\ '/ci^S^v i^iit^/ ^yyte/t/7.e^i^ l/,HV"r.j,/y r/ '/^.a/,/<. v^ ■ TWELVE YEARS SOLDIER'S LIFE IN INDIA, If a soldier, Choose brave emplojanents with a naked sword, Throughout the world. Georgb Herbert. ^^^JL^ /^ TWELVE YEARS SOLDIER'S LIFE IN INDIA: BEING EXTRACTS FKOM THE LETTERS OF MAJOR W. S. R. HODSON, B.A. TBINITY COLLEGE^ CAMBBIDGB; FIRST BSKGAL BUEOPEAN FUSILIERS, COMMANSAM OF HODSON's* HORSE. INCLUDING A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE SIEGE OF DELHI AND CAPTURE OF THE KING AND PRINCES. THE REV. GEORGE H. HODSON, M.A. FELLOW OF TUIMITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. LONDON: JOHN W. PARKER AND SON, WEST STRAND. 1859- Pi [ The Author reservet the right of Tramlatim.^ (HRYMOr.SSS'-FfHEIi* •A/ Co tf)e iHemorg OF SIR HENRY LAWRENCE, K.C.B. TRB TBDE CHRISTIAN, THE BRAVE SOLDIER, THE FAITHFUL FRIEND, THESE EXTRACTS PROM THE LETTERS OF ONE WHOM HE TRAINED TO FOLLOW IN HIS FOOTSTEPS, AND WHO NOW . RESTS NEAR HIM AT LUCKNOW, BY THE EDITOR. They were lovely and pleasant in their lives, And in their deaths they were not divided. 512440 PREFACE. TT can scarcely be needful to make any apology for offering to the public this record of one who has attracted to himself so large a measure of attention and admira- tion. Many, both in this country and in India, have expressed, and I doubt not many others have felt, a desire to know more of the commander of Hodson's Horse, and captor of the King of Delhi and his sons. My original intention was to have compiled from my brother's letters merely an account of the part he bore in the late unhappy war. I very soon, however, determined to extend the work, so as to embrace the whole of his life in India. I felt that the public would naturally in- quire by what previous process of training he had acquired, not merely his consummate skill in the great game of war, but his experience of Asiatics and marvellous influence over their minds. VIU PREFACE. The earlier portions of this book will serve to answer such inquiries ; they will show the gradual development of my brother's character and powers, and that those exploits which asto- nished the world by their skill and daring, were but the natural results of the high ideaof the sol- dier's profession which he proposed to himself, honestly and consistently worked out during ten years of training, in perhaps the finest school that ever existed for soldiers and administrators. They will explain how it was that, in the midst of a struggle for the very existence of our empire, he was able to call into being and bring into the field around Delhi an ' invincible and all but ubiquitous' body of cavalry. The dragon's teeth which came up armed men, had been sown by him long before in his earlier career in the Punjab. There, by many a deed of daring and activity, by many a suc- cessful stratagem and midnight surprise, by many a desperate contest, he had taught the Sikhs first to dread him as an enemy, and then to idolize him as a leader. Already in 1849 the Governor- General had had * frequent occa- ' sions of noticing not only his personal gal- ■' lantry, but the activity, energy, and intelli- PREFACE. IX ' gence with which he discharged whatever ' duties were entrusted to him/ Even then the name of Hodson, although unknown in England, except to the few who watched his course with the eyes of affection, was a sound of terror to the Sikhs, and a bugbear to their children. In 1852 he earned this high praise from one best qualified to judge : ' Lieutenant ' Hodson, marvellously attaching the Guides * to himself by the ties of mutual honour, * mutual daring, and mutual devotion, has on * every opportunity proved that the discipline * of a public school and subsequent University ' training are no disquahfication for hazardous * warfare, or for the difficult task of keeping * wild tribes in check.' The title given to this book will sufficiently indicate the principle on which, particularly in the first part, I have made selections from my brother's letters. My object has been to show what a soldier's life in India may be, and what in his case it was ; how wide and varied is the field which it opens for the exercise of the highest and noblest qualities, intellectual and moral, of our nature; and how magnificently he realized and grasped the conception. X PREFACE. His letters, written in all the freedom of unreserved intercourse, will give a truer notion of his character than the most laboured de- scription ; they exhibit the undercurrent of deep feelings that ran through even his most playful moods, the yearning after home that mingled with the dreams of ambition and the thirst for the excitement of war, the almost womanly tenderness that co-existed with the stern determination of the soldier. They show that though his lot was cast in camps, he was not a mere soldier ; though a hanger-on on the outskirts of civilization amidst wild tribes, he had a keen appreciation of the refinement and elegancies of civilized life ; that though in India, he remembered that he was an English- man ; that though living amongst the heathen, he did not forget that he was a Christian. I have not attempted to write a biography, but have allowed my brother to speak for himself, merely supplying such connecting links as seemed absolutely necessary. Indeed, I could do no otherwise ; for un- happily, during the twelve years of his soldier's life — those years in which his character received its mature development — I knew him PREFACE. XI only by his letters, or by the reports of others : when we parted on board the ship that carried him from England, in 1845, we parted to meet no more in this world. My recollec- tions of him, vivid as they are, are not of the leader of men in council and the battle-field, but of the bright and joyous boy, the life of the home circle, the tender and affectionate son, the loving brother, the valued friend, the popular companion. Of what he became afterwards my readers will have the same means of judging as myself He seems to me to have been one of whom not only his family, but his country may well be proud — a worthy representative of the English name and nation amongst the tribes of India, an impersonation of manly straight- forwardness, and unhesitating daring, and irre- sistible power. I cannot doubt but that the verdict of his countrymen will confirm my judgment. Many too, I believe, will agree with me in thinking that these pages prove that the poetry and romance of war are not yet extinct, that even the Enfield rifle has not reduced all men to a dead level, but that there is still a Xll PREFACE. place to be found for individual prowess, for the lion-heart, and the eagle eye, and the iron will. One seems transported back from the prosaic nineteenth century to the ages of romance and chivalry, and to catch a glimpse, now of a Paladin of old, now of a knightly hero sans peur et sans reproche ; now of a northern chieftain, 'riding on border foray,' now of a captain of free-lances; yet all dis- solving into a Christian soldier of our own day. Most striking of all, it has appeared to me, is the resemblance to the romantic career of that hero of the Spanish ballads, who, by his many deeds of heroic daring, gained for him- self the distinguished title of ' El de las Hazanas,' — ' He of the exploits.' Those who are acquainted with the chronicles of the Con- quest of Granada, will almost fancy in reading these pages that they are hearing again the story of Fernando Perez del Pulgar ; how at one time by a bold dash he rode with a hand- ful of followers across a country swarming with the enemy, and managed to force his way into a beleaguered fortress; how at another he galloped alone up the streets of Granada, then PREFACE. XUl in possession of the enemy, to the gates of the principal mosque, and nailed a paper to the door with his dagger ; how again he turned the tide of battle by the mere charm of his eagle eye and thrilling voice, inspiring the most timid with a courage equal to his own ; how he made the enemy lay down their arms at his word of command ; how the Moorish mothers Mghtened their children with the sound of his name; how he was not only the hair- brained adventurer, delighting in peril and thirsting for the excitement of the fight, but also the courteous gentleman, the accomplished scholar; as profound and sagacious in the council as he was reckless in the field, and frequently selected by the wily Ferdinand to conduct afiairs requiring the greatest prudence and judgment.* It may be, however, that affection has biassed my judgment, and that I shall be thought to have formed an exaggerated estimate of the grandeur and nobleness of the subject of tliis memoir. Even if this be so, I shall not take much to heart the charge • See Washington Ii-viiig, A'c. XIV PREFACE. of haviag loved such a brother too v^ell, and I shall console myself with the thought that I have endeavoured to do something to perpe- tuate his memory. If, however, any young soldier be in- duced, by reading these pages, to take a higher view of his profession, to think of it as one of the noblest fields in which he can serve his Grod and his country, and enter on it in a spirit of self-sacrifice, with ' duty ' as his guiding principle, and a determination never to forget that he is a Christian soldier and an Englishman, I shall be abundantly rewarded ; my main object will be attained. COOKHAM DeANE, December, 1858. TABLE OF CONTENTS, PART I. CHAPTER I. EARLY LIFE — RUGBY TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE GUERNSEY MILITIA pp. I 5 CHAPTER II. ARRIVAL IN INDIA CAMPAIGN ON THE SUTLEJ, BATTLES OF MOODKEE, FEROZESHAH, SOBRAON OCCUPATION OF LAHORE — 1845-6 6 — 26 CHAPTER III. FIRST BENGAL EUROPEAN FUSILIERS CASHMERE WITH SIKH ARMY LAWRENCE ASYLUM APPOINTMENT TO GUIDE CORPS — Ju7ie 1 84 6 — Oct. 1847 • • 27 — 47 CHAPTER IV. EMPLOYMENT IN THE PUNJAB AS SECOND IN COMMAND OF THE CORPS OF GUIDES, AND ALSO AS ASSISTANT TO THE RESIDENT AT LAHORE ROAD-MAKING AND SURVEYING — CAMPAIGN OF 1 848-9 — CAPTURE OF FORTS BATTLE OF GUJERAT ANNEXATION OF PUNJAB — Oct. 1 847 March 1849 48—88 CHAPTER V. : ANNEXATION OF PUNJAB — INCREASE OF CORPS OF GUIDES AT PESHAWUR TRANSFER TO CIVIL DEPARTMENT AS ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER — April 1 849 — April 1850, 89 104 CHAPTER VI. TOUR IN CASHMERE AND THIBET WITH SIR HENRY LAW- RENCE — TRANSFER TO CIS-SUTLEJ PROVINCES — Ju/ne 1851 — Oct. iS^i 105 — 126 XVI CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. MARRIAGE COMMAND OP THE GUIDES PESHAWUR EUZOFZAI — . FRONTIER WARFARE MURDIN Jan. 1852 — Nov. 1854 pp. 127 — 154 CHAPTER VIII. reverses unjust treatment- official enmity — loss of command — suppression of report return to regimental duties better prospects major Taylor's report — testimony of sir r. napier — mr. MONTGOMERY — Nov. 1 854 — May 1857 . 155 — 178 PART II. NARRATIVE OF THE DELHI CAMPAIGN, 1857, 1858. CHAPTER I. OUTBREAK OF REBELLION — MARCH DOWN TO DELHI FROM DUGSHAI WITH FIRST EUROPEAN BENGAL FUSILIERS APPOINTMENT TO INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT — RIDE FROM KURNAL TO MEERUT TO OPEN COMMUNICATION — ORDER TO RAISE REGIMENT DEATH OF GENERAL ANSON — May loth — June 8th .... 179 — 198 CHAPTER II. SIEGE OF DELHI — June — August 199 — 264 CHAPTER III. SIEGE OF DELHI, CONTINUED ROHTUCK EXPEDITION — ASSAULT DELHI TAKEN — CAPTURE OF KING CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF SHAHZADAHS AugUSt i)th — Sept. 2^th 265 — 320 CHAPTER IV. SHOWERS'S COLUMN SEATON's COLUMN ACTIONS AT GUN- GEREE, PUTIALEE, MYNPOREE — RIDE TO COMMANDER- IN-CHIEf's CAMP JUNCTION OF FORCES — SHUMSHABAD — Oct. — Jan 321 — 347 CHAPTER V. LUCKNOW THE BEGUm'S PALACE BANKs' HOUSE — THE soldier's DEATH — Feb. — March 1 2th . . 348 — 365 tjmy. •^•i m TWELVE YEAES OF SOLDIER'S LIFE IN INDIA, PAET I. CHAPTER I. EAULY LIFE. RUGBY. CAMB RIDGE. — GUERNSEY. William Stephen Eaikes Hodson, third son of Eev. George Hodson, afterwards Archdeacon of Stafford and Canon of Lichfield, was born at Maisemore Court, near Gloucester, on 19th March, 182 1. As a boy, his affectionate disposition and bright and joyous character endeared him greatly to his family, and made him a general favourite with all around him, old and young, rich and poor. That which characterized him most was his quickness of observation and his interest in everything going on about him. By living with his eyes and ears open, and never suffering anything to escape his notice, he acquired a stock of practical knowledge which he turned to good account in his after- life. With the exception of a short time spent RUGBY. with a private tutor, the Eev. E. Harland, he was educated at home till he went to Eugby, in his fifteenth year. Home life, however, had not prevented l#in from growing up an ac- tive, high-spirited boy, full of life and energy. His feats of activity at Eugby still live in the remembrance of his cotemporaries and the traditions of the school. The following is an extract from a paper in the Book of Hughy School, published in 1856 : — Who does not remember the fair-haired_, light- complexioned active man whose running feats^ whether in the open fields or on the gravel walks of the Close, created such marvel among his cotemporaries. He has carried his hare and hounds into his country's service^ and as commandant of the gallant corps of Guides, has displayed an activity and courage on the wild frontier of the Punjab, the natural development of his early prowess at Crick and Brownsover. A very similar notice appeared in a periodical during the recent campaign : — The Rugboeans have had their Crick run. Six nailes over heavy country, there and back, to the school gates by the road^ is no mean distance to be done in one hour twenty-nine minutes. There was a day when the gallant leader of Hodson^s Horse always led in this run. We think we " see * larky Pritchard,' as he was familiarly designated, in his blue cloth jacket, white trousers, his well- known belt, and his ^ golden hair,' going in front with RUGBY. 3 * his nice easy stride (for he never had any very great pace, though he could last for ever), and getting back coolly and comfortably to ' Bons' when the rear hounds were toiling a mile belj^nd. There never was such a boy to run over, after second lesson, to Dun- church to see the North Warwickshire, or to give himself a ' pipe-opener' to Lutterworth and back between callings over, till the doctor vowed he would injure his heart. How true it is that men who have distinguished themselves most in school sports come out the best at last. It was not, however, only in active sports that lie showed ability. As head of a house, during the later portion of his Rugby life, he gave equal indications of ' administrative capacity.' His tutor (the present Bishop of Calcutta), speaking of his having been transferred to his house, in which there were then no praepostors, 'because, from his energetic character and natural ability, he seemed to Dr. Arnold likely to give me efficient help,' continues : — ' He gave abundant proof that Arnold's choice had been a wise one. Though he immediately re-established the shattered prestige of prse- positorial power, he contrived to make himself very popular with various classes of boys. The younger ones found in him an efficient pro- tector against bullying. Those of a more literary turn found in him an agreeable and B a 4 CAMBRIDGE. intelligent companion, and were fond of being admitted to sit in liis study and talk on matters of intellectual interest. The democrats had got their master, and submitted with a good grace to power which they could not resist, and which was judiciously and moderately exercised. The regime was wise, firm, and kind, and the house was happy and pros- perous. 'From all that I knew of him, both at Eugby and afterwards, I was not surprised at the courage and coolness which the Times compared ' to the spirit of a Paladin of old.' I cannot say how much I regret that I shall not be welcomed in India by the first head of my dear old house at Eugby.' From Eugby my brother went, in October, 1840, to Trinity College, Cambridge. Here, as might have been expected from his previous habits, he took an active interest in boating and other athletic amusements, while at the same time he by no means neglected the more serious and intellectual pursuits of the Uni- versity. He had a very considerable acquain- tance with, and taste for, both classical and general literature, but a constitutional ten- dency to headache very much stood in the way of any close application to books ; and, after he had taken his degree in 1844, was GUERNSEY MILITIA. 5 one strong reason for his deciding on an active rather than a studious life.. The Indian army- seemed to offer the best opening, but while waiting for a cadetship, in order to prevent superannuation he obtained a commission in the Guernsey Militia through the kindness of Lord de Saumarez, and there commenced his military life. From the first he felt that the profession of a soldier was one that required to be studied, and took every opportunity of mastering its principles. On his leaving Guernsey to enter the Hon. East India Company's service, Major-General W. Napier, Lieutenant-Governor, bore this tes- timony to his character : — ' I think he will be an acquisition to any service. His education, his ability, his zeal to make himself acquainted with military matters, gave me the greatest satisfaction during his service with the militia.' CHAPTEE II. AREIVAL IN INDIA. CAMPAIGN ON THE SUTLEJ, 1845—46. TV/TY brother landed at Calcutta on the 13th of September, 1845, and with as little delay as possible proceeded up the country to Agra, where he found a hearty welcome beneath the hospitable roof of the Hon. James Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of the North- West Provinces, an old family friend and con- nexion, who from that time to his death treated him with as much affection, and took as deep an interest in his career, as if he had been his own son. He was appointed to do duty with the 2nd Grenadiers, then forming a part of the Governor-General's escort, and accordingly left Agra on November 2nd. In the following letter he describes his first impressions of camp life in an Indian army. After mentioning a delay caused by an attack of fever and dysentery on his way to the camp, he proceeds : — I was able^ however^ to join the Grenadiers at four o^ clock on the morning of the 7th, and share CAMP. 7 their dusty march of ten miles to the village near which the Governor-General's camp was pitched. Since that day we have been denizens of a canvas city of a really' astonishing extent, seeing that it is the creation of a few hours, and shifts, with its enormous population, some ten or fifteen miles a day. I wonder more every day at the ease and magnitude of the arrangements, and the varied and interesting pictures continually before our eyes. Soon after four A.M., a bugle sounds the reveille, and the whole mass is astir at once. The smoke of the evening fires has by this time blown away, and everything stands out clear and defined in the bright moonlight. The Sepoys, too, bring the straw from their tents, and make fires to warm their black faces on all sides, and the groups of swarthy redcoats stooping over the blaze, with a white background of canvas, and the dark clear sky behind all, produce a most picturesque effect as one turns out into the cold. Then the multitudes of camels, horses, and elephants, in all imaginable groups and positions — the groans and cries of the former as they stoop and kneel for their burdens, the neighing of hundreds of horses mingling with the shouts of the innumerable servants and their masters' calls, the bleating of sheep and goats, and louder than all, the shrill screams of the Hindoo women, almost bewilder one's senses as one treads one's way through the canvas streets and squares to the place where the regiment assembles outside the camp. A second bugle sounds ' the assembly.' There is a blaze of torches from the Governor's tents ; his palan- quin carriage, drawn by four mules, and escorted by jingling troopers, trots to the front. The artillery 8 CAMP. thunder forth the morning gun_, as a signal that the great man is gone — the guns rattle by — the cavalry push on after them — and then at length our band strikes up. ^ Forward ' is the word^ and the red (and black) column moves along, by this time as com- pletely obscured by the dense clouds of dust as though they were in London during a November fog. We are not expected to remain with our men, but mount at once, and ride in a cluster before the band, or ride on a quarter of a mile or so, in twos and threes, com- plaining of the laziness of the great man\s people, and of the dust and cold, as if we were the most ill-used of her Majesty^s subjects. As soon as we're off the ground, and the road pretty clear, I dismount, and walk the first eight miles or so, this being the time to recover one's powers of locomotion. The cold is really very great, especially in the hour before sunrise — generally about one and a half or two hours after we start. It soon gets warm' enough to make one glad to ride again, and by the time the march is over, and the white city is in sight, the heat is very great, though now diminishing daily. It is a sudden change of temperature, truly — from near freezing at starting, to 90° or 100° at arriving; and it is this, I think, which makes us feel the heat so much in this climate. In the daytime we get on very well ; the heat seldom exceeding 86°, and often not more than 84° and 8^° in tents. It sounds hot, but a house or tent at 84° is tolerably endurable, especially if there is a breeze. My tent is twelve feet square inside, and contains a low pallet bed, a table, chair, two camel trunks, and a brass basin for washing. I will get a sketch of the camp to send you. CAMP. 9 Nov. i^th. — This nomad life is agreeable in many- respects, and very healthy, and one sees a great deal of the country, but it destroys time rather, as the march is not over generally till half-past nine or ten, and then breakfast, a most eagerly desired com- position, and dressing afterwards, do not leave much of the day before the cool evening comes for exercise, or sight-seeing and dining, and by nine most of us are in bed, or near it. Dec. 2. — Umbala. — We had a short march of six miles into Umbala this morning, and I got leave from our colonel to ride on and see the troops assemble to greet the Governor-General. I never saw so splendid a sight : 1 2,000 of the finest troops were drawn up in one line, and as I rode slowly along the whole front, I had an excellent opportunity of examining the varied materials of an Indian army. First were the English Horse Artillery ; then the dashing dragoons of the 3rd Queen's, most splendidly mounted and appointed ; then came the stern, determined-looking British footmen, side by side with their tall and swarthy brethren from the Ganges and Jumna — the Hindoo, the Mussulman, and the white man, all obeying the same word, and acknowledging the same common tie ; next to these a large brigade of guns, with a mixture of all colours and creeds ; then more regiments of foot, the whole closed up by the regi- ments of native cavalry: thequiet-looking and English- dressed Hindoo troopers strangely contrasted with the wild Irregulars in all the fanciful wwuniformity of their native costume : yet these last are the men / fancy for service. Altogether, it was a most inte- resting sight, either to the historian or soldier, espe- 10 SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. cially as one remembered that these were no men of parade, but assembled here to be poured across the Sutlej at a word. The 'pomp and circumstance' of war were soon to be exchanged for its stern realities, as will be seen in the following letter to his father, dated Christmas Day, 1845 :— Camp, Sultanpoor. I take the first day of rest we have had to write a few hurried lines to relieve you from any anxiety you may have felt at not hearing from me by the last mails, or from newspaper accounts, which will, I fear, reach you before this letter can. I am most thankful to be able to sit down once more to write to you all but unharmed. Since I wrote, I have been in four general engagements of the most formidable kind ever known in India. For the first time we had to contend with a brave and unconquered people, disciplined, and led- on like our own troops by European skill ; and the result, though successful to our arms, has been fearful indeed as to carnage. You will see accounts in the papers giving details more accurate than I can possibly furnish, both of our wonderfully rapid and fatiguing marches, and of the obstinate and bloody resistance we met with. On the tenth of this month, on our usual quiet march to Sirhind with the Governor- (reneraPs camp, we were surprised by being joined by an additional regiment, and by an order for all non-soldiers to return to Umbala. From that day we have had the fatigues and exertions of actual warfare in their broadest forms — marching day and night unprecedented dis- SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. 11 tances, scarcity of sleep and food, and all the varieties of cold and heat. I enjoyed all, and entered into it with great zest, till we came to actual blows, or rather, I am [now) half ashamed to say, till the blows were over, and I saw the horrible scenes which ensue on war. I have had quite enough of such sights now, and hope it may not be my lot to be exposed to them again. Our loss has been most severe, especially in officers. Our Sepoys could not be got to face the tremendous fire of the Sikh artillery, and as usual, the more they quailed the more the English officers exposed themselves in vain efforts to bring them on. The greatest destruction was, however, among the Governor-General's staff — only two (his own son and Colonel Benson) escaped death or severe wounds. They seemed marked for destruction, and certainly met it most gallantly. On the 15th we joined the Commander-in-Chief, with his troops from Umbala, were put off escort duty, and joined General Gilbert's division. On the 17th we had a march of thirty miles (in the daytime, too), with scanty food; on the 18th, after a fasting march of twenty-five miles, we were summoned, at half-past four in the afternoon, to battle, which lasted till long after dark. Almost the first shot which greeted our regiment killed the man standing by my side, and instantly afterwards I was staggered by a ball from a frightened Sepoy behind me grazing my cheek and blackening my face with the powder — so close was it to my head ! We were within twenty, and at times ten, yards of three guns blazing grape into us, and worse than all, the bushes with which the whole ground was covered were filled with marksmen who, 12 SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. unseen by us, could pick us off at pleasure. No efforts could bring the Sepoys forward, or half the loss might have been spared, had they rushed on with the bayonet. We had three officers wounded out of our small party, and lost many of the men. We were bivouacked on the cold ground that night, and remained under arms the whole of the following day* Just as we were going into action, I stumbled upon poor Carey, whom you may remember to have heard of at Price's, at Rugby. On going over the field on the 30th, I found the body actually cut to pieces by the keen swords of the Sikhs, and but for his clothes could not have recognised him. I had him carried into camp for burial, poor fellow, extremely shocked at the sudden termination of our renewed acquain- tance. On Sunday, the 21st, we marched before day- break in force to attack the enemy, who had entrenched themselves behind their formidable artillery. The action began in the afternoon, lasted the whole night, and was renewed with daybreak. They returned again to the charge as often as we gained any advantage, and it was evening, before they were finally disposed of by a charge of our dragoons, and our amimmition ivas exhausted ! — so near are we in our most triumphant successes to a destruction as com- plete ! The results are, I suppose, in a political point of view, immense indeed. We took from them nearly one hundred large guns, and routed their vast army, prepared, had they succeeded in beating us, to overrun Hindoostan ; and it must be owned they had nearly succeeded ! It will scarcely be believed, but they had actually purchased and prepared supplies as far into the interior of our country as Delhi, and unknown to SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. 13 our authorities ; and the whole of Northern India was, as usual, ready to rise upon us at an hour's notice. On the evening of the 2ist, as we rushed towards the guns, in the most dense dust and smoke, and under an unprecedented fire of grape, our Sepoys again gave way and broke. It was a fearful crisis, but the bravery of the English regiments saved us. The Colonel (Hamilton), the greater part of my brother officers, and myself, were left with the colours and about thirty men immediately in front of the bat- teries ! Our escape was most providential, and is, I trust, thankfully acknowledged by us. A ball (from a shell, I fancy) struck my leg below the knee, but happily spared the bone, and only inflicted a flesh wound. I was also knocked down twice — once by a shell bursting so close to me as to kill the men behind me, and once by the explosion of a magazine or mine, I am most thankful indeed for my escape from death or maiming. The wound in my leg is nothing, as you may judge when I tell you that I was on foot or horseback the whole of the two following days. Last night we moved on here about five miles from the scene of action, and got some food, and into our beds, after four days and nights on the ground, alternately tried with heat and cold (now most severe at night), and nothing but an occasional mouthful of black native bread. I think, during the four days, all I had to eat would not compose half a home breakfast- loaf, and for a day and night we had not even water ; when we did get water, after driving the enemy from their camp, it was found to have been spoiled with gunpowder ! It was like eating Leamington water, but our thirst was too great to stick at trifles. 14 SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. Dec. i6th. — We are resting here comfortably again in our tents, and had a turkey for our Christmas dinner last night. The rest is most grateful. We had only nine hours in bed out of five nights, and then the next four were on the ground. So you see I have come in for the realities of a soldier's life pretty early in my career ; and since I am spared, it is doubtless a great thing for me in every way. There never has been anything like it in India, and it is not often that an action anyivhere has lasted thirty-six hours, as ours did. It is called a succession of three engagements, but the firing never ceased for a quarter of an hour. Infantry attacking guns was the order of the day, and the loss occasioned by such a desperate resort was fearful. How different your Christmas week will have been from mine ! This time last year I was quietly staying at Bisham, and now sleeping on the banks of the Sutlej, with a sea of tents around me for miles and miles ! The last few days seem a year, and I can scarcely believe that I have only been four months in India, and only two with my regiment. To the Hon. James Thomason, Lieutenant-Governor of North- West Provinces. Camp, Bootawallah, January 22nd, 1846. There is very much in the state of things in this army both discouraging and deeply disappointing to one who like myself comes into the service with a strong predilection for the profession, and a wish to enter into its duties thoroughly and earnestly. I do not like to enter into particulars, for I hold it very SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. 15 un military, especially in so young a soldier, to attempt to criticise the acts and motives of one^s superior, but I may in piivate again express my extreme dis- appointment at the state in which the Sepoys are at present, and as far as I can judge from what is said in conversation, there are but few officers in the army who do not deplore it. In discipline and subordi- nation they seem to be lamentably deficient, espe- cially towards the native commissioned and non-com- missioned officers. On the march, I have found these last give me more trouble than the men even. My brother officers say that I see an unfavourable specimen in the 2nd, as regards discipline, owing to their frequent service of late, and the number of recruits ; but I fear the evil is very wide-spread. It may no doubt be traced mainly to the want of European officers. This, however, is an evil not likely to be removed on any large scale. Meantime, unless some vigorous and radical improvements take place, I think our position will be very uncertain and even alarming in the event of extended hostilities. You must really forgive my speaking so plainly, and writing my own opinions so freely. You encouraged me to do so when I was at Agra, if you remember, and I value the privilege too highly as connected with the greater one of receiving advice and counsel from you, not to exercise it, even at the risk of your thinking me presumptuous and hasty in my opinions. I imagine (in my own defence, be it said) that three months of marching and of service give you more insight into the real efficiency or evils of an army, than a much longer time spent in cantonments. It is, of course, a deeply interesting subject to me, and 16 SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. one of deep and anxious reflection. I think the period of ' doing duty ' which I shall have passed ere joining my future regiment, of the greatest consequence and benefit, as enabling me to form a judgment, to the best of my abilities, of the course to be steered in the difficult voyage. It seems to me that the great problem to be solved is how ' to do your own business/ at the same time that 'you study to he quiet J i.e., how unostentatiously to do your appointed duty thoroughly, without being deterred by the fear of being thought over-zealous or osten- tatious. At a later period, wlien it was proposed to erect a monument in Lichfield Cathedral to the 8oth Queen's, he wrote with reference to their conduct in this action : — It is, you know, a Staffordshire regiment, having been raised originally by the Marquis of Anglesey, and has still a great number of Staffordshire men in its ranks. It is a splendid corps, well-behaved in cantonments, and first-rate in action. I lay between ' them and my present regiment (ist E. B. Fusiliers) on the night of the 2ist of December, at Ferozeshah, when Lord Hard in ge called out * 8oth ! that gun must be silenced/ They jumped up, formed into line, and advanced through the black darkness silently and firmly : gradually we lost the sound of their tread, and anxiously listened for the slightest intimation of their progress — all was still for five minutes, while they gradually gained the front of the battery whose fire had caused us so much loss. Suddenly we heard a dropping fire — a blaze of the Sikh cannon followed. SOBRAON. 