islanders. But neither was he himself an eye-witness of the struggle he portrays. In fact, he wrote a hundred years after the main events we are now con- cerned with had transpired. One question remains to ask : Was Gildas an unbiassed witness ? It is impossible to read his pages and note his pervading tone of depreciation towards the Britons, and of eulogy and flattery towards the Romans, without feeling that he was not. He never lets slip an opportunity of heaping on his countrymen epithets of disparagement and reproach, and he seems willing to include the Saxons, Picts and Scots, in the same category. The Britons are cowards, poltroons, hares and chickens, neither brave in war nor faithful in times of peace ; the Saxons, dogs, wolves, a race hateful to God and men ; the Picts and Scots, brutes, inspired with avidity for blood, and '* all more eager to shroud their villanous faces in bushy hair than cover their bodies with decent clothing." But the Romans are lions and eagles, generous and noble friends, mighty in war, magnanimous in victory. The one-sidedness and disingenuousness of Gildas are of themselves sufficient to vitiate and condemn his 256 The Pedigree of the English, work as a history. No special pleading can be history. Palpable exaggeration, strained and bitter invective, unreasoning and blundering partiality — main charac- teristics of Gildas*s production — would disentitle any pretended annalist to credit. An example or two of Gildas's partiality and exaggeration will suffice. His picture of Britain as a Roman province belies all history and all probability. ** The Romans having slain many [Britons], and retained others as slaves, that the land might not be entirely reduced to desola- tion, left the island, destitute as it was of wine and oil, and returned to Italy, leaving behind them task- masters to scourge the shoulders of the natives, to reduce their necks to the yoke, to chastise the crafty race, not with warlike weapons, but with rods.'' And yet we know that Britain was a favourite province, and a favourite abode of many emperors, a rich mine of wealth to numerous procurators, and a field of renown and glory to many of Rome's leading generals. On the return of the Romans to aid against the Picts and Scots, he uses the following pompous style of description : — ** Upon this the Romans, moved with compassion . . . send forward like eagles in their flight, their unexpected bands of cavalry by land, and mariners by sea, and planting their terrible swords on the shoulders of their enemies, they mow them down like leaves which fall at the destined period, and as a mountain torrent swelled with numerous streams, and bursting its banks with roaring noise, with foaming Gildas Examined. . 257 crest, and yeasty wave rising to the stars, &c."^ But the sentence is too long for quoting. Of the Britons, on the other hand, he says : — To oppose the Picts and Scots, ** there was placed on the heights a garrison equally slow to fight, and ill adapted to run away, a useless and panic-struck company, who slumbered away days and nights on their unprofitable watch. Meanwhile the hooked weapons of their enemies were not idle, and our wretched countrymen were dragged from the wall and dashed against the ground. But why should I say more ? They left their cities, abandoned the protection of the wall,'* &c. *' The enemy butchered our countrymen like sheep, so that their habitations were like those of savage beasts, for they turned their arms upon each other," &c.^ He calls Boadicea *' that deceitful lioness," although history has clothed her with all the attributes of true nobility and heroism. After the revolt which she headed, when the Romans sent their legions in vast force to avenge it, as already described in our pages, he asserts that the Britons had no marshalled army, no preparations for resistance, but ** made their backs shields against their vanquishers, presented their necks to their swords, and stretched out their hands to be bound like women, so that it became a proverb far and wide that the Britons are neither brave in war nor faithful in time of peace. "^ He charges his countrymen with being an indolent ^ DcExcid. Brit, 17. ^ Ihid. 19. ^ Ihid. 6. S 258 The Pedigree of the English. and cowardly race, totally subjugated and dispersed by the Saxons from the outset, although he knew, or ought to have known, that in his own time — a century or more after their asserted total overthrow ! they were still in possession of half the island, and stub- bornly maintaining, though with waning fortunes, the fight against the invader. It is time to have done with Gildas. It is clear, that, allowing he was a real person, and wrote his history at the time commonly supposed, his statements in all matters pertaining to the Britons, are wholly unworthy of credence. He pursues them with an animosity that is never satiated, and belies all au- thentic history in branding them with the character of timidity, cowardice, and tame submissiveness, when their country was being torn from them by strangers. It is impossible to dignify such a chronicler by the name of historian, and it is utterly impossible to re- ceive his statements as anything else than the splene- tic exaggerations of an ill-informed, and prejudiced monk. And yet upon the representations of this writer has been based the faith of Englishmen concerning their own purely Teutonic descent. From him alone has proceeded the doctrine that the Britons were extermi- nated, or driven clean off from English soil into ** the sea,'* or into **the mountains of Wales." There exists no other authority whatever for such notions. We are compelled in deference to truth to reject the Britons more numerous than Saxons. 259 authority of Gildas, and pronounce the notions based upon it as visionary and superstitious. Having so far cleared the way, we now proceed to consider more in detail the strength of the British population after the departure of the Romans. 2. The Aboriginal Britons surpassed in number their Anglo-Saxon Invaders. In almost all invasions, the aggressors are few com- pared with the inhabitants. It was so in the Roman invasion of Britain. It was still more so in the Norman. At the time when the Saxons and Angles first made a regular attack on the island, the in- habitants — already numerous even in Roman times, as proved by the large towns, and military and fiscal stations existing all over the country, and in our pages enumerated — with the increase which had since the departure of the Romans taken place, were a powerful and widely distributed race. In the North, in the South, in Wales, the population was not sparse. In all these parts considerable states flourished. What, therefore, compared with this wide-spread and multitudinous people, for the proper government and taxation of which the Romans had at least above a hun- dred towns, cities, and strongholds, could the invaders, coming over in their small ^>^^<9/y, mis-called '* ships," — three "ships" — five *' ships," at a time, amount to ? What could they amount to, making every reasonable allowance for the thinly inhabited regions of the East, s 2 26o The Pedigree of the English, and for the hosts which had emigrated to Gaul and Armorica ? The numbers given by Geoffrey of Mon- mouth (300,030) as having come over to support Hengist is perfectly imaginary. It is not to be sup- posed that the Saxon *' ships*' were to be compared in capacity to the Roman triremes, and yet Caesar had to buil^, as he himself declares, 700 transports to convey an army of 30,000 across the Channel, with baggage and all appurtenances. Supposing that the Saxon keels were actually equal to the Roman in capacity — it would take a fleet of some seven thousand such ** ships" to bring an army so enormous as that mentioned by the imaginative and romantic Geoffrey ! The creation of a fleet a tenth of the size is inconceiv- able under the circumstances. We readily admit, for the clear voice of the old chroniclers bears out — that immense numbers of soldiers, pirates, miscellaneous adventurers, came over with, and after, the different Saxon and Anglican Chiefs. This concession is simply a relation of the truth. We have even given prominence to this fact in preceding pages, as the means of exhibiting in stronger relief the power whereby the Britons for so long a time maintained the contest. But the invading body, though large when considered absolutely, and in the mass, was still small when held in comparison with the teeming thousands which inhabited the many score cities and wide plains of Britain. The success of the Anglo- Saxons, like that of the Romans before them, and that The Britons numerous. 261 of the Normans against the English afterwards, was not the success of numbers^ but of a military and brute force, superior in concert, fiercer in resolve, more practised in arms than that which it had to confront. The people who fought the Romans for so many long years, not without some success, and who were afterwards for centuries nurtured, protected, cultivated by them ; a people numerous enough to yield by tax- ation a revenue sufficient to maintain the military and civil service of Rome in the island, and yield a sur- plus sufficient to enrich emperors, procurators, gover- nors, and their underlings for three or four centuries, however they may have passed their lives in the forced indignity of subjection, cannot for a moment be compared with any multitudes of adventurers crossing the German Sea in open boats. If the objection, already so often -answered, be still repeated : ** The Anglo-Saxons must have been as numerous as the Britons, because they conquered them"; we can only meet it by saying: — The Normans under William must have been, by parity of reasoning, as numerous as the people of England — an absurdity needing no exposure. 3. The Britons, during their wars with the Anglo- Saxons, did not suffer, relatively, a diminution of number. The point is not whether they were not diminished, but whether they were more diminished in proportion than their opponents. Granted, modes of warfare in f 62 . The Pedigree of the English, « those barbarous times were destructive enough of human life. But if well -forged and sharpened weapons counted for anything in the grim trial of battle, one would suppose that here the Britons would have a marked advantage. They had been taught the forging of blades and spear points, and the forming of shields and helmets, by the Romans, as well as all the tactics of attack and defence. However furious, therefore, the onsets of the terrible warriors of the North, there is no reason for concluding that the brave and better- trained Britons, with the advantage of a better panoply, would leave more men hors de combat than their enemies. The fierce and less regular movements of the latter, on the contrary, would frequently expose them to more serious losses than they occasioned to their adversaries. The most stubborn and devastating conflicts took place, no doubt, at the first stage of the invasions, and victory at that time would be followed by unsparing severity, on whichever side it turned. Whole towns and villages would be depopulated, and misery and desolation would spread far and wide. On the other hand; it is to be borne in mind that in those more primitive times, when men were less hampered with property, and less attached to locality, the inhabitants of whole towns and districts would readily retire before an approaching foe, and find easy shelter in the forests and woodlands which everywhere abounded, and in the absence of regular garrisons, soon again return to their Diminutio7i of Britons and Saxons, 263 homes. The Anglo-Saxons, although they never seem to have repaired, would, doubtless, at first, eagerly use the great lines of military roads constructed with so much labour by the Romans, conducting their attacks mainly along these lines, while the wide districts lying between, being less easily approached, would be passed by comparatively unharmed, and be places of rendez- vous and shelter for the inhabitants. It may be asked how, if not by the sword, were the Britons so sadly decimated ? The question assumes what we deny to be the fact. The Britons, we opine, were not so sadly decimated. If so, it may again be asked, how, to all appearance, did they diminish so rapidly in number, so that very speedily all over England we find none but Anglo-Saxons ? This question again assumes too much, although in perfect keeping with popular opinion. It so happens that the Britons did not **so rapidly diminish in number,'' even ** to all appearance^'' and that we do not '* very speedily find none but Anglo-Saxons all over England." Our imaginary questioner has been, to all appearance, reading his *^ School History," which often helps him to find Teutons where he ought to have discovered true Celts, and Anglo-Saxons where he ought to have found Britons. It is true that in process of time the Celtic language disappears from the Anglo-Saxon parts, and that gradually the population throughout the greater portion of the Heptarchy, or Octarchy, or Hexarchy, as we may choose to call the 264 The Pedigree of tlie English, Saxon States — for it is uncertain whether seven or eight States, properly independent, ever contempora- neously existed — assumes the appearance of a homo- geneous race; but this was a result which was very slow in taking shape. It was, for example, far from complete in the time of Athelstan ; for then communi- ties of Cymry, using their own language, and observing their own usages, were in integral existence in the heart of Wessex itself. This v^KsJive hundred years after the arrival of Hengist. In the reign of Egbert, the counties of Dorset, Somerset, Wilts, as well as Devon, were all considered as belonging to the Weal-cynne^ (the dominion or kingdom of the Welsh) a sufficient proof of the nationality of the inhabitants. This was nearly four hundred years after the settlement of Hengist. Of course this designation, Weal-cynne, could only mean at that time that the inhabitants were the Weatas — '*the foreigners" — as the Anglo-Saxons, with admirable audacity, termed the people, who for a thousand years had their home in the country — the government under which they lived was nominally that of Egbert, who was styled not merely King of Wessex, but King of England. The Anglo-Saxons might well multiply with rapidity when whole tribes or states of the Britons entered into ** confederacy" with them and ** became Saxons," as the Triad indignantly expresses it. Lloegrians, * Will of King A If red, pp. 14, 15. Ed. Pickering, 1828. Reprinted from the Oxford ed. of 1788. Britons ^'became Saxons y 265 Brython, and probably many others did this ; and the Britons would of course in appearance diminish in proportion under such a process. But this is a different question, and when thus settled, only tells in favour of the general position we adopt. If the Lloegrians, and their companions in ready submission, had their blood changed into other than Celtic blood by the method whereby they *' became Saxons," well and good. Change of government — mere recognition of a new dynasty — is all that is required, in that case, to convert a Jew into a Gentile. The Mauritanians and Celti- berians, the Syrians and the dwellers on the Ganges, by submission to the prophet of Mecca, all became genuine Arabs according to that theory. But of the general fusion of the Celts of Britain and the Anglo-Saxons we have to treat in our next section. Our subject here is the diminution of the Britons, not through cession and absorption, but through the casualties of war. Making every reasonable allowance for the reduc- tions made in the British inhabitants, on the one hand by political arrangement, and on the other by sheer destruction in the field, they were still a numerous and active race two hundred years after the founding of the first Saxon Kingdom. Throughout the country, even in the central parts, as at Bedford, Banbury, Petherton, Bath, we find so late as a.d. 552, 584, 658, &c., mighty battles fought by the Britons proper of those districts, who ro*se to avenge the oppressive 266 The Pedigree of the English, exactions of their conquerors.^ If these had been the incursions of marauding hordes from Wales or Cum- bria, penetrating for the moment far into the enemy's country and retreating with their booty, their presence were of no value to our argument. But they were nothing of the kind. They were spontaneous move- ments of the dwellers in those regions. What other commotions went on throughout the country from similar causes we do not know, or have no space to relate. But it is certain that the Britons were a powerful part of the people of England in these times, either in the form of communities still wearing the badges of their nationality in language, laws, and customs ; or as more complying subjects of the different Saxon states. Then it is to be remembered that during all this time ''West Wales," or Cornwall and Devon, great part of Somerset, Wilts, Gloucestershire, Wor- cestershire, Herefordshire, Shropshire, Cheshire, Lan- cashire, Yorkshire, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and the South of Scotland, as well as the whole of Wales — the pair ia intada of the Cymry — were in the possession of those Britons who had hitherto kept themselves wholly unmixed with the Teutons. In all this there is nothing which sounds like a diminution of the British race through war. If, therefore, the Britons were reduced in number, relatively to the Anglo-Saxons, it was the effect not of casualties of war but of absorption into the new nation- » Box, Chron. under those dates. Britons *' became Saxons ^ 267 ality now in process of formation. At the coming of the Saxons, as we have shown, the Britons greatly sur- passed them in multitude, and it necessarily follows, granting to each side nearly equal losses through fighting, that the great majority of the subjects of the so-called Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy were not Saxon, or any species of Germans, but Britons, and, through marriage of Saxon men with British women, half- blood Britons. Whole tribes or kingdoms of Britons had at an early stage sent in their submission. Neces- sity, convenience, family ties, interest, led thousands more to remain where they were, and prepare for peaceful union with the iron Northmen. As the Ger- man warriors cannot be supposed to have brought many women over, a mixed breed would speedily multiply through their taking British wives. The Cymry alone, and only the more enthusiastic and un- yielding of these, retired to seek shelter with their brethren in Wales. This section of the Ancient Britons from the outset protested against all dealing with the Germans ; they never ceased to criminate and denounce Vortigern for his first alliance with them ; and to the last they consistently maintained an attitude of protest and defiance.^ The remaining Britons in 1 Thus the bard Golyddan (7th century) exclaims : *' O, Son of Mary, whose word is sacred ! woe's the time that we sprang not forth To resist the dominion of the Saxons — that we cherished them ! Far be the cowards of Vortigern of Gwynedd ! " Arymes Prydain Fawr. (See Myv. Arch, of Wales, i. p, 156.) 268 The Pedigree of the English, process of time "became Saxons"; and so it was that the Ancient Britons diminished in number, and the Saxons ** mightily multiplied." But we must now, with the greatest care and minute- ness, search out what evidence is available upon this vital point in our argument. 4. On the Extent to which the Britons remained on the Conquered Territory and amalgamated with their Anglo-Saxon Conquerors. The tenor of the conclusion we shall arrive at on this point the reader has already gathered from the preceding discussion. The facts there cited and the reasoning founded upon them, left us no alternative but to conclude, even long before the whole of the case was gone into, that the claims put in for the Britons were good. The additional evidence to be now presented will conduct us to the same verdict, but, if possible, with an emphasis of conviction many times multiplied. We shall distribute the results of our researches under three chronological divisions, thus : (a.) From the first Saxon invasion to the founding of Mercia. (b.) From the founding of Mercia to the union under Egbert of Wessex. (c.) From Egbert's time forward. («.) The first Saxon Invasion to the Founding of the Kingdom of Mercia in a.d. 586. There can be little question but that myriads of the Britons, as soon as the territory on which they wer^ The Aborigines still in the Land. 269 settled was taken possession of by the invaders, and some form of government was established, made their submission, and transferred their allegiance. It is so in almost every instance of conquest known in history. The masses are not swayed so much by sentiments of nationality as by attachment to their native soil, their homes, familiar scenes, and the property, be it ever so little, which they, like greater folk, delight to call their own. Hence the ease and apparent indifference with which they consent to a change of masters. Promises of protection under better laws and lighter taxes, of kind masters and cheaper fare, are usually abundant on such occasions, and these are the things which in the main carry influence with the impassive multitude of every country. It is very true that times have been when the British princes had enormous influence over their followers. They could by appeals to their passions and patriotism rouse them to a frantic pitch of excitement, and bid them follow through any perils, and at any sacrifice. But the age which succeeded the withdrawal of the Romans was not the time for such enthusiasm. The Britons were fatigued and exhausted. Though they made extraordinary efforts, their movements were like those of a person toiling under bodily pain and weari- ness. Such was their condition when they found their country attacked at all points by a new and ruthless enemy, that they would hail peace and quietness almost at any price. None but those who were inspired by 270 The Pedigree of the English » the loftiest sentiments of patriotism, and the most powerful impulses of valour, could take the lead at such a time as this, and impart to the sluggishness of their wearied countrymen the resolve still to fight and conquer, or die. The Lloegrians, with Vortigern as their king, and London as their capitol, at first maintained a hot con- test with the invaders. But it seems that their courage at last flagged ; they sued for peace ; enticed by the Coranians, they entered at last into confederacy with the aggressor, and ** became Saxons." The Lloegrians were a people of the same stock with the Cymry, had arrived in the island at a time subsequent to the Cymry ; and, by their consent and from their Southern position, we may fairly judge that theirs was a third wave of immigration, following that of the Brython, also sprung from **the same primitive race with the Cymry,'' who had been pushed forward to the region about the river Humber.^ These are said by the Triad to have come from Armorica. They also, since they are never said to have united themselves with the Cymry during the Saxon troubles, in all probability by degrees became, like the Lloegrians and Coranians, united to the Anglo- Saxons. It is worthy of remark that Taliesin in his poem, I In the name Humher we have several of the radical elements of Cimbri, Cumbria Cymry. The hard initial consonant has been changed into an aspirate in Number, probably in compounding North- Humbra-land. The Aborigines still in the Land. 271 Gwawd Lludd Mawr, specifies three nations besides the Cymry and Saxons as inhabiting Britain in his time (6th Cent.). These he denominates by the very in- telligible names Eingyl, Gwyddyl, and Prydyn — Angles, Gwyddelians (or Gaels), and Britons, or Brython} All these, excepting only the Cymry, seem to be in his time associated with the Saxons. Possibly by. the Gwyddyl he meant the borderers on Caledonia who had been absorbed into the kingdom of Northumbria along with Deivr and Bryneich. But be this as it may, the intimation concerning the Prydyn^ the point which here concerns us, is important. These two communities, or nations of Celts, the Lloegrians and the Brython, along with the inhabi- tants of Deivr and Bryneich (Deira and Bernicia) also confessedly Celts, and by the Angles incorporated into the kingdom of North- humbr a- land, would take at once the greater part of the Ancient Britons residing in the part of the island now denominated ** England," out of the pale of the British race, and so far swell the proportions of the Anglo-Saxon population. Is it too much to say, that this incorporation alone would be so considerable as to more than double the number of the unmixed Anglo-Saxon population ? We think not. It will not be amiss to refer for a moment to the intimations given in the Saxon Chronicle — the most ^ See the poem Gwawd Lludd Mawr, in the Myv, Arch, of Wales, vol. i. 272 The Pedigree of the English. reliable of all the Ancient Annals of Britain, and valu- able in the present instance and throughout this Essay as being free from all favourable bias towards the Britons — as to the localities, where the Cymry were found, and found active in battling for their rights, at comparatively late periods of the Saxon contests. In a.d. 571, it is recorded in the Chronicle that Cuthulf fought against the Britons, or Welsh, (jBretwealas) at Bedcanford, (Bedford), and took four towns — Lygeanbirg (Lenburg), Aegeles-birg (Ayles- bury, Bucks), Baenesington (Benson), and Egonesham (Eynsham). Then after six years, a.d. 577, Cuthwine and Ceawlin fought against the Britons {Brettas), and slew three Kings, and took three cities, Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath. Again, in a.d, 584, Ceawlin is said to have taken many towns, and spoils innu- merable.''^ Now several of the towns here mentioned were cities of importance under the Romans ; ^ and if now, after a hundred and fifty years of opposition to Saxon supremacy, the Britons still kept them in their own possession, the fact is significant. At the date last mentioned, the invaders had not succeeded in found- ing Mercia, but they had in a manner established * Florence of Worcester says, " Much booty and many vills." Flor. is a mere copyist from the Sax. Chron. and Bcde. ' Gloucester and Bath were both Colom'ce ; and Cirencester, a privileged town under the Latii Jus., was a most important military post, having no less than six military roads meeting in it as a centre. The Aborigines still in the Land, 273 their rule in the other six states, Northumbria, the last, having now existed some forty years. When Mercia was set up, it completely extinguished the hopes of the Britons beyond the Severn, and doubt- less converted the mass of the inhabitants from the Severn to the Wash, and northwards as far as the borders of Lancashire and Yorkshire, into tolerable ** Saxons.'' The simple fact that at the late period mentioned the Britons were in possession of the chief strongholds of Gloucestershire and Somerset, and in the very centre of England held Bedford, and four neighbouring towns — how many others we do not know, but four they held and lost — and that besides these, Ceawlin took from them ** many towns, and spoils innumerable," is decisive evidence which cannot be set aside, that they were strong and numerous in the land, and gives fair ground for the presumption that they had never yet been effectually disturbed in their possessions in these places since the time of the Romans. -We shall by and by see that these were not the only places far in the interior of England which were at that period in the hands of the Britons. These were but a few of the many which they held. Others they continued in undisturbed possession of, even for hundreds of years after the last of the above dates ; but these they lost, with many others only obscurely hinted at in history, when the seventh kingdom of the Saxons, Mercia, was established. 274 The Pedigree of the English. Now, what became of the subjects of the ** three kings," and the inhabitants of the seven towns, and ** many towns,*' and of the districts surrounding them, when their conquest was effected? Were all these people slain ? Did the conquerors so blindly mar their own fortunes as to clear the fields of their cultivators, the towns of their merchants and traders, the work- shops of their mechanics, &c., possessing themselves merely of the empty shells of walled towns, and of desolated acres, which could neither pay tribute nor provision an army ? We may be sure that our Saxon ancestors had more wit than this. Once they over- powered the warrior part of the population, their policy was to obtain the submission and friendship of the rest, and as speedily as possible gain strength and profit from multiplied subjects and extended empire. The Britons, on their part, had the example of their brethren before them in yielding submission when hopelessly overcome. All around them they found their own kith and kin in the condition of a subject race. In short, necessity left them but one alterna- tive — either accept the new rule or perish. It was by the conversion of the former inhabitants into subjects that the Saxons could by any possibility make the territories they won into ** kingdoms." They had no means of planting such a large tract as Mercia with new settlers, when, after years of ruinous con- flicts, they succeeded in becoming its nominal masters. They wanted to be ** kings of men," and the men The Aborigines still in the jLand. 275 must be found, for the most part, in the Britons they had conquered. Without this, the Saxon states could not, by any method conceivable to us, become the populous communities they appear to have been in the time of Egbert and Alfred. *' Some writers have asserted," says Edmund Burke, ** that except those that took refuge in the mountains of Wales and in Cornwall, or fled into Armorica, the British race was in a manner destroyed. What is extraordinary, we find England in a very tolerable state of population in less than two centuries after the first invasion of the Saxons. It is hard to imagine either the transplanta- tion, or the increase, of that single people, to have been in so short a time sufficient for the settlement of so great an extent of country." The Saxon and Angle conquerors did not, any more than the Romans, carry on a war of extermination. Their object was to obtain settlements, wealth, and rule. They had sagacity enough to see that a large population is a source of wealth and the only means of replenishing an army. The conversion of the Britons who, by their superior civilization and their bravery in war, gave promise of good materials for the erection of new states, into friends and obedient sub- jects instead .of having them as formidable opponents, was an object worthy of the ambition of the noblest of the Saxon chieftains. The Britons were the deposi- taries of all the culture which the Romans had been able by more than four hundred years of example and T 2 276 The Pedigree of the English. instruction to leave behind them, while the Anglo- Saxons were rude and completely illiterate. If by brute force they could subjugate the Britons, the fame of ruling where great Rome had ruled, and the advan- tage of inheriting all the treasures of refinement and learning which Rome had bestowed upon this its valued province, would be theirs. Thus interest, generous ambition, and sentiments of humanity, combined to counsel the sparing the lives of the natives wherever submission could be obtained. (3.) From the Founding of Mercia to the Union under Egbert of Wessex. A.D. 586—828. Our information consists frequently of mere scraps, mere intimations, sometimes of mere implications. The old chroniclers merely wrote lists ; they seldom reflected — never philosophized on the facts they chronicled. But the bare, isolated, unaccounted-for facts are now to us very precious, and at times disclose a whole world of truth respecting the political and social condition of England in early ages. Thanks, therefore, to the chroniclers. It is seldom that we meet with such a burst of eloquent description as is contained in the following short passage of Bede's, and yet the words are more valuable to us by what they imply than by what they state. ** At this time (a.d. 603), Ethelfrid, a most worthy king, and ambitious of glory, governed the kingdom of the Northumbrians, and ravaged the Britons The Policy of '' Wolf Ethel/rid, 277 more than all the great men of the English^ insomuch that he might be compared to Saul, once king of the Israelites, excepting only this, that he was ignorant of the true religion : for he conquered more territories from the Britons, either making them tributary^ or driving the inhabitants clean out, and planting English in their places, than any other king or tribune."^ If the redoubtable Ethelfrid gave the inhabitants the option of becoming tributary subjects, we may safely gather that the other Saxon chieftains would do the same, and most of them even more. The tenor of the passage shows that making the Britons ** tribu- tary," allowing them to live on the land, and enjoy their own customs, was as much aimed at by this notorious ravager, as their expulsion. He was satis- fied to establish his own supremacy, making their princes reguli under him, and receiving tribute in acknowledgment of subjection from the whole people. This being the policy of him, whom Bede afterwards describes as one ** ravaging like a wolf," the pre- sumption is legitimate, that the Saxon conquest, as a whole, was characterized by milder measures. Moving a few years further on, we meet with the Britons maintaining their rights by wage of battle in the centre of Oxfordshire, ** Afterwards Cynegils received the kingdom of the West Angles, and in conjunction with Cuichelm he fought against the ^ Eccles, Hist. i. 34. This is the Ethelfrid who is said to have slaughtered the monks of Bangor. 278 The Pedigree of the English. Britons at a place called Beaudune, and slew more than 2,040 of them/'^ There is no shadow of intimation that these Britons, whose army was so numerous that they left 2,040 dead on the field, were intruders. They were the inhabitants of the parts. This battle was fought a hundred and sixty-five years after the settle- ment of Hengist in Kent, when Wessex was a great power, and Mercia had been established some eight and twenty years. If we come down a little further, to the year 658, in the interior of the South-Western parts a conflict is seen raging between the Saxon King Kenwalh, and the Britons, **and he drove them as far as Pedrida" (Petherton).