IN ALEXANDER GOLDSTEIN x BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE CAMPAIGN' DOCUMENTS, No. TO BE DECIDED IN NOVEMBER NEXT! SHALL THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION STAND OH FALL, SHALL SECTIONALISM TRIUMPH? LINCOLN AND HIS SUPPORTERS. BEHOLD THE RECORD! Ax awful responsibility rests upon the voters of this country ! A great, a fearful, a VITAL ISSUE is to be decided by them on the (ith day of November next I Through the ballot-box, before the Supreme Ruler of the Universe (we speak most reverently), and in the eyes of the civilized world, the citizens of this great country will be called upon to decide whether the Constitution and the Union our fathers made shall stand or fall whether this great Government, the freest and the best the sun of Heaven ever shone upon shall go on in its high career of prosperity and renown, or be torn asunder by civil war ! Disguise it as you may, union or disunion is the question to be decided in November. No man with a thimble- ful of brains in his head can fail to see that the triumph of a sectional party, whose avowed object is to war upon the institutions of the other half of the Confederacy, leads inevitably to a dissolution of the Union. Hence it was that the Father of his Country warned us to beware of sectional parties, and to indignantly frown upon the first attempt to alienate one section of the Union from the other. " A house divided against itself cannot stand," holds true in the political as well as the religious world. This war of one section upon the other section can have but one end the disruption of the Confederacy. If continued, it must lead to estrangement, then hatred, then open and violent altercations, and then the dissolu- tion of the bonds that bind us together as one people. How happily and how truly did the great statesman of Kentucky, HEXUY CLAY, express this idea in a speech in the Senate, on the 7th of February, 1831) : " Sir, I am not in the habit of epenking lightly of the possibility of dissolving this happy Union. ;iate know that I have deprecated allusions, on ordinary occasions, to that direful event. The country will testify that, if there be anything in the history of my public career worthy of ion, it is the truth and sincerity of my ardent devotion to its lasting preservation. But we hould be false in onr allegiance if we did not discriminate between the imaginary and real dangers bv whieh it may be assailed. Abolitionism should no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. The abolitionists, let me suppose, succcrd in their present aim of uniting the inhabitants of the fret .<, <75 -n)!' man, dgf/jitst the inhabit ants of the slave States. Union on one side will beget Union on i fie otfur, mid th is process of reciprocal consolidation vill be attended with all the violent prejudice, em- bittered passions, a nd implacable a nimosities which ever degraded or deformetl h nma n nature. . . < section wilt stand in menacing and hostile array against the other. The collision of opinion will ht. quickly followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now happily lie concealed from our view. Abolitionists themselves would shrink back in dismay and horror at the contemplation of desolated fields, conflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, ami the overthrow of tlie fairest fabric of human government that ever rote to animate tiie hopes of civilized man." How sadly true, nay, how prophetic, also, are these words of Mr. Clay. The triumph of sectionalism is the downfall of the Republic. To preserve the Union we must keep the bond our fathers made, and crush out and exterminate thU hydra-headed monster of aboli- M21490 in ~^^-^t_ tionism. The man who casts his vote for Lincoln, in that act, deliberately, solemnly, and knowingly, votes for a dissolution of the American Union 1 There is no dodging this posi- tion. What are the principles of that sectional party, and what the utterances of the men who formed, lead, and control it ? Behold the record ! Before proceeding to the record, however, let us see how, in the speech from which we have already quoted, Mr. Clay sums up the designs of the abolitionists : " And the third class are the real ultra abolitionists, who are resolved to persevere in the pursuit of their object at all hazards. With this class the immediate abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prohibition of the removal of slaves from State to State, and the refusal to admit any new State comprising within its limits the institution of domestic slavery, are but so many meane conducing to the accomplishment of the ultimate but perilous end at which they avowedly and boldly aim, are but so msmy short stages in the long and bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive. Their purpose is abolition universal abolition ; peaceably if they cai\^, FORCIBLY IP THEY MUST." How graphically descriptive of the Black-Republican party of the present day ! The picture is true to life. LINCOLN A*v T D HIS SUPPORTERS Y& FAYOR OF THE HIDEOUS DOCTRINE OF NEGRO EQUALITY I On the 16th of October, 1854, Abraham Lincoln delivered a speech at Peoria, Illinois, in which he used the following language : "What I do say is, that no man is good enough to govern another man without the other' 1 s consent, I say this is the leading principle, the SHEET ANCHOR of American Republicanism. Our Declara- tion of Independence says : _, " ' We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, LIBERTY, and the pur- suit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, DERIVING THEIR JUST POWER FROM THE CONSENT OP THE GOVERNED.' "I have quoted so much at this time merely to show that according to our ancient faith, th powers of Government are derived from the consent of the governed. Now, the relation of master and slave is, pro tanto, a total violation of this principle. The master not only governs the slaw without his consent, but he governs him by a set of rules altogether different from those which ha prescribes for himself. Allow ALL the governed an' EQUAL VOICE IN THE GOVERNMENT; and that, and that only, is self-government." Howell's Life of Lincoln, page 279. Again, in a speech delivered in Chicago, during the last presidential election, which we find published in the Illinois State Journal, the State organ of the Black Republican party of Illinois, on the 16th of September, 1856, Mr. Lincoln said: " That central idea, in our political opinion, at the beginning was, and until recently continued to be, the equality of men. And, although it was always submitted patiently to whatever inequality there seemed to be as a matter of actual necessity, its constant working has been a steady progress toward the PRACTICAL EQUALITY OF ALL MEN. "Let past differences as nothing be ; and, with steady eye on the real issue, let us re-inaugurate the good old central ideas of the Republic. We can do it. The human heart is with us ; God is with us. We shall again be able not to declare that all the States, as States, are equal, nor yot that aril citizens, as citizens, are equal, but renew the broader, better declaration, including both thes and much more, that all men are created equal." Yet again, in his speech at Chicago, on the 10th of July, 1858, Mr. Lincoln said : " I should like to know if, taking the old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making exceptions to it, where will it stop ? IF ONE MAN SAYS IT DOES NOT MEAN A NEGRO, WHY NOT ANOTHER SAY IT DOES NOT MEAN SOME OTHER MAN? If that declaration is not the truth, let us get the statute book in which we find it and tear it out. Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear it out ! [Cries of " No, no !"] Let us stick to it, then, let us stand firmly by it, then. * * * # Let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position discarding the standard that we have left us. Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this land until we shall once more stand up declaring that ALL MEN are created equal. ****! leave you, hoping that the lamp of lib- erty will burn in your bosoms UNTIL THERE SHALL NO LONGER BE A DOUBT THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED FREE AND EQUAL." See the volume of the debates between Lincoln and Douglas, which have been revised by Mr. Lincoln since his nomination for the presidency, pages 23, 24. Salmon P. Chase, twice elected Governor of Ohio, and elected last winter United States Senator from that State, by the Black Republican party, was presented with a silver pitcher by the negroes of Cincinnati on the 6th of May, 1845. In response to the presentation, he said : f * , 3 " In what I have done I cannot claim to have acted from any peculiar consideration of the colored people as a separate and distinct class in the community, but from the simple conviction that all the individuals of that cla^s are m<-;;i!