DS jNUi/ \Cs>.^ "•^,. /o Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation - http://wWw.archive.org/details/dupleixempireofiOOowenrich DUPLEIX AND THE EMPIEE of INDIA BY SIDNEY J. OWEN. NEW YORK : JOHN 3. ALDEN, Publisher. 1887. '* V' : •• • ^ ^>- DUPLEIX AND The Indian Empire. The military adventurer has, in all ages, been a prominent figure in India; and his- tory of that country derives much of its interest from the remarkable characters and brilliant achievements of such men, and their commanding influence on the fortunes of a community discordant in race, national sentiment, and religion, weak in political in- stitutions and public spii;it, and hence pecul- iarly liable to revolutions wrought out by the sword. Thus, without citing earlier instances, the Mogul empire was founded, undermined and laid low by three representatives of this class, each well suited to his mission, and all memorable for the wild romance of their ex- ploits. The quick-witted, large-hearted, and enlightened Baber, a conqueror in his boy- hood, youthful in spirit to the end, a knight- errant ever, was happily adapted to conciliate his Indian subjects; and to stamp upon the government of his new dominions that blended 437723 '1 IXUPLEIX AND character of energy and tolerance, which it long retained under his descendants, and which contributed so much to its stability. But when the gloomy and persecuting Au- rungzib laid his hand heavily on the Hindoos, Sivajj arose as their deliverer and avenger: his subtlety, political ability, skill in irregular warfare, religious zeal, and national spirit, made him irrepressible, and the Hindoo re- action, initiated by him, irresistible. Sapi)ed by the Mahrattas, the tottering empire was prostrated by Nadir Shah. This gi'im, in- flexible, and able soldier, who freed Persia from a foreign yoke only to usurp the throne, enforce a change of religion, play the tyrant, and perpetrate frantic cruelties which cost him his life, was an appropriate instru- ment for the repetition of Timour's work of destruction; and Nadir's indiscriminate mas- sacre at Delhi recalled the dread memory of "the Scourge of God." The fortunes of the Anglo-Indian empire have been not less notably affected by the same class of men, though hitherto the gen- eral results of their operations have been favorable to it. The enterprise of adventurers called it into being, precipitated its develop- ment, and gave occasion to each great step THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 5 in its advance. Dupleix's policy forced the Madras government to take up Mahomed All's cause; Clive, the '* heaven-born gen- eral/' sustained it; and the relation thus es- tablished inevitably ended in the British an- nexation of the Carnatic. Anaverdy Khan made himself master of the Bengal provinces; and though he refused to quarrel with the English, his fatuous partiality for Surajah Dowlah brought about the crisis which he deprecated. Plassey was the contre-coup of the attack on Calcutta. The rise of Hyder, and the close alliance of his house with the French, led eventually to the British conquest of Mysore. De Boigne made Mahadajee Sindia predominant at D. llii, and over a great part of Hindoslan, though both he and his patron were careful to keep on good terms with the English. But when another soldier of fortune, Ameer Khan, incited Jeswunt Roa Holka", an adventurer like himself, to march on Poona, the defeated Peishwa fled to Bombay, and concluded the treaty of Bas- sein. This Mahadajee's successor, proud of the position won for him by De Boigne, and relying on the powerful army which the Savoyard had organized, thought proper to oppugn; and the triumphant English mulcted DUPLEIX AND him of the so-called north-west provinces. In the ebb tide of British policy, after Welles- ley's departure, Ameer Khan prepared the way for new annexations, both by exhibiting in his own licentious proceedings the intoler- able evils attending non-intervention, and by stimulating the growth of a jet more debased type of adventurers, the Pindaris, for whose suppression forces were assembled by Lord Hastings. This circumstance hastened the intriguing and suspicious Peishwa's explo- sion; and his defeat, surrender, and deposition transferred his dominions to the company. In Wellesley's days, an Irish sailor, George Thomas, had made himself independent on the borders of the Indian desert; had played a masterful part in the Cis-Sutlej Sikh country; and had projected the conquest of the Punjab and of Sinde. He was cut off before he could attempt either object ; and Runjit Singh united and disciplined the northern Sikhs, and maintained a dubious faith with the Eng- lish. But the proud rnd adventurous spirit which he had strengthened in his army im- pelled it, on his death, to cross the Sikh Ru- bicon ; and the Punjab soon became British territory. It must be added that one view of the conquest of Sinde would represent Sir Charles THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 7 Napier as a predetermined military adventurer. Of the names we have mentioned, some are absolutely unknown, others little more than names, to most Englishmen. But of Du- pleix's ambition, vanity, sudden elevation, equally sudden reverses, Avho has not read in the fascinating pages of Macaulay? Yet, as Mr. Justice Stephen has lately shown, Mac- aulay is an unsafe guide to truth in Indian history. And there is special ground for dis- trusting his account of dive's great rival. His essay was written a pi'opos of Sir John Malcolm's Life of Clive. But Malcolm con- tributes no original information on Dupleix and his proceedings. He dispatches in a few^ lines, in accordance with Orme's narrative, the story of the surrender of Madras, and Du- pleix's breach of the capitulation, while he fills Iwenty-four pages, describing Olive's defence of Arcot, with a quotation from Orme. That writer is evidently both his authority and Macaulay 's at this period. But Orme, ad- mirable historian as he is in general, was imperfectly acquainted with Dupleix, and much prejudiced against him. As a personal friend of Clive, who broke his parole on the faith of Labourdonnais's version of the occa- sion and merits of his quarrel with Dupleix, 8 DUPLEIX AND Orme would be inclined to misjudge the French governor-general from the outset; and Dupleix's later conduct did not tend to re- move the impression of perfidy, usurped au- thority, and extreme arrogance thus associated with his name. Hence he became in Orme's eyes, in spite of his ability and perseverance, both odious and contemptible. It must be remembered also that, while Labourdonnais was indefatigable in circulating his own story, Dupleix's lips were sealed by authority, when he undertook to vindicate his career, and press his claims on the French East India Company. Thus he says: he eieur Diipleix.respecte trop les ordres du minis- tere et ceux de la compagnie pour oser publier ici ce qu'il lui a€t€ enjoint d'enseveUrdans leplus profond secret, et, quelqu 'int^ret qu'il puisse avoir de justifier une conduite qu'il nMgnore pas que beaucoup de per- PonncB ont condamnee, ce motif, tout puissant quMl est, cedera toujours h la loi du devoir. Thus Dupleix continued to be misunder- stood and underrated; and Macaulay, by a few vigorous and confident strokes, from an unfavorable portrait produced a caricature of, the real man. An anonymous writer in the defunct National Henew (October, 1862) first. THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 9 as far as we are aware, explained the true state of the case relative to Madras and its treatment by the rival French officers; and later still Colonel Malleson in his History of the French in India has done ample justice to Dupleix. But the interest of the subject is by no means exhausted. Much of Dupleix's voluminous correspondence still awaits publi- cation. A. recent French writer, M. Tibulle Hamont, has consulted this, and based upon it a detailed and enthusiastic biography, in- terspersed wdth copious extracts from the letters, which throw a new and vivid light on the character and conduct of the brilliant adventurer. M. Hamont is not free from the lues Bos- iteUiana; and we are often quite unable to sympathize with his reflections, or to admit the force of his reasoning and the soundness of his conclusions. But his contribution to the knowledge of his hero's