^ The host was not driven farther into its own territory than Petherton, in Somerset. .It is very curious and significant that we now find a Briton by name on the throne of Wessex ! All know how in the North the great Welsh Prince Cadwalla, or Cadwallader, in 634 defeated Edwin of Northumbria at Hadfield ; and in 685 a king of the same genuinely British name rules in Wessex. A Briton becoming a ruler of Saxons tells much for the power of his race in the land ! We have repeatedly noted the fact, that to a late period great parts of Somerset, Wilts, Dorset, &c., were inhabited by the Britons. We see above, that they were fighting in the heart of Somerset, in the ^ Ethclwcrd's Chron. ch. vi. Sax. Chron, ann. 614. * Sax. Chron. ann. 658 ; Ethel ward's Chron. ch. vii. The Aborigines in Wessex. 279 middle of the 7th century. There will be, again, occasion to show that they were in these same parts at least two hundred years later than this date. The inference is fair that they had continued there through- out the interval, even occasionally putting a prince of their own race on the West- Saxon throne, and unless their expulsion was effected at some point subsequent to the latest period named, we must conclude that they were never expelled at all, but gradually merged into the English population of Wessex. History does not inform us of any extensive migration from these regions into Wales, or any other quarter. The con- clusion is, therefore, fair, that since extermination was not the policy of the Anglo-Saxons, the natives never did migrate, but amalgamated with the ruling race. Egbert, who mounted the throne of Wessex, in a.d. 800, found the Britons numerous and troublesome throughout his kingdom. Their discontent, and fre- quent insurrections in territory claimed by Wessex, had been the plague of his predecessors. Fifty years before his accession, Cuthred had to make war upon them. After him, Cynewulf *' fought very many battles" with them. Payment of tribute seems always distasteful to our Britons. They are in their own country, and ** before them there were none here except bears, and wolves, and the oxen with the high backs" ; why, therefore, should they pay tribute to strangers ? This was their favourite, conclusive argument, and this spurred them to incessant insur- 28o The Pedigree of the English. rections. Egbert made up his mind that there should be an end put to this grumbling, and Wessex should have peace from Winchester to the Land's End. After settling himself upon his throne, therefore, he gathered, in the year 813, a mighty host, and set to work against West Wales {Weste Walas). He* 'har- ried the land" from east to west, i.e., from the settled parts of Wessex as far as he could towards Cornwall. But he failed in obtaining recognition of his authority beyond that celebrated border stream, the river Ta7nar, a stream as often made sacred by the tincture of Saxon and British blood in about equal proportions (for here- abouts both parties fought till they could fight no longer) as any in the island of Britain. The British princes paid formal court to the Bretwalda — the great, widely reigning King,^ and promised some amount of tribute, and there ended the matter for a time. ** All these details of indecision and repeated strug- gles,'' says Palgrave, ** attest the important fact, which would otherwise be concealed, of the strength and com- pactness of the British population. Had they not been nearly equal to the English, such a stubborn resistance could never have been maintained."^ Precisely so. * Mr. Kemble totally rejects the idea that the Bretwalda was a ** king of kings," or lord- paramount over the other sovereigns of the Heptarchy. The fanciful derivation, Bret-wealda, ** wielder of the Britons," he also rejects. His more rational etymology is, hryten, wide, and wealda, a ruler: a great far-reaching king or governor. Hisi, 0/ Angl.-Sax, ' English Commonwealth t vol. i. p. 409. Argument of Amalgamation. 281 Now, it may be asked, how proving the persistence and continuous power of the native race contributes to a proof of their amalgamation with the conquerors. The question is natural and to the point; and we answer it by saying, in the first place, that the longer we can show the Britons to have endured, the higher is the probability that they were never as a race ex- terminated; and secondly, if we can show that so late, say, as the eighth, or ninth, or tenth century, their number was still great, their language, and some of their institutions, still tolerated, even in the midst of some of the Saxon kingdoms, the presumption is made very strong that their ultimate disappearance was not through extinction but through incorporation ; at least the burden of proof is justly thrown upon those who maintain the contrary. If at the present day there existed in the midst of England the remains of an ancient people who continually harassed our rulers as the Fenians of Ireland are doing, and with far greater effect, would not the phenomenon be evidence of a state of things such as we are contending for ? Or, if districts or towns were now existing in Warwick- shire or Bedfordshire, inhabited by representatives of former possessors of all the surrounding territory, would that not be sufficient proof for most reasonable persons that expulsion or extermination had not been the law of the strongest ? Again, if wholesale aban- donment of the conquered territory had been resorted to by the Britons, should we not have some account of 282 The Pedigree of the English, it in reliable authors ? From the eighth century for- ward to the Conquest we hear not a syllable of any migration of the Britons to other lands, any more than of measures adopted for their destruction. If they ceased to exist as ** Britons/' therefore, it was because they changed their form, and existed thenceforth as ** Saxons." Of the manner in which the fallen race was sometimes disposed of we have a curious and instructive instance about the end of the seventh century. Egfrid, king of Northumbria, makes a grant of the district of Cartmel, ^'with the Britons thereupon^ to the See of Lindisfarne." ^ Cartmel is in Furness, Lancashire. The inhabitants of Lancashire at the date of this summary and pious transaction (a.d. 685) seem therefore to have been Britons, and it moreover appears that when an Anglo- Saxon King obtained the power of absolute disposal of the whole body of the inhabitants of a district, he exercised that power, not by their extermination, not by their consignment to perpetual and degrading servitude, but by bestowing them as a holy gift upon Mother Church, thus handing them over to the best protection 'then existing, and conferring upon them, what doubtless in that age would be deemed the greatest honour a subject race could receive. Of the number and position of the aborigines in Lan- cashire about this period very little is known ; nearly as » See Camden, Britannia, Ed. Gough, iii. 380 ; Palgrave, EngL Commonw. i. 436 ; Proofs and Illustn cccxi. La7icashire in the Tenth Century, 283 much obscurity hangs over this great region as over the Eastern shores. So quiet, and perhaps so thinly peopled was it, that a few scattered notices of the slightest description is all that is vouchsafed to it for five or six hundred years after the Roman occupation of it ceased. The above account of the donation of the Britons of Cartmel is by far the most important of all the pieces of information received. The Saxon Chronicle just makes a passing allusion in the year 923 : '* King Edward went with his forces to Thelwall (Cheshire), and commanded the town to be built, and occupied, and manned ; and commanded another force, also of Mercians,- the while that he sat there, to take possession of Manchester, in Northumbria, and repair and man it.'* Manchester was nominally in Northumbria ; but it was in a state of ruin without garrison. The fortress had probably been left to crumble ever since the Romans occupied it. Thus was a district one day destined to be the centre of the manufacturing and commercial world — the most densely peopled, most industrious, wealthiest of all parts of industrious England, allowed to rest as a land of solitudes and silence. The Britons scattered over it were few, and the soil unproductive; so that the conquerors of Northumbria, though claiming jurisdic- tion over it, allowed its inhabitants to go and come pretty much as they listed. No one dreamed of the exhaustless treasures which lay under its moorlands. No one saw through the mists of the future the 284 The Pedigree of the English, gathering of the peoples of all lands to partake of, and multiply its wealth. For eight or nine centuries it was the most neglected by our chroniclers of all the counties of England. We think it may be inferred from this that Lancashire, and parts adjoining, were left in the quiet possession of the Ancient Britons, and that, therefore, until the late influx under the guidance of manufacturing enterprise, the mass of the inhabi- tants was of that race. The notice we shall give of the North Britons lying beyond to the furthest extremities of Strathclyde, will more naturally fall under the next period. Of the condition of the native populations of the Eastern parts during this period, nothing whatever is known. If we could venture to base a conclusion upon mere probability, it would be that the' Ancient Britons there were few in number, and less unmixed in blood than in other parts of England. The kind of conquest effected by Egbert over the Celts of the West of England, and of Wales, in no respect involved the removal of the people from the soil. All he aimed at was to extort from their princes a recognition of his supremacy, they continuing to rule as before, but under him as feudatories. It was this kind of conversion which in time made the Britons English. But it was a long process. The wars he waged were many, and extended over a long series of years. Egbert's authority was at last acknowledged by the princes of West Wales (Cornwall), and North Union Promoted by Egbert, 285 Wales (Wales), a few years before his death/ The great combination of Danes and Britons defeated at the battle of Hengistes-dun was the last attempt to cast off his authority.^ But this work was to be done over again, as we shall see, by Athelstan. The Britons had not diminished in number, had not left the land, had not relinquished their ancient language and usages, had not been deprived of the government of their own princes, notwithstanding all the show of supremacy which Egbert had established. In fact, to suppose that the conquests of Egbert involved the removal of the British race from Wessex, carries with it the absurdity of supposing that the rule he established over Wales (called by William of Malmesbury ** North Wales") involved their removal from Wales ; and that his making the Saxon-Anglian kingdoms of Mercia and Northumbria tributary (a.d. 827), involved the banishment of his own race from those regions. The Britons, when overcome, were made tributary ; and the Saxons, when overcome, were made tributary ; and the one, like the other, remained undisturbed on their territories, and equally contributed to build up the slowly-growing body of the great English nation. Egbert was the man who first worked out the idea of a fusion of the different kingdoms into one. He it was who capped the whole with the name ^^ England'^ 1 William of Malmesbury, ii. i, 6. ' Lappenberg, Hist, of EngL under A, -Sax, Kings, vol. ii. p. 5. 286 The Pedigree of the English, — (A. -Sax. Engla-land). At a great Witenagemot, at Winchester, was this matter, by statute, accomplished. ** Egbertus rex totius Britanniae, in parliamento apud Wintoniam, mutavit nomen regni de consensa populi sui, et jussit illud de csetero vocari Angliam." ^ The collective name — the name of the island — ^had always been in Latin, Britannia? The Romans had section- ized it as already shown into five portions, under the n3.mes Brit. Prima, B. Secunda (Wales), Flavia Cccsari- ensis, Maxima Casariensis and Valeiitia, Then came the different designations of the Anglo-Saxon king- doms, and the names the new conquerors gave the countries of the Britons — Wealas, &c. The people of the Teutonic states were most likely called Angles, and Englisanen — the name ** Anglo-Saxon " having not yet come into vogue.^ Egbert now wished to remove all the old nomenclature, banish all division, and call the country, whether inhabited by Saxons, Angles, or Wealas — England. The Church first gave prominence to the name of the Angli, and the usage ^ Monad. Anglican, vol. vi. p. 608. " England" is simply a modem English corruption of Egbert's vernacular Engla-land, literally Anglorum terra, taken from the master people. * There are occasional instances in the Chroniclers where Wales is called by the name Britannia ; ex gr. Asser, Life of Alfr. ann. 853. ' IncB Leges, xxiv. The name "Saxons" has always been the favourite one with the Britons ; and it has usually carried with it a measure of reproach, like " Sassenach" with the Irish ; but this feeling is now, happily, nearly extinguished in Wales. From Egbert to the Conquest, 287 thus established was consolidated in the Saxon speech and the name applied to the country. {c!) From the death of Egbert to the Conquest ^ and forwards. Nothing occurred between the death of Egbert and the accession of Alfred to disturb the Britons, for other cares than their suppression or extermination pressed hard on the rulers of Wessex. The visits of the Danes became so frequent and desolating that self-preservation rather than conquest became the first idea of the English. The Britons, partly aided by the Danes, became bolder, threw off the restraints put upon them by Egbert, and revived their national character in parts where it had suffered partial obscuration. The policy of Alfred was to conciliate and unite ; and he experienced the benefit of such a policy in finding the of Britons Somerset, &c., when he emerged from his temporary retirement, flocking by tens of thousands^ under his standard, to fight the Danes and scatter them, on Eddington Hill. The populations named were **true Britons" — Britons in blood as well as in spirit. They were recog- nised as such in the language of the time. In the age of Alfred we all know that those regions now dis- tributed under the county names of Dorset, Wilts, ^ " All the men of Somerset and the men of Wiltshire, and that portion of the men of, Hampshire which was on this side of the sea \i.e,y not in the Isle of Wight], and they were joyful at his presence." Sax, Chron. ann. 878. 288 The Pedigree of the English, Somerset, Devon, were denominated in the Anglo- Saxon language, Weal-cynne — the territory or dominion of the "strangers,'* or Britons — a designation which clearly shows that though the supreme authority might by arrangement under stress of conquest, be in the hands of the Wessex King — " rex totius Britanniae " — the Britons occupied the soil and maintained virtual rule. From before the Romans they were there. Every hill and stream throughout the region was named in their language. There, owners by original settlement, occupiers during Roman supremacy, owners again by Roman cession, from age to age they had remained, and there, under the guise of doers of homage, in the persons of their hereditary princes, to the ** great king " of the West Saxons, they still con- tinued. Why should they quit the soil of their fathers if under form of feudatorial subjection they were in- vited to remain ? True, this kind of arrangement for a proud and warlike race was hard to bear, and the most restive and daring spirits to the end rebelled and died, or retired to plot and create insurrection ; but the great majority would settle down to pursue imme- diate interests, reconciling themselves to an inevitable fate. Even as late as the reign of Athelstan, who died A.D. 940, or within a hundred and twenty-six years of the Norman conquest, Exeter, the ancient capital of the Damnonii (the people of Dyvn-naint) was governed by a compromise between the two races. The city was The Britons in Devon. . 289 divided into two parts — the British part and the English part, and each had equal power in the govern- ment of the place. It was not till this period that this power of the Ancient Britons, in their distinct, unmixed character, was disturbed in Exeter. Till now, by law, their ancient authority was recognised by their con- querors as co-equal with their own. A change now took place. *' Fiercely attacking them," says William of Malmesbury, he [Athelstan] obliged them to retreat from Exeter, which till that time they had ifihabited with equal privileges with the Angles."^ After all that had been accomplished by Egbert more than a century before, and fixing the Tamar, fifty miles further west- ward, as the impassable boundary, here are the Britons, under the aegis of Wessex law, maintaining intact their own nationality at Exeter, and only forfeiting their rights by the irrepressible passion of their race for uncontrolled liberty. From the Tamar to the extremity of Cornwall (the corn, or horn of the Wealas, or Welsh) they still were, in effect, rulers. Athelstan did not much trespass upon their right here. But more than this is borne out by history. It shows us that the Britons of these parts continued to enjoy their pristine privileges when Wessex itself had fallen, and the rule of the Saxon race in England had been extinguished. The Norman conquest upset the dominion of the Anglo-Saxons for ever, and for a time paralysed the English speech, but on Cornwall ^ Hhl. of Kings of Engl. ii. 6. U 290 The Pedigree of the English. the Conquest had but slight effect — on the Celtic speech of Cornwall, none at all, for that speech continued to live on, until, by natural death through absorption of the people into the English pale, it recently passed away.^ Domesday Book, that black and dismal record of acreage, tenements, and tax-paying human chattels, might be expected to afford valuable information in Celtic names of occupiers. But in this we are disap- pointed. Such was the rage of royal cupidity after houses, castles, acres, *'sac and soc,'' that Domesday hardly ever takes time to afford us the slightest glimpse at the social condition, the nationality, or the speech of the inhabitants. It seems on purpose to ignore what- ever did not **pay taxes to the king." Its whole strength is employed either in gloating over the tax- able, or in bemoaning the ruin which the war of conquest had brought upon the taxable. Things were so and so, ** tempore Regis Edwardi," acres yielding so much to the king, tenements yielding so much to the king, castles yielding so much to the king ; but now, alas ! they are all ** vastata,*' and yield neither sac nor soc. Of Exeter it is said : "In this city forty-eight houses have been destroyed since the king's arrival in England.*'^ The compilers in the hurry of completing inventories of all the properties in England, never * See Camden's Briiann. Cough's ed. vol. i. 15. * " In hac civitate sunt vastatae 48 domus, post quam rex venit in Angliam." The Britons in Devon, 291 trouble themselves with the insertion of British names of the chief men. of the Weal-cynne and Cornwall — a circumstance which has emboldened some writers to assert that none such existed — that the British race, in fact, had been utterly obliterated. Now such a conclusion could only be arrived at from sheer ignorance of the history of the time, or from stubborn adherence to a preconceived theory in the face of facts. A good body of evidence exists, partly detailed already in these pages, that in a large portion of the West of England in William the Con- queror's time, no language but the Welsh or Ancient British, commonly called Cornish, prevailed. The inference is inevitable that many of the Thanes and heads of townships enumerated in Domesday were of British blood and British speech. • But it is quite conceivable that they had assumed Saxon names, and had learned the Saxon speech in addition to their ver- nacular; or, perhaps, had Saxon names given them, in addition to the British, for convenience of record and other reasons. Evidence is not wanting that, although the people of Devon after Athelstan's time were not under rulers of their own, they had still conceded them a certain amount of self-government by British law and custom. They possessed some semblance of state machinery co-ordinate with the English government, though, of course, in reality not of equal weight. They retained, for example, the power of treating with the King of u 2 292 The Pedigree of the English. Wessex, respecting their peculiar rights, almost as if they still continued a separate independent kingdom. They held courts of their own, administering their own laws, In their own language. Compacts were formed between them and the English. The WItan of Wes- sex recognised the authority of the Raed-boran of the British as equal with its own. Each guarded the im- munities of Its own subjects, and when disputes arose, they met on equal terms, through representatives of equal number from each to discuss and arrange.^ This, be it remembered, was the state of things just on the eve of the extinction of the Anglo-Saxon power through the Conquest.^ We are thus brought to the first half of thei ith cent. Seven hundred years, there- fore, after the landing of Henglst and Horsa, the Britons are proved to form a recognised, but separate, portion of the Kingdom of Wessex. About this time was concluded a compact between the ** lawmen" of the two parties, whose record ends thus: **ThIs is seo gersednlsse the Angel-cynnes WItan and Wealh theode Raedboran betwox Deun- setan gesatten'' ; rendered thus. In Lambard and Wllkins ; ** Hoc est consilium quod Angllae nationis saplentes, et Wallise conslllarii, inter Monticolas constituerunt.'* Palgrave remarks: **By reading ' These representatives were twelve in number from each side ; an early form, doubtless, of our modern **jury." • Palgrave, Eng. Commomv.\o\, i. 240. Proofs and Illustr. ccxliii. ccxliv. The Britons in Devon. 293 Dez^nsetan instead of De^^nsetan, all difficulties [in making out the meaning of the statement] disappear, and we find that it is a treaty between the British and English inhabitants of Devon, and 'which establishes the very important fact that the Britons still existed as a people unmingled with their conquerors."^ The race were recognised as a distinct people, but the tenor of this compact fully implies that at the time when it was formed, viz., some fifteen years before the Conquest, they were in Devon and Cornwall, subject to the dominion of the crown of Wessex. They were bound to render tribute. It is probable that they still enjoyed many of their old customs ; but they were expected to obey the ordinances of King Edgar in the same manner as the English themselves ; and this they would find the less difficulty in doing since many of their own ancient laws had been incorporated in those of Wessex. **A11 these facts," observes Palgrave, ** will afford much matter for reflection, and convince us of the great difficulty of penetrating into the real his- tory of nations. Read the Chroniclers, and it will appear as if the Britons had been entirely overwhelmed by the influx of the Teutonic population ; and it is only by painful and minute inquiry that we ascertain the exis- tence of the subjugated races concealed amidst the invaders." On the whole, with regard to the Britons of *' West Wales," it may be concluded, that at the time of the ^ Engl. Commonw. vol. i. 240. Proofs and Illustr. ccxiiv. 294 The Pedigree of the English. Norman Conquest the river Exe rather than the Tamar was their boundary. From the latter stream, and probably from a point more western, they gradually shaded off, as one travelled eastward, until they assumed in Devonshire, Dorset, and West Somerset, the character of Englisc-men, To the West of the Tamar they were as demonstrably Celtic as the people of Wales are to-day; and to the East of the Exe, in the whole of Devon, Dorset, Wilts, and Somerset they were as really Celtic in race, however disguised as Saxons by the adoption of the Saxon language and manners, as are the inhabitants of modern Cornwall, or the ** French'' of the Cotes du Nord, or Ille et Vilaine. We have now to cast a glance towards the North. All admit that as you travel northward in a straight line from Gloucester to Manchester and Carlisle you pass through a country which was substantially Celtic in the sixth and seventh centuries. To the east of this line the Britons who were willing to pay tribute had gradually *' become Saxons." The further west you went from the same, the more purely Celtic did you find the inhabitants. To show that the bulk of the inhabitants of the Lowlands of Scotland, and of the North of England from the Scottish border to the Mersey, is Celtic, we need only refer to the ancient kingdoms of Strathclyde and Cumbria^ and the com- paratively recent date of their extinction. This recent Strathclyde and Cumbria. 295 date is a very material as well as interesting point. We are not left to plead for the Celtic character of these wide tracts of country — forming along with Wales and the West of England, fully one-fourth of Roman Britain — at some dim legendary period of the far past ; evidence is not wanting which points to com- paratively recent times ; and to these times alone need reference here be made. If these states existed, whether as tributary or otherwise, until within a com- paratively modern period, and their inhabitants were then Celtic, then the point is settled that the bulk of the people of those regions are 'in blood Celtic still (with greater or less admixture of Danish and Anglo- Saxon), unless there be some ground for believing that since that comparatively modern period the original dwellers were bodily expelled, or spontaneously quitted the land. But neither of these suppositions is enter- tained by any one. Northumbria obtained nominal supremacy over Bernicia {Bryneich), as well as Deira {Deivyr). But that supremacy must have been of a very short-lived, or of a very superficial character — most probably both. Strathclyde embraced the greater part of Bernicia. It reached from the Clyde to the Solway, and west and east from the Irish Sea to the Lothians. The kingdom of Cumbria continued southward from the Solway to the Mersey, including, on the west, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancashire, and stretching con- siderably to the east into Yorkshire. In this great 296 The Pedigree of the English, region of Strathclyde {Ystrad-Clwyd) and Cumbria, was the chief seat of Ancient British power and cul- ture for many centuries. Asser tells us that the **army of the pagans" (the Danes) in the year 875, reduced all Northumberland, and ravaged the Picts and Strath- Clydensians} What- ever may have been the meaning of the supremacy once obtained by the Angles over Bernicia, its conse- quence was not the extinction of the kingdom of Strathclyde. At Alclwyd (Dumbarton),^ was the chief seat of the Britons continued until the Danes over-ran the country. But even then, that ancient kingdom was not extinguished ; for it was in existence under a recognised sovereign of its own, in the year 924, when it is said by the Chronicler, that the king of the Strath- clyde Britons, and all the Strathclyde Britons {Straeclaed Wealas), or Welsh, chose King Edward (the elder, son of Alfred), for father and for lord.'*^ If it should be said that this only means that he became master of those regions, that there was actually no **. kingdom** and no **king'* in existence — it maybe replied that • Life 0/ Alfred, ann. 875. • Alclwyd is a purely Celtic word : W. «///, a hill or eminence, and clwyd, the name of the river ; the hill or fortress on the Clwyd. ** Dumbarton " is a curious instance of the tautology as well as historical growth of local names. The first syllable is th.e Celtic dun or din, a hill or fortress ; the second is the A.-Sax. burh or byrig, a translation of the Celtic dun ; the third is the A.-Sax. tun^ a "town," or enclosure, but slightly differing in meaning from hurh. • Sa.\, Chron. ann. 914. Strathclyde and Cumbria. 297 not only would this be in contradiction of the plain statement of a recognised authority, but it would involve the absurd conclusion that there was no ** king of the Scots," and no ** dwellers in Northumbria," in those days ; for all these, and others, are said in the same passage to have chosen Edward, ** for father and for lord.'' To the same effect is the testimony of William of Malmesbury, who says, that Edward brought under all the Britons who were called Wallenses; **Brittones omnes, quos nos Wallenses dicimus, bellis profligatos, suae ditionis subiget."^ And Ethelred, in proof of Edward's goodness and influence, tells us that he in- duced "the Scots,the Cumbri, the Wallenses, &c., to choose him, not so much as lord and king, as father,"^ This, certainly looks as if they were still in existence as distinct states. The affection which prompted this choice of Edward seems, however, to have been but a very slight and momentary passion, for before Athelstan's reign, we see them again turning recalcitrant towards the English. Athelstan's forces, commanded by him- self and his brother Edmund, regained their alle- giance, without their affection, by the memorable victory of Brunanburh, gained over the combined ^ Lib. ii. c. 5. ' " Eum, non tarn in dominam et regem, quam in patrem, cum omni devotion e eligerunt." Ethelr, Rievall. de Gencal. Regum^ p. 356. . 298 Tlie Pedigree of the English, armies of the Scots, Strathclydians, Cumbrians, and Danes. " These mighty smiths of war O'ercame the Welsh (Wealas) : Most valiant earls were they, And gained the land." ^ Owen (Eugenius) was the name of the prince of Strathclyde in this great contest. A few years after this the brave Cumbrians fur- bished their swords anew, and took the field in concert with the Danes. This time Owen's son Donald {Dy/nwal) was their leader ; and once more were they destined to be subdued by Edmund,^ brother of Athelstan. Edmund, now himself king, hands over his authority over Cumbria to Malcolm I., king of Scotland, on condition that he should assist the English by sea against all comers.^ In this compact it was arranged that Cumbria should be governed not by the Scottish king, but by his son and successor {Tanaist),^ In the time of Canute, Duncan was the * Sax, Chron. ann. 937. * Sax. Chron. ann. 945. To this same contest probably reference is made in the Brut : ** Vstrat Clut adiffeithwyt y gan y Sanson.** Strathclyde was devastated by the Saxons. Brut y Tyuysogion, ann. 944. * Sax. Chron. ann. 945. Owing to this arrangement, Dyfnwal (Donald, Dunwallon) is deposed, and is said by some authorities to have gone to Rome. " Ac ydaeth Dwnwallawn hrenhin Ystrad Clut y Rufeiny And Dunwallon, King of Strathclyde, went to Rome. Brut y Tywysogton, ann. 974. * W. /j», under, below ; eistedd^ to sit : one who occupies the next scat of authority. Cumbria joined to Scotland, 299 ruler of Cumbria. The Danes' authority was resisted by the Cumbrians, but they were quelled. Duncan ascended the Scottish throne a.d. 1033, and his son, Malcolm III., according to the arrangement just noted, became the regulus of Cumbria. Some twenty years only before the Norman Conquest, Cumbria was, by Edward the Confessor, vested in the Scottish king. It was at this late date that all their territories, with their numerous inhabitants, were thus cut off from the stock of more southern Celts, and made to appear as if they belonged to a more northern race. The ** Picts and Scots " are now seen melting into the one name, ** Scots," and the country to the north of the wall of Severus is henceforth called ** Scotland." But although a united ** Scottish" government is thus established, the older designations of the people are not all at once forgotten. In the old ^' Brutoixki^ Princes" it is recorded that ** Malcolm, son of Dwn- chath, king of the Picts and Albanians, and Edward, his son, were killed by the French."^ This was Malcolm III. (Canmore), called king of *' Scotland" in the public records. The people, both '* Picts" and "Albanians," were still the same — all the difference effected was a difference of government. The stone was only put in a new setting. We find passing references to the old race of Strathclyde, under the name ** Picts," at a still later ^ Brut y Tywysogion^ pp. 55, 57, 300 The Pedigree of the E^iglish. period than the above. John of Hexham, and Heniy of Huntingdon, both mention them. They fought against Stephen in the battle of Clitheroe, and in the battle of **the Standard,'' in the year 1138.^ The fight at Clitheroe was contested on the Scottish side by ** Scots and Picts '' against the English.^ ** The Scots, therefore, and the Picts, scarcely held on from the beginning to the third hour of the conflict," &c.' From these historical notices it is evident that Strathclyde maintained its independence, or at least its form as a government either independent or tribu- tary, much longer than the more southern Cumbria. This country of the Ancient Brigantes suffered more, perhaps, than any other district long main- taining Celtic rule, from attacks both from cognate and from alien despoilers. It was frequently set upon by the Strathclydians. Northumbrian Angles were continually ravaging it. It was seldom free from Danish incursions. The Anglo-Saxons from the South, the Scots from the North, in later ages, made it their prey. So reduced at last was Cumbria, that when William the Norman came to take his inventory in Domesday, he ** found it not in his heart'* to exhaust it further, but remitted all its taxes. The population ^ Sax. Chron. ann. 1138. ' " Hoc bellum factum est apud Clithero inter Anglos, Pictos, et Scotos," &c. Johann, Hagust. p. 260. • Ibid. p. 261. "Scoti itaque et Picti vix k prima hora initi conflictus usque ad tertiam pcrstiterunt." Cumberland mid Westmoreland, 301 had evidently become thin and impoverished — for nothing else could have mollified the heart of William — and it took long ages to repair the desolations which had been wrought. Great numbers of the Cumbri had retired into Wales after the disastrous battle of Cattraeth. Their places had been partly filled by Pictish incursions from Strathclyde, and by Danish settlers who had arrived by the Irish sea, and the traces of these are discoverable in the local names of Cumberland and Westmoreland to this day.