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WELLS FUND CAMBRIDGE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1915 COPYRIGHT, 1915 HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA TO MY MOTHER PREFACE THE following essay, based upon a study of printed materials and manuscript sources in the English archives, had its beginning in a class thesis and in its present form is an expansion of a doctoral dissertation submitted at Harvard University. Such an extended treatment of the early corn (grain) trade of England as is here presented is not to be justified on the ground of a lack of general information concerning the subject. The use, however, of new manuscript materials and the adoption of new points of view seem to form an adequate basis for a fresh study of the subject. The chief of these manuscript sources are the communications between London and the central government in the Tudor and Stuart periods, the account books of various London companies, and the national customs accounts and port books. From the second and third of these sets of documents have been compiled statistics of corn prices and of the corn trade, both foreign and domestic. In the compilation of these statistics, as indeed in other parts of the work, I have had in mind both the old interest in corn legis- lation, to which one chapter is exclusively devoted, and the new interest in market development, with which the other chapters deal at length. The main contribution of this work to the study of the corn laws is the interpretation of them from the standpoint of the actual condition of the corn trade itself. To accomplish this the evidence of corn production, exchange, and consumption has been examined, and detailed facts of exports, imports, and coast trans- portation have been worked out. Even in the treatment of this topic, hitherto the chief object of investigation, the ulterior pur- pose has been to pave the way for a study of market evolution. The marketing system of the manor has been briefly sketched to furnish the necessary perspective to the systems of exchange viii PREFACE involved in the rise of small urban communities and of large metropolitan centers. Especial attention has been given to the development of the metropolitan market and the chief result of this study has been to emphasize, in my mind, the place of the metropolis in the scheme of economic stages. Further investiga- tion of other aspects of the metropolitan marketing system is necessary, but it already appears that in the evolution of economic organization, metropolitan economy should be substituted for the national stage as the successor to town economy. I proffer the suggestion that the conception of national economy, which has hitherto been unchallenged, owes its position to the old and in many ways pardonable confusion between politics and economics. Even Biicher attempting in distinction from Schmoller, to base economic stages on a consideration of purely economic factors, did not free himself from the nationalistic prepossession. To the genetic economist, if I may use the term, the rise of towns and the growth of metropolitan centers are two of the most far-reaching movements in all history. This conclusion has been strengthened by the investigations which have resulted in this book, the primary object of which is to contribute, however inadequately, to a better understanding of economic evolution. I am indebted for help to many persons on both sides of the Atlantic. First among these should be mentioned Mr. Hubert Hall, through whose assistance I gained access to many docu- ments otherwise not available; also, Mr. Hilary Jenkinson of the Public Record Office, Mr. Henry Atton of the London Customs House, Dr. R. R. Sharpe of the London Guildhall, the authori- ties of the British Museum and London Livery Companies, as well as those of several provincial towns, especially Lynn. It was only by the help of Mr. J. M. McEvoy and the late Lord Strathcona that I was admitted to certain valuable collections of manuscripts in England. My work in America has been made lighter by the cooperation of the officials of the libraries of Har- vard College and Clark University. For counsel and advice I am deeply indebted to Professor C. H. Haskins, Professor R. B. Merriman, Professor Leo Wiener, and Professor H. L. Gray, of Harvard University. PREFACE IX For assistance in the final stages of the manuscript, I am under obligations to Professor W. F. Tamblyn of the Western University and Miss E. B. Demarest of the Carnegie Institute of Technology. A good deal of the burden of compilation and arrangement has been shared by Miss E. G. Culbert of Victoria University. To Professor E. F. Gay, however, I am most deeply indebted, for it was at his suggestion that this work was undertaken and with his help in all the stages of preparation that it has been completed. To the stimulus of his lectures and conversation, I owe more than I know how to acknowledge. N. S. B. G. WORCESTER, MASS., August, 1914. CONTENTS CHAPTER I MANORIAL MARKETING, FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY SECTION PAGE 1. INTER-MANORIAL ORGANIZATION 3 2. MANORIAL PRICE STATISTICS n 3. RISE OF MANORIAL MARKETING 17 4. DECAY OF THE MANOR 24 CHAPTER II THE LOCAL MARKET FROM THE THIRTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 1. THE NATURE OF A MARKET 32 2. PRICE STATISTICS AND METHOD 35 3. THE LOCAL MARKET AND MARKET PRICE LEVELS 42 4. PRICE VARIATION 55 5. THE LOCAL CORN TRADE 59 CHAPTER III MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION AND PROVISION, 1250-1700 1 . THE CORN REGULATIONS OF MEDIEVAL LONDON, 1 2 50-1 500 . . 65 2. THE GROWTH OF LONDON, 1500-1700 73 3. CORN PROVISION: MUNICIPAL, 1514-78 77 4. CORN PROVISION: GILD, 1578-1678 82 5. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION AND PROVISION 89 CHAPTER IV THE METROPOLITAN MARKET IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES 1. THE CONCEPTION OF A METROPOLITAN MARKET 95 2. FOREIGN SUPPLY 99 3. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET AND THE DOMESTIC TRADE . 104 4. EXPORTATION no 5. PRICE STATISTICS AND THE METROPOLITAN MARKET .... 117 6. THE FORMATION OF THE METROPOLITAN MARKET . 122 xii CONTENTS CHAPTER V THE CORN LAWS FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY SECTION PAGE 1. EARLY CORN LAWS 130 2. LEGISLATION REGULATING CORN EXPORTATION 134 3. LEGISLATION REGULATING CORN IMPORTATION 147 4. LEGISLATION CONCERNING CORN DEALERS 150 CHAPTER VI THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN UNDER THE LOCAL MARKET SYSTEM BEFORE THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 1. LOCAL CORN DEALERS 157 2. RISE OF THE CORN MONGER 163 3. ORGANIZATION OF THE CORN MONGERS IN LONDON .... 167 4. RISE OF THE CORN MERCHANT UNDER THE LOCAL MARKET SYSTEM 170 5. COMPARISON OF THE CORN DEALER WITH OTHER MIDDLE- MEN 176 6. FACTORS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LOCAL MIDDLEMAN 180 CHAPTER VII THE CORN MIDDLEMAN UNDER THE METROPOLITAN MARKET SYSTEM 1. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CORN MONGER AND CORN REGRATOR IN THE METROPOLITAN PERIOD 183 2. AN ELIZABETHAN GENERAL MERCHANT 189 3. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CORN MERCHANT IN THE METROPOLITAN PERIOD 193 4. GROWTH OF APPRECIATION OF CORN MIDDLEMAN FUNCTIONS 199 CHAPTER VIII MARKET DEVELOPMENT AND THE EVOLUTION OF CORN POLICY 1. NATURE OF A CORN POLICY 210 2. MANORIAL MARKETING AND CORN POLICY 211 3. LOCAL MARKET AND CORN POLICY 213 4. INCLOSURES, 1450-1600 218 5. FIRST PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY UNDER THE TUDORS 221 6. TUDOR REGULATION OF THE CORN TRADE 233 7. SECOND PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY, 1600-1660 . . . 242 8. THIRD PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY, 1660-1689 .... 250 CONTENTS Xlll APPENDICES I. STATISTICAL: PAGE A. Statistics of the production and sale of corn on the manors of the bishopric of Winchester in the years, 1208-09, 1299- 1300 and 1396-97 261 B. Statistics of corn importations, arranged according to ports, 1303-1690 271 C. Statistics of corn exportations, arranged according to ports, 1303-1690 281 D. Statistics of the coast trade in corn, outward and in- ward, arranged according to ports, 1549-1690 297 E. Statistics of corn prices, London, 1537-1673 324 F. Statistics of corn prices, general, 1208-1669 369 G. Statistics of corn bounty debentures, 1674-89 418 H. Statistics of assignments of money and corn to be provided by the London companies, 1520-1662 421 I. Statistics of corn provision by Grocers and Mercers, 1617-74 427 II. DOCUMENTARY: J. " A speciall direction for divers trades " (temp, late Eliz.). 429 K. Preface to the Book of Rates of 1608 440 L. Miscellaneous documents, 1482-1650 447 III. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL: M. Manuscript sources 465 PRINTED WORKS: N. Documentary 467 O. Narrative 471 P. Modern treatises 473 INDEX . . 481 GRAPHIC ILLUSTRATIONS 1. CHARTS SHOWING THE COURSE OF PRICE AVERAGES LN THREE AREAS DURING THE PERIODS 1281-1300 AND 1411-30 . . 45 2. MAP SHOWING LOCAL PRICE AREAS FOR THE PERIOD 1259-1500, INCLUDING THE PLACES FROM WHICH THE PRICES HAVE BEEN TAKEN TO MAKE UP THE AVERAGES 47 3. CHART SHOWING THE PARALLEL MOVEMENT OF PRICES, 13 13-3 2 60 4. CHART SHOWING THE GENESIS OF CORN MIDDLEMEN IN ENGLAND 200 EVOLUTION OF THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET ABBREVIATIONS IN FOOTNOTES Br. M British Museum K. R King's Remembrancer R. O... ..Record Office EVOLUTION OF THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET CHAPTER I MANORIAL MARKETING, FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY i. INTER-MANORIAL ORGANIZATION MANY phases of the medieval manorial system have been care- fully investigated, such as manorial origins, the legal status of the various classes on the manor, and the agricultural methods at various times in use. In the study of such problems the focus has usually been upon the manor as a unit, but here the interest lies in the manor in association with other manors and with the town, for it is in such a relationship that we find the earliest evidence of the regular movement and exchange of corn within England. When the manor comes into view for careful study (1000-1300), it is not always an isolated community, but frequently a member of a group of manors held together, not by topographical con- tiguity, but by subordination to a common lord. At the Conquest and after, we find this situation. 1 The king 1 The number of manors in Domesday has been computed as follows: Total 9.250 Roger of Busli 174 King (ancient demesne) 1,422 Ilbert de Lacy 164 Earl of Mortain 793 Wm. Peverel 162 Earl of Bretagne 442 Rob. de Stadford 150 Bishop of Bayeux 439 Roger de Lacy 116 Bishop of Constance 280 Hugh de Montford over xoo Ellis, Domesday Book, i, pp. 225 f .; H. de B. Gibbins, Industry in England, pp. 70 n., 81 n. The possessions of Burton Abbey are said to have numbered 72 manors before the Conquest and 32 in the early twelfth century. Introduction to Burton Chartu- lary, William Salt Archaeological Society, v, pt. i, p. i. The episcopal estates of Winchester included nearly 40 manors in the early thir- teenth century. St. Paul's in the late twelfth century derived food-farms from 13 manors. 3 4 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET was the possessor of a large number of manors in about thirty different shires. These were not unchanging, for, while the king was constantly granting manorial fiefs to his supporters, other manors were constantly escheating to him. At the other extremity was the lord of one or two manors. But most interest- ing and most significant to us was the group of a dozen, or even a score or more, manors in the possession of the lay or ecclesiasti- cal lord, and of the religious foundation, monastic or capitular. In general these groups, though not contiguous, lay in one section of the country, in two or three counties. 1 To the mass of the people and to the central government the object of the manorial system was protection and order. To the lord the great service of the manor was undoubtedly to supply him and his household with food. To enjoy this food, however, the lord had originally to go to the place of production. This, as is well known, was a common custom among both lay 2 and ecclesiastical lords 3 in the thirteenth century, and doubtless far back into the Anglo-Saxon period. The manor was, from this point of view, a huge storehouse for the possessor to visit and feast upon. Here his agents, his servants, and his dogs were found sustenance, and his king made welcome and feasted. It is obvious that such a system often pre-supposed conditions not always existing. The lord might not find his manors con- 1 The 174 manors of Roger of Busli are said to have been all in Nottinghamshire, the 164 of Ilbert de Lacy chiefly in Yorkshire, the 32 of Burton Abbey in three shires, the 30 odd of the bishopric of Winchester in at least seven shires. 1 " Every year, at Michaelmas, when you know the measure of your corn, then arrange your sojourn for the whole of that year, and for how many weeks in each place, according to the seasons of the year, and the advantages of the country in flesh and in fish, and do not in any wise burden by debt or long residence the places where you sojourn, but so arrange your sojourns that the place at your departure shall not remain in debt, but something may remain on the manor, whereby the manor can raise money from increase of stock." Rules of Si. Robert (Grosseteste), Walter of Henley, p. 145. (1240 or 1241.) Compare also the inquisition of Crovdin, Wales: Item dicunt quod quelibus Westua solebat pascere dominum cum familia sua quater in anno et Weysenteylu venatores cum canibus domini falconarios cum avibus suis per suos adventus quod quidem servicium vocatur Weest et extenditur illud Weest in qualibus Westua ad quatuor Marcas per annum solvendas ad quatuor terminos anni ut supra pro equali porcione. Summa xvi li. Seebohm, Tribal System in Wales, app. 121 (8 Ed. I). 1 Cf. Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, pp. 3, 31, 45, 59, 75. MANORIAL MARKETING 5 veniently situated for this perambulatory feeding, 1 or he might prefer to live at one manor and to have his supplies sent there. We find, indeed, the practice of sending to one center the corn surplus of outlying manors, partly rent and partly the product of the demesne. It seems probable that such a practice should first arise on ecclesiastical estates, chiefly on those of conventual bodies, because in their case, from the very first, prandial per- ambulation would have been impossible. 2 It might later, as its convenience became manifest and the transportation service became organized, be extended to other manorial lords. But the evidence illustrates chiefly the monastic and capitular economy. At the close of the twelfth century, St. Paul's, Lon- don, received forty-five " food-farms," 3 each of thirty-five quarters of wheat, barley, and oats from thirteen manors situated in the nearby counties of Middlesex, Surrey, Hertfordshire, and Essex. In all, about 1575 quarters came annually direct from these manors in support of the cathedral establishment. The 1 A study of some manorial groups shows that such was the case. Professor Vinogradoff notes, however, an arrangement of manors in small groups: " the Royal manors in Domesday are combined in groups, in order to levy the necessary quantity of victuals, or to pay a corresponding sum of money. In Dorset, Dorchester, Fortitone, Button, Gelingeham, and Fromme combine to ren- der a farm of one night." English Society in the Eleventh Century, p. 350. 2 Miss Elizabeth B. Demarest, in an essay about to be printed (" The Domesday Hundred ") presents an interesting thesis bearing upon this subject. The hundred, which was originally territorial (the land settled by, say, a hundred families), came to have a fiscal meaning, first as a unit supplying the royal farm, and later as the unit for the danegeld, the hundred being one hundred hides. The second stage, that of the hundred as a unit for the royal farm, is of prime importance here. The king as political head drew food-farms from all manors not directly in his hands, such as those belonging to the church and to lay lords, and as landlord he collected others from his own manors. All the contributions to this farm within the hundred went to some one royal manor within the hundred, the hundred-manor. Thus the fiscal system of the country was built upon a primitive local unit and was decentra- lized since it was focused in the hundred-manors, to which the king went to enjoy and to use his regular income. The later danegeld was based upon the hundred also, but its collection was centralized. If this thesis be correct, then, there seems to be no reason why sending corn to a central manor, a royal organization, should not be almost as old as the manor itself. That is, this may be as ancient as the monastic organization referred to in the text. * Domesday of St. Paul, pp. xlviii f.; Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, i, pp. 44-45; Neilson, Economic Conditions on the Manors of Ramsey Abbey, p. 19. 6 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET corn itself was consumed, not sold, about two-thirds being used for brewing, while the remaining third was baked into bread. Such a system involved the regular weekly or fortnightly carriage of corn from outlying places to the manorial center. Much information about the general prevalence of the practice of sending corn to one center comes from a study of the services provided for this transportation. Although millstones, cloth, wool, wood, wine, salt, fish, and provisions * were transported by the carrying services of tenants, it is only the carriage of corn that is of special concern here. The carrying was done by a man on foot, 2 by cart, 3 by wain, 4 or by boat, 5 but by far the most typical service was by sumpter 1 Item, cariabit semel allec ante Natale de Hamton apud Glaston' et semel in tempore XL 8 . Item, debet cariare semel post Pentecosten sal vel bladum apud Glaston'. Item cariabit lanam vel caseum apud Winton' vel apud Hamton' vel xx leucas in tircuitu, et si non cariat, dabit obolum. Rentalia, etc., Somerset Record Society, v, p. 108 (ca. 1250). Service of each cotter and bordar: cariabit molam. Cart. Abb. de Whiteby, ii, pp. 366 f. (fourteenth century ?). [Bondus debet] facere ladas in itineribus Episcopi et preterea iii ladas per an- num ad vinum, allec et sal ferendum. Bishop Hatfield's Survey, p. n (R. II). Drengus [of Hutton] pascit canem et equum, et guadrigat i tonellum vini, et lapidem molendini apud Dunelm. Boldon Buke, Surtees Society, xxv, p. 36 (1183). 2 Et faciet averagium super dorsum suum ad voluntatem domini. Roluli Hun- dredorum, ii, pp. 605 f. (7 Ed. I). Averagium pedile est portare breve ballivi aucas ova et huiusmodi. Neilson, Customary Rents, p. 66 n. Farit averagium pedibus. MS., R. O., Rentals and Surveys, General Series, Roll 465 (Ed. I or II). 3 Isti omnes simul inveniunt i equum apud Londoniam et auras [carts] ubi- cunque jubentur ad portandum cibum dominii. Burton Chartulary, William Salt Archaeological Society, v, pt. i, p. 29 (1100-1113 ?) Inveniet dimidum carrum cum i homine ad carriandum bladum ad curiam domini ad cibum domini. Domesday of St. Paul, p. 66 (1222). Cariagium cum domini carro ad voluntatem domini. Rentals and Surveys, General Series, Portf. 10, no. 33 (40 H. [in]). Si deputatus fuerit ad coriandum cum careta sua semel in hebdomada, allocabi- tur ei pro manual! opere unius dietae. Cartularium Monaslerii Gloucestriae, iii, p. 124 (ca. 1300). 4 Omnes isti tenentes debent carriare bladum domini cum plaustris totius villate [of TiUingham, Essex, to St. Paul's, London]. Domesday of St. Paul, p. 64 (1222). 6 Tola villata debet charchiare bladum ad firmas faciendas et firmarius debet invenire navem et rectorem navis. Domesday of St. Paul, p. 68 (1222). MANORIAL MARKETING 7 horse, the medieval Latin terms for which are averia and sum- marius, from which are derived averagium 1 and summagium. 2 Carrying was of two kinds, both within the manor, cariagium ad grangiam, or cariagium de grangio ad campum, and beyond the manor, averagium ad hospitium. 3 This was the carrying service from the out-manors to the home manor, or central residence of the lord. For example, the manors of the bishopric of Winchester sent corn to the palace of Wolvesey in the city of Winchester. Apart from this movement of corn to a specific center, there was a constant transfer of corn from one manor to another (not the central manor), the evidence for which is most abundant in the bailiffs' accounts. The carriage was done either by the avera- gium, or by hired labor, the latter probably being often paid for by the commuted averagium payments, that is, aver-silver, wayn-silver, or ship-silver, made by the tenant not actually per- forming his service. The corn so sent was either ad semen or ad opus, for seed purposes or to meet a deficiency of crops or supply within an adjoining manor of the group. 4 These services cannot be traced to their origin. They were, however, probably among the exploitations which arose and grew Et faciet averagium secundum turnum vicinorum suorum per terrain et aquam. MS., Br. M., Cott. Tib. B ii (1277). Cf . also Rentalia, Glaston Som. Rec. Soc., v, p. 204 (ca. 1 260) ; Rotuli Hundredo- rum, ii, p. 64$b (7 Ed. I). 1 A festo Sancti Michaelis usque ad Natale unum averagium faciet usque Lon- doniam et portabit dimidium quarterium frumenti vel hordei, vel fabarum, vel sex bussellos avenae; et infra quindenam qua facit averagium usque Londoniam, non faciet aliud averagium. Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, ii, p. 17 (ca. 1250). Faciet averagium bladi, scilicet unius quarterii usque ad molendinum de Hulmo, vel Burnam, ad portum Brunagge [Norfolk] ad remotius, quocumque tempore ei praeceptum fuerit, quandiu bladum curiae duraverit. Ibid., i, p. 416. See also Neilson, Customary Rents, pp. 60-67. 2 Debet summagiare apud Gloucestriam qualibet altera septimana per unum diem, et valet dieta tres denarios obolum. . . . Allocabitur ei quolibet summagium pro opere manuali duorum dierum. Cartularium Monasterii Gloucestriae, iii, p. 199 Gate thirteenth century). Cf. also Carttdarium Monasterii de Rameseia, i, p. 462 (1255)- 3 Omnes praedicti facient averagia ita longe ut possint eodem die quo facient averagium ad hospitium redire et si ulterius eant domina inveniet eis omnia custa sua per illam noctem qua remaneant de hospicio proprio. Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, P- 6s 3 b (7 Ed. I). 4 Cf . Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, pp. 35, 54. 8 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET with certain classes of manors (monastic and capitular), one of the obligations imposed chiefly on customary tenants, often fixed or definite, if not as to time, at least as to distance. 1 Probably the earliest clear reference in English documents belongs to the pre-Domesday period, being found in the Ely Inquest, 2 or perhaps even in the Rectitudines of about the year iooo, 3 though there is no apparent reason why on monastic and capitular estates these services should not have been as old as corresponding services on the Continent, such as those of about the year 800 on the estates of St. Germain des Pres. 4 Domesday Book seems to give no precise information on the subject. 5 In the twelfth 1 [Villanus] dat averagium per annum quando et ubi dominus voluerit ita quod possit reverti eodem die. Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, p. 788. An exception is found in the following passage: Isti [villani] omnes simul in- veniunt I equum apud Londoniam et auras (carts) ubicunque jubentur ad portan- dum cibum dominii. Burton Chartulary, p. 29 (1100-1113 ?) * Averagium secundum turnum vicinorum suorum curtum et longum. The " averagium curtum " might be a service from the field to the grange, but hardly the " averagium longum." Ely Inquisition, quoted by Vinogradoff, Villainage in England, p. 286 n. Sokemen on the manors of the Abbot of Ely in Suffolk : Ita proprie sunt abbati ut quotienscunque ipse praeceperit in anno arabunt suam terrain, pugnabunt et colligent segetes, portabunt victum monachorum ad monasterium, equos eorum in suis necessitatibus habebit [abbas]. Round, Feudal England, pp. 32-33. * Vilani rectum est varium et multiplex, secundum quod in terra statutum est. In quibusdam terris debet dare landgablum . . . vel averiare et summagium ducere. [The beo-ceorl], si bonam terram habeat, equum habeat quern ad summagium domini sui prestare possit, vel ipse minare quocunque clicatur ei. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, pp. 185-187. The three northern surveys of about the year 1030 give no details of carrying services. W. H. Stevenson, " Yorkshire Surveys," English Historical Review, xxvii, pp. 1-25. 4 Faciunt caropera propter vinum in Andegavo cum duobus animalibus de manso, et dicunt illud usque ad Sonane villam. Et in madium mense facit caropera Parisius cum asciculos, similiter cum duobus animalibus. GuSrard, Polyptyque, ii, p. 132. 8 It is very uncertain whether it contains a single passage explicitly referring to an averagium or summagium ad hospitium. Cf. the following passage: Sed unus quisque redit semper mi d in Keninchala regis [Kinninghall, hundred of Guilt- cross, Norfolk] ex summagio. Domesday Book, ii, p. 178. An editor of a translation of this passage says it was a " composition for the duty of finding beasts for the king's service exactly parallel to the averae of which we read elsewhere." Johnson, Victoria History of the Counties of England, Norfolk, ii, p. 34. MANORIAL MARKETING 9 century documents, the references are more specific, 1 and in the thirteenth century the evidence is as full and abundant as could be desired. Though it has suited present purposes to deal only or chiefly with services connected with corn, the inter-manorial organiza- tion was not limited either to one set of commodities, or to one class of services, or indeed to services to any one seat. In the surveys recorded in Boldon Buke of the year 1183, are mentioned services which show a manifold organization within the group; for example, corn and other goods were to be carried to Durham, the episcopal seat, 2 or wherever else specified, 3 and there were services entailing a journey to the bishop's hunting lodge, or attendance at the pleas, as well as for general purposes of com- munication. Both the men and the products of the manors were normally expected to be sent to other manors and places. And this is probably typical of most groups of manors throughout England. It is much to be regretted that historians have confined their attention almost wholly to the manor as a unit, and really neglected the group. 4 This has perhaps been owing to the The editor of the translation of many passages containing averae services, calls the avera a " carrying service " distinctive of Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire. Round, Victoria History of the Counties of England, Herts, i, pp. 269-271. See also Vinogradoff, English Society in the Eleventh Century, pp. 142, 387, 438. 1 Unusquisque [villorum quinque predictorum] tenet 11 bovatas et operator n diebus in ebdomada et invenit auras ad summagium et reddit vn d. pro falda et bis arat in anno et ter secat in Augusto et facit braisium et vadit ad summagium pro sale et pro pisce, aut reddit n d. pro utroque. Burton Charlulary, William Salt Archaeological Society, v, pt. i, p. 26 (1100-1132). The Liber Niger Monasterii S. Petri de Bur go (H. I) does not go into the details of customary services. The sum- magium is found in Boldon Buke, Surtees Society, xxv, pp. 18, 19 (1183). 2 Drengus [of Hutton] pascit canem et equum, et quadrigat I tonellum vini, et lapidem molendini apud Dunelm., et vadit in magna caza cum n leporariis et v cordis, et sequitur placita, et vadit in legationibus. Boldon Buke, Surtees So- ciety, xxv, p. 36. 3 Et facit ladas de Gatesheued usque Dunelm., et de Gatesheued usque Bed- lyngton, et computantur in firma pro unoquoque equo 2 d. Boldon Buke, p. 34. Et villani . . . faciunt ladas usque ad Novum Castellum et usque ad Fenwyc in propriis itineribus Domini Episcopi. Ibid., p. 38. Et faciunt ladas et radas dum Episcopus in patria fuerit. Ibid., p. 41. 4 Professor Vinogradoff (English Society in the Eleventh Century, pp. 348-352). 10 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET traditional view of the manor as an isolated community. 1 A study of the carrying services, however, seems to compel some revision of this orthodox view. It is suggested that to the study of the evolution of the manor out of the free village community or out of the single or " pri- vate" estate, there should be added an investigation of the accession of the full-fledged manor to a group of many manors. This would probably reveal three categories of manors. The first is the single manor which never became a member of a group. The second is the monastic or capitular group of manors which, from the time they became manors, were organized on the basis of inter-manorial dependence, and remained in such a condition until the break-up of bailiff-farming. The third is the lay or episcopal group which at first went through the stage of prandial perambulation, but later became part of an inter- manorial organization. If this analysis be correct, only two classes of manorswere conceivably isolated, those not belonging to a group, and those forming part of a lay or episcopal group in the period of prandial perambulation. But if, as seems likely, the lay manors belonging to the king were organized in local groups, to the head manor of which the king (and retinue) went to consume his income, 2 then the number of manors in isolation is reduced. Such an arrangement may also have been true of the other groups, those belonging to lay or ecclesiastical lords. It is perhaps fair to assume that, barring the earlier Anglo- Saxon period, manorial isolation was the exception rather than the rule, and that the tendency was, at all times, constantly away from isolation towards inter-manorial relations. This has treated the subject, but cursorily and chiefly from the formal or legal stand- point. Mr. Hubert Hall has also noted some points of inter-manorial organization in his valuable introduction to the Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester. 1 In the thirteenth century " there was the same completeness of manorial life, the same economic independence and isolation," as in the tenth and eleventh cen- turies. " The great value of the Rectitudines and Gerefa is that they show us the estate in a condition of almost complete isolation." C. M. Andrews, The Old Eng- lish Manor, p. 240 (1892). " Owing to difficulties of communication, every village raised its own bread- supply." R. E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, p. 29 (1912). - l See above, p. 5, n. 2. MANORIAL MARKETING II does not have reference to casual relations, but to a regularly organized and almost continuous communication of one manor with another. How extensive and far-reaching this inter- manorial organization probably was will be appreciated when we consider how widespread in England was the network of such groups, whether in the hands of prince or noble, monastery or college, which were topographically interwoven one with another cross systems of corn provision not based on any system of marketing. 2. MANORIAL PRICE STATISTICS The study of manorial statistics serves a twofold purpose. It throws light upon the development of the manor, which is of immediate concern, and it furnishes the earliest evidence on the subject of the market, the chief interest of this work as a whole. For purposes of price comparison only one commodity has been chosen, wheat. And though many kinds of evidence con- cerning other grains have been utilized, still wheat prices have proved most precise and most ample. These are found in the bailiffs' accounts. Rogers has made use of this source from the year 1259 onwards, but it is possible to push back to the year 1208, by using for this earlier period the pipe rolls of the bishopric of Winchester, only the first of which has been published. CThis additional half-century of evidence is of exceptional importance since it apparently proves the existence of a marked rise of prices in the period 1200 to 1300. (Tt has been stated that prior to 1350, there was no rise in the price of wheat, 1 and Rogers also gives the same impression since he found no increase for nearly three centuries following 1259. The evidence for this view is inade- quate or negative.^ Ruding, on the other hand, long ago gave figures to indicate that the price of wheat rose very much in the period in question, but since his sources are untrustworthy, his conclusion has not been accepted. And apparently he did not regard the course of wheat prices as typical. His view of the rise 1 Palgrave, Dictionary of Political Economy, iii, p. 192; see also Jacob, Precious Metals, i, pp. 344~34S- 12 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET in the price of wheat in England as a whole apparently, may be seen in the following table. 1 1050-1150, wheat rose from 2} to 4$ d. per bushel 1150-1250, " 4 J " iQi d. 1250-1350, " 19} 22H- " " For countries other than England, the sources for thirteenth century wheat prices are either non-existent or so slight as to be unreliable. 2 The averages of Herbert 3 and of D'Avenel 4 for France, however, inadequate though they be, are of interest, since they indicate a considerable rise in prices in parts of France. The following table, showing the course of wheat prices in England for the period 1208-1300, is based upon the sales of the wheat of a number of manors, varying from 26 to 44, belonging to the bishopric of Winchester in southern England. 1 The following table shows the rise in prices of other commodities. Year Horse Ox Cow Sheep Hog . s. d. . s. d. . s. d. . s. d. . s. d. 1050 1150 i 17 6 O 12 S 076 048! 060 013 o i 8 020 030 1250 I II O 107 o 17 o 017 I3SO o 18 4 I 4 6 o 17 a 027 026 Ruding, Annals of Coinage, i, pp. 193, 194. Though Ruding adduced many " respectable authorities," old Chronicles, and Historians, such as Fleetwood's Chronicon Preliosum, Combrune's Prices of Wheat, 1000-1765 (1768), Adam Smith, and James Steuart, we cannot take his figures seriously. 2 The price materials of Lamprecht (Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben im Mittelalter, ii, pp. 554-560, 613) for the Moselle district cover the period from the ninth to the end of the fifteenth century but are too meagre to be of value. They, however, in- dicate a general rise of prices in the thirteenth century. a Essai sur la Police Generale des Grains (Paris, ed. 1910), p. 76. 4 PRICE OF WHEAT PER HECTOLITRE (FRANCS AND CENTIMES) Period lie de France Picardy and Artois Normandy Champagne Languedoc 1201-1225 4.68 4-77 2.89 3.48 5.21 1226-1250 4.12 3-37 3.60 1251-1275 3-41 11.17 4-93 4.09 5-41 1276-1300 4-30 9.27 422 3-S3 9.12 Histoire Economique, etc., ii, p. 896. MANORIAL MARKETING ENGLISH WHEAT PRICES, 1208-1 298 l (Quinquennial Periods) Period Number of Years Represented Average Num- ber of Manors Per Annum Average Num- ber of Price Entries * Yearly Average Price Per Qr. I2o8 I 34 38 s. d. 2 8i I2OQ 13 . . 3 33 43 2 IO I2I4l8 3 26 20 A 2 I2IQ 23 . . 3 31 40 3 o* 122428 3 20 3O e A I22Q 33 . . 2 3C CO 7 lol 123438. . 2 31 e-i 3 8 12X043 . . O 1244. 4.8. . 4. 4O 132 7 nj I24Q C.3 . . I 41 130 S 2f I2C.4 C.8. . 3O GO 6 of I2C.Q 63 . . I 44 174 42 1264-68 4 30 1 2O 2 II J I26o73 . . o 1274-78 2 41 126 5 ii 127083 . . 2 41 08 7 4i 1284-88 4. 3O 83 4 A}" I280O3 . . e 42 80 e 4 4 I204o8. . 2 43 78 6 7i The rise of prices indicated by the table on the next page may be further simplified, as follows: The percentage increase of ' 1224-48 over 1208-23 is 23.9 1224-98 " 1208-23 " 47.2 1249-98 " 1208-23 " 57.6 1216-56 1208-15 " 51-8 1257-1300" 1208-15 " 108.8 In spite of the great number of prices averaged to make up these totals, it is obvious that there are difficulties in drawing a final 1 For the particulars of these averages see Statistical Appendix F. 2 Not the average of all the entries, but simply of those used in compiling the average price. 8 Based upon all but " mill " entries. The prices of mill corn were used only when no other price was given for the year, so that the contractual element would be eliminated as far as possible. Out of a total of 4015 entries, I have used only 3616 in compiling these averages. THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET conclusion as to the percentage of the increase of price. Since we know practically nothing about prices in the twelfth century, we cannot say what part of the first half of the thirteenth century is the most typical of early prices, what part had best be taken as a basis of comparison with the prices of the latter half of the century. The low price period 1208-15, may have had a price average nearer that of the twelfth century than the higher price period 1208-23. By accepting the latter, however, if we err, ENGLISH WHEAT PRICES, 1208-1300 (Summary) Period Number of Years Average Num- ber of Manors Per Annum Average Num- ber of Price Entries Yearly Average Price Per Qr. 1208-23 IO 3O 77 s. d. 3 4i 1 2 24.-4.S. . II 7C 77 A 2 I24.Q-o8. . 24 41 IOO 5 4* I224o8. . JC 2Q Q7 So I2O8I5 2 oi 1216-56 4 3t I2S7-I3OO l . . 5ioJ we do so on the side of moderation. The first half of the thir- teenth century, then, saw a rise in the price of wheat of about 25 %, and the second half of over 50 %. Carrying this statistical inquiry concerning these manors still farther, we see that, while the increase in the production of wheat per acre between 1200 and 1300 was about 150 % 2 and the increase in the percentage sold of that produced was 44 %, 3 the 1 Rogers' figures for 1259-1300; Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester for 1257 and 1258. 1 See below, p. 214, n. i, and Appendix A. 1 The following table shows the percentage of corn produced that was sold on manors of the bishopric of Winchester, at three interesting periods. The figures in parentheses indicate the number of manors from which the data are taken. 1208-09 1200-1300 1396-97 Wheat (30) 48.3 (43) 68.0 Barley (15) 27.9 Oats (ao) 16.0 (36) 36.9 Total Average (22) .10.8 (.) 4.8.0 (*7) A2.O MANORIAL MARKETING 15 rise of price was over 50 %. We cannot, of course, be certain that results based upon such evidence as has been used, are even roughly typical, but since there is no reason to believe that this region or this manorial group was peculiar in any way, we may use these figures provisionally to establish the fact of the only considerable rise in corn prices during the Middle Ages. The explanation of such a rise in prices, however, is not obvious. So far as is known, the English coinage underwent no change during this period, nor did the units of measurement; l there was apparently no considerable increase in the supply of precious metals, certainly none comparable with that of the Tudor and Stuart periods, and no absolute diminution of the supply of corn but rather an increase. So we are left to conclude either that the rise indicated was peculiar to wheat, and, perhaps, was caused by an increase in the consumption of that cereal at the expense of rye or barley, or that the rise was general and was caused by a growing demand for all kinds of corn (and this is the important point) owing to a development in the trade, both foreign and domestic. The first alternative seems to be ruled out because what evidence we have is against it. 2 The second seems to be The figures for 1 208-09 are based upon Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, pp. xliv-xlv. Due allowance should be made for the fact that not all the corn labelled " sold " in the bailiffs' accounts was actually sold or bartered; some so charged of course simply went to another manor of the group for seed, and other purposes, but this was quite the exception. The clearest evidence that sale meant sale upon the mar- ket (besides the occasional specific statement of the fact) is that prices varied from time to time and normally rose as the supply of the old crop was consumed, and be- fore the new one had come in. The following examples are from the year 1253-54 (MS., R. O., Ecclesiastical Commission, Various 24/159291). BRICHTWELL MORTON Mill Corn s. d. Mill Corn s. d. 4 4 Before Christmas 5 qrs. an 4 6 After * 8J " 2 '10 4 4 Before Midsummer Day 9 " 40 4 6 After " " n " 50 5 4 Mich.-Christma3 <4l Christmas Easter . . ( 2 Easter Midsummer Day ... 7} Midsummer Day Mich. . . . j 4 . 5 4 6 o 1 Inman (Domesday and Feudal Statistics, p. 158) says: " It is probable that a change in the quasi-standard quarter occurred /. Hen. Ill in which reign it seems to have had 8 bushels "; but for this there is no evidence. 2 The percentage of wheat sold of that produced in 1208-09 was 1.74 times that v i6 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET the more probable explanation, namely the increase in the volume of trade due in part to a growing foreign demand and more especially to the growth of the town population, a subject bound up with the evolution of the local market. Using the analogy of later periods of rising prices, we may suggest what was likely to be the result of an increase in prices upon the various social classes of the thirteenth century; final conclusions should rest upon an investigation of all the ascer- tainable facts. Wage earners in the modern sense were, in rural districts, so few in number that the aggregate amount of their discomfort was probably slight. In case the tenant had com- muted his payments in kind for money rents, he received an unearned increment, as did the lord on., the other hand, in case payments in kind were still due to him. -{ Jn the town the journey- man, not receiving his board as part of his wages, would suffer, while the master, then as now, was without doubt able to raise the price of the commodities he handled so as not to suffer him- self. In the thirteenth century, however, as in the twentieth, a rise of prices meant a boom to almost every field of economic life, so that all engaged in economic pursuits were likely in the long run to be benefited. But on the other hand, it did not mean of barley, and in 1299-1300, it was 1.82 times. The figures for rye are not so nu- merous, but they show a result not markedly different, that is 1.25 and 1.05. Aver- aging these two results, we arrive at this conclusion: that the percentage of wheat sold of that produced in 1208-09 was 1.50 times the mean of that of barley and rye, while in 1299-1300 it was 1.45. In other words, while the development is not marked nor important, it points to a diminution, rather than an increase, in the sale (and consumption) of wheat as far as those manors are concerned. The fol- lowing table, giving the annual price averages, indicates that agricultural commo- dities saw a general increase in price. Year Plough Horses Bulls Lambs Geese Hens s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1208-1209 S 3 3 3* o 3 2 I* 1261-1270 ii 3* 10 6 o 4l 2} o ii 1271-1280 13 iJ 9 61 o SJ o a{ It 1281-1290 II 9l 8 2* o 8| 2f II 1291-1300 10 6J 8 8J o Si o 3i o il Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, p. xlviii; Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, i, pp. 361-363. MANORIAL MARKETING 17 in the thirteenth century what it means in the twentieth, imme- diate hardship on the part of a large class of wage earners. The point most noteworthy and most pertinent to our study is, however, that the marketing of the manorial products was extending, and that the influence of the market on the manorial organization, ultimately to be the chief determining factor, was now for the first time apparent. 3. -THE RISE OF MANORIAL MARKETING We have suggested above that the traditional view which re- garded the medieval manor as isolated can no longer be accepted without reserve. This naturally raises the further question as to that self-sufficiency of the manor which has been so generally asserted. 1 The term " self-sufficiency " does not mean absolute self- sufficiency. From the first, a few valuable skins and a few cloths of finer domestic workmanship were probably exchanged for salt, fish, iron, spices, and ornaments. And to its last day the manor, like the modern farm, retained a certain measure of self-sufficiency. The question of self-sufficiency turns on the extent and character of the relation of the manor to the market. Our problem, then, is to discover whether the manor regularly sold its products on the market, and therefore could be said to be organized for the purpose of marketing. And if so, when ? The evidence supporting the view here taken, that the manor was coming into close relation to the market, is, in the first place, 1 " The fundamental characteristics of the manorial group [i. e., the single manor], regarded from the economic point of view, was its self-sufficiency, its social independence." Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, pt. i, p. 33. " This self-centred life, economically, judicially, and ecclesiastically so nearly independent of other bodies, put obstacles in the way of change. It prohibited in- . tercourse beyond the manor, and opposed the growth of a feeling of common na- tional life." Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England, p. 52. " The manor remained almost entirely self-sufficing, as had been the communi- ties out of which it had arisen." Meredith, Economic History of England, p. 33. " The cultivators of the soil grew their produce, not for sale, but for their own consumption. Each manor or village was isolated and self-sufficing." Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, p. 7. See also p. 12. Cf. Cunningham, Introduction to Waller of Henley's Husbandry (ed. E. La- mond), pp. xiii-xiv. 1 8 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET the fact of the large and increasing sale of corn recorded through- out the thirteenth century in the bailiffs' accounts, as has been before noted. 1 These accounts, of course, involve only the sales of corn from the lord's demesne. XThere is likewise the evidence that tenants were gradually commuting their corn-rents for money-rents/; The most re- markable example of this is the case of the royal tenants situated in almost every county in England, who as early as the first few decades of the twelfth century entered into money contracts with the king. A passage in Dialogus de Scaccario, here para- phrased for the sake of brevity, bears witness to this: Tradition has it that after the Norman Conquest, while the realm was still in a primitive condition, the royal estates paid to the king not gold or silver, but victuals alone, from which the daily needs of the king's household were supplied. Those who were entrusted with the business knew how much each estate provided and from which counties corn, meat, fodder for horses, and other necessities were to be procured. Under Henry I, however, a change was made. That king, often warring on the Continent, wanted not victuals, but money. Likewise, the peasants in great numbers complained of the hardship of being compelled to supply provi- sions and of having to carry them great distances to court. Having received the opinion of the nobles and yielded to these complaints, the king ordered commissioners to fix a money payment in lieu of rents in kind, so that henceforth the farm of the king's manors was paid into the exchequer in hard cash. 2 General information about the tenant's right to sell corn is not specifically recorded, but may be inferred. Though a license was necessary for a customary tenant to sell an ox, a horse, cow, colt, or pig, 3 and a toll was collected on malt brewed into beer for 1 p. 14, n. 3. See also Appendices A and F. 2 Dialogus de Scaccario, Select Charters (ed. Stubbs), pp. 193-194. 3 Inquiry is to be made an nativi custumarii . . . vendiderint vitulum pul- lanum vel bovem de propria nutritura sine licentia domini. Domesday of St. Paid, p. 157 * (ca. 1320). Si habeat equum pullanum, bovem vel vaccam ad vendendum, dominus propin- quior erit omnibus aliis et vendere non debent sine licentia domini. Rochester Cartulary (ed. Thorpe), p. aa. Quoted from Vinogradoff, Villainage in England, p. 156 n. MANORIAL MARKETING 19 >> sale, 1 still there has been found no restriction on the sale of the corn of the customary tenant, to say nothing of the free tenant. > The explanation of the situation is as follows. The lord had a twofold right to prohibit purchase and sale on the part of the villain, firstly, because of the villain's personal status and, secondly, because of the property relations between the lord and villain. Not the legal theory, however, but the custom in the case is of importance. The lord allowed the sale of corn and re- stricted the sale of cattle and horses because, though he had no direct interest in the former, in the latter his interest was imme- diate, for the oxen and horses were used to work the lord's de- mesne, and at times turned into the lord's lands to manure them. Clear evidence of this is seen in the rule that oxen, horses, and porkers young enough might be sold. 2 And, indeed, it is ex- pressly stipulated that the tenant is free to sell his horse and young ox when they are not used in tillage. 3 In practice, then, the tenant, free and customary, it would appear, sold his corn and his beasts not used for cultivating the demesne, with little or no restriction. 4 There arose, at least as early as the thirteenth century, and perhaps even in the twelfth, a class of dealers, called corn mongers, as seen below, 5 who were villagers, and though in the only instance clearly stated they are called " free- tenants," some may have been customary tenants. In other words, some members of the manor arose early as marketers of corn, regularly employed in disposing of the surplus crop! 1 The customary tenant si braciaverit ad vendendum, dabit duodecim lagenas cervisiae ad tonnutum vel pretium earum. Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriae, iii, p. 53 (1266-67). 2 Hone, The Manor and Manorial Records, p. 230 (ca. 1250). 3 Item si ipse habeat pullum vel boviculum et tune laboraverit cum illo non potest vendere sine licentia domini sed si non laboraverit licitum est ei vendere sine licentia. Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, p. 4&3a. 4 In particular manors the custom might be otherwise, a fact recognized in the following passage. Item, quod non permittatur quod aliquis vendat equum mas- culum vel bovem sibi vitulatum sine licentia, nisi consuetude se habeat in contra- rium. Historiae et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriae, iii, p. 218. 6 P- 163. 20 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Although from the side of market regulations there remains but little evidence, and none of a very early date, bearing on the sale of corn, 1 still there are the regulations of the carrying services of tenants on the manor, which throw light upon the subject. Besides the averagium ad hospitium and the averagium de manerio ad manerium, was the averagium ad mercatum et ad forum, a service 2 which is clearly seen in surveys and custumals of the thirteenth century. (fAs early as 1248, the purchase of sacks is recorded for carrying corn to the market. 3 The sale of corn at this period is clearly not confined to church manors, but is found on those in the hands of lay lords, 4 as well as those in the hands of the king. 5 While at times the carrying was to be to the nearest markets 6 or to " all or any of the markets in the shire," 7 often the specific places at some distance are recorded, and thus in the thirteenth century for the first time in the history of the grain trade, we get considerable definite information of the domestic trade in grain.^S For instance, in the custumals of 1 For example: firmarii de Lutturworth capiunt tolnetum de blado empto in dictis mercatis ad seminandum et comedendum et aliis minutis rebus de quibus teoloneum non solet dari. Roluli Hundredorum, i, p. 2^gb (4 Ed. I). 1 [Villanus] cariabit bladum ad vendendum ad quodcumque forum dominus voluerit infra comitatum. Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, p. 6^jb. Cf. pp. 628a, 7470, 76 ib. Item, debet carfare lanam et caseum domini per viginti leucas in circuitu et habebit cibum suum de mercatoribus. Rentalia et cuslumaria . . . Glastoniae, p. 165 (ca. 1250). 1 In vm saccis emptis ad bladum cariandum ad forum et ad Wintoniam n s. Baigent, Crondal, p. 55. 4 MS., R. O., Rentals and Surveys, General Series, roll 684 (Lalleford, Essex, 19 Ed. I). 6 Ibid., roll 589 (Odiham, Ed. I). ' MS., R. O., Rentals and Surveys, General Series, roll 589. 7 Rotuli Hundredorum, ii, pp. 628a, 657b, 76ib. 8 Ubicunque fiat averagium ad vendendum bladum, totum averagium habebit unum denarium. A festo Purificationis usque ad Gulam Augusti, si bladum curiae tarn diu dura- verit, faciet singulis mensibus unum averagium usque ad Londoniam, vel Rame- seiam, vel Cantebrigiam, vel alibi in remotis, et habebit sicut prius. Ita scilicet, quod quamdiu bladum duraverit, singulis mensibus faciet unum averagium, ut praedictum est. Faciet etiam averagia ad vicina mercata, vel alibi prope, quando dominus volue- rit, et computabitur pro opere unius diei. Cartularium Monaslerii de Rameseia, i, pp. 476-477 (ca. 1250, Barton, Bedfordshire). MANORIAL MARKETING 21 Ramsey Abbey 1 there are mentioned corn-carrying services from its manors in Huntingdonshire and Bedfordshire to the following places besides Ramsey itself: Huntingdon and St. Ives in Huntingdonshire, Cambridge, Reach, and Burwell in Cam- bridgeshire, Ipswich and St. Edmundsbury in Suffolk, Col- chester in Essex, St. Albans in Hertfordshire, and farthest away London and Canterbury?? In the case of the East Anglian manors of St. Edmundsbury, they were to Ipswich, Southwold, Dun- wich, and Cockfield in Suffolk, Yarmouth in Norfolk, and Nayland and Colchester in Essex, though in these cases the carrying services were not restricted to corn, but were of a general nature. 2 Similarly with the manor of Lawford (Lalleford) belonging to Olive de Langham (Leynham), where the services were to Ipswich, Harwich, and Colchester as well as to Langham, probably the home manor. 3 We have, too, an instance of one manor of a group being so favorably situated for marketing that corn was regularly sent to it for sale, that is, the manor of Southwark in the manorial group belonging to the bishopric of Winchester. Corn from three sources was there sold, that from the demesne, from the mill, and from other manors. 4 In one year, there came from the man- ors of Brightwell 251 quarters wheat Wycombe 318 Harwell 45 and at least 290 quarters are accounted for as sold this same year. 5 A few years earlier there were sent from these three manors 312 quarters of wheat, of which 141^ were used at Southwark, and 1 68 sold. 6 " In this instance as in the former one cited, corn is seen going in directions other than towards the home manor, and for purposes other than consumption by the lord and his household. 1 Ibid., pp. 462, 476-477; iii, pp. 243, 282, 302. Cf. also ibid., i, p. 45. 2 MS., Br. M., Harl. 3977, fols. 81, 87b. 3 MS., R. O., Rentals and Surveys, General Series, roll 684 (19 Ed. I). 4 Cf. MS., R. O., Ecclesiastical Commission, Various, 22/159272 (1213-14). 5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., 22/159271 (1210-11). 22 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET In the early thirteenth and undoubtedly also in the late twelfth century, not only was there a manorial organization for the local marketing of corn maintained on the part of the lord, but also for export abroad. The surplus corn of the archbishop and of the priory of Canterbury, 1 of the manors of Ramsey Abbey, 2 of the archdeacon of Wells, 3 and of the bishopric of Winchester 3 is on record as going abroad. In the two last cases it was sold to merchants^ It was probably such sales of corn that made possible the not inconsiderable export in the reign of King Henry II, elsewhere noted. 4 The important facts illustrated by these instances are that markets for corn were in existence, that the manorial organization adapted itself to marketing conditions, and that the network of corn currents to the central or home manors for the personal needs of the proprietors was crossed by another network of currents evolving out of the growth of a territorial marketing system. 5 The probable succession in the history of carrying services is as follows: to the grange, probably as old as the manor, to the home manor, and to the market. It does not follow, of course, that the corn-carrying services to market rapidly or wholly superseded the others, but rather that they long existed side by side while the market organization was developing as is seen in the case of St. Paul's where the earlier services lasted, like the later, until the fourteenth century. 6 Without first having defined what we mean by marketing, we cannot assign even an approximate date to its beginning. Not the mere sale and purchase of goods, but the organized exchange 1 Rex omnibus mercatoribus et aliis ad quos etc. Sciatis quod concessimus omnibus qui blada emerint de bladis archiepiscopatus Cantuariensis vel prioratus Cantuariensis a Fulcone de Cantilupo et Reginaldo de Cornhull quod libere et sine impediment possint ea adducere in Flandriam per brevia eorumdem. Et Pro- hibemus ne quis eos super hoc impediat. Rotuli Litterarum Patentium, i, pt. i, p. 76a (1207). Ibid,, p. 7Qa (1208). Ibid., p. ?8b (1208). Below, p. no. See below, pp. 28-29, and ch. 2. Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, i, p. 45. MANORIAL MARKETING 2$ between town and country is here meant. The evidence for the existence of such a condition is scanty. 1 But there are some facts which point to the early part of the twelfth century as probably the period when a regular market organization was first evolving, fin the first place, a money economy was by that time well in evioence. The number of coins in circulation and of mints in operation had greatly increased since the time of Cnut. The well-known passage in the Dialogus de Scaccario, cited above, 2 shows that Henry I had commuted payments in kind, due from the royal manors, to payments in money, a forceful recogni- tion of a new condition^ In the second place, we know that at this period the merchants of the towns were beginning to organize into gilds and were securing trading privileges from the crown. 3 But if we look, finally, for evidence as to organized carrying services, which we have found so common in the thirteenth century, we must take refuge in conjecture. Carrying services from the market are recorded for the early years of Henry I, 4 as are certain obligations with respect to journeys to market towns, 5 which were probably meant to include sale as well as purchase. There is, however, good reason for the lack of evi- dence of the existence of services for carrying goods to market. The practice was just developing, and while some groups of manors had probably established market-carrying services, such 1 Specific instances of the sale of corn came late, for example: Eodem anno [1232] distracta sunt horrea Romanorum per totam fere Angliam, a viris quibusdam ar- matis et adhuc ignotis, bonis conditionibus et ad commodum multorum; et opus, licet temerarium,! in solennitate Paschali inchoantes, sine contradictione et libere, quod inceperant, compleverunt. Largas eleemosynas advenientibus distribuebant egenis, et quandoque nummos inter pauperes seminantes eos colligere hortabantur. Roger of Wendover, Flares Historiarum (Rolls Series), iii, p. 27. Rules with regard to the sale of corn are found in Walter of Henley, p. 33, and Rules of St. Robert, ibid., p. 143. 2 Dialogus de Scaccario, Select Charters (Stubbs), pp. 193-194. See above, p. 18. 3 Gross, Gild Merchant, i, pp. 5 f. 4 [Each villain of Bromley] facit braisium et vadit ad summagium pro sale et pro pisce, aut reddit n d. pro utroque. Burton Chartulary, p. 26 (1100-1113 ?). 8 Debet hospitari honorifice Abbatem cum venerit in partes illas conducere et reducere salvo conductu monachos et clientes eorum quando ibunt sive ad Cestriam sive ad Wich pro aliquo mercato, dare de suo competent! Abbati quando requisierit cum Abbas. Burton Chartulary, p. 36. 24 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET as the Ramsey Abbey group, other groups probably did not do so until the thirteenth century, notably the manors belonging to the bishopric of Durham. 1 Furthermore, there are few manorial surveys or extents for the early twelfth century, and these are brief and general in character, such as the Liber Niger of Peterborough, and the Burton Chartulary. The problem is not to decide which was the exception and which the rule, self-sufficiency or marketing, but to point out that marketing was coming to be a normal form of manorial organ- ization from the twelfth century onwards, and that one side of manorial activity was production for a local market. It would not be in keeping with any known facts to regard this trade as very considerable; the point is simply that the trade was organ- ized and therefore regular, not " casual." 2 We may hold therefore, as a working hypothesis, that the manor should be regarded in many, if not most, instances as developing an integral relationship with a group of manors, and that after passing through the stages of prandial perambulation (or of food farms) and of carrying services, the manorial organ- ization was by the twelfth century entering, with money pay- ments, into the period of market economy. 4. THE DECAY OF THE MANOR Several theories have been put forward to explain the decay of the manor. Prominent among these are the Black Death, 3 the Peasants' Revolt, 4 and sheep-farming, 5 all three being tangible, and the first two dramatic. Though so many writers have devoted a sentence or a para- graph to the subject of the decline of the manorial system, no one 1 Boldon Buke of 1183 consists of fairly full surveys which contain plenty of information about inter-manorial carrying services, but not about marketing. 1 As held by Mr. Hubert Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, p. xvii. * See for example H. de B. Gibbins, Industry in England, p. 85: and Oman, The History of England, 1399-1485, p. 27. 4 Green (History of the English People, i, p. 486), says that " serfdom [and there- fore the manorial system] was henceforth [i. e. after 1381] a doomed and perishing thing "; " the end of the rising was in fact secured." 8 Price, English Commerce and Industry, p. 113. MANORIAL MARKETING 2$ has yet treated it as a whole. The explanation probably is that the senescence of institutions is not of such general interest as the early history, especially the origin, and that the full and complete history of the decay of this institution is so comprehen- sive, bound up as it is with most great developments of the period. A full treatment of this subject would embrace all manorial activities, such as the legal, the ecclesiastical, the social, and the economic. In the broadest sense, it would be a treatise on the decline of local economy, and would form but one chapter in the history of economic development. But our interest here is primarily economic, and the task is not to describe the pro- cess of decay, but to attempt an analysis of the fundamental factors in that change and to outline the chief results follow- ing it. The community which we call the manor dissolved because its economic basis, the practice of supporting an agricultural pro- prietor by means of services and rents in kind came to an end. This meant a vital alteration in the relationship between two classes, lords and servile tenants. In the history of labor, certain genetic stages have been dis- tinguished. Although in the progress from one of these stages to another the moving and determining forces have not left well- marked traces for us to follow, it seems, however, that slavery gave way to serfdom, not because of Christian preaching or humanitarian feeling, but because serfdom was better adapted to the politico-economic needs of the pre-urban period; and that in modern times the free contractual labor of the individual 'is giving way to collective bargaining, through the efforts of the workers themselves, and in the face of opposition from other classes. Our interest in the question here is, what was the leaven behind the development from servile labor to the free contractual basis, the second important progressive move in the history of labor ? The enfranchisement of the serf is often treated as if it depended largely upon the lord's initiative, and as if initiative on the part 26 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET of the villain was exceptional. 1 The view here taken is that the servile tenant came to see that his interest lay in a contractual rather than a customary relationship, and that the lord, though on the whole preferring the latter basis, early saw an advantage in a partial cash arrangement, and later was forced to accept the tenant's position almost without reserve. In the twelfth century the lord found that it served his purpose best to lease parts of the demesne for a money payment. 2 And in the fifteenth century he seems to have profited by leasing the greater part, or, indeed, all of the demesne. The explanation of the former is, in part, that the lord wanted some ready money. The explanation of the latter is, that he did not find it profitable to continue bailiff- fanning. To the customary tenant is ascribed a variety of motives for desiring to change his position. Some of them are bound up with status, such as a desire to enter orders, and freedom to marry at will; whilst others are connected with his tenure, such as his preference for paying a " fixed " due. 3 ; The explanation here suggested is that the fundamental reason for the tenant's desire to get rid of customary service was the increasing advantage which he saw in commercial agriculture. One of the earliest manifestations of the peasant's desire to be free of the old services (notably the carriage of corn and other provisions), and of the rent paid in kind and to substitute money payments therefor, occurred on the royal estates in the reign of Henry I. 4 The widely scattered manors of the king, of course, presented a special case; indeed, this commutation may be an isolated early instance of a movement which made but little headway till the thirteenth century when prices were rising and when the tenant, no longer satisfied with selling a mere surplus crop, sought to produce for a market. v . To this end he increased his holding by leasing and 1 L'on voit les mobiles divers qui incitent les seigneurs & affranchir leurs serfs. Mais il ne faudrait pas croire que 1'initiative vint toujours du maltre. Tres sou- vent, les serfs sollicitent eux-memes leur affranchissement. H. See, Les classes rurales au moyen dge, p. 255. 9 Vinogradoff, Villainage in England, p. 327. * H. See, Les classes rurales au moyen dge, pp. 255 f. 4 See above, p. 18. MANORIAL MARKETING 2J assarting. In the fourteenth century, the peasant saw in the devastation of the Black Death, and the consequent necessities of the landlord, an opportunity to throw off the economic dis- ability of customary services sanctioned by the political order and enforced by the legal machinery of the day. The result was the revolt of 1381, when the chief demands of the peasants, 1 besides a general amnesty, were that they should be freed from bondage, should be freely allowed to sell their products, as well as to buy, on the local market, 2 and should not be charged a rent of over four pence per acre. Freed from working the demesne (as well as per- sonally free), they aimed at renting land cheaply, and producing for a local market. The revolt of 1381, so far as the peasants were concerned, was a general strike caused by the increasing profit of production for sale, a strike which was more likely to succeed, because of the comparative scarcity of labor in the country, due to the migration to the towns. The fact that the revolt was not immediately successful is of minor importance. At any rate, it shows the position of the tenant opposed to the old order and the position of the lord seeking to maintain it. This, the only organized effort of labor, was a failure, but the manor, nevertheless, broke down through the steady but un- organized pressure exerted by the peasant interest. A process of change, begun in the twelfth century, was thus practically completed in the century following the Peasants' Revolt. The lord yielded, and the cardinal feature of the manor dis- appeared before the the new force, the local market, which grew up around the towns. Towns made free made those free who 1 These demands were granted and then revoked. Part of the revocation is as follows: Quodque voluimus quod iidem, Ligei et Subditi nostri, Liberi essent ad Emendum et Vendendum, in quibuscumque Civitatibus, Burgis, Villis Mercatoriis, et aliis Locis, infra Regnum nostrum Angliae. Et quod nulla Acra Terra, in Comitatibus praedictis, quae in Bondagio vel Ser- vitio tenetur, altius quam ad Quatuor Denarios haberetur, et, si qua minus antea tenta fuisset, imposterum non exaltaretur. Rymer, Feeder a, etc. (ed. 1709), vii, P- 3i7. 2 The difficulty was that the cities and towns were restricting by toll or regulation the peasant's right to sell on the town market, and that the manorial regulations were hampering the tenant's sale of agricultural products. The former included corn, the latter did not. 28 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET escaped to them and also those who remained on the manor. To those who remained on the soil the town growth was an unearned increment. It brought a contractual advantage to the tenant, and as appears below, an unplanned disadvantage to the lord. Whatever may have been the nucleus of any particular town, I think we may say that in general it was the desire for freedom and betterment of position that impelled men to congregate in urban centers. [ The town, discoverer of the power of bargaining, purchased from its lord additional privileges which in turn attracted the lord's rural tenants, raised the price of labor, and made bailiff-farming unprofitable. And to complete the lord's misfortune, prices rose in the thirteenth century after town farms had been fixed, so that his income really diminished. Truly, the period from noo to 1500 was as much in his disfavor as that from 800 to noo had been to his advantage.. The growth of the town and the local market forced the lord to give up bailiff-farming, because it made the tenant unwilling to labor for the lord. But the latter had the courts and the political machinery with which to enforce his rights, and he must therefore have yielded only to the inevitable. It was impracti- cable and in the long run unprofitable to force tenants to labor who possessed and offered money in lieu of labor. And also, it was difficult to find bailiffs who had sufficient business ability to maintain economically the two-sided cash relationship of hiring labor and selling produce. Still more, the lord's manorial marketing system was giving way to the organization of a local territorial market slowly being worked out. It was found unprofitable to cart corn long dis- tances to a home manor for consumption, or to a market center within the manorial group, when good market places had to be passed on the way, and when, perhaps, the corn was finally deposited in a district of a large surplus, and therefore low price. In other words, the territorial market gradually cut in upon the manorial corn supply system, and ultimately supplanted it. This may be expressed in another way. During an earlier period, say roughly from noo to 1250, the lord sent his corn long distances to good markets, while the tenant sent his surplus to MANORIAL MARKETING 29 the nearby markets, being unable to cart it far afield because of lack of capital and lack of knowledge. In the former case the tendency was to override the development towards a territorial market; in the latter case, on the other hand, the tendency was to create a territorial market, an area over which one price tended to prevail, bearing in the long run a close relation to the cost of production. In the period from 1250 to 1500 came the decline of the lord's marketing system, while during the same period the tenant, impelled in the direction of agricultural production for a local market, pretty generally refused to give up his time and service to his lord. Both of these developments were favorable to the creation of a local market area. 1 The growth of the town and the local market had, then, in a threefold manner, an unfavorable effect upon the lord; the town won a fixed money payment as its farm to the lord, and by its own increase and prosperity raised prices, 2 which in turn lessened the burden of its rent, and therefore diminished the lord's income. The growth of the territorial market, or the local market area, made bailiff-farming unprofitable, and disorganized that part of the manorial marketing system which the lord had slowly evolved in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and which he was forced to give up just when it would have become prof- itable through the increasing demand of the town for the prod- ucts of the soil. In this struggle between the lord and tenant, caused by the rise of the local market, external circumstances arose, some favoring the lord and some the tenant. The latter have been considered, the rise of prices in the thirteenth century and the Black Death; but one circumstance told strongly in the lord's favor, the growing demand for English wool at home and abroad, a commodity which required less labor for its production. Lords who preferred to use their demesnes rather than rent them found in sheep pasturing a profitable substitute for corn growing, that is, of course, on lands suitable for the purpose. The fifteenth century thus witnessed the gradual growth of capitalistic sheep farming on the part of the landlords, and the 1 See pp. 64, 73, 89. 2 p. 15. 30 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET silent, but definite emergence of a free peasant class. Having won a large measure of economic independence, the peasant, already aided in his rise to freedom by that solvent of serfdom, the town, was finally supported by the New Monarchy, the strong central government which threw its weight into the balance on the side of the prospective citizen, tax-payer, and soldier. We may tentatively distinguish four periods * in the history of the manor. Before the twelfth century there seems to have been a pre-market period when the surplus of corn remained unsold. From the twelfth century to the middle of the thirteenth century the local market was coming into being, the needs of which the manor adjusted itself to meet by the sale of its surplus corn. The following period to the sixteenth century saw the decline of the manor through the cessation of bailiff-farming brought about by the full development of the local market, the needs of which were met by commercial agriculture organized on a territorial basis. After the sixteenth century only non- essentials ..survived, important in themselves, but not vital to the manor. The results of the decline of the manor were numerous and important. Its decay was part of the break-up of the village economy, with its peculiar social discipline and its agrarian co- operation, and the preparation for a wider economic organization. Commercial agriculture, which succeeded subsistence production, meant for the town unhampered development and specialization in industry and trade, since the country districts, unhindered by the rigid cooperative system of the older economy, could adapt themselves more easily to the town demands for food products, and become better customers for the town industry and trade. As has been pointed out, the decay of the manor paved the way for the more complete working out of the local or territorial marketing system; and it also made possible the better tillage and larger production of the sixteenth and following centuries, which lay behind the further extension of the marketing system, that is, 1 See also above, pp. 10, 24. MANORIAL MARKETING 31 the development from the local to the metropolitan market, described at length below. The disintegration of the manor and the manorial group, then, in the period from 1250 to 1500, was like its highest develop- ment in the period from noo to 1250 in this respect, that both stages of growth were closely connected with the evolution of the market. CHAPTER II THE LOCAL MARKET FROM THE THIRTEENTH TO THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY i. THE NATURE OF A MARKET THE earliest trade of which we have direct evidence was in the hands of itinerant dealers. By the laws of Ine it was decreed: " If a chapman traffic up among the people, let him do it before witnesses." Other regulations occur in the laws of Hlothaere and Eadric, and of Alfred. 1 Trading upon the market place of the borough occurred at least as early as the late ninth century, for at that time a charter was granted to the see of Worcester which mentioned the " Ceap- stowe " or market place of Worcester. 2 In the laws of the tenth century, Sunday marketing was prohibited, while the purchase of goods within the town was made obligatory, except under certain specified circumstances, 3 and in Domesday Book town markets dating back to Edward the Confessor are recorded. 4 There were two kinds of market places, the urban and the rural. The former was found in the boroughs, the latter in the rural townships or manors. Although the rural market is found as far back as about 960, in the township of Oundle 5 in Northampton- shire, it was contrary to the letter of the dooms of Edward the Elder and of Athelstan, which limited marketing to " ports " or towns, 6 and contrary to the spirit of the laws of Edward the Confessor, which assumed that all marketing was done in bor- oughs. 7 The laws of the Conqueror specifically limited markets to cities, boroughs, castles, and " very safe places." 7 Neverthe- less, Domesday Book records several manors possessing markets, 1 First Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, p. 31. * Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., p. 32. 4 Ibid., i, p. 36. * Ibid., p. 12. 8 Ibid., p. 32. 7 Ibid., p. 33. 33 THE LOCAL MARKET 33 for example, Hoxney in Suffolk. 1 Some of these were on the way to become boroughs like Basingstoke in Hampshire, whilst others like Yaxley, have remained rural. 2 Indeed, it seems that the early town proceeded normally from the manor, gradually acquired market rights and became inhabited in part by men called " burgesses," 3 who probably commuted their agricultural services for a money rent, and who were specially associated with the market; 4 until finally we find the full-fledged borough, the citizens of which had purchased special privileges and im- munities. The importance of these facts is twofold. Marketing played a vital part in the evolution of the town, and in the eleventh century the town was in the stage of transition between the manor and the borough. It was largely agricultural, and many remnants of an early agricultural period remained for centuries attached to the borough. 5 In the twelfth century, for the first time, mention is made in the records 6 of industrial craft gilds. And while before the twelfth century the trade upon the market place, urban as well as rural, probably included little corn, after that date, the manor began to organize to supply the town which was gradually abandoning agriculture for trade and industry. 1 Hoxanam tenuit Ailmarus episcopus T. R. E. pro manerio rx carucatas terrae ... In hoc manerio erat unum mercatum T. R. E. et postquam Willelmus rex advenit; et sedebat in sabbato et Willelmus malet fecit suum castellum ad eiam et eadem die qua erat mercatum in manerio episcopi Willelmus malet fecit alium mer- catum in suo castello et ex hoc ita peioratum est mercatum episcopi : ut parum valeat, et modo sedet die veneris. Mercatum autem de heia sedet die sabbati. Domesday Book, ii, p. 379; First Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, p. 36. 2 First Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, p. 76. 1 For example, Eye, Suffolk. Eiam tenuit edricus xn carucatas terrae T. R. E. . . . Tune LXXX oves, modo xc, et modo i mercatum et unus parcus, et in mercato manent xxv burgenses. Domesday Book, ii, p. 319; First Report of the Royal Com- mission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, p. 36. 4 First Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, p. 17 n. 8 The English town records afford numerous illustrations of this fact. Paris in the thirteenth century was partly supplied with corn from the estates of its own citi- zens. Le Lime des Metiers d' Etienne Botteau (ed. Lespinasse and Bonnardot), p. 258. * Magnum Rotuli Scaccarii, 31 H. i (1130), Index " Gilda," 34 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The market place was essential to inter-manorial marketing and to the formation of the market area, just as it was helpful in the earliest form of cosmopolitan trade. 1 It would seem as if there was an early stage during which the market place was in use, previous to the formation of a market area, a time when there were but few articles entering into the cosmopolitan trade a trade which in itself was periodic and uncertain a time, indeed, when local trade was inconsiderable in amount and when that trade was in part prevented from becoming the basis of a local market area by the fact that a large part of it was inter- manorial. The market area forms a more important basis for the study of market evolution than the market place, for the latter is but the standing ground where events elsewhere decided take place. We may, perhaps, define a market as the machinery by which commodities are sold or bartered, the mechanism by which an " equilibrium in the marginal significance of exchangeable things " is maintained, 2 and a corn market as the machinery by which corn is exchanged for other commodities. Three sides of the market lend themselves to study: prices, buyers and sellers, and general movements of corn. All three are of interest in this work, but only the first at this stage, because it is from a study of prices, in particular corn prices, that most definite information is obtained. Viewed from the standpoint of price, the market is an area which has a strong tendency towards one price, or a price bearing a certain relation to the price of other areas. No definite area can be assigned as large enough or small enough for a market. A local community, a city, a province, a nation, a continent, may 1 Exchange of goods entering into over-sea trade along international routes, such as spices, dried fruits, and rich cloths and jewels in return for such articles as home- spun cloths and hides. * Wickstead, Common Sense of Political Economy, p. 213. Compare the defini- tion of Jevons: a market is a " body of persons who are in intimate business relations and carry on extensive transactions in any commodity," quoted by Marshall, Principles of Economics, i, p. 324. Marshall himself observes that " the more nearly perfect a market is, the stronger is the tendency for the same price to be paid for the same thing at the same time in all parts of the market." Op. '/., P- 32S- THE LOCAL MARKET 35 be a market. At times its bounds are set off by a stream, a mountain range, a tariff-wall, or the sea. But also, markets may exist without such barriers to differentiate them. They are none the less real, while their existence depends upon other and subtler forces. The beginning of a local market area over which there was a strong tendency to a differential price level cannot be more than approximately indicated. It was not as old as regular trading upon the market place, nor as old as the boroughs, though in them the chief exchanges were made. It arose only when trade became considerable and organized. The statistical evidence, which is the chief basis of the detailed study of the local market, comes from the thirteenth and following centuries, when the local market area had already come into being. 2. PRICE STATISTICS AND METHOD The basis for a study of the early market area is found in the materials collected by Rogers for the period from 1259 to 1500. To this collection have been added prices from the Pipe Rolls of the Bishopric of Winchester for the period from 1259 to 1300, so that the total number of price entries available from 1259 to 1500 is about 12,000, as the following table indicates. Many Winchester entries for the period from 1208 to 1258, numbering about 1782, have already been in part utilized in the previous chapter. 1 MEDIEVAL WHEAT PRICES (MATERIALS) i 259-1300 * 1301-1500 * Total number of entries 3,73 8,181 " " " localities 1,307 2,582 Average number of entries per locality 2.9 3.2 annum 88.8 40.9 " " " localities per annum 31.1 12.9 Wheat rather than any other grain has been chosen, partly because the amount of price materials for wheat is greater than that for oats and barley together, the grains next best repre- 1 Above, p. 13. 1 Rogers' figures and those from the Pipe Rolls of the Bishopric of Winchester. 1 Rogers' figures only. 36 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET sented, 1 and partly because wheat was the chief single cereal entering into human consumption, the chief constituent of bread. Opinions as to the composition of bread in medieval and early modern England have varied. Without doubt, so far as the health and fitness of Englishmen were concerned, the importance of the subject has been exaggerated, 2 for so many elements other than bread went to make up the Englishman's food. Although we should like to be sure that the most widely used cereal is the basis for our statistical comparisons, we can draw no conclusion of any degree of exactness, because of lack of detailed evidence. Some general considerations, however, maybe briefly enumerated. In years of good harvest, it seems likely that wheat was in more general use than the other grains which were so largely consumed in time of scarcity. During a considerable dearth, as in 1316 and 1317, the populace was reduced to the consumption of chestnuts, acorns, roots, and bark as well as the poorer kinds of cereals. During dearths of even much later dates, such as in 1586 and 1594, the common bakers were ordered to bake bread of rye, barley, peas, and beans, 3 and in 1622, the feeding of peas and beans to sheep was ordered to cease, because " in time of dearth the same may serve the poorer sort to make bread of." 4 In other words, in times of scarcity the lack of the usual bread corn was met not only by importations but by the greater use of the other cereals. This was not confined to the poor, but was also true of the well-to-do. 5 1 The proportion of the grains in Rogers' figures is shown in the following table for the period 1250-1582. Average Average Average Entry Entry Locality Grain Entries Localities Per Locality Per Annum Per Annum Wheat 13,313 3,786 3.5 41.1 U.6 Oats 6,494 2.97O 2.2 20.0 9.2 Barley 5,172 2,532 2.0 15.9 7.8 Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, i, p. 225; ibid., iv, p. 280. " Entries " are generally of sales but occasionally of purchases. " Localities " are not different localities, but the total number of times that the various manors and towns provide price materials. * Steffen, Geschichte der Englischen Loknarbeiter, pp. 247-248. 3 Book of Orders, ed. 1594, p. 9. 4 Book of Orders of 1622, p. 24. * In Suffolk in 1631, " many families of good sort " were compelled to make bread of buckwheat. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. I, iv, p. 545. THE LOCAL MARKET 37 It cannot be said that in the period 1100-1700, there was any marked tendency displayed, as time went on, towards a more exclusive use of wheat. Indeed, rather less than more wheat seems to have been produced in the fifteenth century. Statistics of production on the manors of the bishopric of Winchester indicate that wheat formed in the year 1208-09, 55-3% f the total amount of bread cereals produced, 1 in 1299-1300, 66.2%, and in 1396-97, 39.9%. A similar development is indicated by the number of entries of the various grains in Rogers' price lists. While the number of wheat entries fell 26.1% in the fifteenth century, the number of entries of other cereals rose, barley entries, for example, increasing by 3.8%. We must differentiate between districts, some of which used one grain, and some another. Until the nineteenth century, the tendency was for the grain most easily grown in a locality to be most used there. Hence, allowing for minor exceptions, we may say that wheat predominated in the Thames valley, the south and the east, where the greater part of the population dwelt, while other grains tended to hold first place in other regions. The solution of the problem is, indeed, not so simple as often stated. Today one grain, wheat, stands practically alone in the making of bread. In the middle ages and early modern period, mixtures of grain were popularly used, such as mistlin (or man- corn) and drags. This continued throughout the period dealt with here, 2 though very early the ideal of " pure bread " was held up in the towns as that made solely of wheat. 3 The rich ate bread made exclusively of wheaten flour to a greater extent than the poor, who, when servants, were given 1 Wheat, barley, rye, and mancorn. 2 For the medieval period, see Statistical Appendix A. In 1662 the brown bakers were given a separate charter. It was then stated, that they " have used to bake household bread of wheate as it cometh from the Mill without boulting, bread of mixt graine, Bushell Bread otherwise called wives bread, Rye bread and horse bread." MS., Guildhall, London, Journals of the Common Council, xxxii, fol. 34. In 1694 Houghton (Collection, p. 242, ed. of 1727) said that some make bread of " wheat and rye and call it miscellain," and that " others make it of half wheat and half barley." 3 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. K, p. 146 (1432). 38 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET mixed and inferior corn by their masters, 1 and, when not servants, purchased for themselves the other cereals, especially rye and barley, because of their lower price. This is clearly set out in the Book of Orders of 1594 2 and in an excellent account of the whole subject by Harrison in the reign of Elizabeth. 8 The poor had no more taste for rye or barley bread, to say nothing of buckwheat or bean bread, than the rich. Only necessity induced them to eat it. In the seventeenth century, the Grocers of London, who provided corn for the poor of the City, complained, (a) that the poor would not receive barley or rye for bread, (6) that they had refused one- third rye mixed with two- thirds wheat, and (c) that the Company had their mixture of rye and wheat on their hands, even though wheat had been scarce during the winter. 4 It seems clear that in a large part of England, wheat, either in mixture or alone, was the preferred bread-stuff and that except in periods of scarcity it was the grain most generally consumed. We may, therefore, with a clear conscience use wheat prices as the basis of our statistical inquiry. But in turning now to Rogers' figures we discover that this important material must be used with discrimination. Professor Gay 5 and later Mr. Lutz, 6 have shown that, when we compare 1 In the bailiff's accounts for Bishop's Waltham, Hampshire, 1208-09, the con- sumption of the various grains is interesting; wheat was used by the bishop, certain magistri and their men; curral, by oxherds, carter, gardener, cowherd, and dogs; vetches, by pigs and servants. Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester (ed. Hall) , p.3. 1 p. 9. See also the Book of Orders of 1622, p. 24. 1 " The bread throughout the land is made of such grain as the soil [of each par- ticular district] yieldeth; nevertheless the gentility commonly provide themselves sufficiently of wheat for their own tables, whilst their household and poor neighbours in some shires [not being able to afford wheat bread commonly], are forced to con- tent themselves with rye, or barley, yea, and in time of dearth, many [of the poor] with bread made either of beans, peas, or oats, or of altogether and some acorns among, of which scourge the poorest do soonest taste." Elizabethan England, p. 96. Cf. Sir F. M. Eden, The State of the Poor, i, pp. 510 f., and G. F. Steffen, Geschichte der Englischen Lohnarbeiter, pp. 88-91, 232, 242, 243, 247, 248. 4 Heath, Company of Grocers, p. 68 (March, 1616). * E. F. Gay, " The Inquisitions of Depopulation in 1517, and the Domesday of Inclosures," Translations of the Royal Historical Society, New Series, xiv, pp. 260-261. 6 H. L. Lutz, " Inaccuracies in Rogers' History of Prices," Quarterly Journal of Economics, xxiii, pp. 350-358. THE LOCAL MARKET 39 Rogers' price averages with the materials upon which he based them, we find him arbitrary and inconsistent in his method. We must not only use Rogers' averages critically, but his ma- terials as well. An initial difficulty hi working over the latter is to choose the normal and eliminate the irregular. Rogers, how- ever, has himself labelled some exceptional entries such as meal, rarer kinds of grain, and grain previously contracted for, and we have no alternative but to proceed on the basis that he has neglected few or none such cases. The variation in the size of the corn measure is a standing difficulty in the way of both Continental and English medieval statistics. But the proportion of most of these units, whether of Chester or Bridgewater, Durham or Plymouth, Carlisle or London, is fairly well known, and it is, therefore, possible to reduce them to a common denomination. We find, furthermore, that the prices as recorded were sometimes written down in terms of the standard measures, as in the Pipe Rolls of the Bishop- ric of Winchester, although the actual sales may have been according to local measures. Rogers has apparently tried to indicate the quality of the coin in terms of which his prices are given. For example, he quotes some wheat at Ersham in the year 1299-1300, as of an average price of 9 s. in pollards, and other wheat of an average of 4 s. 3 d. in sterling. For the same year, the average price of certain wheat for Ibstone is given as 7 s., for other wheat 3 s. 3 d. sterling. Nothing is said about the corns used in the valuation of the 7 s. wheat, and we are left to conjecture that they were pollards. Another difficulty in Rogers' figures is, in a few instances, uncertainty of locality. Little can be done in the majority of such cases, except omit the doubtful entries. Some of Rogers' unidentified places, however, have been located, previous to the compilation of the averages here presented. One is at once confronted with the question whether the weighted or the unweighted average should be used. The unweighted average is preferable in this case, because the sales and purchases handed down are but an infinitesimal part of those that took place, and therefore it is quite impossible to get 40 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET an accurate weighted average. The price of only one quarter of corn for one month may be as typical as the price of 100 quarters for another month. In order to trace the trend of price movement, Rogers sought a " general " yearly average. Of course such a result being based upon materials from only the district south and east of a line from about Neath Abbey in Glamorganshire to Stourbridge in Worcestershire, and then north to Berwick, is not to be taken as a national average. The method of finding even such a narrow " general " price level, is, however, of importance. It would seem that in his two first volumes, Rogers averaged the separate price entries regardless of their source; in the two volumes fol- lowing, he averaged the entries for each place, and then struck an average of such results to find the " general " level. It often happens that there is no difference between the results arrived at under these two methods. But wherever the low price districts are best represented, the general average will be low, and -vice versa. In other words, in the first method we run the risk of pitting the number of low prices against the number of high prices, which obviously may not result in a representative price. But just as the second method is preferable to the first, so a further method is preferable to the second. A general average is best found not by taking the averages of places but of districts. The differences in the three methods may be thus illustrated for the year 1365-66: s. d. Average by first method 6 o J second " 6 3 J third 6 sJ If Rogers' methods are corrected, the resultant averages are often such as to show that even the direction of price fluctuation from year to year is different from his calculation, for example, from 1311-12 to 1312-13. TABLE SHOWING DIFFERENCES IN THE METHOD OF AVERAGING PRICES Rogers' Year Average by Average by Rise by Fall by First Method Third Method First Method Third Method s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1311-12 4 Si 4 1 4 "J 4 7i 06 02 THE LOCAL MARKET For Rogers' purposes, this would have made considerable difference. But the general movement of prices is here not so much the concern, as the differential price levels according to AVERAGE PRICES OF WHEAT, 1259-1500 Areas 1259-1300 1301-1400 1401-1500 1301-1500 1259-1500 l Years Price Years Price Years Price Years Price Years Price Low price areas: Upper Severn .... East Suffolk 12 20 39 26 29 27 30 24 4 22 36 12 5 II 16 s. d. 5 7l S 5z 4 115 5 2 5 oi S Si S 9i 5 8f 4 iol S 81 S 5* S 35 5 it S 9 6 if 74 33 100 65 41 66 27 78 21 2O 95 12 II 16 45 [23 3. d. 5 7i S 6f 5 S| 5 I0 1 5 6| 6 3* 6 o 6 if 6 6} 6 ii 6 3 7 o^ 7 4i 7 81 6 8f 7 3 19 9 86 89 46 19 26 ii 25 34 75 23 69 8 60 s. d. 4 4i 4 8 5 3 5 i 5 7 5 2f 5 6 5 "1 5 Si 6 ii 6 4 f 6 ol 6 2! 5 9 6 4 i 93 42 186 154 87 85 53 89 46 54 170 35 80 24 105 [23 s. d. 5 o s ii 5 Si 5 5* 5 6f 5 9i 5 9 6 ol 6 oi 6 ii 6 3 i 6 61 6 10 6 8| 6 61 7 311 I5 62 225 180 116 112 83 "3 5 76 206 47 85 35 121 23 s. d. 5 it 5 2 5 4f 5 5 5 5s 5 81 5 9l S "f 6 of 2 6 o 6 2! 6 3f 6 61 6 6f 6 7l Upper Thames . . . Cambridge Bristol Southampton. . . . Norwich High price areas: East Kent Trent South West Lower Thames . . . York Durham East Essex Battle South Wales 3 .... Total average S Si 5 6 6 3 i 6 7l S 61 5 45 5 1 5 ii 5 ii 5 ii Mean locality, a subject which, except where he followed the example of Houghton for the period 1691-1702, Rogers did not consider at all. 4 1 Averages for 1259-1500 are made up from the averages of the three periods, 1250-1300, 1301-1400, and 1401-1500, the first being given the weight of two, and the others of five each. 2 Figures for 1259-1300 are omitted from the averages as too inadequate. 3 Not used in averages. 4 Rogers, however, analyzed the statistics of wages by districts in his tables for the period 1259 to 1400, for East, Midland, South, West, and North. Agriculture and Prices, i, pp. 301-308. THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET 3. THE LOCAL MARKET AND MARKET PRICE LEVELS An empirical study of the price materials of Rogers indicates the existence of local market areas, that is, districts having a strong tendency towards a differential price level. Besides the comparison of prices prevailing in various districts of England, what little may be learned concerning medieval transportation and the general productivity of the districts has been used to determine the local market areas. At best the methods and the results will be far from satisfactory, but it is believed the study will prove not uninstructive. I present at the outset the tables (on the preceding page) which give the names of the districts, the average prices of wheat, and the number of years of each period for which there are figures. TABLE SHOWING THE RELATIVE FULLNESS OF PRICE STATISTICS Areas 125^-1300 1301-1500 1250-1500 Places Years Entries Places Years Entries Places Years Entries Southampton 43 IS IO 4 6 ii 3 4 7 4 4 2 o 3 4 3 27 39 36 26 29 30 22 24 20 16 12 5 4 12 II 1,236 569 506 227 247 317 100 96 148 49 38 8 17 27 3 18 58 38 34 32 37 22 12 18 12 18 6 ii 25 13 ii 85 1 86 170 154 87 S3 54 89 42 105 93 80 23 46 35 24 121 537 342 266 177 78 7 6 137 70 112 121 1 06 7 6 52 39 24 57 63 42 35 38 4i 25 14 19 IS 18 6 ii 26 16 13 112 225 206 i So 116 83 76 "3 62 121 I5 85 23 So 47 35 1.357 1,106 848 493 424 395 266 233 218 161 159 114 76 69 66 54 Upper Thames Lower Thames Cambridge Bristol Norwich South West East Kent East Suffolk Battle Upper Severn Durham South Wales Trent York East Essex From the total number of manorial and town entries, from the total number of years represented, and from the number of sepa- rate places, we can judge the value of our figures. From these lists it is evident that the largest number of figures, and therefore THE LOCAL MARKET 43 the most reliable evidence, comes from the fertile belt extending east to west through the heart of southern England. Owing in part to the inadequacy of materials there is some shifting in relative position of the various areas from one period to another. This is, however, not so striking in the case of those best represented, for then we find that their order does not vary much. This is seen in the following table containing nine areas out of the eleven best represented. 1 TABLE SHOWING ORDER OF AREAS IN LISTS OF AVERAGE PRICES Number in the Number in the Number in the List of List of List of Areas 1250-1300 1301-1400 1401-1500 East Suffolk 4 2 o 2 Upper Thames i 4 2 Cambridge 3 5 i Bristol 2 i 3 Southampton 5 8 o 2 East Kent 8 6 o 2 South West 7 o a 4 Lower Thames 6 7 7 Battle ii 9 6 This table shows that even in the case of districts well repre- sented there is some variation. In three districts, Cambridge, Upper Thames, and Battle, these variations deserve special study. Outside the Lower Thames area, they are the best repre- sented of all, and therefore the most reliable upon which to base conclusions. A comparison of the price averages of these three with the average of the Lower Thames area, during five long periods, shows a significant result. Such a comparison is made in the table on the next page. This table points to two conclusions. The Lower Thames, or London area, was not at this time the arbiter of prices for a district wider than the immediate vicinity. This is evidenced by the course of prices of the Battle area, which not only bore no 1 The Norwich and Upper Severn areas are omitted because, though well repre- sented in the aggregate, in two of the periods they fall below what has been taken as the minimum, one-third of the total number of years. 2 These areas are not counted in this list, because they are inadequately repre- sented, that is, there are no prices recorded for them for more than one-third of the total number of years of the period. 44 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET constant relation, higher or lower, to the prices of the Lower Thames area, but did not even move in the same direction. This is particularly noteworthy during the periods 1359-1400, and 1401-58, during which both are well represented. While the Lower Thames area rose over 9 d., the Battle area fell over 3 d. On the other hand, the Upper Thames and Cambridge areas were normally of lower price than the Lower Thames. They TABLE or PRICE AVERAGES 12 59-1300 i 301-58 3 50-1400 X 401-58 14 59-1500 Areas 1 12 1 Av. Price e Av. Price > Av. Price r* Av. Price B $ Av. Price Upper Thames .... Cambridge 39 ?fi a. d. 4 "i e 2 58 40 a. d. 5 9* S 9i 42 16 s. d. 5 7* [6 7i] 58 CQ s. d. 5 i 5 3f 28 ^8 s. d. 5 5* A III Lower Thames .... Battle 36 16 s si [6 ij] 57 10 6 4} IS "il 38 7C 6 i 6 7j 53 CO 6 lof 6 4i 22 IO 6 of [6 *J1 remained so in the fifteenth century, but whereas, in the period 1250-1358, the price of corn in the Lower Thames area was over 6 d. higher than that in the Upper Thames, and 5 d. higher than that in the Cambridge area, in the period 1401-1500, the excess had reached nearly i5d. and i6d. respectively. This develop- ment is shown in the accompanying charts. The explanation, apart from a possible slight increase of popu- lation, seems to be this. Up to the fifteenth century the needs of the Lower Thames area were in some part supplied by the manorial marketing system, for example, by the manors of the bishopric of Winchester in the Upper Thames area, and of Ramsey Abbey in the Cambridge area. 2 The tendency was thus for the corn of these low price areas, sent to London, to reduce the level of prices in the London area. When the man- orial system broke down, however, this tendency disappeared, and, consequently, the price average of the local areas became more sharply differentiated and was determined to a larger extent than before by the local cost of production. 1 The figures in brackets are least reliable because of the few years represented. 1 See above, pp. 20-21. 45 The course of the development of the local market area was by the second half of the fifteenth century complete. For it was CHARTS I-TI then that the needs of the district were catered to almost ex- clusively by the tenant farmers of the district itself, instead of by the older manorial marketing system, embracing not one area but many. 46 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The date of the rise of the local market area cannot be fixed, for its development was slow and gradual. Since, however, progress was clearly marked by the period 1259-1300, it is safe to assign to the twelfth century a large share of its early growth. The local market, we take it, covered a period of about four hundred years. The earlier part, 1100-1250, we have followed from the side of manorial marketing; the latter part 1250-1500, is best studied from the side of local price statistics. But while there is a change in method of study, there was no corresponding change in market evolution, except the one indicated above, that as the manorial system declined, the local areas became more and more self-sufficing, a fact indicated by the course of price move- ment. CThe local areas listed above are shown in the accompanying ap. At a glance we see that only certain parts of England are represented, and that no attempt has been made to mark off exactly one area from another. The position and condition of the districts may, however, be described. The Upper Severn area included the shires of Warwick, Wor- cester, and northern Gloucester. This was a district for the most part fruitful in the products of the soil, abounding in pastures, woods, fruits, and cereals. Corn was grown with but little labor as compared with that needed in Kent and Essex. The means of transportation were excellent, for the Severn and the Avon drained the whole area. The East Suffolk district occupies about one-half of Suffolk lying to the southeast of the shire. To the east lay the sea; to the west extensive forests. On the north and south was a tract of country, the price average of which is unknown, and beyond which we find another price level. On the whole this area was not very fertile. As western Suffolk had soil too stiff, a strong clay, so eastern Suffolk had soil too light, sand, even blowing sand in places. But there were some fertile spots in it, as that just north of Ipswich and again the land lying between the Orwell and the Deben, and in general along the river banks. If the soil was not particularly good for corn growing, the cultivators tended to make up the deficiency by agricultural skill. As in THE LOCAL MARKET 47 Kent, so in Suffolk, the effect of proximity to the Continent was important in that foreign methods and improvements had a better chance of adoption than in the more remote districts. Map showing local price areas for the period 1259-1500, Including the places from which the prices have been taken to make up the averages. Aver. Price No. Areas . d. I. Upper Severn 5.1 1 n. East Suffolk 6.2 in. Upper Thames 6.41 IV. Cambridge 5.5 V. Bristol 5.5! VI. Southants 5.SJ VII. Norwich . . 5.9J VIII. East Kent . 5.11 a IX. Trent . . . 6.01 x. SouthWest . 6.0 J XI. L.Thumes 6.21 xn. York . 6.4 xni. Durham 6.6J XIV. E. Essex 6.6 J xv. Battle . 6.7 J MAP OF ENGLAND What can be said about the coast of Suffolk ? At the present day the condition of the coast is considered a great drawback to commerce, and as forming an impossible landing place for a hos- 48 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET tile fleet. But the Suffolk coast was " river pierced," and though these rivers were not deep they were numerous and capable of floating the hoys then used in corn transportation. There were, perhaps, a dozen ports in the middle ages noted for their fishing trade, 1 and at least four in the fifteenth century were of consider- able importance, Kirkly Road, Dunwich, Orford, and Orwell (Ipswich). 