>. -rs of the community, and, in virtue of their manhood, entitled to EVERY ORIGINAL RIGHT ENJOYED BY ANY OTHER MEMBER. We feel, therefore, that all LEGAL DISTINCTION between individuals of the same community, founded in any such cir- cumstances as color, origin, and the like, are hostile to the genius of our institutions, and incompati- ble with the true theory of American liberty. SLAVERY and oppression must CEASE, or American liberty must perish. " In Massachusetts, and in most, if not all, the New England States, the colored man and the white are absolutely equal before the law. "In New York the colored man is restricted as to the right of suffrage by a property qualification. In other respects the same equality prevails. "I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of declaring MY DISAPPROBATION of that clause of the Constitution which denies to a portion of the colored people the right of sujfiage. " True Democracy makes no inquiry about tJie color of tlte skin or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance of condition. I regard therefore the EXCLUSIOX of the colored people as a body from the tlcctivc franchise as INCOMPATIBLE with true Democratic, principles ." The Hon. Henry Wilson, United States Senator from Massachusetts, in a speech delivered in the Senate on the 5th of May, 1858, said : " Now, Mr. President, I live in a Commonwealth that recognizes the ABSOLUTE AND PERFECT EQUALITY of all men of all races. A mulatto or negro in the State I represent is not only a citizen, of the State ; he not only has the right to vote, but, if the people choose to do it, they may elect him to any office in their gift." Cong. Globe, 1st sess. 35th Cong., page 19G6. In 1856, Senator Wilson said : " Sir, I am proud to live in a Comwonwealth where every man, black or white, of every clime and race, is recognized as a man, standing upon the terms of PERFECT AND ABSOLUTE EQUALITY before the laws." App. Cong. Globe, 1st Sess. 34th Cong., page 393. Senator Wilson made a mistake when he stated that there was perfect equality in Massa- chusetts. Such is not the case. By the laws of that State, a foreigner cannot vote in it for two years after he has been naturalized and a citizen of the State, while a negro, under the same law, acquires a vote in one year ! On a former occasion (page 1964) Mr^Fessenden, the Black Republican Senator from Maine, held forth in this wise: "By the laws of Maine, and under the Constitution of the State of Maine, free negroes are citi- zens -just as much citizens in t/te State of Maine as white men. It has been BO solemnly decided by the highest tribunal of our State since the decision of the Drcd Scott case, T/te Supreme Court of Maine has decided that they are entitled to all tlie privi eges that tJiey stand -upon a PERFECT EQUALITY* with white men under the Constitution and laws of that State. They are voters, and recognized as citizens under the terms of the Constitution, which allows any citizen to vote." Here we have the Black Republican Supreme Court of Maine actually nullifying the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States ; so intense in their love for the negro ! T i this not enough to startle and alarm every lover of his country ? Now listen to Cassius M. Clay, who was the chief competitor against Hamlin for the nomi- nation for the Vice-Presidency in the Chicago convention : ' ' Our legislatures, State and Federal, should raise the platform upon which our free colored people stand ; they should give to them full political rights to hold office, to vote, to sit on juries, to give tltdr testimony, and to make no distinction between them and ourselves. The instrument called tho Constitution, after pronouncing all men equal, and having equal right?, .suffers slavery to exist, a free colored person to be denied all political rights, and after declaring that all persons shall enjoy a free intercourse with the States, suffers the free negro to be driven out of all, and excluded from such rights. Deliver me from suth an instrument thus partial, thus unjust, that can be thus per- verted, and made to sanction prejudices and party feelings, and note tho accidental distinction of color." This Black Republican maniac raves at the Constitution because it does not guaranty the equality of the negro with the white man ! Now, let us hear from Horace Greeley, '-'the chief cook and bottle-washer" in the Chicago convention, whose efforts there brought about the nomination of Lincoln. As far back as the 17th of January, 1851, Greeley thus spoke in his Tribune: J. " We loathe and detest all laws which give or withhold political rights on account of color. * A man's a man for a' that,' and ought to have the full rights of manhood, whether his ancestors were Celts, Goths, or Hottentots, whether his complexion be ebony or ivory. * * * * All constitutional exclusions of any class from the polls, the jury-box, Ac., because of color, are aristocratic, unjust, and infamous. Agaia, in 1855, we see him proposing and urging the nomination for Congress of that notorious negro, Fred. Douglass. Just listen to him : " Among the candidates put up by the convention of the liberty party at Utica, on Wednesday, 13 Mr. Frederick Douglass, of Monroe county, who is nominated for the office of Secretary of States "YV'iih respect to ability, a better nominatou could haidty be desired ; but we confess that we should regret to see Mr. Douglass elected. His proper place is not a member of the State administration at Albany, but as a member of Congress at Washington.. For the former office he possesses no qualifi- cations that might not be found in other gentlemen, while for the duties of a representative at Wash- ington he, is particularly gifted. As an orator and debater he possesses both the force and the grace of a Virginia gentleman of the old school and one of the first families, to which a great depth of conviction and a resolution worthy of the best days of the Republic, add a persuasive and mag- netic charm not often felt in the Federal Capitol. We trust, then, that the friends of Mr. Douglass will not persist in urging his election to the office for which he is nominated, but will make every preparation to return him to Congress on the very first vacancy in t/te Monroe district." In the Tribune of Sept. 17th, 18GO, Greely thus speaks in regard to the right of the negro to vote : "Understand clearly that the question of allowing or forbidding Negroes to vote in our State is wot before the people. Let the result this Tall be as it may, Negroes will continue to be voters in our State. The. simple question to be decided by the people is Shall a very inconsiderable fraction of onr people continue to be deprived of the Right of Suffrage for want of $250 worth of dirt ! If no, on what principle ? Their black skins do not in any event disfranchise them : S/iall their poverty do so? 1 ' Now, hear the old apostle of Black Republicanism, Joshua B. Giddings. In his speech in the House, December 18, 1855, Mr. Giddings said : " This Government was founded for the purpose, design, and end of 'securing all men under its jurisdiction in the enjoyment of life, liberty, and happiness.' It is now placed in our hands. On this rock the Republican church was founded, and I speak reverently when I say ' the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' * * When we iay 'all men are thus endowed,' we mean what we say. We do not refer particularly to the high or the low, the rich or the poor, the negro, the mulatto, or the wh : tc, but all men who bear the imago of God and are endowed with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." When questioned in the House of Representatives, the Hon. N. P. Banks, afterwards elected Speaker of the House, and Governor of Massachusetts, by the Black Republicans, declared his inability to decide whether the white or the black was the superior race, bufc leave the question to be decided by absorption or amalgamation / He said : "So far as he had studied the subject of races, he had adopted the idea that when there is a weaker race in existence, it will succumb to, and be absorbed in, the stronger race. This was the universal law as regarded the races of men in the world. In regard to the question, whether the white or the black race was superior, he proposed to wait until time should develop whether the white race should absorb the black, or THE BLACK ABSORB THE WHITE." In this country the doctrine of negro equality presents itself in a twofold aspect. To the people of the North it says: "You must strike down all laws which erect a barrier between you and the black man ; he is your equal, entitled to vote, hold office, sit at the same table with you, and marry your daughters. You must give him the same political and social rights you enjoy, for he is your equal and entitled to them !" Are the people of the North prepared for this? If yea, vote for Abraham Lincoln ; he is committed to the odious doc- trine. .To the people of the South negro equality says: "You must free your negroes and give them all the rights you now enjoy, for they are your equals and entitled to their freedom and the political and social privileges enjoyed by you." Negro equality means the abolition of slavery; it can have no other meaning. If the Republican leaders are sincere in their opinions that the negro is entitled to his freedom, as honest men, when they get the power, they will etrive to give him that freedom. If they are sincere in their opinions that the negro is entitled to social and political equality with the white man, as honest men, when they are installed in power, they will strive to give him that equality. In regard to the Declaration of Independence giving any color to this hideous doctrine of negro equality, it is a sufficient answer to say that when it was drafted every State in this Union but one were slaveholding States ; and it is arrant humbug to say that these States would have thus made a declaration amounting to a virtual emancipation of their slaves. Indeed, lest this idea should receive any countenance, the word u free," which was in the original draft of the Declaration, was stricken out. The "all men" in it is of a piece with " We, the people," in the Constitution of the United States, and refers alone to white men. Nobody contends that the Constitution gives the black "people" the right of suffrage, of holding office, and of social and political equality. No more does the " all men" in the Declaration give them these privileges. This is essentially a government of white men, made for white men, and ruled by white men, all of whom are '' equal." LINCOLN* AND HIS SUPPORTERS IN FAVOR OF THE "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT!* "We believe Mr. Lincoln claims to be the author of the '' irrepressible conflict" idea. At least, we find him giving it utterance in his speech at Springfield, Illinois, on the 17th of June, 1S~>8. We quote from the volume of debates between Lincoln and Douglas, page 1. Mr. Lincoln said "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confi- dent promise of patting an end to slavery agitation. Under ihe operation of that policy, that agita- tion has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot staiul." 