^ At the same time we are far from admitting that any such displacement of the Ancient British element had taken place as rendered the ancestry of the pre- sent inhabitants less Celtic than Teuton. Far other- wise, sparse as the population might be, the bulk of it was Celtic. The traditions, superstitions, dialectic peculiarities of the country prove this ; as do also the general character, temperament and complexion of the people. From this survey of the extreme North of England on the Western side, including the Lowlands of Scot- land, there need be no hesitation felt in asserting that the Ancient British population were never dislodged ^ The mountains bear names imposed by the various races men- tioned, as : Scaw Fell (Dan.) ; Bow Fell (Dan,) ; High Pike (Celt.) ; Black Comh (Celt,) ; Saddle-back (Sax.) ; Dent Hill (Celt.). So of rivers: Derwent (Celt.); Esk (Celt.); Sark (Dan.); Camh^ok (Celto- Sax. — W. Cam, crooked ; Sax. leek, a brook) ; Duddon (Celt.) ; Croglin (Celt.) ; Neut (Celt). Few streams bear other than Celtic names. 302 The Pedigree of the English, from their native soil. Where the Angles, Saxons, Danes, and Normans found them, there they left them. Partial dislodgment, doubtless, took place, as will always occur amid great commotions and conflicts of nations ; but no such dislodgment is witnessed to by history, and no such wholesale immigration of foreign races, as would entitle the historian of this day to conclude that the race-character of the inhabitants had been changed. If we retrace our steps southward, we shall every- where find on the line of our present survey, traces of the Ancient British population at recent dates. In the latter half of the eighth century, Shrews- bury, then called Pengwern, was the capital of the Kings of Powis : and Offa gave proof to succeeding ages how great was the difficulty of confining the Cymry of North Wales within limits by the construc- tion of his stupendous ** dyke.'' ^ That great earth- work, Clawdd Offa, measuring a hundred miles long from the mouth of the Dee to the Bristol Channel, is an abiding memorial of the terrible power of the Britons, and the unfailing resolution of the brave old Mercian king. In those rude times rude strength was occasionally manifested on a magnificent scale ; and this is an instance of it. The modem soldier would pronounce the building of a huge rampart a hundred miles long, from sea to sea, a clumsy and unmilitary * See Lappenburg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, vol. i. 231. Shropshire and Herefordshire. 303 method of checking an invader ; but we must bear in mind that Offa had the example of the Romans before him, and that they had been able, with all their strategy, to discover no better method of hemming in the uncontrollable Caledonians than building great earthworks and walls across the country. Neither Offa nor the Roman;^ had heard of the grandest erection of the kind (in existence probably even then) the wall of China ! The plan was adopted in Britain as an exceptional expedient to meet an exceptional case of peril. As to Herefordshire, not only is the staple of its population known to be purely Celtic, but it continued to a very late period to associate itself with the Cymry of Wales in uncompromising opposition to the Saxon kings. In the twelfth century (temp. Henry II.) Hereford city was considered as *' in Wales," although it had been the chief city of Mercia in the reign of Offa. Part of the county was assigned to the Welsh by Offa's dyke ; and it continued as one of the regions of the *' Marches" ^ — indeed, the region, par excellence, of the '' Marches," for it gave the name of '' Earl of March to Mortimer''^ — to be the general '' boundary- land" between the English and the Welsh, allowed as ^ Anglo-Sax. Mearc, a mark; hence a boundary-line, border, separating different kingdoms. The kingdom of Mercia itself had its name from its being the m'earc or boundary region between the Britons of Wales and the East Angles. ' His chief residence was Wigmore Castle, in Herefordshire. 304 The Pedigree of the English. such to belong partly to both — for many ages after the kingdom of Mercia had been swallowed up in the general dominions of the English kings. All this implies an intimacy and sympathy between the Cymry and the inhabitants of these parts which could arise from no other cause than identity of race. But it is needless to multiply facts to prove a point so generally admitted. Not only will no one who has pondered the early ethnography of England, deny that the people of Herefordshire were genuine Celts, but he will freely grant that the inhabitants of Worcestershire and Gloucestershire also were almost entirely of the same race. He finds no account of extensive displace- ment. He hears nothing of a Saxon population transported from other regions, and located in these. The country is found always peopled, apparently by the same race, whether the name it bears is Maxima CcBsariensisy imposed by the Romans, Myrcnarice, or Mercia, in Anglo-Saxon times, or the more familiar county designations of the present day. Different kings of different races rule, different laws and different lan- guages prevail ; but the people are immortal, conveying down from age to age the blood of the same British race (with more or less Teutonic admixtures) and con- tinuing still, in their physiological characteristics, manners and customs, superstitions, dialects, to form a Myrcna-ricey a border kingdom, between the purer Celts of Wales and the Celto- Saxons of England further East. Monmouthshire. 305 Of Monmouthshire we need not speak. It was certainly from no considerations of race that this county, so late as the eighth Henry, was numbered with the counties of England. To this day a very large proportion of its inhabitants even retain the Welsh language; and the whole, with the exception, of course, of the immigrant element which the rapidly- developed trade and manufactures of the county have attracted — are of Celtic blood. We have now completed the survey we intended making. We have seen in the early stages of the Saxon conquest, whole populations, tribes, or king- doms, in the South, and in the Central, and North- Eastern parts — Lloegrlans, Brython, the men of Galedin, the Gwyddelians, and the Coranians — pass away, and melt almost simultaneously into the mass of the Anglo-Saxon people. In the South-West the great kingdom of Wessex has by degrees stretched forth its long arms, and gathered into its embrace the Britons of the South coast counties of Hants and Dorset, along with those further North in Somerset and Wilts, casting its spell with more or less power over the dwellers in Devon, and far into Cornwall. The primary Celtic colours have slowly mingled with the complementary Teutonic hues, forming at last a settled mid colour, but fringing off at all the extreme points in the bright unequivocal ** red-dragon '' Celtic. In the extreme North, Strathclyde and Cumbria, large X 3o6 The Pedigree of the English, and powerful Celtic kingdoms, covering nearly, if not fully, one-fourth of the surface of Roman Britain, eventually disappear, drawn into the all-absorbing Maelstrom of a now English-speaking race. The same sort of change is seen progressing in the inter- vening space along the border lands of the ** Marches" — Cheshire, Shropshire, Herefordshire, Monmouth- shire, Gloucestershire, and Worcestershire. Thus, in the course of 600 or 700 years, more than half the face of our island (omitting Wales and Scotland) is plainly seen with the ** naked eye" of history, without telescopic or microscopic aid of conjecture, assumption, or myth, to pass by slow but appreciable gradations from a Celtic into the outward seeming of a Teu- tonic territory. In a word, nothing more, nothing less, can be said of the teeming multitudes of Ancient Britons once inhabiting the parts referred to, than was intimated by the 9th Triad of the Lloegrians — viz., that they ''became Saxons ;" and nothing more can be said of the agency of the Germanic and Scandi- navian race in bringing this to pass than what is ascribed by the Chro7iicle to the Normans, in a par- ticular case — viz., that they reduced all, small and great, to be Saxons} * Brut y Tywysogion. Rolls Office ed. by Rev. J. Williams, Ab Ithel, p. 63. This was, however, a very superficial mode of making Celts into " Saxons." It is applied to the conquest of the Isle of Anglesea, whose inhabitants have never displayed many signs of being " Saxons." Change of Speech not a Change of Race. 307 What proportion of Ancient British blood is indicated by this picture as having passed into the ancestry of the present English, we shall not seek precisely to determine. It however immeasurably surpasses in copiousness anything that has ever yet been acknow- ledged by our historians. Of the immense prepon- derance of the Britons over their Saxon and Angle conquerors during the first stages of the Conquest, few sane persons can have a doubt. That they did not con • tinue to maintain this preponderance, has never yet been proved. That they .gradually dwindled away in the character and outward expression of Britons, over the greater part of the island, is clear ; and the causes and manner of the change have just been explained. But that this kind of change is tantamount to extinc- tion of race elements, no person of ordinary capacity will pretend to believe. If that were true, the English- speaking subjects of the English crown in Scotland and Ireland would no longer be Celtic in blood, but Saxon. The radical unsoundness of the idea is seen from its liableness to be so easily reduced ad absurdum. But the Jutes, Saxons, and Angles, of earlier or later immigrations, are not to be considered as the only factors along with the Ancient Britons in deter- mining the ethnological character of the English people. The Danes and Normans are also to be taken into the account. X 2 3o8 The Pedigree of the English, SECTION VIII. Influence of the Danish and Norman Invasions on the Ethnological Character of the English People, In speaking of the English or Anglo-Saxon nation from this time forward, it must not be forgotten that they were no longer a Teutonic, but a mixed race. When the Danish and Norman Conquests were effected, the process of amalgamation with the Ancient Britons had far advanced, although still, especially in the time of the former, far from being completed. I. The Danish invasion in its influence on the dis- tribution and admixture of race. The distribution or location of races in the British Isles had been pretty well completed before the settle- ment of the Danish rule. For many ages prior to this, and even prior to the Saxon and Anglian Kingdoms themselves, the country had been afflicted by Danish invasions on a larger or smaller scale; and Danish setdements in great number had been effected on our coasts. But neither the earlier nor the later Danish incursions materially affected the boundaries of the Cymry of Wales and Cornwall ; although in Cumbria and Strathclyde they may have had some effect. The Norman Conquest having occurred still later, not only effected much less by way of race intermixture than the Danish, but in the way of race distribution pro- duced hardly any change. All that these conquests Ethnical Influence of the Danes, 309 can be held to have done, therefore, in this relation, is the effacing still further the already dim signs of Celtic nationality on the western border of England, the displacement of a portion of the Britons of Cum- bria, and the confining of the uncompromising Cymry more strictly within the limits of Wales, and ^^ West Wales,'' or Cornwall. During neither of these conquests were large masses of Britons, except those who came with the conquerors, brought into a state of fusion with the English ; nor were any portions of Wales proper annexed to the English sovereignty. What the Saxon Chronicler relates of the work of Edmund in ravaging Strathclyde in a.d. 945, and granting it to Malcolm, King of the Scots, on con- dition of his becoming a fellow- worker with him, "by sea and by land," we have already shown. Malcolm, was, of course, to become a fellow-worker *'by sea," emphatically, for the purpose of checking the Danes. The Danes, pressing especially on the Eastern coast, by degrees became masters of Northumbria, Mercia, and East Anglia. We have shown that they indeed swarmed in prodigious numbers on all parts of the coasts of Britain, coming at one time in ''three hun- dred ships," and numbering at another time as many as 30,000 men. Alfred, with all his extraordinary exertions, was completely unable to expel them from the Southern parts of the island. He therefore adopted the wise policy of paving the way, since they were known to be essentially of the same race with the 3IO The Pedigree of the English, Anglo-Saxons, for their gradual fusion with the in- habitants. He accordingly arranged for their peace- ful settlement in the country, ceded to them, under conditions, the Kingdom of East Anglia, and laboured to the extent of his power to promote a good under- standing between them and their Anglo-Saxon oppo- nents. By this time they had obtained power over nearly two-thirds of the territories of the Heptarchy. This they had accomplished through a series of con- flicts as bloody and disastrous as any which the history of this much-enduring land has ever chronicled. It has been stated by some writers (incorrectly, we venture to think), that the Danes about the time when their horrid massacre was planned by Ethelred, a.d. 1 002, numbered nearly one-third the inhabitants of England. One-fifth would probably be nearer the truth, and even that proportion was diminished by the atrocious deed referred to. It was, however, more than restored soon afterwards by the avenging invasions of Sweyn, Thurchil, Knut, (Canute) and other great com- manders, with their teeming hosts. Under Canute, who in A.D. 1017 became sole monarch of England, perhaps the Danish element may, without exaggera- tion, be said to have constituted nearly one-third of the population — the Anglo-Saxons, including the Saxon- ized Britons, furnishing the remaining two-thirds. The Danish element held the highest place in East Anglia, and the Eastern side of the island throughout, to the extreme of Northumbria. Influence of the Danes in the North, 311 The British kingdom of Cumberland was inundated in the latter part of the tenth century by the Nor- wegians, who found their way thither by the Irish Sea — a sea well known to the Northmen from times much earlier ; for it was the route they pursued on their way to France. The kingdom of Strathclyde having by this time been annexed to the dominions of the Scottish king, it is probable that the incursions of these new Norwegian hordes affected chiefly Southern and South- Western Cumbria, still inhabited by the comparatively unmixed Welsh-speaking Celts ;^ and that numbers of these were forced to flee the country, and seek a home among their brethren in Wales. The Norwegian im- migration was so large that it gave a Scandinavian tinge to the region now included in the counties of Cumberland and Westmoreland, visible, as we have shown, to this day in the local names of the district ; and contributed to hasten the entire extinction of the Cymraeg of the region.^ We must guard, however, against the supposition that the ^displacement of the original population was on any large scale. The Celts and Saxons, and even Danes throughout Northumbria, had doubtless largely intermixed before the arrival of these new comers, 1 The language of Cumbria is proved to be identical with the Welsh by the literary remains of the Cumbrian bards, Aneurin and Llywarch Hen, and by dialectic words and local names. ^ See Ferguson's Northmen in Cumb. and West?n. ; and Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, passim. 3 1 2 TJie Pedigree of the English, giving room for the probable conjecture that those alone would be compelled to evacuate the country whose attachment to the ancient speech and usages was too stubborn to bend, and who, therefore, scorning to coalesce with the hated Northmen, retired into Wales. Whatever may be the truth as to the Scandinavian admixture in Cumbria, it is on all hands admitted that the North of England was more affected by it than the South. But, of course, no amount of intermixture with Danes or Norwegians would affect the race quality of the Anglo-Saxons, supposing for the moment that the Anglo-Saxons existed now in their unmixed inte- grity in the land, for we all know that Danes, Norwe- gians, Angles, and Saxons, were all of the same Teutonic race. Under the actual circumstances, the people of England at the time being a compound oi Celts and Teutons, the effect of receiving into their body a quantum of Danes and Norwegians would simply be the increasing of the proportion of Teutonic as compared with Celtic blood in the mass. • It cannot be denied that the Danish invasion and conquest did operate in this manner. The Norman conquest, as will by-and-by be shown, contrary to the traditional faith prevailing, had hardly a preponderating effect in favour of Teutonism. When endeavouring to gauge the influence of the Danes on English ethnology two related but antithetic ideas occur to the inquirer. The rule of the Danes Ethnical Effects of the Norman Conquest. 3 1 3 in England was brief; but the era of Danish incursions was long. They held sovereignty in this country only for some eight and twenty years — a. d . i o 1 3 — 1 04 1 , i.e,^ from the accession of Sweyn to the death of Hardi- canute. But ever since the year 787, when they first made serious attempts upon the country, they never ceased to pour in accessions, more or less numerous, to the Teutonic population. Dr. Donaldson is there- fore probably in error when denying that the Danish and Norman *' settlements produced any considerable effect on the ethnical characteristics of the country." ^ In the sense of adding a new element of race, they, it is true, effected nothing ; but in the sense of altering the relative proportions between the Celtic and Teu- tonic elements they did something, and that something was in augmentation of the Teutonic, and the pro- duction of the Dane rather than the Norman. 2. The effect of the Norman Conquest on the eth- nical character of the English people. Though we are accustomed to look upon the Nor- mans as a new people, distinct from the Saxons and the Danes, it must be now kept in mind that they were so in reality, as far as they were Normans, only as arriving in Britain at a later time and from a dif- ferent direction, and swayed by opposite interests. As the Danes were brethren — though not loving — to the Saxons, Jutes, and Angles, so were the old pure ^ On English Ethnography, Cat?ibr, Essays, 1856. P. 53. 314 l^he Pedigree of the English. Normans brethren, or rather sons — though neither loving nor filial — to the Danes. The Northmen, or Danes, who had for ages been the plague of Britons and Anglo-Saxons, and bore rule in the country when William demanded the crown, were the same people, ethnically, who had in the early part of the loth century entered France under Rollo, and converted Neustria into Norman-die. Rollo had recognised the Danes in England as brethren in race before his descent upon France, for we remember tjbat he had come over to assist Guthrum the Dane in conquering East Anglia. Having, years after this, succeeded in establishing himself and a horde of followers, in Neustria, to which he gave the name Normandie^ because he had converted it into an abode of the ** men of the North," he began to create a race which, under the name Normans, were in reality not so. He at once adopted the language of the conquered territory, and proceeded to knead into one the Celtic inhabitants and the colonists he had introduced. The work of amalgamation proceeded ; Rollo extended and consolidated his sway ; the Normans became quite as much Celts as the Celts became Normans ; the popu- lation grew; a feeling of kindred also prevailed between the old inhabitants of Normandie and those of Brittany — for originally they were the same Celtic race — in great measure, indeed, actual contributions to that race, as shall again be shown, from the insular Britons ; and after some 150 years of advancement in The '''Normans'''' not all Northmen, 315 the arts of civilization under French culture, these Celto-Normans come over under William to achieve the Conquest of England. If this representation is a correct one, it will follow that the ** Normans'* who conquered England were only in a very qualified sense descendants of the old Scandinavians. This representation we claim as sub- stantially correct. It is supported by history, and contradicted by neither history nor fable. It is con- tradicted only by the "' School Histories of England.'* Even if it were true — ^which it is not — that the followers of William the Conqueror were in the main, or entirely, pure Normans, the ethnological revolution they would effect in England would still be very insig- nificant. In their application to the Norman conquest, under this view of it, the words of Dr. Donaldson are true : " The Scandinavian settlers were rather chief- tains and soldiers despotically established in certain districts, than bodies of emigrants who affected the whole texture of the population." As already observed, the Danes through a long series of years had been pouring in their hordes, and fighting for themselves settlements in different parts of the island ; but the ** Normans " under William came as a body of *' chief- tains and soldiers," and accomplished their great exploit all at once through sheer superiority in one battle-field. The battle of Hastings, the first they fought, was also the last before their supremacy was a fait accompli^ for what fighting followed was only in 3i6 The Pedigree of the English, settlement and defence of that supremacy, against the contumacy of different sections of the country. The whole of the fighting from first to last was doneiny^^^r years. By 1071 the whole of England, from Cornwall to the Tweed, and from the Eastern borders of Wales to the German Sea, was the prize — the blood-stained prize — of the Northmen's valour ! The wars with the Welsh only serve to prove the vitality — the unextin- guishable spirit — which animated that people. No change was produced in their location — ribne to speak of in their ethnical character. We have said that William's followers were not pure Northmen ; and also that even if they had been such, they had only produced a faint change in the ethnical character of the English people by reason of their comparative fewness. We have already shown how the people of Normandy, from systematic amalgamation of the natives with the conquerors, were a mixed race. That the race inhabiting the old district of Neustria were in the main Celts, we need not stay to prove, for none will deny it; and that the amalgamation took place is the unambiguous testimony of history, and its truth is corroborated by the significant fact that the language of the natives became the sole language of the compound people. We have throughout rejected the doctrine that the adoption of a language is proof of superiority of number on the side of those whose vernacular it was ; and we reject it here. But be the number of the natives of Neustria great or small, it is The ''''Normans'''* not all Northmen. 317 clear that they were all taken, as they were found on the land, as subjects of the conquerors, and that in course of time a complete fusion took place between the two peoples. From the population which descended from this compound stock, William drew his "' Norman" forces; and it is open to every one to judge whether the accession of 60,000^ more or less of such a type to the population of England, would be a Teutonic addition. We say it was a mixed addition, and con- tained presumably as much Celtic as Teutonic blood. Nay, when looked into closely, probably it will be found to have contained much more Celtic than Teutonic — more Neustrian than Norman blood. The great captains, the lords of castles, were no doubt in many cases Normans, but what of the majority of the **men at arms"? Were these not, as retainers of the lords of the soil, more likely to be of the compound Norman, if not of the native Celtic or Neustrian race ? But we must cast our view further in this matter than the ** Norman" part of William's invading army. It turns out to be a fact — and a most interesting fact it is, in the treatment of our present subject — that a very large proportion of William's followers were genuine Bretons, and that not a few were Britons, ^ It has already been observed (p. 182, note) that the number 60,000 is considered by many to be greatly exaggerated, and that 25,000 would be an estimate more near the mark. But as many came over afterwards, in William's various expeditions, the larger number may well remain undisturbed. 3 1 8 The Pedigree of the English, We advance, therefore, a seco7id step. Already it has appeared that the soldiers raised by the Con- queror in his own duchy of Normandy, must in great measure have been of Celtic origin ; we now have to show that in addition to these, he had in his train auxiliary forces which had no taint of Norman blood at all, but pure unequivocal Celts, close relations of the Cymry of Wales and Cornwall ! Some of his chief captains were princes and lords of Brittany, and among these were men who became possessors of some of the chief baronial estates, and founders of some of the chief ** Norman*' families of England ! Of course, this statement will be received with a measure of incredulity. Many who have only read the ** history of England," in their school books have never become aware of the fact. The Norman con- querors were Normans, representing all the puissance and chivalry of France, and, beyond dispute, of the high breed of the sea-kings and terrible warriors — the Vikings and Thunderers of the North. This is their faith. But its basis is very sandy, and when that is washed away, it will be easy to see that the Norman conquest, if it added a good deal of Teutonic, added also a good deal of Celtic blood to be already mixed blood of England. Alas, then, in many cases for the pride of pure Norman descent ! The Normans, having conquered and established themselves as rulers over the Celts of the region which they called Normandie, naturally excited the jealousy The Muster for the Conquest, 319 and hostility of the Celts of Brittany ; but still, amid frequent conflicts and constant rivalry, the rulers by degrees contracted alliances by marriage, and it came to pass that William the Conqueror himself, when a child, was entrusted to the care of his father's cousin, Alain, the ruler of Brittany, as guardian. If the ruling families were thus related, the populations were much more so. Originally identical in race, they had for many centuries freely settled in each other's territories, and largely contracted alliances by marriage. It was not therefore strange, if Breton soldiers came to fight side by side with Normans in William's invading army. When William's resolve was fixed, he immediately invited all the assistance he could command. He issued a proclamation, and caused it to be dispersed through Brittany and other neighbouring countries, such as Poitou and Afij'ou — also inhabited by an origi- nally Celtic race — offering good pay and the pillage of England to every *' brave soldier who would serve him with lance, sword, or cross-bow." They heard the summons, liked the terms, and speedily began to flock to his standard. They came *'from Maine and Anjou, from Poitou and Brittany, from the Alps and the banks of the Rhine." ^ Some asked for land in England, a domain, a castle, a town ; others simply required some rich Saxon in marriage.^ William was complaisant * Will, of Malmesb. Hisi. B. iii. Ordericus Vital. Hist. Eccks. p. 494. ^ Chromque de Normandie, p. 227. 3 20 The Pedigree of the English, and full of promises ; his liberality by anticipation made many friends ; old feuds and sores between him and the Bretons were healed, and many of them came forward well armed for the conflict. Eudes, whose father, Conan, William was suspected to have got poisoned, was now Count or regulus of Brittany under Norman influence. His two princely sons, Brian and Alain, were among the first to arrive, with their train of followers — strong Breton ** men at arms'' ready for the fray.^ These two young leaders were called by their knightly followers '' Mac-Tierns^' — sons of the ruler (W. teyrn, chief, king), and both were destined, but Alain more especially, to obtain the highest prominence in the Baronage of England. Other Breton knights of renown*, each leading his company of warriors, were, Riwallon de Gael, other- wise called Raoul de Gael, and Raulf de Gael, lord of the castle and city of D61 ; Bertra^id de Dinand^ and Robert de Vitry, the last two somewhat mixed in blood * Lobineau, Hist, de Bretagne, i. 98. Alain attained to the highest celebrity in England. Brian also proved a distinguished warrior. Three years after the battle of Hastings we find him leading Norman troops to a decisive victory in Devon, on the river *' Tavy," now Taw, where nearly 2,000 men on the Saxon side fell. Sax* Chron. ann. 1068. ' The pretty little town of Dinan, once a powerful fortress, bears to this day a purely Celtic name. The older form of it, with the terminating d, Dinand, suggests the derivation dy/n-nant, its situation being on the brink of a deep ravine. The simplest derivation, however, is din-nant, the hill, or fortress on the valley. Dinan is a good specimen of an old Breton town. Breton Chiefs in William's Army. 321 and bearing- French names, but recognised as Breton chiefs, and, like. the others, accompanied by a ** nume- rous train of followers,' ' all of the Breton race. The captains of companies from Anjou and Poltou are not so plainly named ; but the fact Is stated that many came from these Celtic ^ states, and joined the forces of the Conquest. Allan or Alain, the son of Eudes of Brittany, already named, did noble service at the battle of Hastings, and is commemorated by the old poetic chroniclers thus : — " Li quiens Alain de Bretaigne Bien i ferit od sa compaigne ; Cil i ferit come baron, Mult le firent bien Breton." — Geoff, Gaimar.'* '* Alain Fergant, quans de Bretaigne, De Bretons mene grant campaigne ; C'est une gent fiere et grifaigne, Ki volentiers prent e gaaingne. ** Bien se cumbat Alain Ferganz, Chevalier fu proz e vaillanz ; Li Bretonz vaid od sei mcnant, Des Engleiz fait damage grant." — Benoit de St. Maure. ^ These were, probably, notwithstanding the Frankish conquests, as prevailingly Celtic as was Brittany itself apart from the accessions it received from the Cymry. 2 See Monumenta Hist. Brit. vol. i. p. 828. "Alan, son of the Duke of Brittany, supposed by some to have been the original stock of the royal house of Stuart, followed his standard." Mackintosh, Hist, of Eng. i. 96, For the credit of the Breton prince, it is to be hoped he had no such posterity ! Y 322 The Pedigree of the English, The Breton warrior did not lose his reward. A vast region of country north of York fell to his share ; and here on a steep hill overlooking the river Swale he built the great castle which he called Riche-mont (high or wealthy hill), now Richmond in Yorkshire.^ Riwallon de Gael became Lord of Norfolk, and built for his residence the great fortress of Norwich Castle ; but he was by and by found plotting against his master, and was obliged to retrace his steps to his native castle of Dol. The first Lord of Cojiingsby is by an old ballad thus traced to Brittany : — " William de Coningsby, Came out of Brittany With his wife Tiffany r^ It may be possible, though difficult, to assign to all the Celtic knights in William's army their true localities in Brittany, and the border lands between that state and Normandy. Concerning many of them the matter is clear enough, for the towns and castles which bore their names remain, and bear their ancient names, under slight disguise, to this day. We have selected from the old lists of William's companions, still extant, those names which are plainly Celtic, whether of Breton Anjevin, or other origin. Several of the strongholds * "Et nominavit dictum castrum Richemont, suo idiomate Galileo, quod sonant Latini divitem montem," Dugdale, MonasL i. 877. ' Hearne, Pm/. ad Joh. de'Fordun, Scoti-Chron, p. 170. Thierr}', Histoire de Cong. d'Angl. Li v. iv. Breton Chiefs in William! s Army. 323 they inhabited, it will be observed, are in the '' Con- tentin'*^ — the intervening promontory between Brit- tany and North Normandy, having Cherbourg,^ the great naval arsenal of France, at its extremity ; but as all this district was intensely Celtic before the conquest of Gaul by the Franks, and was not much altered in its ethnical character by that event ; and was moreover the part of Normandy least affected by the Norman immigration, it seems likely enough that at the time of William's expedition, people of Celtic derivation were mainly its inhabitants, and it is morally certain that those lords of castles and manors which bore Celtic names were themselves of Celtic descent. The following particulars, though highly interesting to the Celtic student, are not brought forward here as of unqualified importance, though still of some signifi- cance in our discussion. Unless we had the actual pedigree of each family before us, we cannot be absolutely certain that all knights bearing Celtic names, and holding castles bearing identical names with their own — for lord and manor had one appella- tion — were of pure Celtic descent ; nor is there guarantee that every designation apparently Celtic is ^ This local name, *' Contentin," is a curious corruption of the "name of Constantine Chlorus, who honoured the town of Con- stantia (now Coutances), with his own designation. ' Cherbourg is a bilingual name. Its first part is the Celt caef\ a city, or fortress; its second, a Saxon translation of the first, burh, or burg. Its name, when Richard III. made a grant of it to King Robert's daughter, was C^r-us-bure. Y 2 324 The Pedigree of the Englisih. actually and undoubtedly such. The following are most probably all Celtic — as much so as Dynevor, Llanover, Powis, or Penmon in Wales. Those situated in the Contentin are specified. Bertrand de Dinand . . in Brittany. (Dinan, from dtn-?LSj or din-nan t.) De ^nquebec, Contentin, {brig, top, summit, similar to dinydun, or tor. See further on, on Local Names. (From this knight descend, by the female line, the Earls of Huntly and Dudley. De -^^rville, „ (Celt, mtr^ sea. Fr. ville, town : a town near the sea.) De TourvW\Q, „ (Celt, twr, tor, high place or fortress, as Tor-point, Tor-bay, Twr-gwyn, Hey Tor.) De BarnviWe, „ .