2 But no matter how favorable the transportation facilities, there seems to have been no considerable amount of corn exported. 3 Whatever the explanation may be, the fact remains that eastern Suffolk was beyond denial a very low price district. Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and Berkshire formed in the main the Upper Thames area. As elsewhere, there was a great variety of soil within a small area. Parts of Buckinghamshire were barren, and eastern Berkshire was wooded, and hence not growing corn to any extent; but in spite of such exceptions, the district as a whole, like the Upper Severn and Cambridge areas, was very fertile and especially that part along the Thames. Oxfordshire itself, in addition to " its fertile arable ground," was " a land of streams." 4 Many, if not most, of the market towns of Oxfordshire were situated on rivers and were in this way linked up with a fairly wide market. 5 South of the Thames the numer- ous roads, supplemented by bridges, made up for any lack of river navigation. 6 Father Thames himself was the great artery of communication for the whole area. The Cambridge market area took in the counties of Cambridge, Huntingdon, Bedford, northern Essex, and western Suffolk, or roughly an area of little more than a score of miles in radius. Within this district a great variety of soils was found in large patches here and there: sand and clay in the rich marches, 1 Victoria History of the Counties of England, Suffolk, ii, pp. 289 f. * Cf. a tract of the middle of the fifteenth century attributed to Fortescue, Works, i, p. 549. * See Appendix C. 4 Victoria History of the Comities of England, Oxfordshire, ii, p. 165. * Cf. Oxford, Henley, Witney, and Burford. Harrison (Description of England, Bk. IT, ch. xiii) gave Oxfordshire only ten market towns. 6 Victoria History, Berkshire, ii, p. 199. THE LOCAL MARKET 49 black soil of the fenlands, the chalk, loam, and workable clay on the uplands. The general character of the district in the middle ages is clear: it was exceptionally fertile. If any district in medieval England were able to ship corn in a continuous stream to feed the population of other districts, it was this Cambridge area. Like so many districts in England, it was blessed by natural water routes, the Cam, the Ouse, the Nen, and the Lea. These were supplemented by artificial ways, " lades and trenches," 1 which are among the earliest canals recorded in medieval England. The Bristol area, the fifth of the low price areas, comprised those parts of Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, and Somersetshire nearest to Bristol, within a radius of twenty to twenty-five miles. Including some very indifferent lands within its scope, the Bristol area, nevertheless, took in the fertile strip of arable land in Wiltshire just to the east and southeast, and the fertile soils lying along the Severn in Gloucestershire, and immediately to the east of it. Communication by the Severn, up the Avon, down the Froom, and down the upper Avon was good. It is highly probable, however, that the low price level of the Bristol area owed not a little to the close proximity of the Upper Severn area which was almost 6 d. lower in average price. The district called the Southampton area extends from Wey- mouth to a little beyond Selsey Bill on the coast and inland to the Hampshire Downs and Salisbury Plain, consisting in the main of Hampshire and Dorsetshire. Medieval Hampshire was to a comparatively large extent forest, the southwest and the extreme east being heavily wooded. On the other hand, those parts not under forest were of more than average fertility, that is, the district lying immediately around the town of Southamp- ton and including the Isle of Wight. Dorset, concerning which our information as to corn prices is rather scanty, was essentially agricultural and pastoral, 2 but in parts it was rather barren and indeed on the whole, can never have produced a regular corn surplus of any great amount. The western part of Sussex, that 1 Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, i, p. 175 (1342). 2 Victoria History, Dorsetshire, ii, p. 229. 50 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET part about Chichester, is included in this area. The means of transportation was chiefly by sea, along the coast. The Norwich area comprised most of Norfolk east of the Ouse and the northeast corner of Suffolk. A " great corne soyle," Best called it in the seventeenth century. 1 Its fertility was a source of mirth. 2 It was to Norfolk that the privy council, at a later date, naturally turned when corn was to be transported, for that country could " best spare " its grain. 3 There was, barring some upland heaths, but little land within the area that was not productive. The means of transportation were ample: on the west the Ouse, on the east the Yare (at least from Norwich down), and the seaports of Yarmouth, Blakeney, and Wells. Our surprise is that corn was higher in price than in the nearby districts of Cambridge and East Suffolk. 4 The east Kent area included the land between the coast and a line drawn roughly from about Romney on the coast north- west to Maidstone, and thence north to the Thames. To the southwest of this was the Weald of Kent, and west of it the ancient Weald, both of which, even in the eighteenth century, were more sparsely inhabited and less cultivated than the eastern part of Kent. East Kent was one of the very fertile districts in England during the middle ages. To the natural productivity of the soil may be added the improved methods of agriculture due to the proximity of the Continent. 6 Kent, too, was famous for its roads leading from the coast towns to the metropolis. It was well supplied with ports: Romney, Hythe, Dover, Sandwich, Margate, and Faversham. Close proximity to London and to the Continent by water routes completed the advantages pos- sessed by this district. 1 Best, Farming Book, p. 100. 1 Rye, History of Norfolk, p. 95. 1 Acts of the Privy Council, xxvi, p. 269 (1596). 4 The act of i Eliz., c. 1 1 , 10, allowing the exportation of corn from Norfolk and Suffolk when not over certain specified rates, in the case of wheat 6 s. 8 d., was a simple recognition of the fact that prices in this district were usually below the level of 6 s. 8 d., which had really been set up for all England by the act of 1554. 6 Victoria History, Kent, i, p. 457. THE LOCAL MARKET 51 Kent stood about midway between the lowest and the highest price district. Its general average was only a little higher than that of the Southampton district on the west, and the Norwich area to the north. Yet it had a lower price level than the areas adjoining, the Battle, Lower Thames, and East Essex districts. Kent, situated elsewhere, would probably have had a slightly lower price, that is, if it had not been located between London on the west and the Continent on the east. The corn of Kent in the early modern period was held to be of excellent quality and " the best able to stand the sea; " 1 and in consequence it was much sought after, especially for long distance transportation. The Trent area consisted of those counties bordering on, or near to the Trent, roughly Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Derbyshire, and the southern corner of York- shire. Lincolnshire as a corn county belonged in the middle ages to the Trent rather than to the sea. All along the sea-board, from below the Wash to the H umber, stretched fens of various widths which, though fertile today through drainage, were useless for tillage in the middle ages. Some corn, no doubt, was sent from the more fertile district to the east, for example, down the Witham to Boston, but this was comparatively unimportant. Boston was a fishing town and a staple for wool, never in the middle ages a great corn depot. But western Lincolnshire, by far the larger part of the county, consisted of fertile sandy loam and at the mouth of the Trent of dark rich soil of great fertility. Nottinghamshire was not an agricultural county, the major part of it, especially to the east, being more rich in minerals and in limestone than in arable soil. Yet the lands along the Trent itself were fertile enough. Derbyshire was much like eastern Nottinghamshire, never a great agricultural county; yet it would be an anachronism to regard it as an industrial and mining center before at least the seventeenth century. In spots agri- culture flourished, for example, on the banks of the Trent, the Derwent, the Wye, and the Dove, and somewhat to the south of the town of Derby. 2 On the whole, however, even in the middle 1 Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, x, p. 414. 2 Victoria History, Derby, ii, p. 305. 52 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET ages, it was not a county with a great corn surplus. When- ever there was any movement of corn, it was to Derbyshire and not from it. Leicestershire was fertile, and if it had been pos- sessed of better communication and organization, might have had a yearly surplus of corn. But for centuries it was somewhat isolated, even more than Derbyshire. In 1620, it was reported that Leicestershire was " remote from any means of exporting grain," and that it grew " chiefly peas and barley." : There is no reason to doubt that this was descriptive of medieval condi- tions also. For the whole Trent area, then, no great fertility can be claimed except for those parts named. The transporta- tion of corn was chiefly by land and by the river Trent. Cornwall, Devonshire, and the southwestern parts of the counties of Somerset and Dorset made up the southwest area, corresponding roughly to ancient West Wales. Of the agricul- tural conditions in this district in the middle ages we have but little information. Though parts of the district were almost wholly given up to mining, and some sections, even whole hundreds, to " woodland and forest," z yet other sections here and there might even be called fertile, but in no sense could the district as a whole be regarded as productive of a regular surplus. Some of the corn consumed there was, in the early modern period, brought in from elsewhere. And except on the coast of Somersetshire, there were plenty of good harbors for the transportation of corn. The Lower Thames or London area was of great fertility, having had practically no barren districts within it, except some commons very near to London itself. It consisted of the land about London for a radius of some twenty-five miles, thus embracing north and west Kent, northern Surrey, Middlesex, and southwestern Essex. Both Essex and Kent were enriched by the alluvial deposits of the river Thames. The same may be said of Middlesex. 3 Surrey was arable south to the Weald. The Thames and the Lea were the principal means of water 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Jac. I, x, p. 1 24. 1 Ibid., pp. 578-579 (1623). * Green, Geography, pp. 181-182. TEE LOCAL MARKET 53 transportation. Besides these there were numerous land highways converging in London. But despite these favorable conditions, prices were high. The explanation of this must be sought in the fact that the area's consumptive demand constantly tended to outstrip its productive powers. By the York area is meant the county of York, north and north- west of the Humber. A large part of this shire, especially to the west, was not fertile, not corn growing primarily. But between the Ouse river and the sea, the soil was quite fertile. Best, who lived in this part of Yorkshire, when he wanted to praise Nor- folk's fertility as a corn district, called it " a champion county like unto Yorkshire." l Much of the surplus of the fertile areas within the shire was consumed by the less fertile parts. The water means of communication consisted in a network of rivers, of which the Humber was the chief. To the north of Yorkshire was Durham, with a higher price level, to the south the Trent area with a much lower price. Further still to the south was the Cambridge area having a still lower level. The York average was just about a medium between those prevailing in Durham and Trent. The Durham area was made up of the land lying between the Tees and the Tyne. In the west were the lead mines; north- wards up to Cumberland, coal was found; and in the south and on the coast were the agricultural districts, as also along the rivers, especially the Wear. 2 Probably oats much more than wheat were grown in Durham. This is indicated by the payments to farm laborers for their service in oats rather than in wheat, 3 and by such shipments of corn from the districts, as recorded about 1352-54, when a cargo of " 44 qrs. of oats, 2 qrs. of corn [wheat], and 2 qrs. of hay and 8 bbls. of other merchandise " was sent from Newcastle to London. 4 But this is all that can be said for Durham as an agricultural district. In the thirteenth century, coal and lead were worked and shipped to southern England. At the same time corn was brought in from the south. 1 Farming Book, p. 100 (1641). 2 Green, Geography, p. 118. * Victoria History, Durham, ii, p. 196. 4 Calendar of Letters of London, p. 42. 54 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Durham, taken as a whole, was by no means a corn producing area, and the cost of what it did produce was high. East Essex included the area along the coast and inland, roughly as far as the line drawn curving to the inland from Har- wich to Southend forming a half-moon. The southwest of Essex formed part of the London area, and the northwest was part of the Cambridge area. Since this eastern part of Essex had a fer- tile (if heavy) soil, a sunny climate, and good shipping facilities, we are at a loss to explain its high price level, except on the grounds that it was given up to pasture-farming rather than tillage. The Battle area included the district about Battle, to the west well into the South Downs, as far north as the Weald, as far west in Kent as the Weald of Kent, and to the coast on the south. For the Weald itself, for the South Downs, and for the fertile coast lands of western Sussex, we have no information as to corn prices. The southwestern corner of Sussex has been included in the Southampton area. Thus it is seen that this area was almost surrounded by the Weald and by the sea. It was one of the more fertile districts of medieval Sussex, but, since it was rather heavily wooded and to a great extent industrial, it was in the medieval period not a great corn-growing district. The yearly average of wheat prices in the Battle area was very high in the middle ages. It was, without exception, the dearest area in southern and, perhaps, in all England. It paid a higher price for corn than Southampton, East Kent, and the Lower Thames areas which were adjacent to it, and more even than York and Durham. Our figures, coming from fourteen places and extending over one hundred and twenty-one years out of two hundred and forty-two are fairly comprehensive for this small area. South Wales, the last of the districts on our list, included chiefly Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire. Transportation, at least along the coast, was good, except that it was made dangerous by the numerous pirates of the Severn Sea. Wales itself was pastoral rather than arable throughout the middle ages and the early modern period. It was at times necessary to THE LOCAL MARKET 55 import English and Irish corn. Under such conditions a high price might be expected, but hardly such an abnormally high price as our average shows, especially when we bear in mind that the lowest price level in England, as far as known, was in the Upper Severn within fifty miles' distance. 4. PRICE VARIATION (a) Within the area. There were price variations within the area, which so far have been neglected in favor of a study of the variation between the different areas. This is shown by a few examples of the variations in the price of a quarter of wheat in the same place upon the same days. TABLE OF PRICE VARIATION Place Date S- Cuxham 24 June, 1314 6 Apuldrum 12 April, 1322 n Cuxham 24 June, 1322 16 2 Feb., 1322-23 10 " i Aug., 1324 8 Prices d. s. d 3 and 6 5 .4 " 12 o o " 17 6 4 " 10 10 6 9 4 The extremities of the variation of prices within the individual towns may be seen in the following table. TABLE OF PRICE VARIATION Town Period Number of Years 1 Lowest Price Average Price Highest Price Cuxham I2QI C7 eo s. d. 2 8* s. d. 6 2 a. d. je o Elham 1301-88 47 3 O 6 o J2 O Hornchurch I4OI 54. <2 4. 4. 6 Q 2O O Lullington 140170 e7 7 III 6 3 IO O For any two towns in the one area, it is difficult to get figures sufficiently representative, but the following table illustrates the variation between Oxford and Cuxham which are only about twelve miles apart, and both in the Upper Thames area. 1 The second column gives the number of years, within the period, for which prices are known. 56 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET TABLE or PMCE VARIATION Cuxham Oxford Time Cuxhara Oxford Time s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 58 40 April, 1308 92 70 Sept., 1321 70 73 Dec., 1308 17 6 16 o June, 1322 80 72 Xmas, 1309 65 62 " 1330 86 78 April, 1311 48 4 10 2 Feb., 1332-33 80 77 June, 1311 40 46 Nov., 1333 60 6 8 25 Mar., 1320-21 53 4 10 7 July, 1334 74 70 Aug., 1321 46 36 " 1337 These variations we must regard as considerable, especially when we remember the proximity of the two places. The average variation for the fifteen entries above noted was 10 d. Since the average price of wheat in Oxfordshire in the fourteenth century was about 6 s., the average variation in price between these two towns was, on the dates mentioned, about fourteen per cent. But since the number of exchanges used in this in- stance is small, the probability is all the greater that the variation in the quality of corn played an important part in the variation of prices. The figures show, as might be expected, that within the local area no very close approximation to one price is to be found. But there was, nevertheless, a strong tendency to a certain regional level, which, differing from that of another area, marked the district as a more or less distinct market area. (b) Between areas. The groups of years on the next page show movements of price averages which were not at all un- common. The first group shows a rise and then a fall in price in all these market areas. The second group shows a yearly decline in price, and the third a yearly rise. It would be easy to adduce a large number of groups of years showing the same parallel movement in price. But only a study of a great number of years can give a valid ground for generalization. The one hundred and ninety-nine yearly variations in annual price averages during the period 1301-1500 show that during ninety-two years all the market areas for which there are figures either rose or fell in price together; during forty-one years THE LOCAL MARKET 57 75 % of all the market areas for which there are figures either rose or fell together, the remaining 25 % going in the opposite direction; during seventeen years there were as many market areas advancing in yearly average price as there were receding; while during the remaining forty-nine years some areas rose and others fell in price, in varying proportions. In other words, VARIATION IN YEARLY PRICE AVERAGES Years Lower Thames Upper Thames Cambridge Hants East Kent s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1345-46 3 ii 3 95 3 o 6 2| 3 3 1346-47 7 2 S 8 5 ii 9 i 7 5t 1347-48 7 of 6 8 6 o| 6 ii 5 7i 1348-49 4 Si 4 61 3 "i 3 i5 4 6 Years Lower Thames Upper Thames Cambridge Hants Battle Bristol Durham s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 140102 IO 2 8 o IO O 6 I 8 o 8 of 1402-03 7 8* 6 7l 6 8 5 4 5 4 6 4 i ii 4f 1403-04 5 o 5 3f 3 7l 4 o 4 3l 4 7 6 6 Years Lower Thames Upper Thames Cambridge Battle Bristol York Trent s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1436-37 7 4 4 3 S 8J 6 8 5 9t 5 o 6 2j 1437-38 14 8 7 it 8 oi IO O 13 2 8 2* 1438-39 20 14 8 i3 8 14 iof 13 4 II O ninety-two years show all the market areas for which figures exist either going up or down in price together, while one hun- dred and seven show some areas rising in price at the same time as others were falling. Further examination of these years is necessary. The one hundred and ninety-nine variations in yearly average price (1301-1500) show an average yearly rise or fall of 15? d. 1 The ninety-two years show an average annual rise or fall in the price of 22! d.; the one hundred and seven years, 9! d. Thus we see 1 Based on Rogers' averages. 58 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET that the average price variation for the ninety-two years is 2.35 times greater than that for the one hundred and seven years. The explanation seems to be this. The ninety-two years, the years of sharp rise or fall in prices, saw excessive climatic changes by which all parts of England were similarly affected, though this can be conclusively shown from external evidence only for a few of these years. The relative position of the market areas was unchanged; and corn continued to flow in the same direc- tion. But during the one hundred and seven years, the years of slight rise or fall of prices, there were slight climatic or other changes which affected some areas more than others. Thus the relative position of the market areas as regards supply and demand was altered. The flow of grain had to be in many cases readjusted. The corn trade was not mobile enough to do this readily, and thus prices rising in one place and falling in another (caused originally to a large extent by variations in climate) were accentuated in their movements. The above tables show that the most scattered districts as well as the districts adjoining one another were rising and falling in price in unison. The Durham and Battle areas as well as the Upper and Lower Thames areas fell in price in 1402-03 ; York and Bristol, Trent and the Upper Thames rose in 1437 and 1438, as well as the Cambridge and Lower Thames areas. Here again a more careful analysis is necessary. We choose the seventeen years during which as many market areas rose as fell in price. When the sum of the rise in one area and the fall in another area has been less than 2 s. we may with profit exclude the case. Even with this exclusion, there are eighteen distinct examples from these seventeen years, which deserve attention. (See table on the next page.) The apparent tendency was for the prices of all market areas to go in the one direction during years of a pronounced change in price, as will be further seen in the accompanying charts; but when there was no marked alteration in price levels, there was a tendency for the prices of those market areas of slight acces- sibility one to another to go even in opposite directions. This latter tendency leads us to consider the movement of corn in THE LOCAL MARKET 59 Areas Extent of Variation s. d. Years I. Upper Severn varied with S. Wales 3 if 1309 2. a a u u London 3 2 1309 3- u u a u E. Suffolk . . 2 I? 1336 4> u. u a u Cambridge , . 2 of 1336 S- S. Wales u a London 3 8f 1313 6. u u u u Upper Thames . . . 3 4f 1313 7 S. West a u Cambridge . . 2 si 1458 8. u u u Durham 2 si I4S8 9- u u u a Durham . . 2 4i 1467 10. Bristol u u London 2 7i 1414 ii. Battle u a Upper Thames . . . . . 2 I 1385 12. " u u London 2 8 1414 X3. Durham a a Upper Thames . . . 3 3 1467 14. " u a. London 2 8i 1482 15- u a u London 2 5 1488 u u a S. West 1 . . 2 si 1458 u u u S. West 1 . . 2 4i 1467 16. Cambridge u it London . . 2 of 1313 i7- u a a Upper Thames . . . . . 2 ill 1467 18. u a u Upper Thames . . . . . 2 5* 1482 the period of the local market, which partly explains the phenom- enon recorded. 5. THE LOCAL CORN TRADE (a) Within the area. One of the great gaps in our knowledge of the history of commerce is the domestic trade of the various nations. For the study of the internal trade of medieval England, the direct evidence is very scanty. We are, therefore, forced to rely to a large extent upon indirect information. Both direct and indirect are, however, utilized here. Throughout the period with which this work deals, the domestic trade in corn was free, except during some exceptional, but comparatively unimportant periods. Although Faber and Naude have regarded the internal trade in corn as restricted, especially in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 2 the evi- dence they have submitted is of no value. The " countless " number of licenses to transport corn within the realm on which 1 Same as numbers 8 and 9, respectively. 1 Faber, Agrarschutz in England, p. 66; Naud, Geireidehanddspolitik der Euro- piiischen Staaten, p. 20. 6o THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET they rely, are discovered on examination to be seven in number and none of them prove their contention. One of the documents refers to the exportation of corn from England, 1 for which a CHART in license was necessary, especially in time of war and diplomatic embroilment. Two, and perhaps three, have no connection with 1 Rotuli Litterarum Patentium, p. ?8a (1208). THE LOCAL MARKET 6 1 England at all, 1 and three deal with the coast trade, for example, from Lynn to York, and from Lynn to Winchelsea. 2 None of these documents touch upon internal transportation of corn by pack, cart, or wain. Those that related to the sea-coast trade were of the years 1205, 1206, and 1215, when it was King John's aim to keep English corn from his enemies. This necessitated the supervision and restriction of the corn trade. It was not the last time that this practice was resorted to, and probably not the first. At any rate the measure was temporary and does not prove a general restraint on the inland transportation of corn. It is necessary to distinguish two kinds of restraints upon what may be called the internal trade in corn. There were, first, those which referred to the coast trade only, called forth by the need of checking exportation abroad. Such restraints are periodically found in English history from 1205 3 down to modern times. In the thirteenth century such a restriction upon the coast trade was caused by the desire to keep corn from going to enemies in time of war, and in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to prevent corn from being exported uncustomed, under color of the coast trade. But this restriction was of the nature of super- vision and not of prohibition. As long as security was given that the corn should not go abroad, there was during this period no objection raised against the trade in corn along the coast. The second class of restriction upon the domestic trade would be a restraint which raised the borders of the shire as walls, beyond which no corn might be carried, and which would be enforced by the sheriff and his bailiffs. Naude's instance from the Danzig manuscript refers to the year 1315, quite an excep- tional year, when every effort was made to keep corn from going to the Scots. 4 So, while there was some supervision to prevent malpractice, and an occasional restraint to meet a momentary need, the normal condition was free trade throughout the land, except 1 Rotuli Litterarum Patenlium, pp. 4a, igb (1202); ibid., p. 26b (1303). 2 Ibid., p. soa (1205); ibid., p. 6oa (1206); ibid., p. ISQE (1215). 3 Ibid., p. soa (1205-06). 4 Rymer, Feeder a, etc., ii, pt. i, p. 276. 62 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET in so far as local privileges (not the regulations of the central government) limited that freedom. It is just on account of this fact that there were no shire boundaries as far as trade was concerned and hence no direct evidence of local corn movements that so little is known of the local trade in corn within the market area. This lack of knowledge is particularly true of consuming areas. The producing areas had centers through which the surplus corn passed, chiefly abroad. The amounts of corn exported from these centers will be seen in a study of the export of corn. 1 Only one such producing area is here at present considered, the Cambridge district with Lynn as corn depot. Cambridge was but one of the granaries upon which Lynn drew, and the Ouse but one of the lanes leading to Lynn. In the fourteenth century a jury made a presentment that men used to go " from the towns of Yaxley, Holme, Glatton, and Ramsey [in Huntingdonshire] by the water of the Nen, directly to the aforesaid port of Lynn, with ships and boats, with corn and other goods of theirs for sale." 2 Besides the Nen itself, there seem to have been, a few years later, " divers lades and trenches in the towns of Walton, Sawtry, and Conington " [in Hunting- donshire] used " for the ships and boats of any men wishing to load and carry corn." 3 Northamptonshire was also tapped by the Nen for, as the jury said, men who wanted to go from Lynn to " Peterborough and elsewhere to parts higher up " (that is, higher up the Nen) were of late years forced to go in a round- about way. 4 Crowland, too, was connected directly with Lynn by a water route. This may well be accounted for by a change, frequent in East Anglia, in the course of the river Nen, or by the presence of a tributary connecting it with the Nen. From Crowland, and the neighboring district, " corn and other mer- chandise " were accustomed to be sent down the Nen to Lynn by the " common transit " of ships and boats. 5 The proximity 1 See below, pp. no f. 1 Carlularium Monasterii de Rameseia, iii, p. 146 (1331). * Ibid., i, p. 175 (1342). 4 Ibid., pp. 141-142, 144; cf. Acts of the Privy Council, vii, p. 223 (1565). 6 Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, iii, p. 144. THE LOCAL MARKET 63 of Bedfordshire and western Suffolk to the Ouse would seem to justify our adding them as contributors to Lynn's corn supply. Through this great channel, then, flowed the corn of a large fertile area. The regular method was first to take the corn to the outposts of this web of feeders, such as Cambridge, Huntington, Crowland, and Peterborough, then to continue the journey down the water passages to the ample harbor of Lynn, which received the water and the corn of eight different shires. Whatever corn may have been exported from exceptionally fertile producing areas under the local system, it was the local trade itself that was all-important in amount and still more in continuity. Such, indeed, was the value of the local market in the eyes of the unfree peasants that sale in the nearby cities and market towns, as has been seen, was one of the cardinal demands of the peasants in the revolt of i$8i. 1 (b) Inter-area trade. The evidence for the trade between the local areas is found in the records of marketing, in price statistics, in the shipments of corn mentioned in the patent and close rolls, and in the general statements of municipal records as to the sources of supply of towns. Manorial marketing and price statistics have been considered. 2 The third source of evidence is so scattered and meagre as in itself to be inconclusive. The London documents utilized in a later chapter 3 afford the best example of the fourth kind of evidence. As has already been indicated, the inter-area trade involved in the inter-manorial marketing organization tended to diminish as the manor declined, and in the fifteenth century it came to an end, so that the local areas were then more isolated than before. Although in normal times the characteristic movement of corn was within the market area, there was some inter-area trade, from producing to consuming areas, that is, from areas with a tendency to a surplus to those with a tendency to a deficit.. This trade was of minor but varying importance, most important, perhaps, in the case of the coast trade from Lynn to Newcastle, and the river trade from the Upper Severn to the Bristol area, and the Upper to the Lower Thames area, and least important 1 See above, p. 27. * pp. 11-24. 3 See below, p. 100. 64 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET between the Norwich and Lower Thames areas, or the South- ampton and the Lower Thames areas. Although it is impossible with any degree of precision to esti- mate this inter-area trade, it can be said that normally corn did not go from a high to a low price area, from a consuming to a producing area, that Essex sent no corn to Kent, Suffolk, or Norfolk, that the Battle area did not supply London, South- ampton, or Cornwall, and that the corn of the Upper Thames did not find its way to the Upper Severn. We have seen that there is evidence for the existence of local differential price areas during the period 1250-1500. Such price variation as existed within the area was of less importance than that between areas. Although from the producing areas corn was exported abroad or sent to consuming areas in England, the typical trade, nevertheless, was local and took place within the district itself. Towards the end of the period covered, this condition was more marked than ever before, but, as will appear in subsequent chapters, the locally restricted trade gradually gave way to new market conditions called forth by the phe- nomenal development of London. CHAPTER III MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION AND PROVISION, 1250-1700 i. THE CORN REGULATIONS OF MEDIEVAL LONDON, 1250-1500 THE regulations of the medieval town may be roughly divided into three classes, those dealing with the town as a whole, that is, its government and its relation to its own citizens and to foreign towns, those having to do with the gilds or crafts, and those dealing with the relations of citizen to citizen. It is the third class that is of interest here, especially the regulations touching the commercial dealings of one citizen with another, particularly in the corn trade. Although many governmental functions of an economic character were left to the gilds, the supervision of trade in corn and other victuals was retained in the hands of the city magistrates. 1 In the London records dealing with the corn trade, two dis- tinct classes of inhabitants are differentiated. One was the privileged class made up apparently of full citizens and recognized dwellers within the city; the other was the stranger class, whether denizen or alien, with few privileges other than those granted by the king. Members of the latter class were unable to sell certain goods by retail, might not keep hostels in the town, and were limited in regard to their stay, both in respect to time and place of residence. In the corn trade, too, they were subject to special disabilities; for example, they were not permitted to sell corn by sample, 2 nor might they sell it to other strangers. 3 1 It is interesting to note that in medieval Florence the supervision of the local corn trade was left to an elected commission of six, the sex de blado. These received a regular salary and had the assistance of a notary, a keeper of sacks and measures, and six messengers. Their duties were to provide for the easy access of grain to the market and to prevent monopoly within the town. Statuti dclla Repubblica Fioren- tina (ed. R. Caggese), i, pp. 27-31, 34 (1322-25). 2 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. G, p. 33 (1354). s Ibid., vol. E, p. 56 (1315 or 1316). 6s 66 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The majority of town ordinances dealing with trade were concerned not so much with individuals as with the conditions under which exchange might take place. The most important of these regulated the place of sale. Corn was to be sold only on the markets appointed for the purpose. 1 There were four corn markets used in medieval London, 2 two for corn coming by land and two for corn arriving by water. The former were Gracechurch 3 and Newgate, the latter Queen- hithe and Billingsgate. At least as early as 1300, Gracechurch was used as a market for corn. Since Gracechurch street was the direct approach to the city through Bishopsgate from the counties immediately to the north, it was decreed that " those [who come] from the counties of Cambridge, Huntingdon, and Bedford, and those who come by Ware, are to bring all the corn and meal which they shall bring into the said city for sale, into the market upon the pave- ment at Gracechurch, . . . and nowhere else." 4 Newgate was a corn market at least as early as 1316. 5 As in the case of Gracechurch, the pavement before a religious founda- tion, the Friars Minors, was the place of assemblage. Here probably came the corn of Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire, and of course Middlesex. It was specifically stated that " those who come from the parts towards the West of the said city, as from Barnet, and those who have to come by that way and by 1 Liber Albus, i, p. 261. 2 The existence of several market places to supply the larger towns was not un- common. There were ten markets in medieval Niirnberg in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Naud6, Deutsche stadtische Getreidehandelspolitik, p. n. An early engraving of a Niirnberg meal market is reproduced in G. Steinhausen's Der Kaufmann in der deutschen Vergangenheit, p. 66. In Paris in the fourteenth century there were three markets, les Halles, la Greve, and Beauce. Fagniez, L'industrie et la classe induslrielle, p. 154. * Stow (Survey, ed. of 1633, p. 206) called Cornhill a " Cornmarket, time out of mind," and others have followed him, but there seems to be no justification for this view in the early records. Perhaps Southwark market should be added, though it was not strictly within the City. In 1277 it was necessary to ordain " that no one of the City go to Suth- wark to buy corn, cattle, or other merchandise there, so as to create a market there." Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. A, p. 218. * Liber Albus, i, p. 432. 6 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 56. MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 67 way of other places, bringing corn or malt unto the said city for sale, are to bring the same wholly into the Market on the Pave- ment before the Friars Minors, in Newgate, .... and nowhere else." ! Along with Gracechurch and Newgate, Queenhithe is men- tioned as one of the great corn markets in the early fourteenth century, 2 and, indeed, as early as 1255 it was a landing place for corn. 3 Its name probably does not refer to any queen, 4 as has been thought, but means simply quern or corn hithe, that is, corn wharf. It was, then, the corn wharf par excellence, the place for unloading corn, both that coming down the river and that coming up 5 from the ocean, the Lower Thames, and the Lea. Billingsgate, too, was of some importance in the medieval corn trade. In use as a wharf as early as the eleventh century, 6 it served as a landing place for corn as early as I3OO. 7 While Queenhithe was notably a corn wharf, Billingsgate was used more for general traffic. Stratford to the east should be mentioned in this connection. It was not strictly a London corn market, but rather the place to which the corn of the east and north was taken. Here after having been ground into flour it was baked into bread and sent to London for sale. Besides the limitations as to place of sale, it was also decreed that corn was not to be forestalled on its way to market, 8 nor might it be taken to a house or shop for sale, 9 nor might bargain- ing for corn which actually remained on the market take place outside the market. 10 The prescribed method of selling corn in 1 Liber Albus, i, p. 432. 2 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 56. 3 Liber Custumarum, p. 756. 4 As early as the reign of John, Queenhithe was called " la rive de roine." Eng- ish Historical Review, xvii, p. 724. Cf. Stow's Survey of London (ed. Kingsford), ii, p. 7. 5 Ships coming up the river passed through the drawbridge. Stow's Survey of London (ed. Kingsford), i, pp. 25 and 206 (i4th century). 6 Laws of Ethelred, Ancient Laws and Institutes (ed. Thorpe), i, p. 300. 7 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 58 (1299-1300). 8 Ibid., p. 58 (1299-1300); ibid., vol. G, p. 33 (1354). 9 Ibid., vol. G, p. 225 (1368); Liber Albus, i, p. 261. 10 Memorials of London (ed. Riley), p. 317 (1364). 68 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET medieval London was very simple. The owner, countryman or urban dealer, placed his open sacks of grain upon the regular corn markets, and standing before them, awaited a purchaser, either the poor consumer, or the servant of the rich merchant or industrial employer. 1 Time of day as well as place of sale was regulated. An early London ordinance reads thus: " no retail dealer of corn, fish, poultry or victuals shall buy victuals before the hour of Prime." * The purpose of such a regulation was to prevent dealers from buying up the supply, and to give consumers a fair chance to buy their goods directly from the producer. The advantage of regulating the price of victuals was early perceived by the medieval town. Although the local authorities fixed the price of bread (in relation to the price of corn), 8 corn itself was left to find its natural price. Indeed, the market price of corn was accepted by the town authorities as the basis both of their regulations of the weight of bread, and of their deter- mination of the " affeering " or enhancing of prices by a dealer in corn. 4 The town's chief concern with corn prices, in the middle ages, was to prevent them from being enhanced by interested parties. Indeed, this was the underlying purpose in all of the regulations. Special men were sworn to see to it that no one sold corn at an unfair price. 5 Three instances of the enforcement of the laws against raising prices are given here as typical of many. In 1347 John de Burstalle was accused of having secretly brought two bushels of wheat into the market of Gracechurch and of 1 Cf. Memorials of London (ed. Riley), p. 314 (1363). 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. A, p. 217 (1277). 1 It was the weight of the standard loaf of fixed value that was ostensibly regu- lated, but this of course was an indirect regulation of the price also. 4 An example of the special treatment of corn at the hands of the local authori- ties is found in the list of prices fixed in York by the Lord Mayor in the year 1393. While the prices of meat and fowl were fixed with great detail, the price of bread and beer was regulated by the assize, and that of oats sold at the inn was determined by the market price (" And when oats are sold in the market at n d. per quarter, then in the inn per bushel 0.0.4 ") The History and Antiquities of . . . York (York, 1788), i, pp. 347-348. 8 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 58 (1299-1300). MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 69 having offered it at two pence above the common price prevailing in the market, with the result that, prices having been enhanced, the people were deceived and the commonalty damaged to the extent of 1000. The accused, having been found guilty, was ordered to prison for forty days, and by way of warning to others, the pillory was held out as the reward of subsequent offenders. 1 In 1363 William Cokke, carrying a sample of wheat in his hand in Newgate market, followed the servant of a goldsmith, sent to buy wheat, from sack to sack, saying that such wheat as the servant examined could not be bought at a lower price than 2 id. This statement of Cokke was said to be untrue, for at that very hour wheat could have been bought for i8d. The accused was found guilty of trying to enhance prices and ordered to be pilloried. 2 In the following year a baker, who had corn of his own on sale at Newgate market, was accused of taking off the market a man who also had corn to sell and giving him, not the market price of i3d., but i5|d. per bushel. The baker, it was alleged, having then returned to Newgate market, told what he paid for the wheat. His offence was that such an act would tend to increase prices and thereby bring distress to the common people. 3 To the national government the standardization of measures was a serious problem. London found it necessary to prescribe by ordinance the use of the ancient London quarter of malt containing, not eight, but nine bushels. 4 Nevertheless, the regu- lation of corn measures in London was in general a compara- tively simple matter because the ordinary London quarter of eight bushels was taken as the standard for the whole of the realm, the king's standard [quarter] of the city of London. 5 The regulation of quality, so important in most medieval trades, was not a serious matter in the corn trade, because the chances of deceit were somewhat limited. The mixture of mouldy corn with good, however, it was found necessary to 1 Memorials of London (ed. Riley), p. 235. 1 Ibid., p. 314. 3 Ibid., p. 317. 4 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 74 (1317). 6 Ibid., vol. F, p. 101 (1344). 70 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET prohibit. 1 The quality of bread made by the baker came in for a good deal of close watching. He had to have his stamp put upon his product, 2 which he might not coat with bran, 3 nor sell as " pure bread " when made of mixed flour. 4 The relation of the various classes of men engaged in the ex- change of corn was set down among the ordinances of London. The most important of these, not incidentally referred to above, dealt with corn porters, meeters, and brokers. The corn porter was not to " sell nor measure corn, nor presume to enter a churchyard, house, or ship to remove corn, nor lay his hand upon corn, until he be called by those who have bought the corn." 6 In other words, the corn porter was not to be a corn measurer nor a corn dealer, nor was he to force his services upon those who had just purchased a supply. It was ordered, also, that not only might a corn porter not be a corn meeter, but a corn meeter might not be a broker. 6 The broker played an important part in the commercial deal- ings of the medieval town. He brought buyer and seller together and acted as a witness to transactions, collecting a fee for his services. The town, in order the better to have its ordinances enforced, retained the right to accept or reject brokers, while it left to the craft concerned the duty and privilege of nominating the brokers of its particular trade. Rules governing their activities were, however, drawn up by the municipal authority. 7 But the case was different with the corn broker. There was no strong corn mongers' gild 8 to demand the right of nominating corn brokers. And there existed a strong antipathy to the presence of corn dealers within the city, such as might make use of a broker. The theory was that the dealer or producer who brought corn into the market should sell it openly, first of all to consumers, and then to retailers, but always upon the open market, in which case the services of a corn broker could be easily dispensed with. Accordingly it was ordered that there should be no corn brokers 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 58 (1299-1300). 2 Ibid., vol. A, p. 216. 3 Ibid., p. 215. 4 Ibid., vol. K, p. 146 (1432). 8 Ibid., vol. A, p. 217 (1277). 8 Ibid., vol. G, p. 33 (1354). 7 See below, p. 159. 8 See below, p. 169. MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 71 within the city. 1 How far this ordinance was executed cannot be estimated. Certainly in the Liber Albus of 1419, corn brokers are mentioned as if actively engaged in buying corn. 2 Not an exhaustive analysis of these London regulations, but the general policy underlying them is the chief concern here. It was the interest of the consumer that ran from first to last through all the ordinances. This is the key to the mass of local legislation upon the subject of the corn trade. It is worthy of remark that no differentiation appears to have been made between the interests of full citizens and mere city dwellers, except that it was the welfare of the poorer sort or common people that formed the ostensible anxiety of the City Fathers. 3 Likewise it is not evident that the town authorities ever had in mind the well-ordering of the trade of the corn middleman. They preferred to legislate it out of existence entirely, to ignore it, or to take no measures for its welfare. The like was true, also, of the countryman who brought his corn to market, but he was not denied such a price for his corn as conditions of natural supply and demand might justify. In short, the purport of the corn regulations of medieval London was to give to the townsman every possible advantage in the purchase of such corn as had been brought into the town. The countryman was left to consult his own interests whether he should bring corn to the town or not, and the urban middle- man was given no encouragement to continue his activities. Medieval London did not concern itself with the getting of a corn supply, but with the disposal of it when within the walls; sale, not supply, was the subject of anxious regulation. In this London was not peculiar. Such regulations as those outlined above were found also in Continental towns, 4 and to a 1 The brokers of divers trades, woolmen, drapers, corders, skinners, and apothe- caries, were sworn into office, as "also were the brokers " for the office of " wines and " hiring ships." " And the same day it was agreed by the Warden [the king's agent acting as Mayor] and Aldermen, for the benefit of the whole City and of foreigners alike, that no one in future should meddle with brokerage of corn or malt, under penalty of the statute." Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 18(1293). * Liber Albus, I, p. 261. * Cf. Memorials of London (ed. Riley), p. 317 (1364). 4 A. Araskhaniantz (Die franzosische Getreidehandelspolitik bis zum Jahre 1789, 72 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET less extent in other English towns in the middle ages. 1 They continued to be enforced in the sixteenth century, 2 and traces of them are found even later. pp. 12-13) makes the following analysis of the corn regulations of medieval and early modern French towns. (1) Corn was to be sold on the market only. (2) Forestalling was prohibited. (3) No one was to put his corn for sale at a higher price than he first asked for it. (4) The time for selling com on the market was fixed. (5) The admission to the market of different classes of buyers was regulated. (6) The quality of corn was regulated. (7) The quantity of corn was regulated. (8) The prices were fixed. (9) The relations between producers, porters, market, and shop dealers were regulated. (10) The validity of agency in the corn trade was regulated, (n) The activities of the broker were limited. (12) The right of storing up corn was dealt with. See also W. Naud6, Deutsche stadtische Geireidehandelspolitik vom 15-17 Jahrhundert, pp. 7 f. 1 See the regulations of Bristol of the fourteenth century. (The Little Red Book of Bristol, ii, pp. 218-232.) No kind of grain shall be sold by heap or by cantle except oats. No forestaller is to be allowed to remain in the town if he buys grain, fish, or other goods before others, no matter whether these goods are coming by land or water. No one is to store up grain from one market to another in order to sell it at a higher price, under penalty of forfeiting all the grain. No one may buy any grain in the market in order to carry it beyond sea. The following regulation apparently belongs to the fifteenth century: No bur- gess is to purchase grain in the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Somerset, or Glamorgan before the feast of St. Michael next following, for the purpose of ex- porting it abroad or to other parts within the kingdom, with this proviso, neverthe- less, that any one buying beans within twelve leagues of the town may export them to Ireland. Ibid., p. 64. See also, for some sixteenth century regulations of York, The History and Anti- quities of . . . York (York, 1788), i, pp. 294, 296, 300. * A servant, appointed " for his contynuell attendance that he shall dayly do to cause such vytaylls as cummen towards the Citie to be brought to the open marketts to be sold, shall have between this and Michaelmas next cumyng xx s. & a Cote." MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, iii, fol. 2c9b (21 May, 1518). " A byll . . . touchynge the orderynge layinge & puttynge to sale of wheate malte & other graynes in the commen marketts after the same marketts ended." MS., Guildhall, London, Letter Book, vol. S, fol. i3b (29 Jan., 1554-55). Compare the following passage of about the year 1618-19: " Suggestions from the Company of meere Poulters to the Lord Mayor (Sir Sebastian Harvey) for the prevention of forestalling and engrossing of their wares in the markets; for limiting MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 73 Bearing in mind the isolation of the local market area in the late fifteenth century, 1 we might expect to find new measures adopted as well as the older ones better enforced. But, apart from an ephemeral granary system, 2 the archives of London give no indication of special activities; on the contrary, they indicate on the whole an unusual laxity, and in this case negative evidence is almost conclusive. On the other hand, positive evidence indicates that in the latter part of the fifteenth century, the city had adopted the extraordinary practice of fixing the maximum price of corn, and of enforcing it even in years of more than average price, 3 thereby indicating complete confidence in the sufficiency of the local supply. It would seem as if the deficit caused by the decay of the manorial marketing organization was made up by an increase in the amount of corn marketed by the tenant farmers who supplanted the manorial system. The growth of London, however, produced by the first half of the sixteenth century a new situation which had to be met by special measures for securing a supply of grain. 2. THE GROWTH OF LONDON, 1500-1700 The table of customs revenue on the next page shows roughly the direction and extent of the development of London's trade. Two striking facts stand out from these figures. 4 In the six- teenth century London's trade increased tenfold, and in the seventeenth century only a little less. While there was no the times within which such wares should be sold therein; for preventing their sale by haglers, carriers, and chapmen in shops, inns or hostelries; and for punishing such as maintained haglers, etc., without entering them according to Acts of Com- mon Council and their own Orders." Remembrancia, 1579-1664, p. 402. 1 Cf. above, p. 64. 2 Cf. below, pp. 79-80. * Under the date 4 Nov., 1478, the oath of the London corn measurers was set down. It included the following points: (a) No corn, coming by land or water, was to be measured until the Lord Mayor had set a price upon it. (b) The measurers were to buy no corn, except for their own households. (c) They were to inform the Lord Mayor if any one sell at a higher rate than that fixed by him. Journals of the Common Council, viii, fol. i82b. 4 The development in the period from John to Edward II is also remarkable, if typical of general growth. 74 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET relative growth of the city's trade during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the trade of the metropolis increased from forty to eighty per cent of that of the whole country. Closely bound up with this great activity in trade is the growth of population. Previous to the census of 1801, there was no TABLE OF CUSTOMS DUTIES Period 1 203-06 . . . 1307-26*. . 1506-09*. . 1516-18*.. 1536-37... London London's Percentage Outports of the Whole 837 4,122 l 17.0 5,280 7,421 * 41.6 12,029 14,986* 44-5 15,771 ",584 s 57-7 16,970 6,442* 72-3 [21,970] [7,442] [80.0] 35,107 4,905 7 87.5 1581-82 1604-05 150,000 40,548 8 79.0 1676-77 597,704 229,694 9 72.2 1711 1,268,095 340,081 10 78.8 satisfactory enumeration made of the people living in London, but many estimates have been based on fairly sound principles; and to Graunt, Petty, King, Rickman, and Dr. Charles Creighton, 1 MS., R. O., Pipe Roll, L. T. R., no. 50 (memb. i6b). Returns for quindecima. Time about 28 months (5-7 John). Yearly average. Ramsay, English Historical Review, xxiv, pp. 97-108. MS., Br. M., Harl., 1878, fols. 26-28. Totals for London and fourteen outports (22 -24 H. VII). Ibid. (7-8 H. VIII). MS., R. O., K. R. Customs, 164/4 (28 H. VIII). The bracketed figure is an estimate of the total customs paid on goods entering and leaving London. It adds 5000 of the duty collected at the Staple of Calais for the year. In 28 H. VIII, the Staple duty was 6231 (K. R. Customs, 164/4). In 25 H. VIII, the London to Calais Staple trade duty was 5325 (Harl., 1878, fol. 32). About 1000 should be added to the figure for the outports also. 7 Harl., 1878, fols. 45-50 (23 Eliz.). Av. for outports 20-25 Eliz. is 5519. 8 Ibid., fols. 79-80. * MS., Br. M., Add., 36,785, fols. 59-60. Forty-eight ports and members named as also " Foreign plantations." Latter here omitted. Cf. Stowe, 324, fols. 19-20. 10 Noorthouck, History of London, p. 300. The remarkable growth of London's trade between 1671 and 1688 is indicated by the gradual increase in the number of ships entered at the Customs House, that had tidesmen on board, in 1671-78, 1055, 1679-88, 1709. Stowe, 324, fol. 13. MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 75 we owe what we have of value. The following table is, of course, given only as an approximation. TABLE OF POPULATION London's Percentage Period England London of the Whole 1200-1500 ......... [2,000,000 40,000 to 50,000 l 2.0 to 3,000,000] 1534 .............. [3,000,000] 6o,OOO 2.O 1605 .............. [4,000,000] 224,275 5.6 1634 .............. [4,500,000] 339,824 7-6 1661 .............. [5,000,000] 460,000 9.2 1696 .............. [5,500,000] 530,000 2 9.6 1801 .............. [8,300,000] 3 865,000 * 10.4 [34,000,000] 7,250,000 5 21.3 It appears that there were two periods of slow growth, 1200- 1534 and 1696-1750, and two periods of rapid increase, 1534- 1696 6 and 1750 to the present. The first half of the period 1534-1696 saw a threefold increase, while the seventeenth century witnessed a growth of less than half that amount. Likewise it is apparent that while the proportion of London's population to the total in the period 1200-1534 was about two per cent, it rose to between seven and eight per cent in the century 1534-1634, and by 1696 was nearly ten per cent of the whole. The causes of this phenomenal and unprecedented develop- ment do not concern us at this point, but it ought to be noted in passing that inclosures, the suppression of the monasteries, and the decay of provincial towns, were movements which went hand in hand with the metropolitan growth. The relation of cause and effect is examined elsewhere. The need of such a growing community for the provision of larger supplies of corn is obvious. And at the risk of anticipation, 1 Dr. Charles Creighton, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, cxlix, p. 495 (1891). 2 Gregory King, Harl., 1898, fol. 76. John Rickman, the census enumerator, in his report of 1831 (The Population Returns of 1831, p. 21) placed the population of London in 1700 at 674,000 while he accepted Gregory King's estimate for the whole country. 1 The Population Returns of 1831, p. 42. 4 Ibid., p. 25. 6 " Greater London." 6 In the reign of Henry VIII Clement Armstrong remarked that while the realm was decaying, London was always increasing. MS., R. O., Exchequer, T. R., Misc. Books, cxcvii, fol. 147. (Transcripts of Professor Gay used). 76 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET we may in part measure this development by examining the amounts of corn ordered to be provided by the City Fathers to supplement corn brought in by the usual paths of trade. Ap- proximate figures for such provisions are given in the following table. TABLE OF CORN STORED UP IN LONDON Year Amt. in qre. Year Amt. in qrs. 1520 2,300 x 1574 6,700* 1546 4,200* 1587 io,ooo s 1560 S,ooo J 1688 10,000' It is, perhaps, not impossible to estimate roughly the total corn demand of London. (See table, page 77.) The London of 1600 demanded three times the corn that the London of 1500 required, and the London of 170x5 three times that of 1600. Inadequate as are the statistics of London's growth, they indicate clearly a remarkable development in trade, population, and consumption. 1 MS., Guildhall, London, Letter Book, vol. N, fol. 142 (i H. VIII). 1037 to be levied on the companies, which at 9 s. per qr. would purchase about 2300 qrs. 1 Ibid., vol. Q, fol. 174. 1757 to be levied on companies at 8 s. per qr. would buy about 4200 qrs. J Repertory, xiv, fol. 3Sob. 3750 at 15 s. per qr. 4 Letter Book, vol. X, fol. 318. 5037 at 15 s. per qr. In 1578 a committee reported in favor of storing 5000 qrs. yearly. MS., Guildhall, London, Journal of the Common Council, xx, pt. 2, fol. 438. In 1579 at least 4000 yearly were considered necessary. Letter Book, vol. Y, fol. 255. In 1586, 6000-7000 qrs. were to be provided. Journal of the Common Council, xxii, fol. 64. 8 Journal of the Common Council, xxii, fols. i26b, 130; Letter Book, vol. " Etc.," fol. is8b; Repertory, xxi, fol. 463. This was the normal amount throughout this and the next century, Letter Book, vol. BB, fol. 14 (1599); Repertory, xxv, fol. 64b (1600); Journal of the Common Council, xxvi, fol. 145 (1603); Repertory, xxvi, pt. 2, fol. io3b (1604-05); Letter Book, vol. CC, fol. 294 (1608); Journal of the Com- mon Council, xxviii, fol. 113 (1610); ibid., xxxv, fols. 346, 375 (1631); ibid., xxxvi, fol. sob (1632-33); ibid., xxxvii, fols. 128-129 ( J 635); ibid., xxxviii, fol. 160 (1639). In 1590 6000 qrs. were to be provided. Journal of the Common Council, xxii, fols. 434-435; and in 1591, 8000 qrs., ibid., xxiii, fol. 52. Companies were ordered to contribute their share of the 10,000 qrs., e. g., Haberdashers, Court Assistant, ii, fol. 323. MUNICIPAL CORN REGULATION 77 TABLE or LONDON'S YEARLY CORN CONSUMPTION IN QUARTERS (ESTIMATED) Year Bread and Drink Corn Consumed 1 Ship's Provision, Horses, Fodder, and Corn in Beer Exported 2 Corn Exported * Total IC?4. I5O.OOO 15,000 i6";,ooo 1605 soo.ooo * Years of Port* * of qrs. per Port 1460-1485 16 32 1,01 2 1485-1500 9 15 1,356 I5o- 1 534 24 40 2,552 IS34-IS54 ' ' I? 35 i,777 1554-1563 6 10 549 1563-157 * 2 8 1,206 1570-1585 12 37 5,567 I485-I534 8 33 55 2,226 1534-1585 37 90 3,148 These are both average periods. 7 For the first time, London itself began to export corn. In the year 1639-40 there were 1,177 quarters exported by aliens, and 3,922 by denizens, or in all about 5,100 quarters, an amount, however, found for no other year and probably many times the average yearly export of London for the period. The period from 1660 to 1689, is marked by the first ex- periment with a bounty on corn exports, made in 1673. Prior to that encouragement the most significant figures are as fol- lows : the sixteenth century, that there were " wares for which there was no foreign de- mand, such as wheat." 1 The year is Michaelmas to Michaelmas, a fact which explains the apparent overlapping of periods. 2 The ports used are seven in number: Lynn, Yarmouth, Hull, Chichester, and Ipswich, with the addition of Poole and Boston for 1460-85 and Bridgewater and Bristol from 1485 to 1589. The " Total Number of Ports " means the number of times these ports are represented, that is, yield statistics of exports. 8 For 1534-63 the figures are 23, 45, 1502. 4 For 1563-85, 14, 45, 4792. 4 For 1585-89, 3, 4, 2314. ' The annual exports for all England might very roughly be estimated by mul- tiplying these averages by seven (the number of ports used in this table) and by adding to this one-tenth for all other ports. This would give the following approximate results: 1460-1485 7,800 qrs. 1485-1534 17.14 " 1534-1585 34,240 " 7 During the second group of years, both very low (in 1619 and 1620) and very high prices (1621) prevailed. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 113 CORN EXPORTS, 1662-1672 Year Lynn London Yarmouth Hull 1660-61 .... 2,072 .... 1662-63 2 >56 2,881 1663-64 429 .... .... .... 1665-66 " 320 400 1668-69 1,448 1669-70 1,048 .... 1671-72 3,6i8 1,213 1 ' London has taken its place among the leading corn export ports, but none of them, probably, sent abroad more than 2000 quarters yearly on the average during the period 1660-72. From the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth there appears to have been a steady decline in total exportation. From the tune the bounty on corn exports went into force in 1674 or 1675 U P to aD ut i68o, 2 the increase in exports is strik- ing. During the year 1676-77 Lynn alone exported over 23,000 quarters, Yarmouth over 24,000 and Hull nearly 7,000, while there were shipped from London about 25,000 quarters which is, indeed, about 22,000 quarters less than it exported the year previous. Some time in 1698 or later, statistics of corn bounty debentures were compiled from official sources for the period 1675 to 1698* Since the key to the schedule, the first corn bounty, has been hitherto unknown, this list of figures has remained in obscurity. But since a series of tests 4 have proved the statistics reliable, we may accept them (as amended) without knowing the compiler or the precise circumstances of compilation. Summaries are here given 6 for only two periods of two years each, periods which show the highest payment of bounties. 1 Amount exported by aliens alone. 2 See below, p. 145. 3 MS., Br. M., Harl., 6838, fol. 28. 4 By comparison with the figures in the Declared Accounts, Audit, in the Public Record Office. 5 The schedule, as well as the more minute figures for each port taken from the Declared Accounts, are to be found in Appendix G. 114 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET TABLE OF CORN ON WHICH BOUNTY WAS PAID I Yearly Average Yearly Average Total Period for London for Outports Yearly Average qra. qrs. qrs. 1675-77 85,949 217,976 3>3,925 1690-92 8,493 91,284 99,777 In the interval between the first and second bounties, the corn export dropped considerably, though not to its earlier level of the period before 1673. As to the immediate effect of these bounties there can be no doubt. But what is of interest here is solely the amounts, which are in striking contrast both with the much smaller exports of the preceding periods and with the subse- quent growth of the corn trade. The later development is indicated in the following table. 2 CORN EXPORTED FROM ENGLAND Period Total in qrs. Average in qrs. 1697-1731 12,367,357 353,353 1732-1766 23,627,671 675,076 1767-1801 7,254,086 207,260 Regarding the destination of English grain exported abroad no such simple statement can be made as in the case of the import trade; that is, there is nothing in the export trade comparable to the single fact that the Baltic was the great granary for medieval and early modern England. No one coun- try is preeminent as the purchaser of England's surplus corn. 3 Various elements, some permanent and some changing, entered into the export of corn. The position of the exporting coast town and its general trade relations to a large extent determined the course and direction of the trade. Thus Lynn, probably from the twelfth to the seventeenth 4 and eighteenth centuries, 1 Estimated on the basis of an average of 4 s. being paid on all kinds of corn. 1 Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, p. 452. 1 See below, pp. 190-193, for a general account of the destination of English grain exported abroad towards the close of the sixteenth century. 4 The following shipments of corn were exported from Lynn: Christmas, is88-Mich., 1380 (K. R. Customs, 101/38 and 39). Enkhuisen 35 Bergen (Neth.) 3 Amsterdam 19 Dordrecht a Rotterdam 10 Kirkcaldy j Brflle 5 Middleborough I Flushing 4 Haarlem i [Note 4 continued on the next page.] THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 115 regularly sent corn to Norway. Likewise Bristol exported to Ireland. 1 These two approximated most clearly to the organiza- tion of a continuous export trade. Another factor was the abundance or scarcity of harvests in the foreign countries about England. This is seen in Bristol's trade with Spain. Although that port normally shipped a considerable amount of corn to Ireland, it sent corn to Spain only during certain years, doubtless those of dearth. In the seventeenth century new foreign markets were opened for English grain. Prominent among these were the trans- atlantic trade, in which the cargoes were individually small but collectively of considerable importance, and the Mediter- ranean trade. In the latter, corn went to Leghorn, 2 Genoa, 3 Christmas, i677-Christmas, 1678 (unclassified Port Books). Norway 91 Malaga a Stockholm 8 Dunkirk a Rotterdam 4 North Bergen I Hamburg 2 Christmas, i684-Christmas, 1685 (unclassified Port Books). Norway 52 Rotterdam 2 North Bergen 5 Stockholm i Bergen a Gottenburg i 1 Typical examples of Bristol's exports are as follows (from the K. R. Accounts and Port Books) 30 Aug., 1391, 10 weys of beans and peas, to Bordeaux. 8 Nov., 1391, i qr. beans and 3 qrs. oats, to Ireland. 27 July, 1437, 57 weys wheat, to Spain. I Sept., 1437, 3 " Ireland. 2 Mich., i48o-Easter, 1481, 795 qrs., chiefly beans, all to Ireland. " 1486- " 1487, 19 shipments of corn: Ireland 14 Andalusia I Spain 4 i Jan., 1678-1 Jan., 1679, 40 small shipments: Nevis 17 Gottenburg i Barbadoes 13 Monserrat I Virginia 4 Cadiz I Jamaica 3 Christmas, i68i-Christtnas, 1682, 60 small shipments: Nevis 20 Madeira a Barbadoes 7 Oporto a Penn 7 Lisbon i Jamaica 6 Glasgow i Virginia 6 Newfoundland i Maryland a Others 3 Waterford 2 2 Of the nineteen shipments sent to Italy in 1677-78, fifteen went to Leghorn. See below, p. 116, n. 5. 3 Of the shipments of 1677-78, three went to Genoa. About the year 1639 a Il6 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Venice, 1 Zante, 2 and Tangiers; 3 and in the former, to Barbadoes, Jamaica, Nevis, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New England. 4 In the case of the Mediterranean trade, it was part of the general growth of English commerce in southern Europe; in the case of the American trade, but part of the European expansion over- sea. Most remarkable of all, however, is the wide area to which London sent corn after the Restoration, the London which two generations before had been an anxious seeker after corn for its own use. 6 There were countries to which England exported much, but from which it received little or no corn, such as Norway and southern France. 6 The reverse was true especially in the case of the Eastland countries. 7 But with the greater number of coun- tries, such as France, Scotland, the Netherlands, and Ireland, England carried on a reciprocal, though varying, exchange of corn. petition was made to export 1500 qrs. of wheat to Venice and Genoa. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. I, xv, p. 241. 1 Apparently only one shipment from London in 1677-78. See also Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, viii, pp. 548, 555, 556, 558, 562 (1591); Calendar of Lans- downe Manuscripts, Ixvi, 90, 125; Historical Manuscripts Commission, Charles Holiday, p. 294. 1 Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, ix, p. 535; ibid., x, pp. 9, 90; ibid., xi, p. 136. 1 In 1677-78, twenty shipments went to Tangiers. Cf. also Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. II, vi, p. 366; ibid., viii, pp. 302, 315, 325; Davenant, Works, v (ed. 1771), p. 424. 4 See above, p. 115, n. i, and the following note. 5 The 355 shipments of corn exported from London in the year 1677-78, which have been noted in one of the unclassified customs accounts, were sent to the fol- lowing places: Spain and Canaries 149 Ostend 8 Straits 52 France 3 America 46 Scotland 2 Scandinavia 44 Lisbon i Mediterranean (Italy and Tangiers) 39 Emden i Guinea 9 Bruges i 4 Bordeaux in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries received large amounts of com from England, which it paid for in wines. See Patent and Close Rolls; also, Lodge, The Estates of the Archbishop and Chapter of Saint-Andr6 of Bordeaux, p. 149. 7 There were occasional exports of English corn into the Baltic. In 1389 two English merchants received permission to export two thousand quarters of corn to Wismar to meet a dearth in that region. Wheat was sent to Danzig, " the like of which was never heard before " according to a chronicle of Danzig. Naude", Ge- treidehandelspolitik, p. 215. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 117 With these the exchange was at times contemporaneous, but in different kinds of grain, as when England sent wheat to Scotland and received oats, or it changed with the seasons, as in the trade between the Netherlands and England, and between France and England. While in the latter instance exchange was for con- sumption, in the former, however, it was not always so, for the Netherlands bought corn when cheap in England with the inten- tion of exporting it again when prices rose, doubtless often send- ing it back for consumption at a higher rate to the verv country where it was produced. 1 5. PRICE STATISTICS AND THE METROPOLITAN MARKET London is practically a blank in the price collections of Thorold Rogers up to 1691. For the middle ages I have been compelled to use as London evidence the prices recorded for the district immediately about the city, but for the Tudor and Stuart periods this is unnecessary, for I have collected over three thousand London prices of corn covering the period from Henry VIII to Charles II. For purposes of comparison wheat only has been used in finding averages. The course of price averages, based upon these London figures, is set out in the table on the next page. It is advantageous, when possible, to distinguish retail from wholesale prices, ground from unground wheat. 2 The ideal price information for London would be the records of all sales and purchases on the common markets and in the corn and meal shops of the city. But this is not forthcoming. The prices collected for the period 1571-1640 come from a peculiar source, the books of the city companies whose participation in the provision of corn was ostensibly to keep down prices. The companies arranged to take wheat meal three times a week to the 1 " It has been known, that in years of scarcity they [the Dutch] bring us back our own wheat, because of the premium we give upon exportation, and which they are enabled to do, by having large granaries almost in every town, wherein they store large quantities in cheap years, to answer the demands of other countries." Davenant, Works (ed. 1771), v, p. 425 (1711). 2 Rogers (Agriculture and Prices, iv, 277) says that " as a rule " flour and wheat bear the same price, and then gives a table for the period 1583-1702 which shows that such is not the case (v, p. 276). THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET WHEAT PRICES, 1531-1660 Average Prices (Per Quarter), from the London Archives ' Yemn for England Unground Unground Ground Wholesale* Retail* Retail* 1C? I AO s. d. 7 8i s. d. 7 il s. d. s. d. I Cd.1 CO IO 8 I? oi TCCI 60 1C. 3 4 10 ?i i c6i 70 12 loj 18 7} je ji I57I-80 17 ii 20 8 22 5| 20 ii 1581-90 23 iij 23 6J 26 8} 25 4 1591-1600 34 8 33 3J 32 Ilf 32 6i 1601-10 32 6 29 7} 27 "i 33 iol 1611-20 36 si 29 4i 20 3! 33 4i 1621-30 41 11} 37 S 44 9i 39 8J 1631-40 42 9! 36 81 4i Si 38 7i l6AI CO 4.7 oi 40 8 AC TO 1651-60 40 ()] 33 o 44 o 42 2l IC3I 7O ii ?1 14 9^ r ,, 1571-1640 32 ioj 30 i 3i il 3i i three or four important markets, and this was sold to the poor in small amounts. If, of course, this sale had not been limited in amount there would have been no one in the city able to sell corn but the companies. As it was, however, only the poor received corn at a low price, and only a limited aggregate amount was sold. It is the averages of such prices for ground wheat that are here recorded, and these averages, as might be expected, run below the normal market price. Other comparisons with Rogers' averages are also vitiated, since obviously wholesale prices cannot be compared with his retail prices. Nor, indeed, can the London retail prices for unground wheat, as they now stand, because, since they were largely based upon sales of corn to members of the companies themselves, they were affected by other than market conditions. 1 See Appendix E. * Bought in large amounts partly abroad but chiefly in the provinces, strictly London prices. 1 Sold in small quantities in London itself. Not THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 119 The evidence that the London retail price averages here utilized were below the market prices prevailing in the metropolis is twofold. In the first place there was " the price in the mar- ket," explicitly recognized as the basis for the fixing of the price of corn sold by the companies, the latter to be from i s. 4 d. to 2 s. 8 d. or on an average 2 s. per quarter below the former; l and, in the second place, an examination of the prices for individual years shows that it was in years of dearth that our London prices were relatively the lowest. If we take an average of the prices of ground and unground wheat (so as to have a better basis of comparison with Rogers' figures), we have 31 s. 6 d. for the period 1571-1640. We may assume, as has been noted, that this would average 2 s. lower than the market price. This would indicate that the market price was really not less than 33 s. 6| d., a slightly higher level than Rogers' 325. lof d. A glance at Rogers' sources for the period in question shows that, with insignificant exceptions, they are from the metropolitan area, a fact which will be of service later. From 1691 to 1702 Houghton published corn prices which were the most complete, representative, and satisfactory of any up to his time. 2 These are here given. AVERAGE PRICES OF WHEAT PER QUARTER, 1691-1702 s. d. s. d. Home 47 oj All England 40 si London 44 45 South West 38 gf Home, South, East 42 s| Midlands 36 io| South 42 of North 36 of East 41 o This table shows the London average higher than the rest of England, as in the periods 1531-70 and 1571-1640. It shows 1 " Articles and orders touchinge provision of Corne." No. 10. " Item that my Lord Maior and Aldermen doe not at anie tyme order that anye parte of the saide provision be solde better Cheape then the same shall Coste with all Losses and Charges thereof nor above n d. or nn d. in a Busshel under the price in the merkett of like corne then beinge, excepte it be by consent of the Companies or Comen Counsell. And that for everie suche sale the same to be made, of everye Companies wheate in equall parte." MS., Guildhall, London, Letter Book, vol. Y, fols. 272-273 (4 Nov., 1528). 2 Used by Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, v, pp. 236-254; vi, pp. 101-198. I2O THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET too, a differentiation between the metropolitan and the non- metropolitan areas, the first being influenced by London and high-priced, the latter almost uninfluenced and low-priced. A clear proof that London no longer depended on the supply from its immediate neighborhood, the home district, is that the aver- age price in London itself is lower than that of the home counties. This is explained by the fact that London, at this time not importing a quarter of corn from abroad, was drawing by the coast trade upon farther and cheaper districts in England than the home district, upon the south and east. We can now bring together in one table our summary averages for the metropolitan period. TABLE OF METROPOLITAN PRICE AVERAGES (Average per quarter) Metropolitan London Period Area Alone Characteristics s. d. s. d. 1531-70 ii 7J 1 14 9i* Period of the beginning of a metropolitan corn or- ganization. 1571-1640 32 loj 1 33 6J 4 Period of municipal regu- lation of prices. 1691-1702 42 5$* 44 4! 2 Period of easy flow to Lon- don and of exportation abroad. These three periods show differences in averages of great interest. The first period 1531-71 may be extended back to 1514. It was a time when London got her corn supply by offering high prices for it. At first foreign merchants came to the rescue. Then there began a gradual reorganization of the domestic market on the new basis of the metropolitan market. In the second period, the disorganization was at its height, and the problem was accentuated by restrictive regulations and by the fixing of prices. In the last period, corn was shipped to London not only for consumption but also for export abroad. Having the prices of supply districts (the metropolitan area) in mind, we 1 Rogers' averages, general. * Houghton's materials. ' See p. 118, and p. 118, n. 2. 4 Estimated average. See above, p. 119. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 121 may say that London paid relatively less for its corn when it exported part of its supply, than when it consumed it all. A comparison of the price levels of the districts taken for the period 1301-1500 with the same areas in 1691-1702, shows significant results. It should be noted that, in order to avoid comparing the dear years of one district with the cheap years of another district, it has been necessary to divide the period 1691- 1702 into three sub-periods, namely, 1691-96, 1697-99, 1699- 1702, the average of each of which having been found, the average was then taken of the last two, and this in turn averaged with the first group of six years. It might seem precarious to compare averages of twelve years with those of two centuries, but the element of error is reduced by the fact that Houghton's prices are exceptionally numerous 1 and well balanced. PRICE AVERAGES (WHEAT PER QUARTER) 1301-1500 * 1691-1702 Areas s. d. s. d. Wales 7 3? 3 36 4$ Durham 6 10 33 2$ East Essex 6 8j 42 7 York 6 6 36 3 Battle 6 6i 39 of Lower Thames 6 3! 47 6J SouthWest 6 i| 40 sf East Kent 6 o| 41 5! Trent 6 oi 33 2\ Norwich S 9 40 6 J Southampton 5 9 J 42 4! East Suffolk 5 ij 40 2f Bristol S 6J 35 o Upper Thames S sf 45 3! Cambridge S Si 4 4 Upper Severn S o 40 i J "What strikes the eye at once is that in general the last have become first, and the first last; but this is not all, for, while in the middle ages there was little relation between the areas, in the later period there is a remarkable grouping which is brought out in the following table. 1 4864 entries for wheat alone, from 632 localities. Cf. Rogers, Agriculture and Prices, v, p. 266. z For these and the analogous averages of 1259-1500, see above, p. 41. 3 South Wales. 122 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET PRICE AVERAGES, 1691-1702 Areas Average Areas Average s. d. s. d. I. Metropolitan: Upper Severn . . 40 if Lower Thames .... 47 6 J Battle 39 o} Upper Thames .... 45 3 J East Essex 42 7 H. Non-Metropolitan: Southampton 42 4! (a) North East: East Kent 41 si York 36 3 Norwich 40 6| Trent 33 a| SouthWest 40 5i (&) Middle West: 1 Cambridge 40 4 Wales 36 4} EastSuffolk 40 2f Bristol 33 2! The noteworthy facts here observable are: (a) prices over a wide area are now determined by London; (&) the Upper Thames, Upper Severn, and Cambridge areas instead of being the lowest priced are among the highest; (c) London has cut into the Severn trade and made transportation down the Severn unprofitable, either to the Bristol area or to Wales; (d) prices in the Battle area have relatively fallen, a fact probably due to the great agri- cultural changes in that district in the Tudor and Stuart periods; (e) the relation of the price average of the districts in the metro- politan area to that of the districts in the non-metropolitan area has been reversed, as is indicated from these figures: TABLE OF PRICE AVERAGES Areas 1301-1500 1601-170* s. d. s. d. Metropolitan 5 ioj 41 10 Non-metropolitan 6 4 34 9^ 6. THE FORMATION OF THE METROPOLITAN MARKET We have seen that the metropolitan area of London came into existence in the sixteenth century, about one century earlier than that of Paris. 2 A review of the evidence for the development of the metropolitan market, which has already been presented, shows the following steps. London, anxious concerning its supply, established a granary system about 1514, which in 1578 was taken over by the crafts and companies of London and thus 1 The northwest (not represented, 1301-1500) had in 1691-1702 an average of 40 s. 3J d. 1 For the metropolitan market in France, see Usher, The History of the Grain Trade in France, pp. 82, 84, 87. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 123 maintained for nearly a century. Statistics of importation indicate that London required a considerable supply of foreign corn until about 1660, when its importation from abroad practically ceased. In the internal trade, the area from which London drew enlarged from the immediate vicinity of the City to a very wide region embracing the greater part of the whole country. During the sixteenth century, while the outports increased their export of corn, London stopped hers entirely, but in the seventeenth century the exportation of corn from the metropolis increased to a surprising extent and that from the outports diminished relatively. The metropolis gradually drew the corn of a large area to itself, during the sixteenth century wholly for consumption and then gradually, as the corn surplus of the country increased, for export as well, until by 1660 we find the corn trade of London organized both for exportation and for home consumption. The existence of a metropolitan market is evidenced by the prices of corn in the different parts of England which show that London had become a price-making center for a wide area, embracing many of the local areas of the medieval period. In the chapters to follow this view of the metropolitan market development will receive the confirmation that comes from the concurrence of other evidence, chiefly relating to corn middle- men and corn policy, not hi itself conclusive, but of some cumulative weight. We have considered the conception of a metropolitan market and the evidence for the existence of such a market in England. The formation of the area remains to be dealt with, the factors determining its growth and delimiting its extent. Although in the case of local market areas it is possible to distinguish roughly the several districts, such a demarcation is more difficult for the metropolitan area. This was more irregular in form owing to the influence of water transportation which brought districts along the coast and along rivers, even though themselves distant, within easy reach of the metropolis. 1 1 Von Thiinen expressed the idea thus: " when we have discovered how much cheaper the transportation of corn is by water than by land, we have no difficulty 124 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Judging from price averages and from the recorded movements of com to London, one would say that the metropolitan area included all southern and eastern England, except the Trent valley and the Bristol district, or more specifically all south and east of a line drawn to include the Humber basin and running south through Lincolnshire and Northamptonshire to the upper Severn, with the exception, as before noted, of the vicinity of Bristol. Although the typical corn trade within the metropolitan area was to and from the metropolis, there was also a local trade which for the parts concerned was of great importance. A notable example of this is the trade between Lynn and Newcastle by which the corn of the former was exchanged for the coal of the latter. This narrow groove of exchange has been maintained from at least as early as the thirteenth century down to the present day. Although much of this local trade was left intact during the period of the formation of the metropolitan area, still local market- ing conditions were on the whole considerably influenced and disturbed. Cambridge in 1565, feeling the great drain of corn through Lynn to the metropolis, protested to the Privy Council. The latter authority, however, refused to stop corn which was being sent for use in London. 1 An interesting parallel case is that of Paris and Rouen. These cities began in the sixteenth cen- tury a struggle for a delimitation of the intervening corn supply area, which ended only in the early eighteenth century. 2 in determining the situation of an estate which can send its corn to the market by water. Let us suppose that the transportation by water costs one-tenth of what the transportation by land costs, then an estate situated on the bank of a river at a dis- tance of one hundred miles from the market will be found to be, in respect to the value of the grain on the estate and of the consequences which flow from it, in the same situation as an estate ten miles from the town. An estate situated five miles from the river [and one hundred miles from the town] bears the cost of transportation by land for five miles and the cost of trans- portation by water for one hundred miles, and in this case it -is in the same situation as an estate fifteen miles from the town." Der isolirle Stoat, pt. i, p. 273. 1 See above, p. 109, n. i. 1 Usher, The History of the Grain Trade in France, pt. i, ch. ii. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 125 The three chief factors entering into the formation of this metropolitan market were the fertility of the surrounding district, the means of transportation, and the location of the metropolis with respect to the routes of cosmopolitan trade. London was surrounded by a group of counties of considerable fertility. Little more need be said, indeed, to illustrate the corn productivity of the metropolitan area than that within it lay Norfolk, the rich fen country, the upper Thames, Sussex, and Kent. It was the surplus corn of such districts that enabled London to grow without relying upon foreign supply, and that, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, not only supplied it with enough corn for its own use but much for export abroad. It would be a proper subject for special investigation to deter- mine to what extent the growth of a metropolitan market, with its constant and insatiable appetite for corn, influenced the course of agrarian changes. The isolation of the factors involved would, however, be difficult if not impossible, and we stop here to notice the question but briefly. Three of these factors were of great weight, the call of the growing metropolis for corn, the new foreign markets that arose in the Tudor and Stuart periods, and the Dutch example of efficient cultivation. A long succession of writers in agriculture, from Fitzherbert to Arthur Young and beyond, whose works went through many editions, attest the fact that the problem was carefully studied by gentlemen farmers; and their improved methods doubtless filtered down to the yeomen. Still more, the great agrarian changes of the time were but symptoms of the effort of agriculture to throw off the methods of an earlier non-commercial system. Against such a change were the immobility of peasant habits and the prejudice of popu- lar opinion. It is probable that a great number of the agrarian changes and improvements in our period were directly due to the first of the factors we have mentioned, the growing demand of London. 1 To some extent this was true of the sixteenth century, but much more so of the seventeenth. 1 See below, pp. 126-127. 126 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Von Thiinen, emphasizing the influence of the market upon agriculture, asks the question: "How will this agriculture, intelligently carried on, be modified by the distance greater or less from the town ? " His answer is: " It is clear, in general, that we should cultivate near the town such products as are heavy or bulky in relation to their value, and the cost of transportation of which to the central market is rather high, because the districts farther away cannot send them to advantage. Within this narrow circle, such articles will be produced as change quickly or which are consumed fresh. But as distance from the town is increased, the land should necessarily produce commodities, which, relatively to their value, are less and less expensive to transport." l As applied to the growing town, such as London, this theory corresponds to the fact that the metropolis was not only compelled to provide a larger aggregate amount of corn, but its need of other provisions which could be furnished only by a nearby district, forced it to look to more distant areas for its supply of corn. The demand of the large population of London for fruit 2 doubtless had great influence in moulding the Kentish system of cultivation, which tended towards the production of fruit and away from cereals, thus cutting off some of London's grain supply. Likewise the demand for hay 3 consumed by the horses of London would tend to crowd out, or at least compete with, corn production. We might also add London's need for milk 1 Der isolirte Stoat, pt. i, p. i. 1 Compare the following passage from Norden (Surveyor's Dialogue, p. 209) of the year 1607; the reason why so little cider is made in the inland of England is " because that neere London, & the Thames side, the fruite is vented in kind, not only to the Fruterers in grosse, but by country wives, in the neerest part of Kent, Middlesex, Essex, & Surrey, who utter them in the markets, as they do all other vendible things else." See also MS., Br. M., 22781 (late ijth century) : " Mellio- rating and Multiplieing severall sorts of Fruits and Garden stuff." 1 This demand in 1630 was considered by the Privy Council (MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Car. I, vi, fol. in): "In the partes nere to London, more than in any other place of the Kingdome, there are many that doe ingross into their hands, great quantities of Hay and winter provision for horses and cattell, of pur- pose to keepe the same from the Marketts, untill the price thereof be extreamly raised." THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 127 and butter, supplied, probably, by local dairy farming, a subject about which we know practically nothing. On the other hand, some circumstances worked in the opposite direction. The demand for iron in London, and, indeed, in all England, helped to bring about the deforestation of Sussex, the wood of which was used for smelting in the days before the process of smelting by coal was discovered. The land formerly under forest was used then to grow wheat, and to such an extent was this carried that Sussex wheat became, in the Tudor and Stuart periods, one of London's chief reliances. Similarly wood for fuel was needed in the metropolis, in spite of the large consumption of its rival, coal. This reinforced the tendency to clear the land of forest, which was then used for wheat. Likewise the City supplied the country in the immediate vicinity with cheap manure which on account of its bulk could not be carried long distances. This was certainly an important fact in the later period, but how far in ours cannot be determined. These countervailing forces admitted, the tendency of the corn growing area to be pushed back as well as to be enlarged (and for corn production itself to flourish), may be accepted. Thus not only was corn productivity an influence in metropolitan growth, but it was itself much affected by that growth. The second factor is transportation. Although the organization of manorial carrying services shows both land and water services existing side by side, the former were probably more numerous, and, owing to the restricted nature of the trade, more peculiar to the local market. But with the metropolitan period was ushered in a new stage in transportation the water stage, coast and river. 1 This is expressed by Naude in the following terms: " There is a second stage of development in the grain trade possible in the case of towns with water connections, and which, therefore, can 1 The increase in the coast trade is indicated in the statistics contained in Appen- dix D. The impetus given to river transportation is illustrated on the Continent, during the seventeenth century, by the building of canals connecting rivers. In England in the year 1581, the loaders of Enfield and Oldenham presented a petition entitled " Their undoing by the carriage of graine by water ": " Many thousands of her Majesties subjects within the counties of Hertforde Midi. Cam- 128 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET receive imports from a distance. This second stage of the munici- pal grain trade, in which we can begin to speak of a real trade in corn, did not arise at any fixed period of time, but depends, as before said, upon the location of each town." l That is, the first stage was one of land traffic, during which operations were petty and restricted by town ordinances. The second, during which water was the means of transportation, saw an expansion of demand and supply, the slackening and then the abolition of restriction, and the consequent development of a considerable trade, in which middlemen, seeking their own interests, operated according to conditions of natural demand and supply. To official England, national and local, the water stage of the corn trade meant new anxieties. The metropolis had to be fed, and either enemies in time of war or pirates in time of peace might cut off the supply of corn sent by water. In 1586 it was stated that " the Dunkirkers have very latelie taken fower or five shippes of Corne comynge for London from beyond the Seas and are a great hindrance to the provision of Corne & Cole." 2 And in 1630 the London committee on the cause of scarcity and high prices reported " that Corne, Butter, and Cheese are not brought to this Citty from out of Norfolke, Suffolke, and other parts by Sea as formerly hath beene accustomed for feare of beinge taken by the Dunkerkers as is conceived." 3 Perhaps the full significance of the transportation factor in metropolitan growth appears all the more forcibly when we re- member that, previous to the incoming of railways, no European town reached metropolitan proportions unless favorably situated for river or coast traffic. Von Thiinen, writing on the eve of the introduction of railroads, says without reserve: " There is bridge, Bedforde and Essex whiche lyved by the canynge of corne and other graine to the citie of London by Lande, are now utterlye decaied by the transportinge of corne and other grayne to the saide dtie by the water of Lee." MS., Br. M., Lansd., 32, no. 40 (15 Oct.). " London is as the Heart is in the Body, and the great Rivers are as its Veins." A. Yarranton, England's Improvement by Sea and Land, p. 179 (1677). 1 Deutsche slOdtische Getreidehandelspolitik, p. 14. * MS., Br. M., Lansd., 49 (22 Oct.). 1 MS., Guildhall, London, Journals of the Common Council, xxxv, fol. 225 [Sept.]. THE METROPOLITAN MARKET 129 not a single large town which is not situated on a river or canal." * The towns with water connections were constitutionally able to grow, because they could obtain a supply of grain without having to pay prohibitive costs of transportation. In addition to the two factors in metropolitan growth, the fertility of the soil and facilities of transportation, there was a third of hardly less importance. 2 This was a favorable location along the routes of cosmopolitan trade, a factor which, we may say, decided that London, and not Southampton or Bristol, was to be the metropolitan center. We may conclude therefore, that a town of fair size, not smoth- ered by the rivalry of a larger town or by a territorial power, could grow to metropolitan proportions only when its corn supply was assured 3 and cheap, its transportation facilities good, and its location in accord with the dominant routes of a larger circle of trade. 1 Der isolirte Staat, pt. i, p. 268. 2 Sombart, in a suggestive essay on the subject of the contribution of the Jews to the modern spirit of enterprise (The Jews and Modern Capitalism, p. 13), raises the question of the influence of Jewish migration in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries upon the rise of " the new centers of economic life " in West- ern Europe (our metropolitan centers). It seems, however, that these western centers began to grow independently of the Jews. The incoming of the Jews was perhaps a later, but important, contributory cause of metropolitan development. In another place (Luxus und Kapitalismus , pp. 25-44), Sombart seeks to prove that the " large town " took its rise in the massing of consumers in some political center, for example in London, where about five-sixths of the population, he asserts, were members of the court, churchmen, landlords, and state creditors, the remaining one-sixth being engaged in trade and industry. 3 Mr. A. P. Usher remarks (The History of the Grain Trade in France, p. 179): " Lyons was never destined to become a great metropolitan center. . . . The population of Lyons was tending to increase more rapidly than the available food supply would warrant." Petty argued that by 1800 the population of London would be over five million, and that it would not increase much beyond that number because of lack of food. " An Essay concerning the multiplication of Mankind " (1682), p. 21, referred to by Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii, p. 391. Elsewhere, indeed, Petty maintained " That a Circle of Ground of 35 miles Semi- diameter will bear Corn, Garden-stuff, Fruits, Hay and Timber, for the four Million 690 Thousands Inhabitants of the said City and Circle, so as nothing of that kind need be brought from above 35 Miles distance from the said City." Future Growth of London, The Economic Writings of Petty (ed. Hull), i, p. 471. CHAPTER V THE CORN LAWS, FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY i. EARLY CORN LAWS THE laws that had to do with the exchange rather than with the production or consumption of corn form the subject of this chapter. Not the development of the corn trade policy, but the examination of the laws themselves is the chief concern at this point. 1 In order to avoid legal and constitutional technicalities, not of moment here, the term " law " is taken to apply roughly to a general rule of some permanence, having the effect of law whether or not in the form of a statute. In this section the laws considered are general in scope and refer to corn only incidentally. They are, therefore, treated very briefly. One of the commonest of early offences on the part of those dealing in corn was engrossing. This term has often been defined, but its meaning was never clear because it had no single technical application. It referred to monopolizing the supply of a commodity in any way, whether by forestalling 2 or by regrating. 8 It also had a particular meaning, given it by 1 A convenient list of com laws is given by R. E. Prothero (English Farming Past and Present, pp. 442-447). A much fuller list is to be found in Hansard's Parliamen- tary Debates, xxvii, pp. 660-680 (period 1225-1811). The indices to the Statutes of the Realm refer to most but not all of the laws. The Interregnum acts are to be found only in special collections. Faber and Naud6 (see p. 210 below) have written excellent brief accounts of these laws together with an explanation of the development of the corn policy, but they have omitted some measures of importance, for example, the act dealing with mealmen passed in 1650 and the first bounty act of 1672-73, to say nothing of minor laws such as the import act of 1324 and the statutes 34 Ed. Ill, c. 18 and i Eliz., c. 1 1 , 1 1 , allowing export. * Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, pt. i, p. 217, referring to 27 Ed. in, st. i, c. 5; Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 331. 1 A statute defined engrossing hi the second sense given in the text, and then added a further explanation, namely, to get into one's hands " any other Come or 130 THE CORN LAWS 131 statute, 1 to get into one's hands " any Come growinge in the feildes." This seems to have been the nearest approach to a technical definition. Finally, to engross was to deal in many kinds of commodities instead of only one. 2 To forestall was to go out beyond the borough or market town to buy goods coming to market. This was prohibited in the Anglo-Saxon period, 3 and, indeed, seems to have been the earliest form of market monopolizing, or engrossing in the general sense, that was put under the ban of the law. 4 The corn trade, however, is not specified in this early law which was perfectly general in application. But in thirteenth century laws the forestalling of corn is specifically mentioned. 5 The objection to forestalling was that it undermined the public and open market and tended to raise prices, and also that it resulted in a loss of local revenue when the forestaller was a burgess and the seller of the goods a stranger, for while the latter was subject to town tolls, the former was not. Akin to forestalling, and at times confused with it, was regrat- ing. This was the purchase of goods for sale in the same or a nearby market. It was prohibited locally from at least the thirteenth century onward. 6 Grayne Butter Cheese Fishe or other dead victuall whatsoever within the Realme of England to thintent to sell the same agayne." 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 14, Statutes of the Realm, iv, p. 148. 1 Ibid. 8 37 Ed. Ill, c. 5; 38 Ed. Ill, c. 2. Ibid., i, pp. 379, 382. 3 Sciendum est enim quod infra trium militarium spacium, ex omni parte extra civitatem, non debet homo alterum retinere vel impedire, nee eciam cum eo mer- catum agere, si in pace civitatis ad earn venire voluerit. Sed cum in civitatem per- venerit, tune sit ei mercatum commune tarn pauperi quam diviti. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, p. 200; First Report of the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, i, pp. 16, 33. 4 Cf. the following prohibition of 1200 or 1201 made in Ipswich: " that non regrater prevy ne straunge go out of the bondys of the forseid market with ynne town ne with outen for to bargaynen, ne for to beyen ne forstallyn fysshe comyng toward the forseid town to sellyn." Domesday of Ipswich, Black Book of the Admiralty (Rolls Series), ii, p. 101. 5 " Grain, Fish, Herring or any other Thing to be sold." Statutes of the Realm, i, pp. 203, 204 (late i3th century). 6 Domesday of Ipswich, Black Book of the Admiralty (Rolls Series), ii, p. 101; Records of Norwich (ed. Hudson and Tingey), i, pp. 135, 181. 132 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET For centuries such attempts to monopolize the local market were met by local regulations and national legislation, which continued down to modern times. In 1663 some alleviation came, 1 and in 1772 the prohibition of engrossing was abolished. 2 Laws providing for general uniformity of measures and against false measures were passed in the Anglo-Saxon period. 3 The measures used in dealing in corn were regulated by the assize of 1 197, 4 and by Magna Carta itself, in answer to the demands of the barons. 5 The great aim was to establish one standard throughout England, partly for the convenience of dealers and partly to protect consumers. Two obstacles were met with, dishonest dealers using false vessels, and the local habit of using measures of varying size. It is a well-known fact that local measures survived in parts of England down to modern times, especially in the west and north. But at least after the early thirteenth century, there was a strong tendency to use the London quarter, and whatever may have been the measures actually used locally in the sale and purchase of grain, accounts were generally kept in terms of the standard. Some other regulations of measurement should be mentioned. Wheat, rye, and barley might be sold only by strike (measure stricken level), while oats, malt, and meal might be sold by heap (measure heaped up). 6 The purveyors of corn for the king's household were prohibited from demanding twenty-one quarters to the score. 7 With insignificant exceptions, 8 the central government does not seem to have fixed absolutely the price of corn, as was 1 Regrating was permitted but not forestalling. 15 Car. II, c. 7, 3. Statutes of the Realm, v, p. 449. 12 Geo. Ill, c. 71. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, Index under " Weights and Measures." Roger of Hovedon (Rolls Series), iv, p. 33. Select Charters (ed. Stubbs), pp. 291, 301. Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 203 (late i3th century). 7 Ibid., p. 262 (1330). 8 According to the act of 1534 (see below, p. 138), the government had the legal right to fix the price of corn. During the years 1549 and 1550 attempts were made to put the act in force, apparently without success (Leonard, English Poor Relief, p. 51). Afterwards the practice was not often followed, if at all. The evidence THE CORN LAWS 133 occasionally done on the Continent from early days. 1 It did attempt, nevertheless, systematically to prevent bakers from gaining too high profits from the sale of bread. This was done by the assize of bread, which stipulated how many ounces the standard loaf should contain when the price was low, moderate, and high. 2 How far back this goes is unknown. It seems, however, to have been in use at least as early as the reign of Henry II. 3 It was made one of the regular articles of inquiry of the frank-pledge, and as such was enforced in the local courts in a modified form down to modern times. Legally it was abolished for London in 1822 and for all England in i836. 