1 I In /teuc this Government CANNOT ENDURE PERMANENTLY Italf slave and lialf free. I do not expect tk Union to be, dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall ; but I do expect it will CEASE TO BE DIVIDED. IT WILL BECOME ALL ONE THING OR ALL THE OTHER. Eitllfir the opponents of slacery will ARREST the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall reft in the belief t/iat it is in the course of ULTIMATE EXTINCTION, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South." How little this man understands the true theory of our Government the theory that established State governments to make laws to meet the exigencies, condition, climate, soil, &c., of each State, and to regulate their own affairs in their own way. There is no division of the house against itself in the Constitution ; it exists only in the efforts of such fanatics as Abraham Lincoln to create strife, stir up discords, set brother against brother, and father against son, in our great and happy household of confederated States. Four months after Mr Lincoln's speech we find the Hon. Wm. H. Seward, the great leader of the Black Republican party, expressing the same idea ia his speech at Rochester, " Thus, these antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer contact, and collision results. Shall I tell you what this collision means? They who think it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether. It is ait. IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT BETWEEN OPPOSING AND ENDURING FORCES, and it means that the United States MUST AND WILL, sooner or later, become entirely a shareholding nation or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana, will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more a market for trade in the bodies and souls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at final com- promise between the slave and free States, and it is the existence of this great fact that renders all such pretended compromise, when made, VAIN AND EPHEMERAL." Gov. Chase, of Ohio, is another advocate of the " irrepressible conflict." A few days ago, at Pontiac, Michigan, he thus stated the issue, or rather his conception of the issue between the parties : "I ask you to take sides and decide where you will be. ' If the Lord be God, then serve him; but if Baal, then serve him.' If slavery is right; if capital ought to own labor ; then go for the doctrine openly. If you believe that freedom is the right of man, then join the party which has in scribed on the folds of its banner, ' FREEDOM THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY'S WIDE DOMAIN.'" It may be well to add that we know of no party, save the black Republicans, that con- tends for this issue. The Democratic party is fighting for the constitutional rights of aU sections for the Constitution as it is, and for the Union as it is. They have nothing to do with slavery or anti-slavery. They do not proclaim " Slavery throughout the country's wide domain," nor do they proclaim " Freedom throughout the country's wide domain," for the simple reason that the Constitution leaves that question to be settled and decided by the people of each State, and each Territory when they come to form a State constitution pre- paratory to their admission into the Union, for themselves. Governor Chase would break down and trample under foot this solemn and salutary obligation of the Constitution, for in no other way could his party unfurl the banner of u Freedom throughout the country's wide domain.'' Hon. George W. Julian, once a member of Congress from Indiana, ana at this time the Republican candidate for Congress in the banner black Republican district in that State, at "a Fremont meeting in Greenville, Darke County, Ohio, on the 10th of September, 1856, thus delivered himself: " It is no use to deny it any longer. Our Republican party ts a sectional party, because the South has forced us into it. The stumpers of this old-line, horse-stealing democracy, not having the fear, of God before their eyes, charge us with being sectional. I tell you we are a sectional party. It is 6 not alone a fight between the North and the South. It is a fight between freedom, and slavery between God and the devil between Heaven and /tell. 1 ' On the 16th of January, 1855, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, the pet of the blac-k Re- publicans of Brooklyn, New York, in a lecture iu New York City, on the subject of catting the North from the South, said : 44 All attempts at evasion, at adjourning, at concealing and compromising, are in vain. The rea- son of our long agitation is, not that restless abolitionists are abroad, that ministers will meddle with improper themes, that parties are disregardful of their country's interest. These are sympptoms only, not the disease ; the effects, not the causes. " Ttvo g>-eat powers that will not live together are in our midst, and tuggijig at each other 1 * throats. They will search each other out, though you separate them a hundred times. And if by an insane blindness you shall contrive to put off the issue, and send this unsettled dispute down to your children, it will go down, gathering volume and strength at every step, to waste and desolate their heritage. Let it be settled now. Clear the place.. Bring in the champions. Let them put their lances in rest for t/ie, charge. Sound the trumpet ; and God save the right .'^ In his speech in the Senate, June 4, 1860, Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, tkus reiterates the " irrepressible conflict" doctrine : " Senators sometimes announce that they resist slavery on political grounds only, and remind us that they say nothing of the moral question. This is wrong. Slavery must be resisted not only on political grounds, but on all other grounds, whether social, economical, or moral. Ours is no holiday contest ; nor is it any strife of rival factions ; of White and Red roses ; of theatric Nevi and Bianchi; but it is a solemn battle- between Right and Wrong between Good and Evil." Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, in a speech in. the House of Representatives, May 16, 1854, said : " Mr. Chairman, it has become obvious to all that these conflicting institutions of freedom and slavery cannot flourish together under the same Government. They can never be reconciled. They ever have been, they are now, and ever will be, at war with each other. Virtue and crime will not commingle ; Heaven and hell cannot be at peace." The Rev. Edmund H. Sears is an ardent Black Republican. He preached a sermon on the 15th of June, 1856, for the cause, which was afterwards published as a Republican campaign document. From that sermon, thus indorsed, we quote : 11 There is no peace for the country, no safety for Northern institutions, UNTIL SLAVERY IS DISLODGED front the national organism] until the Government of the country is wielded for liberty, righteousness, and civilization, and not for oppression, unrighteousness and barbarism." The Hon. John Wentworth, an ex-member of Congress from Illinois, and at present the Black Republican mayor of Chicago, in an article in his paper, the Chicago Democrat, glorifying over Frank Blair's election in St. Louis, says: "While the great doctrine of tlie duty of the FEDERAL GOVERNMENT to make the < STATES ALL FREE' thus receives indorsement in a slaveholding .State, shall the Republicans of the free States lower their standard of principle 9 " The day of compromising, half-way measures has gone by. The year of jubilee has come. Already is the child born who shall live to see the last shackle fall from the limbs q/ the slave an this continent. UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION is NEAR AT HAND. The Republicans have thrown their banners to the breeze, inscribed with Lincoln's glorious words, ' THE STATES MUST BE SIADB ALL FREE,' and under it will march on to victory after victory, conquering and to conquer." This doctrine also leads to the " long and bloody road " of abolition. If, indeed, there be an '' irrepressible conflict" between slavery and freedom ; if, indeed, this be the issue in conflict; if, indeed, the one or the other must triumph and the other be crushed out, then, as a matter of self defence, those so believing, whenever they get into power, will wield all that power to crush out and trample under foot the slave States of this Union, and to eman- cipate their slaves. This is the doctrine of the " irrepressible conflict," so loudly defended and advocated by Lincoln, Seward, and the Black Republican party. Are the people of this country prepared for this? Men of the North, are you willing to engage in this crusade against your Southern brethern ; to drench this land in all the horrors of civil war; to cut the throats of Southern men, " bone of your bone and flesh of your flesh ?" If yea, vote for Abraham Lincoln 1 THE DISREGARD OP THE BLACK REPUBLICAN PARTY FOR LAW ! THEY SPIT UPON THE CONSTI- TUTION AND THE DECISIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES I It has been well and truly said that {< the law is the concentrated majesty of the voice of the people." He who violates a law, therefore, not only insults, but commits an offence against the people. In this Government, especially, are we called upon to yield obedience to the laws In no other way can the Republic exist. We have a written Constitution which our fathers made ami which we must observe, if we expect to preserve our liberty, our independence, and our Union. That Constitution says : " No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." Under this provision, the Congress of 1793 passed, and Gen. Washington approved, a bill for the rendition of fugitive slaves. In 1850, Congress amended this bill in some slight par- ticulars, not altering its main features, or violating the principle of the Act of 17 ( J3. The man who refuses to yield obedience to the Constitution and this law, as