(Celt, darn, judgment, award. So named as the castle or place where matters were decided. A court.) De BolviWe, „ (Celt, bol, around body, a hill, or swelling in the surface of the earth, &c.) De Cambemon „ Camber, Cimber, Cymro, are all of one derivation. This name afterwards changed into Chambernoun. The first of the name in England settled at Madbury, Devon. De Tre\y, ,, (Celt, /re, an abode, settlement) More than one baron of this name was settled in England. Present descend- ants not known. De Carences „ (Celt, caerj a city, or fortress.) The Car- bonels were owners of this castle, and came over with William, but probably afterwards returned. De Mordrac „ (Celt, mdr, sea.) One of this house, Henry Mordrac, was Archbp. of York. Carrog „ From the Castle of Carrog (Caero/) came the Maresmenes. Palgrave, Breton Chiefs in William' s Army. 325 De Jregoz Contentin, (Celt, /re, an abode, settlement.) The lord of Tregoz appears as chief figure in all lists of the Conqueror's com- panions. De Grat'gxies „ (Celt, craig, rock.) The Mordrac family held this castle. Fr. orthography, though not pronunciation, is faithful to the true etymology of this name. De Canisy „ (Celt, can, cam, white, fair.) Hubert de Canisy was a prominent man in the conquest army. The above, along with many others, such as Brecry {brig)y Canville (can, caiii), Garnotote {cam, cairn, a heap), BrasN\S}iQ {bras, large, great), were all in the same district, a district which, from its position as a promon- tory, was likely to maintain its ancient characteristics of race comparatively unchanged. Some of the above names were known in pre-Roman times, — and, thanks to the wonderfully enduring nature of personal and local designations, are known to the present day; and it is not too much to presume that those warriors who bore them in the nth century, were direct descendants of the race which had handed them down from early ages. From a multitude of names given in the old chroniclers — names which no Celtic scholar would be surprised to find in a list of Welsh or Cumbrian mag- nates — we have selected the following — all of whom are given as fighting under William's standards : — Twrbeville [twr, tor). Coudre' . {coed, wood, and ire).. Gomer . . {Civiber, Cymrj). Tt'acy . . {tre). St. Mor . {mor, sea ; or mawr, Pynkenzy . {pen, head, end ; can, , great.) or cain, fair, white). . 326 The Pedigree of the English, iV^fville . (ner, lord). Tbmay . {twr, tor). Penhri . , , {pen, head ; there is a Bolheke . {bol, and bychan, Penberi in Wales). small). Talhol . , . {lal, high, head, and Twrbemer {twr, tor). bod, habitation). CaroMVi . , {caer, and perhaps Cantemor . {can/, hundred, a dis- Iwan or Owen). trict ; mawr, large). Tragod . {tre, and coed, wood). - -Bromptoiis Chron. (Rer. Anglican. Scriptor. Ed. Selden, i. 963.) Tr^gos . {Ire). Tri\ei . . {tre, tref). Tregylly , , {/re, gelli, grove). Tally . . {tal, high, tall ; lie. iI/(?/teignc 5 {mor, tain, a plain). place). C(?rby . . {caer ; or cor, a circle, Breton. . . Same derivation as and perh. the Norse Britain and Briton). hy). Ry . . {^hi, chief, leader). Mor\\s2Xi^ {mdr). Thofny . {twr or tor). Turley . . {twr, tor, and lie, place ; Glauncourt (gld,n, margin ; cCr^ or perh. z]^^/nyssum, resur- Sculptura : Grae/t, a carving, rection. ^ (W. cerjio, to carve. Capitulum : Cap^2,{y^. cap) a cap. cra/u, to scrape.) (insenseof See Append. B.sub. covering verb, cra/u. for head.) The Saxon instrument for writing- was called grae/. The relation of this and graeft, sculpture, to Gr. ypa(p(jj **to write," and Welsh crq/u^ to scrape, scratch, and ys-grifio, to write, is obvious. But the Anglo-Saxon may have had the word previous to the time of making its habitat in Britain. Rebellio is explained by wither- Celtic, we have here an instance of an old Saxon term being pre- served in the British tongue while it has no memorial in the English. So also W. r/^^/M, judgment, A.-Sax. raed ; caib, a hoe. A.-Sax. cipp. ^ " Digelnyssum " is clearly a hybrid word, having no proper derivation from A.-Sax., except in the nys, parent of Engl. *' ness," marking quality, as in d^xkness. The terminal um is Lat. The A.-Sax. has digel, but in the sense of "a secret," and having a meaning, therefore, quite the opposite of anastasis (avao-rao-ts) — rising to view, a resurrection. The digel of the A.-Sax. is most probably borrowed from the Celtic. The Welsh has two words, digel, meaning open, obvious, unconcealed, from di, priv. and celu, to conceal ; and the opposite dygel, hid, concealed, from ^, intens. and celu. The A.-Sax. digel seems to be borrowed from the latter ; it has no cognate or analogue in A.-Sax. ' W. dal. to hold ; this fibula being a dress fastener, as well as ornametn. A.-Sax. dak has no cognates in that language. B B 370 The Pedigree of the English. cwyday a compound term, part of which, the prep, wither, against, is proper Teutonic, and the latter part proper Celtic. W. codi, to rise, has as one of its forms, cwyd. The meaning, thus, would be, to rise against, to rebel. If from A. -Sax. cwide, speech, this again is identical with the Celtic : W. gweyd, to speak, chwedl, report, and the less satisfactory meaning of resistance in speech would be derived. The above will suffice to indicate how the Anglo- Saxon of ^Ifric was not free from some little admix- ture of Celtic, as well as Latin. The next step from the loth and i ith centuries would bring us to the ** Semi- Saxon" age, but to the peculiarities of that age we shall have occasion specially to refer under another section. Suffice it further to remark, that the Anglo-Saxon language in the specimens we have received of it from the time of Caedmon to that of ^Ifric — brief specimens it is true, but which, if prolonged, would not greatly vary the result — show a comparatively pure, yet not an entirely pure, speech ; and that the reason of that com- parative purity is that the specimens are reflections of the literary and not of the popular tongue. SECTION II. Celtic Elements in the English Language, The revived interest now displayed in the study of Celtic literature, including the Celtic languages, assists to rescue the subject in hand from the grasp of national Celtic Elements in English. 371 prejudice, and transfer It to the care of science. We shall be led to confess, by degrees, the confused cha- racter of the conceptions we had entertained even of our own ancestry, and that the analysis of our own English language — not altogether a language **un- defiled" — In the light of an Improved Celtic scholarship, had been a chief means of correcting our notions. To the Germans^ as Is usual in all matters of minute, painstaking scholarship, we are mainly Indebted for the results already attained In Celtic studies. The extraordinary zeal and talent displayed In the study of the Celtic languages by a prince of the Imperial Family of France, Prince Luclen Buonaparte, are well known to all, and have greatly aided in giving tone and Impulse to the study. German scholars have, after a fashion of their own, by laborious analysis and syn- thesis, determined the relation of the Celtic languages to the whole family of Indo-European tongues ; and also, in a more limited field, applied the results of their labours to the elucidation of English Ethnology and English History. Adelung and Vater In their remark- able work,^ had years ago supplied voluminous mate- rials ; Arndt, in his Ursprung und Verwandtschaft der Europdischen Sprachen ; Diez, In his Lexicon Etymo- logicon, und Grammatik ; Holtzmann, In his Keltenund Germanen ; Leo, in his various learned productions ; ^ ^ MithridateSy oder Allgemeine Sprachen- Kunde. Four vols. Berlin, 1806 -1817. ' Vorlesungen uher die Geschichte des Deufschen Volkes und Retches. B B 2 372 The Pedigree of the English, Meyer, in his Importance of the Study of the Celtic Lan- guages ; Diefenbach, in his Celtica ; and J. C. Zeuss, in his Gram7natica Celtica, are amongst our chief assis- tants. We must not forget also the labours of Pott, Grimm, and Bopp, in Comparative Grammar and General Philology. In our own country the study has been cultivated by Edward Davies, Lhuyd, Whitaker, Prichard, Archdeacon Williams, Halliwell, Latham, Garnett, Guest, Norris, and others, with considerable success. We have now so far advanced that we can- not recede. New light will still pour in upon English ethnology and history from the searching converging lens of philology. It comports with the nature and design of the pre- sent work to direct attention more to vocabulary than to grammar. To enter upon a comparison of Celtic and English inflexion and syntax were to begin an endless task; for, to say nothing of the complexity of the subject, from the multiplicity of Teutonic and Romance diversities represented in our present English, the changes which have occurred in the inflexion and construction of the Celtic dialects themselves, as wit- nessed by their written literature, would deprive us of any reliable standard by which to test examples. If, for instance, it were desired to compare the syntax or Three vols. Halle, 1 854 — 1 861 . Feriengeschriften, vtrmischte Abhand- lungen zur Geschichte der Deutschen und Keltischen, Halle, 1847— 1852. Rectitudines Singularum Personarum. Halle, 1842. A work on Saxon local nomenclature. Variations in Cymbric. 373 the accidence of Welsh with those of English, in order to show that the- latter had become partaker of the features of the former, the question at once offers itself : What Welsh should be the standard — that of Taliesin, of Cynddelw (12th Cent.), or that of the present age ? The truth is that the Cymraeg of to- day is as different from the Cymraeg of Aneurin's Gododin (6th Cent.), or even of the laws oi Hywel Dda, as modern English is from the Gothic of Ulphilas — as different, not in lexical substance merely, but also in grammatical forms and combinations. It were easy to fill too much space with examples ; let one or two suffice. Aneurin's Gododin opens thus : ** Gredyf gwr oed gwas, Gwrhyt am dias." ** Of manly mind was the youth, Heroic mid din of battle." How many of these terms and inflexions are familiar to the modern Welshman of good education ? Not more than two, gwr, man, and gwas, a youth, and even the latter of these has come generally in modern Welsh to mean not ** youth," but "servant." The inflexions are all obsolete. The first line in the sixth stanza of the same poem will show how words still in use are differently inflected and governed. ** Gwyr a aeth Ododin, chwerthin Ognaw." ** The heroes marched to Gododin, and Gognaw laughed." The line in modern Welsh would be ; '' Y (art.) 374 The Pedigree of the English. gwyr Siethant (3rd pers. pi. past) / (prep.) Ododin, chwerthin^^' (3rd. pers. sing, past), Gognaw." This may be taken not only as an illustration of the fact that Welsh, like English, abounds more than in earlier times in the use of the article, of prepositions and other particles ; but that it also, unlike the English, has in- creased its conjugating forms. Llywarch Hen's expression, in his Geraint ab Erbin, ** Ac elorawr mwy no maint," "And biers beyond number," though all the vocables are more or less familiar to the Cymro of the present time, is still as an expression completely unintelligible to him, and that by reason of the disguise thrown over the words by an inflexion no longer known, and by the use of a word in a sense no longer attached to it. Elorawr here is the pi. of elor, a bier, but the plural termination awr is now obso- lete, the plural of elor being elorau ; no, than, has long given place to na. Maint is now never used for num- ber, but magnitude or quantity. In prose the change is equally great. It is not less marked in the vowels, and mutations of initial con- sonants, than in numbers and cases of nouns, tenses of verbs, and connecting particles. The truth is that the modern Cymbric has felt the influence of surrounding tongues, has assimilated its grammar and syntax to theirs, while occasionally imparting to them some of its own peculiarities. But it is clear that if any Celtic grammatical forms Accidence and Syntax of Welsh. 375 are to be employed in proof of Celtic influence of this kind penetrating-. the English, the forms must not be those of modern but those of Ancient Celtic ; and then, of course, the signs of the influence must be sought for, not in the present English, but in the language at some very distant point in its history — in Semi-Saxon, if not rather in the Anglo-Saxon itself. The signs of interchange must in all reason be in- quired after under the period when the languages were most brought in contact, and were most liable to modification. Cymbric cannot be supposed to have lent its characteristics to the English in recent ages. Mr. Pike^ has entered upon an elaborate comparison of the Cymbric and Greek languages, with the view of proving the oft-debated point that the former is a near relation of the latter ; and has displayed, as in other parts of his work, much acuteness and scholarly acquirement. But it seems to have escaped him that his theory can hardly by any amount of linguistic lore be established, if the comparison instituted is between the grammar forms of modern Welsh and those of ancient Greek. The principle holds equally good if the comparison is made with modern English. It 1 See The English and their Origin, by L. O. Pike, M.A. p. 107. Though he has detected the exaggerations of Pughe in finding coincidences between Welsh and Greek, Mr. Pike has still allowed himself to be drawn too far in the same direction. Many of his coincidences are nothing but words borrowed by Welsh from the Greek — some of them through the Latin — as, eigion, ocean, wKeavos ; dagr, a tear, SaKpv ; pesgu, to feed, .fioa-Ku), Lat. pasco. 376 The Pedigree of the English. must not be taken for granted that the mutations and inflexions of any language, Welsh included, are the same in all ages of its history ; to secure this per- manence the language must become **dead*' and be embalmed or fossilized in written form. The gramma- tical features of modern are very different, as already shown, from those of ancient Cymbric. If M. Halbertsma had known that the sound th was present in Cymbric of all ages (as far as the language can be traced) he would have refrained from putting the query, whether ** the English alone could boast of having preserved the true sound of the old etch (th) which has disappeared from the whole continent of Europe, so as not to leave the means of forming a faint idea of the sound of this consonant without the aid of English ? "^ Mr. Pike is right in reminding us that the Welsh has this sound. It has it in both its forms, as in Engl, the^ and Engl, ///ought. But this can hardly be said to be proof of a peculiar connection between Welsh and Greek, which also has the sound th, represented by the character 0, because the same sound was possessed by the old Gothic and Anglo- Saxon, although it has now disappeared, as M. Hal- bertsma lamented, ** from the whole continent of Europe." But there are signs, it must be confessed, 'that the sound ///, both soft and hard, was much less frequent in ancient than it is in modern Cymbric. When we pass from the evanescent grammatical fea- • Comp. Dr. Bosworth's Origin of the Engl. Germ, 6»r., Langs, p. 37. Permanency of Lexical Materials. 377 tures of a language to its lexical materials, the ground seems to become solid. Words, in their substance, though, it may be, not in their inflexional modes, are permanent. Of the language of to-day, they are as genuine parts as they were of the same a thousand years ago, and passing under various modifications into its divided dialects, and by degrees into separate languages, still continue unequivocal mementoes of a past connection"* and relationship of these languages amongst themselves. They are like stones which, once dug from a particular rock, and wrought into a particular temple, have passed in the course of successive ages into edifices of different styles and purposes — triumphal arches, amphitheatres, monasteries, churches, fortifi- cations, asylums — and at each exchange of locality and service, have passed under the mason's chisel into a new form, but throughout have retained, in what re- mains of them, their original body, stratification, and quality, and may be compared by the geologist with rocks of the same stratum from any part of the globe. Proceed we now to the question of the chapter — the Celtic lexical elements of the English language. The following positions are indisputable. Pirsl. — The English language now contains a large infusion of words introduced from the Celtic tongues. Secondly. — The English language once contained multitudes of Celtic words which it has not retained. Thirdly. — The Celtic words it now contains have 378 The Pedigree of the E^iglish. not all been assimilated in Britain, and from the Celtic tongues in Britain. Many came along with the Anglo- Saxon from the Continent ; and many, incorporated in Britain, were so incorporated from the Latin, or some other tongue than the British, whether of the Cymbric or Gaelic branch. Norman -French, Dutch, Danish, German, have been filters through which Celtic has distilled into the English, and multitudes of the Celtic ingredients it now contains had belonged to the Anglo-Saxon in common with many of the Indo- European family of languages long before Britain had become the theatre of its development. Why these materials should be called ** Celtic," we shall en- deavour to explain under our second head. Now the question to be determined by this Essay being, How far the present English nation can be shown to have been compounded of Teutonic and Ancient British materials, from the evidence, among other things, of its speech, our philological argument must be shaped and limited so as to include the fol- lowing topics: — I. The Celtic elements which the English language has derived directly from the Celtic tongues, and subsequent to the Saxon conquest. 2. Celtic elements in the English language derived by that language from the Latin. 3. Celtic elements in the English language derived by that language from the Teutonic tongues, and from the Norman -French. Neither of the last two can be taken as evidencing admixture of race, as between Anglo-Saxons and British Celtic in English. ^ 379 Britons, but as simply contributing to the general philological question concerned. Their importance in this last respect claims for them admission into the present discussion ; and they are, therefore, introduced. Our analysis of Celtic- English shall be conducted in the order above indicated. I. Celtic elements in the English language derived directly from the Celtic tongues, and subsequent to the Anglo-Saxon conquest. This section itself opens before us a very wide field of treatment. It is clear that our witnesses must be summoned not only from the modern English Dic- tionary, but from the vocabularies of the language in any age since the Saxon conquest, and from that living English which floats on the popular tongue unconfined as yet to any lexicon. If the Celtic in Britain, whether Cymbric or Gaelic, ever infused its vocables into the Anglo-Saxon speech, even though every tittle of such infusion had disappeared from the standard tongue prior to the age of Chaucer, but still can be traced as a fact once existing, we gain force to our argument from the fact — for we have evidence of such prolonged intercourse of the two peoples, and of such junction and fusion of race as we are in search ^ of. Again, if the living dialects of our English are found to contain numerous vocables which are undeni- ably Celtic, though never dignified with a place in the lexicon, we have as expressive and faithful indices to 380 The Pedigree 0/ the English, the past intercourse of the two peoples as any Norman- French or Danish terms now recognised as classic can be to the junction of Normans and Danes with the population of England. We, therefore, summon these solemn witnesses from the dead past, and these fugitive tell-tales from the obscure nooks and corners of England, to unfold to us the details of a transaction which no written history so clearly, impartially, and incontestably proves. It is impossible now to say what multitudes of terms from the speech of the vanquished and incorporated Britons became familiar as ** household words" to the English of the Heptarchy. Doubtless, they were far more numerous, in proportion to the extent of the language, in early times than at present. That in process of ages they have disappeared, leaving, how- ever, thousands of their kindred behind, only shows that they were subject to the same law which has swept from the Saxon so many of its noblest vocables. Hosts of these, as we all know, no longer appear in the English Dictionary. Let a few instances in proof be given, under the first letter of the alphabet only : — Abie, " to pay for." Alegge, " to confute." Abraid, " to open." Alond, '* on the land." Agrise, "terrify.* Anethered, "conquered." Aftcrwending, "following." An, "grant," "allow." Agrill, "annoy." Amanse, "curse." Awhene, "vex." Aschend, "injured." Aken, " reconnoitre." Aschreynt, " deceived." Allyng, " entirely." Atbroid, " seduced." Arm, "poor." Awend, "go." Extinct English Words. 381 These were once standard words in the English, but are now not to be' heard. Any reader of Havelock the Dane, King Alysaunder, the Owl and Nightingale, the Ormulum, or the Life o/Beket, may multiply instances without difficulty.^ And not only have many hundred miscellaneous words disappeared, but many others, which, from their antithetic or other peculiar character, might naturally be expected to have been retained. The English was once enriched, not only with the former, but also with the latter of the following couples : — i Neither ( Inmost ( Income Nother ( Outmost ( Outgo i Highest ( Overcome ( Heretofore Nythemest ( Overgo ( Thereafterv^ard ( Thither i Therein ( Somewhere ( Therehence ( Thereout ( Somewanne, &c. Indeed it may be safely affirmed that one-seventh of the vocabulary of the 13th century has entirely disap- peared. If the materials of the English itself have thus been disintegrated, why should it be thought a thing im- probable that Celtic materials once occupying a place in that tongue should have become subject to the same fate ? But, improbable or not, the thing is a simple fact, and must be dealt with accordingly. Out of the whole body of Celtic materials now in the English language, only a small portion, as already ^ Confer also, A Dictionary of Oldest Words in the Engl. Language, by H. Coleridge. Lond. 1863. 3^2 The Pedigree of the English. intimated, can be fairly in the interests of truth claimed as a direct witness to amalgamation of race. To de- termine that portion, and to bring it down to the smallest proportions necessary to constitute a genuine factor in the argument, certain criteria must be adopted, and when adopted rigorously applied. We must separate and classify under their proper heads all words which, while containing Celtic roots, are pre- sumably or demonstrably not of British origin, i,e,, have not been incorporated since the Saxon tongue became a denizen in Britain ; and also such as have within that very period been incorporated, but not from the speech of the Ancient Britons, The magic skill of etymologists is proverbial. All dealing with the results of their manipulations requires utmost care. The transformations of words, more- over, in passing from language to language, and from land to land, the disguise they assume through trans- position, elimination, agglutination of parts, and their occasional perverse change of meaning, make the labour of the most sober and painstaking etymologist by no means easy. The same word, at different periods of its history, and in the same language, assumes forms so different as to be scarcely recognisable. To give one or two familiar instances : our indefinite article, **a" was once ** ane; '' the personal pronoun, **I '* was once Yky Ik, Iche, and also Ich ; ** always'' was once algates ; "hateful," ateliche {Owl and Night) \ ** lord," hlaford ; "lady," hlafdige; "solemnly," solenipenly. Even the Anglo-Saxon Words preserved in Welsh. 383 same word, in the same language, and at the same time, occasionally appears under very diverse shapes. The whimsical transpositions of the Welsh ^nawr into Wwan^ and the squeezing into both these forms of the phrase, j/r awr Hon, *^this hour," will be a well-known instance to the Cymro. Again, it is not an uncommon thing to see a word retaining its form more tenaciously in a foreign language than in its own. Thus the Anglo- Saxon pic is better preserved both as to sound and orthography in the Welsh pyg than in the English ** pitch" ; naeddre is better represented by the Welsh neidyr than by the English "adder," and raca by W. raca than by the English ** rake." Words of this sort, especially such as have relation to agriculture and domestic life, are very numerous, and a most interesting list might be collected. Such words being found in large numbers in the Welsh and Cornish are ex- tremely suggestive as to the commingled state of the Saxons and Cymry, both adhering to their own lan- guages and usages, in ages earlier than the formation of our present English. Not only so, but the Cymbric and all the Celtic tongues may be shown to contain many Teutonic vocables, in all likelihood borrowed through intercourse and intermixture in Britain, of which there are no traces now in the English. The Anglo-Saxon egida, egithe, a rake or harrow, is preserved in W. oged, harrow; A. -Sax. pal, in ^Ifric's vocabulary given as the equivalent of Lat. fossorium (post-class.), a digger's 384 The Pedigree 0/ the Efiglish. instrument, and synonymous with delf-isen, "a delving iron," is not found in the English language, but is safely handed down in the Welsh pal, a spade. This question, however, has another side: it is pos- sible to argue that both these, and a hundred other words similarly preserved in the Celtic tongues (see p. 369, note i), were not borrowed at all from the Teutonic, but are Celtic words which the Anglo-Saxon itself for a time borrowed and then relinquished. Caution is sometimes required lest words of similar meaning, having also an approximately similar form, should be supposed to have an identical ultimate deri- vation. Arsmetric and arithmetic are .of identical meaning, and are as much alike in form as thousands of words derived from the same source, and yet the former is from ars and metrica, the latter from apiO/nog, words of totally different signification. The classical scholar will be intimate with many such instances. Although etymology is surrounded with difficulties, it is not, therefore, to be depreciated. In our present inquiry its services are invaluable. There are many thousand words in the English language whose pedigree is as clearly ascertainable as that of any Norman baron. Many hundred words exist in the English concerning the Celtic origin of which no well-informed philolo- gist can for a moment hesitate. But there are many of these, about the time of whose assimilation there is much room for debate. A few, if not several hundred Criteria. 385 words now enrich our language, concerning which no competent Celtic and Anglo-Saxon scholar would hesi- tate to say that they formed no part of the speech which Hengist, Horsa, Ella, or Cerdic brought over from the Continent. Now to distinguish these latter elements from the former is a task of prime importance to our discussion, and a task which has not hitherto, to our knowledge, been attempted. At the risk of greatly reducing what might with much reason be construed into Celtic material in the speech of Englishmen, we have adopted the following criteria : — (^.) That -a word be ascribed to that language as its nearest source in which it is found most accurately and fully, as to root and meaning, represented. Thus, ** person " comes from Lat. persona. W. carckar, from Lat. career) '* malady," from French, maladie. (d.) That a word found to prevail in two different families of languages, such as the Teutonic and Celtic, be assigned to the one or the other, according as it is found in its authentic root to permeate most numerously the dialects or tongues of that family. An English word found in Irish and Welsh, or Welsh and Cornish, or Welsh and Armoric, or in any greater number of these tongues, and found elsewhere only in Dutch or Anglo-Norman, or German, or in more than one of them, but displaying a fainter affinity, is classified as a Celtic word, and with that branch of Celtic with which it most harmonizes. c c 386 The Pedigree of the English, {c.) When a word is equally represented in two lan- guages, or in two families of languages, it is assigned according to preponderance of probability derived from historical, or other considerations. ** Hour," W. awr, Fr. heure, Lat. hora, is considered as immediately bor- rowed from the French. ** Goose," W. gwydd, Irish, geadh, Corn., godh, G^VYa.^gans) Anglo-Saxon ^5, is classed as Teutonic. . The Celtic elements, determined according to these criteria to belong to the English language, and to have coalesced with it subsequent to the Saxon Conquest, so- called, are distributed as follows : — (i.) Celtic words in the English Dictionary. (2.) Celtic words in the living dialects of England, (3.) Celtic words once found in the written English, but now wholly discontinued. (i.) Celtic words in the 77iodern English Dictionary. [Other derivations are capable of being assigned to several words in the following table. In such cases the question to be settled is, out of two or more pos- sible sources, which is probably the immediate one whence it was borrowed by the English. The Celtic languages are represented thus : Welsh (W.), Irish (Ir.), Cornish (Corn.), Armoric (Arm.), Manx (M.), Gaelic and Irish being so similar, are classed together. The Teutonic tongues are marked thus : Anglo-Saxon (A.S.), German (G.), Danish (Dan.), Dutch (D.)] Celtic Words in English. 387 English, Celtic. Aerie : W. eryr; Corn, er ; Arm. ever; Ir. iolar; M. urley^ " eagle." Babe : W. ah, son ; bahan, babe ; Corn, baban and mab. Bait : W. bwyd, food ; dbwyd, bait ; Corn. ^^^//; Ir. biadh ; Arm. boued- Bank : W. ^a;/, 3««<:; Ir. beann; Corn. ^^« and bancan; Arm. 3a«f^. Bar : W. bar ; Ir. barra, v. ; Corn. <5(3;r<2, V. ; Arm. barren, v. ; M. barrejy, v. Bacon : W. bacwn ; Ir. bogun. Balderdash : W. baldorddi, to babble ; bal- dorddus, babbling. Banner : W. baner (fr. ban, high, &c.) ; Corn, baner ; Arm. bannier. Barb : W. barf ; Ir. 3mr^A ; Corn. barf; Arm. ^t?^. Bard : W. bardd ; Ir. 3ar^ ; Corn. barah ; Arm. barz. Barley : W. barlys ; Corn, barlys. Barrel : W. iaril ; Arm. baraz ; Gael. bardille. Base : W. ^aj; Corn, bas ; Arm. ^^0. Basin : W. bas, shallow, basn; Ir. baisin ; Arm. basdhin, Basket : W. basged ; Ir. basgaid; Corn. basced ; M. baskaid. Corn, to, shallow; Arm. to; shallow. Bastard : W. bastardd, tarddu, to spring ; Ir. basdard ; Corn. bastardh; Arm. basjdrd. Belly : W. ^^/; Ir. 3^/^; Corn-f'^^/. Big : W. baich, a burden; beichiog, "with child." Teutonic or other Cognates. Gothic, aro. The word has no relation to Lat. aer, Gr. (vqp. G. bube ; Arab, bahah. A.S. 3<3:/^«, to bait ; Gr. ^tOTOS. A.S. banc ; Fr. 3^w; Gr. Povvoq. G. bache, " wild sow." G. fahne ; Fr. banniere ; K.S.fana, standard. Lat. barba.- Lat. bardus; Gr. jSapSos. A.S. (5^r(?; Lat.y^r. Fr. ^an7. Fr. bas. Fr. bassin. Fr. to, low. D. bastaard ; Fr. batard. Lat. 3^^/^^ ; Gr. /SoXybs. C C 2 388 The Pedigree of the English. English. Bo I excl. Boil (s.) Bowel Bowl Boy Brae Celtic . Teutonic or other Cognafes. W. bw / Exclamation to ex- cite fear. W. l/ol round body, Ir. buile, A.S. beige, belly ; Fr. Arm. buil; Corn. boL bouiller, to boil. W. bol. {lb.) Ir. bolg ; Corn. bol. Gr. ftoXyos, pokyo, wither; Ir. criona, old. W. crwc, s. crwca, a. Ir. criica. Teutonic or otker Cognates. Lat. carrus, Sansc. car. Dan. cast, a guess. Whence Lat. celtcE; Gr. KcXrat, &c. G. glocke, bell. G. klammer, D. klamp. G. glocke; A.S. glucca, or G. kloppel, D. klubbe. A,S. caeppe, cop, head. Lat. i'> >> G, kriecken. A.S. crocca. Qr. ycptav, old. 390 The Pedigree of the English. ' English. Croom : (a crooked fork, pro- vincial) Crouch : Celtic, Teutonic or other Cognates. W. crwrriy a bending, crymti, G, krumb ; Dan. krum. to bend; Ir. crom; Corn. crom. : W. crychUf v. neut, to bend, wrinkle. This is possibly the root both of " cringe " and ** crouch," perhaps also of " crook," but it is more probably itself derived fr. crwc, with the w modified into y in the verb. Crowd : W. crwth, mus. instr. ; Ir. cruithi Corn, crowd. Cudgel : W. cogail^ distaff ; Corn, cigel. Cut : W. cwta, a. short, cwtdUj shorten ; Corn, cot, Ir. cutach. No trace of this word in any of the Gothic languages. Cuttle (fish): W. cuddio, to hide,' cuddigl, retreat; Corn, cudhe, to hide ; Arm. cuza. Eng. " hide " is of same origin as cuddioy the A.S. hydan substituting initial h for the Celtic c or k. Dad : W. tad; Ir. laid; Corn. tad. Dainty : W. dant, tooth, dantaith, feast ; Corn, dant, tooth; Ir. dead. Arm. dans, ib. Dale : W. d6l; Ir. dail ; Corn, dot; Arm. d6l. This word is found in names of places situate in valleys all over Wales, Corn- wall, and Brittany ; Dol- badOirn, Dolau, Dolywh id- dens, Dolgoath, Dol, &c. Lat. chrotta Britanna, in Venant. Fortun. Lat. curtus seems to be of cognate origin. Sansc. kud. Lat. dens, tooth ; Gr. 6dov9 - 0VT09 ; Ion. o&ov ; Goth, tun thus. G. thai, D. dol, Rus. dol. Celtic Words in English. 391 English. Celtic. Dally : W. dal, dala^ to hold ; Ir. dail, delay ; Arm. dalea^ to stop, delay ; Corn, dalhen^ holding. Darn : W. darn^ a piece ; Corn. darUy Arm. darn. Dastard : W. hastardd {?) mean, of low birth. If this with change of ^ inc, into d is not the origin of this word, it seems impossible to dis- cover one. The idea associ- ated with ** bastard,'* to some extent, though by no means wholly, enters into the word '' <5astard," Both are ignoble. Denizen : W. dinas, city ; Corn. dinaSy from din, a place of strength ; dinesydd in W. is a citizen : term, zen as in citizen. Dicker : W. deg, ten ; Corn. deg. (ten, as, a "dicker" of gloves) Dock : W. tocioy to shorten, clip. Doll : W. dully form, delw, image ; Ir. dealhh ; Corn, del, sem- blance, form Druid ; W. derwydd, fr. derw, oak ; Ir, darach oak ; Corn, derow, ib. Though detwydd is a satisfactory derivation of '* Druid," it is not so clear that derwy oak, is the root of derwydd, the ydd taken as a termination, and giving Teutonic or other Cognates. Fr. dame, slice; Sansc. darana, [No trace of this word in any of the other Aryan languages.] [Good authorities give old Fr. deinsein as origin, but the word is more likely a cor- ruption of Cymbric] Gr. ScKa, Lat. decern. Gr. dhtaXov. Gr. Spvs, oak. 392 The Pedigree of the English, English, Celtic, <• the idea of a person having to do with the oak, as mesurydd^ a " measurer," melinydd^ "a miller." A Druid was not so much concerned with the oak itself as with religion and general knowledge under the shadow of the oak grove. True, he esteemed the fruit or seed of the oak sacred. Still this analy- sis of the word derw-ydd is more probable than Dr. W. O. Pughe's, detw-gwyddf " oak-knowledge," W. llib, llipay gwlyby flaccid, soft, moist. W. llech ; Ir. liach. W, fflasgy flasgedy a basket made of straw or wicker. W. llymsi, spiritless, flimsy. W. llipan, a glib chatterer. • ^.ffol,ffwl;Corn./ol,krTn./oll. W. ffridd; Gael./r/M, a forest, park. A.