4 The purveyance, or seizure of corn, was early prohibited 5 but was, nevertheless, persisted in for centuries, as we know from the frequent re-enactment of the law against it. The element of trade, with which we are concerned, entered in only when the corn was purveyed from the dealer or merchant, and not from the producer. 6 for this view is that the law of 1563 providing for the fixing of wages states that the justices of the peace were to assess wages in accordance with current prices, obviously market prices. Laws were later passed, too, which aimed at keeping prices low by means of regulations of a different sort (see below, pp. 152 f.). And the Book of Orders (Br. M., 6426b 55), which was a more or less complete codifica- tion of government practice and enforced in exceptional years from Elizabeth to Charles I, assumes ( 12) the validity of a market price, " the usual price of the Market." Indeed the justices of the peace were ordered ( 24) to secure for the poor " as much favour in the prices, as by their earnest perswasion " might be possi- ble. For other matters relating to the fixing of prices, see above, pp. 68, 77, 91. 1 See the Frankfort capitulary of 794 printed in Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, i, p. 501 (ed. 1890). In 1304-05 Philippe le Bel fixed the maximum price of grain in Paris at something less than half the market price. Fagniez, L'industrie el la classe induslrielle, p. 156. 2 Cunningham, op. cit., i, pp. 502 f. (ed. 1890); Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ii, p. 480 (1202); Statutes of the Realm, i, pp. 202 f. (late i3th century); Report from the Committee of the House of Commons on ... Bread (1815), The Pamphleteer, vol. vi. * Cunningham, op. cit., p. 502. Ballard (Borough Charters, pp. 157-158) prints two extracts from Newcastle documents which seem to put back the date to Henry I. 4 Webb, B. and S., " The Assize of Bread," Economic Journal, xiv, p. 218. 5 Select Charters (ed. Stubbs), p. 421, 10 (1266). 8 See the analysis of purveyance in my article on the " Origin of the English Customs-Revenue of England," Quarterly Journal of Economics, xxvii, pp. 112- 113 (1912). 134 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET In general, these laws were passed primarily in the interest of consumers. In the corn laws to be dealt with in the succeeding sections of this chapter, the emphasis is to a large extent upon the welfare of the producers. 2. LEGISLATION REGULATING CORN EXPORTATION The object of this and the following sections is to present a chronological account of the corn laws with a minimum of com- ment. The last chapter, on " Market Development and the Evolution of Corn Policy," attempts an interpretation of this legislation. It is not now possible to discover the first corn law that affected exportation. The earliest of which we have evidence, however, was the prohibition to export without license, which was enforced in the reign of Henry II. 1 Further knowledge of this law (if law it was) is lacking. In 1204 the Great Winchester Assize of Customs provided that corn and other victuals might not be exported without license, and that corn and certain other goods were freed from the fifteenth, the customs newly levied. 2 The reason for this exemp- tion is not evident. It may have been, however, that the export of corn was regarded as a special source of revenue, for which extra license fees were exacted. How long the provision requiring a license to export was in force cannot be determined. The evidence seems to show that the customs granted by the assize were collected during a period less than a decade. 3 The famous Carta Mercatoria of 1303 which granted alien merchants a special status in England has been given a prominent place among corn laws. 4 The charter was important on account 1 Simon filius Petri de Wigenhala debet dimidiam marcam pro blado asportato sine licentia. Great Roll of the Pipe, 23 H. II, p. 136 (1176-77). Cf. ibid., pp. 183- 184. See also succeeding volumes (printed) down to the volume of the year 30 H. II, pp. 10, 12, 89, 125-126 (1183-84). 1 Rotidi Litierarum Palentium, i, pt. i, pp. 42-43. 1 See my article on " The Origin of the National Customs-Revenue of England," Quarterly Journal of Economics, xxvii, pp. 143-144. 4 Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, pp. 70-72; Maude", Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europ&ischen Staaien, pp. 72-73. THE CORN LAWS 135 of the extent of the privileges granted, the number of merchants included, and the long period it remained in force. For present purposes it may be considered an agreement whereby the mer- chants promised to pay a super-tax of i|% on certain cloths, horses or other animals, corn, and many other articles in return for the perpetual right of exporting and importing them. 1 But the exact measure of importance to the trade in corn which we should assign to this charter is not clear. It applied only to merchants of the countries mentioned, and granted the privilege of exporting corn which, so far as we know, they did not pre- viously possess. In 1361 partial free- trade was established between England and Ireland. The law then passed provided that the people of Eng- land, ecclesiastical and lay, who had possessions in both England and Ireland might, upon payment of the customs, send their corn, beasts, and victuals to Ireland, as well as from Ireland to England. 2 At the same time the exportation of corn from any part of England was forbidden, except of course to Ireland; and no one was to have a license to export to any place other than Calais and Gascony. The king, however, might by ordinance make exceptions when he thought best.' Thus we see that the king was to continue to regulate exporta- tion as in the past, and that the export trade was under the ban, even though it might take place when licensed. The petitions of I376, 4 i382, s and 1383 6 indicate that the prohibition to export was strongly supported by the Commons. Although the statute in question was modified by the acts of 1394 and 1426, and superseded by the law of 1437, it was repealed only in 16247 In 1382 the Commons asserted that corn exportation had taken place in the past by royal license, and had resulted in a 1 Rymer, Fcsdera, etc. (Rec. ed.), ii, pt. ii, p. 747 (1302-03). 1 34 Ed. Ill, c. 18. Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 368 (1360-61). 3 34 Ed. Ill, c. 20. Ibid., i, p. 368. 4 The Commons petitioned the king to allow no corn to be exported even by license, unless it be to Calais or to other lands of the king. This petition was not assented to by the king and therefore did not become a law. Rotuli Parliamento- rum, ii, p. 3soa. Ibid., p. i64a, b. 6 Ibid., iii, p. i4ib. 7 21 Jac. I, c. 28, ii. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. 2, p. 1238. 136 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET dearth; they, therefore, petitioned that this be remedied by an absolute prohibition to export. The king in answer decreed that a general proclamation should be made prohibiting export (except to Berwick-on-Tweed, Calais, Gascony, Brest, and Cherbourg), and that no license should be granted contrary to the proclamation without the advice of the council and for reasonable cause. 1 The importance of this measure is that it shows that neither king nor Commons favored unrestricted export, but while the king had in practice permitted exportation by license, the Commons were in favor of no export at all. All this, however, was meant to be temporary, as also was the clause that the assent of the council to license export was necessary. During the following year, 1383, the Commons again petitioned for the prohibition of the exportation of corn, victuals, and arms, this time to Scotland. The king's assent was given but with qualification. He agreed that no corn should be sent to Scotland, unless license to the contrary were given. 2 The act of 1394 was petitioned for by the Commons and agreed to by the king. The latter granted to all his subjects of England license to export corn to any land they wished, other than to enemies. The subsidies and duties due, therefore, were to be paid; and to the council was reserved the right to restrain export when it seemed for the profit of the realm to do so. 3 From the reading of the statute it is evident that the government did not intend to grant a perpetual right to export, but simply an indef- inite permission. Though officially repealed only in 1624,* this law practically came to an end, probably not by any abrupt abrogation, but by exceptions introduced by administrative practice some time before 1426. Not the letter but the spirit of the law was broken. A petition complaining of such interpretation was drawn up and, having received the royal assent, became the statute of 1426 which read as follows: The king at the special request of the 1 Rotuli Parliamentarian, iii, p. i4ib. * Ibid., iii, p. i64a, b. 1 17 R. II, c. 7. Statutes of the Realm, ii, p. 88 (1393-94). 4 21 Jac. I, c. 28, n. Ibid., iv, pt. 2, p. 1238 (1623-24). THE CORN LAWS 137 Commons willed that the statute [of 1394] be kept in all points, reserving to the council, nevertheless, the right to restrain export when it seemed advisable. 1 In 1437 an important measure was passed. Since by the act of 1361 it had been ordained that no man might carry corn out of the realm without the king's license, the farmers and others, who use manurement of their land, could not sell their corn at a prof- itable rate to the damage of the realm; the king, willing to provide remedy, ordained that any one, even without seeking a special license, might export corn and sell it to whatever person he would. This was, however, contingent on three conditions: the corn was not to go to enemies; the customs were to be paid; and the price of corn in the port of shipment was not to exceed specified rates, in the case of wheat 6 s. 8 d. per quarter and barley 3 s. This act was to endure until the next parliament. 2 There are some interesting points in this law. The laws of 1394 and 1426 were treated as if non-existent, and the law of 1361 was held to be still in force. It is evident that the Commons desired to recognize the export of corn as normal, and, doubting the sympathy of the crown with such a measure, they wished to put down in black and white the rights of citizens to export corn, when prices were low, without seeking a license. It is probable also that although the king assented, he did so only on the condition (expressed) that the act should be temporary. The statute of 1437 was to last until the next parliament, which met late in 1439. Certainly in 1442 this law was regarded as dead, and was repealed by the act following it. This latter recited the law of 1437, and then declared that since this is not now in force, and since many counties along the coast are unable to sell the bulk of their corn other than by the over-sea trade, the king ordained that the statute [of 1437] should be hi force again from 8 September, and last till the next parliament, or for ten years if parliament did not meet. 3 The next parliament met in February, 1445, and the act then became void. But at this time, 1 17 R. II, c. 7. Statutes of the Realm, ii, p. 88. This statute was repealed by implication in 21 Jac. I, c. 28, n. 1 15 H. VI, c. 2. Ibid., ii, p. 295 (1436-37). J 20 H. VI, c. 6. Ibid., p. 319 (1441-42). 138 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET since the counties on the sea could not sell the bulk of their corn other than by over-sea traffic, the king willed that the act of 1437 should be perpetually in force, 1 that is, that corn might be exported when not above the specified prices. The law of 1437, twice tentatively enacted, and the third time made per- petual, continued in force technically till superseded by Tudor legislation. It was nearly a century before another export corn law was put upon the statute rolls. In 1534 it v. r as enacted that no one without a license under the king's great seal might export any corn, beef, mutton, veal, pork, cheese, butter, fowl, and other victuals, unless it be for supplying Calais and ships going to sea. 2 This was but part of a general regulation concerning victuals, the greater part of which provides for the fixing of prices of pro- visions by central officials in case complaint was made to them. The underlying impulse prompting the enactment was stated to be the rise of prices caused by covetous regrators and engrossers. Corn appeared as but one item and was not mentioned in two of the three sections. The conclusion is inevitable that corn was inserted as if it constituted but one phase of the general problem of the scarcity and the high prices then prevailing, a problem dealt with elsewhere in the statutes of the session. 3 The central government had met the new difficulties some time before the act of 1534* which, so far as corn exportation was concerned, was therefore not novel nor far-reaching in effect. The extent to which this export act was enforced is not clear. Hales, writing probably in 1549, seems to assume the existence of the old law of 1 23 H. VI, c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, ii, p. 331 (1444-45). * 25 H. VIII, c. 2, 3. Ibid.,w, p. 438 (1533-34). Repealed in 1 82 2 by 3 Geo. IV, c. 41, 4. (Chronological Index of 1828, p. 868.) Two years later a law was passed, with the intention of providing Calais with supplies, decreeing that English and aliens might import into that town victuals, com, wine, salt, fuel, and other things from France, Flanders, or other foreign coun- tries, and export the same again without restraint, after the authorities had pur- chased what was necessary for the provision of the town. 27 H. VIII, c. 63. Ibid., p. 643. 25 H. VIII, cc. i, 13. Ibid., pp. 436, 451. 4 See below, p. 221, n. 12. THE CORN LAWS 139 1437.* Probably on account of plentiful harvests, royal procla- mations, as in the year i55o, 2 made exceptions to the working of the act. The next corn law, that of 1555, entitled " An Acte to re- strayne carrieng of Corne Victuals and Wood over the Sea," 3 superseded without abrogating 4 the act of 1534. It states that in spite of earlier acts against exportation, notably that of 1534, covetous persons were said to have sent abroad a great quantity of corn, cheese, butter, and other victuals as well as wood; this, it was alleged, caused a wonderful dearth and extreme prices. The unauthorized export of these commodities was, therefore, from that time forth prohibited under heavy penalties. Persons having license to export, who carried away more corn than they ought, were to be fined treble the value of the excess and im- prisoned without bail for one year; but at all times hereafter any one might export corn at pleasure (unless it be to enemies), provided the price was not above a certain level, that is, of wheat 6s. 8 d., rye 4 s. and barley 3 s. per quarter. It is to be noted that scarcity and high prices were still the paramount issues. The wording of the title, the general spirit of the law, and the position of the clause granting permission to export, suggest that the law was originally intended to check exportation, but that qualified exportation was allowed as the result of a compromise, probably in answer to the demands of such a corn-growing district as East Anglia. In the act of 1559, regulating the administration of the cus- toms, the export of corn from Norfolk and Suffolk was allowed 1 " Ye have a lawe made that no corne shall passe over and it be above a noble the quarter; yf it be under ye give fre libertie for it to passe over." Hales, A Dis- course of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, p. 54 (1549). Such seems to have been the opinion of Gardiner writing to Somerset in the reign of Edward VI. See Merriman, Thomas Cromwell, i, p. 123. 2 " If Wheat is sold at 6 s. 8 d., Malt 5 s., Beans and Pease 4 s., Oats 3 s. 4 d., Rye 5 s. a quarter, it shall be lawful to export them." Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Royal Proc- lamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, i, no. 389 (24 Sept., 1550). " Export prohibited ... of grain and food." Ibid., no. 390 (20 Oct., 1550). 3 i and 2 P. and M., c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 243 (1554-55). 4 In March, 1572, three corn laws were held to be valid, those of 1533-34, 1554- 55> I S63- MS., Br. M., Lansd., 16. 140 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET when the prices were at or under the following rates, wheat 6 s. 8 d. per quarter, barley and malt 3 s. 4 d., oats and oats malted 2 s., peas and beans 4 s., rye and mistlin 5 s. Nothing in this act was to deflect the corn trade from its accustomed course. 1 Two points are here of interest. The act of 1555 was evidently regarded as of uncertain meaning, and as not giving the unde- niable right to export that East Anglia sought. And the export of corn from other parts of England was held to be of little or no importance, though by no means to be discouraged. 2 The second export corn law of Elizabeth, hi 1563, of greater importance than the first, supplanted the acts of both 1555 and 1559. This act in providing for the encouragement of the navy by the stimulation of shipping, the fish trade, and the export of corn, declared that under the act of 1555 no owner of a ship in which corn was illegally exported was to suffer, unless he were a party to the crime; and that any of the queen's subjects might export to any foreign land wheat, rye, barley, malt, peas, and beans on condition that English-born subjects were the sole owners of the ships, and that the price of corn was not above the specified rates, in the case of wheat 10 s. per quarter, rye, peas, and beans 8 s., barley and malt 6 s. 8 d. 3 This statute as a whole is strongly mercantilistic. Shipping, manufactures, fisheries, and agriculture (tillage and pasturage) were all to be encouraged. The corn export trade was ostensibly given whole-hearted support; the only specified restraint was that arising from high prices. It is clear that the clauses relating to corn, although only two out of thirty-four, were not after-thoughts nor late insertions, the result of compromise. It was apparently the very decisiveness and possible importance of the new departure hi policy which led to_the inclusion of a clause limiting the act to ten years. 1 i Eliz., c. ii, 10. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 374 (1558-59). See be- low, p. 231. 1 In this same session it was enacted that any subject, shipping goods abroad in a ship not owned by Englishmen and with the master and most of the mariners not English, was to pay aliens' duties. From this, masts, raffe, pitch, tar, and corn were excepted. Ibid., p. 375. * 5 Eliz., c. 5. Ibid., pp. 422-428 (1562-63). See below, p. 231, n. 3. THE CORN LAWS 141 But before the ten year period had elapsed, this act was re- placed by the law of 1571, expressly stated to be in the interest of tillage. It contains the following provisions, (i) Subjects of the queen were given permission to export corn without any restraint at any time on these conditions, that it should go to nations in amity, that the ships carrying it should be owned solely by Englishmen, and that prices should be reasonable and moderate in the counties from which export was contemplated. (2) Local authorities were to consult with the inhabitants of their districts and make known by proclamation whether the local supply of corn would permit its export during the year. These proclama- tions were to be issued only after the central government had given its assent. (3) The queen was to receive for poundage 1 2 d. on every quarter of wheat and 8 d. on every quarter of other kinds of grain exported without special license, and double this sum when with special license. (4) The queen might at any time prohibit the export either from one district or from the country as a whole. 1 This is the first statute of more than a few lines that deals wholly with the export corn trade. The administration of the act was left with the local authorities who were to determine when prices were reasonable, and when the local supply would justify exportation. The government was still apprehensive of scarcity but was inclined to allow exportation in order to im- prove tillage and to increase the revenue. In 1593 was passed one of those " continuing " laws, of increas- ing frequency in the Tudor period, which contains hidden away within its unrelated clauses certain corn regulations. It per- mitted the exportation of corn on certain specified conditions. It was not to exceed the following prices, in the case of wheat 20 s. per quarter, rye, peas, and beans 13 s. 4 d., barley and malt 12 s. A payment was required of 2 s. as poundage on every quarter of wheat and 16 d. on every quarter of all other grain. But licenses already granted to individuals and corporations for exporting corn were not to be subject to the new conditions; and the queen might at any time prohibit by proclamation 1 13 Eliz., c. 13. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 547. See below, p. 231, n. 8. 142 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET the export of corn from any one district or from the realm as a whole. 1 By this act the administration of the export trade was taken out of the hands of the local authorities. One standard of prices was to hold for all England as had been the case before the act of 1571. The queen's right to prohibit exportation was again affirmed. The first of the Stuart corn laws, found in an act of 1604, for continuing, revising, and repealing divers statutes, provided that any subject of the king might export corn when the following conditions were fulfilled. Prices were not to be above 26 s. 8 d. per quarter for wheat, 15 s. for rye, peas, and beans, 14 s. for barley or malt. The corn was to be shipped only to peoples in amity and transported in ships owned by English-born subjects. A poundage was to be paid at the rate of 2 s. per quarter of wheat, and 16 d. for every quarter of any other kind of grain. At all times the king might prohibit the export of corn from any one district or from the country as a whole. 2 This act simply shows the continuation of the privileges of the acts of 1437, 1555, and 1593, together with the effort to keep the maximum price at which corn might be exported in accord with rising prices. In another act for continuing, revising, and repealing of statutes, passed in 1624, the maximum price at which corn might be exported was raised to the following rates, wheat 32 s. per quarter, rye 20 s., peas, beans, barley, and malt 16 s. 3 With the law of 1627, the series of " continuing " acts came to an end. It permits subjects born in the realm to transport corn, to buy it to sell again in markets and out of markets, and to export it abroad. The conditions as to maximum prices, custom rates, and English ownership remained as before. The usual clause is 1 35 Eliz., c. 7, 5. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. 2, p. 855 (1592-93). See below, p. 231. See also 39 Eliz., c. 2, i; ibid., p. 893 (1597-98). * i Jac. I, c. 25. Ibid., p. 1050 (1603-04). This statute is referred to in " An Acte for Transportacon of Beere over the Seas," passed in 1605-06. 3 Jac. I, c. ii. Ibid., p. 1087. * 21 Jac. I, c. 28, 3. Ibid., p. 1237 (1623-24). THE CORN LAWS 143 added, reserving to the king the right at any time to prohibit the export of corn locally or nationally. 1 The only export law which was passed during the Interregnum somewhat resembled the act of 1627. According to this law, dated i656, 2 both aliens and denizens 3 might export 4 corn freely when prices were not above 40 s. per quarter for wheat, 24 s. for rye, peas, and beans, 20 s. for barley and malt, and 16 s. for oats. Denizens were to pay i s. customs per quarter of wheat, and corresponding prices for other grain, aliens to pay treble the rate. And natives were to use only those ships that truly belonged to them. In the case of this corn law, as in so many instances, the Restoration parliaments confirmed the measures of the Inter- regnum period. The maximum rates of the law of 1656 were maintained by the law of 1660, but the .clause imposing higher customs upon aliens reduced the burden to twice the rate paid by natives. 5 The act of 1663 brings to an end the array of laws permitting export when prices were not above certain levels, in this case, wheat 48 s. per quarter, rye, peas, and beans 32 s., barley, malt, and buckwheat 28 s., and oats 13 s. 4 d. 6 This act was passed to] encourage trade, but its export provisions were less novel than the section on imports which will be later summarized. A noteworthy law was enacted 7 which, unlike its predecessors, remained on the statute book for generations. 8 For the 1 3 Car. I, c. 5, 6. Statutes of the Realm, v, p. 30. 2 Printed in London, 1657, by Henry Hills and John Field (ten pages). 3 The meaning of this badly-drawn statute is not clear. The text is in part: it shall " be lawfull for any person or persons, being Natives of this Commonwealth, to carry or transport of his own, and to buy to sell again in Marketts and out of Marketts, and to keep or sell, or carry and transport, and for any other person or persons, to transport any or all these several sorts of Corn and Grain." 4 The word " export " does not occur in the text but is in the title, " An Act for the Exportation of Several commodities of the Breed Growth and Manufacture of this Commonwealth." 5 12 Car. II, c. 4, i, n. Statutes of the Realm, v, pp. 181, 183. 6 15 Car. II, c. 7. Ibid., p. 449. 7 22 Car. II, c. 13. Ibid., v, p. 685. 8 Repealed, except as to Ireland, 44 Geo. Ill, c. 109, i. 144 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET improvement of tillage and the common welfare of England, it was ordained that all persons, native and foreign, might at any time after 24 June, 1670, regardless of the price, export corn on the sole condition of paying the customs imposed in 1660. This policy of encouragement to exportation found further expression in the first corn bounty act, passed nearly three years later. 1 Like so many other corn laws, it occupied a very incon- spicuous position in the statute-book. It is the second last section of a long statute (containing thirty- two clauses), which granted to the crown a large subsidy. This explains why the law has so long remained unknown, and why the belief has pre- vailed among historians that the act of 1689 (i W. & M., c. 12) was the " first " corn bounty act in English history. 2 So firm was this belief that even where the earlier bounty has thrust itself forward, it has been denied its proper identity. 3 Not only do we know much concerning its history, but we have the act 1 See my article " The Corn Bounty Experiment of Charles II," Quarterly Jour- nal of Economics, xxiv, pp. 410-422. * " This [the act of 1689] was the first Law for allowing any Bounty on Com exported." Anderson, Origin of Commerce, ii, p. 189 (1764). " This was the first law for allowing any bounty on corn exported." Macpher- son, Annals of Commerce, ii, p. 634 (1805). " At the Revolution, however, a new policy was adopted." Lecky, History of England, vii, pp. 245-246. In 1689 was taken " the new and surprising step of enacting a bounty on the export of grain." R. Somers, Encyclopaedia Britannica (g\h ed.), vi, p. 410. " The only law of the latter kind [bounty on exportation] is the famous Bounty Act of William and Mary." J. E. T. Rogers, in Palgrave, Dictionary of Political Economy, i, p. 423. " Daher finden wir denn auch 1683 bereits theoretisch formulirt den Gedanken, dass es im Interesse des Konigs sei, eine Pramie fur die Ausfuhr von Komeinzufuh- ren." Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 112 (1888); Naud6, Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europaischen Staaten vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahrhun- dert, p. 101 (1896), knowing only of the act of 1689, accepts Faber's view. " The bounty system on exported corn was first instituted in 1689." Alton and Holland, The King's Customs, p. 144 n. (1908). " The bounty on corn, first granted in 1688 and abolished in 1814." Encyclo- paedia Britannica (nth ed., 1910), iv, p. 324. " The only example of bounties on exported corn is the Bounty Act of 1689." F. Bower, A Dictionary of Economic Terms, under " Corn Laws " (undated). 1 By the indexer of the Calendar of State Papers (Domestic, Car. II, xviii, 1676- 77, p. 628), who connects the bounty with 22 Car. II, c. 13. THE CORN LAWS 145 itself, which, though not to be found in the statutes at large, is printed, yet not indexed, in the Statutes of the Realm. 1 According to the reading of the act it was to last only from the first of the session in 1673, that * s fr m 4 February to the last day of the session following the close of a period of three years, that is, according to the official decision, 2 to 13 May, 1678. But the accounts of the corn bounty debentures 3 show that the period of actual enforcement lay between the year 1674-75 4 (Michael- mas to Michaelmas) and the year 1 680-81 (Michaelmas to Michaelmas) . It is evident that the original official decision was revoked, though the circumstances of the case are unknown; and 1 The act reads in part as follows: " And to the end that all Owners of Land whereupon this Taxe [direct tax of 1,238,750 to be raised within 18 months] prin- cipally lyeth may be the better enabled to pay the same by rendering the labours of the husbandmen in raising corne and graine more valuable by exportation of the same into forreigne parts which now is already at a very low rate and that the Na- tion in generall may have her stocke increased by the returns thereof. Bee it fur- ther enacted that for the space of three years from the first day of this Session of Parlyament and from thenceforward to the end of the next Session of Parlyament when Mault or Barley (Winchester Measure) is or shall be at twenty fower shillings a quarter, Rye thirty two shillings a quarter and Wheate forty eight shillings a quarter or under in any Port or Ports of this Kingdome or Dominion of Wales every Merchant or other person who shall putt on Shipboard in English Shipping (the Master and two thirds of the Marriners at least being His Majestyes Subjects) any sorts of the corne aforesaid . . . shall have and receive ... for every quarter of Barley or Mault ground or unground two shillings and six pence, for every quarter of Rye ground or unground three shillings and six pence, for every quarter of Wheate ground or unground five shillings." 25 Car. II, c. i, 31. Statutes of the Realm, v, p. 781 (1672-73). 2 " Whereas the parliament was yesterday the i3th May prorogued by his Majesty Wee thinke fit to let you know that grayn or Corne exported directed by the Act made the 25 year of his Majesty's Reigne Entitled an Act for Raiseing the sume of 1,238,750 for the supply of his Majesty's Extraordinary ocassions is de- termined and at an End soe that for any of the corne therein menconed, which shall be shipped from and after the said tune for Exportacon you are to make noe pay- ment or allowance, but Collect the Custome due for the same." Dated " Custom house London 14 May 1678," Yarmouth Custom House, Orders, fol. 96. s Appendix G. 4 Up to 29 June, 1675, the London officials had apparently not sent all the neces- sary instructions to the customers at Stockton. A letter of the above date, written in London and sent to the Stockton officials, reads: " The book of rates will bee provided & sent you by the stationer wherein the said Clause [concerning the bounty] is printed att larg[e]." MS., Stockton Customs House, Book of Instruc- tions, vol. 1675-1714, under entry date of 30 Oct., 1675. 146 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET it also seems that, since the bounty was a year or more late in coming into effect owing to the high price of corn, its operation was extended to cover a period of the same length of time as that specified in the act, that is in all about five and one-quarter years. The bounty system was re-introduced in the act for the encouragement of the exportation of corn in the year 1689. Since it had been found by experience, so runs the preamble, that the exportation of corn abroad, when the price at home was low, had been a great advantage not only to the owners of land but to the trade of the whole realm, it was, therefore, enacted that a bounty of corn should be given when wheat should be at 48 s. per quarter or under, rye 32 s., malt or barley 24 s. at any port in England or Wales. Export should take place in English ship- ping with the master and two- thirds of the mariners English; and the corn should not be landed again. The bounty was to be 5 s. on each quarter of wheat, 3 s. 6 d. on each quarter of rye, and 2 s. 6 d. on each quarter of barley and malt, ground or unground. 1 The influence of this act in English economic history is a matter of dispute, but the discussion of this question lies beyond our field. When these laws regulating exportation are chronologically arranged, nine groups of important corn laws may be noted. The first consists of the law of 1361 prohibiting export. The second is the law of 1394 permitting export. The third is the law of 1437 establishing machinery for regular uninterrupted export. The fourth is the statute of 1534 which prohibited unlicensed export. The fifth contains the three acts of 1555, 1559, and 1563 which restored the Lancastrian maximum price clause of the law of 1437. The sixth is the law of 1571 allowing export when prices were reasonable. The seventh group is the largest of all. Beginning with the act of 1594 and ending with that of 1663, it restored the price provision of the third and fifth groups. The eighth is the act of 1670 allowing export regardless of prices. The ninth and last comprises the two bounty acts. Thus it is evident that there were three changes of policy, alter- nating between prohibitions and permission of exportation. Corn 1 i W. & M., c. 12. Statutes of the Realm, vi, p. 62 (1688-89). THE CORN LAWS 147 export was prohibited either almost completely, as by the law of 1361 or only partially as in that of 1534. Or exportation was permitted (a) by general license as by the law of 1394, (b) under certain price maxima as by the laws of 1437, 1555, 1559, J S63, 1593, 1604, 1624, 1627, 1656, 1660, and 1663, (c) by the provision that prices were to be reasonable before export might take place, as by the law of 1571, (d) by allowing export without restriction as in the law of 1670, or (e) by encouraging it by bounty as pro- vided by the acts of 1673 and 1689. 3. LEGISLATION REGULATING CORN IMPORTATION The Carta Mercatoria of 1303 is the first law, or first document having the effect of law, to be recorded on the subject of the importation of corn. In return for a super- tax of i%, alien merchants were to have the right to import corn and certain other merchandise under very favorable circumstances. 1 Important as was this charter to the alien merchants in their general dealings, it is doubtful if it meant much to the import corn trade, for, so far as is known, aliens had formerly been allowed to import, and this was merely a confirmation of the right. An act of 1324, of narrow application, had to do with only the Irish trade. It ordained that no royal official was to arrest any ships or goods of aliens or denizens; and that all merchants and others were free to import from Ireland their corn, victuals, and other merchandise into England and Wales, on payment of the customs due, and on security being given that the corn should not go to the Scots or other enemies. 2 Another act somewhat similar in character was passed in 1361. The people of England, as well religious as others, who had their possessions in Ireland, might import their corn, beasts, and victuals into England, as well as carry them from England to Ireland. 3 A new departure was made in 1463 when an interesting law of general scope was passed. The statute of which this corn law 1 Rymer, Feeder a, etc. (Rec. ed.), ii, pt. 2, p. 747. * 17 Ed. II, c. 3. Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 193 (1323-24). J 34 Ed. Ill, c. 18. Ibid., p. 368 (1360-61). 148 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET forms but one section was passed at the demand of the Commons, 1 for the protection of England's manufactures and agriculture. It stated that the laborers and occupiers of husbandry in England were daily put to a grievous loss by the importation of corn from other lands, and that this was especially the case when corn grown in England was at a low price. No one, therefore, from 24 June, 1463, was to import as merchandise or otherwise, any wheat, rye, or barley not grown in England, Ireland, or Wales, at any time that the price at the place of importation was not above the specified rates, wheat 6s. 8 d., rye 4 s., and barley 3 s. 2 In 1624 the act of 1463 was repealed as long since out of date. 3 The rise of prices had made the fifteenth century rates, at which corn might be imported, of no practical use. Just two hundred years elapsed between the enactment of the first and second important laws dealing with the importation of corn. 4 The expressed aim of the Restoration statute of 1663 was to encourage tillage in order to make trade flourish. Besides permitting the exportation and the engrossing of corn, the act declared that when prices were not high, a heavy duty was to be 1 Roluli Parliamentorum, v, p. 504a. Stow (Survey of London, ed. Kingsford, i, p. 233) conjectures that this act was caused by the great amount of corn brought into England by the Hanseatic mer- chants. In this Stow is not to be followed, for he was probably antedating by about a century the corn importing activities of these merchants. 1 3 Ed. IV, c. 2. StatiUes of the Realm, ii, p. 395. A law of 1448-49 dealt with the use to which money received from the sale of imported corn should be put. It ordained that all merchants, aliens, and denizens, importing corn, victuals, or any other merchandise, should export, not English coin or bullion, but English goods. 27 H. VI, c. 3. Ibid., ii, p. 350. 1 21 Jac. I, c. 28. Ibid., iv, pt. 2, p. 1238 (1623-24). 4 The second navigation act, passed in 1660, decreed that no masts, timber, boards, salt, pitch, tar, rosin, hemp, flax, raisins, figs, prunes, olive oils, corn or grain, sugar, potash, wines, vinegar, or spirits were to be imported except in the ships of the country of the origin of the goods, or in English ships, owned by English subjects and under an English master with three-quarters of the crew Englishmen. This act was passed probably with no thought of increasing or diminishing the importation of corn. The aim was to encourage and to increase English, at the expense of foreign, shipping. Whatever may have been the intention, it is likely that the import corn trade would in fact suffer from such restriction. 12 Car. II, c. 18, 8. Ibid., v, p. 248. The navigation act of 1651 (Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, c. 22, pp. 176-177) does not specifically mention corn. THE CORN LAWS 149 paid on imported corn. The duty was 5 s. 4 d. per quarter of wheat, when the latter was not over 48 s., 4 s. for rye, peas, and beans when not over 32 s., 2 s. 8 d. for barley and malt when not over 28 s., 2 s. for buckwheat when not over 28 s., and i s. 4 d. for oats when not over 13 s. 4 d. 1 By implication, the old rates were to hold when prices were higher than those expressed. This was the first time in English history that English agri- culture was protected by high import corn duties. Clearly the government was bending every effort to make agricultural pro- duction for the market a profitable occupation. In 1670 this policy was carried to its logical conclusion. The English market was guaranteed to native producers of corn when prices were low. When prices were moderate, they were given a great advantage over foreign producers. And only when prices were distinctly high could corn be imported at anything like reasonable rates. This was accomplished by creating three ranges of prices: the first was up to 53 s. 4 d., and while prices were within this range the importer had to pay a duty of 16 s. per quarter; the second 53 s. 4 d. to 80 s. when 8 s. were due; and the third above 80 s. when the older and lower rates had to be paid. 2 Trial proved this law ineffectual, because of the lack of ma- chinery for determining the market price. The corn dealers were accused of raising the price in the district where they imported a cargo, so that they would have less duty to pay " to defraud us [the king] of the higher duty due by Law." 3 By way of remedy, " An Additionall Act for the Improvement of Tillage " was passed in 1685. It commenced by reciting the act of 1670. Then it stated that since no provision had been made for the determination of prevailing prices, great quantities of corn had been imported without paying the duties as prescribed by the act of 1670. As a remedy it was ordered that justices of the peace within the counties to which the corn was imported were to learn what the current price was and to certify this to the customs 1 15 Car. II, c. 7. Statutes of the Realm, v, p. 449. * 22 Car. II, c. 13. Ibid., p. 685. * MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Jac. II, i, fol. 521. 150 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET official, so that it might be hung up within the customs house. London prices were to be certified by the mayor, aldermen, and justices of the peace of London. The duty upon foreign corn imported was to be paid according to these certified prices. 1 It seems, indeed, that this act, like the one it amended, had comparatively little effect, since two years later in 1687 the law of 1685 2 was again proclaimed. This suggests either that it had not yet been made known to the local officials or that it had been neglected by them. Governor Pownall's testimony, made in the latter half of the eighteenth century, was that it had not been " actually carried into execution," 3 though it was not repealed till the beginning of the last decade of the century. 4 This legislation may be thus summarized. There were but three noteworthy general corn laws dealing with importation during the period. The first (1463) came late, and though not repealed till 1624, it was made inoperative by the rise of prices and, therefore, was in force little more than two generations. Two centuries later came the second and the third (1663 and 1670) and these like the first aimed to keep out foreign corn. In other words, from noo to 1463, so far as we know, no corn law checking importation was in existence; and from about 1550 to 1663 no import corn law was actually in force. The significance of this legislation will appear more clearly in a later connection; 5 at present it suffices to observe that in the earlier period restriction of corn importation was unnecessary, in the later not advisable. Up to the fifteenth century the English farmer had no serious foreign competition to fear, and after the fifteenth century the government dreaded to leave him without such competition. 4. LEGISLATION CONCERNING CORN DEALERS We have surveyed some of the national laws which affected the dealer in corn, such as those that regulated forestalling, regrating, weights and measures, 6 and foreign trade. 7 Municipal legislation i Jac. II, c. 19. Statutes of the Realm, vi, p. 21. Council Register, Jac. I, i, fol. 521. A. Young, Political Arithmetic, p. 304. 31 Geo. Ill, c. 30, i. Ch. V, i. Ch. VIII. * Ch. V, 2, 3. THE CORN LAWS 151 on the subject of the corn middleman, 1 and governmental ordi- nances regulating those engaged in the domestic trade will be considered later. 2 In this section an examination is made only of those national laws which gave to alien merchants certain corn trading privileges within the English towns and in the country as a whole, and national measures that dealt in a general way with the occupation of a corn middleman. It is a striking commentary upon the history of the corn trader that there were so few laws passed which singled him out for special legislation. Generally the laws had reference to all merchants, alien or denizen, or to dealers in victuals. For this reason, then, most of the acts outlined here have no exclusive reference to the corn trade. The status of aliens trading in the towns of medieval England is part of the wider subject of town economy with its character- istic town monopoly, which led to the exclusion of aliens from certain activities such as retailing and selling to other aliens, under any but prescribed conditions. In England in the four- teenth century the central government stepped in and threw the weight of its power on the side of the alien. In the laws that were passed, favoring the foreign merchant, the purchase and sale of corn in the towns were given prominence, but corn is only one of the articles of traffic mentioned. In 1303 the Carta Mercatoria gave to alien merchants, in return for extra import and export duties, special trading privi- leges within the English towns, notably the right to deal with aliens as well as denizens, and to sell by retail both mercery and spices. 3 The exclusive policy of the towns was condemned in 1335. By way of remedy the king decreed that all merchants, strangers, and denizens, who wished to buy or sell corn, wines, avoirdupois, flesh, fish and other victuals, wool, cloth, wares, merchandise, and all other vendible goods, might do so freely in any city, borough, town, seaport, fair, market or elsewhere in the realm, either 1 Ch. VI, i. Ch. VIII, 6. 3 Rymer, Fcedera, etc. (Rec. ed.), ii, pt. 2, p. 747 (1302-03). 152 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET within a private franchise or without; it was also ordained that such goods might be sold to aliens as well as to denizens. 1 This law was recited in a statute of 1351 and ordered to be kept. It was likewise explicitly stated that dealers in victuals and other goods, aliens as well as denizens, might sell in gross or by retail to whomever they would. 2 In 1378 a similar law was enacted which expressed more fully the articles of commerce. 3 All merchants, according to this statute, whether aliens or denizens, might buy and sell corn, flesh, fish and other victuals, spices, fruit, fur, small wares, silk, gold and silver wire, and handkerchiefs, in London or other cities, bor- oughs, seaports, fairs, markets, and other places, either by retail or hi gross, to whomever they would, denizens or foreigners. The native, as well as the foreign corn dealer, came in for special legislative consideration. This was quite apart from forestalling, regrating, or engrossing (in the sense of monopolizing). Indeed, the object of these enactments was to create a legal status for the corn middleman engaging in the domestic trade. The first act of importance in this connection was passed in 1552. It declared that the purchase of corn, fish, butter, and cheese by any badger, lader, kidder, or carrier was lawful when he had been licensed by three justices of the peace of the district. Such badger was, however, to sell or deliver in the open fair or market, or to another victualler or private person for household use, or he was to make provision for a city, borough, town corpo- rate, ship, castle, or fort. Forestalling was prohibited. Any one having corn enough for seed and for household use, who bought more to sell in the market or fair, even at the prevailing prices, would be under penalty of the law. Any one authorized by three justices of the peace of the district might ship corn and cattle coast-wise under cocket, but he had to return a certificate that he had unloaded his cargo according to the specification of the cocket. When the price of corn was commonly not above a certain rate (wheat 6 s. 8 d., rye and mistlin 5 s., peas and beans 1 9 Ed. in, st. i, c. i. Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 269. * 25 Ed. Ill, st. 3, c. 2. Ibid., i, p. 315 (1350-51). * 2 R. II, st. i, c. i. Ibid., ii, p. 7. THE CORN LAWS 153 4 s., barley and malt 3 s. 4 d., oats and malted oats 2 s.), then it was to be lawful for any one " not forstallinge to buy, engrosse and kepe in his or their garners or houses " such corn as might be desired. 1 This law, at first tentative, was continued for short periods by various acts, the last of which was passed in the first year of Elizabeth, 2 until it was finally made perpetual in the thirteenth year of her reign. 3 Enforced with evident difficulty in the six- teenth century 4 and to some extent in the seventeenth, 5 it was repealed only in the eighteenth. 6 But in fact it is doubtful if the last and in some respects the most important clause of the act was in operation for any length of time owing to the great rise of prices that took place in the middle of the sixteenth century. Never before did the middleman enjoy so clearly defined a legal recognition. Provided with a license and subject only to the prohibition of forestalling, he might buy and lay up corn when prices were low, and ship it along the coast. 1 5 & 6 Ed. VI, c. 14. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 148 (1551-52). Compare the following proclamation: " No person may buy to sell again any grain, ' misselyn,' or meale on pain of forefeiture of goods bought, and half his lands and goods, half penalty to informer. Brewers and bakers may buy for trade use. Innkeepers may sell Beanes, Pease, and Oats to guests. Broggers and common carriers may buy and sell to Brewers, Bakers, &c., not having more than 10 quarters of any one kind of grain in stock at once." Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, i, no. 389 (24 Sept., 1550). In the following month the ten quarters were raised to twenty. Ibid., no. 390 (20 Oct., 1550). 2 i Eliz., c. 18, i. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 380. 1 13 Eliz., c. 25. Ibid., p. 560. 4 About the year 1565-66, this law was held to be of little or no effect. Commis- sions were at that time sent out to local authorities to check the activities of engrossers, forestallers, and regrators. MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Eliza- beth, xxxix, no. 16. In 1570 the Lord Mayor of York tried to enforce the act. The History and An- tiquities of . . . York (York, 1788), i, p. 294. About 1572 a grant for 21 years was made by the queen to Eduard of the sole privilege of enforcing the acts of 1552 and 1571 and of granting licenses to traffic in corn, cattle, and other articles. State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, xc, no. 36. 5 In 1650 the London authorities ordered that the badgers should be licensed under 40 security under the act of 1563. MS., Guildhall, Repertory, Ixi, fol. 4 (9 Nov.). 6 12 Geo. Ill, c. 71, i. 154 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET During the parliamentary session of 1563, so notable for its economic legislation, there was passed a rather detailed act con- cerning the licensing of badgers of corn and drovers of cattle. After having recited the act of 1552, this statute ordered that no drover of cattle, badger, lader, kidder, carrier, buyer, or trans- porter of corn or grain, butter, or cheese was to be licensed except in the general and open quarter sessions of the peace; only those should be licensed who had been in the shire during the three preceding years, were married men of the age of at least thirty, and were householders and not household servants or retainers; licenses were to be good for one year only. All drovers of cattle, badgers, laders, kidders and carriers, or buyers of corn, grain, butter, or cheese were to give surety not to fore- stall nor engross. The clerk of the peace was to keep a register of names of those licensed together with their place of residence and the date of the granting of the license; this register was to be kept so that it might be known how many licenses had been granted. No person under authority of a license might buy corn or grain, to sell again, except in the open fair or market, unless he had a special license authorizing him to do so. No city or town corporate was to be injured by this act; both might license purveyors for their provision as formerly. 1 By this act the license system was made more efficient, and two kinds of licenses were sharply differentiated, the one permit- ting the purchase of corn only in the open market, and the other, a special license, providing for such purchase even outside the market. In 1571 the same act that made that of 1552 perpetual further ordered that no one" was to be a buyer, badger, kidder, or carrier of corn, cattle, butter, cheese, or other victuals, except as author- ized by the law of 1563, thereby indicating the determination of parliament to keep the law in force. 2 By the law of 1627 it was enacted that any subject might buy and sell corn or grain in markets and out of markets, and keep, sell, or transport it within England, or send it abroad. But this 1 5 Eliz., c. 12. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 439 (1562-63). 1 13 Eliz., c. 25, 7. Ibid., p. 562. THE CORN LAWS 155 was conditioned on low prices, that is, when wheat was not over 32 s., rye 20 s., and peas, beans, barley, and malt 16 s. 1 This act, as far as the price limit for the storage and sale of corn was concerned, superseded the law of 1552, but, in turn, was not often applicable since prices continued to rise so that those specified in this act did not long prevail. The Commonwealth parliament in 1650 quoted the act of 1552 as still on the statute books and applied its penalties to the offence of engrossing. " Forasmuch as of late time," ran the act, " there hath been great spoil and destruction made of Wheat, and other Corn and Grain of all sorts, and converting the same into Meal and Flour, and selling the same in private Houses, Ware- houses and Shops, without bringing the same into the common and publique Markets "; it is enacted that from 20 November, 1650, no one shall buy wheat or other grain to sell again as meal, flour or otherwise, except after obtaining a license granted by five justices of the peace sitting in open sessions. The occupation of the mealman was so hemmed in as to be seemingly impossible. He had to secure a license from the justices of the peace before buying his supply of corn, and he might not seD meal in shops, houses, or warehouses in any place within the realm. Only the public market was open to him. 2 Plainly this statute was reactionary in tone and intent. But it applied, not to all dealers in corn, but only to mealmen, 3 those who bought corn, had it ground, and retailed the flour or meal in small amounts. Although not specifically limited as to duration, this act was not in force longer than about ten years, for it suffered the fate of other Interregnum laws, and was held to be void at the return of monarchy. In 1656 an act, passed expressly to encourage export, stated that it was to be lawful for any native to transport corn and to buy to sell again in markets and out of markets, and to keep, sell, or transport it at will. 4 The condition was that prices should be 1 3 Car. I, c. 5, 5. Ibid., v, p. 30. * Scobell, Acts and Ordinances, pt. 2, pp. 142-143. 1 See their complaints against the act, Calendar of Slate Papers, Domestic, Com., vii, pp. 130-140 (1654). 4 Printed at London, 1657, by Henry Hills and John Field (ten pages). 156 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET low, wheat 40 s. per quarter, and corresponding prices for other grains. 1 In 1663 a similar statute was passed which allowed any one to buy corn in open market, to lay it up in his granary or house and to sell it again, provided he did not forestall it, nor sell it in the same market within three months, and also provided prices were not above the following rates, wheat 48 s., rye, peas, and beans 32 s., barley and malt 28 s., buckwheat 28 s., and oats 13 s. 4 d. 2 Taken as a whole these statutes dealing with corn middlemen seem to present a changing policy. In each case middleman activities were hedged in by regulations which, if strictly enforced, would have been discouraging and injurious. Nevertheless, it is apparent that the government saw the use of domestic corn dealers, but feared the abuses incident to their trade. Although the general purport of the corn laws is comparatively easy to discover, and although their development is simple in outline, their inner significance, as we shall see, is by no means obvious. It is one thing to read the statutes, and quite another to interpret them, to ascertain how far they really met the situation they were intended to meet, and to what extent, indeed, the government intended them to be in force. These questions can be answered wholly or in part only after a parallel study of the development of the corn middleman, the corn trade policy, and the market. 1 For the rates see the export law of 1656 above, p. 143. 1 15 Car. II, c. 7. Statutes of the Realm, v, p. 449. Cf. p. 252 below. CHAPTER VI THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN UNDER THE LOCAL MARKET SYSTEM, BEFORE THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY i. LOCAL CORN DEALERS THERE is, perhaps, no phase of the study of the grain trade more elusive than that of the middleman. There is a general lack of a definite nomenclature. And when specific terms are used, they are often applied inaccurately. Some regulations seem to legislate a certain class of dealers out of existence; others assume his existence. And, indeed, nowhere is there anything like satisfactory evidence of the actual dealings of medieval middle- men, from which deficiencies in terminology can be entirely over- come. It is not alone the modern student who suffers from this confusion; even the authorities in the sixteenth century were uncertain. 1 A great variety of terms was used to designate corn middle- men, and it is not easy to distinguish clearly the classes of dealers engaged in buying and selling corn. It is clear, however, that several types of middlemen may be differentiated. The corn merchant was, as here conceived, a wholesale dealer. Several problems concerning his existence and operations are dealt with separately. The corn monger was engaged in a regular, perhaps even daily, trade in corn, usually by land, over short distances, at slight risk and generally supplying some borough or city market, the corn he carried being chiefly for use in the town. He was primarily a local dealer who bought corn from the producer and generally carried it for direct sale to the consumer in the town market. As long as he obeyed the rules laid down for his governance, not only was there no objection to his activities, but he was actually 1 Cf. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 14, i, 2, 3. 157 158 THE ENpUSH CORN MARKET encouraged. A London ordinance directed those wishing to be dealers in corn to go into the country to buy their supplies, where they might find a profit, and bring their corn to the City for sale. 1 A third dealer was the corn broker. The derivation of the word " broker " and its early history are obscure. 2 His activities, however, are fairly well described in medieval town records. As a witness to commercial transactions, he had to be a freeman of the town. 3 Nominated or chosen by the craft concerned with the trade in which he was to act as broker, he was admitted and sworn by the town magistracy. 4 His function as witness was chiefly exercised in bargains between stranger and citizen, where, acting as a spy upon such dealings, he was to preserve the monopoly of his craft, 5 report all infractions of local ordinances, 6 and also give legal testimony in case of dispute. 7 Although there is great confusion in terminology, both in England and on the Continent, the broker, when acting in such capacity, was prob- ably normally called a correctier or courtier,* Another function of the broker, perhaps the original one, was to bring buyer and seller together, chiefly the stranger who was not acquainted within the town and the citizen who did not know 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 102. 1 See the article of Professor Leo Wiener, " Byzantinisches," Zeilschrift fur Romanische Philologie, xxxiv, pp. 664-674. 1 Liber Albus, i, p. 586 (iii, p. 231). 4 Statuta Civitatis Londoniae, Statutes of the Realm, i, p. 103 (1285). Calendar of Letter Books of London, passim. Cf. vol. G, pp. 14, 208; vol. H, p. 198 (i4th century). 6 In the 1 5th century the Grocers imposed this oath upon their brokers: " Ye shall sell no manner of grocerie wares to no manner of persone owte of the feliship of the Grocerie withoute frawde or collucon but ye have licence of the wardens for the tyme beyinge. " Ye shall geve knowleche unto the wardens of all manner so till waris beyinge in any manncs handis oute of the felishipp." MS., Grocers' Hall, no. 300, Register of Freemen, &c (1345-1481). 6 Cf. The Little Red Book of Bristol, ii, p. 18 (i4th century). 7 " And that the broker keep a record of particulars as evidence." Calendar of Letter Books, vol. H, p. 199 (1382). 8 Cf. the following regulation of St. Omer: Et ke nus courretiers ne se melle d'autre courreterie fors de chele ou il est mis par eskevins, sour LXS. et de perdre son mestier an et jour. Giry, Histoire de la ville de St. Omer, p. 505. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 159 the stranger. 1 This part of the broker's business was accepted by the town and regulated. 2 It is probable that our term " broker " is associated with this activity. The broker constantly tended to override these narrow bounds in order to act as commission agent and thus make additional gain. This was prohibited because, under such circumstances, the broker's official obligations would rest lightly upon his shoulders, and by covin with the stranger he might cheat the town of its customs dues and override the local restrictions placed upon the dealings of aliens. 3 So far we have considered the broker in general. The corn broker occupies in the London records a more prominent place than in those of other English towns. Unlike the broker in other trades, the corn broker was not elected by a craft, at least not from the fourteenth century on, when our evidence is full. The town swore none in, and recognized none officially. Indeed, its aim was to prevent, as far as possible, the sale of corn anywhere except upon the public local market, where a broker was not necessary, at least not necessary for honest bargaining. 4 So when the town, English 5 or Continental, 6 prohibited any one from 1 See the statute of i Jac. I, c. 21, i. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. 2, p. 1038 (1603-04). 2 " Item that each alien and stranger should pay to the brokers for every tun [of woad] that he sells to burgesses 12 d. for brokerage, and no more." The Little Red Book of Bristol, ii, p. 21 (i4th century). * It was ordered in 1315 or 1316 that " no denizen associate himself with a strange cornmonger nor avow his merchandise." Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 56. Cf. also the oath of the brokers. Ibid., vol. D, p. 9 (early i4th century). The rise of pawnbroking is described in the act of 1603-04, i Jac. I, c. 21, i. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. 2, p. 1038. 4 In St. Omer the corn broker was not to aid the corn dealer on the market: Nus ostes ne abrokieres de blei voist avoec marchant de blei pour aidier, achateir ou pour vendre blei el markiS sour le fourfait de iii libr. et de perdre son mestier an et jour. Giry, op. cit., p. 502 (late i3th century). 5 " It was agreed by the Warden and Aldermen, for the benefit of the whole City and of foreigners alike, that no one in future should meddle with brokerage of corn or malt, under penalty of the Statute." Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 18 (1293). 6 In St. Omer it was ordained: ke nus soit makelare [courtier] de blei sour LXS., et s'il ne les pooit paier, sour le pellorin. Giry, op. cit., p. 503 (late i3th century). l6o THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET being a corn broker, it had in mind, in all probability, the broker acting in an official capacity. On the other hand, the private corn broker was accepted and his dealings, as such, regulated. We find him accused, for ex- ample, of deceit in the purchase of com brought to town by country-folk, 1 a fact which seems to point to corn regrating. The medieval English corn broker, then, largely confined to London, having no craft connection or official sanction, carried on the business of a private negotiator of exchanges. A more important dealer is the corn regrator. The ordinances present a mass of confusing regulations dealing with his activities. He was prohibited from buying upon the markets to sell again, 2 and then from buying there till after a certain hour, or till the consumer had had a chance to purchase his supplies. 3 Not only was he forbidden, like other dealers, to forestall, but he was 1 Et pur ceo qascuns achatours et abrokours de blee achatent blee en la citee de paisauntz qil mesnent en la citee pur vendre, et dounent sur lachat un denier ou un obole a ernes. Liber Albus, i, p. 261. * For example, " It was ordained and agreed in 1344 by the said Mayor and Aldermen that the underwritten articles for avoiding dearness of corn should be proclaimed." Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 100. " That no blader nor retail dealer buy corn that has arrived in the City for sale within the markets or without to sell again." Ibid., p. 102. * " That no regrator of corn, of fish, or of poultry, shall buy provisions for resale before the hour of Prime rung at Saint Paul's; or before the substantial men of the land and of the City shall have bought their provisions." Liber Albus, i, p. 270 (iii, p. 88). A Portuguese ordinance of 1229 reads as follows: Mando quod in Castello [of Mendo] fiat semper mercatum de pane, de carne, de piscibus, et de aliis rebus vena- libus: et mando quod qui duxerit carregas pro ad vendendum, aut alias causas, ducat omnes illas ad locum ubi mandofieri mercatum, et ibi preconizetur et ven- dantur tarn carnes quam pisces, quam omnia alia, cessantibus omnibus regrateyris, ita quod si res venales sunt multe vel magne, regatarius nichil comparet in prima die, et si fuerint pauce vel minute, regatarius nichil comparet ante nonam. Item mando quod in die de mercato, vel de feyra, regatarius nichil comparet nisi finite et soluto mercato vel feyra. Porlugaliae Monumenta Historica, Leges et Consueludines, i, p. 6 10. Cited by Wiener, " Byzantinisches," Zeitschrift fiir Romanische Philologie, xxxiv, p. 652. The London regulations of 1344 stipulated that corn was to be sold upon the markets " by the same persons that bring it to all folk for their living and sus- tenance of their hosts, and to bakers for the service of the people." Thus corn was neither to be sold by regrators upon the markets nor bought by them there. Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 102. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN l6l ordered to buy only in the country. 1 That is, he was to be a corn monger. Storing up corn from one market to another was allowed to a freeman in London, but in Bristol was entirely forbidden. 2 From these regulations it would seem that the corn regrator was bound hand and foot. 3 The persistency of the recurrence of these local laws, however, shows that he survived them, and continued his operations. Indeed, the corn regrator performed a valuable service. He could hi ordinary times buy grain upon the open market after a certain hour and sell it there at a later date. In allowing him to do this the town ran no risk, for in his purchases he was not a competitor of the consumer who had the first chance to buy, nor would the presence of his corn upon the market later on, augmenting the visible supply, do aught but tend to lower prices. The only real danger was that he should plot with others who brought corn to market, to raise prices. This was prohibited, however, and the prohibition was enforced. An apparent, not a real, injury that he might do the poor consumer was to store up grain and then in years of scarcity sell it dear. Much of the objection to him was probably based on the feeling that he produced no corn utility. At least no utility was readily apparent in buying up the market at a low price and sell- ing at a higher price; or in storing up corn when cheap to sell again when dear. Unlike the corn merchant and corn monger, he did not transport corn from one place to another. The speculative side of his dealing was uppermost in the minds of the consumers of corn. 4 1 " Those who wish to be merchants of corn should go and buy it Opdand, where they may find a profit, and bring it and sell it in the City as aforesaid, or put it in store (en Gerner) if they be free of the City," but they are not to buy it upon the markets. Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 102 (1344). 2 Item quod nullus hospitet aliqua blada ab uno mercato ad alium mercatum ad ea carius vendenda sub pena forisfacture totius bladi. The Little Red Book of Bristol, ii, p. 225 (i4th century). * Cf. the Pisan law prohibiting the pissicario from dealing in grain, cited by Professor Leo Wiener, " Byzantinisch.es," Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie, xxxiv, P- 653. * Matthew Paris has given us an interesting account of regrating in years of dearth. About March, 1257-58, fifty big ships or thereabouts, carrying wheat, barley, 1 62 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET As in Florence, 1 so in London, 2 bakers acted as corn regrators. They bought corn upon the market place after consumers had been supplied and sold it, legally upon the open market to all who would buy, illegally in their shops. Corn hucksters seem to have played little or no part in medieval English towns. One of the chief services that the huckster can render, the rapid disposal of a surplus supply, was not possible in the corn trade as in the fish and fruit trades. Corn was not a rapidly perishable commodity, and, furthermore, although corn might exist in abundance, it would not be marketed very rapidly owing to the slow process of threshing and owing to the fact that in a local market the producers, knowing conditions of supply and demand, would hold back their crops for a higher price. Forestallers and engrossers did not form middleman classes. Shop keepers dealing in corn 3 are apparently not mentioned in the early records of London, 4 though in Florence they occupied a well-defined position. 5 Indeed, their operations would have run counter to the cardinal policy of the city. The commission agent was apparently banned in London. The measurer at least, who was most likely, along with the broker, to act in such capacity, was prohibited from carrying samples of rye, and bread arrived in the port of London. Et acclamatum est edicto regio, ne aliquis civium Londoniensium. de blado illo aliquid emeret ad reponendum in cu- meram, ut indigentibus carius et postulantibus secundum suam consuetudinem vende- rent. Quia infames habebantur dicti tives, quod in tempore caristiae naves victualibus on us t as vel subdole averterunt vel in solidum emerunt, ut ad placitum eorum ea venderent postulantibus. Cronica Majora, v, p. 673. 1 Bakers sold bread, " flour of all kinds, as well, and bran and sifted grain of every description. There was consequently a sort of rivalry set up between them and the Granaiuoli, Corn-chandlers, who were associated with the Arte degli Oliandoli." Staley, The Guilds of Florence, p. 441 (early i5th century). 1 See above, p. 69. 1 In a document of the time of King John (p. 163, n. 4 below) corn mongers are ordered to sell only in their shops (" sopes "); but it is not unlikely that this word " sopes " refers to booths or stalls on the market or wharf of Queenhithe. * In 1646-47 and 1650 it was clearly stated that selling corn from shops was even then illegal and of very recent practice. The open market was still the only recog- nized place for selling corn or meal. See Appendix L. 5 Item quod biadaiuolus vel trecco, qui publice habeat apotecam in civitate Florentie, moretur in platea Orti Sancti Micaelis. Statuti della Repubblica Fioren- tina (ed. R. Caggese), i, p. 35 (1322-25). THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 163 corn for sale. 1 Had London, in the middle ages, been a corn importing city, then such agents would have performed a useful service, like the Fonticarii of Venice, who were sellers of corn and pulse in the Fondaco, and were themselves not allowed to buy corn for sale, nor, indeed, any more than for the use of their own households. 2 Cc< 2. RISE OF THE CORN MONGER Contemporaneous with the growth of the towns of medieval England was the rise and development of the corn monger (bladarius or bidder, mango bladi or mangun de ble) 3 to supply the increasing need for corn. Thus the beginning of the class would date back at least to the twelfth or thirteenth century. The earliest references to them belong to the years 1204 4 and 1222. 8 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 101 (1344). 2 Fonticarii i venditori di biade e legumi nel Fondaco [Fontico] del comune a Rialto e fuori. Capitolari delle Arti Veneziane, ii, pt. i, p. 391 n. (1271). They took the following oath: non comparabo nee comparari faciam aliquo modo vel ingenio blavum vel legumina in Veneciis nee extra Venecias causa reven- dendi, nisi tantum pro domo mea. et si sciero quod aliquis emat frumentum vel aliquem blavum vel legumina in Fontico causa revendendi vel extrahendi de Vene- ciis, cicius quam potero dominis justiciariis manifestabo. Ibid., ii, pt. i, pp. 393-394 (1271). 3 For a philological account of the word " monger," see the interesting article by Professor Leo Wiener, " Gypsies as Fortune-Tellers and as Blacksmiths," Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society (N.S.), iii, pp. 253 f. * Adam Beremund debet quartam partem de xxxvm quartern's frumenti qua exigit versus petrum le cornmongere. MS., R. O., Pipe Roll, L. T. R., no. 50, memb. 8a (6 John). Cf . also De mangonibus bladi. Nul mangun de ble ne doit estre en Lundres fors ces ki sunt en la rive de la roine, et ces ne doivent achater al plus fors une cumbe de ble, deske il aient eel vendu; ne il ne poent, ne ne doivent, eel ble ne altre mettre en celiers, ne aillurs, fors sulement en lur sopes, et la vendre le apertement. "A Lon- don Municipal Collection of the Reign of John," ed. Bateson, English Historical Review, xvii, p. 724 (John). 6 Adam palmerius [liber tenens in manerio de Sandun' in comitatu Hertfordiae] x acras pro mi solidiis. Idem dimidiam virgatam quae fuit ailrici cornmongere unde reddit nn solidos. Domesday of St. Paul, p. 15. Cf. also Stepho le Cornmongere, and many others assessed in 1296, 1327, and 1332 for subsidy in Sussex at a very low rate. Sussex Subsidies, Sussex Record Society, x (ed. W. Hudson), pp. 83, 86, 100, no, 117, 133, 232, 240, 246. Cf. also Robert Saleman, " flouremongere." Calendar of Letter Books of Lon- don, vol. E, p. 270 (1330-32). 164 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The information about the local corn dealer from Edward I on is fullest in the London records. A large number of corn mongers or bidders are mentioned by name, above forty in all, between the years 1281 and 1379, one in i28i,jeight between the years 1312 and 1324, twenty-five between "tne years 1332 and 1350, one in 1364, one in 1369, three in 1370 and one in 1379. l None of these corn mongers seem to have been men of prom- inence in London. They are mentioned as granting a " parcel of land " to another monger, 2 as leasing a house to another, 3 as landlord and tenant of a holding worth ten marks per annum, 4 as renting a tenement for twelve years, 5 and for sixteen years, 6 as being entrusted with the keys at Cripplegate, 7 as wardens of the corn markets at Gracechurch and at Newgate, 8 as mainpernors, 9 as surety, 10 as guardian appointed by the Lord Mayor, 11 as furnish- ing soldiers, 12 as assessed for a benevolence, 13 as giving two marks present to the king, 14 and as having an apprentice. 15 Though none of these men appear to have been prominent, they were all probably men of substance. The approximate wealth of at least four 16 corn mongers, mentioned in the Calendar Calendar of Letter Books of London, vols. B, C, E, F, G, H. Ibid., vol. E, p. 151. Ibid., vol. B, p. 8. Ibid., p. 272. 10 Ibid., vol. F, p. 201. Ibid., vol. F, p. 161. u Ibid. Ibid., vol. E, p. 144. n Ibid., vol. E, p. 93. Ibid., p. 175. u Ibid., vol. F, p. 146. 7 Ibid., p. 142. 14 Ibid., vol. G, p. 171. 8 Ibid., vol. F, p. 83. u Ibid., vol. H, p. 443. 16 In 1324 Peter de Staundone, blader, held a plot of ground from the city at a yearly rental of 12 d. (Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 193). His will, dated 1330, shows his possessions to have been in part two bakehouses, a tenement near the Tower, and " all the houses left to him by his uncle " (Calendar of Wills, pt. i, p. 358). In 1345 there was taken out " lease by Walter Neel, blader, to William de Thorp, blader ... of a brewery in the parish of St. Andrews at Castle Baynard " (Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 1 19) . This same Walter Neel had been sheriff in 1337-38 (Calendar of Witts, pt. i, pp. 673-674). In 1351 he made his will bequeathing chantries for over six persons, " his tenement in the parish of St. James," " other tenements in the parishes of S. Michael de Paternostercherche and S. Thomas the Apostle," and finally tenements and rents in the ward of Queen- hithe (Calendar of Witts, pt. i, pp. 673-674). Hamo le Barber, blader, died between 1348 and 1350, leaving a " certain tene- ment in the parish of St. Margaret," " all his tenements in the vill of Henlee," THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 165 of Letter Books of London, may be roughly determined by their wills enrolled at the Court of Husting and printed in Sharpe's Calendar of Wills. This evidence shows that corn mongering was a paying occupation as early as the fourteenth century. Most of the corn mongers who are found at this period well developed as a class seem to have been Londoners and to have resided in the city. Mention is made, however, of a corn monger living in a nearby borough, Great Marlow. 1 He rented to another corn monger for thirty marks for three years " certain tenements in the parish of St. Michael de Bassieshawe " in London, probably corn warehouses or granaries. And this corn monger of Great Marlow did not stand alone. A corn monger of Fulham sold corn in 1370 in London, and was pilloried for putting the good corn on top and the bad beneath. 2 Another corn monger from St. Albans was offered a higher price than the prevailing market price at which he had been willing to sell his corn. 3 There were doubtless many other corn mongers like these living in Hertford, Wycombe, and other towns, and engaged in supplying London with corn from the local market towns, " strange corn mongers " or " foreign dealers " as they were called, association with whom was forbidden to all denizen corn mongers. 4 It is obvious, therefore, that by the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, London's demand for corn had developed a class of " a tenement formerly belonging to John de Kyngeston," and his leasehold interest in certain tenements of Fridaystrete " (Calendar of Wills, pt. i, p. 533). Perhaps the most flourishing corn monger in this period in London, of whom the records make mention, was William de Thame who in 1349 and 1350 was surety and was then called blader (Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, pp. 193, 211). In 1355 his will was made, and it enumerated the following possessions: " his capital tenement with shops in the parish of St. Michael " [Queenhithe], " shops in the street called ' la Riole,' " " rents " in la Riole Street, and " shops in Hoggene- lane," a " tenement in the parish of St. Michael de Paternostercherch," a " shop in Westchep," and finally " a granary in le Derkelane in the parish of St. Michael Queenhithe " (Calendar of Wills, pt. i, pp. 697-698). 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. F, p. 161 (1347). 1 Ibid., vol. G, p. 261 (1370). 1 Ibid. Cf. the corn mongers found in a list of twenty-three tradesmen of St. Albans, MS., R. O., K. R. Accounts, 399/14 (Ed. III). 4 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 56 (1316); vol. F, p. 101 (1434); vol. H, p. 138 (1379)- 1 66 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET middlemen living in London itself and in the neighboring towns and villages. The existence of such corn mongers elsewhere than in the lower Thames area does not rest on inference only. In the districts about Bristol and Lynn * there were dealers who, though they may have engaged in the wholesale trade, were probably also retailers or corn mongers. And in all parts of England, just as in backward Sussex, we may safely assume there were country corn mongers who supplied the local towns with corn .*^ Unfortunately the earliest history of the corn monger cannot now be written, since the extant records deal largely with the period from the reign of Edward I onwards. We cannot say that corn mongers are found first in the village and then in the towns, or that they were originally producers of corn who took to buying corn from their neighbors to sell on the nearby market. Nor can we hold that when we find a town corn monger, say of the reign of John, he was not himself a producer of corn in the half-agricultural, half-commercial town of the day. Although there are far more instances of rural than of urban corn mongers in the records of the early thirteenth century, it is not unlikely that some early townsmen, not engaged in agriculture, took to buying and selling corn as a means of livelihood. In the early development of the rural community with urban ambitions, the corn monger doubtless played an important part. So we may add him to the list of manorial artisans and tradesmen, such as the smith, the butcher, the tanner, the fisherman, and the merchant, as an example of the growing specialization of employ- ments. Municipal regulations of the corn monger have been handed down from the reign of John. They did not prohibit, but re- stricted and regulated his activities. He might not buy more than a certain amount, nor sell secretly, 3 nor forestall corn on the 1 Cf. below, pp. 175-176. 2 See the subsidy accounts of 1296, 1327, and 1332 referred to above, p. 163, n. 5. * p. 163, n. 4. The corn monger in Paris in the thirteenth century, when about to buy or sell more than one se'tier (about four and one-quarter bushels in the i7th century), was obliged to make use of the sworn measurers. Nus Marchans de grain, c'est THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 1 67 way to market, 1 but it was lawful for him " to go into the country and buy such things [as " corn or other victual "] on a farm or in a barn and bring them to London." 2 Indeed, as has been seen, he was even encouraged by the authorities to carry on his legiti- mate functions of town purveyor of corn, 3 and was in this respect doubtless at once the envy and the despair of his less fortunate contemporaries, the corn brokers and the corn regrators. 3. ORGANIZATION OF THE CORN MONGERS IN LONDON, 1350-1450 The organization of corn mongers has received but scant atten- tion. Though Herbert sets out to treat of " the whole of the Minor Companies " as well as of the greater companies, yet he does not mention the corn mongers' mystery, regarding it, per- haps, as of less than " minor " importance. The first notice of the corn mongers' mystery in London 4 seems to occur in a document of December, 1328. In a list of twenty- a savoir vendeur ou achateur de grain, quelque il soit, dedenz la vile de Paris, ne puet ne ne doit mesurer chose que il vende, plus haut d'un sextier a une fois. Et se il li convenoit plus mesurer, il devroit apeler un Mesureur jure. Le Lime des Metiers d'Etienne Boileau (ed. Lespinasse and Bonnardot), p. 20. 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. G, p. 103 (1357). * Ibid. 3 pp. 157-158 above. Cf. also the Paris regulation: Quiconques vent estre Blae- tiers, c'est a savoir venderes de bl6 et de toutes autres manieres de graim [sic] boin et leau, et achateres, a Paris, estre le puet franchement, par paiant le tonlieu et la droiture que chascuns grains doit. Quiquonques est Blaetiers a Paris, il puet avoir tant de valls et de aprentis comme il leur plaist, et avoir mine leur propre, boine et leau, seingnie au seing le Roy; et en puent mesurer dessi a I sestier tant seulement, au vendre et a 1'achater, se il plaist a 1'achateur; et le sourplus de I sestier qu'il vendent ou achatent, doivent il faire mesurer aus Mesureurs de la ville de Paris, mis et establiz par les Borgois de Paris, c'est a savoir par le prevost et par les jur6s des Marchans. Le Lime des Metiers d'Etienne Boileau (ed. Lespinasse and Bonnardot), p. 18. * The gild organization of corn retailers is found in towns other than London. In the fourteenth century, a Southampton gild merchant regulation said that " no one, except a gildsman . . . [shall] keep more than five quarters of corn in his granary to sell by retail " (Gross, Gild Merchant, i, p. 47; ii, p. 218). This may have reference to the members of the gild merchant in general, as seems probable, or to a special class of corn retailers within the gild. A clearer case is to be found in Newcastle. The gild merchant of Newcastle, dating at least from the fourteenth century, was made up in part of Mercers, Drapers, and Boothmen or " Merchauntes of corne " (ibid., i, p. 152; ii, p. 383. Boothman means shopkeeper. Cf. apothe- 1 68 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET five crafts, the corn mongers' came twelfth. The names are given of nine men elected and sworn in the mystery of theBladarii, for the government of the craft. 1 In the year 1364, various sums were presented to the king by " divers misteries," and among those mentioned is Robert de Thame " cornmonger " giving two marks, probably on behalf of his fellow corn mongers. 2 Five years later, reference is made to Thomas Blosse apprentice to John Pountefreyt, corn monger (bladarius), who " had been admitted to the freedom of the City [in the Mistery of Corn- mongers.]" 3 In 1382 " John Foxtone [was] convicted of having deceitfully caused William Warde a cuteler of the city of York, to be admitted a freeman in the mistery of Bladers (corn mon- gers) instead of that of the Cutlers." 4 In 1422 the mystery of the corn mongers is mentioned along with one hundred and ten others. 5 If the reference here be to a corn mongers' craft, then this is the last discoverable trace of it. When did it die out ? In 1518 it is not found among those companies " keeping the watch " in London, 6 nor among those " suscribing for the pur- chase of corn in 1545," 7 nor in any of the numerous lists of cary and regrator). From the context a complaint that these merchants object to non-gildsmen's buying to sell again it seems clear that these boothmen were retailers of corn. The " botman," boothman, or corn retailer, is likewise found in the lists of the gild merchant of Shrewsbury (Hibbert, English Gilds, p. 28). While it is probable that in all of these cases corn retailers are referred to, it is uncertain whether they were corn mongers or corn regrators, or both. 1 Facsimile of . . . MS. . . . of the Grocers, pt. i, pp. 4, 5 (ed. J. A. Kingdon). In the Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. E, p. 233, the term Bladarii is erroneously translated Beaders. * Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. G, p. 171. * Ibid., vol. H, p. 443. The meaning of the agreement of 1293 by which " no one in future should meddle with brokerage of corn or malt " is uncertain (Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, p. 18). Brokers were usually " elected " in the fourteenth century by the craft of the trade concerned, and this policy of 1293 regarding corn brokers is enunciated at the end of a list of such recorded " elec- tions." A religious craft or fraternity of corn mongers may have existed in London in 1293 and may have been accustomed to elect the brokers of corn. If so, this practice was henceforth to cease. 4 Ibid., vol. H, p. 206. * Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London, pp. 167, 370, 371, quoting the Brewers' records, p. 167. Ibid., p. 371. 7 Herbert, The Twelve Great Livery Companies of London, i, pp. 134, 135. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 169 companies in the city Repertories and Journals for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 1 Little, if anything, except the above is known about the corn mongers' craft. Much of the history of the other companies might be read into this company to explain its history, but the records themselves are silent as to its particular story. It is probable that the corn mongers' mystery rose under the three Edwards and decayed or died out in the fifteenth century. The relative position of the craft among the London companies and the explanation of that position are of interest. In 1364 the company of the corn mongers is not listed among those crafts giving an offering to the king, at least not in the chamberlain's accounts 2 in which no company is put down as giving less than 2, while the corn mongers seem to have given only two marks. 3 In 1377 a list of forty-eight companies electing the common council of London has no mention of the corn mongers' craft. 4 In 1398 Thomas Blosse, who had been apprentice to a corn monger and had been admitted to the freedom of London in 1369, undoubtedly as a corn monger, in the mystery of corn mongers, now (1398) wanted to be admitted to the freedom of the City in the mystery of stockfish mongers, saying that " he had always used " the mystery of stockfish mongers, and not the mystery of the corn mongers. 5 Can it be inferred from this that at these dates, 1369 and 1398, the mystery of the corn mongers was either of little importance or in disrepute ? One reason for the lack of growth and minor importance of the corn mongers' craft may have arisen from the fact that the Lon- don corn mongers never had a monopoly of their own trade. The corn mongers of St. Albans, of Great Marlow, and many other neighboring towns and villages shared in the business of providing London markets with corn, and it was obviously to the interest 1 See Appendix H. In a list of fifty crafts in the city of York of the year 1623 there is likewise no mention of a corn mongers' gild. The History and Antiquities of . . . York (York, 1788), i, p. 322. 2 Herbert, op. cit., \, pp. 31, 32. 1 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. G, p. 171. 4 Herbert, op. cit., \, pp. 33, 34. 8 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. H, p. 443. 170 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET of London consumers thus to prevent monopoly prices of a com- modity of such general and necessary use. Then, too, the farmers of the immediate neighborhood no doubt brought some of their corn to London markets. Competition in the trade with outsiders, " strangers," as well as a general distrust of all corn dealers, felt by the London consumers, tended to check the growth of the corn mongers' craft. 4. RISE OF THE CORN MERCHANT UNDER THE LOCAL MARKET SYSTEM The word " merchant " in the middle ages had a much broader application than today, for it included craftsmen who manu- factured goods; * perhaps even manorial tenants 2 whose only or chief merchandise consisted in the products of the soil; men who, like pedlars or hucksters, went from place to place selling their wares; 3 petty retailers, shopkeepers or boothmen 4 whose activi- ties were confined to a limited field; as well as the monger 6 or seller of goods in general, or indeed any one who bought and sold. 8 The recognition of this fact makes it necessary to reject such inexact and untechnical usage in favor of a nomenclature more discriminating. Adopting the modern practice, I apply the term " merchant " to a wholesaler 7 who sells not to consumers, 1 Mercatores se trahunt ibidem sicut tannatores et alii mercatores a civitate praedicta [Canterbury]. Rotuli Hundredorum, i, p. 2033. (3 Ed. I). 1 e.g., Adam Mercator tenet de eodem Simone viii acras terrae. Ibid., ii, p. 4iga (7 Ed. I). Cf. also Rogerus Carnifex, Philippus le Tannour, Thomasius Mercator, Nigellus Piscator, etc. Ibid., pp. 640-641 (9 Ed. I). 1 Mercator, de quacunque patria sit, portans mercimonia sua super dorsum suum, vocatus haukers, Black Book of Winchester, MS., Br. M., Add., 6036, cited in Gross, Gild Merchant, i, p. 107, n. 2. 4 " Merchauntes of come called Bothemen," in Newcastle, 1516. Gross, Gild Merchant, ii, p. 383. 6 Mangere, nostra lingua mercator. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ii, p. 493- 8 Nus Marchans de grain, c'est a savoir vendeur ou acheteur de grain. Le Livre des Mliiers d'Etienne Boileau (ed. Lespinasse and Bonnardot), p. 20 (i3th century). 7 Four types of urban " merchants " may be distinguished, possibly equiva- lent to four stages of development. They are: (i) traders, shopkeepers, or handi- craftsmen, who bought and sold, (2) those who, not being handicraftsmen, bought to sell again, whether in large or small amounts, (3) those who dealt only in large THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 171 but to the trade, usually to the retailer. It is necessary further to qualify this definition to distinguish the corn merchant from the general dealer casually trading in corn. At least the greater part of his goods should be corn, or in case of the merchant shipper, only the greater part of the cargo outwards or inwards. A search for the native corn merchant importing corn under the local market system is needless, since, as has already been ob- served, the import trade during this period was insignificant and unorganized. The problem of the existence of the corn merchant in the domestic trade is not so simple. It has already been noted that the typical trade under the local system lay within the area and was in the hands of the corn monger. Some scattered instances of inter-area trade may, however, be found in which the middle- man participated. In the middle of the fourteenth century a citizen of London bought 1 20 quarters of wheat in the county of Cambridge, which was loaded on a small vessel to be carried to London, doubtless by way of Lynn. 1 Granted that such trade was unusual, could such a cargo have been wholesaled in London ? In favor of the view that an importing merchant could wholesale his corn are the following facts. The regrator was at hand to purchase incoming supplies, especially in years of dearth when profits were large. Warehousing and selling in gross seemed to have been given some sanction. 2 And the Hanseatic merchants were privileged to store up their grain for forty days and to " sell it in their store-houses and granaries." 3 On the other hand, it is doubtful if these operations were ever unaccompanied by retailing. It was a usual regulation that corn arriving by ship had to be left open for sale to all comers for at least " one whole day," 4 or according to another rule, " for three market days." 5 amounts, and (4) those who, usually dealing in large amounts, sell only to retailers, that is to the " trade." See Gross, Gild Merchant, i, p. 157, for " three stages." 1 Calendar of Letters from the Mayor and Corporation of the City of London, p. 60 (I352-54)- 8 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. H, p. 147 (1380); Liber Albus, i, p. 261. 3 Hansisches Urkundenbuch, i, 902 (1282). 4 Liber Albus, i, p. 261. 5 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. G, p. 77 (1356); Liber Albus, i, p. 460. 172 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Bearing in mind, then, that such inter-area trade was excep- tional, that the regrator was a suspected dealer, and that the theory and law were that all corn thus brought in should be first open to consumers, we are justified in concluding that the out- and-out wholesaler as a class was practically non-existent in the purely domestic corn trade. There still remains the merchant engaged in the corn export trade. The Cambridge district best lends itself to the study of such a dealer, on account of the considerable export trade through Lynn. Very scanty information exists of the activities of twelfth century corn exporting merchants. 1 It is only in the first half of the fourteenth century that we get sufficient specific information to be of service. Lynn merchants of that period came into prominence in national affairs, and their doings are amply re- corded in the Patent and Close Rolls, and to some extent in the Ancient Correspondence of the period. Thomas de Melcheburn was the head of a prosperous mercan- tile house in Lynn. His commercial and political doings can be followed for the period from 1319 to 1352, during which time he dealt in cloth, stockfish, ale, wool, but above all in corn. For thirty years he was engaged in buying and selling corn, and exclusive of the numerous entries referring to his supplying the king or the army with victuals and corn, we find between 1319 and 1349 at least thirteen notices of his dealing in corn purely as a commercial venture. Twelve were exportations: six to Nor- way, 2 two to Holland and Zealand, 3 one to Zealand and Norway, 4 one to Flanders, 6 one to Gascony, 6 and one to " foreign parts." 7 And on one occasion, he traded with Norway and other foreign lands " for corn and other victuals." 8 Cf. Madox, The History . . . of the Exchequer, i, p. 558 (24 and 29 Hen. II). Calendar of Patent Rolls, Ed. Ill, ii, p. 302 (1332); ibid., p. 420 (1330); ibid., p. 424 (i333); ibid., iii, p. 57,(^334-35)', #*> P- 542 (1337); ibid., vii, p. 287 (1349)- Ibid., iii, p. 339 (1336); ibid., p. 456 (1337). Ibid., iv, p. 46 (1338). Calendar of Close Rolls, Ed. Ill, vi, p. 694 (1342). Ibid., Ed. II, iii, p. 216 (1319). Calendar of Patent Rolls, Ed. Ill, iii, p. 57 (1334-35). Ibid., ii, p. 372 (1332). THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 173 William de Melcheburn, brother of Thomas, exported corn for at least twenty-one years, from 1332 to 1353, to Norway, 1 Flanders, 2 Zealand, 3 and Holland. 4 Another Lynn merchant trading in corn was John de Wesen- ham, 5 a contemporary of the Melcheburns and in business and other relations with them. All three merchants were in close connection with the court and the administration of the country. But while the Melcheburns were constantly engaged in the corn trade, Wesenham, active as a corn merchant for at least nineteen years, ultimately became a royal official pure and simple, the king's clerk, one of the collectors of customs at Boston, one of the three farmers of the customs and subsidy, the king's chief butler, farmer of alien benefices, king's sergeant, changer of the king's moneys in London, farmer of the temporali- ties of the bishopric of Ely in the King's hands, and, finally, the recipient of an annual life pension of 46 13 s. 4 d., as reward for his services. We find him, when he was a merchant, exporting icoo quarters of corn to Norway " to make his profit of," 6 and 800 quarters " to trade with in foreign parts; " 7 he also had license to buy up 1000 quarters in northern parts to sell in Lynn or London " to make his profit of." 8 Undoubtedly these Lynn merchants could be ranked with such fourteenth century capitalists as John Lovekyn, fishmonger of London, 9 John de Pulteney, draper, 9 the De la Poles of Hull, and the Canynges of Bristol. But granted their wide trade connections, their wealth and position, were they really wholesalers ? The answer to this depends upon the laws and practices of the several foreign yorts where they sold their corn. These, as is well known, however, had practically the same regulations with respect to the sale of 1 Calendar of Patent Rolls, Ed. Ill, ii, p. 372 (1332). 2 Ibid., iii, p. 171 (1335). s Ibid., iii, p. 171 (1335); ibid., ix, p. 477 (i353)- 4 Ibid., ix, p. 477 (1353). 8 Lived about 1310-1390. 6 Ibid., ii, p. 415 (1332-33)- 7 Ibid., iii, p. 80 (1335-36)- 8 Ibid., ix, p. 363 (1352). 9 Law, "Nouveaux Riches," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (N. s.), ix, p. 59. 174 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET foreign goods as London, and so like the domestic corn merchants, dealing in London, they were probably both wholesalers, for the greater part of their sales, and also retailers. One other case remains to be considered, the local trade organ- ization supplying the export merchant with corn. The Cartu- lary of Ramsey Abbey contains an account of such a local trade dating from about 1300 to 133 1. 1 The occasion of this account was the judicial trial resulting from the blocking up of the river Ouse at Outwell in Norfolk. The writ sent to the Justices as well as the separate reports of the juries of Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Norfolk, Northamptonshire, and Lincolnshire are all preserved. Corn, wood, wool, fish, etc., were being traded in between Lynn and the nearby shires. The question at once arises as to who did the carrying, the lords of manors and the tenants them- selves, Lynn dealers, or middlemen from the local villages. The answer to this question depends in part upon the determination of the direction in which the various commodities were carried. We have already seen that Lynn was a great corn depot and that it drained the nearby district of corn for export abroad. A similar trade in wool, though of smaller dimensions, was probably also carried on. But the chief business was the transportation of corn from the neighboring shires to Lynn, 2 and the transporta- tion back from Lynn of various kinds of victuals, especially fish. 3 * 1 Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia (Rolls Series), iii, pp. 141-157. 1 Ibid., iii, p. 144. Formerly the common route of ships and boats was from Crowland to Lynn, cum bladis et aliis mercimoniis. The Nen flows directly from Peterborough to Lynn by which the men of the county of Northampton were accustomed carfare et recariare cum navibus et naviculis, mercimonia, blada, et omnimoda victualia. Ibid., p. 147. " Corn brought for sale to the town " of Lynn, Calendar of Patent Rolls, Ed. Ill, vii, p. 388 (1347). 1 Quod homines ibidem transire volentes, cum navibus et naviculis, cum bonis et mercandisis suis, de Holm', Jakesle, et de aliis partibus superioribus, usque ad praedictum portum de Lenne Episcopi in comitatu Norfffolciae] necnon homines redire volentes directe a praedicto porto versus Holm', Jakesle, Burgum Sancti Petri et alibi, versus partes superiores, ibidem transire nequeunt cum navibus et naviculis suis, sicut antiquitus ibidem, ante obstructionem praedictam, transire solebant. Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, iii, p. 141. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 175 But who did the carrying, who stood the venture ? As might be expected, perhaps, both the men of Lynn and the men of the counties round about were engaged in the trade. " The men of the the ports of Lynn and elsewhere in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, with their victuals and merchandise " came to " the markets of Holm " in Huntingdonshire. 1 It is probable that these dealers took fish and other " merchandise " up to Holm and corn back to Lynn. Most of the references, however, are to corn being carried to Lynn by men living in Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire, and other adjacent districts in "the upper parts." We find men going to Lynn, and " wishing to return direct " to their homes by water, 2 and others " wishing to pass . . . towards the aforesaid port [of Lynn] and then returning to the upper places." 3 It would seem that there were two groups of dealers sending corn to Lynn, those of Lynn and those of the nearby places. The former may have been either factors of the export merchants of Lynn or local merchants of Lynn feeding the export trade. The latter came from such places as Yaxley, Glatten, Holm, Ramsey, Peterborough, and Crowland, and carried " corn and other merchandise and goods of theirs " to Lynn. 4 Al- though the agents of manorial lords and the tenant farmers themselves doubtless participated in supplying Lynn, neverthe- less it would seem that middlemen were especially active in the trade, for in the enumeration of the outlying villages of supply 1 Dicunt etiam, quod dominus Rex est dominus manerii de Glatton', ad quod mercatum de Holm' pertinet, ad quod mercatum homines partium de Lenne et aliunde de comitatibus Norff[olciae] et Suff[olciae], cum victualibus et mercandisis suis transire nequeunt, cum navibus et naviculis suis, nee redire, causa obstructions supradictae. Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, p. 146. 2 See above, p. 174, n. 3. 3 Quod cursus cujusdam aquae descendentis de Burgo Sancti Petri in comitatu praedicto, usque ad portum de Lenne Episcopi, in comitatu Norff[olciae], viginti et octo annis elapsis, obstruebatur apud Outwelle, in dicto comitatu Norff[olciae], per quendam Walterum de Langeton . . . per quod prata, pascuae, pasturae, et marisci erant superundata, ad nocumentum hominum comitatuum praedictorum, ac comitatuum Hunt[ingdoniae], Lincoln[iae] et Cantebr[igiae], contiguo adjacen- tium, necnon omnium hominum ibidem transire volentium, cum bonis et mercan- disis suis versus portum praedictum, et abinde redeuntium versus partes superiores, cum victualibus et aliis necessariis suis. Ibid., p. 151. 4 Ibid., iii, pp. 144, 146, 147. 176 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET only market centers are mentioned. Support is given to this inference by the existence of analogous local dealers about Bristol, who were said to have suffered in their trade of carrying and selling corn by the forestalling of the corn exporters. The exporters bought direct from the producer and thereby elimi- nated the local merchants who had been supplying the export trade. 1 Though most of the corn arriving in Lynn was sent abroad, it need not be assumed that the local dealers (and much less those about Bristol) sold all their corn to exporters and none to consumers in Lynn. But the evidence on the subject is not sufficient to enable us to follow the local trader into the town of Lynn. It would be unsafe to apply the analogy of most medi- eval towns to Lynn in respect to the rule for the first sale of corn to consumers, because Lynn's position was unique, and such a rule, except in years of great dearth, would have been entirely superfluous. To the discussion as to the existence and character of the medi- eval wholesale merchant, carried on in Germany, 2 the study of the English corn merchant under the local market system adds but one conclusion of value. No clear case can be made out for the existence of the wholesaling apart from the retailing function. 5. COMPARISON OF THE CORN DEALER WITH OTHER MIDDLEMEN In spite of the fact that generalizations concerning mercantile classes in the middle ages are fraught with difficulty, a comparison of the position of the corn middlemen with that of other dealers yields some results of interest. The variation between the town regulations regarding middlemen was on the whole not great, but, nevertheless, there was some variation. And though it cannot be exactly measured, there was a difference between theory and practice, legislation and its enforcement. The corn merchant and analogous dealers may be first con- sidered. We search in vain for examples of importing corn 1 Calendar of Patent Rolls, Rich. II, iii, p. 281 (1386-87). 1 For a discussion of the subject and a review of the literature, see Keutgen, " Der Grosshandel im Mittelalter," HansischeGeschkhtsbldtter, xxix (1902), pp. 67 f. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN merchants who were restricted by law to wholesaling. By wholesaling of course is meant, not selling in bulk, but selling to " the trade." l Such restrictions, however, existed as between handicraftsmen and traders. For example, in the thirteenth century in Stendal and other German towns weavers were forced to sell to drapers (Gewandschneider) and drapers in their turn were compelled to give up all manufacture of cloth. 2 In the fourteenth century, London drapers were granted the monopoly of the sale of English cloth to the exclusion particularly of weavers, fullers, and dyers. 