17 then a thrilling cheer from the 8othj accompanied by a rattling and murderous volley as they sprang upon the battery and spiked the monster gun. In a few- more minutes they moved back quietly, and lay down as before in the cold sand ; but they had left forty-five of their number and two captains to mark the scene of their exploit by their graves. Camp, Army of the Sutlej, Feb. J 2th, 1846. The fortune of war has again interfered between me and my good intentions of answering all my cor- respondence by this mail. We have been knocked about for some days so incessantly that there has been no chance of writing anything ; and even this scrawl, I fear, will hardly reach you. You will hear publicly of our great victory of the loth,^ and of the total and final rout of the Sikh force. But first, I must tell you that the and Grenadiers were sent back about a week ago to the villages and posts in our rear, to keep open the communication. Not liking the notion of returning to the rear while an enemy was in front, I applied immediately to do duty with another regi- ment; my petition was granted; and I joined the 1 6th Grenadiers on the evening of the 9th inst. About three in the morning we advanced towards the Sikh intrenchments along the river's bank. Our guns and ammunition had all come up a day or two before, and during the night were placed in position to shell their camp. At daybreak, seventeen heavy mortars and howitzers, rockets, and heavy guns, commenced a * At Sobraon. 18 SOBRAON. magnificent fire on their position ; at half-past eight the infantry advanced — Sir R. DicVs division on the right, and ours (Gilbert^s) in front — covered by our fire from the batteries. On we went as usual in the teeth of a dreadful fire of guns and musketry, and after a desperate struggle we got within their triple and quadruple intrenchments ; and then their day of reckoning came indeed. Driven from trench to trench, and surrounded on all sides, they retired, fighting most bravely, to the river, into which they were driven pell-mell, a tremendous fire of musketry pouring on them from our bank, and the Horse Artillery finishing their destruction with grape. The river is literally choked with corpses, and their camp full of dead and dying. An intercepted letter of theirs shows that they have lost 2^0,000 in killed, wounded, and missing ; all their guns remaining in our hands. I had the pleasure myself of spiking two guns which were turned on us. Once more I have escaped, I am thankful to say, unhurt, except that a bullet took a fancy to my little finger and cut the skin off the top of it — a mere pin scratch, though it spoiled a buckskin glove. I am perfectly well : we cross in a day or two, but I fancy have done with fighting. To his Sister. Lahore, Feb. 2'jth, 1846. In honour of your birthday, I suppose, we crossed the Sutlej on the 17th, and are now encamped close to old Runjeet Singh^s capital without a shot having been fired on this side the river ! The war is over — sixty days have seen the overthrow of the Sikh army. SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. 19 which, when that period commenced, marched from the spot on which the victors are now encamped, with no fewer than 100,000 fighting men, now A broken and a routed host, Their standards gone, their leaders last. So ends the tale of the mightiest army, and the best organized, which India has seen. I hope you will have got a scrap I wrote after the fight at Sobraon in hopes it would reach you before the newspapers, as I have no doubt you were all anxious enough on my account, and indeed you well might be, for I can hardly imagine (humanly speaking) how it was possible to go through that storm of bullets and shot unhurt. I have indeed much to be thankful for, and I hope I shall not forget the lesson. A campaign is a wonderful dispeller of false notions and young imaginations, and seems too stern a hint to be soon forgotten. About this time Mr. Thomason says, in a letter to my father : — ' I hear of William constantly from friends ' in camp, and am glad to find that he is a ' great favourite in his regiment. I had some * little fear that his great superiority in age and ' attainments to those of his own standing in ' the army might make him the object of envy ' and disparagement. T felt that he had no ' easy task before him, and that it would be ' difficult to conduct himself with discretion ' and becoming bumility in such a position. c 2 20 LAHORE. ' He was quite aware of the difficulty when we ' talked the matter over at Agra, and I am ' much pleased to see the success which has * attended his prudent exertions/ Lahore, March /^th, 1846. The army breaks up now very soon^ but I shall be posted before that. I am trying to get into the 1st European Regiment^ now stationed at Umbala, who have just been styled Fusiliers for their distin- guished service. It is the finest regiment in India, with white faces, too, and a very nice set of officers. I have been brigaded with them all along. It seems an age since the campaign opened. One day of fighting such as we have had fastens itself on the memory more than a year of peaceful life. We must really have a natural taste for fighting highly developed, for I catch myself wishing and ^asking for more,' and grumbling at the speedy settlement of things, and the prospect of cantonments instead of field service. Is it not marvellous, as if one had not had a surfeit of killing ? But the truth is, that is not the motive, but a sort of undefined ambition. .... I remember bursting into tears in sheer rage in the midst of the fight at Sobraon at seeing our soldiers lying killed and wounded. Don't let any of my friends forget me yet. I have found a new one, I think, in Major Lawrence,* the new President at this Court, thanks to the unwearying kindness of Mr. Thomason. Sir H. Lawrence, K.C.B. SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. 21 In a letter of the same date to Hon. J. Tliomason the folljwing sentence occurs : — I must thank you very much for making me known to Major Lawrence, from whom I have re- ceived every sort of attention and kindness. I have been very much struck with his superiority, and freedom from diplomatic solemnity and mystery, which is rather affected by the politicals and officials. Camp, Nuggur Ghat, on the Sutlej, March 2ph, 1846. The last returning regiment of the army of the Sutlej crossed that river yesterday morning, and by to-morrow every man will have left its banks, on their way to their stations. It was a most interesting and picturesque sight to see the army filing across the splendid bridge of boats constructed by our engineers at this place. So many of the native corps have been required for the new province and for the Lahore garrison, that w^e had hardly any but Europeans homeward-bound, which gave an additional and home interest to the passage of the river. Dusty, travel- stained, and tired, but with that cool, firm air of determination which is the most marked characteristic of English soldiers, regiment after regiment passed on, cavalry, artillery, and infantry in succession, their bands playing quick steps and national tunes, as each stepped upon the bridge. To ^ou the sight would have been only interesting; but to those of us who had seen the same corps three months ago, their reduced numbers and fearfully-thinned ranks told a 22 SUTLEJ CAMPAIGN. sadder tale. Regiments cut down to a third, indi- vidual companies to a fourth or fifth of their former strength, gave a silent but eloquent reply to the boastful strains of martial music, and to the stirring influence of the pageant. As each regiment moved up on this side the river, our fine old chief addressed a few words of congratulation and praise to each; they pushed on to their tents, and a genuine English cheer, caught up and repeated from corps to corps, and a thundering salute from the artillery, proclaimed the final dispersion, and bid an appropriate farewell to the army of the Sutlej. Thus ends my first campaign ! To-morrow I march with the 26th Native Infantry to Umbala, where I hope to be transferred to the ist Europeans. I was posted to the 26th a few days ago, but have not joined yet, as I applied at once for an exchange. Marching and living in tents is becoming unplea- santly hot now, and in another fortnight will be very bad. Yesterday we had a regular storm of wind and dust, filling everything with sand, and darkening the air most effectually; one's mouth, eyes, ears, and pockets get filled with dust ; you sit down to breakfast, and your plate is ready loaded with sand, your cofiee is excellently thickened, and your milk would pass for clotted cream — but for the colour. Then you get a sheet of paper, and vainly imagine you're writing, but the sand conceals the last word you write ere the ink can dry, and your pens split of themselves with the dryness of the air. In truth, it is next to impossible to do anything while the storm lasts, for one's eyes smart and cry with the plenitude of grit ; and if you talk, you are set coughing with UMBALA. 23 eating small stones ! Yet all this is far better than the damp-exhaling heat of Bengal. Here the ground and air are as dry by night as by day, and no exhala- tion poisons the freshness of any wind that may be stirring. UmbIla, April i^thj 1846. Here I am once more. I am writing in a com- fortable house, and actually slept in one last night — the first time I have eaten or slept under a roof since the 3rd of November; and on the loth I saw a lady again ! I find General Napier has written to his brother about me. Scindh has been given over to the Bombay army, so that Sir Charles can't do anything for me, but still the kindness is all the same. Unfortunately, the note reached me three days after Sir Charles left the army to return to Scindh, or I might have had the pleasure of seeing him and speaking to him. Camp, Moradabad, Rohilcund, April 2gth, 1846. It is time indeed to be getting under cover, for we have been in the thick of the ' hot winds.' This sounds a very mild word, but you should only just try it ! Do you remember ever holding your face over a stove when it was full of fire ? and the rush of hot air which choked you? Well, something of that sort, of vast volume and momentum, blowing what they call at sea ' half a gale of wind,' comes quietly up, at first behind a wall of dust, and then with a roar bursts upon you, scorching you, and shrivelling you 24 CAMP LIFE. up as if you were ' a rose that was plucked/ It feels as if an invisible^ colourless flame was playing over your face and limbs, scorching without burning you, and making your skin and hair crackle and stiffen until you are covered with ^ crackling' like a hot roast pig. This goes on day after day, from about eight or nine o'clock in the morning till sunset; and, accom- panied with the full power of the blazing sun of India, produces an amount of heat and dryness almost inconceivable. The only resource is to get behind a tattee (or wet grass mat) hung up at one of the doors of the tent, and to lie on the ground witli as little motion as possible, and endeavour to sleep or read it out. Nunc veterum lihrisj nunc somno et inertibus horis — I cannot go on, for the ' sweet forgetfulness' of the past is too much to expect ! To-day we have a new nuisance in the shape of a plague of wood-lice ; our camp is pitched in an old grove of mango-trees, and is literally swarming with huge pale lice, in numbers numberless. You cannot make a step with- out slaying them, and they have already (noon) covered the whole sides of the tents, chairs, beds, tables, and everything. But one is really getting used to everything, and I hardly expect to be proud again. Our rest has been terribly destroyed by this last month's marching, the usual hour for the reveille being two a.m., and this morning a quarter to one ! ! and no power of quizzing can move our worthy major to let us take it easily, though I don't scruple to tell him that he has sold his shadow or his soul to the evil powers, and forfeited the power of sleep, he is such a restless animal ! We breakfast at seven, or even a quarter past six, constantly, and dine at seven HILL SCENERY. 25 * P.M. ; so one lias a fair opportunity of practising abstinence, as I rigidly abstain from eating in the meantime, or drinking. After all, it is very healthy weather, and I imagine there is less harm done to the health in the hot winds than even in the cold weather. I have never been so well in India. Nynee Tal, May 14th, 1846. I am writing from the last new Hill Station, dis- covered about three years ago by an adventurous traveller, and now containing forty houses and a bazaar. It is a ' tal^ or lake, of about a mile in length, lying in a basin of the mountains, about 6200 feet above the sea ; the hills rising about 1 800 feet on all sides of it, and beautifully wooded from their very summits down to the water's brink. How I got here remains to be told. You will remember that I had applied some time ago to be transferred to the 1st Bengal European Fusiliers. Well, after keeping me in suspense some seven weeks, and send- ing me the whole way from Lahore to "Bareilly in April and May, I received notice that my application was granted, and a civil request to go back again. I had had enough of marching in the plains, and travelling dak would have been madness for me, so I determined on going up into the hills, and making my way across the mountain ranges to Subathoo, where my regiment is stationed. A good-natured civilian at Bareilly offered to take me with him to this place, from whence I could make a good start. We started on the morning of the nth, and drove to Barapoor, stayed there till midnight, and then set off 26 HILL SCENERY. for the hills. By daylight we got to the edge of the * Terai/ the far-famed hot-bed of fever and tigers, swamps and timber, along the whole ridge of the Himalayas, stretching along the plains at their feet in a belt of about twenty miles from the Indus to the Burhampooter. Here we found horses awaiting us, and mounting at once, started for a ride of twenty- seven miles before breakfast. The first part of the ' Terai^ is merely a genuine Irish bog, and the oily, watery ditches and starved looking cows shout out ' Fever' on all sides of you. The last ten miles to the foot of the hills is through a dense mass of ragged trees in all stages of growth and decay, *^horrida, inculta, hirsuta,' — moist, unpleasant, and ugly. At length we reached the first low woody ranges of the hills, and following the dry bed of a mountain stream, by noon we doubled the last ridge, and descended upon our lake. None of these hills are to be compared in beauty with Scotland and Wales, though very fine, and inexpressibly refreshing, almost affecting, after the dead flat we have lived in so long. As soon as my servants arrive, I start hence by myself, through an unfrequented sea of vast mountains, by way of Landour, for Mussoorie, to Simla and Subathoo. It is about 340 miles, and will take me thirty-two or thirty-four days to accomplish. I mean to take no pony, but trust that my old powers of walking and endurance will revive in the mountain air. CHAPTER III. FIRST BENGAL EUROPEAN FUSILIERS. LAWRENCE ASYLUM. ^APPOINTMENT TO GUIDE CORPS. SuBATHOO, June i6th, 1846. TT7HEN I wrote to you last from Sireenuggur, I ' ' hoped to have been able to reach this place by way of the hills and Simla ; but before I got to Mussoorie, the early setting in of the rains made it so difficult and unpleasant (and likely to be dangerous) to get on, that after spending two days thei*e, I rode down to Deyra Dhoon, and came dak through Saharunpoor and Umbala to Kalka, at the foot of these hills, where I found my beast awaiting my arrival, and mounted the seventeen miles of hill at once. Here I am at last with my own regiment, and with the prospect of being quiet for four months. I am eighth Second Lieutenant ; a distinguished position (is it not?) at the age of five-and-twenty. The campaign, I am sorry to say, did me no good in the way of promotion, owing to my not having been ' posted^ permanently before it commenced. SuBATHOO, Juhj 3rd, 1846. I hope you will congratulate me on getting into my present splendid corps, the ist Fusiliers, now, alas, a mere shadow of what it was six months ago. We could only muster 256 men under arms when we were inspected by Sir R. Gilbert on the 1st; but then 28 FIRST FUSILIERS. there was a most picturesque body of convalescents present with their empty sleeves, pale faces, and crutches, but looking proudly conscious of their good conduct, and ready ' to do it again/ We are under much stricter discipline in this corps, both officers and men, and obliged to be orderly and submissive. No bad thing for us either. I hold there is more real liberty in being under a decent restraint than in abso- lute freedom from any check. I have been much more reconciled to India since I joined this regiment. It is pleasant to have white faces about one, and hear one's own tongue spoken; and then, besides, there is a home-loving feeling in this corps which I have never met with in India. I believe we would each and all migrate to England, if we had our own way. To his Father. Simla, Sept. 2nd, 1846. I came here on the 31st for a week, to stay with Major Lawrence (now a Colonel and C.B.), who dined and slept with me at Subathoo last week, and pressed me to come here. I am nothing loth, as I like him amazingly, and value his friendship very much, and pick up a great deal of information as to India, and Indians black and white. He has kindly oflPered to take me with him for a tour through JuUunder Do4b, and up to Jummoo, Rajah Gholab Singh's camp and court. He says he can give or get me leave to accompany him. My colonel says he wont give any one leave after the 14th of this month. Which is right remains to be seen, but I think you may calculate that the ^ Agent to the VISIT TO SIMLA. 29 Governor-General' will prevail, and I shall see Jummoo. I am now writing in his room with the incessant entrances and exits of natives — rajahs, princes, vakeels, &c. &c., and officers civil and military; and the buzz of business and confusion of tongues, black and white, learned and unlearned, on all subjects, political, religious (at this minute they are disputing what 'the Church means'), and military, so that I am tolerably puzzled. I have been taking a tremendously long walk this morning about the hills and valleys, with Mr. and Mrs. Currie, and enjoying the beauties of Simla. Simla, Sept. 14th, 1846. My original week at Simla has grown into a month, thanks to Colonel Lawrence's pressing, and Colonel Orchard's {my colonel's) kindness. I should hardly like staying so long with Colonel Lawrence (especially as I live day and night in the same room with him and his papers, regularly camp fashion), but that he wishes it, and I manage to give him a slight helping hand by making precis of his letters, and copying confidential papers. He is amazingly kind, and tells me all that is going on, initiating me into the mysteries of 'political' business, and thus giving me more knowledge of things and persons Indian than I should learn in a year of ordinary life, aye ! or in three years either. This is a great advantage to my ultimate prospects, of course inde- pendently of the power he possesses of giving me a lift in the world when I am of sufficient standing to hold any appointment. 30 COLONEL LAWRENCE. He makes me work at Hindustanee^ and has given me a lesson or two in the use of the theodolite^ and other surveying instruments^ to the end that I may- get employed in the Surveying Department, after two years of which he says ' I shall be fit for a Political/ I have been very fortunate in many ways, more so than I had any right to expect. If I were only nearer to you all^ and had any old friends about me, I should have nothing to regret or wish for. It is there that the shoe especially pinches. All minor annoyances are easily got rid of, but one does find a wonderful lack of one^s old friends and old associa- tions. Society is very different here from ours at home, and different as it is I have seen very little of it. Nor am I, with my previous habits, age, and education, the person to feel this an indifferent matter; but on the contrary, all the drawbacks of Indian existence come with redoubled force from the greatness of the contrast. Still, I do not let these things annoy me, or weigh down my spirits, but strive, by keeping up English habits, tastes, and feelings, and looking forward to a run home (thus having a motive always in view), to make the best of everything as it 'occurs, and to act upon the principle, that mere outward circumstances don't make a man's happiness. If I have one feeling stronger than another, it is contempt for a ' regular Indian,' a man who thinks it fine to adopt a totally different set of habits and morals and fashions, until, in forgetting that he is an Englishman, he usually forgets also that he is a Christian and a gentleman. Such characters are happily rare now, but there are many fragments of it on a small scale, and always must be so, so long COLONEL LAWRENCE. 31 as the men who are to support the name and power of England in Asia are sent out here at an age when neither by education nor reflection can they have learnt all or even a fraction of what those words imply. It would be a happy thing for India and for themselves if all came out here at a more advanced age than now, but one alone breaking through the custom in that respect made and provided, must not expect to escape the usual fate, or at least the usual annoyances, of innovators. I have enjoyed my visit here very much, and though I have not sought them, have made one or two very pleasant acquaintances, or improved them. I have been very little out, and passed my time almost entirely with Colonel Lawrence and his family, i.e.f his brother and the two sisters-in-law. Things are not looking well on the frontier. Cashmere and the hill country wont submit to Ghoolab Singh, to whom we gave them over, and have been thrashing his troops and killing his ministers ; and I expect October will see an army assembled to frighten them into submission, or interfere with a strong arm, as the case may be. We seem bound to see him established on the throne we carved out for him, and it is our only chance of keeping peace and order ; though at the best he is such a villain, and so detested, that I imagine it will be but a sorry state of quietness : — The torrent's smoothness ere it dash below. In a letter to his wife, written during this visit, Sir H. Lawrence says : — Sejot. isf. — *I brought up with me from 32 COLONEL LAWRENCE. ' Subatlioo a fine young fellow, by name ' Hodson, son of the Archdeacon of Stafford. ' He is now (lo p.m.) sleeping in my little * oflBice-room, where I am writing. Thomason ' recommended him to me, and I have seldom ' met so promising a young fellow. He left ' the native branch of the army at the expense ' of some steps, because he did not like the ' conduct of the Sepoys. He was for four ' years with Dr. Arnold, and two in the sixth ' form under his eye. He speaks most affec- ' tionately of him. I will try to get leave ' for him for a month to accompany me to ' Lahore and Jummoo in October I g^t ' a good deal of help from Hodson, who works ' willingly and sensibly. Perhaps you may meet ' the family at Lichfield.' Lahore, October 14th, 1846. As I hoped when I wrote last, I am again writing from the capital of the ^Singhs,' but, alas for the Hions/ their tails are very much down in the world since this time last year, when the ' fierce and formidable army^ assembled to invade our tempting provinces. Nearly half the garrison has marched across the Ravee, and not more than 5000 or 6000 British troops now hold the far-famed capital of Runjeet Singh. You must not be alarmed by the accounts you will see in the papers by this mail of the advance of two forces from Lahore and Jullunder towards Jummoo. JOURNEY TO CASHMERE. 33 They are not to take any active part in the operations of Gholab Singh for the recovery of Cashmere from the rebellious Sheikh Imaumoodeen — our troops are to hold the Maharaja's country for him while he advances with his whole disposable force, augmented by a Sikh auxiliary army. It is probable that the Sheikh will give in without fighting as soon as he hears the preparations made by both Powers for his coercion. Indeed, a letter has arrived from Cashmere to say he has given in ; but he is a wily fellow, and I mightily distrust him. I only know if / was in Cashmere with my army at my back, / would not give in as long as a man was left to pull a trigger ! The Agent (Colonel Lawrence) and I start to-morrow evening, going seventy miles the first day, and hope to reach Bhimbur, at the foot of the hills,* on the 17th, thence to go up and join the Maharaja, and accom- pany his army to Cashmere. If he fights we shall see the fun; if not, we are to accompany him and keep him from excesses and injustice in the valley, and return here, I fancy, in about a month or six weeks. Of course, in event of the two armies coming to blows, it will probably be some time longer ere we return. I am delighted at the thoughts of seeing Cashmere, and am gaining great advantage from being with these ' politicals ' in the way of learning the languages, and method of governing the natives. I have been hard at work day and night for some time now, writing for Colonel Lawrence. I left Subathoo on the ist, and after a ride of some twenty miles through the hills, joined Colonel Lawrence and Mr. Christian, and after a shake-down in a little D 34 CASHMERE. mud bungalow, and an amusing dinner (served up in two brass basins, standing on a bed), and a breakfast to match, we rode down to Roopur, on the Sutlej. Here we took boat, and floated down the river to Ferozepore, and came across to Lahore during the night in a capital barouche belonging to the E-anee, with relays of horses and an escort of cavalry. Thanna, at the foot of the Pass into Cashmere, Oct. 26th, 1846. Our tent is pitched on the top of a little spur from the mountain side, and beneath us lie, in quaint picturesque confusion, scattered over the valley and the little staircase-like rice fields, the mingled hosts of Lahore and Jummoo. The spare stalwart Sikh, with his grizzled beard and blue turban of the scantest dimensions, side by side with the huge-limbed Aff- ghan, with voluminous head-gear and many-coloured garments. The proud Brahmin in the same ranks with the fierce "Children of the Faithful;" the little active Hillman ; the diminutive, sturdy, platter-faced Ghoorka, and the slight-made Hindoostanee, collected in the same tents, and all alike clothed in a caricature of the British uniform. I have been very much in- terested and amused by this march with a native army, so different from our own proceedings and our own military power — albeit the British army will soon be as varied in its composition. I have seen a great deal of the native Sirdars or chiefs, especially Tej Singh who commanded the Sikh forces in the war, and of the Maharaja. The former a small, spare little man, marked with the small-pox. CASHMERE. 35 and with a thin and scanty beard, but sharp and intelligent, and by his own account a hero. The Maharaja is a fine, tall, portly man, with a splendid expressive face, and most gentlemanly, pleasing man- ner, and fine-toned voice — altogether the most pleas- ing Asiatic I have seen — to all appearance the gentlest of the gentle, and the most sincere and truth- ful character in the world ; and in his habits he is certainly exemplary : but he is the cleverest hypocrite in the world -, as sharp and acute as possible, devoured by avarice and ambition, and when roused, horribly cruel. This latter accusation he rebuts, by alleging the necessity of the case and the ferocity of those he has to deal with. To us, however, his fondness for flaying men alive, cutting off their noses and ears and hands, &c., savours rather of the inexcusable. He was accused of having flayed 1 2,000 men, which he indignantly asserted was a monstrous calumny, as he only skinned three ; afterwards he confessed to three hundred ! Yet he is not a bit worse, and in many ways infinitely better, than most native princes. Lawrence doubts whether one could be found with fewer faults, if placed in similar circumstances. Avit- abile, to the disgrace of his European blood, was far more cruel. The stories current in the Punjab of his abominations are horrible. The costumes of these chiefs would delight you. They never make a mistake in colours, and the effect is always good, however bright they may be. This force is (as I told you) moving up to turn the Sheikh Imaumoodeen, the rebellious vassal of the Lahore Government, out of Cashmere, in virtue of the treaty ceding it to Gholab Singh. Up to yesterday, I expected it would be a D 2 36 CASHMERE. fightj but yesterday the Sheikh sent letters to say he was sorry and repentful, and was on his way to tender his submission. So we wait here to receive him. This will not, however, prevent my visit to the valley, as Colonel Lawrence intends to accompany the Maharaja to pacify and take possession. It is very cold here, though not much above 5000 feet above the sea. To his Father, Shupyen, in Cashmere, Nov. 6th, 1846. I write a hurried line to announce my safe arrival in the valley. On the 1st instant we got hold of the rebellious Sheikh, and sent him down to the plains ; and yesterday. Colonel Lawrence, Captain Browne, and myself, rode into the valley, amid the acclamations of an admiring population — of beggars ! I am writing at sunrise in a little tent, and in spite of two coats and waistcoats, I am nearly ' friz.^ We crossed the Pir Punjal Pass on the 4th, 12,000 feet above the sea, with snow all around us, and slept on this side in an old serai ; I say slept^ because we went to bed ; but sleeping was out of the question, from the cold, and uproar of all our followers and their horses, crowded into a courtyard thirty feet square, horses and men quarrelling and yelling all night long. The view from the top of the Pass was very fine, but the wind far too high to take more than a peep of it without losing one's eyes ; but the road from Thanna to the summit was most lovely the whole way, winding up a glen wooded magnificently, and the rocks towering above us on all sides; the CASHMERE. 37 trees were all in their varied autumn dress, sur- mounted by forests of pine : altogether, I never saw so grand a scene. As the Sheikh's submission has cut the Gordian knot of politics here, we shall only stay a few days to see the valley, and instal the Maharaja (who is following us \vith his force by slow stages), and then rush back to Lahore and Subathoo. This is said to be the largest town but three in the valley. It is a poverty-stricken scattered hamlet of mud-houses with wooden roofs, the upper half being generally rough open lattice-work or railing, with alternate supports of unbaked bricks; low mud enclosures, and open waste spaces between, dedicated to dogs and dunghills. The whole is thickly grown over with fine apple and walnut trees, the staple fruits (with the grape) of the valley, and the food of the people. They are a poor wretched set, only good for beasts of burden — and certainly they can carry a vast load — their dress, both men and women, being a loose wide-sleeved smock-frock of dirty sackcloth- looking woollen. The men wear a dirty skull-cap on their shaven ' nobs,' and the women a crimson machine, like a flowerpot saucer inverted, from which depends a veil or cloth of the same texture as the frock ; legs and feet clothed in their native dirt. The women are atrociously ugly, and screech like the witches in Macbeth — so much so, that when the Agent asked me to give them a rupee or two, I felt it my duty to refuse, firmly but respectfully, on the ground that it would be encouraging ugliness ! I fancy the climate and the soil are unrivalled, but years of poverty and oppression have reduced to a nation of beggars what ought to be a Paradise. We go hence after breakfast 38 CASHMERE. to Islumabad, at the eastern end of the valley; and spend a day or two in looking about us, and floating down the river to Cashmere itself, by which time our ^prince' will have arrived. I am the luckiest dog unhung to have actually got into Cashmere. I fancy I am the first officer of our army who has been here, save the few who have come officially. These delight- ful breezes are most invigorating. I only wish you could all enjoy these travels with me. I expect to be back at Subathoo by the ist of December. In a letter to my father about this time, Mr. Thomason says : — ' I am very glad to observe that such an ' intimacy has sprung up between Colonel * Lawrence and your William. He could not ' be under better direction. * Colonel Lawrence has evidently taken him ' entirely into his confidence, which cannot but ' be of the greatest use to him in his future ' career. He will have opportunities of obser- * vation and instruction now, which very few ' possess after a long period of service. To be ' selected, too, as his confidant by a man of ' Colonel Lawrence's stamp, is no small feathei: ' in the cap of any young man. He stands ' deservedly high also in the esteem of all who ' know him ; and if it please God to spare his ' life and give him health, his prospects are ' as good as any man's can be in this country.' Colonel Lawrence having discovered that LAWRENCE ASYLUM. 39 my brother could work, was by no means disposed to let him remain without full occu- pation, as his next letter will show : — SuBATHOO, April 1st, 1847. I am wonderfully well and flourishing, and have lots to do. Lawrence has made me undertake the secretaryship of the new Asylum for European Chil- dren, building some ten miles hence, which will give me volumes of correspondence, and leagues, nay lati- tudes, of riding. Nevertheless, it is well, and it is a good work. The responsibility will be great, as a committee of management, on an average three hun- dred miles apart, are rather nominal in their super- vision of things. SuBATHOO, April ist, 1847. If my locomotive instinct has been brought into play in India, as you suggest, my constructive organs are likely to have their share of exercise. I have the entire direction and arrangement of the new Hill Asylum on my hands just now. It is seven miles hence, of mountain roads, and what with going and coming, planning, instructing, and supervising, my time is pretty well occupied, to say nothing of my regiment, and private affairs. Building a house in India is a different affair from one's previous expe- riences. You begin from the forest and the quarry, have to get lime burnt, trees cut down, bricks made, planks sawn up, the ground got ready, and then watch the work foot by foot — showing this 'nigger' how to lay his bricks, another the proper proportions of a beam, another the construction of a door, and to the several artisans the mysteries of a 40 LAWRENCE ASYLUM. screw,, a nail, and a hinge. You cannot say to a man, ' Make me a wall or a door/ but you must with your own hands measure out his work, teach him to saw away here, to plane there, or drive such a nail, or insinuate such another suspicion of glue. And when it comes to be considered that this is altogether new work to me, and has to be excuded by cogitation on the spot, so as to give an answer to every inquirer, you may understand the amount of personal exertion and attention required for the work. I have the sole direction and control of nearly four hundred and fifty workmen, including paying them, keeping accounts, drawing plans, and everything. I have to get earth dug for bricks, see the moulds made, and watch the progress of them till the kiln is full, get wood for the kiln, and direct the lighting of the same, and finally provide a goat to sacrifice to the demon who is supposed to turn the bricks red ! Then I must get bamboos and grass cut for thatching, and string made for the purpose; send about the hills for sand for mortar, and limestone to burn, see it mixed and prepared, and then show the niggers how to use it. Then the whole of the woodwork must be set out and made under one^s own eye, and a lump of iron brought from the mine to be wrought (also under one^s direction) into nails and screws, before a single door can be set up ; and when to all this is added the difficulty of getting hands (I mean in the hills), and the bother of watching the idlest and most cunning race on earth, you may suppose my ^unpaid magistracy' is no sinecure. I am not exaggerating or indeed telling half the difficulty, for fear you should think the whole a romance. You will LAWRENCE ASYLUM. 