well as other laws made under its authority, is an enemy to his country. The Constitution also established the Supreme Court as the court of last resort, to inter- pret the laws of the land, and makes its decision obligatory upon every citizen. He who, therefore, refuses to obey its decisions, is an enemy to his country. This matter cannot bo dodged or evaded. Inculcate in the minds of the people a disrespect and contempt for the laws and decisions of the courts, and our Government is destroyed, and might take the place of right. Strike down the bulwarks of the laws and the courts, and where is the security for life and property? By what title, then, would the farmer hold his land, the mechanic his tools, the merchant his goods ? By that title only which the mountain robber of Scotland proclaimed, when he said that while one shock of grain remained, or cattle grazed on low- land plain, the Gaul, to mountain and heather heir, with STKOXG ARM will take his share. How important it is to every citizen that the Constitution and the laws of the country- should be observed and obeyed. The infraction of one law leads inevitably to the infraction of another. If one man is allowed to violate one law on the ground that it conflicts with his ideas of duty under a "higher law," another man will violate another law on the same pretext, until no law will be observed, and all the barriers which Government has erected for the preservation of the lives and property of its citizens will have been broken down, and the law of force will then be inaugurated. Is it not clear, then, that the man who re- fuses obedience to the Constitution and laws of his country is an enemy to the Republic? Judged by this standard, where stands the Republican party to-day ? We answer, their candidate for the presidency not only refuses to yield obedience to the decision of the Supreme Court, but actually declares his intention to disregard that decision! In his Chicago speech, July 10, 1858, he said: " If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be pro- hibited in a new Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I WOULD VOTB THAT IT SHOULD." Having thus set the example of disobedience to the Supreme Court, it is not strange that bis supporters should run off in the same channel. Foremost of them we find Mr. Sumner thus advising resistance to the fugitive-slave law in a speech in Boston, in 1850 : 11 The ffowi citizen, as he reads the requirements of tbis act (relative to fugitive slaves), is filled with horror. ****** Here the path of duty is clear. I AM BOUXD TO DISOBBY THIS ACT." # * " Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the Pilgrini3, and of tho Revolution by admitting nay, I cannot believe that this bill will be executed fiere.'* Again, in the Senate of the United States, we see him again reiterating his determination not to obey the law. Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, asked, " If we repeal the fugitive-slave law, will Massachusetts execute the provision of the Constitution without any law of Con- gress? Will this honorable senator [Mr. Sumner] tell me that he will do it?" To which Mr. Sumner replied : " Is thy servant a dog, that he should do this thing?" Mr. Butler con- tinued: " Then you would not obey the -Constitution. Sir, standing here before this tri- bunal, where you swore to support it, you rise and tell me that you regard it the office of a dog to enforce it. Yo stand in my presence as a co-equal senator, and tell me that it is a dog's office to execute the Constitution of the United States?" To which Mr. Sumner said: tl I recognize no such obligation." The Hon. Edward Wade, of Ohio, in his speech in the House, August 2, 1856, said : " Thus, sir, the thrice execrable fugitive slave law, with its catch-pole bevy of slave-hunting com- mi.pioners and deputy marshals, becomes a nullity and nuisance the villianous concoction of slave- hoMing usurpation and dough-faced subserviency and dissolves like stubble before the devouring The Hon. Sidney Dean, of Ohio, in his speech in the House, July 23, 1856, spoke in the same strain : "The fugitive slave law is dead. It needs must die, sir; -the Christian men in the model Republic will not be bloodhounds to catch men. * * * I tell gentlemen, in the honest convictions of my heart, that my constituents, neither in thought, word, nor deed, will ever acquesce in thus branding our national character with infamy, and will never, for themselves, be made the political or personal slaves of such a monstrosity in Republicanism." On the llth of March, 1850, Senator Seward, of New York, thus spoke in the Senate: " All that is just and sound; but assuming the same premises to wit : that all men are equal by the law of nature and of nations the right of property in slaves falls to thi ground : for one who is equal to the other cannot be the owner or property of that other. But you answer that tha Consti- tution recogni/.es property in slaves. It would be sufficient then, to reply, tJiat this Constitutional obligation MUST BE VOID, because it is repugnant to tlu law of nature and nations." Again, in his speech at Albany, New York, October 12, 1855, Mr. Seward said : " It is Avritten in the Constitution of the United States, in violation of the, divine law, that we 5ha.ll surrender the fugitive slave. You blush not at these things because they are familiar as house- hold words." Still again, in his speech in the Senate, March 3, 1858, Mr. Seward thus assailed the Dred Scot decision and the Supreme Court: " The Supreme Court also can reverse its spurious judgment more easily than we can reconcile the people to its usurpation." * * " The people of the United States never can, and tJieij nsver will, accept principles so unconstitutional and so abhorrent. Never, never. Let the court recede. "Whether it recedes or not, WE SHALL REORGANIZE THE COURT, AXD THUS REFORM ITS POLITICAL SENTIMENTS AND PRACTICES, and bring thorn into harmony with the Constitution and THE LAWS OP XATURE." To the same effect is the address of the Republican State Convention of New York, in October, 1857: " It is one of the most lamentable features of the present Democratic degeneracy, that it has invaded even the sanctuary of justice, and from the seat once honored by Jay, Rutledge, Ellsworth, and Marshall, now strains its equity through the sieve of sectionalism, in accents as barbarous as they are disgraceful to the nation to which we belong and the age in which wa live. The infamy of the Dred Scott decision is but a legitimate sequence to the efforts that have been put forth to scc- ztonalize and pack a tribunal in which was once centred the respect and confidence of the nation!" Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, seems to have been a pioneer in the cause of assailing the Supreme Court. It will be remembered that in 1855, in the city of Philadelphia, a band of abolitionists, with Passmore Williamson at their head, rescued a fugitive slave from the tistody of the officers of the law. For this he was tried, condemned, and imprisoned. Re- erring to this matter in his speech in New York, October, 1855, Mr. Wilson said : " We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that court who believe with its pure and immaculate Chief Justice, John Jay, that our prayers will be impious to Heaven while we sustain and support human slavery. We shall free the Supreme Court of the United States from Judge Kane. And here let me say, there is a public sentiment growing up in this country that regards Passmore Williamson in his prison, at Philadelphia, as a martyr to the holy cause of personal liberty. There is a public sentiment springing up that Avill brand upon the brow of Judge Kana a mark that will make him exclaim, as his namesake, the elder Cain, ' It is too great for me to bear.' " In 1850, Joshua R. Giddings addressed a letter to a meeting at Palmyra, Ohio, in which, speaking of the fugitive slave law, he said : " Yet we are told, we must obey this law and perpetuate these crimes until a slave-ridden Congress ehall see fit to reclaim us from such sin against God by repealing the law. Whether it be right to obey God rather than man, judge ye. " From my inmost soul I abhor, detest, and repudiate this law. I despise the hitman being who would obey it, if such a being has existence." During the 1st session of the 34th Congress we find Mr. Giddings regaling the House with his law-defying doctrines, arid bragging of his nigger-stealing propensities. He said : " Gentlemen will bear with me when I assure them and the President, tJiat I have seen as many as nine fugitive slaves dining at one time in my house. I fed them. I clothed them, and gave them money for their journey, and sent tltem on tlteir way rejoicing. If that bo treason make the most of it." " Mr. BENNET, of Mississippi. I want to know if the gentleman would not have gone one step further?" " Mr. GIDDINGS. Yes, sir. I would have gone one step further. I would have driven the slave 9 catcher who dared pursue them from my premises. I would have Iritktd htm from my door-yard if he had made his appearance there ; or hud he attempted to enter my dwelling, I WOULD HAVE STRICKEN HIM DOWN npo7t the thrcshhold of my door .'" The Hon. C. B. Sedgwick, of New York, in his speech in the House, March 20, 1800' said : " Great ingenuity was exerted to make the fugitive slave bill as bad and as villainous a.s possible Men who would acquiesce in it might be relied upon to buy and sell nay. they would sell the issue of their own loins, or send their mothers into the cotton fold, for gold. No law can be found upon the statute books of any civilized nation, having so many cruel and disgraceful features as this. It must have been expected that so infamous a law would have been evaded by underground railroads, and all other honorable methods. I am not, sir, a believer in the doctrine that a bad, infamous, and unconstitutional enact- men t 1 cannot call it law should be obeyed until it is repealed. * * AY here the ques- tion of