3 Thus local manufacturers were compelled to sell to the drapers, in other words, to wholesale their products. These are but early examples of a general move- ment, seen more clearly in the modern period, toward the dif- ferentiation between trade and industry which had been so closely associated in the handicraft system, and toward the growing dominance of commercial interests in industry which was a marked feature in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The theory of medieval town trade was that the importing merchant was to sell both to the consumer and to the retailer, though in the case of the stranger not to sell in small parcels. The actual working out of this theory, however, would seem to justify a distinction between those who normally sold only to retailers and those who were usually compelled to dispose of part of their wares directly to the consumer. Examples of the first class would be importing grocers and mercers; of the second class, importing vintners, who, in London at least, during the first three days after storing their wines could sell only " to great lords and to other good folks," 4 after which they might sell to local vintners and taverners. The corn merchant apparently does not come under these categories. Since the town was supplied from the local area, corn was imported from other areas or from abroad only in years 1 See above, p. 170, n. 7. 2 Keutgen, " Der Grosshandel im Mittelalter," Hansiscke Geschkhtsblatter, xxix, p. 92. 3 Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, pp. 75, 79- * Riley, Memorials of London, pp. 81-82 (1311). 178 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET of dearth, when regulations about selling to the consumer would be enforced. In this respect importing corn merchants would resemble importing vintners. But while the latter sold to lords and wealthy burgesses who bought in bulk, the former sold also to poorer consumers. This may be inferred from the fact that it was the poor who needed the regulation most, and from such fragmentary direct evidence as the proclamation of 1258, cited by Matthew Paris. 1 Retailers or regrators may be divided into two groups. The first consists of shopkeepers, such for example, as retailing vint- ners, taverners, grocers, mercers, butchers, 2 and " free " poul- terers. 3 The second is made up of non-shopkeepers, those who were allowed to sell their wares upon the streets, such as hucksters of cheese and butter, 4 and those, chiefly the corn regrators, who were permitted to dispose of their goods only upon the markets. 5 No such distinction was made in the case of the corn monger who occupied a position in nowise different from that of other mongers. Victualling mongers, whether free of the town or not, and non-victualling mongers, whether citizens or strangers, were encouraged to go into the nearby district and bring supplies to the town markets for sale, first of all to consumers and, if any remained after this, to other retailers. The town authorities, judging each case upon its merits, looked differently upon different trades. Some they encouraged to organize into craft gilds; others they discouraged. The non- victualling crafts in general and at least one victualling craft in particular, the poulterers, were encouraged and trusted by being given supervising functions in their own trades. Others, notably the taverners, were apparently not allowed to organize, and 1 See above, p. 161, n. 4. 1 " All butchers, as well freemen as foreigners, who are wont to sell flesh-meat within the City, shall close their shops in the day, before the time for candles being lighted." Riley, Memorials of London, p. 426 (1378). 1 " No person resident of the City who sells poultry, shall be so daring as to come to the Leaden Hall, to sell or buy poultry there among the strangers, on pain of imprisonment; but let such persons sell their poultry at the stalls [in the Poultry], as of old they were wont to do." Ibid., p. 221 (1345). * Ibid., p. 406 (1377). 6 See above, p. 162. THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN 179 certainly not given any official supervision over the trade, which was, indeed, entrusted to the vintners. 1 Considering the corn middleman's organization, we note first of all that there could be no question of a gild of corn merchants owing to the undeveloped state of the merchants' trade. A corn mongers' gild, however, did exist, but so little is known about it that we are left to surmise the attitude towards it of the town magistracy, whether the latter regarded it favorably, as in the case of the poulterers, or unfavorably, as in the case of the taverners. The friendly attitude of the City of London towards corn mongers in general would, however, indicate that the authorities would have classed it with the poulterers' craft, a victualling craft worthy of trust. Brokers in non-victualling trades were regarded as desirable and necessary, as in the case of the grocers, skinners, and vintners. Information about brokers in victualling trades seems to be confined to corn brokers, who, as has been seen, were refused any official position. 2 In conclusion, then, the town, realizing the importance of the victualling trades to the welfare of the municipality, put them into a special class by themselves, 3 and conscious of the purely local nature of the corn trade, distrusted all those corn middle- men (who of course fell within the class of victuallers), such as merchants, regrators, and brokers, who did not play a part in the all-important business of supplying the town from the nearby country district. 1 Riley, Memorials of London, pp. 213-214, 341. 2 Calendar of Letter Books of London, vol. C, pp. 17, 1 8 (1293). 3 This is recognized also in the following instances: Quod nullus negociator seu mercator in villa predicta de cetero merces suas seu venalia venditioni exponat aut vendat nisi in hallis communibus ville predicte et quod omnes negociatores seu mercatores, causa emendi vel vendendi seu contractus faciendi, ad eorum hallas communes et non alibi debeant convenire, victualibus tamen cothidianis preter carnes exceptis. Giry, St. Omer, p. 435 (1282). No merchant stranger, being an alien, " shall put to sale [at ' retail '] any Manner of Wares or Merchandises, except Livings (provisions) and Victuals." Statutes of the Realm, ii, p. 83 (1392-93). 180 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET 6. FACTORS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LOCAL MIDDLEMAN The chief factor in the development of the corn dealer was the corn market. In normal years the local market gave rise to three classes of middlemen, the monger, the regrator, and the broker. The corn monger was a necessary supplement to the corn producer who brought his own products to market for sale. It is evident that since the producer was not always able to go to market, notably in the spring and summer when tillage occupied his attention, and since the market had to be regularly supplied, a special dealer such as the corn monger was necessary. Further, since the tenant-farmer needed his capital for tillage, the capital of the corn monger, even though small in individual cases, was an important factor in the trade. The corn regrator, also, arose naturally under the local market system. The very poor people of the town might not have the time nor the money with which to buy their corn upon the market, even though the latter was open to them two or three times a week. Or the market might be void of corn when they went to it, a serious matter in case the household supply was exhausted. Although the poor did not need much corn, for they purchased their bread from the baker, and although they could in theory buy it in small quantities from all sellers upon the market, they, nevertheless, found the corn regrator, or the baker acting as such, a great convenience in the purchase of just such small quantities as they needed. The corn broker, doubtless, served the purpose of bringing the corn grower or the corn monger into touch with the corn regrator, when the former had corn remaining on his hands after having met the needs of the consumer. In years of dearth the local market system was inadequate. Corn had to be brought in from distant areas or from abroad. The domestic corn merchant, or the merchant importer, was then called into requisition, or, perhaps, we should say the general merchant was tempted to venture into the corn trade. Upon such occasions the corn broker would bring together the merchant ' THE MEDIEVAL CORN MIDDLEMAN l8l selling the corn and the corn regrator willing to buy it, but this he could do legally only after the consumers had been supplied. There was in addition to the influence of the market, the influence of town regulations, which conformed on the whole to the marketing conditions. The underlying principle of these regulations was that the interest of the consumer was para- mount, a very different situation from that found in other trades. The question is, however, whether this bias in favor of the consumer was a factor determining in any way the course of middleman development. In the.case of the corn monger the answer is simple, as has been seen, for town policy allowed him a free hand so long as he carried on purely corn-mongering functions. The town magistracy, then, did not seek to modify in this case the business of a dealer made necessary by the conditions of the market. But the town regulations did, nevertheless, see to it that the corn monger sold his goods as a monger should, that is, first to the consumer, and only after the latter was supplied, to the regrator. In other words, the tendency of the corn monger to become a local whole- saler, while not prohibited altogether, was checked. This was, of course, not peculiar to the corn trade. 1 The object was to prevent the regrator from wedging himself in between the monger and the consumer as an indispensable middleman. The restricted nature of the market area, on the other hand, did not call for any marked development of the corn merchant, as it did of the corn monger. To some extent, also, the local ordi- nances tended to work in the same direction, in so far as they prohibited him from selling to the trade till after the consumers had been satisfied. In the case of most articles of trade, the importer wanted to retail, not to wholesale. Not so, however, in the case of the corn trade, for the regrator in time of dearth found it profitable to buy up the corn of the importer in moderate quantities even at a rate higher than the market price with the 1 A Worcester ordinance of 1467 reads: " That no ffyssher citezenby noffysshe of no foreyn, commyng to vitelle the cyte, tylle the comyns be served, yf they wylle bye of yt. And that the straunge vittellers sille it them self, and none other ffyssher." English Gilds (ed. J. T. Smith), p. 396. 1 82 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET idea that prices would of themselves rise further, or that he could force them up. The corn regrator, most of all, was interfered with by town authorities. He was prevented from capturing the supply of corn whether brought in by the local market organization, or by a corn merchant when that organization broke down. Was the town justified in so hampering this dealer ? The answer can be neither emphatically in the negative nor in the affirmative. While he performed such services as the purchase of the surplus corn on the markets and the sale of this to the poor according to their necessities, he did not, through lack of capital, store up any large amount of grain which, in years of dearth, could be regarded as a relief to the stringency of supply. Thus the chief service open to him, he did not perform. And, also, in years of dearth he stood as a costly and often unnecessary middleman between the importer and the consumer. In estimating the respective influences of market development and town policy, we must obviously focus attention upon the position of the corn regrator. The necessity that the town mag- istracy felt of regulating his activities points undeniably to the fact that market conditions were favorable to his existence. The question is, however, not one of regrator or no regrator, but of a regrator without monopoly or one with a practical monopoly. Although the town ordinances worked against monopoly, it was primarily market development that determined the question. A monopolistic regrator class involved an increase in the price of corn sold to consumers. So long as the area of supply was local, however, producers and country corn mongers would always enter into direct competition with regrators to profit by the higher price. Municipal authorities gauged the situation nicely. Their regulations were largely reflections of market conditions. The former decreed that at no particular moment should the corn regrator monopolize supply; the latter really made such a monopoly impossible as a normal condition. CHAPTER VII THE CORN MIDDLEMAN UNDER THE METROPOLITAN MARKET SYSTEM i. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CORN MONGER AND THE CORN REGRATOR IN THE METROPOLITAN PERIOD IN the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the corn monger, or town purveyor of the middle ages, came to be known by the name of badger 1 (bodger, bagger, brogger, etc.). The identity of the badger and corn monger is proven, not merely by the alternative use of the words, but by the similarity of activities as described by contemporaries. 2 Other analogous but less usual terms are lader, kidder, carrier, 3 and cornman. 4 It is easier to follow the activities of the corn mongers, or corn badgers, as we may now call them, during the sixteenth and 1 " Badgers and such other Commongers " were in 1600 accused of engrossing corn. Dyson, All suche proclamacons, p. 374. An early occurrence of the word badger is found in a miracle play of 1415, in which " Broggours " played the parts of " Jesus, Luke and Cleophas in the guise of pilgrims." A. W. Pollard, English Miracle Plays, p. xxxiv. 2 " The Bagers, such as bryngeth whete to towne, as wele in trowys, as other- wyse, by lande and by watir." English Gilds (ed. J. T. Smith), p. 424 (1500). On 21 Feb., 1586-87 the justices of the peace wrote to the Privy Council: " yt is necessarye, that bodgers, and cariers of corne & mault, be permitted to buy in other places where store remayneth to be brought to our marketts to furnishe & relieve them." MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. cxcviii, no. 77iii. In 1594 the Book of Orders (ed. 1594, p. 15) declared that millers " have begunne lately a very corrupt trade, to be common byers of Corne, both in markets, and out of markets, and the same doe grinde into meale, and doe use as Badgers, or other- wise to sell the same at markets and hi other places, seeking therby an inordinate gaine." 3 The mealmen of London petitioned in 1646 that the justices of the peace should allow " noe Badger. Lader Kidder Carrier or Bager of Come or Graine " to violate the act of 1563. MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, Iviii, fol. 82. 4 In 1590, over 46 quarters of wheat were bought by London bakers " Off Thomas Hastier of Purley in the county of Essex Corneman." MS., Bakers' Hall, Wheat Book, fol. 63 (18 Dec.), 183 1 84 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET seventeenth centuries than during the preceding period, for the dealers were increasing so greatly in number l and in the amount of their business as to attract the special attention of contemporaries 2 and of the authorities. They were required to be licensed 3 and were limited in purchases to ten quarters of any one kind of grain. 4 Some badgers were becoming " country mealmen," and both badgers and country mealmen were coming into sharp competition with the regrators or corn chandlers, as they were later called. The evidence as to the transmutation of badgers into mealmen is threefold. There is the general fact that as time went on the records to an increasing extent deal with mealmen rather than with badgers. Besides this there are statements more or less explicit. For example, in 1586 a corn dealer of Herts was called a " mealeman or Badger" ; 6 in 1594 it was asserted that millers, like badgers, were selling meal on the markets; 6 and in 1630 that barley flour was being mixed with wheaten flour through the connivance of millers and badgers. 7 There are also ordinances prohibiting the change from selling corn on the markets after the fashion of the badger, to selling meal. It was to the interest of the town millers 8 that those bringing in meal should also be forced to bring in a specified amount of unground corn for sale, 9 an unmistakable blow aimed at the metamorphosis from badger to mealman. 1 The opinion as to the excessive number of badgers was especially likely to be expressed in time of dearth. Stale Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, clxxxiv, no. 38 iii (10 Nov., 1586); Book of Orders, fols. 22-23 (1622). 1 Harrison, Description of England, Book II, ch. 18 (1587); Best, Rural Econ- omy in Yorkshire, p. 101 (1641). 1 See pp. 152 f., 237 f. * Dyson, fols. 86-87 (24 Sept., 1550); MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Car. I, vi, fols. 191-192 (31 Nov., 1630). 4 One " Sebrooke of Waterford in the Countie of Hertford mealeman or Badger, who dothe weeklie sell & utter in the said markett of wheat & Rye meale II te [?] quarters or there abouts." MS., Br. M., Lansd., 49, no. 7. 6 Book of Orders (1594), p. 15. 7 Council Register, Car. I, vi, fols. 191-192. 8 Letter Book, vol. X, fol. 378 (1575). 9 Repertory, xv, fol. 249b (10 Jan., 1563-64); ibid., fol. 303b (25 Jan., 1563- 64); Journals of the Common Council, xviii, fol. 156 (25 Jan., 1563-64), Letter Book, vol. X, fol. 378 (16 Apr., 1575). THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 185 Most of the dealers called " mealmen " were foreigners, 1 that is, not citizens but inhabitants of the nearby rural districts. 2 Their normal work was to carry meal to London for sale upon the City markets. Nevertheless, there were others handling corn, also called " mealmen," who lived in the city and normally purchased their supply at the city markets rather than in the country. There was the competition between these urban mealmen, corn regrators or corn chandlers, on the one hand, and the rural mealmen, corn mongers or badgers, on the other. Before this competition can be discussed, it will be necessary to outline the development of the corn chandler. The corres- ponding dealer in the middle ages, the local corn regrator, who dealt chiefly in unground corn, came in the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries to handle principally meal, and, as we have just mentioned became an urban " mealman." This mealman, called also a corn chandler, commenced gradually to sell his wares in shops. In provincial towns the rule was that citizens might sell corn in their shops or elsewhere outside the market; 3 but in the metropolis the law was that no one had such a right. Neverthe- less, corn chandlers did gradually arise in London in the six- teenth century who regularly sold meal in their shops, 4 and in 1 Some Norfolk wheat was to be sold to the " mealemen & other forrey[ner]s." Repertory, xvi, fol. 350 (1566). 2 In 1562 " The mealemen of the Contry " were to be allowed for a day or two to sell as they could without having to accept any official price. Repertory, xv, fol. 132. In Aug. and Sept., 1585 and May, 1587, the Drapers of London sold wheat, wheat meal, and rye to the mealmen of Stratford and Putney. MS., Drapers' Hall, Renters A ccounts. 3 In the City of York it was decreed " That no franchised man of this city do take upon him or them, from henceforth, to set any stall within any market-place of this city, but that they shall sell their wares only within their shops." History and Antiquities of . . . York (York, 1788), i, p. 296 (19 Mar., 1549-50). Two men " being not Citizens of Chester, had privately sold Mault (out of the Market) at their own Houses, and were thereof convicted at the Quarter Sessions, and fined for the same." MS., Br. M., Harl., 2104 (15 Sept., 1609). 4 A " Chaundler, who dothe sell by retayle in his shoppe weekelie " four quar- ters of rye meal which he gets " from Billingsgate and other marketts as he saithe." MS., Br. M., Lansd., 49, no. 7 (Dec., 1586). Complaint was made " against Chaundlers and Bakers and others, that sell meale in their shopps and other obscure places within this Cittie to the great decay 1 86 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET 1630 they were, much to our surprise, encouraged to continue to sell in shops. 1 Later evidence, however, indicates that the attitude of 1630 was not regarded as a precedent. 2 Only in the eighteenth century did corn chandlers retailing in shops along with all other kinds of corn dealers gain general recognition, and only then were they left, in theory as in practice, to work out their own business relations. In this respect corn dealers were discriminated against for much over a century after retailers of butter and cheese had gained a recognized position and a legal status. 3 The corn chandlers of the seventeenth century displayed an astonishing activity in tapping the source of supply in the rural districts. In the middle ages this was just what the local authorities had encouraged the urban retailer to do, 4 as indeed, was the case also in the year 1574.* But when the dearths of of the Common Meale Marketts within this Cittie." Repertory, xxxii, fol. 364 (10 Oct., 1616). 1 It was complained that the chandlers had engrossed great quantities of corn and out-sold the county mealmen. By way of remedy it was ordered that " the said Chandlers from henceforth shall not be permitted to bring or sell any meale in the said marketts, but that theye shall utter the same by retayle in theire shopps as formerly theye have bin accustomed." Repertory, xliv, fol. 242. 2 " That no Meal shall ... be sold in any Shops, Houses, Warehouses, or other places within the City of London, or within Twenty miles thereof; Nor ... in any other City, Town, Borough, or other place within this Commonwealth, in any Shops, Houses, Warehouses or other places, but onely in the common publique Market-place usual for that purpose." Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, ii, p. 442 (23 Oct., 1650). A " setting upp againe of Meale Shopps " was reported to the London Aldermen. Repertory, Ixiii, fol. g$b (18 April, 1654). " The Bill now brought into this Court to prevent the selling of Meale & Flower in Shops and within this City and Libertyes & by reducing the selling thereof to the Comon Marketts appointed for that purpose Is by this Court referred to " a committee. Journals of the Common Council, xlvi, fol. 77 (4 July, 1665). See also Appendix L (year 1646-47). * Cf. the act of 1549-50, " for buyinge and sellinge of Butter and Cheese ": no one " shall buy to sell agayne anye Butter and Cheese, unlesse he or they sell the same agayne by retayle in open Shoppe fayer or markett and not in grosse." 3 & 4 Ed. VI, c. 21. Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 120. 4 See above, p. 158. 6 The Court of Aldermen ordered " that from hensforthe yt shall not be lawf ull for any parson retaylinge of meale or Corne within this Cytie or the liberties thereof to buy any Corne or meale within any of the Commen markets of the same Cytie THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 1 87 1622-23 * and 1630-31 2 came, the authorities found it necessary to impose restrictions and attack the very activity they had formerly encouraged. A conflict naturally arose between country mealmen and urban corn chandlers because both aimed at supplying London with meal and both sought a monopoly of the trade, the former working from the basis of rural supply to the marketing within the city, the latter starting from the marketing end and pushing back to the areas of supply. Further, the chandlers sought to exclude the country mealmen from the city markets. For example, in 1629, there was a " Complaint against the freemen chandlers," a " Peticon of diverse mealmen in the Country resorting to the severall Marketts of this Cittie for that they are of late deprived of their roome and standing in the said Marketts by the Chaund- lers in and aboute the Cittie." 3 This competition offered by the corn chandler was the in- evitable outcome of a remarkable growth in his business position. or the lybertyes thereof and cominge to be brought to the same, but to make his or theyr provision in the Contrye." Repertory, xviii, fol. 2j?b (14 Oct., 1574). 1 A committee was appointed to consider engrossing and regrating in and about London by chandlers to the enhancement of prices. Ibid., xxxvii, fol. anb (27 July, 1623). 2 On 23 Dec., 1630, the Privy Council wrote to the Mayor of Wickham care- fully to " restrayne all Bakers and Chandlers as well of London, as of other places, from buying up the same [corn]; who doe usuall carry the Corne they buy to their owne houses; and never vent it in any publique Markett." MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Car. I, vi, fol. 254. " The Chaundlers of London haunt all the Marketts neare unto London, and sweepe the Marketts of all the Corne that comes offering a greater price then the Seller would aske, and by that occasion rayses the Markett prices exceedingly." Ibid., fol. 433 (2 April, 1631). Chandlers " many of them in nature of Badgers bought up much Corne " in Westminster. Ibid., fol. 442 (6 April, 1631). It was even ordered that chandlers should henceforth buy up no corn in the vicinity of London even if beyond the former limit of thirty-five miles, since they had caused corn to be taken outside that circuit and there sold to them. Ibid., fol. 476 (27 April, 1631). 3 Repertory, xliii, fol. 131 (22 Mar., 1628-29). Compare also the following: " the Chandlers in and about this Citie do ingrosse greate quantities of Corne, and sell the same in meale in the severall marketts of this Citie, and thereby force the Country Mealemen out of theire accustomed standinge in the said marketts, and by reason thereof do greatly enhance the Prizes of meale." Ibid., xliv, fol. 242 (25 May, 1630). 1 88 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET He tended more and more to buy from the producer rather than from the country mealman, invaded, indeed, the country district itself and competed with the rural mealman for the local supply, tapped, as will be seen later, an even more distant source of supply in his dealings with corn merchants, and lastly sold meal openly in shops as well as on the city market places. The chandler, doubtless, reached a climax when he sought a charter of incorporation for his craft in 1662, 1688, and I69O. 1 The explanation of this extending influence is more difficult to discover than the facts themselves. Some determining factors, however, stand out fairly clearly. The rise of prices and the increasing demand of London for corn gave an impetus to the local corn trade that it had never known before, and encouraged competition to an unprecedented extent. With the supplanting of the old town regulating system by a less effective national system, the increased competition was subjected to less official restraint, there was less interference with operations carried on for private gain. The growth of capital enabled the corn chandler to organize and expand to an extent unknown to his predecessor, the corn regrator. Capital enabled him to combine milling and boulting with trading, to employ factors, to extend operations into the country and to set up his shop in the City. Likewise, the importation of foreign corn as well as the widening of the corn supply area gave the chandler the advantage in the purchase of corn, for he could buy part of his supply from the holds of ships on the Thames, often at a lower rate than that prevailing in the country-side about London. The widening of the area of supply tended seriously to check the purchase of corn by the consumer directly from the producer, and thus the middle- men became indispensable as never before. Furthermore, it was discovered that the best flour was made from mixed grains, and this explains in large measure why the badgers (or corn mongers) and the regrators became dealers in meal rather than in unground corn. The discovery was probably originally made by the urban retailers who bought corn upon the city markets from various 1 Repertory, Ixix, fol. 100; Council Register, Jac. II, i, fol. 689; ibid., Wm. Ill, i, fol. 422. THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 189 sources, had it ground, and sold the flour to consumers. This dealer thus obtained an advantage over the rural competitor, which, apparently at the suggestion of the wily miller, was met by the country dealer himself turning mealman and marketing the products of his own mill. 1 Of all these factors the greatest was the growth of the market area, which made direct dealings between consumer and pro- ducer impracticable, and gave a great impetus to the development of the urban dealer, the regrator of the middle ages, the chandler of the early modern period. 2 2. AN ELIZABETHAN GENERAL MERCHANT Before studying the specialized corn merchant of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it is advisable to consider the general merchant who traded in corn along with other commodities. Much information about the dealings of such general merchants may be compiled from private accounts and from customs accounts. A London merchant, for instance, recorded in his private books during the period 46 Edward III (1372-73) to 19 Richard II (1417-18) that he had bought corn in Kent, sent it to Bayonne, bought another lot from a Lombard Street baker, sent herrings from Scarboro to Sandwich, sold iron to citizens of London and to a Croyden squire, wainscots to a Londoner, iron and herrings to another, and so on. 3 Numerous examples of this sort could be given which show the corn trade among the miscellaneous activities of the general merchant throughout a long period, but a typical case is presented in a document from the Elizabethan State Papers. During the last decade of the sixteenth century or thereabouts, a merchant of the southwestern part of England wrote a practical treatise on the foreign trade of 1 This was stated in the Book of Rates of 1594. See above, p. 183, n. 2, par. 3. In 1758 it was stated that " Mealmen and Mealfactors are employed in Meal and Flour, as Merchants and Factors are in Corn, and often have Mills of their own, tho' they sometimes hire." Many millers have added " to their old Occupa- tions those of Mealmen and Mealfactors." Short Essay on the Corn Trade and Corn Laws, p. 17. 2 See chart, p. 200. 3 MS., R. O., K. R. Accounts, 509/19. 190 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET his day, giving special directions about the goods sent to various nations and those received from them. 1 This tract is of partic- ular interest since it shows clearly the position of corn in the cargo of a general merchant; and not only does it state where corn was sent, but also where it was not sent. It forms, there- fore, the basis for an interesting comparison with the trade of a century later, about which abundant statistics exist. To all parts of Galicia, the treatise begins, should be sent coarse cloth, Bridgewaters, and many other kinds of cloth, hides, calf-skins, sheep-skins, wheat, butter, and cheese. From Galicia come the wines of Ribadeo, oranges, lemons, chestnut and walnut boards, which are to be found there in plenty and very cheap. To Bayona in Galicia and Oporto, we send the same goods (enumerated below) as to Lisbon, excepting only certain cloths and wheat. From these places we can ship only oranges, lemons, and great onions of twelve or fourteen inches in circumference. Merchants use these places to " make monnye twyse a yeare." Bilbao in Biscay receives our hides and calf-skins in great numbers, and a variety of English cloths are welcomed by both Bilbao and St. Sebastian. In these parts we load the best iron in all Spain, whale oils from Newfoundland, pitch, rosin, liquorice, cross-bows, and sword-blades. From them we carry all our money, both gold and silver, to Bordeaux, and in doing this we incur great risks. Wheat, butter, cheese, fine cloths, lead, tin, hides, and calf- skins are sent to Lisbon, which in turn supplies oils, salt, soap, calico, spices, and cloths from the East Indies. To Andalusia we ship hides, calf-skins, fine white kerseys, Reading and Newbury kerseys, lead, tin, pipe staveys, and many other articles. From it we get all our wines called sack, all our wool, oils, rosins, spices, cordovan skins, silks, and Seville soap. From the port of Santa Cruz, we carry Barbary sugars, both fine and coarse, saltpetre in abundance and of the best quality, dates, molasses, carpets, and cotton. 1 Appendix J. THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 191 To the Canaries and Madeira we send Newfoundland fish, English and Galician pilchards, herrings, lead, and coarse cloths. We take away various wines and the finest sugar. This is only a summer trade, for winter storms make their harbors unsafe. Wheat, many kinds of cloths, and calf-skins are sent to the islands of St. Michaels and Terceira of the Azores group, where everything is exchanged, not for money, but for woad, which is the chief export from the islands. To the West Indies and Brazil our merchants send cloths and small wares. From the former they bring back gold, silver, and pearls; from the latter various kinds of woods. The best merchandise to be sent to the Levant is lead, very fine cloths, hides, calf-skins, a small quantity of dry fish from Newfoundland, pilchards, red herrings, and wrought tin. The cloths sent, it is to be noted, must be the finest we can get, for the people of the Levant prefer fine cloths to velvet or any other silk. Barbary takes from us very fine cloths, " sad " blues of the value of 30 per cloth, red caps for sailors, all kinds of great ordnance and other artillery, ash for oars, and armor of all kinds. But if the Spaniards capture us while engaged in such trade, we die for it, so it is advisable to go in great ships and with safe conduct. We go to Tripoli in Syria in the winter to avoid the Moorish galleys. Our cargo consists of kerseys, expensive cloths, and lead which we sell in the ports on the way. Returning we carry currants, galls, cottons, and the sweet oils of Greece. The places in the Mediterranean most frequented are Leghorn, Majorca, Minorca, Barcelona, Civitavecchia, and Venice. From them we get oils, notably from Majorca when there is a restraint of trade with Spain, as well as all kinds of silks, galls, cotton, muscatels of Candia, malmseys, currants, alum, cypress chests, and the finest earthern dishes called porcelain. To St. Jean de Luz in France are exported all kinds of coarse wares, wax, tallow, butter, cheese, wheat, rye, beans, biscuits about Christmas so as to be available for the Newfoundland men, candles, hides, calf-skins, and Irish friezes. This port serves when trade with Spain is prohibited. From it we get pitch and 192 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET rosin at a very low rate, the best feathers in all France, Navarre iron, and the white wines of Toulouse. To Bordeaux in Gascony we ship friezes of many sorts, some at 30 s. and others at seven nobles. We must see to it that we have all the new collars that we can find in England to send to this place, for they sell most readily. To this port our merchants carry a great amount of English gold, more, indeed, than French, Portuguese, or Spanish gold. Wines and woad are carried back from this port. For the benefit of the merchants there are two fairs held yearly, in March and October, at which we are free of customs, both on entering and leaving. To Rochelle we send such English wares as lead, tin, hides, calf- skins, tallow, cloth, Irish hides, friezes, ordnance, and " any kinde of victualls, wheat only except, because they have greate store of their owne." Here we take on salt, pitch, tar, and many other goods. We can buy in this port from the pirates of France many commodities from the Indies at a lower rate than in Portu- gal, but it is necessary to use a big ship in trading with this port for fear of robbery. In Rouen, Morlaix, and St. Malo are sold lead, fine Devonshire kerseys, and many other kinds of cloth fine in texture and varie- gated in f olor. At these ports are loaded linen cloth, Normandy canvas, and small wares such as cords, pins, paints, bolts of black thread, and a number of other commodities for mercers. To Flanders, Emden, and Hamburg the Merchant Adven- turers send our wools and unfinished cloths. To these places are also shipped a great quantity of English beer both in times of peace and of war. In return for these articles we get groceries and other small wares. We supply Neva, Riga, and Revel with all kinds of coarse cloths, corrupt wine, cony-skins, dressed and undressed, salt, and some aqua-vitae. We must always take heed not to trust any one in this country, and demand ready money, for the inhabi- tants are very false people and they will deny both the bargain and the receipt of our wares if we sell on credit. From these places we get flax, hemp, pitch, tar, tallow, wax, and all kinds of furs. Much of our traffic was with them before we opened up the THE CORN' MIDDLEMAN 193 trade with Saint Nicholas in Russia. Our cables and all our best ropes, however, came from Danzig in Poland and also " greate store of wheate and Rye yf it be skante in england." St. Nicholas in Russia takes from us decayed and refuse wines, salt, and coarse cloths. In return we get a large amount of wax, skins, hides, and furs. For the fish trade of the out-islands of Scotland, we must be ready early, for the best returns of cod and linge are at Michael- mas. In these islands and in the north of Ireland, we buy sal- mon and sell all kinds of decayed wines. We must, however, take heed of the people for they are false and full of treachery to such an extent that it is necessary to keep good watch by night and rely upon our own strength for safety. The western part of Ireland takes our sack, Gascon wines, raw silk, and a little woad and alum. The natives bargain well and are much more civil than those of the north. From this place we carry a great amount of salt, hides, tallow, salt-beef, Irish cover- lets, mantles and friezes, cotton, linen yarn, herrings, and sal- mon which we send to Rochelle, Newhaven, Rouen, or Flanders. Finally, we must always take heed not to export prohibited goods to a foreign country; and in loading our cargo there we have to deal very circumspectly to avoid being undone. In brief, our informant tells us that English merchants in the latter part of the sixteenth century imported corn from Danzig in years of dearth; and in ordinary years, particularly during the winter, they exported corn, notably wheat, to Galicia, St. Jean de Luz, Lisbon, and the Azores. It is specifically stated that no corn was sent to Bayona, Oporto, or Rochelle, and by implication to no other places than those above mentioned. 3. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CORN MERCHANT IN THE METROPOLITAN PERIOD The alien corn merchant has so far not been considered. The customs accounts for the years 1303-11 show considerable activity on his part in the export trade, and less in the import trade. Although much information about the dealings of these merchants is recorded, it is uncertain whether they were merely 194 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET general merchants or corn merchants. At any rate, no remark- able development took place until the sixteenth century, up to which time the alien dealer handled small amounts of corn as advantageous opportunity offered. In the Tudor period he came to the rescue of London, 1 and throughout the century did a large import trade. As the rest of England imported practically no corn at all, his import trade was confined to the metropolis. But while in years of dearth he brought in corn in considerable amounts, still in normal years, as the petty customs accounts show, his imports were insignificant or non-existent. In the period 1600-60, there was no marked change; but for this period we have some interesting facts concerning individual Dutch corn merchants. Lucas Jacobs, " corn merchant " of London, 2 imported corn to the metropolis for at least thirty-seven years (i 608-45).' Be- tween 1608 and 1639, he is said to have brought in 120,100 quarters, and to have lost 3000 in this trade during the years 1638-40. His example during the earlier years, it is stated, caused others to enter the trade, whereby London " has been from time to time provided." 4 His activities were characteristic of the second period of the metropolitan market, for he exported 1 The evidence for this is most abundant in the Customs Accounts in the Record Office. See Appendix B, London and Members. There are also many specific references in the records to foreign merchants im- porting corn. For example, in the year 1528, Joachim Hochstetter of Augsburg was said to be " one of the richest merchants in this land (Flanders), and a great importer of wheat to London." Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, iv, pt. 2, 4018. Cf. R. Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger, i, p. 214. In 1539 it was estimated that two German merchants of the Steelyard had in one year supplied London with 15,000 quarters of corn. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, xiv, pt. i, 210. In 1550 the Lord Mayor of London " made bargaine with divers merchauntes, both Englishe and straungers, for grayne for the city of London, to be had out of Danske and Hambrough," Wriothesley, A Chronicle of England, ii, p. 45. And in the following year " in Easter weeke their came tenne or twelve shippes with rie and wheate out of Hollande, which merchantes of the Styliard and English- men brought thence, and some out of Brittanie." Ibid., p. 47. * MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, Ivii, pt. ii, fol. i23b (1645); MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Car. I, iv, fol. 465 (1628). * Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. I, xvi, p. 4 (1640); Repertory, Ivii, pt. ii, fol. i23b (1645). 4 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. I, xvi, p. 4 (1640). THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 195 corn (at least once by his English factor) as well as imported it. 1 Jacob Cornelisson of Amsterdam, about whom less is known, claimed to have imported 48,543 quarters of corn in the " last two years of scarcity " (1621-23), an d to have lost three corn ships in the trade, for which he believed himself entitled to a license to export 20,000 quarters of English corn to the Low Countries. 2 Peter van Velde in 1640 received a license to export, claiming that he " had often, in times of scarcity in England brought over hither a supply for his Majesty's subjects." 3 At least from 1549, when certificate books begin, foreign mer- chants took no part in the coast trade in corn, and when London ceased to need foreign corn, they lost their strongest hold. And as if the double or treble duties on imports of aliens' corn, together with the Navigation Acts, were not enough, the foreign merchant desirous of exporting English corn was further handicapped by the superior position of the English dealer who received a handsome premium on every quarter of corn sent to foreign ports, so that between the year of the Restoration and the year of the Revo- lution, the alien was ousted from all branches of the corn trade. It is quite practicable to compile elaborate statistics illustrating the activity of the denizen as well as the alien merchant in every port of England from the fourteenth century onwards. Where this has been done, the following facts for the period up to 1600 have been observed: (a) the corn merchant was a general dealer trading in commodities other than corn, and only in Lynn approached the condition of specialized corn dealer; 4 (b) the normal foreign trade in corn was too precarious, uncertain, and insignificant to give rise to any important class of corn mer- chants; 6 (c) the metropolitan domestic trade, which arose in the sixteenth century, was not at first attractive to the merchant 1 Ibid., iii, p. 594 (1629); ibid., iv, p. 203 (1630); ibid., xvi, p. 4 (1640). 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Jac. I, x, p. 607. J Ibid., Car. I, xvi, p. 240. 4 For example, between 29 Sept., 1549, and 14 June, 1550, the ten merchants transporting coastwise from Lynn four or more shipments of corn each, out of a total of 97 merchants, handled in all 59 shiploads, only two of which contained aught but corn. MS., R. O., K. R. Customs, 100/5. 5 An example of the more progressive foreign dealers is Henry Middle- 196 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET because of the regulations and restrictions which hedged him in, both in the coast trade and overland, especially in years of dearth when the Book of Orders was in force, and when much of the provision was made by general merchants, by drapers, grocers, and others of the city, by brewers and bakers direct and by gen- tlemen and yeomen, the corn producers themselves. In London itself, the corn merchant was liable to be forced to take less than a fair market price, since he had to compete with municipal non-profit institutions ready to incur any cost to keep prices down. The Certificate Books, therefore, though they show merchants regularly shipping corn to London, fail to disclose any increasing specialization in this trade. 1 What has been said of the first, may also be said of the second metropolitan period, only to a less degree. 2 But in the third period there was a marked development. Corn merchants came upon the scene, who transported large amounts of corn to the metropolis, both for sale there and for export abroad. The period of their coming into existence coincides with that of the ousting of the alien merchant, the decline of the London corn import trade, and the practical abolition of restrictions upon engrossing and regrating, the final decay of the municipal provi- sions of corn, and the growth of a considerable and unrestricted export trade. It is, indeed, significant that one of these mer- chants, Anthony Sturt, should have rented the granaries formerly used by the City companies, 3 and when an attempt was made to revive the old municipal system, some of the companies engaged more. He exported beans in the following amounts (quarters) and from the fol- lowing ports: Year Bridgewater Gloucester Boston 23 Eliz 406 100 24 " 34 54 25 * 666J 6a 87 MS., Br. M., Harl., 306, fols. 26-31. 1 From Michaelmas, 1549, to 14 June, 1550, the merchant who sent most corn from Lynn to London was John Baynarde, 4 of whose 9 shipments went to the metropolis. No other merchant equalled or approached this record in the period. K. R. Customs, 100/5. * From Christmas, 1646, to Christmas, 1647, John Lowry sent 13 cargoes from Lynn, 10 being corn only, and all to London. K. R. Port Books, 435/12. 1 MS., Haberdashers' Hall, Court Assistant, i, fol. 64a (4 Mar., 1658-59). THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 197 him to provide their yearly complement: in the case of the Fish- mongers for a period of seven years. 1 The merchants of the companies saw that the old order had passed away and that the new type of corn merchants, with granaries and large stores of corn, had come to stay. 2 Besides Anthony Sturt, some of the most prominent of the metropolitan corn merchants were Robert Buckle of Thames Street, 3 George Moore, and William Russell, all of whom may be compared with the importing alien merchants, Lucas Jacobs and Jacob Cornelisson, of the early Stuart period. SHIPMENTS OF CORN ABROAD FROM LONDON 4 Buckle Moore Russell Sturt Total No. Amount No. Amount No. Amount No. Amount No. Amount qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. 1676-77 18. 5,44f 48. 13,5671 I. 60 14. 4,261 81. 22,9325 1677-78 13- 3,i68 42. *7,355i 8. 5,826 I?- 4,399$ 80. 30,749^ 1682-83 8. 990 8. 663 13- 1,027 13- 2, 1 13 42. 4,793 Average 13-0 3,o68 32.6 10,528! 7-3 2,304* 14.6 3,591* 67.7 19,492 When we compare these figures with the totals for the three years, we find that thirty per cent of the total number of corn shipments were made by these four merchants, that fifty per cent of the total amount of corn exported was through their agency, and that the average shipment of these dealers was seventy pe cent greater than the general average. It is unnecessary to proceed farther in statistical inquiry. The export corn trade of London was fully organized. A few merchants exported corn in shipments averaging from 100 to 200 quarters. The others sent smaller amounts. 1 MS., Haberdashers' Hall, Court Assistant, ii, fol. i46a (3 July, 1668); MS., Fishmongers' Hall, Wardens Accounts, i, fols. 658-682 (25 Mar., 1670 to 25 Mar., 1677). 2 Compare the custom that grew up among the companies, on the decay of the municipal provision, of relying upon chandlers, etc., for provision. The magis- trates constantly sent warnings against this practice. Cf. MS., Stationers' Hall, Liber A, fol. gab (1618), fol. 106 (1626-27), fol. 116 (1630), etc. 3 Cf. K. R. Port Books, 96/8 (9 May, 1681); MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, xcvi, fol. 138 (1691). 4 Compiled from MS., R. 0., K. R. Port Books. 198 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Under the medieval local system the corn merchant had arisen only in the most favored local districts such as in Lynn, and there chiefly in the foreign trade which for long periods at a time was precarious, especially in the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, and which, as the statistics of export show, was often non- existent. The growth of London ultimately introduced the necessary basis for the creation of an important merchant class. There was a continuous demand for corn in the metropolis, and, when the supply there was so great as to reduce prices, there was a 'good opportunity of disposing of it abroad through the excellent commercial connections of that city. We have seen that the medieval corn regrator (urban mealman or corn chandler), originally limited to the sale of corn upon the market place, added to his activities the sale of corn in shops. As a shopkeeper he purchased his supply of corn upon the urban market as of old, scoured the nearby country-side for it, or bought it from merchants who drew upon more distant domestic areas of supply as well as upon foreign countries. 1 The purchase from the corn merchant tended to become the normal method of supply. In other words, the growth of the metropolis in the Tudor and Stuart periods not only added to the recognized activities of the corn regrator, but provided a regular outlet whereby the corn merchant might dispose of his corn entirely by wholesale. Once the regrator and merchant shipper have become estab- lished, it is natural that an intermediary should arise, the engross- ing merchant buying from the shipper and selling to the regrator. This capitalist performs the same functions for the wholesale trade as the regrator does for the retail trade; he buys up corn shipped to the town and sells it later within the same place. While the shipper and the monger, both regarded with favor under the medieval local market system, increased the utility of the corn by transporting it from one place to another, these two newly 1 For the relief of the merchants who had imported corn the Privy Council ordered in 1638 that the " Chaundlers Mealmen, and some others trading for Corne " along with the bakers and the City companies, should take up 3000 quarters. MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Car. I, xv, fol. 349. THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 199 recognized dealers were concerned, not with the element of place, but of time. They stored corn primarily, it is true, to sell for current use, but secondarily for profitable sale in dear years. They were thus in large part responsible for the diminishing hardships felt in times of dearth or failure of crops, because of the fact that their stock or supply was then available. Expressed in terms of the corn trade, the medieval town policy was so framed as to make all would-be corn merchants into corn mongers. At least the town assumed that the corn monger, who bought in the open country market and sold in the open town market, was the normal dealer. It is, indeed, as we have seen, doubtful whether there were specialized corn wholesalers in medieval England. During the first period of the metro- politan market, 1 though gradually declining, and to a less degree during the second period, the old policy continued. The third period of the metropolitan development, however, gave rise to a recognized class of regrators retailing corn and meal in shops, who made it possible for a corn merchant to sell to the " trade " all the corn brought to the metropolis. The increasing distance of supplies gave rise to new middleman complexities, which necessitated domestic laissez faire or the abolition of the restriction that one part of the country put on the activities of the middlemen of another. The medieval mercantile organization was broken through by the preponderating development of one community, the metropolitan. And the direct, if not the lineal, successor of municipal provision, domestic restraint, staple policy, and granary proposals was in part the wholesale trade made possible by the combined activities of corn merchant and corn regrator. 4. GROWTH OF APPRECIATION OF CORN MIDDLEMAN FUNCTIONS One of the considerable gaps in economic history is our lack of knowledge of the changes in the attitude of successive generations of men towards middlemen functions. We need a careful analysis of the attitude of the public towards dealers in certain 1 See ch. VIII. CHART IV THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 2OI classes of goods under certain market conditions. A preliminary analysis is here attempted for the English corn trade in the town and metropolitan stages of market development. Such an inquiry necessitates a classification of corn dealers according to the favor received from the public, and an examination of the attitudes of successive economic schools to middlemen in general and to corn dealers in particular. It will then be possible to indicate the classes of persons first recognizing the value or necessity of corn middlemen as a class, and the determining factors in the formation of public opinion. Dealers who shipped corn from place to place, whether it was in the foreign or domestic trade, were in normal times favorably regarded by the public. It mattered not whether the dealer exported the surplus from an overflowing local market, imported it into a hungry metropolis, sent abroad the corn remaining after that metropolitan center had been satisfied, or transported grain from a producing to a consuming area such a dealer was re- garded as a legitimate middleman. But on the other hand, he who bought up part of the supply for sale in the same district was looked upon as performing no necessary service, and to be either restrained or legislated out of existence. In other words, the element of space, not that of time, was appreciated in middleman activities. Regarding the attitude of the successive schools of economic thought towards corn middlemen a few points may here be noted. What the schoolmen thought of corn traders may be inferred. Agriculture and industry were " god-fearing " occupations, but commerce was not. The corn dealer would, doubtless, have been tolerated, if he exacted only a " just price " and never deceived his customers in the matter of quality or quantity. Of far more practical importance for the corn trade was the urban mercantile policy, which was made up of the practical rules of buying and selling evolved by town magistrates them- selves. The essence of this policy was local advantage, at the expense of other towns and of the rural district around the town. The method of bringing about this desired end was the grant to 202 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET citizens of a monopoly of production, sale, and regulation. Certain trades were favored with full municipal confidence; others were not. In the case of the former the regulation was in the hands of the organized trades; in the case of the latter, of which the corn trade was a conspicuous example, it was generally kept in the hands of the magistrates. More than this, the town authorities firmly believed that they were able to distinguish between corn dealers who were serviceable and those who were not. The former, such as the corn mongers, were encouraged, but such dealers as the corn regrators were regulated and restricted. 1 To the mercantilists, whether public authorities or writers, it was no longer local but national advantage that was sought. In aim and methods mercantilism was largely a glorified urban economic policy, with certain additional elements not here of concern. The differentiation between corn mongers and corn regrators disappeared, but one of the new features was the critical attitude towards foreign trade. 2 In a brief statement worthy of quotation, John Hales, writing probably in 1549, divided all traders and artificers into three classes. " And now, because we are entred into communication of artificers, I will make this devision of theim. Some of theim doe but bringe monie oute of the countrie; some other, that which they doe get, they spend againe hi the countrie; and the third sorte of artificers be they that doe bringe treasour into the coun- trie. Off. the first, I recken all mercers, grocers, vinteners, haber- dashers, mileyners,and such as doe sell wares growinge beyond the seas, and doe fetche oute oure treasure of the same. Which kinde of artificers, as I recken theim tollorable, and yet are not so necessarie in a common wealth but they might be best spared of all other; yet yf we had not other artificers, to bringe in as 1 pp. 160 f., 182. * Witness the following passage of the period 1509-1536: " merchauntes in London hath gretly distroyed the common weale of the holl realme by receyvyng such thinges of strangers as hath been to the distraction of the common people, for no strangers could hurte Englond by bringing in any merchaundises into the realme, yf no English merchauntes wold by it and receyve it to the distinction of the Realm." " How to reforme the Realme," etc., Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denkschriflen, p. 77 (1500-36). THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 203 much treasoure as they bringe furth, we should be greate losers by theim. Of the second sort be these: Shomakers, tailors, carpenters, masons, tilers, bowchers, brewers, bakers, vitailers of all sortes, which like as they get theire livinge in the countrie, so they spende it; but they bringe in no treasour unto us. Thear- fore we must [cherishe] well the third sorte; and these be clothiars, tannars, cappers, and worsted makers, only that I knowe, [which,] by theire misteries and faculties, doe bringe in anie treasour." * Applying this classification to the corn trade we see that the importer of corn would be regarded with least favor, the domestic trader would be tolerated, while the exporter would be held most beneficial to the realm. Just how far Hales himself would have included the corn trade in his analysis is not clear, though he did advocate the unrestricted export of corn, as well as a free domestic trade. 2 The economic doctrines of the schoolmen, and of the exponents of the town economy and the national economy in its mercan- tilistic aspects, all upholding a policy of regulation and restraint, gave place to the advocates of liberty or unrestricted trade, the metropolitan free-traders, the physiocrats, and the " classical " economists. . Following the Restoration in 1660, came a group of Tory free- traders, chief of whom was Sir Dudley North. These protag- onists of freedom in trade did not often deal directly with the corn trade; but one of the leading members of the school, Sir William Petty, has expressed himself in a way that indicates that he at least did not approve the unrestricted activity of middle- men. He held that " a large proportion of these [merchants and retailers] also might be retrenched, who properly and originally earn nothing from the Publick, being onely a kind of Gamesters, that play with one another for the labours of the poor; yielding of themselves no fruit at all, otherwise then as veins and arteries, to distribute forth and back the blood and nutritive juyces of the 1 Hales, A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, pp. 91-92 (1549). Cf. "How to reforme the Realme," etc., Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denkschriften, p. 77 (1509-36); Thos. Starkey, A Dialogue, pp. 80-81 (Hen. VIII). 2 Hales, A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, pp. 53-56, 123. 204 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Body Politick, namely the product of Husbandry and Manufac- ture." * This antagonism is, perhaps, the more surprising in view of the contemporary public attitude towards the dealers in corn, as expressed in legislation, 2 which at this period was giving them a new recognition as performing legitimate functions in the trade of the country. The physiocratic school in France drew its inspiration from the Tory free-traders, and in turn profoundly influenced the founder of classical political economy, Adam Smith. The physiocrats, like their prototypes, reacted strongly from the position of the mercantilists in their emphasis upon exchange. Some physio- crats maintained that the only useful exchange was that between farmer and consumer. Buying to sell was a perversion of function. Although such was the attitude of the school in general, there were some notable exceptions. Turgot seemed fully appreciative of the middleman's value to society. 3 The physiocrats in general laid great stress on free-trade, ' and espe- cially free-trade in grain, its export abroad, and its transportation from place to place within the realm. And also, they made an exception for the dealer in corn; they deprecated his har- rowed existence and indicated that he played a useful part. 4 Herbert (1700-58), who may, perhaps, be classed as a moderate physiocrat, 6 developed in some detail the social utility of the corn 1 A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions (1662), p. n. 1 pp. 156, 196, 252. 1 C'est 1'object de la profession des Marchands, qui achettent la denre'e de la main du producteur pour en faire des amas ou des magasins, dans lesquels le con- sommateur vient se pourvoir. Par ce moyen 1'entrepreneur assure 1 de la vente et de la rentr6e de ses fonds, s'occupe sans inquietude et sans relache a de nouvelles productions, et le con- sommateur trouve a sa porte'e et dans tous les momens les choses dont il a besoin. Turgot, Oeuvres, v, p. 75. 4 See Gide et Rist, Histoire des doctrines (conomiques, pp. 32 f. 8 Herbert is to be associated with the physiocratic school in that he protested against restriction and regulation and emphasized the importance of agriculture by way of reaction from the mercantilist exaggeration of the value of industry. He was, however, not an extremist, for he maintained that though the welfare of the state depends ultimately upon agriculture, it requires also prosperous trade and industry. He deals with such subjects as granaries, liberty, merchants, plenty and dearth, commerce, the history of prices, and agriculture. Clear in statement, presenting THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 205 middleman. The merchant, he points out, in buying up the surplus crop in plentiful years, releases the peasant from the necessity of keeping his corn till another year. Since the mer- chant buys up only part of the peasant's supply two sets of corn reserves exist, that in the hands of the merchants and that in the hands of the peasants. The private merchant is a more economi- cal husbander of grain than the state and, when left alone by the state, does not establish a monopoly for undue gain, but is content with moderate profits. The merchant equalizes supply, when let alone, by carrying corn from places of plenty to places of dearth. " It is the free merchant who should do this and not the peasant, who cannot undertake this duty; and moreover, it is important not to turn him aside from his daily work." The merchant also prevents the lowering of prices, as injurious as a bad harvest, by equalizing the supply from year to year. Mer- chants enrich the realm by exportation and in times of stress they can import most easily and cheaply. 1 "Ah! what profession," he continues, "is more useful than that which provides the needs and food of men ? We fear that our subjects may get rich from trading in our products; we hold such profits illegal; and we do not see that we pay to the foreigner the expenses of storage and transportation, and the usurious interest of his loans. Thus it follows that we know neither how to avoid a dearth nor to take advantage of plenty." 2 He advocates not governmental granaries, but those in private hands, in accordance with an economic system based upon the " self-interest " of merchants following " a natural instinct." 3 In no clearer way could his views regarding the service of mer- chants be summed up than in the following sentence: " It is a new value that they introduce, and that encourages them to continue this trade." 4 his subject in the form of general principles, but exemplifying his points by histori- cal reference and contemporary instance, he suggests somewhat in form as in attitude Adam Smith himself, who probably made a study of his treatise. 1 Essai sur la police generate des grains, pp. 48-53 2 Ibid., p. 55. * Ibid., pp. 21-22. 4 Ibid., p. 182. 206 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET It was left to Adam Smith to popularize the conclusions of Herbert, to point out most convincingly the services of the middleman to trade in general and to the corn trade in particular. It is unnecessary to quote from Adam Smith at length. Two passages are typical of all. " The interest of the inland dealer, and that of the great body of the people, how opposite soever they may at first sight appear, are, even in years of greatest scarcity, exactly the same." " After the business of the farmer, that of the corn merchant is in reality the trade which, if properly protected and encouraged, would contribute the most to the raising of corn. It would support the trade of the farmer, in the same manner as the trade of the wholesale dealer supports that of the manufacturer." l Followers of Adam Smith were not less explicit. Thus in 1826, Torrens said: " As Dr. Smith most justly observes, next to the trade of the farmer, no trade encourages the growth of corn so much as that of the corn merchant: and, if his trade were un- fettered, it would not be easy to calculate the impulse which agriculture would receive through all the growing countries of the world." 2 Much later Thorold Rogers declared: "The corn dealer equalizes supply, and if by withholding his corn from mar- ket he makes it dearer, he also makes it cheaper than it would be by bringing it out when it otherwise would be scarce." 3 The third task set before us is to discover who first recognized the value of corn middlemen as a class. To do this it is in large part necessary only to refer back to the preceding sections, 4 and here simply to put together evidence used above. The people may at once be eliminated, because in times of plenty they do not consider the matter at all, and in tunes of dearth they rise in revolt, or at least did so in the middle ages and in the Tudor period, and are today prejudiced judges in the matter. It rests, then, with the local or metropolitan govern- ment, national government, and publicists. 1 The Wealth of Nations, Book IV, Ch. v. 9 An Essay on the External Corn Trade, p. 35. 1 Work and Wages, p. 143. Ch. VI, 1,2,5,6; Ch. VII, 1,3. THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 2OJ The corn merchant does not seriously enter into the situation for his services were generally and widely recognized. The most unreserved appreciation of this dealer was shown by Adam Smith, who maintained that the merchant importer, the merchant exporter, and the merchant carrier increased the available supply of corn in a country and were in other ways of benefit. Corn mongers, as has been seen, were actively encouraged by town governments in the middle ages, though their excesses were checked. 1 On the other hand, in the Tudor and Stuart periods, the national government, considering not only the interest of the urban consuming centers, but of the country-side and market towns as well, held that there were too many such dealers, that they should be licensed to carry on their trade, and that they should submit to rules laid down for their guidance. 2 Some of the latter were that they should not buy in large quantities till after the poor had been served, that their supplies should be purchased in open market, and that no corn should be laid up in granaries when beyond a certain price. 3 The last official editions of the Book of Orders embodying the national government's policy was issued in 1630, and the last corn law setting forth important limitations upon the activities of corn middlemen, and thereby displaying distrust in them, was passed in 1663. It is significant that in 1758, the Book of Orders was privately printed and dedi- cated to Pitt, Secretary of State, and to Legge, Chancellor and Under-treasurer of the Exchequer, with a recommendation that they be again put in force to remedy the prevailing dearth. The government did not adopt the suggestion, which was inopportune indeed, in so far as it came at a time when freedom of trade was in the air. Regrators, whether dealing within or without shops, came in for a great deal of attention at the hands of local authorities in the middle ages and, indeed, throughout the Tudor period and the early part of the Stuart period. It is difficult to discover just what the attitude of the national government to this class of 1 pp. 157, 167, above. 2 See the Book of Orders, various editions, 1586-87 to 1630. 1 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 14. See above, pp. 152-156. 208 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET dealer was, for his own activities were essentially local. Cer- tainly, however, some of the legislative enactments of Tudor and Stuart parliaments would seem to act as a check upon his opera- tions. In 1680, the author of Britannia Languens said: " It is im- possible that the occasions, vanities, or the remaining stock of the Kingdom can ever support such a prodigious Increase of Retailers and Shop-keepers as are in and about London, being near 100000 in number, when in Amsterdam they are not 5000." * Contrast this with the later view. Although Adam Smith did not single out the regrator for special treatment, he apparently included him among " the inland dealers " whose trade is " so beneficial to the public." It is a matter of common knowledge that the theories of Adam Smith had great influence in moulding the enlightened opinion of the nation on many economic questions. And this probably applies to some extent to the corn trade. But although it was the theorist in France and England who gave to the world a statement of the contributions of traders to economic life, it was, nevertheless, the urban magistracy, itself largely mercantile, that stood first in point of time in fully recognizing the value of the corn middleman. This applies to the merchant, the monger, and to the regrator whether shopkeeper or not. 2 The urban magis- trates, although they made mistakes, had truer instincts than those at the head of the nation's affairs, because they had more knowledge of the facts, and more quickly learned the lessons that experience taught. The explanation of the conclusion that the metropolitan magistrates were the first to appreciate fully the value of the middleman functions is doubtless that they most clearly under- stood the needs of a wider market, the metropolitan. We may accept it as a well-established fact, that, up to the modern periqd of rapid and easy communication and transportation, 3 the wider 1 p. 455 (ed. McCulloch). Cf. also Petty, A Treatise of Taxes and Contributions (1662), p. ii. 1 See above, p. 186, n. i. 1 On this ultra modern phase, see Shaw, " Some Problems in Market Distribu- tion," Quarterly Journal of Economics, xxvi, pp. 728-731 (1912). THE CORN MIDDLEMAN 209 the market the more necessary the middleman. The year 1630 may be regarded as a landmark, for it was then that the metro- politan authorities acknowledged the part that shopkeepers were to play in the corn trade, an acknowledgment of a chain of mutually dependent mercantile relationships. CHAPTER VIII MARKET DEVELOPMENT AND THE EVOLUTION OF CORN POLICY i. NATURE OF A CORN POLICY ON the subject of the English grain trade policy, there are two excellent German monographs by Faber l and by Naude, 2 and most writers on English economic history have much to say on the subject. It is not intended here either to review or systematically to emend the analyses already made, because any treatment of the subject on so narrow a basis as that of Faber and Naude must end in misleading and unsatisfactory results. Neverthe- less, many of the arguments and deductions of those who have written about the corn policy will be touched upon in this fresh examination of the subject. The explanation of corn policy which makes constitutional development the determining factor deals only with the obvious, not with the underlying, causes. Briefly put it is this: up to 1394 the crown managed the corn trade for its fiscal advantage; thenceforth parliament, gaming the upper hand, introduced a mercantile policy; the early Tudors, victorious over parliament, reverted to the fourteenth century policy, while Elizabeth beneficently re-introduced the mercantile policy; Charles I, rode rough-shod over this policy substituting one of restraint, the licensing system; the Civil War, however, brought the mer- cantile system to the front again, a system which the Restoration parliaments carried to its fullest development. 8 What is here not apparent is the relation these changes bore to the actual trade in corn. 1 Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, Strassburg, 1888. 1 Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europaischen Staaten vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahr- hundert (Acla Borussica), Berlin, 1896. 1 Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, pp. 138-140. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 211 This conception of the English corn policy has two main defects: firstly, it is the policy of the central government as a unity that is alone considered; and secondly, the statutory corn policy, for the period it covers, is taken to be the only policy of importance, a gross anachronism. Corn policy is here understood to refer to those policies, personal (inter-manorial), local, metropolitan, or national, in accordance with which, in normal as well as abnormal times, the corn trade was carried on. It will be seen that the possible per- mutations and combinations here introduced are considerable, but no simpler analysis of the subject is adequate either at any given moment or over a long period of years. The full meaning of this conception will appear in what follows, but it is essential to note that the chief purpose here is not so much to explain the evolution of corn policy as to examine the corn policy for the light it may throw on the development of the market. 2. MANORIAL MARKETING AND CORN POLICY In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, only crude elements of a governmental corn policy are found. The king thought chiefly of the political and fiscal advantage to be derived from the export trade. To keep corn from an enemy and to supply it to an ally is a state policy not peculiar to any age or nation, though it occupied an important place in the unwritten annals of the early grain trade of England. The fiscal was the first interest taken by the king in the affairs of his subjects, and there are two points at which this fiscal interest touched the corn trade. On the internal trade in corn the king, like other feudal chiefs, collected a regular toll on the grain brought from the country to the town, or from town to town by those not " free " of the town receiving the corn, or by those not " free " of any privileged town. The accounts of the tolls throw considerable light upon the internal trade, and are among the earliest extant evidences of the domestic trade. When the export of corn to foreign lands was first seized upon as a legiti- mate object of taxation, it is difficult to say. The earliest export 212 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET tax on corn in England was in all probability the lastage, 1 which probably antedated the Conquest, 2 and where not feudal- ized, appears as an item of income in the earliest pipe rolls. 3 Henry II, by means of a system of fines, taxed the carrying of corn to foreign lands. Licenses to export, for which a fee was charged, were frequent throughout the thirteenth century, especially in time of war. The national subsidy, generally a tenth and fif- teenth, was a tax upon the production of corn (inter alia) and not primarily upon the trade. It appears that the export of corn was subject to no regular national tax throughout the period, except, perhaps, the early lastage and the abortive export and import tax of John, due alike from aliens as from denizens. 4 The history of these impositions belongs, however, more to the domain of indirect taxation than to that of the grain trade. The absence of a policy of corn supply on the part of the central government is a commentary upon the economic condi- tion of the country. Export, not import, came under the pur- view of the government. Nor did the internal trade in corn receive any special consideration. As a matter of fact, no national corn trade policy was necessary during a period when we have assumed the manorial organization to be satisfactorily functioning. Manorial marketing, already tentatively outlined, 5 undertook to have one manor supply the deficiencies of another manor, to sell the surplus in the local market, and in exceptional years to export part of this surplus. It is possible that we see in the Magna Charta a reflection of what might be called mano- rial policy, the policy of the lords of manors. When, in this document, it is declared that weights and measures, including the measure of corn, shall be uniform, and that foreign mer- chants are to be allowed to import and export without excessive tolls, we may hear the protest of the lords, whose interests were not local, against the annoying local variations in standards of 1 MS., R. O., K. R. Customs, 16/173.. Corn is not specifically mentioned. At a later date, however, corn exported from Lynn was subject to this tax. * Domesday Book, i, p. 26ab. * Magnum Rotulum Scaccarii (31 H. I), p. 91. 4 Roluli LUterarum Patentium, i, pp. 42-43 (6 John). 5 See above, pp. 17 f. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 21 3 weights and measures and the protest of those who occasionally sold to exporters, against the fiscal policy of the king. This was, to be sure, not confined to the corn trade, but the inter-manorial situation is a factor which cannot be overlooked. As towns of importance grew up within the kingdom, the local market system, according to our hypothesis, came to replace the manorial marketing system. Synchronous with the decline of the inter-manorial organization and policy, came the develop- ment of a local territorial organization and a corresponding local corn policy. The former was aristocratic and personal, and was peculiarly fitted to an agrarian form of economic organization; the latter was bourgeois and regional, and adapted to the neces- sities of growing commercial and industrial communities. 3. LOCAL MARKET AND CORN POLICY It is in connection with the local market, that we find arising a corn policy based upon territorial or local interests as contrasted with the personal interests of king or magnate. Here we find two policies coming into existence and diametrically opposed the one to the other, policies which correspond to the analysis made of local market areas, policies on the one hand of the consuming area, and on the other of the producing area. The consuming area, tending towards an insufficiency of supply, and having a high average price, looked with disfavor upon exportation abroad, or the carriage of corn to other parts of England, and was suspicious of those who dealt in corn at all, as the agents who diminished supply either by sending corn out of the district or by raising prices for their personal gain. The result was, as we have seen, the development, 1 where possible, of local regulations against exportation, 2 and regulations restricting 1 Chap. VI, i, 2. 8 e.g. in Bristol in the fifteenth century: " Further it is ordained that no bur- gess of the town of Bristol by himself, nor by his servants, nor by any one else in his name, purchase or cause to be purchased any grain ... in the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Somerset, or the county of Glamorgan in the parts of Wales, before the feast of St. Michael next ensuing, for the purpose of taking it out of the kingdom, or of the liberty of Bristol in any manner, under a penalty of twenty pounds, provided however that if any one otherwise shall wish to purchase beans 214 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET the activity of corn dealers. Where such regulations were not possible, through lack of political organization, there occurred sporadic riots and deeds of violence to enforce the policy of the district. At the other pole was the producing area, with a strong ten- dency to a surplus of corn, and with a low price level, whose chief desire was to profit by this surplus, whether it be by sale abroad, or in distant parts of England. Here the corn merchant first showed his head; here were made the first attempts to export corn and to organize a regular trade. The policy of the central government remained practically the same in the early part of this period as before. Permanent machinery was set on foot in 1303 to tax the foreign corn trade, whether export or import, when carried on by aliens. In 1347 was initiated the tax on the exports and imports of both denizens and aliens. Here royal innovations ceased. One of the great contributions of this period to political organ- ization was the working out of a national institution, the parlia- ment, representative of local desires and needs. It is obvious that the corn policies of town consumers, manorial producers, and of the crown had few points of contact. The work of parliament was to unify the local interests and to fuse these with royal amis. The compromise of the three interests was effected in the statu- tory corn policy. One of the results of the development from the manorial or inter-manorial organization to the local and inter-local organiza- tion was the gradual dislocation of the whole trade. The surplus corn had formerly gone abroad in years of plenty; but under the new order the tendency was to check exportation. 1 The somewhat meagre records seem to indicate that from 1315 to 1327 export took place only when permitted by royal license; from 1327 to 1339 export was generally unrestrained; 2 but from 1339 to 1394 there was, by the request or order of the Commons, a for the purpose of taking them into the parts of Ireland, he shall in no wise pur- chase these beans for twelve leuce round the liberty of Bristol." The Little Red Book of Bristol, ii, p. 64. 1 Patent and Close Rolls, passim. * Except in 1330 and 1333. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 215 continuous restraint of corn exportation. 1 Though the local corn trade was developing much earlier than this legislative expression of its characteristic policy, it was not until the fourteenth century that the local trade became of sufficient importance to have its interests voiced by its recently developed representation in parliament. Up to the Remembrance of Parliament of I339, 2 the Commons seem to have been content with the restraint on export imposed by the Crown. From that time onward they frequently peti- tioned against even licensed export, and in 1361 the Crown assented to their petition, which thereby became the first im- portant statute on the subject. 3 This expressed the policy of the consuming districts and towns. Judging from the letters patent and close of the period, we should say that importation of corn in the fourteenth century was not inconsiderable; but the customs' statistics do not substan- tiate this view. 4 What is of greater importance here, however, is that importation was not only unrestricted but even favored by the government, a policy which doubtless agreed well with that of consuming districts. We find the Commons petitioning in 1371 for unrestricted trade in corn throughout England. 5 Again Crown and parliament were in agreement, and the petition received royal assent. It might be expected that the increased demands on corn production, and the advantage of the new market conditions, would have given rise to improvements in agriculture. But an 1 Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, p. io6a (1339); ibid., p. 27?a (1363); ibid., p. 2873. (1364-65); ibid., p. 3soa (1376); ibid., iii, p. i4ib (1382); ibid., p. i64a(i383). 2 Item, Qe Briefs soient faitz a touz Viscountz d'Engleterre, et as Mairs & Baillifs de Portz sur meer, de crier & defendre et de per nostre Seignur le Roi, que mil de qecunque estat ou condition q'il soit, amene ne face amener Bledz hors du Roialme, sur greve peine, tan que le Roi ent eit autrement ordenez. Rotuli Parlia- mentorum, ii, p. io6a. 8 34 Ed. Ill, c. 20. See above, pp. 134, 135. * Cf. above, p. too. 5 Item, Qe chescun soit a la commune Leye, sanz estre restreint per nulle Ordi- nance faite a 1'encountre, de vendre ou achater tote manere des Bledz & toutes autres maners de Vitailles & Biens qiconqes deinz le Roialme, come avant ces heures ont fait, sanz empeschement, ou d'estre restreint per nulle Commission notre Seigneur le Roi. Responsio. II plest au Roi. Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, p. 3osa. 2l6 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET examination of the manorial accounts of over thirty manors of the bishopric of Winchester, for the years 1208-09, 1299-1300, 1396-97, while it shows an increase during the thirteenth, indicates none for the following century. 1 The new market conditions were first met by restricting exports, by favoring imports, by furthering internal transporta- tion, and probably by an increase of the surplus corn of tenants who had commuted their services on the demesne, as well as by bringing new lands under cultivation. But even these develop- ments and precautions were not for some time sufficient to restore the equilibrium of the market. Such is the explanation of the otherwise unsolved policy of plenty of the fourteenth century, 2 necessitated by occasional " dearths " and met by prohibitions of exportation, otherwise unsolved because the alternative explanation would be a century of bad harvests. The course of adjustment of the local market had almost run out by 1394, when the policy of the producing area was listened to in parliament. The result was an act allowing exportation with a reservation of the political and fiscal interests of the Crown. 3 In 1401 a concession was made to the consuming areas, when imported corn was exempt from the poundage subsidy; that is, on corn brought in (chiefly by aliens), a petty custom, but no extra duty, no poundage, was to be paid. 4 But the producing 1 PRODUCTION PER ACRE IN QUARTERS 1208-09 1299-1300 1396-97 Wheat (32) 0.54 (38) 1.38 (43) 0.76 Barley (25) 0.92 (36) 1.56 (37) x.86 Oats (32) 1.03 (38) 1.13 (39) 1.24 Total Average 0.83 1.35 1.29 The figures for 1 208-09 are from Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, pp. xliv-xlv. Cf. above, p. 14. See Appendix A. It is to be noted that these results are not beyond criticism. It has been assumed that the number of acres sown in the previous years to produce these crops was the same as in these years to produce the next year's crops. The averages of groups of years would, of course, be preferable to the averages of single years. The number of manors is placed in parenthesis. * Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 139. * 17 Rich. II, c. 7. See above, p. 136. * Rotuli Parliamentarism, iii, p. 45 sb, et passim. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 217 areas were not satisfied with their gain of 1394, and in 1426 petitioned (with special reference to " the Commens of the Shire of Kent ") against the royal restrictions placed upon the export of corn and victuals to Calais, Guines, and other places within Picardy. The reply to this petition was that the act of 1394 should be kept in all points, that is, the corn trade should remain under the control of the Crown. 1 In 1437, however, a compromise was reached, by which the Crown gave up its right to check or regulate exportation when wheat prices were not above 6 s. 8 d., up to which price corn might be exported at will. 2 This was only a tentative measure, but was prolonged in 1442 3 and made permanent in 1445 . 4 But the corn producing areas were still not content, and having carried their point with the Crown, they tackled the problem of importation, which, while not greatly affecting the Crown, since the import duty was not high, very much concerned the consum- ing areas. Again, a compromise resulted (1463): no corn was to be imported unless prices were high, that is, until there was a dearth in the supply of home-grown corn. 5 Thus at the close of the fifteenth century, a very understandable statutory policy was actually carried out, based on the needs and possibilities of the corn trade organization of the day. Conditions of corn produc- tion and market organization had arisen which enabled the pro- ducing areas to supply the consuming areas whenever necessary, and also to have a surplus to export abroad. Stated briefly, the corn policy at the end of the period was a follows: in times of emergency, the regulation of the trade reverted to the Crown; in normal years, exportation was allowed on the payment of duty, unless prices were above a moderate level, when importation without excessive duty was possible. Taken as a whole, the period under consideration, prior to 1500, presents two main phases of market organization and of corresponding corn policy. The first up to 1394 covered the 1 Rotuli Parliamentorum, iv, p. 307; cf. 4 Hen. VI, c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, ii, pp. 230-231. * 15 Hen. VI, c. 2. See above, p. 137. * 20 Hen. VI, c. 6. See above, p. 137. 4 23 Hen. VI, c. 5. See above, pp. 137-138. 6 3 Ed. IV, c. 2. See above, pp. 147-148. 21 8 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET growth of local market areas having differential price levels due to local (more or less isolated) territorial trade, falling more and more into the hands of tenants, and marked (especially during the last few decades) by market disorganization. The second, from 1436 onwards, was one of stability, in which the inter- manorial had wholly given way to the local territorial organiza- tion. The earlier emphasis on importation was followed by an interest in exportation. The policy of the consuming area gave way to that of the producing district. The years from 1394 to 1437 may be regarded as transitional. 4. INCLOSURES, 1450-1600 In the agrarian history of England the pendulum has swung to the right and to the left, now in favor of the tenant or peasant now in favor of the landlord: whatever may have been the case prior to the ninth century, apparently from that time to the twelfth century favoring the landlord; in the direction of the tenant farmer from the thirteenth to the sixteenth and thenceforward again swinging toward the landlord. But the metaphor is inaccurate since it is by no simple, regular, un- impeded movement that social forces operate and social classes rise and fall. Struggles and manifold complications mark the devious path of social advance. The tenants who had gained practical freedom in the period of the local market area (1100-1500), became, with the rise of the metropolitan market, actually divorced from the soil. The connection between the agrarian change and the market organiza- tion is intimate. But before examining more closely this interesting correlation, attention should be directed to a much-discussed phenomenon which forms a vital part of the process of change. The break with the old agricultural organization goes by the name of the inclosure movement. The open fields of the traditional hus- bandry were fenced in. For what object ? The question is, how far in the period from 1450 to 1600 were inclosures made for pasture and how far for tillage, how far for the production of wool and how far for the production of corn ? MARKET DEVELOPMENT 2ig The writers who have treated this question, whether they rely chiefly on contemporary statements and legislation, 1 or whether they adduce also statistical evidence, 2 do not agree. 3 From the point of view of this study, the problem of inclosures resolves itself into one of corn surplus. On this subject there are three opinions: Professor Gay holds that though the inclosures were chiefly for pasture, they were insufficient in extent to produce any serious effect upon the corn productivity of the country; Pro- fessor Ashley maintains that inclosures were both extensive and for pasture, and, therefore, a stringency of corn was inevitable; on the other hand, both Leadam and Nasse conclude that there was no dearth of corn because the inclosures, though consider- able, were chiefly for tillage. The test of a surplus of corn is to be found in the amounts of corn (a) exported abroad, (b) imported from abroad, (c) sent from producing areas to consuming districts either in the coast 1 Nasse, The Agricultural Community of the Middle Ages and Inclosures of the i6th Century in England (trans. 1872). Ashley, An Introduction to English Economic History and Theory (ist ed., pt. ii, 1893). 2 Leadam: "The Inquisition of 1517. Inclosures and Evictions," Transac- tions of the Royal Historical Society (N.S.), vi (1892). " The Inquisitions of Depopulation in 1517, and the Domesday of Inclosures," Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., xiv (1900). Gay: "The Inquisitions of Depopulation in 1517, and the Domesday of Inclosures," Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., xiv (1900). " Zur Geschichte der Einhegun- gen in England," Berlin (1902). " Inclosures in England in the Sixteenth Century," Quarterly Journal of Economics, xvii (1903). " The Midland Revolt and the Inquisitions of Depopulation of 1607," Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., xviii (1904). 3 Two noteworthy recent books have been written by Tawney and Conner. Mr. R. H. Tawney (The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, London, 1912), using all types of evidence available, comes to conclusions roughly approach- ing those of Professor Ashley, that the inclosures of the sixteenth century were mainly for pasture and that the movement was so considerable as to justify the name Agrarian Revolution. Professor E. C. K. Conner (Common Land and Inclosure, London, 1912) covering the whole course of the inclosure movement, takes a position of his own, to some extent at least. He seems to regard the movement of the Tudor period as less than a revolution, and, dividing up that period as to the use to which the inclosed land was put he holds that, while up to about 1550 the inclosed land was chiefly for pasture, after that date it was for tillage. One of the merits of both these works is that the influence of market development is to some extent taken into account. 220 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET trade, or (d) overland. For the three first, statistical evidence is deducible from the Custom Accounts, and from the Certificate Books. For the fourth only fragmentary statistics exist, and they are quite inconclusive one way or the other. But the coast trade is doubtless typical and indicative of developments in the domestic trade. All of these three classes of evidence have been examined above, 1 and show in brief no increase in importa- tion except to London, a gradual increase in exportation through- out the period, and a great increase in the coast trade to London during the latter part of the sixteenth century. In other words, the corn producing sections of the country show a surplus (for export) increasing in amount not only throughout the period, but at the very time when the movement was attracting most atten- tion and arousing most opposition, the early years of the sixteenth century. It is apparent then that the fewer people on the soil (after the exodus to the towns) were producing a greater corn surplus for the consumption of non-producers at home, and for exportation abroad. It may be well in this connection to restate the evidence already presented as to the exportation of corn, which shows that the amount of the surplus of corn exported bore no relation to the progress of the inclosure movement. Before 1470 the exporta- tion of corn was inconsiderable, since the export trade had not re- gained its position lost in the disorganization of the market in the fourteenth century. From 1470 to 1500 there was practically no change at all. But while the inclosure movement was active, from 1500 to 1534, corn exports doubled. From 1534 to 1554 exportation diminished, and almost ceased in the period from 1554 to 1563, after which it increased rapidly. In the early seventeenth century exportation quickly declined, except in the case of London. It seems clear that the amount of corn surplus did not vary with the known activity of inclosers and the chain of cause and effect forged to explain the agrarian policy of that most interesting century of Tudor rule seems to be defective. Our explanation must be sought in the development of the metropolitan market. 1 Ch. IV, 2, 3, and 4. See also Appendices B, C, D. MARKET DEVELOPMENT , 221 5. FIRST PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY UNDER THE TUDORS It has been urged that in the attitude of the early Tudors to the corn trade, no " settled policy " can be detected, except that of revenue. 1 But this is not the view of such writers as Schanz, 2 Faber, 3 Hasbach, 4 and Tawney. 5 Henry VII, according to the generally accepted explanation, desiring the political support of the middle-class townsmen, sought to win them over to his line at any cost. They were interested in an abundant supply of wool for the chief manufacturing industry and in low corn prices. 6 The result was the initiation of the license system for the exportation of corn. By this means corn was kept within the country and made cheap, and pasture farming was stimulated to produce more wool. There are some serious objections to this theory. Prices did not rise during the reign of Henry VII; 7 the exportation of corn flourished to a greater extent than immediately before this reign; 8 the license system was not established till later; 9 and as Busch 10 remarks, a policy hostile to exportation would have been " strange " indeed, when we remember that Henry VII aimed at the encouragement of agriculture. The whole theory, in short, seems to rest upon a mistaken conception of the procla- mation of 1491, n that it introduced a new and regular policy of restraint on exportation. 12 1 Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii, pt. i, p. 87. 2 Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik, i, p. 479. 3 Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, pp. 87-89. 4 Hasbach, History of the English Agricultural Labourer, p. 31. 6 Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 113, 197. 6 Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik, i, p. 4059. 7 The average price of wheat for the three decades, 1461-90, was 5 s. 8^ d. and for the three decades, 1491-1510, 53. 9 d. These figures are based on Rogers' decennial averages. 8 p. 112 above. 9 That is when the system of prohibitions had begun, in 1515. Cf. p. 226, n. 3, below. 10 Busch (England under the Tudors, i, p. 261) holds to the restriction view and accepts the inconsistency, pointing to the petition of the Pope in 1504 for a license to export corn from England. u Letters and Papers illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII (Rolls Series), ii, p. 372. 12 Schanz (Englische Handelspolitik, i, p. 641) made this unwarranted assumption, 222 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The sequel to this theory is that the encouragement given to inclosures for pasture by governmental restriction on corn export was counteracted in I563, 1 in accordance with the policy enun- ciated by Hales in 1549, by permitting exportation, and that, therefore, tillage after that date flourished. This act will be considered later, 2 but the flaw in the argument is the assumption that there was any close connection between the unrestricted exportation of corn and a flourishing condition of the trade. This assumption is particularly inapplicable at a time when the characteristic and important trade was domestic and not foreign. The rise in the price of corn cannot be taken as the sole, though it was the partial, explanation of Tudor policy of restraint and supervision. The two were closely connected, and of course it is impossible at any time to disconnect price from supply. The persistent rise in prices aggravated the difficulty of supply, but that was all. In the early seventeenth century, when prices went up far higher and faster than in Tudor England, there were signs of the lessening and even the ending of the metropolitan difficulty. What London objected to at first was not so much the general rise in prices, as that the level of prices within its midst should be higher than in any other place in the kingdom, a de- velopment which shows that the seat of the trouble was not primarily in far-off mines newly opened up, nor a less aggregate corn production, but a reorganization of the market at home which put London into a new category, a reorganization com- parable to that of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, although the latter was not accompanied by an increase in prices. There is one undeniable fact about the much discussed in- closures: they did much to depopulate many rural districts, and helped people the towns, notably London. The growth of Lon- don's trade, population, and corn consumption has been dealt with. The policy arising therefrom was to secure sufficient corn, and Faber (Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 88) has followed it. Naudg (Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europiiischen Staaten, p. 80), with truer in- stinct assigned the date 1515 as the time when the law of 1437, allowing the unre- stricted exportation of corn, broke down. See also below, p. 226. 1 Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 92. 2 p. 231. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 223 if possible at home, if not, abroad. And the corollary of this was that London was opposed to all exportation which tended to divert corn from its gates. The difficulty of the situation was not caused solely by the growth of London, but in part also by the agrarian and urban movement which sent people to the towns to be supplied with corn, and left fewer upon the land to supply them with it. The difficulty was enhanced by the continuance of the hampering restriction on sale and purchase in accordance with the medieval policy. But London was not the government and its actual power was confined to its walls and its liberties. Nevertheless, it made its policy felt beyond its own precincts by inducing the national government to adopt its policy, just as the producing areas had done in the period from 1394 to 1463, though with modifications where the rights of others were closely concerned. An examination of the correspondence between the London magistracy and the central government, to be found in the city Letter Books, Repertories, and Journals, has thrown new light on the corn policy of the sixteenth century. From this source we get some idea, not only of what the policy of the city was, 1 but of how this policy was thrust upon the Privy Council and taken over as the national policy. At least as early as 1516, London began to send agents out to see if corn was going abroad, 2 a practice also found at a later 1 London's policy is seen in the following petition: corn is conveyed " down to the sea by Lynne " from Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, and parts of Northamptonshire, by rivers. " Boates and barges come from the sea coast up into the land by those rivers, both with foreign commodities, and with sea coale and other things nedfull for those contreyes. These boates and barges do not willingly goe downe againe empty, but lode them with corne and either by the way do sell it at certaine usuall places, or carrie it forward to the sea, and being once there we know no further accompt of it," except that it does not reach London. " It may please your Lordship that order be taken, that of such boates and barges so laden with graine in those inland partes and passing downeward, we may have the corne for the provision of this citie, at such resonable prices as the like is then solde in the markets thereabout." MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, Ixxxviii, no. 53 [1572]. 2 " Yt ys agreed that in consideracon of the grete Scarcyte of Whete now beynge within this Cite & dayly ys lykley more to be my lord m[ayor] shall send an Officer in to be sent to see what Shippes Crayers & other vessals be charged with whete 224 , THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET' date. 1 In the mayoralty of Yarford, 1510-20, two proclamations were made out at the suit of the city, one " for Regratyng of Cornys," the other " for enlargyne of Come," for each of which the city paid a mark. 2 Such accounts are frequent. 3 The habit of appealing to the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, or other high official to enlist his support to London's policy began no later than 1 5 20 when a letter was sent to Wolsey, for commissions inviting and commanding those having corn to bring it to London. 4 At other times documents serving a similar purpose, under the king's signet or sign manual, were sued for and obtained, 6 or Letters Patent under the great seal were made the object of a formal visit to Court of the emissaries of the city. 6 Aldermen were appointed in 1558 to draw up a petition to the queen to have the city's providers exempt from certain " statute Lawes lately for to be conveyed over the See and what other vessells be lykely to be & thereof in all goodly hast to make reporte ageyn." MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, iii, fol. 63 (15 Jan., 1515-16). 1 On ii Jan., 1569-70, it was reported that London was sending out a man to " all the ports Townes and Havens " in Kent and Sussex to discover whether there was any corn being exported abroad, and if so how much, by whom, whither bound and at what price. MS., Guildhall, London, Letter Book, v, fol. 272b. On 7 Nov., 1581, it was recorded that a man was to be " sent into the Countye of Kent, ... to make enquirye & searche what and howe muche corne ys intended and provyded to be shipped from the Coasts of the sayd Countye into the partyes beyond the seas by any person or persons whatsoever." Repertory, xx, fol. 257b. * Repertory, v, fol. 198 (18 June, 1521). 3 Ibid., fol. isgb (3 Jan., 1520-21); Letter Book, vol. O, fol. 63b (21 Nov., IS 2 ?)- 4 Under the date n Nov. 1520, it was recorded that London sent to Wolsey that " certeyn comyssions may be directed in to Essex & Kent Commanding the Inhabitaunts of the same to lade & cary ther Whete in to all parties of this Realme at their pleasure in to the Citie of London, Any Restraint heretofore' made to the contrary notwithstanding." Repertory, v, fol. 71. In 1531, seven aldermen were appointed to ride to the Duke of Norfolk at Court " for provision of whete to be made for this Citie." Ibid., viii, fol. i8ob (28 Sept.). On 17 Jan., 1543-44 it was resolved to make an effort to bring the Lord Bishop of Winchester and Lord St. John into " the favor of thys Citye for & concerning the provysyon of Wheat." Ibid., xi, fol. 25b. Cf. also ibid., fol. 53b (3 April, 1544); ibid., fol. 468 (18 Sept., 1548); ibid., rv, fol. 167 (7 Jan., 1562-63); ibid., fol. 468 (18 Sept., 1565); ibid., xvii, fol. in (22 Feb., 1570-71). 