-Sax., in name, Fyrhthe. Leo acknowledges the word to be Celtic. W. ffugy deception, a feign- ing ; Corn, fugio ; Ir. hog, "Fudge" is a made-up story, pretence, " stuff"." Gable : W. gafael, a hold. The gable is the part where the tim- bers of the roof have a hold, support. Xx.gahhaidhy Corn, gaval. Gag : W. dgy throat, crgio^ to choke. Teutonic or other Cognates. Flabby Flag(stone) Flasket Flimsy Flippant Fool Frith Fudge Mid-age Latin, flasket- tuSy from the Welsh. Yx.folle.fou, ["Frith," an arm of the sea, Lat. fret urn ^ has no relation to this word.] Lat. has fucus^ a dye, for false appearance. Celtic Words in English. 393 English. Grudge Guess Guiniad (a fish) Gull (bird) Gun Gyve Haft Hag Haggard Happy Harlot Celtic. W. grwgnach. W. ceisio, seek, inquire ; Ir. D. gissen geasam. Teutonic or other Cognates. Lat. rugio^ Gr. ypv^o). W. gwyn, white — the colour of the fish. W. gwylan ; Corn, gullan. W. gwn; Corn. gun, a scabbard. W. gefyn, fetter, gafael, hold ; Ir. geibheal ; Corn, gavel. W. gafael, a hold ; Corn, gavel. W. hagr, ugly ; Corn, hager; G. hager. Arm. haer. W. hap, chance, luck (?) W. herlawd [very doubtful etymology] ; Corn, harlot, a vile man, rogue, villain. Is herlawd itself a Cymbric or Celtic word at all ? It is given here in de- ference to the opinion of others. " Harlot " may have had its origin in A.S. ceorl, G. kerl, a rustic, a slave, a '* fellow," and in course of time, a coarse, saucy person. The term. ot is not to mark the fem., as Charles, Charlotte, since in Chaucer " har- lot" is used for profligate persons of either sex, whence, perhaps, the Cor- nish harlot. Herlod, boy, stripling ; herlodes, damsel, are Welsh, without any bad meaning attached. [The classic tongues contain nothing cog- nate with this word ; ceorl, kerl, are the nearest approach to it in the Teutonic.] 394 The Pedigree of the English, English, Celtic. Hiccup : W. hic^ a hitch, a snap. The latter part of the word is perhaps a modification of " cough." Hitch : W. hie; Com. hig, a hook ; Arm. hygen. Hoax : W. hocedy deceit, cheating. Hog : W. hwchy a sow ; Corn, hoch^ pig, hog ; Arm. houch^ hoch^ a pig. Hoot : W. udoy howl, hwtio, hoot. Howl : W. wyloy weep, cry ; Ir. guil ; Corn, gwelvan. Hurry : W. gyrUy drive. Husk W. gwisgy covering ; Corn. gwesc, husk. Hush iW.uslf Kindle : W. cynneu ; Corn. cunySy fuel ; Arm. cened ; Ir. connadh, ib. Label : W. llaby strip, llabed. Lad : W. llawdy boy, lodeSy girl ; Ir. ath. Lagging : W. llacy loose, remiss ; Ir. lag; Corn. laCy M. Ihag. Lath : W. llathy rod, yard, measure. Though found in Germ. latte and Fr. latie and perh. cognate to Lat. laluSy the terminal scfund thy which it assumes in none of these langg., seems to suggest its immediate appropriation from the Welsh. League : W. llechy a slab, a stone ; Ir. leac; Arm. leach; M. leac. A ** league " was a measure of distance marked by a stone standing on end. Teutonic or other Cognates. Gr. v? ; Lat. sus ; sauy a sow. G. heulen ; Gr. KXauu ; Lat. fleo. Lat. curro. Lat. ac-cendOf candeo. Lat. laxiis. l.2ii.latus?G. latte; Fr. latte. Fr. lieu€y fr. low Lai in leucay adopted in Gaul, ** Quum et Latini mille passus vocent, et Galli leucas. Huron. Celtic Words in English, 395 laufen, to run ; run- ning being far from the habit of such a person.] English. Celtic. Teutonic or other Cognates. Loafer : W. lloffa^ to glean ; lloffwr, a [Certainly not from G, gleaner. .A loafer is one who hangs about, picking up a precarious living. Lubber : W. llabi, llabwst. Lurk : W./Z^ma;?, to loiter, lurk; Corn. lerch^ a footstep, a trace ; li.lorg; Axvu. lerch. Because a person who lurks makes marks by which he is traced ? Maggot : W. magu, to breed, nourish ; Corn, magay to feed ; Arm. maga, ib. Marl : W. marl, rich clay; Ir. marla. Mead : W. medd ; Ir. meadh; Corn. medh ; Arm. mez. Mew : W. miwian, as a cat ; a word invented to imitate the cry of the animal. Morrow : W. lore, morning ; y foru, to- morrow; QyOxvi.hore; Arm. heure. The former mean- ing of " morrow " was " morning," thence the morning to come — both which meanings are still retained in German. The W. has two cognate terms to express the distinctions, hore 2ind/oru. The change from W. bore to morrow. reducing the b into m, is less than the change of Germ. morgen into morrow, elimi- nating both the ^and the n. Moult : W. moely bare, moeli, to make bald ; Corn, moel, bare ; Arm. moel ; Ir. maoL G. mergel. Gr. /xc^v ; Sans, madhu ; Lith. medus, honey. G. miauen. G. morgen ; Gr. Trpwt ; Sansc. prac, fr. pur, to advance. The A.S. has morn and morgen. 396 The Pedigree of the English, English. Muggy Mustard Niggard Nod V. Odd Pall Pantile Park Paw Penguin (bird) Perk Pill Plait Poke Fr. moutarde (Gallic). G. knickery Dan. gniker, Lat. notUy nuto. Fr. pare , (Gallic). G. park Celtic. Teutonie or other Cognates. W. mwgi smoke ; Ir. muig; A.S. smoccay smoke. Corn. moc. W. mwstarddy mws, a strong scent, and tarddu, to spring. W. nig, nigio, to narrow. W. nddi, to mark ; am-naid-io^ to give a sign ; Corn, nod, mark, token ; Ir. nod. W. od, singular, notable ; odidy rarity. W. palluy to fail, weaken ; applied like the English word to failure of appetite. W. peUy top. A tile for the top of a house, a " roofing tile," which formerly was written /^«-tile. V^.parc; Coin, pare; Ix.pairey Arm. pare ; M. pairk. In this case, as the word pafk is not in the A.-Saxon, the Celtic is chosen as the source whence the word has passed not only into Eng- lish, but also into French. V^ . pawen, Com. paw, him., pad. W. pengwyn (white-head), a descriptive name. W.pere, smart. W./^/, a ball ; Com. p^l; Arm. pellen. W. plethu, to weave, plait; Corn, plethy a plait, wreath ; \x.meadh. V^.pu)gf what swells or pushes; Corn, poe, a push ; poek, a shove, is still used in the Cornish dialect. G./uss, Gr. TTovs, h.pes. Lat. pila, pilluia, dim. 'DdJi. fletter ; Fr.plisser, Celtic Words in English. 397 A.S. regol ; G. regel ; Lat. regula; Fr. regie. English. Celtic. Teutonic or other Cognates. Poll (head) : W. pel, ball ; Corn, pel; Arm. G. hall. pellen. Posset : W. posel, possed, curdled milk. Queen ; Vide Appendix B. Quip : W. chwib, chwip, a quick flirt or turn. Quibble : W. ib. To argue evasively and triflingly, ever starting and turning from the point in hand as may suit, would combine in W. both chwipio and gwihio — both perhaps in reality one word. W. chwyrn, rapid ; also whirl. YJ.reol; Coxn. rowlia ; Arm. reolia. W. sad, firm, sober, thought- ful; applied in Eng. because of the quiet thoughtfulness of sorrow. W. sdl, ill, salw, mean ; salw 'i olwg, dejected and sallow in appearance. W. yscar, to separate ; Corn. escar, enemy. W. ysgrechain ; Ir. screachaim. V^ . yscrepan, crop; so "crop" of a fowl, which is a purely Celtic term, though found in A.S. Germ, and D. The idea is that of a place to hold, a cavity. Sham : W. siom, a disappointment. Shriek : W. ysgrechain, Ir. screachaim. "Shriek" and "screech" are the same in derivation, varied in orthography as if to meet a slightly different shade of meaning. Quirk Rule Sad Sallow Scare Screech Scrip G. schreien. A.S. crop ; G. kropf. G. schreien. 398 The Pedigree of the English. English. Slab Spigot Spike Squeeze Squeak Stain Tall Task Through Torch Torque Celtic. W. llah^ yslah, a thin strip. W. pig, yspigod, a point, spigot ; Com. pigol, a. pick. Teutonic or other Cognates. Lat. lam-ina. A.S. piicy a little needle or pin ; G. picke, a pick-axe. Lat. stannum, an alloy ; Gr. T«vo), to extend. Gr. 8t8a" 405 Great has been the industry of collectors of dialectic words and phrases ! But great also has been their neglect of etymology. They have collected words^ apparently without a thought of the world of ethno- logical interest belonging to those words. Even so valuable a work as Halli well's Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, loses half its value to the thorough student through this omission — an omission, by so learned a man, scarcely to be accounted for.^ To give a collection of all Celtic dialectic words discoverable, were to compose a dictionary. We must select a corner of the wide field, and give the result of our gleaning as a specimen of the whole. Let us turn 'to Lancashire, and touch also upon a side of Cumber- land. In Lancashire, almost all the Celtic words are found to be from the Welsh, Celtic in the Dialect of Lancashite, Awf, a horrid person W. wfft, interj. shame ! fie! Bam, mocking tale, gibe Armoric, hamein,^ to deceive. Bitter-humpy the bittern W. hwmp-y-gors, " the bwmp of the moor," the bittern ; first word expresses the bittern's hollow cry. Bodikin, a bodkin W. bidog, dirk, bayonet. 1 An occasional etymological note, however, is given by Mr. Halliwell. The following account of the origin of a purely Celtic word is curious : — '* The word pen was first introduced into Corn- wall where the Phoenicians had a colony, who worked the tin mines. Hence we have many names in Cornwall which begin with penJ* Diet, of Arch, and Provin. Words, sub verb. Pen. Many more names beginning with pen exist in Wales. Did the "Phoenicians" also import these ? 4o6 The Pedigree of the English. Boggarty an apparition Braggot, spiced ale Brawse, brambles, furze Breey to fear a person Byes, cattle Cam, to make crooked \ Cammed, crooked ; Costril, a small barrel Craddy, Craddins — "to lead craddies" is to play some bold, adventurous trick or feat Crom, to stuff Crony, a companion, intimate Dum, the fastening by which gates are held Foomart, wild cat Frump, to sulk, mock Gar, force Ginnil, a narrow passage Gorhelly, large bellied Greece, a slight ascent Gcalo, healo, modest, shy Harr, to snarl like a dog Hitter, keen, daring Huff, huft, to treat scornfully Jim, jimp, neat, spruce Keather, cradle Keen, to burn Knep, to bite readily Knviv, a rise, a brow Lake, to idle, play truant Lither, to thicken broth with meat ^.Lobb, a heavy, clumsy fellow W. Iwgan, hobgoblin. W. hragod, spiced ale. W. brwyn, rushes. W. braw, fear, terror W. buwch, cow; Arm. lii', Ir. ho; Corn, buch, cow. W. cam, crooked ; camu, to make crooked. W. costrel, a bottle, jar. W. gwrhydrif heroic action. W. cromil, the crop of a fowl. W. carenydd, kindred ; car, friend. W. dwm, a hand clenched, a fist, a handle. W. ffwlbert, the polecat. W. ffromi, to be angry, in a pet. W. g^ru, to drive, urge, force. W. cynnil, sparing, saving, close. W. gor, extreme. W. gris, a stair, step (this from Lat. gradior). W. gwylaidd, modest, diffident. W. h^r, challenge. W. hydr, bold, daring; hyfder, assurance. W. wfft, for shame, fie. W. gwymp, smart, fair. W. cader, cradle. W. cyneu, to kindle. W. cnoi, to bite, masticate. W. cwnni, to rise ; avnwg, cnwc, summit, mound. W. i/ec/iu, to hide, skulk. W. ///■//;, mash ; Gael, /w*/^, water gruel. W. t/od, a blockhead. Dialect of Lancashire, 407 Luver, open chimney Mulloch^ dirt, rubbish- Oandurth, afternoon Peigh, to cough Pilder, to wither PinCy a finch Reeak, ricky shriek, scold Rhtggof, a gutter Scrannil, a lean, bony person Seely, weak in body Shurn, dung Scut, the tail of a hare Threave, a crowd 7>^, to spread abroad as hay Tin, to shut to the door Tinned, shut Toyne, shut ^ Toynt, shut ) Tr^j/, a strong bench Turnil, an oval tub Wear, to lay out money Wherr, very sour Witherin, large, powerful Wy-kawve, a she-calf Wyzles, stalks of potato Veandurth, before noon W. llwfer, chimney. W. mwlwch, chaff, sweepings. W. anterth, morning. Can in ** oandurth" be the Celtic prep. 0, "from" — ''separate, or pro- ceeding from the morning " } W. peswch, to cough ; pych, ib. W. pallder, a failure, abortiveness. W. pine, a finch ; given to the bird from the cry he utters. Germ. finke, whence Engl. 'J finch." W. crech, shriek ; ysgrechain, to shriek. W. rhig, a groove. W. asgyrnog, bony, lean. W. sal, ill, frail ; salw, ib. W. sarn, stable litter. W. cwt, tail. ,W. torf, crowd, multitude {turba.) W. teddic, to spread out. iW. t'^nu, to draw. W. /^«, drawn close, tight. W. ib. W. irawst, a beam, W. twnel, a tub or vat. W. gwario, to spend, disburse. W. chwerw, bitter, sharp to taste, angry. W. uthr, terrible, awful. W. hi, she. W. gwydd, small trees, brushwood. W. anterth, morning. This list might be largely augmented. All doubtful words, and words not properly " dialectic" have been rejected. Some, hitherto approved by respectable 4o8 . The Pedigree of the English, authorities have been winnowed out, as not being cleariy Celtic, or not properiy belonging to the ** un- written *' language. Dade (used in Lancashire for holding a child by the arm to teach him to walk), garth, lurch, natter, sow (for head), can hardly be derived, as Mr. Davies thinks,^ from W. dodi, gardd, llerchio, naddu, siol; nor can fag-end, fog, garth, lurch (which is nothing but lurk), hap, muggy, pelt, pick (to dart)^ reawt (which is only a form of pronouncing ** road ''), spree, tackle, treddles, whop, be considered as words belonging to the Lancashire, nor, some of them, indeed, to any '* dialect," and we are inclined to believe that of the above, only lurch (from llerehu, to skulk), pelt (from pel, a ball), pick (from pig, a point, dart), treddles (from troed, foot), can be safely traced to Celtic. In Lancashire, it is seen, almost all the Celtic words are from the Cymbric. In Cumberland they seem to have descended in about equal degree from the Gaelic, or Erse. Celtic in the Dialect of Cumberland. Beet-, to bellow Ir. beul, the mouth (bawl). Boggle^ to be brought to a stand, W. bwg, hobgoblin ; hwgwly threat. a ghost Cammed^ crooked W. cam^ crooked ; Com, Ir. Arm. ib. Corp, a dead body W. corph, body, dead body. Lat. Gope, to talk foolishly Ir. gob, the mouth (gabble). Gffwl, to weep or cry Ir. guil, to weep; W. wylo, to weep. Lam, to beat Ir. lamh, the hand ; W. llaw^ ib. See Transactions of Philohg. Soc. 1855, p. 210. Ciunberland Dialect. 409 Marrow, equal Ir. mar, like to; W./^r, pair. Lat. I^ag, to abuse, scold - Ir. rag, abuse ; hally-rag, town or street abuse ; W. regu, curse. Sad, heavy, thick W. sad, firm, sober. That Cumberland should present remains of the Gaelic as well as of the Cymbric Celtic is perfectly natural, entirely accordant with history. The Scots bordering on the Ancient Cumbrian kingdom were from Ireland, and they would contribute both to the population and speech of Cumbria from the North, while the Cymri did the same from the South. The two streams of men and languages in time met and coalesced, and we have proof of their admixture in the dialect of the present day. That the language of the Cumbrian Kingdom in the 6th Cent., however, was substantially the same as that of Wales, is proved by the remains of the poets, Aneurin and Llywarch Hen, both Cumbrian bards. The people of Cumbria, also, in their times of misfortune, invariably fled to Wales as their natural and ever available refuge. The above samples of dialects must suffice. Similar contributions might be drawn from half-a-dozen other districts, all equally pregnant with the same kind of evidence. Those of Essex, Norfolk, Lincolnshire, East Yorkshire, are less charged with Celtic, a fact antecedently probable from the testimony of history concerning settlements in those parts. The whole dis- trict of *'West Wales," and of the Marches of Wessex and Mercia, on the other hand, are rich in Celtic. 4IO The Pedigree of the English, What, now, is the value of these dialectic facts ? Do they not intimate very plainly that a subjugated race could never have so instilled its vocabulary into that of its conquerors as to form a vital portion of it after the lapse of many hundred years, unless the two peoples had long lived in intimate intercourse for a great length of time ? Large bodies of Britons must have remained on the soil in the various capacities of small holders by permission, as ceorls, or servitors, tillers of the fields, and handicraftsmen. They must by degrees have merged into the dominant race, and with them, their language, in its attained portions, into the language of that race. No other hypothesis can explain a phenomenon so authentic and significant. Such a phenomenon never occurred in the history of mankind without antecedents such as are here pre- sumed, and in our historical chapter conclusively proved.^ The Celtic words we now find in the standard English and its dialects form a vital portion of the people's speech. They entwine themselves around the most cherished customs, and are the familiars of the most sacred associations. They bear the air of belonging as much to the soil as the peasantry which loves to articulate them, or the oak of the forest. Surely they are not there as sole memorials of their first owners. They are but audible and visible com- panions of the now undistinguishable British blood which throbs in the veins of those who have them on ^ Sec, especially, Sections vii. and ix. (pp. 243 and 335), anU, ^^ • OF THE Value of the Facts "given,, of ■ / 411 their tongues ! To assume that the words of an ancient language have continued to be spoken, while the nation to which they belonged had been wholly expelled or extirpated, is to assume a marvel greatly more unaccountable than the amalgamation for which we argue. The comparative fewness of the Celtic vocables sur- viving forms no ground for argument as to the proportion of Ancient Britons which merged into the mass of Anglo-Saxon society. Twenty to one might be Celtic among the people, as in the case of France, while the language became all but completely new, or the conquerors might adopt wholesale the speech of the discomfited race, as the Danes did in England. When conquerors are eager to establish their own lan- guage, as was the case with the Anglo-Saxons, what- ever the proportion of the conquered incorporated, their language is as a whole under ban, and can gain admission into the authorized speech only by subtle methods, and small unguarded entrances. From the day the Anglo-Saxons became virtually masters, everything favoured the process whereby the tide of the new speech overwhelmed the old. From that time till now the precious words which, notwith- standing all difficulties, lodged themselves in the ruling speech, have been disappearing ; and yet there are many hundreds, perhaps thousands, still in being, and likely to continue. What, then, must have been their number at first ? And what must have been the 4 1 2 The Pedigree of the Englhh. number of the people who, under the circumstances, could have secured entrance for so many ! The fact, however, must be kept in mind that the subjugation of the Britons was far from being a prompt achievement. They and their language lived con- currently with the Anglo-Saxons in parts of England for many ages after the Saxon and Anglian kingdoms were first established. The Ancient British speech was under ban only in those parts where Saxon power was completely dominant, and through the space of two centuries those parts over wide England were few. It was by slow degrees that the Britons were brought under, silenced, and incorporated, and this circum- stance favoured both admixture of race and admixture of language.^ (3.) Celtic words once found in the writtoi English, but now wholly discontinued. Some short time ago the writer made a pilgrimage to the site of the once celebrated city of Caerlleon (Isca Silurum) the reputed seat of King Arthur and the Round Table. There, in addition to a few faint indications in the external aspect of the place of its former renown and magnificence — fragments of Roman pottery, portions of the city wall, the ** mound '' of the castle, the circular hollow where the Roman amphi- theatre stood — he found in the small museum of the local Antiquarian Society a number of disentombed * Sec pp. 26f— 305, ante. . Celtic in Obsolete English. 413 British and Roman remains of some interest, a partial resurrection of the- great past of Britain after many centuries of oblivion. It occurred to him that, in like manner, the old British words found in the early litera- ture of Saxon England, long entombed and forgotten, but now gradually being brought to light, and curiously examined, are exponents to us of a former state of things. Notice has already been taken of the comparative freedom from Celtic terms of the earliest Anglo- Saxon literature (Temp. Csedmon, Bede, Alfred, ^Ifric), and the reason of that freedom was con- jectured. Two hundred years later, the Anglo-Saxon tongue put on a very different appearance. It became marred, or beautified — as opinion may incline to pro- nounce — ^with a multitude of foreign terms — Celtic, which had long floated in the vulgar speech, Nor- man-French, which had come across the Channel and conquered the Court and the elite of the English nation. The language had now reached the stage which we are accustomed to designate '* semi-Saxon." The new importations were more Norman -French than Gallo-Celtic. These had affected the contents and forms of the English language even more materially than the men who had brought them had affected the race -character of the English nation. But Celtic elements from other quarters had also come in. We have now to give specimens of these, that is, in so far as they have disappeared from the modern 414 The Pedigree of the English. English Dictionary. Dragged into light from rare and ancient MSS. in the Museums and Public Libraries of the kingdom, though few, they are still as authentic and vital as the wheat grains preserved in the folds of an Egyptian mummy, and tell as truly a tale of for- gotten ages. The following list, again, is only given as containing specimens. Of the Celtic contents of the English in the semi-Saxon period, a much larger number has been collected than our space will admit. Mr. Cole- ridge's Dictionary,^ which has been carefully consulted, and found of service, strange to say, hardly marks a dozen words through its whole length as having their origin in the Celtic tongues. (a.) Celtic Words, from different early English Authors y now obsolete} Old English {now obs.). Celtic Origin. Acele, to seal, hide (Lat. celo) W. cell, a hiding place ; celu, to hide ; Corn, celes. Acorcy grieve, make sorry W. cur, anxiety, pain. Acorycy chastened, punished W. ib. * Diet, of Oldest Words in Engl. Lang. Lond. 1863. » Our sources, with one or two exceptions, have been the following : Havelok the Dane, Ed. by Sir F. Madden, for the Rox- burgh Club ; The Owl and Nightingale, Ed. by Mr. Wright for the Percy Society; Specimens of Lyric Poetry, temp. Edw. I., by Mr. Wright; King Alysaunder, in Weber's Metrical Romances, Ed. by Mr. H. Coleridge ; The Land of Cokaygne, in Hickes's Thesaurus, vol. i. ; The Life of St. Margaret, lb. ; Lazimon's Brut, Ed. by Sir F. Madden, 1 847 ; The Ormulum, Ed, by Mr. White, three vols. 1847; A Moral Ode, Hickes's Thesaurus, vol. i. ; Life of Thomas Beket, Ed. by Mr. Black for the Percy Society; Robert of Gloucester' s Celtic in Obsolete Emlish. 415 Old English {now ohs.). Arvely a funeral, funeral cake Asele, seal — (same as acele) Alprenche, to deceive Avoth, take in, hear Awene, prompt to think £ali, belly Basl, of illegitimate birth Bay, in the sense of " to bait " Bemothered, confused (cogn. with mither)\ contr. " bothered." Bick, fight Blin, tired, fatigued Bolken, to belch Bollen, swollen Braid, treacherous (rel. to A.- ^2iX. praet, craft) Bulies, bellows Capull-hyde, horse-hide Carke, to pine away fr. care Crouthe, fiddle (mod. "crowd") Dizele, secret, concealed Earth-grine, earthquake Ferth, road (A.-Sax.y^r^/, a shal- low in a stream) Frith, a wood, copse Fyke, to deceive, flatter (fudge) Celtic Origin. W. arwyl, funeral solemnity. W. celu, to hide. W. prancio, to play tricks. ^.yfed, drink, imbibe. W. awen, the poetic muse, genius. W. hoi. belly ; Corn, hoi, ib. W. has, low, mean ; Arm. haz, ib. W. hwyd, food. W. hyddar, deaf; byddaru, deafen. W. hicra, to quarrel, fight, fr. pigo ; Corn, piga ; Arm. pica, ib, W. hlino, to tire. W. hoi, belly. W. ib. W. hrad, treachery ; Corn, prat, a cunning trick. W. hoi, belly. W. ce^l, a horse. W. cur, anxiety, pain, curio, to pine away, W. crwth, fiddle ; Corn, crowd, ib. W. dygel, concealed, dy, intens. celu, conceal. W. daear-gryn, earthquake ; crynu, to tremble. W. ffordd, road ; Corn, fordh, ib. {Ferth, for "road," is Celtic usagCy whatever the ult. derivation). W.ffridd, forest, wood. W. ffugio, to dissemble ; Corn. fugio ; Ir. hog. Chronicle, Ed. by Hearne, 1810 ; Fragments in Harleian MSS., Brit. Mus., N0S.913 and 2277 ; Vocabularies, Ed. by Mr. Wright for Jos. Mayer, Esq., 1857. 4 1 6 The Pedigree of the English. Old English {now obs.), Celtic Origin. Gaff, an iron hook W. gafaely hold (Fr, gaffe). Gris, a step, a stair W. gris, a step (Lat. gressus, gradior). Gainy elegant (gainly) W. cain, bright, fair ; can^ white ; Corn, can^ Ir. can. Arm. can^ ib. Gruchcy to murmur, grumble W. grwgnachy grumble, (probably early form of -grudge") Haitren, clothes W. di-hairyd, to doff one's clothes; diy privative. Kendely a litter of cats W. cenedl, progeny ; cenedlu, to procreate. LedroUy thief, robber W. lleidr (pi. lladron) thief; (Fr. larron ; Lat. latro.) Z^z>/, lightning (A.- Sax. ^A7tf;a«, ^ . llafn, blade, flake (a flash of to glow) light being like a bright blade). Lffwe, flame, ib. W. ib. Ma, more W. mwy, more. Paune, head "i W. peny head ; Com. pen ; Arm. Poune, ib. ) penn. Pretta, to deceive (A.-Sax./r^a/, W. praith, an act, a trick ; Com. craft) praty a cunning trick. Pulky a pool (A.-Sax./5/, a pool) W. pwlly a pool ; Corn, pol ; Arm. poul; Ir. poll ; Manx, poyly a pool. RhoxUy grunt W. rhochiy grunt. Shrukcy wither *W. crvci^w, wither, shrink. 7>A, ill-humour W. dig, angry ; /a;b^, rude ; Gael. iaiogy ib. Terry, to vex, incite W. taraWy to strike, smite. 7>0/^, sorrow (A.- Sax, tregay W. /rjAa, oppression. vexation) Unplycy unfold («», priv.) ^-plygu, fold, bend; Cora. /Af^r, plait. A hundred years' advance brings us to the age of Chaucer — '' the father of English poetry." After a English of Chaucer, 417 hard heat of reading in the Canterbury Tales, one is startled by the reflection that Spenser has called him the **pure well of English tindefiled!^^ If Norman- French can defile, surely Chaucer daubed the ** English" sadly enough. But there must be truth in Spenser's judgment, and we can only therefore con- clude that Chaucer, instead of running with the fashion of the day in making a display of Norman - French, moderated the mania, and aimed at restoring the Saxon to its proper place. But Chaucer moved among, and wrote for, the elite of the day — he was therefore bound to some extent to honour the speech patronised by courtly people. Of the want of uni- formity in writing the English he complains in his Troilus and Creseide : — *' And for there is so great diversite In English, and in writing of our tongue ; So pray I God that none mis- write thee, Ne thee mis-metre for defaut of tongue." Amid the confusion, and the fight for multiplying Norman vocables on the one hand, and restoring the integrity of the English on the other, did any Celtic terms escape destruction in the age of Chaucer } Yes, many hundreds. We have carefully culled the follow- ing from the poet's pages ^ as amongst those Celtic words which then found place in the English language, but no longer exist there. ^ Chaucer's Works, Bell's Ed. Eight vols. 1854. E E 4 1 8 The Pedigree of the English, {h.) Celtic Words in Chaucer ^ now obsolete. Augrym; "augrym-stoncs" were W. awgrym, a sign, hint. W. is counters or calculi for facili- derived from Lat. augur^ but tating calculations the form in Chaucer is a copy of the W. Bollen, bulged W. hoi, belly. Bragat, a drink made with honey W. hragod, a sweet liquor ; btag^ malt. Brokking, throbbing, quivering W. hrSch, din, tumult ; hrochiy bluster. Capil, a horse (not fr. Fr. cheval) W. ceffyl, a horse ; Ir. capall. Carrik, a ship W. corwg, a boat, a coracle. Karole, to dance and sing W. caroli, to sing ; cor, a choir Mase, a wild fancy, ecstasy W. vids, ecstasy ; maws, delight. Meth, a liquor made with honey W. medd, mead, drink made with honey ; Gr. /xe^v. Nyfle, a trifle, unsubstantial W. nyfel, niwl, a mist, fog. thing Ocy, the nightingale's note W. eos, nightingale ; cosi, to sing like the nightingale. Poupe, to make a noise with a W. pib, a pike ; piban, to sound horn the horn. Rees, an exploit, eager action W. rhys, ardency ; rhyswr, com- batant. Rote, a musical instrument, to W. crwth, a violin. *• sing by rote," to sing along with an instrument Scrivenlich, after the manner of W. 'scri/enu, to write. a writer Strothir (prop, name), valley W. ystrad, a dale, and hir, long. (North of Engl.) None of these had reached the English through Latin or Norman-French. They were all, or nearly all, borrowed from the Cymbric language, and though now lost to the English — with one or two exceptions with a change, as ** mead '' for mcth — are to this day Celtic of the poptdar Speech, 4 1 9 living portions of the language of Wales. But for Chaucer we might not have known that such fragments of the old Celtic speech had played on the lips of the courtiers of Edward III. The tongue of the educated Englishman nowhere articulates them in our day. We have to remark in concluding these last sub- sections : 1. That if these few old chroniclers and rhymers, whose writings, along with Chaucer's, we have been putting under contribution, have furnished so many Celtic remains when the language they represent is the language of the more cultured class, then the vernacular of the common people of England at the time may be fairly presumed to have contained a much larger amount of materials of like nature. The pro- portion of Celtic terms to the total of the vocabulary of the peasant class, was, therefore, very large. Of the 40,000 usable words in our present English, an educated man is supposed to have at command about 10,000, while a rustic rarely learns beyond 400.^ We conclude that the common people of the semi-Saxon period, whatever the zeal of the higher classes to cul- tivate an Anglo-Norman speech, had a vocabulary which owned a very large proportion of Celtic materials. 2. The critical student will also observe with regard to the first list — the British-Celtic of the modern dic- ' Comp. Prof. Max. Miiller's Led. on Science of Language, p. 268. E E 2 420 The Pedigree of the English, tionary — that a large proportion of the vocables therein contained must have been assimilated since the semi -Saxon period — otherwise the vocabulary of that period would have contained them. Now the interval from the 14th to the 19th century was not a time of much intercourse between the English and the Welsh, or any others of the Celtic stock — not of such inter- course, we mean, as would transfer many Celtic elements into the English tongue. The first portion of that period was a time of utter alienation between the Welsh and English. Whence, then, came the Celtic words, of clearly British origin, added during that time ? They came from the lips of the common people of England ! And. the next coming age, under the guidance of a taste for the simpler archaic dialectic treasures of the language, Saxon or otherwise, will admit many more such materials — not indeed because they are Celtic, but because they belong to the home and heart speech of the English people. There are many, many hundreds of them in the various counties of North, West, and South, waiting for admission ; and, fortunately, the Latinising rage of Johnson is not a failing of the literary men of our times. 3. It is to be noted that the great majority of British-Celtic words tabulated, whether of the standard English, of the dialects, or of the obsolete printed vocabulary, belong to the Cyinhric branch. This is of some moment to the solidity of our argument. Facts here again echo to antecedent probability. Probabilty, The Celtic of English chiefly Cymbric. 421 planting its argument on the intimations of history, says : If there exist Ancient British terms at all in the English language, they must be Cymbric more than Irish and Irish more than Armoric (an offshoot of Cymbric for the most part), because contact with the Cy^;^ry (including the Cumbrians and '*West Wal- lians ") was more close and frequent than with the Gaels of Ireland and Scotland, and contact with these was more frequent than with the Armoricans. The Lloe- grians and the Brython were also of the same branch as the Cymry, These were completely incorporated in early times. All the nation of the Cymry, except those who fell in war, retired into Wales, or crossed over to Armorica, were also by degrees incorporated ; their language therefore might well be expected to permeate in larger measure the Saxon tongue than the other branch of Celtic could have done. With this reasoning, the phenomena of modern ^nd old English completely tally. 4. Some acute Anti-Celtic reasoners have started the following objection: — ** If things are so — if ad- mixture of language is proof of admixture of race (which is granted), and if incorporation of the Ancient Britons has carried Celtic elements into the English language, then, by parity of reasoning, since the English and the Romans on the other side have, doubt- less, in some measure merged into the nation of the Cymry, there ought to be a corresponding tincture of these languages in the Welsh of to-day." The argu- 42 2 The Pedigree of the English. ment is perfectly fair and logical ; but its effect, though expected to be crushing, is perfectly innocuous. We accept it without qualification, with all its consequences. Unhappily, it assumes what is not the fact, viz., that *'the Welsh of to-day" is an immaculate Celtic tongue. The Welsh people have, unquestionably, received an admixture of Roman and Saxon blood ; and the simple answer to the above objection is, that the Welsh lan- guage has received a very considerable infusion of Latin and Anglo-Saxon words. ^ Nay, more ; the Welsh people are not free from Scandinavian, Flemish, and Norman-French admixtures, as proved by history, physiology, and proper names; and the Welsh lan- guage is not free from a corresponding tincture of Danish, Flemish, and French. The school of Dr. W. O. Pughe (who seemed to con- sider the Welsh a language per se, separate and distinct from all other languages, developing all its forms and 1 Even so early as the time of Aneurin (see Gododhiy vv. 630, 268, 231, 743, 629, 191) the following Latin corruptions, among numerous others, occur : ariant (argentum) ; calan (kalendje) ; fossawd (fossa) ; periglawr, the word for priest, one to stand between the soul and " danger," (from periculum) ; gwydr (vitrum) ; plwm (plumbum). We find in this early age traces even of Anglo-Saxon corruptions. The bard Meigant, circ. a.d. 620, uses the word phvdt (see Myv. Arch, of Wales, i. 160) for a bloody field, or blood, which he could only obtain from A.-Sax. d/od, blood, b/o(/ig, bloody ; and Aneurin has the word bludive (v. 142) for what appears to have been the battle-field. No Celtic dialect now contains this corruption. Corruptions in Welsh. 