personality seems to us a really valuable one; and with the ad- vantage of this fresh illustration we propose to give a short outline of the critical passages in Dupleix's career, and to attempt to appre- ciate fairly his character, designs, and achieve- ments. Whatever his faults, he certainly de- serves a better fate than to be held up to scorn 10 DUPLEIX AND as a clever, but vain-glorious and detected charlatan. Francois Joseph Dupleix was bom on the ^ first day of the year 1697, at Landrecies. His father was a farmer-general of taxes, appar- ently a narr^w -minded and austere money- maker, and a stern despot in the family circle, whose constant aim was to make his son a thorough, but a mere, man of business, rigidly proscribing all higher culture, and especially all scope for the imagination. But the exclusive side of this policy defeated itself. As so often happens in similar cases, tlie forbidden fruit was eagerly snatched by the boy, who was of a dreamy and enthusi- astic temperament ; and he soon reveled in the world of ideas, and devoted himself to studies very remote from bookkeeping, in- cluding that of music, which throughout his career was his solace, and in some sense his Inspirer. He combined with a love of the fine arts a taste for the severer studies of mathematics and fortification. His father was naturally much provoked: Passe encore four les mathematiqueSy he exclaimed indig- nantly, mais la fortification et le reste! Such perversity required sharp discipline; and in 1715, that is at the age of eighteen, the youth THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 11 was sent to sea on board of an East -India- man. From his voyages lie returned with much information, and what the domestic oracle considered sound ideas on trade and maritime affairs. Being a large shareholder in the French East India Company, the elder Dupleix, in 1720, procured for his son a seat in the Coun- cil at Pondicherry, with the then almost nominal and ill-paid, but to Dupleix very suggestive, post of commissaire cles guerres. Lenoir, the governor of Pondicherry, was a shrewd and kindly man, well versed in Indian politics: he quickly discerned the capacity of the young councilor, and employed him in a manner well adapted to prepare him for his enterprising career. Under Lenoir's tuition, Dupleix explored the archives of the com- pany, and was intrusted with the drafting of dispatches to France and the native powers. It soon appeared that, whatever his original tastes, his commercial training had not been thrown away. The company's commerce was in a very bad state. The most element- ary principles of political economy were ig- nored by the professed men of business; and it was reserved for the votary of the muses to work out a salutary reform by the application \y 12 DUPLEIX AND of those principles. The commercial agem», both at Pondicherry and in Europe, were con- tent to purchase Indian goods with French gold, and neglected both the. introduction of western commodities into India, and a similar traffic with the outlying regions of Asia. Hence their operations were comparatively feeble and intermittent, and their profits very small. But the company's servants were not forbidden to trade, on their own account, with the interior of the country. Dupleix availed himself of this opening ; obtained much money in return for the European goods in which he speculated; and induced his father to engage in an enterprise that i gave him the double satisfaction of receiving a good dividend, and feeling that his son was, on one side of his character at least, a chip of the old block. For several j^ears Dupleix continued thus to amass wealth, and made comprehensive studies of the political situation ; though it may be doubted wiiether, as M. Ilamont asserts, he was already dreaming of the con- quest of India; the rather, as no passage is cited in proo f of this precocious reverie. In 1730 he was appointed governor of Chander- ^ nagore in Bengal. This settlement was in a THE INDIAN E^fPTTlE. 13 more dilapidated condition than Pondicherry. But it was a sphere that suited him; and his Influence was soon marvelously displayed in the development of its commercial activity. The place was well situated both for internal and foreign traffic ; and the example of the new governor's profitable enterprise in pur- chasing vessels and goods, and pushing them seaward to remote Asiatic ports, and along the great river highways far up the country, stimulated the settlers, whom he freely assisted with his capital, and so effectually, that at the end of ten years French wares supplied many of the great cities of Hindostan, and were even sent up to Thibet; Chandernagore mustered, instead of five, not less than seventy- two ships engaged in the carrying trade with western India, Arabia, and China; and the increasing opulence of the place is said to have been attested by the construction of ten thousand new houses. In 1741 the governor married a remarliable woman, whose influence on his career was destined to be very great. She was a widow: her father was French, her mother an Indo- Portuguese, and a scion of the historic house of De Castro. Madame Dupleix was born and educated in India. Her manners are said 14 DUPLEIX AND to have been fascinating : lier strength of character and intelh'gence, her diplomatic tact, and her proficiency in native languages, were notable, and invaluable to her husband, whose political designs, if not suggested, were warmly embraced and actively promoted by her. A mutual and deep devotion, in weal and woe, seemed to have united the brilliant Frenchman and the accomplished Eurasian, not unlike that which existed later between "Warren Hastings and Ms foreign wife. The year of his marriage was also that of ^N^upleix's appointment as governor of Pondi- cherry, including the supreme control over the other French possessions, Chandernagore in Bengal, Karikal on the Coromandel, and Mahe on the Malabar coast. He was pro- vided with a council of five members, who appear to have been throughout very sub- missive to his ascendency. The compaay nominated — and could recall — all these offi- cers, though the royal sanction ratified the appointment, and supplemented it with a royal commission, and justice ran in the king's name. The powders of the governor-general were very extensive, but w^ere conveyed in terms perhaps too indefinite. Each of the settlements had its governor and council, who THE INDIAN EVPIKE. 15 were bound to obey the orders of the ruler of Pondicherry. This is not the occasion for tracing, even in outline, the previous history of the French East India Company. But it may be mentioned that it had already exhib- ited tendencies strictly analogous to those with which the student of our own company's annals is familiar. . The directors limited their aspirations to a large dividend, and were most anxious to ''keep a calm sough," and avoid any proceedings which might compromise their proper object, by involving them in local troubles. On the other hand, some of their governors had attained a dim conscious- ness that while their trade was by no means flourishing, it might prosper more if they secured a stronger footing in the country, and more commanding influence over the natives. Thus M. Dumas had already shown great resolution in resisting and defying Mahratta dictation. After Law's bubble had burst, the French government, and the French people generally, took little interest in Indian affairs. Since the fusion of the rival companies iu England our countrymen in the east had subsided into quiet trajders, and had been much abler and more successful in their call- 16 DUPLEIX AND ing than their natural enemies the French. This once favorite plirase we use advisedly; for the petty jealousy of the commercial spirit, the close neighborhood of the French and English settlements on the Coromandel coast, the remoteness of the overruling authorities in Europe, and the circumstances that each set- tlement was fortified, and possessed the nu- cleus of an army, all tended to aggravate na- tional antipathies, and to provoke collisions, which would have been more frequent but for the surviving respect for the native pow- ers. If the emperor was a phantom, he was still an august phantom, and inspired fear. If the great subahdar of the Dek- kan, Nizam ul Mulk, was afar off, he was well known to have long