8 Repertory, vii, fol. 2i7b (26 Sept., 1527). Ibid., ix, fol. 122 (27 Aug., 1535). MARKET DEVELOPMENT 22$ made," doubtless the act against regrators, etc., a law in itself part and parcel of the city's policy down to the late seventeenth century, but in this instance found to have a double edge. 1 The Lord Mayor and other city officials regarded it as part of their duty to watch closely the course of foreign exportation, a fact which explains why the London records are so full on the subject. In 1538 the Mayor reported to the Court of Aldermen that a general license to export had been given. 2 In 1563 the Aldermen ordered a speedy report to be made to the Lord Mayor of the amount of English grain exported to Middleborough. 3 When corn ships were stayed in 1563, London petitioned to be preferred hi the disposal of the corn. 4 The Lord Mayor's agents were to be sent to seize corn about to be exported from Norfolk. 6 And a long series of petitions sent to the government to check exporta- tion is preserved. 6 Indeed, the city went so far in 1586 as to advocate that no corn ships putting in at an English port be allowed to carry their cargoes away again, and that corn ships passing by England be forcibly brought to land their grain in England, 7 a petition which unlike the others, however, was not adopted as governmental policy. The result of London's con- stant pressure upon the government was a long series of proc- lamations in its favor, an examination of which shows to what a surprising extent London was dictator of the Tudor corn policy. The governmental policy reflected the market changes of the period, the development from a local to a metropolitan market. Shortly after 15 January, 1516, when London first began sending out officials to watch the corn exports, 8 a proclamation 1 Repertory, xiv, fol. 12 (8 March, 1557-58). 2 Ibid., x, fol. 46 (17 Sept., 1538). 8 Ibid., xv, fol. 169 (12 Jan., 1562-63). 4 Ibid., fol. 171 (13 Jan., 1562-63). 6 The Lord Mayor was to " cause some honest & dyscret person to go to all the haven Townes in Northfok & ther to sease all such wheate and other graynes as he shall fynd prepared & shipped to be carryed and conveyed out of this Realme into any of the partyes beyond the seas." Ibid., xv, fol. 473b (25 Sept., 1565). 6 Ibid., xvi, fol. 172 (6 March, 1566-67); et passim in Repertories and Journals throughout the Tudor period. 7 Repertory, xxi, fol. 359 (15 Nov., 1586). 8 Ibid., iii, fol. 63 (15 Jan., 1515-16). 226 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET against export was probably issued, for on 30 January, 1516, a license was required for exportation 1 and licenses were demanded for about two years following. 2 The system of prohibitions of corn exportation had begun, 3 and was to last through the period. 4 This was in accordance with London's desire, and London officials were expected to watch and guard against its infraction. 6 This step may be taken as marking the beginning of the metropolitan period. An act of 1534 ostensibly made such prohibitions per- manent, no corn being exportable except by license. 6 This act has little importance in itself except to show that parliament was ready to confirm the policy already adopted by the Crown. The prohibition of exportation might be lifted by a permissive proclamation, 7 often issued for a stated period, at the end of which time an extension might be granted or the lid again closed on the trade. The system of prohibitions might also be modified by the granting of licenses to export. The Tudor corn licenses illustrate the individual characters of the princes, and the fiscal necessities of the time, as well as the gov- 1 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, ii, 1464 (30 Jan., 1515-16). * Ibid., 2588, 2595, 2708, 2714, 2945, 3795, 3877, 4253 (23 Nov., 1516 to 22 June, 1518). 1 There had been sporadic and isolated prohibitions earlier, for example in 1471 (26 Oct., making a license to export necessary, K. R. Customs, 52/57), in 1482 (21 Nov., a proclamation prohibiting exportation on account of scarcity and in favor of London, Letter Book, vol. L, fols. 181-182), in 1484 (26 Feb., a restraint in East Anglia. Harl., 433, fol. 155), in 1487 (3 June, a license to export, K. R. Customs, 11/2), as well as in the well-known years 1491 and 1512. There is as much warrant for emphasizing any of these years, notably 1482, as to date the beginning of a new policy from 1491. Cf. Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 88; Naud6, Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europsischen Staalen, pp. 79 f.; Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik, i, p. 641; cf. also Encyclopaedia Brit- annica (eleventh ed.), article " Corn Laws," where the law of 1437 is said to have ceased to be effective at the Wars of the Roses. 4 e.g. 1519, 1531, 1544, 1546, 1547, 1548, 1549, 1550, 1565, 1572, 1588, 1590, 1595-97- 6 Letter Book, vol. X, fol. 2igb (26 May, 1573). 25 H. VIII, c. 2. " Noo person or persons oneles it be by licence under the Kynges greate scale, from hensforth shall cary or conveye or cause to be caryed and conveyed any corne beoffes muttons veales porkes or any other of the above said victualles to any the parties behonde the see." 1 e.g. 30 March, 1548, Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Royal Proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart Sovereigns, i, no. 325. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 227 ernmental corn policy. The license is, of course, about as old as the monarchy. Often it was a mere safe-conduct, a guarantee of good treatment at the hands of officials, at other times it partially or wholly exempted the recipient from the payment of duties. But reference is here made to the special permission given to override a general order prohibiting expor- tation. The practice reached its height in the reigns of Eliza- beth and the first two Stuarts. In one year, 35 Elizabeth (1593-94), the license money for corn, etc., amounted to 4664 10 s. 6 d. (" pro licentia grani &C."). 1 Corn exported from Milford in 39 Elizabeth (1597-98) was subject to i s. duty per quarter, and 6 s. 8 d. per quarter for license. 2 The chief point to be noted here, however, is that exportation was carried on under this licensing system, just as the domestic trading in corn was carried on under a complicated and stringent system requiring (in theory) every dealer to take out a general license to buy and sell, and a special license to buy and sell apart from the common market. 3 London had an import as well as an export policy. This also it pressed upon parliament 4 and the government and gained a responsive hearing. 5 And it is of great significance that when the 1 MS., R. O., K. R. Customs, 171/21. 2 Pro licentia 6 s. 8 d. pro quolibet quarterio, K. R. Customs, 171/21. Cf. also MS., Br. M., Harl., 306, fols. 26-31. 3 Cf. 5 & 6 Ed. VI, c. 14; 5 Eliz., c. 12. 4 On 5 Dec., 1562, it was recorded that the Lord Mayor was to " move my lord tresorer for the discharge of the Custome that is clamed in the custome house of the Cytyes wheate & rye lately bought & provided in the partyes beyond the sea for the onely store of the same Cytye." Repertory, xv, fol. 154. Later on, 9 Feb., 1562-63, " A bill [was] devised and drawen to be presented unto the parlyament house for the discharging of the custome & Subsidies of all wheate meale and other grayne what so ever provided and brought and herafter to be brought to the Cytie by merchaunts Denysyns or other what so ever for the pro- vicon and store of the same Cytie was this daye here red and delyvered." Ibid., fol. 189. 6 The Lord Treasurer wrote to the Lord Mayor, according to an entry of 26 May, 1573, that " towching the bringing in of grayne out of Estland or other forren places and liberties ether to sell the same at prices reasonable here or otherwise recarry the same frelie without further charge into other places. We think this your request reasonable and for the releve & benefite of the Cittie are content to be suters to the Queenes ma[jes]tie." MS., Guildhall, London, Journals of the Common Council, xx, pt. i, fol. 49b. 228 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET import law of 1463 had been nullified by the general rise in prices, it was not renewed. Indeed, such a renewal would have run counter to the import corn trade already well organized for supplying London's needs. The domestic corn trade of the period was, however, much more important than the foreign trade. Here also we see the metropolitan corn policy taken over by the government as its own. In 1565 Cambridge petitioned against the transportation of so much corn to Lynn. But the government refused to check this because the corn was shipped by sea from Lynn for the victual- ling of London. 1 As between London's needs and those of another district there was no choice. The institution of the coast-bond had nothing specially to do with the corn trade. 2 But corn was the most important single commodity carried along the coast. In 1580 the coast trade in corn shipped to London came in for special treatment at the hands of Lord Burghley. The commissions for the transporta- tion of victuals 3 were ordered to send periodically to the ports of their district a statement of how much corn could " be con- veniently spared out of that cuntrey (their district) for London." This amount was freely to be allowed to pass, but under bond that it should go to the metropolis. When this amount of corn had been shipped, the commissioners were to consider if any more grain might be spared for London. 4 No clearer example than this could be found of the pressing needs of the metropolitan mar- ket. So far discussion has turned mainly on the difficulty that London felt in normal years in obtaining a sufficient supply of domestic corn. This metropolitan difficulty, properly regarded as normal, arose, as has been seen, through a disorganization of the market caused by the phenomenal growth of the metropolis, 1 MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, xxxvi, no. 68 (25 June, 1565). 1 Coast-bonds had been used in the middle ages. Some belonging to the period Hen. VIII-6 Ed. VI, are extant, and a great many dating from 1549, when apparently they were regularly returned to the Exchequer, are preserved as ab- stracts in the Certificate Books. * Appointed 1565. 4 Letter Book, vol. Z, fols. 45-46 (8 March, 1579-80). See Appendix L. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 229 and was unintentionally aggravated by the practice of fixing prices and minutely regulating the dealings of middlemen. There were, nevertheless, great dearths in Tudor England caused by bad harvests, which gave rise to an organized restraint of the corn trade. It is fatal to a proper understanding of the Tudor corn policy and practice if this restraint be regarded as aught but abnormal. For a study of this policy of " restraint," the Book of Orders is the most important source. 1 The Book of Orders, along with which must be read the supplementary orders qualifying and adding to it, aimed at discovering the corn surplus of the country, and then controlling the sale of that surplus in the interests of consumers. The commissioners of restraint were to make a survey of the number of people in their district, the amount of corn, and the surplus or deficit, and to regulate corn movement accordingly. No export was to be allowed; no dealers were to be permitted to engross or hoard corn; and no waste in the consumption of the precious grain was to be toler- ated. The husbanded surpluses of the country were to be allowed to go to the towns, and especially to London. 2 By this means, then, as well as by the importation of foreign corn (under en- couragement from the government), London's needs were to be met hi time of dearth. Having examined both the " normal " and the " abnormal " corn policies actually in practice during the Tudor period, we may ask to what category does the statutory policy belong, which it has been customary to regard as almost the sole subject of study ? The answer is that the statutory policy is almost negligible as far as it concerns the actual trade in corn. It was largely a registration on the one hand of the mercantilist aims of the government under non-existing ideal conditions, and on the other, of the policy of corn producing communities, to the inter- ests and prejudices of which it was politic to give attention, even if it was not possible to follow them. 1 pp. 236-240. 8 Acts of the Privy Council, xiv, p. 338 (1586-87); cf. also Book of Orders of 1622, p. 50. 230 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The reason why the statutory corn policy is almost negligible is twofold. In the first place, the acts regulating exportation were applicable only when corn was sufficiently cheap, and, as the following table shows, this condition rarely existed. And Price at Number of Number of which Export Years below Years below Periods was Allowed this Level this Level + i . iSM-34 6 s. 8 d. 9 ii 1534-54 no such limit 1554-63 6 s. 8 d. o o 1563-71 10 s. o d. i 3 1571-93 " reasonable " 1593-1600 20 s. o d. o o Total . . 10 14 in the second place, the Crown used its prerogative to override the corn legislation in times of emergency which became frequent with the metropolitan development. The Crown permitted the export of corn only at such prices as it thought fit, 2 or restored the legislative limit of 6 s. 8 d., even during the period when no act was on the statute book to this effect. 3 Now to argue that because the corn statutes were not in force, there was no export, is as far from the truth as the assumption that because they were on the statute book at all, exportation must have taken place. The statistics already examined 4 show that corn was exported throughout the period. They also show that, while corn was exported even in the period 1534-54, when the export law was in abeyance, the export was greater when the statute law was not against it, than when it did not exist at all. But this is not saying very much, and though the corn laws of the period should not be neglected, they form no clue to the situa- tion, and taken by themselves are positively misleading. Five Tudor statutes dealing with corn exportation are of special interest: (i) that of 1534, substituting a royal license for the 1 This column is added to show that in all but a few years the market price was considerably, more than a shilling, higher than the price at which exportation was allowed. * Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, ii, 2595, 2786, 2817 (1516 to 1517). * Journals of the Common Council, xv, fol. 335 (16 May, 1548); MS., Br. M., Titus B II, fol. 12 (30 March, 1548). 4 See above, p. 112. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 231 6 s. 8 d. regulation, (2) 1555, restoring the 6s. 8 d. limit, 1 (3) 1559, giving the 6s. 8d. limit a special application to Norfolk and Suffolk, 2 (4) 1563 3 and (5) 1593,* increasing the price limit to 10 s. and 20 s. respectively. With the exception of the third case, these acts did little to promote exportation. The intention of the first is obvious and has been already considered. 5 The second, fourth, and fifth were passed when prices were too high to allow them to come into force. 6 If they were not only void in effect, but also at their passage manifestly nugatory, it is clear that they were passed simply as a sop to the producers who thereby were enabled to register their aims, and nothing more. In 1559 a bill with a 10 s. standard was introduced, but not passed. 7 As prices were then, it would have favored export. And again in i57i, 8 a bill raising the export limit to 13 s. 4 d. (for wheat) was drawn up. This would have taken the regula- tion of exportation out of the government's hands, for at the time the price of corn was below 13 s. 4 d. Though the bill was passed, it was shorn of this, its most important clause, in place of which was substituted the phrase "at al tymes as the severall pryces thereof shalbe so reasonable and moderate," etc., and long regula- tions about the course of action to be taken by the justices of 1 See above, p. 139. 2 i Eliz., c. n, 10. 8 5 Eliz., c. s, 17. Cf. p. 140 above. Faber (Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 92) and Naud6 (Die Getreidehandelspolitik der Europaischen Staaten, pp. 87-88) both refer to the law of 5 Eliz., c. 5 allowing the exportation of grain when not over 10 s. (for wheat) as the beginning of a new order of things; and both quote Camden to substantiate their view. But there is some discrepancy here: Camden (Annales RerumAnglicarumetHibernicarumRegnanteElizabetha (ed. 1625), p. 61), refers to the great development of agriculture owing to the permission given to export corn, but the year is 1561. The date of the act of 5 Eliz., c. 5, is given by Faber and Naud6 as 1562, while it is really 1562-63, and the act was not to go into force until 1564. Camden then refers to a period at least three years previous to the act of 5 Eliz., c. 5, undoubtedly to i & 2 P. & M., c. 5 and i Eliz., c. ii, 10. 4 35 Eliz., c. 7, 5. See above, pp. 141-142. * p. 226 above. 6 p. 230 above. 7 Journals of the House of Commons, i, p. 61. 8 Wrongly assigned at the Record Office to " March, 1562-63," and thus made to refer to 5 Eliz., c. 5; it is verbatim the draft of the unamended bill of 1571, 13 Eliz., c. 13, i. Cf. above, p. 141. 232 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET the peace, and other officials. Clause 4 of the act states that the queen may prohibit exportation. 1 The third act making a special case for Norfolk and Suffolk lasted only from 1559 to 1563, but it indicates clearly whence the export policy came. The high-sounding prefaces were, as usual, administrative utter- ances of a general mercantilist policy, favoring a corn policy which circumstances did not allow the government really to adopt. The government sympathized with the ambitions of corn producers to export abroad, but mindful of the difficulties of London's corn supply, refused to allow the control of the corn trade to be taken out of its hands. Exportation was in itself no crime in the eyes of the government, but it must be only at such times as the non-producing part of the realm, notably London, was satisfied. No longer was the medieval corn surplus of one district to be sent to the Continent while another district lacked supply. The surplus corn of the metro- politan area, however, might go abroad, and under government license was exported. The uncertainty of such a surplus was what held the government's hands and nullified legislation ostensibly made to promote exportation. In the medieval period, as has been seen, 2 the corn policy of the time was the resultant of three forces, the royal fiscal needs, and the policies of the consuming and of the producing areas. In the sixteenth century a fourth and distinctive force, the metropolitan policy, was added. The chief aim of the Crown, so far as its narrower interests were concerned, was still fiscal; witness the licensing system, the official valuation of corn in the Book of Rates, and the laws of 1571 and 1593 increasing the export tax. Producers of corn left their mark chiefly upon the statute book, but not in any marked degree upon the national policy. Consumers outside the London area saw their interests partly protected by the " restraint " policy of the Crown. But London was able to impose its policy upon the government to such an extent that the metropolitan policy is the real key to the complicated regulations of the period. 1 Cf. 35 Eliz., c. 7, 55 i Jac., i, c. 25, 3; 21 Jac., i, c. 28; 3 Car., i, c. 5, 6. * pp. 211, 213, 217-218 above. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 233 6. TUDOR REGULATION OF THE CORN TRADE Trade ordinances, licenses to trade, the customs system, the staple system, the giving of security or bonds, were all tools in the hands of the Crown for controlling the trade in grain. What is of particular interest here, and what is peculiar to the corn trade, is the commission for the restraint of grain which came into prominence in the Tudor period, especially in the reign of Eliza- beth, and which touched the lives, directly or indirectly, of many Englishmen. Since restraints were exceptional occurrences in the grain trade of England, no very lasting machinery or means of control was ever set up. Local machinery already in existence was used. The earliest record of such machinery comes from the year 1315, when effort was made to keep corn from going to Scotland. The sheriff was made the chief instrument of supervision of the corn trade. He was to associate with him two law-worthy men for whom he was responsible. They were to watch over the grain trade, to see that no grain sent down to the ports and rivers went abroad to the king's enemies, the Scots. Security was taken of dealers in corn suspected of carrying corn to Scotland. 1 In every shire, or sheriff's bailiwick, therefore, there were two men whose chief business was to " survey all corn and other victuals " leaving the district by water. 2 In 1527 special commissioners were appointed to search " all barns, etc. for wheat and other grains, to demand of all mayors, bailiffs, etc. whether any be hidden or kept secret, to inquire as to forestalling, regrating, and engrossing of the same." 3 But there was no special machinery under Henry VIII to prevent the transportation of corn, and so rewards were offered to informers. 4 A local and temporary measure regarding the corn trade was 1 Rymer, Fosdera, etc. (Rec. ed.), ii, pt. i, p. 276. 2 Calendar of Patent Rolls, Ed. II, vol. ii, p. 420. 3 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, iv, pt. ii, 3822 (cf. 3544 and 3665). Cf. the inquisition of Charles I in Sicily in 1269, Yver, Le Commerce et les Marchands dans Vltalie Meridionale, p. 108. 4 H. MSS. C., Thirteenth Report, App., pt. iv, Rye and Hereford, etc., p. 311 234 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET taken in 1541 when three gentlemen of Sussex were specially appointed to investigate the transporting of grain from Chi- chester to other parts of England. 1 A fairly comprehensive list of articles for the restraint of grain was drawn up in 1 556.2 The justices of the peace were collectively to take action in each shire. They were to make a survey of all existing supplies of corn and to order the surplus sent to the nearby market towns. The justices were themselves to be present at the sale of corn upon the markets, and they were to see to it that the customs officials allowed no export abroad. It remained for the advisers of Elizabeth to elaborate the system which influenced the corn trade throughout most of her reign. The commissions of 1315, 1541, and 1556 were temporary and transitory. Following these came a scheme for restraint which lasted, with some breaks, about a generation, technically called " The Commission for Restraint of Grain." It was an order for repressing pirates, 3 dated Novembers, 1565, that ushered in a remarkable attempt to restrain the corn trade. The elab- orate mechanism used to carry out this policy of paternalism is worthy of some attention. At the center of all was the queen in council, or the Privy Council, which infused vigor into the whole mechanism and by untiring zeal kept local officials to what at times was a tedious task. The Lord Treasurer was especially concerned in all that pertained to the customs system. 4 Below him were the numerous local officials requisitioned for this special work, such as the deputy lieutenants of the counties, 5 the sheriffs, 6 the justices of the peace, 7 the justices of assize, 8 the mayors of the towns, 9 and finally the officers of the customs, the customers, comptrollers, and searchers. 10 In part supplementing 1 Ads of the Privy Council (ed. Nicolas), vii, p. 142. 2 Appendix L. * Acts of the Privy Council, vii, pp. 280 f.; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, i, p. 259 (6 Oct., 1565). Cf. also 13 Eliz., c. 13. 4 Acts of the Privy Council, viii, pp. 104, 148 (1573). 5 Ibid., vii, p. 360 (1570). 6 Ibid., xi, p. 222 (1579); ibid., xiv, p. 320 (1586-87). 7 e -&-> *3 Eliz., c. 13; Acts of the Privy Council, xxviii, p. 144 (1597). 8 13 Eliz., c. 13; Acts of the Privy Council, xi, p. 222 (1579). 9 Ibid., xxvi, p. 188 (1596). 10 Ibid., viii, p. 104 (1573). MARKET DEVELOPMENT 235 these officers and to a large extent made up of these were the specially appointed commissioners of restraint, and a "conven- yent and sufficient nombre " of deputies. 1 All three sets of eyes were upon the grain trade, those of the customers, the commissioners, and mayors; and keenest and most vigilant of all, were the eyes of the councillors themselves. 2 The normal method of procedure was for the commissioners or justices to report monthly to the Privy Council the condition of the grain supply. If corn was plentiful in the county, its trans- portation was allowed, 3 and an order to this effect was sent to the commissioners who in turn gave licenses to any desiring to trans- port corn. If prices were below the statutory limit, this license would be an order to the customers to allow the corn to pass and to collect the customs. The Council would check the reports of one set of officials by those of another set for the same district. If the commissioners gave a license to export corn, but if prices were above the statutory limit at which the exportation of corn might take place, and if special restraint of corn had been made, the customs officials stopped the shipment and reported the matter to the Council. 4 It was probably in part because the government of the day distrusted the customers, and had some reason, indeed, to doubt their strictness and their honesty, that the commissioners of restraint were appointed to check the customs officials by their regular and frequent reports of local conditions, but the customers were useful in turn, as in the case just cited, to check the commissioners. Care was taken of the interests of the various localities which might suffer through the orders of the administrative officials of the central government. The justices of the peace, if they found the orders of the justices of assize " hurtfull to the County by meanes of Dearth, or to be a 1 Acts of the Privy Council, vii, p. 278 (1565). 8 e.g. in 1573 the Privy Council heard that two men were going to export 200 qrs. of corn to Ireland, and sent down to the local authorities about the matter (Ads of the Privy Council, viii, p. 105); in 1577 the Privy Council summoned the Bishop of Chichester and his chancellor before it, in connection with the attempt made by an Irishman to export 90 qrs. of grain to Ireland. (Ibid., ix, p. 318.) 3 e.g., Acts of the Privy Council, xi, p. 222 (1579). 4 Acts of the Privy Council, ix, p. 318 (1577); Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vii, p. 513 (1577). 236 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET greate Hyndraunce to Tyllage by meanes of to much cheapnes " were allowed to countermand their orders. 1 The earliest functions of the special commissioners were the suppression of piracy as well as the checking of exportation of uncustomed and unlicensed grain. 2 They were to see that no corn was exported abroad under color of transportation from port to port. 3 This was, perhaps, their chief duty, and to fulfil it they had to watch all movements of grain and to take bonds from all persons transporting grain anywhere by water, ostensibly for another port in England, that the corn might not go abroad. Besides this they were to take " special charge for the furnishing of the several markets with grain," 4 a relic of the duties of the Henrician commissioners. They were ordered on one occasion to have 250 quarters of corn to be provided for the royal navy. 6 The justices 6 and sheriffs, if we may differentiate them from the commissioners, were ordered to restrain badgers and regrators, to keep the markets duly supplied with corn, and to take such measures as to bring down the price of grain and keep it at a reasonable level. 7 The regulations embodying the Tudor policy of restraint were finally consolidated in one document, the Book of Orders, which marks indeed the apogee of paternalism in the history of the corn trade. Originally published on 2 January, 1587,3 the Book of Orders was, in time of need, frequently re-issued. We have such re-issues for 1594," i6o8, 10 1622, and i63o. n Though its 1 13 Eliz., c. 13, i. The Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt. i, p. 548 (1571). 8 Acts of the Privy Council, vii, p. 280 (1565); Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, i, p. 585 (1578). 3 Acts of the Privy Council, riv, p. 45 (1586). 4 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, ii, p. 328 (1586). 6 Acts of the Privy Council, viii, p. 174 (1573). 8 By 13 Eliz., c. 13, the justices of the peace were given special functions in regard to corn trade regulation. 7 Acts of the Privy Council, ix, p. 219 (1576); Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, ii, p. 328 (1586); Acts of the Privy Council, xxx, pp. 733-735 (1600). 8 Br. M., 291 d 33. The original in manuscript (Lansd., 48, no. 54) was prob- ably drawn up between Christmas and New Year's, 1586. 9 Br. M., 6426 b 55. 10 Br. M., 104 k 39. u Br. M., 1029 e 4. Reprinted, 1758. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 237 authorship is probably to be assigned to Burghley, it was the codification of past Tudor practice, 1 not without a very early precedent, 2 and at first sight quite in accordance with the med- ieval policy of self-sufficiency. The best commentary upon the chief regulations of this re- markable piece of administrative supervision is the " Book " itself, which may be summarized as follows: 1. The sheriffs and justices of the peace are carefully to divide the county into small sections for more efficient oversight. 2. The chief men of each district are to be summoned, divided into juries, and asked to present all " great farmours for corne " living in the district then absent from the meeting. Such per- sons are to be forced to attend. The meeting thus augmented is asked to take the jurors' oath of presentment: to enquire into the corn supply of the district. 3. They are to present the names of persons having corn in the granary or in the field, also all agreements for the sale of this corn. 4. Likewise the particulars concerning badgers of corn are to be enquired into, the license under which they buy and sell, and the seat of their activities. 5. All malt-makers, bakers, and brewers are to be under scrutiny as to the extent of their operations, the length of time they have been so engaged, and whether they have any sub- sidiary occupation. 6. Extensive buyers of corn for re-sale, as well as those who buy grain growing in the fields are to be the subject of inquiry. 7. Such persons as have grain over and above their personal and household uses are to be forced to supply the nearby market as directed. The determination of this surplus rests in the hands of the local authorities. 8. This corn is to be sold to the poor artificers or laborers of the parish in small quantities as required by the purchaser. 1 Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, iv, 3665 (1527), 3822, 3883, 4414 (1528). Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Ed. VI, i, p. 26 (1549); All such Proc- lamacons, 4 Ed. VI (20 Sept. and 20 Oct.); MS., Br. M., Stowe, 152, fols. 21-22 (Mary and 3 Eliz.); Acts of the Privy Council, vii, p. 280 (1565). 1 Rymer, Fasdera, etc. (Rec. ed.), ii, pt. i, p. 276 (1315). 238 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET 9. The sale of larger amounts of grain is to be made only to authorized badgers or carriers, well-known bakers and brewers, and the purveyors of great households, all of whom must be duly authorized and able to prove their identity. 10. No seller of corn may carry away from the market town any unsold grain; this must be exposed for sale again next market day. 11. The farmer is not to be allowed to buy the same kind of corn as he is appointed to sell without special permission, and if he finds he has a surplus over and above his needs for consump- tion and seed as estimated by the officials, he is to make this fact known. 12. No farmer may buy corn for sale again nor use his servants as badgers. 13. All sale is to be on the open market except to poor crafts- men and laborers of the neighborhood who are unable to go to market, and in such case permission must be obtained in writing from the justices of the peace; account is to be kept of the partic- ulars of each sale, and at no time is such a transaction to be for more than one bushel. 14. The names of all engrossers, together with particulars of their dealings, are to be sent to the attorney general for action. 15. Engrossers may procure special licenses from justices of the peace, record of which is to be kept by the clerk of the peace who receives a fee from the licensee therefor. 1 6. Inspectors are to be appointed to see that bakers deal fairly with the poor, and that clerks of the markets impose no unlawful exactions. 17. Badgers of corn, bakers, and brewers must buy only in the open market, and must present licenses from the justices of the peace, which are to specify the kind of corn to be purchased and the place where the corn is to be consumed. And the licenses are to be endorsed with the place, date, amount, and price of their purchases. 18. Badgers of corn, bakers, and brewers are to keep accounts of their dealings, which are to be scrutinized by persons appointed MARKET DEVELOPMENT 239 by the justices. These appointees are likewise to act as censors of the conduct of the above dealers. 19. No servant of a justice of the peace is to be licensed as badger except by six justices in open sessions. 20. No badger, baker, brewer, or purveyor may buy corn in gross until at least one hour after the market has opened, so that the poor may be served first. 21. Justices of the peace, or in default of them, some rich persons, are to attend the markets to see these orders executed and the poor provided with as much favor in the prices, as by their earnest persuasion can be obtained. 22. Ministers of the Gospel are to exhort the rich to show liberality towards the poor. 23. Maltsters are to use oats rather than barley in those dis- tricts where oats are plentiful. 24. Unnecessary taverns are to be suppressed, and loitering about tippling houses prevented. 25. The justices are to take such other measures as are neces- sary in time of dearth. 26. No bread-corn is to be wasted on dogs or other animals nor used in the manufacture of starch. 27. The able poor are to be set to work, and stocks of goods provided for the same; clothiers are to continue to employ their workmen; and the impotent are to be relieved in their own houses. 28. Millers must not act as badgers, delay the grinding of other men's corn, change good for bad corn, nor take unreasonable toll. 29. Justices are not to own mills, and are to try personally to force the millers to obey the above rules. 30. Conferences are to be held between the mayors of towns and cities and the justices of the neighboring shires to facilitate the purchase of corn by the bakers, brewers, and private purvey- ors of the town, and to allot to each of the nearby counties its proper portion for the relief of the towns. Care is to be taken that in such dealings prices be not raised nor the poor left unfur- nished. 240 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET 31. All export abroad is to be stopped, except under the great seal, by those justices specially commissioned for the purpose; but if these be themselves com dealers and negligent, the other justices are to take action. 32. Monthly certificates, setting forth the enforcement of these rules, are to be sent to the sheriff, who is to certify the same to the Privy Council. 33. Justices either negligent or perverse are to be reported to the Privy Council. Such a minute system of regulation would be at best difficult of enforcement, and as time went on the zeal and vigilance of its administrators was not likely to increase. The customs officials had been corrupt of old and had not changed. One customer in 1576, for instance, had participated in the buying up of corn ostensibly for London, but really for Spain. 1 We find in 1593 the farmers of Sussex complaining that the officers of the ports, by their evil practices, engrossed corn and re-sold it, forced mer- chants to buy corn from them, and did all so cunningly, that the justice could not come at them. 2 But the justices themselves, specially enlisted in the service of the corn trade restraint, and in part to act as a check upon the customs officials, were not blameless. They stood for local interests and had local prejudices, and, perhaps as well from wrong heart as wrong head, misunderstood the purpose of the whole restraint. 3 They were often reluctant to enforce the orders of the council, and that body rebuked them for complain- ing about farmers holding back grain instead of prosecuting them before the justices of assize. 4 The justices, however, were accused not only of consulting the interests of their particular shire-world, and of their friends, but also of having a tender regard for their own personal welfare. They were often owners 1 Acts of the Privy Council, ix, p. 252. 1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, iii, p. 362. * Acts of the Privy Council, viii, p. 230 (1574) ; ibid., xiv, p. 383 (1586-87), " Their Lordships' [of the Privy Council] intent was not that the passage of graine shoulde be in suche sort restrayned, whereby the countyes shoulde not relieve the necessitye of eche other, their neighbors." 4 Acts of the Privy Council, xxviii, p. 314 (1597); cf. ibid., viii, p. 147 (1573). MARKET DEVELOPMENT 241 of corn and exempted themselves from the working of the re- strictive regulations, and were thus " both judge and party." 1 There are signs, too, that, towards the close of the century, the Privy Council, the main spring of the whole scheme, was lagging in interest, and losing its faith in the system. With the cus- tomers lax, and the justices unmanageable, there was little hope for the successful working of the complicated plan. There is a pitiful letter of the council, in December, 1595, in answer to the complaints of the justices of the Isle of Ely. " The best helpe we can give you at this presente," they acknowledge, " is to write our letters unto the officers of that porte [of Lynn] to require of them a more streight and watchfull care." z Wherein could such a body of rules be of advantage ? How could these regulations help remedy the shortage of grain ? It is probable that consumption was to some extent diminished by such regulations, even apart from the rise of prices; but this was not likely to effect a very large saving. Certainly public atten- tion was at once called to the dearth, in particular the attention of municipal authorities who could encourage the importation of foreign corn; but high prices would have served the same purpose, though the warning might have come more slowly. It was, perhaps, a service to stop almost wholly and at once the trans- portation of corn into foreign lands though this doubtless might have been brought about without internal restraint. The farmers themselves were hindered in the purchase of corn for seed, which meant that they would often have to use the corn of their poor crop as seed for the next year's crop. The stringency would be exaggerated beyond due proportions, and, in parts of the country having plenty, would doubtless be almost wholly caused by governmental action. More serious was the fact that the middleman, whose special business it is to balance supply and demand, and whose personal interest, therefore, is, as Adam Smith has shown, very much in common with that of the com- munity, was to a considerable extent eliminated from the situa- tion. 1 Acts of the Privy Council, xxx, p. 735 (1600). * Ibid., xxv, p. 133. 242 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET The chief test, however, is this: did this system facilitate the exchange of corn, its transportation from a district of plenty to one of scarcity, from the country-side to the town ? The answer is in the negative. The whole underlying principle was supervision and regulation, and therefore restraint, of just such exchange. It matters not that such movement of corn was expressly provided for; such provision at best proves in practice a hindrance, and much more certainly would this be the case, when the means of enforcement was the clumsy local administra- tive machinery of the Tudor period. What is the explanation of this Tudor corn supervision ? The ostensible raison ffetre of the system was the failure of crops; but crops had failed before without giving rise to such elaborate machinery. We may allow for the part played by the steady and alarming rise in prices; but this is not enough. On the one hand, the system was part of the experimenting in governance which the Tudors were pushing into almost every field of national life; and, on the other, it was a natural con- commitant to the teachings and preachings of London on the subject of corn supply; it was the government's remedy for a recurring disorder, to which London had chiefly called attention. 7. SECOND PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY, 1600-1660 During the first phase of metropolitan development corn went to London for consumption only, and during the third phase it went for export in large amounts as well as for consumption. The intervening years between 1600 and 1660 are transitional in character, like the period from 1394 to 1437, displaying features of both the earlier and the later periods of the corn policy. In abnormal years of dearth, such as 1608, 1621-23, an< ^ 1630- 31, the same policy of restraint, based upon the assumption of local self-sufficiency, was carried out as before by means of the Book of Orders. London was still given special consideration so that the corn surplus of the country might reach it, and when this was not enough, foreign corn was to be imported. This being the case, no change in the import laws was necessary during this period. 1 1 See above, p. 148. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 243 The prospective and the actual working of the maximum corn export laws of this period, outlined above, 1 is seen hi the follow- ing tables. Average Price Statutory of Three Years Price Preceding Year s. d. s. d. IS54-S5 68 13 7! 1562-63 10 o 13 7 1592-93 20 o 23 5 1 1603-04 26 8 29 a| 1623-24 3 2 o 30 8 1656 40 o 2611 Statutory Years below Price this Level Period s. d. 1600-04 20 o o 1604-23 26 8 2 1623-56 32 o 3 1656-60 40 o i It is apparent that the parliamentary representatives of the corn producers were able to secure a more favorable maximum price in the later than in the earlier period; but the rapid rise hi prices in the early seventeenth century counteracted the apparent advantage gained by the statutes. As in the Tudor period, the license system was in vogue, as well as the practice of prohibiting export regardless of the legisla- tion on the subject. That this latter practice was objectionable is seen in the numerous petitions, recorded in the Council Register, to export from various ports where by statute such might be permitted. The figures which have already been examined show that even in normal years exportation declined. This was at a time when agriculture seems to have been progressing. Rich soil was being drained and brought under the plough; forest lands were cleared for tillage; manuring was more system- atically practiced, and greater variation was made in the rota- tion of crops; common lands were inclosed for tillage as well as for pasture; and some pasture lands reconverted to arable. The corn surplus was apparently greater than in the Tudor period, but it was not going abroad. The statistics of the coast trade indicate its destination as London. 1 Ch. V, 2 especially pp. 139-143. 244 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET During these years the municipal corn-providing system declined, was revived for a time during the dearths, and then was finally given up. In other words, the readjustment of the metropolitan market had taken place. So far was this true that London not only could dispense with its former means of obtain- ing a supply, but actually had a corn surplus which it exported, a condition not found at any earlier period. London ceased to press its early policy upon the government in normal years, not only because the government had already adopted it, but because London was itself seeing less and less necessity for any longer holding it. ' "We are now in a position to consider an interesting metropolitan development, interesting as well in its failure as in its only partial success. Bearing in mind the agricultural developments of the sixteenth century, and remembering that England as a whole was exporting corn as never before, we might expect to find Tudor London desirous of extending its trade by becoming a corn staple. Corn was shipped to London from the metropolitan area, and was imported from abroad. In short London seemed even in the late sixteenth century on the way to become a corn granary like some of the Baltic and Dutch towns. At least as early as 1573 the government wrote to the city authorities that they were willing to allow imported corn to be exported custom free, if such were not required for the city's use. 1 Elizabeth was petitioned to make London a staple for corn and salt on the grounds that it would give work to laborers in the city and employment to shipping, that it would increase the corn and salt duties, at the time said to be only 60 yearly, and that a plen- teous supply of corn and salt at a reasonable price would result. 2 But such a plan presupposed a corn surplus in the metropolis which did not really exist, and therefore the scheme could not materialize. It was in the reign of James I that the advocacy of the staple plan was most pronounced. In 1613 the Council allowed five merchants to import customs free and to export without duty 1 Journals of the Common Council, xx, fol. 4gb (26 May, 1573). * MS., Br. M., Lansd., 113, no. 24 [Eliz.]. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 245 in order to provide a " store," which should obviate a future scarcity. 1 Both in 1613 and 1614, and very often afterwards, the city magistracy allowed good corn (in the Tudor period only decayed grain) to be shipped to relieve the necessities of other places within England. 2 In 1622 the Eastland Company sought permission to export unsold corn which they had imported. 3 And in 1628, order was given that such export without the payment of duty should be allowed, if the corn seemed " like to perishe " from want of a purchaser. 4 An unpublished mercantilist pamphlet of 1629 or 1630 advocated a staple on the grounds of plenty and low prices, as well as the saving of coin otherwise exported to pay 'for corn. 5 This, for the time being, was probably the high-water mark of London's ambition to be a corn staple. And although it had long exported considerable amounts of beer, 6 and was providing its growing shipping with corn supplies, as well as equipping coloniz- ing expeditions, and although in the period of the corn bounty acts large amounts of English corn passed through London in the process of exportation, still London did not become a staple in the sense that it was a depot for foreign as well as domestic corn, a storage for corn laid up in years of plenty to be sold at home or abroad in years of scarcity. 7 Though the staple policy, largely the policy of London mer- chants, was most loudly proclaimed in this period it really 1 MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Jac. I, i, fol. 97 (10 Nov., 1613). 2 MS., Guildhall, London, Repertory, xxxi, pt. 2, fols. 2370, 303!), 3210; ibid., xxxii, fol. 8b. 3 Repertory, xxxvi, fol. 2i8b (30 July). Cf. Council Register, Jac. I, v, fol. 428 (10 July, 1622). 4 MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Jac. I, Dockets No. 9 (25 March). B A corn staple in London " will keepe all sorts of graine at a reasonable price, both for the buyer and seller and wee shall be allwayes provided of Corne if a dearth should come, and thereby retayne our Coyne which uppon such an occasion is usually exported." MS., Br. M., Add., 30383, Consideracons of Entercourse, etc., by Lord P[hilip] S[herard]. 6 About 328 tuns of beer were exported between 18 May and 29 Sept., 1559. MS., R. O., K. R. Customs, 88/3. In 1590 it was estimated that 2000 tuns of beer " might well " be exported yearly. MS., Br. M., Lansd., 71, no. 46. Cf. also, MS., Br. M., Harl., 420, fol. j6b (ca. 1598-1603). 7 For an interesting definition of a general staple town, see Mun, England's Treasure by Forraign Trade (1664), ed. McCulloch (1856), p. 88. 246 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET belonged to the late sixteenth century, when foreign corn was so often a necessity for London. Its continuance into the seven- teenth century was owing to the corn scarcities of 1608, 1621-23, and 1630-31. The explanation of its sudden collapse is just that it reflected no normal need of the period. In reality, the staple policy, aiming at the possession of large amounts of foreign corn for home consumption or foreign export, was diametrically opposed to the policy adopted in England. Holland, forced to import nine-tenths of its corn, might thrive upon such a method, indeed, could exist in no other way, but it was the prime aim of English policy to grow its own corn. There is little doubt that if the growing metropolitan demands had been met wholly by foreign importations, the English trade in the Baltic, which had been from its beginning to the fourteenth century uncertain and unimportant, would have thrived better and English corn ships would have gone to southern Europe sooner than they actually did, but they would have carried not the corn of East Anglia, but of Prussia and Poland. In other words, the decision was that London should not be the successor of Antwerp, which in its turn, had taken over the corn trade of Bruges, itself so long the corn staple of the Hanse. To Amster- dam rather than to London fell the bulk of the Baltic-Mediter- ranean grain trade of the period. When London finally did become the center of the western European corn trade, as the successor of Amsterdam, it had passed through the first and second stages of metropolitan development. The failure of this staple policy was inevitable if insular self-sufficiency was to be the national aim. Closely related to the metropolitan staple scheme is the plan for the establishment of national granaries, which was brought forward at the time of the first two Stuarts, and which deserves special attention for the light it throws on market developments. English granary schemes may be divided into three classes, according as they were primarily for supply, for trade, or for banking and trade. The secondary (where not the primary) function of all such granaries was to supply cheap corn in times of dearth. The first plan has already been noted in a study of MARKET DEVELOPMENT 247 London's provision. The third was a later proposal. 1 Only the second is of concern here. In the history of English granary schemes, as in so many activities of seventeenth century England, we see Dutch models and examples held up for imitation. This is illustrated in a pamphlet entitled " Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander, and other Nations," z presented to King James I, probably by Sir Walter Raleigh. " No sooner a dearth of fish, wine, or corn here, and other merchandise, but forthwith the Embdeners, Hamburghers, and Hollanders, out of their storehouses, lade fifty or one hundred ships, or more, dispersing themselves round about this kingdom, and carry away great store of coin and wealth for little commod- ity in those times of dearth; by which means they suck our commonwealth of her riches, cut down our merchants, and decay our navigation; not with their natural commodities, which grow in their own countries, but the merchandises of other countries and kingdoms. . . . " Amsterdam is never without seven hundred thousand quar- ters of corn, besides the plenty they daily vend, and none of this groweth in their own country: a dearth in England, France, Spain, Italy, Portugal, and other places, is truly observed to enrich Holland seven years after, and likewise the petty states. " For example; the last dearth, six years past [1595-97 or 1608], the Hamburghers, Embdeners, and Hollanders, out of their storehouses, furnished this kingdom; and from Southamp- ton, Exeter, and Bristol, in a year and a half, they carried away near two hundred thousand pounds from these parts only: then what great quantity of coin was transported round about your kingdom from every port-town, and from your city of London and other cities, cannot be esteemed so little as two millions, to the great decay of your kingdom and impoverishing your people. Discredit to the company of merchants, and dishonor to the land, 1 A. Yarranton, England's Improvement, etc., pp. 123 f. (1677-78). Other public granary schemes have been proposed either for military and naval supplies, or for the storage of corn paid as subsidy as in Ireland in 1667. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. II, vi, p. 582. 2 Ralegh, Works, viii, pp. 351-376. 248 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET that any nation, that have no corn in their own country growing, should serve this famous kingdom, which God hath so enabled within itself!" 1 The exact effect of such a petition upon the mind of the sus- ceptible James cannot be determined, but it is very likely that it had not a little to do with the later history of the granary pro- posals, three of which, of the years 1620, 1623, and 1631, deserve special attention. On 29 December, 1619, an " overture " was made to James I in favor of public granaries. The Privy Council referred the matter to a committee for " serious and due consideration." Merchants were to be permitted to store up corn, no matter what the price " notwithstanding any law to the contrary," the alleged purpose being to relieve the husbandman " in this tyme of plenty." 2 By 26 January, 1620, the Privy Council had made up its mind on the subject and wrote to the sheriffs and justices of the peace to confer and discuss the plan proposed, namely the erection of a granary in each county. 3 Apparently no details of how this plan was to be worked were elaborated, but imperfectly as it was expressed, its chief means of relieving the farmer was to be by facilitating the trade in corn, that is, the wholesale trade. The opinion of the county magnates was not long withheld, and it was overwhelmingly unfavorable to the scheme. 4 In 1623 the Commissioners for Trade reported on the subject of corn magazines, and in accordance with this report proclama- tions were issued setting forth an elaborate mechanism. 5 The granaries were to be erected by merchants at their pleasure. London and fifteen other towns, as well as all shire towns, were to have corn magazines. The corn thus stored was to be either foreign or domestic, when the price was under thirty-two shillings in the counties where purchased. Foreign corn laid up might be exported when the price of corn was not over forty shillings. 1 Ralegh, Works, viii, pp. 359-360. 1 MS., Treasury Office, Council Register, Jac. I, iv, fol. 372. * Council Register, Jac. I, iv, pp. 394-395 (26 Jan., 1619-20). 4 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Jac. I, x, pp. 124, 129, 130, 140. 8 Council Register, Jac. I, vi, fol. 63 (9 July, 1623); Rymer, Faedera, etc. (ed. Hague), vii, pt. iv, pp. 86-87. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 249 When the price stood between forty shillings and thirty-two shillings, stored corn might be used at home or exported abroad. But when below thirty-two shillings, it could not be used in England, but had to be exported. Whenever foreign corn thus stored up was exported, no duty was liable, since a duty had been paid on importation. All laws against engrossing corn were to be dropped. Apparently nothing was done to execute this proc- lamation. But the government persisted and in 1631 brought out another scheme, this time for London only. The plan was to establish a public magazine quite apart from the ancient machinery for relieving the poor. 1 The reply of the Lord Mayor and Alder- men was unsympathetic: trade was decaying, there was a want of storage, the cost of building was great, the amassing of such a large amount of corn raised prices, and the loss of corn caused by vermin, shrinkage, and screening was great. 2 The Privy Council " marvelled " at the attitude of the city officials, 3 and wrote to them an expression of the council's surprise; 4 but nothing came of it all. The plans of 1623 and 1631 were sufficiently full to enable us to judge the motives of the originators. The prefatory remarks refer to the example of the Netherlands. The aim was not national self-sufficiency, but the profit to be derived from dealing in corn, foreign or domestic. The characteristic of the time, as a 1 MS., Guildhall, London, Journals of the Common Council, xxxv, fols. 347-348 (28 July, 1631). See Appendix L. On this same day entry was made in the Council Register (Car. I, vii, fols. 131- 132) that a " generall " granary was to be stored with 30,000 quarters of corn to serve for four months, " to be furnished as fare as may bee out of the growthe of the Kingdome and accordingly supplied as nead shall require." The probable suggestion of the whole system is indicated in the following pas- sage: " In all other well governed Citties Care is taken in tymes of plenty to pre- vent such Calamity in tyme of dearth." Council Register, Car. I, vi, pp. 477-478 (28 April, 1631). Cf. the proposal of 1810 to erect public granaries. MS., Br. M., Add., 37889. 3 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. I, v, p. 433 (1632). Cf. Herbert's objection to public granaries in France in 1755, Essai sur la Police Generate des Grains (ed. 1910), p. 76. 8 Council Register, Car. I, viii, fols. 249-250 (1632). 4 Ibid., ix, fol. 506 (28 Feb., 1633-34). 250 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET period of transition, is indicated by the fact, on the one hand, that the former metropolitan policy against engrossers, taken over from the medieval town, was to be abandoned, but on the other hand when sufficient cheap corn at home could not be secured, foreign corn might be brought in, a reminiscence of the earlier attitude. The third phase of metropolitan development was anticipated in the contemplated removal of the price limit for export, in the case of foreign corn at least. 1 The whole scheme was in accordance with metropolitan policy, and the government realizing this, and confident of success, finally in 1631 limited the scheme to London alone. Why did the granary policy fail, both in the country and in the metropolis ? The answer is not simple, since so many classes were touched. But one reason would have sufficed to wreck it, if there had been no other. The period 1619-31 was one of reaction against state regulation, and state control was the essence of all the proposals. While the staple policy, of which the granary scheme was both the official supplement and the climax, might have stood some chance of success, when brought forward in the sixteenth century, there was no real need for it in the early seventeenth century, when the metropolitan market was approxi- mating a state of equilibrium in which plenty of corn and to spare, domestic corn withal, came to its market places. The first phase of the metropolitan policy was favorable to importation and hostile to exportation where metropolitan needs were concerned; the second period saw a readjustment, and though the city authorities appreciated the change, it was not realized by the government. 8. THIRD PHASE OF METROPOLITAN POLICY, 1660-1689 What the early Stuarts failed to see, the Restoration parlia- ments fully appreciated; they realized that great developments had taken place in the first part of the seventeenth century. And in accordance with the new market conditions the national policy was framed. Beginning in 1660 and continued to 1689, impor- 1 Journals of the Common Council, xxxv, fols. 347-348 (28 July, 1631). See Appendix L. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 251 tation was discouraged in the case of both aliens 1 and denizens, as indicated in the tables below. DUTY ON WHEAT Imported by denizens Valuation Average Duty Period PerQr. Rate Per Qr. 1347-1401 [33.] z 6 to i2d. per 0.9 to i.8d. 1401-1510 Exempt 1510-1558 [6s.] 2 i2d. per 33. 6d. 1558-1660 6s. 8d. izd. " 4d. 1660-1663 6s. 8d. i2d. " 4d. 1663-1670 55. 4d. per qr. 53. 4d. 1670-1689 i6s. per qr. i6s. Imported by aliens Valuation Average Duty Period PerQr. Rate PerQr. 1303-1347 [38. 6d.] 3d. per os. 5d. 1347-1401 [35.] 9 to isd. 1.3 to 2. ad. 1401-1510 [3 to 6s.] 3d. per 0.5 to i.od. 1510-1558 [6s.] isd. " 4-5d. 1558-1660 6s. 8d. isd. " 5d. 1660-1663 6s. 8d. 2S. " 8d. 1663-1670 53. 4d. per qr. 53. 4d. 1670-1689 i6s. per qr. i6s. By 1670 the import tax was from 33^ to 50% of the value of corn. In 1669 an additional step was taken, when the importa- tion of foreign corn was prohibited in time of plenty. 3 Thus, in theory, neither denizen nor alien was permitted to import until crops failed at home. In the export policy, the government went slowly. The 40 s. limit of 1656 was again imposed in i66o, 4 and in 1663 it was raised to 48 s. 5 In 1670 came the abolition of a price limit, 6 which was first imposed in 1437, so that henceforth there was no 1 Corn not imported in English ships with three-quarters of the mariners, as well as the master, English subjects, had to be in the ships of the country in which the corn was grown or usually first shipped. This was at once a blow against the Dutch and foreign corn in general. 12 Car. II, c. 18, 8. See above, p. 148, n. 4. 2 Estimates. 3 Proclamations, Charles II, 1667-74, Society of Antiquaries (29 March, 1669), year 1669. 4 12 Car. II, c. 4, n. See above, p. 143. 6 15 Car. II, c. 7, i. See above, p. 143. 8 22 Car. II, c. 13, i. See above, p. 143. 252 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET statutory restriction on export. While import corn duties were raised, export duties were lowered after 1658, as is expressed in the accompanying table. DUTY ON WHEAT Exported by denizens Valuation Period Per Qr. 1347-1558 [3 to 6s.] I555-I57I IQ S- I57I-I593 Average Duty Rate PerQr. 6 to i2d. per 0.9 to 3.6d. i2d. per 6d. i2d. " qr. i ad. 2S. " " 2S. I2d. I2d. I2d. i2d. Bounty i2d. per > i2d. Bountv 1656-1660 1660-1675 20S - 1675-1681 1681-1689 20S. 1689 fol Exported by aliens Valuation Average Duty Period Per Qr. Rate Per Qr. i33~ I 347 v .. [38. 6d.] 3d. per o.sd. 1347-1558 [3 to 6s.] 9 to rsd. per 1.3 to 4.$d. 1558-1571 Ios - I Sd- Per t 7-5d. I57I-I593 I2d - * q r - "d. 1593-1656 2S. " " 2S. 1656-1660 35. " 3 s. 1660-1689 20S. 2S. " 2S. In 1663 the engrossing of corn and its stowage in granaries were made legal, when the price (of wheat) was not above 48 s. 1 The trade of the corn merchant, as well as of the local regrater, was recognized as a legitimate occupation. 2 The zenith of this 1 15 Car. II, c. 7, 3. " When the prices of Corne or Graine Winchester Meas- ure doe not exceede the Rates following at the Markets Havens or Places where the same shall be bought (viz) The Quarter of Wheat Eight and forty shillings, the Quarter of Rye Two and thirty shillings [etc.]. That then it shall be lawfull for all and every person and persons (not forestalling nor selling the same in the [same] Market within three Moneths after the buying thereof) to buy in open Market, and to lay up and keepe in his [and] their Graineries or Houses, and to sell againe such Corne or Graine of the kinds aforesaid as without fraude and coven shall have beene bought at or under the prices before expressed without incurring any penaltie." Cf. p. 156 above. * Adam Smith (Wealth of Nations, Book IV, Chap. V) has exaggerated the importance of this measure. The law of 1663, he says, " has, perhaps, contributed more, both to the plentiful supply of the home market, and to the increase of tillage, than any other law in the statute book. It is from this law that the inland corn trade has derived all the liberty and protection which it has ever enjoyed." MARKET DEVELOPMENT 253 new policy was reached in the first bounty act of 1673, which not only placed at a premium the business of the merchant, favored by the act of 1663, but also the growing of corn. 1 This was, however, only when prices were below certain rates, 48 s. hi the case of wheat. Although the act was in force only about five and one-quarter years, the drain upon the treasury was considerable and came at an inopportune moment. During each of the years 1675-76 and 1676-77, over 60,000 were paid out; and during the whole period covered by the first bounty, 26,000 were distributed in the port of Lynn alone, and in the whole of England about 150,000. The act of 1673 was n t renewed upon its expiration, but it was nevertheless re-enacted in essentials in the statute of I68Q. 2 No doubt the act of 1689 was the all-important bounty act; but this experimental law of 1673-78 brings out the fact that the policy of favoring the exportation of corn by bounty could not have been a surprise to either England or the Continent. Thorold Rogers, in spite of his having " read much that was written at the time," was forced to explain the fact that the act of 1689 " excited neither criticism nor opposition," by the supposi- tion that " state-aided industry was a superstition of the time." 3 The suggestion that Houghton formulated the bounty idea is untenable. 4 The great stimulus given to the exportation of corn during the later years of Charles II, partly on account of the bounty of 1673 an d partly on account of the great demand for English grain in Holland during the war, 5 would seem to give the explanation. The act of 1673 na< i succeeded, or at any rate had appeared successful. It supplies a link in the evolution of the export corn policy between the earlier laws, which merely allowed 1 See above, p. 144. * See above, p. 146. 8 Palgrave, Dictionary of Political Economy, i, p. 425. 4 Faber, Die Entstehung des Agrarschutzes in England, p. 112; Naud6, Die Ge- treidehandelspolitik der Europdischen Staaten, p. 101. See also Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce, ii, pt. r, p. 541. 8 For example, Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Car. II, xvii, pp. 377, 379, 403, 454, 505; ibid., xviii, pp. 2, 271, 356, 414, 424, 437, 457, 498, 517, 522, 542, 566. 254 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET exportation (with or without restrictions) on the one hand, and the bounty act of 1689 on the other. 1 As noted for an earlier period, there was an abnormal, as well as a normal corn policy. The normal situation may be said to have been extremely favorable when the price of corn (wheat) was not above 48 s., when a bounty was paid upon export, and when engrossing was invited; and only moderately favorable when between 48 s. and 80 s., at which time the import duty was lowered from 16 s. to 8 s. (strictly speaking only when above 53 s. 4 d.), and though engrossing and regrating were in theory to stop, they were in practice permitted. Abnormal conditions were when corn (wheat) was above 80 s., at which time foreign corn might be brought in at the ancient rate of 4 d. per quarter. In the Tudor period, there were, as has been seen, three policies: statutory, of little real importance; governmental normal policy; governmental abnormal policy put in practice only in years of dearth. But after the Restoration, the two last policies were eliminated, and the statutory was all important. This is a fact primarily of constitutional not economic importance. The interesting economic comparison is between the normal policy 1 The political significance of the bounty has been the subject of some discussion. A. Young (Political Arithmetic, ed. 1774, p. 29) declared that " The design was to give a premium to the landed interest of the kingdom, in return for the great exertion that they had made to place the crown on the head of King William." Sir John Dalrymple, writing about a century after the passing of the act of 1689, asserted that the " bounty was demanded by the tories ... in return for their con- senting to a land tax." (Memoirs, 2d ed., i, p. 372.) Faber (op. cit., pp. 111-112), on the other hand, relying upon the report of a debate in the House of Commons in 1677, in which the Tories are said to have voted down a Whig proposal favoring the exportation of corn (Grey, Debates, iv, p. 342), regards the Tory policy as un- favorable to a corn bounty. Dr. Cunningham (op. cit., pp. 541-542) accepts this position and carries it to its logical conclusion by making the bounty of Whig con- ception: the act of 1689 was in accordance with the policy of the Whigs who, he asserts, schemed to foster the agricultural interest [" by giving a bounty on the export of corn "] "so that the landed men might be able to make these large con- tributions to the expenses of government." As a matter of fact, it was not the Whig majority of 1689 that made the com bounty experiment, but the Cavalier or Tory parliament of 1661-79. The bounty policy formed part of the Tory, not the Whig platform. (Cf. Oncken, Geschickte der Nationalokonomie, pt. i, p. 202.) The landed gentry, having benefited by the bounty act of 1673, " demanded " the enactment of a similar law in 1689. MARKET DEVELOPMENT 255 found in Restoration statutes and the normal policy of the Tudors, found in conciliar regulations. The latter assumed a disorganized corn market; the former took for granted a re- adjusted market. Not a little has been written on the subject of the mercantile corn policy of the Tudors, but with too little discrimination. If mercantilism is taken to imply a commercial policy favorable to trading in corn on the Dutch model, such as is seen in the staple and granary proposals, then one chapter of the mercantilist policy falls within the first and second phases of the metropolitan period. The same might likewise be true if mercantilism is held to be synonymous with an industrial policy, such as London might be said to have held in its desire on the one hand to export manufactured goods, and on the other to export raw materials, such as corn, only when not entering into manufacture or not needed as food. But if mercantilism means national self-suffi- ciency, then a mercantile corn policy means a policy aiming at the abolition of corn importations and the increase of domestic production, the corollary of which is that a corn surplus is desir- able for export. Although this policy might have been regarded as a desidera- tum (as in the Tudor prefaces to statutes), it was not in force till after the Restoration. England had to pass through the two first stages of metropolitan development before such was possible, stages in which the needs of one city disturbed the ancient local foreign and domestic trade at a time when the surplus of corn was comparatively slight. The reorganization which began in the period 1600-60, and is seen in full development from 1660 to 1689 was made possible by the agricultural improvements of the time outrunning the needs of the metropolis. In other words from the time when the disturbing influence of London upon the domestic trade was felt breaking in upon the medieval local market organization, there could be no certainty of a general corn surplus until that surplus was concentrated in London. It is to be noted that the increased production of the country and the unprecedented corn surplus (going to London) were due not to the legislation of the time, but were in spite of it. 256 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET Agriculture developed to meet a domestic need, the demand of London for corn. This came previous to the Restoration. What the Restoration legislation did was to meet the needs of the growing trade, and to stimulate agriculture still further by offer- ing an additionally lucrative sale in foreign lands. Looked at broadly then, we may say that the study of market development and the concomitant corn policy has indicated three more or less distinct periods: intermanorial subsistence giving way to the local market, covering approximately the period from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries; the metro- politan market, from 1500 to 1660; and the metropolitan market with the addition of a foreign market through the metropolitan organization, from 1660 onwards. Though only the corn trade has been dealt with here, the development of the metropolitan market must be seen against the background of the industrial, agricultural, and commercial movements of the period. It was primarily a reorganization of trade, by which the great bulk of the commerce of the period was concentrated in London, which exported and imported in the foreign trade, and distributed wares, both domestic and foreign. Thus it meant the decay of many outports. 1 And, indeed, one of the explanations of the curious controversy in the seventeenth century whether trade was decaying is that those who main- tained the decay were thinking of the outports and those who denied it had London in mind. This concentration of trade, 2 1 John Hales (A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England, p. 16) remarked in 1549 that" The most part of all the townes of England, London excepted," are decayed, and maintained (op. cit., pp. 125-126) that the decay of the towns was due to the desire of Englishmen to buy the foreign-made goods which came through London: " They must have theire geare from London," not made in London, but " beyonde the sea." * "'This restraint of our Market to our own Merchants and Companies, hath yet brought a farther mischief upon our Manufactures, because our Companies being seated in London, our Natives are forced to bring their Manufactures thither by Land Carriages, some of which are so long that they are as chargeable as a Voyage to Spain or Turkey, Quantity for Quantity; all which is superadded to the originall charge of the Manufacture; our Clothiers have also complained, that when they have brought their Cloaths to London, they have been frequently and long delayed before they have been able to vend them; . . . being made necessi- tous by delay, and confined to the London Market, [' our Clothiers '] are forced to sell cheap." Britannia Languens (1680), ed. by J. R. McCulloch, pp. 344~345- MARKET DEVELOPMENT 257 and the resulting unity of policy, went hand in hand with the establishment of trading companies, the formation of a vigorous trade policy hostile to aliens, and the amassing of usable capital readily turned into any channel of profit, either directly as when used in trade, or indirectly when loaned to further the trade policy of the government. The origin of modern capitalism in England is rightly placed in the period following the discovery of America, the period when, for various reasons, trade became increasingly profitable. This trade extended over distant seas and reached into far lands; it was carried on only at great expense, and only by the means of large amounts of capital. England changed its whole economic organization in order to participate to advantage in this new pursuit of life; and as time has shown, it organized on a sound basis, a basis which still exists in a modified form: the small medieval capital accumulations of both city and hinterland were concentrated in the metropolis. The difficulty of getting corn supplies experienced by London was found on the Continent; and this difficulty was met there as in London by restrictions on middlemen, by granary schemes, and other means of relief. The sixteenth century was noted for its dearths, its failures of crops. But when had there been a century without similar failures ? In so far as such scarcities aggravated metropolitan difficulties, they were contributory causes, but they were always secondary not primary causes. The basic element underlying the new development and cooperat- ing with the influx of the precious metal was the incoming of the metropolitan organization which was marking off the medieval town from the early modern commercial center. The influence of the development of the metropolitan market upon the organization of industry is beyond our present field. Whether there was a domestic form of industry in Tudor and Stuart London is a matter of uncertainty; x but there can be no 1 Are we justified in associating the following marketing with industrial stages ? Market Industrial System " Village " or inter-manorial Household " Town " or local Handicraft Metropolitan: a National Domestic 6 International Factory 258 THE ENGLISH CORN MARKET question that the development of the wider market meant a division of employment in which the functions of merchant and manufacturer would be distinct, thereby making possible the concentration of capital upon one or the other activity. 1 In conclusion, the history of the corn policy, like the history of the corn trade, illustrates the paramount fact of market develop- ment, which changed according to the economic necessities of the tune, and which in essence was in the direction of specialization as between town and country, and in the country in kinds of farming, and in the direction of producing a greater corn surplus. Though general social and economic development cannot prof- itably be neglected, the evolution of the corn policy can be explained only by the evolution of the corn market. 1 Unwin, Industrial Organization in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, p. 103. APPENDICES ON account of typographical difficulties small fractions have in these appendices been omitted and unusual fractions reduced generally to halves, quarters, and eighths. The errors that may be found in the statistics presented both in the text and in the appendices have probably arisen at least to some extent through the necessity of rapid work upon documents often only partly legible. APPENDICES APPENDIX A STATISTICS OF THE PRODUCTION AND SALE OF CORN ON THE MANORS OF THE BISHOPRIC OF WINCHESTER IN THE YEARS 1208-09, 1299-1300, AND 1396-97 i 208-09 1 MANORS WHEAT MANCORN AND RYE Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. % Sold Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Adderbury qrs. 65, 96* 36 47 4 262* 127! 103* 663 22lf 126 i68f 3i* no 58 37 169* 2OOj 2351 34s 54* l8i 105* 9*1 3925 123* 207! 17 26 1 88* 5 \ 201$ 152 168 4i 103 16 282 372 240 90 35i 262 142* no 182 112 76* 566 479 80 42 62 60* 224 242 757 212 551 47 158* 417 84 156 qrs. 31 48 9f 24* 4 62 6 3i 603 26 117 64 22 23f 41 22 16* 90 9* 16 13 is* 24* 66^ 182* 92 112* 14 45 82 17 78* qrs. 34 53 16 18 202 35* 61* 1 105 55* 85* 9 76 35 13 28* loof 207 i7f 2* 7* 42 190 39 203 10 13 S i 44* 116 qrs. 43 57 .88 .46 25 93 34 43 74 63 .48 1.19 .29 .61 52 .48 30 .42 2-94 83 .88 3i 47 38 52 56 35 36 .16 45 .62 1.29 52.3 54-9 44.4 38.3 77.1 S8.I 34-3 92-5 49-7 44.0 50.6 28.6 69.1 60.3 35-i 16.8 5-3 88.0 50-9 4.6 4-S 46.0 48.4 31-6 9-9 59-o 50.0 26.5 85-6 57-6 qrs. *i66f 75* 545 4 1 80 IOI 73 9 9 qrs. 40 33* 19* 2* 2l qrs. 104* 43 24 qrs. 93 75 74 1. 00 25 62.7 56.9 44-3 Alresford Ashmansworth . Beauworth .... Bitterne Bright well Clere ii6| 3i* 218 74 45* 23* 49s 53 43 42.1 Cheriton Crawley Downton 29s 156 53i 27 19 92-7 Fareham Farnham *3! 15* IS I2i 45i 13 208 44 7 24 143 26 21 12* 3 4 6 5* 3 i 15 35 2.14 Si 32 5 18.2 19-3 ' 8.2 Hambledon. . . . Harwell Itchingswell . . . Knoyle Mardon Meon Meon, Church . . Overton fio 1*81 99s 4?i 10 8! i4f 2 I '.48 I.OO 76 IOO.O IOO.O 14.7 5-i 4-7 208 39 28 60 13* 7 Privet Rimpton Stoke Sutton 31* *8of 66 122 19* 3i 7 .48 .66 22.2 Taunton Twyford Waltham Wargrave 220 45 355 65* 89* 21* in* n .62 .69 5-5 24.4 Wield Witney Woodhay 4f 5* 56 21 16* 10, 53* .09 2-45 Wycombe 3679 6838 1589* 17671 54 48.5 916* *309l I68 5 * 547 460! 101} 356f 1 19 J 54 57 38.9 38.7 1 Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, pp. xliv-xlv. 261 Rye. 262 APPENDIX A BAKI l.V OA rs MANORS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sofd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- duc. Sofd Adderbury qre. 40 22 qra. 5 qra. 3 qrs. T.8? 75.0 qra. 167! 88 qra. 4 il qrs. 74 qra. I.QO 44.2 Alresford 17.2 I7i S24 ce I.OO 41.7 205 165 no IOC 1.24 11.2 Ashmansworth . Beauworth .... Bitterae 6| 22 ?cf 13 3<> 22 44 12* ii "i* 50 73 T T6 6.8 S3 86;; V): 8 5 4 "7 70 34 Si 7C .62 74 56 Brightwell 12 34 08! 60 20 42 T 6s$ 98 TO 124 67 19.1 lOO^r 306 984 H Taunton 7 ?* I397J 9644 609 "JO? 1.4? 36.1 Twyford io64 114 5 i 7 J .07 16.4 2664 235 131 11 l.l* I6.S Waltham 99 148 4J 67 4474 498 2414 12 .90 2.7 Wargrave 4 6f 40 13! 3 i4 I.I7 676 47 2 J 7 2O 149 272 1.48 40-1 Wield 8 7 2i84 2264 "34 Of 96 47. c Witney 73 t 06 3T* i 77 1.4 7744 212 QO 16 158 4.8 Woodhay 8 4 M 64 2.OO 813 89 71 41 1.2? Wycombe 40 14 7 ?86 256! 21? I4^i 26 1. 10 IO.I i75ii 18914 609! 488 .92 27.9 7477J 7317 34024 12741 1. 02 17.0 APPENDIX A I29Q-I300 1 263 MANORS WHEAT MANCORN AND RYE Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- duc. Sofd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Adderbury qrs. 495 I9f 3of 4of io8| 28* i43f 162! 38} IO2 87! 8s 254f 8oi 1075 i35 100} 59f 81} 66 5*1 277 203! 6o| 2535 3"5 73 79 125! 80* 40 8 4 I "3i 270^ i6s\ 485 34* 67! 224! 95 6rf 102 45 x 245 33 22 79 25 97 292 52 105 96 3 209 152 52 106 44 7i 6o| 56 124 84 102 42* 432 86 42 146 5 65 116 104^ 22 IS 17 82 91 108 qrs. Mi 6* 6} 8| 2 S f 9i 361 36i 9 ! 34i 18 15 6 S f I9 , i6| 335 16 22} 22f I5 i iSf 325 38 16 54 i S 8 i 32* 13* 26i H 3 22f i6i 29 455 39s 8} 4f 61 68} "} IT! 4o| qrs. 28 9l 27} qrs. I.IO .80 94 1.84 56.4 50.3 88.3 qrs. *8 5 * 64 qrs. 24* qrs. 55* qrs. 1-34 64-5 Alresford Ashmansworth . Beauworth .... Bentley .... 78| 18* 995 17* 26f 67! 69} i 7 8| 69 90 88 74f 33 69} Sit 345 2365 i45i 3 8f i86f 190! 381 61 107! 65* 3 62| 78| 209! 1165 395 19* 60 1455 93 53s 53l 1.38 1. 12 1.48 .56 74 97 .91 2.71 1.22 53 2.07 1.23 2.28 .84 1.34 1.18 42 3-3 2.00 I.4I 59 72-4 64.4 69.1 10.7 69.9 66.3 78.9 86.2 70.2 86.1 83-4 67.6 74.6 55-2 85-2 78.2 67.9 85-5 71-3 64.7 73-8 6r ? Bitterne *7if 4 59 I* i8f 2 50* 1. 00 1. 21 50.0 70.7 Brightwell Burghclere . . . Clere, High Cheriton Crawley Culham 53 49 i8f 23! 1. 08 43-6 Downton Droxford *2* 16 2* 2* .16 IOO.O Ebbesborne .... Fareham *2 2 1 00.0 Fonthill Hambledon. . . . Harwell Havant Itchingswell . . . Ivinghoe Knoyle Knoyle, Upton . Mardon Meon Morton 85 1.90 .86 52.6 77-2 85-6 81.4 Overton Rim[)ton Stoke * 3 ... Sutton .80 1.30 .98 75-o 73-2 68.9 77. c Taunton: Nailesboume . Poundisford . Twyford *22| 30* 7f 10} 73 45-8 Waltham 1.58 2.19 2.27 3-98 2.74 70.4 82.9 57-2 88.6 64.6 07.0 Waltham, North Waltham, St. Lawrence. Wargrave 66| 771 48 53 i7l 23! 48} 45! 1.38 1.46 72-7 58.9 Witney Wolvesey Woodhay . . 72 94 81.8 52.6 Wycombe 53i 54 20} .98 4527 3353 1125] 3i7ol i-35 70.0 25! '187! 204 173* 79} 545 "75 I2Si 1.23 I.OC 46.8 66.8 1 MS., R.O., Ecclesiastical Commission, Various, 47/159317. Rye. 264 APPENDIX A 1299-1300 BAR] ,EY OA rs MANORS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Adderbury qrs. qrs. qrs. qis. qrs. 771 77 qrs. 23* qrs. ^6} qrs. 2.OO 47.6 Alresf ord 7 .1 4i| 46 23 22| .OO C4.4 Ashmansworth . Beauworth .... Bentley IO I2f 6} 26 XO* 6* si c 3* 5 .38 1.18 ,ie 35-Q 40.4 39i 52 74 51 59 je I9 i 29* 46} 22* 10* 77 .88 .OO 43-3 26.3 Bitterne 4 c* 37 TSf 7f 1.27 8 ? 27 l 7Q* ici ij .88 6.0 Brightwell **1 I OOf cc 27l 48 T 87 47.7 22* * f 14* 9i I.ee Burghclere I2 i 2C 6| si .40 48.0 II2i 264 77 e .42 4.e Clere, High Cheriton 22| 42f 26 26 6i 13! i6i 26 .88 1.64 70.5 61.0 32| 1241 6 4 08 20J 7?1 ^8 51 1.27 7Q. C Crawley io8| 88 36! 45 1 1.24 42.0 87! 176 65 J .40 Culham Til ii* 5s *8J T ?8 60.2 415 70* 10 17! 1.37 42.4 Down ton I7e 1 68 04 1 761 1.04 21. 96 1 1173 CQ icj 8? 16.0 Droxford 1 74* 72 18 27 I.Ol ?6.2 IO? 2O6 1 Kit 35i .ci 77.4 Ebbesborne .... Fareham '*! I2?i 46* 63 2O 2 3 | 125 84! 10} 2. 02 2.^2 66.6 22.O 1 45i 84 5oi 1 08 i 25i 67i 16 .89 78 35-5 Fonthill 64 ^8 10 2?l T 68 47.2 53s 40 20 28! 1.33 C7.Q Hambledon. . . . Harwell r*i2j \ 62 4^1 "v* 23 ?f i8i TT| 'is 12^ 1.97 I.QO 29.0 28.0 }l8i| f\ 13 102 26 i-39 14.4 Havant 48 18 ii 6 2.67 12. ? 4O 2S 12* 20| T fin ?o.8 Itchingswell . . . Ivinghoe I3f IO 21 7i 4 7* 8! 6s .65 T 18 6l. S 687 50| 182 109 140 34 03 IO loot .46 1.22 19.7 60.0 K!noyle lOOir r r a l 27* 4?i T 8-1 4t.e 160 7S S 6f 85* 2.13, C7.2 Knoyle, Upton . Mardon 3; 44'' 3 i 33* Ik r 7i l| I. O2 1.32 25.8 3.4. 2S 3 174* 45 208 17 JO^J 3i 56 81 I2.O IO.2 Meon I2IJ- 4o4 7 * 37s 3.OO 31.2 C77* 260 IQC 24.1 2.O^ 41.2 Morton 22;- 4* * ? 21* ,r2 ej 6 1 4* 08 Overton 31! 26 T3* 2l| 1.^3 62.C II4if 138 8oi 83 Rimpton 2 k c i I 2 .43 108! 87 32! 705 I.2C 64.? Stoke 2ii 7 6 28.2 IlCJr 4.2 60* 6o.2 Sutton 40 20 Til I2i T 38 ?o.? 4O* 81* 4ol .CO Taunton: Nailesbourne . n8f 124 S7 J 103^ 06 87.2 Poundisford ICQ* III 1 cc* IC4. T ?6 Twyford 7 e| H7l I 2275 IOO 4 lj I7.O Waltham . . , /*I4* io* 4 05 1.38 3-4 Il69 12^ 981 37t I.3C 22.O Waltham, North Waltham, St. Lawrence. Wargrave ^ 42 5 I7f i6j 44? 28 9 6 7Q '11 41 ni 4l I2f 14! I.SO 1.96 2.8l 1. 1? 27.4 24.8 76.3 32.O / y io8f 57i 8iJ 90 45 581 561 28 4s 3ii 28J S2 1. 21 1.27 1.40 28.7 50.4 39-4 Witney 74 i 77 i8$ 2.OI 26"CT m ool 71! 2.OO 28.1 Wolvesey . . 66 1 14.1 2<;J 38 o i8j Woodhay 28! 2O e 14* T./l/l ^O.Q 77 91 34 2Si 80 7C.7 Wycombe I7J 14* 7 6f .02 47.7 7 8J io6| 8oJ 7^ I8 7 2f I20lJ 591 74if I. S 6 39-6 4i99f 3665 2109 1440 1.14 34-3 Winter Barley. APPENDIX A 265 MANORS BERE AND BERECORN CURALL AND DRAGS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sofd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- duc. Sold Adderbury .... qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. *6 9 f ss* qrs. 27f qrs. 39* qrs. 1-25 57-5 Alresford Ashmansworth Beau worth .... 39f 36 is* ioi I.IO 27.4 Bentley Bitterne / 7f riol *33i 9f 7 16 "3} 9s 3l 7| T/1 3 J 4s 9f 1-54 2. II 47-5 67.4 42.6 100.0 Brightwell . . Burghclere 57i 41} is! /t6f \i6| 33 Si 24 lof 16 2* a| 6 20| Si 8 4f 10 1-73 .81 .70 36.0 14.1 65-3 66.0 59-7 Clere, High Cheriton Crawley 3^ *44f 3* 2 27! 99 100.0 100.0 61.9 45 17 Culham Downton 2li I2J rf I 12 A i 2ii Jl 4 JOO.O 40.0 54-o 33-3 Droxford 9* 26 6-1 o* 37 52.6 Ebbesborne . . . Fareham 5 n| 2 4l 24! 79 27.0 5 si Fonthill 9i Hambledon. . . . Jl I 99 IOO.O 36.8 IOO.O IOO.O 32.9 78.1 Harwell 32 20 Havant Itchingswell . . . Ivinghoe 29! 26 8 i-i5 is 27 8 15 81 6i Knoyle 29 15 e4 5t 22 i-93 75-9 Knoyle, Upton . Mardon 32f H, / i3f 1*13 i6| 2 29 50.6 28.6 IOO.O Meon 24* 81 8 32-7 Overton 70 74 27f .Of 10 6* 1.30 ... Rimpton 12 2 16.7 Stoke Sutton I I IOO.O Taunton: Nailesbourne . Poundisford . Twyford 7l 33i 7f 2l| IOO.O 65-4 Waltham Waltham, North Waltham, St. Lawrence. 39i 49 i8f .70 *7i 3 I* 7l 2.58 95-2 Witney fjj / 2* l*3l! 9 3 2lf 2f 23! 9 1-25 IOO.O 49.1 IOO.O 72.8 IOO.O 35 22 Woodhay 26f 54 13* .49 8* ^^ycombe 405 m 4045 142* ai 1 10^ 4 I.OO 27-3 66.0 255f *3i5i I54J i8ij i-Si 60.3 57-7 208 "9t Drags. t Berecorn. 266 APPENDIX A MANORS VETCHES BEANS AND PEAS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- duc. Sofd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sofd Adderbury qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. Alresford Ashmansworth . Beauworth .... Bentley ll 4f 4 6 oi "if 2O.O of ... il 2 I "2i S2 sV.s Bitterne 9 If 2! 3l '.6 7 31-2 62.5 1 "& Brightwell Burghclere Clere, High Cheriton 3i 3 of 2i ol of .42 70.0 20.0 2 2 I If 4 3i 1. 00 80.0 65.8 Crawley C \ilham ....... Downton *f $1 9i "9i 20 7i 7i 2f 3i sf 4f 8 3 '.86 77 1-53 30.1 S8.S 28.5 69.6 I 27i X 4i 37 10 9i 3 3f 3f 2l i7l 3i 73 1.14 .40 64-3 6S-9 48.1 74.8 Droxford Ebbesborne. . . . Fareham Fonthill Hambledon. . . . Harwell 2f i if of IS-8 Havant "l 39 2 16 oi 5 f of 44 26.4 70.1 Itcbingswell . . . Ivinghoe loj 9 3f 8i 61 1.17 69.1 59-5 Knoyle 34 9i 22! I4i 6i si 61 '3! 2-34 1.46 44-9 39-5 26.8 Knoyle, Upton . Mardon 26! Sf 9 33-5 Meon Morton *22f /U6f i 6* p3i 20 3 18 3 7f ol 8i of 3i 2 "if i9f 9 ! oi si 1-13 1.04 2.58 2.17 76.0 42-3 9.1 60.9 Overton Rimpton 8i 8i 4i 6 of if if 7 2 1.42 2O.6 82.4 28.2 Stoke Sutton Taunton: Nailesbourne . Poundisford . Twyford Waltham si 3 4 ol "ii i if 79 ' 8.6 19.0 68.5 20 8f "ii 5 6i 2f 9i '.88 58.9 15-0 31-3 si ol Waltham, North Waltham, St. Lawrence. Wargrave Witney Wolvesey to* oi 1 00.0 Woodhay Wycombe ot ... oi oi of ... 2341 136 77i S* i-73 37-4 i6if 95 38 55i 24i 7of 1.70 2-59 43-5 45-9 t Beans. APPENDIX A 1396-97 l 267 MANORS WHEAT MANCORN AND RYE Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sofd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Juan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sol Adderbury. . . . Alresford qrs. 15* i6| 28* 73* 8 58 41 66 qrs. <*i ioi 16* qrs. "i iof 18 48 qrs. 1.91 .28 .69 I. II 77.0 65.2 63.2 65-6 qrs. *54l 37 qrs. 14 qrs. si qrs. 1.48 16.1 Beauworth . . . Bentley Bitterne Brightwell .... Brockhampton Burghclere .... Clere, High . . . Cheriton 645 3oi 94 175 66f ll 44i 22? 17* 55* as! 9f as! 5i 78 27! 47i 81 82! 275 I8 5 1 27? 26* 30| 28! 3ii 66 3'f 755 +3pk S of 42! 49 3* 18! 495 4ol 25] 277 21* 47 21 86 24 85 62 64 23 63 46 39 27 38 32 36 5i 81 24 140 32 176 21 40 7 6 30 61 IO2 68 100 84 96 56 23 19 28 515 38 41 62 i4f 6} 24* 6f ail 155 20 7| I5 f 145 A 8| 12 rof "1 14* as! 7? 35 8 44 6 12! 14* 7* IS* 19* A is* 24 5 17! 6* 61 id i6j 9: 10: 9J 79i 22^ 55s 9* 45 I af i '3 33* 2S i 4l I4l 6 3 f 65f 12 20* If 46! i9| 1405 ail ial isl +lpk i8j 235 475 22i S6f +3pk 34* 16* 29* 23! 8i 44 x8j 22; ll\ o\ 1-37 1.44 1.05 73 .78 .29 .69 .98 .27 i. 20 .66 35 .68 i-57 2.17 54 58 36 59 .86 1.05 1-3 .66 39 94 52 65 .46 .76 .60 44 .88 i-3i .96 1.77 78 .66 .66 35 123.6 73-5 61.1 52-9 67.8 14.4 36-4 "3-3 6.6 60. i 97.1 46.0 57-5 126.4 84.1 43-2 43-4 17.1 56.3 70.0 76.0 78.0 46.7 52-3 66.8 73-7 71.2 71.2 75-o 68.8 39-2 59-2 78.4 46.6 90.2 45-5 90.0 56.4 2-3 Crawley Downton Droxford *2 2 100.0 Ebbesborne. . . Fareham *2 2 IOO.O Farnham Fonthill Hambledon. . . Harwell Itchingswell . . Ivinghoe Knoyle Knoyle, Upton Mardon Marwell Meon Meon, Church . Overton Rimpton Stoke Sutton Taunton: Hull *si *I35 *3l 3 7 4 0* I* of "i* 1-73 1-93 .91 ' 8*.8 Nailesbourne Poundisford Staplegrove . Twyford Waltham Waltham, No. . Waltham, St. Lawrence Wargrave .... ^Vitney iai 55i 10 37* si 14 3* 7 1-25 1.47 28.0 12.7 Wolvesey Woodhay Wycombe .... 28| 29 10; 3i .98 13-7 i799i 2366^ 613 1224; .76 68.0 96 *8oJ 76* Si 28] 16 Hi 14 1.25 1.58 14-9 17-3 1 MS., R.O., Ecclesiastical Commission, Various, 44/159403. Rye. 268 APPENDIX A BA* LEY OA TS MANORS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. sTfd Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Adderbury. . . . qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. 25! 8 qrs. 4 qrs. Ilf qrs. 1 Tfi 46.O Alresford 8l 48 ?ll I 1.70 1.2 f 74 C2 26 23$ J.7C 77 .e Beauworth . . . Bentley 37 10 19 II ?! I3l 1.97 1-71 37-3 34i 74 36 48 13 24 s ISf 7Q 95 1. 14 45-8 12.7 Brightwell . . . Brockhampton 160 7Q' 5 17 I oj i\ 3-21 T 78 3 6.6 2* 2 oi 3 4l 1-25 100.0 Burghclere. . . . Clere, High.. . Cheriton 36! 321 IIC' 19 18 48 8$ 9 24 z? 3< 64]' 1.92 1.80 2.41 47.6 n.6 55.6 7 8i 11$ Oil 61 14 60 3oi 7 30 23| I2j 42 1.29 .82 I.C7 30.3 106.5 41.8 Crawley 02} C4 27 475 1.71 47.4 64 44 22 27jr 1.41 77.7 Downton IC7 61 72* 46 f 2.36 ^O.2 54! '2 16 215 1. 70 47.1 Droxford 16$ 28 14} i8f 2. 02 32.^ 7CJ 28 14 IOj[ 1.21 7Q.2 Ebbesborne. . . Fareham 52 64! 63 21 3i* 14* 71 nl .81 3.08 14.0 23.8 9i 70} 21 38 10$ 10 I3i 44 T 85 143-2 Farnham 38* 26 "f Si 1.48 8.8 7 4 2 I.7C Fon thill 67! 77 16$ 74? 2.O4 51.6 2OJ 27 13$ 6} .7? 7Q.O Hambledon . . . Harwell 172: 8iJ 73 21 36 S zn i 97} 44 2.36 V2S 56.5 C.2 54i 41 i 20$ io| 1.32 18.7 Itchingswell . . Ivinghoe 44i 125} . 35 84 1 i7l 42 1.26 1.40 54i 681 37 C7 1 8$ 28! iof 47? 1.47 1. 17 19.1 60.4. Knoyle 7ff [633] 17? 17 1.23 16.6 62j S 6 28 25i I. II 40.4. Knoyle, Upton Mardon 3 1 IOI$ 19 56 9* 28 12} 315 1.69 T 8r 37-9 74.4 17* 77 17 64 8$ *2 8 i 4 J 1.03 1. 14 45-7 10.1 Marwell 77! 10 9$ 4* 1.46 1C. 7 i ^2* 10 0$ ij 1. 71 1.8 Meon 106 48 24 5? 2.21 e.i 160 144 72 icj I. II o.o Meon, Church . Overton 13 lo^i 8 ei 4 1 4l 1.63 2.O2 34-1 24 6ci 20 C2 10 26 9 14$ 1. 2O 1.26 37-5 22.1 Rimpton I7Jr 8 8 2. 2O 4C.4 ?6f 55i ?o4 72? I.O7 17.8 Stoke 21 14 7 sl 1. 1O 2"C.O +3Pk Sutton 72f 38 i 9 J 7 I.OI 4.1 44i 36 T 81 I 1.27 2.2 Taunton: Hull 00 * 84 7ll 74i 1. 10 74.4. Nailesbourne Poundisford Si si 100.0 35f io?i 4i 114 ISl 2OJ 62! .87 .Q-J 56.8 10. 6 Staplegrove . 6oi 68 -s 1 . 7 4 f 80 17.7 Twyford ss.\ 12 9i I.7O 97! 48 24 4 8f 1. 04 12.2 Waltham 45 3O T5i i T 36 2.4 46$ 40 20 2 J T T6 c.o Waltham, No. . Waltham, St. Lawrence 36$ 19 8| "i 1.92 31-0 6iJ AA\ 48 74 24i 17 23* 23$ 1.28 1. 71 37-6 12.8 Wargrave .... Witney 67* IOV 40 60 20 3 oi 9 oj 1.68 I.7C 13-4 8.0 28$ 774 i 25i 22 16 TT* 8f 1. 12 1. 60 27.6 Wolvesey CC J 77 1 8$ lot 1.46 l6.O Woodhay Wycombe .... 35 66 22 44* ,S| i7i 1.61 1.50 48.2 24* 55 24 39 12 19$ 7J 7s I.O4 I.4I 31-7 14-3 253Si 1366 686f 537 1.86 21.2 2052! i66of 74of 756! 1.24 36-9 APPENDIX A 269 MANORS VETCHES BEANS, PULSE, AND PEAS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. & Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Adderbury. . . . qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. roi 16 qrs. 4 qrs. a} qrs. .64 21.9 Alresford Beauworth . . . Bentley ai 3t 4 4 I I 6? 2| .78 68.0 * 3i fio 6| 6 4 10 6 10 4 4 2 2* 2i 2 4* .81 I.OO 1. 08 .65 65-4 2O.O 69.2 Brightwell. . . . Brockhampton Burghclere. . . . 6| 6 2 4* 1. 02 67-3 Clere, High . . . Cheriton tiof A i 9 t 9f 16 16 16 4 16 8 4 4 4 i 4 H ii ai 61 i 3i 4 .67 .56 .83 25 .58 1.22 n.6 27.8 47-2 IOO.O 35-1 41.0 Crawley H O O\4* OOCn BKn oc-a-f-u- 22 12 4 15 7 >-* wfcenHMo IO f> HI tf) M "*\ o* al 4 .70 .69 1.03 .40 95 27-3 12. 1 47-9 32.1 Downton Droxford Ebbesborne . . . Fareham Farnham Fonthill tii 9 2j of 5 16.6 Hambledon. . . Harwell . . ti3* 20 5 .68 Itchingswell . . Ivinghoe ts6f 8 4 iil if .67 2-9 Knoyle 5* 6 ii .02 Knoyle, Upton Mardon 3f 9 fid 6 12 5 5 12 i! 4 If 2* 3 2 X f 4| af 52 75 1.48 1.30 59-3 66.1 16.8 ii si 16 5 4 Ii "i| .70 1.03 36.6 Marwell Meon Meon, Church . Overtoil & /m \ PI t6 af 8 2 .88 ... Rimpton ii 2$ 4 of 5 60.0 Stoke 3 4 Mi 3 of I 3* of i* "2^ 25 63 49 .88 2OO.O 41-7 Sutton Taunton: Hull Nailesbourne Poundisford Staplegrove . Twyford 6| of 9* 6| 3 4 8 7 oi o 2 If "oj I 2.13 .19 1.19 .98 II6.6 14-5 9 8 2 1-13 Waltham Waltham, No. . Waltham, St. Lawrence Wargrave .... 3l 6 I* of 63 2O.O 3 ! at tn 3 3 32 1} I oi 1.16 71 34 7-i , Witney Wolvesey Woodhay ti 8J 4 7 I 2* 25 1.27 Wycombe .... 8 7 i 7* 34f i7l 75 19.8 I2lf ti38i M 157* 211$ 8 38i 56i 3l 3if lof 61 77 .66 3-47 26.1 7-8 23.0 t Pulse. t Beans. 2/0 APPENDIX A MANORS BERECORN CURALL AND DRAGS Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sold Total Prod- uce Acres Sown Quan. Sown Quan. Sold Acre Pro- due. Sofd Adderbury. . . . qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. *23f 3i if 70 qrs. 35 qrs. 8f qrs. 52 36.5 Aires ford .... Beauworth . . . Bentley Bright well *201 2 7* a} Si 6 (*9* I 4 2 2 8J 4i i6| 2.44 78.9 Brockhampton Burghclere Clere, High. . . Cheriton i6i 11 12 4i 4 1.38 U4-3 Crawley Downton Droxford 8 4 si I.I4 57-5 Ebbesborne. . . Fareham 4 I 3 SO 150.0 Farnham .... Fonthill Hambledon. . . ij- Harwell *2QJ: 3t / 2j l*48i i^ 12 6J I3i 2.46 45-3 Itchingswell . . I vinghoe i6i 55 II 6 4 4 24 of +ipk 6* 1.47 .86 3-9 11.8 10 5 ii 4.81 1 00.0 Knoyle Knoyle, Upton Manlon if 3 2 4* Marwell Meon Meon, Church. Overton 6i 8 3i 4 .78 64.0 if 4f i Rimpton Stoke Sutton il Taunton: Hull Nailesbourne Poundisford Staplegrove . Twyford 3 I Waltham Waltham, No. . Waltham, St. Lawrence Wargrave .... 22j 9 3* 2.C4. it * 3 I *2lf *39i 20 3 10 IS* 7l 24! 1.07 i-33 35-7 62.1 Witney Wolvesey Woodhay aaf 8 3t 3i 2.86 14.2 ,3 l*57i Wycombe .... 44 22| 34J 1.30 60.9 143* 112 43* i8| 1.28 12.8 8x1 *2 49 f 4 202 i I I02| 4| iiof 1.23 5-5 44.9 Drags. APPENDIX B 271 APPENDIX B STATISTICS OF CORN IMPORTATIONS, ARRANGED ACCORDING TO PORTS, 1303-1690 The sources of these statistics are chiefly the K. R. Customs Ac- counts (1275-1565), and the new series of K. R. Port Books (1565- ca. 1800), both of which are at the Record Office. The new style of year is used here to avoid confusion. The year is Michaelmas to Michaelmas except where otherwise noted. Reference to manuscript numbers have not been given, because many of them were, when read, still unclassified, but the dates (which are here included), serve as a guide to the original. Abbreviations: Al. & Den. Aliens and Denizens. C. & S. Customs and Subsidies. Col. & Cust's. ents. Collector and Customer's entries. Compt's. ents. Comptroller's entries. Cust's. ents. Custom's entries. Pdge. Poundage accounts. Petty C. Petty Custom's accounts. Search's, ents. Searcher's entries. Surv's. ents. Surveyor's entries. Surv. Gen's, ents. Surveyor General's entries. T. & P. Tonnage and Poundage. * indicates an imperfect manuscript and therefore uncertain results. [ ] indicate uncertainty or estimates. BARNSTAPLE AND ILFRACOMBE Corn imports are noted in 1371-72, i Nov.-i Nov., [132] quarters, Pdge. Within the period 1371 to 1590 accounts containing no entries of corn imports are found for the following years (the first record being Pdge. and all the rest C. & S.) : 1391-92, 8 Dec.-ao June; 1410-11, 18 Nov.-Mich; 1491-93; 1494, Easter- Mich.; 1503-04; 1508-09; 1515-16; 1517-18; 1519-20; 1523-24; 1528-29; IS3I-34; 1536-37; 1542-45; i55o-5i; 1557-59; 1562-63; 1590, 24 June-Mich. 272 APPENDIX B BOSTON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1303-1604, corn imports are noted as follows: 1471-72 27 Nov. -14 May 8 quarters C. & S. 1502-03 Mich.- Mich. 489 " C. & S.* 1554-55 " - 573 " C. & S. 1556-57 "5 * C. &S. Accounts, with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years: I 33~9> 8 Nov.-aS Aug., Petty C.; 1310, 2 Aug.-Mich., Petty C.; 1326-27, [Mich.]-2o Apr., Petty C.; 1334, 20 Jan.-28 June, Petty C.; 1383-84, 2 Dec.-Mich., Pdge.; 1389, 7 Mar.-Mich., Pdge.*; 1391, Mich.-8 Dec., Pdge.; 1397-98, Mich.- 7 May, Petty C.*; 1401-02, 19 Aug.-25 June, Pdge.; 1405-06, i Oct.-i Apr., Pdge.; 1405-06, i'Oct.- 7 Sept., Petty C.; 1408-09, 24 July-28 Jan., Pdge.*; 1409, 8 May-Mich., Pdge.; 1412, 20 June-Mich., Pdge.; 1413, 12 Apr.-Mich., C. & S.; 1459-60, 15 Dec.-24 Mar., Pdge.; 1460-61, i Sept.~4 Mar., C. & S.; 1463-64, 19 July~3 May, C. & S.; 1465, 25 Feb.-Mich., C. & S.; 1466-68, 25 Mar.- 25 Dec., C. & S.; 1468-69, Mich.-i Apr., C. & S.; 1471, Mich.-27 Nov., C. & S.; 1472-73, 14 May-8 Oct., C. & S.; 1477, 5 May-Mich., C. & S.; 1482-83, Mich.-g Apr., C. &S.; 1483-85, Mich.-Easter, C. &S.; 1486-89, C. &S.; 1491-92, C. &S.; 1506-07, C. & S.; 1514-15, C. & S.; 1522, Mich.-22 Nov., C. & S.; 1522-23, C. &S.; 1524-25, C.&S.; 1528-29, C. & S.; 1531-32, C. & S.; 1547-48, C. & S.; 1556-57. Mich.-Easter, C. & S.; i557~59. C. & S.; 1559-60, C. & S.*; 1580-81, Mich.-Easter, C. & S.; 1603-04, Mich.-Easter, C. & S. BRIDGEWATER AND MEMBERS Within the period 1459-1591, corn imports are entered as follows: 1482-83 8 Apr. -20 May 126 quarters C. & S. 1503-04 Mich.- Mich. 36 " C. & S. 1536 28 Mar. - 309 " C. & S. 1536-37 Mich- 6 C. & S. 1547-48 " - " 144 " C. &S. 1560-61 " - 30 8 C.&S. Accounts, with no entries of corn imports, are found for the follow- ing years, and are all taken from C. & S. records unless otherwise noted: 1450-61, 27 Dec.-Mich. 1 ; 1470, 23 July-24 Oct.; 1472, 5 May-i Oct.; 1475-76, 28 July-4 Mar.; 1483, 9 Apr .-26 June; 1484-85, Mich.-22 Aug.; 1485-86, 26 Sept.-Mich.; 1486-87, 16 Nov.-Mich.; 1489-90, 9 Oct.-Mich.; 1496-97, Easter- Mich.; 1502-03; 1504-07; 1510-11; 1517-20; 1522, Easter-Mich.; 1525-26; 1527-28; 1529-30; 1537-38, Mich.-i2 Feb.; 1540-42; i544~47; 1548-495 i55- 51; 1551-52. C. & S.*; 1552-55; 1558-59; 1563-64; 1566-67, Mich.-Easter; 1585-86, [C. & S.]; 1587, 25 Mar.-24 June, [C. & S.]; 1587-88, Mich.-i6 June, [C. & S.]; 1588-90, [C. & S.]; 1591, 24 June-Mich., [C. & S.J. 1 Result uncertain. APPENDIX B 273 BRISTOL AND MEMBERS Within the period 1303-1600, corn imports are noted as follows: 1479-80 Mich.-Easter 15 quarters C. & S. 1503-04 -Mich. 936 C. & S. 1512-13 - [ 9 6] C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1303-10, fMar.]-[May], Petty C.; 1325-26, (no date), Petty C.; 1378-79, i6Nov.- 28 May, Pdge.; 1391, 10 Aug.-io Dec., Pdge.*; 1402-03, 10 Oct.-io Nov., Pdge.; 1437, 18 July- 9 Sept., Pdge.; 1461, 26 Mar.-Mich.; 1465-66, 28 Nov.-i4 May; 1469, 26 Aug.-i4Nov.; 1470, 18 Aug.~4Nov.; 1473, Easter-Mich.; 1475, Easter- 20 July; 1477-78, i Nov.-Easter; 1479, Easter-22 July; 1483, 20 July-Mich.; 1485-87, Mich.-Easter; 1492-93; 1516-18; 1522-23; 1525-26; 1533-34; 1536- 375 IS4I-42, C. & S.*; 1542-43; 1545-46; 1550-52; 1559-60; 1563-64; i592> Easter-Mich.; 1599-1600. CmCHESTER AND MEMBERS Within the period 1347-1671, corn imports are entered as follows: ^95-96 Mich.- Mich. 99 quarters Pdge. 1397 17 Feb. - 168 Pdge.* J 397-98 Mich.- * 29^ * Pdge. 1398-99 * -15 Sept. [8] * Pdge. 1466-67 3 Oct. - Mich. 6 " C. & S. 1497-98 Mich.- [24] " C. &S. 1499-1500 * - " [467] " C. &S. 1508-09 " - i74l " C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1347-48, 20 Mar.-Mich., Pdge.; 1388-89, Mich.-24 June, Pdge. 1 ; 1390-91, 30 Nov.~4 Feb.; 1392-93, Pdge.; 1421-22, 17 Oct.-i2 Feb.; 1463-66, 22 Sept.~3 Oct.; 1467, Mich.-[24 Nov.?]; 1469, 24Aug.-i4Nov.; 1473-74; 1481-82, 20 Oct.- Mich.; 1482-83, Mich.-9 Feb., [C. & S.]; 1485-86, 20 [Nov.]-Mich., [C. & S.]*; 1489-90, C. & S.*; 1490-91; 1513-14; 1515-16; 1538-40; 1543-44; 1600-01, Compt's. ents.; 1602-03, Compt's. ents.; 1617-19, Xmas-Xmas, Gust's, ents.; 1629-30, Xmas-Xmas, Compt's. ents.; 1640-41, Xmas-Xmas, Search's, ents.; 1646-47, Xmas-Xmas, Search's, ents.; 1666-67, Xmas-Xmas, Compt's. ents.; 1667-69, Xmas-Xmas, Search's, ents.; 1670-71, Xmas-Xmas, Cust's. ents. > Result uncertain. 274 APPENDIX B EXETER AND DARTMOUTH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1323-1609 corn imports are entered as follows 1323 3 Feb. -30 Apr. [2,422] quarters Petty C. 1324-26 30 Apr. -26 May [813] u Petty C. 1391-92 8 Dec. -20 June [186] u Pdge. 1398-99 2 Dec. -15 Sept. [1,701] u Pdge. 1398-99 2 " - Mich. 100 u Petty C. 1469 14 Sept. - 9 Dec. 162 u C.&S. 1470-71 1 8 Nov. -10 June 510 u C.&S. 1517-18 Mich.- Mich. i a C. & S.* 1542-43 _ 2 a C.&S. 1544-45 _ u 4 u C.&S. 1545-46 u _ u IOI u C.&S. 1549-50 u _ u , 180 u C.&S. 1550-51 It _ U 24 u C.&S. 1562-63 u _ u 560 u C.&S. 1608-09 Xmas- Xmas 2,250 u C.&S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1410-11, i8Nov.-Mich.; 1460-61, Mich.~3 Mar.; 1461, 13 May-Mich.; 1474- 75, Mich.-i7 Oct.; 1480-81, C. & S.*; 1482-83, 25 Oct.-29 Apr.; 1492-93; 1494, Easter-Mich.; 1498-99; 1503-04; 1508-09; 1515-16; 1518-20; 1523-24; 1528- 29; 1529-30, C. & S.*; 1531-33; 1536-37; 1543-44; 1557-59; 1590, 24 June- Mich.; 1591, Mich.-Xmas (Exeter only). HULL AND MEMBERS Within the period 1396-1690, corn imports are noted as follows: 1461-62 7 Mar. - Mich. [1,780] quarters C. & S. 1471 5 Feb. -18 June [306] C. & S. 1471-72 Mich.- Mich. 6 " C. & S. IS"-" 54* " [C.&S.] 1519-20 " -23 May 1,450 " C. & S. 1541-42 - Mich. 2,648 " C.&S. 1545-46 - 237* " C.&S. 1549-50 " - 328 C.&S. 1608-09 Xmas- Xmas 1,888 " C. & S. (H.B.G.) 1665-66 Xmas-28 Jan. 10 u Acct. Bk. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1396-97, 26 Jan.-Mich., Pdge.*; [1397], (no date), Petty C.*; 1401, Easter-7 July, Pdge.; 1463, 6 July-26 Aug. 1 ; 1464-65; 1466-67; 1468, 1 8 July-Mich.; 1469-70, i7Nov.~9 Aug.; 1471, 18 June-Mich.; 1473,6 Aug.-Mich.; 1484,9 Apr.-Mich., 1 Result uncertain. APPENDIX B 275 Petty C.; 1489-90; 1510-11; 1521-22; 1531-32; 1540-41; 1 630-3 1, Xmas-Xmas, (H. & B.); 1689-90, Xmas-Xmas, (H.B.G.) H. - Hull, B. - Bridlington, G. - Grimsby. IPSWICH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1386-1565 corn imports are noted in 1386-87, 28 Nov.-io Jan., 4? quarters, Pdge. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the following years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1404, 8 May-Mich., Pdge.; 1413-14, Pdge.; 1458-59, 29 Nov.-Mich.; 1462, 28 Apr.-i6 Oct.; 1462-63, 3 Nov.-May; 1463, 30 Mar.-io July; 1466, 29 Mar.- Mich., C. & S.*; 1470, 21 June-gOct.; 1472, Mich.-28 Dec.; 1473, 15 July-Mich.; 1481, Mich.-28 Oct.; 1481-82, 28 Oct.-Mich.; 1483-84, Mich.-28 Feb.; 1487, Mich.-26Dec.; 1499-1500, C.&S.*; 1501-02; 1505-06; 1516-17; 1529-30; 1546- 48; 1562-63, C. & S.*; 1564-65, Mich.-Easter, C. & S.*. The results for 1462 and the following years are uncertain. LONDON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1307-1682, corn imports are noted as follows: 1307 26 Mar. - Mich. [ 53 i] quarters Petty C.* 1495 18 Jan. - u 100 u Petty C. 1502-03 Mich- u 3,200 u Petty C. 1512-13 - u 18,271 u Petty C.* 1520 u -27 Nov. [242] u Petty C. 1549-50 a - Mich. 14,487! u Petty C. 1550-51 u - 14,145! a Petty C.* 1556-57 u - u 739 u Pdge. 1556-57 u - a 227 Petty C. 1596 i Nov. -20 Nov. 11,028 u Corn returns 1608-09 Xmas- Xmas 3i,596j u Surv's. ents., Al. & Den. 1625-26 - 4 Nov. 2i,793! u Pdge., Den. 1626-27 u - Xmas 2 u Surv. Gen's, ents., Al. 1630-31 u - 13,649 u T. & P., Al. 1633-34 a - 29,447 u T. & P., Surv. Gen.'s ents., Den. 1634-35 u - I0,8l5 u [T. & P.], Col. & Cust's. ents., [Al.]. 1635-36 u - a 12,170^ u Surv's. ents., Al. 1637-38 u - u 56,794! u Den. 1637-38 u - u 98,501 K Waiter's ents., Al. 1639-40 u - u 504 U [T. & P.], Cust. & Compt's. ents., Al. 1639-40 u - u 2,906 U T. & P., Den.* 1662-63 Mich ,.- Mich. 9,379 U C.&S. 1668-69 u - u 4,434 U [C. & S.] 1671-72 Xmas- Xmas 9! u T. & P., Surv's. ents., Al. 1676-77 - 484! u [T. & P.], Al. 1678-79 u - u 776J u T. & P., Al. 1680-81 u - u 24,695! u [T. & P.], Surv. Gen.'s ents^ Al. 1681-82 u - K 3,387 u [T. & P.], Den. 276 APPENDIX B Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years: [-] Ed. II, Mich.-Dec., Petty C.; 1485, 21 Aug.-i; Sept., Petty C.; 1490-91, Petty C.; 1548-49, Petty C.*; 1552-53, Petty C.*; i553~54, Pdge.*; 1565, Easter-Mich., T. & P.; 1567-68, T. & P., Den. only; 1571-72, Petty C.; 1587-88, Pdge., Den.; 1589, Easter-Mich., Petty C.; 1671-72, Xmas-Xmas, T. & P., Compt's. ents., Den.; 1675-76, Xmas-Xmas, T. & P., Den.; 1676-77, Xmas- Xmas, T. & P. Den.; 1680-81, Xmas-Xmas, [T. & P.], Waiter's ents., Den. LYNN AND MEMBERS Within the period 1303-1687, corn imports are noted as follows 1303 25 Feb. - Mich. [430] quarters Petty C. 1305-06 Mich- [1,199! u Petty C. 1308-09 8 - 8 Aug. [487] u Petty C. 1322-23 20 July - Mich. [37] u Petty C. 1323-24 Mich- [1,382*] u Petty C. 1324-25 a _ a [5,391*] a Petty C. 1325-26 a -i6Mar. 435 u Petty C. 1461 4 Mar. -18 Nov. [125! u C.&S. 1466-67 2 Nov. - 2 Nov. 1 60 u C.&S. 1503-04 Mich.- Mich. xoo it C.&S. 1518-19 a _ 1 80 u C. &S. 1519-20 a _ u 1 80 u C.&S. 1523-24 a _ u 1 80 u C.&S. 1528-29 u _ a 380 u C.&S. 1530-31 a _ u 140 u C.&S. 1556-57 u _ u 37i u C.&S. 1561-62 u _ u 70 a C.&S. 1586 i Apr. -24 June 920 u Farmers' Ledger 1586-87 Mich.- Mich. 4,710 it Import Ledger 159 25 June - 255 a Ledger 1596-97 Mich- 1,900 u C.&S. 1612-13 Xmas- Xmas 1,170 a [C. & SJ 1631-32 u _ u I, TOO u [C. & S.] 1637-38 a _ u 12,710 a [C. & S.] 1663-64 a _ u 353 a C.&S. 1677-78 u _ u 270 u C. &S. 1681-82 a _ u 1,201 u C.&S. 1682-83 u _ u 1,329 u [C. & S.I 1683-84 u _ u 80 u C. &S. 1684-85 a _ u 729 u C. &S. 1686-87 _ it 33 a C.&S. Accounts, with no entries of corn imports, are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1304-05, Petty C.; 1306-07, Petty C.; 1388, 29 Mar.-Pentecost, Pdge.; 1390- 91, Xmas (?)-Mich., Pdge.; [ca. 1402], 22 Aug.-6 Nov., Pdge.; 1405, 5 Mar.-Mich., APPENDIX B 277 Pdge.; 1456-57, 6 Mar.-24 Jan. 1 ; 1466, 19 Mar.-a Nov.; 1467-68, 2 Nov.-2 Nov.; 1468-69, 2 Nov.-i7 Sept.; 1470-71, ^3 Nov.-i3 Nov.; 1471, 5 June-i3 Nov.; 1471-72, 13 Nov .-13 Nov.; 1480-81, 12 Nov.-Mich. 1 ; 1483-84*; 1486-88, 1 1 Nov.- Mich. 1 ; I480-90 1 ; 1490-91, C. & S.*; 1494-95; 1509, Mich.-2i Nov.; 1512-13, C. & S.*; 1513-14; 1517-18; 1529-3; 1538-39; 1540-42; 1543-44; 1544-46, C. & S.*; 1547, Mich.-25 Oct., C. & S.*; 1549-50; 1551-52; i553~54; i557~58; 1587-88, 6 July-2 Oct., Ledger; 1588-89, Xmas-Xmas, Ledger; 1591-92, Mich.- 25 Mar.; 1665-66, Xmas-Xmas; 1669-70, Xmas-Xmas, [C. & S.]; 1671-72, Xmas-Xmas [C. & S.]. NEWCASTLE AND MEMBERS Within the period 1378-1591, corn imports are found as follows: 1390 30 Nov. - 8 Dec. 5 quarters Pdge. 1390 Mich.- 8 " 5 Petty C. 1472 i Jan. -17 Mar. 481 " C. & S. 1488-89 28 Oct. - Mich. 108 " C. & S. 1499-1500 Mich.- 214 " C. & S. 1500-01 " - 80 * C. &S. 1505-06 - 763 C. &S. 1508-09 - 301 " C. &S. 1512-13 " - 453 C.&S. 1529-30 - 885 C.&S. 1543-44 " - 790 C.&S. 1544-45 " - " 4,595 " C.&S. 1555-56 " - " 1,007* " C.&S. 1556-57 " ~ 10 C.&S. 1557-58 " - 5 C.&S. 1586 Easter- Mich. 16,603^ u C.&S. 1586 Mich.- Xmas 4,000 " C. & S. 1587 24 June - Mich. 5,370 * C. & S. 1587 Mich.- Xmas 5 C.&S. 1588 24 June 775 " C. & S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1378, 8 Feb.-Mich., Petty C.; 1380-90, 24 Aug.-25 Mar., Pdge.; 1390, i Mar.- 30 Nov., Pdge.; 1401-03, 6 July-i Feb., Pdge.; 1403, i Feb.~3 Apr., Pdge.; 1408- 09, 7 Sept.-io May, Petty C.; 1408-09, 7 Sept.