423 compounds from its own exhaustless store of roots) cannot well brook -the doctrine that the Welsh is largely Latinized and Anglicised. There is no word which their convenient etymological legerdemain will not at a touch resolve into Cymbric "roots/' however obviously Latin, Greek, or Saxon its origin.^ The science of philology is now fast dispelling such linguistic super- stitions.^ By a rigid analysis of the materials of sepa- rate languages, it discovers what elements are common to many, or to a few, and finds here the safe principle of classification and key of relationship. It proves beyond contradiction that there is no tongue on earth which is a language per se, distinct from all other tongues, and devolving all its forms from its own resources. Dr. W. O. Pughe, the learned author of the chief Welsh dictionary extant, seems to have pro- ceeded on the quiet assumption that the Welsh was such a language, and his great work contains many hundreds of derivations from Welsh *' roots" which are palpably fanciful and misleading. ^ It is impossible to argue gravely with people who will, ex. gr. derive eglwys, W. for church (iKKX-qa-ia), from such Welsh " roots " as eg, " what opens," and glwys, " fair, beautiful " — " because the church opens its doors to the holy !" ^ Few scholars will question the correctness of Mr. Max. Miiller's statement that '* large numbers of words have found their way from Latin," and even German, into the Celtic dialects, and ** these have frequently been taken by Celtic enthusiasts for original words, from which German and Latin might, in their turn, be derived." Lectures on the Science of Language, First series, p. 200. Our note p. 422 ; but more at length, Appendix A, will supply proof of this. 424 The Pedigree of the English, The long history of the corruption of the Cymbric language needs not to be detailed in these pages. Its stages, of course, are Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, and English. The language has some few elements common to it with the Latin which can hardly be termed corruptions, since they seem to have been equally the property of each from a very early age, and to have been borrowed or derived by each from that primitive Aryan source which has tinged so many of the Euro- pean languages. Classic, Teutonic, and Celtic alike. Hence also the Welsh has many words kindred to Anglo-Saxon and German, as gwe7i^ fair, white, beau- tiful ; Anglo-Saxon, cwen^ woman, queen, whence Eng. queen : cor, a choir, Anglo-Saxon chor, a chorus ; Germ, chor, a chorus: W. 7nalu, to grind, melin, a mill ; Anglo-Saxon, miln, a mill ; Germ, mahlen, to gnn^i, milhle, a mill : W. pobl, people ; Germ, pobel: W. cloch, a bell, Germ, glocke, a bell, Anglo-Saxon, chicge, a bell, &c., which elements appear to be as congenial and native to the Teutonic as to the Celtic — to the Celtic as the Teutonic. But multitudes of vocables are now found in the Welsh, and in all dictionaries assumed to be properly Welsh words, which no modern philologist can fail to recognise as foreign. Most of them belong to the Latin, and to the classic period in Latin. Some are post-classic, and belong to ecclesiastical nomenclature. But many are Teuton, derived from the Anglo-Saxon of the Conquest, and many more are immediately Corruptions in Welsh. 425 derived from the English, and inherited by that lan- guage from Latin, Greek, Saxon, or Norman -French. Not a few are words which have passed directly from the Norman French, without apparent contact with the English. Such seem to be anturio, Fr. aventurer; cessail, Fr. goussel ; crys, Fr. creseau ; dedwydd, Fr. deduit; gwersyll, Fr. guerre - sella ; neges, Fr. negoce, &c. On account of the interest of this subject to philo- logists, we have taken some trouble to form a reliable list of words, usually considered Welsh, which are derived from the different sources above enumerated; but to save space, the biographies of doubtful, or appa- rently doubtful words, tracing the various phonetic changes they have undergone, and which it would have been interesting to add, have been omitted. The im- mediate derivation, and, in some cases a further or ultimate derivation is supplied.^ The materials of this Appendix are quite sufficient for the purpose in view. Every reasonable person will allow their force, as proving that the people and lan- guage of Wales are by no means free from foreign admixture. Let there be equal candour and obedience to evidence on the other side. 5. But besides these obviously foreign accretions, the Cymbric has a multitude of vocables which it possesses in common with many other Indo-European tongues, and which are as native to it as they are to ^ See Appendix A. 426 The Pedigree of the English, any of the others, but which are frequently, by over- zealous classicists, considered as borrowings from Latin or Greek. ^ Such words are ar graph, imprint ; aru, to plough ; caer, a fortress, a city ; genu, to give birth to; cor, a choir ; llewyrch, light ; lly/r, a book ; mel, honey; medd, mead ; swn, a sound ; taran, thunder; torch, a ring, wreath ; torf, a crowd ; twr, a tower, &c. In Appendix B. will be found a small collection, capable of extension, of words of this class, indicating materials inherited by the Welsh from that ancient fountain of Indo-European speech, whence the Hellenic, the Romance, the Teutonic, as well as the Celtic tongues, have so largely flowed, and which is now usually denominated Aryan. Appendix A. will prove that the writer is free from Celtic fanaticism, while Appendix B. offers a few impartial gleanings, which, if virtually jus- tifying the claims of Celtic, also illustrate the close relationship of the various tongues and races of Europe. 2. Elements in the English language derived from Latin, which are also present in Celtic. We have now to pass on from the consideration of British-Celtic materials in English — on which alone, as the reader has been already warned, we rely for direct support to the argument — to a few specimens of words found in Celtic, but whose transmission into English has been through the Latin. This is done partly by * See Appendix B. Celtic introduced through Latin. 427 way of digression, and in the interests of general philology. Assuming for the moment that these elements are entitled to the designation ** Celtic," it is obvious that their passage into English through the Latin, without any contact between Anglo-Saxons and Celts in the British Isles, would be very possible. The Latin had brought them down from the early ages of its own his- tory, having first adopted them either by contact with the Ancient Celts, or from the common Aryan source, whence they passed also into Celtic, and, many of them, into Gothic tongues. Of course it is competent to ask, wherefore, then, call them '' Celtic " at all ? We may equally ask, why call them Latin ? If on the ground of apparent natural affinity with the language in which they are found, their constant presence from early times in that lan- guage, and the absence of evidence of their ever having been borrowed from a contemporaneous tongue, woi ds can be pronounced as belonging to the language of which they form a part, then these words can quite as properly be termed Celtic as Latin. But if to belong to a language words must be incapable of being traced to any other, then it will follow that no language has more than a very meagre vocabulary of its own. Let it be allowed that these words are also entitled to be considered Latin, since they cannot be proved to have been borrowed by Latin from Celtic ; they are on the same ground, at least, entitled to the appellation. 428 The Pedigree of the English, ** Celtic," since it cannot be proved that Celtic bor- rowed them from Latin, or any other tongue known to history. They may be, and probably to a great extent are, common property derived from a common pre- historic source, although their passage into English is allowed to have been directly from the Latin, and their use here is mainly, if not exclusively, to establish a link of relationship between the Classic, Teutonic, and Celtic tongues, as members of the Indo-European family. Words of this class are numerous. To be on the safe side, many which have an apparently good claim for reception have been omitted. To save space, only one Celtic cognate is in most cases given. W. Welsh ; Ir. Irish ; G. Gaelic ; C. Cornish, English. Latin. Celtic Cognate. Acclaim Clamo W. llefain, to cry, shout; C. lef. Act Action J Ago, Actum Ir. aige, to act; W. egni^ energy. Admire Ad-miro W. mir, fair. Alien Alienus W. a/7, another. Amenity A-moenitas W. mwyn, kind, pleasant ; G. min, tender. Arduous Arduus (high) Ir, ardy high ; C. ib. At Ad W. at, to. Candid Candidus W. can, white ; Ir., C. ib. Co-eval Co-aevus W. oes, age. Conceal Con-celo W. celuy to hide. Congeal Con-gelo W. ceulo, to curdle. Corrode Cor-rodo W. rhwdu, to rust, eat away. Council Con-cilium (fr. root cat) W. galw, to call. Crisp Crispo W. eras, parched, dry. Celtic introduced through Latifi. 429 English. Latin. Crust Crusta Dean Decanus Decency Deceo Decimal Decima Define De-finio Devour De-voro Diminish Di-minuo Fable Fabula Incendiary In and candeo (to shine) Lamina Lamina Lateral Lateralis, latus Latitude Latitude Laud Laus — dis Mamma Mamma Minim Minor Minus Minute ) Nebula Nebula Negation Negatio, nego Noun Nomen Plausible Plaudo, laus-dis Plenary Plenus Radius Radius Radix Radix Reside Sedeo Scribe Scribo Scripture Scriptura Seat Sedeo Senior Senis Spike Spica Celtic Cognate. W. eras, dry. W. degy ten ; C. dec, ib. W. teg, fair ; C. dek, ib. W. deg, ten ; C. dec, ib. W. min, edge, limit. W. pori, to graze, eat. W. man, main, small. W. ebu, to say (?). W. can, white ; Ir. ib, W. llab, llafn, a slab, a blade. W. lied breadth; Ir. leid ; C. ledan, broad. W. Ibid. W. clod, praise ; Ir. cliu, ib. W. mam, mother. W. man, main, small. W. nifel, niwl, mist ; Ir., C. niul ; G. neul, ib. W. nage, no, nacdu, refuse ; C. and Arm. nag, no. W. enw, name. W. clod, praise, hloeddio, to cry, shout. W. llawn, full ; C. laun, ib. W. gwraidd, root. W. Ibid. W. sedd, a seat; C. sedhva, a seat. W . ysgrifio, crafu, to scrape. W. Ibid. W. sedd, a seat. W. hen, old; C. ib.; Ir. and G. scan, ib. W. pig, a point. 430 The Pedigree of the English. English. Latin. Celtic Cognate. Spine Spina W. pin, stile, pen. Terrene Terra •W. tir, earth, land ; G.and C.ib. Tribe Tribus W. tre/, a dwelling ; Ir. treadh ; C. trev. Trope Tropus ' W. troi, to turn ; W., C, and Arm. tro, a. turn. Union Unus W. un, one ; Ir. aon ; C. un ; Manx, un. Unity Unitas W. Ibid. Vacant \ Vaco, vacuus j (root vag) W. gwdg, open, empty ; C. Vacation Arm. ib. Venus Venus W. gwen, fair, white ; used as epithet for woman, whence A.S. cwen ; Engl, queen. Vide Append. B. '' gwyn.** 3. Elements in the English language, derived through the Teutonic tongues, or through Norman- French, found also in Celtic. The Teutonic tougues, including Anglo-Saxon, Danish, German, and Dutch, are naturally entitled to be classed together as sources of modern English ; and Norman -French, being mainly a mode of Latin, should, if it were convenient, be in some manner classed along with that language, or stand by itself as a hybrid. But words derived from the N.-Fr. cannot be said to be a direct gift of the Latin. They are cut off from their primal source by the intervention of this new tongue. Convenience and simplicity of arrange- ment have decided in favour of the present grouping. Some words in this table are of doubtful origin ; but Celtic brought in through Norm. French. 43 1 the contest is hot between Celt and Saxon for a right in them. For the most part we have given the benefit of the doubt to the latter. Who can decide with cer- tainty as to the immediate quarter whence the English obtained the word pilgrim ? We shall be told that it came from the L. peregrinus. Of course it did. But the question as it affects the English language is not whence it came at ih^ first, but whence it came at the last step. From Fr. pelerin ? Germ, pilger ? Corn. pirgirin ? Ir. pirgrin ? or W. pererin ? It is curious to note the metamorphoses of this word in the different languages. The Germ, and the Fr. have agreed to banish the r from the first syllable. The Engl, follows in this, as well as in the introduction of the /. It seems therefore to have borrowed the word from one of these languages ; but you have no sooner gone to rest upon this conclusion than you observe that it has tacked to the word an ending different from both. We cast into the scale the agreement with the Germ, in the letter g, and give the Teuton the victory. This is the kind of chase the etymologist has often to pursue. The word parsley is another instance.-^ Turnip is quite as perplexing.*'^ ^ Gr. TTCTpocrcXtvov, Lat. peiroselinon, are plain ; but the order of descent in the following is not so easily ascertained : — A.-S. peier- selige ; GtxTH. petersilie ; V)'vs\. petersille ; (now the / is dropped), Ir. peirsill ; W. peisyll ; Fr. persil. Which is the next of kin to the Engl, ''parsley?" ^ The Teutons and Celts alike have perceived some suitableness or other in the letters ump or omp, with a variety of initiatory forces. 432 The Pedigree of the Eiiglish. It will be borne in mind that the same qualification applies to this table as applied to the last — it is not relied upon as evidence of admixture between the Ancient Britons and the English. The Celtic roots which have reached the English through the languages here given as direct sources ^ were probably the common property of the Celtic and Teutonic languages, and of the original, for the most part, of the N. -French (Latin) for ages far anterior to the junction of Celts and Teutons on British ground. Let the table be valid for its own object only — ^viz., to show how far the English tongue is charged with Celtic elements, or, at any rate, elements which are as much Celtic as they are anything. They may belong to a period of human speech far preceding any form which may be distinctively termed Gothic, Hellenic, or Celtic, and we might be pushed in the last resort to confess that they can only be classified in a general way as Indo- European, or Aryan, but they are found, apparently in their natural habitat, in modern Celtic, and offer no signs of foreign derivation or relation. They serve at the least like the preceding table to show the interrelationship of the languages concerned as members of one family. for expressing the idea of a full, rounded, or protuberant body; I ut the law which determined the adoption of this or that leader, in the shape of a first letter, may be too occult fur even a clever etymologist to discover. Trump has these relations : ///w/>, bumpt hump^ mmp^ clump, dumpy and W. clamp, swmp ; and across the Channel, Danish, German, and Swedish, klump ; and Dutch, klomp. Celtic Elements through Norman- French^ &c. 433 It is especially to be noted that many of the Nor- man-French contributions were obtained by that lan- guage, not from Latin, but from the Ancient Gothic or Celtic. They are marked (*) The list given is by no means complete, and only one Celtic cognate is given with each word. [A. S. Anglo-Saxon, Dan. Danish, D. Dutch, G. German, Fr. Norman- French, W. Welsh, Ir. Irish, C. Cornish, A. Armoric] Celtic Eleme7its in English borrowed from Teutonic or Norman -French . English. Teut. orN.Fr. Ce/h'c Cognate, Abide A.S. bidan W. bod (be). All A.S. eal W. oil. Anomaly Fr. anomalie W. hafal. Anvil A.S. anfilt Ir. inneon. Ape A.S. apa W. epa. Ball Fr. balle ; G. W. pel. Barm A.S. beorm C. burm. Baron Fr. baron Ir. fir (L. vir). Be A.S. beon W. bod. Beak A.S. piic W. pig. Beat A.S. beatan W. baeddu. Bed A.S. bed W. bedd. Beef Fr. bceuf W. buwch. Beer* Fr. biere W. and A. bir. Begin A.S. beginnan W. cyn. Boat A.S. bat W. bad. Boss Fr. bosse W. both. Bottle Fr. bouteille W. both. Bride A.S. bryd Ir. brideog ; W. priod. Broth A.S. broth W. berwad (decoction). F F 434 The Pedigree of the English, English. Teut.orN.Fr, Celtic Cognate. Brother A.S. brather W. brawd. Q) Bruit Fr. bruit W. brudio, brut. Buck A.S. buc W. bwch ; Ir. boc. Cable* Fr. cable W. gafael. Cat* A.S. catt. W. cath. Caress Fr. caresser W. car. Care Goth, kar W. cur. Cargo A.S. care (Span, carga) W. carlo. Castle A.S. castel W. castell. Cede Fr. ceder W. gado. Chair Fr. chaire W. car. Charity Fr. charit6 W. cariad. Cheek A.S. ceac W. ceg. Cherish Fr. cherir W. cir, car. Choir A.S. chor W. c6r. Clay A.S. claeg W. clai. Clew A.S. cleow W. clob. Close Fr. clos W. clyd. Cloth A.S. clath w. „ Cluck G. glucken W. cloch. Cob A.S. cop W. cob. Come A.S. cuman W. cam (step). Con V. A.S. connan W. gwn (I know). Cony* Fr. conin W. owning. Coquette* Fr. coquet W. coeg. Cord Fr. cord W. corden. Cot A.S. cot W. cwt, cyttiau, pi, Crab A.S. crabba W. crdf-u. Crack* Fr. craquer W. rhwyg. Cramp A.S. hramma W. crym-mu. Cranny* Fr. cran W.ran. Crave A.S. cravian W. cr6f-u. Crump A.S. crump W. crwm. Cry* Fr. crier W. cri. Cup A.S. cupp W. cwpan. Daub* Fr. dauber W. dwb-io. Celtic Elements through Norman- French, &c, 435 English. Teut.orN.Fr. Celiic Cognate. Deal A.S. daelan W. di-doli. Deep A.S. deop W. dwfn. Demand Fr. demander W. mynu. Deny Fr. denier W. na, nac. Deploy Fr. deployer W, plygu. Display Fr. deployer W. plygu. Door A.S. dur W. dor. Double Fr. double W. dau-plyg. •Dower Fr. douer W. dodi. Dragon Fr. dragon W. draig. Earth A.S. eorth W. daear, ^r. Eat A,S. eatan W. bwydo. Egg A.S. aeg W. wy. Ell A.S. elne W. elin. Employ Fr. employer W. plygu. E/z'^wette* Fr. etiquette W. ibCy tocyn (a ticket), Falcon Fr. faucon W. gwaich. Fife G. pfeife W, pib. Finch A.S. fine W. pine. Fine Fr. fin W. main. Flap A.S. laeppa W. llab. Flat Fr. plat W. lied, llydan. Floor A.S. flor W. llawr. Four A.S. feower W. pedwar. Freeze A.S. frysan W. iferu. Full A.S. full W. gwala. Gallant*^ Fr. gallant W. gallu. Garden G. gartenA.S.geard W. cae, caer. Garter'* Fr. jarretierre W. g4r (leg). Glass A.S. glaes W. glas (green). Glave* Fr. glaive W. llafn, glaif. Glen A.S. glen W. glyn. Glib Dan. glib W. llib, llipa. Glow A.S. glowan W. gloyw. Goad A.S. gad W. gwth. Goose A.S. gos W. gwydd Gormand* Fr. gourmand W. gor, (extreme.) F F 2 436 The Pedigree of the English. English. Teuf. or N.Fr. Celtic Cognate. Grace Fr. grace W. rad. Grave A.S. grafan W. crafn. Gravel Fr. gravelle W. graian. Ground A.S. grund W. graian. Guard Fr. guarder W. caer. Guise* Fr. guise W. gwedd ; Arm. giz. Herald* Fr. heraut W. h^r, herawd. Hide A.S. hydan W. cuddio. Hive A.S- hyfe W. cafn. Horn A.S. horn W. corn. Hour Fr. heure W. awr. Iron A.S. iren W. haiam. Kin \ Kind A.S. kyn W. cyn, cenedl. Kindred ) King A.S. cyng W. cun. Know A.S. cnawan W. gwn (I know). Lap A.S. lappian W. lleibio. Large Fr. large W. llawer ; Corn. lour. Lath Fr. latte W. Hath. Lather A.S. lethrian W, llathru. Lead A.S. laedan W. llywio. Leap A.S. pleafan W. llwff. Light A.S. liht W. lluch. Linnet* Fr. linot W. llinos. Lip A.S. lippe W. llafn. Load A.S. lade W. llwyth. Lock A.S. loc W. elided. Lump G. klump W. clamp. Mail* Fr. maille W. magi (net). Malady Fr. maladie W. mall-dod. Marine Fr. marine W. m6r. Marshal Fr. mar6chal W. march. Meal G. mehl W. mAl-u. Mean A.S.maene W. mAn, main. Meat A.S. mete W. maeth. Mellow A.S. melewe W. mAl. Celtic Elements through Norman- French, &c. 437 English. Teut.orN.Fr. Celtic Cognate. Mile Fr; mille W. mil. Mill A.S. miln W. mal, melin. Mince Fr. mince W. man. Mind Dan. minde W. myn. Mine Fr. mine W. mwn. Minion Fr. mignon W. man. Mock Fr. moquer W. moc-io. Mole Fr. mole W. moel. Money Fr. monnaie W. mwn. Morning A.S. morgen W. bore. Mound A.S. munt W. mynydd. Mount-ain A.S. „ w. „ Mule A.S. mul W. mul, mil. Murder A.S. morther W. marw. Musk Fr. musk W. mws, mwsg. Mutton Fr. mouton W. mollt. Neat (clean) Fr. net W. nith. Neck A.S. necca W. c-nwc. Nedder A.S. nedder W. neidyr. Needle A.S. naedl W. nodwydd. Nephew Fr. neveu W. nai. Nest A.S. nest W. nyth. New A.S. neow W. newydd. Nip D. knippen W. cneifio. No A.S. ne W. na. Noon A.S. non W. nawn. Nut A.S. knut W. cnau. One A.S. aen W. un. Onion Fr. ognon W. wynwyn, cenin (^ Over A.S. ober W. ar. Ox A.S. oxa W. ych. Pea-s A.S. pisa W. pys. Peak \ Pike A.S. peac, piic W. pig. Pick ) Pear A.S. pera W. per. Pellet and \ Bullet j Fr. pelote W. pel. 4^8 English, Pin Pioneer Pipe Pique Plague Plant Plate Plight Pool Pottage* Practice * Press Pretty Pure Quern Queste Quit Radish Rag Rake Range Rank Raven Ray Read Recoil Red Rend Rent Rhyme Rind Road The Pedigree of the Efiglish, Teut, 01 N.Fr. A.S. pinn Fr. fr. piochxixtx (pioche,//^dus in Greece; probably the Ap-/^;z-nines ; Campo^/^7^um (now Kempten) ; Taro-^^^;^um, now Dornstadt, in Germany ; Thun, Switzerland ; Melo^^^wum (Milan) in Italy ; Lugdunum (Lyons) ; Vero^z^;2um (Verdun) in France ; hugdunum (Leyden) in Holland; jBraunherg, Bren- denkopf, Brandenburg /m Germany : Taurus^ Tyrol, &c.^ {b.) Celtic Names of Rivers and Streams in Britain'^ {omitting Wales and Scotland'). Almost all the chief rivers of England bear Cymbric appellations. Cymbric words applied to water, run- ning water, rivers, brooks, are these : Aw, wy, dwr, water ; avon, flowing water, collection of waters ; wysg, water in rapid motion ; rhyd, stream, also a ford across a stream ; dais, an archaic word for brook ; na7tt, a stream, or valley. Examples in Wales : Avon and dwr are common nouns, applied, with some other qualifying term, in a multitude of cases. Tav, Taw, Tawe, Towy^ Teivi, apparently compounds of aw, are familiar names, allied languages. Both here are Celtic; so also Brandon, Pen- dennis, Penrhyn. Brinton, Cotswold, Pembury, Penton, on the contrary, combine Celtic and Anglo-Saxon. ^ Comp. Diefenbach, Celtica^ ii. pt. i. p. 337, &c. ' Comp. Vilmar, Ortsnamen in Kurhesscn, in the Hessian Zeits- chrift des Vereins, for 1837, p. 255; Adelung, Miihridates^ vol. ii. 57 ; Pott, Etym. Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 103. Ethnological Value of Local Names. 455 some of them being names of many streams. Dwrdwy, or Dy/rdwy, Wysg, Rheidio\ Wy^ Gwili, Llugwy, Kdwy, DdLuddwr, Kdur Suss. /?«rbeck Notts. Aune Dev. Esk Dev. Auney Dev. Ex Dev. Avon Glouc. Inney Corn. Avon Wore. Ive Cumb. Avon Hants. Medze;^ Kent. Axe Dev. Na^^r Wilts. Csilder Cumb. (?z^^^burn(Wysg). Calder Lane. Rhea Staff. Colder York. Rhey Wilts. Darent Kent. SevQTVi Dart Dev. Stour Ess., &c. Darken Lane. Tees Durham. Dee (dwy) Chesh. Thames {W.TafNys). Z>^rwent Lane. Thur Norf. Der^QVii Yorks. Wash\i\iiXi (Wysg). DerNQiii Derb. Wey Dorset. Dour Kent. Wey Surrey. Dore Heref. Wye Heref. DourwdXQX Yorks. Wye Hants. Durra Corn. Wyre Lane. &e., &e. A multitude of our E nglish rivers again, have names, purely Celtic, exf )ressing a certain quality, such as colour, smoothn ess, rough Qess, noisiness, slowness, briskness, &c. Dulas and Dou-glas both mean dark brook, from du, dark, and dais, old W. for brook, still used in South Wa es, but still more in Ireland. Aire (W. araf, slo w), York. Arav (W. araf, slo w), Arun (W. garw, ro ugh), Suss. 456 The Pedigree of the English. Arrow (W. garw, rough), Heref. Cam (W. cam, crooked), Glouc.Ess.&c. Cam lb. Cambr. CambQcV lb. Cumb. Camil lb. Com. Creke (W. cihh, rugged),^ Lane. Crouch (W. crock, loud), Ess. JDeben (W. dyfn, deep), Suff. Dove (W. dof, quiet, tame). Derb. Esk (W. gwtsgi\ fern, wisgty Devon. quick, brisk, gay). Cumb. &c. Gara (W. garw, rough). Garrow (W. garw, rough). Heref. Lavant (W. lle/n, smooth). Sussex. Leden (W. llydan, broad), Glouc. Ledden lb. Heref. Lev en Morcambe (W. lle/n, smooth). Bay (W. mor, sea; cam, crooked ; a tortuous estuary). Cumb., &c. Roiher (W. ruthro, to rush), Sussex. Wear (W. gwyro, to deviate, wan- der). Dur. Far (W. garw, rough), Norf. Yarrow lb. In continental countries known to have been in- habited by the Celtic race, we find numerous streams bearing primitive names, identical in signification with those of Welsh, Scotch, and English rivers. In France : Avon, joining the Loire ; Avon, joining the 1 It may be doubted whether the Lune, the Allan, the Ellen, the Aln, and others of like elements, are not from the W. alon, harmony, alaw, music ; or from alwyn, white, fair ; or again from eliain, fair, shining, splendid. Corn, elyn ; Ir. aluin. The names Ribble, Irwcll, Ouse, Tyne, are obscure. Trent is probably but a contracted form of Darcnt, Dcrwcnt, from dur. Ethtological Value of Local Names, 457 Seine ; Qz!iavon, Ga,rumna, MaXrona, Dura,nms, Dordogne, Kniura, Druentia,, TAurr, Durd3,n, Dour- don, Douron, In Germany: The JLahn, Krgana, Merma, Oder, £>urh3,chy Durrenhsich, Dilrnhdich, Duron, Rhine, Regen ; and, perhaps, the Eisacln, EschdiZ, Eischhdich, E tsc khdich, Esckelhnxnn, y^^^bach, &c.^ In Spain : The Douro, ToAo, Duema., DuraXon, Avono, In Hungary : The T/iuroig, Waag. In Italy: The Au/ente, Avottia,, Savone, Avens. {c.^ Celtic Names of Valleys, Dales, dfc, in England {omitting Wales and Scotland'). Welsh words signifying various kinds of surface depression are the following: dol, a dale; cw7n, a hollow, bottom, dingle; nant, a dingle, also a brook (Corn. 7ians) ; oil, a recess, corner (Corn, oil, a recess, Ir. kil, cul. Arm. kil^ ^ Examples in Wales: Dolha,daxn, Cwmhrsin, Nant- mel, iV^^teos, 07maenllwyd, Q7bebyll, Z^^/gelley. Ap^ledur-comh, I. of W. Combe, Oxf. Chalacomde, Dev. Combe Hants. Ckumleigh, Dev. Combermere Chesh. Combe, Dev. Comberton Wore. Combe, Som. CombeahhsLS Som. * In fact, it is the testimony of Leo — and none is more com- petent to pronounce an opinion — that almost every river name in North Germany is of Celtic origin. See his Vorlesungen iiber die Gesch. des. Deufschen Volkes, &c., vol. i. p. 198. 3 Kil, in Irish, has been extensively applied in the sense of an enclosure or retreat of a sacred nature (like llan, in Welsh) ; but this is a secondary use of the word — a specific and religious use. 458 The Pedigree of the English. Com5e\ong Oxf. Gsitcomde Gloue. Comdefield Wore. llfr acombe Dev. Comljhay Som. Ki/huTn Mid. Combmartin Dev. A'/Zdanes Lane. Comdpyne Dev. J^t7da\e Yorks. Compion Surr. -ff'/'/ham Yorks. Dalion Lane. iT/Z/peek Heref. Dohon Dev. A'/'/mersdon Som. JDawVish Dev. A-t'/shy North. Dawley Salop. A'tiwoTth Leic. Facomb Hants, VsLra^ombe Dev. Cumberland abounds in cums, as showfi by one of its native rhymers — ** There's Cumyfhitton, Cum'wh'mton, CumTa.nton, CumTSLUgon, Cumrew, and (7«;«catch ; And mony mair Cums V the country, But nin wi' (7«;7idivock can match." Wiltshire is equally rich, the name Combe, Coombs, in some of its forms, being frequently borne by families. JVanf gissel Corn. Naunion Wore. Naniwfich. Chesh. Vennans Com. iVawwton Glouc. Tienans Com. On the Continent are : JVanfeSy JVan^na,, Nancy ^ in France ; and Val di Nant, Nant Dant, Nant Bourant, &c., in Switzerland. In the grandest depths of the Savoyard Alps, near Chamounix, several Nants still survive ; a fact very remarkable. (i/.) Cities or Fortresses, Towns, Homesteads, &c., in England^ bearing Celtic Names. Cymbric words in use are : body trCy caer, as Bod- edern (Edern's abode), TV^madog (Madog's home), CaermLVwon (the fortress in Arvon), &c. The prefix Ethnological Value of Local Names, 459 ire has been largely used in recent times, many scores of farmhouses in Pembrokeshire or Carmarthenshire alone being so designated. To the word tre, signifying abode or home, is generally added the name of the person who formed a settlement or built a house on ' the spot.^ The prefix caer, a fortified place, almost in- variably marks a work of defence of great antiquity — in the majority of cases coeval with Roman or even ante-Roman times. The following are a few from among the multitude of names of this class found in England : — BodmiTi Corn. Cargo Cumb. Bod\\\2CCQ. Suss. Carhsim North. ^^^enham Heref. CarhsLinipton Som. BodnQj Norf. Carkin Yorks. Bothoi Cumb. Carperly Yorks. ^^/hergest Heref. Carrocke Cumb. Bot\ey Berks. Carlisle Cumb. BotlQj Hants. Daven/rj/ North. BTSLinfree Ess. TV^gonna Corn. Caerwent Mon. Tregony Corn. Caerleon Mon. Treliggsi Corn. Garden Chesh. Trelow Corn. C^rthorpe Yorks. Trmeglos Corn. C^rhallock Corn. Tr^silian Corn. Carehy Lin. TreihuTgi Corn. Carcolston Nott. TV^vissick Corn. C^rbrooke Norf. TV^vulga Corn. Carhmton Nott. Tr^wadlock Corn. Cardesion Salop. Truio Corn. Carey North. 1 The terminating fry, in Oswesfry, is not, as some have supposed, the Welsh fre, but the English " tree," as applied to the Cross. The Welsh name is O(?^J-0swallt, Oswald's Cross. 46o The Pedigree of the English. Towns named from their situation on the water side are numerous. The Celtic dwr, water, sometimes taking the form dour or tur, is often found in names of Continental towns as well as rivers. Tours, ancient Thrones ; Toumzx, ancient Tornaicum ; Douvres, an- cient Dubris ; several ancient Bi//^nges in Gaul, indi- cating the meeting of two waters. Probably the incipient Bi (bis) was prefixed by the Romans to mark the confluence of two streams, both called dwr or tur by the natives. Instances in England are : Dover, ancient Dubris ; Dorking, Z^^rchester, DuAey, a village in Hants; Durs\ey\ Morecsimhe, W. mor, sea, comde, a valley, or cam, crooked ; ^^jvmouth, W. wy, water; Ader- ford, village in Yorkshire, W. ader, a confluence, &c. Less obvious Celtic derivations, but still genuine, are such as these : Zmcoln, W. //yn, a pool, lake — the co/n, Latin Co/oma; in Ptolemy's Greek Aiv^ov, the dun or place of strength, or high place, on the pool — a name identical therefore with London; Gloucester, W. gloyw, fair, pure, bright, old W. name Caerloyw ; Manchester (W. man, place, settlement) ; Tiverton (W. dwr, dw/r, water) — the town on the water — Tiverton being situated at the confluence of the rivers Exe and Loman; Z^wrham (Lat. Dunelm, W. dwr, and Norse holm, an island), Leland and others tell us, was originally a rock forming a river island; York (W. Evrawg), old W. name Caer-Evraivg. The Cots^o\6. Hills (W. coed, wood, and A. -Sax. weald, also wood), display the primitive Celtic and Ethnological Value of Local Names. 461 Its Saxon translation in one word. CumberXzxv^ is the land of the Cymbri or Cumbri, The people of ** Devon" were by the Romans named Damnonii, in imitation of the Celtic Dyfnamt (W. dyfn, deep, and naint, pi. for valleys), the land of deep valleys or dingles. G?r-^wall, formerly written *' Corn Wales " (W. corn^ a horn, projection, and A. -Sax. wealhas, the Welsh), i.e., strangers or foreigners — a name applied by the Teutonic race to all except themselves. Wiltshire — the shire of Wilton — the town of Wealhas or Welsh, before their national characteristics of lan- guage, laws, and customs had died out in those parts. Many of the Waltons were probably ** Welsh towns,' ' as Nuces Gallicae, walnuts, were *' Welsh-nuts." (Germ. . Wdlsche nusSj i.e., foreign nut.) Dorset, the settle- ment of the Diirotriges, as they were called by the Romans (W. dwr water, and trigo to dwell) dwellers near the water or sea, and so on in great numbers. In short, to trace all the Celtic elements found in names of places in England would occupy scores of pages. Let the above suffice as a fraction of a body of evidence to the ethnologist most interesting. Whithersoever the Cymry have gone, whether into the body of a new race by junction with their conquerors, or to find shelter among their already teeming brethren in Wales, there remain the memorials of their former residence in England, unobliterated by change of language or lapse of time. These names are not those of regions of country, kingdoms, or of a whole 462 The Pedigree 0/ the English. land, which might have caught hold of their objects for- tuitously, or might afford room for much uncertainty as to their real meaning and origin ; but they are the names of hundreds and hundreds of the rivers, brooks, hills, vales, hamlets and homesteads of England. They mark the places of chief importance in early periods of society, and in times when the inhabitants had to watch their foes from their dins, and protect themselves from attack in their caers. They lived in the sheltered dingles {nants), pastured their flocks in the fertile vales {dols), marked their localities and judged of distances by the highest surrounding hills or mountains {pens, craigs, and tors), and drew their subdividing lines along the course of the rivers and brooks {avonsy dwrs, rhyds. Sec.) They gave all these names, according to some specific feature in each, constituting its differentia, and these names and objects have come down, or rather have remained stationary, witnessing the lapse of many ages, until we have made our appearance on the scene to read their history, admire their appropriateness, and dream of the long past which their scanty light en- ables us faintly to discern. They speak to us in the language of the Cy^nbri, and, amongst other things declare, in clear accents, that the Cy^nbri, or Cymry, not only lived at the foot of those pens and craigs, on those dots, and in those caers, but that when disturbed and dispossessed, they still continued so long and held such place of influence amongst their Local Names as Evidence of Adjnixture. 463 conquerors, that the names of all the chief features of the country, although purely Cymbric, became familiar to the Saxons, were adopted by them in detail, and became part and parcel of their tongue. 2. The Celtic local names of England as furnishing evidence of admixture of race. Is it not a fact virtually indisputable that the adop- tion by anew people of local names imposed by their pre- decessors involves conditions which unavoidably imply race-amalgamation ? The case is precisely analogous to that of language. The language of an intrusive people cannot be penetrated and tinged, deeply and permanently, by that of the people subdued — as we have proved the English language to have been by the Ancient British — in the absence of that prolonged and familiar intercourse which could not fail of issuing in those social and domestic ties and that mutual good understanding, which, by degrees, would oblite- rate all prominent distinctions of race. That the Anglo-Saxons should receive the geographical nomen- clature of the Britons, if, as argued by some, the Britons had been swept from the land, must for ever remain inexplicable. The assumption of the dis- placement of the British race is so gratuitous that had it not become the basis of a national article of historic faith, it could deserve no serious consideration. That it is entirely unauthorised by history, the reader, we would fain hope, is by this time fully persuaded. 