arms. And the nawab of the Carnatic at the time was not only his titular deputy, but had been actually selected and supported by him ; and was moreover a man of character and vigor, with large military resources at his disposal. But Dupleix's bold spirit w^as not to be thus in timidated; and he early resolved to turn the imperial authority to his own account. It must be remembered that the practical dis- memberment of the empire was alriiost com- plete; that the viceroy of the Dekkan, or India THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 17 south of the Nerbudda, was virtually an inde- pendeDt sovereign, though the great Mahrat- ta confederacy, of which the Peishwa was becoming the acknowledged head, was his constant and formidable rival; and that My- sore was still a comparatively insignificant state, under Hindoo rule, Hyder Ali being a young adventurer in the service of Nunjiraj, the dulway or regent of that kingdom. Whatever might be his ulterior designs, Dupleix's immediate attention was engrossed by preparation for the impending war be- tween his countrymen and the English, arising out of the disputed Austrian succession. His first step was characteristic. Knowing too well the feebleness of his military resources, and the precariousness of timely aid from be- yond the sea, he sought to st engthen his political position in the eyes of the natives, which might be not less useful in the coming crisis than in the promotion of remoter schemes. His predecessor Dumas had ob- tained from the emperor, through tlie Mogul governor of the Carnatic, the title of nawab for himself and his official successors. This title Dupleix now assumed with nuich pomp, impressive to a native mind, ridiculous in the eyes of tlie French settlers, unaware of the 18 DUPLEIX AND serious object of the ceremony or sceptical of its advantages. He tlien repaired to Ben- gal, and there paraded his semi-barbaric grand- eur, exchanging visits of state with the native governor of Hooglee, and exciting the same sensations as in the Carnatic. Thus, he flat- tered himself, he was regularly enrolled in the official hierarchy of tlie empire, lie had, so to speak, taken up his native peerage. On his return he devoted himself to the reduction of expenditure, the control of the civil functionaries, the increase, organization, and training of his little army, and the com- pletion of the defences of Pondicherry. The chief defect of the works was, that as the citadel commanded the strand, there was no wall or ditch on that side. This deficiency he now supplied; and of this he was very proud, and laid great stress upon it in his Memoire, as he wfis fully entitled to do; for it was a great and costly undertaking, and lie both devised it, superintended its construction, and paid for it out of his own purse. But his labors Vv^ere rudely interrupted. On 18tli Sep- tember, 1743, he received most discouraging and embarrassing or;^ers from his employers. He was directed to retrench the expenditure by one -half, and to spend no more at present THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 19 on fortification, although the same dispatch apprised him that war was ahnost certain. To obey such orders would have been fatal to French interests in India; to transgress them might be perilous to himself. In this cruel dilemma he chose a middle course— as before, at his own cost. He had already done his utmost to retrench ordinary expenditure, and had paid off most of the debt incurred on military preparation, when Pondicherry had been, a few years before, threatened by the Mahrattas. He now advanced out of his own funds 500,000 livres, one half of which he allotted to the defences, the other half to the freight of two vessels, which he dispatched with a justification of his proceedings, and an urgent petition for a military reinforce- ment and the aid of a fleet After a tedious delay he received a dis- heartening reply. England and France were now at war; but instead of sending him sol- diers, the directors recommended him to con elude a neutrality between the commercial settlements of the hostile nations. In case this should not be feasible, it was added, La- bourdonnais, the governor of the Isles of France and of Bourbon, had been ordered to conduct a fleet to Pondicherry. Dupleix 20 DUPLETX AND found, as he feared, that Mr. Morse, the gov- ernor of Fort St. George, would not consent to stand neutral : Pondicherry was almost defenceless: a large English fleet was cruising in the eastern seas; and the arrival of La- bourdonnais was quite uncertain. In this emergency Dupleix's previous policy stood him in good stead. Reminding Anwarodeen, the Nawab of the Carnatic, 6f the long -stand ing friendship between the rulers of that province and the French, and of the Mogul dignity conferred upon M. Dumas and his successors, and denouncing Mr. Morse's tur- bulent disposition, he persuaded the Nawab to forbid an attack on Pondicherry by the English ; who were however assured that if the French should become the stronger party a similar check should be placed upon them. Our countrymen as yet stood too much in awe of the Mogul power to disobc}' such a man- date. Dupleix meanwhile had dispatched his single vessel with a pressing request that La- bourdonnais would hasten to his relief. That remarkable man made extraordinary exertions to replace the fleet of which he had been de- prived. He detained, re-equipped, and armed for naval service every merchant ship that put in at the islands ; mustered and trained THE INDIAN EMPIKE. 21 every available man on the spot; levied an African force; displayed wonderful versatility in organizing every department of the arma- ment, and in restoring its efficiency when impaired by a hurricane off Madagascar ; fought an indecisive action with Admiral Peyton near Negapatam ; and, the English fleet next day leaving the coast clear, made the best of his way to Pondicherry. We now approach a passage in Dupleix's history which has been strangely misrepre- sented. Our countrymen at the time, piqued at the loss of Madras, blinded ])y national antipathy and personal prejudice against their ambitious and indomitable antagonist, flat- tered by the blandishments and misled by the sophistry of Labourdonnais, too readily ac- cepted his statement of the case; even Orme afterward adopted it ; and the traditional legend has since been stereotyped in Macau- lay's celebrated essay on Clive. The relations between the two distinguished men were, at first, most cordial. Dupleix's great objects were the defeat of the English fleet, and the capture of Madras. Labour- donnais professed strong sympathy, and stated that without the protection of a fleet Madras must fall easily. Dupleix reinforced his ves- 22 DUPLEIX AND sels with heavy guns ; and by address and liberal gifts induced the nawab to withhold his promised protection from the English, who had solicited it too much as a matter of course, and empty-handed. But Labourdon- nais now suggested that, on taking Madras, he should load his fleet with its merchandise, and restore the town to the enemy, on pay- ment of a ransom. Here M, Hamont justly observes : Cette maniere d'eiuisager la question sentait plus le corsaire que Vliomme cVetat. Du- pleix naturally objected to this strange pro- posal, made at a time w^hen England and France were at war, and so soon after the gov- ernor of Madras had refuiSed to agree that the commercial settlements in India should remain neutral during the European contest. With- out committing himself to a premature opin ion as to the destiny of the town, he argued that it would be expedient, at any rate, to raze its fortifications. From this time'Labourdonnais seemed a changed man. Accustomed to command, he could not brook an equal, much less a supe- rior ; and he resented instructions, however gently communicated and reasonably justified. He grew sullen, captious, hesitating. He appeared more inclined to dispute than to act. THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 23 At length, the English fleet having fled dis- gracefully before him, he attacked Madras with his usual vigor, and it fell almost with- out resistance. On leaving Pondicherry, he had again harped on the restitution project, and had been answered decisively. Yet he now agreeed to a conditional capitulation in that sense: Siparracliat ou ran^on on remet la xillc a