41 naturally ask how I learnt all these trades. I can only say that you can^t be more astonished than I am myself, and can only satisfy you by the theory that ' necessity is the mother of invention.' I am seldom able to sit down from sunrise to sunset, when I get a hasty dinner, and am then only too glad to sleep off the effects of the day. How I have escaped fever during the last month I cannot think, as it has been terribly hot in the sun, even in the hills, and I have lived in the blaze of it pretty constantly. Colonel Lawrence seems determined I shall have nothing to stop me, for his invariable reply to every question is, ' Act on your own judgment ;' ' Do what you think right ;' ' I give you carte hlanche to act in my name, and draw on my funds,' and so forth. Are you aware of the nature of the institution? It was started in idea by Colonel Lawrence some two or three years ago, and a sufficient sum of money for a commencement having been raised, he charged me with the erection of the necessary buildings, and the organization and setting in motion of the great machine which is to regenerate and save from moral and physical degradation, sickness, and death, the children of the British soldiers serving in India. The object is to teach them all things useful, while you give them the advantage of a healthy climate, removed from the evil influence of a barrack-room. The children are to remain in the Asylum until their parents- return to England, or till old enough to join the ranks, or be otherwise provided for. Another drag upon my hands is the care of a small European boy who was lately found up in Cabul, and is supposed to be the son of some soldier of the 42 LAWRENCE ASYLUM. destroyed army. He has been brought up as a Mussul- maiij and made to believe his father was such, and is a very bigot. Colonel Lawrence sent him to me from Lahore, but forgot to write about him, so I know no more of him than I have seen in the newspapers, and have no idea what to do with him, or where he is to go. He is rather a nuisance, and I shall be glad when he goes, as there is little but his odd fate to interest one in him ; and I have considerable doubts as to his genuine origin. He is more like a half- caste than an 'European.' Oar communication is brief, as he speaks but little Hindoostanee and I less Persian. The Asylum is a much more interesting occupation, as independently of its object, there is a pleasure in covering a fine mountain with buildings of one's own designing. A few days later lie writes : — My last few days at the Asylum were enlivened by the arrival of Mrs. George Lawrence, whose tent was pitched close to mine on the hill-top. She is a great acquisition in a forest life, and a very nice person — the wife of the Captain Lawrence who was one of the Cabul prisoners. She is to be superinten dress until the arrival of the future man from England. I have fourteen little girls to take care of, by the same token, and listen to the grumblings of their nurses. In short, I don't know myself, and that is the long and short of it. I am going to Simla for a day or two, to see Mr. Thomason. And again, to his brother : — The state of things is so provokingly quiet and placid, that there seems but small chance of our being LAWRENCE ASYLUM. 43 called upon for another rush across country (called a ' forced march'), like the one of December, 1845 ; and one is obliged to take to anything that offers to avoid the 'taedium vitae' which the want of employment engenders in this ' lovely country/ in those, at least, who have not learnt to exist in the philosophical medium of brandy and cheroots. Did I tell you, by the bye, that I abjured tobacco when I left England, and that I have never been tempted by even a night 'al fresco* to resume the delusive habit ? Nor have I told you (because I despaired of your believing it) that I have declined from the paths of virtue in respect to beer also, this two years past, seldom or never even tasting that once idolized stimulant ! ! It has not been caused alone by a love of eccentricity, but by the very sensitive state of my inner man (achieved in India), which obliges me to live by rule. This is all very edifying, no doubt, to you ; to me it is especially so, for I believe if 1 get on well in India, it will be owing, physically speaking, ta my digestion. SuBATHOO, June iSth, 1847. I am getting on famously at the Asylum just now, and have succeeded in getting the children under cover before the rains. I have narrowly escaped a "bad fever through over -work in the sun, but by taking it in time I got right again. The weather has since taken a turn, and become much cooler, besides which my principal anxiety is over foi* the season. I have certainly had a benefit of work, both civil and literary, for the Institution, and since Colonel Lawrence put an advertisement in the 44 LAWRENCE ASYLUM. papers, desiring all anxious persons to apply to me, I have had enough on my hands. It is all very well, but interferes with my reading no little ; and I am sure to get more kicks than thanks for my pains from an ungrateful and undiscerning public. How- ever, as long as Colonel Lawrence leaves everything so completely in my hands, and trusts so implicitly to my skill and honesty, it would be a shame not to work ^ un-rWke a nigger.' It is intended that the children should remain in the Institution until they are eighteen years of age, if their fathers be alive, and until somehow or other provided for, should they be orphans. The majority of the boys will, of course, become soldiers ; but my belief is, that having been brought up in the delight- ful climate of the Himalaya, they will, after ten or fifteen years, settle down in the various stations and slightly elevated valleys in these hills, as traders and cultivators, and form the nucleus of the first British colony in India. My object is to give them English habits from the first, which they have in most cases to learn, from being brought up by native nurses from infancy. Part of the scheme is to make the Institution support itself, and I am very shortly going to start a farm-yard. I have already got a fine large garden in full swing ; and here you may see French beans, cabbages, strawberry plants, and fine potatoes (free from disease). I steadfastly refuse the slightest dash of colour in admitting children. People may call this illiberal if they please ; the answer is obvious. Half-castes stand the climate of the plains too well to need a hill sanitorium, and by mixing them with English children you corrupt those whom you wish NEW APPOINTMENT. 45 to benefit. The little boy who was lately redeemed from Cabul, and whom Colonel Lawrence consigned to my care, is the plague of my existence. He has the thoroughly lying, deceitful habits, and all the dirt, of the Afi'ghan races, and not a single point of interest to counterbalance them. SuBATHOO, August, 1847. I have some hopes, though but faint ones, of being relieved from the necessity of a move to Cawnpore (whither his regiment had been ordered), by obtain- ing a berth under Colonel Lawrence. I know that he has asked for me, and, I believe, for an appoint- ment which would please me more than any other he could find, as being one of the most confidential nature, and involving constant locomotion, and plenty of work both for head, nerve, and body. But I must not be sanguine, as we have already a large pro- portion o£ officers away from the regiment, and I am a young soldier, though, alas ! growing grie- vously old in years. The appointment alluded to was to the * Corps of Giiides,' then recently organized by Colonel Lawrence for service in the Punjab. While this question, however, was stiU pending, there seemed a prospect of Lieut. Hodson's succeeding to the adjutancy of his .regiment, and Colonel Lawrence, as will be seen from the subjoined letter, recommended his accept- ing it, if offered : — 46 LETTER FROM COL. LAWRENCE. ' Simla, Sept. nth. ' My deau Hodson^ — I have spoken to the Governor- ' General about you, who at once replied, " Let him ^ take the adjutancy." He wishes you well, but is ' puzzled by the absentee question. We are all, more- ' over, agreed on the usefulness to yourself of being ^ employed for a time as adjutant to a regiment. ' There are always slips, but I know of no man of ' double or treble your standing who has so good a ^ prospect before him. Favour and partiality doocca- ' sionally give a man a lift, but depend upon it that his ' is the best chance in the long run who helps himself. ' So far you have done this manfully, and you have ' reason to be proud of being selected at one time for ^ three different appointments by three different men.* ' Don^t, however, be too proud. Learn your duties ' thoroughly. Continue to study two or three hours ' ' a day ; not to pass in a hurry, but that you may do ' so two or three years hence with eclat. Take advan- ' tage of Becher's being at Kussowlee to learn some- ' thing of surveying. All knowledge is useful ; but to ' a soldier, or official of any sort in India, I know ^ no branch of knowledge which so well repays the ' student. * In Oriental phrase, pray consider that much is said ' in this hurried scrawl, and believe that I shall watch ' your career with warm interest. ' I am, very sincerely yours, ' H. M. Laweence.' The expected vacancy, hovi^ever, did not * At this very juncture, the Adjutant- General of the array had also applied for Lieut. Hodson. GUIDE CORPS. 47 occur, and Colonel Lawrence accordingly re- newed his application for my brother's services in. the Punjab, and, as will be seen, with success. In the beginning of October he writes : — I have every reason to expect that before many days I shall be gazetted as attached to the Guide Corps. The immediate result of my appointment will be a speedy departure to Lahore with Colonel Lawrence, who returns there to arrange matters before going home. And on the 1 6th : — You will, I am sure, rejoice with me at my un- precedented good fortune in being appointed to a responsible and honourable post, almost before, by the rules of the service, I am entitled to take charge of a company of Sepoys. I shall even be better off than I thought ; instead of merely ' doing duty ' with the Guide Corps, I am to be the second in command. The next chapter will show how well Lieut. Hodson justified Colonel Lawrence's selection of him for so responsible a command, one which the course of events made far more important than could then have been foreseen. It was in this that he laid the foundations of his reputation as an * unequalled partisan leader,* and acquired his experience of the Sikhs, and extraordinary influence over them. CHAPTEE IV. EMPLOYMENT IN THE PUNJAB AS SECOND IN COMMAND OF THE COUPS OP GUIDES, AND ALSO AS ASSISTANT TO THE RESIDENT AT LAHOEE. From October, 1847, during tlie Campaign of 1848—9, to the Annexatio7i of the Punjab in March, 1849. Camp, Kussook, Nov. i^th, 1847. T ALMOST forget the many events that have -*- happened since I wrote last : I believe I was ' at home ' in my snug little cottage in Subathoo, and now I am in a high queer-looking native house among the ruins of this old stronghold of the Pathans ; with orders ^ to make a good road from Lahore to the Sutlej, distance forty miles,^ in as brief a space as possible. On the willing-to-be-generally-useful prin- ciple this is all very well, and one gets used to turning one's hand to everything, but certainly (but for ^ circumstances over which I had n*o control ') I always laboured under the impression that I knew nothing at all about the matter. However, Colonel Lawrence walked into my room promiscuously one morning, and said, ' Oh, Hodson, we have agreed that you must take in hand the road to Ferozepoor — you can start in a day or two ; ' and kere I am. Well, I have galloped across the country hither and thither, and peered into distances with telescopes, and inquired curiously into abstruse (and obtuse) angles, rattled Gunter's chains, and consulted compasses and ROAD -MAKING. 49 theodolites, till I have an idea of a road that will astonish the natives not a little. Last night I was up half the night, looking out for fires which I had ordered to be lighted in sundry places along the line of the Sutlej at a fixed hour that I might find the nearest point. This morning, I had a grand assembly of village 'punches,' to discuss with them the propriety of furnishing able-bodied men for the work. By a little artful persuasion, I succeeded in raising 700 from a small district, and am going onwards to hold another such 'county meeting' to-morrow. The mode and fashion that has always obtained in public works under native governments, has been to give an order to seize all the inhabitants, and make them work — and not pay them then. These gentry, therefore, have been so bullied by their Sikh masters, that they hardly believe my offers of ready-money payments. My predecessor, an artillery officer, who came here on the same errand, was turned off for resorting to violent measures in his anxiety to get hold of work- men, having hung some of the head men up by the heels to trees till they were convinced. He got no good (nor hands either), by his dodge. So I was sent here on the other persuasion, and you will be glad to hear, for the credit of the family, that I am gam- moning the dear old punches most deliciously . They'd give me anything, bless their innocent hearts ! when I get under the village tree with them, or by the village well, and discourse eloquently on the blessing to society of having destroyed the Sikhs, and on the lightness of their land tax. I hope to be relieved in a month, and go up to Peshawur to join ' the E 50 PUNJAB. Guides/ for this is cruelly hard work, and I have had enough for one year of native workpeople. Besides, I am not strong yet, and have a horrid cold. I would give anything to be able to sit down and read a book quietly, a luxury I have not enjoyed for many a long day. Colonel Lawrence starts for England on the 30th for two years. I hope you will contrive to see him, and make his acquaintance. Sir r, Currie is to be his successor during his absence. Dec. 1st. I have been at Lahore to receive Colonel Lawrence's parting instructions, and say good bye to him, poor fellow. He is a genuinely kind-hearted mortal, and has been a brother to me ever since I knew him. I hope to see him back in two years, invigorated and renewed, to carry out the good work which he has so nobly begun. To his Sister. Camp Kussooe, Dec. i^th, 1847. Your letter met me on my road two days ago, and emerged from the folds of a Sikh horseman's turban, to my great delight. I got off my horse, and walked along, driving him before me till I had read the packet. You must not conclude, because I am writing to you a second time from this place, that I have been here ever since I first commenced operations in these parts. I have been twice to Lahore, and several times to various intermediate and more distant places, since then. In short, you may give up all idea of being able to imagine where I may be at any given time. My work has progressed considerably. In ROAD-MAKING. 61 three weeks I have collected and got into working order upwards of a thousand most unwilling labourers, surveyed and marked out some twenty miles of road through a desert and forest, and made a very large piece of it. I am happy to say I am to be relieved in a day or two, and sent to survey another district. I have had one or two visitors the last few days, and therefore not been so lonely as usual ; but my time has been even more than ever occupied. My duties are nearly as various as there are hours in the day ; at one time digging a trench, at another time inves- tigating breaches of the peace. I am a sort of justice of the peace for general purposes, and have to listen to and inquire into complaints, and send cases which I think worthy of it for trial to Lahore. I caught as neat a case of robbing and murder the other day as ever graced Stafford Assizes ; to say nothing of end- less modes of theft, more or less open, according to the wealth or power of the stealer. This is the most remarkabje scene of ruin I have met with for many a long day ; erst, a nest of the abodes of wealthy Pathkn nobles, and now a desert tract, of many miles in ex- tent, covered with ruins, with here and there a dome, or cupola, or minaret, to mark what has once been. I am happy to say that I have succeeded in obtain- ing a respite on Sundays. Hitherto, all the works I have had in hand have gone on the same every day, and consequently one's annoyance and responsibility continued equally on Sundays. This is happily put an end to, and I shall have one day's rest a week at least, to say nothing of higher considerations. An order on the subject was issued six months ago, but great difficulties were in the way of its execution. B 2 52 PUNJAB. Camp, Deenanuggur, Jan. i^th, 1848. Here I am, off again like a steam-engine, calling at a series of stations, puffing and panting, hither and thither, never resting, ever starting ; now in a cut- ting, now in a tunnel ; first in a field, next on a hill : thus passes day after day, week after week, a great deal of work going through one^s hands, and yet one can give very little account of oneself at the end of it. At present I am moving rapidly along the banks of a small canal which traverses the Doab, between the Ravee and Beas Rivers, for purposes of irrigation; accompanying Major Napier,^ to whom the prosecution of all public improvements throughout the Land of the Five Rivers belongs. We (the ^ Woods and Forests' of the day) have nearly reached the point where the river debouches from the hills, and have put up for the day in a little garden-house of Runjeet Singh's, in the midst of a lovely grove of great extent, through whose dark-green boughs we have a splendid panorama of the snowy range to back our horizon. We have great projects of extending the canal by various branches to feed and fertilize the whole extent of the Doab, which wants nothing but water to make it a garden, so fertile is the soil. We have come along a strip of beautiful country, richly cultivated, lying along the banks of this life-giving little watercourse, and the weather is perfect, so I am as happy as mere externals can make one. Certainly we whose lot has fallen on this side of India, are much to be envied . Here, all day long one rides about, clothed as warmly, and even more so, than in England at this season. Now Sir Robert Napier, K.C.B. SURVEYING. 53 enjoying the bright clear sunshine, and never troubled with thinking of the sun ; whilst at Calcutta they are running into their houses at nine o'clock to avoid the heat of the day ! I imagine two years in Calcutta would be more wearing than ten up here; by the same token, I have achieved the respectable weight of eleven stone ten pounds, being an increase of seventeen pounds since July. May my shadow never be less ! I live from the arrival of one mail in expectation of the next. I had meant to have written a long series of despatches for this opportunity, and have asked you to do some commissions for me, but I must postpone it now to another time, as Major Napier has lots of work for me. I want a pair of thick blankets ; mine were plundered at Ferozeshah, and I have always mourned over them since, when cold nights and long marches come together. In these far countries it is next to impossible to get anything decent. > Camp, Raja Ke BIgh, Jan. 2gih, 1848. For some days I was staying in, and intend return- ing again to, a fine picturesque old castle or fort built by the Emperor Shahjehan. Its lofty walls, with their turrets and battlements, enclose a quadrangle of the size of the great court of Trinity, while from the centre rises a dark mass of buildings three stories high, forming thi keep; presenting externally four blank walls pierced with loopholes, but within, arches and pillars and galleries, with an open space in the centre, in which they all face. The summit rises sixty-four feet, which, in addition to the great elevation of the mound 54 PUNJAB. on which the castle stands, gives a noble view of mountain, river, and plain, covered with the finest timber and green with young corn ; the whole backed by range on range, peak after peak, of dazzling snow. Another, nearly similar, lies about ten miles to the north, and I am now ' pitched' at the foot of a third to the west ; all monuments of the taste and grandeur of the Mogul Emperors. That Goth, Runjeet Singh and his followers have as much to answer for in their way, as Cromwell and his crop-eared scoundrels in England and Ireland. They seem only to have conquered to destroy — every public work, every castle, road, serai or avenue, has been destroyed ; the finest mosques turned into powder magazines and stables, the gardens into cantonments, and the fields into deserts. I had a pretty specimen the other day of the way in which things have been managed here. I was desired to examine into, and report on, the accounts of revenue collected hitherto in i8o villages along the ' Shah Nahr,' or Eoyal Canal. By a convenient mixture of coaxing and threats, compliment and invective, a return was at last effected, by which it appeared that in ordinary cases about one-half the revenue reached the treasury, in some one-third, and in one district nothing ! To my great amusement when I came to this point, the gallant collector (a long-bearded old Sikh) quietly remarked — ' Yes, Sahib, this was in- deed a great place for us entirely.' I said, ' yes, you villain, you gentry grew fat on robbing your master.' ^ Don't call it robbing,' he said ; ' I assure you, I wouldn't be dishonest for the world. I never took more than my predecessors did before me.' About the SURVEYING. 55 most naive definition of honesty I have had the luck to meet with. I fancy our visit to these nooks and corners of the Punjab has added some 50,000^. a year to the revenue. My present role is to survey a part of the country lying along the left bank of the Ravee and below the hills, and I am daily and all day at work with compasses and chain, pen and pencil, following streams, diving into valleys, burrowing into hills, to complete my work. I need hardly remark, that having never attempted anything of the kind hitherto, it is bothering at first. But one is compelled to be patient under this sort of insult, and I should not be surprised any day to be told to build a ship, compose a code of laws, or hold assizes, — in fact, 'tis the way in India ; every one has to teach himself his work, and do it at the same time ; if I go on learning new trades as fast during the remainder of my career as I have done at its commencement, I shall have to retire as a Jacksonian professor at least, when ' my dog has had his day.' Well ! I have fairly beaten the cold this time — I turned back one side of the tent, and had a big fire lighted outside, protected from draughts by a canvas screen, and the whole tent is now in a jolly glow ; a gipsy light reflected on the trees around, and on the two tall picturesque Afighans who, seated cross-legged on each side of the fire, either replenish it with sticks, fan it into a flame, or watch my pen with the large, black, inquisitive eye of a dog looking out for a crust. They make much better servants for wandering folks like myself than the Hindoostanee servant-tribe, have fewer or no prejudices (save against clean 56 PUNJAB. water), and trudge along the live-long day as merrily as if life was a joke to them, instead of the dull heavy reality it is.* Feb. 2)th, 1848. I really have very little to tell you of my new Guide Corps duties, from the somewhat strange fact that I have never yet actually entered upon them; this will soon come to an end, however, as I have directions to proceed to Peshawur as soon as the survey I have been at work on is completed. The grand object of the corps is to train a body of men in peace to be efficient in war ; to be not only acquainted with localities, roads, rivers, hills, ferries, and passes, but have a good idea of the produce and supplies available in any part of the country ; to give accurate information, not running open-mouthed to say that * Lieutenant (now Col.) Herbert Edwardes wrote as follows to his family in England : — ' Young Hodson has been appointed to do duty with * our Punjab Guide Corps, commanded by Lieutenant ' Lumsden. The duties of a Commandant or Adjutant ^ of Guides are at once important and delightful. It is ' his duty in time of peace to fit himself for leading ' armies during war. This necessitates his being con- ' stantly on the move, and making himself and his ' men acquainted with the country in every quarter. * In short, it is a roving commission, and to a man of ' spirit and ability, one of the finest appointments * imaginable. ' I think Hodson will do it justice. He is one of the ' finest young fellows I know, and a thorough soldier * in his heart.' GUIDE CORPS. 57 io,oco horsemen and a thousand guns are coming (in true native style), but to stop to see whether it maj not really be only a common cart and a few wild horsemen who are kicking up all the dust : to call twenty-five by its right name, and not say fifty for short, as most natives do. This of course wants a great deal of careful instruction and attention. Beyond this, the officers should give a tolerably correct sketch and report of any country through which they may pass, be au fait at routes and means of feeding troops, and above all (and here you come close upon political duties), keep an eye on the doings ' of the neighbours' and the state of the country, so as to be able to give such information as may lead to any out- break being nipped in the bud. This is the theory , what the practice may be I'll tell you some day or other when I know. Hitherto I have been making myself generally useful under the chief engineer, and learning to survey. One has to turn one's hand to everything if one wishes to get on. Meanwhile, I am busily collecting every species of information about the people and the land they live in. Hard work and fatigue, of course, but a splendid opening and opportunity for making oneself known and necessary. Beekanugqur, March i4 • ' • • 101 touched the bayonets ; and even then he said faintly, ' Pray which way are the men facing, Mr. Hodson ?* This is no exaggeration, I assure you. Can you wonder that our troops have to recover by desperate fighting, and with heavy loss, the advantages thrown away by the want of heads and eyes to lead them ? A seniority service, like that of the Company, is all very well for poor men ; better still for fools, for they must rise equally with wise men ; but for main- taining the discipline and efficiency of the army in time of peace, and hurling it on the enemy in war, there never was a system which carried so many evils on its front and face. I speak strongly, you will say, for I feel acutely ; though I am so young a soldier, yet the whole of my brief career has been spent in camps, and a year such as the last, spent in almost constant strife, and a great part of it on detached and independent com- mand, teaches one lessons which thirty years of peaceful life, of parades and cantonments, would never impart. There are men of iron, like Napier and Radetzky, aged men, whom nothing affects ; but they are just in sufficient numbers to prove the rule by establish- ing exceptions. Depend upon it, that for the rough work of war, especially in India, your leaders must be young to be effective. If you could but see my beautiful rough and ready boys, with their dirt coloured clothes and swarthy faces, lying in wait for a Sikh, I think it would amuse you Dot a little. I must try and send you a picture of them. Alas ! I am no longer a ' Guide,' but only a big-wig, administering justice, deciding disputes, 1G2 Jjii. ARNOLD. imprisoning thieves,, and assisting to hang highway- men, like any other poor old, fat, respectable, hum- drum justice of the peace in Old England TJmritsur, April ^th, 1850. I quite agree with all you say about Arnold. His loss was a national misfortune. Had he lived he would have produced an' impression on men's minds whose effects would have been felt for ages. As it is, the influence which he did produce has been most lastina: and strikino^ in its effects. It is felt even in India ; I cannot say more than that. You should come and live in India for five years if you wished to feel (supposing you ever doubted it) the benefit of our ' established' forms of Christianity. Even the outward signs and tokens of its profession — cathedrals, churches, colleges, tombs, hospitals, alms-houses — have, I am now more than ever convinced, an influence on men's minds and principles and actions which none but those who have been removed from their influence for years can feel or appreciate thoroughly. The more I think of this the more strongly I feel the effect of mere external sights and sounds on the inner and better man. Our Gothic buildings, our religious- looking churches, have, I am sure, a more restraining and pacifying influence than is generally believed by those who are habituated to them, and have never felt the want of them. A few cathedrals and vener- able-looking edifices would do wonders in our colonies. Here we have nothing physical to remind us of any creed but Islamism and Hindooism. The compara- tive purity of the Moslem's creed is shown admirably INFLUENCE OF OUTWARD FORMS. 103 in the superiority in taste and form of their places of prayer. Christianity alone is thrust out of sight ! A barrack-room, a ball-room, a dining-room, per- haps a court of justice, serve the purpose for which the 'wisdom and piety of our ancestors' constructed such noble and stately temples ; feeling, justly, that the human mind in its weakness required to be called to the exercise of devotion by the senses as well as by reason and will ; that separation from the ordinary scenes of everyday life, its cares, its toils, its amusements, is necessary to train the feelings and thoughts to that state in which religious impressions are conveyed. I have not seen a church for three years and more, nor heard the service of the Church read, save at intervals, in a room in which, perhaps, the night before, I had been crushed by a great dinner party, or worn out by the bustle and turmoil of suitors. The building in which one toils becomes intimately associated with the toil itself. That in which one prays should at least have some attribute to remind one of prayer. Human nature shrinks for lojig from the thought of being buried in any but consecrated ground; the certainty of lying dead some day or other on a field of battle, or by a roadside, has, I have remarked, the most strange effect on the soldier's mind. Depend upon it the same feeling holds good with regard to consecrated places of worship. You may think this fanciful, but I am sure you would feel it more strongly than I do, were you to live for a time in a country where everything bid religion has its living and existent memorials and evidences. But to return to reality : I have just spent three days in Sir Charles Napier's camp, it being my 104 SIR C. NAPIER. duty to accompany him through such parts of the civil district as he may have occasion to visit. He was most kind and cordial; vastly amusing and interesting, and gave me even a higher opinion of him than before. To be sure, his language and mode of expressing himself savour more of the last than of this century — of the camp than of the court ; but barring these eccentricities, he is a wonderful man ; his heart is as thoroughly in his work, and he takes as high a tone in all that concerns it, as Arnold did in his ; that is to say, the highest the subject is capable of. I only trust he will remain with us as long as his health lasts, and endeavour to rouse the army from the state of slack discipline into which it has fallen. On my parting with him he said, ' Now, remember, Hodson, if there is any way in which I can be of use to you, pray don't scruple to write to me.' I didn't show him his brother's* letter — that he might judge for himself first, and know me 'per se,' or rather ' per me ;' I will, however, if ever I see him again. Sir W. Napier. CHAPTEE YT. TOUR IN CASHMERE AND THIBET WITH SIR HENRY LAWRENCE. — PROMOTION AND TRANSFER TO CIS SUTLEJ PROVINCES. Camp, en route to Cashmere, June loth, 1850. TrOUR letter from Paris reached me just as I was -■- preparing to start from Umritsur to join Sir Henry Lawrence and accompany him to Cashmere. I fought against the necessity of leave as long as pos- sible, but I was getting worse and worse daily, and so much weakened from the effects of heat and hard- work acting on a frame already reduced by sickness, that I was compelled to be off ere worse came. We yesterday arrived at the summit of the first high ridge southward of the snowy range, and have now only some sixty miles to traverse before entering the valley. To me, travelling is life, and in a country where one has no home, no local attractions, and no special sympathies, it is the greatest comfort in the world. I get terribly enmiye if I am in one place for three months at a time; yet I think I should be just as tame as ever in England, quite domestic again. Cashmere, Jvly %th, 1850. You would enjoy this lovely valley extremely. I did not know it was so beautiful, having only seen it before in its winter dress. Nothing can exceed the 106 CASHMERE. luxuriant beauty of the vegetation, the plane trees and walnuts especially, except the squalor, dirt, and poverty of the wretched Cashmerians. The King is avaricious, and is old. The disease grows on him, and he wont look beyond his money bags. There is a capitation tax on every individual practising any labour, trade, profession, or employment, collected daily. Fancy the Londoners having to go and pay a fourpenny and a sixpenny bit each, per diem, for the pleasure of living in the town. Then the tax on all shawls, goods, and fabrics, is about seventy-five per cent, including custom duty ; and this the one solitary staple of the valley. The chief crops are rice, and of this, what with one half taken at a slap as ^ revenue,' or rent, and sundry other pulls for dues, taxes, and offerings, so little remains to the farmer, that in practise he pays all or within a few bushels of all, his produce to the King, and secures in return his foodj and that not of the best. Thus the farmer class or ^ Zemindars' are reduced pretty well to the state of day-labourers ; yet the people are all well clothed, and fuel is to be had for the asking. What a garden it might be made. Not an acre to which the finest water might not be conveyed without expense worth naming, and a climate where all produce comes to perfection, from wheat and barley to grapes and silk. We go northwards on the 20th, first to Ladakh and Thibet, thence to Iskardo, and then across the Indus to Gilghit, a terra incognita, to which, I believe, only one European now living has penetrated. Sir Henry Lawrence is not well, and certainly not up to this trip, but he has made up his mind to go. I do not gain strength as fast as I could wish, but I fancy THIBET. 