464 The Pedigree of the English. For any reliable and distinct statements which have reached us to the contrary, we are at per- fect liberty to maintain that the Britons were no more displaced by the Saxons than were the Saxons after- wards by the Danes or Normans. They had not been driven out by the Romans ; they had formed the habit, so to speak, of clinging to their native soil under the rule of strangers; the new rule of the Saxons found them a people partly predisposed, if an heroic effort for Independence failed of success, to submit, and continue on the land which from time immemorial their fathers had called their own. Only the most stubbornly persistent patriots, too dazzled by the brilliant pros- pects of liberty to see the inevitable fact of their national overthrow, continued to struggle, receding further and further to the West with the setting sun of their hopes, and entrenching themselves at last in the natural fortresses of Cambria. Never did they cease, for seven hundred years, to do two things — fight the Saxon, and pronounce maledictions on those ** recreant" brethren of theirs, who, by entering into ** league and confederacy with the Saxons,'' took the ** crown of monarchy from the nation of the Cymry." * At the same same time, though local names prove much, they have a limit in value; and that limit must be defined. Topographical names, traceable to a certain lan- guage, are witnesses to the settlement in those locali- * Triad ix. M^t. Arch, of Waks, ii. 58. Value of Topographical Names, 465 ties of a people speaking that language, and that they were either the first or the most influential, or the longest dwellers in those regions, so that the rivers, lakes, mountains, &c., ever after bore the designations they had impressed upon them. But they do not absolutely prove the aboriginal character of their authors ; for in times when nomadic people moved freely from place to place, repeated occupation might occur before a settle- ment prolonged enough to tabulate the natural features of the country under fixed names was effected. Nor do they absolutely prove, of themselves, that the pro- longed settlers who gave them, did not afterwards move off to foreign climes, and have a long series of successors to their ancient property before the properly historic age arrived, and that property was permanently appropriated. To make their evidence conclusive as to this matter, the witness of history must be introduced. But granting all deductions and qualifications, topographical names have a substantial value in proof of national incorporation. Their transmission could only be effected by intercourse. In those days when the Ancient British local names of England were trans- fused into the alien Anglo-Saxon speech there were no works on geography, no accurately drawn and coloured maps, no surveys with a well defined nomen- clature published, whereby, without personal association and oral teaching, the long imposed names of river,, crag, and forest, fortress, road, and mountain, could be accurately learned. The Britons had no itinerary H H 466 The Pedigree of the English, describing their highways and military posts, no Notitia Imperii, naming every town and castle, river, marsh, and mountain, in the land, by the reading of which on their casual discovery, and after the gigantic achievement of learning the unknown tongue in which they were written — a practical impossibility on the hypothesis that the whole race had suddenly and totally disappeared — the new comers might learn the names which had been in use. How then could the Anglo-Saxon come at a knowledge of the avons^ the pens, the do/sy &:c. ? How could he manage to make his own language talk of the geographical divisions of the country — the cantreds (W. cant, hundred, and tref, dwelling, abode), \hec07m710ts (W. cwfumwd, subdivision of a hundred), the tres, Sec, &c. ? Imagination can only descry one way. The Anglo-Saxon accomplished this difficult task in Celtic nomenclature — so uncon- genial to ages of war and semibarbarism — ^by the slow but certain method of personal ititercourse with the an- cient inhabitants. The land, we argue, was still in the main peopled by the aboriginal population — now, indeed. In a subject state — tilling the fields, clearing the forests, forging war implements, and fighting battles for their masters, and by degrees winning free- dom and citizenship by length of service and accumu- lated wealth. Many portions of the country, many important towns in the heart of what is now ** Old England,'' were still entirely in the hands of the Britons, who maintained their own usages, laws, and Value of Topographical Names, 467 language intact, acknowledging the Anglo-Saxons only as nominal masters, and exercising over them the kind of influence which the pupils of the Romans, un- successful now in war, might be expected to use towards the untutored, but strenuous children of Schleswig and Holstein. By degrees, the geography of the country would be learned ; the very dingles, rills, heaps of stones, cromlechs, camps, castles, nay, the individual homesteads of the different neighbour- hoods, would become familiar by their own proper Celtic names; the native language would die away into the aggressive Saxon, and the native population itself, forgetting old grudges, would form with the ruling race an undistinguishable mass. The ^three following positions are established by history and the nature of the case. 1. Except where a developed literature exists, un- less there be a fusion of peoples no fusion of their languages takes place. 2. Where no fusion of languages occurs, in the absence of writing transmission of local names will be scanty. 3. Where the language of a conquering race is found to be extensively charged with the common vocables and local names of the conquered, prolonged social converse and commingling of blood are fairly argued. Let those who cannot deny the Celtic origin of thousands of the geographical names of England ex- H H 2 468 The Pedigree of the English, plain how these could have been adopted on any other hypothesis than that now maintained. The aboriginal race of Britain, unfortunate in being- commemorated by little of what may be termed authen- tic history, and in having this little discredited by its alliance with that mythic and traditional lore which at least represents the spirit rather than the form and reality of their existence, are still fortunate in having the evidence of their earliest possession of the soil, and of a language of a well-ascertained type, inscribed on the rocks and mountains, and over all the great natural features of the country, as with a pen of adamant indelibly and for ever. Nations have existed which have passed away leaving no trace of long and eventful histories except a few scattered names of places, enshrining, as the amber does the fly, memem- toes of their speech, and leaving to the research and learning of the ethnologist to conjecture to what stock and era they belonged; and here the poetry and romance of local names are perfect. The old Britons have not thus entirely disappeared, and therefore, while their identity is better authenticated, the charm lent by mystery and distance is not cast around their story to the same extent. • Not only the fact of the occupation of Britain by various races is attested by local names, but the very order of occupation is clearly defined. No student of these interesting and instructive relics can doubt that Order of Occupation shown by Names, 469 the oldest of them belong to the Celts and the more recent to Danes, Normans, and English. The pri- meval footprints have been trodden upon by less ancient travellers, and the impressions made by these are again traversed, in some cases nearly effaced, by their pursuers. All the impressions bear a character, and are as incapable of being confounded with each other or referred to the same age or people as the legends of coins, the inscriptions of monuments, or the caligraphy of manuscripts of different eras and countries. The names which stretch back to the re- motest historic, and doubtless to pre-historic times, and which have played on the lips of all the genera- tions which have come and gone during the ages, as those of mountains, rivers, estuaries, unquestionably belong to the Celtic race. The great natural strong- holds, which became in course of time cities, are either Celtic or Roman, or Roman and Celtic joined, as London, Chester, Manchester. Towns, again, which bear purely Saxon names are of more modern growth. The creeks, headlands, and maritime positions which have Norse appellations — the wicks, the nesses, and holms — are easily referred to the times of Scandinavian incur- sions. Norman local names are few, and younger than the Danish ; while properly English names, though numerous, are demonstrably of very recent birth. In some cases we find the history of a thousand years, with the order of occupation, and the nationality of the name-givers, compressed in the hieroglyphics 470 The Pedigree of the English, of a single local name. DuM<5^rton has the same idea of an entrenched place thrice repeated, covering, in due order of succession, Celtic, Saxon, and later Saxon or English periods ; PENt/> conjuro. Cwmmwly Cloud, cumulus. Cwyry Wax, cera; Gael, ceir, also bor- Cybydd, Miser, cupidus, cupio. [rowed. Cyffes, Confession, confessio. Cyllell, Knife, cultellus, dim. of culter. Cymmar Partner, par. {cyd and par)^ CymharUy Compare, compare. CymmeUf Compel, compello. CymmwySf Suitable, commodus. Cymmysg, Mixed, commisceo. Cyndyn, Stubborn, contendo. Cynnwrf Disturbance, con-turba. But root of turba {cyd and torf^y is frequent in the Celtic : W. tor, a heap, tyrru, to crowd, tyrfa, a multitude (same as Lat. turba), Gael, torVs to heap up. &c. Cysial, \ Cystadl, ) As good, equal. Lat . constatus; CyssoHy Agreeing, »» con-sono. But see "jw/i," " sainy' in Append. B. Cyssyl, Council, >> concilium, con-calo. Cyssylltu, To join. »» con-solido, or sulo. Cystudd, Affliction, ji castigo. DagraUy Tears, Gr. SaKpva. Damnio, Condemn, Lat . damno. Dannodf To cast in the teeth. >) dens. Dant, Tooth, Fr. dent ; Lat. dens-tis. Das, Mow or stack. )> tas. Dawtty A gift. Lat. dono, donum. Deddf, Law, >> datum. Dedwydd, Happy, Fr. deduit Vewin, Wizard, Lat . divino. DiafoU Devil, it diabolus ; Gr. ZiapoKo^. DibynUy Depend, »> depend©. Appendix A. 565 Welsh, English. Immed. Deriv, and Cognates. Difyr, Amusing, Lat. diverto. Di/yru, To divert. „ ibid. Diffrwyth. Fruitless, „ de-fructus. Diffyg. Defect, „ de-fectus, deficio. Diffyn, Defend, „ de-fendo. Dileu, Wipe out. „ deleo. DiHw, Deluge, „ diluvium. Diserth, Desert, „ deserta, sero, fo sow — an unsown waste. Disgyn, Descend, „ descendo. Diwrnody Day, „ diurnum. Doctor^ Doctor, English ; Lat. doctus. Doeth, Wise, Lat. doctus, doceo. Dolur, Pain, Fr. douleur ; Lat. dolor. The orthography and pronunciation of this word favour its recep- tion through the Norm.- -French. Dosparthy A section. Lat, dis-partio, pars. DosparthUf Classify, „ ibid. Draig, Dragon, „ draco. Dur, Steel, „ durus (hard). Dwbl, Double, English, from Lat. duplex. Dwly Dull, „ A.-Sax. dol. Dyddy Day, Lat. dies ; A.-Sax. daeg. Dylifoy To flow. „ diluvio. Dysgl, A dish, „ discus ; Gr. hiaKo^. Dysgu, Learn, „ disco ; Gr. SiSao-Kw. Dysgedig, , Learned, „ ibid. Dystryw, Destruction, „ destruo. DystrywiOj Destroy, „ ibid. EboU Colt, „ pullus ; Gr. uoiXos. Ehrilk April, „ Aprilis (mensis) ; aper,a boar. Effaith, Effect, Prob. borrowed from English ; Lat. efficio, effectus. Efylh Twins, Lat, gemellus. Eglur, Clear, „ clarus. Eigion, Ocean, „ oceanus ; Gr. wKcavos. Eisteddy Sit, „ assideo. 566 Appendix A. Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Elfen, Element, Lat. elementum. Eli, Ointment, „ oleum ; Gr. aX€t/ji/Ao. Eluserij An alms, „ eleemosynae ; Gr. eX^rjfKxrvvrj. Erthygl, Article, English, from Lat. articulus. Esgus, Excuse, „ excuso. Esgydy A shoe, A.-Sax. gesceod, shod, from sceoy shoe ; Germ. Schuh. Esponiady * Exposition, Lat. expositio, ex-pono. Esponio, Expound, „ expono. Estroriy Stranger, „ extraneus. Estyn, Extend, „ extendo. Esgyn, Ascend, „ ascendo. EwyllySy Will, A.-Sax. willice, willingly; willa, will ; Lat. voluntas. Ffaelu, To fail, English ; A.-Sax. feallan, to fail ; Germ, fehlen. Ffagh Torch, Lat. facula. Ffair, A fair. English ; Germ. Feier (holiday. festival), and this from Lat. feriae (Roman holidays), or from forum (market-place). Ffaithy A fact. Lat. factum, facio. F/ald, A fold, A.-Sax. fald. F/als, Cunning, English, false ; Lat. fallo, falsus. Ffeneslr, Window, Lat. fenestra. F/emi, A farm. English ; A.-Sax. feorm, food, support- -hence the land which yielded support. F/armwr, Farmer, English. Fflam, Flame, Lat. flamma. FJlangell, Scourge, „ flagello; Germ. Flegel, whence Engl, flail. F/oi, To flee, Lat. fugio. F/orch, Fork, English ; Lat. furca. F/orddy Way, road. A.-Sax. ford, a shallow in a stream, a ford. Fforlutty Fortune, Lat. fortuna. F/6s, A ditch, ,, fossa, fodio. F/nuyn, Bridle, Fr. frein ; Lat. frajnum. Appendix A. 567 Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Ffrwyth^ Fruit, English ; Lat. fructus. F/ugyr, Figure, Lat. figura. Ffumery Chimney, Fr. fumer (to smoke) ; Lat. fume- Ffurfy Form, Lat. forma. [rium, Ffurfio, To shape, „ formo. Ffuf'fa/en, Firmament, ,, firmamentum. Ffysl, Flail, „ fustis. Ffwrn, Furnace, Fr. fourne, Lat. furnum. Ffynon^ Fountain, Lat. fons. Ffyrfy Firm, „ firmus. Gafr, A goat, ,, capra. Gardd, Garden, A. -Sax. geard ; Germ. Garten. Garthy Inclosure, Ibid. Ge-niy A gem English, from Lat. gemma. Gonesty Honest, „ „ honestus. Goreuro, To gild. See ^^ aur^ Gormody Excess, • Lat. modus ; and W. gor, extreme. GrissilU Gridiron, „ craticula. Gradd, Degree, „ gradus. Grammadeg, Grammar, „ grammatica ; Gr. ypafifia, ' (writing). From one etymon have sprung ypa/x/>ta, from ypa) lixivium ; A.-Sax., laeg. Lleng, Legion, >j legio. Llesg, Faint, feeble. >> laxus. Llew, Lion, >> leo. Llewpard, Leopard, English. Lat. leo-pardus. Llinell, A line. Lat . linea. See '* //^V App. B. Llith, A lesson. >> litera. Llun {dydd\ Monday, >> luna (the moon). Llun, LlunWy Figure, To shape. )■■ lineo, delinio, to portray. Llurig, Coat of mail, )> lorica. Llusern, Lantern, >> lucerna, lux. Llyfn, Smooth, >> laevis ; Gr. Xctos. Llyfr, Book, )> liber. But conf. " llyfr. Append. B. Llythyr, A letter, >) litera. Llythyrenog, Learned, >> ibid. Llythyraeth, Orthography, >> ibid. Llythyren, Alphabetic letter, „ ibid. "^ Machlyd, Setting of sun, )> occludo. Magwr, A wall. )> maceria. Mai, May, )> Maiae (mensis). Malais, Malice, English. Lat. malitia, malus. 570 Appendix A. Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Manegy A glove, Fr. manique; Lat. manus (hand). MantaiSy Advantage, „ avantage. Mantell, Mantle, A.-Sax., maentel; Germ. Mantel. Marchnady Market, English ; Germ. Markt ; Lat. mercor, mercator. Maten, A mat, English ; A.-Sax. meatte. Mawrth {dydd\ Tuesday, Lat. Mars, Martis (dies). Mawrth (?fizs), March, „ (mensis). Mei'dr, Measure, „ metrum ; Gr. fxerpov. Meddwi, Get drunk. Gr. fjieOvto. But conf. *'medd:' Meddyg, Physician, Lat. medicus. [Append. B. Medi, To reap. „ meto. Medi {mis), September, „ ibid. Meistr, Master, English ; Lat. magister. MelldigOy To curse. Lat. male-dico. Melldith, A curse, „ male-dictum. MelldilhiOy To curse. „ ibid. Melyrty Yellow, Lat. melinus ; Gr. ficXtvo? ; Ital. giallo, whence, yellow ; Germ. gelb. MemrwHy Parchment, „ membrana. Mln,y fen, Waggon, the wain, A.-Sax., waen ; Gael, feun, ib. Mercher {dydd\ Wednesday, Lat. Mercurii (dies). Merthyry Martyr, „ martyrus ; Gr. /mpTvp. Metely Metal, „ metellum ; Gr. /actoAAov. Milwry Soldier, „ miles. Moddy Manner, „ modus. MoeSy Behaviour, „ mos, gen. moris. Moesoly Moral, „ „ moralis. Morwyity Virgin, „ Virgo, gen. vir-ginis. Mudy Mute, „ mutus ; Ft. muet. MUTy Wall, „ murus. MwydOy Moisten, „ madeo. Myfyrioy Meditate, „ memoro. Mymrytiy A particle. ,, minima res. Mynachy A monk. „ monachus ; Gr. /liomxos, Mynachdyy Monastery, „ ibid., and (y, a house* Mynydy A minute, English ; Fr. minute ; Lat. minutus. Appendix A. 571 Welsh. Mynwent, erections Mysg, Cym-mysgUf Natur, Naturiol, Neb, Neges, Nifer, Ntd, Noeth, Nwyfus, Odl, awdl, Oed, Oged, Ogof, OleWy Ongl, Orgraph, Orwyrain, dwyraiUf Pabell, Padell, Pal, Palas, Palf, Pannu, Papur, Par, Pared, Parod, Parth, Pau, Pawl, English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Graveyard, Lat. monumentum -Because of in memory of the dead, and to admonish the living. Among, To mix. Nature, Natural, None, Errand, Number, A mark. Naked, Vigorous, An ode, ^ rhyme, j Age, Harrow, A cave. Oil, A corner. Orthography, iA.-Sax. miscan ; Germ, mischen ; Lat. misceo, Lat. natura. „ ibid. „ nemo. Fr. negoce ; Lat. negotium. Lat. numerus. „ nota. „ nudus. „ navus. „ oda. „ aetas. „ occa. „ cavus. But see " cafn,^^ ^Uau^ in Append. B. „ oleum. Vide same. App. B. angulus. The east, quarter \ of sunrising, ) orthographia. Append. B. orior, oriens. See " crafii^ Pavilion, A pan. Spade, Palace, Paw, palm of hand To full. Paper, A pair, A wall. Ready, Part, The country, A pole, Fr. pavilion. Lat. patella. „ pala ; A. -Sax. pal, a stake. Fr. palais ; Lat. palatium. , Lat. palma ; Fr. palme. „ pannus, a cloth. Fr. papier ; Gr. TraTrvpos. Lat. par. Span, pared ; Lat. parietes. Lat. paro, paratus. Lat. pars, gen., partis. Fr. pays. Lat. palus. 572 Appendix A. Welsh, Pen-elytij Pererin, Ferffatthy Periglory Peroriaethy Person, Perlhyn, Perygl, PescUy PiliOy Pistyll, Plethu, PlygUy Poerty Pont, Porchelly Porphor, Porih, Poriretadu, Post, Pothell, Poitel, Praidd, Prawf, Profi, Profiad, Preseh, Presenol, Pris, Prif, Proffes, Pruddy Punt, weight of scillingas ; Pur English. Immed, Deriv, and Cognates, Elbow, Lat. ulna. Pilgrim, ,, peregrinus (per-ager). Perfect, Fr. perfait ; Lat. perfectus. A priest, „ periculum. The Welsh viewed the priest as oneaverting "danger." Music, Person, Belonging to. Danger, To feed, To peel. Conduit, To plait. To bend. Pain, A bridge, Young pig, a pork, Purple, A gate. To portray, A post. Blister, Bottle, A flock. Proof, To prove. Experience, Manger, Present, Price, Chief, Profession, „ os,oris. Prob. *'/^r"fr.purus. „ persona, sono. Lat. pertineo. „ periculum ; Fr. p6ril. ,, pas CO ; Gr. PwiKin. „ pilo. „ fistula. „ plico ; Germ, flechten. But, see "//y^w,'' Append. B. „ ibid. But see Append-. B. „ poena ; A.-Sax. pin. „ pons, gen. pontis. „ porcellus. „ purpura, or Gr. 'iropvpa. „ porta, Fr. portraire. „ poste, Lat. postis, pono. Lat. pustula. Fr. bouteille ; Ital. bottiglia. Lat. praeda. probo. ibid, ibid, prccsepe. prcescns. prai-surti. English ; or Fr.prix; Lat.pretium. Lat. primus. English ; Lat. profiteor, professus. Wise, thoughtful, Fr. prude ; Lat. prudens. A pound sterling, A.-Sax. pund ; Germ. Pfund, a money (Lat. liber). The Norman pound was = 20 the Saxon, 48 ; the Mercian, 60 scillingas. Pure, Lat. purus. Appendix A. 573 Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Pwdr, Rotten, Lat. putris. Pwnc, Point, „ punctum. Pwrcas, Purchase, English ; or Fr. pourchasser, to obtain by buying. Pwys, Weight, Fr. peser ; Lat. pendeo. PivysOy To weigh. „ ibid. Pivyth, Recompense, Lat. pactum. Pj'dew, Pit, „ puteus. Pj'g, Pitch, A.-Sax. pic ; Lat. pix. Pj'sg, Fish, „ fisc ; Germ. Fisch ; Lat. pisces. Pj'sgotwr, Fisherman, Lat. piscator. [Lat. rectum. Rhaith, Law, right. A.-Sax. reht, riht ; Germ. Recht ; Rhaith, A jury, A.-Sax. raed, Germ. Rath, counsel. 'advice, ''Rhaith;' law. and ''rhaith;^ a jury, seem to be related to ' each other like A.-Sax. riht and raed, and Germ. Recht and Rath. Rhadell, A grater, Lat. radula. PhamaniuSf Romantic, Fr. romantique. (Romanus.) Rheihio, To seize, bewitch, Lat. rapio. Rhastel, Hay rack. Ital. rastello, palisades. Rhaw, A shovel. Lat. rado. RhelyWy Residue, „ relinquae, Fr. relique. Rheol, Rule, A.-Sax. regol ; Lat. regula. Rheswm, Reason, Fr. raison ; Lat, ratio. Rhesymu, To reason. „ ibid. Rhialtwchf Pomp, state, Eng. royalty ; Fr. royaut6. Rhidyll, Riddle, A.-Sax. hriddel ; Germ. Rader. Rhingciany To gnash, Lat. ringor. Rhbd, A wheel. „ rota. Rhuo, To roar, Lat. rugio ; Gr. <5pva>. Rhwyd, A net. • „ rete. Rhwyf, An oar. „ remus, Fr. rame. RhyfeU War, „ rebello, bellum. Segru, Sat apart. „ sacer, sacro. Sadwrn {dydd] ), Saturday, „ Saturni (dies). 574 Appendix A. Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Saer, Carpenter, English saw-er, now sawyer, one who uses the saw. Sail, Foundation, A.-Sax. syl; Lat. solum. Sam, Sarnu, A causeway, \ To strew, j Lat. sterno. Sarph, Serpent, „ serpens. Sebon, Soap, Fr. savon; Lat. sapo; Ital. sapona; Gael, siabunn. Segur, Idle, Lat. securus, sine-cura. Senedd, Senate, „ senatus, senis. Seneddwr, Senator, „ senator. Serio, To sear, A.-Sax. seoran. Siamply Example, English ; Lat. exemplum. Sicr, Certain, Germ, sicher ; Lat. securus. Sicrhau, Assure, „ ibid. Siengl^ Single, English ; Lat. singulus. Sill, \ Sillaf, ] Syllable, ' Engl, or Lat. syllaba; Gr. (rvXXaprf (taking together letters). Uncert. from which of these the Welsh is borrowed. Sionc, Active, Lat. juvencus (young). Soddi, \ Suddo, ) To sink, ' A.-Sax. scothan (to boil, seethe), hence " sodden" ; Lat. sido. Sugno, To suck. Lat. sugo ; A.-Sax. sucan. Stigyh Stile, A.-Sax. stigel. Swch, Ploughshare, Fr. soc ; Lat. seco. Swill, Shilling, Lat. solidus. Swmkul, A goad. „ stimulus. Symhylu, To stimulate. „ ibid. Swn, Sound, Fr. son ; Lat. sonus. Though a common etymon exists, this particular form seems to be thus derived. See swn, sain, in Append. B. Swydd, • Office, Lat. situs. Syher, Sober, proper, „ sobrius, or Fr. sobre. Sych, Dry, „ siccus. Sylfaen, Foundation, A.-Sax. syl, and W. ma^n, a stone. Syml, Simple, Lat. simplex. Symmud, To remove, „ se-moveo, motus. Appendix A. 575 Welsh. SyniOf Taenu, T6n, English. Perceive, To spread, Tafarn, Tavern, Taradr, Auger, Tarfu, To scare, Tasg, Tax, Tewi, To be silent. Terfyn, End, bound, Terfysg, Commotion, TerfysgUy To make a com motion. Teyrn, A king. Teyrnas, Kingdom, Teitl, Title, Tone, Traddodi, To deliver, Traddodiad, Tradition, Traethu, Relate, treat of. Trafaely Travel, labor, TrafaelUy To travel, Trawsty A beam. Trehk . Treble, Trist, Sad, Trosedd, Transgression, Trwsio, Tie, or gird up, Tryheddj Trivet, Trysor, Treasure, Tymestl, Tempest, Tymer, Temper, Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Lat. sentio. Sometimes der. from Lat. tendo. But see taenu, teneu, Append. B. English, from Lat. taberna. Fr. touret ; Lat. terebra. Lat. turbo. Lat. taxo ; Gr. racrcro). Lat. taceo. ,, terminus. „ misceo. Terjysgu, as if from /(?^ (a crowd) ox twrWy (noise), and mysgu. „ ibid. ,, tyrannus, Gr. rvpawos. „ ibid. „ titulus; scarcely naturalized in Welsh, but in gen. use. „ tonus, prob. borrowed from English. „ trado, tradidi. „ ibid. „ tracto, like J^aith from factum. Fr. travail (s.), travailler (v.) Ibid. Lat. transtrum. English. Not quite naturalized, but in common use. Lat. triplex. Fr. triste ; Lat. tristis. Lat. transeo-itum. Fr. trousser. English ; Lat. tripes ; Fr. trepie, Fr. tresor ; Lat. thesaurus ; Gr. Lat. tempestas, tempus. English ; Lat. tempero, ib. 576 Appendix A. Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Tymmygy Timely, English ; A.-Sax. tima (time), has a common root with tempus. Tymp, Time of child- birth, Lat. tempus. Tyner, Tender, „ tener. Tyst, Witness, „ testis. '^ Ufydd, Obedient, „ obedio ;/ substituted for h. Ugain, Ugaint, , Lat. viginti ; but a common root Twenty, is seen inGr.ctKoo-t; Lat.z'/^inti ; W. w^ain ; Gael. fichQ2A. Urdd, Urddas, Order, ordination Dignity, 1 Lat. ordo. Usurtaeth, Usury, English ; from Lat. usura ; scarcely naturalized. Uwd, . . . Lat. uvidus (spoon meat). Vmhal/alUf To grope. „ palma. Ymerawdwry Emperor, „ imperator. Ymerodraeihy Empire, „ ibid. {Ymerawdwraefh.) Ymgeleddu, To cherish, „ colo. Pref. jw, reflexive. Ysgeler, Wicked, „ scelerosus. Ysgol School, „ schola ; Gr. oxoX^. Ysgoh A ladder, „ scala. Ysgritiy A chest. „ scrinium. Ysgub, A sheaf. „ scopae. Ysguhelh A broom. „ scopula. Yspaidy A space of time. „ spatium. Ysplennyddy Bright, splendid, „ splendidus, Yspryd, Spirit, „ spiritus, spiro. Yspytty, Hospital, „ hospitium. Ystad, Estate, English ; Fr. etat ; Lat. statum, ** established possession." Ystafell, Chamber, a room. Lat. stabulum. Ysiod, Space, course, „ stadium. Ystol, A stool, A.-Sax. stol. Ysion, History, Lat. historia. Appendix A. 577 Welsh. English. Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Ystorm, A storm. A.-Sax. storm. Fstrad, Vale, street, Lat. stratum, sterno. Vsu, Eat, devour. „ edo-esum. Vswain, Esquire, orig. a Ital. signore; Lat. scutum, a shieldbearer, shield ; Fr. ecuyer, ECCLESIASTICAL AND THEOLOGICAL. Aherth, AberlhUf Aherthwr y Sacrifice, \ To sacrifice, j Sacrificer, / Lat. oifero, offertorium (a place of sacrifice). Addoh\ To worship. „ adolo. Adfent, Advent, „ advenio, adventus. Allor, Altar, „ altare. Angel, Angel, „ angelus ; Or. ayycXos. Archesgohy Archbishop, „ archiepiscopus ; Gr. o-px']' Bedydd, Baptism, \ To baptize, j „ baptizo ; Gr. /3a7rn|a> ; Gael. Bedyddio, baisteadh (same source). Beibly Bible, Prob. fr. English ; Gr. Bt^Xo?. Bendigaid, Bendigo, Blessed, \ To bless, > Lat. benedico, benedictus, bene- Bendith, Blessing, ) LliCLUiJli. Calan {dydd), First day. „ calendae. C angel I y Chancel, „ cancelli. Canghellwr, Chancellor, „ cancellarius. Capely Chapel, Fr. chapelle ; Lat. capella. CredOy Creduy Creed, \ Believe, ] Lat. credo. Crefyddy Religion, „ credo, and fides (faith). Creuy To create. „ creo. Creadury Creature, „ creatura. Creawdwry Creator, „ creator. Creadigaethy Creation, „ creatio. Crist, Christ, „ Christus ; Gr. Xptoros. CristioUy Christian, „ Christianus. Cristionogaethy Christianity, „ ibid. p p 578 Ap, t>e7idix A. We/s/i. English. Immed. Deriv. atid Cognates, CroeSy Cross, Lat. crux. Croeshoeh'ad, Crucifixion, „ crux, and W. hoelioy to nail. Cwccwlly Monk's hood, „ cucullus. Cymmun, Communion, „ con and unus, communico. CymmunOy To communicate, „ ibid. Cyffes, Confession, „ confessio, confiteor. Cyffesu, To confess, ,, ibid. Cyssegr, Holy place, „ consecro. Cyssegnad, Consecration, „ ibid. Cyssegr-ldn, Holy, ** Cyssegr" and gldn^ pure, holy. Deddf, y ddeddf, The law, . Lat. datum. Deddf-roddwr, Lawgiver, '* Dcdd/;' and rhoddt, to give. JDedd/ol, Legal, ** Deddfr and adj. term. ol. Degwm, Tithe, Lat. decem, decimal. DegymmUy To take a tenth. „ decimo. Diacoriy Deacon, „ diaconus ; Gr. StaKoros. Diafol, Devil, „ diabolus ; Gr. 8taySo\o9. Dieflyg, Devilish, *' Diafol y' with adj. term. ig. Diwinydd, Divine (s.), Lat. divinus. Diwinyddiaeth, Divinity, *' Diwinyddy' and iaelhy or aeih* marking what belongs to the divine. Duw, God, Lat. Deus ; Gr. ©coj. Duwdod, Godhead, „ divinitas. Duwiolf Godly, ** DuWy' and term, w/, indicating quality of likeness. Duwioldeb, Godliness, ** Duwioly' and term, deb. Dwyfol, Divine, Lat. divinus. EfengyU Gospel, „ evangelium ; Gr. tvaytkiov. E/eiigylaidd, Evangelical, '' Efengyir and adj. term, aidd. Efengylu, To evangelize, preach, , to ** E/engyl,'' and verb term. «. Efengylwr^ Evangelist, •* Efcngyly^ and term, ztr, deno- ting, like Eng. ^r, a masculine agent. Eghvys, Church, Fr. eglise ; Lat. ecclesia ; Gr. €KK\r](ria. The W. word i is used both for the building and the congregation of believers. EK/cXiyo-ia, by metonymy, came in like manner to have this twofold signification. Appendix A. 579 Welsh. English, Immed. Deriv. and Cognates. Eglwyswr, Churchman, '' Eglwys" and gwr, man. Elfenau^ Elements (in Lat. elementa (ultimate derivation Sacrament), unknown). Esgoh, Bishop, „ episcopus ; Gr. €7rt(TK07ros. Esgobaeth, Diocese, *^ Esgob,^^ and aeth, what belongs Esgohyddiaeth, Episcopacy, *' Esgob ''-ydd-iaeth. [to. Ffydd, Faith, Lat. fides. Ffyddlawn, Faithful, „ ibid, ''ffyddr and llatv7i, full. Garawys, Lent, ,, quadragesima. Gosper, Vespers, „ vesper. Grds, Grace, „ gratia. Graslaivn, Gracious, *' Grdsr and llawn, full. Grasusol^ Gracious, Lat. gratiosus. Gwener-y- Good Friday, Lat. Veneris (dies), crux, lectio. Groglith, The Friday on which a reading or service concerning the Crucifixion was held. Gwyl, Festival, Lat. vigiliae ; Fr. veille. GwylnoSj Watch-night, *' Gwyl,'' and nos, night — a night of watching over a corpse. Lleyg {givr), Layman, Fr. laique ; Lat. laicus. Llith, A lesson. Lat. lectio. Merthyr, A martyr, „ martyrus ; Gr. fxaprvp. Mynwent, Grave-yard, „ monumentum. Place of burial, and of erections to commemorate the dead and admonish or remind (moneo) the living. Nadolig, Christmas, Lat. natalis, nascor. Offeiriad, A priest, „ offero. Offeren, The mass. „ ibid. Offerenu, To perform mass, „ ibid. Offrwm, Sacrifice, „ ibid. Offrymuy To sacrifice, „ ibid. Ordeinio, Ordain, Eng. ; Lat. ordo, ordinis, ordinatio. Ordinhddf Ordinance, „ Lat. ordinatio. P P 2 58o Appendix A. Welsh. Pabell, Pader, Pah, Pabaiddj Pahyddiaethy Pasg, Pechadur, Pechody PechUy Periglor. Plygaitty Pregethy Pregethwry Pregethiady Prophwydy ProphwydOy English. Tabernacle, Lord's prayer, Pope, Papal, Popery, Easter, Sinner, Sin, To sin. Priest, Matins, cock-crow- A sermon, [ing. Preacher, A preaching, A prophet, \ To foretell, j Prophwydoliaethy Prophecy, Immed. Den'v. and Cognates, Fr. pavilion ; Lat. papillio. Lat. Pater (noster). Ital. papa, „ ibid. „ ibid. Lat. pascha ; Gr. Tracrxca. ** peccator. „ peccatum. „ pecco (root uncertain). ,, periculum. • „ pluma, cano. praedico, dictum. praedicator. praedicatio. propheta ; Gr. irpo, and r)fji€LVy to foretell, propheta, and W. termns. vl- t'ae/h— the one adjectival, the other nominal. Sabothy Sabotholy Sandy Sanctaiddy SancteiddiOy Sancteiddhddy Sancteiddrwyddy Holiness, Secty A sect, Sabbath, Belonging to the Sabbath, A saint, Holy, To sanctify, Sanctification, Sedariaethy Sectarianism, Suly Sunday, sunnan daeg; the sun's day worshipped the sun. SulgwyUy Whit- Sunday, Temly Trindody Temple, Trinity English ; Heb. SS^Dy rest. " Sabothy" and adj. term. oL Lat. sanctus. *' Sandy" and adj. termin. aidd. " Sandaidd" and verb termin. io. Ibid., and had, nominal term. Ibid., and rwyddy nominal term. Lat. seco, sectum. In common use, but scarcely naturalized. English, with W. termn. Lat. sol, solis (dies) ; A.-Sax. Germ. Sonntag. The Saxons " Sul" and gwyUy white. Lat. templum. „ trinitas (post-class.) Appendix A. 581 Welsh. Uffern, Urdd, Urddas, Urddo, Urddasu .! Y-stwyll, Ysgrythyr, Ysgjyihyrol, English, Hell, Order, Dignity, To ordain, Epiphany, Scripture, Scriptural, Immed. Deriv, and Cognates. „ infernum. „ ordo. „ ibid. „ ibid. „ Stella (the star of Bethlehem). „ scriptura. ,, ibid. It were easy to show that the Cymbric is not the only Celtic tongue corrupted by contact with other languages. The Cornish contains much Latin, and is saturated with English. The Manx is not free from Danish. The French ingredients found in the Armoric are numbered by thousands.^ The Gaelic, by reason of its early separation and less frequent contact with English might be supposed to have preserved its purity nearly intact, but a few examples will show how greatly it has borrowed : English, master; Gael., maighster ; merchant, marsanta ; mountain, monad h ; honour, onior; common, cumanta; image, iomhaigh; figure, fioghair ; feast, feish; {"^xXmtq, faillinn ; 6iX2c^ , dragh i dozen, dusan ; school, sgoil ; scholar, sgoilear ; devil, diahhol ; save, sabhail ; sa.CT3.ment, socra?naid ; steer, v. stmr; sum, sm'm ; board, d^rd ; time, twi ; pain, pi'an; reason, reuson ; market, margadh^ 1 See p. 55, ante. Appendix B. Cymbric Words sometimes derived from Latin, ETC., BUT WHICH SEEM TO PROCEED FROM ArYAN etymons WHICH HAVE BECOME THE COMMON PRO- PERTY OF MANY European languages. Classic, Celtic, and Teutonic. Welsh. English. Cognates. Ail, Second, other, Gr. oAAos; Lat. alius ; Gael.eill; Corn, eil ; Manx, ellej. An Earth, Vide " am." Argraph, Imprint, W. ar, upon, and cra/u, to scrape, scratch, cut ; Gael, gradhal, to engrave ; A.-Sax. grae/, a graver ; Gr. ypa(a. Am, To plough, Gael, ar, to plough ; Corn, aras, izrijz^^r, a plough ; A.-Sax. ^r/cz;/ ; to plough; Gr. dpou); Lat. aro ; related to W. ar, daear, earth ; A.-Sax. eard; Germ. Erde, earth ; Engl, ear (of corn.), and Old Engl, ear, to plough. Awcn, Poetic afflatus, ) ^- '"'' "" ""'f = """■'' " '''^'■'^ f . .. > air; avon, flowmg water ; Gael. ' / athar ; Lat. aer ; Gr. ayip. Awr, Hour, Lat. hora; Gr. «upa; Gael, uair; Germ. Uhr; Corn, our; Manx, ovr. jBonii, Morning, Gr. Trpwt; A.-Sax. morn, morgen ; Germ. Morgen ; Corn, dore ; Arm. beure. Buwch, A cow, Lat. vacca; Gr. ^ow; Gael, ho; Corn, huch; Arm. bu. Appendix B. 583 Welsh. English. Cognates. Caey An enclosure, \ Lat. castrum. Not reducible to Caer, A city, fortress, ) any Latin roots. Related to V^.cau, to close; Ir. caihair ; Corn, caer; Pers. car\ Syriac, karac ; Arab, carac ; Lat. cavus. Caeth, Shut in, captive, Lat. capio. But whence " cap" } Cymbric has cae^ an enclosure (as above) ; can, to close, en- close ; hence caer, a fortress ; Gael, comb, a guard, defence ; Corn. caeth ; Arm. kez ; Lat. cavus. Ca/n, A hollow, W. cau, hollow ; Lat. cavus, hollow ; Gael, uamh, a cave ; A. -Sax. cafer-tun, an enclosure before a dwelling. This " cafer " prob. same as W. caer. Cain, \ „., . , .- , Lat. candidus, candeo ; y\f. gwyn, „, ' [ White, beautiful, .. , An ^ Can, ) white, prob. same ; and Gael. can and fionn ; Corn, can; Arm. ih. Car, A friend, Lat. carus ; Gr. ^aptets; Gael, car; Corn, car; Arm. car; Fr. cher ; Sanscr. craiyas. Cariad, Love, Lat. caritas ; Gr. x^pts-X^Pt''05» and x^tpo) ; Gael, carantachd ; Corn, carense. Cam The end or haft \ Lat. cornu, the projecting part ; of a thing, > Ir. and Gael, cairn ; W. cam. Corn, • The horn, ) prominence, pile ; Corn, ih., as of land, " Cornwall," the horn or promontory of the Wealas, or Welsh. A.-Sax. horn; Germ. Horn. The Teutonic differs from Celtic in the rough breathing h being substituted for c. Cau, Hollow, Lat. cavus ; Gr. koIXos ; Gael. cuas, COS. Ceffyl, Horse, Gr. Kal3aXXr]<; ; Lat. caballus ; Fr. cheval; Ir. capall ; Corn, cevil (Corn, local name Pen-cevil, *' horse's head ") ; Manx, cahhyl. In use amongst peasantry in Yorkshire in Welsh form kevill. Cell, A cell, \ Lat. cella (a cell) ; celo ; Gr. Celu, To conceal, f koXKos (hollow) ; Ir. and Gael. CiL A corner, recess, I c//, <:^a//; Corn, ^^/^j (to hide); alio, To retreat. ; Sansc. cal, to cover ; Gr. Kkdw, to shut in. Cerfio, To carve. Vide ** crafu " and '' ar graph:' 584 Appendix B. Welsh. English. Cognates. Cltch, A bell, A.-Sax. clucge ; Germ. Glocke ; Fr. cloche; Gael, dag; Com. cloch ; Manx, clagg. Cor, A choir, Lat. chorus ; Gr. x^po^ » ^''• choeiir; Gael, r^z'^/r; A,-Sax. r>^^r; Germ. C/;^r, The first signif, of W, cor, is a circle, which proves its affinity to Gr. •)(ppos, a dance in a ring. Not improb. that W, coron^ Lat. corona, Gr. Kop(!)>r}, Germ. Krone, are from the same idea of a f/Vr/^ — surrounding the head. Crafu, To scrape, cut. Vide " argraph " and *'ysgnfio:' &c., Cynnwrf, or Commotion, | W. cyd, together ; iwrf, a tumult ; Cynhwrf, disturbance, j or iyrfa, a crowd, multitude; Lat. turba, a crowd ; turbo, to disturb ; W. twr, a heap, tower; Gael, tur, ib. ; A.-Sax. tor\ Germ. Thurm ; Lat. turris, &c. Vide " /wr," W. /w;;y^ is the tumult of a crowd, or tyr/a ; and tyrfa, like Lat. turba is a twr, tor, or /«r, />., a heap or accumulation (of men). Vide " tor/J' Dagrau, Tears, Gr. SaKpva ; A.-Sax. tdeher, tear ; Germ. 2a^r^; Gael, deur ; Corn. speech, saying ; cwedan, to Chwedl, A saying, ) speak ; Corn, gwesys. Appendix B. 585 Welsh. English. Cognates. Gwen^/.y White, fair^ | Also applied as an epithet and Gwjyn, m.f Beautiful, j proper name to females. A.