MM. les Anglais, etc. Still there was no positive engagement to that effect; though reporting that the capitulation left him free to choose between destroying the town, making it a French colony, or restor- ing it on ransom, he pronounced in favor of the third course. Dupleix informed him that, to prevent the Nawab yielding to the impor- tunity of the English, he had been obliged to promise that the city should be given up to Anwarodeen, though he apparently intended first to destroy the fortifications. To this promised cession Labourdonnais assented. And the Governor- General in the interim made the victor governor, and sent a council to assist him, which was the usual plan on a new , acquisition by the company. But this exercise of supreme authority Labourdonnais vehemently resented, and now announced that he had concluded a treaty for the ransom of 24 DUPLEIX AND the town. It is clear that, apart from the promise to the Nawab, he had no right what- ever to do so. Indeed, he virtually admitted this later. But in vain Dupleix argued, en- treated, appealed to the better nature of the stubborn and arrogant sailor. He only changed his line of defence, and in impudent disregard of facts declared himself pledged in honor to execute the treaty, in consequence of a promise which he had made at the time of the surrender, and to which he now as- cribed his easy victory. He had been silent as to this promise at the time. The tone of his subsequent letters had belied it. It was not embodied in the capitulation. And it was certain tha*^^ the place had been incapable of holding out. Yet upon this alleged secret compact he now took his stand resolutely, desperately. How is his conduct to be ex- plained ? Whatever his other motives, there is too go-^d ground for suspecting, as was charged against him later in France, but could not be proverl, that he had been bought by the English, who preferred afterward to enlarge on Dupleix's Punic faith, rather than to testify against the inveterate enemy of their great foe. We must pass over the violent scenes that THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 25 ensued, and have only space to mention that Labourdonnais placed in arrest some of the commissioners sent by Dupleix to vindicate his authority, and the others fled. The Governor-General was helpless, but his mutinous admiral was ill at ease, and tried to gain a legitmate standpoint by negotiating with his rival for a postponement of the res- toration. Dupleix, reduced to extremity, and probably hoping to gain time until the ad- miral should be obliged to quit the coast, affected readiness to treat on this basis. But, pending the negotiation, a violent hurricane destroyed half of Labourdonnais 's ships, and disabled the rest. He was now driven to re- sort to an audacious diplomatic coup d'etat. He produced his treaty, asserted that it had been assented to at Pondicherry, executed it himself, procured it execution by the Eng- lish — prisoners of w^ar as they were : — and dispatching it to Dupleix, called upon him to abide by it. He soon after left India forever; and thenceforth maintained that he had acted loyally, and Dupleix perfidiously and tyran- nically. Such is a bare but exact outline of this memorable quarrel. What Dupleix might have been tempted to do, but for the hurricane, is one thing. What he actually 26 DUPLEIX AND did, namely repudiate an unauthorized treaty, to which he was falsely asserted to have agreed, and the fundamental principle of which he had from the first opposed, is quite another thing. He was by no means scrupulous. But in this case he was certainly far more sinned against than sinning. Much doubt also hangs over the story of his ill-treatment of the English prisoners. Whether he meant originally to fulfill his promise of giving up Madras to the Nawab is doubtful. He per- haps intended, as we have intimated, to dis- mantle it, and then transfer it to Anwarodeen. But the dispute with the victor, and the im- patience of the native ruler, prevented this. And, as Dupleix had predicted, the long and inevitable delay in the fulfilment of the promise, turned the Nawab into an enemy, and an ally of the English. The position was now critical in the ex- treme. The French fleet had disappeared ; the English fleet was intact, and threatened to return. The Nawab sent a considerable force to besiege Madras. To defend that city and Pondicherry only 2,000 Europeans and twice that number of sepoys were available. General despondency prevailed at the seat of government. But Dupleix saw clearly that THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 27 the case was not hopeless. Some time must elapse before the enemy could muster and combine their armaments for a general attack. By a bold and sudden blow he might paralyze the Nawab, and i>erhaps force him again to change sides. For this purpose he selected Paradis, a veteran Swiss officer, Tvliose capac- ity and energy he well knew, and detached him with 200 Europeans and 700 sepoys to attack the camp of Maphuz Khan, the Na- wab's general, and eldest son. Meanwhile he still continued to negotiate with Anwarodeen. Epremenil, the governor of Madras, wad ordered to remain strictly on the defensive. The besiegers at first confined themselves to a close blockade; but after a while they diverted the river, and intercepted a spring which supplied the place with fresh water. These measures exasperated and alarmed the garri- son. Dupleix saw that his hour was come, and insisted on a sortie. Four hundred men, with two field-pieces, sallied from the city, and w^ere charged impetuously by a host of cavalry. But the swift fire of the field-pieces amazed, checked, and at the fourth discharge sent the horsemen to the right-about. The French sustained absolutely no loss. And Maphuz Khan, hearing that Paradis 's reliev- ^ DUl*LEtX AKD ing force was on the march, retired to St. Thome, and encamped on the south bank of a tivCr, COilfiding in its protection, and keep- ing a careless look-out. Dupleix planned an attack on this exposed position, to be made simultaneously by the Swiss and Epremenil. Paradis suddenly appeared on the northern bank of the river; dashed across it, sword in hand, at the head of his men; and before the enemy could do much execution with their slow fire, fell upon them with the bayonet, and drove them before him in headlong flight into St. Thome. Thence the dense mass of fugitives was quickly dislodged, only to be again assailed by the garrison of Madras : in wild panic they dispersed, and rushed on- ward toward Arcot. These complete and startling victories are memorable to all time. They dispelled the awe of native authority, and proclaimed to all the world that the European was the destined successor of the proud Mogul and the fiery Mahratta. Relieved from immediate anxiety on ac- count of the Naw\ib, Dupleix next attempted the reduction of Fort St. David. A compara- tively strong force was sent against it. But this, in deference to professional jealousy, was THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 29 commanded by a very inferior officer. M. Bury's failure was as signal as Paradis's suc- cess. He posted his men in a walled garden, near the fort, and on the south side of the river. A sudden alarm in the night occasioned a panic; and instead of holding their own in so defensible a position, the troops rushed to the river, and crossed it in the face of the Nawab's arms. But for the field-pieces, which covered the crossing, a rout would have been inevita- ble, and the loss severe. Bury returned in gloriously to Pondicherry. But the glamour of the late victories was not dispelled by this reverse; and Dupleix's calculations were justi- fied by a successful negotiation with the Nawab, who agreed to make peace, to aban- don the English, and to cancel the bargain for the surrender of Madras. His son, Maphuz Khan, visited Pondicherry; was received with great honor, and loaded with presents, which, as the governor explained to his masters, were an excellent political investment. He then planned another assault on Fort St. David, and intrusted it to Paradis. But just as the gal- lant Swiss had reoccupied the walled garden, and was on the point of attacking, the English fleet was signaled, and he was fain to retreat. Again the outlook was most gloomy; again 80 DUPLEIX AND the civilians counseled surrender to inevit- able fate. But Admiral GrifRn confined him- self to his own element; and Dupleix, having hastily summoned assistance from the French islands, was cheered by the arrival of some ships, which succeeded in reinforcing Madras with BOO men; but then, from fear of the English fleet, retired hastily. And tidings soon after arrived from Europe which might well appal even the Governor-General's stout heart. The most formidable flotilla which had ever appeared in the eastern waters was on its way, carrying a strong body of troops, and its commander, Admiral Boscawen, had it in charge to besiege Pondicherry. The di- rectors exhorted their governor to make a good defence, but sent him no help of any kind. He resolved to attack Cuddalore, which lay over against Fort St. David, immediately, hoping, if successful, to impede the landing of the enemy there and to intercept their com- munication with the fort, or, more probably, to make Cuddalore a base for the capture of the fort itself. But Major Lawrence, who had lately arrived from England as commander of all the company's forces, defeated this move- ment by a simple stratagem. During the day, and in sight of the French, he removed the THE INDIAN EMPIHE. 