107 when once thoroughly unstrung, it takes a long time to recover the wonted tone. We shall have another frontier war in the cold weather evidently, and I fancy a more prolonged and complete affair than the last. The cause of the only loss sustained in the last scrimmage was the panic of the Sepoys. They are as children in the hands of these Affghans and hill tribes. Our new Punjab levies fought ' like bricks,' but the Hindoostanee is not a hardy enough animal, physically or morally, to con- tend with the sturdier races west of the Sutlej, or the active and fighting * Pathkns.' The very name sticks in John Sepoy's throat. I must try and see the next contest, but I do not quite see my way to it at present. To his Sister. Camp, near LadAkh, August 4th, 1850. . Who would have thought of my writing to you from Thibet. I am sitting in a little tent about eight feet long, which just takes a narrow cot, a table, and chair of camp dimensions, and my sac-de-nuit, gun, &c., and a tin box containing books, papers, and the materials for this present epistle. Under the same tree (a veritable chesnut) is Sir Henry Lawrence's tent, a ditto of mine, in which he is comfortably sleeping, as I ought to be ; outside are my pets — that is, a string of mules who accompany me in all my travels, and have also in the mountains the honour of carrying me as well as my baggage. The kitchen is under a neighbouring tree; and round a fire are squatting our gallant guards, a party of 108 THIBET. Maharaja Ghoolab Singh^s household brigade. Some of his people accompany us, and what with followers, a Moonshee or two for business, and their followers, I dare say we are a party of two or three hundred souls, of all colours and creeds — Christians, Mussulmans, Hindoos, Buddhists, Sikhs, and varieties of each. The creeds of the party are as varied as their colours; and that's saying a good deal, when you contrast my white face and yellow hair with. Sir Henry's nut-brown, the pale white parchmenty-colour of the Kashmeree, the honest brunette tinge of the tall Sikh, the clear olive brown of the Rajpoot, down through all shades of dinginess to the deep black of the low-caste Hindoo. I am one of the whitest men in India, I fancy, as instead of burning in the sun, I get blanched, like endive or celery. How you would stare at my long beard, moustache, and whiskers. However, to return from such personalities to facts. The Indus is brawling along five hundred feet below us, as if in a hurry to get ' out of that ; ' and above, one's neck aches with trying to see to the top of the vast craggy mountains which confine the stream in its rocky channel. So wild, so heaven- forsaken a scene I never beheld ; living nature there is none. In a week's journey, I have seen three marmots, two wagtails, and three jackdaws : and we have averaged twenty miles a day. We met a lady the other day, in the most romantic way possible, in the midst of the very wildest of glens, and almost as wild weather. She is a young and very pretty creature, gifted with the most indomitable energy and endurance (except as regards her husband, whom she cayiH endure, and therefore travels alone). STRANGE MEETING. 109 But conceive, that for the last three months she has been making her way on pony-back across a country which few men would like to traverse, over the most formidable passes, the deepest and rapidest rivers, and wildest deserts in Asia. For twenty days she was in the extreme wilds of Thibet, without ever seeing a human habitation; making such long day's journeys as often to be without food or bedding, traversing passes from sixteen to eighteen thousand feet above the sea where you can hardly breathe without pain, enduring pain, sickness, and every other mortal ill, yet persevering still ! Poor creature, she is dying, I fear. It is evident that she is in a deep consumption, created by a terrible fall she had down a precipice, at the commencement of her journey. Well, one day we met her between this place and Cashmere. She was sixteen or twenty miles from her tents, and the rain and darkness were coming on apace; the thermometer down below fifty degrees. So we persuaded her to stop at our encampment. I gave her my tent and cot; acted lady's maid ; supplied her with warm stockings and shoes, water, towels, brushes, &c., and made her comfortable, and then we sat down to dinner ; and a pleasantef evening I never spent. She was as gay as a lark, and poured out stores of information and anecdotes, and recounted her adventures in the ' spiritedest ' manner. After an early breakfast the next morning I put her on her pony, and she went on her way, and we saw her no more. I hope she will live to reach the end of her journey, and not die in some wild mountain-side unattended and alone. 110 THIBET. Another letter of same date : — Camp, Kulsee in LadIkh, August 4th, 1850. Until you cross the mountain chain which separates Cashmere from Tibet (or Thibet), all is green and beautiful. Itis impossible to imagine a finer combi- nation of vast peaks and masses of mountain, with green sloping lawns, luxuriant foliage, and fine blustering woods, than is displayed on the sides of the great chain which we usually call the Himalaya, but which is better described as the ridge which separates the waters of the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravee, and Beas from those of the Indus. When once, however, you have crossed this vast barrier, the scene changes as if by magic, and you have nothing but huge convulsive-looking masses of rock, tremendous mountains, glaciers, snow, and valleys which are more vast watercourses than anything else. On the more open and less elevated spots along these various feeders of the Indus, one comes to little patches of cultivation, rising from the banks of the rivers in tiers of carefully-prepared terraces, and irrigated by channels carried along the sides of the hill from a point higher up the stream. Here, in scattered villages ten and twenty miles apart, live the ugliest race on earth, I should imagine, who'm we call Thibetians, but who style themselves ' Bhots ' or ' Bhods,^ and unite the characteristic features, or rather want of them, of both Goorkhas and Chinese. I went yesterday to see a monastery of their Llamas, the most curious sight, as well as site, I ever beheld. Perched on the summits of a mass of sandstone-grit, conglomerate pudding stone, worn by the melting snows (for there is no rain in Tibet) into miraculous LLAMA MONASTEEIES. Ill cones, steeples, and pinnacles rising abruptly from the valley to the height of 600 feet, are a collection of queer little huts, connected together by bridges, passages, and staircases. In these dwell the'worthies who have betaken themselves to the life of religious mendicants and priests. They seem to correspond exactly with the travelling friars of olden times. Half stay at home to perform chants and services in their convent chapel, and half go a begging about the country. They are not a distinct race like the Brahmins of India, but each Bhot peasant devotes one of two or three sons to the church, and he is thenceforward devoted to a life of. celibacy, of shaven crown, of crimson apparel, of mendicancy, of idle- ness, and of comfort. They all acknowledge spiritual allegiance to the great Llama at Lhassa (some two months' journey from Ladakh), by whom the abbot of each convent is appointed on a vacancy occurring, and to whom all their proceedings are reported. Nunneries also exist on precisely the same footing. I saw a few of the nuns, and their hideous appearance fully justified their adoption of celibacy and seclusion. From their connexion with almost every family, as I have said, they are universally looked up to and supported as a class by the people. Even Hindoos reverence them ; and their power is not only feared, but I fancy tolerably freely exercised. Their chapel (a flat-roofed square building supported on pillars) is furnished with parallel rows of low benches to receive the squatting fathers. Their services consist of chants and recitative, accompanied by the discord of musical (?) instruments and drums, while perpetual lamps burn on the altars before 112 LLAMA MONASTERIES. their idols, and a sickly perfume fills the air. Eound the room are rude shelves containing numberless volumes of religious books ; not bound, but in sepa- rate leaves secured between two painted boards. I will try and send you one, if I can corrupt the mind of some worthy Llama with profane silver. They are genuine hloch hooksj strange to say, apparently carved on wood, and then stamped on a Chinese paper. The figures of their images, and their costume and head-dress {i.e. of the images), are Chinese entirely, not at all resembling the Bhot dress, or scarcely so, and though fashioned by Thibetian hands, you might fancy yourself gazing on the figures in the Chinese Exhibition at Hyde Park Corner. Their language is a sealed book to me, of course, and though they all read and write well, yet they were unable to explain the meaning of the words they were repeating. The exterior appearance and sites of their conventual buildings reminded me very strongly of the drawings I saw in a copy of Curzon's Monasteries of the Levant, which fell in my way for five minutes one day. I need hardly say that, in a country composed of mountains ranging from 14,000 feet upwards, the scenery is magnificent in the extreme, though very barren and savage. Apricots and wheat are ripening in the valley whence I now write (on the right bank of the Indus, some fifty miles below the town of Ladakh), and snow is glistening on the summits above me ; the roads have been very easy indeed, and enabled us to make long day's marches, from sixteen to twenty-five miles. This is more than you could do in two days in the ranges south of the Himalaya, with due regard for THIBET. 113 your own bones, and the cattle or porters which carry your traps and tents. I am very seedy, and twenty miles is more than I can ride with com- fort (that I should live to say it). I have not as yet derived much, if any, benefit from change of climate. From Ladakh we go to Iskardo, some twelve marches lower down the Indus, where it has been joined by the water of Yarkund; and thence to Gilghit, a valley running up from that of the Indus, still lower down, and bordering on Budakhstan. We (Sir Henry Lawrence and I) then return to Cashmere ; I expect it will be two more months' journey. We have already been out a fortnight, and it is very fatiguing. I am not sure that I was wise in under- taking it, but he (Lawrence) is a greater invalid than I am, and two or three men fought shy of the task of accompanying him. Camp, Iskardo (in Little Thibet), August 2^th, 1850. Only think of my setting down peaceably to write to you from this outside world. Had I lived a hundred years ago, I should have been deemed a great traveller, and considered to have explored unknown countries, and unknown they are, only the principal danger of visiting them is past, seeing that they have been subdued by a power (Ghoolab Singh) with whom we have ' relations.' Yet if I were to cross the moun- tains which stare me in the face a few miles off, I should be carried off and sold for a slave. It were vain to try to compress the scenes of a two months' I 114 LADAKH. journey into a sheet of note-paper. We liave travelled very rapidly. Few men go the pace Sir Henry Lawrence does. So we have covered a great extent of country in the past month ; and seeing that the valleys are the only inhabited parts of the country, the rest being huge masses of mountains, one really sees in these rapid flights all that is to be seen of the abodes of man. We have collected a good deal of information too, which, if I had time to arrange it, might be of value. We were eleven long days^ journey from Cashmere to Ladakh, besides halts on the way at Ladakh itself, or, as the people call it, Leh. We remained a week, and saw all the ^foreigners' who came there to sell furs and silk. It is called the ' Great Emporium' of trade between Yarkund and Kashgar and Llassa, and Hindoostan. Fine words look well on paper, but to my unsophisticated mind the Meading merchants' seemed pedlars^ and the ^ Emporium' to be a brace of hucksters' shops. How- ever, 'tis curious, that's a fact, to see (and talk to) a set of men who have got their goods from the yellow-haired Russians at the Nishni-Novogorod fair, and brought them across Asia to sell at Ladakh. It is forty days' journey of almost a continuous desert for these caravans from Yarkund to Leh : and there is no small danger to life and limb by the way. The current coin is lumps of Chinese syce silver of two pounds weight each. I bought a Persian horse for the journey, and paid for it in solid silver four pounds weight, i66 rupees, or about i6l. I shall sell it for double the money when the journey is over. Leh is a small town, of not more than 400 houses, on a projecting promontory of rock stretching out into THE BODHS. 115 the valley formed by one of the small feeders of the Indus. For the people, they are Bodhs, and wear tails, and have flat features like the Chinese, and black garments. The women, unlike other Asiatics whom I have seen, go about the streets openly, as in civilized countries ; but they are an ugly race, and withal dirty to an absolutely unparalleled extent. They wear no head-dress, but plait their masses of black hair into sun* dry tails halfway down their backs. Covering the divi- sion of the hair from the forehead back and down the shoulders, is a narrow leathern strap, universally adorned with rough turquoises and bits of gold or silver. The old Ranee whom we called upon had on this strap (in her case a broader one, about three fingers wide) 156 large turquoises, worth some hundreds of pounds. Over their ears they wear flaps of fur which project forward with precisely the efiect of blinkers on a horse. The climate is delightful ; it never rains ; the sky is blue to a fault, and snow only falls sparingly in winter, though the climate is cold, being 10,000 feet (they say) above the sea. In boiling water the thermometer was only 188°. I never felt a more exhilarating air. That one week quite set me up, and I have been better ever since. The llamas or monks, with their red cardinal's hats and crimson robes, look very imposing and monastic, quite a travestie of the regular clergy, and they blow just such trumpets as fame does on monu- ments in country churches. Jolly friars they are, and fat to a man. From Leh we crossed the mountain ridge which separates the two streams of the Indus, and descended the northern (or right) stream to this place, the capital of Bultistan or Little Thibet. It is a genuine humbug. In the middle of a fine valley some I 2, 116 ISKARDO. 6000 feet above the sea, surrounded by sudden rising perpendicular mountains 6000 feet higher, stands an isolated rock washed by the Indus, some two miles by three-quarters : a little Gibraltar. The valley may be ten miles by three, partially cultivated, and inha- bited by some 300 scattered houses. There^s Iskardo. There was a fort on the rock, but that is gone, and all, as usual in the East, bespeaks havoc : only nature is grand here. The people are Mussulmans, and not Bodhs, and are more human-looking, but not so well clad. It is warmer by far, much more so than it ought to be. The thermometer was at 92° in our tents to-day, a thing for which I cannot pos- sibly account, since there is snow now on all sides of us. We go hence across the Steppe of Deo Sole towards Cashmere for four days' journey, and then strike west ward to cross the Indus into Gil ghit, whence we return to Cashmere by the end of September. We have been making very fast marches, varying from sixteen to thirty-two miles a day — hard work in a country with such roads, and where you must take things with you. I enjoy it very much, however, and after a year's sickness, the feeling of returning health is refreshing. I shall return to work again by the 1st of December : but I propose paying a flying visit to Mr. Thomason in October, if possible ; but the dis- tances are so vast, and the means of locomotion so absent, that these things are difiicult to achieve. I suppose I have seen more of the hill country now than ninety-nine men out of a hundred in India. Indeed, not above four Europeans have been here before. But travelling suits my restless spirit. Sir Henry and I get on famously together. INTEREST OF FORMING SOLDIERS. 117 On October 7tli, 1850, he writes from Simla to his father : — I have had a long and fatiguing march from Cash- mere across the mountains and the valleys of the ^ five rivers/ nearly four hundred miles, which I accom- plished in fifteen days. I left Sir Henry Lawrence in Cashmere. I have since heard from him, urging me to use all the influence I can muster up here to procure a brevet majority inposse {i.e., on attaining my regimental captaincy), and a local majority in esse for ' my services in the late war / and adding, that if I did not find civil employment to suit me, he would, when I had given it a fair trial, try and get me the command of one of the regiments in the Punjab. I am going to consult Mr. Thomason on the subject, and will let you know the result. I hate the least suspicion of toadyism, and dislike asking favours, or I should have been better off ere now; but on Sir Henry Lawrence's suggestion, I will certainly use any oppor- tunity which may offer. I thought, however, you would be gratified with the opinion which must have dictated so perfectly spontaneous an offer. I confess that I very much prefer the military line myself, al- though I like civil work much, and it is the road to competence. Nevertheless, military rank and distinc- tions have more charm for me than rupees ; and I would rather cut my way to a name and poverty with the Bword, than write it to wealth with the pen. There is something to me peculiarly interesting in the /arming and training soldiers, and in acquiring that extraordinary influence over their minds, both 118 INFLUENCE OVER GUIDES. by personal volition and the aid of discipline, which leads them on through danger, even to death, at your bidding. I felt the enthusiasm of this power success- fully exerted with the Guides during the late war ; and having felt it, am naturally inclined to take ad- vantage of it on future occasions. To his Sister. Simla, Oct. 21st, 1850. It is rather too late to tell you ' all about Cashmere,^ as you desire ; but I can say that I saw some beauties this time who were really so to no common extent ; and that I was much more pleased with the valley than on my first visit, which was a winter one. If you see what wonderfully out of the way places we got into, I think you will marvel that I managed to write at all. We traversed upwards of fifteen hundred miles of wild mountainous countries, innocent of roads, and often for days together of inhabitants, and carry- ing our houses on our backs. The change to the utter comfort and civilization of this house was some- thing 'stunning f and I have not yet become quite re- conciled to dressing three times a day, black hat, and patent leather boots. I need hardly say, how- ever, that I have very much enjoyed my visit and my ' big talks ^ with Mr. Thomason. He is very grey, and looks older than when I saw him in 1847, but otherwise he is just the same, working mag- nificently, and doing wonders for his province. Al- ready the North-West Provinces are a century in advance of the Bengal Proper ones. As a Gover- nor, he has not his equal; and in honesty, high- MR. THOMASON. 119 mindedness, and indefatigable devotion to the public good, he is facile princeps of the whole Indian service. Nor is there a household in India to match his, indeed, it is about the only ' big-wig * house to which people go with pleasure rather than as a duty. I saw Sir Charles Napier, too, and dined with him last week. He is very kind and pleasant, and I am very sorry on public grounds that he is going away. KussowLEE, Nov. 4th, 1850. I had a most pleasant home-like visit to Mr. Thomason, and was most affectionately entertained. He will have told you of the power of civility I met with at Simla from the ' big-wigs,' and that even Lord Dalhousie waxed complimentary, and said that ' Lumsden and Hodson were about the best men he had (that I write it that shouldn't !), and that he promised to do his best to get me a brevet majority as soon as I became, in the course of time, a regi- mental captain. And Sir Charles Napier (the best abused man of his day) was anxious to get for me the Staff appointment of Brigade-Major to the Punjab Irregular Force — i.e., of the six newly raised cavalry and infantry regiments for frontier service. He did not succeed, for the berth had been pre- viously filled up, unknown to him ; but he tried to do so, and that's a compliment from such a man. I hope I need not say that this good deed of his was as spontaneous as a mushroom's birth. 120 APPOINTMENT TO CTS-SUTLEJ STATES. To his Father. KussowLEE, Nov. 6th. I am to be liere next year^ I find, by tidings just received, whicb will be a splendid thing for my con- stitution. My connexion with Umritsur is dissolved by my having been appointed to act as personal as- sistant to the Commissioner of the Cis-Sutlej States, which is, I believe, a piece of promotion. The great advantages are, first, the capital opportunity it affords of experience in every kind of civil work, and of being under a very able man — Mr. Edmonstone ; and secondly, that the Commissioner's head-quarters are ' peripatetic' in the cold weather, and in the hills during the remainder of the year. But I confess that I hanker after the 'Guides' as much as ever, and would catch at a good opportunity of returning to them with honour. I fear I have been remiss in ex- planations on this subject. The matter lies in this wise — I left the Corps, and took to civil employment at the advice of Sir Henry Lawrence, Mr. Thomason, and others, though against my own feelings on the subject. The man or men who succeeded me are senior to me in army rank. When one of them re- signed six months ago, I was strongly disposed and urged to try and succeed to the vacancy. There was a hitch, however, from the cause I have mentioned, and Lumsden was anxious that his lieutenants should not be disgusted by supercession. I might have had the appointment, but withdrew to avoid annoying Lumsden. Now, both Sir Henry Lawrence and Mr. Thomason are very sorry that I ever left the Corps, and that they advised the step. Things have LAHORE. 121 taken a different turn since then, and it is confessedly the best thing a young soldier can aspire to. I know that my present line is one which leads to more pecuniary advantages ; but the other is the finer field, and is far more independent. I shall work away, however, cheerfully in the civil line until I see a good opening in the other; and then, I fear you will hardly persuade me that sitting at a desk with the ther- mometer at 98° is better than soldiering — i.e., than commanding soldiers made and taught by yourself! I will give you the earliest warning of the change. Umritsur, Nov. 24th, 1850. I returned here on the i6th, and have been up to the neck in work ever since, having the whole work, civil, criminal, police, &c. &c., on my shoulders, Sanders, the Deputy Commissioner, my superior, being engaged dancing attendance on the Governor- General, who is here on his annual tour of inspection ; and Macleod, my co-assistant, dead. Directly the Governor- General has gone onwards I shall be relieved here, and join my new appointment with Mr. Edmonstone. Lahore, Jem. 2nd, 1851. I broke up from Umritsur early in December, and came into Lahore to join my new chief. He did not arrive till the i8th, so I had a comparative holy day. I have got into harness, however, again now, and am up to the elbows in work and papers. The work is much more pleasant than that I had at Umritsur, and more free from mere routine. 122 KUSSOWLEE. Lahore, Feb. 21st. This is an interesting anniversary to many of us, and an overwhelming one to this country — that of the day on which ' the bright star of the Punjab' set for ever. It has been curiously marked by the an- nouncement that the net balance of receipts over expenditure for the past year for the newly acquired provinces has reached upwards of a million sterling. Lord Dalhousie's star is in the ascendant. His financial measures are apparently all good, when tried by the only standard admissible in the nineteenth century — their success. KussowLEE, March 22nd, 1851. I broke down again most completely as soon as the hot weather began, but my flight to this beautiful climate has wonderfully refreshed me. Talk of Indian luxuries ! There are but two, cold water and cool air ! I get on very comfortably with my new ' Chief.' He is a first-rate man, and has a most uncommon appetite for work,- of which there is plenty for both of us. We cover a good stretch of country — com- prising five British districts and nine sovereign states ; and as the whole has been in grievous disorder for many years, and a peculiarly difficult population to deal with, you may imagine that the work is not slight. My principal duty is hearing appeals from orders and decisions by the district officers in these five districts. It is of course not ' per se,' but as the Commissioner's personal assistant, that I do this. I prepare a short abstract, with my opinion on each case, soldier's profession. 123 and he issues his orders accordingly. I was at work a whole day lately over one case, which, after all, in- volved only a claim to ahout a quarter of an acre of land! You will give me credit for ingenuity in discovering that the result of some half dozen quires of written evidence was to prove that neither of the contending parties had any right at all ! If that's not 'justice to Ireland/ I don't know what is ! I have been staying with Captain Douglas, and I hope I shall see a great deal of him. There is not a better man or more genuine soldier going. This may appear faint praise, but rightly understood, and conscientiously and boldly worked out, I doubt whether any other profession calls forth the higher qualities of our nature more strongly than does that of a soldier in times of war and tumults. Certain it is that it requires the highest order of man to be a good general, and in the lower ranks (in this country especially), even with all the frightful draw- backs and evils, I doubt whether the Saxon race is ever so pre-eminent, or its good points so strongly developed, as in the 'European' soldier serving in India, or on service anywhere. KussowLEE, A'prH ph, 1851. I have the nicest house here on a level spot on the very summit of the mountain ridge, from which a most splendid view is obtainable for six months in the year. In the immediate foreground rises a round-backed ridge, on which stands the former work of my hands, the ' Lawrence Asylum ;' while to the westward, and down, down far off in the interminable south, the 124 KUSSOWLEE. wide glistening plains of the Punjab, streaked with the faint ribbon-like lines of the Sutlej and its tribu- taries, and the wider sea-like expanse of Hindoostan, stretch away in unbroken evenness beyond the limits of vision, and almost beyond those of faith and ima- gination. On the other side, you look over a mass of mountains up to the topmost peaks of Himalaya. So narrow is the ridge, that it seems as though you could toss a pebble from one window into the Sutlej, and from the other into the valley below Simla. I like the place very much. I have seven or eight hours' work every day, and the rest is spent (as this one) in the society of the 6oth Rifles, the very nicest and most gentlemanly regiment I ever met with. KussowLEE, May \th, 1851. . Your budget of letters reached me on the 2nd. It is very pleasant to receive these warm greetings, and it refreshes me when bothered, or overworked, or feverish, or disgusted. I look forward to a visit to England and home with a pleasure which nothing but six years of exile can give. The Governor- General has at last advanced me to the higher grade of ^assistants' to Commissioners. The immediate advantage is an increase of pay — the real benefit, that it brings me nearer the main step of a Deputy-Commissioner in charge of a district. It is satisfactory, not the less so that it was extorted from him by the unanimity of my official superiors in pressing the point upon him, Mr. Edmonstone having commenced attacking him in my favour before I had been under him four months. I am not in love with KUSSOWLEE. 125 the kind of employment — I long with no common earnestness for the more military duties of my old friends the ' Guides ;' but I am not therefore in- sensible to the advantages of doing well in this line of work. Ambition alone would dictate this, for my success in this civil business (which is considered the highest and most arduous branch of the public service) almost ensures my getting on in any other hereafter. To his Father. KussowLEE, Oct. 2oth, 185 1. I am much stronger now, and improving rapidly. By the end of next summer I hope to be as strong as I ever hope to be again. That I shall ever again be able to row from Cambridge to Ely in two hours and ten minutes, to run a mile in five minutes, or to walk from Skye (or Kyle Hatren Ferry) to Inver- ness in thirty hours, is not to be expected, or perhaps desired. But I have every hope that in the event of another war I may be able to endure fatigue and ex- posure as freely as in 1848. One is oftener called upon to ride than to walk long distances in India. In 1848, I could ride one hundred miles in ten hours, fully accoutred, and I don't care how soon (saving your presence !) the necessity arises again ! I have no doubt that matrimony will do me a power of good, and that I shall be not only better, but happier and more care-less than hitherto. I have been deeply grieved and affected by the death, two days ago, of Colonel Bradshaw, of the 60th Rifles. He will be a sad loss, not only to his regi- 126 COLONEL BRADSHAW. ment, but to the army and the country. He was the beau ideal of an English soldier and gentleman, and would have earned himself a name as a general had he been spared. A finer and nobler spirit there was not in the army. I feel it as a deep personal loss, for he won my esteem and regard in no common degree. CHAPTEE VII. MARRIAGE, COMMAND OF THE GUIDES. FRONTIER WARFARE. MURDAN. r\^ the 5 til of January, 1852, Lieut. Hodson ^ was married, at the Cathedral, Calcutta, to Susan, daughter of Capt. C. Henry, E.N., and widow of John Mitford, Esq., of Exbury, Hants. By the first week in March he had resumed his duties at Kussowlee as Assistant Commissioner.. On the breaking out of the war with Burmah he expected to rejoin his regiment (the First Bengal European Fusiliers), which had been ordered for service there, but in August he writes from Kussowlee : — My regiment is on its way down the Ganges to Calcutta, to take part in the war, but the Burmese have proved so very unformidable an enemy this time, that only half the intended force is to be sent on from Calcutta; the rest being held in reserve. Under these circumstances, and in the expectation that the war will very speedily be brought to a close, the Governor- General has determined not to allow officers on civil employment to join their regiments in the usual manner. I am thus spared what would have been a very fatiguing and expensive trip, with very little hope of seeing any fighting. 128 KUSSOWLEE. It was not long, however, before an oppor- tunity of seeing active service presented itself, and in a way, of all others, most to liis taste. His heart had all along been with his old corps, ' the Guides,' as his letters show. He had taken an active share in raising and train- ing them originally, and as second in command during the Punjab campaign of 1848-9, had contributed in no small degree to gain for the Corps that reputation which it has recently so nobly sustained before Delhi. The command was now vacant, and was offered to him ; but I must let him speak for himself: — KussoWLEE, Sept. 2'^rd, 1852. Lumsden, my old commandant in the Guides,, goes to England next month^ and the Governor- General has given me the command which I have coveted so long. It is immense good fortune in every way, both as regards income and distinction. It is accounted the most honourable and arduous com- mand on the frontier, and fills the public eye, as the papers say, more than any other. This at the end of seven years' service is a great thing, especially on such a frontier as Peshawur, at the mouth of the Kyber Pass. You will agree with me in rejoicing at the opportunities for distinction thus offered to me. Mr. Thomason writes thus : ' I congratulate you ' very sincerely on the fine prospect that is open to 'you, and trust that you will have many opportu- COMMAND or GUIDE CORPS. 129 ' nitles of showing what the Guides can do under 'your leadership. I have never ceased to reproach ' myself for advising you to leave the Corps, but now ' that you have the command, you will be all the 'better for the dose of civilianism that has been ' intermediately administered to you.' KussowLEE, Oct. ph, 1852. Here I am still, but hoping to take wing for Peshawur in a few days. It is only 500 miles ; and as there are no railways, and only nominal roads, and five vast rivers to cross, you may suppose that the journey is not one of a few hours^ lounge. I am most gratified by the appointment to the command of the Guides, and more so by the way in which it was given me, and the manner of my selection from amidst a crowd of aspirants. It is no small thing for a subaltern to be raised to the command of a battalion of infantry and a squadron and a half of cavalry, with four English oflficers imder him ! I am supposed to be the luckiest man of my time. I have already had an offer from the Military Secretary to the Board of Administration to exchange appointments with him, although I should gain, and he would lose 300^. a year by the ' swop;' but I would not listen to him ; I prefer the saddle to the desk, the frontier to a respectable, wheel-going, dinner-giving, dressy life at the capital ; and ambition to money ! But though his ' instincts were so entirely military' (to use his own words), this did not prevent his discharging his civil duties in a 130 LETTER FROM MU. EDMON STONE. manner that called forth the highest eulogium from his superiors, as the subjoined letter from Mr. Edmonstone, now Secretary to Govern- ment at Calcutta, will testify : — 'KUSSOWLEE, Oct. 12th, 1852. * My deau Hodson, — I am a bad hand at talking, ' and could not say what I wished, but I would not ' have you go away without thanking you heartily ' for the support and assistance which you have 'always given me in all matters, whether big or ' little, since you joined me, now twenty months and ' more ago. I have in my civil and criminal reports ' for the past year recorded my sense of your services, ' and your official merits, but our connexion has been ' peculiar, and your position has been one which few ' would have filled either so efficiently or so agreeably ' to all parties. You have afforded me the greatest ' aid in the most irksome part of my duty, and have ' always with the utmost readiness undertaken any- ' thing, no matter what, that I asked you to dispose ' of, and I owe you more on this account than a mere ' official acknowledgment can repay adequately. I 'hope that though your present appointment will ' give you more congenial duties and better pay, ' you will never have occasion to look back to ' the time you have passed here with regret ; and I ' hope too that all your anticipations of pleasure and 'pride in commanding the Corps which you had a ' chief hand in forming, may be realized. ' Believe me to be, with much regard, ' Yours very sincerely, ' G. F. Edmonstone.' HUZARA. 