personal and civil right and liberty is involved, or the rights of conscience are thus ivnadded, it is the duty of' the citizen to resist" The Hon. I^aniel W. Gooch, of Massachusetts, in his speech in the House, May 3, 1800, denounced the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States: " I regard that opinion, sir, as one of the most direct and positive falsifications of the well-known facts of history to be found in the English language, and the, greatest libel upon the men who framed the institutions under which we live ever published to the world." The Hon. Josiah Quincy, of Boston, we see, has been writing a letter of approval to Mr. Sumner, of his speech in the Senate. In a speech delivered by him in Boston, August 18, 1854, he said : <; The obligation incumbent upon the free States to deliver up fugitive slaves is that burden ; and it must be obliterated from the Constitution at every hazard." Now hear the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher : " If there were as many laws as there are lines in the fugitive slave law, and as many officers aa there were lions in Daniel's lion's den, I ' icon Id disregard every law but God's, and help the fugitive. The officers might catch me, but not him, if I could help it." We a.sk every honest man in this broad land, can any government exist where the people are taught to disregrad and resist the Constitution and the laws ? Does not such a state ol things inevitably lead to anarchy and the overthrow of Government? By what right do you hold your lands, your houses, and your property of every description ? By what right do you collect your debts-? By law and the decisions- of your courts. But the laws and the courts not only guarantee your rights of property, but they throw around your lives tke aegis of their protection. Sweep away all constitutions, all laws, all courts, and where ia the protection of life and property ? Then the law of force prevails then confusion reigns -then anarchy is supreme then the strong and sinewy arm and the brawny shoulders decide the rights of property and of life then ruffian violence tears asunder the bands oj matrimony, and gloats in its beastial free-love I Do you prefer this state of affairs to the Government you now have? If yea, then vote for the men who scoff at constitutions, resist laws, and defy the courts of the country vote for Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin. LINCOLN AND HIS SUPPORTERS IN FAVOR OP THE ABOLITION OP SLAVERY AND THE HIGHER LAW 1 In his tenth of July speech, in Chicago (see Debates, page 15), Mr. Lincoln in reply to some strictures on his Springfield speech, said : " I did not even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I DO SAY so NOW, HOWEVER ; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech." " / have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any abolitionist I have been an old line Whig I have always hated it ; but I hare always been quiet about it until this new era of the introduc- tion of the Nebraska bill began. I always believed tJiat everybody was AGAINST IT, and that IT WAS IN COURSE OF ULTIMATE EXTINCTION." Mr. Seward, in his great speech at Cleveland, Ohio, in the canvass of 1848, used the fol- lowing explicit and unmistakable language: "Slavery can be limited to its present bounds ; it can be ameliorated. IT CAN BE, AND IT MUST BE ABOLISHED, and YOU and I CAN and must Jo tt. The task is as simple and easy as its con- summation will be benificent, and its rewards glorious. It only requires to follow this simple rule of action : to do everywhere nnd on every occasion what we can, and not to neglect or refuse to do what we can, at any time, because at that precise time ( and on that particular occasion, we cannot do more 10 Circumstances determine possibilities." * * # " Extend a cordial welcome to the fugi- tive -who lays his weary limbs at your door, and DEFEND HIM as you would your paternal gods." " Correct your own error that slavery has any CONSTITUTIONAL guarantees which may not be RELEASED, and ought not to be relinquished." * * " You will soon bring tho parties of the country into an effective aggression upon s\avcry. n In his speech in the Senate, March 11, 1850, Mr. Seward said: " There are constitutions and statutes, codes mercantile and codes civil ; but when we are legis- lating for States, especially when we are founding States, all these laws must be brought to the stand- ard of the laws of God, and must be tried by that standard, AND MUST STAND OR FALL BY IT. #, " The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the Constitution devotes the domain to Union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a HIGHER LAW than the Constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes." App. to Cong. Globe, 1st Sees. 31st Cong., pages 263, 265. A {rain, in a speech in the Senate, March, 1858, Mr. Seward said: " The interests of the white race demand the ULTIMATE EMANCIPATION of all men. Whether that consummation shall be allowed to take effect, with needful and wise precautions against sudden change and disaster, or be hurried on by VIOLENCE, is all that remains for you to decide." Still later, only a few days ago, at Boston, h boldly proclaimed : " What a commentary upon the history of man is the fact that eighteen years after the death of John Quincy Adams the people have for their standard-bearer Abraham Lincoln, confessing the obli- gations of the HIGHER LAW which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, and contending for weal or woe^ FOR LIFE OR DEATH, in the IRREPRESSIBLE CONFICT BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY* 2 desire only to say tJiat ice are in the LAST STAGE of tlie conflict before t]ie great triumphal in- auguration of this policy it.to the- Government of the United States." Gov. Chase, of Ohio, in the speech delivered in Cincinnati, from which we have already quoted, said : " For myself, I am ready to renew my pledge, and I will venture to speak in behalt of my co- workers, that we will go straight on, without faltering or wavering, until every vestige of oppression shall be erased from the statute-books until the sun, in all his journey from the utmost eastern hori- zon through the mid-heaven, till he sinks behind the western bed, shall NOT BEHOLD THE FOOT- PRINT OF A SINGLE SLAVE in all our broad and glorious land.' 1 ' 1 Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, in his Boston speech in 1855, said: " Send it abroad on the wings of the wind that I am committed, fully committed, committed to the fullest extent, in favor of immediate and unconditional abolition- of slavery, wherever it exists under the authority of the Constitution of the United States." In a letter written on July 20, 1855, the same Wilson wrote : "Let us remember that more than three millions of bondsmen groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall reprove each other, and that we labor for THEIR DELIVERANCE. * * " I tell you here to-night that the agitation of this question will continue while THE FOOT OF A SLAVE PRESSES THE SOIL OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC. Now hear the Hon. Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois, in a speech delivered in the House of Rep- resentatives, on the 5th of April, 1860: " You must sacrifice slavery for the good of your country. Refuse to proclaim LIBERTY THROUGH ALL THE LAND, to all the inhabitants thereof, and the exodus of the slave will be through the Red Sea. The country cannot afford to continue a practice fraught with so much of peril. It is better to remove the magazine than to be kept ever more in dread of a lighted match. The future glory and usefulness of this nation cannot be sacrificed to this system of crime. SLAVERY MUST DIE. Carthago est delenaa" Horace Greeley, while admitting that the abolition of slavery in the States is the real object, of the Republican party, explains the reason why they do not now openly advocate the doctrine. We quote from his paper (the Tribune] of July 25th, 1854: "We contend that the abolition of slavery in the States is the real object of the Republican party. " Admit that abolition in the States is what all men ought to strive for, and it is clear to our mind that a large majority are not prepared for this, and the practical question is this ; shall we politically attempt what will certainly involve us in defeat and failure ? or shall we not rather attempt that which a majority ARE ripe for, and thus, by our consequent triumph, INVITE THAT MAJORITY TO GO FURTHER? Shall we insist on having all the possible eggs now. or be content to await their appear- ance day by day? The latter seems to us the only rational, sensible course. We care not HOW FAST Messrs. Birney & Co. may ripen public sentiment in the North FOR EMANCIPATION, WE WILL AID THEM to the best of our ability ; but we will not refuse the good now within our reach out of deference to that which is as yet unattainable. Mr. Birney's ' ultimatum' may be just what he sees fit ; we have not proposed to modify or meddle with it. We only ask that he shall not interdict or prevent the doing of SOME good at once, merely because he would like to do MORE good, as WH SHALL, ALSO, WHENEVER IT SHALL HAVE BECOME PRACTICABLE." Determined, however, to let it be known and fully understood that the Black Republican party were striving for universal emancipation, Mr. Greeley, in his letter to ex-Governor Hunt, 11 dated July 30, 1860, reiterates the fact that republicanism means interference with slavery in the States : " You ask me if guarantee would induce me to abandon my ' system of slavery agitation ?' Your phraseology is vague ; but my answer shall be frank and full. Believing slavery to be a flagrant violation of the inalienable rights of man, a burning reproach to our country, an enemy to her pros- perity and progress in art, intelligence, and civilization, I mean to labor for its eradication from our ou-n and all other countries so long as I live." The next gentleman we