81 guns from Cuddalore, as if intent only on de- fending Fort St. David. But at nightfall he quietly replaced them; and the assailants were warmly received, and fled back in confusion to Pondicherry. Dupleix met them at the bar- riers, and was so deeply dejected at the reverse, that for one brief moment he meditated sui cide. But a movement of his horse caused him to look up. The sight of the solid ram- parts, surmounted by the proud banner of France, reassured him. And he resolved to live, and — if die he must — to die in the defence of his post. At length the enemy appeared in over- whelming force, but not until the plan of the defence had been well considered and ar- ranged. On the sea side, the town was pro- tected by Dupleix 's new wall and by shoal water. A bound hedge of prickly-pear made a bold circuit on the land side; and the ad- vance of the besiegers to the Vaubanized walls was more effectually impeded by a chain of redoubts to the north and west, by Ariancopan, a fort on the south-west, and by an inlet of the sea or river of the same name to the south. Being well provided with artillery, Dupleix hoped to cope with, and even overpower, the enemy's batteries ; and by sorties and skir- 32 DUPLEIX AND mishes to harass the communications between the fleet and the English army, capture con- voys, and obstruct the prosecution of the trenches. Then the monsoon might befriend him. The admiral was commander-in-chief on land as well as at sea, a fact which must not be forgotten in estimating the result. The river was passed, not without an obstinate contest and serious casualties from the fire of the adjacent fort, a rash assault upon which , was repulsed; and much valuable time was lost in besieging and afterward repairing it. It was stoutly defended; but a casual explo- sion having much reduced the number of the garrison, and spread panic among the sur- vivors, this important position was evacuated. Thus the external line of defence was turned, and the other outworks became almost useless. But the English engineers were thoroughly in- capable. By their advice, Boscawen opened his batteries at a distance far too great to be of any avail; and on pushing the trenches nearer, the ground was found to be hopelessly swampy and impracticable. Dupleix ordered a sally. But the state of the ground and other causes retarded the advance; and the English, well prepared, routed the assailants, killing THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 33 many officers, amoDg them Paradis. Still, in spite of this serious loss, and the partial de- molition of the bastion which Boscawen had chosen as his objective, time went on, and the siege made little progress. The superiority of Dupleix's fire was pronounced; the damage to the bastion was rapidly repaired; and Ma- dame Dupleix's secret relations with our native soldiers are said to have supplied information, which caused much mischief by facilitating attacks on convoj^s. Foiled on land, the admiral ordered a gen- eral bombardment by the fleet. This lasted for twelve hours consecutively. Orme says that the only casualty it caused was the death of one old woman. The boisterous challenge, being found so ineffective, presently remained unanswered. But landward the French bat- teries replied vigorously, and overpowered those opposed to them. The monsoon was at hand; the mortality in the English army had been great; the health of the troops was fail- ing; and it was high time for the fleet to seek safer anchorage. This place was too strong to be taken by a coup de main. Boscawen therefore suddenly broke up the siege, and re- tired; leaving to his antagonist the imperisha- ble honor of having, with a very small force. 34 DUPLEIX AND and by his own engineering skill, baffled the most imposing European armament that had ever been engaged in Indian warfare. Dupleix's exultation was, of course, great; and he announced his triumph far and wide to the native potentates, receiving in return the florid compliments which the Oriental is ever Iteady to bestow on such occasions. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle soon after restored Madras to the English, and, however mortifying in this respect to the French Governor- General, left him free to prosecute his ambitious enter- prises among the natives. But it must be re- membered that the English set him an exam- ple by an armed intervention in Tanjore, which resulted in their acquisition of Devicot- tah, at the mouth of the Coleroon. And here it is material to observe that it does not seem very clear when Dupleix first conceived the idea of subjecting the " country powers " to French ascendency ; nor how far he was, in the first instance, prepared to soar even in his dreams of empire. His military and diplomatic success in dealing with An- warodeen may have emboldened him to con- sider the Oriental as his convenient tool. His triumph over Boscawen not only elated him at the moment, but would be apt to make him THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 35 miscalculate the force of English opposition to his designs. Chunda Sahib's overtures so exactly accorded with the train of political as- sociations already raised in the case of An- warodeen, that the temptation to accept them would be the stronger, especially when they included an offer of alliance with the preten- der to the Dekkan subahdary, and thus prom- ised to establish French influence on a legiti- mate basis over the greater portion of India south of the Nerbudda. He was doubtless much encouraged by the political hesitation of the English ; and the more so as he prob- ably did not fully appreciate the grounds of that hesitation, and attributed it too much to fear of his arms, and too little to the convic- tion that the English directors would be slow to sanction even defensive operations against his latent and insidious attack upon the free- dom of English trade, if not on the existence of Englishmen in the country. But when he proceeded to action, the weak side of his pol- icy, whenever matured, disclosed itself. He had not overrated his influence with the native, but he had underrated the resistance which its exercise was to elicit from the European ; and having forced the English, in self-defence, into the service of his Indian opponents,, he 36 DXJPLEIX AND soon found that he must battle for life and death with our countrymen, who slowly, but surely, taking their sides, and animated by Olive's spirit, and enlightened by his genius, displayed in the later stages of the contest an energy and determination equal to his own. The European peace left Dupleix in a favor- able position for entering on his great design. He had 2,000 European soldiers, almost double that number of sepoys, artillery in plenty and of good quality, several competent officers, a strongly fortified capital, improved credit, and the high and well-earned fame of his late splendid achievement. And the opportunity which he coveted soon occurred. Chunda Sahib, son-in-law of Anwarodeen's predeces- sor, had in old days been on good terms with the French, and was personally known to the Governor -General. But he had long languish- ed in a Mahratta