131 Camp in HuzIra, Dec. i6th, 1852. I took command of the Guides on the ist Novem- ber, and twenty-four hours afterwards marched ^ on service ' to this country, which is on the eastern or left bank of the Indus, above the parallel of Attok. "We are now in an elevated valley, surrounded by snowy mountains, and mighty cold it is, too, at night. We have come about 125 miles from Peshawur, and having marched up the hill, are patiently expeet- iner the order to march down a«^ain. We have everything necessary for a pretty little mountain campaign but an enemy. This is usually a sine qua non in warfare, but not so now. Then we have to take a fort, only it has ceased to exist months ago ; and to reinstate an Indian ally in territories from which he was expelled by some neighbours, only he wont be reinstated at any price. My regiment consists of five English officers, includ- ing a surgeon. Dr. Lyell, a very clever man. Then I have 300 horse, including native officers, and 550 foot, or 850 men in all, divided into three troops and six companies,* the latter armed as riflemen. My power is somewhat despotic, as I have authority to enlist or dismiss fi*om the service, flog or imprison, degrade or promote any one, from the native officers down- wards, always remembering that an abuse of power might lose me the whole. This sort of chiefdom is * No two troops or companies were of the same race, in order to prevent the possibility of combination. One com- pany was composed of Sikhs, another of Afireedees, others of Patliknn, Goorkhas, Punjabee Mahomedans, &c., with native officers, in each case, of a different race from the men. K a 132 HUZARA. necessary with a wild sort of gentry of various races and speeches, gathered from the snows of the Hindoo Koosh and the Himalaya, to the plains of Scinde and Hindoostan, all of whom are more quick at blows than at words, and more careless of human life than you could possibly understand in England by any de- scription. I am likely to have civil charge as well as military command of the Euzofzai district, comprising that portion of the great Peshawur valley which lies between the Cabul river and the Indus. So you see I am not likely to eat the bread of idleness, at least. I will tell you more of my peculiar duties when I have more experience of their scope and bent I am, I should say, the most fortunate man in the service, considering my standing. The other can- didates were all field officers of some standing. Our good friend and guest. Captain Powys, of the 6oth, who has spent the first six months of our married life under our roof, is on the way to England. He will see you very soon, and give you a better account of us than you could hope for from any one else. Notwithstanding all appearance to tlie con- trary at its opening, the campaign lasted seven weeks, and supplied plenty of fighting. It was afterwards characterized by my brother as the hardest piece of service he had yet seen. One engagement lasted from sunrise to sunset. He had thus an opportunity of dis- playing his usual gallantry and coolness, and showing how well he could handle his ' Guides' in mountain warfare. They suffered much HUZARA. 133 from cold, as the ground was covered with snow for a part of the time, and from want of supplies. Colonel (now Sir E.) Napier, speaking after- wards of this expedition, said : — 'Your brother's unfailing fun and spirits, ' which seemed only raised by what we had to * go through, kept us all alive and merry, so * that we looked back upon it afterwards as a * party of pleasure, and thought we had never * enjoyed anything more.' In reply to congratulations on his appoint- ment my brother wrote from — Peshawur, March i^th, 1853. I have certainly been very fortunate indeed, and only hope that I may be enabled to acquit myself of the trust well and honourably, both in the field and in the more political portion of my duties. It was a good thing that I had the opportunity of leading the regiment into action so soon after getting the com- mand, and that the brunt of the whole should have fallen upon us, as it placed the older men and myself once more on our old footing of confidence in one another, and introduced me to the younger hand* as their leader when they needed one. Susie says she told you all about it ; I need therefore only add that it was the hardest piece of service, while it lasted, I have yet seen with the Guides, both as regards the actual fighting, the difliculties of the ground (a rugged mountain, 7000 feet high, and densely wooded), and the exposure. You will see little or no mention of it 134 EuzorzAi. publicly, it being the policy of Government to make everything appear as quiet as possible on this frontier, and to blazon the war on the eastern side of the empire (some 2000 miles away) as much as they can. I am, as you justly imagined, to be employed both civilly and in a military capacity — at least, it is under discussion. I was asked to take charge of the wild district of ^ Euzofzai ^ (forming a large portion of the Peshawur province), where the Guides will ordinarily be stationed. I refused to do so unless I had the exclusive civil charge in all departments, magisterial, financial, and judicial, instead of in the former only, as proposed, and I fancy they will give in to my reasons. I shall then be military chief, and civil governor too, as far as that part of the valley is con- cerned, and shall have enough on my hands, as you may suppose. In the mean time, I shall have the superintendence of the building of a fort to contain us all — not such a fortress as Coblentz, or those on the Belgian frontier, but a mud structure, which answers all the purposes we require at a very, very small cost. Peshawur, April ^oth, 1853. I am sorry to say my wife is ordered to the hills, and we shall again be separated for five or six months. My own destination for the hot season is uncertain, but I expect to be either here, or on the banks of the Indus. Camp, near Peshawur, June 4th, 1853. . . . . I hope to get away from work and heat in August or September for a month, if all things remain quiet. But for this sad separation, there LIFE IN CAMP. 135 would be much charm for me in this gipsy life. To avoid the great heats of the next three months in tents, we are building huts for ourselves of thatch, and mine is assuming the dignity of mud walls. We are encamped on a lovely spot, on the banks of the swift and bright river, at the foot of the hills, on the watch for incursions or forays, and to guard the richly cultivated plain of the Peshawur valley from depredations from the hills. We are ready, of course, to boot and saddle at all hours ; our rifles and car- bines are loaded, and our swords keen and bright : and woe to the luckless chief who, trusting to his horses, descends upon the plain too near our pickets ! Meanwhile, I am civil as well as military chief, and the natural taste of the Euzofzai Pathdns for broken heads, murder, and violence, as well as their litigious- ness about their lands, keeps me very hard at work from day to day. Perhaps the life may be more suited to a careless bachelor, than to a husband with such a wife as mine ; but even still it has its charms for an active mind and body. A daybreak parade or in- spection, a gallop across the plain to some outpost, a plunge in the river, and then an early breakfast, occupy your time until 9 a.m. Then come a couple of corpses whose owners (late) had their heads broken over night, and consequent investigations and exami- nations : next a batch of villagers to say their crops are destroyed by a storm, and no rents forthcoming. Then a scream of woe from a plundered farm on the frontier, and next a grain-dealer, to say his camels have been carried off to the hills. ' Is not this a dainty dish to set before — ^your brother.' Then each of my nine hundred men considers me bound to listen 186 COMPETITIVE SYSTEM. to any amount of stories he may please to invent or remember of his own private griefs and troubles ; and last, not least, there are four young gentlemen who have each his faney^ and who often give more trouble in transacting business than assistance in doing it. However, I have no right to complain, for I am about, yes, quite, the most fortunate man in the service ; and have I not the right to call myself the happiest also, with such a wife and such a home? Camp, near Peshawur, August 6th, 1853. I hear that the new system for India is to throw open Addiscombe and Haileyb«rry to public competi- tion : that this public competition will be fair and open, and free from jobbery and patronage, I suppose no sane person in the 1 9th century, acquainted with public morals and public bodies, would believe for an instant. The change may, however, facilitate admis- sion into the service to well-crammed boys. There are, I doubt not, many clever and able men who would in a year put any boy with tolerable abiHties into a state of intellectual coma which would enable him to write out examination papers by the dozen, and pass a tri- umphant examination in paper-military affairs. I am not called upon to state how much of it would avail in the hour of strife and danger. India is _par ex- cellence the country for poor men who have hard con- stitutions and strong stomachs. I fear you will add, when you have read thus far, that it is not favourable to charity, or to the goodness which, under the pious wish to think no evil, gives every one credit for every- thing, and believes that words mean what they appear to express, and that language conveys some idea of the GEOGRAPHY OF PUNJAB. 137 thoughts of the speaker ! ... It is very trying that I cannot be with Susie at Murree ; but with a people such as these it is not safe to be absent, lest the volcano should break out afresh. Since I began this sheet a dust-storm has covered everything on my table completely with sand. My pen is clogged and my inkstand choked, and my eyes full of dust ! What am I to do ? Oh the pleasures of the tented field in August in the valley of Peshawur ! It has been very hot indeed, lately. We have barely in our huts had the thermometer under 100°, and a very steamy, stewy heat it is, into the bargain. Murree, Sept. 14th, 1853. I am enjoying a little holiday from arms and kutcherry up in the cool here with Susie. Murree is not more than 140 miles from Peshawur. You say that you do not know ' what I mean by hills in my part of India.' This is owing to the badness of the maps. The fact is, that the whole of the upper part of the country watered by the five rivers is moun- tainous. The Himalaya extends from the eastern frontiers of India to Affghanistan, where it joins the ' Hindoo Koosh,' or Caucasus. If you draw a line from Peshawur, through Rawul Pindee, to Simla or Subathoo, or any place marked on the maps there- abouts, you may assume that all to the north of that line is mountain country. Another chain runis from Peshawur, down the right bank of the Indus to the sea. At Attok the mountains close in upon the river, or more correctly speaking, the river emerges from the mouiitains, and the higher ranges end there. The Peshawur valley is a wide open plain, lying on 138 EUzorzAi. the banks of the Cabul river^ about sixty miles long by forty broadj encircled by mountains, some of them covered with snow for eight or nine months of the year. Euzofzai is the north-eastern portion of this valley, embraced between the Cabul river and the Indus. Half of Euzofzai (the ^ abode of the children of Joseph') is mountain, but we only hold the level or plain part of it. Nevertheless, a large part of my little province is very hilly. In the north-east corner of Euzofzai, hanging over the Indus, is a vast lump of a hill, called ' Mahabun' (or the ' great forest'), thickly peopled on its slopes, and giving shelter to some 1:^,000 armed men, the bitterest bigots which even Islam can produce. The hill is about 7800 feet above the level of the sea. This has been iden- tified by the wise men with the Aornos of Arrian, and Alexander is supposed to have crossed the Indus at its foot. Whether he did so or not, I am not ^ at liberty to mention,' but it is certain that Nadir Shah, in one of his incursions into India, marched his host fco the top of it, and encamped there. This gives colour to the story that the Macedonian did the same. As in all ages, there are dominating points which are seized on by men of genius when engaged in the great game of war. The great principles of war seem to change as little as the natural features of the country. Well, you will see how a mountain range running ^ slantingdicularly' across the Upper Punjab contains many nice mountain tops suited to Anglo- Saxon adventurers. If you can find Rawul Pindee on the maps, you may put your finger on Murree, about twenty-five miles, as the crow flies, to the north- east. You should get a map of the Punjab, Cashmere DEATH OF MR. THOMASON. 139 and Iskardo, 'published by Arrowsmith in 1847, George sent me two of them. They are the best published maps I have seen. As to the Euzofzai fever, that is, I am happy to say, now over. It was terrible while it lasted. Between the ist March and the 15th June, 1853, 8352 persons died out of a population of 53,500. It was very similar to typhus, but had some symptoms of yellow fever. It was confined to natives. It appeared to be contagious or infectious, but I am so entirely sceptical as to the existence of either contagion or infection in these Indian complaints, that I cannot bring myself to believe that the appearances were real. Poor Colonel Mackison, the Commissioner at Peshawur (the chief civil and political officer for the frontier), was stabbed, a few days ago, by a fanatic, while sitting in his verandah reading. The fellow was from Sw^t, and said he had heard that we were going to invade his country, and that he would try to stop it, and go to heaven as a martyr for the faith. Poor Mackison is still alive, but in a very precarious state, I fear. I hope this may induce Government to take strong measures with the hill tribes. He had soon to mourn the loss of a still more valued friend : — Oct. i^th, 1853. You will have been much shocked at hearing of poor dear Mr. Thomason's death. It is an irreparable loss to his family and friends, but it will be even more felt in his public capacity. He had not been ill, but died from sheer debility and exhaustion produced by overwork and application in the trying season just over. Had he gone to the 140 BOREE CAMPAIGN. hills, all would have been right. I cannot but think that he sacrificed himself as an example to others. You may imagine how much I have felt the loss of my earliest and best friend in India, to whom I was accustomed to detail all my proceedings, and whom I was wont to consult in every difficulty and doubt. On the 2nd November lie wrote from Eawul Pindee to announce the birth of a daughter. He had been obliged previously to return to his duties ; but by riding hard all nigbt, had been able to be with his wife at the time, and after greeting the little stranger, had immediately to hasten back to his Guides on the frontier. The Grovernment, with a view to secure the Kohat Pass, were now preparing an expe- dition against the refractory tribe of the Borees, one of the bravest and wildest of the Affghan race, in order to prove that their hills and valleys were accessible to our troops. Accordingly, a force consisting of 400 men of her Majesty's 2 and, 450 Goorkhas, 450 Guides, and the mountain train, marched at 4 A.M. on the morning of the 2 9th November, under the command of Brigadier Boileau, to attack the villages in the Boree valley. I must supply the loss of my brother's own account by a letter from an officer with the expedition : — * Our party, after crossing the hills between* BOREE CAMPAIGN. 141 ' Kundao and the main Affreedee range at ' two points, re-united in the valley at ' 10.30 A.M., and with the villages of the Borees * before us at the foot of some precipitous crags. ' These it at once l)ecame apparent must be * carried before the villages could be attacked * and destroyed. The service devolved on two * detachments of the Goorkhas and Guides, ' commanded by Lieutenants Hod son and * Turner, and the style in which these gallant ' fellows did their work, and drove the enemy ' from crag to rock and rock to crag, and finally * kept them at bay from 1 1 a.m. to 3 p.m., was * the admiration of the whole force. We could ' plainly see the onslaught, especially a fierce * struggle that lasted a whole hour, for the * possession of a breastwork, which appeared ' inaccessible from below, but was ultimately * carried by the Guides, in the face of the * determined opposition of the Afireedees, who * fought for every inch of ground. * Depend upon it, this crowning of the Boree * heights was one of the finest pieces of light * infantry performance on record. It was, ' moreover, one which Avitabile, with 10,000 ' Sikhs, was unable to accomphsh. During * these operations on the hill, the villages were * burnt, and it was only the want of powder * which prevented the succession of towers 142 BOREE CAMPAIGN. ' wliicli flanked them being blown into the air. * The object of the expedition having been thns * fully achieved, the skirmishers were recalled ' at about three, and then the difficulties of the * detachment commenced'; for, as is well * known, the Affghans are familiar with the ' art of following, though they will rarely meet ' an enemy. The withdrawal of the Guides ' and Goorkhas from the heights was most ' exciting, and none but the best officers and * the best men could have achieved this duty ' with such complete success. Lieutenant * Hodson's tactics were of the most brilliant * description, and the whole force having been ' once more re-united in the plain, they marched ' out of the valley by the Turoonee pass, which, ' though farthest from the British camp, was * the shortest to the outer plains. Tlie force ' did not return to camp till between ten and ' eleven at night, having been out nearly ' eighteen hours, many of the men without ' food, and almost all without water, the small * supply which had been carried out having ' soon been exhausted, and none being pro- ' curable at Boree. ' Not an officer of the detachment was ' touched, and only eight men killed and ' twenty-four wounded. "When the force first * entered the valley, there were not more than BOREE CAMPAIGN. 143 ' 200 Borees in arms to resist ; but before they * returned, the number had increased to some ' 3000, tens and twenties pouring in all the * morning from all the villages and hamlets * within many miles, intelligence of the attack ' being conveyed to them by the firing.' My brother's services on this occasion were thus acknowledged by the Brigadier command- ing. Colonel Boileau, her Majesty's 22nd Eegi- ment, in a despatch dated Nov. 29th, 1853. ' To the admirable conduct of Lieutenant Hodson ' in reconnoitring, in the skilful disposition of his ' men, and the daring gallantry with which he led ' his fine Corps in every advance, most of our success ^ is due ; for the safety of the whole force while in ' the valley of the Tillah depended on his holding his ' position, and I had justly every confidence in his vigi- * lance and valour. (Signed) 'J. B. Boileau, * Brigadier Commanding the Force at Boree.' 'To Lieutenant W. S. R.. Hodson, I beg you will * express my particular thanks for the great service ' he rendered the force under your command, by his ' ever gallant conduct, which has fully sustained the * reputation he has so justly acquired for courage, cool- ' ness, and determination. (Signed) ' W. M. Gomm, * Commander-in-Chief.^ 144 CAMP, murdAn. Before Cliristmas, to Ms great deliglit, he was joined in camp by his wife and child. The following letters bring out still more promi- nently the tender loving side of his character, both as a father and a son : — To his Father. Camp, MurdIn, Euzofzai, Jan. 2nd, 1854. I have been sadly long in answering your last most welcome letter, but I have been so terribly driven from pillar to post, that I have always been unable to sit down at the proper time. My long holiday with dear S , and journeyings to and fro to see her at Murree, and our short campaign against the Affreedees in November, threw me into a sea of arrears which was terrible to contemplate, and still worse to escape from. I am now working all day and half the night, and cannot as yet make much impression on them. I wish you could see your little granddaughter being nursed by a rough-looking AiFghan soldier, or bearded Sikh, and beginning life so early as a dweller in tents. She was christened by Mr. Clarke, one of the Church Missionaries who happened to be in Peshawur. The chaplain, who ought to have been there was amusing himself somewhere, and we could not catch a spare parson for a fortnight. You evidently do not appreciate the state of things in these provinces. There are but two churches in the Punjab; and there will be an electric telegraph to Peshawur before a church is commenced there, though the station has been one for four years. In the first ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION. 145 season a large Roman Catholic Chapel was built there, and an Italian priest from the Propaganda busy- in his vocation. I offered Mr. C. all the aid in my power, though I told him candidly that I thought he had not much chance of success here. A large sum has been raised at Peshawur for the Mission, but un- fortunately they have gone wild with theories about the lost tribes and fulfilment of prophecies respecting the Jews, which has given a somewhat visionary character to their plans. Mr. C. wanted me to think that these Euzofzai Pathkns were Ben-i-Israel, and asked me whether I had heard them call them- selves so ; and he was aghast when I said they were as likely to talk of Ben d'Israeli. All I can say is, that if they be ' lost tribes' I only wish they would find out a home somewhere else among their cousins, and give me less trouble. . . . My second in command was stabbed in the back by a fanatic the other day while on parade, and has had a wonderful escape for his life. You would so delight in your little granddaughter. She is a lovely good little darling; as happy as pos- sible, and wonderfully quick and intelligent for her months. I would give worlds to be able to run home and see you, and show you my child, but I fear much that, unless I find a 'nugget,' it is vain to hope for so much pleasure just now. Meantime, I have every blessing a man can hope for, and not the least is that of your fond and much prized aflfec- tion. A few months later, again apologizing for long silence, he says : — 146 BUILDING FORT. May 1st. In addition to the very onerous command of 876 wild men and 300 wild horses, and the charge of the civil administration of a district almost as lawless as Tipperary, I have had to build, and superintend the building of, a fort to give cover to the said men and horses, including also within its walls three houses for English officers, a police station, and a native collector's office. He who builds in India builds not in the comfortable acceptation of the term which obtains at home. He sends not for his Barry or his Basevi; calls not for a design and specifications, and then beholds his house, and pays his bill; but he builds as Noah may have built the Ark. Down to the minutest detail of carpentry, smithery, and masonry, and of ' muddery/ too, for that matter, he must know what he is about, and show others what to do, or good-bye to his hopes for a house. Altogether, I am often fourteen hours a day at hard work, and obliged to listen for a still longer period. Our poor little darling had a very severe attack of fever the other day, but is now well again, and getting strong. I never see her without wishing that she was in her grandfather's arms. You would so delight in her little baby tricks and ways. She is the very delight of our lives, and we look forward with intense interest to her beginning to talk and crawl about, Both she and her dear mother will have to leave for the hills very soon, I am sorry to say. We try to put off the evil day, but I dare not expose either of my treasures to the heat of Euzofzai or Peshawur for the next three months. . , , The LIFE IN WILDERNESS. 147 young lady abeady begins to show a singularity of taste — refusing to go to the arms of any native women, and decidedly preferring the male population, some of whom are distinguished by her special favour. Her own orderly, save the mark, never tires of looking at her ' beautiful white fingers,' nor she of twisting them into his black beard — an insult to an Oriental, which he bears with an equanimity equal to his fondness for her. The cunning fellows have begun to make use of her too, and when they want anything, ask the favour in the name of Lilli Baba (they cannot manage * Olivia' at all) . They know the spell is potent. The following letters from his wife's pen give a lively picture of ' domestic' life in the wilderness, and of the wilderness itself : — January, 1854. ' Picture to yourself an immense plain, flat as a ' billiard table, but not as green, with here and there ' a dotting of camel thorn about eighteen inches ' high, by way of vegetation. This far as the eye ' can reach on the east, west, and south of us, but on * the north the lasting snows of the mighty Hima- ' lay a glitter and sparkle like a rosy diadem above ' the lower range, which is close to our camp. What ' would you say to life in such a wilderness ? or how ' would you stare to see the officers sit down to table ' with sword and pistol? The baby never goes for ' an airing without a guard of armed horsemen : what ' a sensation such a cortege would create in Hyde ' Park ! ' A'pril i^ih. * You ask for some detail of our life out here, and L 2 148 EUZorzAi. ' the histoiy of one day will be a picture of every one, * with little variation. ' At the first bugle, soon after daylight, W. gets ' up and goes to parade, and from thence to super- ' intend the proceedings at the fort. ' By nine o'clock we are both ready for break- ^ fast, after which W. disappears into his business tent, * where he receives regimental reports, examines ' recruits, whether men or horses, superintends stores ' and equipments, hears complaints, and settles dis- ' putes, &c. &c. The regimental business first dis- ' patched, then comes " kutcherry,^^ or civil court ' matters, receiving petitions, adjusting claims, with * a still longer &c. You may have some small idea ^ of the amount of this work, when I tell you that ' during the month of March he disposed of twenty- ' one serious criminal cases, such as murder, and *" " w^ounding with intent," and nearly 300 charges of ' felony, larceny, &c. At two o^clock he comes in for ' a look at his bairn, and a glass of wine. Soon after ' five a cup of tea, and then we order the horses, and ' in the saddle till nearly eight, -when I go with him ^ again to the fort, the garden, and the roads, ^ diverging occasionally to fix the site of a new ^ village, a well, or a watercourse. ' You can understand something of the delight of ' galloping over the almost boundless plain in the ^ cool fresh air (for the mornings and evenings are ' still lovely), with the ground now enamelled with ^ sweet-scented flowers, and the magnificent mountains ' nearest us assuming every possible hue which light ' and shadow can bestow. On our return to camp, ' W. hears more reports till dinner, which is some- LIFE IN WILDERNESS. 149 ' times shared by the other officers, or chance ' guests. ' When we are alone, as soon as dinner is over, ' the letters which have arrived in the evening are * examined, classified, and descanted on, sometimes * answered ; and I receive my instructions for next * day's work in copying papers, answering letters, &c. ' And now do you not think that prayers and bed * are the fitting and well-earned ending to the labours * of the day ? ' When you remember, too, that in building the ' fort, roads, and bridges, W. has to make his bricks * and burn them, to search for his timber and fell it, t you will not deny that his hands are full enough ; ' but in addition, he has to search for workmen, and ' when brought here, to procure them food and means ' of cooking it. Some are Mussulmans and eat meat, ' which must be killed and cooked by their own ' people. Some are Hindoos, who only feed on grain ' and vegetables, but every single man must have his ' own chula or fireplace, with an enclosure for him ' and his utensils, and if by chance any foot but his ' own overstep his little mud wall, he will neither ' eat nor work till another sun has arisen. Then ' some smoke, while others hold it in abhorrence ; ' some only drink water, others must have spirits ; so ' that it is no easy matter to arrange the confiicting ' wants of some i loo labourers. I shall b6 very thank- ful when this MurdAn Kote is finished, for it will re- ' lieve my poor husband of half his labour and anxiety. ' By way of variety, we have native sports on great ' holidays — such as throwing the spear at a mark, or " Nazabaze," which is, fixing a stake of twelve or 150 NATIVE SPORTS. ' eighteen inclies into tlie ground, which must be taken ' up on the spear's point while passing it at full gallop, ^ or putting an orange on the top of a bamboo a yard ' high, and cutting it through with a sword at full ' speed. W. is very clever at this, rarely failing, ' but the spears are too long for any but a lithe ' native to wield without risking a broken arm. The ' scene is most picturesque — the flying horsemen in ' their flowing many-coloured garments, and the ' grouping of the lookers-on, make me more than ' ever regret not having a ready pencil-power to put ' them on paper. ' The weather has been particularly unfavourable ' to the progress of the fort, so that we are still in ' our temporary hut and tents. Of course we feel ^ the heat much more so domiciled. W. is grievously ' overworked, still his health is wonderfully good, and ' his spirits as wild as if he were a boy again. He is ' never so well pleased as when he has the baby in ' his arms.' Attok, JuTie gth, 1854. . . . We are so far on the way to Murree, and here, I grieve to say, we part for the next three months. I hope to rejoin them for a month in September, and accompany them back to our new home, for by that time I trust that my fortified cantonment will be ready, and our house too. This said fort has been a burden and a stumbling-block to me for months, and added grievously to my work, as I am sole architect. It is built regularly, but of earth-works and mud, and as it covers an area of twelve acres, you may believe that it has been no slight task to super- LOSS OF CHILD. 151 intend its construction. It is a sad necessity, and the curse of Indian life, this repeatedly recurring sepa- ration, but anything is better than to see the dear ones suffer. I am fortunately very well, and as yet untouched by the unusual virulence with which the hot weather has commenced this year. To his Father. MuRREE, July I'jth, 1854. I was summoned from Euzofzai to these hills, on the 26th June, by the tidings of the dangerous illness of our sweet baby. I found her in a sinking state, and though she was spared to us for another fortnight of deep anxiety and great wretchedness, there was, from the time I arrived, scarcely a hope of her recovery. Slowly and by imperceptible degrees her little life wasted away until, early on the morning of the joth, she breathed her soul away, so gently that those watching her intently were conscious of no change. The deep agony of this bereavement I have no words to describe. We had watched her growth, and prided ourselves on her development with such absorbing interest and joy ; and she had so won our hearts by her extreme sweetness and most unusual intelligence, that she had become the very centre and light of our home life, and in losing her we seem to have lost everything. Her poor mother is sadly bowed down by this great grief, and has suffered terribly both in health and spirits. I have got permission to remain with her a few days, but I must return to my duty before the end of the month. 