-io May, Pdge.; 1456-57, 20 Nov.-i7 May; 1461-62, 9 May-i8 Feb.; 1481, 12 Apr.-2o Dec., Petty C.; 1501- 02; 1504, Mich.-28 Dec.; 1522-23; 1552-53; 1585, Mich.-Xmas; 1587-88, Xmas- 25 Mar.; 1588-89, Xmas-25 Mar.; 1589, 24 June-Mich.; 1591, Mich.-Xmas. 1 Result uncertain. 278 APPENDIX B PLYMOUTH AND FOWEY AND MEMBERS Within the period 1391-1592, corn imports are entered as follows: 1391-92 1461-62 1478-79 1479-80 1497-98 1498-99 1504-05 1507-08 1516-17 1522-23 1525-26 1536-37 1541-42 1552-53 1556-57 1590 8 Dec. -20 June Mich.- Mich. * -[25 Mar.] " - Mich. . u u - 2 June - Mich. 25 Mar. -24 June [89! quarters 586 20 2 9 IOIj 2 16 6 3 171 144 I 90! 204 65 Pdge. C.&S. C. &S. C.&S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1437-38; 1456, Mich.-i8 Dec., [C. & S.]; 1457, 5 June-Mich., [C. & S.]*; 1463, 26 July-Mich.; 1465-66, Mich.-25 May; 1473-74; 1476, Mich.-io Dec., [C. & S.]; 1477-78, 30 Nov.-Mich.; 1481, Mich.-i6 Nov.; 1481-82, 14 Nov .-7 Feb.; 1483, 6 Feb.-3 Apr.; 1486, Mich.-8 Nov.; 1487, Mich.~7 Dec.; 1539-41; 1557-58; 1586-87, Xmas-25 Mar. (Fowey and Members only); 1587, 25 Mar.-24 June, C. & S.* (Fowey and Members only); 1587-88, 24 June-25 Mar. (Fowey and Members only); 1590, 24 June-Mich.; 1591, Xmas-25 Mar.; 1592, Xmas-25 Mar. (Plymouth); 1592, Xmas-25 Mar. (Fowey and Members only). POOLE AND MEMBERS During the period 1460-1605, corn imports are noted as follows: 1461-62 1466-67 1467-68 1471-72 1487-88 1521-22 1556-57 Mich.- Mich. 14 Mar. -12 Feb. 12 Feb. - i Aug. Mich.-22 July Mich.- Mich. u _ u u , * 60 quarters 150 30 1 08 144 14 10 Pdge. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C. & S.* Accounts are found for the following years, with no entries of corn imports, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1460-61, 26 Aug.-Mich.; 1465-66, 22 July-is Mar.; 1468, i Aug.-i9 Dec.; 1469, 3 Sept.-2o Nov.; 1470, 17 Feb.-Mich.; 1472, 21 July-2o Oct.; [1473-74 ?], 1327-28 20 Jan. - Mich. [20] 1371-72 i Nov. - i Nov. [132] 1398 17 Feb. -19 May 76 1467-68 28 Aug. - 4 Feb. M 1535-36 Mich.- Mich. 40 1539 [Mar.]- [Mich.] 600 1540 5 July - Mich. 72 1554-55 Mich.- Mich. [44] APPENDIX B 279 28 July-i Mar.; 1478-79, * Oct.-i Oct.; 1482, Easter-Mich.; 1486, Mich.-i7 Nov.; 1492-93, Mich.-20 Jan.; 1504-05, Mich.- [Easter]; 1505-06; 1523-24; 1528-30; 1547-48, C. & S.*; 1548-49; 1552-53; 1558-59; 1586, Mich.-Xmas; 1604-05. SANDWICH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1304-1562, com imports are entered as follows: 1304-06 Mich.- Mich. [8] quarters Petty C. Petty C. Pdge.* Pdge. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1393-94, 8 Dec.-5 Nov., Petty C.; 1399, igMay-is Sept.; 1463, i Aug.-Mich. 1 ; 1537-38, 30 Dec-Mich. 1 ; 1543-44; I559-6O 1 ; 1561-62. SOUTHAMPTON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1322-1557, entries of corn imports are as follows: - Petty C. Pdge. C. &S. Pdge. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1322-23, Petty C.; 1373-74, Pdge.; 1403-04, 4 Nov.-25 Mar.; 1432-33; r 442- 43, 6 Nov.-Mich.; 1447-48, 17 July-Mich.; 1449-50, Mich.-ig Nov.; 1461, 3 Mar.-24 July, [C. & S.]; 1472-73, Mich.-22 May; 1483, 26 June-Mich.; 1513-14; 1516-17; 1530-31; 1534-35; 1537-39; 1542-43; 1548-49; IS56-S7' 1 Results uncertain. 1330-31 1 8 Dec. -i 6 Mar. [45] quarters 1371-72 i Nov. - i Nov. 6* 1448-49 29 Dec. - Mich. 1191 1463-64 19 July -26 Dec. [498i] 1464 Mich.-26 " [72] 1487-88 - Mich. 1 60 1491-92 u _ u 7 1496-97 u _ u 217 1519-20 u _ u 90 1555-56 u _ u 9 280 APPENDIX B YARMOUTH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1310-1663, entries of corn imports are as follows: - I39&-99 i May -i May [2,428] quarte^ Pdge. I4IO-H 22 Mar. - Mich. [260] C. &S. 1418 26 July - * [4] C. &S. 1517-18 Mich.- " 100 " C. &S. 1550-51 " - u 2IO ' C. &S. 1560-61 _ u 247 " C. &S. 1562-63 _ u 1 2O u C. &S. 1611-12 Xmas- Xmas 5,234 u Search's, ents., Al. & Den. 1621-22 - u 7,565* a Gust's, ents. 1648-49 " - u 20,728 u [ ] ents., Al. & Den. 1660-61 " - u 2,073 u Search's, ents., Al. &Den. 1662-63 " - It 255 it Compt's. ents. Accounts with no entries of corn imports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1310-11, 2 Aug.-p Oct., Petty C.; 1325-26, Mich.-Easter, Petty C.; 1388-89, 20 Mar.-Pentecost, Pdge.; 1392-93, 24 June-i Apr., Pdge.; 1396-97, 8 Nov.~3o Apr., Pdge.; 1401, Mich.~7 Dec., Pdge.; 1409, Easter-i2 Aug.; 1409, Mich.-i Nov., C. & S.*; 1413, Mich.~3o Nov. ; 1452-53, 29 May-Mich.; 1454-55; *457- 59; 1460-62, i Sept.-i6 May; 1462, 16 May-i Sept., Pdge.; 1464-65, Mich.-2o Aug.; 1485-86, 5 Oct.-i8 Nov.; 1504-05; 1509-10; 1516-17; 1518-19; 1521-22, C. & S.*; 1536-37; 1542-43; 1545-46; 1548-49; I55I-52, C. & S.*; 1552-54; 1558-60; 1561-62; 1563-64; 1590, 26 June-Mich.; 1618-19, Xmas-Xmas, Compt's. ents.; 1619-20, Xmas-Xmas, Gust's, ents APPENDIX C 28l APPENDIX C STATISTICS OF CORN EXPORTATION, ARRANGED ACCORDING / TO PORTS, 1303-1690 These statistics are taken chiefly from the manuscripts in the Public Record Office, K. R. Customs Accounts and K. R. Port Books. The new style of year is used here. The year is Michaelmas to Michaelmas except where otherwise noted. Abbreviations: Al. & Den. Aliens and Denizens. C. & S. Customs and Subsidies. Compt's. ents. Comptroller's entries. Cust's. ents. Customer's entries. Pdge. Poundage accounts. Petty C. Petty Custom's accounts. Search's, ents. Searcher's entries. Surv's. ents. Surveyor's entries. T. & P. Tonnage and Poundage. * indicates an imperfect manuscript -and therefore uncertain results. [ ] indicate uncertainty or estimates. | indicates shipped by license. BARNSTAPLE AND ILFRACOMBE Within the period 1371-1590, corn exports are noted as follows: 1410-11 1 8 Nov. -Mich. 4 quarters C. & S. 1492-93 Mich.- 138 C. &S. 1494 Easter- 93 " C. & S. 1503-04 Mich.- " 282 " C. & S. 1508-09 _ 2 C & S. 1515-16 _ 12 a C. &S. 1517-18 _ 240 C. &S.* 1518-19 - 384 c. &S. 1523-24 S73 " C. &S. Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing years, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1371-72, i Nov.-i Nov., Pdge.; 1391-92, 8 Dec.-2o June, Pdge.; 1491-92; 1519-20; 1528-29; 1531-34, Mich.-i 2 Mar.; 1536-37; 1542-45? iSSo-Si; i5S7~ 59; 1562-63; 1590, 24 June-Mich. 282 APPENDIX C BOSTON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1308-1604, corn exports are noted as follows: Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Pdge. Petty C., Pdge. Pdge. C.&S. C. &S. C.&S. C. &S. C. &S. C.&S. C.&S. [C. & S.] C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. Corn returns* Corn returns Corn returns l Corn returns * Corn returns l Corn returns * Corn returns l Corn returns l C. &S. Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 1389, 7 Mar.-Mich., Petty C.*; 1391, Mich.-8 Dec., Petty C.; 1397-98, Mich.- 7 May, Petty C.*; 1401-02, 19 Aug.-25 June, Pdge.; 1408-09, 24 July-28 Jan., Pdge.*; 1412, 20 June-Mich., Pdge.; 1463-64, 19 July~3 May, C. & S.; 1471, > MS., Br. M., Harl., 306, fols. 26-31. 1308-09 8 Nov. -28 Aug. [27] quarters 1327-28 20 Apr. - Mich. [S57l u 1334 20 Jan. -28 June (905! u 1405-06 i Oct - 7 Sept [4391 u 1405-06 i " - i Apr. [54l u 1413 12 Apr. - Mich. I35l u 1450-60 15 Dec -24 Mar. 364 u 1460-61 i Sept - 4 Mar. 52 It 1465 25 Feb. - Mich. 999 u 1466-67 25 Mar. -25 Mar. 6 u 1467-68 25 Mar. - 6 " 5 u 1468 6 " -25 Dec. 745 u 1468-69 Mich.- i Apr. 655 u 1471-72 27 Nov. -14 May 60 u 1472-73 8 Oct - 8 Oct 45 u 1477 5 May - Mich. 644 u 1483-84 Mich.- a no u 1486-87 _ I ,544 u 1487-88 _ u 87 u 1491-92 u _ u 316 u 1502-03 u _ u i,3i u 1506-07 a _ u 260 u 1514-15 u _ u 63 u 1524-25 u _ u 1,367 u 1528-29 u _ u 1 80 It 1531-32 u _ u 40 u 1547-48 u _ u 2,655 a 1569-70 [Mich.]- [March] 499 it 1572-73 [Mich.]- [Mich.] 300 u 1578-79 Mich.- Mich. 536 u 1579-80 _ 1,686 u 1580-81 u _ a 2,087 u 1581-82 _ u 874 a 1582-83 it _ 80 u 1583-84 u _ u 84 it 1603-04 a _ u 222 u APPENDIX C 283 Mich.-27 Nov., C. & S.; 1472, 14 May-8 Oct., C. & S.; 1482-83, Mich.-g Apr., C. &S.; 1484-85, Mich.-Easter, C.&S.; 1522, Mich.-22 Nov., C. & S.; 1522-23, C. & S.; 1553-54. Mich.-Easter, C. & S.; 1 554-55. C. & S.; 1556-59, C. & S.; 1559-60, C. & S.*; 1571-72, [Mich.HMich.], Corn returns. BRIDGEWATER AND MEMBERS Within the period 1459-1591, corn exports are recorded as follows: I4S9-6I 27 Dec. - Mich. [246] quarters C.&S. 1475-76 28 July - 4 Mar. 402 u [C. & S.]* 1482-83 8 Apr. -20 May 2,241 u C.&S. 1484-85 Mich.- 5 Apr. 156 u C.&S. 14*5 5 Apr. -22 Aug. 486 a C.&S 1485-86 26 Sept. - Mich. 3,554 u C.&S. 1486-87 16 Nov. - 992 it C.&S. 1489-90 9 Oct. -iSFeb. 309 u C.&S. 1490 1 8 Feb. - Mich. 1,427 it C.&S. 1496-97 Easter- " 4,622 u C. & S.* 1502-03 Mich.- " 4,05*2 u C.&S. 1503-04 u _ u 873 u C.&S. 1504-05 u _ u 726 u C.&S. 1505-06 u _ u 2,637 u C.&S. 1506-07 u _ u 2,565 u C.&S. I5IO-H a _ u 4,389 a C. &S. 1517-18 a _ a 3,45 it C.&S. 1518-19 u _ u 6,135 u C.&S. 1519-20 u _ u 1,014 it C.&S. 1522 Easter- u 588 u C.&S. 1525-26 Mich- " 2,235 it C.&S. 1527-28 u _ 82 it C.&S. 1529-30 _ It 669 u C.&S. 1536-37 u _ u 162 u C.&S. 1537-38 u -12 Feb. 24 it C.&S. 1540-41 - Mich. 582 u C. &S. I54I-42 _ 1,651 a C. &S. 1544-45 u _ 216 u C.&S. 1545-46 u _ u 42 it C. &S. 1546-47 a _ u 1,794 u C.&S. 1547-48 u _ u 1,460 tt C. & S.* 1548-49 u _ it 660 it C. &S. 1550-51 a _ u 7ii it C. &S. 1551-52 u _ u 576 it C. & S.* 1552-53 u _ u 534 u C. &S. 1553-54 U _ It 546 it C. &S. 1554-55 u _ u 117 a C.&S. 1558-59 It _ U 225 it C. &S. 1560-61 It _ II 2,430 u C. &S. 1563-64 It _ U 1,113} . it C. &S. 284 APPENDIX C BRIDGEWATER AND MEMBERS (continued) 1566-67 1569-70 1571-72 1572-73 1581-82 1582-83 1583-84 1585-86 1587 1587-88 1588 1588-89 1589-90 Mich.- Easter - Mich. 824 quarters C. & S. 25 Mar. -24 June Mich.-25 Mar. 25 Mar. -i 6 June Mich.- Mich. " -25 Mar. 863 129 2IO 306 34 723 126 33 237 258! 379* Corn returns Corn returns Corn returns Corn returns *$ Corn returns J t Corn returns *J [C. & S.] [C. & S.] [C. & S.] [C. & S.] [C. & S.] [C. & S.] Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 147. 23 July-24 Oct., C. & S.; 1472, 5 May-i Oct., C. & S.; 1483, 9 Apr.-26 June, C. & S.; 1536, 28 Mar.-Mich., C & S.; 1578-81, Corn returns *J; 1500, 25 Mar.-Mich., [C. & S.]; 1591, 24 June-Mich., [C. & S.]. BRISTOL AND MEMBERS Within the period 1303-1687, records of corn exports are found as follows: 1303-10 [Mar.]- [May] 60 quarters Petty C. 1391 10 Aug. -10 Dec. 232 u Pdge.* 1437 18 July - 9 Sept 372 u C. &S. 1461 26 Mar. - Mich. [12] u C. &S. 1470 1 8 Aug. - 4 Nov. 12 u C. &S. 1473 Easter- Mich. 918 u C. &S. 1475 Easter-2o July 4 88J u C. &S. 1479 Easter-22 July 216 u C. &S. 1479-80 Mich.- Easter 885 & C. &S. 1485-86 - Mich. 840 a C. &S. 1486-87 " - Easter 1,212 u C.&S. 1492-93 a - Mich. 93 u C. &S. 1503-04 a _ 1,125 u C. &S. 1512-13 a _ a 1,201$ a C. &S. 1516-17 u _ a 4,975* u [C. & S.] 1517-18 u _ u 163* u [C. & S.] 1522-23 a _ 2,121 u C.&S. 1525-26 _ u 5.139 C. &S. 1536-37 a _ a 114 u C. &S. MS., Br. M., Hari. 306. fob.. 26-31. APPENDIX C 285 1541-42 ISS7-S8 1562-63 1569-70 1570-71 1572-73 1579-80 1582-83 1678-79 1681-82 1686-87 BRISTOL AND MEMBERS (continued) Mich.- Mich. i Jan. - i Jan. Xmas- Xmas Xmas- Xmas 1,036 quarters C. & S.* 327 u C. &S. 94 u C. &S. 2,o68 u Corn returns 300 u Corn returns 600 u Corn returns 3"! u "Cocketts,"etc. 1,086 u C. &S. I74f u [C. & S.] 2771 u [C. & S.] nai a [C. & S.] Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing years: 1325-26, Petty C.; 1378-79, 16 Nov.-28 May, Pdge.; 1402-03, 10 Oct.-io Nov., Pdge.; 1465-66, 28 Nov.-i4 May, C. & S.; 1469, 26 Aug.-i4 Nov., C. & S.; 1471, 29 Mar.-Mich., C. & S.; 1477-78, i Nov.-Easter, C. & S.; 1483, 20 July- Mich., C. & S.; 1533-34, C. & S.; 1542-43, C. & S.; 1545-46, C. & S.; 1550-51, C. & S.; 1551-52, C. & S.*; 1558-59, C. & S.; 1579-80, Mich.-Easter, C. & S.; 1585-86, Easter-Mich., C. & S.; 1590, Apr.-June, Ledger; 1591-92, C. & S., Search's, ents.; 1595-96, C. & S.; 1599-1600, C. & S.; 1615-16, Xmas-Xmas, T. &P. CHICHESTER AND MEMBERS Within the period 1347-1671, entries of corn exports are found as follows: 1347-48 30 Oct. - Mich. 2,202 quarters Sheriff's certificates 1388 20 Mar. - [264] Pdge. 1388-89 Mich.-24 June [1,045! Pdge. 1392-93 a _ Mich. 1,291! u Pdge. 1395-96 a u 1,033* Pdge. 1397-98 a _ a 1 24$ Pdge. 1421-22 17 Oct. -12 Feb. i,i74 C. &S. 1464-65 iSDec. - Mich. 26 u C. &S. 1466-67 3 Oct. - u 32 a C. &S. 1473-74 Mich.- u 320 u C. &S. 1481-82 20 Oct. - a 1,130 u C. &S. 1485-86 20 [Nov.]- Mich. 506 u [C. & S.]* 1489-90 Mich- u 1,481 u C. & S.* 1490-91 u 138 u C. &S. 1497-98 _ u 1,181 u C. &S. 1508-09 _ It i,456 u C. & S.* 1513-14 _ u 37 u C. &S. 1515-16 u _ u 185 a C. &S. 1538-39 u _ u 740 u C. &S. 286 APPENDIX C CfflCHESTER AND MEMBERS (continued) IS39-40 IS43-44 1569-70 IS7I-72 1572-73 1573-74 1602-03 1617-18 1618-19 1629-30 1640-41 1667-68 1670-71 Mich- Mich. Xmas- Xmas- Xmas- Xmas- Xmas Xmas- Xmas Xmas Xmas Xmas Xmas Xmas 500 quarters f 'I W 200 a 324 296 " 492 " 250 " 115 " u 230 " 430 a 863 230 a C.&S. C.&S. Corn returns Corn returns Corn returns Corn returns Compt's. ents. Gust's, ents. Gust's, ents. Compt's. ents. Search's, ents. Search's, ents. Gust's, ents. Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 1390-91, 3oNov.-4 Feb., C. & S.; 1397, 17 Feb.-Mich., Pdge.*; 1398-99, Mich.- 15 Sept., Pdge.; 1463-64, 22 Sept.-i8 Dec., C. & S.; 1465-66, Mich.~3 Oct., C. & S.; 1467, Mich.-[24 Nov.?], C. & S.; 1469, 24 Aug.-i4 Nov., C. & S.; 1482-83, Mich.- 9 Feb., [C. & S.]; 1499-1500, C. & S.; 1600-01, Compt's. ents.; 1646-47, Xmas- Xmas, Search's, ents.; 1666-67, Xmas-Xmas, Compt's. ents.; 1668-69, Xmas- Xmas, Search's, ents. EXETER AND DARTMOUTH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1323-1609, records of corn exports are found as follows: 1398-99 1480-81 1491-92 1492-93 1503-04 1508-09 1523-24 2 Dec. -15 Sept. Mich.- Mich. u _ u u - i Apr. 4 quarters 53 " 6 " 192 " 4i " 2 39 " Pdge. C. & S.* C.&S. C.&S. C. &S. C.&S. C.&S. Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the following periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1323, 3 Feb.-3o Apr., Petty C.; 1324-26, 30 Apr.-26 May, Petty C.; 1391-92, 8 Dec.-2o June, Pdge.; 1398-99, 2 Dec.-Mich., Petty C.; 1410-11, 18 Nov.-Mich.; 1460-61, Mich.~3 Mar.; 1461, 13 May-Mich.; 1469, 14 Sept.~9 Dec.; 1470-71, 18 Nov.-io June; 1474-75, Mich.-i 7 Oct.; 1482-83, 25 Oct.-9 Apr.; 1494, Easter- Mich.; 1498-99; 1515-16; 1517-18, C.&S.*; 1518-20; 1528-29; 1531-34, Mich.- 12 Mar.; 1536-37; 1542-46; i549~5i; I557-59J 1562-63; 1570-71, Corn returns; 1572-73, Corn returns; 1578-79, Corn returns; 1579-83; 1590, 24 June-Mich.; 1591, Mich.-Xmas (Exeter only); 1608-09, Xmas-Xmas. APPENDIX C 287 HULL AND MEMBERS Within the period 1307-1690, records of com exports are found as follows: 1307-08 Mich.- Mich. 3,527 quarters Petty C., Pdge. 1346-47 20 Nov. -10 Aug. 5,057 u Corn returns l 1380-81 [June] - [June] 129 u Pdge.* 1461-62 17 Mar. - Mich. 289! u C. &S. 1464-65 Mich.-i8 Mar. 140 u C. &S. 1465 1 8 Mar. - Mich. 3,287 u C. &S. 1466-67 Mich- 1,421 u C. &S. 1469-70 17 Nov. - 9 Aug. 107 u C. &S. 1471 5 Feb. -18 June 170 u C. &S. 1473 6 Aug. - Mich. 420 u C. &S. 1489-90 Mich.- " 176* a C. &S. 1510-11 _ i,8Q3i a C. &S. 1511-12 _ 170! u C. &S. 1545-46 _ 120 a C. &S. 1548-49 _ 4OO u C. & S.* 1569-70 _ 400 a Corn returns 1571-72 _ i,7Sl a Corn returns 1572-73 _ 1,500 u Corn returns 1578-79 _ 2,350 u Corn returns 2 J 1579-80 a _ a 2,162 a Corn returns *{ 1580-81 u _ a 5,337 a Corn returns *J 1581-82 _ 485 u Corn returns *{ 1582-83 _ 33 u Corn returns 2 J 1583-84 _ a 1,176 u Corn returns 2 J 1608-09 Xmas- Xmas 84* u C. & S. (H. & G.) 1665-66 Xmas-25 Mar. 400 u C. &S. 1689-90 Xmas- Xmas 2,2965 it C. & S. (H., B., S. & G.) Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1396-97, 26 Jan.-Mich., Pdge.*; [1397], Petty C.*; 1401, Easter-7 July, Pdge.; 1468, 18 July-Mich., Petty C., Pdge.; 1471, 18 June-Mich.; 1471-72; 1484, 9 Apr.-Mich., Petty C.; 1519-20, Mich.-23 May; 1521-22; 1531-32; 1540-42; 1576, Easter-Mich., Export acct.; 1630-31, Xmas-Xmas, (H. & B.) * To Bordeaux. MS., Br. M., Harl., 306, fob. 26-31. H. - Hull, B. - Bridlington, S. - Scarboro, G. - Grimsby. 288 APPENDIX C IPSWICH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1386-1572, records of corn exports are as follows: 1386-87 1404 1458-59 1466 1473 1481 1481-82 1487 1499-1500 1501-02 1505-06 1516-17 1529-30 1546-47 1547-48 1562-63 1571-72 28 Nov. -10 Jan. 8 May - Mich. 29 Nov. - 29 Mar. - 15 July - " Mich.-28 Oct. 28 Oct. - Mich. Mich.-26 Dec. * - Mich. 5 quarters 34 " 180 " [i*l " [422] " [390] " [229] " [26] ,58i] [493] " [923] * [8] 7,197* [9,863] 280 a _ Pdge. Pdge. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* Corn returns Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1413-14, Pdge.; 1462, 28 Apr.-i6 Oct.; 1462-63, 3 Nov.-May, C. & S.*; 1463, 30 Mar.-io July; 1470, 21 June-9 Oct.; 1472, Mich.-aS Dec.; 1483-84, Mich.-28 Feb.; 1564-65, Mich.-Easter, C. & S.* LONDON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1308-1685, com exports are recorded as follows: 1308 i June -Mich. 208^ quarters Petty C.* 1308-09 Mich- m [680] Petty C. 1384 ijuly - m 1,083! Pdge.* 1450 31 Mar. - * 1,797! Pdge. 1490-91 Mich.- 41 4 u Petty C. 1495 iSJan. - m 50 u Petty C. 1572-73 Mich.- * 1,090 a Corn returns 1608-09 Xmas-Xmas 144 u T. & P. (Den.). 1626-27 u _ 898* a [Surv's. ents., Al. & Den.] 1626-27 " - * 72* u T. & P., Al. 1628-29 u 265 a T. &P. 1638-39 u _ I,502f a T. & P., Den. 1639-40 u 1,177 a Gust's, ents., Al. 1639-40 a _ 3,922 a T. & P., Den. 1640-41 u 240 a T. & P., Al. 1660-61 " ~[ Xmas] 1 08 a Gust's, ents., AL [ 7 Nov.] APPENDIX C 289 LONDON AND MEMBERS (continued) i66o-6i 24 June -Xmas 9oJ quarters Surv's. ents., Den.* 1662-63 Mich.-Mich. 2,506 C. &S. 1668-69 _ u 1,448 It C. &S. 1671-72 Xmas-Xmas 1,213 u [-] Den. 1676-77 _ a 7i a Surv's. ents., Al. 1676-77 u _ u 53,434! u T. & P., Den. 1677-78 u _ u 43,505! u Search's, ents., Den. 1680-81 u _ u 5,!02f u T. & P., Den. 1682-83 a _ a I3,6l3f u T. & P., Den. 1684-85 u _ u 9,158! u T. & P., Den. Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found as follows, and the records are Petty C., unless otherwise specified: H Ed. II, Mich.-Dec.; 1432-33; 1438-4; i449~So, i June~3i Mar., Pdge.; 1456-57, T. & P.; 1502-03; 1550-51, Petty C.*; 1552-53, Petty C.*; 1569-70, Corn returns; 1571-72, Corn returns; 1576, Easter-Mich., T. & P.; 1680-81, Xmas-Xmas, T. & P., Al. LYNN AND MEMBERS Within the period 1303-1687, corn exports are noted as follows: Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Petty C. Pdge. Pdge. Pdge. Pdge. C. &S. C. &S. Pdge. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. 1303 25 Feb. -29 Sept. [3,440] quarters 1303-04 29 Sept. -26 June [510] 1304-05 Mich.- Mich. [5,5oo] 1305-06 a a [3,566] 1306-07 _ [3,436] 1308-09 29 Sept. - 8 Aug. [1,650] 1323-24 Mich.- Mich. 74* H 1326-27 " -16 Mar. 33 a 1388 20 Mar. - Pentecost 580 1390 30 Nov. - Mich. 32 1392-93 22 Feb. -[13] Feb. 2,740 1405 5 Mar. - Mich. 4,156! 1456-57 6 " -24 Jan. [3,649] 1461 4 -iSNov. 172 1466 19 Mar. - 2 Nov. 1,336 1466-67 2 Nov. - 2 Nov. 3,2"J 1467-68 2 - 2 " 1,966 1468-69 2 " -17 Sept. 6,240 a 1470-71 13 " -13 Nov. 33 1471 5 June -13 " 320 a 1471-72 13 Nov. -13 " 320 u 1480-81 12 " - Mich. [5,695] a 1486-87 ii - [400] u 1487-88 Mich.- 1,904 u 290 APPENDIX C LYNN AND MEMBERS (continued) 1489-90 Mich- Mich. [3,125] quarters C.&S. 1490-91 _ u [i,473il C. & S.* 1494-95 u 4 6oJ C.&S. 1503-04 _ tt 4,75ii C.&S. 1509 -2i Nov. 1 80 u C.&S. 1512-13 - Mich. 960 u C.&S. 1513-14 _ 164 tt C.&S. 1517-18 _ 610 tt C.&S. 1518-19 _ 2,537 tt C.&S. 1519-20 _ 1,023$ tt C.&S. 1523-24 u _ 8,025 tt C.&S. 1528-29 a _ a 24oJ u C.&S. 1529-30 u _ a 3,oo8| u C.&S. 1530-31 it u 19,876 tt C.&S. 1535-36 u _ u 279 u C. & S.* 1538-39 u _ u 7,1 i8j u C.&S. 1540-41 u _ tt 1,079 tt C.&S. 1541-42 tt _ u 2,3 13 J tt C.&S. 1543-44 u _ u 880 tt C.&S. 1544-45 u _ u 938 tt C.&S. 1547 u -25 Oct. 1,960 tt C. & S.* 1549-50 u - Mich. 1,380 tt C.&S. 1551-52 u _ a 450 tt C.&S. 1553-54 u _ tt 1,062^ tt C.&S. 1557-58 u _ u 690 tt C.&S. 1561-62 u _ u 460 u C.&S. 1569-70 u a 2,055 tt Corn returns 1571-72 tt _ u 20,920 u Com returns 1572-73 u _ u 13,408 a Corn returns 1575-76 u tt i,57o u C.&S. 1576-77 K _ tt 3,750 u C. &S. 1577-78 u -8 July 4,3io u C.&S. 1578-79 u - Mich. 6,675 u Corn returns l % 1579-80 tt _ ",131 a Corn returns J J 1580-81 u _ 19,719 tt Corn returns *$ 1581-82 u ",839 u Corn returns *$ 1582 i Mar. -20 June 4,010 tt Corn returns * 1582-83 Mich .- Mich. 10,370 u Corn returns *f 1583-84 _ 25,255 tt Corn returns J t [1585] Oct. - Dec. 2,070 u Corn returns * 1585-86 Mich.- Mich. 7,8n u Fanner's Ledger 1586-87 u 1,050 u Export Ledger 1587-88 26 July -25 July 19,476 tt Ledger > MS., Br. M., Harl, 306, fob. 26-31. MS., R. O., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cliv, No. 17 (i-iii). 1 Ibid., clxzxvi, No. 17 (i). APPENDIX C 291 LYNN AND MEMBERS (continued) 1588 27 July -15 Oct. 2,560 quarters Ledger 1588-89 Xmas- Mich. 20,365 Ledger 1590 25 June - Mich. 280 u Ledger 1591-92 Mich.-25 Mar. 6,015 u Ledger 1612-13 Xmas- Xmas 847 It [C. & S.] 1663-64 _ u 429! It C. &S. 1665-66 u _ u 320 u C. &S. 1669-70 a u 1,047$ It [C. & S.] 1671-72 u _ u 3,617* It [C. & S.] 1677-78 it _ u 12,966 It C. & S., Gust's, ents. 1681-82 _ a 249 u C. &S. 1682-83 _ u 441 It [C. & S.] 1683-84 u _ a 2,3 76* It C.&S. 1684-85 It _ u 4,029 It C. &S. 1686-87 It _ u 8iS u C.&S. Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 1324-25, Petty C.; 1483-84, C. & S.; 1559, 29 May-Mich., C. & S.; 1596-97, C. & S.; 1631-32, Xmas-Xmas, [C. & S.]; 1637-38, Xmas-Xmas, [C. & S.]. NEWCASTLE AND MEMBERS Within the period 1378-1592, records of corn exports are found as follows: 1408-09 1456-57 1499-1500 1500-01 7 Sept. -10 May 20 Nov. -17 May Mich.- Mich. 2 quarters 23 " [64] * 14 Pdge. C.&S. C.&S. C.&S. Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1378, 8 Feb.-Mich., Petty C.; 1389-90, 24 Aug.-25 Mar., Pdge.; 1390, i Mar.- 8 Dec., Pdge.; 1390, Mich.-8 Dec., Petty C.; 1403, i Feb.~3 Apr., Pdge.; 1408-09, 7 Sept.-io May, Petty C.; 1461-62, 9 May-i8 Feb.; 1472, i Jan.-i7 Mar.; 1481, 12 Apr.-20 Dec., Petty C.; 1488-89, 28 Oct.-Mich.; 1501-02; 1504, Mich.-28 Dec.; 1505-06; 1508-09; 1512-13; 1522-23; 1529-30; IS43-4S; 1552-53; I 555- S 6 ; 1557-58; 1585, Mich.-Xmas; 1586, Easter-Xmas; 1587-88, 24 June-25 Mar.; 1588-89, Xmas-25 Mar.; 1589, 24 June-Mich.; 1591-92, Xmas-25 Mar. 292 APPENDIX C PLYMOUTH AND FOWEY AND MEMBERS Within the period 1391-1592 records of corn exports are found as follows: 1413 1437-38 1477-78 1478-79 1479-80 1497-98 1498-99 1504-05 1507-08 1522-23 1525-26 1540-41 1541-42 1557-58 1569-70 1571-72 1587-88 Easter- Mich. Mich.- " 30 Nov. - Mich- -[25 Mar.] - Mich. " - 2 June - Mich. Xmas-25 Mar. [22] quarters [28] 588 i8f i7S " 84* 2o6f 4 " 5 " i8j 4 " 88 212 " 75 " 454 200 " 80 124 Pdge. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. Corn returns Corn returns C. & S. 2 Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1391-92, 8 Dec.-ao June, Pdge.; 1456, Mich.-i8 Dec., [C. & S.]; 1457, 5 June- Mich., [C. & S.]*; 1461-62; 1463, 26 July-Mich.; 1465-66, Mich.-25 May; 1473- 74; 1476, Mich.-io Dec., [C. & S.]; 1481, Mich.-i6 Nov.; 1481-82, 14 Nov.-? Feb.; 1483, 6 Feb.~3 Apr.; 1486, Mich.-8 Nov.; 1487, Mich.~7 Dec.; 1536-37; 1539-40; 1552-53, C. & S.*; 1556-57; 1578-84, Corn returns x ; 1586-87, Xmas- 25 Mar., C. & S. 2 ; 1587, 25 Mar.-24 June, C. & S. 2 *; 1587, 24 June-Xmas, C. & S. 1 ; 1590, 2sMar.-Mich.; 1591, Xmas-25 Mar.; 1592, Xmas-25 Mar., C. & S. 2 ; I 59 2 Xmas-25 Mar., C. & S.. POOLE AND MEMBERS Within the period 1460-1605, corn exports are noted as follows: C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. MS., Br. M., Harl., 306, fob. 26-31. 1 Refers to Fowey and members, i.e., Penryn, Paclstow, etc. Refers to Plymouth. 1465-66 22 July -15 Mar. 13 quarters 1467-68 12 Feb. - i Aug. 182 " 1470 17 Feb. - Mich. 1,038* B [1473-74 ?1 28 July - i Mar. 517 " 1482 Easter- Mich. 2,949 " 1492-93 Mich.-20 Jan. 196 APPENDIX C 293 POOLE AND MEMBERS (continued) 1521-22 1523-24 1528-29 1529-3 1547-48 ISS8-S9 1569-70 1571-72 1578-79 1604-05 Mich.- [Easter] - Mich. 675 quarters 6 4 i| 42 3,058 94 " 340 " 541 " So 221 330 no " 539f " C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. &S. C. & S.* C. &S. Corn returns Corn returns Corn returns l J [C. & S.] Accounts with no entries of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1460-61, 26 Aug.-Mich.; 1462, 20 May-Mich.; 1466-67, 14 Mar .-12 Feb.; 1468, i Aug.-i9 Dec.; 1469, 3 Sept.-2o Nov.; 1471-72, Mich.-22 July; 1472, 21 July-20 Oct.; 1478-79, i Oct.-i Oct.; 1486, Mich.-i7 Nov.; 1487-88; 1548-49; 1552-53; 1556-57, C. & S.*; 1579-84, Corn returns ^; 1586, Mich.-Xmas. SANDWICH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1304-1581, corn exports are noted as follows: 1304-05 Mich.- Mich. 1307-08 a _ u 1371-72 i Nov. - i Nov. 1393-94 8 Dec. - 5 Nov. 1398 17 Feb. -19 May 1399 19 May -15 Sept. 1439-40 Mich.- Mich. 1463-64 8 Dec. - " 1464-65 20 Mar. -n Apr. 1537-38 30 Dec. - Mich. 1539 [Mar.]- [Mich.] 1540 5 July - Mich. 1541-42 Mich- 1554-55 K - Easter 1559-60 * - Mich. 1571-72 _ 1572-73 28 Jan. -20 Mar. 1581 i Apr. -30 Apr. [6,630] quarters Petty C. [300] Petty C. [535] " Pdge.* 727! " Petty C. 15 " Pdge. 12 C. & S. [388*] C. & S. [99! . C.&S. [12] Pdge. 342 " C. & S. 964 " C. & S. 20 " C. & S. 291 " Cockets [156] " C. & S. [40] C. & S. 1,754 " Corn returns 2,112 " Corn returns 390 " ' Corn returns * > MS., Br. M.. Harl., 306, fols. 26-31. MS., R. 0., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, odviii, No. 58. 294 APPENDIX C Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 1327-28, 20 Jan.-Mich., Petty C.; 1416-17, Xmas-Easter, Pdgc.; 1463, i Aug.- Mich., C. & S.; 1535-36, C. & S.; 1543-44, C. & S.; 1561-62, C. & S. SOUTHAMPTON AND MEMBERS Within the period 1322-1581, corn exports are noted as follows: 1383-84 Mich.- Mich. 474$ quarters Pdge. 1432-33 * - " 386 " C.&S. C.&S. C. & S. C. & S. C. & S. C.&S.* C.&S. C.&S. C. & S. C. &S. C&S. C.&S. Petty C, Pdge. C&S. Corn returns 1581 Easter- Mich. 170 " Corn returns 1 Accounts with no entries of corn exports, are found for the follow- ing periods, and the records are C. & S. unless otherwise specified: 1322-23, Petty C.; 1326-27, 25 Mar.-26 Feb., Petty C.; 1371-72, i Nov.- x Nov., Pdge.*; 1403-04, 4 Nov.-25 Mar.; 1447-48, 17 July-Mich.; 1461, 3 Mar.- 24 July; 1463-64, 19 July-26 Dec.,Pdge.; 1483, 26 June-Mich.; 1496-97, C. & S.*; 1537-38; 1553-54; 1555-57- YARMOUTH AND MEMBERS Within the period 1310-1663, corn exports are noted as follows: 1388-89 20 Mar. - Pentecost 1,021 J quarters Pdge. 1413 Mich.~3O Nov. 74 C. & S. 1452-53 29 May - Mich. 492 " C. & S. 1453-54 Mich.- 2,836* C&S. 1454-55 " - " i.42S " C. fcS. 1457-58 - " 3,349* " C.&S. 1458-59 - 2,001 C. &S. 1460-61 i Sept. - 1,055 " C. & S. 1 MS., R. 0., Slate Papers, Domestic, Elitabetk, cl. No. 17. 1442-43 _ 2,110 1448-49 29 Dec. - " 20 1449 Mich.-i9 Nov. 5i 1472-73 * -22 May i 1487-88 - Mich. 100 I49I-D2 u _ u 70 1513-14 u _ 343i 1516-17 U _ It 4,856 1519-20 * _ 10 1530-31 _ 670 1534-35 _ M 60 1538-39 _ 1,985 1542-43 _ 245 1569 15 Mar. - 7 June 255 APPENDIX C 295 YARMOUTH AND MEMBERS (continued) 1461-62 Mich.-i6 May 1 80 quarters C.&S. 1462 16 May - i Sept. 43 U Pdge. 1464-65 Mich.-2o Aug. 1,312! U C.&S. 1485-86 5 Oct. -i 8 Nov. 12,345* a C.&S. 1504-05 Mich.- Mich. 235 a C.&S. 1509-10 _ 4,925! u C.&S. 1516-17 _ 4,758* u C.&S. 1517-18 _ 60 u C.&S. 1518-19 _ 546 u C.&S. 1521-22 _ 1,368 u c. & s.* 1536-37 _ 81 u C.&S. 1542-43 _ 1,362 u C.&S. 1545-46 _ 2,617 u C.&S. 1548-49 _ 6,348 u C.&S. 1550-51 _ 62 a c. &s. 1551-52 _ j 550 a C.&S. 1552-53 I " - " 2,344 a C.&S. 1553-54 ! _ 1,626 a C.&S. 1560-61 ! _ 500 u C.&S. 1561-62 _ 767 u [C. & S.] 1562-63 U _ U 30 u [C. & S.] 1563-64 U _ U 780 u [C. & S.]* 1569-70 U _ U 2,168 Corn returns* 1570-71 17 Nov. - io,555 a Corn returns 1571-72 Mich.- 9,45 u Corn returns 1578-79 _ 2,675 u Corn returns *{ 1579-80 _ a 9,712 u Corn returns J J 1580-81 _ 7,599 u Corn returns l % 1581-82 _ U 6,684 u Corn returns J J 1582-83 U _ U 5,776 u Corn returns l \ 1583 iSFeb. -28 Mar. 1,812 u Corn returns * 1583-84 Mich.- Mich. 9,871 u Corn returns l % 1584 24 July -24 Aug. 2,495 u Corn returns * 1590 25 Mar. -25 June 236 u C.&S. 1595-96 Mich.- Mich. 617 u C.&S. 1618-19 Xmas- Xmas 6,086 quarters c. & s., Compt's. ents. 1619-20 " - " 4,500 c. & s., Gust's, ents. 1621-22 - " 555 U c. & s., Gust's, ents. I 660-61 * - 2,072 U Search's, ents. [Al. & Den.] 1662-63 - " 2,881 U Compt's. ents. [Al. & Den.] MS., Br. M., Hart., 306. fob. a6- 3 i. * MS., R. 0., State Papers, Domestic, Eliiabetk, clx, No. 7 (i). * MS., K. O., State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, clzxii, No. 06. 296 APPENDIX C Accounts with no records of corn exports are found for the follow- ing periods: 1310-11, 2 Aug.~9 Oct., Petty C.; 1325-26, Mich.-Easter, Petty C.; 1392-93, 24 June-i Apr., Pdge.; 1396-97, 8 Nov~30 Apr., Pdge.; 1398-99, i May-i May, Pdge.; 1401, Mich.~7 Dec., Pdge.; 1409, Easter-i2 Aug., C. & S.*; 1409, Mich.- i Nov., C. & S.; 1418, 26 July-Mich., C. & S.; 1558-60, C. & S.; 1590, 26 June- Mich., C. & S.; 1611-12, Xmas-Xmas, C. & S., Search's, ents.; 1648-49, Xmas- Xmas. APPENDIX D 297 APPENDIX D STATISTICS OF THE COAST TRADE IN CORN OUTWARDS AND INWARDS, ARRANGED ACCORDING TO PORTS, 1549-1690 The source is chiefly K. R. Customs Accounts and K. R. Port Books preserved in the Public Record Office. The new style of reckoning the year is used in this appendix. (a) OUTWARDS BARNSTAPLE AND ILFRACOMBE Records of outward coast trade with no entries of corn shipments are found as follows: 1552, 24 June-Mich.; 1554-55, Mich.-Easter; 1556-57, Easter-Mich.; 1558- 59, Mich.-Easter; 1562, Easter-Mich.; 1564-65, Mich.-Easter; 1586-87, Mich.- 31 Mar.; 1613-14, Xmas-Xmas; 1653-54, 24 June-24 June. BOSTON AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora 1549-50 Mich. - i Apr. 3 373 London I 60 Newcastle 2 1550 i Jan. - i Aug. 7 744 London 3 203 Newcastle 3 Hartlepool i I5SI Easter- Mich. 4 105 London 2 65 Newcastle 2 1552 Mich. - Xmas i 16 London I 16 1553-54 i Nov. -31 Jan. o o O 1554 i Feb. - i May 9 443 Unspecified 1554-55 Mich. - Mich. 4 42 London 2 33 Others 2 1555-56 i Nov. - i May 7 2l6j London 2 170 Southwold I Unspecified 4 1556-57 Mich. - Mich. 14 358 Lynn 2 Stowe 2 London I 88 Others 9 I62I-22 Xmas- Xmas 2 34 London i 10 Newcastle i 298 APPENDIX D BRIDGEWATER AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- menu Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn I-Ed. 6] 28 Feb. -24 July 20 593i Swansea 8 Cardiff 3 Newton 3 1 Carmarthen 2 Bristol I Others 3 [-Ed. 6] Easter- i Aug. 8 324 Cardiff 2 Carmarthen 2 Newton 2 Neath I Swansea I 1550-51 Mich. -24 Apr. 14 384 Cardiff 6 Bristol 2 Newton 2 Aberthaw I Carmarthen I Neath Swansea 1551-52 2 Oct. -18 Jan. 8 261 Barn staple Cardiff Neath Swansea Others 4 [ca. 1552] 26 Jan. - 7 Mar. 15 4481 Cardiff 5 Aberthaw 3 Newton 3 Tenby i Others 3 iSS8 Easter- Mich. 3 1 2O Carmarthen 2 Cardiff I 1561-62 Mich. - Mich. 21 8l5* Barnstaple 4 Carmarthen 2 Haverfordwest 2 " Learpole " 2 Newton 2 Tenby 2 Bideford I Ilfracombe I Others 5 1590-91 25 Mar. -25 Mar. 5 281 Westchester 3 Bristol 2 1591 25 Mar. -24 June I 25 Bristol I APPENDIX D BRISTOL AND MEMBERS 299 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn ISSI-S2 Mich. - Easter 46 2,444l Carmarthen 18 Cardiff 14 Padstow 6 Barnstaple 3 Others 5 1552-53 Xmas - i Apr. 15 618 Cardiff 4 Carmarthen 4 Padstow 3 Others 4 1553-54 Mich. - Mich. 94 5,487 Carmarthen 23 St. Ives (Corn- 23 wall) Padstow 18 Cardiff 16 Others 14 1555-56 Mich. - Easter 9 256* Cardiff 5 Padstow 2 Others 2 1556 Easter- Mich. 9 218 Cardiff 4 Carmarthen 2 Others 3 1556-57 Mich. - Mich. 4 50 Cardiff i Carmarthen i Others 2 1557-58 Mich. - Mich. 40 1,871! Carmarthen 19 Cardiff 16 Others 5 1558-59 Mich. - Easter 13 53i Carmarthen 6 Cardiff 4 Others 3 1574-75 Mich. - Mich. 66 4,458 Carmarthen 24 Cardiff 19 Padstow 9 Others 14 1579-80 Mich. - Mich. 10 224! Cardiff 3 Aberystwyth 2 Chepstow 2 Milford 2 Carmarthen I 1582-83 Mich. - Mich. 4 138 St. Ives I Others 3 1591 Easter- Mich. o o 300 APPENDIX D BRISTOL AND MEMBERS (continued] Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn 1685-86 Xmas- Xmas 7 91 Cardiff 2 Carmarthen I Chepstow I Gloucester I Milford I Penzance I CmCHESTER AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Com Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn ISSI 8 Jan. - Easter 2O 756 Hastings 7 Rye 6 London 3 HO Others 4 ISS2 Easter- Mich. 39 I.7I7 Rye IS Dartmouth 7 Hastings 5 London 4 235 Others 8 1553 Easter- Mich. 25 I.OQI Rye 10 Hastings 3 London 3 215 Others 9 1553-54 Mich. - Easter 35 1,950 Rye 20 London 5 362 Others IO 1554 Easter- Mich. 23 972 Hastings 16 Rye 2 London 2 160 Others 3 1555 Easter- Mich. 12 400 Rye 5 Others 7 1555-56 Mich. - Easter 36 1,688* Rye 13 Hastings 9 London 6 334 Others 8 1556 Easter- Mich. 24 697 Rye 6 London 4 132 Others H APPENDIX D CHICHESTER AND MEMBERS (continued) 301 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 29 * Hastings II Meeching 5 Rye 5 Dartmouth 3 London I Others 4 1600 Easter- Mich. 3 250 London 3 250 EXETER AND DARTMOUTH AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Ore. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs- of Corn 1552 24 June - Mich. 1552-53 Xmas - Easter 3 7* Falmouth 2 Helford I 1554-55 Mich. - Easter i 3 Dartmouth I 1555 Easter- Mich. o o 1556 _ 4 15 " Opsham " 2 Tenby I Unspecified I 1556-57 Mich. - Easter 3 si Helford 2 Dartmouth I 1557 Easter- Mich. 4 250 London 2 Lynn I Plymouth I 1558-59 Mich. - Easter o 1562 Easter- Mich. i no Westchester I 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 3 65 Dartmouth I Helforth I Helston I 1586* Mich. - Xmas i 2 Unspecified I 1 587-88 " - Easter i 2* Helford I I588 2 u - Xmas o 1589 2 24 June - Mich. 1589-90" Xmas - Easter i 5 Plymouth I 1 When to one of the ports itself, shipment is from the other port. 3 Dartmouth only. * Exeter only. 302 APPENDIX D HULL AND MEMBERS Yer Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn IS49 20 Feb. -is Nov. II 1,073 (?) Berwick 4 Holy Isle 2 Newcastle 2 Boston I Hartlepool I Scarboro I 1550 Easter- i Aug. 12 1,024 Newcastle 9 Berwick i London i 240 Whitby i ISSO-SI i Nov. - 2 Feb. I 50 Newcastle i 1551 z Aug. - i Nov. 6 342 Newcastle 5 Stokton i 'SSI'S* i Nov. -Good Fr. 8 245 Newcastle 8 1552 2 Feb. -i May ii 674 Newcastle 6 Berwick i London i 52 Others 3 1552 i May - i Aug. 6 7 l8 Newcastle 4 Berwick i London i 328 1554 i Jan. - i Apr. 30 4,106 London 12 1,837 Newcastle 7 Berwick 5 Others 6 1554 i Apr. - i July 42 5,593 Newcastle 19 London 14 2,985 Others 9 ISS4 i July - i Oct. 25 392i London 12 2,163 Newcastle 3 Others 10 IS5S-56 i Oct. - i Jan. i 20 Newcastle I 1556-57 i Oct. - i Jan. o 1558 [iljuly - Mich. 8 804 Berwick 2 Newcastle I Others 5 1563-64 Mich. - Mich. 20 1,764 Newcastle 6 Hartlepool 4 London 4 355 Others 6 1586-87 Mich. - Easter APPENDIX D 303 HULL AND MEMBERS (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora 1627-28 Xmas - X mas 52 3>643 London 28 1*693 (H. & S.) Newcastle 2O Whitby 2 Berwick I Sunderland I 1644-45 Xmas - Xmas 51 4,3 2 7 London 45 3,387 (H. & S.) Lynn 4 Colchester i Newcastle i I6S4-SS Xmas - Xmas 144 17,026 London 90 12,121 (H. S. G. & B.) Others 54 1673-74 Xmas - Xmas 147 I3256 Newcastle 46 (H. S. G. & B.) London 33 2,303 Sunderland 21 Others 47 1676-77 Xmas - Xmas 173 29,187 London 124 24,371 (H. S. G. & B.) Newcastle ii Others 38 1689-90 Xmas - Xmas 172 I9>995 Newcastle 67 (H. & S.) London 64 5,575 Others 4i H. = Hull, S. = Scarboro, G. = Grimsby, B. = Bridlington. IPSWICH AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Com 1551 25 Mar. - Mich. 8 37 Aldborough I Faversham I Newcastle I Unspecified 5 1557 25 Mar. - Mich. I 30 London i 1561 25 - " 13 5881 London 10 388! Newcastle 3 2OO 1565-66 Mich. - Easter 36 2,306! London 29 I,882l Burn ham 6 Rochester i 304 APPENDIX D LONDON Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qra. of Corn IS6S Easter- Mich. 4 478 Dartmouth 2 Exmouth I Maidstone I 1566-67 Mich. - Mich. 9 752 Maidstone 4 Sandwich 3 Middeton i Rochester i 1579-80 Mich. - Mich. 5 IQS Harwich 2 Others 3 1585-86 Mich. - Mich. 43 4,926 Lynn 6 Milton 4 Carmarthen 3 Others 3 1634-35 Xmas Xmas 3i 2,362 Boston 5 Lynn 5 Colchester 4 Others i? 1649 23 July -25 Dec. IS 464 Colchester 6 Dover 3 Others 6 1670-71 Xmas- Xmas 26 2,967 Stockton 6 Sunderland 4 Hull 3 Newcastle 3 Others 10 1679-80 Xmas Xmas 16 805 Stockton 3 Dover 2 Newcastle 2 Rochester 2 Others 7 1680-81 Xmas Xmas 33 2,535 Wisbeach 4 Hull 3 Chester 2 Stockton 2 Others 22 1 Largely foreign rye. APPENDIX D LYNN AND MEMBERS 305 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn IS49-SO Mich. -14 June 187 39,801 Berwick 58 Selby 3 Newcastle 29 London 9 Whitby 8 Others 53 1551 i Apr. - Mich. 99 14,900 Berwick 3i Newcastle 17 Selby ii London 3 635 Gravesend i Others 36 1551-52 Mich. - Easter 67 9,221* Newcastle 23 4,195 London 10 1,104* Selby 10 Berwick 6 Others 18 1552 Easter- Mich. 75 10,0895 Newcastle 3i Berwick 19 London 8 1,130 Boston 4 Others 13 1552 Mich. - Xmas 14 2,4905 Newcastle 7 London 6 1,450* Durham i 1555-56 Mich. - Easter 42 4,856* London 7 1,282 Woodbridge 5 Boston 3 Newcastle 2 Others 25 1557-58 Mich. - Mich. 122 25,715 Berwick 71 Newcastle 32 . Boston 8 London i 1 60 Others 10 1558-59 Mich. - Mich. 75 ii,628f Berwick 30 London 20 1,450 Newcastle IS Others IO 1560-61 Mich. - Easter 58 10,116* Berwick 17 Newcastle 17 London 10 1,034 Boston 5 306 APPENDIX D LYNN AND MEMBERS (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn 1560-61 Faversham I Sandwich I Others 7 1561-62 Mich. - Mich. 272 35,"7* Newcastle 73 Selby 52 Boston 32 London 23 2,861 Hull 14 Rochester 8 York 8 Sandwich 7 Faversham 4 Maidstone 4 Others 47 IS63-64 Mich. - Mich. 183 27,439* Selby 39 Newcastle 33 Boston 16 Berwick ii London ii 1,485 Rochester 8 Milton 6 Faversham 5 Sandwich 4 Maidstone 3 Others 47 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 39 5,53lJ London 9 1,223 Ipswich 5 Maidstone 3 Berwick 2 Newcastle 2 Rochester 2 Others 16 1582* i Mar. -20 June 38 5,920 Newcastle 19 Berwick 3 Sandwich 2 London I 200 Others 13 1681-82 X mas - Xmas 407 28,254 Newcastle 169 London 65 13,375 Boston 53 Spalding 25 Sunderland 17 Others 78 1 MS., R. 0. State Papers, Domestic, Elitabeth, cliv, No. 17 (i-iii). APPENDIX D 307 LYNN Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn IS69-70 Mich. - Easter IO2 15,147 Selby 25 Newcastle 16 London 12 976 York 6 Boston 5 Colchester 4 Ipswich 4 Others 30 1576-77 Easter- Easter 172 26,211 London 64 12,771 Newcastle 45 Sandwich 12 Berwick 4 Ipswich 4 Rochester 4 Rye 4 Others 35 1584-85 Mich. - Mich. 72 9,445 Newcastle 16 London 14 i,68a Rye 5 Berwick 4 Ipswich 4 Dartmouth 3 Yarmouth 3 Others 23 I 590-91 25 Dec. -25 Feb. 22 2,890 Newcastle 9 Hull 4 London 2 480 Others 7 1593-94 Mich. - Easter 116 20,563 Newcastle 33 Sandwich 21 London J 3 2,221 Ipswich 6 Berwick 5 Dover 5 Plymouth 3 Others 30 1596-97 Mich. - Mich. 146 21,350 London 47 10,147 Boston 18 Gainsboro 14 Berwick 9 Newcastle 9 1 Transported by non-freemen. MS., Lynn archives Db 18. 308 APPENDIX D LYNN (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qn. of Corn IS9829J Newcastle 1 06 Hull 28 London 23 2,297 Ipswich ii Colchester 10 1 Really members of the " Port " of Lynn, treated separately here because of their importance. APPENDIX D WELLS AND BURNHAM (continued) 3*3 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn 1633-34 Maldon 8 (con/.) Gravesend 4 Rochester 2 Others 7 1663-64 Xmas - Xmas "5 11,167* Newcastle So Lynn 18 Colchester 16 London 7 1,250 Maldon 7 Others 17 1684-85 Xmas - Xmas 42 3,345 Newcastle 24 London 5 525 1688-89 Xmas - Xmas 1 88 37,094* Newcastle 129 London iQ 4,339 Wainfleet 17 Whitby ii Others 12 YARMOUTH AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn ISSO Mich. - Xmas 17 584 London 16 5M Walberswick I ISS2 Easter- Mich. 39 2,875* London 6 410 Newcastle 3 Unspecified 17 Others 13 ISS9-60 Mich. - Mich. 173 15,495* London 93 6,144* Berwick 33 Newcastle 23 Others 24 1562 Easter- Mich. 84 8,306* London 34 7,oi6* Newcastle 8 . Turnbridge 7 Sandwich 5 Faversham 2 Maidstone 2 Rochester 2 Others 24 APPENDIX D YARMOUTH AND MEMBERS (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whither Ship- menu Qrs. of Corn 1564 25 Mar. - Mich. 117 13,734 London 38 4,086 Rochester 10 Sandwich 8 Newcastle 6 Maidstone 3 Faversham I Milton I Others 5 1582 l i Mar. -22 June 3 2,383 London 14 1,245 Faversham 4 Newcastle 4 Alborough 2 Colchester 2 Others 4 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, cliv, No. 17 (iv). (b) INWARDS BARNSTAPLE AND ILFRACOMBE Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments ISS2 24 June - Mich. O O ISS4-S5 Mich. - Easter I 12 1556 Easter- Mich. 2 180 1556-57 Mich. - Easter O 1557 Easter- Mich. O 1558-59 Mich. - Easter I 36 1562 Easter- Mich. 12 355i 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 12 345 1613-14 Xmas- Xmas 3 i,376j Milford 22 Bridgewater Bristol Carnarvon Chichester Padstow Plymouth Sandwich Wells APPENDIX D BARNSTABLE AND ILFRACOMBE (continued) 315 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1653-54 24 June -24 June 10 353 Bridgewater Minehead 2 2 Padstow 2 Bristol I Gloucester I Milford I Swansea I BRISTOL AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments I5SI-52 Mich. - Easter 8 603 [Gloucester, etc.] 1552-53 Xmas- i Apr. I 12 Tewkesbury I 1553-54 Mich. - Mich. 68 4,365 Tewkesbury, Gloucester, etc. 1556 Easter- Mich. 4 370 Gloucester 1557-58 Mich. - 13 912 Tewkesbury 8 Gloucester 4 Worcester i 1558-59 " - Easter i 18 Gloucester i 1574-75 - Mich. 70 6,152! Tewkesbury 57 Gloucester ii Worcester 2 1591 Easter- Mich. 14 998 Tewkesbury 6 Gloucester 4 Others 4 1599-1600 Mich. - Mich. 46 2,821 Bridgewater 18 Gloucester 14 Tewkesbury 7 Cardiff 7 Caerleon i Swansea i Tenby i 316 APPENDIX D CHICHESTER AND MEMBERS l Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora Ports Whence Ship- menu 1551 8 Jan. - Easter 23 1.222 Members of port 14 Sandwich 5 Dover 4 ISS* Easter- Mich. IS 845 Members 12 Sandwich 3 IS53 Easter- Mich. 48 2,324 Members 18 Sandwich 12 Dover 9 Bridlington 2 Faversham 2 Others 5 ISS3-54 Mich. - Easter 42 2,219$ Members 23 Sandwich 8 Southampton 5 Dover 2 Others 4 1554 Easter- Mich. 43 2,070 Members 14 Sandwich 16 Poole & Lyme 3 Hull 2 London 2 Southampton 2 Others 4 1555 Easter- Mich. 57 2,468 Members 22 Southampton II Sandwich IO Weymouth 7 Poole 5 Dover I Hull I 1555-56 Mich. - Easter 53 2,932 Members 32 Sandwich II Dover 4 Southampton 4 Others 2 1556 Easter- Mich. 26 1,524 Member 14 Sandwich 7 London 2 Bourne I Dover I Hull I 1600 Easter- Mich. o O 1 Chief members were Arundel, Folkstone, Hastings, Hythe, Littlehampton, Meeching and Lewes, Pevensey, Romney, Rye and Winchebea. APPENDIX D EXETER AND DARTMOUTH AND MEMBERS 317 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Com Ports Whence Ship- ments ISS2 24 June - Mich. O ISS2-S3 Xmas - Easter 6 88 Unspecified 1554-55 Mich. - 7 88 1555 Easter- Mich. 6 255 u 1556-57 Mich. - Easter 2 17* u 1556-57 Easter- Mich. 7 387 a 1557 _ 2 140 u 1558-59 Mich. - Easter 6 223 u 1562 Easter- Mich. 12 802 u 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 36 2,761* a 1586* " - Xmas I 200 u 1587-88* - Easter O O 1588 - Xmas 3 108 Unspecified 1589 1 24 June - Mich. o o 1589-90* Xmas - Easter IS 1,416 New Shoreham 3 Blakeney 2 Lyme 2 Southampton 2 Arundel I Chichester I Poole I Sandwich I Others 2 HULL AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora Ports Whence Ship- ments 1549 20 Feb. -12 Nov. 2 140* Burnham, etc. 1550 Easter- i Aug. II 965 Lynn 5 Yarmouth I Unspecified 5 1550-51 i Nov. - 2 Feb. 2 140 Lynn i Yarmouth i 1551 i Aug. - i Nov. 4 226 Lynn i Others 3 155^52 i Nov. -Good Fr. 5 490 Lynn 5 1552 2 Feb. - i May 7 696 Lynn 6 Blakeney i 1 Dartmouth only. Exeter only. 3 i8 APPENDIX D HULL AND MEMBERS (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Cora Ports Whence Ship- ments ISS2 i May - i Aug. 3 390 Lynn 3 1563-64 Mich. - Mich. 59 8,571 Lynn 51 Blakeney i Others 7 1586-87 Mich. - Easter 9 1,290 Lynn 8 Ipswich i Records with no entries of corn shipments are found for the following periods: 1554, i Jan.-i Oct; 1555-56, i Oct-i Jan.; 1556-57, i Oct.-i Jan.; 1558, [i] July-Mich. Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1627-28 Xmas- Xmas 74 4,965 Lynn 47 (H. B. G. & S.) Burnham 16 London 5 Boston 2 Wells 2 Blakeney I Sunderland I 1644-45 Xmas - Xmas 124 14,431 Lynn 65 (H. S. & G.) Wells 34 Blakeney 10 Yarmouth 7 Wisbeach 3 Others 5 1654-55 Xmas Xmas 7 480 Lynn 3 (H. B. & S.) Boston 2 Others 2 1673-74 Xmas Xmas 37 3,735 Yarmouth 8 (H. B. S. & G.) Lynn 7 Wells 6 London 5 Blakeney i Others 10 1689-90 Xmas- Xmas ii i,79<>J Lynn 5 Wells 3 Maldon i H. - Hull, B. - Bridlington, S. - Scarboro, G. - Grimsby. APPENDIX D 319 LONDON Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1565 Easter- Mich. 9 [324?] Ipswich 4 Boston 2 Others 3 1579-80 Mich. - 263 18,090 Milton 8 9 Faversham 84 Rochester 19 Maldon 16 Boston ii Hull 7 Ipswich 7 Lynn 6 Others 24 1585-86 Mich. - Mich. 734 51,688 Faversham 2IO Milton 137 Sandwich 82 Ipswich 6? Maldon S3 Lynn Si Rochester 35 Boston 19 Yarmouth 19 Blakeney 14 Others 47 1649-50 Xmas - Xmas 989 84,607 Sandwich 179 Faversham 164 Milton 69 Maldon 67 Rochester 66 Hull 53 Yarmouth 49 Dover 48 Plymouth 4i Ipswich 27 Lynn 23 Others 203 1657-58 i Oct. -25 June 786 65,715 Faversham 157 Sandwich no Milton 94 Margate 94 Maldon 76 Leigh 74 Rochester 58 320 APPENDIX D LONDON (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Com Ports Whence Ship- ments 1657-58 Lynn 3 (cont.) Others 120 1680-81 Xmas- Xmas 1,112 191,650 Sandwich 175 Hull 154 Faversham 129 Milton 76 Berwick 52 Maldon 44 Woodbridge 39 Milford 32 Ipswich 28 Stockton 27 Yarmouth 27 Lynn 24 Others 35 LYNN Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1576 Easter- Mich. O 1584-85 j Mich. - 13 1,355 Hull 8 Boston 4 Newcastle I 1593-94 Mich. - Easter 1596-97 - Mich. 3 378 Hull 2 Ipswich I I 600-01 Mich. - Easter o 1620-21 Xmas- Xmas o o 1631-32 u _ 13 1,075 Hull 5 Wells 4 Newcastle 2 Berwick I Boston I 1633-34 Xmas Xmas 6 280 Sutton 3 Hull 2 Wells I 1681-82 Xmas- Xmas 3 1,141* Spalding II Hull 8 Boston 5 Others 6 APPENDIX D LYNN (continued) 321 Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1684-85 Xmas -24 June (?) 7 1,027 Spalding 2 Others 5 1688-89 Xmas - Xmas 26 1,568 Sutton 7 Spalding 6 Holbeach 4 Wisbeach 4 Hull 2 Boston I Newcastle I Wells I NEWCASTLE AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1 549-50 Mich. - Mich. 1 06 15.951 Lynn 51 Hull 14 Yarmouth IO Grimsby 9 Blakeney 8 Boston 3 Bridling ton 2 Cley 2 Others 7 1550-51 Mich. -31 July 64 5,0492 Lynn 19 Hull IO Blakeney 9 Yarmouth 4 Boston 3 Bridlington 3 Others 16 1552-53 i Oct. - i Apr. 32 2,318^ Lynn 13 Bridlington 7 Hull 5 ' Scarboro 4 Others 3 1562 2 Feb. -31 July 55 5,20l| Lynn 4i Ipswich 5 Hull 3 322 APPENDIX D NEWCASTLE AND MEMBERS (continued) Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Forts Whence Ship- ments 1562 Yarmouth 2 (cont.) Others 4 1564-65 Mich. - Easter 22 1,099 Lynn 6 Scarboro 5 Hull 4 Grimsby 3 Yarmouth 3 Blakeney i PLYMOUTH, FOWEY AND MEMBERS Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments 1551-52 Mich. - 6 Jan. O 1552 15 Jan. -10 Apr. o O 1552 26 Apr. -30 Sept. 2 66 Bristol 2 1553 6 Jan. -2i Apr. 21 587! Weymouth 8 Lyme 5 Bristol 3 Hampton 2 Others 3 1553-54 Xmas - Easter 25 1,264^ Bristol 15 Lyme 6 Exeter 2 Minehead I Weymouth I 1554 24 June - Mich. 13 730 Bristol 4 Bridgewater 2 Lyme 2 Gloucester I Weymouth I Others 3 [1554?] Mich. - Xmas O o 1554-55 Xmas.- Easter 17 SiSl Lyme 6 Bridgewater 2 Bristol 2 Gloucester I Minehead I Tewkesbury I Others 4 APPENDIX D 323 PLYMOUTH, FOWEY AND MEMBERS (continued] Year Date Ship- ments Qrs. of Corn Ports Whence Ship- ments ISS7 Easter- Mich. 2 54 Weymouth [iSS7?l Mich. - Xmas I 3 Weymouth I [1557-58?] Xmas - Easter 3 47 Lyme 3 1562 Easter- Mich. 5 2,633 Poole IO Weymouth 8 Hampton 7 Bristol 5 Chichester 4 Lyme 3 Gloucester 2 Tewkesbury I Southampton I Others 9 1586-87 Xmas -25 Mar. 2 3 Gloucester i Lyme i 1587 1 25 Mar. -24 June O o I587 1 24 June - Mich. o 1587 1 Mich. - Xmas O o i 587-88 Xmas -25 Mar. 9 298* Gloucester 5 Bridport i Exeter i Lyme i Westbury i 1590 25 Mar. -24 June 5 2x8 Gloucester 2 Lyme I Melcombe Regis I Plymouth I 1590 24 June - Mich. i 15 London 1592-93 Xmas -25 Mar. O o Fowey and members. 3*4 APPENDIX E APPENDIX E STATISTICS OF CORN PRICES, LONDON, 1537-1673 PRICES OF CORN, 1537-68 Bought by the bakers of London. Unless otherwise stated, the entries refer to wheat. The following abbreviations have been used: I imported corn (judging from the alien names of dealers and from other specifications). L some official connection with the City. B from or at the Bridgehouse, Leadenhall or other such granary. LB " at the Bridgehouse apoynted by the commandement of my lorde maire," or an equivalent. W brought into the City by water. S purchased from the Steelyard. R rye. These statistics are from Wheat Book, No. 62, preserved in the Hall of the Bakers' Company, London. Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price Remarks Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price Remarks s.d. s.d. 1537 9 May 500 9/6 W. 1537 19 June 44 IO/O L,W. 16 290! o/o W. 21 " 191 IO/O W. 17 8si o/o B. 26 June 80 IO/O W. 19 160 o/o W. 26 100 IO/O W. 24 100 o/o W. 27 50 IO/O B. 24 176 o/o W&B. 27 " 132 IO/O W. 25 87 0/0 W. 3 July 65 IO/O W. 25 130 9/o W. 6 " 105 IO/O W. 26 98 IO/O W. IS " 90 9/0 W. 26 100 9/o W. 18 1 20 IO/O B. 28 "5 9/0 W. Sept., Oct. looi 9/0 B. 29 266 IO/O W. 1537-8 i Mar. 75 7/4 W. 30 97i 9/o W. 1538 2 May 163 7/o W. iju ne 43 IO/O W. 23 " too 6/8 W. i 138 IO/O W. 24 " 214! 7/o W. 7 150 IO/O B. June 545 7/o W. 8 103 0/0 B. 25 Oct. 40 7/6 W. 8 189* o/o W. 28 Nov. 369 7/8 w. 9 87 o/o via Stratford. 3 Dec. 95 1 7/8 W. XI So o/o B. 10 87 7/0 W. II 78J o/o W. IS39 28 Mar. 65 6/0 W. 14 I73l IO/O W. 3 May SO 6/8 W. IS 120 IO/O W. IS40 31 * 225 7/4 W. 18 140 IO/O W. 32 June 70 7/o W. 1 From Kent. * From Norfolk. APPENDIX E 325 PRICES OF CORN, 1537-68 (continued) Year Date Amt inijrs. Price Remarks Year Date Amt inqrs. Price Remarks s. d. s.d. 1541 22 Dec. 1 20 IO/O W. 1548 30 Aug. 30 [6/4] LB. 1541-2 20 Jan. 1 20 IO/O W. i Sept. 20 [6/4l LB. 4 Feb. 1 20 IO/O W. [Sept. -Oct.] 170 6/8 B. 1341-2 8 Feb. 26 IO/O W. 22 Oct. 80 8/6 W. 1542 16 May 140 9/0 W. Nov. [305] 8/8 LB. 7 July 1 20 IO/O W. 1548-9 2 Jan. [75] 8/6 W. 18 Aug. 99J I I/O W. 21 147* 8/0 7 Nov. sii 9/8 W. Jan. 395 8/8 LB. 1542-3 19 Feb. 85 IO/O L, W. 30 " 155 8/0 [LB?]. W. 28 " 72 IO/O W. Feb. 355 8/8 LB. 20 Mar. 182 IO/O W. Mar. 395 8/8 LB. 1543 9 Apr. 79* IO/O W. 1549 Apr. 195 8/8 LB. 4 May 88J I I/O W. Aug. 340 9/10 LB. 10 " 104} I I/O W. 27 Aug. 206} I I/O L. 31 Oct. 6iJ I I/O W. 15 Oct. 132 16/0 W. 1544 ii Apr. "3 16/0 W, I, S. 18 " 30 16/0 W. ii " 165 16/0 W, I, S. 26 " 38 15/0 W. 4 July 164 14/0 W. 31 " 80 IS/o W. 25 ' 97 14/0 W. Nov. 72 16/0 W. 9 Aug. 90 I2/O W. 134 16/0 W. 18 " 190 16/0 W. 193 1 6/8 L, W. 30 60 16/0 59 17/0 L, W. Sept. 454 I2/O W, L. " 104 iS/8 L,W. 1545 7 May 144 16/6 W. 7 Dec. 123 i7/o W. 28 " 205 14/0 W. 1549-50 Jan. 130 i7/o L ( W. 8 July 65 14/0 W. 7 " So i7/o L, W. 13 July 1 80 14/8 LB. 14 " 70 17/0 W. 19 Aug. 100 14/8 LB. 14 " 72| 17/0 W. 10 Sept. 190 14/8 LB. 18 " 1 20 17/0 W. 28, 30 Sept. 200 14/8 LB. 24 " 163 17/0 W. 18 Oct. 100 iS/o LB. 1 66 18/0 L, W. i545-<5 6 Feb. 54* 22/O W.i 26 [Jan.] 7i 18/0 W. 8 88 22/O W. 26 " 20 17/6 W. 1546 28 May 119 23/0 W, L. 96 15/3 L, W. 30 79 23/0 W, L. 140 18/0 W. 1546 30 Sept. & i Oct 73 12/0 LB. 92 18/0 W. 20 Dec. 67 8/8 W. 28 Jan. 63 18/0 W. 1546-7 6 Jan. 55 9/o W. 96 18/0 L,W. 5 Feb. 20 9/o W. 4 Feb. 43 IS/4 L, W. 8 97 8/6 W. 25 " 24 18/0 W. 12 30 8/6 From Essex. 25 60 18/0 L,W. 21 55 8/0 W. 26 Feb. 47i 18/0 W. 28 80 8/0 W. 26 " 48 18/0 W. 22 Mar. 78 7/o W. 28 54 18/0 W. 1547 6 Apr. 45 6/4 W. 79 18/0 L,W. 7 Aug. 37! 5/8 W. 28 76 18/0 W. n " 60 6/0 W. 28 93 18/0 L.W. 1547-8 24 Mar. 45 6/0 W. Mar. 76| 18/0 W. 1548 27 " "5 6/4 W. * 86 18/0 W. 26 June 37} 6/4 LB, W. 120 18/0 W. 14 July 122 6/0 W. * 58 18/0 W. 17 Aug. 100 6/4 LB. io| 18/0 W. 28 25 [6/4] LB. 3 " 17 18/0 W. 29 " 25 [6/4] LB. 3 " 20 IS/3 W. 1 King's wheat. Barley. 326 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1537-68 (continued) Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price Remarks Year Date Amt in qrs. Price Remarks s.d. s.d. 1549-50 3 Mar. 65 18/0 W. ISS2 3X May 89! 22/0 W. 4 " 10 18/0 W. June 125 12/8 LB. 4 " X55 18/0 W. X553 July 240 X4/o LB. 5 " 96 18/0 W. July & Aug. 238 14/0 B. S ' 37f 18/0 W. 1554 9 Apr. 123 i o/o LB. 6 " 117 18/0 W. May 227 XX/O LB. 1549-50 10 Mar. 44l 18/0 W. 3 July 195 15/0 LB. 13 " 100 16/8 W. 17 " I 10 14/4 W. 14 " 4f X7/0 W. 21 Aug. 120 I3/IO W. 18 " 88| 18/0 W. X554-5 4 Jan. 60 17/0 Mar. 406 X7/4 W. 4 Mar. XO2 l6/O 1550 Apr. 165 19/0 W, I. 203 17/0 W.I. 12 161 18/0 W, I. 1555 i May 82 18/0 14 " ISO x8/ 4 W.I. Apr. 442 JR 1 2/8 W. 20 " 69t 17/6 W. 26 Apr. 173 X7/6 I. S 23 " 84* 19/0 W, I. 26 178 10/4 I, R, S. 25 ' 68 19/0 W, I. 29 " 164} 17/6 B. n May 22 16/8 W. 29 * 46R xo/4 B. 1044 16/0 W. LB. 4 May 561 x 7 /6 W. June 1197} 16/0 LB. 4 ' 45 xo/4 R. " 4 o8J 16/0 W. LB. 7 " 149 iS/o B. 181 19/0 W, I. 8 154! X7/0 W. July 502 J 17/0 W. 9 ' xoo I 17/0 B. Oct. 148 16/0 LB. 13 May 115 X7/0 W. 16 Dec. 35 16/8 I, 2, 3 Aug. 1361 22/0 W. X550-I S Jan. 60 17/0 W. 7 " 197 22/O W. 8 X2O 18/0 W. 9 " 30 22/0 W. 40 18/0 W. 9 " p6| 22/O B. X7 75 2O/O L. W. 10 X9I 22/O B. 4 Feb. 37 19/6 W. 10 " 8oR 13/4 B. 21 90 20/6 W. 12 " 130 13/4 B. 25 ' 61 20/0 W. X3 * 26} 22/0 B. 6 Mar. 62 20/0 W. 17 * I30R 13/4 B. XSSI II Apr. 143! [22/0] L (?), W, I. Sept. 24O 22/0 [S].L 165 i 2 I/O LB, I, S. 610 20/0 B. 9 & 10 May 3i8 22/O W. I, S. 2 Nov. 204 JR 16/0 B, I, S. 12 & 13 " 235 22/O W. I. S. 8 I37J 22/6 I. 13 May 227 22/O W, I, S. x 555-6 30 Jan. XSS 25/0 W. I, [SI 26 62| 22/O 31 " 295 R 20/0 W. 9, 10, 12 June 749i 22/0 LB. W. 1356 16 Apr. 138! 25/8 W. 28 July-i2 Aug. 1609} 22/6 LB. 204J 25/4 W, I. S. 4 Nov. 41 22/1 ioo 25/4 W, I. S. 1551-2 28 Feb. US 22/4 W. 299 26/8 B. 14 Mar. Si 23/4 W. * 636 2O/O B. X5Sa S Apr. 25 25/0 L, W. 4 May 166 25/0 W, I, S. 6,7 ' in 25/0 W. 53 25/4 W, I, S. 5 May 170 24/0 W. 360 24/0 W, I, S. S 41 9/0 W. 1 16, 17. 18 " 230 25/0 W. 1 S " R 17/0 W. 7 June 295 i 25/0 I. [S]. 23 .24 ' 65 22/0 L, W. July 388i 25/0 1 23 .24 ' 10 8/0 L W * 878J 25/0 23 . 24 * I 4 8R 17/0 L!W. 738 25/0 [S], I. 24 " 188 22/0 W. [149] R 16/0 B. 24 " 12 17/0 14 Aug. 190 24/0 W. Bought of haberdashers. * [English] wheat. APPENDIX E 327 PRICES OF CORN, 1537-68 (continued) Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price Remarks Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price Remarks s.d. s.d. 1556 Oct. 294} 26/0 LB. 1557 July 358i 36/0 LB. 1557 5 May 94 42/0 W. 1 5 Nov. 3 IO/O W. 4 June 52} 32/0 W.* 1562-3 7 Feb. 77 32/6 I 234 36/o LB.* Mar. loo 33/4 174 32/0 LB, I. [1566-7] 12 Feb. " 70 4 R 32/0 LB, I. 1568 (?) Sept. 603 16/0 PRICES OF CORN, 1568-73 Sold from the Bridgehouse, or municipal granary. Unless otherwise stated, the entries refer to wheat. Meal is wheat meal. The following abbreviations have been used: T total. R rye. [ ] price reckoned from total amount. Corn sold on the markets was normally meal. It was sold to the poor in small quantities by the order of the lord mayor " to kepe downe the prices." These statistics are from the Corn Book in the Guildhall of London, endorsed thus: " This Booke made for all suche Corne as shalbe Bowghte By Roberte Essington and Thomas Bates for the Cittis accoumpte and Layed up into the Brindge Howse." Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale 1568 s. d. 1568 s. d. [Apr.?] S8J 16/0 To bakers [etc.]. [Sept.] i [14/0] To an alderman. 24 [16/0] [To bakers.] Sept. 8 [meal] 18/8 19 [15/1 1 1 J * 16 17/0 13 Sept. 32 16/0 * [Sept. or Oct.] ir 16/4 To bakers. 13 ' 21 16/0 * 74 [meal] 18/8 On "the markets." 13 * 35 16/0 " 52 16/4 To bakers. 16 33J 16/0 78 14/0 To beer brewer. 16 " 31} 16/0 [Oct.] 19! [16/4] To bakers. Sept. gi 16/0 21 [16/4} " " " 66} 16/0 * 10 Oct. 114 16/4 Sold for i/i6/. oj rye-unground ) 6 June 2 wheat [42/0] Sold to four men. 20 " ij " unground [42/8] " " several at Bridgehouse. 21 " 2 wheat [42/8] Sold to accountant. 21 " oj rye [34/8] " privately. i wheat ground [42/8] " " 24 June 3 wheat Ui/Sf] " [on market?) 40 rye 25/4 " to Thos. Cock- ayne. 5 July oi wheat [42/8] Sold. 23 " 2 " meal [39/6] " 23 Aug. 3 " " (39/61 " 3 Sept. i " " [36/6] " 01 " " [40/0] * 13 Sept. ii [38/8] 2 " " [27/6] Sold to accountant. 25 Sept. oj " " [37/4] 1 " " [40/0] 2 " " [40/0] Sept. 4! " 40/0 Sold. i " 35/o 1 32/8 2 [wheat] meal [35/0] " oj wheat [35/0] " to accountant. 3 rye meal [28/0] " 6 " " [2I/2J] " 10 " " [2o/roJ] " S " " [22/7i] " 1 " " [24/0] " 2 wheat meal 28/0 " 25 Nov. i rye [24/0] " 1596-97 12 June 4 " meal [23/9] " 8 July 4 " " [26/7] 8 " 3 " " [22/10] " 8 of " [28/0?] 1596-97 14 Mar. 6 wheat meal 42/8 Sold on markets. 16 " 4 rye meal [38/10$] " " " 18 " 4 " " [39/4] " " " 20 6 * " [28/5] " 23 " 10 [38/4!] " 1597-98 31 * 2 * in corn [37/0] " privately, i Apr. 10 meal [38/8 JJ 6 8 [38/9] 7 " 3 iacorn [41/0] Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase 1597-98 s. d. 1 1 Apr. 6 rye in meal [38/10 J] Sold at Bridge- house. 12 " 15 " in corn 41/0 Sold to W. W. of Reading. 14 " 2 * " " 40/0 Sold. 15 " 6 " meal [38/4] " on markets. 18 " 4} wheat 47/6 20 " 2 rye in corn " " " 21 " 5 " meal [38/7!] " " " [21] " 5 "in corn 41/0 " privately. 22 " 7 " meal [38/5!] " on markets. i " in corn [41/0] " to a widow at Kingston. oj " [42/0] Sold privately. 27 Apr. 7 " meal [37/7] " on markets. 29 " 7 " b8/4il ' 6 May 10 " " [38/0] 6 " i " [41/0] " privately. 9 " 6 " meal [27/10] " 11 " 8 " " [38/0] " i " " 42/8 " privately. 12 May i " in corn [40/0] " 13 " i " " " [41/0] " 23 " 8 " meal [40/0] " 25 " 4 " [40/0] 31 " 60 " in com [38/0] " 3 June s " " " [35/0] " 10 " 7 meal [37/iJ] " 17 " 3 rye meal L?6/7i] " 22 " 2 " " [34/0] " 23 June i b/] " [37/8] " 46/0 Bought. 35/0 " 5 wheat 166 rye 93i " 32/o " 1597-98 170 [wheat] meal [37/9$] Sold on markets. 114}" Corne " [wheat] [3/ IO JI " to several. 15 Mar. 5 " corne " 33/0 " IS " 3 " 36/0 18 " 2 * 32/0 " 23 " 5 " 33/o " 1598-99 28 3 " 36/0 2 36/0 2 " 36/0 " 12 Apr. 5 * 34/0 " 3 * (- lots) 35/0 " 7 ' 34/o 13 Apr. 10 * 34/0 " 14 " oj " 32/0 19 " i " 32/0 " 22 " ^3 ' 3Z/0 29 oj 32/0 342 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1579-1672 (continued) Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase sale and purchase 1598-99 s.d. 1601-02 s. d. 3 May oj " come " [32/0] Sold. 1 1 rye meal 20/0 Sold on markets. xSMayol [32/0] " i| " " ao/o 26 " oj " b2/o] " 1602-03 30 * a " 4a/8 2 Apr. 41} * ao/o Bought. 30 i " 32/0 " 30 wheat 30/0 * from Rob. 2 June 13! " 30/0 * Easton of Faver- 3 * 48 "[wheat] 43/8 * to white balccrs. sham. 40 " " 43/8 * * dyers. it * 28/0 Ditto. 8 " " 43/8 " * wax-chand- 5 wheat meal 24/0 Sold on markets. lers. 1603-04 Bought from 6 " " 43/8 * * fruiterers. 9 wheat 24/6 Jno. Parkes of 394 ' ' U7/3I1 " Henley. 1590-1600 3oJ * 24/0 Bought. 1 6 May 5 wheat meal 40/0 " on markets. 0} * aa/o * 23 * ' " 40/0 " 41 i " aa/o 28 " 3t " ' 37/4 * " " 46} - a 4 /o 30 IS* ' " 36/o " " 10 * 24/6 " 30 * sf " " 44/0 to a baker. 19} " aa/o " 2 June 2} " " 36/0 * " grocers. 1604-05 20 " 29/0 * 6 " 22! * " 33/4 " on markets. 32 * 29/0 6*2* * 33/4 * to a baker. Si ' 30/o 13 " 15 " " 33/4 " I n markets]. 20 " 32/0 " 20 25 " 33/4 * 195 " 25/0 Sold. 27 " 20 " 33/4 " 43 rye 16/0 " 30 " 5 " " 33/4 " 1605-06 2 wheat ao/o 1600-01 1606-07 20 " (28/0) * 4 July 20 " " [31/2] " on markets. 1607-08 i " meal 44/0 * on markets. II " 20 * " LSI/911 " " " 2 " " 44/0 ' [on markets]. 18 5 " " bi/3 " " " 3 " 44/o 28 5 * " 32/o " " 1607 i Aug. 5 * " 32/0 " " 17 June 2 rye 34/8 * 8 " 2} rye meal [23/6$] * " " 2 wheat meal 44/0 " 13 " 7 " " Sold on markets for 22 June 2 rye " 34/8 " 13 " 5 wheat meal 15/17/10. 25 " i wheat " 44/0 " on markets. 19 * oj rye Sold privately for i rye [meal] 32/0 " 19 " oj wheat i/3/o. 27 June 2 " meal 32/0 Sold. 22 " 5 wheat meal Sold privately for loo rye 29/0 Bought. 22 3 rye " 11/10/0. 1608-09 Bought from 29 " s wheat Sold privately for 200 wheat 44/o Thos. Franklyn. 29 " 7 rye 14/15/11- 97 " meall Sold on markets for S Sept. s wheat Sold for 9oi rye / 324/16/5. S * 3 rye meal JBiS/S/o. 1610-11 126} wheat [22/ioJ] Sold (all Co. had). to Dec. oj wheat 26/8] Sold. 1611-12 No account found. oj 26/8] " 1612-13 35 wheat [34/0] Bought from Mr. 1600-01 Ball. 6 Feb. i wheat meal Sold for 35 [34/0] Sold to a baker. 6*2 rye in corn 3/13/4- 2 " 35/6 Bought from G. oj wheat [26/8] Sold. Bland. i rye in corn 21/4] 1613-14 10 * 37/6 Bought 1601-02 5 34/o 49 wheat a6/o Sold privately. 100 36/0 2 " 26/0 17 Sept.- o| ' 36/0 25 Mar. 71 1 " meal 36/0 Sold on markets. oirye 20/0 1614-15 40 " [27/0] Bought from Jno. 1} " meal 24/0 " on markets. Willingson. APPENDIX E 343 PRICES OF CORN, 1579-1672 (continued) Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase sale and purchase 1614-15 * d. 1626-27 s. d. 54 wheat meal Lj8/4i] Sold on markets. 3 wheat [21/2}] Sold. 1615-19 No account found. i old"corne" [26/0] " 1610-20 Bought from: of new " [18/0] " 48} wheat [20/0] Mr. Henrys. 1627-28 Sold to 41 * [18/0] Mr. Saunders. 100 " Come " [wheat] [24/0] Mr. Clifton the 37! " [17/11$] Mr. Saunders. baker. o j wheat meal [24/0] Sold on markets. i wheat [25/0] Sold. of " " [24/0] 1628-29 None bought or sold. oj " " [22/0] " * " 1620-30 i wheat meal 48/0 Sold at Queenhithe. oj * [20/0] " " " 2 42/8 of " [20/7}] " " " 2 " " 4O/O " " 1620-21 3 " Sold. oj " corne " 36/8 Sold. 1621-2216 " [meal?] 21/4 Sold [on markets?] oi 36/8 14 " " 24/0 " " 1630-31 Bought from 5 ' ' 26/8 102 Irish wheat 44/0 Mr. Barlemooke. 4 " " 32/0 " 24 wheat and mistlin [45/9] Bought. 20 " " 22/0 Sold. 8 rye [42/0] " 54 " " 23/0 " 23 Aug.- 1622-23 Bought from: 22 July 168 " corne " [wheat] [46/2^] 20 " " 46/0 W. Grimward. Sold [on markets]. 100 " " 48/0 Wm. Cockayne. 1631-32 Bought from 20 rye [33/6] Mr. Stile. 50 J Danzig rye 38/0 Mr. Highlord. 90 wheat 46/4 The Lord Mayor. 20 wheat 40/0 Bought. 10 " [45/0] Rich. Whitlock. 19 " 38/0 " 10 " [43/0] SoldtoRob.Horne. 85! " (2 lots)36/o " 5 " Thos. Aslett. I3i " 34/o " 20 " " Jno. Farrar. zoi " 37/0 " 12} rye 40 " 33/0 " 48! wht. meal (5 lots) 40/0 Sold on markets. 4i [wheat] meal 40/0 Sold. 39f " " (5 " ) 42/8 5i " " 36/0 " 30 " " (5 " ) 45/4 " " " 5 rye 24/0 " 6 " (ilot) 48/0 " " 6 " meal 34/8 " 27 " " (4 lots) 45/4 " " isi " " (S lots) 32/0 Sold. 46 " " (i lot) 44/0 I 4 J " " (4 lots) 26/8 Sold. 22j " " (l " ) 42/8 oj rye bo/8] 12} " " (i " ) 44/0 oj [wht.] meal [29/4] " 10 rye 32/0 Sold. 20 rye & wheat 24/0 1623-24 Bought from: 3 rye and wheat meal 26/8 20 wheat 36/0 Thos. Stiles. 2 " " " 32/0 20 " 36/0 M. Cradock. 5 rye [22/0] " oj wheat meal 32/0 Sold [on markets?] 14^ Irish wht. 34/0 5 " " 40/0 " on markets. 1 6 wheat 26/0 4 ' 36/0 oj rye and wheat meal 26/8 4 ' 34/8 i Irish wheat 32/0 aoj " " 1632 Bought from: (2 lots) 32/0 " " " 20 Dec. 41 wheat 40/0 R. A. of Faversham. 1624-25 1632-33 40 Kentish wt. 37/0 Bought. 10 Jan. 2sJ " 39/0 A. R. " 50 Scottish " 42/0 " 29 * 55 " 41/0 R. R. u " 50 French * 40/0 " 22 Feb. 82 * 40/0 R. R. " ' 42 J" Old East Countrie wheat " On hand. 22 20 40/6 W. T. 1625-26 123} wheat Sold. 22 Mar. 50 " 35/0 Mr. Brand. 1626-27 38! Lincolnshire wheat 26/0 Bought. a8J [wht.] meal 36/0 Sold. 80 Norfolk wt. 32/0 * 56! ' 4*/8 " 6oJ Kentish " 3 2/0 39l " " 4>/o " 344 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1579-1672 (continued) Date Amt. in qrs. Price 1633-34 8 - d - 100 wheat 40/0 101 " 41/0 30 " 42/0 60 * 42/0 io4i [wht.] meal 36/0 141 I " " 40/0 1634-35 i 08 " 40/0 23! " " 32/o 1635-36 8 Feb.ioil wheat 41/0 12 Mar. 46J * 37/3 1635-36 151 i [wht.] meal 40/0 a * " 36/0 1636-37 a * * 36/0 43 40/0 18 45/4 19 "" 36/0 1637-38 Account missing. 1638-39 95 wheat 28/3 Particulars of sale and purchase Bought from: Mr. Johnson. Mr. Johnson. Mr. Gough. Mr. Bell. Sold. Bought. Sold. Bought. Sold. I [wheat] meal 36/0 oj " " 30/0 " 1639-40 82} " come " 26/6 Sold to Mr. Van Hoegard & Mr. Luce. 1640-41 None bought or sold. Date Amt. in qrs. Price 1641-42 s. d. Particulars of sale and purchase Bought from: 66} wheat 30/0 Mr. Backensales. 1642-43 91 * 32/6 Mr. Claye. 1643-47 None bought or sold. 1647-48 251 wheat Sold to Mr. Fludd. 1648-49 Sold by 30 wht. [meal] Us/ioJ] Beadle on markets. 1649-50 5 " " [48/0] 1650-51 87+3 pks. [wheat] meal [68/5] Sold to Thos. Woodall, granary keeper. 1651-52 13 wheat 40/0 Sold. 1652-54 No account found. 1654-55 27 Apr. 33 wheat 28/0 Bought. 22 " 26/0 " 14 May 49 i " 26/0 7 | 26/0 12 June n " 24/0 " 1655-58 None bought or sold. 1658-59 10 [wheat] meal Sold on markets. 1659-60 20 * * market. 1 660-6 1 None sold or bought. 1661-62 1 1 Feb. & fol. 90 [wheat] meal Sold on market. ii " " 10 " " Given to poor of Co. 1662-71 None bought or sold. 1671-72 No account found. PRICES OF VARIOUS KINDS OF GRAIN, Bought by " John Tayler of London Bruer." 1582-88 The dates given here are not always those of purchase, but rather when the purchase was entered in the account. The time elapsing between the purchase and the entry was, however, not great. The source of these prices is A Brewers Account Book, R.O., K.R. Customs, 522/16. Year Date Amt. in qrs. 1582 4 Oct. 60 best 4 " 56 berecorn IS " 12 wheat 24 " 6J " 30 " 13 " [S] Dec. 29 malt 7 " 2 } wheat 7 * 4 " 7 " 4 8 12 " 40 berecorn Price s.d. 6/4. 9/io. 17/0. 16/0. 18/0. 14/0. 19/0. 1 8/0. 2 I/O. [17/0] 9/o. Year 1582-83 Date Amt. in qrs. Price s.d. 21 Jan. 20 wheat 20/6. 21 " 52 malt 14/0. 23 " 35 berecorn 9/6. 23 " 40 malt 14/8. 24 " 8 " 13/6. 24 " 8 * [13/6] 29 " 8 " [13/6] i Feb. 29 " [9/9*1 6 " 8 " 14/0. 6 " So - 12/8. 6 " 7 wheat 1 8/0. APPENDIX E 345 PRICES OF VARIOUS KINDS OF GRAIN, 1582-88 (continued) Year 1583 Date A nit . in qrs. Price Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price s.d. s.d. n Feb. 5} wheat 19/6. 1583 12 Nov. 5 wheat 16/8. 18 16 malt 14/0. 13 " 6 " 16/0. 19 " 49 berecorn 9/6. IS * loo berecorn 9/10. i Mar. 99 malt 14/0. 15 " 100 " wotes " 6/10. i " 20 " 13/8. 18 " 9i wheat 16/0. 2 " 5 12/4. 25 " 31 malt 12/7- 4 " 5 wheat i7/o. 25 " 7 wheat 17/6. 5 " 4 malt 12/6. 25 " 40! " 16/6. 17 " 6} meal 19/6. 26 " 57} berecorn 9/0. 10 " 20 wheat 18/0. 2 Dec. 28 malt 13/0. 20 " i 08 berecorn 9/4- 2 " 36 " 12/6. 2S " 10 wheat 18/0. 2 " 30 " 14/6. 25 " 5 " iS/o. 9 " 20 " I2/O. 25 " s " 12/6. 9 K 9 wheat 16/0. 4 Apr. 20 berecorn 9/6. 9 " 22 " 16/0. 13 " 82 wheat 19/0. 18 " 34 malt I2/I. 16 " 13 " 18/0. 30 " i 6 berecorn 9/4- 19 " 15 malt 14/6. 1583-84 7 Jan. 56 malt I2/O. 23 " 6 I2/O. 10 " 10 " 14/0. 23 " 5 meal [18/8] 10 " 40 berecom 9/6- 23 " 8 wheat 18/0. 6 Feb. 15 malt 12/4. 24 " S " meal 18/0. 21 " 7 13/6. 24 " 40 malt 12/8. 23 " 50 berecorn 9/o. 29 " 3 wheat 16/0. 22 Mar. 34 malt II/IO. 6 May 20 malt 13/0. 1584 25 " 29 berecorn 9/o. 6 " S wheat 16/6. 27 " 39 wheat IS/o. 13 " 49! malt 12/4 3 Apr. 25 " IS/o. 14 " 40 " 13/4- 3 " 2SJ malt 12/6. 24 " 19! " 13/6. 8 " 22 " 1 2/1. 27 " 49l " 12/4. 8 May 42! " 13/0. 3 June 10 wheat [16/4]. 9 " 22 " 12/0. 7 " 20 malt 13/8. 25 " 2O " I2/O. 12 July 5 [berecorn] 9/10. 30 " 20 " [13/8] 6 Aug. 75 malt 13/0. 4 June 40 " 14/0. [10] " 5 berecorn IO/O. 16 " 113 " 14/0. 12 " S new berecorn IO/I. 2 July 2O " 13/8. 12 " 12 malt 12/7. 20 " 44 berecorn 9/2. is ' S new berecorn IO/I. 2O " 27 oats 8/6. 21 " 5 " IO/I. 4 Sept. 15} musty wheat 16/6. 30 " 102 malt 13/4. 4 " 6 wheat iS/o. 30 " 40 [malt] 13/4 16 " 12 malt I2/O. 30 " 40 malt 14/0. 16 " 9$ wheat 16/0. 7 Sept. iSi " 13/4- 29 " 10 " 14/6. 20 " 8 berecorn IO/O. 29 " 16 " IS/6. 21 " oj + i pk. meal 17/0. 13 " 45 berecorn 9/0. 8 Oct. 6 malt 10/6. 27 " 22 malt 12/4- 12 " 33 berecorn 9/o. 27 " 6 wheat IS/6. 16 " too malt 12/6. 28 " 34 berecorn 9/6. 16 " 9 " 13/0. 28 " 27 oats 6/8. 26 " 27 berecorn 8/8. 4 Nov. 7 malt II/4- 28 " 6 malt 10/6. 9 " 25 " [II/2J] 8 Nov. 55 berecorn 9/0. 16 " 5 wheat IS/o. 12 " 6] malt 12/6. 24 " 53 malt 12/4. 12 " 2 wheat 16/6. 24 " 20 wheat 17/0. 12 " 7 " 18/8. 24 " i " mastan " I I/O. 12 " 12 " 12/6. 24 " 20 malt 12/6. 346 APPENDIX E PRICES OF VARIOUS KINDS OF GRAIN, 1582-88 (continued) Yemr Date Amt. in qrs. Price Year Date Amt in qrs. Price a.d. f.d. 24 Nov. 10 wheat 17/0. 27 Apr. 5 wheat 24/0. 30 * 12 * 15/0. 18 May 104 malt 16/0. 3 " 24 malt 13/4- 18 120 16/4. 10 Dec. 16 wheat 15/0. 18 00 " 17/0. 10 " 7 malt II/4. 20 June 20 malt from the west 17/10. 15 " 2of wheat iS/o. 21 * 20 malt 18/4. 16 7 * 14/6. 6 Aug. 17 ' 18/8. 16 " 8 IS/o. 12 8 18/6. 17 * io| 17/0. i? " 4 " 19/0. 17 " 118 malt 13/4- S " 26 " IS/o. [I7l ' 4 " 13/4- 26 20 " 17/8. 1584-85 12 Jan. 13 " I I/O. 29 " 8 " iS/6. 16 17 wheat IS/6. 10 Sept. 7 " 16/8. 21 40 malt 13/0. 12 * 3 " 17/8. a Feb. 10 12/4- 12 S " 18/0. 3 ' 10 13/6- 19 Oct. 4 19/0. 3 " 8 wheat 16/0. 21 " 20 " 18/4- 5 " 9 " 16/0. 29 22 " 18/9. 9 " Si ' 16/0. 31 43 " 18/0. 9 " 21 " 16/6. 2 Nov. 20 " 18/4- 12 " 200 berecorn 10/0. 7 " II " 17/6. 13 " 10 malt 13/0. 7 i wheat 42/0. 20 " i wheat 17/0. 7 " 6 malt 18/6. 5 Mar. 25! berecorn 9/6. 7 * S * 19/0. 10 * 40 malt I2/O. 1586-87 17 Jan. 20 " 22/6. II " loj wheat 16/8. 21 " 20 " 22/0. 19 " 36 oats 8/0. 21 8 22/0. 1585 31 " 31 malt 12/0. 7 Feb. IO " 20/10. 5 Apr. 6 wheat 17/0. 10 * 20 [malt] 31/0. 7 " 4i " 17/0. 16 4} wheat 40/0. 16 91 berecorn IO/O. 17 " o J malt 20/8. 16 " 35 1 wheat 16/6. 17 " 7 " 22/0. 21 " 5$ meal i7/o. 1587 28 Mar. 60 20/0. 26 6 wheat 17/0. 29 36 20/0. i g May 40 " 16/0. 2 Apr. 100 oats I I/O. 20 " 17 musty wheat 17/6. 27 20 malt S4/4- 3 Aug. 40 malt 16/4. 29 5} berecorn 14/0. 5 * 14 " 14/8. 1 6 June 50 oats I I/O. 5 " 14 14/0. 21 30 malt 26/0. IS ' 20 " IS/o. 23 22 " 24/6. 7 Nov. 20 " ao/4. 7 July 40 26/0. 9 " 19 " 18/0. 5 Aug. 5 wheat 23/4- 22 ' 19 berecorn IO/O. 8 Sept. 2 ' 20/0. 29 " 10 malt 16/0. 8 20 malt 19/6. 30 " i? " 16/0. i Oct. 20 18/0. 7 Dec. 60 17/0. i " 13 ' 15/6. 12 " Q! wheat 84/0. i * 12 14/8. 14 ' 42 malt 16/0. i * 6 wheat 19/6. 20 " 62 16/0. 23 ' 6 " 17/6. 21 " 5 wheat 22/0. 3 Nov. 20 malt 12/6. is8s-86 8 Jan. 9 * 22/0. 3 " ii wheat 17/0. 13 " 6 22/0. 9 " Si ' 17/6. 3 Feb. 40 malt 17/3- 27 " 8 malt 13/8. 5 ' a wheat [36/8]. 28 6 wheat 17/0. 1586 29 Mar. Si meal 29/0. 29 * 9 malt 13/6. 27 Apr. 48! malt 14/0. i Dec. 17 [malt] 14/0. APPENDIX E 347 PRICES OF VARIOUS KINDS or GRAIN, 1582-88 (continued) Year 1587-88 Date i Dec. i " 12 Jan. 30 " 31 " 19 Feb. 18 Mar. Amt. in qrs. 60 (malt] 35 * 3 wheat ii " 132 malt 10 wheat Price Year Date Amt. in qrs. s.d. 13/8. 18 Mar. 3 wheat 13/6. 1588 26 " 8 17/0. 4 Apr. 40 [malt] 16/8. 4 " 6 13/0. 6 " 10 malt 16/4. 12 " 8 16/2. 14 May 11} wheat Price s.d. 16/2. 16/0. 12/10. 12/6. [12/0] 1 1/8. PRICES or CORN, 1580-1643 Bought and sold by the Drapers' Company. The year is usually from Mich, to Mich. Manuscripts in Drapers' Hall, called Renters Accounts (unbound). Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1580 to 81 s. d. Bought from: 1580 to 81 ' s. d. Sold to: Mar. 19} wheat 22/0 Pluckley man, [Sept.] i wheat [25/0] an Alderman. Kent. ii 3 ii 25/0 Mr. W. " 25 "(very good) 2 2/6 Faversham " 2 " 25/0 wardens. man, Kent. " 17 " 24/0 a baker, " price * 15 " 23/0 Kent man (bare did fall." measure). 1581 to 82 " 26 " " 22/6 Sittingbourne Jan. 150 " 20/0 Bought from a man, Kent. Sussex man. 10-17 Apr. " IS " 22/0 Came in same 7 wheat (less a pk.) 26/8 Sold on markets. ship. 24 Apr. [Jan.] 45 " 21/0 Bought from IO " u a u [26/5!] master of Yann. i May ship. 5 " " " " [25/11?! - " 2 Apr. 2 Norf. meal [24/0] Sold on markets. 8 May 8 wheat [26/sl] 12 July 2 wheat meal 25/4 " " 22 " ID " [26/5] " " " 14 4 25/4 " " 29 " 6 " [26/oJ] 17 " 4 " " 24/0 " " 2 June 6 " 25/0 Bought from a 23 " 5 " " 24/0 " " Sittingbourne 30 " 13 " " 24/0 " man, Kent. 6 Aug. 9 " " 24/0 S 6 [26/2}] Sold on markets. 13 8 " 24/0 12 5 " [26/3?] " " 20 * 7 " " 24/0 " " 20-27 " 6} [aS/S] " " " 27 " 5 " " 24/0 * " " 3 July 4 ' 34/0 4iJ wheat 22/6 Sold privately. 10 5 ' 34/0 20 " 25/0 Sold to a baker. 17 3 ' 24/0 " " 20 "(4 lots) 25/0 Sold privately. 24 " 4 " 26/0 " " IO " as/o " " 31 ' 5 26/0 " " " 5 " 34/8 7-l4Aug.y " 24/0 3 " as/o " " 21 3 " 24/0 " " " 9 "(2 lots) 33/0 " " 28 " 6 [aa/sil " " 34 " as/6 ' 4 Sept. 2 " (" best 1582 1083 Bought from: wheat of all ' )[2 4 /9l ' " 18 Feb. 120 wheat 1 20/0 Two men. Sold to: 8oJ " 21/10 Ditto. [Sept.] i wheat [24/0] the Lord Mayor. i si qrs. to the score. 348 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued) Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1582 to 83 s. <1. 1584 to 85 s. d. 30] wheat 20/0 A man of Hen- 28 Aug. 7 wheat meal 26/8 Sold at Quecn- ley. hitbe. I7i " 20/0 Ditto. 28 " 2 24/0 Sold to a "meale- Sold to: man " of Strat- 30 Aug. 1 20 " 24/0 A draper. ford. 80 " 22/0 Ditto. 30 " 10 * 24/0 Ditto. [Aug.] i " it/o An aldetman. 30 " 10 " 24/6 Ditto. Bought from: 4 Sept. 7 " meal 24/0 Sold on markets 44 " 18/0 J. K. of Henley. " by retaile." 163 19/6 Quinby of Sus- 6 " s " 24/0 Ditto. sex. 6 " 10 " 34/0 Sold to a baker of 10 " 10/0 Ditto. Southwark. 6 " 17/8 Goodwin of Hen- 10-12 * 10 * meal 24/0 Sold on markets ley. by retail. IS " 17/0 T. Wheeler of 23-26 * 10 * " 24/0 Ditto. Henley. 23-26 " 4 " " 24/0 Sold to mealman 1583 to 84 of Patney. 22 Feb. None sold. Exchanged for next year's 27-30 " 10 " " 24/0 Sold on markets supply by retail. 1584 1085 Bought from: 1585 to 66 3Si wheat 21/6 Man of Faver- 7 Oct. s " 24/0 Ditto. sham. 12-21 *2S * " 24/0 Ditto. 12 June-6 Aug. 25" 4 24/0 Sold to Sir Thos. 3$ wheat meal 22/0 Sold to the Lord Cesill. Mayor. 10 Nov. s " meal 24/0 Sold on markets 4 " 23/0 " at Q u e e n- by retail. hithe. it S " 24/0 Sold to Sir T. o| " " 24/0 " to a miller. Pullyson. s July 4 " 23/0 * on market 12 " S " 24/0 Sold to a draper. " by great." 14 "6 wheat (6 lots) 24/0 " privately. s " i " " 24/0 * on market 28 Nov.- " by retale." ii Jan. 55 wheat meal 9 " s and 3 pks., 8 (n lots) 26/8 Sold on markets. 1!. wheat meal 22/8 * on market. 1 6 Jan.- 19 " 7 wheat meal n/o " " markets. 13 Sept. no wheat meal 21 " S " 23/0 u u u (22 lots) 32/0 a a " by great." 30 Apr. 100 wheat ao/o Bought from man Sold to: of Cock ham. 29 " 12 " " 21/6 Fintche of Sussex. Wansworth. [Aug. or 29 " 0} " 24/0 Wardens for Sept.] oj [26/8] Sold to a draper. their dinner. Aug. i " meal 26/8 " * the ward- 31 " 20 " 22/0 A baker. ens for dinner. 3 Aug. 4 22/6 Ditto. 10 " 26/8 Sold to Sir T. 3*4 " meal 33/8 Sold on markets. Pullyson. Sold to: i 26/8 Sold privately. 6 9 ' 83/0 Newgate man. 1586 to 87 7 * 7 " 22/O A baker. 30 rye 34/6 Bought from R. 7 " S " 23/0 Detford man. Clark, merchant 5 " meal 24/0 Sold on markets. Apr.-July 92 rye meal 33/o Sold on markets. i 24/0 " " " Bought from: May 83 rye 26/8 A merchant. 1 " 6 d. per qr. overmeasure." APPENDIX E 349 PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued) Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1586 to 87 s. d. 1580-90 s. d. May 87 rye 26/8 Two merchants. Dec. i wheat [meal] 20 " 10 ' 26/8 Sold to a mealman (ground) 22/0 Sold on markets. of Stratford. 31 Dec.- to " 21 " 26/8 Sold out of a 8 Jan. 15 wheat [meal] 26/8 lighter at Bil- 22 Jan.- lingsgate. 28 Feb. 40 " 26/8 27 " 14 " 26/8 Sold to two meal- Feb. 4 wheat 24/0 " privately. men. 15 Mar. 15 wheat meal 26/8 " on markets. 27 June 55 " 26/8 Bought from Sir i 25/0 " privately. T. Pullyson. 3 Mar.- 3 July 24* " 9/4 Sold at the 14 June 25 " " 26/8 " on markets. Bridgehouse. 7i 24/0 " privately. 7 12 " 29/4 Ditto. ii 25/0 " to clerk, etc. II " 20 ' 29/4 Ditto. 10 June 75 " 26/8 " to baker 14 " a}- " 30/8 Sold. (London). ij " 26/8 " 6} corn 24/0 Sold to members 19 and of Co. 31 July 29 " 32/0 Sold to a warden. 2 wheat 24/0 Sold for wardens' [July- dinner. Sept.] 3 " a6/& at the 20 June 96$ rye 18/0 Sold to London Bridgehouse. baker. " I 26/8 " to Sir T. 75 wheat 26/8 Ditto. Pullyson. i rye 2O/O Sold to Sir T. " 2 " 26/8 Sold to a draper. Pullyson. IS88 toSg i " 18/0 Sold privately. [Mich-Apr.] 3 wheat 2O/O " " " white I " 18/0 " baker. of" 18/0 " to Renter * 2 wheat 20/0 Sold privately. himself. i 20/0 IS93-94 5 wheat 84/0 Sold for Queen's " 3 18/6 use. 2 Apr. 40 " 21/0 " to a baker. June 5 " 24/0 Sold privately. 10 June 76 " 21/0 " Wm.Gar- i 28/0 to clerk. waye, Rob. Sad- 4 24/0 " deler " & Com- 3 " 28/0 pany." S " 30/0 [June] 8 21/0 Sold to a baker. 24i " 29/0 " i " 2O/O " " Wardens 1594-95 * of Livery for a July and great dinner. Aug. 30 (wheat meal] [30/0] " to several on 1589 to 90 markets. [June-June] l 100 rye 2O/O Bought. Sept. and 17 Sept. s wheat 24/0 Sold on markets. Oct. 22 [26/1 1 J] Ditto. 8 Oct. 4 " [meal] 24/0 " privately. Oct. and 17 " 7 " meal [24/7 il Sold. Nov. 48 " " [37/rl Ditto. 20 " 3 " [meal] 24/0 " [on markets]. 15 Dec. 50 wheat 38/6 Bought. 22 5 " 24/0 " " Dec. and i Nov. 5 " 24/0 a Jan. 30 rye [meal] [30/1!] Sold to several on 5-22 Nov. markets. 20 wheat [meal] 24/0 Sold [on markets]. 7 Jan. 100 wheat 37/0 Bought. 30 Nov.- 9 " 116 " 37/6 15 Dec. 21 " " as/4 23 " So rye 4/o " from a Grocer. 1 Midsummer to midsummer. 1 Apparently account runs from July to' July. 350 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued) Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase IS94-95 d. Jan., Feb. and Mar. 50 wheat meal [41/9}] Sold to several on markets. [Apr.] 25 (36/4!] Sold to a baker. Apr. jo rye [meal] [30/10!] " on markets. ao wheat" [36/11!] * * 3 wheat [40/0] " privately. 70 * [36/ol] " to two bakers. May and June 40 * [40/4!! * on markets. 27 June 16 rye 24/0 Bought from a Grocer. June 26 wheat meal [39/10}] Sold on markets. 8 " * [40/3}] * to members of Co. 10 July 54 rye 26/8 Bought. ii wheat meal [43/7] Sold on markets. 10 rye * [24/4!] * " " 10 wheat [37/6] " to a baker. 2 * [40/0] " privately. 20 rye [19/0] Sold. 40 [19/0] ' 4 wheat [40/0] " to members of Co. 1596-97 18 Dec. 231 rye 35/0 Bought. Feb. 44 " meal 42/8 Sold on markets. S Mar. 66 " 32/0 Bought. 29 wheat 46/0 * Mar. 25 rye meal 42/8 Sold on markets. Apr. so * " 42/8 3 " " 42/8 May 38 " " 42/8 " * * June 18 " " 42/8 " July 16 " * 42/8 * 13 Aug. 25! " a 46/0 Bought. Aug. and Sept. 26 * " 46/0 Sold on markets. 119 corn [35/311 " privately. 8 * [36/10!] " to members of Co. Dec. 21 corn meal 50/8 Sold on markets. 1597-98 130 rye ("Blasts") 43/1 Bought from ships. 160 " 43/1 170 " 43/1 15! " [40/0] Bought. 5! wheat 40/0 " 9 corn 35/0 Sold privately. *599-i6oo Bought from: ao Nov. 34! wheat 20/0 ' Chichester man. 20 Feb. io?J 34/0 Henley man. 5 " 23/6 * Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1500-1600 s. d. 36} wheat 24/0 A London hab- erdasher. 26 Mar. 200 " 31/0 Gentleman of Sussex. May 14 wheat meal 40/0 Sold on markets. 10 * 37/4 " * ' 9 * ' 34/8 " i " 21/0 " privately. June 73 * [meal] 33/4 " on markets. July 45 * 33/4 " * " 19 July 40 rye 20/0 Bought from a man of Copen- hagen. Aug. 8 {wheat [meal] [29/1}] Sold on markets. Aug. and Sept. 39 rye * 26/8 " " " 19 " " 33/4 * " " 10 Dec. 41 wheat 32/6 Bought from a man of Lei s ton, Norfolk. 1 6 * 80 34/0 Bought in Nor- mandy. 1600-01 10 Jan. too " 33/0 Bought at Rochelle. June 5 Sussex wheat [meal] 29/0 Sold on markets. July 13 Sussex " 28/0 " " " " 3i [Norfolk] 24/0 " Aug. 25 Sussex " 27/0 ' " " " i [Norfolk] " 32/0 " privately. Sept. 12 Sussex " 27/0 * on markets. " oj best Fr. wht. 30/0 " privately. 1601-02 30 Sept. o} wheat meal 26/8 " on markets. 2 Nov. 100 Sussex wheat 26/4 * to a baker. 2 " 2 [Norfolk] * 30/0 " privately. 2 " 4 Sussex " 26/8 ' to a baker. 2 Dec. 4 [Norfolk] " 29/0 2 " i " " 30/0 " privately. 7*6 Sussex wheat meal 26/0 " on markets. 7*2 best wheat 30/0 " privately. 27 Feb. 461 wheat 20/0 Bought from Kent. 20 Apr. 5 [Norfolk] wht. 26/0 Sold to a baker. 20 " 2^ wheat [27/11! " privately. Aug. i best wht. meal [42/0?] ' * 8 1 wheat meal 23/0 " on markets. 16 " " 24/0 " " Sept. 6 " " 24/0 " 1602-03 Mich.-Feb. 15 Kentish wheat meal 24/0 " " (qr. - 8 bu., 6 Ibs.). 1 Gave him 6 d. per qr. extra. APPENDIX E 351 PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued) Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1602-03 s. d. 1616-17 s. d. 12 Feb. 10 wheat meal 29/4 Sold on markets 14 Apr. 7J wheat [meal] 37/4 Sold on markets (qr. = 7 bus., 3 pks., 12 Ibs.). 28 " 10 " 37/4 UK a 19 " 8 Fr. " " 30/0 Sold on markets. 12 and 26 " ii wheat 29/4- 19 May 8 " " 37/4 II U 30/8 u a a 26 May and S Mar. ii " meal 30/8 " 2 June 13! " 37/4 u ii a 12 " 8 " " 30/8 ii 1 6 and 19 " 8 " " 30/8 * * " 23 June 12 " 37/4 25 " 8 " " 30/8 n u 30 June and 2 Apr. 7J " " 32/0 ii u 14 July 13 * " 37/4 H II II 9 " 8 " " 32/0 " " " 21 and 1603-04 28 July 8 37/4 II II U 18 Dec. 104} wheat 26/0 Sold to East In- i Aug. 20 Danish wht. 40/0 Bought. dia Co. 4 and oj " 24/0 Sold privately. ii Aug. 10 wheat [meal] 37/4 Sold on markets. oi * 26/0 13 and ij " 26/0 " to granary iSAug. 7} " 37/4 ii * a keeper. ig " 10 Kentish wht. 40/4 Bought. 1604-05 go " 20/0 " privately. 20 " 10 Scotch * 38/0 ii 6f " 22/6 a ii 20 and 2 " 20/0 ii a 25 Aug. 9 wheat [meal] 37/4 Sold on markets. oj " 24/0 a a i and oj " 24/0 " to J. Lang- 8 Sept. 13 " * 34/8 ii u ley. 9 " 20 Danish wht. 35/0 Bought. of " 24/0 Sold to J. Lang- IS " 10 wheat [meal] 34/8 Sold on markets. ley. 29 Sept. and 337 " 26/4 Sold to Wm. Gar- i Oct. 10 " " 34/8 II II H way. 1617-18 Bought from: o| " 24/0 Sold to granary 17 Jan. 50 East Country 28/0 A London mer- keeper. wheat chant, Danzig 50 " 24/0 Bought from P. measure. Riley. 7 May 50 Ditto 28/0 Ditto. 7O " 2O/O Bought. 24 and 30 " 23/6 " 31 Aug. 6} wheat [meal] 31/6 Sold on markets. 16 23/0 39k " 33/o . I 32/0 244! wheat > 22/8 Bought in the 1618-19 Bought from: country. 16 Mar. 180 E. Country 27/0 A London mer- 39 " 22/0 Bought. wheat chant. S " 21/0 28 Aug. 100 wheat 26/8 Sold privately. 1616-17 Danzig measure. 20 Dec. 17} " 34/0 " from a 18 meal [2i/o|] Sold on markets. Faversham man. 1619-20 128! wheat 18/6 Bought. 21 Jan. 21} " 37/0 Bought. Nov. 6 [meal] 18/8 Sold on markets. ii Feb. 20 Kentish wht. 35/0 * 13 Aug. 2 " meal 29/4 II II U 17 and 20 * 3 " " 26/8 II II II 24 Feb. ii J wht. [meal] 40/0 Sold on markets. 27 * and 3 Mar. 34 Kentish wht. 34/0 Bought. 10 Sept. 7 " " 24/0 " 3, 10 and 1621-22 17 Mar. 1 8 wheat [meal] 40/0 Sold on markets. i, 9 Oct. 12 " " 26/8 II II II 19 * 27! Kentish wht. 35/6 Bought. 16 3 " " 26/8 II U 24 and 23 " 3 " " 3/o U II 31 Mar. 14 wheat [meal] 37/4 Sold on markets. 17 Nov. 6 " " 34/8 u a 1 Twenty-one to the score. 352 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued) Date Amt. in qrs. Particulars of Price sale and purchase 1621-23 s. d. Dec. iij wheat [meal] 34/8 Sold on markets. Bought from: 7 Feb. 30! " 33/0 A Milton man. 30 Sussex wht. 37/0 A London baker 5 wheat 36/0 Bought. 19 and 26 Aug. 1 1 wheat meal 38/8 Sold on markets. 2 Sept. 8 " 42/8 " " 9*6" " 42/8 " " " 16 and 23 Sept. 10 " " 45/4 " " " 30 Sept. and 7 Oct. 8 " " 45/4 " " 1622-23 2 Nov. 6 " " 36/0 " " " 16 " 6 " 37/4 " " " 28 * 1 2 E. Count, wht. 47/0 Bought. Dec. iij wheat meal 45/4 Sold on markets. Dec. and Jan. 33 East Country wheat meal (3 lots) 45/4 Sold on markets. 23 Jan. 50 East Country wheat 50/0 Bought. 4 Feb. 160 French wheat 46/0 " 6 * 44! East Country wheat meal 50/8 Sold on markets. ai Ditto 48/0 " * * 6 Feb. 4 Ditto 48/0 " " " 6 Ditto 48/0 " " 2 East Country wheat 45/0 * to a baker. 20 " " 42/0 " privately. i6J * " 41/6 " to bakers and loaders. o} * " 46/0 Sold to Lady B. Feb. and Mar. 45 wheat meal (6 lots) 48/0 " on markets. Mar. 28 Ditto (3 lots) 44/0 * * " 12 wheat meal 48/0 " " " 18 " " (2 lots) 44/0 " * 1 6 and 23 June 12 wheat meal 48/0 * * 26 " to East Country wheat 40/0 Bought. 30 June and 7 July 6 East Country wheat meal 44/8 Sold on markets. 4 Ditto 44/0 * " " 7i Ditto 44/0 " " 3\ Ditto 45/4 ' * " 14 and 21 July 4 wheat meal 44/0 " * " ?J * 48/0 " Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1622-23 a. d. 4 wheat meal 37/4 Sold on markets. 2 " [38/6] " to a baker. 15 ' 46/0 * to Lady B. 1631-32 i Feb. 105 Sussex wht. 38/0 Bought 24 " 45 Kentish " 38/6 " 108 " " 36/0 28 Mar. 39 " " 37/6 * 64! East Country rye 27/0 Sold to a mer- chant 28 July 3 wheat meal 36/0 " on markets. 20 " " 36/0 " * * 10 " * 36/0 ' * * 10 " " 42/8 " 5 " 56/0 " to a baker. 10 " meal 42/8 " on markets. 20 * 53/0 " to a baker. S " S3/o " privately. 8 Dec. 16 " meal 42/8 " on markets. 1632-33 17 Jan. 40 Kentish wht. 40/0 Bought. 6 Feb. 64 " " 41/9 " ii Apr. 7 Sussex " * from Alder- man G. 132} " " Ditto. 77 " " Ditto. Apr. 17 wheat meal 40/0 Sold on markets. 8 May 8 40/0 " " 22 " 37 " 37/0 Bought. 22 " 26 " 38/6 32 " 14 " 37/6 May 27 " meal 40/0 Sold on markets. 17 June 100 Hamburg wht. 32/0 Bought from Lu- cas Jacobs. June 21 wheat meal (3 lots) 40/0 Sold on markets. July 15 " " 40/0 " 16 (2 lots) 36/0 * " Aug. 30 Ditto 36/0 " " " Sept. 47 wheat meal 36/0 " " * 28 Nov. 100 Sussex wht. 45/0 " to a baker. 25 wheat 44/0 * 1633-34 Bought from: 1 5 2 1 Sussex wht. 40/0 Alderman G. 20 June 150 French * 40/8 Mr. B. 20 Nov.- 17 Oct. 345 wheat meal 136/8 J] Sold on markets. (sic) 5 " 40/0 * " 1639-40 28 Jan. inj " 28/0 Bought. 14 Feb. 102 " 13 June 50 " 17 May 2?J " 28/0 ' APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1580-1643 (continued] 353 Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. s.d. 1639-40 106 wheat Sold to a baker. 1641-42 21 wheat 31/0 Bought 1640-41 oi " meal 40/0 39t " 29/0 of " Wo " 10} 32/0 " [July] loo " 36/0 * to a baker. 1643-44 Bought from: 1641-42 104} " 32/0 Bought. 30 Mar. 23 " 34/0 A Stroud man. 90 " 3i/o * May " 37/o 93} " 32/0 " 32/0 u 96 i " 32/0 dry corn 33/6 A"Clayes"man. 92i " 32/0 PRICES OF CORN, 1581-1663 Bought and sold by the Ironmongers' Company. The year seems to be from July to July. The sources of these statistics are found in the Ironmongers' Hall, " Companys Register, 1541-1592," and succeeding volumes. Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. s.d. 1381-82 2! wheat 26/0 Sold. 1586-87 191 rye Sold with a gain Bought from: of 8 i8s. 6d. 18 21/0 Jno. Bennet of 1587-88 Bought from: Henley. 29 Jan. 60 wheat 19/0 A. Phillips of 47 " 21/0 Ditto. Bassingstoke. 1582-83 IS " 2O/O Thos. Wheler. i Feb. 64} " 18/0 Wm. Warner of 1583-84 Henley. 19 Nov. 9! " 18/0 A. Phillips. 13 " So " 18/0 And. Streete of *9 " 47 " 18/0 Thos. Wheler. Reading. 19 " 27{ " 16/6 And. Strike. 24 " Sof " 17/8 O. Fowler of 20 " 7 " 18/0 T. Bolte. Middleton,Kent. 20 " iol " 16/6 Jno. Bridges. 22 Mar. 24 " 17/6 Ed. Nicholson 4 Dec. 12! " [17/4] Rich. Craye. of Reading. 4 " 23 17/0 And. Strike. 18 Apr. 38} " 17/2 O. Fowler of 4 " 14 17/0 Jas. Pocock. Middleton,Kent. 3 Jan. 9J 17/6 A. Phillipps. 25 " 38J " 16/8 Ed. Nicholson i Feb. 30 " 17/0 A. Phillipps. of Reading. 6 Apr. 29! " 17/0 A. Phillipps. 4 May 60 " 15/8 Jno. Farmer of 16 " ioi " 16/6 A. Phillipps. Henley. 40 Essex wheat 2O/O Mr. Butler. 1588-89 10 wheat [meal] 19/0 Sold on markets. 29 " " 2O/O Mr. Sames. 317 wheat 2O/O 20 " " 2O/O Goodman Ten- 1580-90 5 wheat meal 22/8 " on markets. ter. si ' 2O/O "to Thos. Cam- 1584-85 bell. 1 8 Mar. 75 wheat 19/0 Rich.Hutchin of 4*1 ' 22/0 Sold to members Faversham. of Co. by order 14 Apr. ggi " 17/6 Mr. Cletherowe. of court. 1585-86 84 wheat [meal] 24/0 Sold at Leaden- 70 rye 2O/O Bought from H. hall. Offeley. 3 " 28/0 Sold to a baker. 66} 18/0 Sold to members 82 " (10 lots) 26/0 " " member of Co. by order of the Co. of court. 354 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1581-1663 (continued) Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. 1589-90 il rye 18/0 Sold. oj " 18/0 1590-9* >I " 18/0 " 1591-92 None bought or sold. 1592-93 i skryvinges 20/0 Sold. 1593-94 i? wheat 3i/4 " on markets. IS94-9SI77 " Lji/nJl " with gain of 114 73. 4|d. J595-96 None bought nor sold. 1596-97 8J rye 137/ioJl Sold to members of the Co. 57 " [38/0!! Sold to Mr. Stor- er and Mr. Gra- venor. not ' [33/3] Sold. 15 wheat [44/811 " 20 Jan. 1 80 Danzig rye 35/0 Bought under compulsion. 44 rye 32/0 Bought from Thos. Smithe. 15 wheat 46/0 Ditto. 1597-98 200 rye Sold on markets. 1598-99 52 " 38/0 " " " 1599-1600 Bought from: 56 wheat 25/0 And. Browne. 42! * 24/9 And. Browne. 33 " 24/10 And. Browne. 80 " 26/8 Wm. Gravenor. 77 wheat meal [33/8!] Sold on markets, i wheat [24/9] " to And. Browne. " [34/81 Sold to steward of the hospital. 1600-01 16} rye [meal] 26/8 Sold in Soulh- wark market. i6f [26/8] Ditto. 65 wheat meal 34/8 Ditto. 15 " * 34/8 Ditto. Sold to: 5 " 27/0 Sheriff. 3i * 27/0 And. Browne, ii J * 29/6 Several of the Co. 5 " 29/0 Mr. Gravenor. 1601-02 Bought from: 40 " 22/0 Hy. Pettitt. 1603-04 53$ " 24/6 Jas. Worseter. 10 24/6 Jno. Parks. 60 24/0 Hy. Parmore. 40 " 82/0 Wm. Weyman. 10 " 22/0 Bought, i 24/0 Sold. Particulars of Date Amt. of qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. 1603-04 Sold. 65 wheat 28/0 " to Mr. Lynge. 20 " 28/0 " Mr. Lynge. 1604-05 Bought from: 140} * 27/0 Sir Tbos. Cam- bell and Peeler Beavoir. 57 J " 27/0 Peeler Beavoir. Sold to: i8o| " 26/0 Mr. Daves. 1605-06 i88l " 26/0 Mr. Seracole. 6 " 23/0 Sold. Bought from: igSJ " 27/0 Mr. Leate and Mr. Caninge. 1391 " 23/0 Several. 151 " 22/0 Several. 1606-07 loo " 28/0 Sold lo Harvie, Ihe baker. 4 " L}i/Jil Sold on markets. 2 " 28/0 " to a miller. 1607-08 50 rye 29/0 Bought from Mr. Shule. 1608-09 4i I + i pk. rye meal [27/01] Sold. Bought from: 100 wheat 47/0 Jno. Langham, London m e r - chant. 5 " So/o Mr. Cletherowe. 1600-10 41} " 31/0 Sold. 1610-11 None bought or sold. 1611-12 ss wheat Sold at loss of 16 28. lid. 1612-13 Sold to: 5 " 32/0 St. Thos. Hos. 1613-14 76! * [34/i] Smith, while ba- ker. 17 " ) Sold on market for x rye ' 29 143. ijd. i Aug. 5 wheat (35/oJ] Sold on markets. 1614-15 Sold to: i [wheat] meal [31/5] Oliver Gildner. 37 1 34/0 Cooper, baker. 8 rye 24/0 Bought from Ihe Chamberlain of London. 1613-16 13 corn Sold. 1616-17 S3l Danzig wheal ' L39/4H Sold. 10 " [meal] [36/1 J] Sold on markets. 1617-1823 " Bought from Mr. Hayward. 1618-19 None bought or sold (?). 1 The rate is 42 s. per Danzig measure, 50 of which are equivalent to 53} qrs. APPENDIX E 355 PRICES or CORN, 1581-1663 (continued) Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. 1619-20 97} wheat 18/0 Sold on markets. 98 J " 21/6 Bought. 1620-22 None bought or sold. 1622-23 3 Jan.- 28 Feb. 40 [wheat meal] [44/3] Sold on markets. 28 Feb- 5 July 70 " [ 45 /i] " Bought from: 40 wheat 52/0 Thos. Marshall. 70 " 46/4 Chamberlain of London. 1623-24 8 wheat meal [27/6] Sold on markets. 10} [wheat]" 48/0 Bought from Rich. Wilcocks. 72 wheat 32/0 Bought at Bride- well. 1624-25 16 July si [wheat] meal 34/8 Sold [on markets]. 30 " 6 * 34/8 11 Aug. 6 " ' 34/8 18 " 6 " " 34/8 " 25 " 6 " 34/8 " i Sept. 6 " " 34/8 20 " 6 * " 34/8 29 " 6 " " 34/8 8 June 2} " " 34/8 " 5 " 34/0 " 6 " " 34/8 " 40 wheat 41/6 Bought. 50 " 40/0 " 1625-26 5 July 6 [wheat] meal 40/0 Sold [on markets]. 22 " 4! ' ' 40/0 i Aug. 4 " " 40/0 " 4 " 6 " " 40/0 " 15 " 7 " " 4% " 22 " 8 " " 40/0 " 29 " 8 * " 40/0 " 5 Sept. 8 " * 40/0 " 12 " 4 " " 4/ " 19 " 4 " " 4/ " 30 " 6 " " 40/0 " 17 Oct. 6 " " 40/0 " 26 " 4 " ' 4/o 3 Nov. 3 " " 40/0 " 24 " 3 " " 40/0 " 1626-27 31 July 3i 40/0 " 32 1 wheat 30/0 Bought. 54* ' fao/7 ' 44i " [28/0] 1627-28 8 " 26/8 Sold. 1628-29 None bought or sold. Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. 1629-30 6 [wheat] meal 48/0 Sold. 6 " " 48/0 * 12 " " 48/0 * 12 ! 48 / Us/o 12 " " 42/8 12 " 42/8 IS " " 42/8 I7l " 4*/8 " 1630-31 Bought from: 20 wheat [58/0] Rob. Rye. 20 * [56/2!] Hy. Goodwyn. 2j barley [25/9i] Rich. Kestian. 5 rye [20/0] Mr. Ashwell. 50 Irish wheat 44/0 The City. 15 Nov.- 6 Dec. 66 [wheat meal] 52/0 Sold on markets. 29 Nov.- 18 Mar. 211 " " 48/0 " " " 23 Mar.- 22 July 69 " 48/0 " Sold to the wardes." 1631-32 Bought from: 69! " corne " [wheat] 36/0 Rob. Greenstreete. 19! " " 35/0 Jno. Trout. 6 " " 35/6 Jno. Trout. 20 " " 35/6 Jno. Trout. 14! " " 37/o Jno. Trout. 15 " " 36/6 Mark Pierce. 15 " " 3S/o Abr. Rye. 25 " " 32/0 Jno. Barker. 23 July 3 [wheat meal] 40/0 Sold to Baynards Castle Ward. 27 " 7 " " 36/0 Sold on markets, i Aug. 5 " " 34/8 3 " 5 " " 33/4 ' " " S Aug.- 17 Aug. 25 * * 3 2/ 22 Aug.- 12 Sept. 16} " " 26/8 1632-33 Bought from: 37i wheat 41/6 Jno. Trout. 32! " 41/0 Rob. Rye. 23 July- 27 Aug. 31 " corne " [wheat meal] 36/0 Sold on markets. 3 Sept- S Jan. 43J Ditto 42/8 " " " S Apr.- S July 59 Ditto 40/0 12 July 6 Ditto 37/4 " 22 " 5 Ditto 36/0 ' * 1633-34 Bought from: 50 wheat 38/0 Norst. 356 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1581-1663 (continued) Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s.d. Bought from: 1633-34 40 wheat 39/0 Mr. Fortree. So * 37/o Job. Harby. 40 * 38/0 Rob. Gravenor. 39 Juiy- 35 Nov. 46 " corne " [wheat meal] 36/0 Sold on markets. xo Jan.- 6 June 95 Ditto 40/0 mm u 13 June s Ditto 37/4 " 21-28 July ii Ditto 40/0 1634-3 S Bought from : 87 J " come " [wheat] 38/3 Rob. Rye. 9 " " 4'A> Rob. Rye. i Aug.- 32 Sept. so " corne " [wheat meal] 40/0 Sold on markets. 26 Sept.- 31 Oct. 20 Ditto 37/4 1633-36 Bought from: 681 wheat 37/0 John Trowth. So " 39/0 Rob. Rye. 15 July- 34 May 90 " [meal] l 40/0 Sold on markets. 1636-37 None bought or sold. 1637-38 31 Jan.- 14 Mar. 36$ " corne " [wheat meal] 40/0 Sold on markets. 21 Mar.- 4 May 37 Ditto 45/4 u a 0-16 " 9 Ditto 42/8 " 23 May- 27 June 24 Ditto 40/0 * " " Date Amt. in qrs. 36/0 Sold on markets. Particulars of Price sale and purchase s.d. 4-18 July 17 Ditto 36/0 Sold on markets. 49 Ditto 40/0 * to Mr. Poole. 1638-39 60 wheat 33/0 Bought. 144 1 " 36/o " 30 July- 7 Sept. 2oJ " corne " [wheat meal] 1639-41 No corn bought or sold. 1641-42 28J wheat 37/0 Bought. 1642-43 30 " 33/0 50 " 3*A> " 10 [wheat] meal [35/8}] Sold. 6 32/0 1643-46 None bought or sold. 1646-47 54 wheat 38/0 Sold. 1647-48 Sold to: 82$ " come " [wheat] 39/0 Arthur Slipp. 80 Ditto 48/0 Wm. Antrolus. 1648-49 57 wheat 48/0 Sold. 1649-5012 " [56/8] "at loss of 113 75. ii d. 1650-53 None bought or sold. 1653-54 None bought or sold (?). 1654-55 7of wheat [21/7!] Bought. i6i " [i6/ 5 J] 1655-57 None bought or sold. I 6s7-s8 100 " corne " [wheat] 40/0 Sold. 1658-59 13 wheat 42/8 Sold. 1659-60 Amt. sold not found. 1560-61 None bought or sold. 1661-62 Particulars of sale not found. 1662-63 it "corne" [wheat] 1 [39/8}]. 1663-70 None bought or sold. PRICES OF CORN, 1582-1631 Bought by the bakers of London. Unless otherwise stated the entries are for wheat. The following abbreviations have been used: L some official connection with the City. P date of payment. D date of purchase, exact as to time. R rye. The source is Wheat Book, No. 63, Bakers' Hall. 1 Five qrs. every week. 1 Probably the last of the corn, much having been lost. APPENDIX E 357 PRICES OF CORN, 1582-1631 (continued} Amt. Amt. Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase 1582 s. d. 1387 a. d. Bought from a 8 May 320 4S/4 From Danzig. 10 Apr. 127 21/6 Yarmouth man. 20 " 93 4S/o Danzig wheat bought from a 10 " 500 24/0 Gentleman of Faversham. London fisherman. l8 " I2O 2I/O Yarmouth man. 24 300 37/o " vintner. 21 " ?6J 21/0 Hemsby (Norf.) man. 27 " 101 38/0 " haberdasher. 7 May 68 20/6 Norfolk man. 31 " 82 4S/4 Stranger. 8 " III 20/0 " " 1388-89 23 " 163 20/4 Hemsby (Norf.) man. 9 Jan. 130 2O/O London draper. 25 " 136 20/8 Norfolk man. 21 " 60 16/0 " fishmonger. 26 " 22| 2O/O Yarmouth man. 7 Feb. 102 20/0 Gentleman of Kent. 2g " 81 22/0 Faversham man. 14 " 98 19/6 London draper. 8 June 115 20/8 Hickltng (Norf.) man. 14 " 94 18/4 Yeoman of Kent. 25 " 118 20/8 Norfolk man. IS " 63 17/8 " Norfolk. 13 July 60 21/6 a 24 " 233 30/6 (sic) Paid to a London gird- 7 Aug. 113 21/0 a ler, P. 17 " 93 22/6 Bought by a servant of the 1389 Co. of Grocers. S June 67 18/0 From Kent. Bought from a 9 90 18/0 a 17 " I2oJ 20/4 Norfolk man. IS " 105} 17/0 " 7 Dec. 36 20/4 Faversham man. 6 Aug. 200 2O/O Bought from a London man. 1582-83 1380-00 6 Mar. 102 20/0 Norfolk yeoman. 29 Jan. 77 26/0 From Lewes, Sussex. 1583 29 " 60 26/0 Bought from a yeoman of 26 Mar. 203 20/0 Bought in the " west." Ipswich. Bought from a 3 Feb. 84 26/0 From Faversham, Kent. 16 Apr. 102 20/0 Norfolk yeoman. 10 " 130 24/2 Bought from a merchant 1383-84 stranger of London. 17 Mar. 21 18/0 Colchester man. Norfolk wheat from a 1386 16 400 23/6 London haberdasher. 9 Apr. and 17 * 130 24/2 " merchant stranger. afterwards 878 28/0 Hamburg wheat. 17 " 41 27/2 Kentish wheat from a Whit- 22 Apr. 240 28/0 " " bought from stable mariner. a London skinner. 27 " 2IS 26/O Norfolk wheat from a London 24 " 240 28/0 Ditto. haberdasher. 28 May 107 30/0 Danzig wheat bought at the 20 Mar. 92 25/0 Ditto. Steelyard. 20 " 60 26/8 Kentish wheat from a yeo- 23 Aug. 308 27/0 Ditto. man of Faversham. 12 Oct. Q7R20/0 From Danzig. 1390 8 Nov. 33/0 Danzig wheat bought from a 27 Mar. 36 23/0 Norfolk wheat from a yeo- London skinner. man of Foxley. 19 " l 33/6 Ditto. 27 " 160 23/6 Norfolk wheat from a Lon- 1386-87 Bought from a don merchant tailor. 17 Jan. 144} 41/0 Sandwich man. 15 Apr. 114 26/0 Ditto. 4 Mar. 66JR32/O From Danzig. 17 " 179 25/6 Norfolk wheat bought from a 4 " iosR 32/0 u u London haberdasher. 4 " 61 42/0 a 23 " 3oR 20/0 Bought from a London Alder- 4 " 247 1R 3 2/0 " " man, L. 4 " 72R32/0 u u 21 May IS71 23/6 Norfolk wheat bought from a 10 " 216 44/6 * " London merchant tailor. 1387 Bought from a 27 " 184 24/4 Bought from a merchant 7 Apr. iSQiR 34/8 London clothworker. stranger. 14 " 97i 4i/4 " merchant. 1 8 June 54 24/0 Cornish wheat bought from a Apr. 391R33/8 Falmouth merchant. 1 The total cost of wheat in these two entries is 1984 123. 3d. 358 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1582-1631 (continued) Amt. Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase 1590 14 July s. d. 54l 23/0 Norfolk wheat bought from a London fishmonger. July 8ooR 30/0 Bought from a London Alder- man, L. Bought from a Lynn merchant. Sandwich " i Aug. 14 Oct. 37 * 6 Nov. M " 122 24/6 70 26/0 84 26/8 8l 26/0 27 " 3 Dec. 18 I 10 24/8 192 24/0 46} 27/0 1590-91 15 Jan. ooj 26/8 20 * 49 26/0 22 " 64 26/0 22 " ISO 23/8 22 " 139 26/0 ii Feb. 64! 26/0 n * 103 34/6 H 147 25/4 i Mar. 48 26/0 2 ' 245 26/8 2 " 136 26/0 10 13 " 20 28/4 45 i 26/0 Bought from an Edinburgh merchant. 49 25/0 Norfolk wheat bought from a London merchant tailor. Bought from a Sandwich merchant. London draper. Bought from an Essex " corneman." Kentish wheat bought from a Sandwich merchant. Bought from a mariner of Middlesex. Kentish wheat bought from a merchant of Faversham. Norfolk wheat bought from a merchant of Haverland. Norfolk wheat bought from a London merchant. Kentish wheat bought from a Margate merchant. Norfolk wheat bought from a London draper. Norfolk wheat bought from a London merchant. Kentish wheat bought from a London merchant tailor. Emden wheat bought from a merchant stranger. Norfolk wheat bought from a merchant tailor. Bought in Flanders. Suffolk wheat bought from a skinner of London. Norfolk wheat bought from a merchant of Haverland. 75 23/6 1591 7 Apr. 24 ' IS May 165 25/0 Bought from a merchant tailor of London. xai 25/0 Norfolk wheat bought from a merchant tailor of London. 40 25/0 Bought from a Norwich mer- chant. 121} 26/8 Middlesex wheat bought from a London merchant. Amt. Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase 1591 d. Bought from IS May 400 R 20/0 Suffolk merchants. 19 * 147 24/0 A merchant tailor of Lon- don. 25 * 3 26/0 A merchant of London. 31 " 88 21/4 Norfolk wheat bought from merchant tailor of Lon- don. Bought from a 28 June 139 25/0 Lynn man. 5 July 57 25/0 Merchant tailor of London 10 " 57 23/0 . 20 " 161 25/0 Norfolk wheat bought from a London haberdasher. 30 * 70 36/8 Ditto. 4 Aug. 45 27/0 Bought from a merchant tailor of London. 35 * 159! 24/0 Bought from an alderman of London. Dec. 128} 19/1 Kentish wheat bought from a London merchant 11 Dec. 99 J 1 8/0 Kentish wheat bought from a merchant of Dover. 1591-02 36 Feb. 1 20 22 Mar. no 1592 30 June 41 1593 12 Nov. 400 1 8/4 Bought from a gentleman of Faversham. 18/5 Ditto. 16/0 Kentish wheat bought from a yeoman of Isle of Thanet. Bought from 23/6 A merchant stranger of London. 1594 15 Aug. 1068 14 Nov. 328 16 " iSS 16 7 Dec. 30/0 39/0 39/o ?6R 23/0 386* 38/0 Merchants, L. Three merchants. A London merchant. Bought from a 196 J 38/4 Merchant stranger of Lon- don. 1594-95 20 Feb. 200 38/0 Merchant of London. 13 Mar. 4-500 37/0 * stranger. 1595 7 Apr. 37/6 London alderman. May 200 39/0 Bridgemaster. 12 Nov. 600 40/0 From Hamburg. 1596 4 June 7 if 32/0 Norfolk wheat bought from a husbandman of Fleg. 1598 Paid to 27 Mar. 125 42/6 A merchant, P. APPENDIX E 359 PRICES OF CORN, 1582-1631 (continued) Amt. Amt. Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase 1598 s. d. 1610 s. d. Paid to Paid to 30 May 100 46/0 An alderman of London. 10 Sept. 248} 30/0 A merchant, P. 1600-01 itfxi 20 Jan. 150 35/0 A London draper, P. 30 Aug. 32 30/0 Co. of Merchant Tailors. 1601 30 " 371 32/0 21 Apr. 50 31/0 A London merchant, P. 4 Nov. 420 31/0 Grocers Co. S Sept. 131 28/0 The Lord Mayor, P. 1611-12 1606-07 7 Jan. 655 36/0 Merchants. 10 Mar. 197} 29/0 A gentleman of Waking- 1612 ham, Norfolk, P. 15 June 536 36/0 1607 1613 26 Aug. 21} 25/6 A yeoman of Sandwich, P. 3 May 293 33/0 From France, D. 1608 31 " 270! 31/0 " D. 28 May 73 31/0 A London alderman, P. 31 " 564 32/0 Paid to a merchant, P. 30 " 315 44/0 A London merchant, P. 2 June 105 28/0 From France, D. 31 " 173 45/0 A Hull mariner, P. 21 July 302 31/0 " Danzig, D. i June aoif 35/0 Paid, P. 31 " 314 34/0 " France, D. i 44/o " P. (July or Aug.] 162 J 35/0 From France, D. Paid to a 6, 7, & ii Oct. 13 " S3/o Merchant, P. 264! 31/0 Delivered at the Iron Gate 14 " 245 53/4 Dover baker, P. Wharf, D. 27 " in 43/4 Corcaby gentleman of 27 Nov. 252 38/0 From Danzig, D. Yorkshire, P. Bought from 20 July 98 46/8 Colchester mariner, P. 15 Dec. 494 38/0 Merchants. 20 " 31 50/0 " P. 1613-14 13 Aug. 50 44/0 Merchant, P. 24 Jan. 319! 34/0 1 John Lucye, a merchant, 19 Dec. 589! 47/0 Paid, P. D. 1608-09 Paid to a 1614 i Feb. 130 40/6 Gentleman of Walsingham, 27 June 402 44/0 The Lord Mayor, D. Norfolk. 17-22 Aug. 203 36/0 " " " D. 20 " 215 45/0 London alderman. 1618 1609 14 Apr. 425 J 43/6 Danzig wheat bought from a 2 May 66 41/6 Hull merchant. merchant, D. 2 " 99 42/0 " 8 July 146 39/0 Bought, D. 29 " 704 40/0 Merchant. [July or Aug.] 238 37/0 " D. 10 July 223! 36/0 " P. 1619 31 " 477 40/0 " P. 3 May 41 23/0 Bought from a merchant of 31 1048} 48/0 " P. Longham, Norfolk, L, D. 7 Sept 112 36/0 London alderman, P. 1626 8 " 337* 36/0 Merchant, P. 24 Apr. n8J 40/0 , P. 16 Oct. 125! 36/0 " P. 1631 Bought from 4 Dec. 337i 36/0 " P. 16 July 184 50/0 Two aldermen, D. 1609-10 July QsR 48/0 Alderman B, D. 2 Jan. 26 30/0 Paid, P. 360 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1588-1655 Bought and sold by the Wax Chandlers' Company. The year is 31 Aug. to 31 Aug. The source is Renter Wardens Accounts, Wax Chandlers' Hall. Particulars of sale and Year Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase 1588 s. d. i May o "corne" (19/0] Bought. 1597-98 20 Mar. 3 [wheat] meal 40/0 Sold. 1622-23 7 Feb. 10 wheat 46/0 Bought at the Bridgehouse. l43/3l Bought. 43/6 l44/ol [38/0] 1624-25 28 * 10 [Feb.] 5 " 1630-31 4 "Irishe corne 3 Danzig rye Particulars of sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase s. d. 36/0 Bought. 43/0 " 33/o Year 1631-32 7 wheat 1633-34 3 " 1641-42 5 Feb. 30 1643-44 2iMar. 3 " corne " [37/9] Sold privately ii "(8 lots) [37/9] 6 "(6 lots) 37/9 " 1655 2i June 8 wheat 21/4 Bought. PRICES OF CORN, 1593-1618 Bought and sold by the Cutlers' Company. From the Cutlers Company Accounts, 1586-1621. Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1593-94 s. d. 1597-98 s. d. 20 wheat 26/8 Sold. 9} wheat meal 46/8 Sold to several of 1594-95 the Co. 3 Feb. s rye [28/4}] at Queenhithe. 9l rye * 37/4 Ditto. S " meal [30/0 J] " " " oj " " 32/0 Ditto. 1595 5 " [29/of] " at Queenhithe. 7 Apr. 5 " bo/oj] " " " 1509-1600 2 May 5 " [26/1 1 i] 13 Dec. loj wheat 26/8 " privately. oj * [32/0] " 1601 21 June 5 wheat [44/o] 1 6 July 5 wheat meal [32/4!] " at Queenhithe. of [40/0] 17 " 2 " * [33/iJ] " " " 3 July 10 rye 22/8 " 21 " 2 " [33/3] " " 1596 oj wheat 29/4 * [July] s wheat meal 40/0 " oj " 33/8 4 36/0 oj " 30/0 * 3l + 3*pks. l34/5l * to a baker. 20 * [31/0] Bought. 7 Sept. 4! rye meal [27/Sll " privately. i " 28/0 Sold. 2 34/8 " at Leadenhall. 6 Aug. 3 [wheat] meal [28/4] " i| " " 26/8 " to James the 7 " t " " [29/0] " weigher. 7 . 2 " " [28/11 J] at Queenhithe. 23 Nov. 20 rye [33/0] Bought. 1606-07 Bought from 24 20 " 34/0 " at Queenhithe. 1 1 Feb. 5 wheat 32/0 Thos. Gyrnell of 4 Dec. 14 " 35/0 "from the Gypson. Chamberlain 25 " 5l " b2/o] Ditto. of London. 1 6 Mar. 5 " [32/0] Ditto. 1596-97 3 wheat [S3/i il Sold at Queen- 24 5 f " [32/0] Ditto. hithe. i8| " 25/0 Sold. 3 rye [38/0] Ditto. 1612-13 '5 " [36/2!] Bought. 2 wheat [46/0] Sold privately. 1617-18 Sold at i rve 32/0 " 28 [wheat] meal [30/11!] Newgate mar- 34t" 36/0 " at the HalL kets. APPENDIX E 361 PRICES or CORN, 1599-1639 Bought and sold by the Clothworkers' Company. The year generally runs from Midsummer to Midsummer. Source "Renter and Quarter Warden," Accounts, vols. 1599- 1613, 1613-21, 1621-30, 1630-39, preserved at the Clothworkers' Hall. Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase iS99-i6oo s. d. 1606-07 s. d. 20 wheat meal 33/411 Sold on markets. 10 Jan. oj wheat 24/0 Sold. i6i " " [33/5 il " " " 1607-08 24 [33/4] " " 30 Mar. 0} " 24/0 20! " " [33/3!] " " " Sundry times 7 wheat 24/0 " 10 [33/7 il " " " 2 June i wheat (2 lots) 24/0 7l " [33/3!! " " " oj " 24/0 i " [32/0] " " " 1 6 June 50 rye 29/8 Bought. i rye 26/8 " to Mr. M. i wheat meal 42/8 Sold at Queen- 16} [22/6J] Sold. hithe. 13 " 24/4 " 1608-09 4 " meal 1 26/4 " on markets. 28 June 0} " 32/0 Sold to a cloth- oi" [22/8] worker. 3i" [27/iil oi * 32/0 Ditto. lor wheat [24/0] Bought. 3! " 32/0 Sold privately. 40 rye 20/0 " 2 rye (14 lots) 29/4 1600-01 Sold at 20 June 5 wheat 30/0 Sold to a baker. 22 Aug. 3 wheat meal 45/4 Queenhithe. 25 " 18 " 30/0 " " 31 " ii " " 45/4 * 21 Aug. 8 meal 29/0 " " " i rye " 29/4 * 21 " IO " 28/0 " to Mr. Page. oj wheat " 32/0 Sold. 6 Sept. 62 wheat 27/0 " privately. Sold at 29 " 20 " (3 lots) 27/0 " 16 Sept. 2 " " 45/4 Queenhithe. 29 " to meal 26/0 " 2 " K 48/0 29 " 2 26/8 " at Leaden- i rye " 29/4 hall. 2 wheat " 48/0 Bishopsgate. 29 " oj " 26/8 " to a mer- i rye " 32/0 " chant. 3 Oct. 2 wheat " 48/0 Queenhithe. 29 " of " 26/8 " to a corn- 8 " i rye " 32/0 " keeper. 12^4 wheat " 48/0 16 Jan. too wheat 34/0 Bought. 12 " i rye " 32/0 8 Feb. 47 " 33/o " 16 " 2 wheat " 48/0 1601-02 5 " meal [22/uJ] Sold on markets. 16 " i rye " 32/0 " IO * " [21/2!! " 19 " 3 wheat " 48/0 " 8oJ " (4 lots) 25/0 " privately. 2 Nov. 7} " * 48/0 " Bought from 2 " 2 rye " 32/0 20 Jan. 50 " 22/0 A gentleman. ii " s wheat " 48/0 7 Mar. 48! " 19/2 " " 18 * 4 " " 48/0 " 1602-03 2 Dec. 6 " " 48/0 " ii Mar. 16 " 29/0 Privately. 9 " St " 48/0 13 " 16! " 28/0 " 16 " 4J * " 48/0 IS " 25} " 33/0 ii " " 48/0 Sold to a meal- 23 " 28J " 28/0 man. 2 May i " meal 29/4 Sold on markets. Sold at 2 " I 26/8 Sold. 2 48/0 Queenhithe. 1603-06 I " 25/0 " 3 rye " 34/8 " 1 Each qr. being short 19 Ibs. 362 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1599-1639 (continued) Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1608-09 s. d. Sold at 1608-09 i. d. 20 Dec. 2 wheat meal 48/0 Queenhithe. S wheat 30/0 Sold to St. Bar- 20 3 rye " 34/8 tholomew Hos- 30 * i wheat * 48/0 pital. 30 " i " 42/8 45 * 30/0 Sold to a baker. 30 " 4 rye 34/8 1 1 rye 29/4 " privately. 1 8 Feb. 2 wheat * 45/4 of " 29/4 " 10 Mar.-io Apr. 2 wht. n ical 40/0 7} " (22 lots) 29/4 " " " 3 rye " 32/0 3l " 29/4 " to 25 per- 10-14 Apr. 3 wht. " 40/0 sons of the Co. * * 2 rye " 32/0 " of " 32/0 Sold privately. 14-22 Apr. 3 wht. 40/0 137} wheat 47/0 Bought. " 3 rye * 32/0 59f " 47/o " 28 Apr.-4 May i wht. " 42/0 1609-10 3} " 32/0 Sold. * / u oj 42/8 I 2O/O 10 " 32/0 " " " 2 rye " 32/0 " oi 26/8 " i wht. * 40/0 Southwark. 1610-11 98 J * 28/0 " i rye " 29/4 * 46 " 28/0 4-13 May 1 1 wht. " 40/8 Queenhithe. 4 Mar. 139$ " 32/0 " privately oj rye * 32/0 " (an old sale). 13-27 ' 2 wht. " 40/0 4 " 42f+3pks.wht. [34/9!] Sold on markets. 2 rye " 29/4 1617-18 29 i wheat 39/6 Bought from a 2 May-i June 3 wht. " 40/0 merchant. " ' I rye " 29/4 1618-19 6 wheat meal 32/0 Bought. 1-13 June 3 wheat meal 37/4 1621-22 5 Dec. 20 wheat 36/0 " IS July 3 wheat meal 37/o S " 4i " 3S/o " 3 " 34/o 15 Jan. 3oJ " 38/0 26 July o$ " " 32/0 IS * 10 " 37/o " II Aug. 2 " " 33/6 Sold to two meal- 22 May 63 " 42/0 " men. 4i + 6 Ibs. meal [32/1 U * from a 23 * I " " 30/0 Sold. baker for mar- oj 32/0 " from the ket. Bridgehouse. 1622-23 23 " (49 lots) 32/0 Ditto. 19 Aug. i meal 40/0 Sold on markets. 0} rye meal 29/4 Sold at Queen- 21 " 2 " 40/0 " " hithe. 23 " I ' 40/0 i wheat 38/0 Sold privately. 26 " 4 " 42/8 ii J " (36 lots) 40/0 3 Sept. 6 * 43/4 i (2 lots) 48/0 9 " 6 " 45/4 2 " (4 lots) 48/0 16 * 6 " 43/4 " " 2 " 44/o " 23 " 6 " 4S/4 " " 3 " 40/0 " 3 " 6 " 45/4 20 " So/o * to East In- 7 Oct. 5 " 45/4 dia Co. 14 * 6 " 45/4 " " " 2 " 38/0 Sold to a miller. 21 Oct.- I " 37/4 " privately. 2 7 Jan. 42 (9 lots) 45/4 * * " 2 " 32/8 " to a man of 27 Jan.- Clapham. 3 Feb. 9 * (2 lots) 50/8 " " " 3$ (2 lots) 32/8 Ditto. 10 Feb.- Ii 32/0 Ditto. 2 1 Mar. 36 " (7 lots) 48/0 * " " I 33/0 Sold privately. 7 Apr.- 2i " (3 lots) 32/0 " * II Aug. 69 * (15 lots) 44/0 " 21 (2 lots) 31/0 4i " 45/0 " to men of the Co. APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1599-1639 (continued) 363 Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in.'qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1622-23 s. d. 1631-32 s. d. 5 meal 44/0 Sold to several. [Apr.] 7 barley 40/0 Bought. 1624-25 27 Apr. 15 Irish wheat 44/0 9 Apr. 50 wheat 40/0 Bought. 14 May 15 wheat 44/0 " 27 June 100 " 37/6 " from a ii 6o/o(?) merchant. i June 15 [44/0] 1630-31 3 " 6 44/0 i Sept. 10 meal 4S/o Sold on markets. 