-Sax. cwen, a queen, wife, woman. The Celtic adj. given, white, fair, has a significance, when applied as an epithet of distinction, which the A.-Sax. cwe'n has not. The latter is clearly borrowed from the former, as is proved by Cwensea, the Saxon name of the "White Sea;" Germ. " Wetsse-mer" ; Fr. " Mer- llanche^ The primitive sense of ** white " is lost to the A.-Sax. Cwen, and Eng. Queen ; and by this loss its use for a female ruler is simply arbitrary and technical. The W. ^' gwhi" retains the primitive signification, and explains the reason of the epithet. Gael, and Ir. can and fionn ; Corn, gwyn ; Arm. givenn. The root is also seen in Lat. candeo, candidus. Gwir, True, truth, Lat. verus ; Gael, fior ; Corn. gwir; Arm. gwir; Germ, wahr; Sansc. varyas, excellent; Engl, very — ** the very man." Gwin, Wine, This belongs to a class of words which from antecedent probability might be looked for in the primitive stage of most European languages. There can be no reason for deriving it into Welsh or Irish from Latin. It seems to be the property of all the Ar}^an tongues, with slight differences, initial and terminal, corresponding to the genius of each. Gr. otvos, iEol. yotvos (origin. Ftvos) Lat. vinum ; Ir. and Gael. ^(?«; Corn, and Arm., gwin ; A.-Sax., win; Germ. Wein ; Russ. vino. It is not absent from Semitic : Heb. ]^^ ain. Gwldn, Wool, (? Gr. koXov, beautiful, useful, good) Lat. lana; Gael, olann ; A.-Sslx.wuH ; Germ. Wolle. The sheep is prevailingly white in all countries, and its covering, in W. gwldn, may owe its name to its pure and white appearance, and be derived from gldn, pure, clean. Gwr, A man, . '\ Gr. yepoiv, an elder, a sena/or; Gwron, A noble, brave \ Lat. vir, Gr. apr)ench People, the, character of, 533. Frisians, the, under Ella, found Sussex, 114. Frontinus, the Roman General, subdues tlie Silures, 166. Gaelic language, differing from Cym- bric, 49. Gaels, or Gwyddils of Ireland, 48. Galgacus, his speech before battle of the Grampian Hills, 193. Gain, the Ancient, 44 ; divided into many kingdoms, 45 ; the 559 ; not the speech of the Britons, when the Saxons arrived, 218, 354 — 358; archaic words com- mon to, with Celtic, &c., Appendix B. ; not adopted by the Britons when Agricola began his command, 354 ; why it became tlie language of Gaul, 360. Latio jure donatce, TLomzn cities, 198. Leo, Dr. H., his Vorlesungen, referred to, 208, 371, 457 ; his Eerienge- schriften, and his Eectitudines, 372. Lewis Glyn Cothi, cited, 54, note. ** Litzis Saxonicujn," the, in Britain, 32, 209, 364. Lhuyd, Edward, quoted, 41 ; on Irish and Cymbric, 49, 62. Livy, referred to, 75, 155; on the com- plexion of the Gauls, 514. Lloegr (England), origin of name, 57. Lloegrians, the, a British tribe, 39, 56, 58, 62, 276, 271. Lloegrwys, the, 58, 59, 62. Llydaw, the name given by the Cymry to part of Brittany, 329. Ll5rwarch Hen, the bard, quoted, 75 ; referred to, 119, 217, 239. Lobineau, the historian, his Histoire de Bretagne, referred to, 103, 320, 329, 330. London, the period of its rise, 1 59 ; a great mart of trade in the first cen- tur>', 165. Lucan, on the Druids, 85. Lucien Bonaparte, H.I.H. Prince, as student of Celtic, 371. Mabinogion, the Welsh, 529. Mackintosh, Sir J., referred to, 68; note, 238. Mac sen Wledig QA.diXivi\ViS), 1 03. Mankind of one origin, 28 ; divisions of, 29. Manx language, the 49. Marches, region of the, 303 ; origin of the name, ib. note. Martyrs, first Christian, in Britain, 183. Matthew Paris, his Elor. Hist, quoted, Maximus, [Macsen Wledig) 103. Mercenlage, the, as source of English law, 491,493- Mercia, kingdom of, established, 115, 241 ; origin of name, 303, note. Merddyn Wyllt, quoted, 75^ Merlin, romance of, 528. Metres, the four and twenty Welsh, 80. Meyer, on Celts coming to Britain, 37. Meyrick's Origin, hihab. referred to, 71. Middle Ages, romances of the, of Celtic origin, 527 ; higher tone of mind in the, among the Vytnry, 530. Mithridates, the, of Adelung, referred to, 49, 371, 452, 454- Monasticon, Dugdale's, 286, 322. Money, pre-Roman British, 71. Monmouthshire, inhabitants of, Celtic, 305. Monumenta Historica Britannica, re- ferred to, 72 ; its catalogue of British coins defective, 99, note; quoted, 187, 249, 251, 321. Mor Tawch, the Hazy Sea, 38. 602 Index. Mountains, Celtic names of, in Eng- land, 452—454. Miiller, Max, Prof., Lectures on Lan- guage, quoted, 358 ; his opinion on the corruption of the Celtic dialects, 423, note ; referred to, 443. Municipia, Roman, in Britain, 195 — 197. Myrcnarice^ or Mercia, 304. Myvyrian Archceology of Wales ^ re- ferred to, 57, 58, 60, 61, 82, 212, 223, 267, 271, 464. Names, local, evidence of, 445 ; endu- ring nature of, 445 — 448 ; uses of, 448 ; classification of, 449 ; ethno- logical value of Celtic, 451 ; names of hills, mountains, 452 ; names of rivers, 454 ; evidence of, as to race admixture, 463 — 472 ; history written in, 468 ; order of occupation of Brit- ain commemorated in, 469, Teutonic in Wales, 481; as proof of race ad- mixture, 544. Names, personal, evidence of, 472 ; surnames of recent origin, 473 ; value of, as proof of admixture, 477 ; de- rived from Scripture, ib. ; disuse in modem times of both Celtic and Saxon, 478 ; recent Celtic, in Eng- land, 479 ; Welsh, 480 ; Scotch, 481 ; Irish, ib.; Teutonic, in Wales, 481. Napoleon, the Emperor, his CcBsar, re- ferred to, 46 ; on Caesar's point of embarcation and debarcation, 95, 97. Nash, D.W., F.S.A., on Gaulish in- scriptions, 591. Nationality, how viewed by the popu- lace, 269. Nations, composite character of, 21 ; ancient, obscure origin of, 22 ; quies- cent, not progressive, 20. Nennius, referred to, 103, III, 113, 1 15, 176, 233, 236, 237. Nervii, a Celtic tribe, 34. Neustria, Rollo conquers, 129. Niebuhr, Rom. Ilist,^ referred to, 196. Non Angli sed Angeli, 144, 555. Norman Conquest, 129; influence of, on ethnology of England, 313, 334; tlic muster for the, 319; the anny largely mnde up of Celts, 323, 326— 335 ; commemorated in Breton poetry, 333. Norman descent, pride of, 318. Normandy, Rollo settles in, 129, 314 ; Ethelred flies to, 130; early people of, Celts, 135 ; later people of, not Normans, 314. Normans, the, invade England, 129; of kindred blood with the Danes and Saxons, ib., 130, 314; their settle- ment in Neustria, 129 ; basis of William's claim to the English throne, 130; their influence in Eng- land before the Conquest, 131 ; gain the battle of Hastings, 133 ; the number of their army, ib., note ; their army largely composed of Celtic soldiers, 135 ; only in a small degree affected the ethnological character of the English, ib.\ all "Normans" not Northmen, 315. Northumbria, tlie Saxon kingdom of, established by Ida, 115, 116, 295; inhabitants of, maiiJy Celtic, 311. Norwegians inundate Cumberland, 311. Notitia Imperii, on the tribes of Britain, 187, 197. Occupation of Britain, order of, com- memorated in local names, 468 — 470. Offa's dyke, 302. Oldham, dialect of, specimen of, 56. Ordericus Vitalis, quoted, 319. Origen, refers to the Britons, 183. Ostorius, the Roman General, opposed to Caractacus, 100; subdues Britain as far as Yorkshire, loi, 160; meets the Silures, 161 ; the boast of the Silures respecting his death, 163. Owl and Nightingale, 414. Palgrave, Sir F., referred to, 31, 42, 105, 280, 292, 293, 363, 488, 490, 493. Pedigree, the, of the English, a short one, 141 ; how written, 539. Pedigrees, Welsh and Irish, 474. Pelagius (Morgan), a Briton, 184; his speculations, ib.; his errors embraced in Britain, ib.; confuted, 185. Pelasgi, the, 24. Pembrokeshire, Saxon, Danish, and P>ench local and personal names in, 482. Pen and hen^ value of, as test words, 452, note. Pendragon, the office of, among the Britons, no, 112, 156. PenUulUi the law of, 229. Index. 603 Pharsalia, Lucan's, quoted, 85. Philology, the evidence of, on admix- ture of race in Britain, 351 ; limita- tion of its use, ih.; its testimony clear, 352. Pictet, M., on Gaulish inscriptions, 591. Pictish local names, 53 ; Kings, 54 ; personal names, ib. Picts, the, and Scots, 52 ; a branch of the Cymry, 53, 109 ; the Caledonii first called by the name, 176 ; break over the wall of Severus, ib.; late use of the name, 299, 300. Piers Plowman, Vision of, quoted, 78. Pike, L. O., M.A., his English and their Origin, referred to, 375, 376. Pliny, quoted, 77, note. Poetry, modem *' regular " "Welsh, specimen of, 80. Political state of society, as indicative of admixture of Britons and Saxons, 335- Pontifex, the origin of the epithet, 360, note. Population, of Britain, in Roman times, 145 ; was large, 146 ; Hiniilco, on, ih.; Caesar's testimony on, 148; ca- pable of yielding revenue, 151 ; ex- pulsion of, not the Roman policy, 152 ; extent and power of, under the Romans, 156 ; distribution of, in Roman times, 185 ; Roman, in Brit- ain, 207 ; proportion of Danes in the, 310 ; of England, in Edward the Confessor's time, 336; divisions of, in Edward's time, 337 ; the servile class of, 339, 346; Celtic accession to, in modem times from Wales, 480 ; from Ireland, 481 ; Celtic addition to, by Huguenot refugees, 537. Pott's Etym. Forschungen, 454. Prichard, J. C, his works referred to, 30? 52, 355 ; on complexion of the Germans, 505 ; on effect of town life, &c., on complexion, 508 ; on the cranium of civilized races, 517. Procopius, De Bell. Goth., quoted, 363. Provincia, the Roman, 158. Prydain, the Triad on, 58. Psychological characteristics of the English, 523, 536. Ptolemy, his Geogr., referred to, ill ; on the tribes of Britain, 187 — 190. Pughe, Dr. W. O., his theory of the Welsh language erroneous, 422 ; his Dictionary of Welsh language, 423. Race, absolute purity of impossible, 19 ; the Ancient Britons of one, 27 ; leading race divisions of mankind, 28 ; early relation of the Celtic and Teutonic, 29 ; admixture of, in Bri- tain commencing, 91 ; the Roman, in Britain, 94; the Teutonic, 109; the Scandinavian or Danish branch of the Teutonic, in Britain, 120 ; the Norman-French branch of the Teu- tonic, in Britain, 129 ; the Argument for admixture of, 139 ; race com- ponents of the English people, 140. Raed-horan, the, of the British, in Devon, recognised as co-ordinate with the Witan of Wessex, 292. Reduplication in local names, 453 note^ 470. Retzius, on the Celtic skull, 520. Revenue, the Britons yield, to Romans, 150. Rex, Latin, used in early Welsh, 217. Richard of Cirencester, quoted, 102, 176, 183 ; on the tribes of Britain, 187, 190 ; quoted, 232. Richard Coeur de Lion, 528, Richmond Castle, first built by the Celtic Chief, Alain of Brittany, 322. Rivers, Celtic names of, 55, 454 — 457 ; on the Continent, 456 Riwallon de- Gael, of Brittany, in William's army, 320. Robert of Gloucester'' s ChronicUy 130, 414. Rollo, the Dane, visits England, 314 ; invades Neustria, 314 , creates a Celto- Norman race, ib. Roman araiy, in Britain, magnitude of, 106, 180; how composed, 215. Roman invasion of Britain, 68, 94. Roman magnificence reproduced in Britain, 210—213. Roman population, in Britain, 207 ; chief officials in Britain, 208. Romance literature, the, of the Middle ages of Celtic origin, 527 — 531. Romans, the, origin of, 24 ; invade Britain, 68, 94 ; retire from Britain, 103 ; occupy Britain 465 years, 103 ; tlieir policy was not to extirpate the population, 152 ; wise as conquerors, 153 ; unsurpassed in government, 154 ; their theory of parental govern- ment, 155 ; aimed not at a united "nationality," ib. ; their slow pro- giess in tlie subjugation of Britain, 6o4 Lidex, 158 ; exhausted by the campaign against the Silures, 163 ; their troubles increase, 177; withdraw from Britain when deprived of mihtary protection, 210 — 213; admixture of, with Biitons, 214; effect of their conquest on the spirit of the Britons, 226. Rosini's Antiq. Roman. 195, 198. Saint Alban's (Verulamium), the in- surrection of the Britons at, 165. Salopia Antiqua, Hartshome's, 360. Savigny,his Zeitschrift, reierredto, 195. Saxon, /'.nglo-, conquest, its beginning, 109, III ; Hengist and Horsa, 112 ; the successive arrivals and settle- ments, 114; the Triad on, di. Saxon Chronicle, the, referred to, ill, 114, 115, 122—126, 212, 236, 237, 241, 266, 296, 298, 300. Saxon kingdoms, the, territories em- braced by, 116 ; wars between, 241. *' Saxon shore," the, or Litus Saxoni- cum, 32, 209, 364. Saxons, the, lirst permanent alien settlers in Britain, 62 ; previous visits of, to Britain, ill, 175; their original region, 1 11 ; their conquest of Britain, 109 ; the slowness of their progress, 233 — 24,3. Scandinavia, 32, 37. Scandinavian languages, 363, 430. Schmid, Dr. R., his Gesetze der An- gelsachsen, quoted, 343. Science and art in ancient Britain, 69, 76, 81. Scotch, the, influx of in modern times into England, 480 ; character of, 533 ; ethnology of, 534. Scotland, lirst peopled, 48 ; language of ancient, 49 ; origin of name, 176; conquered with difliculty by the Romans, 168 — 170, 172 ; had three Roman cities of the "Latian Law," 202 ; the kingdom of Strathclyde united to, 242 ; inhabitants of Low- lands of, Celtic, 294. Scots, the, come from Ireland, 53 ; the Caledonii fust called Picts and, 176. Segontiaci, the, 149. Semi-Saxon age, English of the, charged with Celtic, 414. Seneca makes a loan to the Britons, 177. Sepulchres, ancient, as sources of his- tory, 73. Severus, the Emperor, in Britain, 102 ; his hazardous campaign in Caledonia, 171 ; builds a rampart to restrain the Caledonians, 172. Shrewsbury \Pengwern) capital of Powis, 302. Silures, the, of South "Wales, meet Ostorius, 161 ; Caractacus's address to them before the battle of Caer- Caradog, 162 ; are defeated, ib. ; are finally subdued, 167, Sithcundmen, the order of, in Anglo- Saxon society, 338. Smiles, Mr. S., on the Huguenots, quoted, 537, note. Society, state of, in early times, as in- dicative of admixture between Britons and Saxons, 335 ; constitution of, among the Anglo-Saxons, 336. Sockmanni, the class of, in Anglo- Saxon times, 341. Souvestre, M., on the Belgae, 44 ; on the Breton language, 47. Sozomen, the historian, 176. St. John's Four Conquests of England ^ 450. " Standard," battle of the, 300. Stanley, Dean, on Jewish Church, quoted, 448. Statistics of the tribes of Britain, 185 — 190. Stillingfleet, his Origin. Brit, referred to, 185. Stipend iaricB, Roman towns, named, 1 99. Strabo, on the Cumbri, 41 ; his account of the Britons, 65, 66, 74, 76, 95, 140, 152 ; on the complexion of the Gauls and Britons, 515. Strathclyde, the kingdom of, incorpo- rated with Scotland, 242 ; its Celtic character to a late date, 294, 296 ; the Britons of, choose Edward as lord, 296, Suetonius, the Roman general, opposes Boadicea, 102 ; slaughters the Druids of Anglesey, ib. ; again referred to, 1 64 ; his great preparations to meet Boadicea, 165. Surnames, a modem invention, 473. Swcyn, the Dane, gains the English throne, 127. Tacitus, on the valour of the Britons, 68, referred to, 45, 46, 67, 68, loi, 102, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 179,180, 181, 194; his life of Index. 605 Agiicola, 102 ; his Annates referred to, ih. ; en the progress of the Britons under Agricola, 105, note ; on complexion of the Germans, 503 ; on complexion of the Caledonians and Silurians, 514. Tal, Welsh word for head, 54. Taliesin, referred to, 119, 217, 271. Tamar, the river, made the boundary of the Britons, 289. Tanaisty the epithet, its etymology, 298. Taylor's, Rev. Is., Words and Places, quoted or referred to, 360, 450, 504. Tertullian, refers to the Britons, 183 ; on hair-colour of Africans, 502. Teutonic and Celtic languages related, 30. Teutons and Celts related, 29. Theodoret, the historian, referred to, 176. Theowes, in Anglo-Saxon society, 338. Thierry, Amadee, his Hist, des Gaulois, refen-ed to, 591. Thierry, Aug., his Conquete d^Angle- terre referred to, 129, 131, 133, 322. Thirlwall's, Bp., Jlist. of Greece re- ferred to, 25. Thommerel's, De, Recherches sur la Fusion, &'c., referred to, 365, 443. Thucydides, on origin of Hellenes, 23. Tim Bobbin, works of, quoted, 56. Torques, golden, used by Ancient Britons, 75. Towns, Celtic names of, in England, 458 — 463 ; and on the Continent, 460. Towns, Roman, in Britain, 195 — 206 ; their nature and purposes, 196. Tre, Welsh for abode, 41, 324, 458. Triads, the Welsh, evidence of, 57 — 62, 144, 197, 235 ; probable relation of, to Druidism, 80 ; the wisdom they enshrine, 81 ; their terseness and ful- ness, 81 ; Pythagorean in tone, 81 ; Christian in doctrine, 81 ; an index to culture of Britons, 81 ; examples of the, 82, 464. Tribes of Britain, mentioned by Caesar, 188 ; mentioned by Ptolemy, 189 ; by Richard of Cirencester, 190; some of them powerful, 194. Trinobantes, oppose Caesar, 99, 149. Trouveres Poetry of France, 528. Tun, the Anglo-Saxon, or town, 337. Turner, Sharon, refened to, ill, 330, 331. Tweed, river, river names related to, 55. Twelfhaendmen, order of, in Anglo- Saxon times, 338. Twihaendmen, the order of, in Anglo- Saxon times, 338. United States, the people of the, not "Anglo-Saxons," 557. Unity of the hmnan race, 28. Ussher's, Archb., Eccles. Brit, quoted, 185, 233. Valleys, Celtic names of, in England, 457 ; on the Continent, 458. Vassalage, Saxon laws of, identical with the Ancient British. 492. Venedotia, name of North Wales, cog- nate with Veneti in Brittany, Veneti in Italy, 143. Veneti, the name, cognate with Welsh, Gwynedd, Venetia, &c., 143. note. Verulamium (St. Alban's), the great slaughter of Roman allies at, 165 ; one of the two Roman Municipia in Britain, 197. Villani, the class of, in Anglo-Saxon times, 340 ; the Britons supposed to be placed among the, 340. Villemarque, Vicomte H. H. de la, quoted, 333. Vilmar's Ortsnamen, 454. Virgil, quoted, 64, 154. Vocabularies, volume of, 415- Vortigem {Gwrtheynt), invites Hengist and Horsa, 112, 234; marries Rhon- wen, 236 ; claims the office of Pen- dragon, 230 ; condemned by the Triads, 235 ; the bard Golyddan on, 267. Wales, the Silures of, attacked by the Romans, 161 ; the Druids of, exter- minated, 164 ; Wales hitherto vir- tually independent, 166 ; Frontinus subdues the Silures of, 167 ; early Christian martyrs in, 183 ; one only of the Roman Colonicz situated in, 201 ; entitled Britannia Secunda under the Romans, 204; the cities called StipendiaricB in it, 201 ; the Cumbrians retire into, 301 ; little in- fluenced by Danish and Norman in- vasions, 309 ; Danish settlements in, 482 ; Teutonic names in, 482 ; more intimate union of, with England 6o6 Index. needed, 551; people of, and of England, one, 552 ; English lan- guage in, 553 ; education the great want of, 553. "Wales, North," W. of M^lmesbury's designation of Wales, 285. ** Wales, West," Saxon name of Devon and Cornwall, 266, 280. Wall of Agricola, 102; of Severus, described, 172. Wealas (original of Welsh), the name given by the Saxons to the natives, 114, 240, 264, 286, 341. Weal-cynne^ the, or territory of the aboriginal Britons, Temp. Alfred, 288 ; the omission in Domesday of Celtic names in, 290 ; in the tenth century, 543. Welsh, origin of the name, 114, 240, 264, 286. Welsh language, the, 47, 49 ; similarity of, to the Breton, 49 ; dissimilarity to Irish, 50 ; similarity to Cornish, 51 ; classified under Cymbric branch of Celtic, ih. ; its relation to Greek, 352, 375 ; as preserver of Anglo- Saxon, 383 • extensive corruption of, through Latm, French, English, 421 — 426 ; archaic words, common to, and to Teutonic, 424 — 426 ; remains of, in local names of England, 452 — 454 ; exclusive maintenance of, in Wales, an evil, 552 ; materials in, derived from Latin, &c., Appendix A ; archaic elements in, in common with Teu- tonic and other tongues, Appendix B ; remains of in local names of England, 452—454. Wer-gildy among the Saxons, 342, 543. Wessex, Saxon kingdom of, established, 114, 116; presence of Britons in, at a late period, 241 ; its throne occu- pied by a Briton (Cadwalla), 278 ; ruled by Egbert, 278 ; makes efforts to subjugate "West Wales," 280 ; Britons separately exist in, till near the Conquest, 293. Westmoreland, inhabitants of, Celtic, 295» 301 ; inundated by Norwegians, 311. West-Saexen-lage^ the code of Wessex, 49 1 » 493- William of Malmesbury, referred to, 105, 289, 297, 319. William, the Conqueror, his claim to the English throne, 130 ; his way prepared, 131 ; his averred compact with Edward the Confessor, 132 ; exacts an oath from Harold, ib ; prepares to invade England, ib. ; lands at Pevensey, 133 ; wins the battle of Hastings, ib., 315 ; his fol- lowers but qualified " Normans," 3I5 — 318; Bretons, and other Celts, in his army, 318—335. Williams, Rev. Rowland, D.D., on the Teutonic complexion, 515. Williams, Rev. R., his Lexicon Comu- Britannicum, 49, 51. Winchester, the name, 143. Wit and humour, Celtic, 536. Worcestershire, people of, Celtic, 304. Worsaae, Dr., on Danes, &'c., in Eng- land, 311 ; on Scandinavian skulls, 520. Wotton's, Dr., Leges JVallia, 217, 229, 492. 493. Wright, T., M.A., F.S.A., his opmion on the post-Roman language of Britain, 354 ; his ed. of VocabuJarieSf 367. Writing known among the Bntons, 78. JVy, Welsh for water and root of t^'J;', 41, note. Wysg, not necessarily an Irish word, 471, note. Xiphilinus, quoted, 177, note. YnySy Fel, early name of Britain, 59. York {Eboracum)^ one of tlie two Ro- man Municipia in Britain, 197. Yvain de Galles (Owain of Wales), 475. Zeuss, on names Cymro and Cymru, 33, 51; his Grammatica Celtica^ referred to. 34, 51, 45*. 592. Zosimus, the historian, referred to, 1 76. Zumpt, on words Municipium and Colon ia^ 196. Subscribers Argyll, His Grace, the Duke of, K.G., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.G.S., &c. Alexander, W., Esq., Aid. J. P., Cardiff. Arden, R. E., Esq., F.G.S., F.R.G.S.. &c., Pontvane, Pembroke- shire, and Sunbury Park, Middlesex. Bonaparte, H.I.H. Prince Louis Lucien, London. Bangor, The Very Rev. the Dean of, The Deanery, Bangor Bagnall, Chas. H., Esq., F.A.S.L., Boundstone Lodge, Farnham, Surrey. Batchelor, Sydney, Esq., Cardiff. Barrett, Thos. S., Esq., A.A., F.A.S.L., Langley House, Grove Lane, Camberwell, London. Bazley, Thomas, Esq., M.P., Tolmers, Hertford. Bevan, Rev. Llewelyn D., B.A., LL.B., 14, Quadrant Road, Canon- bury, London. Beardsley, A., Esq., F.L.S., F.G.S., Grange, Lancashire. Bennett, N., Esq., Glanyrafon, Caersws, Montgomeryshire. Bingham, H. C, Esq., F.A.S.L., Wartnaby Hall, Melton Mowbray. Blackie, Professor J. Stuart, M.A., &c., 24, Hill Street, Edinburgh. Borthwick, Cunninghame, Esq., F.A.S.L., 17, Queen Street, May- fair, London. Boston, Lord George, B.A., D.L.,4,Belgrave Sq., London. (2 copies.) Bosworth, Rev. Jos., D.D., F.R.S., Professor of A.-Saxon, Oxford. Bowen, Rev. H. P., Grove Villas, Brentwood, Essex. Brown, Rev. Dr. George, St. Michael's Hamlet, Liverpool. Brash, Richard R., Esq., M.R.I.A., 21, South Mall, Cork, Ireland. Buckley, Edmund, Esq., M.P., Plas, Dinas Mawddwy,Mer. (2 copies.) Bulkeley, Sir R. B. W., Bart., M.P., Baron Hill, Anglesea. Bunsen, M. Ernest de. Abbey Lodge, Regent's Park, London. Burke, John S., Esq., F.A..S.L., 4, Queen Square, Westminster. Byam, Edward S., Esq., F.S.A., Penrhos House, Weston-super- Mare. Came, J. Nicholl, Esq., D.C.L., D.L., &c., Dimland Castle, Cow- bridge. Casson, George, Esq., J. P., Blaenyddol, Festiniog, Merionethshire. Charles, Rev. D., B.A., Abercarn, Monmouthshire. 6o8 Subscribers. Clerk, Col. H., R.A., F.A.S.L., Royal Arsenal, Woolwich. Colfox, William, Esq., Westmead, Bridport. Collings, Thomas, Esq., Hampton Wick, Kingston-on-Thames. Copeland, F. G., Esq., M.R.C.S., F.G.S., F.E.S., 5, Bays Hill Villas, Cheltenham. Cresswell, Rev. Henry, Canterbury. Crossley, Joseph, Esq., J. P., Broomfield, Halifax. Crossley, James, Esq., F.S.A., Manchester. Cunliffe, Miss, Pant-yr-Ochin, Wrexham. Dallas, Sir Robert, Bart., 52, Rutland Gate; London. (6 copies.) Darby, C. E., Esq., J. P., Brymbo, Denbighshire. Davidson, Rev. S., D.D., LL.D., &c., Ormonde Terrace, London. Davies, Miss, Penmaen Dovey, Machynlleth. Davies, Mrs. Lloyd, Green Hall, Carmarthen. Davies, David, Esq., Canton House, Aberdare. Davies, Rev. D. Milton, Llanfyllin, via Oswestry. Davies, James, Esq., Solicitor, 132, Widemarsh Street, Hereford. Davies, J., Esq., H.M.'s Office of Works, 5, Whitehall PI., London. Davies, Rev. W. P., Rhymney, Monmouthshire. Davis, David, Esq., J. P., Maesyffynon, Aberdare, Glamorganshire. Davis, Lewis, Esq., Preswylfa, Cardiff. (5 copies.) De Keranflec'h, M., Chateau de Quelenec, Cotes du Nord, France. Dynevor, The Right Hon. Lord, 19, Princes Gardens, Kensington, W. (2 copies.) Edwards, Joseph, Esq., 40, Robert Street, Hampstead Rd., London. Edwards, Rev. Lewis, D.D., The College, Bala, North Wales. Edwards, Rev. W., Penybryn, Wrexham. Elias, E., Esq., Llanymynech, Oswestry. Ellis, Rev. Robert (Cynddelw), 3, St. Helen's Terrace, Carnarvon. Evans, Benjamin, Esq., 166, Commercial Street, Newport, Mon. Evans, Rev. D. Silvan, B.D., Llanymawddwy Rec, Merionethshire. Evans, Rev. Dan William, Stansfield, Suffolk. Evans, John, Esq., F.R.S., F.L.S., F.G.S., 65, Old Bailey, London. Evans, John, Esq., Rhos Terrace, Rhos-ddu, Wrexham. Evans, W. Downing, Esq. (Leon), Newport, Monmouthshire. Evans, W. M. Esq., 120, Lammas Street, Carmarthen. Ferguson, Robert, Esq., J. P., Morton, Carlisle. Fothergill, Rowland, Esq., J. P., Hensol Castle, Cowbridge, Gla- morganshire. (2 copies.) Fowler, J. Coke, Esq., Stipendiary Magistrate, The Gnoll, Neath. Francis, Rev. Aaron, Rhyl, North Wales. Francis, John, Esq., C.E., 8, Portland Crescent, Plymouth Grove, Manchester. (2 copies.) Francis, Major Grant, F.S.A., V.P. Royal Inst. S. Wales, Swansea. Francis, W. Esq., Dog and Partridge Hotel, Fennel St., Manchester. Subscribers, 609 Gladstone, The Right Hon. W. E., M.P., M.A., D.C.L., &c., Carlton Terrace, and Hawarden Castle, Flint. Gee, Thomas, Esq., Publisher, Denbigh. (2 copies.) Gittens, John, Esq., Newtown, Montgomeryshire. (2 copies.) Glass, H. A. Esq., F.R.G.S., 4, Gray's Inn Square, London, W. Glennie, J. S. Stuart, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, 6, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. Griffith, Rev. John, M.A., The Rectory, Merthyr Tydvil. Griffith, T. Taylor, Esq., F.R.C.S., &c., Chester Street, Wrexham. (2 copies.) Griffiths, Rev. John, St. Florence, Tenby, Pembrokeshire. Griffiths, Rev. J., B.D., The Vicarage, Llandilo, Carmarthenshire. Grissell, Thos. Esq., F.S.A., F.A.S.L., Norbury Park, Dorking. Guthrie, James, Esq., F.E.S., 3, Poynders Road, Clapham Park, S. Hamer, Edward, Esq., School House, Abersychan, Monmouthshire. Hebditch, Rev. Samuel, Arley Hill, Bristol. Hill, Rev. J. H., Normanby Villa, Warner Road, Camberwell, S. Hillier, Rev. J., Ph.D., Sandwich, Kent. Hodgson, B. Houghton, Esq., M.R.A.S., F.A.S.L., The Grange, Wotton-under-Edge. Houghton, Rt. Hon. Lord, D.C.L., F.R.S., Fryston Hall, Yorkshire. Howell, David, Esq., Solicitor, Dolguog, Machynlleth. Howell, Evan, Esq., 4A, St. Paul's Churchyard, London. Hughes, Rev. Robert, Beaufort, via Newport, Monmouthshire. Hughes, W. Bulkeley, Esq., M.P., D.L., &c., Plas Coch, Anglesea. Humphreys, Daniel, Esq., 57, High St., Manchester. [(2 copies.) Hurry, Rev. Nicholas, Bournemouth, Hants. (2 copies.) Inman, Thomas, Esq., M.D., 12, Rodney Street, Liverpool. James, Rev. Dr., Panteg Rectory, Pontypool, Monmouthshire. James, Rev. J. (lago Emlyn), 9, Hampton Terrace, Clifton, Bristol. James, J., Esq., 227, High Street, Shadwell, London, E. Jarrett, Griffith, Esq., Glasfryn, Harrow-on-the-Hill, N.W. Jeffery, W. S., Esq., F.A.S.L., 5, Regent Street, London. Jeffreys, Robert, Esq., 16, Chancery Lane, Manchester. Jenkins, Richard D., Esq., J. P., Pantirion, Cardigan. Johnes, John, Esq., M.A., D.L., (Src, Dolaucothy, Carmarthenshire. Jones, Arthur, Esq., Black Lion Hotel, Aberdare, Glamorganshire. Jones, Edwd., Esq., Brougham House, Acock's Green, Birmingham. Jones, Hugh, Esq., Old Vicarage, Carnarvon. Jones, Capt. John, 28, Chapel Street, Liverpool. (2 copies). Jones, Rev. John Emlyn, M.A., LL.D., Merthyr Tydvil. Jones, Rev. Dr. J. Harris, Prof. Trevecca College, Brecknockshire. Jones, Rev. J. Lloyd, Penclawdd, Swansea. Jones, Rev. Josiah, Machynlleth, Montgomeryshire. Jones, J. W., Esq., 49, London Road, Liverpool. 6io Subscribers, Jones, Rev. Latimer M., B.D., The Vicarage, Carmarthen. Jones, Thomas, Esq., B.A., F.S.A., Chetham's Library, Manchester. Jones, Rev. Thomas, Oaklands, Lower Norwood, S. Jones, W., Esq., 35, Catherine Street, Liverpool. Jones, William, Esq., Solicitor, 20, King's Arms' Yard, London. Jones, William, Esq., Llwynygroes, Lampeter, Cardiganshire. Jones, The Ven. Archdeacon Wynne, Heneglwys, Llangefni. Judd, James, Esq., St. Andrew's Hill, London. Llanover, the Right Hon. Lady, Llanover, Abergavenny. Lacey, Richard, Esq., Whitehall, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Lawrence, Mr. Alderman Jas. Clarke, 94, Westbourne Terrace, Hyde Park, London. Lewis, Edward, Esq., Rye Bank, Chorlton c. Hardy, Manchester. Lewis, T. Floyde, Esq., J. P., Newport, Monmouthshire. Lewis, W. T., Esq., C.E., Mardy, Aberdare, Glamorganshire. Lloyd, Edward, Esq., M.D., J. P., &c., Castellau, Pontypridd, Glam. Lloyd, Edward, Esq., 184, Falkner Street, Liverpool. Lloyd, Walter, Esq., (Gwladgarwr) Aberdare, Glam. (2 copies.) Mackenzie, J. W., Esq., F.S.A. Sc. 16, Royal Circus, Edinburgh. Mackintosh, C.E., F.A.S.L., Railway Foundry, New Cross, S.E. Mainwaring, Townshend, Esq., M.P., Galltfaenau, Rhyl. (2 copies.) Marshall, Arthur, Esq., F.G.S., Headingley, Leeds. Marshall, George W., Esq., LL.M., 118, Jermyn St., London, S.W. Martin, John, Esq., F.L.S., F.G.S., &c., Cambridge House, Portsmouth. Mayer, Joseph, Esq., F.S.A., Liverpool. Medd, W. Hy., Esq., F.A.S.L., Mansion House, Stockport. (2 copies.) Mellor, Rev. Enoch, M.A., Halifax. More, James H., Esq., M.S., F.A.S,L., &c., 8, Brook Street, Cheetham, Manchester. Morgan, Thomas, Esq., 39, Faulkner Street, IManchester. Morris, David, Esq., F.S.A., i. Market Place, Manchester. (2 copies.) Morris, Thomas Charles, Esq., Banker, Bryn Myrddin, Carmarthen. Morris, W. Esq., M.P., Coomb, Carmarthen. Morris, W., Esq., (Gwilym Tawe) Belle Vue House, Swansea. Mortimer, John, Esq., F.A.S.L., 14, Hanover Square, London. (2 Copies.) Mosley, Sir Oswald, Bart., D.C.L., &c., Rolleston Hall, Burton- on-Trent. Newnham, Rev. P. H., M.A., F.A.S.L., 5, Westover, Bournemouth. Newth, Rev. S., M.A., F.R.A.S., New College, St. John's Wood, London. O'Donnavan, W. John, Esq., University Club, Dublin. Owens, George, Esq., Old Church Yard, Liverpool. Subscribers. 6 1 1 Powis, the Right Hon. the Earl of, M.A., D.C.L,, &c., 45, Berkeley Square, W. Parry, J. Love D. Jones, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Madryn Castle, Pwllheli. Peel, Edmund, Esq., J. P., D.L., &c., Brynypys, Rhuabon. Peter, Rev. John, Independent College, Bala, Merionethshire. Philipps, F. L. Lloyd, Esq., M.A., J. P., Hafodneddyn, Carmarthen. Philipps, Rev. J. H. A., M.A., Picton Castle, Pembrokeshire. Phillips, Rev. Thos., D.D., Hereford. Prance, V., Esq., Solicitor, 69, Lincoln's Inn Fields, London. Price, William, Esq., M.D., Glantwrch, Swansea. (2 copies.) Pritchard, William, Esq., Tanycoed, Bangor. Propert, Dr. J., 6, New Cavendish Street, Portland Place, London. Pugh, D., Esq., M.P., Esq., Manoravon, Carmarthenshire. Pugh, Eliezer, Esq., 16, Falkner Street, Liverpool. (2 copies.) Pughe, John, Esq., F.R.C.S., &c., Aberdovey, Merionethshire. Rae, James, Esq., F.R.G.S., F.A.S.L., 32, Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, W. Reece, W. H., Esq., 104, New Street, Birmingham. (2 copies.) Rees, Ebenezer, Esq., North and South Wales Bank, Liverpool. Rees, Mrs., 7, Oakland Villas, Redland, Bristol. Rees, William, Esq., J. P., &c., Tonn, Llandovery. Rhodes, Rev. William, Sandbach, Cheshire. Richard, Rev. Henry, 19, New Broad Street, London, E.G. Richards, Brinley, Esq., Professor of Music, 6, St. Mary Abbott's Terrace, Kensington, W. Richards, Owen, Esq., M.D., J. P., Bala, North Wales. Richardson, James C., Esq., F.G.S., F.A.S.L., Glanrafon, Swansea. Roberts, Richard, Esq., Mayor of Aberystwyth. [(2 copies.) Robertson, E. W., Esq., Athen^um, Pall Mall, S.W. Rosser, William, Esq., C.E., Greenfield, Llanelly. Stanley, The Right Hon. Lord, M.P., F.R.S., D.C.L., Foreign Secretary, 23, St. James's Square, S.W. Savory, John, Esq., 22, Sussex Place, Regent's Park, N.W. Scrope, G. P., Esq., M.P.,F.R.S.,F.G.S., Castle Combe, Chippenham. Sharp, Peter, Esq., F.R.G.S., F.A.S.L., Oakfield, Eahng, W. Sibree, John, Esq., M.A., Bussage House, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Smith, Sir Andrew, K.C.B., M.D., F.R.S., &c., 16, Alexander Square, Brompton, S.W. Spark, H. King, Esq., F.A.S.L., Greenbank, Darlington. Spurrell, George, Esq., King Street, Carmarthen. Spurrell, W., Esq., Publisher, King Street, Carmarthen. Story, William, Esq., M.D., Kn. St. F., F.R.C.S., Grove Street, South Hackney, N.E. Symonds, J. A., Esq., M.D., F.R.S., F.R.C.P., Clifton, Bristol. \ 6 1 2 Subscribers, Thomas, Rev. D., B.A., Gotham, Bristol. Thomas, David, Esq., Royston House, Llandovery. Thomas, John, Esq., J,P,, Quay Street, Carmarthen. Thomas, John, Esq. (Pencerdd Gwalia), 53, Welbeck Street, W., London. Thomas, John Evan, Esq., J. P., D.L. (Breck.), 7, Lower Belgrave Place, S.W. (2 copies). Timmins, Sam. Esq., F.R.S.L., &c., Elvetham Lodge, Birmingham. Triibner and Co., Messrs., Publishers, 60, Paternoster Row, London. (3 copies.) Turner, Llewelyn, Esq., J. P., Mayor of Carnarvon. Turner, Thomas, Esq., J. P., Plas Brereton, Carnarvon. University of St. Andrew's, R. Walker, Esq., Librarian. Villemarque, Le Vicomte, H. H. de la, M. de ITnstitut, Keransker, pr6s Kemperle, Bretagne, France. Vincent, The Very Rev. J. V., Dean of Bangor, The Deaner}-, Bangor. Whalley, G. H. Esq., M.P., D.L., &c., Plas Madoc, Rhuabon. Wheeler, F. G., Esq., 2, New Street, Spring Gardens, London. Wheeler, Rev. W., Rodney House, Stroud, Gloucestershire. Williams, C. Rice, Esq., M.D., F.R.C.S., &c., Aberystwyth. Williams, Gomer, Esq., Croft Cottage, Cydweli, Carmarthenshire. (2 copies.) Williams, Gwilym, Esq., J. P., Miskin Manor, Cardiff. Williams, Howel, Esq., Pantygerdinen, Aberdare. Williams, Ignatius, Esq., Barrister-at-law, The Grove, Bodfari, Denbigh. Williams, John H., Esq., Glanbeuno, Carnarvon. Williams, Rev. Rowland, D.D., The Vicarage, Broadchalke, Wilts. Williams, Rev. R. (Hwfa Mon.), 10, Clayland's Road, Lohdon. Williams, W. Maysmor, Esq., J. P., Dingle Bank, Chester. Williams, O., Esq., Beach Lawn, Waterloo, Liverpool. Windham, W. S., Esq., F.A.S.L., Wawne, Beverley, Yorkshire. (2 copies.) Wood, Robert, Esq., F.A.S.L., 26, Cable Street, Liverpool. Yelland, Edwin, Esq., 25, Aldridge Road Villas, Westbourne Park, London. Yelverton, The Hon. W. H., D,L., &c., Whitland Abbey, Narberth, South Wales. , LlB«^^>, i JVUD AND GLASS, PHOl! THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO 50 CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. NOV 29 1940M NOV 26 1941 lWay52Kr -St™ -,-,, ikm *.H 'X. f^