152 LOSS OF CHILD. We had the best and kindest of medical advice^ and everything, I believe, which skill could do was tried, but in vain. She was lent to us to be our joy and comfort for a time, and was taken from us again, and the blank she has left behind is great indeed. I dare not take Susan down with me, much as she wishes it, at this season, and in her state of health. I must therefore leave her here till October. It is very sad work to part again under these circumstances, but in this wretched country there is no help for us. Your kind and affectionate expressions about our little darling, and your keen appreciation of the ' unfailing source of comfort and refreshment she was to my w^earied spirit,^ came to me just as I had ceased to hope for the precious babe's life. . . . It has been a very, very bitter blow to us. She had wound her little being round our hearts to an extent which we neither of us knew until we woke from the brief dream of beauty, and found ourselves childless. Camp, Murdan, Sept. i)th, 1854. I am alone now, having none of my officers here save the doctor. But the border is quiet, and, ex- cept a great deal of crime and villainy, I have not any great difficulties to contend with. My new fort to hold the regiment and protect the frontier is nearly finished, and my new house therein will be habitable before my wife comes down from Murree. So after two years and a quarter of camp and hutting, I shall enjoy the luxury of a room and the dignity of a house. COMPLETION OF FORT. 153 Fort, Murdan, Oct. ^\st^ 1854. I can give better accounts of our own state than for many a long day. Dear Susan is much better than for a year past, and gaining strength daily, and I am as well as possible. We are now in our new house in this fort, 'which has caused me so much labour and anxiety ; and I assure you, a most com- fortable dwelling we find it. Our houses (I mean the European officers') project from the general front of the works at the angles of the bastions, and are quite private, and away from the noisy soldiers ; and we have, for India, a very pretty view of the hills and plains around us. Above all, the place seems a very healthy one. To your eye, fresh from England, it would appear desolate from its solitude and oppressive from the vastness of the scale of scene. A wide plain, without a break or a tree, thirty miles long, by fifteen to twenty miles wide, forms our immediate foreground on one side, and an endless mass of mountains on the other. We have just heard by telegraph of the en- gagement at Alma, but only a brief electric shock of a message, without details. We are in an age of wonders. Ten months ago, there was not a telegraph in Hindoostan, yet the news which reached Bombay on the 27th of this month, was printed at Lahore, 1200 miles from the coast, that same afternoon. MurdAn, November 16th, 1854. As yet, we have only felt the surging of the storm which convulses Eastern Europe. The only palpable sign of the effects of Russian intrigue which we have had, has been the commencement of negotiation with 154 NATIVE ALLIANCES. the Dost Mahomed Khan, of Cabul, who under the pressure from without, has been fain to seek for alliance and aid from us. Nothing is yet known of his demands, or the intentions of Government, but one thing is certain, that the commencement of nego- tiations with us, is the beginning of evil days for Affghanistan. In India, we must either keep altogether aloof or absorb. All our history shows that sooner or later con- nexion with us is political death. The sunshine is not more fatal to a dew-drop than our friendship or alliance to an Asiatic Kingdom. CHAPTEE VIII. REVERSES. UNJUST TREATMENT. LOSS OF COMMAND. RETURN TO REGIMENTAL DUTIES. TTP to tliis time my brother's career in India ^ had been one of almost uninterrupted prosperity. He had attained a position un- precedented for a man of his standing in the service, and enjoyed a reputation for daring, enterprise, and ability, only equalled by the estimation in which he was held by all who knew him, for high principle and sterling worth. He was, as he described himself, the most fortunate and the happiest man in India. But now the tide of fortune turned. A storm had for some time been gathering, the indications of which he had either over- looked or despised, till it burst with its full force upon him, and seemed for the moment to carry all before it, blasting his fair fame and sweeping away his fortunes. Many circum- stances had conspired to bring about this result, some of which will only be fully appreciated by those who are acquainted with the internal politics of the Punjab at that period. His appointment to the command of the Guides, 156 JEALOUSY. over the heads of many of his seniors, had from the first excited much jealousy and ill- will among the numerous aspirants to so dis- tinguished a post. In India, more than in any other country, a man cannot be prosperous or for- tunate without making many enemies; and every ascent above the level of your cotemporaries secures so many additional 'good haters;' nor is there any country where enmity is more un- scrupulous in the means to which it has recourse. This mattered comparatively little to my brother, so long as Sir Henry Lawrence, to whose firm and discriminating friendship he owed his appointment, remained in power. He, however, had been removed from the Admi- nistration of the Punjab, and those who had effected his removal, and now reigned supreme, were not likely to look with very favourable eyes upon one who, like my brother, was known as his protege and confidant, and had not perhaps been as guarded, as in prudence he ought to have been, in the expressions of his opinion on various transactions. More recently still. Colonel Mackeson, the Eesident at Peshawur, his. immediate superior, for whom he entertained the highest regard and affection, which was, I believe, reciprocated, had fallen a victim to the dagger of the assassin. This had, if possible, a still more injurious influence CALUMNIES. 157 on my brother's position, as the new Resident was, both on public and private grounds, opposed to him, and made no secret of his wish to get rid of him from the charge of the frontier. With a prospect of such support, my brother's enemies were not likely to be idle. He had been warned more than once of their undermining operations ; but strong in con- scious integrity, and unwilling to suspect others of conduct which he would have scorned himself, he * held straight on' upon his usual course, till he found himself overwhelmed by a mass of charges affecting his conduct, both in his military and civil capacity. All that malice could invent or ingenuity distort, was brought forward to give impor- tance to the accusations laid against him. Every trifling irregularity or error of judg- ment was so magnified, that a mighty fabric was raised on a single grain of truth ; and the result was, that towards the close of the year I he was summoned before a court of inquiry at JPeshawur. That which seemed principally to give colour to the charges against him was, that there was undeniably confusion and irregularity in the regimental accounts ; but this confusion, far from having originated with him, had been very materially rectified. He had succeeded 158 REGIMENTAL ACCOUNTS. to tlie command in October, 185:^, and witMn twenty-four hours started on a campaign which lasted between seven and eight weeks, without any audit of accounts between himself and his }3redecessor, who had, immediately on making over the command, left for England ; so that he found a mass of unexplained confusion, which he had been endeavouring, during his period of command, gradually to reduce to some order. This he had to a certain extent accomplished when summoned unexpectedly to undergo an investigation and meet the gravest accusations. I will, however, in preference to any state- ments of my own, which might not unnaturally be suspected of partiality, insert here, though it was written at a later period, a letter, giving an account of the whole affair, from one whose opinion must carry the greatest weight with all who know him either personally or by repu- tation, Sir E. Napier. It has somewhat of an official character, as it was addressed to the colonel of the ist Bengal European Fusiliers, when my brother subsequently rejoined that regiment. And I may here observe, with regard to anything which I may now or hereafter say reflecting on the conduct and motives of those concerned in this attempt to ruin my brother's LETTER FROM SIR R. NAPIER. 159 prospects, that I should not have ventured to make these remarks simply on his authority, unless I had had them confirmed, and more than confirmed, by men of the highest cha- racter, both civil and military, who were cogni- zant of all the transactions, and did not scruple to express their indignation at what they characterized as a most cruel and unjust* perse- cution. From Colonel (now Sir K.) Napier, Chief Engineer, Punjab, to Colonel Welchman, ist Bengal Fusiliers. Umbala, March, 1856. ' My dear Col. Welchman, — I have great pleasure ' in meetingyour request, to state in writingmy opinion ' regarding my friend Lieutenant Hodson's case. ' Having been on intimate terms of friendship with ' him since 1846, I was quite unprepared for the ' reports to his disadvantage which were circulated, ' and had no hesitation in pronouncing my utter dis- ' belief in, and repudiation of them, as being at ' variance with everything I had ever known of his ' character. On arriving at Peshawur in March, 1 855, ' I found that Lieutenant Hodson had been under- ' going a course of inquiry before a Special Military ' Court, and on reading a copy of the proceedings, I ' perceived at once that the whole case lay in the cor- ' rcctness of his regimental accounts ; that his being ' summoned before a Court, after suspension from * One of his principal accusers on his deathbed de- clared that Dotbingcaused him so much regret as his shame- ful conduct towards Lieutenant Hodson in this business. 160 LETTER OF SIR R. NAPIER. ' civil and military duty, and after an open invita- ' tion (under regimental authority) to all complainants ' in his regiment, was a most unusual ordeal, such as ' no man could be subjected to without the '^greatest ' disadvantage ; and notwithstanding this, the proceed- ' ings'^ did notcontain a single substantial case against ' him, provided he could establish the validity of his ' regimental accounts; and that he could do this I felt ' more than confident. The result of Major Taylor's ' laborious and patient investigation of Lieutenant ' Hodson's regimental accounts has fully justified, but ' has not at all added to, the confidence that I have ' throughout maintained in the honour and upright- ' ness of his conduct. It has, however, shown (what I ' believed, but had not the same means of judging of) ' how much labour Lieutenant Hodson bestowed in ' putting the affairs of his regiment in order. Having ' seen a great deal of the manner in which the Guide ' Corps has been employed, I can well understand ' how difficult it has been to maintain anything like ' regularity of office ; and how impossible it may be 'for those who. remain quietly in stations with eflfi- ' cient establishments, to understand or make allow- ' ance for the difficulties and irregularities entailed ' by rapid movements on service, and want of proper ' office means in adjusting accounts for which no ' organized system had been established. The man- ' ner in which Lieutenant Hodson has elucidated his ' accounts since he had access to the necessary sources ' of information, appears to be highly creditable. I ' have twice had the good fortune to have been as- • sociated with him on military service, when his ' high qualities commanded admiration. I heartily MR. MONTGOMERY. 161 ' rejoice, therefore, both as a friend and as a member ' of the service, " at his vindication from most grievous ' and unjust imputations." And while I congratulate < the regiment on his return to it, I regret that one of * the best swords should be withdrawn from the frontier ' service. — I remain yours very sincerely, ' R. Napier.' On the receipt of Major Eeynell Taylor's report, to which reference is here made, Mr. Montgomery (then one of the Commissioners for the Punjab, now the Chief Commissioner in Oude), one of the men who, under Grod, have saved India, wrote as follows : — * To me the whole report seemed more satis- ' factory than any one I had ever read ; and * considering Major Taylor's high character, ' patience, and discernment, and the lengthened * period he took to investigate every detail, * most triumphant. This I have expressed to all ' with whom I have conversed on the subject.' All this, however, is an anticipation of the due order of events. I must go back again to the Court of Inquiry, in order to show more clearly the injustice to which Lieutenant Hodson was exposed. The proceedings of the Court terminated on the 15th January, 1855. Till they were submitted to the Governor- General, no decision could be given, nor any report published, though every publicity had been given to the accusations made.. Up to 162 SUPPRESSION OF REPORT. the last week in July, the papers had not been forwarded from Lahore to be laid before him. Meanwhile, not merely had my brother been suspended from civil and military duty during the inquiry, but without waiting for the result, he had been superseded in his command, on the ground that his continuing in Euzofzai, where his corps was stationed, was inconsistent with the public interest. This will appear scarcely credible, but worse remains behind. Ten months after the conclusion of the inquiry, in consequence of repeated applications from my brother for a minute investigation of his accounts. Major Taylor, as had been men- tioned, was appointed to examine them, and on the i3tli February, 1856, made his report. The document itself is too long and technical for publication, but the written opinions I have already quoted of Sir E. Napier and Mr. Mont- gomery are sufficient to show that it completely established Lieutenant Hodson's innocence, and cleared him from the grievous and unjust imputations cast upon him. Yet in March, 1857, he discovered that this report had never been communicated to the Commander-in- Chief, or Secretary to Government. It had been quietly laid aside in some office, and no more notice taken. Lord Dalhousie left India, having heard all that could be said against him, OFFICIAL ENMITY. 163 and nothing in his vindication. I might give many other details illustrative of the manner in which, even in the nineteenth century, official enmity can succeed in crushing one who is so unfortunate as to be its victim, and of the small chance which exists of redress, but I will not weary my readers with them. I give a few extracts from my brother's letters at different times in the course of these proceedings, to show the spirit in which he bore this trial, bitter though it was, peculiarly grievous to one of his sensitive feelings on all points of honour. In August, 1855, he wrote to me : — They have not been able, with all their efforts, to fix anything whatever upon me ; all their allegations (and they were wide enough in their range) have fallen to the ground ; and the more serious ones have been utterly disproved by the mere production of documents and books. The most vicious assertion was, that I had been so careless of the public money passing through my hands, that I had not only kept no proper accounts, but that paper had never been inked on the subject, and consequently it would be impossible to ascertain whether or not any deficiency existed in my regimental treasure chest; and this after I had laid my books on the table of the Court, and begged that they might be examined, and after I had subsequently officially applied for their examination by proper accountants. Well, after seven months' delay, I was offered the opportunity of producing M 2, 164 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE TROUBLES. them; and tlius I have now at last a chance of bringing out the real state of the ease. Up to the present time, the most critical and hostile examination, lasting a month, has only served to prove my earliest assertion, and my only o'ne, that I could give an ample account of every farthing of money intrusted to me whenever it might please the powers that be to inquh-e into it. The sum total of money repre- sented by my account amounts to about 120,000^. passing through my hands in small fractional sums of receipt and expenditure. Not only do they find that I have regular con- nected accounts of everything, but that these are sup- ported by vouchers and receipts. It has been a severe trial, and the prolonged anxiety and distress of the past nine months have been nearly insupportable. I almost despair of making you, or any one not on the spot, understand the ins and outs of the whole affair; and I can only trust to the result, and to the eventual production of all the papers, to put things in their proper light. In the mean time, I must endea- vour to face the wrong, the grievous, foul wrong, with a constant and unshaken heart, and to endure humiliation and disgrace with as much equanimity as I may, and with the same soldier-like fortitude with which I ought to face danger, suffering, and death in the path of duty. Naosherah, Nov. 4th, 1855. Your two sad letters came close upon one another, but I could not write then. The blow* was over- whelming ; coming, too, at a time of unprecedented suffering and trial, it was hard to bear up against. * The news of his father's death. WAITING, 165 What a year this has been ! What ages of trial and of sorrow seem to have been crowded into a few short months. Our darling babe was taken from us on the day my public misfortunes began, and death has robbed us of our father before their end. The brain-pressure was almost too much for me, coming asthetidingsdidat a time of peculiar distress. . . . The whole, indeed, is so peculiarly sad that one's heart seems chilled and dulled by the very horror of the calamity. ... I look with deep anxiety for your next letters, but the mail seems exclusively occu- pied with Sebastopol, and to have left letters behind. Again, to his sister, some months later : — I trust fondly that better days are coming ; but really the weary watching and waiting for a gleam of daylight through the clouds, and never to see it, is more harassing and harder to bear up against than I could have supposed possible. I have been tried to the utmost I do think. A greater weight of public and private calamity and sorrow surely never fell at once on any individual. But it has to be borne, and I try to face it manfully and patiently, and to believe that it is for some good and wise end. By the way, I was much gratified and surprised at seeing, in an article in the Calcutta Heview written and signed by Sir Henry Lawrence, a most flattering testimony* to my military character. Coming at such a time it is doubly valuable. • * Lieutenant Hodson, who has succeeded to the com- * mand of the Guides, is an accotnplislied soldier, cool in * council, daring in action, with great natural ability im- * proved by education. There are few abler men in any * service.' 166 PRESSURE OF WORK. In another letter lie says : — It is pleasant indeed to find that not a man who knows me has any belief that there has been anything wrong. They think I have been politically wrong in not consulting my own interests by propitiating the powers that be^ and they know that I am the victim of ofiicial enmity in high places ; but I am proud to say^ that not one of them all (and indeed I believe I might include my worst foes and accusers in the category) believes that I have committed any more than errors of judgment, and that, owing to the pres- sure of work which came upon me all at once, and which was more than one man could manage at once, with- out leaving something to be done at a more convenient season. I can honestly say, that for months before I was summoned into Peshawur for the inquiry, I had never known what a half hour's respite from toil and anxiety was ; in fact, ever since I first traced the lines of the fort at Murdan, in December, 1853, I was literally weighed down by incessant calls on my time and at- tention, and went to bed at night thoroughly ex- hausted and worn out, to rise before daylight to a re- newed round of toil and worry. I remember telling John Lawrence, that if they got rid of me, he would require three men to do the work which I had been doing for Government ; and it has already proved literally true. They have had to appoint three different officers to the work I had done single-handed, and that, too, after the worst was over ! REJOINING REGIMENT. 167 TJmbala, March 2^th, 1856. Of myself I have little to tell you : things have been much in statu quo. Major Taylor^s report, of which I am going to send you a copy, is most satisfactory. There is much which you will probably not understand in the way of technicalities, but the general purport will be clear to you. I expect to join my regiment in about three weeks. They are marching up from Bengal to Dugshai, a hill station sixty miles from hence, and ten from Kussowlee and Subathoo respectively, so I shall be close to old haunts. I am very glad we shall be in a good climate, for though I have not given in or failed, I am thankful to say, still the last eighteen months have told a good deal upon me, and I am not up to heat or work. If the colonel (Welchman) can, he is going to give me the adjutancy of the regiment, which will be a gain in every way, not only as showing to the world that, in spite of all which has happened there is nothing against my character, but as increasing my income, and giving me the oppor- tunity of learning a good deal of work which will be useful to me, and of doing, I hope, a good deal of good amongst the men. It will be the first step up the ladder again, after tumbling to the bottom. Soon afterwards. Lieutenant Hodson rejoined the ist Fusiliers at Dugshai. It may be necessary, for the sake of unprofessional readers, to explain that during the whole time that he had been Assistant-Commissioner in the Punjab, or in command of the Guides, he 168 MR. C. RAIKES. had continued to belong to this regiment, as political or staiF appointments in India do not dissolve an officer's connexion with his own regiment. On April 8th he writes from Dugshai : — 1 have but little to tell you to cheer you on my account. My health which had stood the trial wonderfully, was beginning to fail, but I shall soon be strong again in this healthy mountain air, 7000 feet above the sea. This is a great thing, but it is very hard to begin again as a regimental subaltern after nearly eleven years* hard work. However, I am very fond of the profession, and there is much to be done, and much learnt, and, under any other circumstances, I should not regret being with English soldiers again for a time. Everyone believes that I shall soon be righted, but the ' soon * is a long time coming. I was much gratified the other day by an unexpected visit from Mr. Charles Eaikes, one of the Punjab Commissioners, who was passing through Umbala, on his way to take a high appointment at Agra. I had no personal knowledge of him, but he came out of his way to call upon me, and express his sympathy and his appreciation of (what he was pleased to call) my high character. He said much that was encouraging and pleasing, which I need not repeat. It served pleasantly, how- ever, to show that the tide was turning, and that in good men's minds my character stood as high as ever. In addition to his other troubles, my brother MR. C. RAIKES. 169 was suifering all this time from a dislocated ankle. He says in June : — I have nothing to tell you of myself, save that I have to-day, for the first time for eight weeks, put my foot to the ground; I cannot, however, yet walk a yard without crutches. DuGSHAi, Sept. 24th, 1856. I strive to look the worst boldly in the face as I would an enemy in the field, and to do my appointed work resolutely and to the best of my ability, satisfied that there is a reason for all ; and that even irksome duties well done bring their own reward, and that if not, still they are duties. But it is sometimes hard to put up with the change ! I am getting a little stronger on my ankle, but am still unable, at the end of five months, to do more than walk about the house. Fancy my not being able to walk 200 yards for half a-year. DUGSHAI, ^ov. 6th. I yearn to be at home again and see you all, but I am obliged to check all such repinings and longings, and keep down all canker cares and bitternesses, and set my teeth hard and will earnestly to struggle on and do my allotted work as well and cheerfully as m be, satisfied that in the end a brighter time come. I know nothing in my brother's whole career more truly admirable, or showing more 170 REGIMENTAL DUTIES. real heroism, than his conduct at this period while battling with adverse fates. Deeply as he felt the change in his position, he accommodated himself to it in a manner that won the admiration and esteem of all. Instead of despising his regimental duties, irk- some and uninteresting, comparatively speak- ing, as they were, he discharged them with a zeal and energy, as well as cheerfulness, which called forth the following strong expressions of commendation from the colonel of his regi- ment. They are taken from a letter addressed to the Adjutant-General of the army : — ' Umbala, Jan. i^th, 1857. . . .' I consider it a duty, and at the same time feel a ' great pleasure_, in requesting you to submit^ for the ' consideration of his Excellency the Commander-in- ' Chief, this my public record and acknowledgment ' of the very essential service Lieutenant Hodson has ' done the regiment at my special request. On the * arrival of the regiment at Dugshai I asked Lieu- ' tenant Hodson to act as quartermaster. I pointed ' out to him that, mainly owing to a rapid succession of ' quartermasters when the regiment was on field-service, ' the office had fallen into very great disorder ; . . and ' that he would have to restore ,order out of com- ' plicated disorder, and to organize a more efficient ' working system for future guidance and observance. ' To my great relief and satisfaction. Lieutenant Hod- ' son most cheerfully undertook the onerous duties ; ' he was suffering at the same time severe bodily TESTIMONY OF COLONEL WELCHMAN. 171 ' pain, consequent on a serious accident, yet this did ' not in any way damp his energy, or prevent his ' most successfully carrying out the object in view. . . ' It is impossible to do otherwise than believe that ' this officer's numerous qualifications are virtually lost ' to the State by his being employed as a regimental ' subaltern, as he is fitted for, and capable of doing ' great justice to, any staff situation ; and I am con- ' vinced, that should his Excellency receive with ' approval this solicitation to confer on him some ' appointment suited to the high ability, energy, and ' zeal which I fear I have but imperfectly brought to ' notice, it would be as highly advantageous to the * service as gratifying to myself. An officer whose * superior mental acquirements are fully acknowledged ' by all who know him ; who has ably performed the ' duties of a civil magistrate in a disturbed district ; ' whose knowledge of engineering has been practi- ' cally brought into play in the construction of a fort ' on the North-Western frontier ; whose gallant con- * duct in command of a regiment in many a smart ' engagement has been so highly commended, and by ' such competent authorities, is one whom I have con- * fidence in recommending for advancement ; and in ' earnestly, yet most respectfully, pressing the recom- ' mendation, I plead this officer's high qualifications ' as my best apology. ... ' I have, &c. (Signed) ' J. Welchman, ' LieiU.-Col. Commanding ist Bengal * Fusiliers' Quite as strong was the testimony borne by Brigadier-General Johnstone : — 172 GENERAL JOHNSTONE. * To the Adjutant-General of the Army. * SiRHiND Division, Head Quarters, Umbala, Jan. ^oth, 1857. ' Sir, — My mere countersignature to ColoneJ ' Welchman's letter in favour of Lieutenant Hodson ' seems so much less than the occasion demands, that ' I trust his Excellency will allow of my submitting ' it in a more special and marked manner. I beg to ' accompany Colonel Welchman's letter with a testi- ' mony of my own to the high character of the ' officer in question. ' Rejoining his regiment as a lieutenant, from the ' exercise of an important command calling daily for ' the display of his energy, activity, and self-reliance, ' and frequently for the manifestation of the highest ' qualities of the partisan leader, or of the regular ' soldier, Lieutenant Hodson, with patience, perse- ' verance, and zeal undertook and carried out the ' laborious minor duties of the regimental staff as ^ well as those of a company; and with a diligence, ' method, and accuracy such as the best trained ' regimental officers have never surpassed, succeeded, ' in a manner fully justifying the high commendation * bestowed on him by his commanding officer. As a ' soldier in the field. Lieutenant Hodson has gained ' the applause of officers of the highest reputation, ' eye-witnesses of his ability and courage. On the ' testimony of others, I refer to these, and that ' testimony so honourable to his name I beg here- ' with to submit to his Excellency. ' On my own observation, I am enabled to speak to ' Lieutenant Hodson's character and qualities in WINTER CAMP. 173 ' quarters, and I do so in terms of well-earned com- ' mendation, and at the same time in the earnest ' hope that his merits and qualifications will obtain ' for him such favour and preferment at the hands of ' his Excellency as he may deem fit to bestow on ' this deserving officer. ' I have, &c. (Signed) 'M. C. Johnstone, ^ Brigculier- General, (he* I must add a few more extracts from Lieu- tenant Hodson's letters to myself and others, to complete this part of his history : — DuGSHAi, April "jth, 1857. Your letter written this day three months reached me at Umbala, at our mildest of ' Chobhams' in the middle of February, and deserved an earlier reply, but I have been quite taken out of the private corres- pondence line lately, by incessant calls on my time. Regimental work in camp in India, with European regiments, no less than in quarters, is contrived to cut up one's time into infinitesimal quantities, and keep one waiting for every other half- hour through the day. I had more time for writing when I com- manded a frontier regiment, and governed a province ! These winter camps are very profitable, however, and not by any means unpleasant ; and as Umbdla was very full, we had an unusual amount of society for India, and some very pleasant meetings. I was too lame to dance, but not to dine, and take part in charades or tableaux, and so forth, and so contrived to keep alive after the day's work was over. I got some KvSoc and vast kindness for performing the 174 GENERAL ANSON. more strictly professional role of brigade-major to one of the infantry brigades, and had excellent oppor- tunities of learning the essential, but so seldom taught or learned, art of manoeuvring bodies of troops. My service has been so much on the frontier and with detached corps, that I had previously had but small opportunities for the study. I had an interview with General Anson the other day, and I hope a satisfactory one. He is a very pleasant mannered and gentlemanly man, open and frank in speech, and quick to a proverb in apprehension, taking in the pith of a matter at a glance. As I always thought, it turned out that Major Taylor's report had never reached the Commander-in-Chief, and they had only the old one-sided story to go upon. I explained the whole to him, and as he had already very kindly read the papers relating to the matter, he quite comprehended it, and begged me to give him a copy of Taylor's report, when he would, if satisfied, try and see justice done me. I trust, therefore, that at last something will be done to clear me from all stigma in the matter. As soon as that is done he will give me some appointment or other, unless Government do it themselves. Sir Henry Lawrence writes to me most kindly, and is only waiting a favourable opportunity to help me. We are in a state of some anxiety, owing to the spread of a very serious spirit of disaffection among the Sepoy army. One regiment (the 19th of the line) has already been disbanded, and, if all have their dues, more yet will be so before long. It is our great danger in India, and Lord Hardinge's prophecy, that our biggest fight in India would be with our HOPES OF REDRESS. 175 own army, seems not unlikely to be realized, and that before long. Native papers, education, and progress are against keeping 200,000 native merce- naries in hand. To a Friend in Calcutta. DuGSHAi, May ^th, 1857. Unless I hear of something to my advantage meanwhile, I propose starting for Calcutta about the middle of this merry month of May, with the object of endeavouring to effect by personal appeal and ex- planations the self-vindication which no mere paper warfare seems likely to extort from Government. I had waited patiently for nearly two years, ' striving to be quiet and do my own business,' in the hope that justice, however tardy, would certainly overtake me, when an incident occurred which showed that I must adopt a more active mode of procedure if I wished for success. On applying for employment with the force in Persia, I met with a refusal, on the ground of what had occurred when in command of the Guides. This you will allow was calculated to drive a man to extremities who had been under the impression all along that his conduct, whensoever and howsoever called in question, had been amply vindicated. It appeared that while everything to my dis- advantage had been carefully communicated by the Punjab authorities to army head-quarters, they had, with true liberality and generosity, suppressed 'in toto' the results of the subsequent inquiry which had, in the opinion of all good men, amply cleared my good name from the dirt lavished on it. Even the secretaries to Government had never heard of this 176 PROPOSED JOURNEY TO CALCUTTA. vindication, and were going on believing all manner of things to my discredit. Lord Canning also being utterly ignorant of the fact that subsequently to Lord Dalhousie's departure, the results of the second inves- tigation had been communicated to Government. There were clearly three courses open to me, ' ^ la Sir Robert Peel.' 1st. Suicide. 2nd. To resign the service in disgust and join the enemy. 3rd. To make the Governor-General eat his words and apologize. I chose the last. The first was too melodramatic and foreign; the second would have been a triumph to my foes in the Punjab ; besides, the enemy might have been beaten ! I have determined, therefore, on a trip to Calcutta. You will, I have no doubt, agree with me that I am perfectly right in taking the field against the enemy, and not allowing the Government to rest until I have carried my point. In another letter of the same date : — I have had another interview with General Anson at Simla, and nothing could have been more satis- factory. He was most polite, even cordial, and while he approved of my suggestion of going down to Cal- cutta to have personal explanations with the people there, and evidently thought it a plucky idea to un- dertake a journey of 2500 miles in such weather (May and June), yet he said that I had better wait till I heard again from him, for he would write him- self to Lord Canning, and try to get justice done me. OUTBREAK OF MUTINY. 177 I do trust the light is breaking through the dark- ness, and that before long I may have good news to send you, in which I am sure you will rejoice. It did break from a most unexpected quarter. This was the last letter received in England from my brother for some months. Six days after it was written, the outbreak at Meerut occurred, and almost immediately India was in a blaze. * Fortunate was it' (my brother afterwards said) * that I was delayed by General Anson * till he received an answer from Lord Canning, * or I should undoubtedly have been murdered * at some station on the road. The answer * never came. It must have been between Cal- * cutta and Allygurh when disturbances broke * out, and was, with all the daks for many days, ' destroyed or plundered.' Most fortunate, too, was it (if we may use such an expression), that in the hour of India's extremity. Lieutenant Hodson was within reach of the Commander-in-Chief, and avail- able for service. It was no longer a time to stand on official etiquette. In that crisis, which tried the bravest to the utmost, when a strong will and cool head and brave heart were needed, he at once rose again to his proper place in counsel and in action. 