4 " 20 rye 45/0 6 " s " 45/0 a 22 " 75 wheat 44/o 13 Sept- 29 * 15 44/0 3 Mar. mj " (13 lots) 45/0 1632-33 18 Mar. 6i " 46/0 It It U 29 Sept.- 18 7 " 48/0 " privately. 20 July 96 meal (14 lots) 40/0 Sold on markets. 7 May- [20 July]- 20 June 42 " (6 lots) 48/0 " 17 Aug. 33 " (slots) 36/0 u ii 1631-32 23 Aug. 97 " (12 lots) 40/0 it it 29 June 4 mistlin l 40/0 " on markets. 27 Aug.- 30 " 7 " 40/0 it it ii 6 Nov. 51 " (6 lots) 36/0 it 8 July 5 40/0 Jan. s " 48/0 it tt it 22 " II " 40/0 it 16 " 146 * (16 lots) 40/0 tt tt 5 Aug. 15 " 38/o tt it 8 Mar. 50 * 36/6 Bought. oi wheat meal 44/0 " privately. 146 i ' [34/o] oi " 44/0 1635-36 38 " 40/0 [Autumn] 60 rye 38/o Bought. 32 * 38/0 2 Dec. 15 i wheat 37/6 20 " 41/10 [Dec.] ii " 38/0 10 * 43/4 8 Dec. 37 1 " 36/o * 20 " 36/O 16 132! " 37/o 49 (2 lots) 35/0 1 6 Mar. 12 Irish wheat 44/0 1638-39 84 " 32/0 a8 Mar.-2s Apr. * 52 " 30/0 * PRICES OF CORN, 1599-1675 Bought and sold by the Grocers' Company. The year runs from July to July. Source is " The Book of the Corne Accompte," Grocers' Hall, No. 571. +S 1 Particulars of Particulars of sale and :sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase 1599-1600 s. d. 1623-24 s. d. Aug. 3 wheat meal 25/0 Sold to a ba- 1 1 May 40 wheat 35/0 Bought. ker. it 32 33/o " i Feb. 36 46/4 Bought. 1624-25 i " 10 " 42/0 " 4-1 1 July 8 wheat meal 40/0 Sold on New- i * S " [42/0] " at Dart- gate mkt. ford, Kent. 20 July-i 2 July 39 wheat [37/SllSold. 13 Dec. 180 " 46/0 20 * - " 50 Wo ' 1623-24 20 " - " 7 * (2 lots) 42/0 " ii May 10 " 36/0 Bought from 20 " - 18 * 41/6 Bought. a Faver- 20 " - " So " 42/0 " sham man. 20 " - * So " 36/o 1 Bought by contract and round measure. * Wheat, rye, and barley. 364 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1599-1675 (continued) Particulars of Particulars of sale and sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase 1624-25 s. d. 1632-33 s. d. 2ojuly-i2 July 39$ wheat [20/0] Sold [on mar- 19 July-i6July I72wht.(2lots)38/o Bought. kets]. 19 " -16 " 70 * 42/0 * - * 50 " 40/0 Sold to the 1633-34 king. i&July-i7july5<;wht.(2lots)35/o Sold to a ba- * - * oj " 42/0 Ditto. ker. 8 " [20/oJ SoJd to the 1 6 ' -17 * 30 " 38/0 Ditto. poor. 16 * -17 * 2 " 40/0 Ditto. 1625-26 16 " -17 * ij " 40/0 Sold. July- July 50 * 40/0 Bought. i5 " -17 * 125 wht. meal 36/0 * on mar- 1620-30 kets. ai July- 7 July 23 " meal [38/8 J] Sold on mar- 16 " -17 40 * 37/4 Ditto. kets. 1 6 " -17 * of wheat 40/0 Sold. 1630-31 16 * -17 " i So wht. meal 40/0 Sold on mar- 7july-i 4 Julyio 7 J " " [ 4 8/oJ] Ditto. kets. 7 " -14 " 13 " 54/0 Bought. 1 6 " -17 " 2 wheat 40/0 Sold. 7 " -14 " 30 " 5A> " 16 " -17 * 3} "(2 lots) 36/0 " 7 " -14 " 40 " 56/0 16 " -17 lao " (3 lots) 42/0 Bought. 7 * -14 " 17 " ',2 lots) 62/0 " 16 " -17 * 215 * 36/0 " 7 " -14 " 10 * 64/0 " 1634-35 7 " -14 " 40 * 75/0 " 17 July-i4 July 41 * meal 37/4 Sold on mar- 7 * -14 " 36 barley 42/0 " kets. 7 " -14 " 24t " 44/o 17 " -14 " i 36/0 Sold. 7 * 14 3 rye 50/0 7 " -14 " 234 Irish wht. [44/0] " 17 " -14 " 50 * meal 40/0 " on mar- 7 " -14 " loo rye 38/0 " kets. 1631-32 17 " -14 " if "(s lots) 40/0 Sold. 14 July-ig July 31} " 24/0 Sold. 17 " -14 * loo " 36/0 Bought. 14 " -19 * 10 wht. meal 36/0 " on mar- 1635-36 kets. 14 July-i2 July 20 J wheat meal (2 lots) 14 * -19 " 10 " 35/0 Sold. 40/0 Sold on markets. 14 " -19 " 44! barley 18/0 " 14 ' -12 " oj wheat [36/0] Sold. 14 * -19 * 12 wheat 35/0 Bought. 14 -12 * 75 " 39/2 Bought. M " -19 " 5 " 37/o " 14 " -12 * 30 " 40/0 " 14 " -19 * 9ol " 3S/6 " 14 * -12 " 44 37/6 14 " -19 14 " 37/0 " 14 " -12 30 " 35/0 " 14 " -19 " 3ot " 30/0 " 14 " -12 " 30 " 38/0 * 14 " -19 igi " 37/6 " 14 " -12 " 135 " (2 lots) [20/0] " July- July 88} Irish wht. [40/0] Sold. M -12 * 44} * [i9/9fl " Sold 14 * -12 " 90 (2 lots) [20/0] " " - " 54 wht. meal [32/1}] on markets. 1636-37 - " 68 [26/2J] 1 2 July-i4 July o " - " 21} " [35/9!] " " 1636-37 1632-33 14 July-i8 July 60 wht. meal 40/0 Sold on mar- I9july-i6july 5 wheat 50/0 to a baker. kets. 19 " -16 ' 5 38/0 " 14 " -18 " 60 " " 43/4 Ditto. 19 " -i 6 " 5 " 44/0 " widow. 14 * -18 6 " " 36/0 Ditto. 19 " -16 " 3 " 50/0 " * 14 * -18 " 3 wheat 48/2 Sold. 19 " -16 " 2 " 38/0 " " 14 ' -18 " 40 J [48/1 i] Bought. 19 " -16 " 20 " 46/0 Sold. 14 " -18 142} 48/0 " 19 " -16 " 2 " 40/0 " 14 * -i 8 " QI " 33/6 19 " -16 " 5 " 35/0 * 14 " -18 * 61 * a?/o " from a 19 " -16 57 38/0 Bought. " Corn merchant.'' 19 " -16 " i8l " 36/0 * 1640-41 19 " -16 " 4oi " (2 lots) 39/0 " 1 6 July- 8 July o APPENDIX E 365 PRICES OF CORN, 1599-1675 (continued} Particulars of sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase 1641-42 s. d. 8 July- 2 July 58 wheat 23/6 Sold. 8 " - 2 " 42 " 27/0 " i " - 2 " 38 " 32/0 Bought. " - Q 10 " 30/0 " 8 - a 55 " 26/6 " 8 - 2 " 96* " 32/0 " from [a corn merchant]. 8 -12 " i8J " 30/0 Bought. 1642-43 12 July-i2 July o 1643-44 12 July-i8 July 93} wheat 3 /j Bought from . f one man. 32/oJ 1644-46 i8July-i5 July o 1646-47 15 July-i6 July i wheat 1647-48 i6July-ip July 20 " meal 48/0 20/0] Sold. onmkts. 1648-49 310 wheat [meal] (2 lots) 48/0 Sold [on markets]. 17 " 48/0 Sold to offi- cials and servants of Co. 50 52/6 Sold. 2 " [48/0] "to Warden West. [48/0] Sold. Particulars of sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price purchase 1640-50 s. d. 19 July-i 7 July 50 wheat meal 56/0 Sold on mkts. 19 * -17 * 3i " 48/0 " 1650-51 17 July-n July 50 " meal 48/0 " onmkts. 79 " " (2 lots) 40/0 Sold on markets. 1 6 wheat [meal] 40/0 Sold [on markets]. 1651-54 1 1 July-2o July o 1654-55 20 July-i8 July 49! wheat 16/0 Bought. 1655-58 1 8 July-22 July o 1658-59 22 July-is July 12 wht. [meal] 44/0 Sold on mar- kets. Ditto. Ditto. 32 wheat oj wht. meal 40/0 o| light corn [24/9 j] Sold. 1659-60 15 July-2i July 1 Uoj] wheat 33/0 " i 660-6 i 21 July-i8 July o 1661-62 18 July- July 27 wht. meal 76/0 Sold on mar- kets. 18 " - " 9 " " [71/9!] Ditto. 18 " - * 9 * " [7i/ii] Ditto. 1662-75 July- July o PRICES OF CORN, 1602-09 Bought and sold by the Carpenters' Company. Source the Wardens Account Book, 1593-1613, at the Carpen- ters' Hall. Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s. d. 1602-03 3 wheat 28/0 Bought. 3 " [27/8] Sold to John Win- dett. i [28/0] Sold to the master of the Co. i " meal [29/0] Sold on markets. Date Amt. in qrs. Price s. d. 24 Mar. 15 wheat 31/0 Particulars of sale and purchase Bought from Jno. Lawrence. 1603-04 8' " 21/6 Sold to a baker. 1608-09 13 * (un- [42/4!] " "31 mem- ground) bers of Co. at Bridgehouse. 16} wheat [32/5] Sold on markets, meal 1 Co. unprepared, no corn for markets. 3 66 APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1617-74 Bought and sold by the Mercers' Company. Abbreviations: CD " charges deducted." In 1647-48, the charges on 250$ qrs. of wheat meal sold on the market were 20 14 s. 9$ d., or about i s. 8 d. per qr. Source Second Wardens Accounts, vols. 1617-1629, 1630-1639, 1648-1658, 1671-1676, preserved in the Mercers' Hall. Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase s. d. s.d. 1617-18 26 wheat [27/2!] Sold on markets. 1628-29 3 wheat [24/0] Sold at Queen- Bought from hithe. 27 Jan. 45 Danzig wht. 40/0 Rob. Greenewell. 1629-30100 (2 lots) [37/1] Sold on mkts., CD. 08 wheat 38/0 Mr. Venne and 45 ' l37/i * ' "CD. Hy. Perry. o " U/3il " * 'CD. 6 ' [iS/|] Sold on markets. i 48/0 CD. 50 " [37/1] * on mkts., CD. Bought from 1630-31 411! wht. & rye [41/7!] * ' * at 1610-2051! * [19/10}] Nich. Nenison. several prices. 60 Sussex wht. 1 8/6 Repentance Avis. Bought from 58 1 wheat i S/ 1 1 i Bought. 100 rye 50/0 Marcus Brands. 1620-21 107 " 15/0 Sold. 1 190 Irish wht. 44/0 Aid. Freeman. 8} rye u/8 " S3 rye 38/0 Dan Garnish. 12 wheat meal [14/0] Sold on mkts. CD. 162122 1631-32 40 wht. & rye [27/4] Sold on markets. 4 Early in yr. i "Come" 20/0 Sold. 20 wheat [48/0] * K r o / 1 41 If 4 28 Aug. 10 "Come" [30/9!] * CD. 14 Sept. 12 " [37/1] " CD. 22 "wheete" [35/4] * CD. 18 [36/6|] CD. 100 [38/9! Bought from 75 * 36/0 Rob.Ryelss.ex.]. 40 " 36/10 Marke Pearce 1622-23 204! wheat l37/3il Sold at Queen- [los. extra]. 60 38/7 Ed. Hales. hithe market. 1 8 Jan. 60 East Country wheat 52/0 Bought from Roger Henning, a mercer, ii Feb. 1 20 wheat 46/0 Bought. 1623-24 81 [25/9!! Sold on mkts.. CD. 3 Apr. 100 " [38/0] Bought from Mr. 19 " 38/3 Jno. Saffull. loj " 38/0 Jno. Saffull. 47 * 38/0 Abr. Rye. 40 * 36/0 Abr. Rye. [$s. ex.] 31 36/0 Wm. Bladwell, a merchant. Cox. 1624-25 60 "come" [40/0] Sold for king's use. 1632-33 235! " [36/7}] Sold on markets. 4 u -t /_ u a 43 " 37/0 * on markets. 50 wheat [40/0] Bought from 15 36/0 168} " 41/7 Bought. Chamberlain of City. 1633-34180! * [37/11] Sold [on markets].* 1625-26 103 l34/4il Sold at Queen- Bought from hithe, CD. 43 " 43/0 Wm. Austin. 1626-27 3 " [29/4] Sold. 100 " 42/0 Rob. Bell. Bought from 50 * 43/0 Sir Geo. Sands. 92! 30/0 Francis Bridges. 1 6J 40/0 Warden Chap- 3 " 33/o Mr. Cradock. man. 19 " 33/0 Jno. South. loo " 41/0 John Goger. 95 1 * 31/0 Jno. Maine. 1634-35272! * [37/11] Sold on markets. 4 1627-28 207 [25/7!] John Carre. 70 ' [37/411 ' ' ' 4 > " being much troubled with the weavle." * Costs and losses deducted. 1 10 s. less on the whole. 4 " all charges deducted except for grinding." APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1617-74 (continued) 367 Particulars of Particulars of Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase Date Amt. hi qrs. Price sale and purchase s. d. Bought from s. d. 1634-35 ioo wheat 38/0 Sir Geo. Sands. 1643-47 None sold or bought. ISO 39/6 Mr. Johnston. 1647-48 250 wht. meal 48/0 "Sold to the poor." 77* 38/0 Mr. Bell. 1648-49 7 wheat 48/0 Sold. 49* ! 38/o Sir Geo. Sands. Sold to I 36/0 Mr. Greeneway. 1649-30 251 " 60/0 Mich. Dawes & 1635-36230 [33/nl Sold on markets. 1 Gilb. Maddock. 30oi [38/9 1] U 1 100 " 60/0 Thos. Floud. 1636-37 None sold or bought. 20 " 60/6 " " 1637-38 100 wheat 42/0 Sold for king's use. 42 " 48/0 Sold weekly to the no fan/ill " on mkts., CD. poor of the Co. 130 Fr. wheat 39/0 Bought from Jno. 1630-51 None bought or sold. Batty. 1651-32 2 wheat 44/0 Sold to " under- 1638-39 None sold or bought. officers " of the Co. 1630-40 135 wheat 28/0 Bought from John Bought from Orwell. 1652-53 108 " 34/0 Rich. Backensall. 1640-41 None sold or bought. 23 " 32/0 " 1641-42 248} wheat 28/0 Sold to Francis 77i " 32/6 Wm. Allen. Smith. 49} " 26/8 " " Bought from 1653-54 None bought or sold. S2j " 32/0 John Gogar. 1654-53 300 wheat 22/6 Bought from Jno. 28 " 32/0 Francis Smith. 1 Loveday. 100 " Come " 32/6 " " 1655-56 None bought or sold. 49} wheat 32/6 " " 1657-58 261 wheat 36/0 Sold to two bakers 20 " 31/0 out of the Bridgehouse. 100} " 33/6 a 1666-73 None bought or sold. 155 " 34/o a i673-74 1642-44 None sold or bought. 8 Jan. 60 wheat 40/0 Sold to Thos. Spurting. 1644-45 43} wheat 32/6 Bought. 1674-00 No corn accounts. PRICES OF CORN, 1634-58 Bought and sold by the Haberdashers' Company. These prices are taken from the General Account Books, vols. 1634-1653, 1653-1668, Haberdashers' Hall. Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase s. d. s. d. 1634 100 Fr. wheat 42/0 Bought. 1636 132} wheat 38/0 Bought. 40 Hamburg* 36/6 " 1638 200 " 42/0 Sold. l6ij " " 38/0 I35i " l39/o] " on markets. 90 Fr. " 40/0 " 16 " 44/6 Bought. 1633 80 wheat 38/0 " H " 41/6 9i * 39/o " 60 " 44/0 100 Fr. wheat 3S/o l44l " 44/0 " from Lucas 370 wheat (37/311 Sold on markets. Lucy. 85 ' 34/o * privately. 10 42/0 Bought. 1636 90 " 37/o " on markets. 248! 36/0 * from Aid. 89 ' 38/0 Bought. Andrews. 40 * 35/o 1639 i88J (29/0] Sold privately. 4oJ 32/0 " 28 35/o Bought. 1 " all charges deducted except for grinding." * His reward is i s. per qr. gratuity. 3 68- APPENDIX E PRICES OF CORN, 1634-58 (continued) Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price Particulars of sale and purchase s. d. s. d. 1639 6) wheat 33/o Bought. 1644 3 Kentish wheat 40/0 Bought. H2l 35/o M 1646 151 wheat 38/0 Sold to several ba- 100 * 3i/o kers. 1642 100 decayed wht. 28/0 Sold. 20 " 37/o Sold to several. 306! wheat bo/7il Bought. 1647 51 " 48/0 * on markets. 1643 145 " 40/0 " 4' " S6/o * to bakers and 9 * 38/0 meatmen. 57 37/0 1648 190} " 48/0 Sold " to the use of 3 " 35/o the poore." 40 33/o 1653 20 " 30/0 Bought. 1644 46 " 28/0 Sold. 1658 20j " U/o] Sold. PRICES OF CORN, 1636-65 Bought and sold by the Fishmongers' Company. The year runs from Midsummer to Midsummer. Source Wardens Accounts, vols. 1636-58, 1658-82, Fishmongers' Hall. Particulars of Particulars of sale and purchase Date Amt. in qrs. Price sale and purchase 1642-48 None sold or bought ? 1653-54 s. d. 1 Paid to Wm. Locke 14 Mar. 200 wheat 34/0 > baker for provision Paid to Wm. Locke 14 " 120 * 33/0 J for Co.'s use. baker for provision 1654-58 None bought or sold, for Co.'s use. 1658-60 48 wheat 42/8 Sold. 1660-64 None bought or sold. Date Amt in qrs. Price 1636-37 s. d. 2 Mar. 23} wheat [37/0] 14 " 941 " 133/5 i 20 " 90 " 36/0 30 " 99i " 36/3 1641-42 14 May 200 " 30/0 20 June 50 " 31/0 1664-65 141 "corne" 42/0 Bought APPENDIX F 369 APPENDIX F STATISTICS OF CORN PRICES, GENERAL, 1208-1669 Particulars concerning the bulk and distribution of the prices of wheat sold on the manors of the bishopric of Winchester, 1208-1299. TOTAL NUMBER OF ENTRIES 1 AND LOCALITIES, 1208-1299 Year Entries Localities Year Entries Localities 1208-09 38 34 "58-59 127 40 I2IO-II 50 32 1262-63 1 88 44 I2II-I2 39 34 1264-65 133 43 1213-14 42 34 1265-66 159 43 1215-16 34 25 1266-67 118 37 1217-18 3 1 25 1267-68 88 33 1218-19 3 27 1277-78 156 4i 1219-20 3i 24 1278-79 126 40 1220-21 47 35 1282-83 107 43 1223-24 49 33 1283-84 "5 39 1224-25 35 3i 1285-86 no 43 1225-26 38 27 1286-87 87 36 1226-27 30 28 1287-88 81 38 1231-32 59 29 1288-89 112 4i 1232-33 74 40 1289-90 122 43 1 23S-3 6 69 34 1290-91 91 4i 1236-37 47 36 1291-92 9 6 4i 1244-45 62 36 1292-93 9 6 48 1245-46 148 4i 1293-94 6 7 39 1246-47 1 80 40 1297-98 81 4i 1248-49 169 44 1298-99 90 45 "53-54 161 4i 1299-1300 123 44 "54-55 64 29 1257-58 128 47 Total 4138 1709 1 During the first few years the " entry " is generally the total amount sold; later the amount sold at a particular price. The order of entries followed below is not that of the manuscript but the order of rising prices, which is, however, often the one also followed in the original account rolls. 370 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT Sold on the manors of the bishopric of Winchester, 1208-1299. 1208-09 ADDERS URY qre. s. d. MEON qrs. s. d. i oof {2/10} 1 ASHIIANSWORTH qn. s. d. 3 [3/io|l RncpTON qrs. s. d. 8 (old) [2/6] 34 3/3 ALRESrORD MEON, CHURCH 307 [2/9] BEAUWORTH 28J... [3/l|J SOOTHWARK 41 l/8] ,, [i/il X2 [3/0] OVERTON BENTLEY 20 [3/6iJ ASHMANSWORTH I7l [2/IlJ] aj (3/o!l too [3/8! 16 li/ioll PRIVET 3* U/oJ 62 [3/10! 2i [2/8] 36 . [3/10! BARTON n \i/M 79 Ls/ioJ) a 3 (mill) . . [3/611 S3 Is/"] _ CHERTTON 78 [3/11] SPARKFORD 9i [3/3l So [4/0! 8 [*/ol 12 (mill) . . . U/8U too [4/0] /tc TI/TT] 129 [4/0] BRIGHTWELL A3 [2/611 44 U/6] *02| [a/7l CRAWLEY 23 5/Sj STOKE CHERTTON i-l It/nl 190 [ 3 /3il ix (old).... [2/xoJJ TWYFORD DOWNTON 142 [3/7 JJ BUTTON Si [4/oJ 74 I J / 8 J CRAWLEY WALTHAM - 1 [2/241 FAREHAM 8J [3/0! TAUNTON 26sJ [3/4!! 6xJ [2/6il DOWNTON WARGRAVE 10 (2/711 FARNHAM 46 U/oJI TWYTORD xo (old) [2/xiJ xxoj [a/ioll FAREHAM WIELD 13 [3/2] HAMBLEDON 9 [3/3J1 33 (new). . . [3/"il WALTHAM 55 J U/oiJ 3} [3/5 Jl FARNHAM WINCHESTER IS'STLA no [4/0] 28! (mill) . . [2/7|J 39t 13/H*I 75* 3/o ITCHINGSWELL WALTHAM, NORTH FLODSTOC So . [2/3 11 i (old).... [3/0! 3*1 13/nl 52 [3/sll WIELD r 28f [2/o|l HAMBLEDON 44i [2/9!! KNOYLE o fz/6J1 J2i U/OJ HARWELL WYCOMBE 36 2/4 MARDON 44! [3/loJ] 83 (Old).... [2/XolI 75 (new). .. [2/11 JJ 70 l2/9iJ 80 a/6 WOODHAY ITCHINGSWELL MEON 7 J [4/0] ,, [2/8! I2IO-II 34! [3/10] KNOYLE ADDERBURY 21 (new) . . . [2/11 IJ MEON, CHURCH WYCOMBE 163 [4/2! 13 3/o 24 (old) [3/0] MARDON 38i [2/711 ALRESFORD I7 hAlll OVERTON [3/6] I2II-I2 ADDERBURY 8si [2/xfl 1 The manuscript is dated " 1207," but the correct year 1208-09 has been assigned by the editor of this the only printed roll. Hall, Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, p. viii. The figures in brackets are averages deduced from the amount sold and the total price received. The figures without brackets are found in the manuscripts. APPENDIX F 371 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1211-12 (continued) ALRESFORD qrs. s. d. IS J [3/0] SOUTHWARK qrs. s. d. 168 [2/7] CRAWLEY qrs. s. d. 3 [3/0] WALTHAM, NORTH qrs. s. d. 31+1 strike [2/3!] ASHMANSWORTH 3 6J [2/6$] STOKE ig [2/3i] DOWNTON 15 (mill) . . . [2/0] WARGRAVE aisi [2/3] 65+1 strike . . [2/4}] BEAUWORTH 2 3 J 13/0] SUTTON 33 [3/0] WIELD 103! [2/6U 10 [a/61 6 (old).... [2/4] WlTNEY IS [3/0] 314! + 3 hops Rl fl/TTl (new) [2/5 i] WOODHAY BRIGHTWELL FARNHAM 36 [2/1] 47 [a/i] TWYFORD , r > Il/Al 20} [2/8J] WYCOMBE CALBOURNE HARWELL 14 [2/9] 82} [2/ioi] WALTHAM II f7/oll 3 6J [2/6] CHERITON 34i l3/o] WALTHAM, N. INSULA ia 3 i [2/7J1 ADDERBURY 106} fa/61 CLERE US + I strike, [j/g] 33i U/6J] WARGRAVE ii \i/i\ ITCHINGSWELL 30 (new) . . . [2/3] ALRESFORD 4 [3/0] CRAWLEY 51 [2/6] WIELD 15 (old).... [2/8] BEAUWORTH ,1 fa/641 KNOYLE 21 [3/4] DOWNTON 14 . [2/2] 3 gJ [3/0] ^ igi (mill) . . [2/3] MARDON 7i [2/8] 57 [3/0] EBBESBORNE 70 [a/si WOODHAY MEON BRIGHTWELL 16 2/6 S oJ [2/9] FAREHAM 8 [3/0] WYCOMBE MEON, CHURCH CHERITON , [j/ 7 i i6 7 J [2/sll 6.| [2/8! FARNHAM 16 [2/0] 121314 RIMPTON CRAWLEY 8 (2/2! 59 [a/ij] . O l fi/al 83 [i/g|] HAMBLEDON i 4 J [3/0] ALRESFORD SOUTHWARK 34 [2/0] DOWNTON ioo (3/3J1 14 [2/0] 74 [2/iJ] 8J (mill) . . [3/sJ HARWELL 8 [a/8] ASHMANSWORTH 60 (mill) . . . [2/8] EBBESBORNE S + I hop .... [i/iol] 132 1 J /81 02 [3/2] ITCHINGSWELL SSJ [3/1 \\ BEAUWORTH 46 (mill) . . . [3/0] 36 [3/6] HAMBLEDON 3 8J [2/8J] 2 J [2/8] KNOYLE S J [3/0] BENTLEY STOKE 3'i [2/10] S! [2/4] 37j + i strike [2/11)] MARDON 66J [2/9] BlTTERNE SUTTON 4 6| [2/2}] KNOYLE 4 [2/0] 16 fa/81 MEON 15 [3/0] BRIGHTWELL TAUNTON MARDON 13 [2/8] 581 (new) . . . [2/5 J] 4 8| [a/7] MEON, CHURCH OVERTON 5} [2/4] CHERITON 49 [2/6}] TWYFORD 289! (mill) .. [2/2 J] MEON 12 J [a/ol] RMPTON 26i [l/Illl CLERE los [2/2!] WALTHAM idii (i/il MEON, CHURCH <8 LI/A! 372 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1215-16 (continued) MORTON qrs. s. d. SO U/5l] EBBESBORNE qrs. s. d. 8 + 1 strike . . [5/1] BURGHCLERE qrs. s. d. 118. . . .. [l oj [j/o] 8 3i I3/7J1 a (mill) [2/8] a [5/2] BENTLEY lo + a hops " [3/3!! I [6/0] 471 4/4 50 + 3 13/4J1 ai " \\/t\\ 39 ls/7il BlTTERNE rl f,/ 7 t 2Ioi [3/6] 6+1 strike + i bush. 12* +3 hops (mill) [3/7! 23 U/io] Is/st] BRIGHTWELL 4 +3 hops (mill) [3/8!] TlCHEBURN MEOK, CHURCH 29 Is/7j] 81+ i strike ... (6/0 JJ EBBESBORNE 69* I3/2|J 19* (miU) . . [4/0] 28 ... [2/9JJ 17} [5/2] CHERITON RIMPTON 4 8J l3/3ll WALTHAM a S [ 4 / 2 J] FAREHAU 6g [3/0] 30 [4/0] CRAWLEY SOUTH w ARK en I ( l(i\ 47l [a/io] WARGRAVE 9Si Is/o] ,, |c/ l 7* [3/oJ] 18! l/Toll 108 [3/0] CHERITON, CHURCH 72! U/5t] 3+3hops(mill)[s/2i] i2j+ihop(mm)[ S /4i] 37 S J [z/iil 66} . [2/;}l CLERE HIGH 203 (old) . . . [s/sJ] 1888 [3/oi] 4 J (bought) [4/4] 6} [5/9] 6+1 hop (mill) [5/7 J] 40+1 " " Is/io] FAREHAM WIELD 9 6J [2/3il CRAWLEY 6 J [3/0] WlTNEY 20} U/7|] TlCHEBURN ,,1 \1/A\ i45i (old)... [i/nJJ I 3 J [2/3] i8 4 J (new) . [2/3] DOWNTON i66J (old)... [3/0! TWYFORD HAMBLEDON 59 [2/10] WOODHAY 303 (new) . [s/sl] 124! Is/Sil T^nl f^/iil 87 [a/ii.] EBBESBORNE ^61 U/ioll WALTHAM 200! [5/6] ITCHINGSWELL 24ll [2/611 WOODHAY TOTNES IIS* [2/0] 374 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1223-24 (continued) WYCOMBE qn. s. d. i88| (new) [2/11*,] OVERTON qn. . d. 26 [3/7] EBBES BORNE qn. s. d. 108 J [5/2] I226-a7 ADDERBURY qrs. s. d ao6| (old)... [3/6*.] SCALDEFLEF.T HAKBLEDON 2 9 J (bought) . [4 3 \] 51} [5/2] 38 J [5/8] 72 j [4/8] AL&ESFORD 54l IS/"!] STOKE IVTNGHOE ALRESFORD 95f l5/3il BEAUWORTH 44. . . . [S/Sil 83! [5/0] SUTTON 43 1 (old)... [4/0] ITCHINGSWELL BlTTERNE 3 [6/iJ] xosJ [5/0$] BENTLEY 2 8J [5/0] TAUNTON KNOYLE BURGHCLERE io6J [6/5] 140 [4/7] BlTTERNE 3 oJ [7/1}] 236 J (new) . . [6/2 H MARDON CALBOURNE 230 [s/i}] 33 +2 hops . . Is/sJ] 1 74 [5/9] II7+2 " I MEON 169$ . [3/1!] (,,i h/nl 231! [3/6] KNOYLE "36-37 136! U/xoJ BlTTERNE 27* Ll/ll MEON, CHURCH 3iJ (3/4*1 ADDERBURY 111 \A./A\ MARDON i6oj [3/4!! 246 J U/oJ] BRIGHTWELL 163! la/i] OVERTON ALRESFORD 90} U/oJ] MEON oj (mill) [2/8] S 8| l3/9il 30} (mill) . . b/aJJ 65 J 13/ioJJ BURGHCLERE 92 Lj/xoJ] MORTON ,,01 [j/cil o| (mfll) . . [3/4] 16 . [3/4] 98 b/7l] BEAUWORTH OVERTON 17 [3/4] 63 [4/0!] 63! [3/xoJl CALBOURNE 37 [3/8|l 17 t3/8] 16 . (3/8] BlTTERN'E RlMPTON so... . b/oil *.. .. Li/rol 2ii h/81 I4oi [S/I] APPENDIX F 377 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1236-37 (continued) SUTTON qrs. s. d. 70 J [4/6 |J BlTTERNE qrs. s. d. Ill 2/8 OVERTON qrs. s. d. ij [2/8] ASHMANSWORTH qrs. s. d. 18. 2/10 21 [3/0] 37} (mfll) .. [2/11] TAUNTON 26} 3/2 509 J +3 hops . [s/7 11 BRIGHTWELL RlMPTON H7l [3/4] 16 3/4 TWYTORD 33 J [4/1] SUTTON 24! 4/o WALTHAM 23 13/6] CALBOURNE 88 [2/10}] Hi 2/4* II 2/6 BEAUWORTH 2lJ 2/10 6J 3/0 61 [3/6] 85 [3/8] 19 l2/7l 9 2/9 TAUNTON 3 4/o BENTLEY 61 (mill) . . [4/1) 88i [2/6J] 809} b/ioll 16 2/8 61 " .. [4/2] 10 3/4 Sof [4/6] DOWNTON TWYFORD 27 4/0 9i tS/o] 8si [2/14] 24! 2/3 13 i (tolcorn) [3/2 i] 58 2/6 IS 2/7 BlTTERNE 26 2/8 ,1 ,I ofit li/lll i6J 2/9 WARGRAVE I7i [4/54] FAREHAM T7rJ f-> 'rr'i oi . [3/0] WALTHAM WELEWE 244 [4/34] FARNHAM oj (mill) . . [2/8] 166? (2/0! 23 (mill) . . . (3/2 J] J 2/2 BURGHCLERE WIELD 0* [2/8] 129 [4/0] SSl 3/o 2/4 27t 3/4 270} [3/94] 6 3/0 3t 12/I4J 66J 3/8 WOODHAY FONTHILL WARGRAVE io| [i/oj] 36 4/6 CALBOURNE J I 14/ WIELD 3 8 [4/1] WYCOMBE 92 [2/8] 212 [4/3 il CHERTTON WlTNEY 141} [i/3il ADDERBURY 133} [i/6J] 20 3/1 noi (mixed) . [1/8] 62 (2/Al 9 3/4 ITCHINGSWELL 2 J 3/8 ALRESFORD 120} [2/ioJ] WYCOMBE 554 (mill) . . [2/8] ASHMANSWORTH IVINGHOE 3IO J [2/3J] CLERE, HIGH i , 1243 46 20 3/2 KNOYLE ADDERBURY 9 J 3/6 BEAUWORTH 7 2/6 09? I / iJ 3 oJ 2/8 CRAWLEY MARDON SiJ b/ioJ 3 i8i [2/54] IS 2/8; MEON ALRESFORD DOWNTON 13! (mill) . . [3/2] IS 2/9 210 . [l/8] 7 3/o n8J [3/7] 4 3/1 BENTLEY MEON, CHURCH oj (mill) . . 3/2 il " ... 3/3 EBBESBORNE 9 [2/8] 36 2/2 6 3/4 391 12/6J 6 3/6 84 L3/01 27 2/6 MORTON I (mill) ... 3/8 ESSERE 20. .. . 2/8 Sol [2/1! 7 ... . 4/0 o* (4/oJ 378 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1245-46 (continued) FAREHAM qn. s. d. 27* . 3/4 MUNES AYSFORD qn. s. d. 15! 3/3 WARGRAVE qn. . d. 17 3/0 BlTTERNE qn. s. d. ii}... 4/6 2O 4 A/O MUNES. CHURCH 57 . . . 2/61 ioj 3/4 FARNHAM 8 6| 3/0 4 J 3/6 r) 6/0 4 4/0 BRIGHTWELL 5 (mill) . . . 4/0 I .it A/J. WIELD jyj 4/0 OVERTON 12 3/0 FONTHILL 34! [3/1] IS 3/o S (mOl) ... 4/6 4 ' ..S/o 12 S/O HAMBLEDOX IS a/8 14 3/6 7 4/o WlTNEY SOUTHWARK 3/1 13 6/0 lit 3/a 4^1 3/0 > (mOl) ... 6/6 24 7/0 HARWELL i2 9 J b/4] 2Qt 2/4 6 3/4 SSi a/6 I45t [3/311 S (mill) ... 8/0 ITCHINGSWELL a\ 1/6 7 3/0 16 3/8 18 3/4 WOODHAY 1 6 2/8 40i 8/0 BURGHCLERE 0} (mill) . . 4/0 20 4/0 15 4/a 20 4/6 STOKE 16 1/6 loj 2/IO 25} S/o IVINGHOE 16 2/2 WYCOMBE 4lf 7/0 TC /8 nj 9/6 30 2/4 22! 2/6 CALBOURNE 20 a/8 26! . . 4/0 4 2/8J 16 3/0 i/i 6 s/oi 37t 15/7J CHERTTON 4 4/3 9 f 3/3 SUTTON 4 3/4! x 3/o 5 4/S 26 3/6 io| 3/4 8 SA 8 5/4 KNOYLE Aoi (t/lil 23! 3/1 1246-47 ADDERBURY 12 S/IO 7 3/o 6 6/7 MAROON 22$ (old)... 2/10 4 o4 3/8 4 3/2 4 7/o 8 8/8 TAUNTON 480! [4/8}] ii 5/0 CLERE, HIGH ii s/3 41 4/0 7 6/0 18} 4/6 TWYFORD 4 i/o 41 8 /o CRAWLEY 35 [7/4] MEON 86 (new) ... 2/2 153 " 2/4 4 2| (Old).... 2/Ql 42j .... 3/o 4 " ... 3/6 74! (new) ... 3/6 MORTON 16 2/7 5} 8/0 i [8/8] 16 3/3i DOWNTON 60 5/6 ALRESFORD iol ... . . 4/2 7} 3/4 20 3/61 28J 4/0 WALTHAM i* (mUl) . . [2/8J] 61 .. l3/*I I2| 3/4 2! s/o 5 6/6 EBBES BORNE 19 s/o 6J 8/0 ASHMANSWORTH al+i bush .. . 5/0 ASSEFORD 7i (bought) [4/0] BENTLEY aoi 4/4 21 6/6 3 J 6/0 S 9/0 20 2/8 3 3/o 24! 3/4 FAREHAM 12 4/6 12 3/2 . 2j 3/a WALTHAM, NORTH 10 3/0 IS 3/6 3 J [4/ioJ] 8 3/4 12 S/O 7 3/6 ii 5/8 6 3 /6i 4t (mill) . . I8/o] 23 .. , . O/O 6... . 3/8 isi. . . d/o 22 ... . O/O APPENDIX F 379 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1246-47 (continued) FARNHAM qrs. s. d. 14 4/8 qrs. 12 . MORTON s. d. S/o TWYFORD qrs. s. d. ALRESFORD qrs. s. d. 0} 2/6 I3 J 6/8 Si 5/6 24 9/0 8. 6/0 i6| 6/6 2. 7/0 12 7/8 FONTHILL 5 . 8/0 9i 8/0 6 4/8 12 8/5 si... \lt 3 5/0 OVERTON 3 6/8 2 S/o WALTHAM ALRESFORD, CHURCH ol (mill) . . [5/4] 6/8 7*i 4/4 68 s/o 3i a/io TTi I/* si 8/0 S (mill) . . . [s/81] 7 3/0 10 5/0 2 "... [6/0] 81 8/0 7i o/o 66 3/0 4- 5 5/4 6/0 WALTHAM, NORTH 9} 4/0 HARWELL 8 s/o 28. 6/ 4 J 19 5/0 il 6/6 1 6 6/0 4- 6/8 9i o/o 4. 7/0 WARGRAVE TT 8/e 5i 8/0 20 4/8 BEAUWORTH ioi g/o i S/o 8 2/7 6i IO/O 2 5/3 i6J. I2/O 2 J 5/6 17 3/0 2. 13/4 ii| 6/8 15 3/0 9} 3/4 13 9/6 SOUTHWARK WIELD T! ,1/6 2 (mill) . . . 4/6 6J . . . 7/0 15! 2/6 IVDJGHOE 3 5/3 15 a/8 4 4/0 8i 4/7* iyj 5/0 4 i " - 5/4 ..- Is/sl WlTNEY 41 4/o 21 4/6 18 3/0 6 3/2 14! 5/4 i 5/5 rfkl X/o 3 3 3 8 ... 5/6 " S/io " ... S/io Ui S/o 8 6/8 I 3 J 8/0 23} 3/4 16 3/6 BlTTERNE S 8 S/io 4i 3/0 KNOYLE 6J 4/8 S 17 " ... 6/8 " ... 6/10 WOODHAY 12 S/ai 6 . 6/0 3 (mill) . . . 3/0 2 3/2 3l S/o 3f 6/0 4 3 7/o ... 8/0 61 7/6 IS 3/4 4 1 (mill) . . 3/4 s 6/8 4 " ... 8/0 4 o/O 10 * ... 4/0 iof u/o WYCOMBE 5o| * ... 4/0 STOKE 2oJ . . S/O .- _ 16 5/ij BRIGHTWELL 27} . . . S/a 16. 5/7* 33 3/o , 1 r/6 16* 6/2 6! 5/3 41! 3/4 x.li 7/o Sii 3/6 io| 7/5* 13 6/8 46J 3/8 27 . 8/O 14! 4/o 6 4/8 4* 7/o 14 8/0 BURGHCLERE MEON 4/1 1 7 J 8/a 140 3/1 231! [6/3 8/0 1248-49 MEON, CHURCH S- 8/6 ADDERBUUY . O i ,/g CALBOURNE i6J 6/6 TAUNTON 30 3/4 20 3/0 .47... . 8/0 4224 .. Iio/oil at h/Al A.. . A/.* 380 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1 248-49 (continued) CALBOURNE (cont.) qn. s. d. A 7 /ft CLERE, HIGH 24 3/2 6t/n 6 3/3 KNOYLE TAUNTON 86| 3/8 CRAWUY 16 3/4 ,-1 2/9 aool 4/0 lS7t 4/2 3Sl 4/4 a 3/S l8| 4/4 ia| 3/6 aj 3/4 MANNECBRIG i8J (bought) 3/8 2 ' [3/911 2 " 3/10 MARDON , 7 l A /g a 3/8 TWYTORD 4 3/0 3 3/9 DOWNTON 53 3/0 8 3/2 4 3/3 ,f.\ ,/. 48 3/4 6 *A 14} 4/0 cj* */6 EBBESBORNE 10 3/6 6 3/7 9} 3/8 io| [3/8] 8->/T 62 3/10 S6| 3/8 35 4/0 i\ 3/10 ESSF.RE MEON l6lj 2/IO WALTHAM 23 3/0 3 J 2 / FAKEHAH 20 3/0 201 2/1 1 4 6J 3/4 245! 3/0 42 J 4/0 MEON, CHURCH 8o| 3/0 WALTHAM, NORTH 20 2/8 ai (mffl) . . [3/1! 24* - 3/4 ii+i bush (mill) [3/4! 15 J 4/0 34! 3/4 23 3/0 MORTON 34 a/8 WARGRAVE TCl ,/. ol (mai) . . [4/2] FARNHAM nj 3/6 15 3/0 ..I ,/a 6J 3/3 WIELD 6 a/8 FONTHUl 3| 2/8 OVERTON 3j [2/ 4 J] 6 2/IO 22i [2/9] 6 3/0 ij (mill) . . [3/0] RlMPTON 9} 3/2 / 4 3/4 WlTNEY .6} ,/a HAMBLEDON AA\ I/A 2 3/s HARWELL I2j a/ to S 3/8 Q.l ,/. 61 4/0 ai ,/g c tit WOODHAY 40 3/0 S J 3/0 SOOTHWARK 82 Li/7l 45 J 3/8 All ... . 3/4 7... . 3/6 WYCOMBE qn. s. d. 2oJ 3/o is 3/ S6J 3/4 22 3/6 i6J 3/8 12 4/0 i 4/0 I2S3-S4 ADDERBURY 20 (new)... 3/8 9i ... 4/0 i8t (old).... 4/4 19 " .... 4/6 19 (new) ... s/o 10 (old) ____ S/o 7i (new) ... 6/a 6 (old).... 6/a ALRESFORD 28 .......... 4/0 23 .......... 4/7 18 .......... S/o 2| (mfll) . . s/o 16 .......... 6/8 ASHMANSWORTH 13 .......... 4/2 2 .......... 4/3 BEAUWORTH 32 .......... 4/6 BENTLEY 29! 77i 4f ao| 4/6 6/0 6/2 BrTTERNE 10 (mill) . . . 3/4 9) " ... 4/0 6J 81 8 (mill) . . . ai 4 (mfll) . . . 3 4/o 4/4 4/8 S/o S/6 5/6 S (mfll) ... 6/8 BRIGHTWELL S (mill) ... 4/4 7 4i 4/4 4/6 4/6 4/8 APPENDIX F 381 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1253-54 (continued) qrs. s. d. 74 (mill) 5/4 qrs. s. d. 5 5/0 RlMPTON qre. s. d. WIELD, EAST qrs. s. d. 4 * 5/4 i 6/0 of (mill) . . [3/4! 44i 4/8 30 5/6 26 J 7/0 80 6/0 8ii 6/0 15 6/8 WITNEY HAUBLEDON 42 .. . 4/8 10 5/0 Tl I/A 41 5/8 BUDESTUN 25^ 7/0 4 (old) 4/0 15 (new) ... 4/2 HARWELL 16 . . 4/8 SOUTHWARK 13 (mill) ... 3/8 i6i * . 3/10 WOODHAY 9 (old).... 4/2 isJ . . 5/o 28 " 4/0 WYCOMBE 17 T fl/R I 7 1 (old)... 6/8 84} 5/8 S " 3/4 41 f .... 7/0 CLERE, HIGH 4 J 6/4 24 5/0 MARDON 7(1 6/8 15 J 6/6 68 5/0 el 1/n 92 J 5/6 CRAWLEY 30 6/0 TWYFORD 204 5/0 23J 5/0 15 6/0 6iJ 6/8 8 7/0 MEON 36J 2/*O DOWNTON 24 (old) 4/0 3 6f " 4/4 WALTHAM CHERTTON 4 J 3/4 2i (mill) ... 3/0 37 J 3/4 3 " 3/4 67J S/o 54 5/0 CRAWLEY 2 "... S/o 4 | 3/4 76| (old) 5/0 Kfti A /n ii 3/8 20 " .... 6/0 30} S/o WALTHAM, NORTH 18 (mill) ... 6/8 i84 5/8 2j 5/0 16* 5/4 5 J/8 EBBESBORNE 56! 5/0 xal S/6 I2 i 6/0 6} 3/o 3 3/4 i;J 6/0 01 2/10 01 7/0 5 2/1 1 EBBESBORNE 9 4/0 WARGRAVE 63 3/0 it 5/o 8i s/6 FAREHAH ii 3/4 i i+J bush (mill) 7/0 OVERTON 17 5/0 WIELD it 4/0 FONTHTLL 15 5/6 33 4/6 I [a/4l 2 U/711 A* 6/8 ig . . . 5/0 5l a/8 7t... . A/8 64 ... .7/0 6i 6/8 84.. .. l3/4l 382 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1254-55 (continued) HAMBLEDON qrs. s. d. 6 3/4 WARCRAVE qrs. >. d. IO 3/4 CRAWLEY qn. s. d. u 6/8 MARDON qn. g. d. 6 6/8 ia 3/4 5 7/6 H \RWKLL t\ 8/0 44 7/6 asi 3/o 64 8/0 iTCniNGSWELL g| a/io SI 3/o DOWNTON Si (mill) . . 5/0 MECEOL (cf. METEHOL 24! . . . . 3/0 ao (old)... 5/6 and METEHOLLE) 4 S/6 16 [8/0] 3l 3/o WITNEY lot 6/0 20} 3/4 il f,/R MEON MARDON 24 3/a "57-58 EBBESBORNE 16 (old).... 5/6 59! " .... 6/0 , /> 76J 6/0 61 ... 3/8 10 6/8 IS| 6/0 140! (old).... 7/6 ,,* 8/0 oij 7/6 OVERTON ...1 ,/8 FAREHAM 10 18/o] RnipTON ASHltANSWORTH 3 J 8/0 MEON, CHURCH i a/8 3a S/6 a 3/0 BEAUWORTH 36 7/6 SOUTHWARD 6 5/0 u 6/8 MORTON 4 (mffl) ... a/8 15 8/0 4* 6/8 3 oJ 7/8 7} 6/8 7 ' ... /8 23 6/8 OVERTON II * ... 2/10 40 8/0 HAHBLEDON 42! 8/0 31 - 8/0 S ... 2/10 6 "... 2/10 BlTTERNE 8J 7/0 HARWELL PADINGTON, CHURCH 53! (old) s/o S " 2/IO 16 8/0 aai 7/0 40 (new) . . . s/6 6 ... 3/0 BRIGHSTONE 3oJ 7/6 10 (new)... 5/7 4 " ... 3/o 8 7/0 of .... 6/0 S " 3/o aaj 8/0 HELEWELL 6 " ... 3/0 8J 5/0 6oJ 7/0 7 3/O 4 " 3/a 5+1 strike (mill) 3/2 SWEYNESTON 6| (mill) . . 5/0 5 .. 6/0 3l B .- 6/0 7 ' .. 6/6 ITCHEL 13 (bought) 6/8 ITCHINGSWELL 37 7/o RlMFTON 8| (old)... s/o ist " -. s/o 6 ' .. 7/o 34 | 8/0 TAUNTON S &1 7/0 oj (old) . . . 15/4] 6gl 7/8 IVINGIIOE I4t " S/4 4 | 6/0 i6| (new) . . 5/6 BURGHCLERE 2! 6/6 7 1 (old)... 5/8 54 7/0 8 6/8 aj (new).. 5/8 TWYTORD 8 1/6 8 I/A i ls/iol oj (mill) . . (3/4) 30 8/0 50! 8/0 43i (old)... 6/0 I3 | 3/8 of (mill) . . U/Sil WALTHAM CALBOURNE ia 7/0 3 iJ 8/0 KELMESTON 14 8/0 zi (old)... 6/4 i (new) . . 6/4 i J (mill) . . a/8 6 .. 3/4 CHERTTON KILLA S J 7/4 34t . . . 0/8 gl (old)... 6/8 8J . 6/8 WALTHAM, NORTH 43f s/o KVOYI.K STOKE X2 f 3/4 50 5/0 g 7/0 6 3/8 CLERE, HIGH 28} 6/0 7i 7/8 *... . A/O 16... . 8/0 32!.. . 6/8 lal... . 8/0 APPENDIX F 383 PRICES OP WHEAT, 1257-58 (continued] SUTTON qrs. s. d. 16 6/8 ASHMANSWORTH qrs. s. d. 2 1 J 7/4 FAREHAM qrs. s. d. 57 [9/0] OVERTON qrs. s. d. 12 7/6 22j 8/0 24 8/0 12 8/0 17 9/0 FARNEAM 15 J 9/0 TAUNTON 8 8/0 22! 3/4 BENTLEY 3 3/8 2 1 (mill) .. s/4 FOMTHILL RnorroN 0} .. [6/8] 13} 7/o < fi -7/fi 22 9/0 56 8/0 13 10/0 2AiI " 6/8 WICK JO II/O 45} 6/0 7 f 7/8 WIELD 8 10/0 Tl Ci/R 19! 8/0 iol 6/8 10 10/6 24 8/8 20 8/0 163! 8/10 WlTNEY CALBOURNE 7 6/0 57f 9/o 26 6/0 2ii 7/o 26 7/0 nl 7/6 S8J 6/8 WOODHAY CHERTTON T.1 fi/R 28 7/6 28 8/0 isi 8/0 6o| [8/6] 31 7/0 Ti R/n 44! 9/0 19 7/6 J4 xo/o WALTHAM I2j 8/0 CLERE, HIGH oj (mill) . . [4/8] MEON 67! 8/0 WYCOMBE 80/0 97* 6/8 25 j 4 /8 78 J 7/6 1 8 7/0 CRAWLEY 75 8/0 WALTHAM, NORTH 5 6/8 it 7/6 2 7/6 MEON, CHURCH ,1 a/Q 1258-59 14 8/0 43 6/8 ADDERBURY 29} o/o yi 7/6 a7f 6/0 4 9/6 1 3 | 7/6 METEHOL (cf. METE- WARCRAVE DOWNTON HOLLE and MECEOL) 7! g/o 6} 6/0 4 l9/o] ALRESFORD 3 6/8 MORTON WIELD i (mill) [6/0] 62 I 7/6 2 [8/0] 6} 7/0 6i... . 8/0 3.., .7/6 13. . 10/0 ao... .. 8/0 3 8 4 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1258-59 (continued) WlTNEY q. s. d. 53 6/8 q. B. d iJ ' ... 4/0 1 4/1 qre - <> 1 qr- $. d. fc 4/o 6 3 | 4/, 7 4/a 3iJ 4 /6 44* 9/0 WOODHAV i (mill) . . . 4/t 1 "... 4/3 1 4/3 14 4/4 44 s/o xa 4/8 x ^/. MEOM, CB^JRCH at (mill) ... 4/4 BURGHCLERE JO. . C/Q 3 "* 4/0 azj 5/0 a?l 9/0 FARNHAM a g 3/7 WYCOMBE x8J 6/8 49 4/0 15 J. . A/a 30 4/0 15 J. . . . 4/6 METEHOLLE (cf. METE- 10 .4/1 FONTHIU. HO L and MECEOL) . 30 J [4/0! 17 J 8/0 a 2 4/6$ ai 9/0 loj 5/0 I0 4/4 1862-63 AODERBURY So|. . j/8 CALBOURNE IT*. . */, a6J 4/0 MORTON 13 .... 3/6 18 3/8 XI 3/0 1 22 3/IO as ... A/a 1 34. . A/0 3J 3/0 ai 4/6 HAUBLEDON ail 3/8 CHF.RITON lot . . . /6 9 J 4/0 OVERTON ALRESFORD x6l. . . / 2e 4/4 "* 4/0 I 15 J 4/6 38^ 4/0 HAMBLEDON. CHURCH 15.. c/ K. . ^M 19 4/0 xof 4/6 *6 4/8 9i 4/6 RniPTON .1 ,/ 3't >,/*. "1 s/o ASHKANSWORTH S 4/0 a 4/6 6i 5/o CLERE, HIGH 6 4/0 5 4/4 '* 4/4 HARWELL I6J 3/8 SODTHWART J 5J 4/0 '{ 4/<> 3 5/0 BEAUWORTH 6 ... */6 4* 4/6 CRAWLEY ISl . . A/0 aai 4/a 8 * */ 2 71 4/4 M */* 13 .... A/6 24* . . A/O 34 4/10 27. ., A / 10 4/4 n 5/0 2 ; } ; 4 4 / 6 . STO S/o DOWNTON 14! 4/8 * 4 /' BENTLEY Ut/a 7* 5/o J6 % 42 . . , / 2 I VINGHOE 3 4/8 10. . . a/8 26 J 3/4 22}. . . /g 3. . A/O 20* . . , / 2 4) (mill) . . 3/4 aa . . , /6 54! . A /A xo. . . . 4/0 1 14. ... 5/0 BlTTERNE 6 / 4l (mill) . . 3/6 t 3/8 4J. . . r/i KNOYLE I0 4 ,/ IS 5/ a 33! 4/0 20 4/o a (mill) . . . [ 4 /o] EBBESBORNE 5 3/2 64 3/6 TACNTON 16. . . ,4/6 3i|... 3/8 23J. . . . 3/4 BRIGHSTONE 38 J.... 4/0 i6J 3/8 9^1 4/0 *4l 4/o '5 4/4 8 3/6 7 3/8 MARDON - -^ S ::::::::: :^ M 4/6 BRICHTWELL '81 4/0 'Si 4/4 s :;? 8i A /ft 35l 5/o 33! s/6 22 4/0 6A/6 30! 5/o 22! s/6 rti c/o ioi 5/6 14! 6/0 IVINGHOE . WlTNEY j6 3/4 CALBOURNE 481! 4/4 10 4/8 7i 4/8 ci c/o 162} 4/10 29 5/4 KNOYLE 5 4/0 3l S/6 lof 4/0 TWYFORD & HARWELL WOODHAY CHERTTON 10 4/6 23 s/o 3 J 4/8 10 5/0 iol S/ 2 3 oJ 5/6 MARDON 56! 5/4 8c/r 7* 6/0 31 4/8 25 5/0 WALTHAII WYCOMBE, WEST CLERE, HIGH 681 5/0 8J 4/0 76J 4/0 6 S/o HARWELL WALTHAU, NORTH A. . 5/6 (SEE TWYPORD) 10 4/0 T lf\A fic 12! 4/6 CRAWLEY MEON 13! 5/0 .,1 ,/Q 20 4/0 16! 1/6 25 5/0 80 6/0 WARGRAVE DOWNTON 3! 3/4 ol (mill) [4/0] 8J 4/0 MEON, CHURCH 6 3/8 22! 4/0 ifil . . . e/o 6ol 6/0 6... 4/0 386 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1264-65 (continued) WIELD qrs. s. d. qrs. 8. d. al (mill) . . . 4/0 HAUBLEDON qrs. 8. d. qrs. t. d. 22! 5/0 4 4/8 24! 4/0 15 3/4 n| 5/3 7} 5/0 2j (mill) ... 4/2 1 3/10 21 5/4 ao 5/6 37 4/2 8 4/0 2 6/0 22| 4/4 43 4/6 WlTNEY 64! 3/o al (mill) ... 5/0 4 S/o HAMBLEDON, CHURCH STOKE 3! 4/o 54l 3/4 46} 4/6 10 5/0 5i 4/6 n / WOODHAY 44! 4/0 3 4/9 3 a 4/6 ml t // iSJ s/o 26 s/o 10 5/6 2 5/4 WOLVESEY 61 c/o 3l 5/6 21 1 4/10 CALBOURNE 4} 4/8 14 4/io I2| 5/0 26 4/6 WYCOMBE 16 5/4 12 . 4/8 6J 3/0 18 4/6 S 5/6 18 5/0 13 3/4 81 7/6 2af 5/0 I5i 5/6 12 3/6 TAUNTON So 3/8 13! 4/8 ia6s-66 51 A / no 4/0 ADDERS URY 3i 5/o 61 5/8 16} 3/0 CRAWLEY 15 4/8 KNOYLE 61 3/8 14! 6/0 23! 6/4 "t 3/4 S 4/io i s/o 21 J 4/0 4 8| 6/8 60 5/4 15} 4/0 4 5/o MARDON TWYFORD AND ii (mill) ... 5/0 16! 3/6 12* 3/0 HARWELL 8 (mill) ... 4/0 8! 4/8 4 5/4 III 4/IO ii 4/6 3 ... 4/10 .1 - / o HARWELL 4! 4/1 1 4 5/1 (SEE TWYFORD) 35 5/0 BEAUWORTH 31 4/6 EBBF.SBORNE HEON, CHURCH isi 5/a 24 5/0 12 3/0 17 3/4 2! 5/4 21 3/4 Si 3/6 2i S/S 16! 3/8 Si 3/8 loj 5/6 54 4/o 4 J s/o i 4/o 64 5/7 41 J 4/6 361 4/8 ESSERE HORTON WALTHAM 16 3/6 6} 4/6 BlTTERNE 2iJ 3/8 7 J 4/0 FAREHAM 22 4/0 5 4/6 4l S/o 46 4/0 OVERTON 1 8 4/6 a4 4/0 A A./6 9t S/o a 4/8 42 1 4/8 8 . 4/6 6 J 5/0 WARGRAVE FONTHTLL 81 3/8 BRIGHTWELL 29 3/8 RMPTON 12! 4/8 4 (mill) ... 3/6 25 4/0 i (in tasso) . 3/0 lo s/o 364... . 3/8 7i... . S/4. 16... . 4/10 8... . 5/0 APPENDIX F 387 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1265-66 (continued} WIELD qrs. s. d. g\ 4/0 qrs. s. d. 18 (new) . . . 3/0 I3i " ... 3/4 MARDON qrs. s. d. 46 2/8 TWYFORD qrs. s. d. 31} (old) 2/9 32j S/o 14} 5/4 CALBOURNE 22 3/8 64 " 1/2 e l u/Q 29 4/0 Tl l'/ A /H 3 i 5/0 MEON, CHURCH g s/o BCRGHCLERE 9t 4/4 at 5/o 12} 6/8 40 (tithe) .. 4/6 5 s/4 62} 7/6 10 s/o 54! g/o lot (tithe) . . s/4 6 6/0 WlTNEY 34 4/0 CALBOURNE 2 9i (tithe) 6/0 53 4/6 18 J . . . 6/8 54 5/0 12 7/0 MORTON 7 7/6 7f 4/6 WOLVESEY a6| 4/8 2 8I c/o *5l 8/0 iSt 5/0 CHERTTON i 7/8 OVERTON 42 8/0 55! 5/0 13! 5/2 WOODHAY oj (mill) . . . [g/gj] af 4/8 CLERE, HIGH 32f S/8 71 4/6 3Sl 5/5 ill 8/0 gf 5/6 WYCOMBE CRAWLEY 5*1 f\lr\ 8J 4/0 \A\ 8/0 2 6| 4/8 SUTTON 20 J 5/0 DOWNTON 12 5/6 4! (mill) ... 6/0 s6l 6/0 1282-83 35 7/4 TATTNTON ADDERBURY 48! 6/0 it (mill) . . . [8/0] 30 8/4 8J 4/0 8i 4/4 . 3 t s/o r>l Cmi'lll [A/V.1 t I [, -Mr-ill ?1 1/n 7l 5/4 24 1 8/0 16! 6/0 22t 8/O 61 .. . 6/4 ASHMANSWORTH 0} [6/8] ESSERE TWYTORD & MARWELL oi [6/8J iif 4/4 30 4/6 BEAUWORTH FAREHAH 18 s/o 2 7/8 4t 6/8 7 S/ I7i 8/0 3 7/o 7 5/6 47l 8/0 20 5/8 BENTLEY FARNHAU 92! 9/o 4} g/o WALTHAH 4 4 /6 BITTERNE oj (mill) ... 6/0 FONTHILL 15}. . . 5/0 nj 6/8 I7t 7/4 6oi 6/0 3J . . . 7/4 I 7 | 8/8 I S | 8/0 WALTHAM, NORTH it 4/8 BRIGHSTONE IlAMBLEDON 4 J 6/8 ai . . . . 5/o 2-lJ... . 8/0 *8... . 8/0 HARWELL qrs. 3-. 62t. 4-- s. d. 6/8 7/o 8/0 581- ITCHINGSWELL 1 6/8 7/6 8/8 ... g/o ... 9/6 IVINGHOE 40} ......... 6/8 54t ......... 7/4 KNOYLE 33i- So. . 8oi. MARDON 7/4 8/8 6/8 6/8 8/0 MARWELL (SEE TWYFORD) MEON 1 10 7/0 48t 8/0 MORTON 26 6/8 i6i 7/4 OVERTON ot (mill) ... 6/0 it ' ... 6/0 oi ' ... 6/0 01 ... 6/8 2 " ... 6/8 oi ... 6/8 32t 8/0 RlMPTON 43l 6/8 29! 0/4 STOKE Sot 8/0 SUTTON a6| 8/0 TAUNTON: Kingston and Nailesboume 42t 7/4 ait 10/2 APPENDIX F 391 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1282-83 (continued) Otterford qrs. s. d. 16} 6/8 BRIGHTWELL qrs. s. d. 2! 6/0 HARWELL qrs. s. d. 10 6/8 RlUPTON qrs. s. d. 3 J 6/8 16} 7/0 34} 6/8 22 7/6 Poundisford 15 J 7/0 HAVANT STOKE 20 7/4 0} (mill) 6/8 i (mill) . . . [4/8] 6 6/8 38 10/2 ,1 7/0 oi ... [4/8] 6 i/o i [6/0] TWYFORD & MARWELL .* /<-> iSi 8/0 SUTTON 6} 8/S ITCHINGSWELL 4 6/8 ioi 6/0 il (mill) k/4.1 4i 7/4 31 i 8/0 81 .... 7/8 oi ... 15/4) I7i 8/0 TAUNTON T0 i 6/g 7 8/1 2si 6/8 0,1 a/ 6 7/0 iii 7/0 28} 7/0 WALTHAM, NORTH CHERITON 5o| 8/0 I3i 6/8 I9f 7/6 51} 8/0 WARGRAVE isi 8/0 7 8/6 46! 7/6 KNOYLE 99 8/2 io| 8/0 io| 6/8 TWYFORD & MARWELL i 3 K/n 2i-i 6/8 CRAWI.EY MARDON WIELD 13! 8/0 8J 6/0 Si 8/0 3l 7/4 DOWNTON 6 6/6 8 7/0 5} (miU) ... 4/0 2si 8/0 WlTNEY oj " ... [4/0] 32! 8/0 4 S/o ii " ... [6/0] of [8/0] i8i 6/0 2i 6/8 7/6 I 4 ij 6/8 MARWELL it " ... 7/4 (SEE TWYFORD) 6 7/4 rS fi/H oi ... 8/0 14 8/0 41 J 7/0 MEON 1C 1 t/ft 1 7/4 3 5/4 26! 6/0 WARGRAVE 2} 4/8 3i 6/8 I9i 7/o 40 8/0 3l 6/8 FAREHAU i of 8/0 3oJ 8/0 oi (mill) . . . fs/4] MEON, CHURCH S 8/0 1283-84 (?) 4 6/0 4 6/8 10 " 6/8 ADDERBURY 2i 7/0 8 " ..7/0 TC T/fS 13! 6/0 ii (mill) ... 7/0 9} 7/0 oi " ... 7/4 6} 8/0 ALRESFORD FARNHAM I 3 f 8/0 Si (tithes).. 8/0 MORTON WlTNEY IS 4/6 6i 8/0 3i 8/0 ioj S/o 37i 5/6 14! .... 6/0 34 6/0 BENTLEY FONTHILL 6 6/6 63 8/0 l6i 6/0 12 6/8 BlTTERNE ISi 6/8 OVERTON BRIGHSTONE HAMBLEDON 17! s/o oj (mill) . . . (6/8] 10 j 7/0 1285-86 ADDERBURY i.. .6/0 4l. . 7/0 i8l.. . 8/0 .!. . . . 4/0 392 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1285-86 (continued) ALHESFORD qn. d. 81 l fi /R CLERE, HIGH 32 J 3/o 22 S/O 2lt 5/0 W ALTHAM V TT 45! 4/4 .,{ ./A CRAWLEY 1 1 (mill) . . . 4/4 12 4/4 4l 4/6 3 4/9J til 4/8 DOWNTON 16 4/4 DOWNTON 42} 4/4 61 4/8 MARDON 38J 5/4 WALTHAM, NORTH I3t 4/8 2 (mill) . . . 5/0 40 6/0 a} (mill) ... 4/6 ai 1 5/0 3i (mill) ... 6/4 ot " ... 4/8 ,,i Wj i 4 f 6/0 2 (mill) ... 6/6 I ... 4/8 i " ... 4/io HARWELL (SEE TWYPORD) WARGRAVE 16} s/o DROXFORD 3it 6/6 xj 5/o 2! 6/0 MEON 5l 4/2 n 7 3/6 WIELD 4 J 4/4 1 / -n\ r /ni oj (mill) . . . 14/8J 20 . . . 4/8 EBBESBORNF. 16 4/3 WITNEY 10 5/0 6 4/4 ait S/o 22 J 3/4 13 3/6 5l 5/0 MEON, CHTHICH a6| 4/0 if 5/1 i6i 4/0 19 J 6/0 ESSERE 7| 5/0 56! (tithes).. 4/0 4 J 5/0 WOLVESEY 13 J 5/0 FARNHAM ai... . s/8 al (tithes)., s/o S2i 6/0 2.., .. [S/O] APPENDIX F 393 PRICES OF WHEAT, 1286-87 (continued) FONTHILL qrs. s. d. RlMPTON qrs. s. d. 3j 6/0 BITTERNE qrs. s. d. o| (mill) 3/4 2 if 6/0 10 6/8 oj 3/4 I2i 6/1 IS!-.'. 7/8 ij (mill) ... 4/8 g| 5/0 HAMBLEDON 13} 5/4 STOKE 9 4/6 22i 6/O 28J 6/0 I22i 5/0 9 6/8 8 . . . . 5/0 42 J 7/0 BURGHCLERE 65 6/8 oi (mill) . . . 4/0 4 J 6/0 TAUNTON 2J 5/0 6 6/0 CHERITON IVINGHOE 60 5/0 13 J 6/8 64} 7/0 2! (mill) . . . [6/8] 67} . . 7/4 KNOYLE 44 J 7/6 CLERE, HIGH 6 3/4 log 8/0 i 3/8 g8J 8/2 6 4/0 CRAWLEY 'I' C - T 31 j 4/8 ij 4/4 ~ 4/8 17 4/6 ~ 53 5/0 N 2 1 "I "" 3/ , 36i 4/0 KNOYLE, UPTON DROXFORD 6 4/0 jcl fi/R o| (mill) . . . [4/0] 2* A/A. 30 [5/0] o| 4/8 EBBESBORNE 43 J 4/0 MARDON 7ll 4/4 WOLVESEY FAREHAM loo 4/8 oj mill [4/2] 4 5/10 -n\ A/& I 4 J 6/2 (SEE TWYFORD) 2 6/4 FARNHAM 0} 3/0 2lJ 5/0 WYCOMBE I5i 6/8 of (mill) ... 3/0 37i 6/8 1287-88 3* (mill) ... 5/0 o J 5/0 3f (tithes).. 4/0 ADDERBURY 27 J 4/4 FONTHILL 5 4/4 6 (tithes).. 4/4 ALRESFORD 32} 6/0 37i (mill) . . . 5/0 i6J 6/8 H " ... 6/8 RlMPTON BRIGHTWELL KNOYLE, UPTON I2j 6/0 124 6/8 2 4/0 DROXTORD SUTTON 32j 7/o 41 1 1/0 if . . 4/8 oj (mill) . . . [7/0] it 5/o MEON TAUNTON 64! 5/4 20 6/8 EBBESBORNE 12! S/o i6ij 7/4 7o| 6/8 4ol 5/4 18 c/o ESSERE 6 3 i 6/0 3oJ 6/0 13 J 5/0 aj s/4 FAREHAM STAPLEGROVE 13! S/4 CLF.RE, HIGH MORTON ol (mill) . . . [s/gj] I9l 5/6 I7l 6/0 22| 4/8 6o| 7/0 21 J [ 3 ]/IO FARNHAM DOWNTON RIMPTON 79 f 5/8 oj (miU) ... 6/0 54* 6/0 at 7/4 14* 8/0 ni (mill)... 6/0 28 6/8 FONTHILL .17* [6/oil WARGRAVE roi... . 7/6 DROXFORD .^8! 6/8 SDTTON 21} 6/8 APPENDIX F 399 PRICES or WHEAT, 1297-98 (continued) TAUNTON qrs. s. d. 48J 2/8 27 3/4 20 4/4 8gf 6/10 Kingston and Nailesbourne ioi 6/[o] 21 1 6/10 Poundisford a8i [ 3 /6J] 2 6/0 3i J 6/10 TWYFORD & MARWELL 82! 6/8 WALTHAM 68 6/8 WALTHAM, NORTH 7 S/o 20| 6/0 WARGRAVE Si 7/o WIELD 21 6/8 WlTNEY 64! 4/0 WOLVESEY oj 4/0 i 4/6 4i 5/o 8 5/6 ii 6/0 5 7/i i 7/6 39i 8/0 WOODHAY 9 5/o 26i 6/0 WYCOMBE 43i 4/8 1298-99 ADDERBURY i8J 6/0 ALRESFORD 46! 8/0 ASHMANSWORTH 7i 8/0 BEAUWORTH 22} 8/0 BENTLEY qrs. s. d. 4 f 4/8 KNOYLE qrs. s. d. 39 .... 6/0 TWYFORD & MARWELL qrs. s. d. p8J 8/0 4 5/0 n8J 7/4 3 6/0 WALTHAM KNOYLE, UPTON if 4/8 3 f 6/8 5 7/4 BlTTERNE 2 6/8 64 J ... 8/0 i8i 8/0 BRIGHTWELL MARDON WALTHAM, NORTH 30 J 8/0 58 J 8/0 WALTHAM, 2} s/o ST. LAWRENCE BURGHCLERE ,,1 ,/(. isi 8/4 7J... . 6/8 4* 6/0 3i 6/2 oj (mill) . . . 8/0 3 6/6 CHERTTON 3$ 6/8 WIELD 43 8/0 I26|. . . 8/0 CLERE, HIGH MARWELL 78i 6/0 CRAWLEY 6oJ 8/0 (SEE TWYFORD) MEON WOLVESEY 5J 6/0 44 J 6/8 3 . 6/4 CULHAM 190! 8/0 26! . . 6/8 5} 8/0 DOWNTON MEON, CHURCH 2 7/4 3f (mill) . 5/8 3 7/8 2} 8/10 [7/10?] OVERTON 10} 8/0 32! 8/0 > n/n DROXFORD 8iJ 8/0 RlMPTON WOODHAY 5}.... 6/8 M 82 7/8 37f 8/0 72! 7/4 _, FAREHAM 6 (mill) ... 6/8 WYCOMBE 21 J I/O lg|. . 8/O 70 8/0 1299-1300 13} 8/0 TAUNTON ADDERBURY i8i 4/6 71 4/o 111 I/A 28! s/o 351 6/8 ALRESFORD 571 /o 60} 7/0 So| 6/8 HARWELL 24 J 8/4 16 7/0 ASHMANSWORTH 25$ 8/0 * 9 ' ii s/o Kingston and iSj 6/0 HAVANT Nailesbourne 8| 6/0 3l 6/8 32 6/8 ITCHINGSWELL 4 5/6 BENTLEY 18} 8/0 Otterford 78 J 6/8 18 J 6/0 IVINGHOE g 6/8 BlTTERNE Sol . . . . 7/0 37... ,. 8/81 i8J 6/8 400 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1299-1300 (continued) BRIGHTWELL qrs. 8. d. jlj 4/0 FARSHAII qrs. s. d. a| (mill) ... 6/0 MEON grs. ,. A. 18 6/0 TWYFORD qra. s. d. 4l 5/6 2 1 (mill) . . 4/0 ig | 6/O x6a| 6/8 4l 5/8 a| * ... 4/4 101 J 6/0 13 4/6 FONTHILL MORTON too 6/8 4i (mill) ... 4/8 59..' 5/8 8 4/10 in! r/ft 61 " ... S/o 7 .I til 9l : . . 4/0 OVERTON 4 J 4/8 30 5/0 27 S/O 24 0/8 41 6/0 7 5/4 77 S/o jo . , . 6/0 HARWELL il (miU).. 6/0 ao 4/4 i t\/f* AOi . . . */A. 34f 4/8 8oi 5/4 gj 6/0 mm 56! 6/8 STOKE WALTHAU, NORTH ,1 ,/. 12! 5/0 I (mill) . . . s/o 62 5/6 *7i 6/0 61 s/o 4'f 5/4 30 6/O SDTTON 30 6/8 WARGRAVE i\ tit ITCHTNGSWELL 56} 6/0 i8f s/o T 6oi 6/8 x6 J 6/0 WlTNEY it 5/o I4SJ 4/4 CULHAM 7 6/0 IVINGHOE rfil tin 3l 5/4 1 A/A a 5/4 _. >c WR l6si 5/4 il 5/4 l S/4 40 J s/o 10 5/4 i (bought) 5/4 7! <;/., a! 5/8 4l 5/o 7ll 5/8 97 5/8 3} (bought) 5/6 s j 6/0 37t 5/8 7 5/4 KNOYLE 981 6/3 \ (bought) 5/8 13 6/O 6ol s/o Kingston and 2 (bought) 5/10 S oi 6/8 7 S/o isl 6/0 KNOYLE, UPTON 2 f 4/8 7 6/3 EBBESBORNE 17 J S/O 3SJ 6/8 i s/o 1 c/x i6J 5/4 10! 1/8 WOODHAY 73 6/0 MARDON IT! />/ 37 J s/o 9! 5/0 26! 6/0 FAREHAM 8f . . . .5/3 Poundisford o| 5/4 42 . . . 5/4 3 i| 5/4 WYCOMBE of 6/0 8J 5/8 2 5/0 o.. ,. 6/8 106 6/8 37!.. .. 6/3 Si... . 5/8 APPENDIX F 401 PRICES OF CORN, 1523-24 Bought for the household of the countess of Devon, in Devonshire. All the wheat was bought from Robert Hancock by bargain. MS., R.O., Misc. Exchequer Books (T. R.) 223. Amt. Amt. Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase Date in qrs. Price Particulars of purchase 1523 s. d. 1524 s. d. 2 Oct. oi wheat 8/0 " of the old bargayn." 17 June oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 2 " i " 9/4 " of the newe bargayn." 24 " i J wheat 9/8 9 ' 2 " 9/4 24 " oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 25 Dec. 2 8/8 i July 3J wheat 9/8 1523-24 i " oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. i Jan. 6 [9/4] 7 " ij wheat 9/8 29 " ij " 9/4 IS " 2 * 9/8 5 Feb. ij " 9/4 15 " ol rye 15/4] At Adderley Bridge. 12 " 2 " 9/4 22 " 2 wheat 9/8 23 " I* " 9/8 22 " oirye lS/4l At Adderley Bridge. 1524 29 " 1$ wheat 9/8 i Apr. 2 " 9/8 29 " oi rye [5/4] 8 " 2 " 9/8 5 Aug. 2 wheat 9/8 IS " ii " 9/8 12 " i " 9/8 22 " ii " 9/8 12 " i " 8/0 29 " 2 " 9/8 19 " 2j " 8/0 " off a new barge[n]." 6 May ij " 9/8 26 " 2 * 8/0 13 " 2 " 9/8 26 " of rye [4/8] " bogth off Mr. Bayly." 20 " ii " 9/8 2 Sept. 2! wheat 8/0 20 " oirye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 2 " oirye 4/2 bought at Honiton. 27 " 2 wheat 9/8 9 " 2 wheat 8/0 27 " oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 9 " oi rye [5/4] " bogth off Mr. Bayly." 3 June ii wheat 9/8 16 " 2| wheat 8/0 3 " oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 16 " oirye U/8] " bogth off Mr. Bayly." 10 " 2 wheat 9/8 23 " ii wheat 8/0 10 " oi rye [5/4] At Adderley Bridge. 23 " oi [wheat] lS/4l " bogth off Mr. Bayly." 17 " i J wheat 9/8 PRICES OF CORN, 1557-58 Little Walsingham, Norfolk. MS., R.O., Misc. Exchequer Books (T. R.) 255, " Gresham Ac- counts." Year Date Amount Price s. d. 1557 2 combs red wheat (6/8]. 8 " wheat 1/2- 5 " * 8/0. 100 " barley lS/att 1557-58 16 Jan. 2 malt U/o]. U557-58] 5 " wheat 4/4- Year Date [t557-58] Amount ij combs wheat 6i " 3i " peas 3i " malt i J " barley Price s. d. 6/8. 4/o. 3/0- 3/4- 402 APPENDIX F PRICES OF CORN, 1572-84 Sold in southern Norfolk (Mendham and Harling). MS., Br. M., Add., 27398, " Household Accounts of the Family of Gawdy, 1570-1576." Place Place Date Amount Price of sale Date Amount Price of sale XS7* s.d. S72 s.d. 27 Sept. i bush, oatmeal li/d Harling. 27 Dec. i pk. oatmeal [o/6J Harling. a? " oi la/o] Mendham. a? ' oi comb mistlin 18/0] a7 " 0} comb wht. with rye l8/o] IS72-73 4 Oct. i J bush, oatmeal Ii/ioJ] Harling. 3 Jan. i " wheat lw/o] Mendham. 4 ' 0} comb wheat [10/0] Mendham. 3 " i " rye [6/0 it " 3 bushs. rye [1/6] Harling. 3 " 4 combs malt U/o ii 2 * wheat la/o] 10 * oi bush, oatmeal la/o Harling. ii " 7 combs malt [4/0] < 10 " 5 combs malt [4/0 ii " 4 ' U/o] Mendham. 10 " oi comb mistlin 18/0 ii * i * wheat [10/0] 10 " i bush, oatmeal [a/o Mendham. 18 ' oj bush, oatmeal [a/o] Harling. 10 " 4 combs malt U/o 18 oj comb rye [6/0] a 10 " i comb wheat [10/0 a 18 " oi " " [6/0] Mendham. 10 " i " rye 16/0 as * 0} pk. oatmeal [0/6] Harling. 17 * oi " mistlin l8/o Harling. S ' 2 bushs. rye [1/6] i? " i " wheat Uo/o Mendham. as * 0} bush, oatmeal [a/o] Mendham. 17 " oi * rye 16/0 as * 0} comb wheat [10/0] 24 " oi bush, oatmeal [a/o 1 as " oi rye [6/0] 24 oi comb wheat lio/o * i Nov. oi bush, oatmeal [a/o] Harling. 24 " i " rye [6/0 M i * i comb rye [6/0] 24 " 4 combs malt U/o I i " oi * , wheat [8/0] " 2 Feb. 6 bushs. wheat li/i Harling. 8 i " oatmeal la/o] " 2 * 2i combs rye [6/0 8 " 7 combs malt U/o] 2 " oi bush, oatmeal [2/0 Mendham. 8 i comb wheat [8/0] 2 i comb wheat lio/o 8 6 bushs. rye li/6] 2 oi " rye [6/0 8 oi bush, oatmeal la/o] Mendham. 7 " oi bush, oatmeal [2/0 Harling. 8 " i " mistlin la/o] * 7 " 4 combs malt U/o] Mendham. IS " i " oatmeal la/o] Harling. 7 * oi comb wheat [10/0] IS * oi la/o] Mendham. 7 " oi rye [6/0] IS * i " mistlin la/o] " 14 * i bush, peas Ii/4l Harling. 2 " i " oatmeal la/o] Harling. 14 " oi * oatmeal la/o] 2 " 3 " wheat la/o] 14 " i pk. oatmeal [0/6] Mendham. 2 " 6 rye U/61 21 " S bushs. wheat [2/0] Harling. 2 I " miatlin la/o] Mendham. 21 " 6 " mistlin [i/4l 2 " 4 combs malt U/o] 28 " i bush, peas [i/3l " 29 oi bush, oatmeal la/o] Harling. 28 " 3 pks. peas [o/4l 29 i " mistlin la/o] Mendham. 28 i bush, wheat la/6] 7 Dec. i " oatmeal la/o] Harling. 7 Mar. oi " oatmeal ta/o] a 7 * 3 " rye li/o] 7 " oi comb peas IS/41 a 7 " 6 " barley [i/o] 7 " 9 bushs. mistlin [1/6] 14 " i " oatmeal la/o] 7 " 3 " wheat [a/6] " 14 * 3 bushs. rye U/6] 14 " 2 " peas IS/4l " 14 " 3 " wheat [a/o] 14 " 6 * mistlin [i/6] 14 ' 4 combs malt [4/0] " IS73 14 " i bush, wheat [1/6] Mendham. 28 Mar. i comb rye [6/0] 14 " oi comb rye [8/0] ii Apr. i bush, oatmeal la/8] * 14 ' 4 combs malt U/o] as " oi " [3/4l 20 * I2i " bread corn [0/4 i] Harling. Undated i comb rye [8/0] 20 * 2 * wheat lio/o] Mendham. i * peas b/ol 2O " 2 * rye [6/0] a i bush, rye la/3l APPENDIX F PRICES or CORN, 1572-84 (continued) 403 Place Place Date Amount Price of sale Date Amount Price of sale 1573 s.d. 1576 s. d. Undated i pk. rye [0/7] 24 June 10 combs rye (2 lots) [6/0] Sold. " oj bush, peas [i/4l 24 " 10 " " [5/0] " oj " rye [2/61 n 3 ' U/8] " oj comb peas [6/0] 24 " g bushs. " [1/8] " i bush. " [1/8] 24 " 7 " " [1/6] " oj * rye fa/6] 24 " 3 combs " [4/6] " 2 bushs. " [i/3l 24 " 10 " [5/0] IS73-4 24 " jo [5/0] 14 Mar. xoj combs rye b/6J] Harlins. 24 " 40 " [rye] [6/5] * U " Si " " I9/6H 1583-84 14 * Si [9/9] 17 Mar. 20 combs rye [2/6] Harling. 14 " i comb " [10/0] 17 " 10 " " [5/0] 14 " 5 bushs. rye [2/0] 17 " 20 [5/8] 14 " 3 " " [2/6] 17 " S " " l5/o] 14 " i comb " [10/0] " 17 " 3 " barley [5/0] 14 " i bush. " [2/6] 17*26 " rye (s lots) [5/0] 14 " i comb " [10/8] 1584 14 " sl combs " l9/6il 9 July 20 combs barley Is/o] Mendham. 14 " i bush. " [2/6] 9 " 10 " 5/2 14 " 2 combs " [10/0] 9 " 30 " " (5 lots) [5/0] 14 " 5 " seed barley [6/8] g " 20 bushs. " (2 lots) [1/3] 14 " i comb rye [9/0] 9 " 4 combs " ts/o] 14 " 5 combs * [9/4] 9 " 10 " rye 5/8 14 ' i bush. " [2/4] 9 " i comb " [5/8] * 14 i " " [2/0] g " i " mistlin [6/0] " 14 " i " " [2/6] 9 " 3 bushs. rye [5/0] * 14 " si combs rye [8/0] 9 " oj comb mistlin [6/0] " iS?6 9 " oi " rye [4/0] 24 June 20 [6/8] Sold. 9 " i " mistlin [6/0] PRICES OF CORN, 1585-86 Bought for the use of Philip, Lord Wharton, Westmoreland. (Br. M., Add., 22289.) Date Amt. in qrs. Price Date Amt. in qrs. Price ISS s. d. 1585-86 s. d. 30 Oct. -27 Nov. 4! wheat 44/o. 22 Jan. -19 Feb. oi wheat for brewing US/41- 5} malt 26/8. 19 Feb. -19 Mar. si ' 48/0. 0} * brewed in ale 26/8. 61 malt 26/8- oi + 2 pks. wheat for brewing 44/0. oi " brewed in ale 36/8. 37 Nov.-2S Dec. s wheat 44/0. oi wheat for brewing 48/0. 7i malt 26/8. 19 Mar.-i6 Apr. si * S3/4- oj " brewed in ale 26/8. 61 malt 26/8. oi wheat for brewing [44/o]. oi wheat for brewing [53/41. 1585-86 i malt brewed in ale 26/8. 25 Dec. -22 Jan. 6f wheat 44/0. 1586 o i malt 26/8. 16 Apr. -ii May 4! wheat 53/4- oi wheat for brewing [44/0]. 5} malt 26/8. 0} malt brewed in ale 26/8. oi wheat for brewing [S3/4). 22 Jan. -19 Feb. sl wheat 4S/4- oi malt brewed in ale 26/8. 7f malt 26/8. 4 May- 4 June 8| wheat 26/8. i " brewed in ale 26/8. 12 J malt 16/0. 404 APPENDIX F PRICES OF CORN, 1585-86 (continue^) Date Amt. in qrs. Price Date Amt. in qrs. Price 1586 s. d. 1586 s. d. 4 May - 4 June i wheat for brewing 26/8. 30 July -27 Aug. 1 1 i malt 16/0. 4 June- a July 7! " 26/8. oi wheat for brewing 26/8. 12! malt id o. x? Aug. -24 Sept. 7 1 26/8. oi wheat for brewing 26/8. 1 1 i malt 1 6/0. a July -30 July si * 26/8. oi wheat for brewing 26/8. 9! malt 16/0. 24 Sept.-29 Oct. 6 wheat 40/0. oi wheat for brewing 26/8. 3 rye 26/8. 30 July -2 7 Aug. 7 1 * 26/8. 12! malt 16/0. oi wheat for brewing 40/0. PRICES OF CORN, 1633-61 Bought and sold in Sussex. MS., Br. M., Add., 33147, " Accompts of Laughton, etc." Particu- Particu- lars of lars of sale and sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase 1633 s. d. 1633-34 s. d. 25 Mar. - Mich. 6 wheat 36/0 Mich.-25 Mar. oj barley 16/0 Bought from a Ringmer man. Bought from a Norton man. 25 * - "3 wheat 36/0 Bought. * -25 " i barley 24/0 25 - 8 * 36/0 Bought from a Bishopston man. 25 * - " $ " 33/o * * -25 " 12! oats 8/0 Bought. 25 " - * oi 34/8 * -25 * 17 " 10/6 25 ' - "4 malt 19/0 " 1634 25 " - " ii " 19/0 * 25 Mar. - Mich, oi tares 10/8 * 25 " - " 40 ' 20/0 25 " - * i barley ao/o 25 * - " Oi " 30/0 " Bought from a Bishopston man. 23 " - i 18/0 25 - * ol malt [24/0] Bought. 25 " - i bariey 18/0 * 25 * - " oi wheat 40/0] " 25 " - * oi * 17/4 1634-35 Bought from a Ringmer man. Mich.-25 Mar. 1 1 seed wheat 47/4 25 * - " oi barley [20/0] Bought. Bought from a Denton man. 25 " " oi peas ao/o * ' -25 il wheat 45/4 25 "- " o| tares 12/0 * Bought from a Tarring man. 25 " - " ol " 12/0 * " -25 " i rye 30/0 Bought. 25 " - * I2i oats 8/0 " * -25 * o| " 32/0 25 " - " 13 * 9/4 " " -25 " 2 peas 20/0 " 1633-34 ' -25 " i aa/8 Mich.-25 Mar. 2 wheat 36/0 * -as " 3 ' ai/4 Bought from a Farley man. * -25 " i barley 22/0 " " -25 " oi malt 20/0 Bought. * -25 i peas 21/4 " " -25 " i peas ao/o * ' -25 oi " aa/8 * -25 * 2 * 20/0 * " -25 " ol tares 12/0 * " -23 " 3 " *4/o " -25 * 12! oats 8/0 " ' -25 " ol " 24/0 * ' -as * 5 * 10/0 " -*5 " oi " pease for the horsscs" 26/8 Bought from a Laughton man. Bought from a Ringmer man. * -25 " 12! oats 10/0 Bought. " -25 " ol " pease for porridge " [32/0 " -25 " 10 * xo/o * Bought. i63S " -as ' i barley ao/o 25 Mar. - Mich, i barley 20/0 * Bought from a Ringmer man. 25 " - oi tares [14/4] " APPENDIX F 405 PRICES OF CORN, 1633-61 (continued) Particu- lars of sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs.* Price chase 1635 s. d. as Mar. - Mich, of oats |io/8] Bought. 23 * - " oj seed wheat 48/0 " 25 " - " 8 " rye 32/0 " 1635-36 Mich.-zs Mar. 3 rye 32/0 Sold. -25 " 2 " 29/4 " " -25 " oj "course" wht. 37/4 ' " -25 " ii peas 20/0 Bought from a Ringmer man. " -25 " o-| peas 17/4 Bought from a Ringmer man. * -25 " i seed peas 2S/4 Bought. " -25 " of tares 20/0 " " -25 * oj barley 20/0 " 1636 23 Mar. - Mich. 4 malt 22/0 " 25 " - " oi barley 26/0 Bought at Lewes market. 25 "- " oj barley 20/0 Bought. as " - " oi tares 18/8 * 1636-37 Mich.-2S Mar. if peas 32/0 Bought from a Stoughton man. " -25 " si malt 28/0 Bought. * -25 " o} tares 32/0 Bought from a Stoughton man. * -25 " 10 oats iS/o Bought. " -23 " o} peas 32/0 Bought from a Waldron man. * -25 " 9 oats i5/ Bought. " -25 * 4i " 13/4 Bought from a Hoathly man. 1637 as Mar. - Mich, oi barley 24/0 Bought from a Stoneham man. 25 * - * o! " 28/0 Bought. 2S " - " Oj [28/8] as * - " i peas for horses (28/0] " as * - "3l oats 13/0 " 25 "- " ii " 19/0 " as " - " i2i " 14/0 23 * - " 4 " iS/o " 35 " - " oj barley 30/8 " 1638 Mich.-2S Mar. oi " 28/0 ' * -25 " oi " 28/0 * " -2j " I2i oats 16/0 Bought from a Hellingleigh man. " -23 * 10 barley malt 30/0 Bought. 35 Mar. - Mich, i wheat 32/0 " 1638-39 Mich.-2s Mar. if seed wheat 32/0 Bought from a Laughton man. Particu- lars of sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase 1638-39 s. d. Mich.-2S Mar. oi barley [24/0] Bought " -23 " 2 peas 24/0 Bought from a Hellingleigh man. " -23 " 10 malt 23/0 Bought. " -23 " oi barley 24/0 " 1639 23 Mar. - Mich, o 1639-40 Mich.-2S Mar. o 1640 23 Mar. - Mich. I2i oats 8/0 Bought. 23 " - " I2i " 9/6 23 " - " 20 " 9/0 Bought from a Ckpham man. if * - " l barley 16/0 Bought from a Bishopston man. 23 " - " 3l seed wheat 30/0 Bought. as * - " o| " * 29/4 23 " - " 2 " rye 21/4 * 1640-41 Mich.-25 Mar. oi wheat 28/0 " " -23 " 10 oats 10/0 " " -23 " i * 10/0 " " -23 i 9/4 " -23 " 4! peas 26/8 " " -23 " o| " 24/0 " " -23 * o| barley 16/0 " " -23 " i 18/0 1641 23 Mar. - Mich, i } wheat 32/0 " 23 " - * 5 ' $a/o 23 " - " i " 32/0 Bought from a Farley man. 23 " - " 2i wheat 32/0 Bought. 23 " - " i barley 16/0 Bought from a Bishopston man. 23 " - * 6 oats 10/0 Bought. 1641-42 Mich.-as Mar. 3 old oats 12/0 * " -23 " 7 oats 10/0 * -23 oi barley 18/8 " -23 * 2 f peas for hogs 20/0 * " -23 " oi " 24/0 ' " -23 * li " to SOW 2O/O * 1642 23 Mar. - Mich, i i wheat 32/0 " 23 " - " i barley 18/0 * 23 " - " ii peas 20/0 23 " - " ii tares 18/8 " 1642-43 Mich.-2S Mar. 4 seed wheat 40/0 Bought from a Farley man. " -2S " o} wheat 36/0 Bought. 406 APPENDIX F PRICES OF CORN, 1633-61 (continued) Particu- lars of sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase 1642-43 s. d. Mich.-as Mar. oj peas 24/0 Bought. 1643 as Mar. - Mich, oi barley *9/o " as " - "20 oats 9/0 " as * - " ao " 9/0 " 1643-44 Mich.-as Mar. a peas 17/4 " 1644 as Mar. - Mich, ol wheat [26/8] * as ' - " oi " 126/8] as " - "as oats (a lots) 8/0 " 1644-45 Mich.-asMar. 12! oats 8/8 Bought from an Arlington man. * -as " i oats 9/0 Bought. " -25 * 3 seed wheat 28/2 " " -as xj horse beans to sow 24/0 " " -as " 2 peas ao/o " " -as " aJ " i7/o " " -as " ol barley 16/0 " 1645 as Mar. - Mich, if wheat a6/8 " as * - " oi a6/o as " - " 12 oats 13/0 " as " - " Si " /8 as " - " 4 " xa/o " S " - " 3 " X3/4 " as " - " a 13/4 " as " - 7l " x 3 /4 as - " 9l " "/o " as " - " at 13/4 as " - '' 4 " 9/4 as * - " i barley 20/0 " as " - " ol ' 16/0 25 " - * i " 18/0 Bought from a Bishopston man. 1645-46 Mich.-2S Mar. 5 wheat 28/0 Bought. " -25 " 31 oats xo/o " " -as " 7l " n/4 " " -25 " 3 " . xi/o " * -2S " 0| " 12/0 " " -as " i| " [ia/o] " -23 * ol barley Iio/o] " 1646 25 Mar. - Mich. 5 wheat a8/o " 35 " - " ii " aS/o as " - ' oi 39/4 as " - " 'I 38/0 35 ' - "30 oats xo/o " 35 " - * 10 " n/o " as " - "si seed wheat 37/4 " Particu- lars of sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase 1646-47 s. d. Mich.-as Mar. 6J old oats 10/0 Bought. " -aS " ij * " 12/0 " " -25 * 3 new * xo/6 * " -25 * oj peas for hogs 24/0 * 1647 23 Mar. - Mich. 40 old oats 10/0 " 25 " - " 29 * * 12/0 " IS " - ' 4* ' xa/o as * - " oj " wheat 32/0 Sold. 1647-48 Mich.-asMar. oj " " 48/0 Bought. " -25 " i wheat 40/0 Sold. Mich.-25 Mar. ol coarse wheat [16/0] ' 1648 as Mar. - Mich, i wheat 52/4 ' 2 S ' - " ol 56/0 25 - aj 40/0 as " - * oj ' 52/4 25 * - " oj rye 40/0 Bought. S - oj 4a/8 * 25 " - "14 oats 16/0 " S * - i|" 16/0 as " - " oj 32/0 " 23 " - " i " for the swans [16/0] * 1648-49 Mich.-25 Mar. oj rye b6/o] * " -25 * i seed wheat 52/0 " " -25 " xl " beans 36/0 " " -25 "a * peas 40/0 " -as " 3 " " 3a/o " -25 of 44/0 " -as " ii " tares 28/0 " " -25 " 2 oats 12/0 " " -as " of 14/8 ' -as ' 5 " [ifl/iil Bought from a Bishopston man. 1649 as Mar. - Mich. 2! wheat to sow 76/0 Bought at Turners Hill. 25 " - " a old wheat 50/0 Bought for the house. 25 " - " i wheat sa/o Ditto. 25 * - * a barley 30/0 Bought. S * - " o} oats 17/4 Bought from a Bishopston man. 1640-50 Mich.-2S Mar. oj wheat 50/0 Bought, -as " S " 56/0 -25 " oj 48/0 " -as " x barley 33/0 " -as " o| 3a/o " " -as oj 36/0 APPENDIX F 407 PRICES OF CORN, 1633-61 (continued) Particu- lars of sale and pur- Date Amt. in qrs. Price chase 1640-30 s. d. Mich.-2S Mar. I barley 34/o Bought. " -25 " 10 malt 32/0 " " -25 " oj " 18/0 " 1650 25 Mar. - Mich, i wheat 72/0 " 25 " - " i " 64/0 " S " - " i! " 76/0 25 " - " i " 60/0 " 35 "- " i " 60/0 " 25 " - " oi new wheat 24/0 " 25 "- "of barley 34/o Bought at Lewes. 25 " - "3 " 34/o Bought. 1650-51 Mich.-25 Mar. oi " 24/0 * " -25 " if " 21/4 " " -25 " oj oats 10/8 " " -25 " if wheat 49/4 Sold. Mich.-25 Mar. of 32/0 " * -25 " 8J peas 24/0 * 1651 25 Mar. - Mich, gj wheat 32/0 " 25 " - " it " 40/0 " 25 " - "20 oats 40/0 * 25 " - " i barley 20/0 Bought. 25 " - " 3 barley to sow 19/0 " 25 " - " oj " [20/0] * 1651-52 Mich.-25 Mar. 3} "gatton" wht.so/o Sold. " -25 " i coarse wheat 32/0 " " -25 " oi barley 20/0 Bought. " -25 " ol tares 12/0 " 1652 25 Mar. - Mich. 18 oats n/iJSold. 25 " - " i wheat 32/0 " 25 " - " i malt 22/0 " 25 " - * 3i barley 17/0 " 1652-53 Mich.-2sMar. i "Gatton" wht. 40/0 Bought. " -25 " 3 48/0 " " -25 " oj peas for the hogs 34/8 " i6S3 25 Mar. - Mich, oj wheat 32/0 Sold. 25 " - "i [26/8] 1653-54 Mich.-25 Mar. 3 oats 13/4 " " -25 " it wheat 26/8 " " -25 " i " 24/0 " -25 " oi " 21/4 " " -25 " o| [wheat] 20/0 " " -25 * oi seed barley [28/0! Bought at Mailing. Date 1653-54 Mich.-25 Mar. oi peas 1654 2 5 Mar.- Mich. i| wheat Particu- lars of sale and pur- Amt. in qrs. Price chase 25 20 malt s. d. 20/0 Bought. ao/o Sold. [32/0) " Mich.-25 Mar. 8 wheat 16/0 " " -25 ' 2 seed wheat 16/0 Bought. " -25 " ii wheat 16/0 " " -25 * of horse beans 16/0 " " -25 " oi garden " [6/8] " 1655 25 Mar. - Mich. 13 wheat 16/0 Sold. as * - " i " [16/0] Bought. 1655-56 Mich.-2sMar. n j oats 12/0 " " -25 " i * n/o * 1656 25 Mar. - Mich. 12 malt 17/0 Sold. 25 " - " of wheat 21/4 " 25 " - " ii " 34/0 25 * - " oi * 26/8 * 25 " - *3t peas ai/4 " 25 " - " ij ao/o " 25 " - " 3} wheat 24/0 Bought. 25 - " 2i seed wheat 26/8 " 25 " - " 1 1 horse beans [20/0] * 1656-57 Mich.-25 Mar. ii wheat 24/0 Sold. " -25 oi " 26/8 * -25 * 2 peas 20/0 * " -25 " 14 " 21/4 " " -25 " o| wheat 26/8 Bought. " -25 * oj barley [20/0] * " -25 * 1 1 horse beans [24/0] " " -25 " 3 oats [20/0] " " -25 * 3 " [12/0] " 1657 25 Mar. - Mich. 4 i n/6 25 - i wheat [29/4] 25 " - " ot "for horses [a 7/8] " 1657-58 Mich.-25 Mar. oi wheat 24/0 Sold. * -25 ii " 26/8 " " -25 " i " ag/4 " " -25 " ii old peas 20/0 * * -25 * 6 peas 21/4 " ' -25 * 4t * 24/o ' " -25 18 oats (2 lots) n/o Bought. " -25 " i tares 16/0 * " -25 " ii+i "tavett" tares 16/0 * " -25 i wheat [29/4] 408 APPENDIX F PRICES OF CORN, 1633-61 (continued) Particu- Particu- lars of lars of sale and sale and Date Amt. in qrs. Price pur- chase Date Amt. in qrs. Price pur- chase 1658 s. d. 1660 s. d. 25 Mar. - Mich. i wheat 44/0 Bought. 23 Mar. - Mich. 2i wheat 52/0 Sold. as ' - ' 7 seed barley 22/0 Sold. as _ 10 peas ai/4 M as ' - i " " S a/o Bought. 3 _ 4 tares 18/8 * as * - " 2 " * So/o as * * 0} wheat 48/0 Bought. as " - " o! 48/0 15 _ i field beans 24/0 " 1638-50 as _ 10 oats 14/0 * Mich.-2S Mar. 1$ wheat 3a/o Sold. as _ 3* ' 18/0 ' -as " oj * 37/4 as a _ 3i " 16/0 " -as " ij barley a6/8 25 * - * i barley for poultry [26/0] * -as o| peas 26/8 i66o~6i _ 0} tares 18/8 " Mich.-as Mar. oj wheat U4/o] 1659 as Mar. - Mich as " - " 7 wheat 2j seed wheat S3/4 58/8 Bought. " -25 " " -as " i field beans 8 oats 7 " [24/0! 14/8 i a/o as * - as * - " i " " S oats 14/0 . " -as " 3 tares 14/8 * as " - * i * I2/O * [l2/o] as * - " 2 " [18/0! " 1661 1639-60 25 Mar. - Mich i \ " gatton " wheat for seed Mich.-as Mar. 3 peas 26/8 Sold. 44/o Sold. " -as * 2 tares 18/8 " as _ 4 barley 18/8 " ' -as " 3 J seed wheat 44/o Bought. as _ 2 peas 24/0 ' as i } wheat 40/0 as _ 4 " ao/o " " -as " 4 seed peas 34/0 as _ i seed wheat 48/0 Bought. " -as " oi peas a6/8 as _ i 48/0 -as * o; malt [a8/o] 2.5 * - " s wheat for the house 42/8 * Bought at Lewes. 25 _ a 30 oats IO/O APPENDIX F 409 PRICES OF WHEAT, 26 SEPT., 1663 TO 3 MAR., 1668-69 Sold in the Oxford market, and recorded by the market authorities. The market was held Wednesdays and Saturdays. The following abbreviations have been used: W Wednesday. S Saturday. F Regular market day a feast day, market held a day earlier. Source is MS., Br. M., Stowe, 874, "Oxford Wheat Prices, 1663- 1669." Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price >cr bu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price >erbu. Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. 1663 1663-64 S 26 Sept. 9 45 6/6 5/8 6/1 1 W 27 Jan. 6 39 6/4 S/io 6/2 W 3 o " 6 25 6/6 6/0 6/4 S 30 " 6 20 6/0 5/6 S/io S 3 Oct. S 29 6/8 6/0 6/5l W 3 Feb. 5 19 6/0 5/8 5/ioi W 7 " 7 58 6/6 6/0 6/3! S 6 " 6 25 6/4 S/6 S/ii S 10 " 7 44 6/6 6/0 6/4 Wio " 5 28 6/0 5/8 S/io Wl 4 " 9 35 6/6 6/0 6/3J S 13 6 25 6/0 5/7 S/io S 17 " 8 59 6/2 5/4 5/9i Wi7 " 5 18 6/0 5/5 5/8 W2i " 7 40 6/0 5/2 5/81 S 20 " 6 30 6/4 5/7 S/io S 24 " 7 46 6/0 S/o 5/7* W2 4 " 6 18 6/5 6/0 6/3 W28 " 6 35 6/0 5/4 5/81 S 27 7 28 6/6 6/0 6/4 S 31 " 8 43 5/1 S/o S/6J W 2 Mar. 6 32 6/8 6/0 6/5* W 4 Nov. 6 31 S/8 5/2 s/sl S S ' 8 45 6/8 6/0 6/5J S 7 7 44 5/9 5/o 5/5l W 9 " 7 41 6/6 S/io 6/2| Wn " 7 34 5/1 S/o 5/5* S 12 7 33 6/6 5/4 S/i 1 1 S 14 6 36 5/io 5/2 5/6J Wi6 6 31 6/4 5/7 6/oi Wi8 " 5 17 5/io 5/2 5/61 S I9 " 7 42 6/2 S/ii 6/ol S 21 4 17 5/8 5/2 s/si W2 3 " 5 22 6/6 5/8 6M W2S " 6 32 5/8 5/2 S/4l 1664 S 28 " S 27 5/8 5/2 5/5 S 26 6 22 6/3 5/9 6/0 W 2 Dec. 5 U 5/9 5/o 5/5* W 3 o * 7 39 6/2 5/6 5/i i i S S ' 4 18 5/1 5/2 5/5 S 2 Apr. 6 37 6/1 S/io S/iil W 9 " S 23 6/0 5/4 S/4i W 6 6 36 6/0 5/6 5/9* S 12 6 3 5/io 5/2 5/6 1 S 9 " 6 32 6/4 5/9 6M Wi6 " 6 3 6/0 5/6 S/9l \Vi 3 7 34 6/3 5/3 5/0 S 19 " S 26 6/6 5/4 5/8 S 16 8 49 6/3 5/6 S/i 1 1 W2 3 " 5 21 5/8 5/2 5/6 Wao " 6 27 6/4 5/6 S/i it S 26 St. Ste phen's Day, " noe corne S 23 " 6 34 6/0 5/4 S/8J sold. " W27 5 26 6/0 5/3 S/8 W 3 o " 4 20 S/io 5/4 5/7i S 30 " 6 35 S/ii 5/4 5/8t 1663-64 W 4 May 7 39 5/6 4/8 S/il S 2 Jan. 5 33 5/8 5/2 5/5* S 7 " 7 45 S/6 S/o S/3 W 6 " 6 32 5/8 5/o 5/4* Wn " 7 36 5/3 4/8 S/oJ S 9 " 5 26 6/0 5/4 5/8$ S 14 " 6 27 5/6 5/o S/2J Wi 3 " 5 25 6/0 5/8 S/ioJ Wi8 6 39 S/6 5/o S/3l S 16 6 18 6/0 5/6 sM S 21 6 40 5/6 4/8 S/ii W20 " 7 39 6/4 5/8 6/oJ Was a 6 32 5/4 4/4 4/"l S 23 6 23 6/4 6/0 6/2| S 28 " 5 18 S/3 4/xo S/i 4io APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1663-69 (continued) Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. cold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. 1664 1664 W i June S 3 5/3 4/10 S/o S 26 Nov. 6 30 4/o 3/6 3/9l S 4 6 3 5/4 S/o SM W 3 o " 5 39 4/o 3/8 3/io* W 8 S 16 5/2 4/10 S/ol S 3 Dec. 7 30 4/o 3/8 3/1 it S ii " 7 44 5/3 4/ S/o* W 7 * 6 19 4/6 3/ 4/1 1 Wis " S 27 5/3 S/o 5/i 1 S 10 6 29 4/6 4/0 4/3i S 18 ' S 27 5/3 4/6 S/oi Wl 4 6 27 4/6 3/10 / W22 6 28 5/8 4/6 S/2 S 17 " 6 31 4/8 3/10 4/2| S 25 ' 7 SO 5/6 4/o S/i* W 21 7 29 4/6 3/8 4/1 W 29 ' S 39 S/S 4/10 S/** S 24 " 7 37 4/4 3/10 4/1 1 S a July 4 19 5/5 S/i 5/3 W 2 8 4 16 4/4 4/0 4/2 W 6 " 5 3 5/5 4/6 4/ii* S 31 ' S 18 4/4 4/o 4/2 S 9 " S 28 5/3 4/10 S/i 1664-65 Wi3 " S 27 5/7 4/10 S/3 W 4 Jan. 4 18 4/2 3/8 3/H S 16 " S 24 5/3 4/8 4/i i J S 7 ' 5 30 4/6 4/2 4/4 W20 " S. 27 S/4 4/6 5/oi Wn 7 46 4/6 3/8 4/i| S 23 " 5 17 S/" 5/o S/SJ S 14 6 47 4/6 4/2 4/4 W27 * S 30 5/4 5/o 5/2* Wi8 " 6 38 4/6 4/0 4/2i S 30 S 21 5/1 4/6 4/10 S 31 " 7 32 4/S 3/9 4/a W 3 Aug. 4 16 5/3 4/ 5/ii W25 6 27 4/5 3/10 4/i! S 6 " 4 13 5/6 S/o S/3i S 28 " 6 28 4/6 4/0 4/3* Wio S 26 5/6 4/10 5/3 W i Feb. S 17 4/5 3/io 4/2 S 13 ' 4 14 S/4 4/8 5/ot S 4 ' 8 3S 4/7 4/o 4/4* WIT " 4 27 S/o 4/2 4/6i W 8 7 41 4/8 4/o 4/4l S 20 S 26 5/4 4/8 S/o S ii 7 45 4/6 4/o 4/3* W 36 ' 4 26 5/2 4/6 4/n Wi S 6 30 4/8 4/o 4/4 S 29 " 5 26 5/3 4/6 4/i i i S 18 " 7 33 4/7 4/2 4/S* W 3 i S 22 5/6 4/4 4/1 1 i W 22 5 30 4/10 4/4 4/7* S 3 Sept. 4 22 5/4 4/6 4/loJ S 25 - 7 33 5/o 4/4 4/8 W 7 ' 4 IS 5/2 4/2 4/9 W i Mar. 6 19 S/o 4/7 4/9! S 10 " S 30 S/4 4/6 4/ioJ S 4 ' 7 42 5/2 4/8 4/10* Wi 4 5 28 4/ 4/o 4/6* W 8 " 7 45 S/4 4/10 S/* S 17 4 2S 4/6 3/H 4/2* S ii 7 26 S/3 4/10 S/i* W2I ' 5 2S 4/2 3/6 3/io Wis 7 30 5/4 5/o 5/2* S 24 " 7 4 6 4/10 4/o 4/6 S 18 " 8 57 5/3* S/o S/i W28 9 49 S/o 4/o 4/7* W22 8 Si 5/S 4/10 S/if S i Oct. S 24 4/10 3/9 4/3* I66S W s * S 25 4/4 3/8 3/1 1 J S 25 - 6 21 5/o 4/6 4/9* S 8 8 38 4/10 3/io 4/Sl W29 4 20 S/o 4/6 4/9 Wl2 S 27 4/6 3/8 4/3 S i Apr. 7 40 S/4 4/6 4/* S is 7 34 4/6 4/o 4/3* F 4 " 6 29 S/4 4/6 S/o Wl 9 6 28 4/6 3/io 4/3 1 S 8 6 3/6 5/2 4/8 S/o* S 22 S 18 4/6 3/10 4/2i Wl2 ' 6 30 S/3 4/1 4/9 W26 6 25 4/7 4/0 4/4 S IS " 6 34 5/2 4/2 4/16 S 29 * 5 22 4/4 3/10 4/1 W 19 " 6 42 5/2 4/8 4/1 1 1 W 2 Nov. 5 27 4/3 3/10 4/oi S 22 8 52 4/10 4/3 4/7 S S ' 6 33 4/2 3/5 3/10* W26 ' 7 30 S/o 4/3 4/8 W 9 S 22 4/4 3/6 3/io* S 29 * 9 49 4/4 4/1 4/6* S 12 6 34 4/0 3/6 3/10 W 3 May 7 39 S/o 4/4 4/8* Wi6 6 27 4/0 3/6 3/9i S 6 " 7 36 5/2 4/6 4/10* S 19 6 32 4/2 3/8 3A it Wio 6 32 5/2 4/6 4/io W23 ' 6 39 4/0 3/6 3/9* S 13 " 6 36 5/2 4/8 4/1 1* APPENDIX F PRICES or WHEAT, 1663-69 (continued) 411 Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. Date No. of sales Tocal No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. 1663 1665 W 17 May 6 3i 5/5 4/10 S/i 1 S ii Nov. 7 39 5/2 4/9 S/o S 20 " 7 35 5/4 4/9 SM Wi S " 6 So 5/2 4/8 4/1 1* W2 4 6 3 5/3 S/o 5/2 S 18 " 5 39 S/o 4/6 4/9* S 27 ' S 28 5/4 S/i 5/3 W22 7 47 5/i 4/6 4/9* W 3 i 7 3 5/6 S/o 5/3* S 25 6 41 5/o 4/6 4/9 S 3 June 6 36 5/6 S/2 5/4* W2 9 " S 34 5/o 4/6 4/9* W 7 6 19 5/6 5/3 S/S S 2 Dec. 6 36 4/1 1 4/6 4/8| S 10 " 7 32 5/6 5/o S/3i F 5 " 5 29 4/10 4/6 4/8* W 14 " 6 27 5/8 5/2 5/6 S 9 " 6 43 4/1 1 4/2 4/6| S 17 " 6 27 5/9 5/4 5/7* Wi 3 " 6 46 4/10 4/4 4/7* W2I " 6 36 5/9 S/S 5/7* S 16 6 46 4/10 4/2 4/6! S 24 " 7 41 S/io 5/4 S/7i W20 7 47 4/10 4/4 4/7* W28 " 6 36 5/8 5/2 5/6 S 23 6 37 S/o 4/4 4/8* S i July 6 37 5/io 5/2 5/6* W2 7 5 29 4/10 4/S 4/71 w s 6 21 S/io 5/2 5/6* S 30 " 5 32 4/9 4/4 4/7 S 8 " 7 42 5/7 5/i 5/4* 1665-66 Wl2 S 27 5/7 5/3 S/S F 2 Jan. 4 25 4/8 4/4 4/6i S 15 7 44 5/6 S/i* 5/3f S 6 S 37 S/o 4/4 4/8 W 19 " 6 27 5/6 S/i 5/3* Wio 6 41 4/10 4/4 4/7* S 22 7 37 5/7 S/o S/4 S 13 " 5 28 4/1 1 4/4 4/8 W26 5 36 5/6 4/n S/5 Wi7 " 7 46 4/10 4/4 4/7* S 29 " '7 44 5/6 4/10 S/2* S 20 " S 44 4/9 4/4 4/7 F 2 Aug. S. 3 5/4 4/10 S/i W2 4 " 6 42 4/9 4/4 4/7* S S ' 7 33 5/7 S/o 5/4 S 27 6 41 4/10 4/4 4/7i W 9 " 6 37 5/8 S/o S/4l W 3 i " 6 33 4/9 4/4 4/7* S 12 7 36 5/8 S/o s/st S 3 Feb. 7 52 S/o 4/4 4/6* Wi6 7 S 5/6 4/8 S/2 W 6 5 27 4/10 4/4 4/7 S 19 " 6 3i 5/7 4/8 5/3 S 10 " S 32 4/io 4/4 4/7* W23 " 6 3* 5/2 4/6 4/io* W 14 " 5 34 4/8 4/5 4/6* S 26 6 45 5/4 4/6 4/1 1 1 S 17 " 6 28 4/io 4/4 4/7* W 3 o " 6 3 S/o 4/6 4/10 W2I S 29 4/io 4/4 4/7 S 2 Sept. 6 28 5/6 4/6 S/oi S 24 " 6 40 4/9 4/4 4/6* F 5 " 7 3i 5/o 4/o 4/8i W28 S 31 4/6 4/o 4/3* S 9 " 7 32 5/4 4/4 4/9i S 3 Mar. 6 33 4/8 4/4 4/S! Wi 3 " 6 37 S/o 4/6 4/9! W 7 4 14 4/4 4/0 4/2* S 16 " 6 38 4/ii 4/5 4/8 S 10 " S 39 4/7 4/2 4/5t W20 " 6 35 S/o 4/2 4/8* Wi 4 " 6 3S 4/6 4/2 4/4* S 23 6 37 4/10 4/5 4/8 S 17 " S 20 4/7 4/2 4/5* W 27 * 7 37 5/4 4/8 5/o W2I " 7 38 4/6 4/3 4/S S 30 " 6 37 S/o 4/2 4/8* S 24 " 9 49 S/o 4/3 4/7i F 3 Oct. 6 39 4/8 4/2 4/5 1666 S 7 " 7 31 S/o 4/2 4/7 W 28 Mar. 6 33 4/8 4/2 4/4l W ii " 6 35 4/10 4/o 4/6 S 31 " 5 30 4/5 4/t 4/3* S 14 " 7 42 4/ 4/2 4/7 F 3 Apr. 4 21 4/2 4/o 4/o| W 18 " 6 4i 4/8 4/0 4/4 S 7 " 7 42 4/4 3/io 4/1* S 21 " 7 43 4/8 4/0 4/5 Wn 5 32 4/2 3/8 4/n W2 S " 8 46 4/7 4/0 4/4* S 14 6 33 4/0 3/6 3/9l S 28 " 7 35 4/6 4/o 4/3! Wi8 6 35 4/0 3/6 3/io W i Nov. 7 29 4/6 4/0 4/3* S 21 6 36 4/o 3/4 3/8* S 4 - 5 29 4/10 4/2 4/6 W 25 * 5 28 3/8 3/4 3/6* F 7 " 6 40 5/o 4/4 4/9l S 28 * S 34 3/8 3/3 3/6 412 APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1663-69 (continued) Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. 1666 1666 F i May S 3i 3/7 3/4 3/5* S 37 Oct. 6 4i 2/1 1 2/6 a/8* S S ' 4 35 3/7 3/3 3/S W 3 i " 7 41 3/11 2/6 2/9* W 9 * 6 32 3/7 3/3 3/4l S 3 Nov. 7 37 2/IO 2/4 2/7* S 12 ' 5 34 3/6 3/2 3/4 F 6 6 41 2/11 2/6 2/8* Wi6 " 6 42 3/8 3/3 3/5 i S 10 " 7 46 2/10 2/4 2/8* S 19 ' 6 39 3/7 3/3 3/5 1 Wi 4 " 6 37 3/o 2/4 2/8* W23 " 6 SI 4/o 3/6 3/9 S 17 7 48 3/o 2/4 2/8* S 26 7 46 4/4 3/10 4/1 1 W 21 " 7 54 3/o 2/4 a/9 Wao " 6 54 4/0 3/6 3/9 1 S 24 7 44 2/1 1 2/4 2/8* S June 6 38 3/8 3/3 3/5 i W 28 " 5 35 3/o 2/6 2/9* W 6 " 4 18 3/8 3/4 3/6* S i Dec. 7 45 3/o 2/5 2/9* S 9 5 36 3/io 3/4 3/6* W 4 ' 6 35 2/IO 2/6 2/8 Wi 3 ' 6 48 3/9 3/4 3/6 S 8 " 7 40 3/o 2/6 2/8* S 16 6 4i 3/8 3/4 3/6 Wl2 " 6 48 3/o 2/7 2/IO Wao " S 30 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 15 ' 6 31 3/o 2/6 2/IO S 23 6 31 3/7 3/o 3/3 1 W 19 " 7 41 3/o 2/6 2/9* W2 7 " 6 36 3/9 3/3 3/6 S 22 6 39 3/o 2/6 2/9 S 30 * S 33 3/8 3/3 3/Si W 2 6 F 3 July S 32 3/8 3/3 3/S* S 29 " 7 46 3/1 2/6 2/9* S 7 " S 39 3/8 3/3 3/6 1666-67 Wn " 7 41 3/8 3/3 3/5 W 2 Jan. 5 26 3/o 2/6 2/8* S 14 " 6 64 3/6 3/o 3/3 1 S S * 7 43 3/o 2/6 2/9* Wi8 " 5 30 3/8 3/4 3/61 W 9 " 7 39 3/2 2/6 2/10 S 21 6 35 3/8 3/3 3/6 S 12 9 49 3/4 2/7 3/o! W 25 6 39 3/6 3/2 3/4i W 16 " 8 43 3/3 2/7 2/1 1 1 S 28 " 7 47 3/8 3/2 3/5 S 19 " 7 36 3/4 2/8 3/1 W 3 i * 7 52 3/8 3/3 3/S* W2 3 8 43 3/4 2/7 3/o S 4 Aug. 7 50 3/9 3/3 3/6 S 26 " 8 49 3/4 2/6 3/0* W 8 " S 27 3/8 3/4 3/6 F 29 " 5 24 3/2 a/8 2/1 1* S ii 5 23 3/7 3/3 3/5 S 2 Feb. 9 45 3/4 2/6 2/1 1 1 Wi 5 " 6 So 3/6 3/2 3/4* W 6 6 38 3/3 2/6 2/1 1 S 18 6 37 3/6 3/2 3/4* S 9 ' 7 Si 3/4 2/9 3/0* W2J " Wi 3 * 8 38 3/6 2/6 3/1 S 25 " 5 28 3/3 3/o 3/1 1 S 16 " 7 39 3/6 3/o 3/3* W 29 " 6 43 3/o 2/8 2/10* W20 ' 6 44 3/6 3/3 3/4i S i Sept. 8 54 3/o 2/4 2/7f S 23 8 SO 3/8 3/o 3/4* W 4 " 5 28 2/8 2/4 2/5* W2 7 " 7 38 3/io 3/o 3/6 S 8 S 30 2/10 2/4 2/7 S 2 Mar. 7 54 3/8 3/3 3/S* Wl2 7 41 2/8 2/3 2/6 W 6 " 7 43 3/7 3/o 3/3* S 15 " 7 48 3/10 2/3 2/6* S 9 ' 7 39 3/9 3/4 3/7 Wi 9 6 35 3/o 3/6 2/81 Wi 3 7 SO 3/8 3/4 3/6* S [22] 6] 37 3/o 2/4 2/8 S 16 6 38 3/8 3/2 3/6 W26 9 56 3/2 2/6 2/9t W*o 7 45 3/7 3/2 3/5 S 29 6 39 2/1 1 2/6 a/8* S 23 " 7 42 4/o 3/S 3/9* W 3 Oct. 1667 S 6 " 7 48 3/o 2/4 a/7* W2? * 7 38 3/9 3/4 3/6* F 9 S 17 2/10 2/6 2/8* S 30 " 5 34 3/9 3/4 3/6* S 13 " 6 36 3/o 2/6 2/9! W 3 Apr. 6 33 3/8 3/2 3/S Wx? " 7 44 2/9 2/4 a/7* S 6 7 38 3/6 3/0 3/3* S 80 * S 3* 2/10 2/6 a/8 Wio 6 29 3/5 2/IO 3/2* W2 4 " 6 34 2/IO 2/4 a/7* S 13 ' 6 32 3/6 3/o 3/3* APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1663-69 (continued) 413 Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price per bu. Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price perbu. 1667 1667 W 17 Apr. 6 36 3/6 3/0 3/3 S 12 Oct. 6 40 3/8 3/2 3/5 S 20 " 7 36 3/6 3/o 3/3l W 16 " 6 39 3/8 3/3 3/5* W2 4 " S 23 3/4 3/1 3/2i S IQ " 6 34 3/8 3/2 3/5* S 27 5 27 3/4 3/o 3/2 i W23 5 28 3/6 3/3 3/4* W i May 5 27 3/4 a/io 3/1* S 26 " S 33 3/6 3/3 3/4* 84" 6 4i 3/6 3/1 3/3i W 3 o " 6 30 3/6 3/2 3/4* W & " 6 39 3/6 2/10 3/2 i S 2 Nov. 6 30 3/6 3/2 3/3* S ii " 6 40 3/6 3/o 3/3 W 6 " 6 30 3/6 3/2 3/3* W 15 " 6 33 3/6 2/IO 3/2i S 9 ' 5 31 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 18 " 6 41 3/5 3/o 3/3* Wl 3 " 5 27 3/4 3/o 3/2* VV22 * 6 33 3/4 3/o 3/2* S 16 " 6 31 3/5 3/1 3/3 S 25 " S 3 3/4 2/10 3/2 W20 " 5 32 3/5 3/2 3/3* F 28 " 4 21 3/4 2/10 3/xl S 23 6 40 3/4 3/1 3/2* S i June 6 38 3/4 2/10 3/2 W2 7 6 30 3/6 3/3 3/4* W 5 * 6 3 3/4 2/10 3/2 S 30 " 7 33 3/3 3/1 3/3* S 8 7 50 3/4 3/o 3/2* W 4 Dec. 6 35 3/4 3/1 3/2! Wl2 " 4 28 3/4 3/2 3/3 S 7 " 5 34 3/4 3/2 3/4 S 15 " 7 41 3/4 a/io 3A i Wn " 7 41 3/6 3/1 3/4 Wig " 7 46 3/4 2/8 3/i S 14 " 6 30 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 22 S 26 3/4 a/io 3/1 1 Wi8 " 8 43 3/6 3/1 3/3* W a6 7 56 3/4 2/7 3/0* S 21 5 27 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 29 " 7 SO 3/5 3/o 3/2| F 24 " 5 31 3/6 3/2 3/4 W 3 July 6 33 3/6 2/IO 3/3 S 28- " S 26 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 6 7 58 3/7 3/o 3/3i F 31 5 23 3/6 3/3 3/5 W 10 " 6 37 3/6 3/o 3/4 1667-68 S 13 " 6 43 3/8 3/2 3/5 i S 4 Jan. 6 23 3/4 3/o 3/2* W 17 " 6 39 3/8 3/3 3/5l W 8 " 6 25 3/6 3/1 3/3* S 20 " 7 44 3/8 3/o 3/4* S ii " 6 35 3/6 3/2 3/4* W 24 " 8 S3 3/8 3/o 3/3i Wis " 4 23 3/5 3/2 3/4l S 27 8 52 3/8 3/1 3/5 i S 18 5 23 3/6 3/3 3/3 W 31 " 8 55 3/9 3/3 3/61 W 22 " 6 29 3/6 3/0 3/3* S 3 Aug. 8 48 3/xo 3/2 3/7 1 S 25 " 6 31 3/6 3/o 3/3* W[y] S 28 3/8 3/3 3/5 W 29 " 5 27 3/6 3/2 3/4 S 10 " 6 35 3/8 3/4 3/6J S i Feb. 6 34 3/6 3/1 3/3* Wl 4 6 38 3/8 3/4 3/6* W s " 6 26 3/4 3/1 3/3 S 17 " 7 49 3/7 3/2 3/4l S 8 " 5 33 3/5 3/1 3/3 W2I " 6 31 3/8 3/3 3/5 i W 12 6 36 3/5 3/1 3/3 S 24 " 8 51 3/9 3/3 3/61 S 15 " 5 34 3/6 3/2 3/4 Wa8 " 6 36 3/to 3/4 3/7 1 Wi 9 " 6 34 3/4 3/0 3/2* S 31 7 47 4/0 3/4 3/8* S 22 " 5 24 3/4 3/1 3/3 W 4 Sept. 6 40 4/o 3/6 3/8* W26 6 25 3/6 3/o 3/3* S [7] 7 48 4/0 3/4 3/8 S 29 " 6 32 3/6 3/ 3/4 Wn " 6 33 3/10 3/4 3/6* W 4 Mar. 6 34 3/6 3/2 3/4* S 14 " 7 40 3/lo 3/3 3/61 S 7 " 7 39 3/o 3/4 3/7* Wi8 S 32 3/1 3/4 3/7* W ii 7 42 3/io 3/4 3/7* S 21 " 6 38 3/io 3/4 3/7* S 14 " 7 38 3/io 3/5 3/7* W2S " 7 39 3/10 3/3 3/6* W[iS] 7 37 3/to 3/4 3/7 S 28 " 4 23 4/4 3/8 4/oi S 21 7 42 4/5 3/8 4/1* W a Oct. 6 36 4/0 3/6 3/8 1668 S 5 " 7 42 4/0 3/4 3/8* W2 S " 5 26 3/io 3/6 3/7* W 9 " 6 37 3/io 3/3 3/61 S 28 " 7 43 4/0 3/6 3/io* APPENDIX F PRICES OF WHEAT, 1663-69 (continued) Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price perbu. Low- est price perbu. Aver, price >erbu. Date No. of sales Total No. of bu. sold High- est price K.T llll Low- est price per bu. Aver, price perbu. 1668 1668 W x Apr. 7 38 4/0 3/6 3/io S 19 Sept. 6 39 4/8 4/4 4/6* S 4 ' 6 33 3/io 3/6 3/8 W3 * 6 38 4/6 4/3 4/4! W 8 " 6 33 3/8 3/4 3/6* S 26 ' 8 61 S/o 4/6 4/9 S ii " 7 43 3/8 3/4 3/61 W 3 o 5 36 4/6 4/a 4/4 Wis " 6 33 3/6 3/3 3/4! S 3 Oct. 7 43 4/8 4/3 4/6* S 18 ' 6 28 3/6 3/o 3/3* W 7 ' 6 36 4/6 4/3 4/4! W33 " 6 31 3/4 3/o 3/a* S 10 " 5 40 4/8 4/4 4/6* S as " 6 31 3/4 3/o 3/a* Wl 4 S 33 4/6 4/3 4/4 Was 6 28 3/5 3/a 3/3* S 17 ' 6 35 4/10 4/S 4/7* S 2 May 7 34 3/5 3/o 3/a! Wai 7 53 4/8 4/4 4/6* W 6 6 29 3/3 3/o 3/1* S 34 " 6 35 4/10 4/4 4/7* S 9 6 37 3/3 3/o 3/i! \Va8 " 6 33 4/6 4/3 4/4! Wl 3 " 5 20 a/i 3/o 3/1 S 31 ' 6 40 4/8 4/4 4/6 S 16 7 4S 3/2 a/io 3/0* W 4 Nov. S 31 4/6 4/4 4/5 Wao 6 34 3/a a/9 3/i! S 7 ' 6 34 4/7 4/3 4/5* S 23 ' 7 36 3/4 2/IO 3/1* Wn " S 33 4/7 4/3 4/S Way * S 33 3/3 3/o 3/a S 14 7 39 4/7 4/3 4/5* S 30 * 7 45 3/a a/9 a/nl Wl 9 " 6 39 4/8 4/4 4/6 W 3 June 5 27 |/ 2/10 3/ol S ai 6 35 4/8 4/4 4/6* S 6 6 39 3/3 2/IO 3/1 Was " 7 36 4/9 4/3 4/6 Wio S 2S 3/o 2/8 2/10 S 28 7 43 4/io 4/4 4/6* S 13 " 7 4S 3/a 2/9 a/i il W 2 Dec. 6 29 4/H 4/6 4/9* Wi? " 6 39 3/a a/9 a/n! s s " 7 4 S/o 4/6 4/7* S 20 " 7 Si 3/6 3/o 3/a* W 9 * 8 43 S/i 4/8 4/iof W 24 5 34 3/4 3/1 3/a* S 13 ' 7 4S 5/a 4/io S/o S 27 7 47 3/7 3/4 3/SJ Wi6 7 39 S/3 4/9 5/o W i July 6 36 3/7 3/4 3/6 S 19 * 8 47 S/4 4/II 5/if S 4 " 8 48 3/8 3/4 3/6* W2 3 * 6 31 5/a 4/10 S/o W 8 6 36 4/o 3/9 3/ii 26 "Noe come i n the Marke tt" S ii " 7 48 4/6 4/3 4/S W 3 o " 6 34 5/3 4/io 5/o| Wis " 7 SS 4/6 4/3 4/4* S a Jan. 6 39 5/6 S/o 5/3* S 18 " 8 58 4/4 3/10 4/ot W 6 " 6 30 5/6 S/a 5/4* W22 6 38 4/4 3/10 4/1* S 9 " 7 33 5/6 S/3 5/4* S 35 S 31 4/4 4/o 4/a Wl 3 " 6 38 5/6 S/3 5/5 W2 9 6 43 4/4 4/o 4/a* S 16 7 40 5/6 S/a 5/4* S i Aug. 6 39 4/a 3/10 4/o Wao 7 39 5/6 S/i S/4 W s * 6 33 4/o 3/9 3/ioi S 23 " 7 41 5/6 5/3 5/4* S 8 6 36 4/a 3/II 4/o* W2 7 7 43 5/6 S/o 5/3* Wl2 6 43 4/6 4/o 4/3 F 29 " 7 38 5/4 S/o S/2* S IS " 7 78 4/8 4/4 4/6i W 3 Feb. 6 34 5/4 S/o 5/a* Wig " S 4S 4/8 4/4 4/6 S 6 " 5 33 5/8 S/4 5/6 S 22 6 4/10 4/S 4/7l Wio " 7 35 5/6 S/o S/3! W26 6 46 4/10 4/6 4/8 S 13 " 6 37 5/6 5/3 S/4 S 29 6 47 4/10 4/6 4/8 Wi7 " 6 33 5/6 S/o S/3* W 3 Sept. 7 44 4/8 4/4 4/6* S 20 8 53 5/6 5/1 S/3* S S " 6 61 4/8 4/S 4/6! VV2 4 7 Si 5/7 5/3 5/St W 9 " 6 43 4/8 4/5 4/6! S 27 " 9 58 5/8 5/a S/6 S 12 ' 7 5* 4/10 4/4 4/7 W 3 Mar. 7 44 5/9 5/4 5/7* Wi6 6 Si 4/8 4/4 4/6* APPENDIX F 415 PRICES OF BARLEY, 26 SEPT., 1663 TO 3 MAR., 1668-69 Sold on the Oxford market. The following abbreviations have been used: W Wednesday. S Saturday. N " Noe Early in the Markett." F Regular market day a feast day, market held a day earlier. Source as in wheat lists preceding. Av. price Av. price Av. price Av. price Date perqr. Date perqr. Date perqr. Date perqr. 1663 s. d. 1663-64 s. d. 1664 s. d. 1664 s. d. S 26 Sept. 22/O S 20 Feb. 24/6 S 1 6 July N W 14 Dec. 19/6 W 30 " N W 24 " 24/6 W 20 " N S 17 ' 19/10 S 3 Oct. 22/8 S 27 ' 34/6 S 23 " 2O/O W 21 " 19/8 W 7 " 23/2 W 2 Mar. 34/o W 27 " 2I/O S 24 " ^O/IO S 10 " 23/6 S 5 " 34/0 S 30 N W 28 19/6 W 14 " 23/6 W 9 " 34/0 W 3 Aug. N S 31 20/O S 17 " 23/0 S 12 34/3 S 6 N 1664-65 W 21 24/0 W 16 " 34/6 W 10 N W 4 Jan. 20/0 S 24 " a4/3 S 19 " 24/6 S is N S 7 " 2O/O W 28 " 24/4 W 23 " 24/4 W 17 21/0 W ii 19/8 S 31 ' 24/4 1664 S 20 " N S 14 " 19/6 W 4 Nov. 4/4 S 26 24/6 W 24 21/0 W 18 19/6 S 7 " 24/4 W 30 * 24/8 S 27 " 21/0 S 21 19/6 W ii 24/2 S 2 Apr. 24/10 W 31 " 20/0 W 25 19/8 S 14 " 24/6 W 6 24/8 S 3 Sept. 20/0 S 28 " 19/6 W 18 34/6 S 9 ' 24/8 W 7 20/6 W i Feb. 19/6 S 21 " 24/0 W 13 * 24/8 S 10 " 20/2 84" 19/2 W as " 24/0 S 16 2S/0 W 14 " 20/3 W 8 19/8 S 28 24/0 W 20 34/10 S 17 ' 18/6 S ii 19/6 W a Dec. 23/6 S 23 2S/0 W 21 " 18/4 W 15 20/0 S S ' 33/6 W 27 25/0 S 24 " 18/6 S 18 30/0 W 9 " a3/8 S 30 25/0 W 28 " 18/10 W 22 " 19/6 Si 12 " 24/0 W 4 May 2S/6 S i Oct. 19/0 S 25 " 20/0 W 16 33/8 S 7 ' 24/8 W 5 30/0 W i Mar. 20/6 S 19 24/0 W ii " 34/8 S 8 " 31/0 S 4 " 0/8 W 23 " 24/2 S 14 34/8 W 12 " 30/6 W 8 " I/O S 26 W 18 24/0 S is " 30/6 S ii 1/4 W 30 " 24/4 S 21 " 24/0 W 19 30/4 W 15 I/? 1663-64 W 2 S " 24/0 S 22 " 3I/O S 18 1/8 S a Jan. 34/0 S 28 33/8 W 26 3O/O W 22 " i/4 W 6 34/0 W i June 33/6 S 29 " 3O/O 1665 S 9 " as/o S 4 " 22/6 W 2 Nov. 2O/O S 25 ai/o W 13 " as/o W 8 3/4 S S " 20/4 W 29 " 3I/O S 16 as/o S ii " 33/6 W 9 ' 20/2 S i Apr. 2 I/O W 20 3S/4 W 15 * 23/6 S 12 2O/O F 4 21/0 S 23 as/o S 18 " 33/6 W 16 20/4 S 8 20/6 W 27 " as/o W 22 " 33/6 S 19 " 20/0 W 12 " 20/6 S 30 as/o S 23 33/6 W 23 19/10 S is " 2O/0 W 3 Feb. 34/6 W 29 * 23/6 S 26 " W 19 30/3 S 6 34/6 S 2 July 32/O W 30 20/0 S 22 19/6 W 10 34/6 W 6 " S 3 Dec. 19/6 W 26 " 20/0 S 13 " 34/8 S 9 " N W 7 " 19/6 S 29 " 2O/O W 17 " 34/5 W 13 ' N S 10 19/8 W 3 May 30/3 416 APPENDIX F PRICES OF BARLEY, 1663-69 (continued) Av. price Av. price Av. price Av. price Date perqr. Date perqr. Date per qr. Date perqr. 1665 s. d. 1665 s. d. 1666 s. d. 1666 s. d S 6 May 2 I/O S ii Nov. 21/10 S 12 May 17/9 S 17 Nov. IS/8 W 10 " 91/6 W 15 " 22/IO W 16 " 17/4 W 21 15/8 S 13 " 22/O S 18 " 23/6 S 19 " 17/6 S 24 " 15/8 W 17 " 22/O W 22 23/6 W 23 " 17/9 W 28 * iS/8 S 20 at/io S 25 23/8 S 26 " 17/6 S i Dec. 15/9 W 24 " 23/0 W 29 " 23/6 W 30 18/0 F 4 ' IS/6 S 27 ' 33/o S 2 Dec. 22/6 S 2 June 17/0 S 8 IS/9 W 31 * 23/6 F S ' 22/O F 5 ' 17/0 W 12 " 15/9 S 3 June 23/6 S 9 " 22/3 S 9 ' 17/0 S 15 ' IS/9 W 7 ' 23/6 W 13 " a i/o W 13 " 16/4 W 19 15/9 S 10 " 24/0 S 16 " 21/6 S 16 " S 22 15/8 W 14 * 24/6 W 20 22/O W 20 " N W 27 S 17 ' 24/6 S 23 21/0 S 23 16/8 S 29 " IS/8 W 21 23/6 W 27 20/0 W 27 " N 1666-67 S 24 " 23/6 S 30 " 21/0 S 30 16/8 W 2 Jan. IS/7 W 28 N 1665-66 F 3 July N S 5 " iS/6 S i July 23/6 F 2 Jan. 21/6 S 7 " 15/0 W 9 " 15/8 W s ' N S 6 " 21/6 W ii N S 12 " iS/8 S 8 N W 10 a i/o S 14 " N W 16 IS/6 W 12 " N S 13 21/6 W 18 N S 19 " iS/6 S 15 " 33/4 W 17 " 21/2 S 21 " N W 23 15/3 W 19 " 3/6 S 20 " 21/3 W 25 " N S 26 15/3 S 22 *3/o W 24 " a i/o S 28 " N F 29 " IS/4 W 26 " N S 27 " 21/4 F 31 ' N S 2 Feb. IS/I S 29 * 22/0 W 31 " 31/3 S 4 Aug. N W 6 IS/6 F 2 Aug. N S 3 Feb. 21/6 W 8 " N S 9 " IS/6 S s ' N F 6 " ai/a S ii " N W 13 ' IS/4 W 9 " S 10 " 2 I/O W 15 " N S 16 IS/6 S 12 N W 14 " 2 I/O S 18 xs/o W 20 " 15/8 W 16 " N S 17 ' 2 I/O W 22 " S 23 " 16/0 S 19 " N W at " 21/0 S 25 " 14/0 W 27 * 16/2 W 23 N S 24 " 22/O W 29 " 14/0 S 2 Mar. 16/4 S 26 " N W 28 " 21/6 S i Sept. 14/0 W 6 16/4 W 30 " N S 3 Mar. 20/6 F 4 ' N S 9 ' 16/4 S 2 Sept. N W 7 ' 19/0 S 8 12/6 W 13 16/6 F S " N S 10 " 20/0 W 12 12/2 S 16 " 16/10 S 9 " 19/0 W 14 " 20/0 S is ' 13/0 W 20 i7/ W 13 19/0 S 17 " 10/6 W 19 " X3/o S 23 " 17/4 S 16 19/4 W 21 " 19/6 S 20 13/6 1667 W 20 2O/O S 24 30/0 W 26 13/4 W 27 " 17/6 S 23 " 19/0 1666 S 29 " 13/8 S 30 17/6 W 27 " 2O/O W 28 Mar. 19/4 W 2 Oct. W 3 Apr. 17/6 S 30 19/6 S 31 " I 9 /6 S 6 14/0 S 6 17/0 F 3 Oct. 20/0 F 3 Apr. 19/0 F 9 " 14/10 W ic 17/5 S 7 " 20/0 S 7 ' 18/6 S 13 * 15/4 S 13 * 16/8 W ii " 10/2 W ii " 18/0 W 17 IS/6 W 17 ' i7/o S 14 2O/O S 14 " 17/8 S 20 15/6 S 20 * 17/0 W 18 2O/O W 18 17/8 W 24 iS/a W 24 " 17/0 S 21 20/0 S 21 17/6 S 27 " 15/0 S 27 1 6/10 W 35 " 2O/O W 25 " i?/4 W 31 " 15/0 W i May 17/6 S 28 " 21/6 S 28 " 16/6 S 3 Nov. iS/6 S 4 " 17/10 W i Nov. 21/0 F i May 16/0 F 6 " IS/8 W 8 " 18/6 S 4 " a 1/9 S S " 16/6 S 10 15/8 S ii 18/6 F 7 " 21/6 W 9 17/7 W 14 " 15/6 W is " 18/9 APPENDIX F 417 PRICES OF BARLEY, 1663-69 (continued) Av. price Av. price Av. price Av. price Date per qr. Date per qr. Date per qr. Date per qr. 1667 s. d. 1667 s. d. 1668 s. d. 1668 s. d. s 18 May 18/6 W 23 Oct. X9/6 S 4 Apr. 21/0 w 23 Sept. 19/6 w 22 * 18/4 S 26 " 19/6 W 8 " 20/8 s 26 " 2O/O s 25 " 18/0 W 30 " 19/4 S n " 21/0 w 30 19/0 F 28 " 17/8 S 2 Nov. 19/0 W IS " 20/6 s 3 Oct. 20/0 S i June 17/11 w 6 " 18/4 s 18 " 20/6 W 7 " 20/0 W 5 " 18/0 s 9 " 18/0 W 22 " 2O/O S 10 " 20/6 s 8 " 17/6 w 13 " 18/6 S 25 " 20/1 W 14 " 20/0 w 12 " 17/6 s 16 " 18/6 w 29 " 20/0 s 17 " 20/6 s IS " 16/0 w 20 " 18/8 s 2 May 20/4 w 21 " 20/8 w 19 16/6 s 23 " IQ/O w 6 " 2O/O s 24 " 2O/IO s 22 " 16/0 w 27 " 19/0 s 9 " 2O/O w 28 " 20/8 vv 26 iS/o s 3 " 19/0 w 13 " 19/10 s 31 " 20/6 s 2Q " 16/0 w 4 Dec. 19/4 s 16 " 19/10 w 4 Nov. 20/8 w 19 " 16/6 s 7 " 19/0 w 20 " 2O/O s 7 " 21/0 s 22 " 1 6/0 w II " 19/6 s 23 " 20/4 w ii " 21/4 w 26 " iS/o s 14 " 19/6 w 27 " 2O/O s 14 " 21/6 s 29 " 16/0 w 18 19/2 s 30 * 2O/O w 18 " 21/6 vv 3 July IS/o s 21 " 19/2 w 3 June 20/4 s 21 " 22/2 s 6 N F 24 " 19/2 s 6 " to/3 w 25 " 22/6 w 10 " N s 28 19/0 w 10 " 20/10 s 28 " 23/0 s 13 " N F 31 " 19/0 s 13 " 20/8 w 2 Dec. 22/8 w 17 " N 1667-68 w 17 " 20/4 s S " '3/4 s 20 " N S 4 Jan. 19/0 s 20 * 20/6 w 9 " 23/0 w 24 " N w 8 19/10 w 24 * zo/6 s 12 " 23/6 s 27 " s ii * 19/8 s 27 " 20/4 w 16 " '3/6 vv 31 " w IS " 19/4 w i July 20/4 s 19 " 23/9 s 3 Aug. N s 18 " 19/6 s 4 " w 23 " 24/2 w 7 " N w 22 " 19/0 w 8 " 2O/2 s 26 " N s 10 " N s 2S " 19/0 s II * N w 30 " 24/3 vv 14 " N w 29 " 19/0 w IS " 1668-69 s 17 " N s i Feb. 19/2 s 18 " N s 2 Jan. 24/6 vv 21 " 17/8 w 5 " 19/6 w 22 " N w 6 * 24/2 s 24 " 18/6 s & * 19/2 s 2S " N s 9 " 24/8 w 28 18/6 w 12 " 19/4 w 29 " N w 13 " 24/6 s 31 " 20/0 s IS " 19/4 s i Aue. N s 16 " 24/6 vv 4 Sept. 20/0 w 19 " 19/0 w 5 * N w 20 " 24/6 s 7 " 19/6 s 22 " 19/8 s S " N s 23 " 24/6 w it " I9/S w 26 " 19/10 w 12 " N w 27 " 24/3 s 14 " 19/8 s 29 " 20/4 s IS " N F 29 " 4/4 w 18 " 19/6 w 4 Mar. 2O/6 w 19 ' N w 3 Feb. 24/3 s 21 " 19/8 s 7 " 2 I/O s 22 " 2O/O s 6 " M/ \v 25 " 19/8 w ii " 2 I/O w 26 " N w 10 " 24/0 s 28 20/0 s 14 " 2 I/O s 29 " s 13 " 23/10 w 2 Oct. 19/6 w 18 " 20/8 w 3 Sept. 19/6 w 17 " *3/6 s 5 " 19/6 s 21 * 2 I/O s 5 " 20/0 s 20 " 23/10 vv 9 " 19/6 1668 w 9 " to/o w 4 " 83/8 s 12 " 19/6 w 25 " 20/8 s 12 " 20/8 s 27 * 24/6 w 16 " 19/4 s 28 " 21/0 w 16 " 20/8 w 3 Mar. aV s 19 " 19/6 w i Apr. 21/0 s 19 ' 20/6 4i8 APPENDIX G o B ^ 00 f H P W o PH PQ 5 000 1 233.3:?3 5 J2 .3 .3 .S -SJ3 ^ ^^ M j OO O OO OOOOOO ; o oo o oo oooooo <4O OO O OO OOOOOO ooooo ooooo ooooo ^wj o O O O OOO oooo I ,;M O O O O OOO ro o O O O OOO oooo oooo H O O O O ta d* o o o oo o o M*> o oo o 4 r MM MM M M 00" O M_ C T3 w M I M M H 4 M 4 M -O M | ^O> OO OOOOOvOOvOOOOOC ui oo OO OMOOO*Or^OMOO< M M M M o oo O^-OOOOOOMOOOOM^ ) O O O O O 1 O O 5 O O > O O 00 O k 1 iillililiiiJiiiill Jo* U illl, iiiiij APPENDIX G 419 I * * , ~~ -^ C O O O *O W O *O H MM M M ^30*000000 O <** OjOOO OtiO'tO M o> to M in M o* oo ~~ M \o M ^^ M 1 .S o NO ^ o O to O M o ^0 to o M OOO OOO O O OOO OOO -O O OOO OOO -O O "2 :"s %O ^O o ^o /> ^ O Ot S _o 8 e M 00000 O OOO--OO---OOO S O M CO O O 000--00---000 s S S O OOO--OO---OOO ^ ^ c> 2 * ^i tC CO rt *o o O O 0. O O O O * M O O O M O * 10 O O O w O o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O O O O 00 O O O* * Ok 00 Oo \o o ^t . **-, CO 00 :h are from Harl. and here. They i M >O t^ O O O OOOOtOMO-OO -O -0*0* CO * ^ .c n u M M M m >o oo o oo o M M M MM* MM tOvOt*"O^t"*Owto *O -OtooO H O o \O . o O 33 v to M . . 2 5 2. tj? H -4* - .*. _ H~:.*. n 5 M o h M M M 3 r*. m m to ^ Ot to O>*OOO^f fOC>'OOMM VO M to to 5^ M oo_ to M" ; 10 10*00 11 S O*O w 00 O O to OO'OO'O^OtOMOtoO^OOO M M V) M Q 12 I- 3 . M H, M M M M M M M 2 10 OO M O* OO r< row^fMtoMOOtominO^^' ^ 0? 5 jl li o o o OOO OOO- OOO " 5 II .2 1 O 00 * O to OOO Otoio- Oto>O N i e of these figures in brackets are no sd Accounts. Lyme Lynn Milford Minehead Newcastle Newhaven Padstow jSl i. : iSsgls :1^1 Iliiipiillllll AlP^PnPUftlMt/Jt/JCntOC/jHiSlSrX Total Totals: London and Outp 1 The sourc The results given by the Declar 420 APPENDIX G CORN BOUNTY DEBENTURES, 1 689-98 l Year Outports London Total i. d. s. d. i. & 1689 217 4 4i 481 17 2 699 X 6i 1690 7,041 10 3i 2,272 17 of 9,314 7 4 1691 16,376 z6 9i 2,472 7 9 18,849 4 6 1 1692 20,136 M 4 924 18 4 21,061 i a . 1693 12,451 XX 2i 2,339 17 3 14,791 8 si 1694 4,3l8 ii ii 73 16 zoj 4,392 8 yl 1695 13,882 7 6,401 14 8i 20,283 15 si 1696 7,313 17 nj 7,142 18 si 14,456 1 6 5 1697 11,094 4 2} 2,099 1 8 ii 13,194 3 l| 1698 4,479 10 9 520 8 6i 4,999 10 3i 1689-1698 [97,3" a sil [24,730 14 "I 122,042 " 4i BOUNTIES PAID, 1697-17 f> -'-' Periods Total 8. d. 1607-170? 289,670 14 o y / / j 1706-1725 40 I726-I741C i 760 7c6 v 42 / ^o 1746-1765 ,/ y, i j 2.628 co? * A 7 ^t^^^ij^j T 1 / 1607-176.1? 6.01:8.062 6 o i MS.. Br. M., Harl., 6838, fol. 28. * Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, p. 452. APPENDIX H 421 APPENDIX H STATISTICS OF ASSIGNMENTS OF MONEY AND CORN TO BE PROVIDED BY THE LONDON COMPANIES, 1520-1662 Money to be levied from the London companies for the purchase of a common supply of corn. Companies 1530* 1546' 1566* 1574 4 Mercers s. d. 80 o o s. d. 150 o o s. d. 2OO O O s. d. 500 o o Grocers 80 o o 150 o o 17? O O 500 o o Drapers 80 o o 150 o o 150 o o 777 o o Fishmongers 1 Stockfishmongers >8o o o IOO O 150 o o 250 o o Goldsmiths . 80 o o IOO O O 150 o o 7.7? O O Skinners 60 o o IOO O O 7? O O 2OO O O Merchant- tailors 80 o o 150 o o 17? O o 431 O O Haberdashers 70 o o IOO O O 125 o o 7,1? O O Vintners 20 o o 60 o o ^ 6 8 181 10 o Ironmongers 40 o o 66 o o 7^00 181 10 o Sailers 1600 IOO O O 7? o o 181 10 o Clothworkers IOO O O 150 o o 27? O O Dyers IO O O 30 o o 20 o o 62 10 o Leather sellers 1 Pouchmakers MO 66 13 4 95 o o 162 10 o Cutlers 1 Bladesmiths > IO O O 15 o o IO O O 37 1 o Armourers IO O O 15 o o S 12 IO O ^^axchandlers 20 o o Tallowchandlers 12 O O 30 o o 20 o o 62 10 o Shearmen 4.O O O Pewterers 20 o o 45 o o 25 o o 56 5 o Fullers IO O O Saddlers IO O O 4? o o I? O O 62 10 o Brewers . 40 o o 40 o o 33 6 8 125 o o Scriveners IO O O IO O O SO O O Butchers IO O O IO O O 21 O O 20 o o ? o o 12 IO O 1 " Corsers " f 30 o o 30 o o 15 o o 37 10 o Girdlers IO O O 30 o o 25 O O SO O O Barber-surgeons 20 o o SO O O IO O O 25 o o Founders zoo 500 See above, p. 82. * See above, p. 83. ' See below, p. 449. See above, p. 83, n. 4. 422 APPENDIX H STATISTICS OF MONEY AND CORN, 1520-1662 (continued) Companies 1520 1546 1566 1574 s. d. IO O O s. d. s. d. s. d. Bowyers IO O O 11 O O So o 7e o Fletchers IO O O IS O O e o O 650 Cordwaincrs SO O IO O O IO O O Painter-stainers IO O O So o Masons IO O O CQO 12 IO O Plumbers SO O 12 jo o 5 O O IO O O c. o o 37 10 O IO O O Coopers IO O O 20 o o 62 10 o S O O 20 o o *o o o I< O O ^^oodmongers IO O O 12 IO O Tilers IO O O So o 12 IO O So o 12 10 O < o o Blacksmiths So o 12 IO O Spurriers < o o So o So o Fruiterers So o So o 12 IO O Pastelers So o Turners ? o o Marblers So o Plasterers ? o o IO O O Stationers c. o o 20 o o 62 10 o Glaziers So o Lapicers < o o Cheesemongers COO Surgeons So o Woolpackers IO O O coo 6 ? o Cooks ?7 IO O APPENDIX H 423 " Money lent by the Companies in London for the provision of Corn in two payments," [I573]. 1 8. A s. d. Haberdashers 525 o o Mercers 625 4 o Grocers 700 o o Drapers 525 o o Fishmongers 350 o o Goldsmiths 525 o o Merchant- tailors . . 612 o o Vinters 262 o o Ironmongers 262 10 o Salters 262 o o Skinners 280 o o Clothworkers 365 o o "5,293 14 o" " More lent the same tyme by the inferior Companies at two pay- ments." s. d. Dyers 87 10 o Brewers 175 o o Leathersellers 200 o o Tallowchandlers 87 10 o Pewterers 78 15 o Saddlers 8710 o Freemasons 17 10 o Scriveners 66 10 8 Woodmongers 17 10 o Plasterers 14 10 o Bowyers 2 10 o Fletchers 815 o Coopers 87 10 o Plumbers 17 10 o Carpenters 52 10 o Painters 17 10 o Butchers 35 o o d. Blacksmiths 17 10 o Fruiterers 17 10 o Stationers 8710 o Woolmen 8 15 o Barber-surgeons 35 o o Girdlers 70 o o Curriers 21 o o Cordwainers 87 o o Innholders 52 10 o Armourers 17 10 o Poulterers 15 o o Cooks 52 10 o Bricklayers 17 10 o Cutlers 52 10 o Weavers 17 10 o Total "1,622 15 8' Som' totalis of all lent as well by the 12 Companies as by the inferior Companies amounts to as apperes to " " 6,916 19 8 " " Money Receaved by the 12 Companies for the use of themselves and the inferior Companies in A dm' 1580 precedinge of the sale of the Corne provided for them which is to be devided to eiche Com- panie after the rate of 10 s the pound:" 12 companies 2,636 15 o Inferior companies 906 5 o 3,543 o o Journals of the Common Council, xxii, fols. 70 f. 424 APPENDIX H " For the furnishing of 6000 quarters of graine whereof there must be 4000 quarters of wheate and 2000 quarters of Rye. For provision of this Citie of London," 2 Dec., I59O. 1 qrs. Fishmongers 339 Mercers 492 Grocers 525 Drapers 461 Goldsmiths 486 Merchant- tailors 562 Skinners 332 Haberdashers 435 Sailers 309 Ironmongers 276 Vintners 312 qrs. Dyers 60 Brewers 120 Leathersellers 1 20 Pewterers 36 Cutlers 27 Whitebakers 72 Waxchandlers 12 Tallowchandlers 48 Armourers 6 Girdlers 42 Butchers. . 18 Clothworkers 339 Saddlers 54 " 4,868 " Carpenters 30 Cordwainers 42 Barber-surgeons 30 Painter-stainers 6 Curriers 6 Masons 15 Plumbers 12 Innholders 30 Founders 9 Poulterers 12 Cooks 30 Coopers 42 " 264 " Brownbakers 18 Stationers 63 Embroiderers 20 Total " 6000 quarters." "615" Tilers and bricklayers 12 Blacksmiths 10 Joiners 25 Weavers 15 Woodmongers 15 Scriveners 42 Fruiterers 9 Plasterers 6 "i34" Upholsterers 7 Turners 1 1 "119' "Theise 6 poore Companies we have thought necessary not to charge with any provision viz." Bowyers 3 Basketmakers 4 Fletchers 3 Glaziers 4 Woolmen 3 Minstrels 3 "20 quarters" 1 Journals of the Common Council, xxii, fols. 434-435- APPENDIX H 425 AMOUNTS OF CORN TO BE PROVIDED BY THE LONDON COMPANIES Companies 1587 ' and 1599' 1610' 1639* qrs. qrs. qrs. Mercers 820 620 650 Grocers 874 1,000 900 Drapers 768 768 750 Fishmongers 565 565 620 Goldsmiths 809 730 700 Skinners 553 470 420 Merchant-tailors 936 1,050 1,000 Haberdashers 724 800 770 Salters 514 480 480 Ironmongers 440 358 340 520 500 565 550 160 140 100 138 250 280 60 70 60 100 I2O DO 20 25 60 130 10 25 ioo 140 40 So ioo So 50 80 60 60 60 60 11 IS ii IS 25 30 20 25 SO 60 15 10 20 IS SO 4C 70 70 20 25 5 S 5 5 16 20 41 30 25 35 S 5 60 80 ioo So 16 10 Journals of the Common Council, xxii, fol. 130. * Letter Book. BB. fol. 14. Journals of the Common Council, xxviii, fob. 113 f. Ibid., xxxviii, fol. 160. Clothworkers 565 Dyers IOO Brewers 200 Leathersellers 200 Pewterers 60 Cutlers 45 Whitebakers 120 Waxchandlers 2O Tallowchandlers 80 Armourers IO Girdlers 70 Butchers 30 Saddlers 90 Carpenters 50 Cordwainers 70 Barber-surgeons 50 Apothecaries Painter-stainers II Curriers II Masons 25 Plumbers 20 Innholders 50 Founders ..15 Poulterers 20 Cooks 50 Coopers 70 Tilers and bricklayers .... 20 Bowyers 5 Fletchers S Blacksmiths 16 Joiners 4i Weavers 25 Woolmen S Woodmongers 20 Scriveners 70 Fruiterers 16 426 APPENDIX H AMOUNTS OF CORN (continued) Companies Plasterers. . . . Brownbakers. Stationers .... Embroiderers . Upholsterers. . Musicians Turners Basketmakers Glaziers . . 1587 and 1599 qrs. 10 IOO 33 ii 5 17 8 8 1610 qrs. IO 20 140 40 II 5 17 8 8 1639 qrs. IO 15 IOO 40 II 8 I? 8 8 COMPANIES ORDERED TO SUPPLY THE LONDON MARKETS WITH CORN, 25 FEB., 1661-62 l Fifty-six companies were ordered to furnish the poor with 101 quarters of meal each week for ten weeks at 6 s. 8 d. a bushel. Companies Grocers Mercers 6 Drapers 7 Fishmongers 7 Goldsmiths 7 Skinners 4 Merchant-tailors 10 Haberdashers 8 Salters 5 Cutlers i Stationers i Upholsterers o Plasterers o Fruiterers o Founders o Bowyers 1 Fletchers/ ' Tallowchandlers i Musicians ] Basketmakers j- o Glaziers J Girdlers i Cordwainers o Barber-surgeons o Tilers \ Q Bricklayers / ' Ironmongers 3 Woodmongers o Blacksmiths. . o Amounts qrs. bushs. pks. 900 4 4 o o 4 o o o o o I o o o Companies Amounts qrs. bushs. pks. I 3 o O 6 2 4 2 2 3 3 Dyers Vintners 5 Leathersellers 2 Plumbers o Clothworkers 5 Saddlers i Butchers o Apothecaries o Weavers o Coopers o 6 Masons o 2 Painters o i Curriers o i Poulterers o i Pewterers o 6 Waxchandlers o 2 Armourers o 2 Carpenters o 4 Embroiderers o 4 Cooks o 3 Woolmen o o Innholders o 5 Joiners o 3 Scriveners o 6 Brownbakers o i Turners o i Brewers i 3 Whitebakers o 5 Repertory, Ixviii, fob. 61 f. APPENDIX I 427 APPENDIX I STATISTICS OF CORN PROVISION BY GROCERS AND MERCERS, 1617-74 MERCERS' PROVISION (Source MS., Mercers' Hall, Second Warden's Accounts, vols, 1617-29 , etc.) Year Remaining Bought Sold Year Remaining Bought Sold qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. 1617-18. 2O 143 26 1640-41 . 372 o 1618-19. . . 131 IOO 6 1641-42 . -- 368* 506 248^ 1619-20. 223! 170 O 1642-43 . . - 639 o o 1620-21. 393 127! 1643-44. .. 6 3 2f o o 1621-22. 259^ o 63 1644-45. .. 6 3 2f 43* o 1622-23. . . i86| 180 204! 1645-46. . . 668-| o 1623-24. . . i6aj IOO 8| 1646-47 . . . 668| o o 1624-25 . . 220 5 103 1647-48. . . 668f o 25J 1625-26. 152! o 103 1648-49. . . 427* 7 1626-27. .. 43i 2IlJ 3 1649-50. . . 419 4i3 1627-28. - 243 2O7 o 1650-51. 6 o o 1628-29. 445 O 3 1651-52. 6 o 2 1629-30. - - 437 O 216 1652-53. 4 257 O 1630-31. i94f 343 411^ 1653-54- 261 o O 1631-32. . . I20| 322! 1 60 I654-55. . . 261 300 1632-33. . . 276 i68f 235* 1655-56. -. 561 O 1633-34- . . i86| 192! i8o 1656-57. .. 561 o O 1634-35 X 95i 3?8i 342i 1657-58. .. 561 o 26l 1635-36. 230 300* 230 1658-59. - - 300 o O 1636-37. 294! o o 1659-66 . . . Hiatus in accounts. 1637-38. - 293! I S 2IO 1666-73. .. 60 1 1638-39. 233 o O 1673-74- .. 60 o 60 1639-40. 233 135 o 1674-90. . . No corn accounts found. All that remained of the lop qrs. at Bridewell, 40 qrs. having been destroyed by " the late fire." 428 APPENDIX I (Source MS. Accompte.) GROCERS' PROVISION Grocers' Hall, No. 571, The Booke for the Corne Year Year July-July) Remaining Bought Sold (July-July) Remaining Bought Sold qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. qrs. 1622-23 . . O i So 116 1639-40. . . 287 6l o 1623-24.. 13 82 13 1640-41 . . . 347 o 1624-25.. . 82 168 [47 1541-42... 344i 281* o 1625-26. . . I02f So 132 1642-43... 526* o o 1626-27. 19 3 5 1643-44 516! 93* 1627-28.. 43 38* 1644-45... 609! o o 1628-29. 65 o o 1645-46... 609! o o 1629-30. . . 62} 23 1646-47. . . 609? o 1630-31 . . 38! 6o 4 i 301 1 1647-48... 6oS| o 327 1631-32.. 3*oJ 287* 164 1648-49. . . 205! 5 1632-33.. 277^ 4*7i 284 1649-50. . . 200| o So 1633-34 33i 475J 345 1650-51... I 4 6J o 146] 1634-35 364! 100 159 1651-52... o 1635-36.. 239! 239! 316 1652-53... o 1636-37.. i5ii o 1653-54. . o o 1637-38.. . 148$ 183* 130 I 654-5S- o 49* o 1638-39.. . 198$ 9 1 APPENDIX J 429 APPENDIX J "A SPECIALL DIRECTION FOR DIVERS TRADES" Written apparently by a West Country merchant, in the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth. MS. is in the Record Office State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 255, No. 56. A speciall direction for divers trades of merchaundize to be used for soundrie placis upon adverticemente aswell for the chusinge of the time and wares for every of those placis most Beneficiall for those that use the trade of marchandize. All the yeare with Wheate. 