prison, whence Dupleix now procured his release, and encouraged him to assert his right to the Carnatic succession. About the same time the gi'cat viceroy of the Dekkan, Nizam ul Mulk, died ; and Mirzapha Jung , a son of his daughter, claimed, by his grandfather's appointment, to succeed him, in supersession of Nazir Jung, the Nizam's second son, the eldest being permanently employed THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 37 at Delhi. Mirzapha obtained little support • he was defeated, and fled southward. But Chunda Sahib, an able soldier, an experienced politician, and a man of vigorous character, now made common cause with him. The two pretenders invaded the Carnatic ; and, being energetically opposed by the Nawab, preferred a joint request for assistance to the ruler of Pondicherry. Great concessions to the French were offered ; and the momentous bargain was soon struck. The French contingent consisted of 400 Europeans and 1,200 sepoys, with six field- pieces, commanded by Count D'Autheuil, a sturdy veteran, but of no great capacity, and afflicted with the gout. Dupleix announced the step to the directors, justifying it princi- pally on the ground that it was to be recom- pensed by the cession to the company of Yil- lenore and a district around that town, which would yield a considerable revenue. Chunda Sahib was to furnish provisions, transport, etc., and the troops were to draw pay, as usual, from Pondicherry. The allied army found Anwarodeen en- trenched in a very strong position. The French attacked vehemently, but were re- pulsed ; a second attack, led by D'Autheuil in 38 DUPLEIX AND person, also failed, and be was disabled. Bussy, a young officer destined to become very famous, now took the command, and stormed the entrenchments. Anwarodeen was killed, and his army cut up and dispersed. The allies entered Arcot in triumph; and there Mirzapha was proclaimed subahdar of the Dekkan, and appointed Chunda Sahib Nawab of the Carnatic. Then they marched to Pon- dicherry, where Dupleiz gave them a mag- nificent reception, and spared no pains to im- press them by the assumption of viceregal state, and a full muster of his formidable troops. With military insight he then insisted on the immediate reduction of Trichinopoly and Gingee. The maritime province, besides its intrinsic importance, was an indispensable base for operations in the Dekkan. The late victory had left the Carnatic without a ruler, and, following so soon after the successful de- fence of Pondicherry, had spread a general terror of the French arms. The English as yet made no sign of opposition to Bupleix^s bold game ; indeed, they were willing to recog- nize Chunda Sahib's title. Nazir Jung was hovering above the Ghauts, and his threaten- ed approach made it advisable to lose no time THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 39 in securing the military occupation of the lower country. Gingee was a very strong fortress in the interior of the Carnatic. Trich- inopoly, in the basin of the Cavery, was strongly fortified, and a place of great political importance as a sort of second capital of the Carnatic, and of no less military consequence with a view to assuring the fidelity of Tanjore, and the wilder regions further to the south. It was also a barrier toward Mysore. Ma- homed Ali, a younger son of Anwarodeen, had fled thither, and seemed disposed to make a stand as claimant of the nawabship. But fear of the English checked the progress of Mirzapha and Chunda Sahib. Till Boscawen left the coast they dallied at xircot. Then, having received from Duplcix a lac of rupees, 800 French and 300 sepoys, with a siege train, under M. Duquesne, they began their march. But instead of attacking Trichinopoly they entered Tanjore, bent on rifling that rich principality. The Rajah was a Mahratta, a collateral descendant of Sivaji ; and he cun- ningly kept them in play for months, until Dupleix's patience was exhausted, and he or- dered the French commander to storm the capital. An attack was made on the outworks and upon a gate of the city. Then the Ilajah 40 DUPLEIX AND came to terms, and agreed to pay a large con- tribution. But by tendering obsolete coins, and plate and jewels of questionable value, he contrived to delay the settlement until his ob- ject was gained ; and the invaders were sud- denly appalled by the tidings that Nazir Jung, at the head of an immense army, had entered the Carnatic. The English also had begun, timidly and sparingly, to reinforce Mahomed Ali and the Tanjore prince. The allied chiefs broke up their camp and retreated, baffled, discredited, and dejected, to Pondicherry. Nazir, of course, espoused Mahomed All's cause, and was promptly joined by an Eng- lish contingent under Major Lawrence, a capable and experienced officer. The Madras government, at this time, certainly acted rather from the instinct of self-preservation than from deliberate policy. Dupleix's insinua- tion, we may add, that the junction of this contingent was due simply to heavy bribes received by Lawrence and his officers, is gratuitous and absurd. And though he affect- ed to laugh at the impertinence of "two lieu- tenants declaring war on the king of France,'* he was fully alive to his dangerous position. The forces of his allies did not exceed 8,000 men; his own small army might be outnum- THE INDIAN EMPIKE. 41 bered by the English; while Nazir's host was estimated at 300,000. But he hoped that fear would restrain the natives, and political con- siderations the English, from attacking Pon- dicherry; and he relied on his own diplomatic ability for effecting a compromise, or, if Nazir proved intractable, for circumventing him. Thus he boldly arrayed his troops out- side the city, and engaged in negotiation. He seems to have thought that he might in- duce Nazir to confer the Carnatic on one of his allies and an extensive appanage in the Dekkan on the other. Thus, could he detach Nizam ul Mulk's son from the English, and make him his friend, his own influence would be paramount in southern India. Meanwhile he advised a night attack, in the hope of terrifying Nazir, and bringing him to reason. D'Autheuil adopted the suggestion: Nazir retreated in alarm and seemed disposed to come to terms ; when a large party of French officers, whether from cupidity and disappointment at finding the service more arduous and less lucrative than they had an- ticipated, or from actual cowardice, suddenly mutinied; in the face of the enemy resigned their commissions, and sneaked off to Pondi- cherry, where Dupleix met the dastards at 42 DUPLEIX AND the gate an^ placed them in strict confinement. D'Autheuil was obliged to retreat, and fought his way back, gallantly covered by Chunda Sahib and his cavalry ; but Mirzapha in de- spair threw himself on his uncle's mercy, and contrary to promise was imprisoned and fet- tered. This catastrophe for a time prostrated Du- pleix. But the strains of his harp are said to have soothed him; and his wife's tidings that Mirzapha was still alive and that his impris- onment was much resented by several of Na- zir's principal supporters, roused him to re- newed exertion. He resolved to maintain an unflinching attitude, to demand the same terms as before, to recognize Nazir as siij^ahdar, but to insist on his releasing his nephew and making either him or Churda Sahib Nawab of the Camatic with the appanage of Adoni for the other. And through his agents and in a letter to Nazir, he appealed to every motive that he thought likely to influence the prince; promising, in case the English contingent were dismissed, or retired, to contrib tc double or even treble the number of French soWiers for the subahdar's service. Tlie negotiation lingered; then Dupleix broke it off, and or- dered another attack on Nazir's camp, who THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 43 thereupon retreated in unseemly haste to Arcot; and Lawrence, finding him impracti- cable, led his men back to Fort St. David. Dupleix employed the respite thus gained partly in secret attempts to undermine the fidelity of Nazir's adherents, partly in bold operations against Mahomed Ali, who was encamped on the banks of the river near Fort St. David. A French force under D'Autheiiil suddenly occupied the pagoda of Trivadi, which in such hands was equivalent to a strong fortress ; and an attempt to recover it made by Mahomed Ali, assisted