178 TURN OF FORTUNE. But I must not anticipate what belongs to the next chapter. One fact, however, I cannot refrain from stating here, as an appropriate conclusion of this narrative, that within six weeks of the date of the last letter, Lieutenant Hodson was actually commanding in the field, before the walls of Delhi, by General Barnard's special request, the very corps of Guides from which he had been so unjustly ousted two years before. * Was there ever,' he says in reference to it, ' a stranger turn on the wheel of fortune ? I ' have much cause to be grateful, and I hope I ' shall not forget the bitter lessons of ' adversity.' b PART II. NARRATIVE OF THE DELHI CAMPAIGN, 1857. CHAPTER I. MARCH DOWN TO DELHI. ON the loth May occurred the outbreak at Meerut, closely followed by the massacre at Delhi. On the 13th, orders were received at Dugshai, from the Commander-in-Chief, for the ist Bengal European Fusiliers to march without delay to Umbala, where all the regiments from the hill stations were to concentrate. They set out that afternoon, and reached UmbMa, a distance of sixty miles, on the morning of the second day. From this point Lieutenant Hodson's narrative commences. It is com- piled from the letters or bulletins which he sent day by day to his wife, written as besir they might, in any moments which he could snatch from the overwhelming press of work, sometimes on the field, sometimes on horse- back. It is almost unnecessary to observe, N 2 180 DELHI CAMPAIGN. that they were not intended for the public eye, and would never have been published had my lamented brother been alive, as he had the greatest horror of any of his letters appearing in print. Now, unhappily, the case is different, and I feel, in common with many of his friends, that in justice both to himself and to the gallant band who formed the ' army before Delhi,' this record of heroic fortitude and endurance ought not to be withheld. It does not profess to be a history of the siege, or mili- tary operations connected with it ; though it is a most valuable contribution to any history, as Lieutenant Hodson, from his position as head of the Intelligence Department, knew better, probably, than any other man what was going on both amongst the enemy and in our own force ; and his incidental notices will tell, better, perhaps, than the most laboured description, what our men did and what they suffered. Full justice will probably never be done them, nor their trying position appre- ciated as it ought to be; besiegers in name, though more truly besieged ; exposed to inces- sant attacks night and day; continually thinned in numbers by the sword, the bullet, the sun- stroke, and cholera, and for many weeks receiving no reinforcements ; feeling sometimes as if they were forgotten by their countrymen. CHEERFUL SPIRIT. 181 and yet holding their ground against a nation in arms, without murmuring or complaining, and with unshaken determination. All ac- counts agree in speaking of the cheerful and * plucky' spirit that prevailed, both amongst officers and men, notwithstanding fatigue, pri- vation, and sickness, as something quite remarkable even amongst British soldiers. And if there was one more than another who contributed to inspire and keep up this spirit, if there was one more than another who merited that which a Eoman would have con- sidered the highest praise, that he never de- spaired of his country, it was Lieutenant Hodson. I have seen a letter from a dis- tinguished officer, in which he says : — * Affairs at times looked very queer, from the ' frightful expenditure of life. Hodson' s face * was then like sunshine breaking through ' the dark clouds of despondency and gloom ' that would settle down occasionally on all but * a few brave hearts, England's worthiest sons, * who were determined to conquer.' If any should be disposed to think that my brother, in these letters, speaks too exclusively of his own doings, they must remember, in the first place, to whom they were addressed ; and secondly, that in describing events — quorum 182 DELHI CAMPAIGN. pars magna fuit — it would be almost impossible not to speak of himself. He himself, even in writing to his wife, thinks it necessary to apologize for being * egotistical.' I believe, on the other hand, that the highest interest of the following nar- rative will be found to consist in its being a personal narrative, a history of the man, an unreserved outspeaking of his mind and feelings ; nor am I afraid of others thinking apology called for. Nor, however much they may disagree from his criticisms on men and measures, will they deny that he was well qualified, both by his opportunities of observa- tion at the time, and his past experience of Asiatic character, to form a judgment and express an opinion without exposing himself to the charge of presumption. Umbala, May i^th, 1857. We got here after two nights of very harassing marching. We started badly, the men having been drinking before they came to parade, and they were hurried too much in going down hill, consequently there was much straggling ; but, thanks to tattoos (ponies) and carts and elephants, sent out to meet us, we got in to-day in tolerable completeness. Affairs are very serious, and unless very prompt and vigorous measures are taken, the whole army, and perhaps a large portion of India, will be lost to us. Delhi is in the hands of the mutineers — no European that we ALARM AND INDECISION. 183 can hear of being left alive there — men, women, and children, all who were caught, have been butchered ! Brigadier Graves, Abbott, and some others have es- caped. Willoughby, the Ordnance Commissary in charge of the magazine and arsenal, is said to have fired it himself to prevent the mutineers having pos- session of the contents to arm themselves with — of course, sacrificing his own life to such a duty. A lac and a half of muskets would otherwise have been in the hands of the insurgents. The Commander-in- Chief came in this morning. Here alarm is the pre- valent feeling, and conciliation, of men with arms iu their hands and in a state of absolute rebellion, the order of the day. This system, if pursued, is far more dangerous than anything the Sepoys can do to us. There is an outbreak at Ferozepoor, but the Europeans have the fort in their possession ; if not, we should be without arms, for the regiments here have no ammu- nition, and Philour, our nearest source of supply, was nearly falling into the hands of the Sepoys. Even now, some say it is at their mercy. Fortunately the Maharaja of Puttiala is stanch, and so are other Sikh chiefs hereabouts. We shall go on to Delhi in a few days. That city is in the hands of the in- surgents, and the king proclaimed Emperor of Hindoo- stan ! I do trust that the authorities will act with vigour, else there is no knowing where the affair will end. Oh for Sir Charles Napier now ! 1 6tA, — Little is known for certain of what is going on, as there is no communication with, or from, below. At present, the native troops have all gone off bodily; none remain in cantonments. We march, I believe, on Monday — 9th Lancers, 75th Queen's, 1st 184 DELHI CAMPAIGN. Fusiliers, and nine guns/ taking the 5th, 60th Native Infantry and 4tli Cavalry with us — nice companions ! However, they can do ns no harm, and they might do great mischief if left here. There has heen an out- break at Ferozepoor and Philour, but the magazine and bridge at the first place are safe in the hands of her Majesty's 60th, and the authorities at Jullundur sent off a party of Europeans and Horse Artillery at once, who secured the fort at Philour ; otherwise we should have had no ammunition but what the soldiers carried in their pouches. The times are critical, but I have no fear of aught save the alarm and indecision of our rulers. All here is sheer confusion, and there is a tendency to treat these rebellious Sepoys with a tenderness as misplaced as it would be pernicious. There is actually a talk of concentrating troops, and waiting to be joined by others before marching on Delhi ; and they utterly refuse to detach even a party on Kurnal to protect the officers and treasury there. This is all very sad, and sometimes makes one disposed to question whether we are not suffering from the ' dementia' which Providence sends as the forerunner of ruin. However, our course is not yet run, and whatever clouds may gather over us, there are good results in store. " The Punjab is quiet. The native troops at Mean-Meer were quietly disarmed, and do their guards with bayonets only. This excellent ar- rangement is Sir John Lawrence's doing. Nothing is known of Lucknovv, or indeed of any place below Meerut. AUygurh is supposed to have gone. Some details of the massacre at Delhi, which I have just heard from one of the escapees, are awful beyond belief. Charlie Thomason is said to have escaped, but APPOINTMENT TO INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT. 1S5 Miss Jennings, the clergyman^s daughter to whom he was engaged, was among the victims. Mr. Beresford, his wife, and five daughters all massacred. Poor Colonel Ripley lived long enough to say he was killed by his own men. De Teissier's native artillery- men joined the rebels. with their guns — he escaped, though severely wounded. I'jtk. — We are all terribly anxious about the hill stations, reports having reached us that the Goorkhas have mutinied and attacked Simla. loo men, with ammunition, have gone off this morning to Kussowlie. Dugshai is easily defended. Simla is most to be feared All this has put out of my head for the time the good news for us. Yesterday, I was sent for by the Commander-in- Chief, and appointed Assistant Quartermaster-Gene- ral on his personal staff, to be under the immediate orders of his Excellency, and with command to raise loo horse and 50 foot, for service in the In- telligence Department, and as personal escort. All this was done, moreover, in a most complimentary way, and it is quite in my line. I am prepared to set to work vigorously ; but I confess my anxiety on account of the reports we hear respecting the hill stations makes me cruelly anxious General Anson, it seems, wrote about me to Talbot, but could get no answer before the outbreak oc- curred, which makes this act of his, on his own responsibility, the more complimentary. It is very uncertain now when we move on. All is quiet in the Punjab, I am thankful to say, and the rebels have had a lesson read them at Ferozepoor which will do good. The 45th Native Infantry were nearly 186 DELHI CAMPAIGN. cut to pieces by theioth Light Cavalry,* who pur- sued them for twelve miles, and cut them to pieces. This last is a great fact. One regiment at least has stood by us, and the moral effect will be great : nothing known yet from below. Poor Macdonald, of the 2oth Native Infantry, his wife, and their three babes, murdered, with adjuncts not to be men- tioned. John Lawrence is acting with great vigour, and they have organized a moveable force at Jhelum, composed of her Majesty's 24th and 27th, the Guides, Kum^on Battalion, and other Irregu- lars, to move in any required direction. Montgomery writes in great spirits and confidence from Lahore. I am just sent for by the chief. KuRNAL, May \^th, — According to orders, I left Umbala at 8 30 p.m., and reached here at 4 30 a.m., having prepared everything at Peeplee en route. I had only 'Bux'f with me, and did not apprehend any danger until within a few miles of Kurn^l, but nothing whatever happened ; the road was deserted, and not a soul to be seen. I am sheltered in a house occupied by the refugees from Delhi and the civil officers of Kurnal, about fifteen in all, with Mrs. Wagentrieber, her husband, and sundry sergeants, &c. The European troops will be here to-night. What would I not give for a couple hundred of my old Guides ! I flatter myself I could do something then. As it is, I must bide my time until I can get a few good men together on whom I can depend. I have been so busy all day, writing letters on my knee, sending off electric messages, cum multis aliis. I can They afterwards mutinied t His bearer. NEW REGIMENT. 187 but rejoice that I am employed again; certain, too, as I am, that the star of Old England will shine the brighter in the end, and we shall hold a prouder position than ever. But the crisis is an awful one ! May 19M. — This morning the Commander-in- Chief ordered me to raise and command an entire new regiment of Irregular Horse. I do not know who or what has been at work for me, but he seems willing enough to give me work to do, and I am willing enough to do it. The European troops arrived this morning (I sent a telegraphic message to say so); and the Rajah of Jheend, with his men, last night. I have offered to clear the road and open the communication to Meerut and Delhi with the Rajah's Horse. If the Chief will consent, I think I am sure of success. It is believed that nothing has occurred at Agra. The Punjab all quiet up to last night ; as long as that is the case we shall do. With God and our Saxon arms to aid us, I have firm faith in the result. 2oth, — Deep anxiety about the safety of the hill stations continues unabated ; no letters — no certainty — only rumours. Were it not for this, I should enter with full zest into the work before me, and the fresh field which I owe to General Anson's kindness. He has at last consented to my trying to open com- munication with Meerut, so I start this afternoon to try to make my way across with a party of the Jheend Horse ; and I have, under Providence, little doubt of success, though I would rather have a party of my dear old Guides. There has been an outbreak at Agra, but all the Europeans are shut up in the fort ; .-._ p 1S8 DELHI CAMPAIGN. Allygurh and Moradabad have mutinied, but by God^s help we shall get safely through. lothj 1 P.M. — Just one line to say I am starting, and shall not be able to write to-morrow or next day. Still no tidings from the hills ! This is a terrible additional pull upon one's nerves at a time like this, and is a phase of war I never calculated on. May i\th. — I returned from my expedition to Meerut late last night. It was eminently successful, and I am off immediately to Umbala to report pro- gress to the Chief. Much relieved by a letter from you. l^tJi. — A hurried line only to say I am safe and well, but dead beat. I went yesterday to Umbala by mail cart to report to the Commander-in-Chief. Got there at 6 p.m., and started back again at 1 1 p.m. As I have only had one night in bed out of five, I am tolerably weary. The Commander-in-Chief arrived this morning. I will give you more particulars when I have slept. From a letter written from camp before Dellii, in August, to Colonel D. Seaton : — . . . ^ As soon as the Commander-in-Chief reached ' Umbala he sent for me, and put me in charge of ' the Intelligence Department, as an Assistant ' Quartermaster-General under his personal orders. I ' left Umbala by mail-cart that night for Kurnal, ascer- ' tained the state of things, made arrangements for the ' protection and shelter of the advanced party, and ' offered to open the road to Meerut, from Kurnal. ' He replied by telegraph. Seventy-two hours after- ' wards, I was back in Kurnal, and telegraphed to him RIDE TO MEERUT. 189 ' that I had forced my way to Meerut,"^ and obtained ' all the papers he wanted from tlie general there. ' These I gave him four hours later in Umbala. The ' pace pleased him, I fancy, for he ordered me to raise ' a Corps of Irregular Horse, and appointed me com- ' mandant. May 2^thy Evening. — I wrote this morning a few hurried lines to keep you from anxiety. I was too tired to do more, the continued nightwork had wearied me out, and when I got back here at half- past six this morning I was fairly dead beat. Poor * Letter from an Officer. 'When the mutiny broke out, our communications * were completely cut off. One night, on outlying picket ' at Meerut, this subject being discussed, I said, " Hodson * is at Umbala, I know ; and I'll bet he will force his way 'through, and open communications with the Com- * mander-in-Chief and ourselves." At about three that ' night I heard my advanced sentries firing. I rode off * to see what was the matter, and they told me that a 'party of enemy's cavalry had approached their post. 'When day broke, in galloped Hoc^son. He had left * Kumal (seventy-six miles off) at nine the night before, ' with one led horse and an escort of Sikh cavalry, and, ' as I had anticipated, here he was with despatches for * Wilson ! How I quizzed him for approaching an armed * post at night without knowing the parole. Hodson 'rode straight to Wilson, had his interview, a bath, ' breakfast, and two hours' sleep, and then rode back the * seventy-six miles, and had to fight his way for about ' thirty miles of the distance.' Another officer, writing to his wife at this time, says : — * Hodson's gallant deeds more resemble a chapter from * the life of Bayard or Amadis de Gaul, than the doings 'of a subaltern of the nineteenth century. The only ' feeling mixed with my admiration for him is envy.' 190 DELHI CAMPAIGN. Charlie Thomason is with me. I am happy to have been in some measure instrumental in getting him in in safety, by oflPering a heavy sum to the villagers. He had been wandering about in the jungles, with several other refugees, for days, without food or shelter. I am deeply grieved for him, poor fellow ! He was engaged to Miss Jennings, the chaplain's daughter at Delhi, and both father and daughter are among the victims of that dreadful massacre. Even infants were massacred. The state of panic at Meerut was shocking ; all the ladies shut up in an enclosed barrack, and their husbands sleeping in the men's barracks for safety, and never going beyond the sentries. General Hewitt is in a state of helpless imbecility. The best and boldest spirit there was our friend Alfred Light, doing his work manfully and well. He had had some miraculous escapes. My com- mission is to raise a body of Irregular Horse on the usual rates of pay and the regular complement of native officers, but the number of troops to be unlimited — i.e., I am to raise as many men as I please ; 2000 if I can get them. The worst of it is, the being in a part of the country I do not know, and the necessity of finding men who can be trusted. Mr. Montgomery is aiding me wonderfully. He called upon some of my old friends among the Sirdars to raise men for me. Shumshere Singh is raising one troop ; Tej Singh ditto ; Emaumoodeen ditto ; Mr. Montgomery himself one or two ditto. All these wnll be ready in about three weeks. I am to remain Assistant Quartermaster-General, attached to the Commander-in-Chief. This allows me free access to DEATH OF GENERAL ANSON. 191 him at any time, and to other people in authority, which gives me power for good. The Intelligence Department is mine exclusively, and I have for this line Sir Henry's old friend, the one-eyed Moulvie, Rujub Alee, so I shall get the best news in the country. Montgomery has come out very, very strong indeed, and behaved admirably. The native regiments at Peshawur have been disarmed. One at Naoshera (the 55th) was sent over to occupy Murdan in the absence of the Guides. They have mutinied, and seized the fort, and confined the Assis- tant-Commissioner. General Cotton is going against them, and the Euzofzai folks will do their best to prevent a man escaping. As yet the Punjab is quiet, and the Irregulars true. The Guides are coming down here by forced marches. Camp, Paneeput, 27^/^. — I wrote to you this lorning, but as I shall not probably be in the way >f daks to-morrow, I write a few lines to be sent jr I start onwards. You will have heard of the death of General Anson. He was taken with lolera yesterday, and died without pain from collapse lis morning. He made over command to General larnard with his last breath. Sir Henry only ived from Umbala just in time. His death is >litically a vast misfortune just at this crisis, and "personally I am deeply grieved, and the natives will be highly elated. I am even now hard at work, raising my men, or taking means to do so, and have already had applications for officers ; but I shall not settle on officers till the men begin to collect, and this time I will take care to have none but gentle- men, if I can help it. I am going downwards to- 192 DELHI CAMPAIGN. night to look after the bridge* on this side of Delhi, about thirty miles hence, by which the Meerut troops will move to join us. I take the Jheend Horse ; Colonel T. Seaton is commanding the 6oth Native Infantry, and will be here to-night with them. I don't envy him his new command, but he is a good man, and a brave soldier, and if any man can get them over the mess, he will do it. Sir H. Barnard is a fine gentlemanly old man, but hardly up to his work. However, we must all put our shoulders to the wheel, and help him over the crisis. I trust he will act with vigour, for we have delayed far too long already. 2^tli, — There is nothing new. I travelled eighty miles between % p.m. yesterday, and ten this morning, besides heaps of business. I am tired, I confess, for the heat is awful. The treasuries are empty, and no drafts are to be cashed, so how we are to get money I cannot imagine. We hear that a request has gone to Lord Canning to send for Pat Grant as Commander-in-Chief, pending in- structions. I grieve for poor General Anson, and I ought to do so, for he was a good friend to me. SuMALKA, Q^otli. — My earnest representations and remonstrances seem at last to have produced some effect, for at 7 p.m. yesterday we got an order to move on. The head-quarters follow us to-night from Kurnal. The Sve,^ means three squadrons of 9th Lancers, Money^s troop of Horse Artillery, and ist Fusiliers. Brigadier Hallifax is in command, but so ill from heat and anxiety, that I begin to be anxious * At Bhagput. MARCH TO DELHI. 193 about him, and whether he will be able to remain with the force is doubtful. Colonel T. Seaton has gone on to Rohtuck with the 6oth Native Infantry^ who, I have no doubt, will desert to a man as soon as they get there. It is very plucky of him and the other officers to go ; and very hard of the authorities to send them ; a half-hearted measure, and very dis- creditable, in my opinion, to all concerned ; affording a painful contrast to Sir John Lawrence^s bold and decided conduct in this crisis. The old Guides are to be here on the 8th or loth to join us. The heat here is a caution, and writing in this melting climate anything but easy, especially as chairs and tables are not common. This regiment (ist Fusiliers) is a credit to any army, and the fellows are in as high spirits and heart, and as plucky and free from croaking as possible, and really do good to the whole force. KussowLEE, A/ay ^ist. — Here we are one more stage on our road to Delhi ; we are, however, to halt a couple of days or so at the next stage (Race), to await the arrival of General Barnard. Poor Brigadier Hallifax was so ill that he would clearly have died had he remained here, so we had a medical committee, put him into my sliigram (a travelling wagon), and sent him off to Kurnal for Umbdla and the hills. I sent a telegraphic message for Mrs. Hallifax to meet him at UmbMa. This is but the beginning of this work, I fear ; and before this business ends, we who are, thank God, still young and strong shall alone be left in camp ; all the elderly gentlemen will sink under the fatigue and exposure. I think of asking for Mr, Macdovvell as my second in command ; he is a gentleman, and onJy wants opportunity to become 194 MARCH TO DELHI. a gallant soldier. The whole onus of work here is on my shoulders ; every one comes to me for advice and assistance, which is purely absurd. I shall do all the work and others get the credit, as usual ; but in these days we cannot afford to spare ourselves. The Empire is at stake, and all we love and reverence is in the balance. I tried to persuade them to send General Johnstone to Meerut to supersede Hewitt. I wish he had been there and was here ; we have few as good. Raee, June \st. — I have just been roused up from the first sleep I have had, for I don't know how long, (lying under a peepul tree, with a fine breeze like liquid fire blowing over me), by the news that the dak is going, so I can only say that all is well, and that we are here, about twenty miles from Delhi, and I hope ere night to capture some of the rascals who stripped and ill-treated two ladies near this the other day on their flight to the hills. Colonel Hope Grant has arrived to command the force until General Barnard comes, which will be on the 4th, and the Meerut people also. The Delhi mutineers marched out ten miles, and attacked Brigadier Wil- son on the night of the 30th, at Ghazeenuggur, on his way to this place. He drove them back, and captured all their guns. Some 8000 or 10,000 of them came out, and he had only about 1000 men. Long odds, this ; but of course all his men were Europeans. I fear the 14th Irregulars have joined the mutineers. If they would only make haste and get to Delhi we might do something. Haee, incl. — You will have been as much shocked as I was by the tidings of poor Brigadier Hallifax's death MARCH TO DELHI. 195 at Kumal, only a few hours after I had put him into the carriage, with the comfortable assurance that his wife would meet him at Umbala. He died from congjstion of the brain. I have been much affected by this for I had a warm regard for him, and his very helplessness the last few days seemed to strengthen the tie. I feel deeply for his poor wife and children. Colonel Mowat of the artillery is dead too, of cholera. The weather is undoubtedly very trying for old and infirm men ; but we are all well here, and there is no sickness to speak of among the troops. All will be here to-morrow. Head- quarters, 75th, Queen's, and remainder of 9th Lancers ; the heavy guns and 2nd Fusiliers are only a short way behind. Colonel Hope Grant commands. The Meerut folks have had another fight (on the 3Tst) with the Delhi mutineers, and again beaten them ; but this constant exposure is very trying to Europeans. I wish we were moving nearer Delhi more rapidly, as all now depends on our quickly disposing of this mighty sore. I wish from my heart we had Sir Henry Lawrence here ; he is the man for the crisis. We are all in high spirits ; only eager to get at the villains who have committed atrocities which make the blood run cold but to think of. I trust the retri- bution will be short, sharp, and decisive. Another batch of half-starved, half-naked Europeans, men, women, and children (a deputy collector and his family), were brought into camp to-day, after wandering twenty-three days in the jungle. Rake, yd, — Things are so quiet in the Punjab that I begin to hope that, if we do but make haste in disposing of Delhi, the campaign may not be so o 2 196 MARCH TO DELHI. long, after all. Everything depends on that; we dare not_, however, calculate on such good fortune either to our arms or ourselves. The Head-quarters people joined this morning; they seem to stand it better than I expected. Congreve complains a good deal, but Keith Young and Arthur Becher are well. I have not yet seen Sir H. Barnard. I was kept up and out half the night, and then out again at day- break, so I am too tired andbusy to pay visits. There has been no further fight that we know of. Charlie Thomason rejoined us this morning; he has picked up a little since his starvation time ended, and does not look so like a wild beast as he did. Still good news from Agra ; there are, however, reports which tend to show disturbances in the Allyghur and Bolundshur districts. Aleepore, 5th. — You must not be anxious on my account : I am in as good a position as possible for a subaltern to be, unless, indeed, I had my regiment ready for service. I am second only to Becher in the Quartermaster- General Department, and the Intel- ligence Department is entirely my own. I feel deeply for poor Mrs. Hallifax and her large family, and am delighted that you are able to aid them. I have tried everywhere to get a bearer, but the natives will not serve us now, and I could get no one even on double pay. Only two days ago I succeeded in getting a Bheestie. If we could but get all the seventy-four native infantry regiments in one lump we could manage them, butthey will never stand after we get our guns to work. I rode right up to the Delhi parade-ground this morning to reconnoitre, and the few Sowars, whom I MARCH TO DELHI. 197 met, galloped away like mad at the sight of one white face. Had I had a hundred Guides with me I would have gone up to the very walls. Aleepore, 6th. — All the force is assembled to-day save the Meerut portion, and they will be up to-night ; the heat is severe, but not unhealthy. The siege guns came in this morning, and the 2nd European Bengal Fusiliers, and we are all ready to move on. About 2000 of the rebels have come out of Delhi, and put themselves in position to bar our road. Even your pride would be satisfied at the cry v?^hen I ride to the front or start on any little excursion. I think I am more than appreciated by the Head-quarter's people. I had barely finished the word when I was sent for by the General, and had a pretty strong proof of the estimation I am held in. He had been urged to one particular point of attack ; and when I went into the tent, he immediately turned to the assembled council, and said, ' I have always trusted to Hodson's intelligence, and have the greatest con- fidence in his judgment. I will be guided by what he can tell me now.' So the croakers, who had been groaning, were discomfited. This is of course for your own eye and ear alone, but it is pleasant, as the General has only known me since he has now joined the force.* Aleepore, June ']tk. — ^I have little to do mth the ' Jheend Rajah's troops,' further than that I am em- powered to demand as many as I want, and whenever ♦ I am told that one day about thb time, General Barnard said at the council table, * We must have our best man to lead that column — Hodson, will you take itV—Ed. 198 DELHI. I -want them. I have twenty-five men on constant duty with me, and to-day have asked for double that number for extra duty ; beyond this, I have not, and do not wish to have, further to do with them. All Eohilcund is in mutiny. In fact, the district of Agra is the only one in the North- West Provinces now under our control. What a terrible lesson on the evils of delay ! It will be long yet, I fear, ere this business is over. Oh for Sir Henry Lawrence ! Yet per- sonally I have no reason to complain. Camp, Delhi, June Wi, 1857. — Here we are, safe and sound, after having driven the enemy out of their position in the cantonments up to and into the walls of Delhi ! I write a line in pencil on the top of a drum to say that I am mercifully untouched, and none the worse for a very hard morning^s work. Our loss has been considerable, the rebels having been driven from their guns at the point of the bayonet. Poor Colonel Chester killed at the first fire. Alfred Light (who won the admiration of all) wounded, but not severely. No one else of the staff party killed or wounded ; but our general returns will, I fear, tell a sad tale. Greville slightly hurt. The enemy ^s guns captured, and their dispersion and rout very complete. God has been very good to me. May his gracious protection still be shown. CHAPTEE II. SIEGE OF DELHI. Camp before Delhi, June gth. T WROTE you a few hurried lines on the field of -■- battle yesterday, to say that we had beaten the enemy, and driven them back five miles into Delhi. How grateful rest was after such a morning ! The Guides came- in to-day, and it would have done your heart good to see the welcome they gave me — cheer- ing and shouting and crowding round me like frantic creatures. They seized my bridle, dress, hands, and feet, and literally threw themselves down before the horse with the tears streaming down their faces. Many officers who were present hardly knew what to make of it, and thought the creatures were mobbing me; and so they were — but for joy, not for mischief,"'*' All the staff were witnesses of this, and Colonel Becher says their reception of me was quite enough to contradict all the reports of my unpopularityf with the regiment. There is terrible confusion all along the road, and we can only get the daks carried at all by bribery stage by stage. June loth, — When I hastily closed my letter yes- terday, I hoped to be able to write a long one for * One of the officers who witnessed this scene told me that the exclamation of the men on meeting him was, ^ t* Burra Serai- wallah,' or G/eat in battle. — Ed. ^ t This had been one of the unfounded charges against ^ him two years before. duant relief of the Lucknow garrison by Havelock, and the real one by the Commander-in-Chief, was ♦ Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, 2nd son of the late James IVlacdowell, Esq., of Bengal Medical Service, bom 29th October, 1829, appointed to Honourable East India Company's Service, 1846. Served in Punjab campaign of 1848-9, including passage of Chenab at Ilamnuggur, and battles of Chillian wallah and Goojerat, in which he carried the colours of his regiment, 2nd Bengal European Fusiliers (medal and clasp). Served in Burmah, marched with his regiment to Delhi, and served with it in various engagements, till in August he was appointed second in command of Hodson's Horse. *This excellent officer, who was Captain Hodson's * second in command, and right-hand man, sunk under ' his wound, to the sorrow of all who knew his rare * value as a soldier.* — Raikes' Notes. z ^ 340 NAPIER AND TOMBS. done by our friend Colonel Napier. He is the best man we have left, now that poor Sir Heory Lawrence and Nicholson are gone. The next is Major Tombs, or I am much mistaken I hope to return to Umbala when this war is over, to be refitted and get my men trained and drilled, which is very necessary. I do hope to be able to get home and see your dear faces once more, as soon as our great task is accom- plished. I want a change after twelve years of work, and I want to try what home and good treat- ment will do for my ankle, which is very bad; in fact, I am unable to walk a hundred yards without pain. Well, I think I have done pretty well with my left hand. They say I shall be well in six weeks. I say in ten days ; I trust so."^ A fuller account was given a fortnight later : — Camp, opposite Cawnpore, Feb. 12th. . Until to-day I have been unable to use my arm suflEiciently even for this attempt at calligraphy, and I can only write with difficulty now. I received two sabre-cuts on the 27th, in a hand-to-hand business we got into near Shumshabad. I was on a-head with * Letter from an Officer. Futtehgurh, Jan. ^oth : — - ' Did I tell you that the Corporal of the Lancers tied up * the artery, and dressed his (Hodson's) wound ? ' Just before the Commander-in-Chief marched, a depu- * tation of the men of the Carabineers, headed by their ' Serjeant-Major, went to Hodson to express their regret * at his wounds, and hope he would soon be in the field ' to lead them again. He thinks more of this than any * of the Commander-in-Chiefs notice, though he pets him * greatly.' ACTION AT SHUMSHABAD. 