introduce is the Hon. Thomas H. Ford, ex-Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, and elected during the present Congress Public Printer, by the vote of every Black Republican member of the House. Mr. Ford made a speech before the Black Republican State Convention of Indiana in 1856, from which we quote : " Slavery was the crying sin of this nation ; it must be got rid of. He feared he was talking too plain to suit this State ; he feared he might trammel the candidates of this convention ; that he might utter sentiments upon this slavery question which might be too strong for the Republican party- of Indiana. [Cries of ' No, you will not !' ' Go on !' ' You are right !' - rights nothing more, nothing less. It is for you to decide whether we are to have justice peaceably or BY VIOLENCE ; for, wJiatever consequences may follow, we are determined to have it, ONE "WAY on THE OTHER." If this book had been put forth without any other indorsement save that of the author, w would have regarded it as the insane ravings of a madman, and would have given it no no- tice. But what was our surprise to find the book " CORDIALLY endorsed" by SIXTY-NINE Re- publican members of Congress, and the most energetic efforts made by the whole Republican leaders for its distribution! They state in their circular that they "have read and critically examined the work ; that no other volume now before the public, as we conceive, is, in all respects, so well calculated to induce in the minds of its readers a decided and persistent repugnance to slavery;" that its "extensive circulation would, we believe, be productive of most beneficial results" and they hope their friends '*' will assist us in carrying out a plan we have devised for the gratuitous distribution of ane hundred thousand copies." To this cir- cular is appended the names of the following Black Republican members of the House of Representatives of the last (35th) Congress, to wit: INDIANA. Schuyler Colfax, Charles Case, David Kilgore, Jamos Wilson. MASSACHUSETTS. Anson Burlingame, Calvin C. Chaffee, Daniel W. Gooch, Henry L, Dawes, Timothy Davis, C. L. Knapp, Robert B. Hall, J;mes Buffington. ILLINOIS. Owen Lovejoy, William Kellogg, E. B. Washburne, J. F. Farnsworth. NEW YORK. Amos P'. Granger, E. B. Morgan, Wm. H. Kelsey, George W. Palmer, S. G. Andrews, A. B. Olin, Emory B. Pottle, R. E. Fenton, A. S. Murray, John M. Parker, Charles B. Hoard, John Thompson, J. W. Sherman, 0. B. Matteson, Francis E. Spinner, Silas M. Burroughs, Edward Dodd. PENNSYLVANIA. Galusha A. Grow, John Covode, William Stewart, S. A. Purviance. OHIO. Joshua R. Giddings, Edward Wade, John Sherman, J. A. Bingham, Benjamin Stanton, C. B. Tornpkins, Philemon Bliss, V. B Horton, Richard Mott. MICHIGAN. William A. Howard, Henry Waldron, De Witt C. Leach. VERMONT Justin S. Morrill, II. E. Royce, E. P. Walton. MAINE. Israel Washburne, Jr., F. H. "Morse, John M. Wood, Stephen C. Foster, Charles J. Gil man. WISCONSIN. Cad. C. Washburne, John F. Potter. CONNECTICUT. Sidney Dean. RHODE ISLAND. Nathaniel B. Durfee, William D. Brayton, NEW HAMPSHIRE. Mason W. Tappan, James Pike. IOWA. T. Davis, Samuel R. Curtis. NEW JERSEY. Isaiah D. Clawson, George R. Robbins. MISSOURI. Francis P. Blair. In addition to this, we find another circular similar to the one above given, signed by Horace Greeley, editor of the Tribune, Thurlow Weed, editor of the Black Republican State organ in New York, James Kelley, chairman of the Republican State Central Committee of New York, William C. Bryant, editor of the New York Evening Post, B. S. Hedrick, John Jay, John A. Kennedy, and ether leading Black Republicans in the State of New York. We have thus shown that the Black Republican members of the last Congress* indorsed the brutal and diabolical sentiments of this infamous work. What of the Black Republican members of the present (36th) Congress? We answer that, for two months they v.oted for, and labored to elect to the Speaker's chair, a man who had signed the circular indorsing and urging the circulation of this book. Thus, by their ads, did they too indorse the infamous doctrines it inculcated. But we have, also, other authority to fasten the charge upon them 19 an authority which none of them dare gainsay that of their patriarch, Joshua R. Gid- dings. He wrote the following letter to the editor of the Ashtabula (Ohio) Sentinel, when Mr. Sherman's name was withdrawn as the Republican candidate ibr Speaker: "WASHINGTON CITY, Februarys, 1860. "To the Editor of the Ashtabula Sentinel : Our friends at home should be Flow to censure their representatives for deserting Mr. Sherman." .... " They felt the humiliation .of discording a candidate because ho had indorsed the doctrines of Helper's book, EVERY SENTENCE OF WHICH FINDS A RESPONSE IN THE HEARTS OF ALL TRUE REPUBLICANS." . . "J. R. QlDDINGS." Thus out of their own mouths have we proven that the Republican party indorses and approves the infamous sentiments and the brutal and diabolical programme contained and get forth in this book. Its proclaimed and undisguised object is the abolition of slavery at the South by force, which is to be exercised by the Federal Government as soon as the Re- publican party shall obtain possession of it, while the Southern States are to be forced to manumit their slaves, or submit to a servile insurrection. Such is the bloody programme of the Black Republican leaders. Men of the North, are you prepared for this? If yea, vote for the men who signed, indorsed, and recommend it, whose candidate for the Presidency is Abraham Lincoln. THE BLACK REPUBLICAN PARTY ADVOCATING DISUNION AND REVOLUTION I The Black Republican party is most essentially the disunion party of this country. They ndvocate doctrines that must inevitably lead to a disruption of the confederacy, they are the legitimate offspring of that party that, from the foundation of this republic, have always been opposed to territorial expansion. Their doctrine was to confine the Government to the original thirteen States Failing in this, they now seek, through the channel of slavery agi- tation, and violent abuse of the South, to bring about a dissolution of the Union, and that NORTHERN CONFEDERACY for which they have so long and so persistently labored. Their leaders seek this end by unconstitutional assaults upon the South, by violent abuse of South- ern men, by a system of eternal agitation, by " blockading" slavery and'" crushing" it out. Some of them, however, come out plainly and avow their object. We propose to give a few instances. Governor Banks, of Massachusetts, who was elected Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives in 1856, by the Black Republicans, in a speech, delivered in Maine, in the preceding year, said : " Although I am not one of that class of men who cry for the preservation of the Union ; though I am willing, in a certain state of circumstances. TO LET IT SLIDE, I have no fear for its perjetua- tion. But let me say, if the chief object of the people of this country be to maintain and propagate chattel property in man in other words, human slavery this Union cannot and OUGHT NOT TO STAND." Still later, in 1850, in a speech in Massachusetts, we find Mr. Banks turning prophet, and predicting a " military dictatorial government" in this country. He had no faith in the sta- bility of '' free institutions." He said : "I can conceive of a time when this Constitution shall not bo in existence ; when we shall have an absolute military dictatorial government, transmitted from age to age, with men at its head who are made rulers by military commission, or who claim an hereditary right to govern those over whom they are placed." In a sppech at a mass meeting in Maine, in 1855, the same at which Mr. Banks spoke, Senator Wade, of Ohio, gave utterance to the following treasonable sentiments : " There was no freedom at the South for either , white or black ; and he would strive to protect th free soil of the North from the same blighting curse. There was really NO U*NION NOW BETWEKK THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH: and he believed no two nations v pan the earth entertained feeling* qf MOHE BITTER RANCOR towards each other tlutn these two sections of the republic. The only sal- vation of the Union, therefore, was to be found in divesting it entirely from all taint of SLAVERY. THERE WAS NO I;NION WITH THE SOUTH. Let us have a Union, OR LET us SWEEP AWAY THIS REMNANT WHICH WE CALL A UNION. I go for a Union where all men are equal, OR FOR NO UNIOW AT ALL, and I go for right." / And, as if to mark their approval of such doctrines, the Black Republicans of Ohio, the very next year, re-elected this disunionist to the Senate of the United States. His brother, the Hon. Edward Wade, has, for a number of years, occupied a seat in the House of Representatives, and we find him, in a speech delivered in the House, August 2, 185(, indorsing the treasonable doctrines of his senatorial brother. We quote : " Sir, if the Constitution and the Union are to be used as instruments for propagating humjw 20 bondage, they cannot be preserved neither is it DESIRABLE THAT THEY SHOULD. The spirit which has taken possession of the slaveholders, and their base tools, the Democracy of the free States, is the unclean spirit of slavery propagandis-m ; and just as sure as animal life perishes in mephitie gases, so sure is it that the Constitution and Union MUST PERISH when smothered in the foul embraces of these allies of human slavery." The Hon. Sidney Dean, of Connecticut, is in favor of dissolving the Union, unless free- dom that is, the freedom of the black race shall be inaugurated in the country. W quote from a speech of his delivered in the House of Representatives, July 28, 1856 : " The issue of all, the reason of all, the basis of all this lies in the simple question, shall freedom or slavery be the ruling, predominant feature of the model republic of the world? That question can be answered but in one way Freedom, human, personal freedom, the fulfilment of the great senti- ment ' that all men are created free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' will be the national ruling of this country for future centuries, or the sun of its past glory will set in drapery, CRIMSONED IN ITS OWN BLOOD, ere it reaches a century of its ',xistc?ice>" Now let us hear from Judge Rufus P. Spaulding, a delegate from Ohio to the Black Re- publican national conventions of 1856 and 1860. He made a speech in the convention of 1&56, which nominated Fremont, in which he said : " In the case of the alternatives being presented, of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I AM FOR DISSOLUTION ; and I care not how q^iick it comes.'" Hon. Horace Mann was once a member of Congress from Massachusetts, and a favorite elder in the Black Republican church. We quote from his speech in the House of Repre- sentatives : "I have only to add, under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, BETTER DISUNION, BETTER A SERVILE WAR, better anything that God in his Providence shall send, than an extension of the bonds of slavery." Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall, Boston, Novem- ber 2, 1855, said: " Not that I love the Union less, but freedom more, do I now, in pleading this great cause, insist that freedom, AT ALL HAZARDS, shall be preserved. God forbid, that for the sake of the Union, w fthould sacrifice the very thing for which the Union was made." Still later, on the 19th and 20th of May, 1856, in a speech delivered in the Senate, Mr. Sumner held this revolutionary language : "Already the muster has begun. The strife is no longer local, but national. Even now while Ippeak, portents hang on all the arches of the horizon, threatening to darken the broad land, which already yawns with the mutterings of CIVIL WAR. The fury of the propagandists of slavery, and the calm determination of their opponents, are now diffused from the distant Territory over wide-spread communities, and the whole country in all its extent marshalling hostile divisions, and fore- shadowing a strife, which, unless happily averted by the triumph of freedom, will become WAR FRATRICIDAL, PARRICIDAL WAR with an accumulated wickedness beyond the wickednesi of any war in human annals." Following in the same strain, Senator Seward, in his speech in the Senate, April 9, 185G, jeered the South with the taunting menace that she should have no repose, but that rifles ajid cannons would take the place of words. Hear him : " The solemnity of the occasion draws over our heads that cloud of disunion which always arises whenever the subject of slavery is agitated. Still the debate goes on more ardently, earnestly, and angrily, than ever before. It employs now not merely logic, reproach, menace, retort, and defiance, BUT SABRES, RIFLES, AND CANNON. Do you look through this incipient war quite to th end, and see there peace, quiet, and harmony on the subject of slavery? If so, pray enlighten me, and show me how long the way is which leads to that repose. . . . He who found a river in his path, and sat down to wait for the flood to pass away, was not more unwise than he who expects th agitation of slavery to cease, while the love of freedom animates the bosoms of mankind," After showing that this agitation will lead to war between the North and the South, Mr. Seward suggests to the Pacific States that then would be their time to withdraw from th Union. He continued : " Then the Free States and Slave States of the Atlantic, divided and warring with each other, would disgust the Free States of the Pacific, and they would have abundant cause and justification for WITHDRAWING FROM A UNION productive no longer of peace, safety, and liberty to themselves, and no longer holding up the cherished hopes of mankind." Again, in his speech at Albany, October 12, 1855, Mr. Seward said : *' Slavery is not, and can never be. perpetual. It will be overthrown either peacefully and law- fully under this Constitution, or it will work the subversion of the Constitution, together with its own overthrow. Then the SLAVEHOLDERS WOULD PERISH IN THE STRUGGLE." Again, in his speech in the Senate, March 11, 1850, Mr. Seward threatens the South with " civil war," unless they emancipate their slaves. He said : 21 "When this answer shall be given, it will appear that the question of dissolving the Union is a f omplex question ; that it embraces the fearful issue whether the Union shall stand, and slavery, under the steady, peaceful action of moral, social, and political causes, be removed by gradual, voluntary eff>rt, and with compensation, or whether the UNION SHALL BE DISSOLVED, AND UVIL WARS EXSUE, bringing un VIOLENT HUT COMPLETE AND IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. We ara now arrived at that sta^e when that crisis can bo foreseen when we must foresee it. It i* directly before us. Its shadow is upon us." In plain words, Mr. Seward says to the South : You can have union and the gradual ('mancipation of slavery, or you shall have disunion, civil war, and immediate emancipation ! This, in plain English, was "his proposition. W<> next quote from a speech delivered in 1856, by the Hon. Francis E. Spinner, a Repre- sentative in Congress from the State of New York : " Should this [the election of Fremont] fail, no true man would be any longer safe here from th assaults of the arrogant slave oligarchy, who would then rule with an iron hand. For the free North would be left the choice of a peaceful DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, A CIVIL WAR which would end in the SAME, or an unconditional surrender of every principle held dear by freemen." To the same effect spoke that il bright and shining light" of Black Republicanism, the Rer* Henry Ward Beecher, in that celebrated speech of his in New Haven, in 1856, wherein he proclaimed that " Sharpe's rifle was truly a moral agency." Hear him : "The people will not levy war, nor inaugurate a revolution even to relieve Kansas, until they have first tried what they can do by voting. If this peaceful remedy should fail to be applied this Tear, then the people will count the cost wisely, and decide for themselves boldly and firmly which \3 the better way, TO RISE IN ARMS AND THROW OFF A GOVERNMENT wont tfian that qf old King Georg?., or endure it another four years, and then vote again." In the s its work. / believe (said he) thai this is not so mttr-h a convention to change the administration of the Govern- ment, AS TO SAT WHETHER THRRB SHALL BE ANT GOVERNMENT TO BE ADMINISTERED. You h-ave assembled, not to s-iy u'hether this Union sliall be preserved, but to say whether it sliall be a Massing or a scorn ami hissing among the nations." As this gentleman is one of the main pillars in the Black Republican edifice, and has been twice elected by them to the United States Senate, we have examined his record prettj closely, as developed in his speeches in the Senate. On the 31st of May, 1848, he said : " Let the consequences be what they may, I am willing to place myself upon the great principla of human right; to stand where the Word of God and my own conscience concur in placing me, and there bid defiance to all consequences. And in the end, if this Union, bound as it is to the heartg 22 of the people by so many endeai'ing associations, has no other principle of cement than the blood of human slavery, LET IT SUNDER." Again, on the 12th of July, ho said: " All the horrors of dissolution I can look steadfastly in the face, before I could look to that moral rnin which must fall upon us when we have so far prostituted ourselves as to become the picneeri of slavery in the Territories." From another speech of Mr. Hale, delivered in the Senate, February 26, 1856, we extract the following blood-and-thunder morsel : " I thank God that the indications of the present day seem to promise that the North have at last got to the wall, and will go no further. I hope so. The Senator says there may be a power that shall say, ' Thus far shalt thou go, and no further.' Good ! Good ! Sir, I hope, it will come ; and if it comes to blood, LET BLOOD COME. No, sir, if that issue must come, LET IT COMK, and it cannot come TOO SOON. . . . Sir, Puritan blood has not always shrank from even those encounters; and when the war has been proclaimed with the knife, and the knife to the hilt, THE STEEL HAS SOMETIMES GLISTENED IN THEIR HANDS; and when the battle was over, they were not alwayi second best." In the same vein do we find Mr. Carl Shurz, a delegate from Wisconsin to the Chicago Convention that nominated Mr. Lincoln, and now the most active Black Republican stumper jn the Northwest, speaking in St. Louis, only a few days ago : " May the God in human nature be aroused and pierce the very soul of our nation with an energy tfiat s/i/j/l sweep, as with tlie besom of destruction, this abomination of slavery' from the land. "You call this revolution. It is. In this we need revolution ; we mitst, we will have it! "LET IT COME!" Now hear Horace Greely thunder forth his revolutionary advice to the Black Republicans in Congress, when the Kansas-Nebraska bill was pending : "We urge, therefore, unbending determination on the part of the Northern members hostile to this intolerable outrage, and demand of them, in behalf of peace, in behalf of freedom, in behalf of justice and humanity, resistance to the last. Better that cofusion should ensue better that discord shoud reign in the national councils BETTER THAT CONGRESS SHOULD BREAK UP IH WILD DISCORD nay better t/tat the Capitol itself should blaze by the torch of the incendiary, OR FALL AND BURY ITS INMATES BENEATH ITS CRUMBLING RUINS, than that this perfidy and wrong shall be finally accomplished." Among the documents published in 1856, and circulated by the Republican National Committee as a campaign document, we find a sermon preached by the Rev. Edmund H. Sears, at Waylaud, Massachusetts, June 15, 1856 (it will be recollected that the clergy were very active for Fremont), from which we quote : " Out of the present crisis there are two paths that open before us, and only two. One is through violence and revolution. When the public organism has become possessed with the spirit of evil, and is used chiefly for its work, the last remedy is to BREAK IT IN PIECES, and let right and justice go free. REVOLUTION is GOD'S REMEDY." The Rev. Henry W. Bellows, of New York, is another political parson, who, at every election, throws off his clerical robes and takes the stump for the Black Republicans. He delivered a political sermon in 1856, which the Biack Republican National Committee adopted and circulated as a Republican document. We quote from it : " Considered as a question of policy, it is by no means certain, that the dissolution of the Union would be a political evil to us. The Union is great, precious, sacred ! but yes ! we must say it ! humanity, duty, honor, religion, are GREATER THAN THE UNION. This, then, is the unyielding ground of the Republican party th$re is no evil possible to the country at this crisis as great as the extension of slavery. Dreadful as disunion is, the extension of slavery is still more dreadful. The dissolution of the Union, however deplorable, is not primarily a. question of conscience, but of policy. We made the Union, and we hvve a right to unmake it if we cJiuose.