1 Item for all the parts of Galicia course cloth and Bridgwaters north- ern halfe clothes & manchester cottons hides cal[f]skines shepeskines dressed brecknocks bristowe frisis and tymbye fryses wexe flaninge and wedmoles of Wales wheate Butter chease hyhe cotton fryses of Carmarthen in sowthe wales. Comodities retorned from Hience. Item the comodities thence ar wynes of Rubadavye and Orenges and Lemons and Tymber and Boordes of chesnutts and walhiuts where of the[re] is greate store and goode cheape espesially in villia viziosa here you must take hede that you gree with the customers for your custome before you land your wares for they will gree with you for two in the hundert otherwyse they will make you paye viii or x in the hondert you must also take hede that you bringe no flaunders wares upon englishe bottomes for yt is defended. All the winter with wheate [&] with clothe in the somer. Item for san Jhoande luz in Fraunce all kinds of course wares wexe and tallowe butter and chease wheate Rye and Beanes by sky e so that it be brought thither at Christmas or shortly after to sarve the newe- foundland men also candells shepe skines hides and cal[f]skines Irrishe fryses this porte sarves when we have A Restrainte betweene Spaine and us. Comodities retorned from thence. Item the comodities of this countrye is Piche and Rossen to be bowght best cheape and fethers the best in all Fraunce Navarr leron white wynes of challose to be Laden against somer here also you must 1 This rubric and those following are in the margin and in another hand. 430 APPENDIX J agree for your custome before you discharge comonly we paye three in the hundert. All the sommer for Isse. Item for nerve and Rye and Revell all kindes of course clothes cor- rupt wynes & conyskines dressed and undressed Sake some aquavitye: here take hede you trust none of the countrye (with owte) payinge reddye monnye for they ar very false people and will denye bothe the bargaine and the Reseite of your wares yf yowe deliver it withoute monnye. Comodities from thence. Item here wee Lade flexe and hempe piche and tarr tallowe and wexe and all kindes of Furrs this place was usid before we had our trade with Sainte Nicholas in Russie but our cables and all our good ropes come from Danskes in pollande and also greate store of wheate and Rye yf it be skante in england. This also all the sommer for Isse. Item for the wardehowse we use a trade of Fyshinge for the wiche you muste [put] in to your shipp good store of sake for every tone of sake will but preserve one thousande of fishe. Begine not this viadge but after sainte James tide. Item for the fishinge of the owte Ilandes of skotland you must pre- pare your Shipp that she maye be redie to be there shortlie After sainte Jamestide for the best fyshinge of code and Linge is at mighellmas you must Lade for every thousand fishe aweye of sake or rather more. The comodities from hence [are] samon code and Linge. Item of this trade of the owt Hands of Scotland and also for the northe of Ireland called Lawgfolie and Lowgfully where the samone fyshinge is/ yow shall sell all sortes of corrupt wynes but you must take hede of the people becawse they ar false and full of trechery therefore you must kepe good wache by night and be upon your owne kepinge. All the yeare in Smale barckes of Lime. Item for Roane and murlace and S mallowse Led is well sold fyne white denshire kersies and fyne newberry kerseys and hamshire ker- syes fyne clothes of all newe collors stamell Redes and Lustie gallants greate store of Tynne all sortes of sheredes and homes and northeren halfe clothe so they be fyne and mingled colors. Comodities retorned from thence. Item here at murlace and Roane we Lade all our Lynine clothe dewlas Locker and Normandye canvas and all other canvas and all APPENDIX J 43 1 other smale wares as cordes pines paintes Boltes of blacke threde and a member [sic] of other smale wares for mercers / this viadge ys to be made in 3 wekes yf winde and wether sarve. For Levante from michelmas to aprill for feare of gallies. Item for Levante the best marchaundize is Led very fyne clothes as pewkes Skarletts newberry kersyes and hamshire kersyes hides and calfskynes a small quantitie drye newe Land fyshe pilchars and Red herringe wrought tin in any wyse your clothes must be the fynest you cane gett for they esteme before any velvett or other silkes the most comone frequented places be ligorne mallyorca and mynorca and Barce- lona Sivita veipa and venice. The comodities from thence. Item frome these places we have oyles of mayorca when we have restraynte with Spayne likewyse all kindes of silkes gawles and cotton muskatells of candye and malmseyes corraunts allem Sipers chests and divers other comodities the fynest earthen dishes called puree- lanes. All the yeare in greate shippes. Item for Barbary very fyne clothes, sade blewes of xxx li the clothe and the Redd cappes for marriners and all kinde of greate ordinaunce and other artellyrye Ashe timber for Oares Armorr of all sorts but yf the spanyerds take you trading with them you dye for it. Comodities retorned from thence. Item owte of this contrye we Lade frome the porte of Santa cruse barbary Sugers bothe fyne and course Salte peter greate aboundance and the Best, also dates melasses and cuete barbary carpetts cotton you must have safe coundight for the gallyes otherwise the trade is dangerous. All the yeare accordinge to your adverticements. Item for sowthe spaine called andolozia hides and cal[f]skines fyne white kersyes Redinge kersyes and newberry kersyes led and tyne pipe staves and hoghed staves coper and Bell mettell fyne holland clothe and cambricke there must no course wares be brought hither all kinde of virr planck and masts [and ?] clapborde. Comodities retorned from thence. Item owte of this countrye wee have all our wynes called seeks and all our wolle oyles and swete oyles and the wynes called teyntes hul- locks Resonnes of three or fewer sortes greate store of salte quchini- ella [?] and anyele of the Indews cordovan skines shewmake and all sowinge silkes of all collors hi grayne or otherwyse Sivill sope. the 432 APPENDIX J custome here in sainte Lucars is 2 duckets and halfe in the honderte and in cales yt is 7 and 8 in the hundert. Wheate all the winter. Item Lisborne in portingall Butter chese fyne clothes of Bristowe and somersett shire of the price of xx tie marckes the fynest and theyr sortinge of Aeght pounds the clothe and the must these collors sorted tene clothes in a packe to gether. you must have light skye collors to make light grenes very sadd blewes fyne Redes and stamells fyne Azars and fyne yallows Led Led [sic] and tinne hides and cal[f]skines here you must take hede that you make your bargaine with your marchaunte he to paye the custome becawse it is xx u in the hondert. Comodities from thence. Item here hence we Lade some tinnes oyles frome a place called santarene Sake of portingall Sope callicowe clothe all kinde of spices Sinamone cloves masses and nuttmegs peper great aboundance bothe greate and smale yndews cobbard clothes called paintagos and all other Indews wares whate soever that cometh frome the est yndews. At mighelmas and Easter becaus of the martes. Item for Bayona in galizia and for the porte of portingall the very same comodities that yowe use for Lisborne saving onlye tymby fryses that be made in sowthe wales bothe blacke and greye lowe cot- tons brigwaters taunton halfe clothes Bristowe frizes fyne and sortinge manchester cotton halfe northeren clothe wheate. Comodities from thence. Item owte of this place there is nothinge to Lade but Orrendges lemonns and greate ynnions that be xii or xiiii ynches abowte they use this place to make monnye twyse a yeare at mighellmas and after / and the greatest byers be marchaunts of a towne called the port of portingall theyr custome is 3 in the hundert frome this place they transporte theyr monnyes for lisborne andolozia and the ylands to Lade theyr shippes. Wheate from alhallontide untill maye. Item for the yllandes of Sainte mighells and tercera all kinde of course clothe called bridgwaters all sortes of northeren halfe clothes savinge manchester cottons tauntone halfe clothes made in somersett shire frizes of Bristowe and tymbye and Brecknocks of southe wales wheate all the wynter untill maye Reding kersyes and a fewe cal[f]- skines here theyr custome is xx li in the hondert as far as I cane re- member here you shall sell nothinge for reddy monnye but yowe must trucke your wares for grene woade. APPENDIX J 433 Comodities from thence. Item in all the Ilandes there is no other marchandize to Lade but grene woade where of here is greate aboundaunce some allem of the ylande and Sydar chestes like wyse pikero and Lancerota and viall theyr trade standes upon woade and the same englishe comodities that sarvethe for the one sarveth for the other. All the Sommer for Sugars and Wines. Item for the Ilandes of the canaryas and matheras drye newland- fishe pilchars of englande and pilchars of galicia led and Red herrings all kindes of course clothe onlye excepted manchester cottons as yow use to bringe to the Ilandes of the Assores these Ilandes muste be used all the somer for in the wynter the stormes ar so greate that there [are] no harbors for shippinge. All the Sormner for Sugars and Wines. Item here we use to Lade mathero wynes called whit malmseyes and Bethonyas, and wynes of the canaryes but the matheros in the more milder wyne and this yland called the matherose we Lade the Best Sugars and the fynest made and refyned in the Hand their cowstome is a[s] muche as it is in the other Hands. All the Sommer for avoidinge of Isse. Item for Sainte nicholas in Russye all wynes that is corrupte and Refues wynes of spaine fraunce and of the ylands and all swete wines that ar corrupt with the wiche they use to by manye tones of sidar puting in to yt three or fower gallons of Bastard they will also be sold for wynes salte is here good marchaundize and our course suffe clothes. Comodities from thence. Item from this countrye we Lade the greatest Quantatye of wexe becawse they have greate aboundaunce so muche as they ar able to sarve england and Flaunders and greate store of stages skines and skines and hides of Buffano the best in Christendom and the greatest Quantitie all sortes of Riche furres. All the yeare accordinge to your adverticements. Item for Bilbao in Biskaye hides and cal[f]skines in greate boundance be here dispached and Somersetshire clothes of a toune called Sheptone mallet who clothe with the wolles of the Isle of wight in every tenne clothes you muste have II light popengaye grenes II light violetts II light skye collers II azars and II Blewes and some fyne stamell Redds in grayene Bridgwaters and tanton halfe clothes led and tinne the like for Saint sabastians in Byskaye. savinge the clothes must be 434 APPENDIX J sad grenes sadd violetts sadd blewes theyr lists kept blewe. all these muste be fyne clothes fyne lustye gallants and fyne stamell reds. Comodities from thence. Item frome twoe portes we Lade lerone of the best sorte in all spayne whale oyles that come from newfound Land piche and Rossome fyne Serches. Bugg of Tolosa in navar and Rendrye lerone and navar lerone greate store of Lickerische crosbowes sworde Blades frome hence we convey all our monnyes bothe silver and gold in to Fraunce for the Lading of our shippes in Burdeous for the wiche we Rone graete and dangerows adventures theyr customes is called a alcavala that is x in the hondert then they have sixe in the hondert. At mighelmas and Easter because of the two free faires. Item for Burdows in gaskonie blacke Bristowe frizes and medleye fryses some fyne and some sortinge that ar to be bought for 30 shil- lings a peace and the fyne at seven nobles also led and manchester cottons and some of your courser sort of Bristowe clothes but for this place you muste devise to have all the newe collars that you cane fynde in england for those ar sonnest monnye. all sorts of cast lerone peases but here dowtting that they shall not sell there fore our mar- chaunts transporte greate store of our englishe gold over frenche gold and portingall gold and spaineshe gold of best and those that be weight. Comodities from thence. Item frome thes place we Lade all our right gaskone wynes white clarett and Redd and tallowse woade yf you will by 100 Balletts of woad together they will assewre it to be good but yf you by under you shall bye it at your owne adventure here also we by smale pruens and damaske pruens and fethers and divers other Comodities and for the bennefyt of the marchaunts you have II fayers in the yeare that yowe be free of all custome bothe inwardes and owtwardes the one beginethe in marche and the other in October. All the yeare in greate shippes for feare of piratts. Item for the trade of Rochell all englyshe Comodities as ledd tinne hides cal[f]skines tallowe clothe fyne and course sake Irrishe hides bristow frizes and tymbye fryses any kinde of victualls wheat only except becawse they have greate store of theyr owne. here you maye sell all sorts of greate and smale ordinance, all sortes of newe collored clothes. Comodities from thence. Item here you shall bye greate store of salte poldavize piche and tarr divers other kinde of marchaundize for here all the pirats of APPENDIX J 435 Fraunce doe discharge here you shall have manye thinges of the Indews of portingall Better cheape then in portingall but you muste take hede yowe goe thether hi a good shippe or ells yowe ar like to be Robbed by the waye ether outwards or homewardes. Also withe greate shipps. Item for the trade of the west Indews belonginge to spaine all these wares Followinge ar very good, oyles ar very well sold expecially swete oyle lookinge glasses of christall and others, knyfes of all sortes very well sold taylors sheres and Sissars for barbors linine clothe of divers sort dowlas Lockerame hollandes. some Quantitie of wyne but yt must be singular good, also pines pointes and suche other like smale wares, he that goethe one this viadge muste be very carefull of their olde Ennemyes the spainerds otherwyse they maye be taken upon assudaine. Comodities from thence. Item from this countrye is greate Riches to be had of gold and Silver and very Riche pearells very Orient and very Bigg withal here the spanyerdes have a myntehowse called the castell of mexico where they stampp all the rialls of plate of the pillars wiche is the fynest silver of all and here they stampp all their silver that is Refyned in to barrs where with they knowe it is parfett good and of the best sorte. the rialls of plate that is Quened at mexico / have sene in spaine the popes factors for the collection of his monye in that kingdome they will give one or twoe in the houndert to chainge the other rialls of plate for these. This viadge also muste be used withe greate shippe. Also for the trade of Brasile most of the wares that sarvethe for the West Indews will sarve there and also some of our course clothes we maye sell here in trucke of Course sugers and mellasos and kute that we us[e] in england and flaunders for divers purposes: here you have the best Brasill and blocke wood otherwyse called campeche. Comodities from thence. Item in this countrie we Lade homwardes sugars melasses and cutes and Brasill and blockewood wiche we use in england for some of our collors but this blocke wood makethe a very desietfull vadinge collor and therefore not estemed and is almost fallen owt of request. This places of the weste of Irland for seckes and gasconie wines. Item yf yowe will trade the west partes of Ireland your best comody- ties is Seeks of andolozia and Gaskone wines alitell woade som Allem but not greate Quantitie. some rawe silke of divers collers and some 436 APPENDIX J Brasill but of wynes you shall dispache greate store and they will complye their bargaines very well and ar men of more Sivillitie then those of the northe parts. Comodities from thence. Item for hence we lade in our shippinge greate store of Sake hides tallowe Salte Beffe in hogheds. Irishe coverletts mantells and greate store of Irishe frises bothe highe cottons and lowe cottons linine yar- one and heringe and Sake samon when time of the yeare sarveth all wich we transporte ether to Rochell or newhaven and Roane and some times in to Flaunders. The abuses of the frenche spanierd and skotte. Item in this trade of Ireland the Frenche spanierde and skott usithe greate villanye for in time of peace they furnishe aU those countryes and people that is ylle affected towards her ma[jes]tie / they furnishe them wythe calivers powder and shotte wiche they sell for the said salt hide they also farnishe them with matche or any thinge ells that is nedefull for the warrs / wiche your honor maye nowe prevent cawsing the Serchers there to serche every shipp that shall there arive putting a forfeyture upon the shipp and goods. In these placis it is most nedefull to have always a gaily. And here yf I might specke my knowledge under corection I would all wayes have her ma[jes]tie to maynteyne a gallye in the northe partes of Ireland for the stoppinge of the intercorse of the Scotts wiche would be furnished in short time with the condempned men in england and Ireland with the wiche you shall kepe those parts quyett. The hole trade of the marchaunts standith upon diligent advertice- ment. Item take this for agennerall Rule in all kinde of marchaundize that yt is not sufficient for yow to knowe all this unles you allwayes doe procuer to have adverticements owt of all placis (otherwyse) you maye be prevented by other men ether before or After And commonlye there can be nothinge well sold when you shalbe bounde to Lade the same shipp barcke againe within xxv or thirttie dayes therefore when you thincke to gaine your lose therefore adverticement is good and the principall thinge that belongethe to A merchaumte. The trade sarvethe to this place all the yeare. Item for our trade to Flaunders Hemden and Hamborghe the mar- chaunt adventurers Lade our woolles and clothes unwroght in greate aboundaunce because theyr woolles beinge of so course a staple that APPENDIX J 437 it will not come in threde unles they mingle our woolles with all / also greate store of our englishe bere is here uttered bothe in time of peace and warrs frome hence we use to Lade all kinde of smale wares for grocers and greate store of hopes holland clothe all other wares made of coper and brasse and many other thinges. This viadge muste be used from mighelmas untill Easter for fere of the more gallies. The marchandize that they transporte for trypola Isurria that is most usuall is Newberry and Redinge kersyes of all sorts and all collors. also they use some very fyne clothes of highe prises of fortie or fyftie poundes the clothe very muche tyne wroght and unwroght some Ledd wiche they sell by the waye in many portes. The comodities from thence. Item the comodities that they bringe from tripola Isurria they use to Lade there greate store of corraunts good store of gales and very muche cottons wiche we call in england boumbaste also swheete oyle of grece and divers other thinges. The prises of all the spannishe wares comonlie used to be Laden. li. s. d. Woode the houndrethe 13 4 lerone the tone 12 Fathers the hondert i 8 Oyle the tone 28 Traine the tone 14 Rendrye lerone the ton 10 Wett newland fishe the C i Drye fishe the honderte o 10 Lyver traine of fishe the ton 9 Romishe allem the C i 8 Shewmake the C 13 Gaskone wynes the tone 12 Nants wynes the tone 1 1 Rochell wynes the ton 8 Prwens the honderte 14 Tollows woode the ballett 2 13 4 Polldavis the peace 2 3 Salt the tone i 10 Spanishe salte 2 White sope the hondert 2 13 4 Lickerishe the houndert o 13 4 Tollosa bugge the dossen o 6 Serches of Byskey the pese o 2 6 Pepper the hondert 14 Sugar the hondert 13 8 438 APPENDIX J li. 8. Kwchaniella the houndert 74 13 Mases the hondert 60 Cloves the hondert 44 16 Nuttmedge the hondert 44 16 Sinnamone the hondert 30 Ginger the hondert 18 13 The prises of all the englishe wares comonlie used to be Laden owte of england. li. s. d. Bristowe sortinge clothes the peace 9 Fyne clothes the peace 13 Bridgwaters the peace 2 Manchester cottons the skore 18 Course northeren dossen i 6 Fyne northeren dossens the pece 3 Brecknocks the peace 2 6 Tymbye frisses the peace 2 Highe cottone Frises the peace i 18 Ledd the tone 8 10 Tyne the hondert weight 3 Tyne wrought the pounde o o 10 Butter the barrell 2 The kinderkine of Butter i The weye of wheate 4 13 Bell mettell the hondrett i 8 Tallowe the hondert i 6 8 Tawnton halfe clothes the pese 9 10 Devonshire kersye the coursses[t] i 10 White cottons the pease i Pilchars the hoghed i Drye hake the hondert i 10 Candells the hondert weight i 6 8 Irrishe frise the hondert yardes 4 Pipe staves the thowsande 2 5 Hoghed staves the thowsande i 6 8 Caste lerone peaces the C o 14 Wexe the hondreth weight 5 Lists the hondreth yards o 8 4 A kinde of white Lininge of i dossen yardes the pease . i 10 Smythe coles the ton o 6 Item these and all other wares doe Ripe and fall accordinge to the time as for example Salte beinge worthe but i li 10 s the tone and fortye shillings continually is nowe worthe sixe pounds the ton and so yt is with all other merchaundize. APPENDIX J 439 li. s. d. Item lingavitye the C 2 6 8 Item ginger the C 4 10 Item hides of sant domingos Item Rubyes of the indews as they be of bignes their prices highe or lowe Item saxifrage the C 45 Some times fower times as muche. And because that wieght and mesure doth differ in manye realmes and in manye places of one realme the first thinge that a marchante or factor dowth after his cominge to any towne of trade to informe hime sealfe of their weights and mesures and so like wise of the cowstoms and all other dewties or wether the same is to be charged upon the byer or the seller aswell owtuards as inwards this being done he may rise or fall his price accordinglye and so [?] many inconveniences wiche the unskillfull fall in to and afterwards cane remedye with all you muste take hede of Bringinge to a straunge countrye the thinge that is prohibited and circimspectly deale with suche things as are pro- hibited to carye owte for by this manye are undone by the officir called the Judge of . . . l 1 The manuscript is here cut off dose. 440 APPENDIX K APPENDIX K PREFACE TO THE BOOK OF RATES, 1608 The source is a printed volume in the London customs house, " The Rates of Marchandizes," pp. 1-21. James by the Grace of God, King ... To our right trustie and right well beloved Cosin and Councellor, Robert Earle of Salisburie, our High Treasurer of England: Greeting. Whereas by our Letters Patents under our great Scale of England, directed unto you, bearing date the eight and twentieth day of July, in the sixth yere of our Raigne of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the one and fortieth, for the causes and considerations in the said Letters Patents expressed, and for divers other good causes to us and our Counsell well knowne: We did for us, our heires and successors, appoint, ordaine, and command, that from and after the nine and twentieth day of September then next ensuing after the date of the said Letters Patents, there should be levied, taken, and received, by way of Imposition then newly set, over and besides the Customes, Subsidies, and other duties formerly due and payable unto us, upon all Marchandizes of whatsoever kinde, nature or qualitie, which from and after the said nine and twentieth day of September, should either be brought from any parts beyond the Seas into this our Realme of England, dominion of Wales, and Port or towne of Barwick; or into any of them, or which should be transported and carried forth of this our Realme of England, dominion of Wales, and Towne or Port of Barwick, or out of any of them to any forraigne parts, by any person or persons whatsoever, as well our natural! borne Subiects, as Deni- zons and Strangers, equally so much for the said new Imposition, as had been formerly answered and paid unto us, for Subsidie of the said Marchandizes, and neither more nor lesse, excepting such Marchan- dizes onely, as in a Scedule annexed unto the said Letters Patents, were either to be altogether free from paiment of any of the said new Impositions, or else were appointed to pay the same in such other proportions, as in the said Scedule was expressed. And although we had such great care and respect in the laying of the said Impositions, to avoid the least inconvenience that might thereby arise to our people or Subiects: as that we not onely directed divers of our Counsell to conferre with the principall Marchants of APPENDIX K 441 our Kingdome, for the more orderly laying and levying of the same, but also gave speciall charge and commandement to exempt and for- beare all such Merchandizes Inwards, as were either requisite for the foode and sustenance of our people (as Wheate, Rye, Barley, Mault, Gates, Beanes, Pease, Butter, Cheese, Lings, Codfish, Colfish, Her- rings, Sprots, Hadocks, Newlandfish, all sorts of Salts, and all sorts of fowles) or which concerne matter of Munition necessarie for the defence and maintenance of our Kingdomes (as Cables, Halsers, and all sorts of Cordage, Masts, Oares, Pitch, Tarre, Traine oyle, Pipe- boards, Barrell-boards, Bow-staves Pikes, Halberds, Muskets, Calli- vers, Corslets, Curats, Head-pieces, Murrians, Harnesse plates, Flaskes Touch-boxes, Match, Gunpowder, Saltpeter, Horses and Mares) or such as were passable commodities, which serve for maintenance of trade and Navigation, being Marchandizes not usually vented and spent within the Kingdome, but brought in with purpose to be trans- ported out againe (as Wax, Caviare, Muscovie hides, and Tallow, Barbaric hides, Guinia and India hides, and Goate skinnes) or such Marchandizes as serve for the setting the people of our kingdome on worke (as Cotton wooll, Cotton yearne, raw Silke, and rough Hempe) or such as serve for the inriching of our Kingdome (as Gold and Silver in bullion or plate, and all sorts of Jewels and Pearles) or such Mar- chandizes as were overvalued in our booke of Rates for Subsidie (as Levant Taffaties, China Taffaties, China Sattens, Gold and Silver threed, Bustians, Brizell Ticks, unwatred Chamblets, Dozen Corke, Bomespars, Cantspars, Capravens, Barlings, Firpoles, Firbaulkes, Nest-boxes, blacke Conyskinnes, Haire-buttons, greene Copperas, Oker and read earth). Yet notwithstanding all our said care, (by reason of the generall and large extent of some words in our said Letters Patents) some commodi- ties were made liable to the said Impositions, which were found to be very inconvenient and burthensome; in regard whereof, divers of our Subiects became petitioners, to have them freed from paiment of the said Impositions. Now to the end that it may appeare how readie wee have been, and ever will be, not onely to hearken to the com- plaints of our loving Subiects, but also to give them such satis- faction, as shall be answerable to their reasonable and just requests: We have therefore by sundry of our privie Scales heretofore directed unto you, not only abated the Impositions upon divers commodities imported (which were thought to be charged over high) (as Vitterie, Canvas, Muscavados suger, and all sorts of Reisins;) but also cheerely 442 APPENDIX K acquited and freed divers other commodities both imported and ex- ported, (which were thought unfit to be charged,) from paiment of any manner of the Impositions, which by our said Letters Patents were laid upon them; as all sorts of Deale-boards, Clapboards, rough Flax, Rice, Iron, Irish yearne, and Geneva Velvets, (being Marchan- dizes imported) And likewise all sorts of graine, (when it may law- fully be transported) and all the Manufactures of this Kingdome, (excepting only Bayes and Pewter) being Marchandizes exported. And although we have thus farre given way unto their desires, and yeelded to their request; yet some of those whom reason cannot satis- fie, are apt to continue their complaints for further favour and ease in this matter. That it may further appeare that none shall be more readie to discover any inconvenience then we will be to reforme it, or to make any humble or honest complaint then wee to heare and ease them; wee are pleased, and doe by these presents for us, our heires and successors, will and command, that from and after the feast of S. Michael the Archangel now next ensuing the date hereof, no manner of Impositions shall be required or paid by force of the Letters Patents before mentioned, upon any Marchandizes which shall be shipped and transported out of this our Kingdome, of what kind or nature soever, excepting only upon Bayes, Lead, Tinne and Pewter: and of Bayes also, we have (by our privie Scale alreadie di- rected unto you) given order that the single Bayes of Barstable in our Countie of Devon, shall be likewise freed from paiment of any Impost, and so our pleasure is they shall stand. But concerning the Marchandizes which are brought into this our Kingdome, for asmuch as they are of divers kinds and natures, some being manufactures of other nations, which if they were brought in unwrought in their simple materials, the people of our Kingdome might thereby be set on worke ; others being such Marchandizes as are rather tending to superfluitie, then for the necessarie use of our Subjects, or any waies for the in- riching of our Kingdomes: and others are so much undervalued in our Rates for Subsidie, as we are thereby much shortned of that which is due unto us by our lawes: Therefore although we have been pleased to acquit and free all the aforementioned commodies Inwards and Outwards, as aforesaid: and are now also further resolved to abate and lessen the Impositions of some commodities, and to acquit and free divers other commodities Inwards; yet are we neither so improvident of the good estate of our Subiects, nor so insensible of our owne losse, as to free all the commodities of these kindes and APPENDIX K 443 natures from paiment of the Impositions alreadie yet and imposed upon them. For, if it be agreeable to the rule of nature to preferre our oune people before strangers, then it is much more reasonable that the manufactures of other nations should bee charged with Im- positions, then that the people of our oune Kingdome should not be set on worke, and that vaine, unprofitable and unnecessarie Mar- chandizes should by Impositions be kept out of our Kingdome, then that the good, substantiall and staple commodities of our owne nation should bee given for them, whereby our people are much de- ceived, and our Countrey more impoverished. And concerning the Marchandizes undervalued (of which kinde are the most of them that shall remaine charged) it likewise behoves us (in regard of our necessi- ties and great occasions) to take care that we be not overmuch wronged of that which is our due. Therefore our will and pleasure is, and we doe by these presents give authoritie and power, and also charge and command you, that forthwith upon the receipt hereof you give order, direction and com- mandement, that our booke of Rates for our Customes, Subsidies and Impositions be presently reprinted: And that in the said booke of Rates Inwards, these Marchandizes here expressed doe still remaine and stand charged with the Impositions, which by our aforesaid Letters Patents were set upon them, viz. Cloth of Gold and Silver, Cloth of Tissue, Sattens, Taffaties, Velvets, Sarcenets, Coffaes, Calli- mancoes, Catalophaes, Chamblets, Grograines, Damaske, Silke Curies, Tabines, Sipers, Fustians, Boratoes Bumbasins, Buffins, Mocadoes, Miscelanes, Perpetuanos, Botanos, Rashes, Sayes, Arras, Tapestrie, Beaver-hats, Silke-stockings, and all sorts of sowing Silkes, Cambricks, Lawnes, Damaske, Diaper, Holland-Cloth, Brabant cloth, Flemish cloth, Freeze cloth, Gentish cloth, Isingham cloth, Hambro cloth, broad Sletia cloth, Canvas stript with threed, silke and copper: Cloves, Mace, Ginger, Nutmegs, Pepper, Sinamon, Almonds, Dates, Currants, Figs, Pannelles, S. Thomas Sugar, Sugar Candie, Succads, Pasta leane, Licoris, Olives, Oringes and Limons, Castle and Venis Scope, Soape ashes, Rape and Linseed oile of France and the Low Countries, Sallet and Turkic Oile, Shumack, Cuchanele, Cullen and Steele hemp, drest Flax, Beaver skins, Kid skinnes, red hides, Feathers for beds, Candleweeke, Milstones, Spruce yearne, Sturgeon, Vineger, Wain- skots, Copper, Battarie, blacke and shaven Latten, blacke and white plates, Steele, Frying and dripping pans, Were of all sorts, Pins, Crystall looking Glasses, Caddas Ribeu, Mocadoe ends, Incle, Threed 444 APPENDIX K of all sorts, (except Sisters threed) Brunswick and Norembrow Car- pets, Turnall Tikes, browne and cap Paper, Royall and demie Paper, Onion-seed, Agarick, Aloes succotrina, Beniamin, Bezoar stone, Ireos, Casia fistula, Mastick white, Opidum, Sarsaperilla, Scamonie, Tur- merick, Vermilion, Wormeseed, Hawkes, Estrige feathers, playing Cards, Tobacco, and all the Wines charged in the said Letters Patents which shall be brought into the Port of London, and all forraigne manufactures, not rated in our said booke of Rates, made of linnen, woollen, threed, and silke mixed, or any of them. And that these Marchandizes Outwards, viz. Lead, Tinne, Pewter and Bayes (other than the single Bayes of Barnstaple aforesaid) doe likewise stand and remaine charged in our said booke of Rates with the Impositions, which by our aforesaid Letters Patents were set upon them. And our will and pleasure further is, and we do by these presents charge and command that these Marchandizes hereafter expressed, shall stand charged (in our said booke of Rates) to pay the Impositions (by way of poundage) according to their severall rates and values here expressed, and not after, nor according to such rates as by our afore- said Letters Patents were set upon them, viz Aneile of Barbary after the rate of nine pence the pound, Anisseeds the hundred waight twen- tie shillings, . . . Musconado Sugars the hundred waight fiftie shillings. And touching al other Marchandizes of whatsoever kinde, nature or qualitie both Inwards and Outwards, which in these presents are not nominated and expressed to stand and remaine charged; Our will and pleasure is, and for us, our heires and successors, of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, we do by these presents will and command, that the same and every of them shall for ever stand and be altogether acquit, freed and discharged from paiment of any manner of the Impositions which by our aforesaid Letters Patents were set and laid upon them, and from paiment of any other duty then was formerly due upon the same Marchandizes, before the first laying and levying of the said Impositions. . . . And for the better maintenance of Trade and Commerce in all for- raigne Commodities, we are further pleased, that every Marchant naturally borne subiect, Denizen or Stranger, which shall shippe and transport to the parts beyond the Seas, either by Cocquet as Mar- chandizes paying the Subsidie, or by Certificate as Marchandizes freed from paiment of Subsidie, by vertue of our Letters of Privie Scale, APPENDIX K 445 bearing date the foure and twentieth day of September, in the second yeere of our raigne of England . . . any forraigne Commodities, which have formerly bin brought into our Realme and Dominions, and the Impost set and due for the same, being first paied and answered In- wardes, either by himselfe, or any other Marchant, he shall have re- paid unto him by the Collector of the said Impost Inwards, al such summe and summes of money, as were formerly paied for the Impost of the said Marchandizes, at or before the first landing of the same, upon due proofe first made, by the said Marchant by himselfe or others, both of the true paiment of the said Imposts Inwards, and also of the true shipping and transporting of the said Marchandizes Outwards: And whereas an Impost of tenne shillings of lawfull money of Eng- land was heretofore by other our Letters Patents under our great scale of England, bearing date the first day of July in the sixth yeere of our Raigne of England, ... by us commanded to be levied upon every hundred waight of Logwood, Blackwood, Campechia wood, S. Martins wood, French Brasill, and all other such like false and deceiv- able dying woods, by which our Letters Patents wee did in no sort tolerate the bringing in or use of any of the said woods within our kingdome, nor dispense with any of the penalties which the lawes of this Realme did and doe inflict upon such persons as bring in or use the same: but only in regard that the said lawes were not put in due execution, did intend by levying of the said Impost, so much the better to suppresse and hinder both the bringing in and use thereof within this Realme in such great abundance, as had been formerly and then was accustomed. For so much as we are informed that by the over great and plentifull use of the said woods in dying, the Cloathes and other woollen Commodities and Manufactures of this Realme, are dis- graced in forraigne parts, and that our people and subiects at home may be much hindred and deceived in the use and wearing of the said Cloathes and wollen Commodities, by reason of the false dyes and deceivable colours set upon the same. . . . from and after the said feast of S. Michael the Archangel next ensuing, all our said Letters Patents, given and granted for the levying of the said Imposition of tenne shillings upon everie hundred waight of the said deceivable dying woods, aforenamed, shall bee by vertue hereof revoked and recalled, and the said Imposition formerly set upon the same wholly and abso- lutely released and taken away: and also that you our said Treasurer doe cause present orders to be taken with all and singular the Officers of all and every the Ports of this kingdome, and the Farmers of our 446 APPENDIX K Customes within the same, that none of them . . . presume to take or make entrie or entries of any of the said false and deceiveable dying woods in any of their Custome bookes, or otherwise, suffer the same woods, or any of them to be laid on land, And for the better incouragement of Marchants in their trades of marchandizing, we are farther pleased that every Marchant, whether he be naturall borne subiect, Denizon or Stranger, that shall enter any Marchandizes Inwards in any our Ports whatsoever, shall have allowed unto him in his said entrie all such allowance and allowances of five in the hundred, or otherwise, in the said Impositions, as have bin formerly made and allowed by the Farmers of our Customes and Subsidies in our Port of London, and as in a Table of Fees hanging in the Custome house of the said Port shal be expressed. And we are also further pleased, that all such fees and duties as have been and now are by the Marchants paid unto our Officers, shall still be continued unto them. . . . Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fifth day of September, in the eighth yeere of our Raigne of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the four and fortieth. APPENDIX L 447 APPENDIX L MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1482-1650 ROYAL PROCLAMATION CONCERNING THE SCARCITY OF WHEAT AND OTHER GRAINS, 21 NOVEMBER, 1482 x [The king] Consideryng the grete scarsitee and Darth ofCorne within his saide Realme by his oppen proclamacons in all the Shires of the same of late strectly charged and commannded that no manner of man Whatsoever he were shuld carye or make to he caried any Whete or other graynes oute of his said Realme uppon certeyn paynes in the same proclamacons limited and expressed. Neverthelesse his highness con- sideryng the grete scarsitee of Whete and other graynes within his Citee of london Where is the Concourse and Repaire of the Nobles and other his true liege men and Subgetts of this his Realme of England And also of Straungers of diverse other londs. Wille and graunteth that all his Subgettes Whatsoever thei be shall mowe bye and provide and be at libertie to brynge to the Citee aforesaid Whete malt Rie benes peses and otes and all other manner graynes for vitaillyng of the same Citee in all the Shires of this his Realme of England And the graynes so purveied and bought unto the saide Citee of london and to none other place aswell by londe as by See and fressh watir sende lede carye or make to be sent ledd or caried without takyng of the same graynes or any parcell thereof by his purviours or takers for his moste honorable household or for any other cause whatsoever it be or any empediment trouble arrest vexacion or grief of his Subgetts any Acte Restreynt proclamacon or Commandement to the contrary made notwithstandyng provided alway that every of our said sover- aign lords Subgetts Which shall bryng any Whete Rie Malt or other graynes aforereherced unto the said Citee of london by See oute of this his Countie of Sussex shippe or do to be shipped the same Whete or other graynes in the ports of Wynchelsee and Chechester and in none other place of this Countie Findyng to the Customers there Suertie by Endenture testifiyng the quantite of the said graynes and what thei be. And that thei shall brynge carye and convey the same graynes to the said Citee of london And to none other place. Of which Indenture one part shall Remayne with the Customers in the said Ports of Wynchelsee and chechester and the other part to be delyvered And Abide with the Customers in the port of our said Citee of london. 1 MS., Giuldhall, Letter Book, vol. L, fols. 181-182. 448 APPENDIX L [Similar instructions to: Cornwall and ports of Plymouth and Fowey. Devon and ports of Dartmouth and Exmouth. Hampshire and port of Southampton. Somerset and Dorset and ports of Poole and Weymouth. Kent and port of Sandwich. Norfolk & Suffolk. Lincolnshire and port of Boston. Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire. Hertfordshire. Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire. Oxfordshire and Berkshire. Essex.] ARTICLES PROVIDING FOR THE RESTRAINT OF GRAIN, 15 OCTOBER, 1556 l Artykles drawen owte of the Quenes majesties letters concernyng the restraynte of grayne. (1) In primis that the Justycs of the peace and the Shyre to assemble themselvs togyther. (2) Item to alotte your selfs in to dyverse lymytts of the Shire. (3) Item to repaire to all persons fermours and others as have Corne within the Shire and to vieu and pervise all ther barnes and stakks of Corne and to take perfight noote and partyculer declaracion of the same in wrytyng. (4) Item to considre howe moche corne remaynyng in iche persons hands may be sufficient aswelle for his seede corne as for the mayn- tenennce of his howse. (5) Item to gyve commaundment in the king and quenes majesties name that the residue of the corne remayning in every of ther hands over and above ther porcyon that shalbe thought fytt to be allowed for ther owne use be by them from tyme to tyme sent to merkett in soche quantyteis as havyng regard to ther hole porcyon maye serve to furnyshe the marketts from tyme to tyme thorought out the yere. (6) Item that two of the Justics or on at the lest be at the merkett Toune within his lymyt every markett daye. (7) Item if any of the Justics have any fermes in ther hands that the vyeu and ordre shalbe taken of ther corne by the rest of the Justycs as it is of others. 1 MS., Br. M., Stowe, 152, fol. 21- APPENDIX L 449 (8) Item if they fynde any lett for the going thorough of the king and quenes majesties determynacion to advertyse ther majesties or the pryvie counsel! of the same. (9) Item to have a vigilant Eye to the customers comptrollers and the Serchers of the Shire that they permyt no corne to be transported out of the realme. (10) Item if any fault be founde in any of the said customers comp- trollers and Serchers to advertyse the lords of the King and quenes majesties moste honorable pryvie counsell thereof. " A PRECEPT FOR THE PROVISION or CORNE," 14 FEBRUARY, 1565-66 * Forasmuch as we at this presente beinge very carefull and myndeful accordinge to our dewties to provide in tyme convenyent for the commen weale comoditie and profitt . . . and considering also the greate and excessive prices of wheate and of all other Kindes & sorts of corne & grayne mete and necessary for mannes sustenaunce whiche of late hath bene sene and felt and willinge therefore to eschewe the daunger & perill throughe the gredy averousnes and covetous myndes of the people owners and possessors of the same grayne that haply within short tyme might ensue have thought good and expedyent for the avoidinge and eschewinge of such perills and inconvenience as might ensue by the occasions above recyted to take upe and make with all convenyent spede of the companies and fellowshipps of the said Cytty a verrey good and substanciall masse & some of money to provide and buy Corne withall aswell beyonde the Seas as on this side (yf nede shalbe for thuse and commen provision of the said Cittye) towardes the payment and makinge upe of which masse and some of money, We have assessed and taxed your said companye, etc. 2 LETTERS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL SENT INTO THE COUNTIES OF HANTS, NORFOLK, ESSEX, SUFFOLK, KENT, LINCOLN, YORK, AND SUSSEX FOR THE PROVISION OF WHEAT FOR LONDON, 27 SEPTEMBER, 1573' The Cytie of London havinge bene accustomed to make provision of corne especiallye of wheate, that the multitude of people resortinge thyther, shoulde not lack bread, hath requyred at this tyme the ayde 1 Letter Book, vol. V, fol. i6b. * Letter Book, vol. X, fols. 242-243. 2 See above, pp. 421-422. 450 APPENDIX L of our letters in their factors, that they might buy of reasonable pryces, and in cuntreys lyenge nere the sea syde, for the better transportacon to the Cytie, because the Cuntrey aboute them dothe not bringe corne to the market, there, in suche plentye as they were wonte, and as will suffise the Cytie, We thinckinge their request reasonable, have thought good to require you [local officials] to ayde them. [Prices are not to be raised and there is to be no exportation abroad.] [There must] be no disturbance or hynderance to her Majesties people of that shyre, whereby any just grudge, defalt, or dearth of corne, may follow there, or any collusion or deceipt used' under the Cullor therof. THE ARTICLES OF 23 MARCH, 1573-74 l Articles to be answered by the Lord Maior of the cytie of london & his brethren. (1) First what grayne have you of the provision of the Citie or brought of all sorts & what quantitie of every sorte & in what garners & where is the same bestowed. (2) What quantitie will your Garneres kepe. (3) What Quantitie hath bene usually for the most parte kepte in your Garneres. (4) What provision of Corne have you made synce mychaellmas & from whence have you made the said provision & when do you expecte the Arryvall thereof at the Citie. (5) What severall prices have you paied for the said Corne particu- lerlie in every place & severally of every sorte & in what shyres within this realme & from whence out of this Realme is the same bought. (6) What quantitie of your provision is spent & what quantitie is to come. (7) What mediam have you made of the price of the severall sorte of the said come & what assise have you sett to the bakers & brewers in that behalf howe doth the Assise that nowe is in the moneth of marche vary from that which was in decembre or January. (8) What Quantitie of breadcorne for bread & of malte for drink is weekly spent in the terme tymes & out of the terme tymes. (9) What nombre of Corn bakers & brewers are in the Citie & howe many of them have Any store of there owne. (10) To understand from suche as keepe comon ovens howe muche weekely is baked by pryvate persons of their own provisions. 1 Repertory, voL xviii, fols. i82b-i86a. Cf. Letter Book, vol. X, fols. 289 f. * APPENDIX L 451 (n) That the maior do declare what entension they have hereafter to amende this error in lack of provision of breadcorne. (12) That it be enquyred what quantitie of breadcorne & meale hath come to the citie synce michaellmas howe muche by lande and howe moche by water howe moche of the Cities provision & how moche by others. Thanswere of the L. Maior & his brethren unto tharticles delivered by your honors. (1) We say for Answere that in the bridgehouse there is nowe in wheate 1212 quarters in Rye 231 quarters in barley 521 quarters in otes 10 quarters in malt 6 quarters in toto 2034 quarters. In the white bakers hands in wheate & meale in there houses 2174 quarters. In the brown bakers hands in mestelyn 251 quarters. In the brewers hands in malt & drink corne 3519 quarters & in wheate 148 quarters. (2) We say there is the bridge house which will kepe the Corne beinge dry & perfecte 6000 quarters & beinge not perfectlye Inned skant 4000 quarters. Also bridwell aptely may kepe 2000 quarters in toto. (3) We saw there hath bene kept comenlie in the garneres of bridghous of the Cities provision some yeres 1200 & some yeres 1500 quarters and at this whitsontide last past there was in provision there 1500 quarters which was converted into meale to serve and furnyshe the markets. (4) We say we have made provision of all sorts of grayn synce michaelmas last 2903 quarters as well the place where the same was made & bought as the severall kinds of grayne by the masters of the bridghouse his booke reddy to be shewed at large dothe appere of which some there is yet to come not received 869 quarters the Aryvall wherof we dailie expecte four and above 500 quarters of wheat pro- vided & paied for in the countie of Sussex & there remayneth the transportacon whereof we are denyed. More the whyte bakers have bought & provided synce michaelmas last 31861 quarters of wheate whereof spente 28600 now Remaynynge in the hands 2174 & more they have to receive which they have bar- gayned for 1087 quarters. More the brown bakers have bought & provided synce michaelmas last of mastlyn 2637 quarters whereof spent 2262 quarters remayninge in there garneres 251 quarters more they have to receyve which they have bargayned for 124 quarters. 452 APPENDIX L More the poor housholders have baked in their comon ovens synce mychaelmas last 7956 quarters. More synce michaelmas last spent by the cooke & bought in the meale markets 416 quarter. More synce michaelmas last bought & provided by the brewers 62548 quarters of all sorts of grayne whereof spent in brewinge synce michaelmas last in malt 52000 quarters more in wheate to brewe stronge beare 5200 quarters remayninge in there garneres of malt 3519 quarters bargayned for to be rec[eived] in malt 1681 quarters wheate remaynyng in there garners to brewe the said stronge beare 148 quarters. (5) We say the particular price of all sorts of grayne & where they were bought do at large appere in the bridgehouse book in the white bakers booke in the brown bakers booke & in the brewers booke which bookes are redy to be shewed. The provision of the cookes of the most parte hath bene bought in the meale markets at uncerteyn price & also the provisions bakers in the comon ovens synce michaelmas last was bought in the meale markets at uncerten price out of the Realme the price beinge so high & the tyme so pressynge we could not make provision. (6) We say that this is fully Answered in the 4th article. (7) We say that this shall fully appere in the bridghouse booke & in the bakers bookes & the Assise given to the bakers was at Simon & Jude day last 13 the bakers not able so to live upon there complaynte & upon dewe tryall made by us we suffred them to bake at 14 13 & 12 s the penny lest the price of the barrell of beare was ys yet 43 not raysinge the same because we thought good to Avoyde an evell custome the Assise of bread in decembre then was & now is all one. (8) We say that there is spente in the terme tyme wekelie in bread- corne 2571 quarters & out of the terme 1409 quarters. Be it remembred that we thinke somewhat more ys spent baked in mens own private houses whereof we cannot set down any certenty. The brewers do spend wekely for there stronge bere 200 quarters of whete & in malt 2000 quarters at the least. (9) We say that the nombre of white bakers within the Citie & liberties are 62 & the nombre of broun bakers are 36. And the nombre of Aile brewers are 58 & the nombre of beare- brewers are 33 in toto. (10) We say that there is baked wekely in Comon ovens by private persons bought in the meale markets 306 quarters. APPENDIX L 453 (n) We say that the Citie hath bene cheiflie furnished with all kinds of grayne for provision of the same from the shires lyinge west- ward from the Citie & Aptlye conveied to the Citie as well by land as by the river of Tames as also from Kent Sussex Dorsetshire Hampshier Essex Suff . & Norff . & not out of any forreyn parte but upon a sudden & mere extremytie & for the better furneshinge of the Citie hereafter havinge your honors favor & licence to make provision in Convenient shiers within the realme we have determyned to have contynually in the store houses & garners of this Citie 4000 quarters of wheat & Rye beinge by 2 partes more then heretofore have be[en] accustomed to f urnishe & stay the meale markets within this Citie at reasonable price as we have done synce mydsommer last & so presently do contynewe. (12) We say we cannot set doune certenly what quantity be of breadcorne & meale hath come to the Citie synce michaelmas last but suer we are theese parcels followinge have come to the Citie viz to the bridge house 2903 quarters to the white bakers 26761 quarters to the broun bakers & comon ovens 10593 quarters to the Cookes 416 quarters to the Brewers in wheate consumed in brewinge of stronge drink 5200 quarters to the rest of this Article (because of the comynge of come to the Citie by land is uncerten) we cannot make any certen Answere unto. Corne bought & provided for the Cities necessitie at Danske reddy now to be shipped 8000 quarters whereof is in wheate 6000 quarters & in Rye 2000 quarters which will stand the Citie in all charge the wheate 265 the quarter at the least & the Rye 2 is the quarter at the least which we trust in god will come in saf tie. Whereas your honors latelie declared unto us the great mystykinge of the quenes majestys in the government of this Citie of london for the seUinge & utteringe of musty & unholsome breade within the said Citie it is no litle greif unto us that her highnes or your honors should have any Just cause to take offence with us trustinge that fault will not be found to be Comytted within the liberties of the Citie of london we having purposely made diligent examynacon & searche cannot fynd any suche fault comytted within our liberties we have not de- livered any of our provision of corne out of the bridghouse unto the bakers this yere past True it is we lately had a smale quantitie of wheate taken into the bridghouse, which had taken some heate abord in one of our shipps, beinge not uttered into the markets for breade & corne which we have done & do use to sell to the brewers, so that our bakers have not, nor have had any wheate of us musty or unkindly 454 APPENDIX L whereby any suche faults shuld happen for us unto the quenes Majeste to have good likinge of the government of the state of her highnes citie & we dutiefuly withall delygence will endevour ourselves to our uttermost of our powers to do our dueties for the maynten[e]nce of good orders & punyshment of offence within this Citie which we trust shalbe to her Majeste good lykinge & your honors good contentacon. ORDERS CONCERNING THE PROVISION OF CORN, 4 NOVEMBER, 1578 l (1) [5000 qrs. to be laid up in the Bridgehouse] (2) Item because they perceive that the former provisions have not onelye bene troublesome to my L. Maior for the tyme beinge and his worshippful bretheren thaldermen whoe are otherwise muche occupied with manifolde greate affaieres but also have bene manye waies incomodious to the hole estate of the Cyttye For remedie whereof if it may be liked by my L. Maior and Aldermen and Comen Counsell they thinke good that this provision be made by the XII companies proportionablie in Forme followinge (3) (4) Item that after the proportion of the Laste Loane all the in- ferior Companies be so united and distributed, to the XII Companies as that thereby there somes lent may be made Equalle into XII parts or as nighe as maye be. (5) [Bridgehouse to be divided into 1 2 equal parts and allotted to the companies]. (6) Item that sufficient Licence, and Authoritie be given to the saide Companies that they . . . maye provide and bringe to London, theire rate of provision aforesaid without staie or impediment (7), (8), (9) [Weekly view of corn of the companies by the City]. (10) Item that my L. Maior and Aldermen doe not at anie tyme order that anye parte of the saide provision be solde better Cheape then the same shall Coste with all Losses and Charges thereof nor above II d. or IIII d. in a Bushel under the price in the markett of like corne then beinge excepte it be by consent of the Companies or Comen Counsell and that for everie suche sale the same to be made of everye Companies wheate in equall parte. (n), (12), 1 Letter Book, vol. Y, fols. 272-273. APPENDIX L 455 (13) [None of these companies are to be further charged with the provision of corn]. BURGHLEY'S ORDERS FOR THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TRANSPORTATION OF VICTUALS, 8 MARCH, Orders taken by the right honourable William Lorde Burghley Lorde high Treasorer of England, to be observed touchinge grayne victuells & fewell to be laden on the coasts to be brought to london by water etc. That the commissioners for transportacon of Victuells from tyme to tyme as shalbe nedefull assemble toggther and set downe in wryt- inge, such proportion of everye kynde of grayne and victuells wythin their commission as may be conveniently spared out of that cuntrey for london, and delyver that wrytinge to the Customers of the ports of that Cuntrey. That the Customers suffer all persones to skippe such grayne and victuells for London wythout travailinge for particular warrants till the said quantytie be runne out, takinge allway good bonds for the aryvall at London accordinge to the order. That when such quantytie ys allmost passed, the Commissioners shalbe advertised thereof by the officers of the Custome howse, and shalbe requyred to assemble agayne, and to make lyke newe warrant as the Cuntrey may spare yt, which ys verye reasoaable to be done by the Commissioners. That the Customers kepe a true note of these warrants, and what quantyties passe thereby, and at all tymes requyred do shewe the same to the Commissioners. That the bonds hearafter for such grayne victuell and fuell for London, be made wyth condycon to bringe certificate both from thofficers of the Custome house of London to whom it appertenyeth, and from the Lorde Maior, and that the bondes be not discharged without certificate from both. 1 Letter Book, vol. Z, fols. 45-46. 456 APPENDIX L THE PETITION OF THE LOADERS OF ENFIELD AND ALDENHAM CONCERNING THEIR LOSSES THROUGH THE CARRIAGE OF GRAIN TO LONDON BY WATER, 15 OCTOBER, 1581 l (1) Many thousandes of her Majesties subjects within the counties of Hertforde Midi. Cambridge Bedforde and Essex whiche lyved by the carrynge of corne and other graine to the citie of London by Lande, are nowe utterlye decaied by the transportinge of corne and other grayne to the saide citie by the water of Lee. (2) The trade of carrynge of corne and grayne by the water of Lee is in the handes of X or XII persons onlye, and suche as weare able well to lyve by theire trade before that tyme. (3) The private gaine whiche comethe by the saide transportation of grayne by water to London is to fower or fyve brewers onlie and those for the most parte strangers. (4) The citie of London is not thereby better served neither is beere or ale or other graine the cheaper or better brewed. (5) The contrie is not able to doo unto her Majestie that service in her carriages as heretofore they weare wonte to doo. (6) Tyllage is thereby muche decayed. (7) Her Majestie is hyndered in her subsedye and other taxes and tallages. (8) The contrie not able to set forthe and furnishe as many able men in her Majesties service as heretofore they have done. (9) The makinge of the saide Ryver of Lee Navigable hathe bene and is a greate and contynuall charge to the contrye, and morever suche as dwell by the saide ryver of Lee, have dailie greate losses and hynderaunce by the bargemen whych passe by the saide Ryver. LORD MAYOR'S ORDERS CONCERNING THE DEARTH IN THE GROWING METROPOLIS, 18 AUGUST, 1596* Whearas it hath pleased the right Ho[norable] the Lordes and others of her Majesties most ho[norable] privye Councell to signifie unto me her highness most princelie care and gracious endevours aswell for the reliefe of the poorer sorte of her lovinge subiects in this tyme of dearth as also for the redresse and prevencon of all such abuses and inconveyences. Whereby the prizes of Corne and other victuall are raysed and increased to such highe and excessive rates. And wheareas 1 MS., Br. M., Lansd., 32, No. 40. * Letter Book, vol. AA, fol. 670. APPENDIX L 457 also theire Lo[rdshi]ppes in theire grave wisdom doe houlde and accompte that the tolleratinge of Inmates and excesse of diett used in and aboute this Cittie (are amongeste other) two speciall causes of this presente dearthe within the same Cittie suburbes and Countreyes neare adioyninge and doe therefore thinke it verie Conveniente that suche lawes and orders as have bene heretofore made and taken for the avoydinge and punyshement of Inmates and such as shall harbor and entertaygne them shoulde be more carefullie executed, and like- wise some better course taken That Cittizens (especiallie during the tyme of dearthe) should from hencefourthe abstayne greate feastinge and superfluous fare, and use more moderate and spare dyett, and to forebeare Suppers one Wensdaies & Fridaies, and other fastinge daies, and that which shalbe saved therebye to be charitablye ymployed to the releeffe of the poorer sorte. Wheareupon wee have thought good to publishe and make knowen her highenes most godlye and gracious care, and the good pleasure of the right honourable Lofrd] in this be- halfe. And do hearebye in her Majesties name straightlie chardge and commaunde all such Inmates as be nowe remaininge within this Cittie or the liberties thereof that fourthwith they do departe and withdrawe themselves into theire severall countreyes and places of usuall aboade or wheare they weare borne, etc. THE LORD MAYOR'S PRECEPT CONCERNING THE BAKING OF BREAD BY SOME OF THE CITY COMPANIES, 26 JULY, 1608 l Where I and my brethern the Aldermen have resolved aswell for the abating of the prices of Corne as for meanes for the utteraunce and sale of such quantitie of Corne and graine as the merchaunts of this Cittie have at their great adventure & charge & the good of this Cittie and Commonwealth brought into this port of London to be sold that all the severall Companies of this Cittie shall bake certayne quarters of Wheate every Weeke into bread to be sold to such as will buy the same In accomplishment whereof these shalbe to charge and command you [" the Master and Wardens of the company of " ] in his Majesties name that you take p[rese]nte order that from thence- forth your company doe cause the quantity of quarters of wheate parcell of your owne store and provision to be ground into meale and baked into Whete and Wheaten bread and the wheaten to certayne XI ounces the penny wheaten loffe and the three halfe penny White- 1 Journals of the Common Council, vol. xxvii, fol. 261. 458 APPENDIX L loves after the same rate of II d. in every shillinge and to sell the same in Cheapeside or leadenhall or elsewhere within this Cittie to such as will buy the same And that you doe notwithstanding this order still continnue your servinge of the marketts with such quantitie of meale as by order from me you were formerly required Whereof see you faile not at your perill Guildhall this xxvi th of July 1608. These precepts were directed to the XII principall Companies for six quarters apeice and the like precepts to XII of the inferior com- panies for three quarters a peice whose names hereafter followeth That is to say: Mercers Merchant tailors . . Haberdashers . Grocers Drapers Fishmongers . Goldsmiths. . Skinners Salters Ironmongers . Vintners Clothworkers 6 qrs. Dyers Brewers Leathersellers . Pewterers. . . . Cutlers Whitebakers. . Waxchandlers . Girdlers Sadlers Cordwainers. . Scriveners. . . . Stationers. . > 3 qrs. "ORDER FOR A MAGAZINE OF 30000 QUARTERS OF CORNE", 28 JULY, 1631 1 Whereas the Lord Maior of the Citty of London had received notice that her Majestye expected an Accompt from him of the course which had byn taken for the furnishinge of the Granaryes of the said Cittye with sufficyent provision of Corne the neglect whereof hath caused the late dearth and disorders And that he was to attend the Boarde of this Sittinge and to make particuler answeare to such points as were heretofore recomended unto him for that purpose Hee did accord- ingly present himselfe beinge attended by the Sheriffes and divers Aldermen And in answeare to the aforesaid Points did then exhibite a Memoriall contayninge his opinion howe many ounces of Bread may serve one person a day, and consequently how many poundes a moneth. Likewise how many Granaryes are in the Citty, and how many Quarters each of them will holde lastly what quantity of Corne 1 Journals of the Common Council, vol. xxxv, fols. 347-348. APPENDIX L 459 he conceived wilbe sufficyent for a Magazine to serve the Marketts weekely and to be supplyed monethly vizt Twenty Thousand quarters, therein comprehendinge the ordinary provisions of the Halls for the poor But their Lordships havinge taken the matter into serious de- liberacon did find that this proporcon comes farre too shorte, and did likewise declare that the provision meant by his Maiestie must be wholly distincte and seperate from the usuall quantity provided by the halls which must still continue and be ordered and disposed ac- cordinge to the annycent manner whereas that which is nowe meant is to be a publique Magazine for the generall f urnishinge of the Cittye in tyme of scarcity and the Corne provided and layed uppe there (under the chardge and disposinge of the lord Maior and Aldermen) to be sould not as that of the halls (which is intended for the Reliefe and ease of the poore) but the best advantage accordinge to the prices of the Markett. And for their better encouradgement to the under- takinge of soe good a worke their lordships did further declare that if it shall happen at any tyme that the Corne so provided shall lye on their handes, His Maiestie shalbe moved to graunt them permission to export it although the price be then above the limittacon set downe in the statute (vicesimo primo Jacobi) soe that they need not have any apprehension or feare of any losse or detriment Now their lord- ships consideringe the multitude of Inhabitants within the said Citty and the libertyes did resolve uppon a proporcon of Thirty Thousand quarters which accordinge to the estimate that was then made may serve for fower moneths to be furnished as farre as may be out of the growth of the kingdome and accordingly supplyed as need shall require For the layinge and keepinge of which quantity It is not to be doubted but that in soe great a Cittye wherein are soe many great howses and some standinge voyde a sufficyent place may be found at a reasonable Rent soe that there shalbe no necessity of buildinge a place of purpose Finally the Lord Maior and Aldermen were willed to observe well what had byn declared unto them which being throughly considered might make it appeare that this Course beinge well entred into wold soe sufficyently appeare itselfe both in respecte of the generall good of the Citty and of the particuler benifitte of those that are to contrib- ute touards it that it should need no further encourdgment And they were likewise required to take due notice of his Majesties gratious favor and Royall care of the Welfare of the said Cittye which they did humbly acknowledge and promised to use their best endeavors accordinge to the present order and direccons of the Board. 460 APPENDIX L [A commission was appointed to consider the proposition, to accept, to draw up a petition to the Privy Council to drop the scheme, or to compromise regarding it.] " A PROCLAMACON TO RESTRAINE THE TRANSPORT ATON OF CORNE WOOL WOLL-FELLS FULLERS EARTH AND LETHER," 30 SEPTEMBER, 1632 l The kings most excellent Majestic taking into Consideracon the manifold evill Practizes which for private gaine are too often put in use as well by Cornmasters and Hoorders of Corne as by Marchants and others to in [sic] Inhance the Prices of Corne and graine to the generall prejudice of all other his Majesties subiects especially labor- ing men and those of the Poorer sorte which hath appeared not onely in the time of the late dearth but in the yere now past when by the goodness of God there was such plentie & abundance of Corne as seldome hath byn greater and yet the rates & prises of Corne in manie parts of this Kingdome especially in the Cittie of London and the Parts neere adioyning were kept up at farre higher prices then was fitt to be in a time of so great and generall plentie And that how- soever by the Provident and Constant Care of his Majestic and his Privie Councell transport[a]con of Corne was restrained even in that plentiful yere yet in manie parts of the kingdome false Rumors were and are spred and devulged of great Transportacon of Corne lycensed and authorised to the great dishonour of his Majestic and the State and of a wicked purpose to keep up Corne and graine at moderate Prices His Maiestie with the advice of his Privie Councell doth hereby publishe and declare That all the said Rumors were false . . . And albeit his majestic is well satisfyed that the remainyng store of the last yere & by the increase of this present yere there is verie ample and good provision of Corne sufficient to supplie the whole kingdome at easie and reasonables prices yet considering the want of Corne in divers other parts beyond the Seas might occasion a transportacon thereof from hence which would necessarily draw on an Inhancement of Prices if it should be permitted. Therefore his majestic holding it necessarie to provide that his owne Subiects in generall may enioy the good blessing of Plentie which God hath vouchsafed to this Realme and that the same be not turned to the inriching onlie of a few greedie cormorants doth by like advice of his Privie Councell prohibite and 1 Journals of the Cojmmon Council, vol. xxxv, fols. 518-520. APPENDIX L 461 forbid that from henceforth for the space of one yere next ensuing and from that yere untill his majestic shall declare his pleasure to the Contrarie no Corne or graine be transported or carried out of this his Majesties Realme, . . . And because his Majestie is informed that in divers Counties of this Realme neere the Seacoast it hath byn Practised to buy and pro- vide great quantitie of Corne and bring the same unto or neere the Seacoast readie for Transportacon and then in some one or two mar- ketts to sell some small quantity thereof or of other Corne at lower Prices then the same were bought and upon some faint and partiall Certificate from some Justises of Peace or other Officers that Corne in hose marketts was sold under the rates limited by the Statute have provided the same to be transported beyond the Seas His Majestie requireth by like advice of his Privie Councell that those and all other fraudulent Practises unduly to procure transportacon of Come heretofore Comitted or hereafter to be Comitted be strictly and dili- gently inquired & looked into. And whereas his Majestie is informed that sundrie marchants Strangers and aliens of Forreigne Countries in Amitie with his Majestie have accustomed to bring their Shyppes and Vessells into some of the Ports havens or Creekes of this Realme unvictualled of purpose that under Colour of taking in a supplie of fresh Victuales for their necessities the[y] might victuall themselves and their Ship-Companie from hence for their voyages whereby the[y] Carrie away much Corne Geese and other victualls and Pro- hibited Comodities which is an evill mischeife with Transportacon His Majestie doth hereby declare and comand that the same be not hereafter suffered to be done. And his Majestie being likewise informed that great and manifold abuses have been Comitted in times past as well by the Corrupcon or negligence in the inferior Officers and ministers of his Majesties Customs as well in permitting Wooll wooll-f ells and Fullers earth to be transported As also towching transportacon of Corne Lether and rawe- hides in permitting the same to passe either without anie lycence or hi greater quantitie then hath byn lycenced Or in suffering the same to passe beyond the Seas under Color of Transportacon from Port to Port within the Realme His Majestie doth in like manner will and Comand that all abuses in that behalf e ... be strictly and diligently found out and punished. 462 APPENDIX L A REPORT TO THE LORD MAYOR ON THE SUBJECT or LONDON CORN DEALERS, 4 FEBRUARY, 1646-47 l [A committee makes the following report in answer to the complaints of mealmen against corn chandlers, both sides having been given a hearing.] That it is not fitt that the Corne chaundlers or any others should use the selling of Meale and Flower of wheate in their houses, or shopps (that being noe part of the Trade of Corne Chaundlers) and that all Meale brought to the Citie of London to bee sould, be sould and put to sale in the publique and Common Marketts undressed and not in private houses and shopps whereby First the Country Mealemen, and Badger, (allowed according to the lawe and) who heretofore furnished the Citie and places adiacent shall bee encouraged to furnish the Marketts as formerly. The Meale marketts mayntayned for the Common use of the In- habitants of the Citie. The Lord Maior and Aldermen may from tyme to tyme have notice what store of Meale is brought to the Citie by the Clarkes of the severall Marketts upon their Oathes as formerly which now as the same is carryed by the Corne Chaundlers and others cannot bee donn. The much deceite in weights and measures, mingled and conjured stuffe may bee avoyded. The Forestallinge of the Marketts neere London and the much in- grossing of the finest wheate prevented. Meane persons who will not bee contented but with the finest wilbe then contented to use the same as it conies ground from the mill. That the multitude of meale sellers in private houses and shoppes out of the common and publique Marketts (a Trade not warranted by lawe) and their taking of many apprentices may be prevented. But wee doe not hereby intend that any Corne Chaundler who may furnish the Marketts shalbe restrayned hereby to make his house or shopps a storehouse to keep meale for fornishing the Marketts, Soe as they sell not any in their private shopps or houses, but in the open Marketts. We further conceive it good for the Commonwealth that Boalting Mills in generall were suppressed by some Ordinance of Parliament, All which neverthelesse we leave to the grave Judgment of the honor- able Court. The sixth day of January 1646. 1 Repertory, voL Iviii, fols. 54-55. APPENDIX L 463 THE SALE OF CORN IN THE SUBURBS OF LONDON, 5 DECEMBER, 1650 1 Answer of the Lord Maior and Aldermen of this Citty to the pro- posalls of the justices of peace of Middlesex] Concerning the selling of Meale in publique places in the suburbs . . . To be presented to the Councell of Trade appointed by Parliament. . . . If the marketts proposed to bee neere the Citty should bee yeilded unto, the Marketts of this Citty would bee thereby forestalled, and by that meanes would inevitablie ensue an Inhancement of the price of Meale and a Scarcity of that and other provisions. . . . And as to the inconveniences pretended if the new Marketts desired should not bee erected [in the suburbs], . . . And whereas they [of the suburbs] pretended they were formerly furnished by the Meale shopps. It is Answered. It is but of very late yeares that there have bene Any Considerable number of Meal shopps either in the Citty or Suburbes, the Inhabi- tants thereof being till then, as now, Supplyed by publique Marketts of this Citty only without Complaynt of any inconvenience. The generallity of the poore aswell as others usually furnish them- selves from the Bakers which Live amongst them. [London intends to extend her system of markets to the suburbs]. [Those coming within the walls for corn usually have other goods to purchase]. As to the pretended dearenesse of Meale since the late Act It is answered, that upon examination it is found, that red Wheat is Cheaper since, then before, and though white Wheate bee somewhat dearer yet that the Same is Cheifly occasioned by the usinge of the Meale thereof instead of flower, [as well as by floods]. 1 Repertory, vol. Ixi, fols. 27 f. BIBLIOGRAPHY (Manuscripts and printed sheets, pamphlets, and books used in the prepara- tion of this work.) M. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES 1. Record Office: Customs Accounts (K. R.), 1303-1565. Exchequer Accounts (K. R.). Patent and Close Rolls. Pipe Rolls. Pipe Rolls of the Bishopric of Winchester (Ecclesiastical Commis- sion, Various). Port Books (K. R.), 1565-660. III. Rentals and Surveys, General Series. State Papers. Treasury Books. Treasury Papers. 2. Treasury Office: Council Register. 3. British Museum: Divers collections, particularly Harleian, Lansdowne, and Additional. 4. Guildhall of London: Corn Book (Comptroller's Office). Journals of the Common Council. Letter Books. Repertories of the Court of Aldermen. 5. London Companies: Bakers, Wheat Books, No. 62, 1537-68; No. 63, 1582-1631. Brewers, Minute Books, 1531 following; Account Books, isth cen- tury following. Butchers, Account Books, 1544-1646. Carpenters, Wardens Account Books, 1555-1647. Clothworkers, Renter and Quarter Wardens Accounts, 1599-1639. Cutlers, Accounts, 1581-1621; Precepts, 1588-1700. Drapers, Renters Accounts, 1580-1643. Fishmongers [Wardens Accounts], 1636-82. Grocers, " The Booke of the Corne Accompte," 1616-75. Haberdashers, Court Assistants, Nos. I and II, i7th century, Gen- eral Account Books, 1634-68. Ironmongers, Companys Register, 1541-1670. Mercers, Second Wardens Accounts, 1617-90. Merchant Tailors, Accounts, 1569-1682. Salters, [Minute Books], early i7th century. Skinners, Receipts and Payments, 1564-1672. 465 466 BIBLIOGRAPHY Stationers, Liber A, 14 H. Wax Chandlers, Renter Wardens Accounts, ca. 1531-1671. 6. Custom Houses: London, Letter Books, Board Orders, etc. Stockton, " Booke of Instruction." Yarmouth, " Orders, 1671-1721," etc. 7. Provincial Town Archives: Ipswich, chiefly toll accounts and minute books. Lynn, . Sandwich, Yarmouth, 8. University Collections: University of Cambridge Library, Cambridge. Bodleian Library, Oxford. 9. Library of the Society of Antiquaries, London, Broadsides, etc. Particular attention is here called to three documents or sets of docu- ments: the Corn Book at the Guildhall, the accounts of the various City Companies, and the Customs Accounts and Port Books at the Record Office. The Corn Book is a paper folio, leather bound, in good condition, in the keeping of the Bridgehouse committee of the Comptroller's Department, Guildhall, London. The date covered is 9 April, 1568 to i July, 1581. The title reads thus: " This Booke made for all suche Corne as shalbe Bowghte By Roberte Essington and Thomas Bates for the Cittis accoumpte and Layed up into the Brindge Howse." It contains a record of grain sold by the City to bakers, brewers, private persons and especially to the poor upon the open markets, and gives such further particulars of sale as date, amount, kind of grain, price per quarter, and the total amount received from each sale. The corn accounts of the City companies contain similarly detailed in- formation. Many companies, such as the Vintners, lost their records in the Great Fire, others, such as the Fishmongers and Stationers, have but frag- ments now remaining, but, on the other hand, a few companies have very voluminous, though not complete accounts, such as the Merchant Tailors and Drapers. Particular mention should be made of the Wheat Books at the Bakers' Hall, Nos. 62 (1537-68), and 63 (1582-1631). Special attention is, however, called to the K. R. Customs Accounts and the K. R. Port Books at the Record Office, which, more than any other single set of manuscripts, have been the basis of this work. The former series extends from 1275 to 1565, the latter from 1565 to nearly 1800. Both con- tain detailed information concerning the shipment of corn at the various ports, coastwise, export and import, and give such particulars as date, ship, shipper and amount, kind and price of grain. The Customs Accounts are described in Scargill-Bird's Guide, but of the Port Books (as well as Coast Bonds) very little is known since the series has only lately been made acces- sible. BIBLIOGRAPHY 467 N. DOCUMENTARY Acts of the Privy Council of England, N.S. (1542-1604). 32 vols. Ed. J. R. Dasent. London, 1880-1907. Acts and Ordinances, 1640-56, A Collection of. Ed. H. Scobell. London, 1658. Acts andOrdinances of the Interregnum. 3 vols. Ed. C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait. London, 1911. 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Young, A., Political Arithmetic. London, 1774. Young, A., A Six Weeks Tour through the Southern Counties of England and Wales. 3d ed. London, 1772. York, The History and Antiquities of the City of (anonymous). 2 vols. York, 1788. Yver, G., Le commerce et les marchands dans I'ltalie meridionale au XIII e et au XIV sttcle. Paris, 1903. INDEX INDEX Roman figures refer to the preface; Arabic to the text. The appendices are indexed only in part. Whenever a word occurs in a footnote as well as in the text, the text alone is indicated. The following abbreviations are used: n. i, n. 2, etc., indicate the number of the note. nn. indicates more than one note. n. alone indicates a note continued from the previous page. Abrokieres, 159 n. 4. Adderbury, 261 ., 370 f. Afeering, 68. Africa, North, 103. Agriculture, 46, 51, 89, 97, 166, 201, 204, 218, 236, 254 n. i, 255, 256. - and the market, 1 26. - , commercial, 26, 27, 30, 125. - , Dutch, 125. - encouraged, 140, 149, 221. - , improvements in, 50, 149, 215, 222, 231 n. 3, 243, 244, 255. - , productivity, 14, 96, 126, 216 n. i. - , protection of, 148. - , specialization in, 258. - , writers on, 125. Aldboro, 106. Aldermen, Court of, 89, 104. Ale, 172. Alfred, law of, 32. Aliens, exports, in. See merchant, foreign. Alresford, 261 f., 370 f. Alum, 191, 193. America, 116 n. 5, 257. Amsterdam, 103 n. 3, 104 n. i, 114 n. 4, 195, 208, 246, 247. Ancient demesne, 3 n. i. Andalusia, 115 n. i, 190. Andrews, C. M., 10 n. i. Antwerp, 246. Apothecaries, 71 n. i, 167 n. 4. Apuldrum, 55. Aqua vitae, 192. Araskhaniantz, A., 71 n. 4. Areas, consuming and producing, 62 f., 213-20, 232. See local areas and market, local. Armor, 191. Artificers, 202, 237. Ashley, 5 n. 3, 17 n. i, 22 n. 6, 80 nn., 92 nn., 130 n. 2, 219. Ashmansworth, 261 f., 370 f. Assize of Customs, Great Winchester, 134. Athelstan, law of, 32. Atton and Holland, 144 n. 2. Augsburg, 93, 194 n. i. Avenel, G. d', 12. Averagium, 6 n. 2, 7, 8, 20. Averia, 7. Aver-silver, 7. Avoirdupois, 151. Azores, 191, 193. Badger, 152, 154, 183 f., 200, 236-239, 462. Bagger, 183. Bailiff-farming, 10, 26, 28-30. Bailiffs' accounts, n, 15 n., 18. Bakers, 69, 77, 78, 80, 83 n. 5, 86, 105, 107, 133, 153 n. i, 160 n. 3, 162, 183 n. 4, 185 n. 4, 187 n. 2, 189, 196, 200, 203, 237-239, 324, 327 f., 356, 421, 424 f., 450 f., 463, 465, 466. Baltic, 103, 114, 116 n. 7, 244, 246. Barbadoes, 115 n. i, 116. Barbary, 191. Barbary sugar, 190. Barcelona, 191. 483 484 INDEX Barley, 7 n. i, 14 n. 3, 15, 16 n., 35 f., 52, 91 n. 4, 132, 139 f., 161 n. 4, 184, 216 n. i, 239, 262, 264, 268, 401 f., 415 f., 441. Barnet, 66. Barnstaple, 271, 281, 297, 314, 315. Barton, 20 n. 8, 370. Basingstoke, 33. Battle area, 41 ., 121, 122. Bayeux, 3 n. i. Bayona (Galicia), 190, 193. Bayonne, 189. Beader, 168 n. i. Beauworth, 261 f., 370 f. Bedfordshire, 21, 48, 63, 66, 104 n. 3, iz8n., 223 n. i, 456. Beef, 138, 193. Beer, 77, 192, 245, 437. Bentley, 263 f., 370 f. Bergen (Neth.), 114 n. 4, 115 n. Bergen, North, 115 n. Berkshire, 48. Berwick, 106, 136. Biadaiuolus, 162 n. 5. Bilboa (Biscay), 190. Billingsgate, 66, 185 n. 4. Biscuits, 191. Bitterne, 261 f., 370 f. Black Death, 24, 27, 29. Bladarius, 163, 168. Blader, 160 n. 2, 163, 164. Blakeney, 50, 106. Bodger, 183. See badger. Bolden Buke, 6 n. i, 9, 24 n. i. Bond, 228, 233, 236. See coast-bond. Book of Orders, 36 nn., 38, 133 n., 183 n. 2, 184 nn., 196, 207, 229, 236 f., 242. Boothmen, 167 n. 4, 170. Bordeaux, 104 n. i, 115 n. i, 116 n. 6, 190, 192. Borough, 33, 35. Boston, 106, 107, no, 112 n. 2, 196 n., 272, 282, 297. Boulting, 188. Bounty, com, 113 f., 144!., 245, 253, 254, 420. Bounty, corn, debentures, 113,145,418^ Brazil, 191, 435. Bread, 36 f., 68, 70, 77, 91 n. 3, 133, 162 nn., 457. Bread, assize of, 133. Bremen, 103 n. 3. Brest, 136. Bretagne, Earl of, 3 n. i. Brewers, 153 n. i, 196, 203, 237-239, 327 f-, 344, 421, 423 ^, 45 *-, 458, 465- Bridgehouse, 79 f., 86, 87 nn., 88 nn., 324, 33, 4Si, 453, 454, 466. Bridgewater, 39, 112 n. 2, 196 n., 272, 283, 284, 298. Bridgewaters, 190. Brightwell, 261 f., 370 f. Brille, 114 n. 4. Bristol, 49, 72 n. i, 80, 100 n. 3, 104, 106, 107, 112 n. 2, 115, 129, 161, 166, 173, 176, 213 n. 2, 214 n., 247, 273, 284, 285, 299, 300, 315. Bristol area, 41 f., 121, 122, 124. Britannia Languens, 208, 256 n. 2. Brittany, 194 n. i. Brockhampton, 267 f. Brogger, 153 n. i, 183. See badger. Broker, 70, 158 f., 168 n. 3, 179, 181, 338. Broker, corn, 70 f., 87 n. 3, 158 f., 167, 1791., 200. Brokerage, 159 nn., 168 n. 3. Bromley, 23 n. 4. Bruges, no n. 2, 116 n. 5, 246. Buckinghamshire, 48, 66. Buckle, Robert, 197., Biicher, K., viii. Burford, 48 n. 5. Burgesses, 33, 178. Burghclere, 267 f., 372 f. Burghley, Lord, 228, 237, 455. Burnham, 312, 313. Burton Abbey, 3 n. i, 4 n. i. Burton Chartulary, 3 n. i, 6n. 3, 8 n. i, 9 n. i, 23 nn. Burwell, 21. Busch, W., 221 n. 10. Bushell Bread, 37 n. 2. Butcher, 166, 178, 203. Butter, 127, 128, 131 n., 138, 139, 152, 154, 178, 186, 190, 191, 441. INDEX 485 Cable, 193. Cadiz, 115 n. i. Caen, 104 n. i. Calais, 74 n. 6, 135, 136, 217. Calbourne, 371 f. Calico, 190. Cam, 49. Cambridge, 20 n. 8, 21, 63, 124. Cambridge area, 41 ., 121, 122, 172. Cambridge, University of, 109 n. i. Cambridgeshire, 9 n., 21, 48, 66, 104 n. 3, 109, 127 n. i, 171, 174, 175, 223 n. i, 45- Camden, W., 231 n. 3. Canals, 49. Canaries, 116 n. 5, 191. Candia, 191. Candles, 191. Canterbury, 21, 22. Cantle, 72 n. i. Canvas, 192. Canynges of Bristol, 173. Capital, 182, 188, 257, 258. Capitalism, modern, 257. Capitalist, 198. Capitalistic sheep farming, 29. Cappers, 203. Caps, 191, Carlisle, 39. Camifex, 170 n. 2. Carpenters, 203, 365, 465. Carpets, 190. Carriagium, 6 nn., 7. Carrier, 152, 154, 183, 238. Carrier, common, 153 n. i. Carrying service, 6 f., 10, 20, 22, 23, 26, 127, 216. See averagium and sum- magium. Carta Mercatoria, 134, 147, 151. Cattle, 16 n., 18, 19, 153 n. 4, 154. Ceapstowe, 32. Census of 1801, 74. Census of 1831, 75 n. 3. Centralstadt, 98. Certificate Books, 105, 196, 220, 228 n. 2. Chandlers, corn, 86, 162 n. i, 184 f., 197 n. 2, 198, 200, 462. Chapman, 32, 73 n. Cheese, 6 n. i, 20 n. 2, 128, 131 n., 138, 139, 152, 154, 178, 186, 190, 191, 441. Cherbourg, 136. Cheriton, 261 f., 370 f. Chester, 23 n. 5, 39, 100 n. i, 185 n. 3. Chichester, 50, 106, 112 n. 2, 234, 273, 285, 286, 300, 301, 316. Cider, 126 n. 2. Civitavecchia, 191. Clere, 261 f., 370 f. Clere, High, 263 f., 372 f. Cloth, 135, 151, 172, 177, 190 f., 430 f. Clothiers, 203, 239, 256 n. 2. Clothworkers, 361, 421, 423 f., 458, 465. Coal, 53, 89 n. i, 128. Coast-bond, 228, 466. Coast trade, 297 f. Cocket, 152. Cockfield, 21. Coin, 148 n. 2, 247. Colchester, 21, 106. Collars, 192. Comb (measure), 401 f. Commerce, 177, 201, 204 n. 5. See trade. Commission agent, 162, 200. Common Council, London, 119 n. i. Commons, House of, 101, 135 f., 148, 214 f. Commutation, 18, 26 f., 33. Companies, 256 n. 2, 257. See craft gilds. Companies of London, 76 nn., 79, 83 f., 117-119, 122, 168, 169, 196, 198 n. i, 324 f., 421 f., 457 f., 466. Coney-skins, 192. Consumer, 68, 71, 134, 169, 170, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, 189, 204, 214, 229, 232. Consuming area, 62, 213 f., 218, 232. Cordovan skins, 190. Cords, 192. Corn Book of London, 81, 105, 327, 465, 466. Corn, in tasso, 388. laws, vii, 130 f., 243. See statutes. masters, 460. , mill, 13 n. 3, 15 n., 370 f. 486 INDEX Corn, official valuation of, 232. , prices of. See prices. regulations, 65 f., 72 n., 89 f., 233 f., 460, 461. Sec statutes. , surplus of, 214, 216, 237, 238, 242, 244, 255, 258. , tithe, 390 f. Cornelisson, Jacob, 195, 197. Cornhill, 66 n. 3. Cornman, 183, 358. Cornwall, 52, 64, 107. Correctier, 158. Correspondence, Ancient, 172. Corsers, 421. Cost of storing corn, 366. Cotton, 190, 191, 193. Courtier, 158. Coverlets, 193. Craft gilds, 33, 65, 82 f., 178. Craftsmen, 170, 238. Crawley, 261 f., 370 f. Creighton, Charles, 74, 75 n. i. Cripplegate, 164. Cross-bows, 190. Crovdin, 4 n. 2. Crowland, 62, 63, 174 n. 2, 175. Culham, 263 f. Cunningham, W., 17 n. i, 80 n. 2, in n. 3, 129 n. 3, 133 nn., 221 n. i, 253 n. 4, 254 n. i. Curral, 38 n. i, 265, 270. Currants, 191. Customs Accounts, 99-101, no, 189, 193, 194 n. i, 215, 220, 465, 466. Customs duties, 61, 73, 74, 100, no, 13S-I37, HI f-, 147 f, 192, !95, 212, 214, 217, 227, 232 f., 244, 249, 251, 252, 254, 429, 439 f., 456, 461. Customs officials, 234, 235, 240, 455, 461. Cutlers, 86 n. 5, 87 n. 4, 168, 360, 421, 423 f., 458, 465. Cuxham, 55, 56. Cypress chests, 191. Dalrymple, Sir John, 254 n. i. Damm, 90. Danegeld, 5 n- 2. Danzig, 93, 103 n. 3, 104 n. i, 116 n. 7, 193, 194 n. i, 351, 334 n. i, 357, 359, 360, 430, 453. Dartmouth, 106, 274, 286, 301, 317. Dates, 190. Dealers, corn, 150 f., 157 f., 176 f., 462. See middleman, corn. Dearth, 36, 79, 81 n. 2, 82 n. 3, 115, 119, J 3 6 138, 139, 162 n., 178, 180-182, 184 n. i, 186, 187, 193-195, 199, 204 n. 5, 205-207, 216, 217, 219, 223 n. 2, 229, 235, 239, 242-247, 257, 447 f., 456 f., 460, 463. Demarest, E. B., 5 n. 2. Demesne, 18, 19, 27, 29. Derbyshire, 51, 52. Devonshire, 52, 107, 401. Dialogus de Scaccario, 18, 23. Domesday Book, 3 n. i, 5 n. i, 8, 32, 33 nn. Dorchester, 5 n. i. Dordrecht, 1 14 n. 4. Dorsetshire, 5 n. i, 49, 52, 105 n. i, no. Dover, 50, 106. Downton, 261 f., 370 f. Drags, 37, 265, 270. Drapers, 167 n.4, 173, 177, 196, 347 f., 357, 421, 423 f-, 458, 465, 466. Drengus, 9 n. 2. Drover of cattle, 154. Droxford, 263 f. Dundee, 106. Dunkirk, 104 n. i, 115 n. Dunkirkers, 128. Dunwich, 21, 48, 106. Durham, 6 n. i, 9 nn., 39, 53, 54. Durham area, 41 f., 121. Dutch, 103, 117 n. i, 125, 194, 244, 246, 251 n. i, 255. See Holland, Nether- lands. Dyers, 177, 342, 421, 423 ., 458. Eadric, law of, 32. East Anglia, 21, 139, 140, 246. East India Company, 351. East Indies, 190. Eastland, 103 n. i, 227 n. 5. Eastland Company, 245. Ebbesborne, 263 f. INDEX 487 Economic schools, 201 f. Economists, classical, 203, 206. Edward the Elder, law of, 32. Elham, 55. Ellis, Sir H., 3 n. i. Ely Inquest, 8. Emden, 116 n. 5, 192. Emdeners, 247. Enfield, 127 n. i, 456. Engross, 130, 132, 138, 148, 152 f., 162, 183 n. i, 187 nn., 229, 233, 238, 240, 249, 250, 252, 254, 462. Engrossing merchant, 198. Enkhuisen, 114 n. 4. Enlargyne of Corne, 224. Ersham, 39. Essere, 377, 380. Essex, 5, 46, 48, 52, 54, 64, 105 n. i, 107, 128 n., 224 n. 4, 456. Essex area, East, 41 f., 107, 121, 122. Exeter, 247, 274, 286, 301, 317. Exmouth, 106. Export of corn, 16, 22, 77, 93, 94, nof., 123, 125, 172, 173, 190, 196, 198, 203, 211 f., 224H. I, 225, 227,228, 241, 243- 245, 248, 249, 252-254, 281 f., 447 f. Export of corn, laws governing, 134 f., 243- Export of corn, regulations for the, 72 n., 230, 232, 234-236, 240, 251, 252. Export of prohibited goods, 193. Exporter, 200, 203. Eye, 33 n. 3. Faber, R., 59, 130 n. i, 134 n. 4, 144 n. 2, 210, 2l6 n. 2, 221, 222 nn., 226 n. 3, 231 n. 3, 253 n. 4, 254 n. i. Factors, 188. Fair, 151, 186 n. 3, 192. Fareham, 261 f., 370 f. Farm, 6 n. 5. See town farm. Farmours for corne, 237. Farnham, 261 f., 370 f. Faversham, 50, 106, 330, 331. Feathers, 192. Fen country, 125. Figs, 148 n. 4. Fire of London, 87. Fish, 4 n. 2, 9 n. i, 23 n. 4, 68, 131 nn., 140, 151, 152, 160 n. 3, 162, 174, 181 n. i, 191, 193, 441. Fisherman, 166. Fishmongers, 87 n. 4, 173, 197, 368, 421, 423 f., 458, 465, 466. Fitzherbert, 125. Flanders, 22 n. i, no n. 2, 138 n. 2, 172, 173, 192, 193, 358. Flax, 192. Fleetwood, 12 n. i. Flesh, 4 n. 2, 151, 152, 178 n. 2. Florence, 65 n. i, 162. Flouremongere, 163 n. 5. Flushing, 114 n. 4. Fondaco, 163. Fonthill, 263 f., 376 f. Fonticarii, 163. Food-farms, 5. Forestalling, 67, 72 n., 130, 131, 132, 150, 152 f., 156, 162, 166, 176, 233, 252 n. i, 463- Fortescue, Sir John, 48 n. 2, 101. Forum, 20. Fowey, 278, 292, 309, 310, 322, 323. Fowl, 16 n., 138. France, 191, 192, 208, 247, 359, 429. , carrying services in, 8 n. 4. , corn from, 104, 117, 138 n. 2. , corn sent to, 116, 117. , market area in, 98. , metropolitan market in, 122 n. 2. , physiocrats in, 204. , pirates of, 192. , prices in, 1 2 n. 4. , serfs in, 26 n. i. , town regulations of, 72 n. Frankpledge, 133. Free-trade, 135, 203, 204, 207. Friezes, Irish, 191, 192, 193. Fruit, 126, 129 n. 3, 152, 162. Fruiterers, 126 n. 2, 342. Fuel, 138 n. 2, 455. Fullers, 177. Fur, 152, 192, 193. Galicia, 190, 193. Galls, 191. INDEX Gascony, 135, 136, 172. Gawdy accounts, 402, 403. Gay, E. F., ix, 38, 219, 474, 475. Genesis of corn-middlemen, 200. Genetic economist, viii. See stages. Genetic stages, 25. See stages. Genoa, 115, 116 n. Germany, corn from, 100, 103, no n. 2. Ghent, oo, 94. Gibbins, H. de B., 3 n. i, 24 n. 3. Gild provision of corn, 82 f. Gilds, 65. See craft gilds. Giry, A., 158 n. 8, 159 nn. Glasgow, 115 n. i. Glaston, 6 n. i. Glatten, 62, 175. Gloucester, 7 n. 2, 196 n. Gloucestershire, 46, 49, 213 n. 2. Gold, 18, 190, 191, 192. Goldsmiths, 421, 423 f., 458. Conner, E. C. K., 219 n. 3. Gottenburg, 115 n. i. Gracechurch, 66, 68, 164. Granaiuoli, 162 n. I. Granary, 79, 117 n. i, 156, 165, 171, 196, 197, 204 n. 5, 207, 237, 246, 247 f., 252, 2SS, 257, 458 f- Granary system, 73, 80, 91, 92, 122, 196, 197, 199, 205, 247 f., 450, 451. Gras, N. S. B., 133 n. 6, 134 n.3, 144 n. i. Graunt, John, 74. Great Mario w, 165, 169. Greece, 191. Green, J. R., 24 n. 4, 53 n. 2. Gresham Accounts, 401. Grey, A., 254 n. i. Grimsby, 106. Groceries, 192. Grocers, 38, 158 n. 5, 177-179, 196, 342, 35, 359. 363 ^-, 421, 423 f., 428, 458, 465- Gross, C., 23 n. 3, 170 nn., 171 n. Grosseteste, 4 n. 2, 23 n. i. Guinea, 116 n. 5. Haarlem, 1 14 n. 4. Haberdashers, 87 n. 3, 88 n. i, 202, 367, 421,423^,458,465. Hales, J., 138, 139 n. i, 202, 203, 222, 256 n. i. Hall, H., 10 n., 24 n. a, 370 n. i. See Winchester, bishopric, Pipe Roll of. Hambledon, 261 f., 370 f. Hamburg, oo, 93, 94, 103 n. 3, 104 n. i, 115 n., 192, 194 n. i, 357. Hamburghers, 247. Hampshire, 33, 49, 105 n. i. Hamton, 6 n. i. Handicraft industry, 257 n. i. Handicraftsmen, 170 n. 7, 177. Handkerchiefs, 152. Hanse, merchants, 103, 148 n. i, 171, 246. Harrison, W., 38, 48 n. 5, 184 n. 2. Hartlepool, 106. Harwell, 261 f., 370 f. Harwich, 21, 106. Hasbach, W., 221. Hastings, 106. Hauptstadt, 98. Havant, 263 f. Hay, 126, 129 n. 3. Hemp, 148 n. 4, 192. Henley, 48 n. 5, 106, 165 n. 16, 330 f. Henley, Walter of, 4 n. 2, 17 n. i, 23 n. i. Herbert, C. J., 12, 204-206, 249 n. 2. Herbert, W., 167, 168 n. 7, 169 nn. Hertford, 165. Hertfordshire, 5, 9 n., 21, 66, 104 n. 3, 127 n. i, 184, 456. Hides, 190, 191, 192, 193. Hlothaere, law of, 32. Hoarders, 460. Hochstetter, Joachim, 194 n. i. Holland, 103 n. 3, 172, 173, 194 n. i, 246, 253- Hollanders, 247. See Dutch. Holme, 62, 1 74 n.3, 175. Hops, 371 f. Hornchurch, 55. Horses, 6 n. i, 16 n., 18, 19, 126, 135. Houghton, J., 37 n. 2, 41, 119, 120 n. 2, 121, 253. Hovedon, Roger of, 132 n. 4. Hoxney, 33. INDEX 489 Huckster, 162, 170, 178. Hull, 106, 107, 109, in, 112 n. 2, 113, 173, 274, 287, 302, 303, 317, 318, 359. Hundred, the, 5 n. 2. Huntingdon, 63. Huntingdonshire, 21, 48, 62, 66, 104 n. 3, i?4, i?S, 223 n. i. Hythe, 50, 106. Ilfracombe, 271, 281, 297, 314. Import of corn, 99 f., 123, 188, 194, 202 n. 2, 215, 217-220, 228, 241, 242, 244, 250, 251, 254, 255, 271 f. Import of corn, laws governing, 147 f., 217, 228. Importer, 182. Importing corn merchants, 177, 178. Inclosures, 218 f. Indies, 192. Industrial policy, 255. Industrial Sussex, 54. Industry, 177, 201, 204, 257. See manu- facture. Ine, law of, 32. Innkeepers, 153 n. i. Institutions, 25. Insula, 370 f. Interest, 96. Intermanorial market, 257 n. i. Intermanorial organization, 3 f. Intermanorial phase of metropolitan economy, 257 n. i. Intermanorial subsistence, 256. Ipswich, 21, 46, 48, 106, 112 n. 2, 131 n. 4, 275, 288, 303, 466. Ireknd, 72 n., 85, 135, 436. , corn from, 55, I > IO 4, "6, 135, 147, 148, 360- , corn to, 100 n. i, 115, 116, 135, 235 n. 2. , general exports to England, 193. , general imports from England, 193. Iron, 190, 192. Ironmongers' Company, 86, 353, 421, 423 f., 458, 465. Italy, 115 n. 2, 116 n. 5, 247. Itchingswell, 261 f., 370 f. Ivinghoe, 263 f., 372 f. Jacobs, Lucas, 194, 195, 197, 352. Jakesle (Yaxley), 33, 174 n. 3, 175. Jamaica, 115 n. i, 116. Jevons, S., 34 n. 2. Jews, 129 n. 2. Joint stock, 88, 89 n. i. Journals, London, 100, 102, 169, 223, 465- Justices of the peace, 133 n., 149, 152, iS4, i5S, 183 n. 2, 231, 232, 234-240, 448, 461, 463. Kent, 46, 47, 50, 52, 64, 105 n. i, 106, 107, 125, 126, 189, 224 nn., 330 f. Kent area, East, 41 f., 121, 122. Kent, Weald of, 50, 52, 54. Kersey, 190, 191, 192. Kidder, 152, 154, 183. Kinninghall, 8 n. 5. Kircaldy, 114 n. 4. Kirkly Road, 48. Knoyle, 261 f., 370 f. Knoyle, Upton, 263 f. Labor, 25, 27. See carrying services. Lader, 152, 154, 183. Laissez-faire, 199. See free trade. Lamprecht, K., 12 n. 2. Lastage, no, 212. Lawford, 21. Lea, 49, 52, 67, 109, 456. Lead, 53, 190-192, 430, 442. Leadam, I. S., 219. Leadenhall, 79, 80, 89 n., 324, 333 f., 458. Leghorn, 115, 191. Legislation. See statutes. Leicestershire, 51, 52. Leigh, 106. Leith, 106. Lemons, 190. Leonard, E. M., 132 n. 8. Letter Books of London, 165, 223. Leuce, 214 n. Levant, 191. See Turkey. Liber Albus, 66 nn., 67 nn., 71, 158 n. 3, 160 nn., 171 n. 4. 490 INDEX License, 18, 190. 4, 59 f., 100, no, 134 f., 153 n- 4, iS4, 155, 173, 184, 195, 207, 210, 212, 214, 215, 221, 226, 227, 232, 233, 2 35, 237, 238, 243, 461. Liebermann, F., 170 n. 5. Lincolnshire, 51, 105 n. i, 106, 124, 174. Linen, 192. Linen yarn, 193. Liquorice, 190. Lisbon, 115 n. i, 116 n. 5, 190, 193. Livery, 88 n. 3. Livings, 179 n. 3. Loaders, 456. Local areas, 41 f., 55 f., 171, 177, 182. See areas, consuming and producing. Local corn dealers, 157 f. Local economy, 25, 128, 257 n. i. Local machinery, 233. Local market. See market, local. Local middleman, 180 f. See middleman, corn. Local policy, 211, 213 f. Local regulations, 132. Local self-sufficiency, 242. Local trade organization, 174. Localism, 94. London, 5, 6 n. 3, 7 n. i, 8 n. i, 20 n. 8, 21, 39, 44, 50, 52 f., 64!., 90, 09!., 122 f., 160, 162, 167, 173, 174, 177, 185, 187-189, 194, 221 f., 240, 242, 2SS-2S7, 34, 324, 444, 447, 449 f-, 455, 459, 462 f. See metropolis. area, 52, 54. , corn exports, in f., 123, 196, 197, 220, 288, 289. , corn imports, 100 n. 2, 101 f., 162 n., 196, 220, 246, 275, 276. , corn provision, 77 f., 82 f. , domestic supply, 104!., 123, 169, 171, 188, 195, 196 nn., 243, 297 f., 319, 320, 449 f., 456. , fire of, 87. , growth of, 73-77, 99, 102, 103, 126, 128, 129 n. 3, 198, 222, 228, 246. , market, 66 f., 98, 99, 169. , policy of, 223, 224, 227, 242. , prices, 09, 117 f., 122, 324 f., 460. , staple, 244, 245. Lovekyn, John, 173. Low Countries, 195. Lullington, 55. Lutterworth, 20 n. i. Lutz, H. L., 38. Lynn, 62 f., 106-109, III ~ II 4, 124, 171 f., 196 nn., 212 n. i, 228, 241, 253, 276, 277, 289-291, 305-309, 320, 321, 358, 466. Lyons, 129 n. 3. Madeira, 115 n. i, 191. Magdeburg, 90. Magna Carta, 132, 212. Majorca, 191. Makelare, 159 n. 6. Malaga, 115 n. Maldon, 106. Malmesbury, William of, 100 n. I. Malmsey, 191. Malt-makers, 237. Maltsters, 239. Mancorn, 37 n. i, 261, 263, 267. Mangere, 170 n. 5. Mango bladi, 163. Mangun de ble, 163. Manorial accounts, 216. Manorial artisans, 166. Manorial center, 6, 7, 10, 22. Manorial decay, 24 f., 44. Manorial group, 3 f., iof., 23, 24, 31, 213, 214. Manorial marketing, 17 f., 28, 29, 34, 44- 46,63, 73, 89, 104 n. 3, 211 f. Manorial origins, 10. Manorial price statistics, 1 1 f . Manorial self-sufficiency, 17, 24. Manorial system, 4, 9, 73, 256. Manorial tenants, 170. Manorial units, 3, 9, 32. Mantles, 193. Manufacture, 140, 148, 177, 204, 221, 255, 256 n. 2. See industry. Mardon, 261 f., 370 f. Margate, 50, 106. Market, vii, n, 17, 20 f., 26, 156, 180 f., 198, 2ii f., 219 n. 3, 236, 237, 239, 250, 252 n. i, 256, 257 n. i, 258, 327 f., INDEX 491 409 f., 462, 463. See manorial market- ing; price, market; and price, fair market. , central, 126. defined, 34. disorganization, 93, 218, 220. distribution, 208 n. 3. equilibrium, 216. , local, 27 f., 32 f., 42 f., 98, 124, 127, 182, 198, 213 f., 216, 218, 225, 255, 256. , metropolitan. See metropolitan market. , nature of, 32 f. , territorial, 29, 30, 90, 218. , widening, 105 n. i, 258. Market-place, 32, 34, 66 f., 117, 118. Marketing, manorial, 211 f. Marshall, A., 34 n. 2. Maryland, 115 n. i. Masons, 203. Mastan, 345. Masts, 140 n. 2, 148 n. 4, 441. Mealmen, 92 n. i, 155, 184 f., 198, 200, 348, 349, 361, 362, 462. Measure, Danzig, 351, 354 n. i. Measure, Winchester, 252 n. i. Measurer, 200. Measurers of corn, 73 n. 3, 200. Measures, 15 n. i, 39, 69, 132, 150, 212, 213, 439) 462. Mediterranean, 115, 116, 246. Meeching, 106. Meeter, corn, 70. Melcheburn, T., 172 f. Melcheburn, W., 173 f. Meliorating, 126 n. 2. Meon, 261 f., 370 f. Mercantile policy, urban, 201, 208. Mercantilism, 140, 202, 203, 210, 229, 232, 255. Mercantilist pamphlet, 245. Mercantilists, 202. Mercator, 20 n. 2, 170 nn., 179 n. 3. See merchant. Mercatum, 20, 23 n. 5, 33 n. i, 161 n. 2. See market. Mercers, 86 n. 4, 87 n. 3, 167 n. 4, 177, 178,202,366,421,423^,427,458,465. Mercery, 151. Merchant, 22, 92, 100, 133, 166, 170, 198, 203, 204 n. 5, 207, 240, 244, 253, 256 n. 2, 330 f., 336, 348, 349, 351, 357 f., 366, 457, 460. Adventurers, 192. , corn, 87 n. 3, 157, 161, 170 f., 176, 179, 180, 188, 193 f., 199, 206-208, 214, 252, 364, 365- , foreign, 78, nof., 134, 135, 147, 148 n. 2, 151 f., 179 n. 3, 195, 196, 202 n. 2, 212, 247, 251, 252. , general, 180, 189 f., 193 f., 429 f. , local, 200. shipper, 198, 200. , specialized com, 189. - Tailors, 88 n., 89 n. 2, 332, 357 f., 421, 423 f., 458, 465, 466. Merchants, corn, gild of, 179. Merriman, R. B., 139 n. i. Metage, 84 n. Method of averaging, 40 f . Metropolis, 74, 77, 87, 92, 103, 125, 128, 194, 198, 199, 228, 244, 250, 255, 257, 456. See London. Metropolis, factors in the growth of, 125 f. Metropolitan area, 104, 119, 120, 122, 123, 125, 232, 244. Metropolitan center, 95. Metropolitan community, 199. Metropolitan demands, 246. Metropolitan development, 230, 242, 25, 255. Metropolitan difficulties, 257. Metropolitan domestic trade, 195. Metropolitan economy, viii, 257 n. i. Metropolitan free trade, 203. Metropolitan government, 206, 208, 209. Metropolitan market, viii, 31, 95 f., 98, 99, 104 f., 117 f., 122 f., 183 f., 194, 199, 208, 2l8, 220, 221 f., 225, 228, 244, 250, 256, 257. Metropolitan periods, 93, 196. Metropolitan policy, 211, 221 f., 228, 232, 242 f., 250 f. Metropolitan stage of market develop- ment, 95, 201, 246. 492 INDEX Metropolitan staple scheme, 246. Metropolitanism, 94. Middleborough, 114 n. 4, 225. Middleman, 19, 34, 91, 128, 176 f., 180 {., 257- Middleman, corn, 94, 123, 150 f., 156 f., 176!., 199 f., 206, 214. See also badger, baker, blader, brewer, broker, chandler, commission agent, huckster, maltster, mealman, merchant, miller, monger, regrator, retailer, wholesaler. Middleman, corn, as a class, 201. Middleman, functions of corn, 199 f. Middlemore, Henry, 195 n. 5. Middlesex, 5, 52,66,126^2,127^1,456. Midlands, 105 n. i, 119. Mileyners, 202. Milk, 126. Mill, 189. Miller, 78, 183 n. 2, 184, 200, 239, 329, 335, 362. Milling, 188. Mill-stone, 6 n. i. Milton, 106. Mining, 52. Minorca, 191. Misselyn, 153, n. i. Mistlin, 37. Molasses, 190. Money economy, 23. Monger, corn, 19, 157, 159 n. 3, 163 f., 167^,178, i8of., 199, 200,202, 207,208. Monger, gild of the corn, 70, 167 f., 179. Monger, organization of the corn, 167 f. Monger, victualling, 178. Monopoly, 169, 182, 202. Monserrat, 115 n. i. Moore, George, 197. Morlaix, 192. Mortain, Earl of, 3 n. i. Morton, 263 f., 372 f. Munes, Aysford, 378. Munes, Church, 378. Muscatel, 191. Mutton, 138. Nasse, E., in n. 3, 219. National economy, viii, 128, 203. National legislation, 130 f. See statutes. National phase of metropolitan economy, 257 n. i. National policy, 211, 212, 223, 232, 251. See mercantile policy and mercan- tilism. National regulation, 69, 188. National self-sufficiency, 249, 255. Naude, W., 59, 61, 72 n., 94 n. i, 97, 116 n. 7, 127, 130 n. i, 134 n. 4, 144 n. 2, 210, 222 n., 226 n. 3, 231 n. 3, 253 n. 4. Navarre, 192. Navigation Acts, 140 n. 2, 142, 143, 148 n. 4, 195. Navy, 140. Nayland, 21. Neath Abbey, 40. Neilson, N., 5 n. 3, 6 n. 2, 7 n. i. Nen, 49, 62. Netherlands, 116, 117, 249. Neva, 192. Nevis, 115 n. i, 116. Newcastle, 53, 106, 107, 124, 167 n. 4, 277, 291, 321, 322. New England, 116. Newfoundland, 115 n. i, 190, 191. Newfoundland fish, 191. Newfoundland men, 191. Newgate, 66, 69, 89 n., 164. Newhaven, 193. Newhaven, Eng., 106. Newport, 104 n. i. Niederlagsrecht, 90. Nomenclature, 157, 170. Norden, J., 126 n. 2. Norfolk, 7 n. i, 21, 50, 64, 105 n. i, 106, 107, no, 125, 128, 139, 174, 175 nn., 185 n. i, 225, 232, 401 f. North, Sir Dudley, 203. Northamptonshire, 32, 62, 124, 174, 223 n. i. North-west England, 107. Norway, 115, 116, 172, 173. Norwich, 92. Nonvich area, 41 f., 121, 122. Nottinghamshire, 4 n. i, 51. Niirnberg, 66 n. 2, 93. INDEX 493 Oars, 191. Oils, 190, igi. Oldenham, 127 n. i. Olive oils, 148 n. 4. Oncken, A., 254 n. i. Onions, 190. Opeland, 161 n. i. Oporto, 115 n i., 190, 193. Oranges, 190. Ordnance, 191, 192. Orwell, 48. Ostend, 116 n. 5. Oundle, 32. Ouse, 49, 50, 62. Outports, 102, 103, 114, 256. Ovens, common, 452. Overton, 261 f., 370 f. Oxford, 48, 55, 56, 409 f: Oxfordshire, 48, 56. Paints, 192. Paris, 33 n. 5, 66 n. 2, 93, 122, 124, 166 n. 3, 167 n. 3. Paris, Matthew, 100 n. 2, 133 n. 2, 161 n. 4- Parliament, Rolls of, 101. Patent and Close Rolls, 172. Paternalism, 234, 236. Pawnbroking, 159 n. 3. Pearls, 191. Peasant, 205. Peasants' Revolt, 24, 27, 63. Pedlars, 170. Pennsylvania, 115 n., 116. Perambulation, prandial, 5, 10, 24. Peterborough, 62, 63, 174 n. 2, 175. Peterborough, Liber Niger of, 24. Petty, Sir W., 74, 129 n. 3, 203. Pevensey, 106. Physiocrats, 203, 204. Pins, 192. Pipe Rolls, 33 n. 6, 134 n. i, 212 n. 3, 465- Pipe staves, 190. Pirates, 234. Piscator, 1 70 n. 2. Pissicario, 161, n. 3. Pitch, 140 n. 2, 190, 191, 192, 441. Place production, 199. Plymouth, 39, 106, 278, 292, 309, 310, 322, 323. Poland, 246. Poles, De la, 173. Policy, corn, 123, 156, 210 f., 221 f., 242 f., 250 f., 254, 258. Policy, statutory corn, 217, 229, 254. Pollards, 39. Poole, 112 n. 2, 278, 292, 293, 310. Poor, 68, 91 f., 118, 207, 239, 249, 344, 367, 368, 426, 456, 460, 463. Porcelain, 191. Pork, 138. Port Books, 100, 465, 466. Porter, corn, 70, 72 n. Portugal, 104, 192, 247, 432. Potash, 148 n. 4. Poulterer, 178, 179, 421, 423 f. Poultry, 160 n. 3, 178 n. 3. Poundage, 141, 142, 251, 252, 444. Pownall, Governor, 150. Prest and loone, system of, 82. Price areas, 41 f. , fair market, 196. , fixing a minimum corn, 77, 78, 92. , fixing of bread, 68, 133. , fixing of corn, France, 72 n., 133 n. i. , fixing of corn, in metropolis in England, 119, 120, 229. , fixing of corn, locally in England, 68, 91, 92. , fixing of corn, nationally in Eng- land, 132, 133 n. , fixing of meal, 92 n. i. , fixing of victuals', 68, 138. , just, 201. , market, 68, 118, 119, 133, 149, 196, 23, 454- , metropolitan, 95, 97. , natural, 68. , official, 185 n. 2. , reasonable, 223 n. i, 227 n. 5, 231, 236, 244, 245 n. 5. , reduction of, 88 n. i, 91, 117, 196, 198, 239. , retail, 117-119. 494 INDEX Price, rise in, results, 16, 242. statistics and method, 35 f. variation, 55 f. , wholesale, 117, 118. Prices, 34!., 204 n. 5, 205, 221, 231, 248, 249, 437-439- at which export was permitted, 137 f- 2 3<5, 231, 2 43, 249, 251. at which import was permitted, 147!. , com, in England up to 1500, n f., 28, 29, 35 f., 77, 137, 221 n. 7, 252, 369 f. , corn, in England, 1500-1700, 73, 77, 117 f., 139 f., 188, 221 n. 7, 222, 241, 249, 252, 324 f., 401 f., 456, 460, 461, 463- , corn, in France, 1 2 n. 4. , ground and unground, corn, 117- 119. Privet, 261 f., 370 f. Privy Council, 50, 109 n. i, 124, 198 n. i, 223, 234, 235, 240, 241, 244, 248, 249, 449, 456, 460, 461. See Register, Privy Council. Producers, 72 n., 134, 232. Producing areas, 62, 218, 232. Prothero, R. ., 10 n. i, 17 n. i, 130 n. i. Provision of corn, London, 77 f. Provision of corn, significance, 89 f . Prunes, 148 n. 4. Prussia, 246. Public opinion, 201, 204, 208. Pulteney, John de, 173. Purveyance, 133. Purveyors, 132, 167, 238. Queenhithe, 66, 67, 79, 162 n. 3, 343, 360 f. Quindecima, 74 n. I, 104 n. 2. Raffe, 140 n. 2. Railways, 128. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 247. Ramsey, 62. Ramsey, Monastery of, 7 nn., 20 n. 8, 21, 22, 24, 44, 174. Rates, Book of, 145 n. 4, 232, 440 f. Reach, 21. Rectitudines, 8, 10 n. i. Register, Privy Council, 100, 102, 243. Regrate, 130, 131, 132 n. i, 138, 150, 152, 153 n. 4, 183 f., 224, 233, 254. Regrator, corn, 160 f., 167, 168 n., 171, 172, 178 f., 183 f., 198-200, 202, 208, 225, 236, 252. Regulation, municipal corn, 89 f. Rent, 96, 165 n. Repertories, London, 100, 102, 169, 223, 465- Restraint, 61, 68, 229, 242. See Book of Orders. Restraint of Grain, Commission for, 228, 233 f., 248, 455. Retail, 65, 68, 151, 152, 171, 176, 198, 348. Retailer, 160 n. 2, 166, 167 n. 4, 170, 171, 174, 177, 178, 203, 208. Revel, 192. Ribadeo, 190. Rickman, John, 74, 75 n. 2. Riga, 192. Rimpton, 261 f., 370 f. Rochelle, 104 n. i, 192, 193. Rochester, 106. Rogers, J. E. T., n, 14 n. i, 16 n., 35, 36 n. i, 37 f., 77 n. 8, 117-119, 120 n. i, 121 n. i, 144 n. 2, 206, 221 n. 7, 253- Rogers, J. E. T., inaccuracies of, 38, 39. Romney, 50. Rope, 193. Rosin, 148 n. 4, 190, 192. Rotterdam, 103 n. 3, 104 n. i, 114 n. 4, 115 n. Rotuli Hundredorum, 6 n. 2, 7 nn., 8 n. i, 19 n. 3, 20 nn., no n. 6, 170 n. i. Rouen, 124, 192, 193. Round, J. H., 8 n. 2, 9 n. Ruding, R., n, 12 n. Russell, William, 197. Rye (com), 15, 16 n., 36 f., 81 n. 2, 83, 91 n.4, 132, 139 f., 162 n., 191, 193, 227 n. 4, 252 n. i, 261, 263, 267, 324 f., 401 f., 424, 430, 441, 447- INDEX 495 Sack, 190, 193. St. Albans, 21, 165, 169. St. Edmundsbury, 21. St. Germain des Pres, 8. St. Jean de Luz, 191, 193. St. Malo, 104 n. i, 192. St. Michaels, 191. St. Nichoks in Russia, 193, 430, 433. St. Omer, 104 n. i, 158 n. 8, 159 nn. St. Paul, Domesday of, 5 n. 3, 18 n. 3. St. Paul's, 3 n. i, 5, 22. St. Sebastian, 190. St. Valery, 104 n. i. Sale by sample, 65. Sale in gross, 152, 171, 186 n. 3, 372, 387, 388. Sale on credit, 192. Salt, 6 n. i, 9 n. i, 23 n. 4, 138 n. 2, 148 n. 4, 190, 192, 193, 245. Salters, 421, 423 f., 458, 465. Saltpetre, 190. Sandwich, 50, 106, 189, 279, 293, 294, 310, 311, 466. Santa Cruz, 190. Scaldefleet, 374. Scandinavia, 116 n. 5. Scarboro, 189, 287 n. 3. Scavage, 78 n. 4. Schanz, G., 221, 226 n. 3. Schmoller, G., viii. Schoolmen, 201, 203. Scotland, 103, 116, 117, 193, 233, 430. See, H., 26 nn. Seebohm, F., 4 n. 2. Seed corn, 7, 15 n. Severn, 46, 49. Severn area, Upper, 41 f., 121, 122. Seville soap, 190. Sheep farming, 24, 29. See inclosures. Sherant, 104 n. i. Shipper, general, 200. Shipping, 140, 148 n. 4, 244. See Navigation Acts. Ship-silver, 7. Shoemakers, 203. Shop, 73 n., 155, 162 nn., 165 n., 198, 199, 462. Shop dealers, 72 n. Shop keepers, 162, 170, 178, 198, 207- 209. Shop, meal, 117, 199, 463. Shop of corn chandlers, 185, 186, 188. Shrewsbury, 168 n. Silk, 150, 190, 191, 193. Silver, 18, 190, 191. Skinners, 179, 339, 421, 423 f., 458, 465. Skins, 190, 193. Skirbeck (Boston), no. Smelting, 127. Smith, 1 66. Smith, Adam, 12 n. i, 205 n., 206-208, 241, 252 n. 2. Soap, 190. Sombart, W., 129 n. 2. Somersetshire, 49, 52, no, 213 n. 2. Sopes, 162 n. 3. Southampton, 49, 64, 104, 107, 129, 167 n. 4, 247, 279, 294, 311, 312. Southampton area, 41 f., 121, 122. Southwark, 21, 370 f. Southwark, market of, 66 n. 3, 89 n. South West area, 41 f., 107, 121, 122. Southwold, 21. Spain, 104, 115, 116 n. 5, 190, 191, 240, 247, 256 n. 2, 429, 431, 432, 435. Spaniards, 191. Sparkford, 370. Speculator, 200. Spices, 151, 152, 190. Spirits, 148 n. 4. Stages in carrying services, 22. Stages in the development of the hun- dred, 5 n. 2. Stages in town regulation, 89 f., 95. Stages in transportation, 127. Stages, labor, 25. Stages, manorial, 10, 30. Stages, metropolitan, 95, 201, 246. Stages of merchant development, 170 n. 7. Stalls, 178 n. 3. Staple, 74 n. 6, 90, 244, 245, 250, 255. Starch, 239. State Papers, 189. Statistics, u f., 35 f., 117 f., 219. Statute Books, 101, 143, 144. 496 INDEX Statutes: Anglo-Saxon, 32. Thirteenth century, 131, 132, 133 n. 2. 17 Ed. II, c. 3, 130 n. i, 147. 9 Ed. Ill, st. i, c. i, 152. 25 Ed. Ill, st. 3, c. 2, 152. 27 Ed. Ill, st. i, c. 5, 130 n. 2. 34 Ed. Ill, c. 18, 130 n. i, 135, 147. 34 Ed. Ill, c. 20, 135. 37 Ed. Ill, c. 5, 131. 38 Ed. Ill, c. 2, 131. 2 R. II, st. i, c. i, 152. I7R. II, c. 7, 136, 137, 216 n. 3. 15 H. VI, c. 2, 137. 20 H. VI, c. 6, 137. 2 3 H.VI,c. 5 , 138- 2 7 H.VI,c. 3, 148. 3 Ed. IV, c. 2, 148. 25 H. VIII, cc. i, ii, 138. 25 H. VIII, c. 2, 132 n. 8, 138, 139 n. 4, 226 n. 6, 230, 231. 5 and 6 Ed. VI, c. 14, 131, 153, 157, 227 n. 3. i and 2 P. and M., c. 5, 139, 231. i Eliz., c. ii, 50 n. 4, 130 n. i, 140, 231- i Eliz., c. 18, 153. 5 Eliz., c. 5, 133 n., 139 n. 4, 140, 231. 5 Eliz., c. 12, 154, 183 n. 3, 227 n. 3. 13 Eliz., c. 13, 141, 231, 235, 236. 13 Eliz., c. 25, 153, 154. 35 Eliz., c. 7, 142, 231, 232 n. i. 39 Eliz., c. 2, 142. i Jac. I, c. 21, 159. i Jac. I, c. 25, 142, 232 n. i. 3 Jac. I, c. ii, 142. 21 Jac. I, c. 28, 135, 136, 142, 148, 232 n. i. 3 Car. I, c. 5, 142, 143, 154, 155, 232 n. i. Law of 1650, 155. Law of 1656, 143, 155. 12 Car. II, c. 4, 143, 251. 12 Car. II, c. 18, 148, 251 n. i. 15 Car. II, c. 7, 132, 143, 149, 156, 251, 252 nn. 22 Car. II, c. 13, 143, 149, 251. 25 Car. II, c. i, 145. i Jac. II, c. 19, 150. i VV. and M., c. 12, 144. 12 Geo. Ill, c. 71, 132,153. 31 Geo. Ill, c. 30, 150. 44 Geo. Ill, c. 109, 143. Statutes of the Realm, 130 n. i, 145. Steelyard, 194 n. i, 324, 332. Steffen, G. F., 36 n. 2, 38 n. 3. Stendal, 177. Stettin, 90, 93, 94. Steuart, James, 12 n. i. Stevenson, W. H., 8 n. 3. Stockfish, 172. Stockfish mongers' mystery, 169, 421. Stockholm, 115 n. Stockton, 106, 145 n. 4, 466. Stoke, 261 f., 370 f. Storing com, 72 n., 76, 93, 199, 248. Stourbridge, 40. Stow, John, 66 n. 3, 67 n. 5, 79 nn., 148 n. i. Straits, 116 n. 5. Strange corn mongers, 165. Strassenzwang, 90. Strike, 132, 371 f. Sturt, Anthony, 196, 197. Subsidy accounts, 166 n. 2. Suffolk, 8 n. 2, 21, 36 n. 5, 47, 48, 50, 63, 64, 105 n. i, 106, 107, 128, 139, 175, 232. Suffolk area, East, 41 f., 121, 122. Sugar, 148 n. 4, 191. Summagium, 7 f. Surplus. See com, surplus of. Surrey, 5, 52. Sussex, 49, 54, 105, 106, 107, 125, 166, 224 n. i, 234, 240, 404 f. Sussex, deforestation of, 127. Sutton, 5 n. i, 261 f., 370 f. Sweyneston, 382. Sword-blades, 100. Tailors, 203. Tallow, 191, 192, 193. Tangiers, 116. Tanners, 166, 203. Tar, 140 n. 2, 148 n. 4, 192, 441. Taunton, 261 f., 370 f. INDEX 497 Taverner, 177, 178. Taverns, 239. Tawney, R. H., 219 n. 3, 221. Tenant, 6 f., 216, 218. Tenant, customary, 18, 19, 25 f., 63. Tenant farmers, 45. Tenant, free, 19, 30. Terceira, 191. Terminology, 157, 158. Thames, 48, 52, 105 n. i. Thames area, Lower, 41 f., 107, 121, 122, 166. Thames area, Upper, 41 f., 107, 109, 121, 122, 125. Thorpe, B., 8 n. 3, 67 n. 6, 131 n. 3, 132 n. 3. Thread, 192. Thiinen, J. H. von, 95 f ., 1 23 n. i , 1 26, 1 28. Ticheburn, 371 f. Tilers, 203. Tillingham, 6 n. 4. Timber, 129 n. 3, 148 n. 4, 190. Time production, 199. Tin, 191, 192, 442. Tisted, 375 f. Toll, 18, 20 n. i, 27 n. 2, 78, 99, 131, 211, 212. See customs duties. Toll-corn, 377. Torrens, R., 206. Tory, 254 n. i. Toulouse, 192. Town, viii, 16, 27 f., 33, 68 f., 89 f., 163, 258. , agricultural market, 89. , central, 90, 95 f. See metropolis. , commercial and industrial, 89, 166. , decay of, 75. economy, viii, 89 f ., 188, 203, 257 n. i. farm, 28, 29. ordinances, 65 f., 128, 176, 177, 181, 182. policy, 201. Trade, 177. , coast, 297 f. , corn, local, 59 f. , cosmopolitan, 34, 129. , decay of, 256. Trade, inter-area, 63, 64, 171, 172, 177. - ordinances, 233. - , restraint of, 59 f . See restraint of grain, commission for the. Trade and Plantations, Committee for, 88 n. 3. Transportation, 208, 216, 236. See trade. - , coast, 50, 61, 128, 195, 219, 220, 297 f., 461. - , cost of, 126, 129. - , land, 6, 20, 50, 61, 97, 124 n., 211, 220, ^256 n. 2. - , river, 48 f., 98, 124 n., 128, 223 n. i, 456. - , stages in, 127 f. - , water, 128. Trent, 51. Trent area, 41 f., 121, 122. Trent valley, 124. Tripoli in Syria, 191. Trowys, 183 n. 2. Tunis, 103 n. 3. Turgot, A. R. J., 204. Turkey, 99 n. i, 256 n. 2. Twyford, 261 f., 370 f. Unearned increment, 16. Unwin, G., 168 nn., 177 n. 3, 258 n. i. Upplande Whete, 331. Usher, A. P., 98, 122 n. 2, 124 n. 2, 129 n. 3. Veal, 138. Velde, Peter van, 195. Velvet, 191. Venice, 116, 163, 191. Vetches, 38 n. i, 266, 269. Victuallers, 203, 215 n. 5. Victuals, 68, 138, 139, 148 n. 2, 151, 152, 154, 167, 172, 174, 179 n. 3, 181 n. i, 192, 217, 455, 456, 461. Village economy, 257 n. i. Villain, ch. I, passim. See tenant, cus- tomary. Vinegar, 148 n. 4. Vinogradoff, P., 5 n. i, 8 n. 2, 9nn., 18 n. 3, 26 n. 2. 498 INDEX Vintners, 177-179, 202, 421, 423 f., 458, 466. Virginia, 115 n. i, 116. Vivolde, A., 78 n. Wages, 28, 96. Wales, 4 n. 2, 41 f., 107, 121, 122, 21.$ n. 2. Walsingham, Little, 401. Waltham, 261 f., 370 f. Waltham, Bishop's, 38 n. i. Waltham, North, 263 f., 370 f. Waltham, St. Lawrence, 263 f. Ware, 66. Warehouses, 155, 186 n. 2. See Bridge- house, Bridewell, and granaries. Warehousing, 171. Wargrave, 261 f., 370 f. Warwickshire, 46. Waste, 239. Waterford, 115 n. i. Wax, 191-193. Wax-chandlers, 342, 360, 421, 424 f., 458, 466. Wayn-silver, 7. Weavers, 177. Welch, Charles, 81 n. i. Wells, 22, 50, 106, 312, 313. Wendover, Roger of, 23 n. i. Wesenham, John de, 173. West Indies, 191. Westmorland, 403, 404. Weymouth, 106. Wheat, ii f., 15, 21, 35 f., 41, 80 n. 5, 81 nn., 82 n. 3, 83, 86, 91 n. 3, 116 n. 7, 117 f., 132, 137, 139 f., 161 n. 4, 190-193, 216 n. i, 221 n. 7, 224 n. 4, 227 n. 4, 230, 251-254, 261, 263, 267, 324!., 370 f., 409 f., 424, 429, 430, 432, 438, 441, 447, 457, 462. Wheat Books, 105. Wheat, red, 401, 463. Wheat, white, 463. Whigs, 254 n. i. Whitby, 106. Wholesale, 166, 171, 176, 177, 181, 198, 199, 248. See price, wholesale. Wholesaler, 170, 172-174, 199, 200, 206. Wich, 23 n. 5. Wickstead, P. H., 34 n. 2. Wield, 261 f., 370 f. Wiener, Leo, 158 n. 2, 160 n. 3, 163 n. 3. Wight, Isle of, 49. William the Conqueror, 32, 33 n. i. Wills, Calendar of, 165. Wiltshire, 49. Winchelsea, 61. Winchester, bishopric, estates of, 3 n. i, 4 n. i, 7, 12, 14 n. 3, 21, 37, 44, 216, 369, 370. Winchester, bishopric, Pipe Roll of, 7 n. 4, 10 n. n, 14 n. i, 15 n., i5 n., 35, 39. Winchester, 20 n. 3, 370 f. Winchester House, 79. Wine, 6 n. i, 116 n. 6, 138 n. 2, 148 n. 4, 151, 177, 190, 191, 192, 193, 430 f. Wire, gold and silver, 152. Witney, 48 n. 5, 261 f., 370 f. Wives bread, 37 n. 2. Woad, 191, 192, 193. Wolvesey, 263 f., 386 f. Wood, 127, 139, 174, 191. Woodbridge, 106. Woodhay, 261 f., 370 f. Woodhay, Totnes, 373. Wool, 6, 20 n. 2, 29, 51, 151, 172, 174, 192, 218, 221, 460. Woolmen, 71 n. i, 423 f. Worcester, 32, 181 n. i. Worcestershire, 46, 213 n. 2. Worsted makers, 203. Wotes (oats), 345. Wycombe, 165, 261 f., 370 f. Yare, 50. Yarmouth, 21, 102, 106, 107, in, 112 n. 2, 113, 280, 294-296, 313, 314, 466. Yaxley (Jakesle), 33, 62, 174 n. 3, 175. Yeomen, 196, 357. York area, 41 f., 121, 122. York, city of, 92 n. i, 169 n. i. Yorkshire, 4 n. i, 8 n. 3, 53, 105 n. i, 107, 359- Young, A., 98, 99, 125, 150 n. 3, 254 n. i. Ypres, 90. Zante, 116. Zealand, 172, 173. Hb 10U5 THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara STACK COLLECTION THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. MAR 3 1969'* "'IV 13 1969'* X 10m-5,'65(F4458s4)476P A 000 724 401 5