341 a few men, showing Remington (Horse Artillery) the road over a nullah for his guns, and pushed on in sup- port of him to within 500 yards of a very strong position, occupied by about 5000 fanatics from Bareilly . As soon as the guns opened on the enemy, a large body of cavalry (men of our old Hindoostanee Irregu- lars) came down boldly at the guns, and I was obliged to charge them at once, to save the guns. They were very superior in number, and individually so as horse- men and swordsmen, but we managed to ' whop ' them all the same, and drive them clean off the field ; not, however, until they had made two very pretty dashes at us, which cost us some trouble and very hard fighting. It was the hardest thing of the kind in which I ever was engaged, in point of regular * in fighting, as they say in the P.R. : only Bellas lAfe could describe it properly .''*■ I got a cut, which laid my thumb open, from a fellow after my sword was through him, and about half an hour later this caused me to get a second severe cut, which divided the muscles of the right arm and put me hors de combat ; for my grip on the sword-handle was weakened and a demon on foot succeeded in striking down my guard, or rather his tulwar glanced off my guard on to my arm. * Extract from Despatch from Captain Cox, Com- manding Cavalry, to Brigadier A. Hope, &c. : — * Sir, — I have the honour to submit to you the part * taken by the cavalry under my command, consisting of * 1 96 men of the 9th Lancei's under Captain Steele and ' 230 men of Hodson's Horse, in the operations at Shum- ' sbabad. * The enemy's position having been ascertained. Captain * Remington's troop of Horse Artillery was ordered by ' you to cross the bridge over the nullah and attack their 342 ACTION AT SHUMSHABAD. My horse also got three cuts. I have got well most rapidly^ despite an attack of erysipelas, which looked very nasty for three days^ and some slight fever ; and I have every reason to be thankful. I hope to be in ' at the death ' yet. We move on towards Lucknow to-morrow. I hope to be able to ride in a couple of days. I promised the King his life, simply because there ' right flank. Captain Hodson's regiment was sent in ' support; this point, however, was not gained without loss * — Lieutenant Macdowell was struck down by a round * shot and mortally wounded, and one man and horse ' of the 9th Lancers killed. * In Lieutenant Macdowell the service has lost a gallant * and valuable oflicer. ' On reaching the right flank of the enemy, their * cavalry was observed in considerable force to our front ' and left. Captain Hodson immediately advanced his * regiment, and attacking them with his accustomed ' gallantry, completely routed them, many of their dead ' being left on the field. I regret to state that both ' Captain Hodson and Lieutenant Gough of his regiment ' were wounded. ' The precision of the artillery fire having partially ' dislodged the rebels from their entrenched position, the ^ 9th Lancers were ordered to advance to the support of ' Hodson's Horse, who were already engaged with parties ' of their broken infantry, one squadron being left in * reserve, as a detached portion of the enemy's cavalry * still threatened the guns. ' The attack to the front now became general, and was * entirely successful, though not unattended with loss. ' Captain Hodson, who had persevered, in spite of his * wound, was again wounded, and this time severely, and * compelled to resign command to Lieutenant Wise, who ' ably led the regiment for the remainder of the day. ' Captain Steel, commanding the detachment of the * 9th Lancers, whilst gallantly charging at the head of his * men, was severely wounded j Lieutenant Wills, of the * same corps, slightly.' RECOVERY FROM WOUNDS. 343 was no other way of catching him open to me. Wilson refused to send troops in pursuit of him, and the old rascal had got a long way on with the rebels. It was only by guaranteeing his life that I could bring him back from the Kootub to Humayoon's Tombj and then went out and brought him in. As events proved, it was right. Had he got away tJieriy the whole country would have flocked to his standard, and we should have very probably been surrounded in Delhi, or at least the pacification of the country would have been put off indefinitely. It is easy to cry out after the event ; at the time they were childishly overjoyed at getting him on any terms ; and without vanity I believe I was the only man in camp who would have tried it on under the then circumstances. The old rascal will not trouble us long. To Ms Sister, Camp on the left bank of the Ganges, OPPOSITE Cawnpore, Feb. 1 2th. To-day, for the first time, I am able to use my right hand again, shakingly you will see ; but considering that only seventeen days have elapsed since I was wounded, I have every reason to be thankful for so speedy a recovery. A pen is about the biggest thing I can wield, and I am not yet allowed to ride, but in other respects I am as well as if my thumb had not been nearly bifurcated, and my arm bisected, little more than a fortnight ago. I should have been more nearly well even, had it not been for an insidious attack of erysipelas which seized on the maimed limb and nearly finished it off altogether. However, that evil even, added to a slight bout of fever, pro- 344 APPROACH OP PINAL STRUGGLE. videntially did me no further harm than delaying the cure; and I trust, if all goes on well, to be able to take the field again within the week. We are gradually collecting for the last grand finale (I sincerely hope) of this terrible tragedy, the conquest of Lucknow. Sir Colin is to follow us in a day or two, and then the curtain will rise. I have no patience with your penny-a-liners at home and the mistakes (or lies) they palm off on that dear British public. I see they say Sir Colin had 13,000 or 32,000 men with him when he ^ relieved ^ Lucknow before, i.e., when he succeeded in bringing away the garrison which poor Havelock was supposed to have saved. In fact, he had only 4000 men ! and we shall not now J Siiter all this time, have more than 13,000 men of all arms, European and native ; and we have to drive 50,000 of our own Sepoys, j!?/«^5 100,000 armed men, from the provinces, from the largest and one of the strongest cities in Upper India. Mr. Russell reached Cawnpore yesterday. We shall see if he gets to the truth now. He will see some hard knocks I fancy. I hope my left-handed note from Futtehgurh would reach you before any other tidings that I was hurt, and that you would thus have been spared anxiety on my account. I was fortunately able to send dearest Susie timely notice by telegraph, and thus to save her much terror, and I have managed a sinister scrawl every day ; added to which, my friends have been most kind in writing to her. I have every hope now of being with you all by this time next year at latest. We are to have the Delhi prize-money in spite of Lord Canning's efforts to prevent it, and my share will pay my CAMP OONAO. 345 passage home and back again, I think. How I shall enjoy a visit to all you dear ones after this long banishment ! Notwithstanding his wounds, Captain Hod- son was able to accompany the Commander- in-Chiefs force when it marched from Futtey- ghur to Cawnpore, Colonel Burn kindly driving him in his dog-cart. On his arrival at Cawnpore, he was sent, by the kind conside- ration of Sir Colin, to a camp on the opposite side of the river, to secure a better air. In the course of a few days he went on with a detachment of his horse to Oonao, one march further on the road to Lucknow. Nothing could exceed Sir Colin's kind attentions. In one of his visits to him in camp at Oonao he drank his health as Colonel Hodson; on which my brother remarked, how little he expected such promotion as that, for though Lord Dalhousie had promised him his majority for the Punjaub campaign of 1848-9, yet that, as it had never been put on record officially, he had no hope of getting more than that for Delhi. To this Sir Colin replied : 'If it was promised, that is quite enough. I * will see that it is all arranged ; just make a * memorandum of your services during the * Punjab war, and I venture to prophesy that * it will not be long before I shake hands with 346 JEU d'esprit. ' you as Lieutenant-Colonel Hodson, C.B., with * a Victoria Cross to boot.' At this time the Gazette with the honours for Delhi had not reached Cawnpore. In a letter at this time my brother gives the following anecdote : — A soldier wrote up on the walls of the Delhi palace (alluding to Lord Canning's foolish order about six months' donation of batta, which is but thirty-six rupees and some odd pence for each man) : — ' For the salvation of India the British soldier gets ' thirty-six rupees ten annas, or one rupee one anna ' per battle ;' adding : — * When danger's rife and wars are nigh, * God and the soldier's all the cry : * When wars are o'er and matters righted, * God is forgotten and the soldier slighted.' Would you credit it? The Calcutta wiseacres sent up orders to institute a strict inquiry who wrote this jeu d'esjorit. What nuts for the rascal who did it to see how deep his hit had rankled ! Colonel Napier passed through our camp this morning without my knowing it, or his knowing I was here. I hope, however, to see him in a day or two. He is to superintend all the engineering works before Lucknow as Brigadier and Chief Engineer. Before the end of the month Hodson s Horse had again an opportunity of distin- guishing themselves, having been meanwhile advanced nearer to Lucknow. The rebels had ACTION AT JELLALABAD. 347 made an attack in considerable force on the fort of Jellalabad, about a mile to the right of the camp at the Alumbagh ; but after suffering severely from the fire of the Horse Artillery, they were charged in admirable style by Hodson's Horse and the military train, who drove them back with very great loss, and captured four guns. On this occasion my brother saved the life of his Adjutant, Lieutenant Gough, by cutting down a rebel trooper in the very act of spearing him. CONCLUDINa CHAPTER. LUCKNOW, — THE BEGUM^S PALACE. BANKS' HOUSE. THE soldier's DEATH. T HAVE no intention of attempting any detailed account of the siege operations before Lucknow. They commenced with the throwing two bridges across the river (on the 5th), and sending a force under General Outram to the other side. On the 9th the Martiniere was stormed : on the following day the enemy's first line of works on the canal was abandoned : our batteries were then advanced across the canal, and Banks' House, immediately opposite to the Begum's Palace (or Kotee), and within musket range, was occupied. On the afternoon of the nth Major Hod- son received orders to move his regiment nearer to the city walls. Having given direc- tions to his Adjutant, Lieutenant Gough, he said he would ride on and look out a nice spot for their new camping ground, and be back in time to march with them. On his way he heard firing, and riding forward, found that the ASSAULT ON BEGUM's PALACE. 349 Begum's Palace was to be attacked. He immediately rode to the place, and finding his friend Brigadier Napier directing the attack, said laughingly, * I am come to take care of * you; you have no business to go to work with- * out me to look after you/ The assault was successful.* He entered the breach with General Napier and several others. In a few minutes they were separated in the melee, and General Napier saw nothing more of him till he was sent for to him 'dangerously wounded.^ The Surgeon of his regiment gives the follow- ing account : — ' We struck our tents and were saddled, waiting for ' him till it became so dark that we were forced to go ' without him, and reached our ground after sunset. * I had gone to the post-office and was five minutes ' behind the regiment. When I came up, I found that ' Hodson's orderly had come in great haste, saying that * his master had sent for me, but with no other ' messajre. He said that his master had been hit ' when advancing with the troops on the Begum's ' Kotee on foot. • At the Begum's Palace the defences were found, after the capture of the place, so much stronger than could be observed or had been believed, that the General said that, had he known what lay before the assaulting column, he should have hesitated to give the order for advance. They went at it, however, with a rush — the 93rd Highlanders and 4th Punjab Bifles, old comrades at the Secuudrabagh — and carried it. 350 MAJOR HODSON SHOT. ' I mounted and rode off with him at once. From ' the darkness of the night and the difficulty of passing ' the Ghoorka sentries, I did not get to Delkooshah * till 9 P.M. There no one knew where he was. I then ' went on to the artillery mess and learnt that he was ' in Banks^ House, which I reached about lo p.m. I ' found him in a dooly and Dr. Sutherland with him, ' whom I at once relieved, and learnt the following par- ' ticulars from him and from the orderly who remained ' with Hodson, and who had been by his side when ' hit. He had arrived at Banks' House just as the ' party going to attack the Begum^s palace were ' starting, and fell in with them. The place had been ' taken before he was wounded. When the soldiers ' were searching for concealed Sepoys in the court- ' yard and buildings adjoining, he said to his orderly, ' " I wonder if any of the rascals are in there." He ' turned the angle of the passage ; looked into a dark ' room, which was full of Sepoys ; a shot was fired ' from inside. He staggered back some paces and ' then fell. A party of Highlanders, hearing who ' had been hit, rushed into the room and bayoneted ' every man there. ' The orderly, a large powerful Sikh, carried him in ' his arms out of danger, and got a dooly and brought ' him back to Banks' House, where his wound was ' looked to and dressed. ' He was shot through the right side of the chest, * in the region of the liver, the ball entering in front ' and going out behind. There had been profuse ( bleeding, and I saw that the wound was most likely f mortal. ' He was very glad to see me, and began talking LAST HOURS. 351 ' of his wound, which he thought himself was mortal. ' T lay beside him on the ground all night, holding ' his hand, on account of the great pain he suffered. ' He was very weak when I arrived, but by means of ' stimulants rallied wonderfully, and slept for an hour ' or two during the night. At daylight he was much ' better, his hands were warm and his pulse good, ' and I had hopes that, if the bleeding, which had ' ceased, did not return, he might recover. He drank ' two cups of tea, and said he felt very well. His ' account of his being wounded agreed with the ' orderly's. ' About 9 A.M. I had the dooly lifted into a room, ' which I had had cleared out, where he was much ' quieter. At lo a.m., however, bleeding came on ' again profusely, and he rapidly became worse. I told ' him that recovery was impossible. He then sent ' for General Napier, to whom he gave directions * about his property and messages to his wife. After ' this he rapidly sank, though he remained sensible ' and was able to speak till a quarter past one, when * he became too weak ; and at twenty-five minutes past ' one died. * His orderly^ actually cried over him, he was so * attached to him. ' He was buried that evening by the Rev. W. ' Clarke. The Commander-in-Chief and his staff ' were present.' * This orderly afterwards travelled to Simla at his own expense to see Mrs. Hodson, and beg to be taken into her service and go to England with her. The men of his regiment cried like children when they heard the news of his death. 352 CLOSING SCENE. General Napier says, in a letter to Mrs. Hodson : — ' I regret bitterly now, that I did not insist on ' your dear husband going back, but you know how ' impossible it was to check his dauntless spirit. . . . . ' He lay on his bed of mortal agony and ' met death with the same calm composure which so ' much distinguished him on the field of battle. He ' was quite conscious and peaceful, occasionally utter- ' ing a sentence — ' " My poor wife,^^ " My poor sisters.^^ ' " I should have liked to see the end of the cam- ' " paign and gone home to the dear ones once more, ' " but it was so ordered.^' ' ^'It is hard to leave the world just now, when ' " success is so near, but God's will be done." ' " Bear witness for me that I have tried to do my ' ^Muty to man. May God forgive my sins for ' '' Christ's sake." " I go to my Father." ' " My love to my wife ; tell her my last thoughts ' " were of her." " Lord, receive my soul." ' These were his last words, and without a sigh or ' struggle his pure and noble spirit took its flight.' Thus, on the i2tli of March, 1858, in his thirty- seventh year, closed the earthly career of one of the best and bravest of England's sons, one of her truest heroes, of whom it may be said — ' Quanquam medio in spatio integrse ' setatis ereptus, quantum ad gloriam longissi- ' mum sevum peregit.' Grreat and irreparable as was his loss to TESTIMONY OF SIR COLIN CAMPBELL. 353 his family and his friends, as a husband, a brother, and a friend, I believe that, at the particular juncture at which he was taken away, it was still greater, as a soldier, to his country. It would be difficult to over-esti- mate the value of the services which he might have rendered, if spared, in the pacifying of Oude after the capture of Lucknow, or the influence which he might have had on the fortunes of the war. One of those best qualified to jndge declared that * Hodson with his regi- * ment would have been worth 10,000 men/ His peculiar qualifications for Asiatic warfare would have found an appropriate field for their display. It is unnecessary, however, for me to attempt to pronounce his eulogium. This has been done by those more capable of forming an estimate of his rare excellence as a soldier, and of doing it justice by their words. Sir Colin Campbell, in a letter of condolence to his widow, thus expressed himself : — March 13^/i, 1858. ' I followed your noble husband to the grave * myself, in order to mark, in the most public ' manner, my regret and esteem for the most brilliant * soldier under my command, and one whom I was ' proud to call my friend.' An officer who was present at the funeral says : — A A 354 EXPRESSIONS OF REGRET. ' When the part of the service came where the ^ body is lowered into the grave, all the old warrior's '' courage and self-possession could no longer control ' the tears — undeniable evidence of what he felt. " I ^ '^ have lost one of the finest ofiicers in the army/^ was [ his remark to General Napier/ Even Sir John Lawrence, no friendly judge, pronounced him in an official paper to be— ^One of the ablest, most active, and bravest ' soldiers who have fallen in the present war/ I shall best give an idea of the universal feeling of regret awakened at the tidings of his death by subjoining a few extracts from the public press at home and abroad, and from private letters. The Bombay correspondent of the Times, after detailing the assault on the Begum's Palace, wrote thus : — ' At this point fell mortally wounded Hodson ' of the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, Hodson of Hodson's ^ Horse, Hodson the captor of the King of Delhi ' and the princes of his house. Few of the ' many losses that have occurred during the opera- ' tions consequent upon the mutinies, have caused ' such universal regret throughout India as the death ' of this excellent ofiicer ; and among those in ' England who have read of and admired his exploits, ' not only his comrades of the Sikh battlefields, but ' many an old friend at Rugby or at Trinity will ' mourn that his career has been thus early closed.' The Times, in a leading article, thus announced his death : — EXTRACTS FROM NEWSPAPERS. 355 ' The country will receive with lively regret the ' news that the gallant Major Hodson, who has ' given his name to an invincible and almost ' ubiquitous body of cavalry, was killed in the attack ' on Lucknow. Major Hodson has been from the ' very beginning of this war fighting everywhere and ' against any odds with all the spirit of a Paladin of ' old. His most remarkable exploit, the capture of ' the King of Delhi and his two sons, astonished the ' world by its courage and coolness. Hodson was, ' indeed, a man who, from his romantic daring and ' his knowledge of the Asiatic character, was able to ' beat the natives at their own weapons. We could ' better have spared an older and more highly placed ' officer/ The following notice appeared in a Bombay paper : — ' From a Lucknow letter which we publish to-day ' our readers will learn, with sorrow and regret, that ' that most able and gallant officer, Captain Hodson, ' who has distinguished himself on so many occasions '. since the breaking out of the rebellion, and whose * services have been of so brilliant and valuable a * character, has been killed at Lucknow. As a leader ' of Irregular Horse, or indeed as a soldier of any of ' the non-scientific forces. Captain Hodson was ' almost without an equal. He was one of those ' squadron leaders which the Indian army can alone ' rear up. There are few men who would have ' managed the capture of the ex-King of Delhi as ' this departed hero did. On that occasion his force ' was small compared to that he had to cope with, A A 2 356 NOTICES OF DEATH. ' but the determined daring of the man made up for ' the disparity, and the old King came out of his * fortification — for a strong fortification it was — and ' surrendered. So also with the capture of the ' King's sons, who also surrendered themselves, hut ' whom Hodson found rescued when he reached ' them, after having completed the disarming of their ' hand. That was a moment to test a man. But ' he of whom we write was equal to the emergency. ' The carts in which the princes were, were retaken ' immediately. Still the aspect of the armed ' Mahomedan crowd around — growing every moment ' more numerous — was dark and threatening. It was ^ a situation which required prompt decision, and ' promptly did the British leader decide. He saw ^ that it was necessary that his prisoners should die, ' and resolved himself to become their executioner : a ' wise resolve, for probably, had he asked one of his ' own Mahomedan troopers to kill the sons of the ' Mogul, a refusal would have followed, and that ' refusal might have been acted up to by all. He ' adopted the wiser course, harangued his men, ' ordered the prisoners to take off their robes in the ' cart, and shot them with his own hand. Had the '. prisoners been allowed to leave the cart, their bodies ' would have been left behind; for to touch them ' would, by the troopers, have been considered defile- ' ment, and, left behind, they might have been fanati- ' cally paraded through the country as an incitement ' to a fresh rising. Besides, it was necessary that ' their remains should be exposed at the Kotwallie in ' Delhi with something of the indignity they them- ' selves had caused to be inflicted on the murdered * victims of the i t th of May/ 'Blackwood's magazine.' 357 Another published a letter with this sen- tence : — ' Hodson, splendid fellow, died the following day, ' most deeply regretted by all ranks in his regiment. * He indeed was a brave soldier, a clever and truly ' esteemed commander. May we not say he was ' one of the flowers of the " old Europeans/' and an ' ornament to the Bengal army ?' The writer (in Blackwood's Magazine) of a series of papers on the ist Fusiliers, says : — ' Then fell one of the bravest in the Indian army, ' an officer whose name has been brought too often ' before the public by those in high command to need ' my humble word in praise. There was not a man ' before Delhi who did not know Hodson ; always ' active, always cheery, it did one's heart good to look ' at his face, when all felt how critical was our * position. Ask any soldier who was the bravest ' man before Delhi, who most in the saddle, who ' foremost ? and nine out of ten in the Infantry will ' tell you Hodson, in the Artillery as many will name ' Tombs. ' I once heard one of the Fusiliers say, " Whenever ' " I sees Captain Hodson go out, I always prays for ' " him,, for he is sure to be in danger." Yet it was ' not only in the field that Hodson was to be valued, ' his head was as active as his hand was strong, and ' I feel sure, when we who knew him heard of his death, ' not one but felt that there was a vacancy indeed in ' our ranks.' 358 NOTICES OF DEATH. The 2\mes correspondent (Mr. Enssell), in his letter of March 13th, writes : — ' When I returned to head-quarters camp this ' evening'^ I found that poor Hodson had died the ' previous day^ and been buried the same evening. ' He was a zealous and accomplished officer, of ' great bravery,, ability, and determination, an excel- ' lent judge of the native character, of a humane and ' clement disposition, but firm in the infliction of ' deserved punishment. ^ The last time I saw him alive he expressed a ' decided opinion that Government must resort to an ' amnesty, or be prepared for a long continuance of ' disturbances.' From the Delhi Gazette : — ' He was a perfect gentleman, an accomplished ' scholar, and we need scarcely add (what our columns ' have so often recorded), one of the most brilliant ' soldiers in this or any other army. His death is ^ not only a severe family affliction, but a national ' calamity, and it will be long before the name of the ' capturer of the King and princes of Delhi will ^ cease to be mentioned with honour, and remembered ' with regret.' From private letters of condolence, which would fill a volume, I select a few passages, in which the writers seem to have seized with great felicity upon some of the more remark- able features in my brother's character and actions. PRIVATE LETTERS. 359 ' It is hard to lose one upon whom all eyes were ' fixed, and whose noble qualities seemed so certain * of recognition, and of speedy advancement to such ' employments as his fine natural abilities well fitted ' him to discharge. ' The very presence of such a man in India was an ' element of power apart from all official rank, and he ' could ill be spared from among the very few who ' have learnt to impersonate in themselves the power ' of the English nation, and to let the natives of ' India feel the irresistible character of that power. ' You must have watched him so anxiously and so ' proudly that, though thousands of us have done the ' same, none can approach the measure of your sorrow ' or mourn as you that he can confer no more honour ' on your name, but that the opportunities of the ' future must be reaped by other and less capable ' hands.' ' I cannot feel easy without expressing to you the ' great grief and consternation with which I read the ' account of your brother's death. Certainly it would ' have been little less than miraculous if, being what ' he was, he had lived out this war. And yet I, tor ' one, had always cherished a hope that I might have ' seen once more with my own eyes so noble and ' gallant a soldier. ^' There is, after all, something about skilful cou- ' rage which draws the heart to itself more than ' eloquence, or learning, or anything else, and your ' brother seems to have been endued with this almost * more than any living Englishman, brave as our * countrymen are.' 360 EXPRESSIONS OF REGRET. ' Closely have I watched, during these last few sad ' months, the career of that brave brother of yours. I ' could estimate his bold and self-sacrificing courage, ' and knowing as I did the sort of people over whom ' he had acquired such perfect sway, I knew how ' much a clear and commanding intellect must have ' been called into exercise, to aid a strong and de- ' voted heart. What victims has Lucknow offered ' up to the fiendish treachery of those ungrateful men ' — Lawrence ! Havelock ! and Hodson ! ' ' My grief is not for him ; he had done his work ' in that station of life in which God had placed ' him, nobly, heartily, and as in the sight of God ' (would that we all did our work in half such a ' Christian spirit); but for you all, who were looking ' forward to seeing him again, crowned with the ' honours he had so hardly won. Well, it has pleased ' God that this was not to be ; but there is a good ^ hope, more than a hope, that a reward of a higher ' kind is his.' rrom one who had known him in India : — ' From the love and esteem I bore your brother ' you will, I feel sure, allow me to write and express, ' however imperfectly words can do it, my deep ^ and heartfelt sympathy with you and your sisters ' under this heavy blow. Our acquaintance was not ^ of long standing, but had rapidly ripened into ' intimacy, and I look back to the days spent in ' his society as amongst my happiest in India. His ' very presence was sunshine. ^ Of my admiration for his talents, and the service PRIVATE LETTERS. 361 ' he rendered his country, it would be impertinent ' to speak — they are of public note ; but of the ' tender sympathies, the ready advice, the forgetful- ' ness of self and the ever-mindfulness of others,*! ' may testify. His was indeed a rare and beautiful ' character, and the better he was known the more ' he could not fail to be appreciated.' I- will add one more letter from General Johnstone, which will show that even to the last my brother was pursued by the same jealousy and malignity which had caused him so much suffering in former years : — ' He was too noble to pass through the world * without detractors. The ambitious and brave envied ' him, because the brilliancy of his acts put theirs ' in the shade ; I mean, those not possessed of the ' disinterestedness of Christians. ' The mean and despicable hated him because they ' quailed before the eagle eye that could endure neither ' dishonesty nor cowardice. Their base slanders were * in whispers during his life ; now that his gallant ' spirit is gone they come forward in unblushing * malignity. I heard the whispers only : my indig- ' nation at learning the baseness with which this true ' hero has been treated is beyond all my powers of * expression.' Some of my readers may be interested in a description of Major Hodson's personal appear- ance and manner, given in a letter describing 362 PERSONAL DESCRIPTION. a visit which he paid the writer a few years previously at Calcutta : — <^ He was remarkably well made, Uthe, and agile; ' in height about five feet eleven inches. His hair ' had slightly receded from a high and most intel- ' lectual forehead, and was light and curly. His ' eyes were blue, but animated by a peculiarly deter- ' mined, and sometimes even fierce look, which would ' change to one of mischievous merriment, for he ^ was keenly susceptible of the ridiculous, in what- ' ever shape it presented itself ; but usually his look ' impressed me at once with that idea of his deter- ' mination and firmness which have ever characterized ' his actions. His nose was inclining to the aquiline, ' and the curved, thin nostrils added a look of defiance ' in n.)ways counteracted by the compressed lips, ' which seemed to denote many an inward struggle ' between duty and inclination. These are my im- ' pressions of Hodson as I last saw him ; and if you ' add to this an open, frank manner, that, hongre ' malgre, impressed you favourably at first sight with ' the owner, you will have the charming ensemble ' that presides over my recollections of three as happy ' weeks as I ever passed.' As a pendant to this portrait I give another from a lady's pen, drawn more recently : — ' There was an indescribable charm of manner ' about him, combining all the gentle playfulness of ' the boy, the deep tenderness of the woman, and the ' vigorous decision of the soldier. ' His powers of attraction extended even to animals ; PERSONAL DESCRIPTION. 363 ' and it was touching to see his large white Persian ' cat foUoudug him from room to room, escaping from ' the caresses of others to nestle by him. I have ' often watched the pretty creature as he threw him- * self, exhausted with the day's work, on an easy 'chair or sofa, rubbing himself against his master, ' whisking the long white tail against his fair ^ moustache, and courting the endearments liberally ' bestowed. Restless with others, pussy was at rest ' if established by him. ' At Delhi there was a wild, shy little kitten, which ' fled from every one else, but mewed provokingly ' whenever he appeared — would jump on his knee ' with all the familiarity of an old friend. ' With his horses he had the same power of domes- ' tication. They yielded to the sound of his voice ' with the instinct that seemed to convey to all that ' in him they had found master and friend. ' Over the natives that influence seemed almost ' magic. When at Umballa, on ten days' leave, in ' November last, the wounded and convalescent Guides ' (his old corps) were all day straying into the com- ' pound simply to " salaam" the " Sahib." And if, ' when lingering on the steps, or in front of the ' study door, they were questioned what they wanted * their answer would be, " Nothing ; they liked to ' " look at the Sahib." And so they hung about his 'steps, and watched like so many faithful dogs. ' Especially there was an Afighan boy (he had once ' been a slave), whose very soul seemed bound up in ' the master who had rescued him from his degraded ' position, and for whom every service seemed light. ' He would watch his master's movements with a 364 UNRECOGNISED SERVICES. ' look of very worship, as if the ground were not good ' enough for him to tread. ' His joyousness of nature made him the most ' charming companion. There was a certain quaint- ' ness of expression which gave zest to all he said ; ^ and yet there was a reverence, too, so that, were sub- ' jects graver than usual introduced even by allusion, ' they at once commanded his earnest response.' It will doubtless excite surprise, perchance indignation, that one wliom the Commander- in-Chief pronounced 'the most brilliant ' soldier under his command' — one whom all ranks of the army in India reckoned amongst their bravest and most skilful leaders — one whom the popular voice has already en- rolled amongst the heroes of the nation — one whose name was ' known, either in love or fear, by every native from Calcutta to Cabul,' — should have received, with the exception of a brevet majority (to which he was entitled for services in 1849), no mark of his Sovereign's approbation, no recognition of gallant services and deeds of daring, one-tenth part of which would have covered many of fortune's favourites with decorations. That recognition, however, which was officially withheld, has been given in a more marked form by the spontaneous expression of the feelings of his brothers-in-arms. A com- mittee, composed of officers of the highest PROPOSED MONUMENT. 365 eminence, has been formed at Calcutta for the sake of recording, by some permanent memo- rial, their admiration of his gallantry and skill, and it has been determined that it should take the form of a monument in Lichfield Cathedral. Nor will his name be forgotten in India, even by men in office. The regiment which he raised still is * Hodson's Horse ;' and by an order, published in the Gazette of August 13th, is constituted a brigade, consisting of the ist, 2nd, and 3rd Eegiments of ' Hodson's Horse.' I do not know that his warmest friends could desire any more distinguished testimony to his services. THE END. LONDON : SAVILL AND EDWAEDS, PEINTEKS, CHANDOS STKEKT, COVENT GAEDKN. FRASER^S MAGAZINE FOE JANUARY, 1859, 2s. 6d. CONTAINS Holmby House : a Tale of Old Northamptonshire. By G. J. Whyte Melville, Author of * Digby Grand,' ' The Inter- preter,' &c. To be completed in Twelve Parts. Part I. 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