^ Hear another political parson and Black Republican stumper, the Rev. Dr. Kirk, of Boston: " The doctrine that a negro is not a man, and the doctrine that a negro is a man*, have now come to the death struggle, and the nation will heave with every convulsive struggle of the contest. Neither will yield until a continent has been swept with the deluge of CIVIL AVAR." James S. Pike, the reguiar correspondent of the New York Tribune, and of course a most ardent Republican, thus pithily expressed his belief: "I have no doubt that the free and slave States ought to separate. THE UNION is NOT WORTH SUPPORTING in connection with the South." Take another gem from the speech of ex-Lieutenant Governor Ford, of Ohio, the Black Republican printer of the House of Representatives : " I love the Union, but the time has come when, we must declare we love freedom BETTER THAN THE UNION." 23 We now come to Joshua R. Giddings, who, in a letter to Hon. Ralph Plumb, dated May 4, 1859, was in iavor of overthrowing the Government in case the Supreme Court of Ohio would not take out of the custody of the United States, a band of Black Republicans who had forcibly taken some fugitive slaves out of the possession of the marshal and his deputies. Hear him : " I have great confidence in the judges composing that court. But should they prove unequal to the occasion, the case will then be taken to that highest of earthly tribunals, the source of all politi- cal power. The people finding this Government to have become 'destructive of the lives, the Liberties, and the huppiness of its citizens, will ALTKU on ABOLISH IT, and organize its powers in guch form as to them shall seem most likely t6 effect their SAFETV AXD HAPPINESS.' " This duty, so solemnly enjoined upon us by the founders of our Government, in that immortal Aarter of American liberty to which, for almost a century, we have been accustomed to look for in- truction and direction in regard to our rights, WILL XOT BE NEGLECTED." " Acts speak louder than words," says the old proverb. Let us see, then, how their " acts" tally with their words. On the 1st of February, 1850, Senator Hale presented two peti- tions from Isaac Jeffries and other citizens of Pennsylvania, and John T. Woodward and others, praying that " some plan might be devised for the dissolution of the American, Union.' 1 '' Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, was unsparing in his denunciation of the peti- tions, and suggested that there should have been a preamble to them in these words : "Gentlemen, members of Congress, whereas, ftt the commencement of the session you and each of you took your solemn oaths, in the presence 6f God, and on the Holy Evangelists, that you would support the Constitution of the United States now, therefore, we pray you to take immediate step* to break up the Union, and overthrow the Constitution as soon as you can." Yet it received three votes, and only three, being the votes of every Black Republican Senator then in the Senate, to wit: John P. Hale of New Hampshire, William H. Seward of New York, and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio. See Senate Journal, 1st session, 31st .Congress, page 121). On the 25th of February, the same petitions were offered in the House of Representatives by Joshua R. Giddings, where it received eight votes, being the Abolition vote in that body, to wit : Charles Allen of Massachusetts, Charles Durkee of Wisconsin, now one of the Black Republican United States Senators from that State, Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio, Rufus K. Goodenow of Maine, George W. Julian of Indiana, now the Black Republican candidate for Coijgress in the fifth congressional district of that State, Preston King of and llamlin. Who, after this, will be so fool-hardy as to deny that the Republican party is the disunion party of this country ? It is to this end they have for years been schooling and inciting the public mind of the "North. It is to this end they have been fomenting strifes, stirring up discord, erecting an " irrepressible conflict," between the people of both sections. It is to this end they have been inflaming the southern people with their villainous abuse and vitu- peration, so that their crimination might lead to recrimination, and bitterness and hatred befexchanged for fraternal regard and affection. It is to this end they have been inciting the negroes of the South to insurrection and rebellion, so as to keep the southern people in n state of irritation and alarm. It is to this end they sent John Brown to Harper's Ferry, to murder defenceless men and women. It is to this end they got up their " sympathy" meetings, and sought to deify this cold-blooded murderer and traitor. The man must be blind indeed, who does not see, in all these movements, the bloody and brutal programme of disunion, civil war, and servile insurrection. Oh, let us turn from this dark picture, and drink the words of patriotism and warning that issue from Mount Vernon's sacred tomb. Here is the duty enjoined upon every lever of his country by the matchless Washington : " To properly estimate the immense value of your National Union, to your collective and indi- Tidual happiness, you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accus- toming yourself to think and to think and to speak of it as a palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with zealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoued ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." 24 CONCLUSION. It will be perceived that we have made no quotations from that still more ultra and extreme portion of the Republican party led by \Vm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Abby Foster, Gerrit Smith, Redpath & Co., who have the merit of being more out-spoken, bold, and violent in their assaults upon the Constitution and ^the Union ; for the reason that, though voting with that party, yet some of the Republican leaders in some of the States, such as Indiana, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, where Black Republicanism is of slow growth, affect to deny their authority to speak for the Republican party. So, in these papers, we have confined ourselves strictly to quotations from the representative men the admitted leaders the endorsed and everywhere acknowledged founders, creators, and nurses, advocates, and chief supporters of the Republican party the men who made this party, whose talents sustain, whose counsels direct, whose acts control it. No man can gainsay their authority to speak for it, for they themselves constitute the party. We have made fair and honest quotations from their speeches and letters. And now look upon the record. What docs it all mean ? The dissolution of the American Union, the emancipa- tion of the Southern slaves, and the reduction of the Southern States and Southern men into the abject position of colonies and vassals. This is the " bloody goal'' at which Black Republicanism strives. And what is the lesson this brutal programme ought to instil into the hearts of conservative men of the North ? We unhesitatingly answer, UNION FOR THE SAKE OF THE UNION. When bad men combine, good men ought to unite ; and when th bloody banner of fanaticism is unfurled to the breeze, and when treason, grown auda- cious and defiant, no longer skulks in secret, but with shameless front proclaims its prin- ciples and objects to the world, it is high time for the friends of law and order at the North to rally around the Constitution, and to raise aloft the flag of the Union, while yet we have a Constitution, a Union, and a Hag, and before these Black Republican revolutionists suc- ceed in inaugurating a reign of terror like the carnage of St. Domingo, and before the Re- public of North America, rent into fragments, has become a thing of the past, a fact only in the page of history. There is but one political organization in. this country that has the power to resist and roll back the waves of fanaticism. That organization is the National Democratic party. Firmly planted in the hearts of the American people, descended from the purer and better days of this Republic, contemporary with Washington, and Jefferson, aiid Jackson, it stands forth to-day, as it has ever stood the champion of the Constitution and the Union. It has en-countered arid overthrown the Black Republican disunion party upon one battle-field. Let the conservative men of the country now rally to its standard, and it will again meet, overthrow, and vanquish this dangerous enemy to the Republic, and give peace and security to the Union. WASHINGTON: ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, McGiLL & WITHBROW, Printers. IGAYLORD BROS'. ie. Syracuse, N. Y. Stockton, Calif.