by the Eng- lish and a large detachment of Nazir's troops, was repulsed. Then, as before, the English quarreled with their employer, and left him. Dupleix largely reinforced D'Authueil, and ordered him to attack Mahomed Ali'« army, which was routed with great slaughter, and with hardly any loss to the French. Nazir took little heed, and amused himself with hunting and less respectable pleasures. Circumstances now favored the move which Dupleix had long contemplated, the acquisi- tion of Gingee. Bussy spontaneously submitted to him a plan of attack, which ^vas approved, and its exec^ition intrusted to the projector. From the plain shot up a massive eminence, 44 DUPLEIX AND on which was the pettah, or town, its walls following the irregularities of the hill. The summit broke into three peaks, each sur- mounted by a separate citadel. Tiie whole was strongly garrisoned, well supplied with artillery, and well provisioned, and was be- lieved by the natives to be impregnable. But Bussy knew his business, and was no carpet knight . The WTCck of Mahomed All's army had here found refuge, and thus sheltered might have baffled the young commander. But, with incredible folly, these already beaten troops were led out to battle in the plain below; were, of course, again routed, and pursued up the hill ; and the victors nearly succeeded in entering the town along with them. One of the gates was blown open; and after an ob- stinate Contest in the streets, the town was won toward nightfall. No time was lost in assailing the citadels. Bussy formed his men n three columns, himself leading the attack on the principal work; and, in spite of the acclivity, of the strong defences, and of a murderous fire, before sunrise the French flag waved over the three crests of Gingee the im- pregnable. D'Autheuil had come up to Bussy 's support in the crisis of the batttle, and Dupleix urged THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 45 him to advance at once on Arcot, where Nazir, loitering away his time in pleasure, quarrel- ing with his nobles, becoming every day more unpopular, and amazed at the rapid opera- tions of the French, offered a tempting prey. But the monsoon was raging in its full fury ; the country was almost impassable ; D'Au- theuil was old, gouty, and unenterprising; and he halted, deaf to Dupleix's reiterated appeals — de faire Vimpossihle, ei d'aller de Vavant. Neither yet knew that Nazir was already seeking an accommodation. He betrayed his fears by demanding a suspension of arms, and of B'Autheuil's march on Arcot. This Dupleix refused, and insisted haughtily on his previous terms. But D'Autheuirs halt lulled the envoys and their master into fatal security, and encouraged them to protract the negotiation. Meanwhile the disaffected nawabs of Canoul, Cudapah and Savanore instigated the French governor to order an attack on the subahdar's camp, promising to cooperate, and, if neces- sary, to secure his person. All they asked for themselves was a French flag, the hoisting of which would prevent a collision between their own troops and the assailants. Dupleix read- ily complied; gave the flag, and confided his 46 DUPLEIX AND intention to D'Aiitlieuil and to La Toiiche, who was to command the party. Nazir be-, came more and more uneasy and undecided. He meditated retreating to the Del^kan, but was deterred by tlie disaffected nobles. At last he sent to accept Dupleix's terms. But in the interval La Touehe had been ordered to advance. The French attacked; the traitors drew off their forces, and ranged them apart; Nazir, slowly convinced that he had stooped in vain to conciliate an implacable adversary, strove as vainly to check the progress of the assailants. In the bitterness of his heart he. rode up to and reviled the Nawab of Canoul, who replied by sending a bullet through his heart. Mirzapha, who had been ordered for execution at the beginning of the affray, was liberated by the conspirators, proclaimed sub- ahdar, and paraded in state, preceded by the ghastly trophy of his uncle's head exalted on a pole. Bussy met him fresh from the battle- field, and typified too plainly the alien influ- ence to which he owed his sudden deliverance and precarious elevation. Elated by the success of his policy, Diipleix prepared to take full advantage of this abrupt revolution. His first care was to make ar- ' rangements for enthroning Mirzapha at Pon- THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 47 dicherry, with every circunistance that could give luster to the occasion, and significance to his own weight in the political scale. A vast and gorgeous tent was erected, within which were placed two chairs of state (or * 'thrones" as M. Hamont calls them), one for Mirzapha, the other for the Viceroy and Governor-Gen- eral. Mirzapha first entered the tent and seated himself, encircled by the Dekkan nobles in all tlieir finery. Dupleix advanced to the rendezvous in an imposing procession. He did homage to Mirzapha, and, tendering the customary nuzziir, was installed by him on the vacant chair of state. Then the native grandees in turn saluted and presented tokens of reverence to the viceroy of the king of France and Mogul Kawab by imperial ap- pointment. Dupleix was invested with the kJielat—a splendid robe of state, once the gift of the great emperor Aurungzib to Mirzapha's ancestor — together with a turban, a sash, a sword, shield, and dagger; and he paraded throughout the day in these emblematical ap- pendages of oriental dignity. His grateful ally formally declared him nawab of all India south of the Kistna ; bestowed on him a pompous name, indicative of valor and assured victory; raised him to the rank of a commander of 7,000 48 DUPLEIX AND horsemen; and added the more substantial do- nations of the town and territory of Valdore, to be held by him and his descendants, and of a large annuity to himself, and another of equal value to his wife. The subahdar more- over decreed that the money of Pondicherry should have exclusive currency in southern India; acknowledged the sovereignty of the French company over Masulipatam and Ya- noon; and enlarged their territory at Karikal. Tie is said also to have formally announced that all petitions to himself should be thence- forth preferred through Dupleix. Such a scene and such treatment may well have turned the Frenchman's head, and ex- posed him to the half incredulous, half admir- ing ridicule of his lively countrymen, and to the serious envy and bitter taunts of his crest- fallen English rivals. But, vain as he may have been, he knew too well the precarious character of his exaltation, the serious difficul- ties that lay before himjn the way of consoli- dating his equivocal and hybrid dominion, and securing the solid acquisitions which ac- companied the grant of empty titles, and the foppish adornments in which he masqueraded. And though he played his part with becoming gravity as a native potentate, his next move THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 49 was dictated by sober policy. Professing his deep gratitude for the ample favors conferred on him, he disclaimed all wish to become a personal Indian ruler: he had but obeyed the orders of the emperor in suppressing rebellion, and maintaining the cause of the rightful sub- ahdar. But in this good work Chunda Sahib had been equally faithful and zealous. Let him, therefore, retain the prize that was his due, and which he had contemplated when he cemented the alliance between Mirzapha and the French. Let him be confirmed in the Nawabship of the Carnatic. The proposal was adopted. Chunda Sahib's effective assistance in defending the province was secured; while the ingenious JFrenchman prudently retained the title of sub-viceroy of India south of the Kistna, which gave him formal supremacy over Chunda and might on occasion be use- fully employed in diplomatic disputes with the English. Lastly, to confirm and perpetuate the impression produced by the incidents of this great day, he ordered a triumphal column to be erected on the site of Nazir Jung's over- throw. And around it was to arise a city whose name was to commemorate the same event, and his capital share in it. In the midst of his triumph, Dupleix real- 50 DUPLEIX ATsD ized that he must pay a perilous price for the maintenance of his influence Avith the sub- ahclar. Mirzapha was anxious to return to the Dekkan; and he urgently requested that a body of French troops might escort him, and continue in his service. This request was quite in accordance with Dupleix's general policy; but in his actual circumstances it was premature. The small number of his Euro- pean soldiers, and especially of officers, and the danger of diminishing them while Maho- med Ali was still master of Tricliinopoly, and the attitude of the English uncertain, were very serious considerations. And it was too likely that those who had already been ad- verse to his intervention in native disputes, would strongly disapprove of this remote di- version of troops intended to guard the French X-)ossessions on the coast. Thus the difficulties that he raised do not seem to have been simply effected. But Mirzapha's lavish ])romises were very seductive, and Mahomed Ali deter- mined him by offering to surrender Tricliin- opoly, if he should be allowed to retain his father's treasures, and receive an appanage in the Dekkan. He reported the transaction to the directors with a request for a strong rein- forcement, and the intimation that both tlie THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 51 native rulers were to pay the troops while in their service. Bussy was appointed to attend MIrzapha with 300 French soldiers, including ten offi- cers, 2,000 sepoys and Caffres, and a haltery of artillery. Dupleix was much affected at their departure. His anxiety was increased by the consciousness that Mirzapha was already in a critical position. The three nawabs who had conspired against Nazir were so exorbitant in their demands on the gratitude of bis successor, that he was equally unable and unwilling to satisfy them. The favors lavished on Dupleix made them still more dissatisfied; and though at the center of French power they had confined themselves to complaints, at a distance these might ripen into violent acts. This misgiving was soon realized. As the army traversed Cudapah, the territory of one of the malcon- tents, they created a commotion, in which they were worsted and slain. But at the close of the contest Mirzapha was shot down. Thus, what Dupleix had gained in a moment by the murder of Nazir, was as suddenly, and by the same savage agency, imperiled by the slaughter of Mirzapha. But he now profited by his skillful selection of instruments. Bussy and his Brahmin adviser procured the provis- 52 DUPLEIX AND ional exaltation of Salabat Jung, a 3^ounger brother of Nazir, and who was in the camp, Mirzapha's infant son being rejected as ineli- gible at such a crisis. Dupleix highly ap- proved of an arrangement which promised so well for the maintenance of his influence in the upper country. The new subahdar was ac- knowledged by all parties; and his first act was to confirm and extend the benefactions granted by his predecessor to the French. The army resumed its march; and Bussy and his contin- gent prosecuted an adventurous and glorious career, which lies beyond our immediate scope. But we may mention that it did not terminate, nor French ascendency cease in the Dekkan, until Lally hastily recalled Bussy to the Carnatic; and Forde, detached by Clive from Bengal, routed the French at Peddapore, stormed Masulipatam, and conquered the northern Circars. Hitherto Dupleix 's policy seemed justified by its results. He had humbled the English and exalted the French by the capture of ^la- dras, and the sucessful defence of Pondi- cherry. He had dispelled the awe of native armaments, and with a handful of men had asserted the resistless superiority of European skill and discipline over Asiastic numbers. THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 53 The English, dazzled by the splendor of his achievements, disheartened at their own poor performance in the rapid drama, mistrustful of Mahomed Ali, and knowing the aversion of the directors to the perils and expenses of war, seemed little inclined to dispute the progress of their bold rival. Still Trichinopoly was not surrendered. Mahomed All's overtures had been a mere expedient for gaining time. He had now, by lavish promises, secured the assistance of the Mysore regent, of a Mahratta force, and of the English; and he flatly refused to evacuate Trichinopoly. Its siege was first undertaken by D'Autheuil; but an attack of gout in er- rupted his construction of batteries, and dis- abled him so completely that Dupleix recalled him and in an evil hour gave the command to Law, a nephew of the great speculator. By a curious coincidence, the timidity of the nephew was destined to prove as fatal to French am- bition in Asia, as the uncle's audacity had proved to her financial affairs in Europe. The younger Law was by no means destitute of assurance; he was voluble and plausible at Pondicherry; he had shown himself brave in the defence of the fort of Ariancopan; but he was utterly unfit for a separate and critical 54 . DUPLEIX AND command. lu such a position he was op- pressed with tlie sense of responsibiUty; and from first to hist his desponding temper and hesitating conduct went far to bring about the ensuing catastrophe. His first dispatch must have given Dupleix a painful shock. He de- scribed the place as too strong to be taken by a coup de main; he dwelt on the difficulties of a regular siege, and the loss of life that must attend the final assault, and recommended a close blockade as the easiest and safest plan. Dupleix thought otherwise; but he was at the time prostrated by the death of his brother, his one devoted champion against the libels of Labourdonnais, and the growing disfavor with which his policy was regarded in France. Thus, against his better judgment, he yielded to Law*s importunity, and consented to the blockade. From this moment Fortune seemed to have deserted her spoiled child. Hitherto the gen- eralship had been on his side. Kow this was reversed. Clive suddenly appeared on the scene; created a powerful diversion by taking and heroically defending Arcot, the capital of the Carnatic; assumed tlie offensive in turn, and defeated his besiegers in a bloody battle; and on their retreat to Gingee prepared to relieve THE INDIAN EMPIRE. 55 Trichinopoly. Dupleix sought to gain time for the operation of the blockade by threatening Madras, and amusing CUve with marches, and countermarches. But the * 'heaven-bom gen- eral" was not to be thus dallied with innocu- ously. He overtook the French army at Covre- pauk, and inflicted on it another terrible de- feat. He then hurried off to expedite a convoy for the relief of the beleaguered city, demol- ishing on his way Dupleix 's vaunting column. The spell of French invincibility was broken; the military reputation of the English was established; an able general, at the head of a victorious army, was marching to the critical point; the covering army, which ought to have disputed his advance, was dissipated ; and to crown all, Law chose this appropriate moment for requesting leave to i evisit Pondicherry, on account of his wife's approaching confinement. Dupleix refused, and rebuked him sharply. He ought to have superseded him, but was at a loss for a fit man to replace him; and he hoped, by positive and minute orders, to keep the malingerer up to his work. To intercept the convoy was of the utmost importance; and Law's greatly superior force ought to have made this a comparatively easy task, considering the long train of cumbrous 56 DUPLEIX AND wagons, slow oxen, and timid coolies, the distance to be traversed, and the natural obsta- cles on the way. He had 900 Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, and Chunda Sahib's army, com- puted at 80,000. These Dupleix reinforced with every available man from the garrison of Gingee. The English had only 400 Europeans and 900 sepoys. Law was ordered to leave 300 French and two-thirds of Chunda's multi- tude before the place, and with the rest to meet the convoy as far in advance as possible. After promising compliance, he veered round; enlarged on the danger of a Mahratta inroad ; suggested a march into Mysore to counteract it; and finally proposed to withdraw his whole army into the island. Dupleix, amazed and in- dignant, in a biting dispatch insisted that the last hopeful project should be submitted to a council of war, confident that the general voice of the ofl[lcers would condemn it. Thus he concluded: Laissez Vavenir venir ei Ballad- ji-Rao [i. e., the Peishwa]. iV